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Prestige deprivation and responses : Chinese professionals in Vancouver Lim, Bea Fung 1981

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PRESTIGE DEPRIVATION AND RESPONSES: CHINESE PROFESSIONALS IN VANCOUVER  by BEA B.Sc,  FUNG' LIH .  North-East London P o l y t e c h n i c , 1 9 7 7  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFULMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1981  ©  BEA FUNG LIM , 1981  DK-fi  In p r e s e n t i n g  this thesis i n partial  f u l f i l m e n t o f the  requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t  the L i b r a r y s h a l l make  it  and study.  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  I further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  Iti s  understood t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l n o t be allowed without my  permission.  Department o f  Anthropology and  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date  (7/7Q)  21st, August, 1981  Sociology  Columbia  written  i  ABSTRACT  This thesis i s a q u a l i t a t i v e study of Chinese professionals i n Vancouver. Thirteen respondents were subjected to unstructured in-depth interviews guided by a questionaire schedule which seek to explore the respondents' experience  of t h e i r e t h n i c i t y i n t h e i r work envi-  ronment and outside of i t . The data gathered was i n t e r preted i n terms of status . inconsistency theory. Status inconsistency theory looks at the locations of i n d i v i d u a l s i n a set of status hierarchies, the r e l a tionship between these locations and i t s consequences. Objectively, Chinese ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status since the former i s negatively evaluated i n r e l a t i o n to most White ethnic groups while professional st&tus i s p o s i t i v e l y evaluated i n r e l a t i o n to most other occupational statuses. The main body of the thesis deals with status inconsistency as i t i s translated into the subjectivelexperiences of Chinese professionals. Ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status when i t deprives Chinese professionals of the prestige available to professionals of p o s i t i v e l y evaluated ethnic groups; when Chinese professionals are treated according to t h e i r lower ethnic status rather than their higher professional status» and when Chinese professionals experience  special d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e i r work environment  ii as a r e s u l t of t h e i r ethnic status —  such as d i f f i c u l t i e s  i n getting promotions and d i f f i c u l t i e s i n communicating with superiors and colleagues. This thesis found that Chinese professionals respond to status inconsistency i n various ways. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Chinese professionals i n ethnic organisations i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g . This active involvement with one's own ethnic group appear to contradict another tendency of the respondents: the tendency to negatively evaluate t h e i r own ethnic group. In terms of status inconsistency theory, involvement i n ethnic organisations dissolves the connection between professional status and ethnic status since within the ethnic group, ethnic status rankings does not apply. Occupational  status  i s the more relevant c r i t e r i o n of rank within one's own ethnic group. Thus»Chinese professionals within t h e i r own ethnic group are regarded only i n terms of t h e i r high professional status and thus enjoy high prestige. Negative evaluation of one's own ethnic group i s , on the other hand, a confirmation of ethnic group rankings with an attempt to dissociate oneself from one's own negatively evaluated ethnic group by adopting the role of an outsider. This thesis i s exploratory i n nature. I t aimed to f i n d common problems and common responses. I t s findings may be useful i n generating hypotheses f o r future research.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1: The Study of Chinese Professionals  .1  Theoretical Approach  4  Status Contradiction as Prestige Deprivation  6  Response to Prestige Deprivation  9  E t h n i c i t y and Race  10  Chinese E t h n i c i t y  12  Conclusion  13  Chapter 2: Methods Data C o l l e c t i o n  15  Data Interpretation  22  Characteristics of Respondents  24  Chapter 3'- H i s t o r i c a l Background Early Immigration and the Gold Rush (1808-1880)  Era of Railroad Construction  26  (1881-1885)  28  Restricted Entry (1886-1922)  29  Exclusion (1923-1946)  30  Response to Exclusion and Discrimination  31  Liberalism (1947 to the present)  36  The New Community  38  Power and Prestige: Some New Concerns  43  Chapter 4s The Chinese Professional Experience Prestige of Professional Status  47  The Professional Experience: of Status  50  Inconsistency  iv  The Professional Experience: of Status  Consistency  Conclusion  57 61  Chapiter 5: Ethnic Status as Negative Experience Prestige of Ethnic Status  63  Awareness of Ethnic Status Evaluation  65  The Indirect Experience  69  Prestige Deprivation  72  Ambivalent Attitudes  75  Conclusion  79  Chapter 6: Response to Prestige Deprivation Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n  81  Endogamy  83  Pride i n Chinese Culture  83  Friendship Networks  86  Ethnic Organization  88  Alternative Status M o b i l i t y Opportunity  90  In-group P u r i f i c a t i o n  91  In-group S t r a t i f i c a t i o n  93  Rationalization  96  Conclusion  99  Conclusion  101  Bibliography  106  Appendix  112  V  LIST OF TABLES Page HI  1911-1971  Table One:  Chinese Population/Vancouver,  Table Two:  Chinese Population of Vancouver: Occupational P r o f i l e , 197^  Table Three: Chinese i n Canada, Place of Bi'rth, 1971 Table Four: Index of Ethnic Representation i n the Economic E l i t e , 1951 and 1972  ^0 *H ^2  1  CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY OF CHINESE PROFESSIONALS  Although v i s i b l y ethnic professionals constitute an increasingly prominant part of the Canadian labour force i n the professions, they have been neglected  i n Canadian  s o c i a l research. The Chinese ethnic group i n Canada has been well researched i n terms of i t s h i s t o r i c a l development and community organisational structure. However, there have been few studies which focus exclusively on Chinese occupational subgroups such as the Chinese professionals. Quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e data on the s o c i a l variables of the Chinese professional class i s l i m i t e d . Straaton's study of Vancouver Chinese e l i t e s provides some valuable information on Chinese professionals, but only with respee*t to those who  are active i n leadership roles i n the Chinatown  organisational structure (Straaton 197*0. The neglect of Chinese professionals as a topic of research stems from at l e a s t two factors. First,they only emerged as a sizeable and v i s i b l e group i n the s i x t i e s seventies. This was  one r e s u l t of the 1967  and  immigration act  which permitted immigrants i n t o Canada mainly on the basiss of technical s k i l l s (Hawkins 1972:53). Second] discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n which had prevented Chinese from p r a c t i s i n g as professionals was  only removed i n  19^9.  2  Chinese professionals merit study f o r a number of reasons. They are important i n terms of t h e i r growing numbers, f o r one. Although most Chinese i n the labour force are s t i l l i n trade or service industries, an increasing number can be found i n the professions. Their numbers are l i k e l y to increase further,for not only has  there been  an i n f l u x into Canada of Chinese professionals trained abroad, Chinese college students i n Canada also  demonstrate  a noticeable tendency to ma|jor i n t e c h n i c a l l y oriented© f i e l d s such as engineering, pharmacy, dentistry, and medicine. P r a c t i c a l mafrorstsuch as business administration, accounting, and commerce are also favoured (Wong 1979)•  Most of these  students w i l l achieve t h e i r goals and become the professionals of  tomorrow. In fact, they have succeeded so well that they  have caught the attention of the Canadian news media.  Ross  Val's a r t i c l e i n "Saturday Night" bears the. provocative t i t l e s "Can the Canadian e l i t e tolerate the Chinese invasion?" (Val  1977). This i s a good question.  I t reminds us that  although some Chinese have attained positions of high income and prestige, the Chinese ethnic group i s not the dominant ethnic group i n terms of power and control over resources. I t i s s t i l l a subordinated minority group whose destiny depends, to  some extent, on the tolerance of the White majority. This brings us to another reason why Chinese professionals  deserve more attention from s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . The entry of some members of subordinated groups into, prestigious white ?  c o l l a r occupation's ;is::ofiten taken as; a sign, of success of these  3  groups i n overcoming prejudice and discrimination.  Is t h i s  r e a l l y the case with ethnic groups such as the Chinese who have gone through a long h i s t o r y of oppression and harsh treatment from white society, and who are characterized by d i s t i n c t i v e r a c i a l features which s t i l l set them apart? By focusing on Chinese as v i s i b l y ethnic professionals, i t maybe possible to reveal new issues and problems which continue to handicap the Chinese even as they move into prestigious white c o l l a r occupations. Chinese professionals may experience unique problems which are not experienced, or experienced to a l e s s e r degree, by Chinese i n blue c o l l a r and manual occupations. An examination of the experiences of Chinese professionals i n t h e i r work environment may also help to c l a r i f y the issue of whether e t h n i c i t y i s and should be relevant i n modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s seeking to base themselves on the c r i t e r i a ; of rationalism, universalism, and achievement. In the past, s o c i o l o g i s t s wwere more i n c l i n e d towards the view that ethnicity,being a product of sentiment and custom, was out of place i n modern s o c i e t i e s . . T h i s view has decreased i n popularity as a r e s u l t of the ethnic r e v i v a l i n the seventies: "the sudden increase i n tendencies by people i n many countries and i n many circumstances to i n s i s t on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of their group distinctiveness and i d e n t i t y and on new r i g h t s based on t h i s group character"  (Glazer and Moynihan 1975s3).  The experiences of Chinese professionals working i n environments supposedly characterized by the norms of r a t i o n a l i t y and achievement, w i l l show whether e t h n i c i t y continues to be s a l i e n t today and  why.  F i n a l l y , another j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r more research on Chinese professionals i s t h a t . t h i s group of i n d i v i d u a l s i s playing an increasingly i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n the organisational structure of the Chinese community. Chinese organisations such as the Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre and SUCCESS (a Chinese welfare association), are run l a r g e l y by Chinese professionals. In terms of t h e i r goals and orientation, these organisations are quite d i f f e r e n t from the older types of organisations such as the common speech or surname associations.  The t r a d i t i o n a l associations  tended to be p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c i n orientation, and to look towards China as a basis f o r the formulation of organisational goals. The new organisations cater to a l l Chinese regardless of o r i g i n , speech or surname. Rather than look to China, they orientate themselves to the Chinese community within the Canadian context. The Chinese professionals play an important r o l e i n t h i s new orientation. I t i s therefore important to understand t h e i r perception  and experiences.  Theoretical Approach  This thesis attempts to f i l l some of the gap i n research on v i s i b l y ethnic professionals by a q u a l i t a t i v e  5  study of a group of Chinese professionals i n Vancouver. I t asks the following questions*  What i s the r o l e of race i n  the l i v e s of Chinese professionals "both i n t h e i r work environment and outside of i t ? The Chinese are not the dominant ethnic group i n terms of power, influence, land s i z e . Moreover, they are an ethnic group which i s negatively evaluated i n terms of prestige or s o c i a l standing. How does being categorized as members of a subordinated,  negatively  evaluated ethnic group a f f e c t i n d i v i d u a l Chinese as they enter into prestigious white c o l l a r occupations? What new problems do successful Chinese face? How do they cope with being v i s i b l y ethnic professionals? This thesis i s i n part i n s p i r e d by Dean Lan's i n t e r e s t i n g study of Chinese American e l i t e s (Lan 1976). Lan suggests that the experiences of successful Chinese i n a minority context can be analysed  from the point of view of prestige  and i t s l i m i t a t i o n s . His study, based on f i f t e e n  in-depth  interviews, revealed that the Chinese Americans i n the sample experienced l i m i t a t i o n s even though they were very wealthy and highly educated i n d i v i d u a l s . M o b i l i t y was possible only up to a point.  Subtle forms of prejudice  and discrimination reminded the Chinese that they belong to a negatively evaluated ethnic group.  The popular view  of the Chinese as a successful minority, concludes Lan, i s probably inccurate (Lan 1976«55)» This thesis adopted a s i m i l a r approach to the study of Chinese professionals i n Vancouver. In-depth interviews  6  were c a r r i e d out with a small sample of Chinese professionals.  Dean Lan's interview schedule, with several modifica-  tions, was u t i l i s e d for the purpose. The datarcoliL ected f  was theniinterpreted i n terms of t h e o r e t i c a l concepts which w i l l be discussed i n the following sections. A f u l l discussion of the data c o l l e c t i o n method used i n t h i s study w i l l be presented i n the next chapter. Status Contradiction as Prestige Deprivation taitiAlthough  evaluated  Chinese professionals a r e i n v o l v e d i n p o s i t i v e l y  occupations,  they are also members of a low  prestige ethnic group. This suggests that status inconsistency theory would be useful i n explaining the attitudes and behaviour ofothekChinese professionals. Status  incon-  sistency theory looks at the locations of i n d i v i d u a l s i n a set  of status hierarchies and the way these locations are  related. Interrelations between statuses or s o c i a l positions became a focus f o r study by students of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n the  f o r t i e s and f i f t i e s . Individuals were viewed as  being situated on several status dimensions rather than i n terms of t h e i r r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n one single hierarchy. The terms "status consistency", "status c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n " and "status congruency" r e f e r to the degree of consistency of an individual's p o s i t i o n across hierarchies. High status inconsistency i s characterized by a set of statuses some of which are highly ranked while others are of low rank. Individuals who are characterized by statuses a l l or most of which are given the same rankings have a high degree of  1  7  status consistency. Degree of consistency was f e l t to have important influences on the attitudes and behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s . Some studies show that individuals with inconsistent statuses more oEtent'than ithoseewithtoensietent ones* possess negative s e l f images (Fenchel, Morderer & Hartley 1951f  Goffman 1957)» experience greater stress (Jackson  1962), and have a higher rate of diagnosed mental disorders (Dunham, P h i l i p s & Srinivasan I 9 6 6 ) .  Lenski showed that a  person with inconsistent statuses tends to avoid other people ( 1 9 5 6 ) . An explanation f o r these psychological stresses i s that individuals with discrepant statuses are more frequently subjected to s o c i a l experiences which are unpleasant or f r u s t r a t i n g . According to Lenski, the i n d i v i d u a l with a poorly c r y s t a l l i z e d status i s a p a r t i c u l a r type of marginal man, and i s subjected to c e r t a i n pressures by the s o c i a l order which are not f e l t . . . by i n d i v i d u a l s with a more highly c r y s t a l l i z e d status (1954*412). P  According to Malewski, status incongruency v i o l a t e s normative expectations and brings forth punishment.<For , instancei I f the i n d i v i d u a l simultaneously presents two conf l i c t i n g s t i m u l i , of which the f i r s t causes respect and the second contempt, other people may react to the second type of stimuli and show t h e i r contempt for the i n d i v i d u a l , although t h i s i s not j u s t i f i e d i n the l i g h t of the higher status factors.(Malewski 1966s 3 0 5 ) . Hughes presents a s i m i l a r argument. He reasons  that  s o c i a l r o l e s are invested with prescribed prerequisites.  8  For instance, c e r t a i n careers would have s o c i a l l y prescribed prerequisites besides the formal requirement of educational t r a i n i n g , such as—"doctors  ought to be men,"  "airline pilots  should be white males," etc. Consequently i n d i v i d u a l s who meet the formal requirements but not the unspecified normative ones would face d i f f i c u l t i e s . . F e m a l e professors may  not get: promoted  and paid according to t h e i r academic merit. Black doctors  may  f i n d d i f f c u l t i e s i n getting employment i n c e r t a i n hospitals. These are the "punishment" consequences of status incongruence (Hughes 19^5). In. a purely objective sense, Chinese ethnic status can be said to be inconsistent with professional.status because the l a t t e r i s ranked high i n terms of prestige whereas the former i s ranked low r e l a t i v e to most white ethnic groups.  In  a subjective sense, i . e . , from the  experience of the Chinese professionals themselves, Chinese ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status when, as a r e s u l t of t h e i r ethnic status, Chinese professionals are robbed of the prestige and rewards available to professionals of highly ranked ethnic groups. Deprivation of prestige may  occur both within the work  environment and outside of i t . An example within the work environment would be i f Chinese professionals face d i f f i c u l t i e s i n obtaining promotions to positions of greater power and influence , and are therefore deprived of the prestige which comes with these positions. Limitations  9  may  also be experienced outside  reason why  the occupational area. A  the professions are so highly valued as careers  i n our society i s the professions' capacity to endow t h e i r imcumbents with prestige outside of the occupational  environ-  ment. To be a doctor or lawyer or professor means more than the prestige one gets through contacts within one's job, i . e . , the admiration  or deference of c l i e n t s , patients or support-  ing s t a f f . I t also enables one to p a r t i c i p a t e i n leadership roles within the larger society, to gain entrance into prestigious s o c i a l clubs and f r a t e r n a l organisations, and to enhance one's s o c i a l standing with various prestige symbols. Chinese professionals may  face d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a t t a i n i n g these  appendages. In addition, they may  be unable to sustain t h e i r  s e l f image as i n d i v i d u a l s of high s o c i a l standing  outside  of the work area where they are unknowns. They are l i k e l y to be treated as Chinese rather than as professionals. Response to Prestige Deprivation This thesis w i l l look at some of the responses of Chinese professionals to prestige deprivation. One common response revealed by data from the~thirteen interviews which were c a r r i e d out, was the respondents' own  ambivalent attitudes towards  ethnic group..Within the interview  protocols were statements which revealed that the respondents f e l t some shame i n being Chinese.. They displayed a tendency to i d e n t i f y with the values and standards of the dominant society, and at the same time to condemn t h e i r ethnic group  10  "by those standards. Ambivalent attitudes are however, only one type of response. Since status inconsistency brings forth punishment consequences, eliminating that incongruence i s rewarding. Individuals  develop  responses ; which  enable  them to  l i v e s a t i s f y i n g l i v e s . The l i t e r a t u r e suggests that these responses range from contextual types of responses to longterm behavioural and a t t i t u d i n a l orientations (See Goffman 1963:9-12 f o r t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n ) . As f a r as the Chinese professionals are concerned, responses to prestige deprivation must take place within the l i m i t s imposed by t h e i r v i s i b i l i t y . n l n other words, they cannot hope to "pass" into p o s i t i v e l y valued white ethnic groups because they are characterized by d i s t i n c t i v e physical features which distinquish them as Chinese. E t h n i c i t y and Race Some students of ethnic r e l a t i o n s have emphasized the mutability of ethnic i d e n t i t y and i t s instrumental possib i l i t i e s . Patterson, for instance, holds that i t i s a f a l l a c y to view ethnic i d e n t i t y as b a s i c a l l y involuntary and unchangeable  (1975*306). In h i s study of the Chinese i n  Jamaica and Ghana, Patterson viewed ethnic i d e n t i t y as an instrument manipulated by the group to serve socio-economic i n t e r e s t s . Lyman and Douglas also emphasize the instrumental aspect of ethnicity. E t h n i c i t y i s an acquired and used feature of human i d e n t i t y , available f o r employment by either p a r t i cipant i n an encounter and subject to presentation, i n h i b i t i o n , manipulation and exploitation (Lyman &  11  Douglas 1 9 7 3 O 5 0 ) . This approach, i n my view, over-emphasizes the r a t i o n a l , instrumental and mutable nature of ethnic i d e n t i t y . Even where ethnic groups are not distinguished on the basis of r a c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , there are l i m i t a t i o n s to which ethnic i d e n t i t y can be manipulated. Lyman and Douglas d i d recognise some of these l i m i t s . For instance, people may lack s k i l l and confidence  i n t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s to carry out a "per-  fprmance". They may .lack information about other ethnic groups necessary f o r successful performance (Lyman & Douglas 1973* 351-353). A more important l i m i t a t i o n  which Shibutani and  Kwan point out i s that even though ethnic categories are e s s e n t i a l l y mental constructs and b e l i e f s , they are binding or constraining on s o c i a l behaviour because of the shared nature of these b e l i e f s (Shibutani & Kwan 1965:47). Milton Gordon holds a s i m i l a r view: ...the "status" of being a Negro or a White or a Mongoloid Oriental i s not one from which oneecan v o l u n t a r i l y resign. The occasional i n d i v i d u a l who may have determined independently that he w i l l wear none of these l a b e l s ... finds that the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the society and the set of b u i l t - i n s o c i a l and psychological categories with which most of h i s countrymen are equipped to place him ... are loaded against him. Group categorization, then,>,has i t s own s o c i a l momentum once i t i s set i n motion and i s by no means purely a matter of i n d i v i d u a l v o l i t i o n s acting i n concert (Gordon 1964:29). Pierre Van den Berghe made a useful d i s t i n c t i o n between r a c i a l groups and ethnic groups. A r a c i a l group i s that which i s defined s o c i a l l y but on the basis of physical c r i t e r i a whereas an ethnic group i s defined s o c i a l l y but on the basis  12  of c u l t u r a l c r i t e r i a . When c u l t u r a l c r i t e r i a of group d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n are exclusively or predominantly  resorted to, there  results a more f l e x i b l e system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n than one based on race, f o r culture can be learnt and movement from one ethnic group to another i s thus possible. Racial, phenot y p i c a l , d e f i n i t i o n of group membership i s more immutable  than  an ethnic d e f i n i t i o n and usually gives r i s e to a more r i g i d s o c i a l hierarchy (Van den Berghe 1978s22). This d i s t i n c t i o n between r a c i a l groups and ethnic groups helps to c l a r i f y the debate i n the l i t e r a t u r e between those who view ethnic groups as a s c r i p t i v e and thus immutable, and those who view ethnic group membership'asiachieved and thus subject to choice and manipulation. Chinese E t h n i c i t y . D i s t i n c t i v e r a c i a l features provide the most relevant c r i t e r i a by which individuals define themselves and are defined by others as Chinese. Cultural and language differences are f a r l e s s important. A study of Vancouver Chinese households showed that  of Vancouver bom Chinese speak only  English i n the home (Wickberg 1980s Part 1V-133). Many t h i r d and fourth generation Chinese do not speak or'understand any . of the Chinese d i a l e c t s . Cultural customs which used to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the Chinese ethnic group from others have declined. Traditional kinship gatherings,such as grave worship which i s s t i l l s i g n i f i c a n t i n Hong Kong and Chinese communities i n S.E. 'Asia7?are^off§li.tTtle» importance i n Canada (Johnson 1979s 369).  13  According  to Johnson, other forms of t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l s have  also declined. Only 10$ of a sample of Chinese residents i n Vancouver i n 1974 had ancestral t a b l e t s , s i g n i f y i n g a decline i n ancestral worship. Although some of therrespondents i n t e r viewed i n t h i s thesis made an e f f o r t to celebrate Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s (so as to remind t h e i r children df Chinese c u l t u r e ) , most did not do so. Respondents tended to celebrate Christmas and the English New Year, p a r t l y because Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s seldom f a l l on public holidays. With the decline i n c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , v i s i b l e mongoloid features remain the most c r i t i c a l distinguishing c r i t e r i a . What are the consequences of t h i s v i s i b i l i t y f o r the Chinese professionals? Their v i s i b i l i t y means that they are e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d as members of a negatively evaluated  group.  They are often juggedoon the basis of group rajfehert'than'Individual charaeteristies.clhepjare not able to adopt the strategy of "passing" into another more p o s i t i v e l y evaluated ethnic group. However, although r a c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s cannot be e a s i l y changed, behavioural  and a t t i t u d i n a l orientations are mutable.  The professionals can respond to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n with behav i o u r a l and a t t i t u d i n a l strategies. Conclusion In summary, a recurrent theme throughout t h i s study i s the ambiguous p o s i t i o n of the Chinese professionals, an ambiguity which a r i s e s from t h e i r possession  of two inconsistent statuses  — p r o f e s s i o n a l status and ethnic status. The former i s prestige  14  c o n f e r r i n g whereas the l a t t e r i s p o t e n t i a l l y p r e s t i g e d e p r i v i n g . Chinese d e a l w i t h t h i s i s s u e i n a v a r i e t y o f ways. The  two s t a t u s e s , e t h n i c s t a t u s and o c c u p a t i o n a l  status  are j u s t i f i e d as a focus f o r study because they a r e what L e n s k i termed " b a s i c s t a t u s e s " "master s t a t u s e s "  (1945*357).  (1956:368)  and Hughes termed  They are powerful c h a r a c t e r i s e  t i c s which d e f i n e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p l a c e i n s o c i e t y . Occupat i o n a l s t a t u s i s an important c r i t e r i o n by which the worth of i n d i v i d u a l s i s judged i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . E t h n i c  status  informs people who they are and where they came from (See Gordon 1964, Isaacs  1975).  15  CHAPTER 2 METHODS The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to explore the role of race and status contradiction i n the l i v e s of Chinese professionals i n t h e i r work environment  as well as outside of  i t . I t aims to f i n d common problems and s i m i l a r responses. I t i s exploratory and no inferences are made to the entire population of Chinese professionals. This chapter w i l l d i s cuss the methods used i n c o l l e c t i n g and interpreting the data f o r the thesis. Data C o l l e c t i o n Given the main concerns of the thesis, in-depth i n t e r viewing i s a good method of data c o l l e c t i o n . In-depth i n t e r views provide the p o s s i b i l i t y of capturing shadings and subtle meanings important i n the problem of status contrad i c t i o n . A schedule of open-ended questions constructed and u t i l i z e d by Dean Lan i n h i s study of Chinese American e l i t e s (1976:64-67)  was, with modifications, used f o r the purpose of  introducing the main concerns of the thesis. However, neither the questions nor the order i n which they were asked were r i g i d l y adhered to. Respondents were allowed some leeway i n introducing topics, freedom to expand and elaborate on issues of concern to them> and freedom to ignore others which they f e l t were not relevant. Thus I hoped to avoid a s i t u a t i o n where the respondents would f e e l entrapped and forced into postures which misrepresented them, a problem with r i g i d , close-ended  16  type o f i n t e r v i e w s  (Riesman, 1958).  I t r i e d t o encourage a r e l a x e d s t y l e w i t h the g i v e and take t y p i c a l o f an o r d i n a r y c o n v e r s a t i o n .  On the whole, t h i s  put the respondents a t ease and i n c r e a s e d the r a p p o r t and t r u s t between the i n t e r v i e w e r and respondent. However, the i n t e r v i e w s were n o t p e r m i t t e d  t o be as f r e e - w h e e l i n g  as a n o n - s t a n d a r d i z e d i n t e r v i e w where "the i n v e s t i g a t o r i s w i l l i n g and o f t e n eager t o l e t the i n t e r v i e w e e him what the problem, the q u e s t i o n ,  teach  the s i t u a t i o n i s " (Dexter  1970). Thus, whenever the respondent appeared t o be v e e r i n g o f f i n t o a c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n , I attempted to tease the c o n v e r s a t i o n back onto the t r a c k s . My i n t e r v i e w i n g s t r a t e g y a l s o tended t o v a r y with the respondents. Some respondents were expansive and t a l k a t i v e , w i t h a l o t t o say. Some were more r e t i c e n t and seemed t o p r e f e r the i n t e r v i e w e r t o ask the q u e s t i o n s areas.  and d e f i n e the  T h i s was g e n e r a l l y the case w i t h respondents who f e l t  more comfortable  w i t h t h e i r own Chinese d i a l e c t s than w i t h  E n g l i s h . I n these cases,  the i n t e r v i e w s f o l l o w e d the q u e s t i o n  schedule c l o s e l y . S i n c e the t h e s i s i s e x p l o r a t o r y , I d i d n o t s e l e c t a random sample. I attempted t o f i n d respondents who were l i k e l y t o have d i f f e r e n t l i f e p o i n t s o f view. V a r i o u s  experiences  and d i f f e r e n t  f a c t o r s are thought t o c o n t r i b u t e  to d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n an immigrant e t h n i c group. A number o f s t u d i e s showed t h a t a s s i m i l a t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , i s a  17  function of length of residence.in Canada (Mckay 1 9 7 5 ) . Wong's study of Chinese students demonstrates that the students' attitudes and behaviour varied with the amount of time they spent i n Canada (Wong 1 9 7 9 ) . Thus, i t i s generally believed that a person born i n Canada or  who  came at an early age i s l i k e l y to have a d i f f e r e n t l i f e experience and d i f f e r e n t attitudes than a recent immigrant because he or she has had a longer time i n which to becomeacculturated and assimilated. However, as f a r as the Chinese professionals are concerned, length of residence i n Canada need not be the only i n d i c a t i o n of acculturation and assimilation. Toobecome assimilated, i n d i v i d u a l s must have the opportunity to l e a r n and become Swise" to the ways of the group into which they are being incorporated. An important  consideration i s place  of emigration. Immigrants came to Canada not only from Hong Kong and China, places where Chinese as a group dominate i n size  and where Chinese culture i s assumedd to p r e v a i l , but  also South A f r i c a , Singapore, Malaysia and the P a c i f i c Islands —  places formerly colonized by the B r i t i s h and where the  B r i t i s h presence i s s t i l l f e l t i n terms of the countries' educational system and the prevalence of English as a common language. The Chinese from these places are l i k e l y to have considerable experience with Western culture, attitudes and ideology. Place of education i s another factor to consider i n t h i s matter. Professionals, expecially from l e s s developed coun-  18  tries,  a r e l i k e l y t o have t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l e d u c a t i o n i n  Western c o u n t r i e s such as New Zealand, A u s t r a l i a , England and U n i t e d  S t a t e s , and t h e r e f o r e t o have gathered more  experience and knowledge o f the ways o f w h i t e h s b c i e t y than l e n g t h o f s t a y i n Canada would i n d i c a t e . I n s e l e c t i n g respondents, I t r i e d t h e r e f o r e t o have  represented  of education  as many p l a c e s o f e m i g r a t i o n  and p l a c e s  as p o s s i b l e .  I a l s o t r i e d t o f i n d respondents from d i f f e r e n t prof e s s i o n s . There has never been complete agreement over the exact  d e f i n i t i o n o f a p r o f e s s i o n . Most d e f i n i t i o n s i n c o r -  p o r a t e one o r s e v e r a l o f the f o l l o w i n g components:  existence  o f a g o v e r n i n g o r p o l i c i n g body which r e g u l a t e s entry* def i n e s working c o n d i t i o n s and r u l e s o f conduct* p r o f e s s i o n a l a u t h o r i t y a r i s i n g from s k i l l j theory;  existence  s k i l l based on a body o f  o f an o c c u p a t i o n a l  sub-culture  (Greenwood  1957). To b e g i n w i t h , c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d  I had i n mind f o u r main o c c u p a t i o n s which as e s t a b l i s h e d occupations? law, medicine,  engineeringrandoaccountancy. I began by s e l e c t i n g names and addresses o f p o t e n t i a l respondents from the d i r e c t o r i e s published  by t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , i . e . , " B r i t i s h  Columbia L e g a l Telephone D i r e c t o r y , 1979"l "Medical  Directory"  off;; t h e C o l l e g e o f P h y s i c i a n and Surgeons o f B.C., 1979-1980; "The  B.C. P r o f e s s i o n a l E n g i n e e r " , t h e annual d i r e c t o r y i s s u e  o f the A s s o c i a t i o n o f P r o f e s s i o n a l E n g i n e e r s o f ?  t o r y o f Canadian Chartered  Accountants, 1979".  B.C.;  "Direc-  19  I chose surnames t o r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t d i a l e c t groups. Most names would a l s o he accompanied by p l a c e o f e d u c a t i o n and s p e c i a l i s a t i o n . A g a i n I u t i l i z e d the c r i t e r i a o f v a r i e t y and d i f f e r e n c e s . I wrote l e t t e r s t o s e l e c t e d p o t e n t i a l respondents,  e x p l a i n i n g t h a t I was a student a t UBC under-  taking a project for a  Master's t h e s i s i n S o c i o l o g y and  t h a t I was i n t e r e s t e d i n the o p i n i o n s and views o f Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s about l i f e i n Canada. I d i d n o t have much success w i t h t h i s method however. Only a few r e p l i e d c o n s e n t i n g t o be i n t e r v i e w e d . I a l s o had  d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c o n t a c t i n g p o t e n t i a l respondents by  phone. I was seldom able t o " c a t c h " them i n as most had busy schedules.  Of those I d i d manage to c o n t a c t , o n l y one r e f u s e d  o u t r i g h t because o f l a c k o f time. A few asked f o r the i n t e r views t o be postponed but I d i d n o t manage t o g e t back to them. I l a t e r o b t a i n e d i n t r o d u c t i o n s t o Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s prominent i n the community affairs© o f Chinatown from Dr. Graham Johnson, a member o f my a d v i s o r y committee who has done r e s e a r c h i n t o the Chinese community i n Canada and there^e f o r e hadwcontacts w i t h i t s denizens. Inorder to a v o i d o v e r - c o n c e n t r a t i o n on p r o f e s s i o n a l s s h a r i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f b e i n g a c t i v e i n the a f f a i r s o f the Chinese community, I a l s o tapped a l t e r n a t i v e by s o l i c i t i n g addresses  resources  and i n t r o d u c t i o n s from Canadian f r i e n d s  and from the respondents I i n t e r v i e w e d . I had c o n s i d e r a b l e  20  success  i n r e a c h i n g more people through t h i s  snowballing  method. Sample s i z e was not determined on the o u t s e t , Rather I s e t out w i t h some a p r i o r i c a t e g o r i e s i n mind — -  o f the  v a r i e t y o f a t t i t u d e s t h a t I was l i k e l y t o encounter based on a r e a d i n g o f the l i t e r a t u r e , e x p e c i a l l y M i l t o n Gordon (1964) and Dean Lan was  (1976).  Thus the number o f i n t e r v i e w s  judged t o be adequate when I f e l t t h a t a l l c a t e g o r i e s  had been covered.  A small sample has an advantage i n t h a t  the data c o l l e c t e d i s manageable and the r e l e v a n t i s s u e s can be e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d * w i t h o u t taxing,time At f i r s t ,  I decided  thfts h o l d i n g constant decided  and f i n a n c e s .  t o i n t e r v i e w only male p r o f e s s i o n a l s ,  the v a r i a b l e o f sex. However, I l a t e r  t o i n c l u d e female p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n the sample on  the b a s i s t h a t they would have f r e s h p e r s p e c t i v e s t o cont r i b u t e t o the problem o f s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Women might r e v e a l concerns such as those r e l a t i n g t o c h i l d r e n and a c marriage not r e v e a l e d by men. o r d i n a t e d group adds  an  T h e i r s t a t u s as a doubly sub-  important  aspect t o the i s s u e o f  s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . I i n t e r v i e w e d three women. They tended to be more frank w i t h t h e i r views, l e s s withdrawn and prot e c t i v e . T h i s c o u l d be due t o the f a c t t h a t the was  interviewer  o f the same sex. One  problem encountered was the f a c t t h a t p r o f e s s i o n a l s  were g e n e r a l l y v e r y busy people o f t e n pressed  f o r time. Thus  i n t e r v i e w s were kept between 45 minutes and 1 1/2 Some were c a r r i e d out d u r i n g l u n c h breaks.  hours.  The i n t e r v i e w s  21  took p l a c e i n the respondents' o f f i c e s or i n t h e i r homes. They were c a r r i e d out over a p e r i o d o f f i v e months. A t the b e g i n n i n g of each i n t e r v i e w  I would a g a i n  s t a t e the purpose o f the i n t e r v i e w . A l l the respondents were sympathetic, although one engineer wanted t o know whether I was  i n any way  connected w i t h Green Peace or  other environmental and I n d i a n i n t e r e s t groups.  Another  s a i d he hoped he would not l o s e h i g job by t a l k i n g to I assured them of complete  me.  anonmity.  Some of the respondents, such as accountants and cr. :'n engineers, worked i n l a r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s , and o t h e r s worked i n t h e i r own p r i v a t e p r a c t i c e s . I f e l t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s worked i n c o r p o r a t i o n s tended to be more c a u t i o u s . A I thought,  were ,  tape r e c o r d e r was  who few,  more r e l a x e d and frank o n l y a f t e r the switched o f f . On some o c c a s i o n s , I  was  i n v i t e d f o r t e a and snacks. Respondents o f t e n expressed an i n t e r e s t i n my background,  e s p e c i a l l y my  d i a l e c t group  and  country o f b i r t h . What d i d the respondents get i n r e t u r n f o r g i v i n g up t h e i r v a l u a b l e time? A chance to t a l k t o an i n t e r e s t e d listerner —  the t h e r a p e u t i c e f f e c t —  pass on experience. One respondent who  and a l s o a chance t o expressed s t r o n g  disagreement w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese a t t i t u d e o f p l a c i n g l e s s importance on the e d u c a t i o n o f female  off-springs  s a i d he agreed t o be i n t e r v i e w e d as a gesture o f support f o r female  aspirations:  22  When you came up, I s a i d t o myself: t h a t ' s good; I don't mind p a r t i c i p a t i n g . A Chinese g i r l s i t t i n g a c r o s s from me, a s k i n g the q u e s t i o n s . That's r e a l l y something; t h a t ' s a b i g p l u s . A t l e a s t we g i v e you guys the b e n e f i t o f our experience. Data I n t e r p r e t a t i o n My purpose i n t h i s study was n o t t o v e r i f y the theory o f s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y but t o use the theory  as a mode o f  c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n f o r d e s c r i b i n g and e x p l a i n i n g a p a r t i c u l a r area o f s o c i a l l i f e .  The theory p r o v i d e d  strategy for handling The  recorded  a guide and a  data.  i n t e r v i e w s were f u l l y t r a n s c r i b e d as  i n d i v i d u a l p r o t o c o l s . These were n o t content analyzed statistical  sense but were simply  i n any  examined f o r p a t t e r n s o f  responses. Some i n t e r e s t i n g comments and s t o r i e s were n o t used as they d i d n o t bear on the r e l e v a n t i s s u e s : i n c o n s i s t e n c y and the s a l i e n c y o f r a c e . S t a t u s  status  inconsistency  r e f e r s t o the c o n d i t i o n where i n d i v i d u a l s possess high and low  s t a t u s e s a t the same time. O b j e c t i v e l y , Chinese pro-  f e s s i o n a l s are i n a s i t u a t i o n o f s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y they are members o f a n e g a t i v e l y evaluated i n h i g h l y evaluated reference  occupations.  since  group i n v o l v e d  T h i s was e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h  t o two s e t s o f s t u d i e s . One s e t o f s t u d i e s showed  t h a t the Chinese e t h n i c group has c o n s i s t e n t l y been  given  lower r a n k i n g s i n terms o f p r e s t i g e than most white e t h n i c groups. The other s e t o f s t u d i e s showed t h a t t h e o c c u p a t i o n s t h a t the respondents ware i n v o l v e d i n are those which have  23  c o n s i s t e n t l y "been g i v e n h i g h e v a l u a t i o n by samples r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the general  population.  Data from the i n t e r v i e w p r o t o c o l s were used t o analyze s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y as i t i s s u b j e c t i v e l y experienced by i n d i v i d u a l s . Status  i n c o n s i s t e n c y manifested t s e l f i n the  l i f e s o f the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s through t h e i r experience with negative  e v a l u a t i o n arid p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n . I n s h i f t -  i n g through each p r o t o c o l , I looked  f o r i n c i d e n t s and events  i n which the respondents encountered p r e j u d i c e  and*discrimina-  t i o n i n t h e i r everyday l i v e s and i n t h e i r c a r e e r s . General awareness o f n e g a t i v e  e v a l u a t i o n as i n d i c a t e d by the res^sr:  pondents' o p i n i o n and a t t i t u d e was a l s o noted. A l s o  relevant  and n o t ignored were s i t u a t i o n s i n which respondents benef i t e d from being  Chinese and r e c e i v e d p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n  because o f i t . Respondents* a t t i t u d e s and behaviour, such as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the Chinese e t h n i c group, were i n t e r p r e t e d as responses to negative  e v a l u a t i o n and p r e s t i g e  deprivation  i f they were acknowledged as such by the respondents. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were a l s o made on the b a s i s o f s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s and works such as those o f A l l p o r t (1958) and Goffman ( 1 9 6 3 ) .  24 CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS  AGE  NUMBER  20-29  2  30-39  3  40-49  3  50 - 59 60-69  PLACE OF BIRTH  1  NUMBER  Hong Kong  4  China  3  Canada  2  Fiji  Islands  1  South A f r i c a  1  Malaysia  1  England  1  DATE OF ARRIVAL IN CANADA  1927 1966 - 1977  NUMBER  1 10  25  PROFESSION  NUMBER  Engineer  4  Professor  3  Teacher  1  Physician  2  Lawyer  1  Accountant  1  Bank O f f i c e r  1  26  CHAPTER 3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND  The emergence of Chinese professionals as a sizable component of the Chinese ethnic group was made possible by changes i n immigration rules and discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n . The b r i e f sketch i n t h i s chapter* of the experiences of the Chinese i n Canada w i l l provide a h i s t o r i c a l view of the  emergence of the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l l c l a s s and show  how overt discrimination has given way to fresh concerns and issues facing the Chinese. The Chinese population i n Canada, from the very beginning, had been subjected to a series of e f f o r t s at harassment, l e g a l and otherwise (Johnson 1979s359). The period between 1858 (when the Chinese f i r s t arrived i n B r i t i s h Columbia) and 19^7 (when the 1923 Immigration Act p r o h i b i t i n g Chinese immigration into Canada was repealed) was marked by overt, l e g a l forms of discrimination. The period after 19^7 was characterized by increasing l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of White attitudes towards the Chinese. The period between 1958 and 19^7 can be further divided into four stages conciding with changes i n immigration laws, employment conditions and spat i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n (See L a i 1973). Early Immigration: The Gold Rush (1858 - 1880) The f i r s t Chinese who arrived i n B r i t i s h Columbia came v i a San Francisco, attracted by news of the discovery of gold.  27 L a t e r , Chinese came d i r e c t l y from the r u r a l areas i n the Kwangtung p r o v i n c e o f China. A c c o r d i n g t o Crissman, (The Chinese) d i d n o t s e t out a d v e n t u r o u s l y t o b e g i n a new l i f e abroad, b u t were pushed out o f t h e i r homes by economic n e c e s s i t y , the u n w i l l i n g v i c t i m s o f p r e s s u r e on the l a n d and l a c k o f l o c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r e a r n i n g a l i v i n g . L e a v i n g home was n o t thought to be permanent but, on the c o n t r a r y , was seen as a temporary expedient t h a t would a l l o w them t o earn enough to l i v e , support t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and e v e n t u a l l y r e t u r n home as wealthy men..,. emigrants l e f t China e x p e c t i n g t o r e t u r n home i n due time,,..{(Crissman 1967*187). The exodus from Kwangtung was a i d e d by a l i n e a g e  system  which enabled males to l e a v e behind wives and c h i l d r e n as they themselves went.hither t o seek b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s  (Morton  1973*5). Consequently,the e a r l y Chinese p o p u l a t i o n was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a preponderance  o f males.  The West Coast o f B r i t i s h Columbia where the Chinese  first  a r r i v e d i n Canada was a l r e a d y s e t t l e d mainly by B r i t o n s . The Chinese were a t f i r s t  regarded w i t h c u r i o s i t y and amused  t o l e r a n c e . I t was d u r i n g these years b e f o r e the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y t h a t the d i a c r i t i c a l  features of ethnic  identity  which d i s t i n g u i s h e d the Chinese from o t h e r e t h n i c  groups  appear s h a r p e s t . The Chinese wore t h e i r queues and customary garb o f b l u e c o t t o n ( D i c k e r 1979*2), they spoke a d i f f e r e n t tongue and observed d i f f e r e n t customs and r i t u a l s .  Local  newspapers p u b l i s h e d accounts o f the b i z z a r e f u n e r a l of  rites  the Chinese, t h e i r h a b i t s o f gambling, p r o s t i t u t i o n and  opium smoking. These d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s o f the Chinese did to  n o t l e a d t o d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t them u n t i l they began compete w i t h whites f o r jobs. A t f i r s t tithed Chinese were  28  n o t o f s u f f i c i e n t l y l a r g e numbers to c o n s t i t u t e an economic t h r e a t . Most passed through V i c t o r i a and  obvious disappeared  to the mines up n o r t h . T h e i r presence a t t h a t p o i n t a l s o i n c r e a s e d trade and thereby b e n e f i t t e d l o c a l merchants. A f t e r 1866  the p r o d u c t i v i t y o f the gold-mines d i m i -  n i s h e d and economic r e c e s s i o n s e t i n . The r e s u l t was competition  increased  f o r jobs and i n c r e a s e d enmity a g a i n s t the  Chinese.  I n 1867*.one o f the e a r l i e s t Chinese - s e t t l e m e n t s on B u r r a r d I n l e t , a l a b o u r camp on the West End p e n i n s u l a was  burnt  (Cho & L e i g h L 9 7 2 : 6 8 ) . I n the 1870s a s e r i e s  down by a mob  o f d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a c t s were passed by the p r o v i n c i a l l a t i v e assembly aimed a t c u t t i n g down Chinese  legis-  immigration  but were a l l vetoed by the Dominion Government. E r a o f R a i l r o a d C o n s t r u c t i o n (1881  -  1885)  The l a r g e s t i n f l u x o f Chinese l a b o u r e r s between 1881  and  1885.  occurred  The b e g i n n i n g o f the Canadian  P a c i f i c Railway l e d to a huge demand f o r l a b o u r which c o u l d not be f i l l e d by white l a b o u r alone. A c c o r d i n g l y , the Onderdonk C o n s t r u c t i o n Company employed Chinese from the S t a t e s and a l s o imported  c o o l i e s from Hong Kong ( L a i 19735 104).  T h i s l e d to i n c r e a s e s i n the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n o f  B.C.  from 5% o f the p r o v i n c e ' s p o p u l a t i o n to 8.8?6 between 1871  and  1881.  When the CPR  was  completed many were thrown out o f  work and c o m p e t i t i o n f o r jobs i n c r e a s e d . In t h i s  competition,  the Chinese o f t e n had the advantage f o r t h e i r lower  standard  of l i v i n g enabled them to accept lower wages (Bonaich 1 9 7 2 ) . In addition, the Chinese were employed as s t r i k e breakers. Their employment as scab labour i n the 1883 Wellington mine ; s t r i k e l e d to demands for the exclusion of the Chinese. In 1885,  the Dominion Government gave i n to pressure  from labour groups and passed an immigration act imposing a $50 headtax on every Chinese entering Canada. Restricted Entry (1886 - 1922) The period between 1886 and 1922 was one of increasing enmity against the Chinese. P e t i t i o n s were frequently sent by groups of workers to r e s t r i c t Chinese immigration. In 1891,  over 70 p e t i t i o n s were presented to the Dominion  Parliament urging the p r o h i b i t i o n of the importation of Chinese labour (Lai 1973:3*0 . In 1886,  a mob destroyed a Chinese settlement on the  banks of False Creek (Cho and Leigh 1972:60). In September 1907i an anti-Oriental r i o t broke out i n Vancouver i n which Chinese and Japanese sections of the town were p i l l a g e d by mobs (Straaton 197^:33). In 1907, B.C. adopted a p o l i c y of segregation i n i t s schools. I t was f e l t that the Chinese students were inadequate i n English and needed to be educated separately. This p o l i c y i n e f f e c t prevented most Chinese children from attending public schools (Straaton 1974:33). Most p o l i t i c i a n s had to adopt an anti-Chinese stand i n order to maintain a following. For instance, i n I 8 7 9 , Noah Shakespeare, a member of the V i c t o r i a City Council formed the Anti-Chinese Association. His success as Mayor  30 o f V i c t o r i a and  then as member o f p a r l i a m e n t  could  be  a t t r i b u t e d to t h i s a n t i - C h i n e s e p l a t f o r m ( L i 1979s325)• The  headtax was  $500 i n 1904.  i n c r e a s e d to $100  i n 1901  Consequently, Chinese immigration  q u i t e r a d i c a l l y f o r a s h o r t p e r i o d . In 1905 entered  and  Canada. The  then to  was  o n l y 8 Chinese  Chinese as a percentage o f the  p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e d from 8.3%  i n 1901  curbed  t o 4.5%  province's 1921.  in  E x c l u s i o n (1923—11946) Only 23 Chinese entered ICanada between 1923  and 1946  to the p a s s i n g o f the Chinese E x c l u s i o n A c t i n 1923.  Under  t h i s a c t , persons o f Chinese o r i g i n were not p e r m i t t e d entereCanada. Only students,, d i p l o m a t i c , a t t a c h e s , bom  i n Canada, and merchants were allowed  due  to  Chinese  to e n t e r . Chinese  w i t h Canadian d o m i c i l e or c i t i z e n s h i p were not p e r m i t t e d  to  b r i n g t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n i n t o Canada ( L a i 1 9 7 3 : 1 0 6 ) . Other forms o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n were a l s o operating, a t t h i s time: D u r i n g the i n t e r w a r y e a r s , O r i e n t a l s , even though theye were s u b j e c t s were i n e l i g i b l e to vote i n p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l e l e c t i o n s or to h o l d o f f i c e i n the prov i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i v e o r i i m u n i c i p a l c b u n c i l s s o r school boards. The p r o v i n c i a l v o t e r s ' l i s t s were used as the b a s i s o f e x c l u s i o n i n o t h e r aspects o f l i f e . In t h i s manner O r i e n t a l B r i t i s h Subjects were ^ d i s q u a l i f i e d from v o t i n g i n Dominion e l e c t i o n s , and O r i e n t a l s were g e n e r a l l y b a r r e d from the p r a c t i c e s o f law and pharmacy i n B r i t i s h Columbia. They c o u l d not be employed by c o n t r a c t o r s engaged i n p r o v i n c i a l p u b l i c works, or by companies h o l d i n g crown timber l e a s e s . Theyswere b e i n g g r a d u a l l y squeezed out o f the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y by the w i t h h o l d i n g o f l i c e n s e s by the F e d e r a l department o f Marine and F i s h e r i e s ( C o r b e t t 1 9 5 7 : 3 4 ) .  31  Responses to Exclusion and Discrimination The period from I858 to 19^6 was a time of overt and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d forms of discrimination against the Chinese. During these years, individual Chinese could not attempt to deal with subordinate status by assimilation, or by pursuing individual paths to greater power through education and the professions. They were prevented by the laws of the' land from doing so. Consequently, the onlyr other viable alternatives were to band together as an ethnic group for mutual help and support, and economically to create alterna^:'/  1  t i v e forms of l i v e l i h o o d . The emergence of ethnic businesses such as Chinese laundries and restaurants can be viewed as survival adaptations, as attempts to develop alternative economic opportun i t i e s i n a h o s t i l e labour market,(Li 1 9 7 9 : 3 2 8 ) .  According to  Dicker, ... opening a laundry took l i t t l e c a p i t a l : one needed only soap, a scrub board, an i r o n and an ironing board. Because laundrymen picked up and delivered, the business l o c a t i o n was unimportant, and rent could be kept at a minimum. Two laundries sometimes shared the same premises, with one operating during during the day and the other at night. S e l f employment was an ideal solution f o r the Chinese f o r i t placed them i n a p o s i t i o n where they neither had to work f o r whites nor compete with them f o r jobs (Dicker 1 9 7 9 * 5 ) . Restaurants needed more c a p i t a l to set up but the hot tasty meals could be cheaply produced and provided n u t r i tious fare not only for the Chinese (most of whom l i v e i n rooming housesv.'without kitchen f a c i l i t i e s ) but also f o r the white miners f o r whom the Chinese food was a welcome alterna-  32  t i v e (Dicker 1979:5). In the Fraser Delta area, the Chinese went into vegetable marketing.  Since most Chinese came from peasant  backgrounds, they were f a m i l i a r w i t h the techniques df f  c u l t i v a t i o n . In t h e i r t i n y backyard gardens, they grew vegetables and sold them from door to door. So successful were they at t h i s that, i n 1936 when they moved into the wholesale market gardening business i n Vancouver, a vigorous protest was launched by established white farmers (Morton 1973:224-247). Those professionals who d i d exist during these periods were mainly doctors trained i n China and s e r v i c i n g the Chinese community, or teachers. A  report on the occupational  d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Chinese compiled by Huang Xiquan, a s t a f f member of the Chinese consulate 3 i n San Francisco, showed that i n 1884 only 2% of the Chinese population were employers and professionals. The professional class probably did not expand u n t i l 1947 when the franchise was extended to the Chinese, thus opening up the professions as a path from subordination. Before t h i s , Chinese who undertook p r o f e s s i o n a l " t r a i n i n g such .as law, could not practise as lawyers but instead took up the Vole  of ethnic  brokerage by acting as court interpreters (Wickberg I 9 8 O Part 11:85-86). Aside from impersonal contacts with the White world i n the area of employment, the Chinese confined themselves to  33  t h e i r own e t h n i c group. They l i v e d i n the "Chinese (Cho & L e i g h 1972:71), orientedethemselves politics  quarter"  t o China's  ( S t r a a t o n 1971*40), and b u i l t up a m u l t i t u d e o f  a s s o c i a t i o n s devoted  t© t h e i r own mutual w e l f a r e , p r o t e c -  t i o n and r e c r e a t i o n . The Chinese  community c o u l d be des-  c r i b e d as b e i n g " i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y complete" (Breton 1964) i n t h a t a l l s e r v i c e s r e q u i r e d by members, i . e . , education, food, c l o t h i n g , medical care and s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , c o u l d be p r o v i d e d w i t h i n i t .  Thus by means o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l  completeness would dependence on White s o c i e t y , be .cut to a minimum. Throughout 1858 to 1947, the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n remained predominantly  male. I n 1931i there were o n l y 3,468 women i n  a t o t a l Chinese p o p u l a t i o n o f 46,519 (Johnson  1979*363).  In B r i t i s h Columbia there were only 1,000 Chinese  families.  As a r e s u l t o f the head-tax, the c o s t o f b r i n g i n g a w i f e  over  from China was p r o h i b i t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1904 when the head-tax i n c r e a s e d to $ 5 0 0 .  The E x c l u s i o n A c t o f 1923  the i n - m i g r a t i o n o f women a l t o g e t h e r . I n response i m p o s s i b i l i t y of e s t a b l i s h i n g conjugal units, the Chinese  prevented  to the  the focus o f  community d u r i n g t h i s "bachelor" phase was the  v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s (Johnson  1979*364). Some o f these  a s s o c i a t i o n s r e c r u i t e d members on the b a s i s o f common t e r r i t o r y o f o r i g i n , common surname o r d i a l e c t , and were  important  sources o f w e l f a r e f o r members. They kept members i n touch w i t h the homeland, sent r e m i t t a n c e s back t o China, and a l s o  34  transported bones home for b u r i a l . Besides these associations based on p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c c r i t e r i a , were associations attempting to cater to a l l Chinese. The Chinese Benevolent Association, started i n V i c t o r i a i n 1884,  acted as a welfare agency, and ;chari.tabler6rganisation L  and s e t t l e d disputes within the Chinese community. I t s executives included representatives from l o c a l i t y associations so that as a federation of associations i t t h e o r e t i c a l l y r e presented the t o t a l i t y of of an otherwise segmented structure (Straaton 1974:91). As such i t acted as an intermediary  bet-  ween the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system and the Chinese, and i t s leaders were often recognized  by white society as leaders of  the Chinese community. The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of associations segmented on the basis of common l o c a l i t y , surname and d i a l e c t , and characterized by i n t e r l o c k i n g directorships, were by no means unique to the Chinese i n Canada. According  to Crissman (1967), a l l overseas  Chinese communities displayed"this organisational structure. I t was a t r a d i t i o n a l response to the common problem of d i s crimination and exclusion. I f the Chinese i n Canada suffered prejudice and discrimination, so did Chinese i n other communities outside of China. Dominant p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , often colon i a l and B r i t i s h , excluded the Chinese segment of the population from f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the wider society (Johnson 1979: 359).  According  to Crissman,  U n t i l recently, no Chinese community abroad has had any say i n the government of the c i t y or country of  35  settlement. In addition, few i f any provisions were made f o r governing the Chinese or providing f o r t h e i r needs. As an extreme example, from 1825 to 1870 the B r i t i s h i n Singapore made no formal arrangements whatever for administering the Chinese, who made up over h a l f of the population of the c i t y ... Similar conditions existed everywhere, north America included; yet had the Chinese t r i e d to establish e x p l i c i t l y governmental or p o l i t i c a l organisations, even those l i m i t e d to a c t i v i t i e s i n t e r n a l to the Chinese communit i e s , they would have brought repression down upon themselves.... urban Chinese ... must govern themselves without having noticeable governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s , and t h e i r solution of the dilemma i s the same. They use the organisational superstructure of t h e i r segmentary s o c i a l structure as both aar© presentative p o l i t i c a l system and a h i e r a r c h i c a l administrative system ... (Crissman 1967:200). There werersigns i n the interwar period that the i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness of the Chinese community i n Canada was becoming l e s s encompassing.  The poverty of the communi-  ty meant that the Chinese had to seek public assistance (Wickberg 1980 Part 111:94-101). Moreover, some avenues f o r Chinese p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l i f e of the larger community were becoming available, f o r instance, the Chinese p a r t i cipation i n the sale of war bonds. The Chinese were also not . adverse to u t i l i z i n g the t a c t i c s of the White society i n demanding certain rights. Strikes and demonstrations were resorted to either as a sign of protest or to get certain s p e c i f i c concessions. For instance, i n 1933 during the depression, about 50 Chinese marched on Vancouver C i t y H a l l to demand unemployment r e l i e f . In 1935 about 20 Chinese congregated at the B.C. Parliament b u i l d i n g i n V i c t o r i a to demand p r o v i n c i a l aid. In 1937* Calgary's f i r s t sit-down s t r i k e was' staged by a group of Chinese to protest t h e i r  36  meagre unemployment allowance from the p r o v i n c i a l  govern-  ment (Wickberg 1980 P a r t 1 1 1 : 9 4 ) . L i b e r a l i z a t i o n (1947 to the present) The 1923 Immigration A c t was r e p e a l e d i n 1947» thus s i g n a l l y i n g a new phase i n which more l i b e r a l  attitudes  p r e v a i l e d towards the Chinese (Cho & L e i g h 1 9 7 2 : 7 1 ) .  The  p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the Chinese i n the war e f f o r t had won f o r them some measure o f acceptance. A l s o ,  industralization,  the growth o f l i b e r a l i s m , and the i n c r e a s e d r o l e o f the government i n the economy due t o the war, had f o s t e r e d the w e l f a r e s t a t e which s e t s out to r e c o g n i s e and p r o t e c t human r i g h t s r e g a r d l e s s o f r a c e , n a t i o n a l i t y , : colour,: r e l i g i o n o r sex (The A c t f o r the R e c o g n i t i o n and P r o t e c t i o n o f Human R i g h t s and Fundamental i960.  Vol.1,  Freedoms, S t a t u t e s o f Canada, :  Chapter 4 ) . The e f f e c t s on the Chinese com-  munity o f the r e c o g n i t i o n o f human r i g h t s was q u i t e dramatic. F r a n c h i s e was extended f i r s t t o t t h e .war v e t e r e n s and a f t e r some p r e s s u r e by the Chinese, to the r e s t o f the community  The p r o f e s s i o n s which had excluded the Chinese on  the b a s i s t h a t they were n o t on the v o t e r s ' l i s t  c o u l d no  l o n g e r do so. The F r a n c h i s e t h e r e f o r e f a c i l i t a t e d the development  o f a Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s . I n c r e a s e s i n the  number o f Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n Canada was a l s o  faci-  l i t a t e d by changes i n immigration laws. The Immigration A c t o f 1947 which p e r m i t t e d n a t u r a l i z e d  37 Canadian Chinese to sponsor wives arid c h i l d r e n under the age o f 18  f o r admission to Canada, was based on the p r i n c i p l e  o f sponsorship. In 1962,  a p o i n t system was i n t r o d u c e d  i n which s k i l l became the most important c r i t e r i o n i n the s e l e c t i o n o f new " i n 1967,  immigrants  the department  (Straaton 1971:47).  Finally,  o f Manpower and Immigration r e -  p l a c e d the Department o f C i t i s e n s h i p and Immigration, c r e a t i n g a f i r m manpower o r i e n t a t i o n i n Canadian policy"  (Hawkins 1 9 7 2 : 5 3 ) .  c r e a s i n g l y a f t e r 1967, dependent  Immigration  Consequently, a f t e r I 9 6 2 and i n -  l a r g e numbers o f Chinese came as i n -  immigrants on the b a s i s o f s k i l l s r a t h e r than  as sponsored r e l a t i v e s (Wickberg 1980:  P a r t IV 9 6 ) .  I t was  from t h i s group t h a t most o f the s u b j e c t s i n t h i s study were drawn. The i n c r e a s e i n the number o f Chinese i n the p r o f e s s i o n s i s not unique to the Chinese. Other e t h n i c groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y the B r i t i s h , and other groups o f A s i a n s were a l s o r e s ponding to the demand f o r h i g h l y s k i l l e d l a b o u r — which was  a demand  g e n e r a l throughout the economy. Richmond and  Kalbach s t a t e d t h a t s u b s t a n t i a l economic  and s o c i a l  changes  took p l a c e i n Canada d u r i n g the 60s i n which the country took on the f e a t u r e s of a h i g h l y advanced i n d u s t r i a l Major developments communications  society.  took p l a c e i n c o m p u t e r i s a t i o n , i n the  i n d u s t r y , and i n the s k i l l e d s e r v i c e s s e c t o r .  These c r e a t e d p r o f e s s i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l employment r e q u i r i n g h i g h e r education. Expansion i n Canadian p o s t seccondary e d u c a t i o n was not s u f f i c i e n t to keep pace w i t h t h i s  38  growth. Immigration became a means o f f i l l i n g t h i s need (Richmond & Kalbach  1980:28-29).  With the goal o f meeting manpower needs o f i n d u s t r y as the b a s i s o f immigration p o l i c y , the c o u n t r i e s from which immigrants were s e l e c t e d was no l o n g e r a r e l e v a n t  criteria  i n the d e c i s i o n t o admit p a r t i c u l a r immigrants. The r e s u l t was an i n c r e a s e d m u l t i - e t h n i c c h a r a c t e r o f the Canadian population. had,  Southern and South-eastern European immigrants  s i n c e 1900, i n c r e a s e d t h e i r presence s u b s t a n t i a l l y .  Their proportions  jumped from 15% j u s t a f t e r the Second  World War t o 30% d u r i n g the 1956 t o 1966 p e r i o d .  Immigrants  o f A s i a n o r i g i n i n c r e a s e d as a p r o p o r t i o n o f immigrants from 1% before and  the war to 6.5% i n 1955-66, t o 12% i n 1956-65  to 35% i n 1971  (Kalbach  1978:91). W i t h i n  this  context,  " m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w i t h i n a b i l i n g u a l framework" became government p o l i c y . The p r i n c i p l e o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m had some impact on subordinated The New  e t h n i c groups such as the Chinese.  Community  The p r i n c i p l e o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m meant t h a t the Chinese c o u l d continue  t o r e l y on t r a d i t i o n a l responses t o modern  problems. I n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness was j u s t i f i e d and n o t condemned as an o b s t a c l e to a s s i m i l a t i o n . S t r a a t o n  found  t h a t there were 80 Chinese o r g a n i s a t i o n s i n Vancouver d u r i n g the s i x t i e s . These were d i v i d e d i n t o nine c a t e g o r i e s : c l a n , locality,  f r a t e r n a l , communityy a t h l e t i c , c h a r i t a b l e , l e i s u r e ,  alumni, and commercial (197^'57). I n a d d i t i o n , there were  39  Chinese language schools, churches and Chinese newspapers. The Chinese Benevolent Association continued as a community wide organisation,with representation from most of the other "lower" associations. Thus, due to the continued role of voluntary associations, the resurgence of the Chinese communities  had a " t r a d i t i o n a l r i n g to i t "  (Wickberg 1980: Part  IV:139)• Inspite of the increasing opportunities f o r integrat i o n into the wider society,  associational networks  continue to play an important role as a "boundary marker" i n the d e f i n i t i o n of the Chinese community (Straaton 197^* 18). The government's p o l i c y of multiculturalism the growth of c u l t u r a l organisations  encouraged  seeking to "ensure  that Chinese-Canadian culture can be represented ins the Canadian mosaic" (Johnson 1979*367). Vancouver's Chinese Cultural Centre f o r instance, enjoyed government and public support.. Changes i n immigration laws allowed the Chinese populat i o n of Canada to grow i n size after long years of decline (Johnson 1979*365). In the decades 1951-60, 1961-70, the Chinese population of Canada doubled. In 1971» the Chinese i n Canada constituted 0.6% of the t o t a l population, with the B r i t i s h constituting 4 4 . 6 $ , the French 28.7^ and "other Europeans" 23^. Chinese accounted f o r approximately h a l f of the 1.3% contributed by the "Asiatic""category (Kalbach 1978*86-87). The Chinese population i n Vancouver doubled  40 between 1961-1971? Table One Chinese Population/Vancouver, Year  Number  1911  3,559  1921  6,484  1931  13,011  1941  6,065  1951  8,729  1961  15,223  1971  30,640  1977:75 1911-71)  (Ng  1911-1971  ~  Source: Census o f Canada,  The r e p e a l o f the Chinese e x c l u s i o n A c t i n 1947 meant t h a t Chinese migrants c o u l d abandon t h e i r s t a t u s and e s t a b l i s h c o n j u g a l  "bachelor"  u n i t s i n Canada. Husbands  were u n i t e d w i t h t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n , and men went'; back to China and brought t h e i r b r i d e s back t o Canada. The unbalanced sex r a t i o which had c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n had, by 1 9 7 0 , become much more balanced (Johnson 1979:365).  By,  the 1970s,  the  Chinese  were a l s o i n v o l v e d i n a wider  range o f o c c u p a t i o n s a l t h o u g h most were s t i l l or s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s . 10%  i n e i t h e r trade  o f the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n o f  4,1  Vancouver  i n 1974  were p r o f e s s i o n a l s .  Table Two. Chinese P o p u l a t i o n o f Vancouver: O c c u p a t i o n a l P r o f i l e , 1974 Occupation  '  %  Professional Businessman Manager  10. <7 16.3 0.3  Clerical Sales Services  6.2 2.7 18.0  Craftsman Operative  2.7 4.7  Labourer Unemployed Farmer  8.0 2.7 1.8 3.0 3.8 19.2  Student Housewife Retired  (Wickberg 1 9 8 0 : P a r t IV 127 — Source: Vancouver Chinese Community Study, 1 9 7 4 ) . Based on a survey o f household heads. The Chinese community i n Canada was by now i n c r e a s i n g l y d i v e r s e . Chinese immigrants  came from d i v e r s e sources i n  c o n t r a s t t o the e a r l i e r p e r i o d s o f immigration where they came m a i n l y from the Kwangtung a r e a o f China. The post-1967  immigrants came t o Canada f o r a v a r i e t y o f  reasons. Some came to j o i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s , o t h e r s wanted a more secure f u t u r e f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n than c o u l d be a v a i l a b l e i n c o u n t r i e s such as South A f r i c a .  The Chinese i n South  E a s t A s i a were a l s o , , i n the s i x t i e s and s e v e n t i e s , e x p e r i e n -  42  cing increasing discrimination from the l o c a l populations (Wickberg 1980: Part IV 131). Better educational opportunities i n Canada and the uncertainty of the future of Hong Kong were important reasons f o r the large immigration from the island. Table Three Chinese i n Canada, Place of B i r t h , 1971 Canada  37.8%  China  43.5  Other A s i a  2.0  West Indies L a t i n America  1.8  U.K.  2.3  Other  12.3  (Wickberg 1980: Part IV III — Census 1971)  Source:  Besides place of emigration, the Chinese population i n Canada can?, 1 also be divided into three groups according to period of immigration: (1) the early immigrants who came to B r i t i s h Columbia before 1923; (2) t h e i r Canadian-born offspring, know as tu-sheng or "native born"5 and (3) recent a r r i v a l s (Straaton 1971:42). Ten of the respondents i n t h i s study were recent a r r i v a l s having immigrated to Canada between 1966 and 1977. Two were tu-sheng and one came a few years a f t e r 1923. The recent a r r i v a l s can again be  43  divided into those who  came from Hong Kong where Chinese were  the majority ( i n terms of size) and those who  came from over-  seas Chinese communities where Chinese were the minority. The l a t t e r tended to have experienced s i m i l a r forms of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d discrimination and r e s t r i c t i o n s as did the tu-sheng and pre-1923  immigrants.  The Chinese population i n Canada can also be d i f f e r e n t i a t ed on the basis of immigrants who had entered Canada by means of the sponsorship of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s and the immigrants who  independent  came on t h e i r own merit. The former were l e s s  educated and competent i n English than the l a t t e r . The Chinese population i n the present period i s therefore increasingly heterogeneous.  Lines of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n now  occur  about generation, age, a b i l i t y to speak English, occupation, educational attainment, and period of migration (Wickberg I98O:  Part IV 145).  These differences play an important part  i n the personal i d e n t i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l Chinese. Power and Prestige; Some New  Concerns  With the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of immigration laws, the extension of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s to the Chinese, and the removal of most overt and blatant forms of discrimination, the Chinese were now  able to p a r t i c i p a t e more f u l l y i n theiwider society.  Yet, l i k e other non-white ethnic groups, they continue to face certain disadvantages. Their subordinate status has by no means been completely erased. Porter;0l965) and Clement ( 1 9 7 5 ) demonstrate that positions of power and influence i n Canadian society continue to be  44  dominated by Anglo-Saxons' ". A c c o r d i n g to Clement, 1  Although over one q u a r t e r o f Canada's p o p u l a t i o n i s made up o f e t h n i c groups o t h e r than the two c h a r t e r groups*(26.7%)* they have almost no r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the economic e l i t e , except f o r Jews (Clement 1 9 7 5 - 2 3 7 ) . 3  Table Four Index o f E t h n i c R e p r e s e n t a t i o n * i n the Economic E l i t e , 1951 and 1972 Economic E l i t e  Anglo French Other  i2ii  mi  1.93 0.22 0.05  1.93 0.29 0.20  *A f i g u r e o f over 1.00 denotes o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and an index below 1.00 shows under-representatiion (Clement 1975s234). K e l n e r (1971) demonstrated i n her study o f Toronto elites  that  although non-Anglo-Saxon r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n e l i t e groups has d e f i n i t e l y i n c r e a s e d s i n c e 1948, i n no major i n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d has i t reached the same l e v e l l e v e l as non-^Anglo-Saxon r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the t o t a l community (1971:331). Thus f o r those non-Anglo-Saxon groups who some degree o f economic advancement, p r o f e s s i o n a l s , the q u e s t i o n now  have a t t a i n e d  such as the Chinese  i s g e t t i n g f u r t h e r advance-  1. U s u a l l y d e f i n e d to encompass E n g l i s h , S c o t s , Welsh and Irish. 2. C h a r t e r groups r e f e r to F r e n c h and E n g l i s h Canadians, the two' "'founding groups" o f Canada. 3. Uppermost p o s i t i o n s , e.g., s e n i o r management and d i r e c t o r s i n the l a r g e s t or dominant c o r p o r a t i o n s i n Canada.  ^5  merits i n t o p o s i t i o n s o f power and i n f l u e n c e . Comments a Chinese  doctor  ( a respondent i n t e r v i e w e d f o r t h i s  thesis):  In terms o f Career promotions and h i g h p o s i t i o n jobs, not o n l y Chinese but a l l other m i n o r i t y groups are underrepresented. You j u s t don't get t h e r e . You o n l y r i s e to a c e r t a i n l e v e l and then you s t o p . In the p a s t , the Chinese stopped a t the manual l a b o u r e r ' s l e v e l , and now, they've stopped a t the p r o f e s s i o n a l l e v e l . Now, we're i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l f i e l d but we do n o t get to the top. A c c o r d i n g to Dean Lan i n h i s study o f Chinese  American  elites?,.! t e s To a t t a i n employment i s one t h i n g , and to achieve d i v e r s i t y beyond l i m i t e d occupations or promotions beyond middle l e v e l management l e v e l s i s another p i c t u r e . I t i s harder t o v i s u a l i z e the e f f e c t s o f delayed promotion f o r jobs, (and) l a c k o f equal access to the good l i f e ... ( 1 9 7 6 : V T I I ) . K e l n e r d i s t i n g u i s h e s between s t r a t e g i c e l i t e s and elites.  The  s t r a t e g i c e l i t e s are those who  p l a y key  core  func-  t i o n a l r o l e s i n Canadian s o c i e t y , such as c o r p o r a t i o n p r e s i d e n t s , l a b o u r l e a d e r s and  c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s . The  s t r a t e g i c e l i t e occupies the bottom rung o f the e l i t e  struc-  t u r e . The  func-  core e l i t e s are those who  t i o n a l p o s i t i o n s but are accorded  not only f i l l  key  h i g h s o c i a l s t a t u s i n the  community. Core e l i t e s a r e atcthe@apex of©iheieliterstructure. A c c o r d i n g to K e l n e r , non-Anglo-Saxon members of s t r a t e g i c e l i t e s occupy p o s i t i o n s o f h i g h s o c i a l s t a t u s w i t h i n t h e i r own  groups but w i t h i n the community a t l a r g e there i s a  l a c k o f c o n g r u i t y between t h e i r wealth s o c i a l s t a t u s ( K e l n e r 1 9 7 1 * 3 3 6 ) . The  and power, and  their  issues therefore i s not  simply economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s but a l s o p r e s t i g e or s o c i a l standing.  46  With o v e r t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a t h i n g o f the p a s t , the Chinese must now contend w i t h more s u b t l e b a r r i e r s which prevent them from a t t a i n i n g equal access to g r e a t e r and  prestige.  power  CHAPTER 4 THE CHINESE PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE  T h i s chapter d i s c u s s e s  the experiences  o f Chinese  p r o f e s s i o n a l s r e l a t i n g t o t h e i r work and work environment. I t seeks answers t o the q u e s t i o n s : how do the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s f e e l about t h e i r work? and, how does t h e i r ethnic status a f f e c t t h e i r careers? Prestige of Professional Status I n v e s t i g a t i o n s by s t u d e n t s o f s o c i a l  stratification  i n t o the s t r u c t u r e o f o c c u p a t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y have produced two b a s i c methods o f r a n k i n g occupations.  The s o c i o -  economic approach u t i l i z e s a composite index o f e d u c a t i o n and income l e v e l s o f workers i n each o c c u p a t i o n drawn from census o c c u p a t i o n a l l i s t i n g s , t o rank  occupations.  B l i s h e n c o n s t r u c t e d an " o c c u p a t i o n a l c l a s s s c a l e " f o r Canada u t i l i z i n g t h i s method ( B l i s h e n 1 9 5 8 ) . approach i s t o o b t a i n  Another  r a t i n g s of "prestige" or "general  standing" o f s e l e c t e d occupations  from samples r e p r e s e n t i n g  the p u b l i c . A study based on t h i s method was c a r r i e d out f o r the U n i t e d S t a t e s i n 19^7 by the N a t i o n a l Research Center  (See R e i s s , 1961)  Opinion  and i n Canada, a s i m i l a r  study was conducted i n 1965 by Pineo and P o r t e r  (1967).  Because p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s were a v a i l a b l e f o r o n l y a r e l a t i v e l y small number o f o c c u p a t i o n a l t i t l e s ,  t h e i r use-  f u l n e s s f o r s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s t u d i e s r e q u i r i n g use o f census data was l i m i t e d . Consequently, B l a u and Duncan  48  c o n s t r u c t e d a socio-economic  index o f o c c u p a t i o n a l status,  by u t i l i z i n g census data on income and education as pred i c t o r s o f a s e t o f p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s obtained form the 1947  NORC study. By means o f the  r e g r e s s i o n weights thus  obtained, census occupations c o u l d be assigned s c o r e s based on t h e i r e d u c a t i o n and income d i s t r i b u t i o n s , these  scores  b e i n g taken-gas estimates o f p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s or as  occu-  p a t i o n a l s t a t u s ( B l a u & Duncan 1967:118-128). I t i s c l e a r t h a t the occupations of the 13 who  respondents  were i n t e r v i e w e d f o r t h i s t h e s i s , are h i g h l y ranked.  A c c o r d i n g to B l i s h e n * s o c c u p a t i o n a l c l a s s s c a l e which  ranked  and grouped occupations i n Canada a c c o r d i n g t o combined standard s c o r e s f o r income and years of s c h o o l i n g f o r the 1951  census year, p h y s i c i a n s and surgeons,  lawyers,  and p r o f e s s o r s were g i v e n s c o r e s r a n g i n g from 81.2 Accountants  engineers, to  72.  and a u d i t o r s , and s c h o o l t e a c h e r s were g i v e n  scores o f 61.8 The NORC 1947  and 5 7 . 6  r e s p e c t i v e l y ( B l i s h e n 1958:526).  study f o r the U n i t e d S t a t e s showed t h a t  p h y s i c i a n s , p r o f e s s o r s , lawyers, and accountants s c o r e s r a n g i n g from 93 to 81  were g i v e n  ( R e i s s 1961:54-55). S i m i l a r l y  h i g h r a t i n g s were r e v e a l e d by Duncan's socio-economic  index  (Duncan 1961:122-123) and Pineo and P o r t e r ' s study o f o c c u p a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e i n Canada (1967)^.  4.Rankings o f occupationslshow v e r y l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n a c r o s s time or space. When I n k e l e s and R o s s i (1956) compared the pres-; t i g e p o s i t i o n s accorded to occupations i n s i x c o u n t r i e s , subs t a n t i a l agreement was found among c o u n t r i e s i n t h e i r o r d e r i n g o f o c c u p a t i o n s . Hodge, S i e g e l and R o s s i (1964) found t h a t a s e t o f r a t i n g s obtained i n 1925 were s t r o n g l y c o r r e l a t e d t o another s e t obtained i n 1963.  49  B e s i d e s t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s , the :£3;#respondents possessed c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are p r e s t i g e ferring.  They are a l l h i g h l y educated.  con-  The amount o f u n i v e r -  s i t y e d u c a t i o n the respondents r e c e i v e d v a r i e d from f o u r to e i g h t y e a r s . The p r o f e s s o r s and d o c t o r s r e c e i v e d the most y e a r s o f e d u c a t i o n . Although the engineers had f o u r years of u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n , they spent a d d i t i o n a l y e a r s as t r a i n e e s b e f o r e becoming members o f t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l association. Hughes noted t h a t i t i s not o n l y the number o f y e a r s o f e d u c a t i o n but a l s o the " l o c a t i o n o f o c c u p a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g system  i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l complex o f h i g h e r education" which,  l e n d s p r e s t i g e to the p r o f e s s i o n s (Hughes 1973)• The  respondents  a l l graduated from w e l l known u n i v e r s i t i e s here i n Canada or abroad.  One  graduated  respondent  c l a i m e d t h a t the u n i v e r s i t y he  from i n Taiwan was  had  "the b e s t " i n the country.  Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s attended by the respondents Western O n t a r i o , Queens, M c G i l l and  The  include  UBC.  Thus, the respondents possessed the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s and u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n which i n t h i s s o c i e t y are major p r e s t i g e c o n f e r r i n g  attributes.  Next, the s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s o f Chinese  professionals  w i l l be examined. The i n t e r v i e w s r e v e a l e d a d i f f e r e n c e i n the e x p e r i e n c e s o f those respondents who  work i n a c o r p o r a t e  s e t t i n g , such as the e n g i n e e r s and accountant, and who  work i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s or who  those  work f o r ; t h e m s e l v e s , such  as the lawyer and d o c t o r s . The respondents who  work i n l a r g e  SO  c o r p o r a t i o n s expressed ambivalent f e e l i n g s about t h e i r work experience whereas others d i d so to a l e s s e r extent. T h i s ambivalence  arose from s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s a t work r a t h e r  than the a c t u a l work i t s e l f .  The respondents f e l t the l a t t e r  to be s a t i s f y i n g and s o c i a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y important.  The  t e c h n i c a l work i t s e l f p r o v i d e d a l a r g e p a r t of the l e g i t i m a t i o n for  working.  The P r o f e s s i o n a l Experience; I n c o n s i s t e n c y of S t a t u s ->. The engineers worked f o r a p u b l i c u t i l i t y s i t u a t e d i n a l a r g e modern complex downtown. Theypsel'dom v i s i t e d s i t e s and worked mainly a t the drawingbboard.  the  Some of the  engineers have had f i f t e e n or more years of experience. were s p e c i a l i s t engineers,wwhich One,wwiith aagraduatendegree engineer. He was  gave them e x t r a p r e s t i g e .  i n engineering,w.as a s e n i o r  i n charge of a s p e c i f i c s e c t i o n o f a  p r o j e c t and had a u t h o r i t y over a fewoother was  Two  engineers. He  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r any problems which crop up. The engineers worked on s p e c i f i c p r o j e c t s which c o u l d  beej.the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new  dam,  b r i d g e s , roads or b u i l d -  i n g s . A p r o j e c t c o u l d l a s t f i v e years or more. A t the same time, they c o u l d a l s o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r e p a i r s or maintenance problems c r o p p i n g up on completed A c c o r d i n g to J a c k a l l , the l a c k of  projects.  accomplishments  workers f e e l seems mainly r e l a t e d t o t h e i r own p e r c e p t i o n of  t h e i r jobs as i n s u b s t a n t i a l , t h a t i s , r e s u l t i n g i n no  concrete product ( J a c k a l l 1978:40). T h i s was not the case w i t h the engineers. Although w i t h i n each p r o j e c t the engineers  51  would be grouped i n t o a complex d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r accordi n g t o t h e i r s p e c i a l t y , t h e r e d i d n o t e x i s t a sense o f i n completeness r e s u l t i n g from t h i s segmentation  o f work. One  engineer d e s c r i b e d the d i v i s i o n o f work as a "jig-saw p u z z l e " w i t h each person " l o o k i n g a f t e r h i s l i t t l e p i e c e " . But there was  a sense o f the "jigssaw" f i t t i n g t o g e t h e r t o form a  whole. Because the work c e n t e r e d around s p e c i f i c p r o j e c t s , a c t i v i t y was geared  towards a common g o a l . There was thus  an a b i l i t y on the p a r t o f the engineers to l i n k each  person's  work t o t h a t o f others c o n c e p t u a l l y . An engineer was able t o g i v e a d e t a i l e d account  o f each stage o f a p r o j e c t he was  i n v o l v e d i n , the a c t i v i t i e s o f the other engineers, how i t a l l r e l a t e d t o the economy, and the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i s s u e s t h a t o f t e n had t o be c o n s i d e r e d . E n g i n e e r i n g r e p r e s e n t s the h e i g h t o f what Parsons and P i a t t termed " c o g n i t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y "  (1973:225-266). I t  c o n s i s t s mainly o f the r a t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f s c i e n c e , the w e i g h t i n g o f a l t e r n a t i v e s i n problem s o l v i n g . One engineer commented t h a t t h i s c o g n i t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y extended i n t o personal l i v e s * I t h i n k we engineers, because o f our background and t r a i n i n g , our natures a r e a b i t more on the s u s p i c i o u s s i d e . Unless i t can be proven to us, we would n o t e a s i l y accept what anybody says. When we t a c k l e any problems, we s i t back and w e ' l l look a t the a l t e r n a t i v e s whereas other people would not. I guess making a d e c i s i o n comes harder t o us because we t r e a t i t l i k e work. I n s p i t e o f t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r work and t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i t ,  the engineers expressed  negative  52  sentiments w i t h c e r t a i n a s p e c t s o f t h e i r work experience. These o f t e n i n v o l v e d t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s . One major problem was the d i f f i c u l t y o f g e t t i n g promotions.  Chinese engineers  f i n d more d i f f i c u l t y than t h e i r white c o l l e a g u e s i n v e n t u r i n g i n t o the upper echelons o f power and a u t h o r i t y where the important p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s a r e made. I t was obvious to the respondents t h a t few Chinese were t o be found i n these top p o s i t i o n s . Only a h a n d f u l o f Chinese were s e r i i o r f e n g i n e e r s ^ a n d and thereiwere no: managers who were Chinese. Commented one engineer: They do h i r e Chinese b u t i t always seems to be a t the worker l e v e l and n o t a t the management l e v e l . I t seems d i f f i c u l t to break t h a t l e v e l s t i l l . The i n a b i l i t y t o get t o the top was a t t r i b u t e d to v a r i o u s f a c t o r s . One p r o f e s s i o n a l f e l t t h a t t h e r e was some d i s c r i m i n a t i o n from white  society.  I t h i n k t h e r e i s an i n t e n t i o n a l o r u n i n t e n t i o n a l guarding by the dominant s o c i e t y . Others f e l t t h a t because  they d i d not share i n many o f the s i d e  a c t i v i t i e s t h a t t h e i r white c o l l e a g u e s share w i t h the manage0  ment, o r possess the same background, get  they were n o t able t o  jtotknow the management on more i n t i m a t e terms and t h e r e -  f o r e c o u l d n o t g e t d e s i r a b l e promotions» An engineer expressed. this  view:: I t h i n k t h e r e ' s s t i l l the o l d s c h o o l t i e k i n d o f t h i n g . The management here tend t o be a l l AngloSaxon. They tend t o have gone t o UBC. They a l l come from the same area. But we don't do the same t h i n g s . We don't go to the beer parlour we don't p l a y g o f f , we don't belong t o the same church. So subsequently the guy who i s i n the top management, he would promote somebody he knows r a t h e r than someone he i s n o t comfortable with.  53 The d i f f e r e n t background  o f the Chinese engineers  c o u l d b r i n g other d i f f i c u l t i e s such as l a c k o f f l u e n c y i n E n g l i s h . Some respondents f e l t  t h a t t h i s c o u l d impede t h e i r  a b i l t i e s to f u n c t i o n as managers. I t i s a l s o l i k e l y  that  l a c k of a b i l i t y to speak and w r i t e good E n g l i s h l e a d s to a l a c k of c o n f i d e n c e on the p a r t of the Chinese. An  engineer  seemed to express t h i s l l a c k o f c o n f i d e n c e when he claimed t h a t "we're j u s t not good enough". He went on to says So far. no one has come up i n our p r o f e s s i o n a b l e to Bpea^speafcafluentlyaengugh o r to be a b l e to write*„When you get to the management l e v e l , most o f the time i s spent on correspondence and t h i n g s l i k e t h a t . There're not too many guys who are a b l e t o do that,up here. E n g l i s h i s s t i l l our second language. I n my e a r l y s c h o o l i n g , I s t u d i e d h a l f i n Chinese and h a l f i n Engl i s h . So I'm not h a l f as good as i f I had spent a l l of my time s t u d y i n g E n g l i s h . So when i t comes to w r i t e n E n g l i s h perhaps my grammar i s not t h a t r g r e a t . I t i s much e a s i e r f o r me t o t a l k than t o w r i t e . I have t h a t d i f f i c u l t y . I would say t h e r e are o t h e r s i n the same category. Another engineer i n h i s f i f t i e s expressed  ambivalent  f e e l i n g s about the f a c t t h a t f o r him " t h e r e ' s no hope o f g e t t i n g to a h s e n i o r l e v e l " .  On the one' * hand, he f e l t 4  that  he d i d n ' t want to get to the top anyways Perhaps I don't r e a l l y seek to become a manager. Perhaps I j u s t wish to r e a c h a reasonable l e v e l . On the o t h e r hand, he regarded the s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s as l e v e l s of h i g h esteem and s a i d w i t h some regrets Iiap •  Perhaps i f my temperament i s d i f f e r e n t I c o u l d have gone to a h i g h e r l e v e l than I am now. T h i s engineer f e l t t h a t h i s s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge i n a p a r t i c u l a r t e c h n i c a l a r e a compensated f o r the f a c t t h a t he  had  not been promoted t o a h i g h e r l e v e l . Becauseaof h i s s p e c i a l i z e d  knowledge, he d e a l t d i r e c t l y w i t h s e c t i o n heads and l e v e l e n g i n e e r s . There was  senior  o n l y one p e r s o n , h e s a i d , r  who  s p e c i a l i z e d i n t h a t area. Although b e i n g a s p e c i a l i s t - T a f f o r d e d some p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t s u b o r d i n a t e s t a t u s , i t c o u l d not always be  relied  upon. The same engineer r e p o r t e d : Because I work a t a f a i r l y h i g h l e v e l , I am judged on my-gability. But i f I happen to go o u t s i d e my p a r t i c u l a r work area, t h e r e i s q u i t e s t r o n g evidence t h a t I am judged by my r a c e . I'm sure of i t . Although he d i d not experience p r e j u d i c e from c o l l e a g u e t h i s engineer f e l t t h a t the t e c h n i c a l s t a f f were p r e j u d i c e d . He had n o t i c e d a " s t r o n g r e a c t i o n " from the draughtsmen when the company began r e c r u i t i n g many Chinese. The  preju-  d i c e o f the " s u b - p r o f e s s i o n a l s " c o u l d a l s o , he f e l t , be to  the p e r s o n a l t s t y l e he adopted. U n l i k e the o t h e r Chinese  engineers who to  due  "tend to keep t h e i r heads down", he p r e f e r r e d  be "open" and d i r e c t w i t h people. I tend to approach people much more d i r e c t l y , i n an open way than o t h e r Chinese do. I t h i n k i t gets an a p p r o p r i a t e response. I'm not s a y i n g t h a t i t ' s u n i form. I do f i n d a n e g a t i v e r e a c t i o n amongst White Canadians. They're not used to t h i s Chinese person approaching them. So they s t i l l have a l i t t l e b i t o f e d u c a t i o n t o go through. I n a sense I was having to educate them^i. On b e i n g asked whether b e i n g Chinese c o u l d enhance h i s  c a r e e r , an engineer i n h i s  forties replied rather  sarcasti-  cally: They might f e e l t h a t we know a l i t t l e l e s s than they do, so we get get away w i t h morel So they say, " t h a t guy's a dummy, he's Chinese. That's why we a l l o w him  55 to make t e n mistakes and s t i l l get away w i t h i t . That's an advantage&isn't i t ? Another engineer commented on h i s Chinese c o l l e a g u e s ' response? The guys here w i l l t e l l you t h a t there i s no d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . But a t the hack o f t h e i r minds i s always the f e e l i n g t h a t they are d i f f e r e n t . The c o l o u r o f the s k i n is different. For the Chinese e n g i n e e r s , the main d i f f i c u l t y was  getting  access to the h i g h e r l e v e l s o f power. T h i s d i f f i c u l t y c o u l d be the r e s u l t o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , l a c k o f shared c u l t u r e and  acti-  v i t i e s w i t h management, or i n a b i l i t y t o speak and w r i t e  fluent  E n g l i s h . There are other problems which c o u l d ^ a f f e c t Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s , as an accountant who poration w i l l  worked i n a l a r g e c o r -  demonstrate.  T h i s accountant who  possesses an MBA  b e s i d e s her accountancy  q u a l i f i c a t i o n worked as an a c c o u n t i n g a n a l y s t a t the head  office  o f the c o r p o r a t i o n . Her job i n v o l v e d not o n l y p r o d u c i n g f i n a n c i a l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r management i n the form o f balance sheets and income ^ s t a t e m e n t s , but a l s o , a t one p o i n t , the superv i s i o n o f t h r e e o t h e r persons. had w i t h communicating  She d e s c r i b e d a problem she •  w i t h her s u p e r v i s e r :  I c a r i t r e a l l y put a f i n g e r on i t but o f t e n t i m e s when I'm g i v e n a job to do and my boss i s t r y i n g t o e x p l a i n to me how to do i t , I c o u l d be j u s t s o r t o f t h i n k i n g i n my mind, you know, and i f I don't respond v e r b a l l y he ; j u s t s o r t o o f assumes t h a t I don't understand what he's s a y i n g when a c t u a l l y i i n my mind I'm j u s t g o i n g through a thought p r o c e s s . I remember a t b u s i n e s s s c h o o l , one o f my p r o f e s s o r s s a i d t h a t people who are q u i e t are dumb, and t h i s i s an American p r o f e s s o r . So from t h a t you can see t h a t u n l e s s you say something they t h i n k you're s t u p i d . Consequently, the respondent was n o t sure whether she had been judged f a i r l y by her superiors  56 A c c o r d i n g t o my boss, I'm judged on the b a s i s o f my work but whether h i s p e r c e p t i o n i s i n f l u e n c e d by a l a c k o f understanding o f my c u l t u r e , I s o r t o f h o l d t h a t open as a q u e s t i o n mark. She  has l e f t h e r job t o take up something completely d i f f e r e n t .  But before  she l e f t ,  she decided  to " t e s t " her superviser.  ... j u s t before I l e f t my job i n October, my boss gave me a j o b t o do and having t a l k e d t o some women i n the company who had gone q u i t e a h i g h way up, I came t o r e a l i s e t h a t I should respond more a c t i v e l y , When my boss gave me t h a t l a s t job to doiy. some k i n d o f statement, as he e x p l a i n e d the i n s t r u c t i o n s to me, I i n t e r a c t e d w i t h him more, s h o o t i n g q u e s t i o n s a t him and r e v e r b a l i z i n g what he was t r y i n g t o say t o me. I c o u l d see that e x p r e s s i o n on h i s f a c e ! He was q u i t e a s t o n i s h e d . I t was a v e r y concious d e c i s i o n on my p a r t . I j u s t l i t e r a l l y made myself do i t , j u s t t o help him p e r c e i v e b e t t e r . But t h a t was a l r e a d y my l a s t week a t work and I don't know i f i t helped. Her  d i f f i c u l t y f c i s h e f e l t , was " p a r t l y a c u l t u r a l  thing"  and"unless a person had been exposed to c u l t u r e s , he would not be able t o understand". I n a d d i t i o n , the a m b i q u i t i e s volved  in-  i n b e i n g a female p r o f e s s i o n a l a r e even more marked:  As f a r as my c a r e e r goes, sometimes i t ' s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l whether those p r e j u d i c e s a r e a g a i n s t me as a woman o r as an O r i e n t a l because I am a double m i n o r i t y . I t ' s true t h a t i n the b u s i n e s s w o r l d there are a l o t o f p r e j u d i c e s a g a i n s t women. Even a Caucasian woman has t o prove t h a t she can do i t because the assumption i s t h a t a woman cannot do i t — a woman cannot do the job as w e l l as a man. So I can't d i s t i n g u i s h you know. Although t h i s respondent spoke e x c e l l e n t E n g l i s h and was v e r y w e s t e r n i z e d i n h e r mannerisms and i n h e r g e n e r a l still  outlook, she  f a c e d problems i n h e r c a r e e r . Her case i l l u s t r a t e s the  p o i n t that.however a c c u l t u r a t e d one may be,  Chinese e t h n i c  status, i s a s c r i p t i v e and a c t s t o c o n s t r a i n one i n  57  some of the r o l e s one may in  wish to take. P r e j u d i c e experienced  one's c a r e e r i s e s p e c i a l l y hard to hear,, as the i-  accountant  —  p o i n t e d outs In termsaof l i t t l e i n c i d e n t s i n my d a i l y l i f e , i t d i d n ' t r e a l l y a f f e c t me a l l t h a t much. But the h a r d e s t t h i n g i s to f a c e p r e j u d i c e i s your c a r e e r because you have to be working w i t h these people, and i t i s something t h a t r e a l l y a f f e c t s you because i t takes commitment and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on your job and when you have to face these t h i n g s , i t ' s a b i t harder. The P r o f e s s i o n a l Experiences In  C o n s i s t e n c y of S t a t u s  c o n t r a s t to the respondents who  r a t i o n s , the p r o f e s s i o n a l s who own  work i n l a r g e  corpo-  work i n u n i v e r s i t i e s or i n t h e i r  p r i v a t e p r a c t i c e s d i d n o t express ambivalent  feelings  about t h e i r work e x p e r i e n c e s . As f a r as the p r o f e s s o r s are concerned,  the d i f f e r e n c e c o u l d be due toethe f a c t t h a t u n i -  v e r s i t i e s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the p l a c e where d i f f e r e n t types o f people mix and l e a r n from each other. They are a source of  new  i d e a s and l i b e r a l t r e n d s . The s o c i a l s t a n d i n g of a  p a r t i c u l a r p r o f e s s o r depends l e s s on p r o g r e s s through a reaucratic of  bu-  h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n the u n i v e r s i t y than on r e c o g n i t i o n  r e s e a r c h c o n t r i b u t i o n s by the s c h o l a r l y community.oln other  words, p r e s t i g e i s l i k e l y to depend more on achievement than a s c r i p t i v e  criteria  criteria.  S i m i l a r arguments apply to p r o f e s s i o n a l s w i t h t h e i r  own  p r i v a t e p r a c t i c e s . I n t e r - p e r s o n a l competition f o r p r e s t i g e i s l e s s obvious. There i s no immediate o v e r a r c h i n g bureaucracy to contend w i t h . P a t i e n t s are r e f e r r e d t o the d o c t o r s through r e f e r r a l system  the  and c l i e n t s are recommended to the lawyer's  s e r v i c e . "Once I'm come i n t o i t . I'm  recommended", says a lawyer,"race does not d e a l i n g w i t h s o p h i s t i c a t e d people who  realise  58  t h a t i t i s a b i l i t y which counts". T h i s lawyer worked i n  a  p l u s h modern b u s i n e s s b l o c k i n the h e a r t of downtown Vancouver. He had a White c o l l e a g u e as p a r t n e r and c a t e r e d to both Chinese and White c l i e n t s . Although h i s e t h n i c s t a t u s dids not a f f e c t him a d v e r s e l y i n h i s p r a c t i c e , t h e r e were"oceasionsiwhen :his Chinese M a l a y s i a n background  benefited  him.  My Hong Kong c l i e n t s come to me because I'm not from Hong Kong. They t h i n k I serve a half-way house between the White man and the Hong Kong man. They know t h a t we're more a t home w i t h White people. A t the same time we're a l s o Chinese. I f they go t o a Hong Kong lawyer, they r e g a r d him as j u s t l i k e one o f them. We're a good i n t e r mediary. A l i t t l e above them i n a sense. A Chinese p h y s i o t h e r a p i s t w i t h h i s own p r i v a t e p r a c t i c e which c a t e r e d to d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups a l s o found t h a t being Chinese c o u l d h e l p him i n h i s c a r e e r . C e r t a i n people come t o me because o f my e t h n i c background. They seem to have the i d e a t h a t Chinese have the a b i l i t y to cure t h i n g s . They might say,"Oh, the Chinese, they i n v e n t e d accupunture","Chinese seem t o have more i n s i g h t i n t o t h i n g s " , "Chinese have a d i f f e r e n t p h i l o s o p h y i n medicine". They say t h a t i n the o l d e n days, i n the Chinese community, the Chinese doctor d i d not get p a i d i f the p a t i e n t got s i c k but i f the p a t i e n t r e c o v e r e d , they pay him. In medicine, e s p e c i a l l y i n my f i e l d , t h e r e ' s a l o t of psycho-play. The two respondents mentioned  above o f f e r p e r s o n a l i z e d  s e r v i c e s unique to each c l i e n t or p a t i e n t . These c l i e n t s or p a t i e n t s come to them out o f t h e i r own p r e f e r e n c e s . I n some cases these p r e f e r e n c e s are i n f l u e n c e d by m i s c o n c e p t i o n s o r popular myths —  such as "Chinese have the a b i l i t y to cure  t h i n g s " , which t h e r e f o r e operate to the b e n e f i t o f the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Those p r o f e s s i o n a l s who are,  work i n l a r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s  however, employees w i t h v e r y l i t t l e  contact with c l i e n t s .  59  T h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s t h e r e f o r e does not c o n f e r any "benefits i n the above sense. A unique way  i n which e t h n i c s t a t u s can complement p r o -  f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case of a p s y c h i a t r i s t who  worked w i t h a p u b l i c mental h e a l t h s e r v i c e . L i k e the  g i n e e r s and  accountant, he was  an  en-  employeebbut-ihissethriic  s t a t u s f i t t e d h i s r o l e as a p y p h i a t r i s t . He  d e a l t mainly w i t h  Chinese p a t i e n t s . I have a r a t h e r unique r o l e i n t h a t because o f my Chinese o r i g i n and my own p r e f e r e n c e , I t r y and extend the s e r v i c e to the Chinese community. So I do a l o t o f r e f e r r a l s i n the Chinese c e n t r e . In t h i s team, one t h i r d o f the p a t i e n t s are o f Chinese o r i g i n , ~ I look a f t e r 99% of them. Although the h e a l t h s e r v i c e c a t e r e d to a l l c i t i z e n s i n the d i s t r i c t , i t had become known as the mental h e a l t h s e r v i c e f o r Chinese. I t took care o f a l l c a t e g o r i e s o f Chinese t i e n t s ranging  from m i l d to c h r o n i c cases,  wide range o f problems. About 40% but the respondent was  covered a  o f the s t a f f were Chinese  the o n l y Chineseaamong the three  working f o r the s e r v i c e . The another Chinese  and  pa-  respondent was  doctors  also involved i n  welfaresserviceearidhhadlibecomeqquite:'well  known i n the Chinese community as a r e s u l t o f h i s a c t i v i t i e s . Thus f o r t h i s respondent, b e i n g Chinese was  an important  i n d i s p e n s a b l e p a r t of being a p r o f e s s i o n a l . Although he an employee working i n a l a r g e organization,bhis.'work  and was  involved,  l i k e the p h y s i o t h e r a p i s t and lawyer, unique p e r s o n to p e r s o n s e r v i c e s which enabled him  to make use  of h i s ethnic  such t h a t i t complemented h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s .  status  60  A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t case where e t h n i c s t a t u s  complemented  p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case o f a p r o f e s s o r who occupied  a h i g h p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a u n i v e r s i t y . H i s work  involved considerable the y e a r s ,  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c i s i o n making. Over  some o f t h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e d working w i t h  a r c h i t e c t s i n designing c e r t a i n f a c u l t y b u i l d i n g s , discussions wiiJh the p r e s i d e n t , i n t e r v i e w i n g p r o s p e c t i v e  candidates f o r  f a c u l t y p o s i t i o n s , s e t t i n g up guide l i n e s f o r a c c e p t i n g developing  students,  the curriculum and s e r v i n g on v a r i o u s committees a t  both the n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l . A l o t o f h i s work were " i n n o v a t i v e and c r e a t i v e types o f t h i n g s " . He enjoyed his  d e c i s i o n making powers: "the a b i l i t y to p u t i n t o a c t i o n one's  own i d e a s " . This professional f e l t  t h a t b e i n g a Chinese i n such a  h i g h r a n k i n g p o s i t i o n gave him added p r e s t i g e . People f e l t  that  he was unique and gave him s p e c i a l acknowledgement: There were times when people:;.might p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t r o duce me t o other people and make i t a p o i n t t o s t r e s s t h a t "He i s thehehairman, you know", and t h i s would be by Westerners. So I t h i n k i n t h e i r minds, t h i s i s something unique and they wanted other people to know about i t . H i s p r e s t i g i o u s p o s i t i o n o u t s i d e the Chinese  community  a l s o gave him p r e s t i g e w i t h i n i t . Although he had n o t been a c t i v e i n the a f f a i r s o f the Chinese community, he was asked to become a board member o f one o f the e t h n i c Thus,  •-.  organisations.  e t h n i c s t a t u s complemented h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s  and v i c e v e r s a . T h i s case i l l u s t r a t e s the f a c t t h a t when a Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l i s able to get t o the top o f h i s p r o f e s s i o n , he i s h e l d up as an example by the dominant s o c i e t y t h a t a person  61  w i t h a disadvantaged background becomes a symbols  is still  both to t h i s own  able to make good. He  community and to the- dominant  s o c i e t y . As such he gains p r e s t i g e i n a l l eyes. Conclusion An examination o f the d a t a from the i n t e r v i e w revealed  t h a t w i t h i n the work environment,  Chinese  protocols ethnic  s t a t u s can both c o n t r a d i c t and complement p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s . E t h n i c s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t s p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s when the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s experience d i f f i c u l t i e s because  i n t h e i r work  o f t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s . These d i f f i c u l t i e s  inability  to get t o the top and i n a b i l i t y  environment include  to communicate o: : .:ct'.  e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h s u p e r i o r s . These d i f f i c u l t i e s  contrast with  the s a t i s f a c t i o n the p r o f e s s i o n a l s d e r i v e from the work i t s e l f . The r e s u l t are ambivalent f e e l i n g s among the p r o f e s s i o n a l s a.bout t h e i r work experience. Respondents i n a c o r p o r a t e s e t t i n g tend to experience more d i f f i c u l t i e s u n i v e r s i t i e s or who  t h a n those who  work i n  work f o r themselves.  Among the l a t t e r , e t h n i c s t a t u s tends to complement p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s . C l i e n t s and p a t i e n t s may Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s ' s e r v i c e s because t h a t they p e r c e i v e  are attached  utilise  the v;  o f some imagined  traits  to these p r o f e s s i o n a l s as a  r e s u l t o f t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s . P r o f e s s i o n a l s may  utilize  e t h n i c s t a t u s to f i t i n t o a unique r o l e  examplified  ;as was  by the Chinese p s y c h i a t r i s t . Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s who climbed to the top o f t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n may  f i n d that  them added p r e s t i g e .  have  their  e t h n i c * s t a t u s makes them s p e c i a l i n the eyes o f others. v i s i b i l i t y therefore gives  their  Their  62  I t should n o t be concluded t h a t t h e l a t t e r group o f respondents do n o t t h e r e f o r e The  experience s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n .  p o i n t I wish t o make i s t h a t even though the Chinese p r o -  f e s s i o n a l s may n o t experience any c o n f l i c t s i n the area o f work, they are l i k e l y t o experience c o n t r a d i c t i o n s outside o f it.  Once they step o u t s i d e o f t h e i r working r o l e , they are  l i k e l y to meet i n c i d e n t s i n which they a r e t r e a t e d to  coheir  according  e t h n i c s t a t u s r a t h e r than t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s .  T h e i r self-image  and i d e n t i t y as people o f h i g h s o c i a l  w i l l be open to c h a l l e n g e . p o s s i b i l i t y . A doctor  standing  P r e s t i g e l o s s always remains a  commented:  People whom you know, you don't have d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . You don't f e e l i t except those n i c e t i e s I t o l d you about — g e t t i n g t o the top. But once you come i n t o the p u b l i c where you a r e an u n i d e n t i f i e d person, i t ' s when d i s c r i m i n a t i o n would happen. A professor'made a s i m i l a r  observation:  I t h i n k I am judged on my a b i l i t i e s except when people don't know you, l i k e when I go and t r y t o r e n t an.* apartment and they only know your face and your c o l o u r . I t d i d not. seem to be the case t h a t those who d i d n o t f e e l ambivalent about t h e i r work a l s o d i d n o t f e e l ambivalent about t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s . I n other words, those who had experienced e t h n i c s t a t u s as an. advantage i n t h e i r c a r e e r d i d n o t always f e e l t h a t i t was an. advantage i n the other areas o f l i f e . I n they were aware t h a t t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s deprived  them o f c e r t a i n  rewards a v a i l a b l e to p r o f e s s i o n a l s w i t h e t h n i c s t a t u s e s evaluated  fact  by s o c i e t y . T h i s c o n s t i t u t e s another aspect  highly  o f the  s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y problem arid w i l l b e l t h e s u b j e c t o f the next chapter.  ' .3 6  CHAPTER 5 ETHNIC STATUS AS NEGATIVE EXPERIENCE  The p r e v i o u s  chapter looked a t the ways i n which  "being Chinese a f f e c t e d the respondents' c a r e e r s .  This  chapter w i l l look a t the l i v e s o f Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s o u t s i d e o f t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a l environment and reviealtj?.?*';;-) how s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n operates i experiences  n  i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s as.-  o f p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n and n e g a t i v e  evalua-  tion. Prestige of Ethnic  Status  S t u d i e s o f e t h n i c s t a t u s have c o n s i s t e n t l y r e v e a l e d the r e l a t i v e l y lower p r e s t i g e accorded  t o non-white e t h n i c  groups. Pineo and P o r t e r ^ u t i l i z e d a n a t i o n a l sample o f 3 9 3 a d u l t Canadians to judge the s o c i a l s t a n d i n g o f 3 6 e t h n i c groups. E n g l i s h Canadians gave t h e i r own e t h n i c group the h i g h e s t score, a t 8 3 . 1 . Chinese rankedclow, a t 33.1»  as d i d Japanese, Canadian Indians  and Negroes. French  Canadians gave t h e i r own e t h n i c group as w e l l as the E n g l i s h Canadians the h i g h e s t s c o r e s , a t 7 7 . 6 . Japanese, Chinese and Negroes were g i v e n s c o r e s i n the twenties. I t i s t h e r e f o r e v e r y c l e a r t h a t "non-whites are f.eifct to be v e r y much a t the bottom, v i s i b i l i t y a p p a r e n t l y a c c e n t u a t i n g the phenomenon" (Pineo  1977)•  A study by Berry, K a l i n and T a y l o r ( 1 9 7 7 )  confirmed  g e n e r a l l y the above f i n d i n g s . Respondents, s e l e c t e d t o r e f l e c t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n as  6k  r e v e a l e d i n the 1 9 7 1  census, were asked to p r o v i d e p r e s t i g e  r a t i n g s f o r e l e v e n e t h n i c groups based on ten a d j e c t i v e dimensions! hard working, important, Canadian, similar  to me,  interesting  likeable,tstick  clean,  t o g e t h e r as a group, wealthy,  and w e l l known to me.  Respondents  reacted very  f a v o u r a b l y to the two c h a r t e r groups, i . e . , the E n g l i s h Canadians and the French Canadians, i n comparison to the "other" c a t e g o r y o f e t h n i c groups. North European  groups,  i . e . , the Germans, B e l g i a n s , Dutch and Scandinavians, were e v a l u a t e d r e l a t i v e l y f a v o u r a b l y compared to South and E a s t European groups. These were r a t e d more f a v o u r a b l y than nonwhite groups. Chinese Canadians were g i v e n below average scores on "Canadian", " S i m i l a r to me" Out o f 2 6 ranks, Chinese  and " w e l l known to  ranked 2 1 s t ,  me".  whereas the E n g l i s h  and French ranked 1 s f e a n d n ^ r d ^ r e s p e c t i v e l y . G o l d s t e i n ' s study ( 1 9 7 8 ) employed  of e t h n i c p r e s t i g e  .. .  an i n d i r e c t approach i n which surnames r e p r e s e n t i n g  13 e t h n i c groups were judged by a sample of s t u d e n t s as to t h e i r s o c i a l s t a n d i n g . The Chinese surname was ranked below t h a t of the E n g l i s h and French Canadians. The study a l s o found t h a t t h e r e was of d i f f e r e n t the  a h i g h degree of agreement between respondents  e t h n i c backgrounds  to the r e l a t i v e  rpresti-geoof  t h i r t e e n surnames, demonstrating the e x i s t e n c e o o f n s o -  J  c i a l l y shared c o n c e p t i o n o f e t h n i c p r e s t i g e . Due tently  to the f a c t t h a t Chinese e t h n i c s t a t u s was  g i v e n a lower r a n k i n g r e l a t i v e  especially  consis-  to white e t h n i c groups,  the French and the E n g l i s h , i t can be concluded  65  t h a t the lower p r e s t i g e or s o c i a l s t a n d i n g an e m p i r i c a l  fact.  Awareness Qf E t h n i c Status The  o f the Chinese i s  Evaluation  respondents demonstrate an awareness t h a t  e t h n i c s t a t u s was n e g a t i v e l y evaluated.  their  Most o f the r e s -  pondents had experienced d i s c r i m i n a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t s o r t s at some p o i n t i n t h e i r l i v e s . As P a r e n t i s t a t e s :  ;  Even i f f u l l s o c i a l acceptance i s won without s e r i o u s encounters w i t h "bigotry, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t from c h i l d h o o d to adulthood one would have escaped a r e a l i s a t i o n t h a t some k i n d o f stigma i s attached to one's m i n o r i t y i d e n t i t y , t h a t one i s i n some way "marginal" (1969:278-279). Background experience even i f n o t i n Canada, i s essen-  tial  i n d e s c r i b i n g the a t t i t u d e s o f Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s who  come from d i f f e r e n t p a r t s o f the world. I n many cases, ceptions  per-  and experiences were brought to Canada and a p p l i e d  *o the l o c a l  context.  Those Chinese who had emigrated from c o u n t r i e s where e t h n i c s t a t u s i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as a l e g i t i m a t e b a s i s f o r a l l o c a t i o n of resources,  such as South A f r i c a , were more  aware o f the low s t a t u s o f Chinese e t h n i c group membership and  thus were more s e n s i t i v e and a l e r t t o s i g n a l s from so-  c i e t y . A South A f r i c a n Chinese made t h i s p o i n t v e r y  clearly:  We're more aware o f racism. We've had i t happen to us. We're more concious and aware o f s i g n a l s whereas other people who haven't been exposed t h a t way wouldn't worry. For i n s t a n c e , when we read about t h i s Ku K l u x k l a n t h i n g , r i g h t away we p i c k e d up our e a r s , whereas i t d i d n ' t bother other people. F o r us i t was some k i n d of s i g n a l .  66  1  The respondent's b r i e f sketch o f l i f e  demonstrated  the u b i q u i t o u s q u a l i t y o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  e x i s t i n g t h e r e , and explainedasometo  i n South A f r i c a  of her^sensitivity (  r a c e l r e l a t i o n s i n Canada. In South A f r i c a , we c o u l d n ' t go to government s c h o o l s because t h a t was f i n a n c e d by the government. They were j u s t o f f bounds to non-whites. So the o n l y s c h o o l s we c o u l d go to were the p r i v a t e s c h o o l s which were c a t h o l i c . So we p a i d f o r our education. We a l s o had to get opermits from <•>;?: our government to allow us to go t o those s c h o o l s ! I n our time, we were the o n l y Chinese c h i l d r e n i n white s c h o o l s . They gave us t h i s so c a l l e d permit because my f a t h e r was a -progv.r f e s s i o n a l man. There were many l i t t l e i n c i d e n t s i n the s c h o o l s . Ofjleoursei? you get some c h i l d r e n who were n i c e and f r i e n d l y and others who d i d n ' t want to mix„with Chinese. I t used to h u r t , l i k e , you would i n v i t e f r i e n d s home, some o f them would come and some wouldn't. They would say,"Mum says I cannot go to your house". I t was t e r r i b l e e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the c h i l d r e n . How do you e x p l a i n d i s c r i m i n a t i o n to c h i l d r e n ? Even going to the p u b l i c swimming p o o l , you were n o t allowed. T h e i r f r i e n d s would go and they c o u l d n ' t go. And do you say," Oh, because you're Chinese". I t sounds s t u p i d . They d a l l e d us second c l a s s c i t i z e n s . We d i d n ' t have the vote, we had no r i g h t s whatsoever. I t was d i f f i c u l t f o r Chinese t o get a job i n any f i e l d whatsoever u n l e s s they were w i l l i n g to do the same k i n d s of things\.the Negroes d i d . But g r a d u a l l y , you would f i n d one company t a k i n g a Chinese and then another would take. I t h i n k i t was by f o r c e o f economics i f . n o t h i n g e l s e . A l s o people found t h a t whenever they had a Chinese, i t was sucn a boon because the Chinese worked harder ah dry they got l e s s pay. Things are g r a d u a l l y improving but they're s t i l l n o t equal. The l a s t time we went back to South A f r i c a , a l o t o f our f r i e n d s s a i d , "Oh, t h i n g s are improving. We can now buy houses". It sounds l i k e a b i g d e a l , but f o r them i t i s , y o u known.But even though they can buy houses, they s t i l l have t o apply to the government f o r permit. The respondent  f e l t t h a t these experiences a f f e c t e d the  c h a r a c t e r and m e n t a l i t y o f the Chinese i n South A f r i c a to such an extent t h a t even when they d i d venture away from the  67  country, they were never r e a l l y able to overcome the e f f e c t s of  discrimination.  I f you meet South A f r i c a n Chinese, they're v e r y much more humble and modest and scared even. We a l l put t h a t down to the background i n which we were brought up because we were almost kow-towing a l l the time. You cov.1'"couldn't do t h i s , you c o u l d n ' t do t h a t , and whatever, p r i y i l e d g e s you go*, you had t o c o n s i d e r i t a r e a l g r e a t favour. L o t s o f Chinese, my own b r o t h e r f o r i n s t a n c e , have a c i p on t h e i r shoulder. Whenever, the white people say, "you can't do t h i s " , you'd t h i n k obh, r i g h t away because you're Chinese, you see, You wouldn't t h i n k , t h a t ' s the law, t h a t ' s f o r everybody. So i t & s ~ b r e d a l o t o f n e u r o s i s i n the South A f r i c a n Chinese. The  experiences o f other respondents were l e s s per-  v a s i v e i n t h e i r l i v e s . Rather, i t was s p e c i f i c which serve to i n d i c a t e to the respondents to  incidents  t h a t they belong  an e t h n i c group which was h e l d i n low esteem by o t h e r s .  A Chinese engineer who had been brought up i n the P a c i f i c I s l a n d s and had r e c e i v e d h i s e d u c a t i o n i n New Zealand r e counted  some o f h i s f r u s t r a t i o n s ;  I graduated out o f u n i v e r s i t y and subsequently worked there (New Zealand) f o r two y e a r s . But I had to g i v e a reason f o r s t a y i n g on i n New Zealand. I had to say I needed the job experience. A t the end o f the two y e a r s , say f o r i n s t a n c e , the year would end a t the end o f December, r i g h t on October, they sent me a l e t t e r : "Your year w i l l end on December. We would l i k e to see you buy an a i r t i c k e t r i g h t now and produce i t " , t h a t k i n d o f t h i n g . You were almost t r e a t e d l i k e a c r i m i n a l . You know, get out o f the country by midnight 3 1 s t o f December otherwise you w i l l be s u b v e r t i n g the country. T h i s i s New Zealand. In A u s t r a l i a , they come r i g h t out and say they have a white p o l i c y . 0.K. , t.th:ere you know. I n New Zealand, they don't say as much but they p r a c t i s e i t , you see. To go t o New Zealand as a student, I had t o s i g n a form s a y i n g t h a t I would n o t take employment or g e t married. I n f a c t , n o t b e i n g able to get m a r r i e d , i n New Zealand to a New Zealand g i r l i n f r i n g e s on my human r i g h t s . I had t o s i g n t h a t i n o o r d e r to have an e d u c a t i o n . L o o k i n g back, so what? I don't want to marry a New Zealand g i r l anyway. S i g n a n y t h i n g j u s t to g e t an education.  68  Often the respondents were not q u i t e sure t h a t unpleasant i n c i d e n t s they were caught up i n had  anything  to do w i t h  t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s . They suspected t h a t they were being :.• t r e a t e d u n f a i r l y because of t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s but were never q u i t e c e r t a i n . An  accountant r e l a t e d the  i n c i d e n t which occurred  to her  following  i n Canada:  I f i n d t h a t a l o t of times p r e j u d i c e i s v e r y s u b t l e and you run i n t o i t i n your d a i l y l i f e . For example, I had a c a r a c c i d e n t couple of y e a r s ago. I t was s e t t l e d i n my favour. But the g i r l who was the w i t ness was t e s t i f y i n g t h a t I was running the r e d l i g h t , when i n f a c t it. was amber. She was so s t r o n g ©n t h a t , you know,"You r a n the r e d l i g h t " . I t s o r t o f made me wonder whether because t h i s other guy (who was i n v o l v e d i n the a c c i d e n t ) was a Caucasian, t h a t she was t r y i n g to help t h i s guy. L i t t l e t h i n g s l i k e t h a t do happen. I mean, i t ' s not t h a t o f t e n , but there are s u b t l e prej u d c i e s . People t h i n k t h a t "we're b e t t e r than you are, k i n d of. r;  The  esperiences  i n Canada had  of the Chinese respondents who  some of the u b i q u i t o u s  grew up  q u a l i t y of the South  A f r i c a n experience. They grew up i n CKinatown, i n s u l a t e d from white s o c i e t y . They were aware of i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a r r i e r s towards members o f the Chinese community, such as the of v o t i n g r i g h t s f o r i n s t a n c e . kinds  There were a l s o  denial  other,"informal,  o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . A Chinese Canadian respondent  recounted one  such experience:  ...when I was g e t t i n g o l d e r , i t was obvious t h a t c e r t a i n p l a c e s would not r e n t apartments or rooms to Chinese. I t ' s very d i f f i c u l t to be s p e c i f i c about i t because you can never prove i t . But i f you go to a p l a c e t h a t ' s a d v e r t i s i n g and ask to r e n t the apartment and they say, "Well, I've to wait u n t i l my husband comes home". You c a l l back and they say,"I'm s o r r y but i t ' s been r e n t e d out i n the :me;antime". Two to three days l a t e r , you see the same ad i n the newspaper. So something i s going on t h a t ' s not q u i t e r i g h t . 9  69  Another Chinese Canadian,  a university professor, said  that  he d i d n o t want to go i n t o the s p e c i f i c s of the experiences w i t h p r e j u d i c e what he had p e r s o n a l l y encountered  because  " i t would take a l l a f t e r n o o n " . The I n d i r e c t Experience Negative e v a l u a t i o n need n o t be d i r e c t l y experienced but may be conveyed  through c o n v e r a t i o n s w i t h f r i e n d s who r e -  count t h e i r experiences w i t h p r e j u d i c e , and .share s t h e i r  frus-  t r a t i o n s s and anger. Eidheim observed t h i s s h a r i n g o f e t h n i c i d e n t i t y as stigma i n h i s study o f Lappianders i n an e n v i r o n ment dominated  by Norwegians. Thus,  s o c i a l dangers and d e f e a t s t h a t people have been s u b j e c t e d t o i n p u b l i c encounters are r e d u n d a n t l y reviewed and to some e x t e n t mended, or a t l e a s t made t e m p o r a r i l y l e s s s e v e r e , through the s h a r i n g o f adv e r s i t i e s ... ( 1 9 6 9 : 5 2 ) One respondent's c o n v e r s a t i o n was s p r i n k l e d w i t h r e f e r e n ces to the experiences o f o t h e r s , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t he and h i s f r i e n d s had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the " s h a r i n g o f a d v e r s i t i e s " . A Chinese doctor l i v i n g i n the next c r e s e n t t o l d us t h a t when he was young, down i n Chinatown t h e r e were gates and the Chinese had to open and c l o s e the gates when they wanted to l e a v e Chinatown. There would be people w a i t i n g f o r them and throwing stones and t h i n g s a t them. Another p r o f e s s i o n a l who t r a i n e d as an accountant, when he got out he c o u l d n ' t g e t a job — c o u l d n ' t get a job anywhere. Today, he's got a v e r y t h r i v i n g b u s i n e s s sewing drapes. He o f t e n s a i d t h a t i t was a t w i s t o f f a t e because he c o u l d n ' t have been so w e M e e £ f i : l o i n g accountancy. There was another prof e s s i o n a l , he's a d e n t i s t . When he graduated, the war s t a r t e d . He was.brought up i n Saskatchewan and h i s f a m i l y was the only Chinese f a m i l y t h e r e . He s a i d t h a t he grew up never t h i n k i n g he was a n y t h i n g but Canadian -- u n t i l the war started;„They asked everybody to j o i n up. A l l h i s f r i e n d s went so he j u s t j o i n e d them. Anybody who had a p r o f e s s i o n , i n s t e a d o f b e i n g a p r i v a t e you were a sergeant r i g h t away. But they s a i d  70  to him,"look, we're s o r r y . Not o n l y do we not see the need d?or you to j o i n up, we c o u l d n ' t g i v e you any p o s i t i o n s " . So he s a i d , t h a t was the f i r s t time he r e a l i z e d he was different,, . ..../This' f r i e n d of mine from South A f r i c a s a i d she was i n a supermarket shopping and pushing a c a r t . A man passed hby^her and said,"You Chinese, you'd b e t t e r get out of my country',,'. You see, t h i s was Vancouver. She s a i d to me,"Gee, nobody s a i d t h i s to me i n South A f r i c a " . For no reason a t a l l he s a i d t h a t to her. And some other f r i e n d s have t o l d us t h a t on CP A i r , t h e r e ' s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of C h i n e s e / Other people have a l s o s a i d t h a t the Customs, they always l o o k a t the Chinese. . e s p e c i a l l y i f they're coming from Hong Kong — they go through you. These are j u s t hearsay but there are a l l k i n d s of l i t t l e  incidents.  Besides hearsay, n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n was  also  conveyed  through r a d i o , t e l e v i s i o n and newspapers. T h i s i s to be expected i n a world where the mass media p l a y a c r u c i a l ! and i n d i s p e n s a b l e r o l e i n conveying i n f o r m a t i o n and' secondary experiences. Often, the same news items were  mentioned  by d i f f e r e n t respondents. A t e l e v i s i o n program on W5 was common item. T h i s program p o r t r a y e d Chinese students as a l i e n s who  segregated themselves  a  university from  Canadian  students and took up p l a c e s r i g h t f u l l y b e l o n g i n g to Canadians. S i m i l a r o p i n i o n s were p u b l i s h e d i n newspapers. The  respondents  d i g e s t e d these news items and made t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n s . An accountant commented: A year ago some r a c i s t made a statement i n the.newspaper t h a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia was a l l occupied by these f o r e i g n students — Chinese f o r e i g n students, without doing some s e r i o u s r e s e a r c h . L a t e r somebody d i d some r e a e a r c h and spoke to the r e g i s t r a r s of these two p l a c e s and found t h a t most of these students were Canadian c i t i z e n s or immigrants. That s o r t of r e f l e c t s the r a c i s t a t t i t u d e s of the people i n that they don't r e a l l y see a Canadian c i t i z e n as someone whose c i t i z e n s h i p i s Canadian but as someone whose c o l o u r i s white.  71  A p r o f e s s o r r e p o r t e d a news item he had heard on r a d i o : I heard of a r e c e n t case of an d i s c o t h a t was s a i d to he d i s c r i m i n a t i n g . One d i s c o was d i s c r i m i n a t i n g a g a i n s t Negroes and another was s a i d to he d i s c r i m i n a t i n g a g a i n s t Chinese as w e l l . One Chinese g i r l , a student a t UBC, she heard about i t and so she got a group of f r i e n d s to go down t h e r e one n i g h t — Chinese and Western f r i e n d s , and they found t h a t t h i s was t r u e . The Chinese were charged a h i g h e r p r i c e then the Western people. So she r e p o r t e d i t to the Human R i g h t s Commission and they brought charges a g a i n s t the discotheque. They won the case and the discotheque was f i n e d . So a p p a r e n t l y i s o l a t e d cases of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s t i l l happens. Another respondent r e p o r t e d the e f f e c t s on her of some comments made on radioV I got so angry once l i s t e r n i n g to t h i s Doug C o l l i n s on r a d i o . He was speaking about a l l these immigrants coming i n — Chinese b u y i n g up a l l the p r o p e r t y , and Chinese o n l y s e l l to Chinese and they keep the money c i r c u l a t i n g w i t h i n t h e i r group. I got so mad t h a t I wrote to CJOR and I s a i d t h a t i f they p e r s i s t i n h a v i n g a person l i k e him on, t h e y ' l l be b r e e d i n g r a c i a l h a t r e d because i f I were a white person, I would say,"Yes, t h a t ' s t r u e , the Chinese are doing t h i s and t h i s and t h a t " , and r i g h t away you get mad. So I t o l d them t h a t t h e y ' r e doing a g r e a t d i s s e r v i c e . I don't know i f t h a t helped but I haven't heard him s i n c e on r a d i o . I n f a c t , what I d i d was, I t o l d so many of my f r i e n d s . I s a i d to them,"Write a l e t t e r , w r i t e a l e t t e r " , because the more l e t t e r s they get the b e t t e r i t would be. I wrote them t h a t every weekend of mine had been s p o i l t . B e s i d e s these d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t e x p e r i e n c e s o f e t h n i c s t a t u s as a n e g a t i v e a t t r i b u t e , the respondents a l s o  ex-  p e r i e n c e s p e c i a l problems as a r e s u l t of b e i n g both Chinese and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Although b e i n g Chinese may a d v e r s e l y an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c a r e e r and may  not  affect  even enhance i t ,  i n c i d e n t s occur o u t s i d e of the work context which deprive the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s of the p r e s t i g e n o r m a l l y accorded  72  incumbents of p r o f e s s i o n a l Prestige  statuses.  Deprivation  Deprivation are stereotyped,  of p r e s t i g e occur when Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s because of t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s , as incumbents  of lower p r e s t i g e o c c u p a t i o n a l owners or l a u n d r y workers —  statuses  such as  restaurant  occupations which have t r a d i -  t i o n a l l y been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Chinese community. Such  was  the experience of a lawyer: As f a r as my p r a c t i c e i s concerned, the s o p h i s t i c a t e d types won't d i s c r i m i n a t e . But sometimes l i k e , one day I was w a l k i n g along the seashore and somebody came up to me and asked me whether I own a r e s t a u r a n t . I don't think they mean to be rude but they assume t h a t Chinese people own r e s t a u r a n t s . T h a t ' s the u n f o r t u n a t e p a r t about white people. They stereotype people of other races. T h i s form of s t e r e o t y p i n g ,  c o n s i s t i n g of the inappro-:.  :>  p r i a t e a p p l i c a t i o n of low p r e s t i g e s o c i a l c a t e g o r i e s , i s irksome to the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s f o r i t c o n t r a d i c t s the s e l f image which they wish to p r o j e c t of themselves as h i g h l y educated:/ a f f l u e n t , a c c u l u r a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s . Another m a n i f e s t i o n a t i o n when passers-by and  strangers  of p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n i s shout d e r i s i v e remarks or  the respondents rude names. These s t r a n g e r s of young c h i l d r e n and  call  c o n s i s t mostly  teenagers, the category from whom  the p r o f e s s i o n a l s would n o r m a l l y r e c e i v e r e s p e c t by v i r t u e of t h e i r age  and p r o f e s s i o n a l achievement,/ These i n c i d e n t s  are p a r t i c u l a r l y m o r t i f y i n g f o r the respondents f o r they u s u a l l y occur i n p u b l i c when the respondents are w a i t i n g i n a queue f o r the bus i n g along  for instance,  the s t r e e t . A doctor  or simply w a l k i n g or d r i v -  i n h i s l a t e f o u r t i e s reported:  73  Every now and then, I t h i n k at l e a s t three occasions when I was d r i v i n g down the s t r e e t , you get i n s u l t e d by youngsters who, r e a l l y on r a c i a l reasons, g i v i n g you a bad s i g n , c u r s i n g , swearing at you f o r nosreason., That happens to me about three . " - times i n ten years. So i t ' s not had but s t i l l i t s there. A respondent from South A f r i c a a l s o r e p o r t e d incident,,The  a similar  o v e r t , p u b l i c d i s p l a y of p r e s t i g e l o s s caused  her to p r e f e r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d but l e s s p e r s o n a l racism i n her  e x i s t i n g i n South A f r i c a . T h i s was  form  of  a r e c u r r e n t theme  conversation:  When we were c h i l d r e n i n South A f r i c a , there were many times when other c h i l d r e n , white c h i l d r e n would c a l l out d e r i s i v e t h i n g s to us. They would c a l l "ching, chong, chang" and t h i n g s l i k e . e t h a t . That was when I was a c h i l d . But growing up i n South A f r i c a w i t h i n the l a s t twenty y e a r s , as I got o l d e r , those t h i n g s seemed to dimin i s h and I never heard any of those d e r i s i o n s , , A n d you know, we weren't i n Canada one month and I was down i n H a s t i n g s S t r e e t and Woodwards, I was s t a n d i n g , waiti n g f o r my husband to p i c k me up; a c a r went by and a whole group of teenagers leaned out and shouted,"ching, chong, changi";I came back and s a i d to my f a m i l y : "Now, i s n ' t t h a t funny; we came from a country where the r a c i a l i s m i s so dominant and r e a l l y I f e l t t h a t a t the time we l e f t South A f r i c a , people were doing t h e i r u t most to t r y and ignore r a c i a l i s m and they would go overboard to show you t h a t they were not i n c l u d e d i n the government's f e e l i n g s about r a c i a l i s m . That's how I felt and when we came to t h i s country, because i t seemed to be so f r e e t h a t anybody .could do and say as they l i k e , t h a t ' s where I encountered i t . So i t ' s so r i d i c u l o u s . I j u s t c o u l d n ' t get over i t . Another form of p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n has  to do w i t h  b a r r i e r s to membership i n e x c l u s i v e , p r e s t i g i o u s c l u b s organisations.  In making some h y p o t h e s i s about the  which a f f e c t the way  organisations  and  factors  admit p o t e n t i a l  members, B l a l o c k made a d i s t i n c t i o n between those organisamot i o n s r e l y i n g on p r e s t i g e and s u r v i v a l and  exclusiveness  as a b a s i s f o r  those depending on numbers ( B l a l o c k  1967:123).  74  In the ease where the o r g a n i s a t i o n i s competing w i t h groups f o r members and where i t s goals can  only be  by g a i n i n g a l a r g e membership, i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h low may  be allowed i n t o the o r g a n i s a t i o n ,  v i d u a l s possess resources  achieved prestige  e x p e c i a l l y i f the  such as money. But where the  s a t i o n i s engaged i n c o m p e t i t i o n organisations,  other  organi-  f o r p r e s t i g e among s i m i l a r  i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h low p r e s t i g e would  not be welcomed as they may  indi-  obviously  lower the o v e r a l l p r e s t i g e of  the  club. Where o r g a n i s a t i o n s ness as one  r e l y on high p r e s t i g e and  of the main reasons f o r e x i s t e n c e ,  exclusive-  membership  u s u a l l y depends on i n t r o d u c t i o n s by e s t a b l i s h e d members. Since there are few present,  i n d i v i d u a l s from low p r e s t i g e groups  others  from such groups who  would f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to be who  already  wish to become members  accepted. Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s  would n o r m a l l y have been accepted on the b a s i s of t h e i r  achieved  s t a t u s are denied acceptance 01S the b a s i s of t h e i r  a s c r i b e d s t a t u s . A Chinese doctor commented r a t h e r on the f a c t t h a t he was exclusive  not  bitterly  able to become a member of an  club.  You would be v e r y p r i v i l e d g e d i f you can get i n t o B o i n t Grey G o l f Club. You would have to be d i s t i n guished i n some way. They would never say they won't accept you but when you apply they would keep you on the w a i t i n g l i s t . I have been here f o r eleven y e a r s and achieved f a i r l y good s t a t u s but I've never been to t h a t p l a c e . I can go i f I want t o . The m e d i c a l prof e s s i o n has a dinner there but i t i s j u s t a general dinner. You don't go as a member, as i n v i t e d guests, never. That's the k i n d of t h i n g . I don't t h i n k many people know about t h a t c l u b because i t ' s p u r p o s e l y kept out o f s i g h t . L i k e the Women's U n i v e r s i t y Club f o r i n s t a n c e . There would be a l l the Caucasian housewives o f s u c c e s s f u l f i g u r e s . You don't get there. They won't i n v i t e you. You're shut out.  75  Being denied membership i n e x c l u s i v e c l u b s i s a s i g n a l to the respondent that although he i s a p r o f e s s i o n a l , because o f h i s e t h n i c s t a t u s , he i s " n o t accorded "the same s o c i a l standing  as white p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s  cannot enhance t h e i r h i g h o c c u p a t i o n a l  status with prestige  symbols which come w i t h t h a t s t a t u s , such as e x c l u s i v e c l u b membership. Thus membership i n a n e g a t i v e l y  evaluated  e t h n i c group a c t s as a c o n s t r a i n t to rewards n o r m a l l y a v a i l a b l e to incumbents o f high o c c u p a t i o n a l  statuses.  Ambivalent a t t i t u d e s Since being members o f a n e g a t i v e l y evaluated group d e p r i v e s  ethnic  the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s o f the p r e s t i g e  n o r m a l l y a v a i l a b l e to incumbents o f h i g h o c c u p a t i o n a l  statuses,  the p r o f e s s i o n a l s view t h e i r own e t h n i c group w i t h mixed f e e l i n g s . T h i s ambivalence i s compounded by the f a c t  that  the p r o f e s s i o n a l s have i n t e r n a l i z e d the standards and v a l u e s of the dominant s o c i e t y so t h a t they begin to judge t h e i r own e t h n i c group by those standards. I n most i n s t a n c e s  these  judgements are negative. In the p u b l i c sphere o f i n t e r a c t i o n , the p r o f e s s i o n a l s who are aware o f the standards o f behaviour p o s i t i v e l y valued by the whiter-society, fall But  t r y to avoid behaviour which does n o t  i n t o t h i s category, so as to p r o j e c t an acceptable  image.  s i n c e e t h n i c group membership i s a s c r i p t i v e , the image  the p r o f e s s i o n a l s wish t o p r o j e c t i s n o t s o l e l y s e l f - d e t e r - : . • ~ mined but i s a l s o dependent on other e t h n i c group members who are o f t e n l e s s knowledgeable i n the ways o f white s o c i e t y .  76  These people g i v e the game away by d i s p l a y i n g behaviour which i s l i k e l y to be condemned by t h e t w h i t e 5 m a j o r i t y and emphasizes the dichotomy  between the n e g a t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d  group and the p o s i t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d group, a dichotomy the p r o f e s s i o n a l s would l i k e  which  t o p l a y down.  S t i g m a t i s i n g types o f behaviour commonly mentioned by the respondents i n c l u d e speaking Chinese l o u d l y i n p u b l i c , pushing through a queue, r e f u s i n g to  get i n v o l v e d  in  community a f f a i r s , r e f u s i n g t o a s s i m i l a t e by '''sticking toget h e r " ( i n the words o f one p r o f e s s i o n a l ) . t  A Chinese engineer c r i t i c i z e s h i s e t h n i c group f o r n o t d i s p l a y i n g c o r r e c t p u b l i c behaviour: Some o f the problems s t a r t from the Chinese too. Some people say the Chinese don't speak E n g l i s h . They l i v e i n t h i s country and they don't mix. I f e e l t h a t ' s wrong. I f e e l i f you want to l i v e i n t h i s country, the l e a s t you can do i s to l e a r n the language and speak t o the Canadians. Sometimes I f i n d i t rude t h a t the Chinese i n department s t o r e s s h o u t i n g i n Chinese and people l o o k down on you, you know,' What a r e you d o i n g here?" So I t h i n k some o f the problems o r i g i n a t e from the Chinese. They seem to i s o l a t e themselves, s t i c k by themselves a l l the time. A Chinese p r o f e s s o r d i s p l a y e d the same tendency t o judge h i s own e t h n i c group by dominant group standards and consequently f e l t some f r u s t r a t i o n and anger a g a i n s t f e l l o w group members. I know t h a t there are people who say the government i s u n c a r i n g , t h a t i t doesn't t r y hard enough. But because I've l i v e d i n an e t h n i c area, I c o u l d see c e r t a i n s o c i a l and b e h a v i o u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s amongst the Chinese t h a t may annoy non-ethnics — people t a l k too l o u d i n p u b l i c p l a c e s , pushing through l i n e s B and so on. I know there are f u n c t i o n a l reasons why Chinese from Hong Kong or China need to do t h i s because they come from s o c i e t i e s where they need to be a g g r e s s i v e to s u r v i v e . But they're now i n a d i f f e r e n t context. Although i t i s t r u e t h a t there are people who are r a c i s t s and b i g o t s , sometimes e t h n i c  77  people s e t themselves up to be c r i t i c i z e d . I myself as a Chinese get v e r y annoyed when someone who i s Chinese breaks t r a f f i c r u l e s . I get v e r y angry. Although I don't say "Damn Chinese!", I c o u l d see a non-Chinese look a t t h i s person and d i s p l a c e anger on him n o t because o f h i s ^ s t u p i d i t y but because he was Chinese. And there i s a l s o a tendency f o r people of A s i a n backgrounds to commit more a g g r e s s i v e a c t s than other people. I f i n d t h a t e t h n i c people behave as i f they're s t i l l i n some l i t t l e e v i l l a g e i n China. But how you change t h a t i s k i n d o f tough because people do get i n s u l t e d i f you p o i n t out to them c e r t a i n t h i n g s . L i k e , my w i f e i s v e r y f l u e n t i n Cantonese, and when we go shopping, some women would push i n f r o n t o f her and she would t e l l them n i c e l y t h a t i t was n o t v e r y n i c e to do t h a t . They would say, "Who the'-Hell do you t h i n k you are?" Yet she was doing i t out o f g o o d w i l l -- t o g i v e them some feedback. They don't p e r c e i v e t h a t you're t r y i n g to be h e l p f u l . P a r t of the respondent's anger a r i s e s from h i s r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t non-group members are l i k e l y t o n e g a t i v e l y e v a l u a t e n o t o n l y the i n d i v i d u a l who perpetr.aut.ess s t i g m a t i z i n g behaviour but a l s o the whole e t h n i c group to which the i n d i v i d u a l i s a s c r i b e d . S i n c e the respondent  i s himself  a member, n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n w i l l a l s o be extended t o him.  T h i s e x p l a i n s h i s attempts to c o r r e c t  unreasonable  behaviour, attempts which a r e n o t a p p r e c i a t e d . A respondent l e v e l s another c r i t i c i s m a g a i n s t the :.' .\ . Chinese community: We f e e l t h a t l i v i n g i n a community you made the money from the community or the country and the o n l y way you can channel back some o f t h a t i s t o be a c t i v e i n the community otherwise you become a p a r a s i t e . You take e v e r y t h i n g from the community and you put n o t h i n g back i n . I n f a c t , t h a t i s a c r i t i c i s m we heard from the white Canadians. A t u n i v e r s i t i e s they have the Alma Mater S o c i e t y , m e d i c a l , d e n t a l a s s o c a t i o n s or whatever and they always c r i t i c i z e the Chinese. They say they come i n t o U n i v e r s i t y , they are v e r y good students, they do w e l l a t s c h o o l , they do w e l l a f t e r s c h o o l , but they never support t h e i r Alma Mater. I t  78  i s as though "thank-you v e r y much, good-bye". So i t l e a v e s a b i t o f a sour t a s t e i n the mouth o f those Canadians t h a t Chinese are n o t t a k i n g an a c t i v e enough p a r t i n the S o c i e t y , which i s t r u e . There a r e v e r y few Chinese who go out i n t o the community and do anything. Here again we see how.the v a l u e s o f the dominant s o c i e t y are i n t e r n a l i z e d by the respondents and a p p l i e d to t h e i r own community. T h i s p a r t i c u l a r respondent agrees w i t h the c r i t i c i s m s "heard from the White Canadians". A Chinese lawyer made a s i m i l a r  :  criticism:'  I t ' s up to the Chinese themselves to c r e a t e a p o s i t i v e . image and I'm a f r a i d t h a t ' s something they have n o t done. They've n o t p a r t i c i p a t e d i n many a c t i v i t i e s whereas o t h e r people, f o r example., the E a s t I n d i a n s have. L i k e s c h o o l : you n o t i c e that quite often parents are asked to go to s c h o o l and meet the t e a c h e r s and a t t e n d meeting. Whenever they ask f o r v o l u n t e e r s , no Chinese comes out. So t h e y ' r e c r e a t i n g a n e g a t i v e image. I t ' s a Chinese tendency not to want to make h i m s e l f n o t i c e d . I t ' s a weakness. We a l l s u f f e r from t h a t . Any meeting, t r y and g e t a Chinese t o serve as o f f i c e b e a r e r , everybody says:- no, no, no, ask somebody e l s e ... Chinese o f whatever o r i g i n tend to f i g h t shy o f p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s . They're n o t i n t e r e s t e d and t h e r e f o r e they're a r e l a t i v e l y d o c i l e . I n ju. j u d g i n g t h e i r own e t h n i c groups n e g a t i v e l y , the respondents i d e n t i f y w i t h the dominant  s o c i e t y while d i s -  t a n c i n g themselves from t h e i r e t h n i c group. They d i s p l a y a tendency t o p o s i t i v e l y e v a l u a t e the standards o f the dominant  s o c i e t y . S a i d a lawyer:  I don't know how t h i s l a c k o f community s p i r i t among the Chinese can be overcome. H o p e f u l l y our c h i l d r e n exposed- to. the white man's v a l u e s would I n t h a t sense a c t l i k e a white man. The white man i s always community minded compared to the Chinese. A number o f respondents expressed the o p i n i o n t h a t they were p e r s o n a l l y v e r y w e s t e r n i z e d as compared to others i n t h e i r s u r r o n d i n g s and a l s o i n terms o f t h e i r a t t i t u d e s : " I n  79-  terms of openess, I'm  more to the American s i d e " . The  cy to judge f a v o u r a b l y  the  standards of whiteo's6ciety-:?ov:;  i s a l s o i n d i c a t e d by p a r e n t s ' t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n had  tenden-  s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the f a c t  i n t e r n a l i z e d western! v a l u e s .  f e l t t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n brought up independent i n behaviour and  They  i n Canada were more  a t t i t u d e than c h i l d r e n from  t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese background. They were " f r e e r t h i n k e r s " , "more i n t e l l i g e n t and more knowledgeable" as a r e s u l t of t h e i r western education and  environment.  Conclusion Membership i n an e t h n i c group i s s u b j e c t e d by o t h e r s .  Studies  to  evaluation  attempting to measure the p r e s t i g e  of  e t h n i c groups have shown t h a t Chinese e t h n i c s t a t u s i s cons i s t e n t l y r a t e d lower than most white e t h n i c groups. The  Chi-  nese respondents themselves r e v e a l an awareness of t h e i r lower s o c i a l standing.  They are made aware of t h i s through  d i r e c t experience w i t h p r e j u d i c e  at d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s i n t h e i r  l i v e s or through news items on-.television, r a d i o or newspapers. The  sharing  mission  of a d v e r s i t i e s a l s o p r o v i d e s  of n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n .  The  a medium of  trans-  Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s  experience a d d i t i o n a l problems of p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n . of t h e i r ethnic  s t a t u s they are deprived  of the p r e s t i g e  Because accord-  ed people of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s . With these n e g a t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s i t i s perhaps  not  sur-  p r i s i n g t h a t the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s expressed v e r y ambival e n t f e e l i n g s about t h e i r e t h n i c group and  f e l l o w group members.  In a d d i t i o n , t h e i r i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of western v a l u e s and  stan-  80  dards o f behaviour caused them to judge t h e i r own e t h n i c group negatively, especially do n o t conform  when they observe t h a t f e l l o w  Chinese  to a p p r o p r i a t e standards. The circumstances  of the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s p r o v i d e the c o n d i t i o n s f o r them to develop i n t o "marginal men":  .•- . ~  F r u s t r a t e d and n o t f u l l y accepted by the broader s o c i a l w o r l d he w i s h e s i t o e n t e r , ambivalent i n h i s a t t i t u d e towards the more r e s t r i c t e d s o c i a l world to' which he has a n c e s t r a l r i g h t s , and beset by c o n f l i c t i n g c u l t u r a l standards ..." (Gordon 1 9 6 4 : 5 7 ) .  81-  CHAPTER 6 RESPONSE TO PRESTIGE DEPRIVATION  Ambivalent constitute  f e e l i n g s about one's owhnethnic group  o n l y one type of response r e v e a l e d by the  Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s . T h i s type o f "marginal (See Park 1 9 5 0 ,  S t o n e q u i s t 1937)  response"  a r i s e s when the r e s -  ;  pondents u t i l i z e a non-membership group as a r e f e r e n c e group but are prevented, l a r g e l y by t h e i r  visibility,  from making t h i s r e f e r e n c e group a membership The respondents  group.  a l s o d i s p l a y a v a r i e t y o f responses which  are not m a r g i n a l , which enable them to l i v e w i t h  their  ambivalent p o s i t i o n as members o f a n e g a t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d group occupying p o s i t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d o c c u p a t i o n a l p o s i t i o n s . They a r r i v e a t a modus v i v e n d i , a c l a r i f i e d  having-come-to-  terms w i t h t h e i r p o s i t i o n (See Antonovsky 1 9 5 6 ) . Ethnic  Identification  Members o f n e g a t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d e t h n i c groups may  res-o  pond to s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n by t u r n i n g to t h e i r e t h n i c communities f o r a f f e c t i v e support. The e t h n i c community i s a source o f emotional bonds f o r the member who to i d e n t i f y w i t h i t .  chooses  I t generates s e l f - a c c e p t a n c e and  respect (Isaacs 1975).  I t p r o v i d e s members w i t h an  self-  identity,  i n f o r m i n g a person "where he belongs and whom he can t r u s t " (Enloe 1 9 7 3 * 3 9 ) . may  The i n d i v i d u a l gains a f f e c t i v e t i e s which  not be found i n the wider  society.  82  Although the respondents were aware t h a t t h e i r e t h n i c group was n e g a t i v e l y e v a l u a t e d , and they had p e r s o n a l l y experienced d i f f i c u l t i e s  as a r e s u l t of b e l o n g i n g to the  group, they d i d not attempt to c u t themselves from t h e i r background.  entirely  Rather they s t r e s s e d the n e c e s s i t y  of b e i n g aware o f one's r o o t s and c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e . As  one  p r o f e s s o r put i t : I t i s q u i t e obvious t h a t whether or not one p e r c e i v e s o n e s e l f as Chinese, i t i s c l e a r l y the case t h a t o t h e r people when they i n t e r a c t w i t h you, would p e r c e i v e you as such. By b e i n g more aware o f your r o o t s , you're a much more sound and r e a l i s t i c person. V i s i b i l i t y and a s c r i p t i o n by o t h e r s as b a r r i e r s t o a s s i m i l a t i o n was p o i n t e d out by another  complete  respondent:  I t h i n k i t ' s v e r y important f o r us to have our own l e a d e r s although a l o t o f Chinese we've spoken to say no. The say,"We're Canadians and whether you:!*re Chinese or Japanese or Negro or what, we must a l l be Canadians", which i s t r u e i n a way. But I t h i n k i f " we were Germans or I t a l i a n s or French or P o l i s h , i t wouldn't matter because we would a l l melt i n and you wouldn't know who's German or P o l i s h . But when you're Japanese or Korean or Chinese, you stand out and I t h i n k f o r t h a t v e r y reason, you can't say we're Canadians. I t h i n k l i f e i s a c y c l e — you have ups and downs. N o t h i n g ever goes a l o n g the same s c a l e . There are waves o f r a c i a l f e e l i n g and a t the moment, I t h i n k i t ' s v e r y much a g a i n s t the E a s t I n d i a n s . A t the time o f P e a r l Habour, i t was the Japanese. But you must have read about the Ku K l u x K l a n and the l e a d e r s a i d he got tremendous support i n Canada. I was so s u r p r i s e d . I s a i d , " My god, Canada seems such a model country and y e t ... Most o f the respondents were i n favour o f the concept o f c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m r a t h e r than a s s i m i l a t i o n . They f e l t the communal l i f e  that  o f d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups should be  p r e s e r v e d but w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f n a t i o n a l  citizenship  and p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e g r a t i o n . Commented a d o c t o r :  83  I don't think i t i s correct that the Chinese should ever he assimilated. They should he well integrated. That i s the concept of multiculturalism established by the present government. Assimilation means you give up everything to the other culture. No Chinese i n t h e i r r i g h t minds would accept that Chinese culture i s i n anyvtway i n f e r i o r to western culture. Endogamy The desire to maintain some form of boundary i s i n d i cated by the respondents' preference f o r endogamy. This ensures that intimate s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are kept within the group. Aisnumber of parents expressed the hope that t h e i r children would marry other Chinese. A South A f r i c a n respondent remarked: The only reason why we moved from South A f r i c a to Canada and what's more to Vancouver i s because there's a large Chinese community here. My husband said i t would be the best place f o r us to make friends and also for our children to meet Chinese because we wanted them to marry other Chinese. Some of our friends send t h e i r children away to the States to attend u n i v e r s i t y there because they said there are too many Chinese i n B.C.. But I know that deep down they would want t h e i r Children to marry other Chinese, yet they send them away where there are l e s s Chinese and one day i f t h e i r children marry other than Chinese, the only thing I ' l l be able to say to them i s : "Well, you asked f o r i t " . Another respondent from Hong Kong commented: I would prefer my son to marry a Chinese g i r l but I wouldn't hate him to the guts i f he doesn't. I wouldn't disown him or anything. There are a l o t of people who would do that. There have been problems l i k e that brought to me. Parents being unhappy about t h e i r daughters going out with Caucasian boys. Pride i n Chinese Culture The respondents also demonstrated a pride i n Chinese culture and f e l t that i t had p o s i t i v e things to offer f o r themselves and other ethnic groups. A Canadian Chinese resyo  84  dent commented: I've never seen Chinatowns as ghettos. I guess I've always enjoyed the b e n e f i t s the Chinese community had. When I was a k i d , going t o t h a t s c h o o l i n S t r a t h e c o n a and having l o t s o f f r i e n d s and l o t s o f beighbours. I never had f i g h t s w w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s . We used to s c u f f l e around a l o t b u t s i n c e t h e r e were so many Chinese, nobody p i c k e d on us. I f a n y t h i n g we p i c k e d on them,, ... and the food and the f r i e n d s h i p . I t h i n k t h a t ' s i m p o r t , t a n t . Now t h a t I'm o l d e r , I'm b e g i n n i n g t o a p p r e c i a t e some o f the c u l t u r e — the e d u c a t i o n , the r e s p e c t f o r o l d e r people. I t ' s r e a l l y good. An engineer commented: B e i n g Chinese you have t h i s c u l t u r a l background and_ people r e s p e c t you more. We have many ways o f t h i n k i n g which o t h e r people don't have. E s p e c i a l l y i n d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n s , Chinese have the p h i l o s o p h y to l i f t themselves out o f t h a t s i t u a t i o n , which some o f the Canadians don't know how to do. So I t h i n k i t ' s more of an advantage than a disadvantage to be Chinese. Many o f the respondents expressed an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h China, even those who  did n o t come from t h e r e . They  wanted t o see her do w e l l e c o n o m i c a l l y and f e l t a sense o f p r i d e i n her h i s t o r i c a l p a s t . A number had v i s i t e d the country as t o u r i s t s .  A Chinese Canadian commented on h i s  t r i p t o China': S i n c e our t r i p to China, my eyes have been opened more t o Chinese a r t s and Chinese c u l t u r e . We d i d a b i g swing through China f o r t h r e e months — 9 » 0 0 0 m i l e s and saw a l o t o f t h i n g s : museums, a c h i e v e s and ohl a l l k i n d s o f t h i n g s . I t was r e a l l y g r e a t . You come out o f China and you f e e l r e a l l y proud. I t h i n k i t r e a l l y e n r i c h e s you when you know something about your p a s t , even i f i t means g e t t i n g i n v o l v e d i n the Chinese community o r t a k i n g a t r i p back t o China because I t h i n k i t has a s t e a d y i n g e f f e c t on you. You're muchh c l e a r e r about your r o o t s . An engineer o r i g i n a l l y from Taiwan expressed a w i l l i n g n e s s to f o r g e t p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y and to c o n t r i bute t o the Chinese community i n generals  85  B e i n g Chinese, you shouldn't r e s t r i c t y o u r s e l f to any s m a l l p a r t o f the country. I t h i n k every Chinese should c o n t r i b u t e i f they can towards the Chinese community and w e l l , the b i g g e s t community i s i n China. Most o f the respondents who spoke about China d i d n o t approve o f the Communist government o r were i n d i f f e r e n t to i t . T h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was more w i t h China's p a s t , i t s y Ion l o n g h i s t o r y and c u l t u r a l achievements. China's h i s t o r i c a l h e r i t a g e enabled them to p o s i t i v e l y evaluate t h e i r e t h n i c background or r o o t s . T r i p s back to China, u s u a l l y c o n s i s t i n g o f guided t o u r s to h i s t o r i c a l s i t e s , serve t o e i t h e r r e - i n f o r c e p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s o r to change n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s t o p o s i t i v e ones. A comment made by a t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n Chinese Canadian who had j u s t d e s c r i b e d the t o u r he took  through  China i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p o i n t : I had heard s t o r i e s when I was younger about China, But I d i s c o v e r e d t h a t these s t o r i e s were t o l d by peasant people w i t h a v e r y limited*-! knowledge about China. They o n l y knew t h e i r c i t y , Canton. To them t h a t was China. When we went back to China, we went r i g h t round. There was a l o t o f China which wasn't l i k e t h a t a t a l l . So, you have a v e r y d i f f e r e n t view then o f China and your background. Most p a r e n t s make an e f f o r t t o a c q u a i n t t h e i r  children  w i t h some aspects o f Chinese c u l t u r e by sending t h e i r to Chinese s c h o o l s o r by c e l e b r a t i n g Chinese S a i d a Chinese  children  festivities.  lawyer:  I do make i t a p o i n t t o c e l e b r a t e Chinese New Year because I f e e l t h i s i s one o f the c u l t u r a l l i n k s t h a t we should m a i n t a i n . , I t h i n k i t ' s a good t h i n g to make my c h i l d r e n be concious o f t h e i r c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e .  86  F r i e n d s h i p Networks In modern s o c i e t y , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the e t h n i c commun i t y a t the "behavioural l e v e l need no l o n g e r take the form o f a complete confinement o f a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  acti-  v i t i e s w i t h i n the community. A c c o r d i n g to Breton, i t i s more u s e f u l to view an i n d i v i d u a l i n terms o f r o l e  relationships  which occur i n a s e r i e s o f domains (Breton 1978:59). Some o f these r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e the e t h n i c community, others do not. Thus work r e l a t i o n s h i p s may  take p l a c e i n a  mixed e t h n i c s e t t i n g whereas f r i e n d s h i p networks may f i n e d amongst f e l l o w e t h n i c members. A c c o r d i n g to  be  con-  DeSantis  and B e r k i n s , " a network o f f r i e n d s and acquaintances  o f the  same e t h n i c group serves to perpectuate a sense o f belongi n g without much formal acknowledgement" and symbols o f e t h n i c i t y may  "identifying  be o n l y o c c a s s i o n a l l y employed i n  a s p e c i a l s e t t i n g " , such as s p e c i a l e t h n i c foods d u r i n g e t h n i c festivities, Except Chinese,  f o r i n s t a n c e (DeSantis and B e r k i n 1980:142). f o r a doctor who  worked w i t h l a r g e groups o f  the r e s $ o f the p r o f e s s i o n a l s worked i n mixed  e t h n i c s e t t i n g s . However, r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h c o l l e a g u e s and c l i e n t s tend to be f o r m a l i z e d . Though t h e r e were occasional.", g e t - t o g e t h e r s w i t h members o f other e t h n i c groups a t C h r i s t mas  d i n n e r s and o t h e r o c c a s i o n s , a number o f  respondents  Said they d i d not enjoy these v e r y much arid p r e f e r t h e i r c i r c l e o f Chinese converse  f r i e n d s . With Chinese  i n one's own  P e r s o n a l matters  own  f r i e n d s , one could,  d i a l e c t s , which f a c i l i t a t e d  intimacy.  c o u l d a l s o be brought up and d i s c u s s e d  8?  whereas w i t h members o f the dominant group, one t a l k e d about s p o r t s , world events o r t o p i c s t h a t d i d n o t r e q u i r e knowledge o f e t h n i c background. A l a c k o f shared  understanding  p l a c e d a l i m i t on c l o s e t i e s w i t h members o f o t h e r e t h n i c groups.  Commented a Chinese  engineer:  Somehow b e i n g a Chinese i n Canada even f o r seventeen y e a r s now, I tend t o have more c l o s e f r i e n d s w i t h Chinese then w i t h Canadians. A."doctor r e v e a l e d h i s f r i e n d s h i p networks; Most o f the c l o s e f r i e n d s we e n t e r t a i n would be Chinese. B a s i c a l l y we're more comfortable, we f i n d i t more e n j o y a b l e , a t l e a s t f o r my w i f e t o be w i t h people who a r e Chinese. We share common t r a d i t i o n s , c u l t u r e and language, p a r t i c u l a r l y language. You have to be v e r y f l u e n t i n E n g l i s h b e f o r e you can mix w i t h the Caucasians. Even I who have s t u d i e d i n E n g l i s h f o r a number o f y e a r s , t h e r e a r e s t i l l some o f these t h i n g s w i t h language t h a t I don't f e e l comf o r t a b l e w i t h — p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t comes down t o jokes w i t h Caucasians. You don't understand them. I'Those are the k i n d s o f t h i n g s which make people i n t i m a t e — i f you can crack the same k i n d o f jokes. I t ' s v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o do t h a t — t o conform t o another c u l t u r e . A Chinese Canadian commented: There's a d i f f e r e n c e i n r e l a t i n g t o Chinese f r i e n d s and non-Chinese f r i e n d s . With my Chinese f r i e n d s , we p r o b a b l y share more t h i n g s t o g e t h e r i n the p a s t . We grew up as k i d s i n Vancouver .. d u r i n g the war when there was s t i l l q u i t e a b i t o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and s e p a r a t i o n * See, when I was r e a l l y much younger i n S t r a t h e c o n a School, I wouldn't go t o the playground by myself. I f I d i d , I would get pushed around too. We went w i t h other Chinese f r i e n d s , and we went i n groups. There's s a f e t y i n numb e r s I guess. And when I was younger I went to Chinese language c l a s s e s a f t e r s c h o o l . Chinese s c h o o l was a v e r y unique experience f o r us. We used to go and i t was a k i n d o f joke f o r some o f us. So we had t h i s s o r t o f added experiences t h a t the non-Chinese f r i e n d s would never know a n y t h i n g about. D i e t was another area which was v e r y d i f f e r e n t . Another respondent s i v e mechanism":  mixed mainly w i t h Chinese as a ''defen-  88  B a s i c a l l y because o f my o r i e n t a t i o n to the Chinese community, the people I i n v i t e to my home tend to be always Chinese now. I n a sense t h a t i s a p o l i c y because I'm thinkirig--of my c h i l d r e n and the way I want to o r i e n t a t e them. I'm t r y i n g to a c q u a i n t them w i t h t h e i r r o o t s i f you l i k e . In a sense, i t ' s a s o r t o f d e f e n s i v e mechanism. Ethnic Organization A S  id®  A s i d e from m a i n t a i n i n g i n f o r m a l e t h n i c networks o f f r i e n d s and r e l a t i o n s , some p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n v o l v e  themselves  i n e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s . These o r g a n i s a t i o n s aim to p r o v i d e young Chinese w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s to become i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r e t h n i c community and c u l t u r a l r o o t s such t h a t they would have the means to counter p r e j u d i c e and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . A respondent who had attempted  to abandon h i s e t h n i c community  by a s s i m i l a t i n g i n t o White s o c i e t y b u t who was now a c t i v e i n some Chinese o r g a n i s a t i o n s made t h i s p o i n t : The young Chinese i s brought up i n the s c h o o l system to be a Canadian. That's f i n e u n t i l he s t a r t s going out t o the work p l a c e and begins to encounter p r e j u d i c e from White people o f the main stream. Then he s t a r t s a s k i n g h i m s e l f q u e s t i o n s . I n order to answer these q u e s t i o n s w i t h i n h i m s e l f he needs t o know something about h i s c u l t u r e . When he i s s u b j e c t e d to derogatory remarks and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment he has to f i n d out why. Sojhe has to know something sbout the h i s t o r y o f the Chinese Canadians and China, and t h i s w i l l s t r e n g then him. The young people tend to abandon;, the Chinese c u l t u r e as I d i d myself. My f e e l i n g i s t h a t they w i l l l o o k back on t h e i r c u l t u r e when they r e a c h t h e i r twent i e s . P a r t i c u l a r l y so i f there i s a focus such as the Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre to enable them t o e a s i l y f i n d out ;about t h e i r own c u l t u r e , t o expose t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the c u l t u r e . See, the problem the young Chinese p a r e n t s won't face i s t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n w i l l grow and t u r n out to be v e r y Western oriented®, and a t t h a t time, they w i l l b e g i n t o show concern — when t h e i r c h i l d r e n have reached the age o f seven o r e i g h t . A l l the Chinese p a r e n t s I know, when t h e i r c h i l d r e n r e a c h t h a t age, they become aware o f what t h e i r problem i s and they see the need f o r some a s p e c t o f Chinese c u l t u r e .  89  There's no easy way out hut we must f i n d a way n o t o n l y to r e l a t e to a n c i e n t Chinese c u l t u r e but a l s o to c u r r e n t Chinese c u l t u r e . The young people have to show the way. The o l d e r people s t i l l have a tendency to r e a c t a g a i n s t the White people because o f the White people's r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t them i n a t h e t p a s t . Many have b i t t e r memories o f b e i n g separated from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and so on. So the young p r o f e s s i o n a l s have to show the way. The Chinese C u l t u r a l c e n t r e e i s t a k i n g the l e a d and so i s the Chinese Benev o l e n t A s s o c i a t i o n . The Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre i s t r y i n g to a c t as a b r i d g e between the Chinese and o t h e r groups. While i t i s d i s s e m i n a t i n g knowledge about the Chinese C u l t u r e i t i s doing i t i n s e v e r a l ways. I t i s t r y i n g to show the White people t h a t the people they t r i e d so l o n g to d i s c r i m i n a t e a g a i n s t have a f a r l o n g e r t r a d i t i o n o f c u l t u r e than they themselves have. I t i s t r y i n g to show the Chinese people something about t h e i r l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f c u l t u r e , and i t i s t r y i n g to promote f r i e n d s h i p between the two groups. I t ' s g o i n g to be a prolonged e f f o r t . E t h n i c o r g a n i s a t i o n s seek to i n c r e a s e conciousness o f group membership and to s t i m u l a t e p r i d e i n membership. A p o s i t i v e e t h n i c i d e n t i t y a r i s i n g from such conciousness was  f e l t to  p r o v i d e an e f f e c t i v e means o f c o u n t e r i n g n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n . Thus the s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f in-group t i e s can way  1  be seen as a  o f c o p i n g w i t h out-group p r e j u d i c e ( A l l p o r t 1958:144-146). The h i s t o r y o f Chinese communities  o u t s i d e o f China  have shown t h a t overseas Chinese have always r e l i e d v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s based on f i c t i v e k i n s h i p  on  to d e a l  w i t h s e l f government and w e l f a r e . However, w i t h the o p p o r t u n e l t i e s now  a v a i l a b l e i n the wider s o c i e t y , Chinese Canadians  need no l o n g e r r e l y on the r e s o u r c e s o f the e t h n i c community f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d , w e l f a r e and emotional support, as d i d t h e i r kinsman  50 years ago (Johnson 1979:368). The v e r y f a c t  t h a t membership i n Chinese a s s o c i a t i o n s i s now  a matter o f  c h o i c e coupled w i t h the f a c t t h a t these a s s o c i a t i o n s  90  continue'.to  enjoy ;a f l o r i s h i n g e x i s t e n c e  and new  associations  continue to emerge, demonstrate • '.;that Chinese - a s s o c i a t i o n s s t i l l p l a y an important p a r t i n the i d e n t i t y of Chinese Canadians. In r e c e n t y e a r s , presentation  organisations  devoted to  and p r e s e r v a t i o n o f Chinese culture,.? such as  the Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre, have assumed g r e a t e r and  the  importance  are popular w i t h young Chinese. Besides c u l t u r a l organisations, various  organisations  devotedgto h e l p i n g new  social service  Chinese immigrants  a d j u s t to Canadian s o c i e t y , have a l s o emerged i n the  70s.  A respondent i n v o l v e d i n an o r g a n i s a t i o n f o r h e l p i n g  immigrant  Chinese f e l t t h a t h i s o r g a n i s a t i o n f i l l e d a gap public  i n the  agencies:  As a m i n o r i t y group your s i t u a t i o n s and l i f e e x p e r i e n c e s are q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . Although the government would g e n e r a l l y take care o f everyone's needs, i t would n o t do so to the same degree. What i s p r o v i d e d f o r the m i n o r i t y group u s u a l l y f a l l s f a r s h o r t o f t h e i r needs i n everywway. They're g e n e r a l l y not as w e l l t r e a t e d .., There i s c o v e r t as w e l l as o v e r t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . I have no doubt t h a t b e i n g a m i n o r i t y you do have c e r t a i n f r u s t r a t i o n s t h a t are not p r e s e n t f o r people who are i n the mainstream. U n i t y i s s t r e n g t h . The number o f Chinese i n Canada is. s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l . In order to get the b e n e f i t s and r i g h t s , you have to e x e r t a reasonable amount o f i n f l u e n c e and e x p r e s s i o n i n the community. The o n l y way you can get t h a t i s by h a v i n g a s t r o n g v o i c e . I f e e l no doubt about t h a t . A l t e r n a t i v e Status M o b i l i t y Opportunity Ethnic organisations  c o u l d a l s o provide  members w i t h  a l t e r n a t i v e channels f o r s t a t u s m o b i l i t y denied them i n Whit:e^.organi sat i o n s . They are a means to r e s o l v i n g s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n f o r those Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s who  involve  91  themselves w i t h them. Most o f the p r o f e s s i o n a l s who members o f e t h n i c o r g a n i s a t i o n s standing.  had  some s o r t o f  were  official  They operated as d e c i s i o n makers on the boards o f  the o r g a n i s a t i o n s .  A l s o , because o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s  o f f i c i a l - - p o s i t i o n s , some had become  kn6wn  and  as spokesmen f o r  the Chinese community by the wider s o c i e t y . They were cons u l t e d or c o n t a c t e d f o r i n f o r m a t i o n media or u n i v e r s i t i e s and  by  the p r e s s , mass  s t u d e n t s , and  occasionally  v i t e d f o r p r e s t i g i o u s s o c i a l gatherings.  in-  Commented a r e s -  pondent: Because o f my involvement w i t h the Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre, I've been i n v i t e d to v a r i o u s f u n c t i o n s . We were i n v i t e d by the l i e u t e n a n t Governor to the S t a t e B a l l and so on. In-group P u r i f i c a t i o n Another way  o f i n t e r p r e t i n g the involvement of Chinese  p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n ethnic ogranisations  i s to view them as  attempts a t "in-group p u r i f i c a t i o n " (Seeman 1 9 5 8 : 2 9 ) ,  or  what Lyman and Douglas termed " c o l l e c t i v e i m p r e s s i o n management" (Lyman and Douglas 1973*347)• The  negatively  evalauated e t h n i c group "seek to defuse p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous aspects o f the s t e r e o t y p i c s a l i e n c i e s ,.,  and  outsiders  tolerant attitude  ...  (by,  towards a more a p p r e c i a t i v e  and  influence  f o r example) attempts to r e s t r i c t p u b l i c  of e t h n i c i t y among t h e i r own  displays  members to those aspects which  are a c c e p t a b l e to the l a r g e r s o c i e t y "  (Lyman & Douglas  1973:  347).  Some o f the a c t i v i t i e s o f the Chinese C u l t u r a l Centre  92  can be seen i n t h i s l i g h t . Chinese a r t , l i t e r a t u r e and music • are d i s p l a y e d as a way o f "making people a p p r e c i a t e Chinese c u l t u r e " i n the words o f one respondent. I n a d d i t i o n , the p r o f e s s i o n a l s s e t about making t h e i r  ascribed  e t h n i c i d e n t i t y l e s s burdensome by improving the image of the group through v a r i o u s u p - l i f t i n s t i t u t i o n s and o r g a n i s a t i o n s f o r those lower c l a s s members who seem t o c o n t r i b u t e to the s t i g m a t i z a t i o n o f the e n t i r e group. The v a r i o u s Chinese s o c i a l s e r v i c e o r g a n i s a t i o n s which have emerged i n r e c e n t years can be d e s c r i b e d as u p - l i f t They are r u n  by  institutions.  boards o f d i r e c t o r s c o n s i s t i n g m a i n l y  o f Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s , government  officials,  businessmen  and m i n i s t e r s , who are v e s t e d w i t h d e c i s i o n making powers w h i l e t h e i r c l i e n t s c o n s i s t o f low income, p o o r l y educated Chinese (Ng 1977:80). The motives g i v e n by respondents f o r t h e i r demonstrate  activities  a concern w i t h the image t h a t the Chinese com-  munity i s p r e s e n t i n g to the dominant s o c i e t y and a d e s i r e to improve pondent  t h a t image. The f o l l o w i n g comment made by a r e s -  i l l u s t r a t e s t t h i s point:  I was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n s e t t i n g up the Vietnamese r e l i e f when there was such a hue and c r y over these r e f u g e e s . There seemed to be so much e f f o r t on the p a r t o f White Canadians and we f e l t , Gee, l o o k t e r r i b l e i f these people are Chinese and n o r Chinese are h e l p i n g . So we got t o g e t h e r t h i s Vietnamese relief. Another respondent a l s o i n d i c a t e d h i s concern w i t h dominant group views and  judgements:  93 I've i n the l a s t few y e a r s been attempting to r e l a t e to the White community a t l a r g e . Because of what I've seen and what I've judged, I thought i t n e c e s s a r y to t r y and r e l a t e to the Chinese community. B a s i c a l l y to t r y and open up the Chinese community so t h a t i n s t e a d of l o o k i n g inwards towards i t s e l f , i t should look out and open up. That's been my own p r i v a t e philosophy. I'm t r y i n g to t a c k l e the problem o f l a c k o f communication. In-group The  Stratification respondents demonstrated a tendency to d i s t i n g u i s h  between d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n s o f t h e i r e t h n i c group, u s u a l l y with reference  to c l a s s or n a t i o n a l i t y . D i f f e r e n c e s do i n  r e a l i t y e x i s t s i n c e the Chinese community's p o p u l a t i o n made up o f immigrants from d i f f e r e n t corners  is  o f the world.  The p o i n t , however, i s t h a t the respondents not  only  o b j e c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e between d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n s o f e t h n i c group but a l s o p l a c e value  judgements ori the d i f f e r e n t  s e c t i o n s . They o f t e n p o s i t i v e l y evaluate  their particular  sub-group w h i l e c a s t i n g unfavourable judgements on the groups. Often,  other  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s t i g m a t i z i n g behaviour i s  h e l d to o r i g i n a t e from other observation  their  sub-groups. Goffman ma^etJthis  i n h i s study o f s t i g m a t i z e d i n d i v i d u a l s :  The s t i g m a t i z e d i n d i v i d u a l e x h i b i t s a tendency to s t r a t i f y h i s "own" a c c o r d i n g to the degree to which t h e i r stigma i s apparent and o b s t r u s i v e . He can then take up i n regard to those who are more e v i d e n t l y s t i g m a t i z e d than h i m s e l f athe a t t i t u d e s the normals take to him (1963:10?). . C l a s s and n a t i o n a l i t y are the two  main p r i n c i p l e s by  which the respondents s t r a t i f y t h e i r e t h n i c group. A l l p o r t notes t h a t , c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s w i t h i n groups^ are o f t e n a r e s u l t o f t r y i n g to f r e e o n e s e l f from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r  94  the handicap which the group as a whole s u f f e r s  (1958:148).  C l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s amongst the Negroes are a b a s i s f o r the "uppers" to s h i f t blame f o r t h e i r d i s a d v a n t a g e d ' p o s i t i o n upon the "lowers". Jews o f German o r i g i n would l o o k down on Jews o f E a s t e r n European  o r i g i n who  c u l t u r e d . T h i s tendency was  are f e l t to be l e s s  p r e s e n t amongst the respondents.  A lawyer commented: I t i s my own p e t theory t h a t people who scream d i s c r i m i n a t i o n are people who b e l o n g to the lower c l a s s e s . They're not v e r y w e l l educated. They're rough thems e l v e s . They're more l i k e l y to be more r a c i a l l y minded than people who come from a r e l a t i v e l y w e l l h e e l e d background. Chinese from p l a c e s o t h e r than Hong Kong tend to l o o k u n f a v o u r a b l y on the Hong Kong Chinese, who  were regarded as  b e i n g l e s s a r t i c u l a t e d i n E n g l i s h and s e g r e g a t i o n i s t i n outlook. They were anxious n o t to be i n c l u d e d as a group w i t h them. T h i s i s e v i d e n t from the comments o f the lawyer: I f i n d t h a t I don't have much i n common w i t h Chinese speaking Chinese. That c o u l d be due to my M a l a y s i a n u p b r i n g i n g . I don't f e e l v e r y a t home w i t h them. We cannot communicate v e r y w e l l . Many Hong Kong Chinese c a n ' t speak" good E n g l i s h . Some can H a r d l y speak E n g l i s h a a t a l l ! I wonder why they bother to come here. They're going to c r e a t e a bad s i t u a t i o n not o n l y f o r themselves and t h e i r c h i l d r e n but a l s o f o r o t h e r s . The White man i s goi n g to say, "See, t h a t ' s a t y p i c a l Chinese". The Hong Kong Chinese have a s l i g h t l y c o l o n i a l m e n t a l i t y . They're s t i l l a B r i t i s h Colony. They l o o k up on trie White man more than we do. T h i s respondent was  i n s t r u m e n t a l i n s e t t i n g up a s o c i a l  club  f o r h i s own n a t i o n a l i t y group because he s a i d he wanted to "show the Whites t h a t we're a d i f f e r e n t bunch o f Chinese".  95  An engineer had s i m i l a r l y unfavourable comments to make about the Hong Kong Chinese: They're v e r y c l o s e minded. They have t h e i r own s o c i a l system which they p e r s i s t i n m a i n t a i n i n g ... I don't t h i n k they r e g a r d themselves as overseas Chinese. They r e g a r d themselves as the one and o n l y Chinese and every body e l s e i s a f o r e i g n e r . Another engineer•'commented; There's a d i f f e r e n c e between a Hong Kong Born and a guy who's born l o c a l l y . We have d i f f e r e n t p r i o r i t i e s , d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s i n l i f e . We grew up d i f f e r e n t l y . People who came from Hong Kong congregate more because they f e e l more comfortable w i t h each o t h e r then w i t h Westerners. L i k e myself, though I mix w i t h the Hong Kong C h i n e s e , I don't understand them sometimes. I tend to be more w e s t e r n i z e d . y  A respondent from Hong Kong however, d i f f e r e n t i a t e d Hong Kong Chinese and r e c e n t immigrants from the e a r l y immigrants and a t t r i b u t e d l e s s f a v o u r a b l e a t t r i b u t e s to the l a t t e r . He emphasized g r a n t s who  t h a t he was  one o f a group o f " a f f l u e n t "  immi-  had e s t a b l i s h e d themselves f i n a n c i a l l y and were  c o n s i d e r e d "very e n l i g h t e n e d " because o f t h e i r i n e t h n i c o r g a n i s a t i o n s . I n c o n t r a s t , the e a r l y  activities immigrants  and Canadian born Chinese were l e s s " a f f l u e n t and. community minded. Those who have been here a l l o n g time don't l i k e those from Hong Kong or from o t h e r p a r t s o f the world who are b e t t e r to do. Overseas Chinese came under d i f f e r e n t circumstances and are b e t t e r f i n a n c i a l l y , e d u c a t i o n a l l y or s o c i a l l y . They tend to be more s u c c e s s f u l and more r e p u t a b l e . The •other group mostly s t a r t e d from the b a s i c l a b o u r i n g f i e l d s . They're a l l i n the l a b o u r i n g c l a s s . They came as l a b o u r e r s , then they became s m a l l enterpreneurs, g r o c e r e r s , farmers. The people from the p r o f e s s i o n a l group, the a f f l u e n t group who came from Hong Kong, are a t h r e a t to them. There's no o v e r t r e j e c t i o n but t h e r e ' s q u i t e a d i s t a n c e because they're threatened.  96  Besides "being considered also considered  lower c l a s s , the Canadian born were  to be more submissive. An E n g l i s h born r e s -  pondent commented: The l o c a l Chinese tend to have an i n f e r i o r i t y complex because o f r e p r e s s i o n over the g e n e r a t i o n . T h i s i s my p e r c e p t i o n . They have a tendency to keep t h e i r heads down. Another respondent f e l t t h a t the Chinese Canadians d i d not do much to overcome t h e i r subordinate s t a t u s , u n l i k e h i s own  n a t i o n a l i t y group.„  What amazes me when the Canadian Chinese t o l d us o f t h e i r h i s t o r y i s t h a t t h e i r e v o l u t i o n almost p a r a l l e l s t h a t o f the South A f r i c a n Chinese — i n dates and times and what we d i d . The o n l y d i f f e r e n c e i s t h a t here i n Canada i t seems they never made any p h y s i c a l e f f o r t s to get together and f i g h t f o r t h e i r r i g h t s . I t k i n d o f evolved through the conscience o f the White people. Whereas i n South A f r i c a , we a c t u a l l y made the o u t r i g h t attempt to form a s s o c i a t i o n s . We had meetings; we made r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s to the government; we r e a l l y worked hard to b e t t e r our p o s i t i o n whereas the ones here didn't,, seem to do t h a t . And t h a t ' s why today, they're s t i l l l o a t h to organise because they s a i d , " W e l l , we d i d n ' t do anyt h i n g them". I t h i n k i t was the White people t h a t brought about e q u a l i t y among the Canadian Chinese. R a t i o n a l i z a t i on Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s attempt to f i n d r a t i o n a l explanations f o r lack of opportunities, negative v i n g t h e i r e t h n i c s t a t u s or any s e l v e s and  experiences i n v o l -  d i s c r e p a n c i e s between them-  t h e i r dominant group c o l l e a g u e s  as a means o f r e -  s o l v i n g s t a t u s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . A phenomenon which can explained  be  or reasoned out can be more e a s i l y accepted.  One  can then r e c o n c i l e o n e s e l f to a s i t u a t i o n . In t r y i n g to make sense o f t h e i r experiences, pondents come up w i t h some e x p l a n a t i o n s  the  res-  and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s .  A j u s t i f i c a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y g i v e n f o r d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment  97  was  t h a t i t was  i n n a t e to a l l human beings r e g a r d l e s s o f  e t h n i c groups and t h e r e f o r e cannot be helped. Rather should accept t h a t as a p a r t o f l i f e .  A respondent  one  remarked:  O b v i o u s l y i t ' s going to be v e r y d i f f i c u l t f o r you to r i s e the same way as a White man. I t * s n o t so much d i s c r i m i n a t i o n as a matter o f p r e f e r e n c e . I t ' s a human s i t u a t i o n . I t ' s l i k e a l o t t e r y . There're so many Whites out t h e r e . How can you ever get a chance? I f I get a promotion, I would r e g a r d i t as a bonus. We're a m i n o r i t y here. We've got to accept the l i m i t a t i o n s otherwise you're going to be v e r y unhappy. I f you're not happy here, you can go somewhere e l s e . That's what I always say. You don't have to be the chairman o f General Motors. How many people get to be p r e s i d e n t o f General Motors anyway? There's no need to be too ambitious ... You can be comfortable and l e a d a good l i f e . The good l i f e , t h a t ' s what we a l l want, isn't i t ? A number o f respondents  while acknowledging t h a t i f two  people o f equal a b i l i t y a p p l i e d f o r the same job and was  Chinese and the other was  White, the White would most  c e r t a i n l y get the job, d i d n o t wish to describe the  situation  as d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . They p r e f e r r e d terms l i k e " r a c i a l f e r e n c e " . Commented a  one  pre-  respondent:  D i s c r i m i n a t i o n has a bad c o n n o t a t i o n . L e t ' s c a l l i t r a c i a l p r e f e r e n c e . I t ' s more n e u t r a l . There's n o t h i n g wrong w i t h t h a t . R a c i a l p r e f e r e n c e was  a n a t u r a l t h i n g . A Chinese  p l o y e r would behave ..in the same way M a l a y s i a n Chinese  em-  as o t h e r e t h n i c groups.  drew an example from h i s background:  I f you a p p l y f o r a job as a l a b o u r e r , you're going to meet w i t h a s u p e r v i s e r and he i s going to l o o k around and see some White f a c e s and some y e l l o w f a c e s , and to him b e i n g a non-White you're p r o b a b l y a worst l a b o u r e r . To me t h a t ' s n a t u r a l . Supposing he's a Chinese p l a n t a t i o n s u p e r v i s e r i n M a l a y s i a and he sees a group o f Chinese and one I n d i a n a p p l y f o r jobs as labourers. Who i s he going to favour? He's  A  98  going to favour a Chinese. Can't you put y o u r s e l f i n h i s p o s i t i o n ? In a sense t h a t ' s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n : "I p r e f e r the Chinese to the Indian who i s •black". Another respondent who,  e a r l i e r i n the i n t e r v i e w ,  t a l k e d w i t h some heat about the l a c k o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s  had for  s t a t u s advancement i n Canada, l a t e r b a l a n c e d h i s  perception  w i t h the argument t h a t a f t e r a l l Chinese i n t h e i r  turn  discriminate  too.  You t a l k about d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and the Chinese being d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t , you j u s t t r y and f i n d an E a s t Indian w e l l t r e a t e d by Chinese. Chinese are no exception. In f a c t Chinese are one o f the most d i s c r i m i n a t i n g groups. I f you don't wish to be d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t by o t h e r s , you s t a r t by not d i s c r i m i n a t i n g . But you j u s t check t h a t out — you j u s t t r y and t a l k to 10 Chinese and see how many o f them w i l l say a good t h i n g about the E a s t Indians. I t ' s p r o b a b l y to do w i t h Chinese c u l t u r e and Chinese ways. Respondents who  had  been c a l l e d rude names by  strangers  r a t i o n a l i s e t h e i r experiences by e x p l a i n i n g t h a t the people w h o c c a l l e d them names were c h i l d r e n who  d i d not know what  they were doing. Besides the same t h i n g s o f t e n happened to Westerners i n the East. A p r o f e s s o r  explained:  I f i g u r e d t h a t i t ' s the i n d i v i d u a l r a t h e r than the whole s o c i e t y who i s p r e j u d i c e d . T h i s k i d who c a l l e d me names, w e l l he doesn't know any b e t t e r . An  engineer commented: I have seen Chinese people being d i s c r i m i n a t e d . For i n s t a n c e , some Canadians would pass by Chinese people and c a l l them bad words. You get mad but sometimes you f e e l t h a t i t may happen i n China too. F o r e i g n e r s w a l k i n g i n the s t r e e t s and Chinese people l o o k and t h i n k they're strange. Another respondent e x p l a i n e d  a c o u n t r y where he had used to i t and  t h a t s i n c e he came from  experienced d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , he  d i d not see the need to make a f u s s :  was  99  I n i t i a l l y when I f i r s t came i n t o the country, we were l o o k i n g f o r an apartment, we c o u l d see a s i g n p o s t e d i n the West End: one bedroom s u i t e f o r r e n t . You c a l l up there arid they say i t ' s a l r e a d y r e n t e d out. I n f a c t at t h a t p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n t , I had a Canadian couple who took me around and they were r e a l l y s u r p r i s e d . A c t u a l l y the i n c i d e n t came out i n the papers. They were so upset t h a t they wrote to Jack W i l s o n who had a column i n the papers, I don't have the c u t t i n g but i t d i d come out t h a t t h i s t h i n g had happened. I d i d n ' t make a b i g deal out o f I t because I come from a country where, you know, we've been d i s c r i m i n a t e d against. Conclusion Chinese p r o f e s s s i o n a l s i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e i r e t h n i c communit y by m a i n t a i n i n g  an i n f o r m a l network o f Chinese f r i e n d s , by  t a k i n g p r i d e i n Chinese c u l t u r e and t r a d i t i o n , and by i n v o l v i n g themselves i n Chinese o r g a n i s a t i o n s . i s i n p a r t a defensive t h e i r paradoxical  This  identification  mechanism as Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s  p o s i t i o n : occupants o f h i g h l y evaluated  face occu-  p a t i o n a l s t a t u s e s who are denied the p r e s t i g e t h a t comes w i t h these  statuses. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h one's own e t h n i c community a c t s as  a b u f f e r a g a i n s t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and n e g a t i v e it  f o s t e r s a sense o f b e l o n g i n g  evaluation  and acceptance. Isaacs  since calls  e t h n i c i d e n t i t y " b a s i c group i d e n t i t y " because i t i s an i d e n t i t y t h a t "no one can take away", g e n e r a t i n g belongingness as assured g i v e n s  {  s e l f - e s t e e m and  ; .-.  An i n d i v i d u a l belongs t o h i s b a s i c group i n the deepest and most l i t e r a l sense t h a t here he i s not alone, which i s what a l l but a very few human beings most f e a r to be. He i s n o t o n l y n o t alone, but here, as l o n g as he chooses to remain i n and o f i t , he cannot be denied o r r e j e c t e d . ( I s a a c s 1979:35).  100 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n the form of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n communit y o r g a n i s a t i o n s , "besides b e i n g an a c t i v e a f f i r m a t i o n of one's e t h n i c i t y , a l s o serves other  functions. Organisation  involve-  ment o f f e r a l t e r n a t i v e s t a t u s l a d d e r s to Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s who  f i n d d i f f i c u l t i e s i n g a i n i n g access to the  of White s o c i e t y . The  existence  organisations  of Chinese g o l f c l u b s  Chinese branches o f such mainstream a s s o c i a t i o n s as i s perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of t h i s d i f f i c u l t y . of the L i o n s i n Vancouver has  The  and  Lions  Chinese branch  a l a r g e p r o f e s s i o n a l membership  ( S t r a a t o n 197^:$6). Membership i n Chinese o r g a n i z a t i o n s  en-  able i n d i v i d u a l Chinese to g a i n access to l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the Chinese community and power and  thus access to  greater  i n f l u e n c e not otherwise a v a i l a b l e i n the wider  society. Chinese o r g a n i s a t i o n s e t h n i c s t a t u s by p r e s e n t i n g p u b l i c and  thus g e n e r a t i n g  . work towards r a i s i n g Chinese C;hineseeeul'tur,eatprthec;generalr a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r i t . Chinese c u l t u r a l  a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the 1 0 7 0 s are a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n t h i s  task.  B e s i d e s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the community, Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s respond to p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n by engaging i n in-group s t r a t f - f i c a t i o n and  by r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e i r  experiences.  101  CONCLUSION  The  e m p i r i c a l f i n d i n g s generated by t h i s study enable  us to make some t e n t a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n s hypothesis f o r future One  and  to generate some  research.  of the i s s u e s which i n i t i a t e d t h i s study  was  the q u e s t i o n  of the s a l i e n c y of e t h n i c i t y i n modern s o c i e t i e s .  In the p a s t ,  social scientists  s i n g m o d e r n i s a t i o n and societies, and  expected t h a t w i t h i n c r e a -  i n d u s t r a l i z a t i o n taking place i n  ethnic boundaries would soon l o s e t h e i r  utility;  c l a s s d i v i s i o n s would become the main b a s i s of d i f f e r e n -  t i a t i o n between people. I t was  f e l t t h a t e t h n i c boundaries  would become l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t w i t h i n c r e a s i n g emphasis on achievement r a t h e r than a s c r i p t i o n . Common p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n education  and  the o c c u p a t i o n a l  community would i r o n out  d i f f e r e n c e s between ethnic groups by i n c u l c a t i n g i n p a r t i cipants  common norms, behaviour and  pants b e g i n to judge a c t i o n s and  expectations.  Partici-  events on u n i v e r s a l i s t i c  r a t h e r than p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c b a s i s , and  to v a l u e i n d i v i d u a l  i n i t i a t i v e and m o b i l i t y over k i n s h i p a s s i s t a n c e  (See  In-  k e l e s , I960). T h i s p o i n t of view i s premature at best. far  as the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n t h i s study are  being Chinese continues  As  concerned,  to be a r e l e v a n t f a c t o r i n t h e i r  i n s p i t e of t h e i r l o n g years of education,  and  their  lives,  involve-  ment i n occupations c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the r a t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n of s c i e n c e . E t h n i c  status  was  r e l e v a n t s i n c e i t continued  be the b a s i s by which i n d i v i d u a l s were judged and  to  rewards a l i o -  102  cated. Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s may g a t i v e l y evaluated occupational  he viewed as members of a  e t h n i c group occupying p o s i t i v e l y  evaluated  p o s i t i o n s . In other words, they are s t a t u s  s i s t e n t s . Status  inconsistency  ne-  i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the  incon-  indivi-  dual l i v e s of the respondents through experiencesswith  ne-  g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n and p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n . Chinese p r o f e s s i o n als  are deprived  of the p r e s t i g e a l l o c a t e d to p r o f e s s i o n a l s of  p o s i t i v e l y evaluated  e t h n i c groups. For i n s t a n c e ,  respondents r e v e a l e d  their d i f f i c u l t i e s  and  some of  i n g a i n i n g promotions  t h e r e f o r e i n a t t a i n i n g g r e a t e r power and p r e s t i g e .  difficulty  social activities  i n v o l v e themselves i n s i m i l a r  as t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s  because of p r e j u d i c e and  and  s u p e r i o r s , or  discrimination. Their talents  a b i l i t i e s were not r e c o g n i z e d  by t h e i r s u p e r i o r s and  because o f d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l behaviour which  On  This  arose because of t h e i r l a c k of f a c i l i t y w i t h Eng-  l i s h , because they d i d not  effective  the  simply and  colleagues blocked  communication.  the other hand, t h i s study a l s o found t h a t Chinese  e t h n i c s t a t u s c o u l d complement p r o f e s s i o n a l s s t a t u s . T h i s the case f o r d o c t o r s  and  lawyers having t h e i r own  was  private  p r a c t i c e s . Chinese c l i e n t s go to them because tKey u are Chinese. r  Members of other e t h n i c groups a l s o u t i l i z e  their  services  because they are b e l i e v e d to have some s p e c i a l a b i l i t i e s  not  possessed by p r o f e s s i o n a l s of other e t h n i c groups. Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s who may  have reached the top of t h e i r  be g i v e n added p r e s t i g e by  to be unique s i n c e few  profession  o u t s i d e r s because they are deemed  Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s ever get to  the  103  1 V; top of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n where power and  i n f l u e n c e are  vested.  However, t h i s study a l s o found t h a t even these p r o f e s s i o n a l s who  b e n e f i t e d from being  Chinese w i t h i n t h e i r  s u f f e r e d p r e s t i g e d e p r i v a t i o n outside  of t h e i r  occupation,  occupation.  They are t r e a t e d on the b a s i s of t h e i r r l o w e t h n i c s t a t u s than t h e i r h i g h o o c c u p a t i o n a l  s t a t u s . They f i n d  rather  difficulties  i n o b t a i n i n g p r e s t i g e symbols such as membership i n p r e s t i gious s o c i a l c l u b s and  f r a t e r n a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s . They a l s o  find  i t d i f f i c u l t to g a i n access to l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n larger society. Occasionally, as being  they meet w i t h p r e j u d i c e ,  c a l l e d rude names by s t r a n g e r s .  stereotyped  They may  also  workers or r e s t a u r a n t  T h i s study r e v e a l e d  such be  as occupants of low p r e s t i g e o c c u p a t i o n a l  g o r i e s such as laundry  the  cate-  owners.  t h a t the Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s r e s -  pond to t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n a v a r i e t y of ways. They attempt to f i n d r a t i o n a l explanations  f o r t h e i r experiences w i t h nega-  t i v e e v a l u a t i o n . They s t r a t i f y t h e i r own  e t h n i c group  accord-  i n g to p e r i o d of immigration, a b i l i t y to speak E n g l i s h , occupational of h i g h e r  and  s t a t u s , i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h those groups which are  s t a t u s . They d i s p l a y a tendency to n e g a t i v e l y  l u a t e t h e i r own  eva-  e t h n i c group. Some of the respondents a l s o  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n ethnic organisations,  such as the  Chinese  C u l t u r a l Centres Two  hypotheses i n s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y l i t e r a t u r e  be r e l e v a n t d h e r e .  One  may  commonly s t a t e d h y p o t h e s i s i s t h a t  persons i n s i t u a t i o n s of s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y would tend to avoid those people who avoid those people who  r e a c t n e g a t i v e l y to them, o±  are the embodiment of the low  to  status  104 the persons s u f f e r from.(See Malewski 1966, L e n s k i The  1956).  tendency t o withdraw i s t r u e of the respondents i n so  f a r as they expressed n e g a t i v e e t h n i c group thus c o n f i r m i n g  views about t h e i r own Chinese  i t s low ranking..  A t the same  time they withdraw from t h i s group by adopting the r o l e o f an  outsider. The  other h y p o t h e s i s s t a t e s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h s e v e r a l  incongruent s t a t u s e s , some o f which are evaluated  muchllower  than others, would attempt to r a i s e those s t a t u s e s which a r e evaluated  lower.iGhineseeprofessionals'  involvement i n e t h n i c  o r g a n i s a t i o n s may be i n t e r p r e t e d i n t h i s l i g h t . By p r e s e n t i n g Chinese c u l t u r e f a v o u r a b l y . t o influence  them  the p u b l i c , they hope t o  i n t o a p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of Chinese e t h n i c  s t a t u s . Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s ' involvement i n Chinese  welfare  agencies can be i n t e r p r e t e d as attempts t o r a i s e Chinese e t h n i c s t a t u s by i n c u l c a t i n g i n those members of the Chinese e t h n i c group who c o n t r i b u t e t o the s t i g m a t i z a t i o n of the whole group, c o r r e c t v a l u e s  §nd ways of behaviour which would  enable them t o f i t i n w i t h the wider s o c i e t y . Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s ' involvement i n e t h n i c can a l s o be i n t e r p r e t e d , i n the l i g h t o f s t a t u s theory,  inconsistency  as a d i r e c t attempt to r e s o l v e c o n t r a d i c t i o n between  statuses by d i s s o l v i n g the c o n n e c t i o n and  organisations  ethnic status. Within  between p r o f e s s i o n a l s s t a t u s  the e t h n i c group, e t h n i c s t a t u s rank-  i n g s are n o t r e l e v a n t . Rather, o c c u p a t i o n a l c r i t e r i o n o f rank. W i t h i n  s t a t u s i s the main  t h e i r own e t h n i c group t h e r e f o r e ,  105  Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l s are a b l e t o enjoy t h e i r h i g h tional  occupa-  status.  The  hypothesized r e l a t i o n s h i p between withdrawal and  s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y on the one hand, and involvement i n ethnic organisations  and s t a t u s i n c o n s i s t e n c y on the other,  can be t e s t e d by comparing the p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e s i n e t h n i c organisations  of two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  samples, one o f Chinese  p r o f e s s i o n a l s and one of Chinese i n low o c c u p a t i o n a l (who  positions  are t h e r e f o r e s t a t u s c o n s i s t e n t s ) . 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G r i n d s t a f f and P. C. Whitehead (eds.) C r i t i c a l I s s u e s i n Canadian S o c i e t y . Toronto and Montreal* H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Winston. L a i , C.Y. 1973 "Chinese immigrants i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1858-1970." P a c i f i c Viewpoint 14(1)* 102-108. Lan, 1976  D. P r e s t i g e w i t h L i m i t a t i o n s * R e a l i t i e s o f the Chinese American E l i t e . San F r a n c i s c o * R.E. P u b l i c a t i o n s .  L e n s k i , G. 1954 " S t a t u s c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n s A n o n - v e r t i c a l dimension o f s o c i a l s t a t u s . " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 19(3)* 405-413. L e n s k i , G. 1956 " S o c i a l p a r t i c i p t a i o n and s t a t u s c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n . " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 2 1 * 2 8 8 - 3 0 1 . L e n s k i , G. 1956 "Comment on Kenkel's communication." American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review 2 1 ( 2 ) s 3 6 8 - 3 6 9 . L i , P. 1979 "A h i s t o r i c a l approach t o e t h n i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n * The case o f the Chinese i n Canada." Canadian Review o f S o c i o l o g y and Anthropology 1 6 * 3 2 0 - 3 3 2 . Lyman, S.M. and W.A. Douglas 1973 " E t h n i c i t y * S t r a t e g i e s o f c o l l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l imp r e s s i o n management," S o c i a l Research 40(2)* 3 4 4 - 3 6 5 . Malewski, A. 1966 "The degree o f s t a t u s incongruence and i t s e f f e c t s . " P p . 3 0 3 - 3 0 8 i n R. Bendix and S.M. L i p s e t ( e d s . ) , C l a s s , S t a t u s and Powers S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e . New Yorks Free P r e s s . Mckay, J.P. 1975 Sport and E t h n i c i t y * A c c u l t u r a t i o n , S t r u c t u r a l A s s i m i l a t i o n , and V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n Involvement among  Ill  I t a l i a n Immigrants i n M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto. Master o f S c i e n c e T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f Waterloo, O n t a r i o . Morton, J . 1973 I n the Sea o f the S t e r i l e Mountains: The Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: Douglas. Ng, R. 1977 "The Vancouver Chinese immigrant community and s o c i a l services." Rikka 4(3-4):72-86. Seeman, M. 1958 "The i n t e l l e c t u a l and the language o f m i n o r i t i e s . " American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y 29:25-35. S h i b u t a n i , T. and K. Kwan 1965 E t h n i c S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : A Comparative Approach, New York: Macmillan. Stomequist, E.V. 1937  The M a r g i n a l Man. New York: S c r i b n e r ' s .  S t r a a t o n , K. 1974 The P o l i t i c a l System o f the Vancouver Chinese Community: A s s o c i a t i o n s and L e a d e r s h i p i n the e a r l y 1960s. U n p u b l i s h ed Master o f A r t s T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. V a l , R. 1977 "Can the Canadian e l i t e t o l e r a t e the Chinese i n v a s i o n ? " Saturday N i g h t . June. Van den Berghe, P. 1978 Race and Racism: A Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e . New York: Wiley. Wickberg, E. and o t h e r s I98O From China t o Canada: A H i s t o r y o f the Chinese Communities i n Canada. Unpublished manuscript, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. Wong, A.T. 1979 "Contest t o become top banana: Chinese s t u d e n t s a t Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s . " Canadian E t h n i c s t u d i e s X I ( 2 ) : 6 3 69.  r  112  APPENDIX INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  Name: Occupation: Date of Interview:  PERSONAL DATA 1.  Birth a. Could you t e l l me  i n what year you were born?  b. I n what country were you  born?  c. I f i n Canada, which town or c i t y were you  born?  d. I f abroad, when d i d you come to Canada? 2.  3.  Parents*  Occupations  a. What was  you f a t h e r ' s occupation?  b. What was  your mother's occupation?  Languages a. What languages and d i a l e c t s do you speak? b. Which languages and d i a l e c t s do you f e e l most comfortable  with?  c. Which languages and d i a l e c t s do you speak most o f t e n a t home? d. When you're speaking to Chinese people, do you speak i n Chinese? EDUCATION 4.  Now,  I would l i k e to know something  background;  of your  the path you took to become a  educational .  113  a. Could you name the s c h o o l s you went t o , from elementary to u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l ? b. Could you name me the l o c a t i o n s and d e s c r i b e b r i e f l y the communities  i n which the s c h o o l s were s i t u a t e d ?  OCCUPATION 5.  Next, I. would l i k e to t a l k about the work t h a t you do. a. What were the f a c t o r s which made you decide to be a  ? b. Could you give me a d e s c r i p t i o n o f what you do d u r i n g an o r d i n a r y working day? c. What i s i t about your work t h a t you l i k e ? Do n o t l i k e ? INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS 6.  Now,  I would l i k e to t a l k about your r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h  the people you work w i t h . a. Who  do you work with?  b. How many are Chinese? c. Do you i n t e r a c t i n s o c i a l events o u t s i d e o f work? 7.  Friendship a. How would you d e f i n e a f r i e n d ? b. How many o f such f r i e n d s would you say you have? c. How many are Chinese? d. What s o r t o f a c t i v i t i e s do you p a r t i c i p a t e i n together?  Family And R e l a t i v e s 8.  I am now going to ask you some q u e s t i o n s which are a l i t t l e b i t more p e r s o n a l . a. What i s your m a r i t a l  status?  b. I s your p a r t n e r Chinese or non-Chinese?  114  c. Do you have c h i l d r e n ? How d. Do you have r e l a t i v e s p r o v i n c e ? Do you v i s i t  many?  here i n B.C. them? How  or o u t s i d e the  often?  CHINESE CONNECTION 9  a. Do you eat Chinese food most of the time or do you p r e f e r Western food? b. Do you go shopping i n Chinatown? How  often?  c. Do you c e l e b r a t e Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s ? d. Are you i n v o l v e d w i t h any o r g a n i s a t i o n s i n the Chinese community? Outside the community? SOCIAL AND 10. Now  PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES  I would l i k e to ask your o p i n i o n on the s o c i a l  p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s f a c i n g the Chinese i n t h i s  and  eity.  a. What do you think are some of the problems c o n f r o n t i n g the Chinese i n t h i s c i t y ?  Canada?  b. Looking back over the years, what important gains do you t h i n k the Chinese have made? c. Do you think the Chinese i n t h i s c i t y a c t together i n t h e i r own  interest?  11. Do you t h i n k the Chinese, p a r t i c u l a r l y  the  younger  g e n e r a t i o n , have adopted Western v a l u e s and behaviour? I.srlthis d e s i r a b l e ? 12. Do you have much i n common w i t h members of the Chinese community? PERSONAL EXPERIENCE WITH PREJUDICE AND 13. Next, I would l i k e you t o t e l l me  DISCRIMINATION of any p e r s o n a l ex-^sr  p e r i e n c e s you might have had w i t h p r e j u d i c e and d i s -  11-5  c r i m i n a t i o n t h a t may  have blocked your c a r e e r oppor-  tunity. a. Has  b e i n g a Chinese  Canadian a f f e c t e d your career?  Closed o p p o r t u n i t i e s ? b. Was now  there any p a r t i c u l a r i n c i d e n t which comes to you where b e i n g a Chinese was  an asset?  c. D i d you have any experience w i t h p r e j u d i c e ? T e l l  me  what happened. d. Do you t h i n k you are judged  on the b a s i s of your  a b i l i t y or your race? CONCLUSION 14. I would l i k e now  to conclude w i t h some g e n e r a l q u e s t i o n s .  a. What s o r t of advice would you g i v e a young  Chinese  Canadian? b. Now,  I've been a s k i n g a l o t of q u e s t i o n s . Why  I stop f o r a while and  don't  j u s t l e t you t a l k about what  your experiences as a p r o f e s s i o n a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y as a Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l , have meant f o r you p e r s o n a l l y . c. Anything  e l s e t h a t stands out i n your mind about  b e i n g a Chinese p r o f e s s i o n a l ?  

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