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Prestige deprivation and responses : Chinese professionals in Vancouver Lim, Bea Fung 1981

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PRESTIGE DEPRIVATION AND RESPONSES: CHINESE PROFESSIONALS IN VANCOUVER by BEA FUNG' LIH . B.Sc, North-East London Polytechnic, 1 9 7 7 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFULMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1981 © BEA FUNG LIM , 1981 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date 21st, August, 1981 DK-fi (7/7Q) i ABSTRACT This thesis i s a qualitative study of Chinese pro-fessionals in Vancouver. Thirteen respondents were sub-jected to unstructured in-depth interviews guided by a questionaire schedule which seek to explore the respon-dents' experience of their ethnicity in their work envi-ronment and outside of i t . The data gathered was inter-preted i n terms of status . inconsistency theory. Status inconsistency theory looks at the locations of individuals in a set of status hierarchies, the rela-tionship between these locations and i t s consequences. Objectively, Chinese ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status since the former i s negatively eva-luated i n relation to most White ethnic groups while professional st&tus i s positively evaluated in relation to most other occupational statuses. The main body of the thesis deals with status incon-sistency as i t i s translated into the subjectivelexperiences of Chinese professionals. Ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status when i t deprives Chinese pro-fessionals of the prestige available to professionals of positively evaluated ethnic groups; when Chinese professionals are treated according to their lower ethnic status rather than their higher professional status» and when Chinese profession-als experience special d i f f i c u l t i e s i n their work environment i i as a result of their ethnic status — such as d i f f i c u l t i e s in getting promotions and d i f f i c u l t i e s in communicating with superiors and colleagues. This thesis found that Chinese professionals respond to status inconsistency in various ways. The participation of Chinese professionals in ethnic organisations i s particularly striking. This active involvement with one's own ethnic group appear to contradict another tendency of the respondents: the tendency to negatively evaluate their own ethnic group. In terms of status inconsistency theory, involvement in ethnic organisations dissolves the connection between professional status and ethnic status since within the ethnic group, ethnic status rankings does not apply. Occupational status i s the more relevant criterion of rank within one's own ethnic group. Thus»Chinese professionals within their own ethnic group are regarded only in terms of their high professional status and thus enjoy high prestige. Negative evaluation of one's own ethnic group i s , on the other hand, a confirmation of ethnic group rankings with an attempt to dissociate oneself from one's own negatively evaluated ethnic group by adopting the role of an outsider. This thesis i s exploratory in nature. It aimed to find common problems and common responses. Its findings may be useful in generating hypotheses for future research. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1: The Study of Chinese Professionals .1 Theoretical Approach 4 Status Contradiction as Prestige Depri-vation 6 Response to Prestige Deprivation 9 Ethnicity and Race 10 Chinese Ethnicity 12 Conclusion 13 Chapter 2: Methods Data Collection 15 Data Interpretation 22 Characteristics of Respondents 24 Chapter 3'- Historical Background Early Immigration and the Gold Rush (1808-1880) 26 Era of Railroad Construction (1881-1885) 28 Restricted Entry (1886-1922) 29 Exclusion (1923-1946) 30 Response to Exclusion and Discrimination 31 Liberalism (1947 to the present) 36 The New Community 38 Power and Prestige: Some New Concerns 43 Chapter 4s The Chinese Professional Experience Prestige of Professional Status 47 The Professional Experience: Inconsistency of Status 50 iv The Professional Experience: Consistency of Status 57 Conclusion 61 Chapiter 5: Ethnic Status as Negative Experience Prestige of Ethnic Status 63 Awareness of Ethnic Status Evaluation 65 The Indirect Experience 69 Prestige Deprivation 72 Ambivalent Attitudes 75 Conclusion 79 Chapter 6: Response to Prestige Deprivation Ethnic Identification 81 Endogamy 83 Pride in Chinese Culture 83 Friendship Networks 86 Ethnic Organization 88 Alternative Status Mobility Opportunity 90 In-group Purification 91 In-group Stratification 93 Rationalization 96 Conclusion 99 Conclusion 101 Bibliography 106 Appendix 112 V LIST OF TABLES Page H I Table One: Chinese Population/Vancouver, 1911-1971 ^0 Table Two: Chinese Population of Vancouver: Occupational Profile, 197^ *H Table Three: Chinese in Canada, Place of Bi'rth, 1971 ^ 2 Table Four: Index of Ethnic Representation i n the Economic E l i t e , 1951 and 1972 1 CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY OF CHINESE PROFESSIONALS Although vi s i b l y ethnic professionals constitute an increasingly prominant part of the Canadian labour force in the professions, they have been neglected in Canadian social research. The Chinese ethnic group in Canada has been well researched in terms of i t s historical development and community organisational structure. However, there have been few studies which focus exclusively on Chinese occu-pational subgroups such as the Chinese professionals. Quantitative and qualitative data on the social variables of the Chinese professional class i s limited. Straaton's study of Vancouver Chinese elites provides some valuable information on Chinese professionals, but only with respee*t to those who are active i n leadership roles in the Chinatown organisational structure (Straaton 197*0. The neglect of Chinese professionals as a topic of research stems from at least two factors. First,they only emerged as a sizeable and vis i b l e group in the sixties and seventies. This was one result of the 1967 immigration act which permitted immigrants into Canada mainly on the basiss of technical s k i l l s (Hawkins 1972:53). Second] discriminatory legislation which had prevented Chinese from practising as professionals was only removed in 19^9. 2 Chinese professionals merit study for a number of reasons. They are important i n terms of their growing numbers, for one. Although most Chinese i n the labour force are s t i l l i n trade or service industries, an increasing number can be found in the professions. Their numbers are l i k e l y to increase further,for not only has there been an influx into Canada of Chinese professionals trained abroad, Chinese college students i n Canada also demonstrate a noticeable tendency to ma|jor in technically oriented© fields such as engineering, pharmacy, dentistry, and medicine. Practical mafrorstsuch as business administration, accounting, and commerce are also favoured (Wong 1979)• Most of these students w i l l achieve their goals and become the professionals of tomorrow. In fact, they have succeeded so well that they have caught the attention of the Canadian news media. Ross Val's ar t i c l e i n "Saturday Night" bears the. provocative titles "Can the Canadian e l i t e tolerate the Chinese invasion?" (Val 1977). This i s a good question. It reminds us that although some Chinese have attained positions of high income and prestige, the Chinese ethnic group i s not the dominant ethnic group i n terms of power and control over resources. It i s s t i l l a subordinated minority group whose destiny depends, to some extent, on the tolerance of the White majority. This brings us to another reason why Chinese professionals deserve more attention from social scientists. The entry of some members of subordinated groups into, prestigious white ? collar occupation's ;is::ofiten taken as; a sign, of success of these 3 groups i n overcoming prejudice and discrimination. Is this really the case with ethnic groups such as the Chinese who have gone through a long history of oppression and harsh treatment from white society, and who are characterized by distinctive racial features which s t i l l set them apart? By focusing on Chinese as vi s i b l y ethnic professionals, i t may-be possible to reveal new issues and problems which continue to handicap the Chinese even as they move into prestigious white collar occupations. Chinese professionals may experience unique problems which are not experienced, or experienced to a lesser degree, by Chinese i n blue collar and manual occu-pations. An examination of the experiences of Chinese professionals i n their work environment may also help to c l a r i f y the issue of whether ethnicity i s and should be relevant i n modern industrial societies seeking to base themselves on the cr i t e r i a ; of rationalism, universalism, and achievement. In the past, sociologists wwere more inclined towards the view that ethnicity,being a product of sentiment and custom, was out of place in modern societies..This view has decreased i n popularity as a result of the ethnic revival i n the seventies: "the sudden increase in tendencies by people in many countries and in many circumstances to in s i s t on the significance of their group distinctiveness and identity and on new rights based on this group character" (Glazer and Moynihan 1975s3). The experiences of Chinese professionals working i n environments supposedly characterized by the norms of rationality and achievement, w i l l show whether ethnicity continues to be salient today and why. Finally, another justification for more research on Chinese professionals i s that.this group of individuals i s playing an increasingly influential role in the organi-sational structure of the Chinese community. Chinese organisations such as the Chinese Cultural Centre and SUCCESS (a Chinese welfare association), are run largely by Chinese professionals. In terms of their goals and orientation, these organisations are quite different from the older types of organisations such as the common speech or surname associations. The traditional associations tended to be particularistic in orientation, and to look towards China as a basis for the formulation of organi-sational goals. The new organisations cater to a l l Chinese regardless of origin, speech or surname. Rather than look to China, they orientate themselves to the Chinese community within the Canadian context. The Chinese professionals play an important role in this new orientation. It i s therefore important to understand their perception and experiences. Theoretical Approach This thesis attempts to f i l l some of the gap i n re-search on visibly ethnic professionals by a qualitative 5 study of a group of Chinese professionals i n Vancouver. It asks the following questions* What i s the role of race in the liv e s of Chinese professionals "both i n their work environment and outside of i t ? The Chinese are not the dominant ethnic group in terms of power, influence, land size. Moreover, they are an ethnic group which i s negatively evaluated i n terms of prestige or social standing. How does being categorized as members of a subordinated, negatively evaluated ethnic group affect individual Chinese as they enter into prestigious white collar occupations? What new problems do successful Chinese face? How do they cope with being v i s i b l y ethnic professionals? This thesis i s in part inspired by Dean Lan's interesting study of Chinese American elites (Lan 1976). Lan suggests that the experiences of successful Chinese i n a minority context can be analysed from the point of view of prestige and i t s limitations. His study, based on fifteen in-depth interviews, revealed that the Chinese Americans i n the sample experienced limitations even though they were very wealthy and highly educated individuals. Mobility was possible only up to a point. Subtle forms of prejudice and discrimination reminded the Chinese that they belong to a negatively evaluated ethnic group. The popular view of the Chinese as a successful minority, concludes Lan, i s probably inccurate (Lan 1976«55)» This thesis adopted a similar approach to the study of Chinese professionals in Vancouver. In-depth interviews 6 were carried out with a small sample of Chinese profession-als. Dean Lan's interview schedule, with several modifica-tions, fwas u t i l i s e d for the purpose. The datarcoliL ected was theniinterpreted in terms of theoretical concepts which w i l l be discussed i n the following sections. A f u l l discussion of the data collection method used i n this study w i l l be presented i n the next chapter. Status Contradiction as Prestige Deprivation taitiAlthough Chinese professionals are i n v o l v e d i n p o s i t i v e l y evaluated occupations, they are also members of a low prestige ethnic group. This suggests that status inconsis-tency theory would be useful in explaining the attitudes and behaviour ofothekChinese professionals. Status incon-sistency theory looks at the locations of individuals i n a set of status hierarchies and the way these locations are related. Interrelations between statuses or social positions became a focus for study by students of social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in the forties and f i f t i e s . Individuals were viewed as being situated on several status dimensions rather than in terms of their relative position i n one single hierarchy. The terms "status consistency", "status crystallisation" and "status congruency" refer to the degree of consistency of an1 individual's position across hierarchies. High status inconsistency i s characterized by a set of statuses some of which are highly ranked while others are of low rank. Individuals who are characterized by statuses a l l or most of which are given the same rankings have a high degree of 7 status consistency. Degree of consistency was f e l t to have important influences on the attitudes and behaviour of individuals. Some studies show that individuals with inconsistent statuses more oEtent'than ithoseewithtoensietent ones* possess negative self images (Fenchel, Morderer & Hartley 1951f Goffman 1957)» experience greater stress (Jackson 1962), and have a higher rate of diagnosed mental disorders (Dunham, Philips & Srinivasan I 9 6 6 ) . Lenski showed that a person with inconsistent statuses tends to avoid other people (1956). An explanation for these psychological stresses i s that individuals with discrepant statuses are more frequently subjected to social experiences which are unpleasant or frustrating. According to Lenski, the individual with a poorly crystallized status i s a particular type of marginal man, and i s sub-jected to certain pressures by the social order which are not f e l t P . . . by individuals with a more highly crystallized status (1954*412). According to Malewski, status incongruency violates normative expectations and brings forth punishment.<For , instancei If the individual simultaneously presents two con-f l i c t i n g stimuli, of which the f i r s t causes respect and the second contempt, other people may react to the second type of stimuli and show their contempt for the individual, although this i s not justified i n the ligh t of the higher status factors.(Malewski 1966s 3 0 5 ) . Hughes presents a similar argument. He reasons that social roles are invested with prescribed prerequisites. 8 For instance, certain careers would have socially prescribed prerequisites besides the formal requirement of educational training, such as—"doctors ought to be men," " a i r l i n e pilots should be white males," etc. Consequently individuals who meet the formal requirements but not the unspecified normative ones would face difficulties..Female professors may not get: promoted and paid according to their academic merit. Black doctors may find d i f f c u l t i e s i n getting employment in certain hospitals. These are the "punishment" consequences of status incongruence (Hughes 19^5). In. a purely objective sense, Chinese ethnic status can be said to be inconsistent with professional.status because the lat t e r i s ranked high in terms of prestige whereas the former i s ranked low relative to most white ethnic groups. In a subjective sense, i.e., from the experience of the Chinese professionals themselves, Chinese ethnic status i s inconsistent with professional status when, as a result of their ethnic status, Chinese professionals are robbed of the prestige and rewards available to pro-fessionals of highly ranked ethnic groups. Deprivation of prestige may occur both within the work environment and outside of i t . An example within the work environment would be i f Chinese professionals face d i f f i -culties i n obtaining promotions to positions of greater power and influence , and are therefore deprived of the prestige which comes with these positions. Limitations 9 may also be experienced outside the occupational area. A reason why the professions are so highly valued as careers i n our society i s the professions' capacity to endow their imcumbents with prestige outside of the occupational environ-ment. To be a doctor or lawyer or professor means more than the prestige one gets through contacts within one's job, i.e., the admiration or deference of clients, patients or support-ing staff. It also enables one to participate in leadership roles within the larger society, to gain entrance into pre-stigious social clubs and fraternal organisations, and to enhance one's social standing with various prestige symbols. Chinese professionals may face d i f f i c u l t i e s in attaining these appendages. In addition, they may be unable to sustain their self image as individuals of high social standing outside of the work area where they are unknowns. They are l i k e l y to be treated as Chinese rather than as professionals. Response to Prestige Deprivation This thesis w i l l look at some of the responses of Chinese professionals to prestige deprivation. One common response revealed by data from the~thirteen interviews which were carried out, was ambivalent attitudes towards the respondents' own ethnic group..Within the interview protocols were statements which revealed that the respondents f e l t some shame in being Chinese.. They displayed a tendency to identify with the values and standards of the dominant society, and at the same time to condemn their ethnic group 10 "by those standards. Ambivalent attitudes are however, only one type of response. Since status inconsistency brings forth punishment consequences, eliminating that incongruence i s rewarding. Individuals develop responses ; which enable them to li v e satisfying lives. The literature suggests that these responses range from contextual types of responses to long-term behavioural and attitudinal orientations (See Goffman 1963:9-12 for this distinction). As far as the Chinese professionals are concerned, responses to prestige deprivation must take place within the limits imposed by their v i s i b i l i t y . n l n other words, they cannot hope to "pass" into positively valued white ethnic groups because they are characterized by distinctive physical features which distinquish them as Chinese. Ethnicity and Race Some students of ethnic relations have emphasized the mutability of ethnic identity and i t s instrumental possi-b i l i t i e s . Patterson, for instance, holds that i t i s a fallacy to view ethnic identity as basically involuntary and unchangeable (1975*306). In his study of the Chinese i n Jamaica and Ghana, Patterson viewed ethnic identity as an instrument manipulated by the group to serve socio-economic interests. Lyman and Douglas also emphasize the instrumental aspect of ethnicity. Ethnicity i s an acquired and used feature of human identity, available for employment by either parti-cipant in an encounter and subject to presentation, inhibition, manipulation and exploitation (Lyman & 11 Douglas 1973O50). This approach, i n my view, over-emphasizes the rational, instrumental and mutable nature of ethnic identity. Even where ethnic groups are not distinguished on the basis of racial characteristics, there are limitations to which ethnic identity can be manipulated. Lyman and Douglas did recognise some of these limits. For instance, people may lack s k i l l and confidence in their own a b i l i t i e s to carry out a "per-fprmance". They may .lack information about other ethnic groups necessary for successful performance (Lyman & Douglas 1973* 351-353). A more important limitation which Shibutani and Kwan point out i s that even though ethnic categories are essentially mental constructs and beliefs, they are binding or constraining on social behaviour because of the shared nature of these beliefs (Shibutani & Kwan 1965:47). Milton Gordon holds a similar view: ...the "status" of being a Negro or a White or a Mongoloid Oriental i s not one from which oneecan voluntarily resign. The occasional individual who may have determined independently that he w i l l wear none of these labels ... finds that the institutional structure of the society and the set of bu i l t - i n social and psychological categories with which most of his countrymen are equipped to place him ... are loaded against him. Group categorization, then,>,has i t s own social momentum once i t i s set in motion and i s by no means purely a matter of individual volitions acting in concert (Gordon 1964:29). Pierre Van den Berghe made a useful distinction between racial groups and ethnic groups. A rac i a l group i s that which i s defined socially but on the basis of physical c r i t e r i a whereas an ethnic group i s defined socially but on the basis 12 of cultural c r i t e r i a . When cultural c r i t e r i a of group differen-tiation are exclusively or predominantly resorted to, there results a more flexible system of stra t i f i c a t i o n than one based on race, for culture can be learnt and movement from one ethnic group to another i s thus possible. Racial, pheno-typical, definition of group membership i s more immutable than an ethnic definition and usually gives rise to a more r i g i d social hierarchy (Van den Berghe 1978s22). This distinction between racial groups and ethnic groups helps to c l a r i f y the debate in the literature between those who view ethnic groups as ascriptive and thus immutable, and those who view ethnic group membership'asiachieved and thus subject to choice and manipulation. Chinese Ethnicity. Distinctive racial features provide the most relevant c r i t e r i a by which individuals define themselves and are defined by others as Chinese. Cultural and language differences are far less important. A study of Vancouver Chinese house-holds showed that of Vancouver bom Chinese speak only English i n the home (Wickberg 1980s Part 1V-133). Many third and fourth generation Chinese do not speak or'understand any . of the Chinese dialects. Cultural customs which used to differen-tiate the Chinese ethnic group from others have declined. Traditional kinship gatherings,such as grave worship which i s s t i l l significant in Hong Kong and Chinese communities i n S.E. 'Asia7?are^off§li.tTtle» importance i n Canada (Johnson 1979s 369). 13 According to Johnson, other forms of traditional rituals have also declined. Only 10$ of a sample of Chinese residents i n Vancouver i n 1974 had ancestral tablets, signifying a decline in ancestral worship. Although some of therrespondents inter-viewed i n this thesis made an effort to celebrate Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s (so as to remind their children df Chinese culture), most did not do so. Respondents tended to celebrate Christmas and the English New Year, partly because Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s seldom f a l l on public holidays. With the decline in cultural differentiation, v i s i b l e mon-goloid features remain the most c r i t i c a l distinguishing c r i -teria. What are the consequences of this v i s i b i l i t y for the Chinese professionals? Their v i s i b i l i t y means that they are easily identified as members of a negatively evaluated group. They are often juggedoon the basis of group rajfehert'than'Indi-vidual charaeteristies.clhepjare not able to adopt the strategy of "passing" into another more positively evaluated ethnic group. However, although racial characteristics cannot be easily changed, behavioural and attitudinal orientations are mutable. The professionals can respond to their situation with beha-vioural and attitudinal strategies. Conclusion In summary, a recurrent theme throughout this study i s the ambiguous position of the Chinese professionals, an ambiguity which arises from their possession of two inconsistent statuses —professional status and ethnic status. The former i s prestige 14 conferring whereas the l a t t e r i s p o t e n t i a l l y prestige depri-ving. Chinese deal with t h i s issue i n a va r i e t y of ways. The two statuses, ethnic status and occupational status are j u s t i f i e d as a focus f o r study because they are what Lenski termed "basic statuses" (1956:368) and Hughes termed "master statuses" (1945*357). They are powerful characterise t i c s which define an in d i v i d u a l ' s place i n society. Occupa-t i o n a l status i s an important c r i t e r i o n by which the worth of i n d i v i d u a l s i s judged i n i n d u s t r i a l society. Ethnic status informs people who they are and where they came from (See Gordon 1964, Isaacs 1975). 15 CHAPTER 2 METHODS The purpose of this thesis i s to explore the role of race and status contradiction in the lives of Chinese pro-fessionals i n their work environment as well as outside of i t . It aims to find common problems and similar responses. It i s exploratory and no inferences are made to the entire population of Chinese professionals. This chapter w i l l dis-cuss the methods used i n collecting and interpreting the data for the thesis. Data Collection Given the main concerns of the thesis, in-depth inter-viewing i s a good method of data collection. In-depth inter-views provide the possibility of capturing shadings and subtle meanings important i n the problem of status contra-diction. A schedule of open-ended questions constructed and u t i l i z e d by Dean Lan in his study of Chinese American elites ( 1 9 7 6 : 6 4 - 6 7 ) was, with modifications, used for the purpose of introducing the main concerns of the thesis. However, neither the questions nor the order i n which they were asked were rigi d l y adhered to. Respondents were allowed some leeway i n introducing topics, freedom to expand and elaborate on issues of concern to them> and freedom to ignore others which they f e l t were not relevant. Thus I hoped to avoid a situation where the respondents would feel entrapped and forced into postures which misrepresented them, a problem with r i g i d , close-ended 16 type of interviews (Riesman, 1958). I t r i e d to encourage a relaxed s t y l e with the give and take t y p i c a l of an ordinary conversation. On the whole, t h i s put the respondents at ease and increased the rapport and tr u s t between the interviewer and respondent. However, the interviews were not permitted to be as free-wheeling as a non-standardized interview where "the investigator i s w i l l i n g and often eager to l e t the interviewee teach him what the problem, the question, the s i t u a t i o n i s " (Dexter 1970). Thus, whenever the respondent appeared to be veering o f f into a completelydifferent d i r e c t i o n , I attempted to tease the conversation back onto the tracks. My interviewing strategy also tended to vary with the respondents. Some respondents were expansive and t a l k a t i v e , with a l o t to say. Some were more r e t i c e n t and seemed to prefer the interviewer to ask the questions and define the areas. This was generally the case with respondents who f e l t more comfortable with t h e i r own Chinese d i a l e c t s than with English. In these cases, the interviews followed the question schedule c l o s e l y . Since the thesis i s exploratory, I did not select a random sample. I attempted to f i n d respondents who were l i k e l y to have d i f f e r e n t l i f e experiences and d i f f e r e n t points of view. Various factors are thought to contribute to differences within an immigrant ethnic group. A number of studies showed that a s s i m i l a t i o n , f o r instance, i s a 17 function of length of residence.in Canada (Mckay 1975). Wong's study of Chinese students demonstrates that the students' attitudes and behaviour varied with the amount of time they spent in Canada (Wong 1979). Thus, i t i s generally believed that a person born i n Canada or who came at an early age i s l i k e l y to have a different l i f e experience and different attitudes than a recent immigrant because he or she has had a longer time in which to become-acculturated and assimilated. However, as far as the Chinese professionals are con-cerned, length of residence i n Canada need not be the only indication of acculturation and assimilation. Toobecome assimilated, individuals must have the opportunity to learn and become Swise" to the ways of the group into which they are being incorporated. An important consideration i s place of emigration. Immigrants came to Canada not only from Hong Kong and China, places where Chinese as a group dominate i n size and where Chinese culture i s assumedd to prevail, but also South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia and the Pacific Islands — places formerly colonized by the British and where the British presence i s s t i l l f e l t in terms of the countries' educational system and the prevalence of English as a common language. The Chinese from these places are l i k e l y to have considerable experience with Western culture, attitudes and ideology. Place of education i s another factor to consider in this matter. Professionals, expecially from less developed coun-18 t r i e s , are l i k e l y to have t h e i r professional education i n Western countries such as New Zealand, A u s t r a l i a , England and United States, and therefore to have gathered more experience and knowledge of the ways of whitehsbciety than length of stay i n Canada would indicate. In s e l e c t i n g respondents, I t r i e d therefore to have represented as many places of emigration and places of education as possible. I also t r i e d to f i n d respondents from d i f f e r e n t pro-fessions. There has never been complete agreement over the exact d e f i n i t i o n of a profession. Most d e f i n i t i o n s incor-porate one or several of the following components: existence of a governing or p o l i c i n g body which regulates entry* de-fines working conditions and rules of conduct* professional authority a r i s i n g from s k i l l j s k i l l based on a body of theory; existence of an occupational sub-culture (Greenwood 1957). To begin with, I had i n mind four main occupations which could be considered as established occupations? law, medicine, engineeringrandoaccountancy. I began by se l e c t i n g names and addresses of po t e n t i a l respondents from the d i r e c t o r i e s published by t h e i r professional associations, i . e . , " B r i t i s h Columbia Legal Telephone Directory, 1979"l "Medical Directory" off;; the College of Physician and Surgeons of B.C., 1979-1980; "The B.C. Professional Engineer", the annual directory issue of the Association of Professional Engineers ?of B.C.; "Direc-tory of Canadian Chartered Accountants, 1979". 19 I chose surnames to r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t d i a l e c t groups. Most names would also he accompanied by place of education and s p e c i a l i s a t i o n . Again I u t i l i z e d the c r i t e r i a of v a r i e t y and differences. I wrote l e t t e r s to selected p o t e n t i a l respondents, explaining that I was a student at UBC under-taking a project for a Master's thesis i n Sociology and that I was interested i n the opinions and views of Chinese professionals about l i f e i n Canada. I did not have much success with t h i s method however. Only a few r e p l i e d consenting to be interviewed. I also had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n contacting p o t e n t i a l respondents by phone. I was seldom able to "catch" them i n as most had busy schedules. Of those I did manage to contact, only one refused outright because of lack of time. A few asked f o r the i n t e r -views to be postponed but I did not manage to get back to them. I l a t e r obtained introductions to Chinese professionals prominent i n the community affairs© of Chinatown from Dr. Graham Johnson, a member of my advisory committee who has done research into the Chinese community i n Canada and there^e fore hadwcontacts with i t s denizens. Inorder to avoid over-concentration on professionals sharing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of being active i n the a f f a i r s of the Chinese community, I also tapped alt e r n a t i v e resources by s o l i c i t i n g addresses and introductions from Canadian friends and from the respondents I interviewed. I had considerable 20 success i n reaching more people through t h i s snowballing method. Sample size was not determined on the outset, Rather I set out with some a p r i o r i categories i n mind — - of the v a r i e t y of attitudes that I was l i k e l y to encounter based on a reading of the l i t e r a t u r e , expecially Milton Gordon (1964) and Dean Lan (1976). Thus the number of interviews was judged to be adequate when I f e l t that a l l categories had been covered. A small sample has an advantage i n that the data c o l l e c t e d i s manageable and the relevant issues can be e a s i l y identified*without taxing,time and finances. At f i r s t , I decided to interview only male professionals, thfts holding constant the variable of sex. However, I l a t e r decided to include female professionals i n the sample on the basis that they would have fresh perspectives to con-tribute to the problem of status contradiction. Women might reveal concerns such as those r e l a t i n g to children and a c -marriage not revealed by men. Their status as a doubly sub-ordinated group adds an important aspect to the issue of status contradiction. I interviewed three women. They tended to be more frank with t h e i r views, l e s s withdrawn and pro-tec t i v e . This could be due to the f a c t that the interviewer was of the same sex. One problem encountered was the f a c t that professionals were generally very busy people often pressed f o r time. Thus interviews were kept between 45 minutes and 1 1/2 hours. Some were carr i e d out during lunch breaks. The interviews 21 took place i n the respondents' o f f i c e s or i n t h e i r homes. They were carr i e d out over a period of f i v e months. At the beginning of each interview I would again state the purpose of the interview. A l l the respondents were sympathetic, although one engineer wanted to know whether I was i n any way connected with Green Peace or other environmental and Indian i n t e r e s t groups. Another said he hoped he would not lose h i g job by t a l k i n g to me. I assured them of complete anonmity. Some of the respondents, such as accountants and cr. :'n engineers, worked i n large corporations, and others worked i n t h e i r own private practices.I f e l t that i n d i v i d u a l s who worked i n corporations tended to be more cautious. A few, I thought, were , more relaxed and frank only a f t e r the tape recorder was switched o f f . On some occasions, I was i n v i t e d for tea and snacks. Respondents often expressed an i n t e r e s t i n my background, e s p e c i a l l y my d i a l e c t group and country of b i r t h . What did the respondents get i n return f o r giving up t h e i r valuable time? A chance to talk to an interested l i s t e r n e r — the therapeutic e f f e c t — and also a chance to pass on experience. One respondent who expressed strong disagreement with the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese attitude of p l a -cing l e s s importance on the education of female off-springs said he agreed to be interviewed as a gesture of support for female aspirations: 22 When you came up, I said to myself: that's good; I don't mind p a r t i c i p a t i n g . A Chinese g i r l s i t t i n g across from me, asking the questions. That's r e a l l y something; that's a bi g plus. At l e a s t we give you guys the benefit of our experience. Data Interpretation My purpose i n t h i s study was not to v e r i f y the theory of status inconsistency but to use the theory as a mode of conceptualization for describing and explaining a p a r t i c u l a r area of s o c i a l l i f e . The theory provided a guide and a strategy for handling data. The recorded interviews were f u l l y transcribed as in d i v i d u a l protocols. These were not content analyzed i n any s t a t i s t i c a l sense but were simply examined for patterns of responses. Some i n t e r e s t i n g comments and s t o r i e s were not used as they did not bear on the relevant issues: status inconsistency and the saliency of race. Status inconsistency r e f e r s to the condition where in d i v i d u a l s possess high and low statuses at the same time. Objectively, Chinese pro-fessionals are i n a s i t u a t i o n of status inconsistency since they are members of a negatively evaluated group involved i n highly evaluated occupations. This was established with reference to two sets of studies. One set of studies showed that the Chinese ethnic group has consistently been given lower rankings i n terms of prestige than most white ethnic groups. The other set of studies showed that the occupations that the respondents ware involved i n are those which have 23 consistently "been given high evaluation by samples repre-sentative of the general population. Data from the interview protocols were used to analyze status inconsistency as i t i s subjectively experienced by ind i v i d u a l s . Status inconsistency manifested t s e l f i n the l i f e s of the Chinese professionals through t h e i r experience with negative evaluation arid prestige deprivation. In s h i f t -ing through each protocol, I looked f o r incidents and events i n which the respondents encountered prejudice and*discrimina-t i o n i n t h e i r everyday l i v e s and i n t h e i r careers. General awareness of negative evaluation as indicated by the res^sr: pondents' opinion and attitude was also noted. Also relevant and not ignored were sit u a t i o n s i n which respondents bene-f i t e d from being Chinese and received p o s i t i v e evaluation because of i t . Respondents* attitudes and behaviour, such as i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n with the Chinese ethnic group, were interpreted as responses to negative evaluation and prestige deprivation i f they were acknowledged as such by the respondents. Inter-pretations were also made on the basis of s o c i o l o g i c a l studies and works such as those of A l l p o r t (1958) and Goffman (1963). 24 CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS AGE NUMBER 2 0 - 2 9 2 3 0 - 3 9 3 4 0 - 4 9 3 50 - 59 6 0 - 6 9 1 PLACE OF BIRTH NUMBER Hong Kong 4 China 3 Canada 2 F i j i Islands 1 South A f r i c a 1 Malaysia 1 England 1 DATE OF ARRIVAL IN CANADA NUMBER 1927 1 1966 - 1977 10 25 PROFESSION NUMBER Engineer 4 Professor 3 Teacher 1 Physician 2 Lawyer 1 Accountant 1 Bank Officer 1 26 CHAPTER 3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The emergence of Chinese professionals as a sizable component of the Chinese ethnic group was made possible by changes in immigration rules and discriminatory legis-lation. The brief sketch in this chapter* of the experiences of the Chinese in Canada w i l l provide a historical view of the emergence of the Chinese professionallclass and show how overt discrimination has given way to fresh concerns and issues facing the Chinese. The Chinese population i n Canada, from the very begin-ning, had been subjected to a series of efforts at harass-ment, legal and otherwise (Johnson 1979s359). The period between 1858 (when the Chinese f i r s t arrived in British Columbia) and 19^7 (when the 1923 Immigration Act prohibiting Chinese immigration into Canada was repealed) was marked by overt, legal forms of discrimination. The period after 19^7 was characterized by increasing liberalization of White attitudes towards the Chinese. The period between 1958 and 19^7 can be further divided into four stages conciding with changes in immigration laws, employment conditions and spa-t i a l distribution (See Lai 1973). Early Immigration: The Gold Rush (1858 - 1880) The f i r s t Chinese who arrived in British Columbia came via San Francisco, attracted by news of the discovery of gold. 27 Later, Chinese came d i r e c t l y from the r u r a l areas i n the Kwangtung province of China. According to Crissman, (The Chinese) did not set out adventurously to begin a new l i f e abroad, but were pushed out of t h e i r homes by economic necessity, the unwilling victims of pressure on the land and lack of l o c a l opportunities for earning a l i v i n g . Leaving home was not thought to be permanent but, on the contrary, was seen as a temporary expedient that would allow them to earn enough to l i v e , support t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and eventually return home as wealthy men..,. emigrants l e f t China expecting to return home in due time,,..{(Crissman 1967*187). The exodus from Kwangtung was aided by a lineage system which enabled males to leave behind wives and children as they themselves went.hither to seek better opportunities (Morton 1973*5). Consequently,the early Chinese population was characterized by a preponderance of males. The West Coast of B r i t i s h Columbia where the Chinese f i r s t arrived i n Canada was already s e t t l e d mainly by Britons. The Chinese were at f i r s t regarded with c u r i o s i t y and amused tolerance. I t was during these years before the turn of the century that the d i a c r i t i c a l features of ethnic i d e n t i t y which distinguished the Chinese from other ethnic groups appear sharpest. The Chinese wore t h e i r queues and customary garb of blue cotton (Dicker 1979*2), they spoke a d i f f e r e n t tongue and observed d i f f e r e n t customs and r i t u a l s . Local newspapers published accounts of the bizzare funeral r i t e s of the Chinese, t h e i r habits of gambling, p r o s t i t u t i o n and opium smoking. These distinguishing features of the Chinese did not lead to discrimination against them u n t i l they began to compete with whites for jobs. At f i r s t tithed Chinese were 28 not of s u f f i c i e n t l y large numbers to constitute an obvious economic threat. Most passed through V i c t o r i a and disappeared to the mines up north. Their presence at that point also increased trade and thereby benefitted l o c a l merchants. Af t e r 1866 the productivity of the gold-mines dimi-nished and economic recession set i n . The r e s u l t was increased competition for jobs and increased enmity against the Chinese. In 1867*.one of the e a r l i e s t Chinese - settlements on Burrard I n l e t , a labour camp on the West End peninsula was burnt down by a mob (Cho & Leigh L972:68). In the 1870s a series of discriminatory acts were passed by the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s -l a t i v e assembly aimed at c u t t i n g down Chinese immigration but were a l l vetoed by the Dominion Government. Era of Railroad Construction (1881 - 1885) The l a r g e s t i n f l u x of Chinese labourers occurred between 1881 and 1885. The beginning of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway l e d to a huge demand f o r labour which could not be f i l l e d by white labour alone. Accordingly, the Onder-donk Construction Company employed Chinese from the States and also imported coolies from Hong Kong (Lai 19735 104). This l e d to increases i n the Chinese population of B.C. from 5% of the province's population to 8.8?6 between 1871 and 1881. When the CPR was completed many were thrown out of work and competition for jobs increased. In t h i s competition, the Chinese often had the advantage for t h e i r lower standard of l i v i n g enabled them to accept lower wages (Bonaich 1972) . In addition, the Chinese were employed as strike breakers. Their employment as scab labour in the 1883 Wellington mine ; strike led to demands for the exclusion of the Chinese. In 1885, the Dominion Government gave in to pressure from labour groups and passed an immigration act imposing a $50 headtax on every Chinese entering Canada. Restricted Entry (1886 - 1922) The period between 1886 and 1922 was one of increasing enmity against the Chinese. Petitions were frequently sent by groups of workers to re s t r i c t Chinese immigration. In 1891, over 70 petitions were presented to the Dominion Parliament urging the prohibition of the importation of Chinese labour (Lai 1973:3*0 . In 1886, a mob destroyed a Chinese settlement on the banks of False Creek (Cho and Leigh 1972:60). In September 1907i an anti-Oriental r i o t broke out in Vancouver i n which Chinese and Japanese sections of the town were pillaged by mobs (Straaton 197^:33). In 1907, B.C. adopted a policy of segregation in i t s schools. It was f e l t that the Chinese students were inadequate in English and needed to be educated separately. This policy i n effect prevented most Chinese children from attending public schools (Straaton 1974:33). Most politicians had to adopt an anti-Chinese stand in order to maintain a following. For instance, in I879, Noah Shakespeare, a member of the Victoria City Council formed the Anti-Chinese Association. His success as Mayor 30 of V i c t o r i a and then as member of parliament could be attributed to t h i s anti-Chinese platform ( L i 1979s325)• The headtax was increased to $100 i n 1901 and then to $500 i n 1904. Consequently, Chinese immigration was curbed quite r a d i c a l l y f o r a short period. In 1905 only 8 Chinese entered Canada. The Chinese as a percentage of the province's population declined from 8.3% i n 1901 to 4.5% i n 1921. Exclusion (1923—11946) Only 23 Chinese entered ICanada between 1923 and 1946 due to the passing of the Chinese Exclusion Act i n 1923. Under t h i s act, persons of Chinese o r i g i n were not permitted to entereCanada. Only students,, diplomatic , attaches, Chinese bom i n Canada, and merchants were allowed to enter. Chinese with Canadian domicile or c i t i z e n s h i p were not permitted to bring t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n into Canada (Lai 1973:106). Other forms of discrimination were also operating, at t h i s time: During the interwar years, Orientals, even though theye were subjects were i n e l i g i b l e to vote i n p r o v i n c i a l and municipal elections or to hold o f f i c e i n the pro-v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i v e oriimunicipal cbuncilssor school boards. The p r o v i n c i a l voters' l i s t s were used as the basis of exclusion i n other aspects of l i f e . In t h i s manner Oriental B r i t i s h Subjects were ^ d i s q u a l i f i e d from voting i n Dominion elections, and Orientals were generally barred from the practices of law and pharmacy i n B r i t i s h Columbia. They could not be employed by contractors engaged i n p r o v i n c i a l public works, or by companies holding crown timber leases. Theyswere being gradually squeezed out of the f i s h i n g industry by the withholding of l i c e n s e s by the Federal department of Marine and Fisheries (Corbett 1957:34) . 31 Responses to Exclusion and Discrimination The period from I858 to 19^6 was a time of overt and institutionalized forms of discrimination against the Chinese. During these years, individual Chinese could not attempt to deal with subordinate status by assimilation, or by pur-suing individual paths to greater power through education and the professions. They were prevented by the laws of the' land from doing so. Consequently, the onlyr other viable alternatives were to band together as an ethnic group for mutual help and support, and economically to create alterna^:'/1 tive forms of livelihood. The emergence of ethnic businesses such as Chinese laundries and restaurants can be viewed as survival adapta-tions, as attempts to develop alternative economic opportu-nities i n a hostile labour market,(Li 1979:328) . According to Dicker, ... opening a laundry took l i t t l e capital: one needed only soap, a scrub board, an iron and an ironing board. Because laundrymen picked up and delivered, the business location was unimportant, and rent could be kept at a minimum. Two laundries sometimes shared the same premises, with one operating during during the day and the other at night. Self employment was an ideal solution for the Chinese for i t placed them in a position where they neither had to work for whites nor compete with them for jobs (Dicker 1979*5). Restaurants needed more capital to set up but the hot tasty meals could be cheaply produced and provided nutri-tious fare not only for the Chinese (most of whom l i v e i n rooming housesv.'without kitchen f a c i l i t i e s ) but also for the white miners for whom the Chinese food was a welcome alterna-32 tive (Dicker 1979:5). In the Fraser Delta area, the Chinese went into vege-table marketing. Since most Chinese came from peasant backgrounds, they were familiar fwith the techniques df cultivation. In their tiny backyard gardens, they grew vegetables and sold them from door to door. So successful were they at this that, i n 1936 when they moved into the wholesale market gardening business in Vancouver, a vigo-rous protest was launched by established white farmers (Morton 1973:224-247). Those professionals who did exist during these periods were mainly doctors trained in China and servicing the Chinese community, or teachers. A report on the occupational distribution of the Chinese compiled by Huang Xiquan, a staff member of the Chinese consulate 3 in San Francisco, showed that i n 1884 only 2% of the Chinese population were employers and professionals. The professional class probably did not expand un t i l 1947 when the franchise was extended to the Chinese, thus opening up the professions as a path from subordination. Before this, Chinese who undertook professional"training such .as law, could not practise as lawyers but instead took up the Vole of ethnic brokerage by acting as court interpreters (Wickberg I 9 8 O Part 11:85-86). Aside from impersonal contacts with the White world i n the area of employment, the Chinese confined themselves to 33 t h e i r own ethnic group. They l i v e d i n the "Chinese quarter" (Cho & Leigh 1972:71), orientedethemselves to China's p o l i t i c s (Straaton 1971*40), and b u i l t up a multitude of associations devoted t© t h e i r own mutual welfare, protec-t i o n and recreation. The Chinese community could be des-cribed as being " i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y complete" (Breton 1964) i n that a l l services required by members, i . e . , education, food, clothing, medical care and s o c i a l assistance, could be provided within i t . Thus by means of i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness would dependence on White society, be .cut to a minimum. Throughout 1858 to 1947, the Chinese population remained predominantly male. In 1931i there were only 3,468 women i n a t o t a l Chinese population of 46,519 (Johnson 1979*363). In B r i t i s h Columbia there were only 1,000 Chinese fa m i l i e s . As a r e s u l t of the head-tax, the cost of bringing a wife over from China was p r o h i b i t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1904 when the head-tax increased to $500. The Exclusion Act of 1923 prevented the in-migration of women altogether. In response to the im p o s s i b i l i t y of establishing conjugal units, the focus of the Chinese community during t h i s "bachelor" phase was the voluntary associations (Johnson 1979*364). Some of these associations recruited members on the basis of common t e r r i -tory of o r i g i n , common surname or d i a l e c t , and were important sources of welfare for members. They kept members i n touch with the homeland, sent remittances back to China, and also 34 transported bones home for burial. Besides these associations based on particularistic c r i t e r i a , were associations attempting to cater to a l l Chinese. The Chinese Benevolent Association, started in Victoria in 1884, acted as a welfare agency, andL;chari.tabler6rganisation and settled disputes within the Chinese community. Its executives included representatives from l o c a l i t y associations so that as a federation of associations i t theoretically re-presented the totality of of an otherwise segmented structure (Straaton 1974:91). As such i t acted as an intermediary bet-ween the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system and the Chinese, and i t s leaders were often recognized by white society as leaders of the Chinese community. The proliferation of associations segmented on the basis of common loca l i t y , surname and dialect, and characterized by interlocking directorships, were by no means unique to the Chinese in Canada. According to Crissman (1967), a l l overseas Chinese communities displayed"this organisational structure. It was a traditional response to the common problem of dis-crimination and exclusion. If the Chinese in Canada suffered prejudice and discrimination, so did Chinese in other communities outside of China. Dominant p o l i t i c a l authorities, often colo-ni a l and British, excluded the Chinese segment of the population from f u l l participation in the wider society (Johnson 1979: 359) . According to Crissman, Until recently, no Chinese community abroad has had any say in the government of the city or country of 35 settlement. In addition, few i f any provisions were made for governing the Chinese or providing for their needs. As an extreme example, from 1825 to 1870 the Brit i s h in Singapore made no formal arrangements what-ever for administering the Chinese, who made up over half of the population of the city ... Similar con-ditions existed everywhere, north America included; yet had the Chinese tried to establish e x p l i c i t l y governmental or p o l i t i c a l organisations, even those limited to activities internal to the Chinese communi-ties, they would have brought repression down upon themselves.... urban Chinese ... must govern themselves without having noticeable governmental institutions, and their solution of the dilemma i s the same. They use the organisational superstructure of their segmen-tary social structure as both aar© presentative p o l i t i c a l system and a hierarchical administrative system ... (Crissman 1967:200). There werersigns in the interwar period that the i n s t i -tutional completeness of the Chinese community in Canada was becoming less encompassing. The poverty of the communi-ty meant that the Chinese had to seek public assistance (Wickberg 1980 Part 111:94-101). Moreover, some avenues for Chinese participation in the l i f e of the larger community were becoming available, for instance, the Chinese parti-cipation in the sale of war bonds. The Chinese were also not . adverse to u t i l i z i n g the tactics of the White society in demanding certain rights. Strikes and demonstrations were re-sorted to either as a sign of protest or to get certain specific concessions. For instance, in 1933 during the de-pression, about 50 Chinese marched on Vancouver City Hall to demand unemployment r e l i e f . In 1935 about 20 Chinese congregated at the B.C. Parliament building in Victoria to demand provincial aid. In 1937* Calgary's f i r s t sit-down strike was' staged by a group of Chinese to protest their 36 meagre unemployment allowance from the p r o v i n c i a l govern-ment (Wickberg 1980 Part 111:94). L i b e r a l i z a t i o n (1947 to the present) The 1923 Immigration Act was repealed i n 1947» thus s i g n a l l y i n g a new phase i n which more l i b e r a l attitudes prevailed towards the Chinese (Cho & Leigh 1972:71) . The p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Chinese i n the war e f f o r t had won for them some measure of acceptance. Also, i n d u s t r a l i z a t i o n , the growth of l i b e r a l i s m , and the increased role of the government i n the economy due to the war, had fostered the welfare state which sets out to recognise and protect human r i g h t s regardless of race, nationality,: colour,: re-l i g i o n or sex (The Act for the Recognition and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Statutes of : Canada, i 9 6 0 . V o l . 1 , Chapter 4 ) . The eff e c t s on the Chinese com-munity of the recognition of human ri g h t s was quite drama-t i c . Franchise was extended f i r s t totthe .war veterens and aft e r some pressure by the Chinese, to the r e s t of the com-munity The professions which had excluded the Chinese on the basis that they were not on the voters' l i s t could no longer do so. The Franchise therefore f a c i l i t a t e d the deve-lopment of a Chinese professional c l a s s . Increases i n the number of Chinese professionals i n Canada was also f a c i -l i t a t e d by changes i n immigration laws. The Immigration Act of 1947 which permitted naturalized 37 Canadian Chinese to sponsor wives arid children under the age of 18 for admission to Canada, was based on the p r i n c i p l e of sponsorship. In 1962, a point system was introduced i n which s k i l l became the most important c r i t e r i o n i n the s e l e c t i o n of new immigrants (Straaton 1971:47). F i n a l l y , " i n 1967, the department of Manpower and Immigration re-placed the Department of Citisenship and Immigration, creating a firm manpower ori e n t a t i o n i n Canadian Immigration pol i c y " (Hawkins 1972 :53). Consequently, a f t e r I962 and i n -creasingly a f t e r 1967, large numbers of Chinese came as i n -dependent immigrants on the basis of s k i l l s rather than as sponsored r e l a t i v e s (Wickberg 1980: Part IV 9 6 ) . I t was from t h i s group that most of the subjects i n t h i s study were drawn. The increase i n the number of Chinese i n the professions i s not unique to the Chinese. Other ethnic groups, p a r t i c u -l a r l y the B r i t i s h , and other groups of Asians were also res-ponding to the demand for highly s k i l l e d labour — a demand which was general throughout the economy. Richmond and Kalbach stated that substantial economic and s o c i a l changes took place i n Canada during the 60s i n which the country took on the features of a highly advanced i n d u s t r i a l society. Major developments took place i n computerisation, i n the communications industry, and i n the s k i l l e d services sector. These created professional and technical employment re-qui r i n g higher education. Expansion i n Canadian post sec-condary education was not s u f f i c i e n t to keep pace with t h i s 38 growth. Immigration became a means of f i l l i n g t h i s need (Richmond & Kalbach 1980:28-29). With the goal of meeting manpower needs of industry as the basis of immigration p o l i c y , the countries from which immigrants were selected was no longer a relevant c r i t e r i a i n the decision to admit p a r t i c u l a r immigrants. The r e s u l t was an increased multi-ethnic character of the Canadian population. Southern and South-eastern European immigrants had, since 1900, increased t h e i r presence substantially. Their proportions jumped from 15% just a f t e r the Second World War to 30% during the 1956 to 1966 period. Immigrants of Asian o r i g i n increased as a proportion of immigrants from 1% before the war to 6.5% i n 1955-66, to 12% i n 1956-65 and to 35% i n 1971 (Kalbach 1978:91). Within t h i s context, "multiculturalism within a b i l i n g u a l framework" became govern-ment p o l i c y . The p r i n c i p l e of multiculturalism had some impact on subordinated ethnic groups such as the Chinese. The New Community The p r i n c i p l e of multiculturalism meant that the Chinese could continue to r e l y on t r a d i t i o n a l responses to modern problems. I n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness was j u s t i f i e d and not condemned as an obstacle to assimilation. Straaton found that there were 80 Chinese organisations i n Vancouver during the s i x t i e s . These were divided into nine categories: clan, l o c a l i t y , f r a t e r n a l , communityy a t h l e t i c , charitable, l e i s u r e , alumni, and commercial (197^'57). In addition, there were 39 Chinese language schools, churches and Chinese newspapers. The Chinese Benevolent Association continued as a community wide organisation,with representation from most of the other "lower" associations. Thus, due to the continued role of voluntary associations, the resurgence of the Chinese com-munities had a"traditional ring to i t " (Wickberg 1980: Part IV:139)• Inspite of the increasing opportunities for integra-tion into the wider society, associational networks continue to play an important role as a "boundary marker" in the definition of the Chinese community (Straaton 197^* 18). The government's policy of multiculturalism encouraged the growth of cultural organisations seeking to "ensure that Chinese-Canadian culture can be represented ins the Canadian mosaic" (Johnson 1979*367). Vancouver's Chinese Cultural Centre for instance, enjoyed government and public support.. Changes in immigration laws allowed the Chinese popula-tion of Canada to grow in size after long years of decline (Johnson 1979*365). In the decades 1951-60, 1961-70, the Chinese population of Canada doubled. In 1971» the Chinese in Canada constituted 0.6% of the total population, with the British constituting 4 4 . 6 $ , the French 28.7^ and "other Europeans" 23^. Chinese accounted for approximately half of the 1.3% contributed by the "Asiatic""category (Kalbach 1978*86-87). The Chinese population in Vancouver doubled 40 between 1961-1971? Table One Chinese Population/Vancouver, 1911-1971 Year Number 1911 3,559 1921 6,484 1931 13,011 1941 6,065 1951 8,729 1961 15,223 1971 30,640 (Ng 1977:75 ~ Source: Census of Canada, 1911-71) The repeal of the Chinese exclusion Act i n 1947 meant that Chinese migrants could abandon t h e i r "bachelor" status and est a b l i s h conjugal units i n Canada. Husbands were united with t h e i r wives and children, and men went'; back to China and brought t h e i r brides back to Canada. The unbalanced sex r a t i o which had characterized the Chinese population had, by 1970, become much more balanced (Johnson 1979:365) . By, the 1970s, the Chinese were also involved i n a wider range of occupations although most were s t i l l i n either trade or service i n d u s t r i e s . 10% of the Chinese population of 4,1 Vancouver i n 1974 were professionals. Table Two. Chinese Population of Vancouver: Occupational P r o f i l e , 1974 Occupation ' % Professional 10. <7 Businessman 16 .3 Manager 0 .3 C l e r i c a l 6.2 Sales 2 .7 Services 18.0 Craftsman 2 .7 Operative 4 . 7 Labourer 8.0 Unemployed 2 .7 Farmer 1.8 Student 3.0 Housewife 3.8 Retired 19.2 (Wickberg 1980: Part IV 127 — Source: Vancouver Chinese Community Study, 1974) . Based on a survey of household heads. The Chinese community i n Canada was by now increasingly diverse. Chinese immigrants came from diverse sources i n contrast to the e a r l i e r periods of immigration where they came mainly from the Kwangtung area of China. The post-1967 immigrants came to Canada for a v a r i e t y of reasons. Some came to j o i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s , others wanted a more secure future for t h e i r children than could be a v a i l a -ble i n countries such as South A f r i c a . The Chinese i n South East As i a were a l s o , , i n the s i x t i e s and seventies, experien-42 cing increasing discrimination from the local populations (Wickberg 1980: Part IV 131). Better educational opportunities in Canada and the uncertainty of the future of Hong Kong were important reasons for the large immigration from the island. Table Three Chinese i n Canada, Place of Birth, 1971 Canada China Other Asia West Indies Latin America U.K. Other (Wickberg 1980: Part IV III — Source: Census 1971) Besides place of emigration, the Chinese population in Canada can?, 1 also be divided into three groups according to period of immigration: (1) the early immigrants who came to British Columbia before 1923; (2) their Canadian-born offspring, know as tu-sheng or "native born"5 and (3) recent arrivals (Straaton 1971:42). Ten of the respondents in this study were recent arrivals having immigrated to Canada between 1966 and 1977. Two were tu-sheng and one came a few years after 1923. The recent arrivals can again be 37.8% 43.5 2.0 1.8 2.3 12.3 43 divided into those who came from Hong Kong where Chinese were the majority (in terms of size) and those who came from over-seas Chinese communities where Chinese were the minority. The latter tended to have experienced similar forms of inst i t u -tionalized discrimination and restrictions as did the tu-sheng and pre-1923 immigrants. The Chinese population i n Canada can also be differentiat-ed on the basis of immigrants who had entered Canada by means of the sponsorship of their relatives and the independent immigrants who came on their own merit. The former were less educated and competent i n English than the latter. The Chinese population in the present period is therefore increasingly heterogeneous. Lines of differentiation now occur about generation, age, a b i l i t y to speak English, occupation, educational attainment, and period of migration (Wickberg I 9 8 O : Part IV 145). These differences play an important part in the personal identity of the individual Chinese. Power and Prestige; Some New Concerns With the liberalization of immigration laws, the exten-sion of citizenship rights to the Chinese, and the removal of most overt and blatant forms of discrimination, the Chinese were now able to participate more f u l l y i n theiwider society. Yet, l i k e other non-white ethnic groups, they continue to face certain disadvantages. Their subordinate status has by no means been completely erased. Porter;0l965) and Clement ( 1 9 7 5 ) demonstrate that positions of power and influence i n Canadian society continue to be 44 dominated by Anglo-Saxons'1". According to Clement, Although over one quarter of Canada's population i s made up of ethnic groups other than the two charter groups*(26.7%)* they have almost no re-presentation i n the economic e l i t e 3 , except for Jews (Clement 1975-237) . Table Four Index of Ethnic Representation* i n the Economic E l i t e , 1951 and 1972 Economic E l i t e i 2 i i mi Anglo 1.93 1.93 French 0.22 0 .29 Other 0 .05 0.20 *A figure of over 1.00 denotes over-repre-sentation and an index below 1.00 shows under-representatiion (Clement 1975s234). Kelner (1971) demonstrated i n her study of Toronto e l i t e s that although non-Anglo-Saxon representation i n e l i t e groups has d e f i n i t e l y increased since 1948, i n no major i n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d has i t reached the same l e v e l l e v e l as non-^Anglo-Saxon representation i n the t o t a l community (1971:331). Thus for those non-Anglo-Saxon groups who have attained some degree of economic advancement, such as the Chinese professionals, the question now i s getting further advance-1. Usually defined to encompass English, Scots, Welsh and I r i s h . 2. Charter groups r e f e r to French and English Canadians, the two' "'founding groups" of Canada. 3. Uppermost positions, e.g., senior management and directors i n the l a r g e s t or dominant corporations i n Canada. ^5 merits into positions of power and influence. Comments a Chinese doctor (a respondent interviewed f o r t h i s t h e s i s ) : In terms of Career promotions and high p o s i t i o n jobs, not only Chinese but a l l other minority groups are underrepresented. You just don't get there. You only r i s e to a cer t a i n l e v e l and then you stop. In the past, the Chinese stopped at the manual labourer's l e v e l , and now, they've stopped at the professional l e v e l . Now, we're i n the professional f i e l d but we do not get to the top. According to Dean Lan i n his study of Chinese American elites?,.! tes To a t t a i n employment i s one thing, and to achieve d i v e r s i t y beyond l i m i t e d occupations or promotions beyond middle l e v e l management l e v e l s i s another picture. I t i s harder to v i s u a l i z e the e f f e c t s of delayed promotion for jobs, (and) lack of equal access to the good l i f e ... ( 1 9 7 6:VTII). Kelner distinguishes between strategic e l i t e s and core e l i t e s . The st r a t e g i c e l i t e s are those who play key func-t i o n a l r o l e s i n Canadian society, such as corporation presidents, labour leaders and cabinet ministers. The str a t e g i c e l i t e occupies the bottom rung of the e l i t e struc-ture. The core e l i t e s are those who not only f i l l key func-t i o n a l positions but are accorded high s o c i a l status i n the community. Core e l i t e s are atcthe@apex of©iheieliterstructure. According to Kelner, non-Anglo-Saxon members of strategic e l i t e s occupy positions of high s o c i a l status within t h e i r own groups but within the community at large there i s a lack of congruity between t h e i r wealth and power, and t h e i r s o c i a l status (Kelner 1 9 7 1 * 3 3 6 ) . The issues therefore i s not simply economic opportunities but also prestige or s o c i a l standing. 46 With overt discrimination a thing of the past, the Chinese must now contend with more subtle b a r r i e r s which prevent them from a t t a i n i n g equal access to greater power and prestige. CHAPTER 4 THE CHINESE PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE This chapter discusses the experiences of Chinese professionals r e l a t i n g to t h e i r work and work environment. I t seeks answers to the questions: how do the Chinese professionals f e e l about t h e i r work? and, how does t h e i r ethnic status a f f e c t t h e i r careers? Prestige of Professional Status Investigations by students of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n into the structure of occupational hierarchy have pro-duced two basic methods of ranking occupations. The socio-economic approach u t i l i z e s a composite index of education and income l e v e l s of workers i n each occupation drawn from census occupational l i s t i n g s , to rank occupations. Blishen constructed an "occupational c l a s s scale" for Canada u t i l i z i n g t h i s method (Blishen 1958) . Another approach i s to obtain ratings of "prestige" or "general standing" of selected occupations from samples representing the public. A study based on t h i s method was ca r r i e d out for the United States i n 19^7 by the National Opinion Research Center (See Reiss, 1961) and i n Canada, a s i m i l a r study was conducted i n 1965 by Pineo and Porter (1967) . Because prestige ratings were available for only a re-l a t i v e l y small number of occupational t i t l e s , t h e i r use-fulness for s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n studies requiring use of census data was l i m i t e d . Consequently, Blau and Duncan 48 constructed a socio-economic index of occupational status, by u t i l i z i n g census data on income and education as pre-dictors of a set of prestige ratings obtained form the 1947 NORC study. By means of the regression weights thus obtained, census occupations could be assigned scores based on t h e i r education and income d i s t r i b u t i o n s , these scores being taken-gas estimates of prestige ratings or as occu-pational status (Blau & Duncan 1967:118-128). I t i s c l e a r that the occupations of the 13 respondents who were interviewed for t h i s thesis, are highly ranked. According to Blishen*s occupational class scale which ranked and grouped occupations i n Canada according to combined standard scores f o r income and years of schooling f o r the 1951 census year, physicians and surgeons, lawyers, engineers, and professors were given scores ranging from 81.2 to 72. Accountants and auditors, and school teachers were given scores of 61.8 and 57 .6 respectively (Blishen 1958:526). The NORC 1947 study for the United States showed that physicians, professors, lawyers, and accountants were given scores ranging from 93 to 81 (Reiss 1961:54-55). S i m i l a r l y high ratings were revealed by Duncan's socio-economic index (Duncan 1961:122-123) and Pineo and Porter's study of occupational prestige i n Canada (1967)^. 4.Rankings of occupationslshow very l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n across time or space. When Inkeles and Rossi (1956) compared the pres-; tige positions accorded to occupations i n s i x countries, sub-s t a n t i a l agreement was found among countries i n t h e i r ordering of occupations. Hodge, Siegel and Rossi (1964) found that a set of ratings obtained i n 1925 were strongly correlated to another set obtained i n 1963. 49 Besides t h e i r professional status, the :£3;#respondents possessed c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are prestige con-f e r r i n g . They are a l l highly educated. The amount of univer-s i t y education the respondents received varied from four to eight years. The professors and doctors received the most years of education. Although the engineers had four years of u n i v e r s i t y education, they spent additional years as trainees before becoming members of t h e i r professional asso-c i a t i o n . Hughes noted that i t i s not only the number of years of education but also the " l o c a t i o n of occupational t r a i n i n g system i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l complex of higher education" which, lends prestige to the professions (Hughes 1973)• The respondents a l l graduated from well known u n i v e r s i t i e s here i n Canada or abroad. One respondent claimed that the u n i v e r s i t y he had graduated from i n Taiwan was "the best" i n the country. The Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s attended by the respondents include Western Ontario, Queens, McGi l l and UBC. Thus, the respondents possessed the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of professional status and u n i v e r s i t y education which i n t h i s society are major prestige conferring at t r i b u t e s . Next, the subjective experiences of Chinese professionals w i l l be examined. The interviews revealed a difference i n the experiences of those respondents who work i n a corporate setting, such as the engineers and accountant, and those who work i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s or who work for;themselves, such as the lawyer and doctors. The respondents who work i n large SO corporations expressed ambivalent feelings about t h e i r work experience whereas others did so to a l e s s e r extent. This ambivalence arose from s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s at work rather than the actual work i t s e l f . The respondents f e l t the l a t t e r to be s a t i s f y i n g and s o c i a l l y and economically important. The technical work i t s e l f provided a large part of the l e g i t i m a t i o n for working. The Professional Experience; Inconsistency of Status ->. The engineers worked f o r a public u t i l i t y situated i n a large modern complex downtown. Theypsel'dom v i s i t e d the s i t e s and worked mainly at the drawingbboard. Some of the engineers have had f i f t e e n or more years of experience. Two were s p e c i a l i s t engineers,wwhich gave them extra prestige. One,wwiith aagraduatendegree i n engineering,w.as a senior engineer. He was i n charge of a s p e c i f i c section of a project and had authority over a fewoother engineers. He was responsible for any problems which crop up. The engineers worked on s p e c i f i c projects which could beej.the construction of a new dam, bridges, roads or b u i l d -ings. A project could l a s t f i v e years or more. At the same time, they could also be responsible for repairs or main-tenance problems cropping up on completed projects. According to J a c k a l l , the lack of accomplishments workers f e e l seems mainly r e l a t e d to t h e i r own perception of t h e i r jobs as i n s u b s t a n t i a l , that i s , r e s u l t i n g i n no concrete product (J a c k a l l 1978:40). This was not the case with the engineers. Although within each project the engineers 51 would be grouped into a complex d i v i s i o n of labour accord-ing to t h e i r specialty, there did not exist a sense of i n -completeness r e s u l t i n g from t h i s segmentation of work. One engineer described the d i v i s i o n of work as a "jig-saw puzzle" with each person "looking a f t e r his l i t t l e piece". But there was a sense of the "jigssaw" f i t t i n g together to form a whole. Because the work centered around s p e c i f i c projects, a c t i v i t y was geared towards a common goal. There was thus an a b i l i t y on the part of the engineers to l i n k each person's work to that of others conceptually. An engineer was able to give a detailed account of each stage of a project he was involved i n , the a c t i v i t i e s of the other engineers, how i t a l l r e l a t e d to the economy, and the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l issues that often had to be considered. Engineering represents the height of what Parsons and P i a t t termed "cognitive r a t i o n a l i t y " (1973:225-266) . I t consists mainly of the r a t i o n a l a p p l i c a t ion of science, the weighting of alternatives i n problem solving. One engineer commented that t h i s cognitive r a t i o n a l i t y extended into personal l i v e s * I think we engineers, because of our background and tra i n i n g , our natures are a b i t more on the suspicious side. Unless i t can be proven to us, we would not e a s i l y accept what anybody says. When we tackle any problems, we s i t back and we'll look at the altern a t i v e s whereas other people would not. I guess making a decision comes harder to us because we treat i t l i k e work. Inspite of t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n with t h e i r work and t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i t , the engineers expressed negative 52 sentiments with c e r t a i n aspects of t h e i r work experience. These often involved t h e i r ethnic status. One major problem was the d i f f i c u l t y of getting promotions. Chinese engineers f i n d more d i f f i c u l t y than t h e i r white colleagues i n venturing into the upper echelons of power and authority where the important p o l i c y decisions are made. I t was obvious to the respondents that few Chinese were to be found i n these top positions. Only a handful of Chinese were seriiorfengineers^and and thereiwere no: managers who were Chinese. Commented one engineer: They do hire Chinese but i t always seems to be at the worker l e v e l and not at the management l e v e l . I t seems d i f f i c u l t to break that l e v e l s t i l l . The i n a b i l i t y to get to the top was attributed to various factors. One professional f e l t that there was some d i s c r i m i -nation from white society. I think there i s an in t e n t i o n a l or unintentional guarding by the dominant society. Others f e l t that because they did not share i n many of the side a c t i v i t i e s that t h e i r white colleagues share with the manage-0 ment, or possess the same background, they were not able to get jtotknow the management on more intimate terms and there-fore could not get desirable promotions» An engineer expressed. t h i s view:: I think there's s t i l l the old school t i e kind of thing. The management here tend to be a l l Anglo-Saxon. They tend to have gone to UBC. They a l l come from the same area. But we don't do the same things. We don't go to the beer parlour we don't play goff, we don't belong to the same church. So subsequently the guy who i s i n the top management, he would promote somebody he knows rather than someone he i s not comfortable with. 53 The d i f f e r e n t background of the Chinese engineers could bring other d i f f i c u l t i e s such as lack of fluency i n English. Some respondents f e l t that t h i s could impede t h e i r a b i l t i e s to function as managers. I t i s also l i k e l y that lack of a b i l i t y to speak and write good English leads to a lack of confidence on the part of the Chinese. An engineer seemed to express t h i s l l a c k of confidence when he claimed that "we're just not good enough". He went on to says So far. no one has come up i n our profession able to Bpea^speafcafluentlyaengugh or to be able to write*„When you get to the management l e v e l , most of the time i s spent on correspondence and things l i k e that. There're not too many guys who are able to do that,up here. English i s s t i l l our second language. In my early schooling, I studied h a l f i n Chinese and h a l f i n Eng-l i s h . So I'm not h a l f as good as i f I had spent a l l of my time studying English. So when i t comes to writen English perhaps my grammar i s not thatrgreat. I t i s much easier f o r me to t a l k than to write. I have that d i f f i c u l t y . I would say there are others i n the same category. Another engineer i n his f i f t i e s expressed ambivalent feelings about the f a c t that f o r him "there's no hope of getting to ahsenior l e v e l " . On the one'4* hand, he f e l t that he didn't want to get to the top anyways Perhaps I don't r e a l l y seek to become a manager. Per-haps I just wish to reach a reasonable l e v e l . On the other hand, he regarded the senior positions as l e v e l s of high esteem and said with some regrets I i a p • Perhaps i f my temperament i s d i f f e r e n t I could have gone to a higher l e v e l than I am now. This engineer f e l t that his s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge i n a par-t i c u l a r technical area compensated for the fact that he had not been promoted to a higher l e v e l . Becauseaof h i s s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge, he dealt d i r e c t l y with section heads and senior l e v e l engineers. There was only one person, rhe said, who s p e c i a l i z e d i n that area. Although being a specialist-Tafforded some protection against subordinate status, i t could not always be r e l i e d upon. The same engineer reported: Because I work at a f a i r l y high l e v e l , I am judged on my-gability. But i f I happen to go outside my p a r t i c u l a r work area, there i s quite strong evidence that I am judged by my race. I'm sure of i t . Although he did not experience prejudice from colleague t h i s engineer f e l t that the technical s t a f f were prejudiced. He had noticed a "strong reaction" from the draughtsmen when the company began r e c r u i t i n g many Chinese. The preju-dice of the "sub-professionals" could also, he f e l t , be due to the personaltstyle he adopted. Unlike the other Chinese engineers who "tend to keep t h e i r heads down", he preferred to be "open" and d i r e c t with people. I tend to approach people much more d i r e c t l y , i n an open way than other Chinese do. I think i t gets an appropriate response. I'm not saying that i t ' s uni-form. I do f i n d a negative reaction amongst White Canadians. They're not used to t h i s Chinese person approaching them. So they s t i l l have a l i t t l e b i t of education to go through. In a sense I was having to educate them^i. On being asked whether being Chinese could enhance his career, an engineer i n his f o r t i e s r e p l i e d rather s a r c a s t i -c a l l y : They might f e e l that we know a l i t t l e l e s s than they do, so we get get away with morel So they say, "that guy's a dummy, he's Chinese. That's why we allow him 55 to make ten mistakes and s t i l l get away with i t . That's an advantage&isn't i t ? Another engineer commented on his Chinese colleagues' response? The guys here w i l l t e l l you that there i s no d i s c r i -mination. But at the hack of t h e i r minds i s always the f e e l i n g that they are d i f f e r e n t . The colour of the skin i s d i f f e r e n t . For the Chinese engineers, the main d i f f i c u l t y was getting access to the higher l e v e l s of power. This d i f f i c u l t y could be the r e s u l t of discrimination, lack of shared culture and a c t i -v i t i e s with management, or i n a b i l i t y to speak and write fluent English. There are other problems which could^affect Chinese professionals, as an accountant who worked i n a large cor-poration w i l l demonstrate. This accountant who possesses an MBA besides her accountancy q u a l i f i c a t i o n worked as an accounting analyst at the head o f f i c e of the corporation. Her job involved not only producing finan-c i a l information for management i n the form of balance sheets and income ^statements, but also, at one point, the super-v i s i o n of three other persons. She described a problem she • had with communicating with her superviser: I caritreally put a finger on i t but oftentimes when I'm given a job to do and my boss i s t r y i n g to explain to me how to do i t , I could be just sort of thinking i n my mind, you know, and i f I don't respond v e r b a l l y he ; just sortoof assumes that I don't understand what he's saying when a c t u a l l y i i n my mind I'm just going through a thought process. I remember at business school, one of my professors said that people who are quiet are dumb, and t h i s i s an American professor. So from that you can see that unless you say something they think you're stupid. Consequently, the respondent was not sure whether she had been judged f a i r l y by her superiors 56 According to my boss, I'm judged on the basis of my work but whether h i s perception i s influenced by a lack of understanding of my culture, I sort of hold that open as a question mark. She has l e f t her job to take up something completely d i f f e r e n t . But before she l e f t , she decided to "test" her superviser. ... just before I l e f t my job i n October, my boss gave me a job to do and having talked to some women i n the company who had gone quite a high way up, I came to r e a l i s e that I should respond more a c t i v e l y , When my boss gave me that l a s t job to doiy. some kind of statement, as he explained the instructions to me, I interacted with him more, shooting questions at him and re v e r b a l i z i n g what he was tr y i n g to say to me. I could see that expression on his face! He was quite astonished. I t was a very concious decision on my part. I just l i t e r a l l y made myself do i t , just to help him perceive better. But that was already my l a s t week at work and I don't know i f i t helped. Her d i f f i c u l t y f c i s h e f e l t , was "p a r t l y a c u l t u r a l thing" and"unless a person had been exposed to cultures, he would not be able to understand". In addition, the ambiquities i n -volved i n being a female professional are even more marked: As f a r as my career goes, sometimes i t ' s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l whether those prejudices are against me as a woman or as an Oriental because I am a double minority. I t ' s true that i n the business world there are a l o t of prejudices against women. Even a Caucasian woman has to prove that she can do i t because the assumption i s that a woman cannot do i t — a woman cannot do the job as well as a man. So I can't d i s -tinguish you know. Although t h i s respondent spoke excellent English and was very westernized i n her mannerisms and i n her general outlook, she s t i l l faced problems i n her career. Her case i l l u s t r a t e s the point that.however acculturated one may be, Chinese ethnic status, i s a s c r i p t i v e and acts to constrain one i n 57 some of the r o l e s one may wish to take. Prejudice experienced i n one's career i s e s p e c i a l l y hard to hear,, as the accountant i - — pointed outs In termsaof l i t t l e incidents i n my d a i l y l i f e , i t didn't r e a l l y a f f e c t me a l l that much. But the hardest thing i s to face prejudice i s your career because you have to be working with these people, and i t i s something that r e a l l y a f f e c t s you because i t takes commitment and res-p o n s i b i l i t y on your job and when you have to face these things, i t ' s a b i t harder. The Professional Experiences Consistency of Status In contrast to the respondents who work i n large corpo-rations, the professionals who work i n u n i v e r s i t i e s or i n t h e i r own private practices did not express ambivalent feelings about t h e i r work experiences. As f a r as the professors are concerned, the difference could be due toethe f a c t that uni-v e r s i t i e s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the place where d i f f e r e n t types of people mix and le a r n from each other. They are a source of new ideas and l i b e r a l trends. The s o c i a l standing of a p a r t i c u l a r professor depends l e s s on progress through a bu-reaucratic hierarchy within the u n i v e r s i t y than on recognition of research contributions by the scholarly community.oln other words, prestige i s l i k e l y to depend more on achievement c r i t e r i a than a s c r i p t i v e c r i t e r i a . Similar arguments apply to professionals with t h e i r own private practices. Inter-personal competition f o r prestige i s l e s s obvious. There i s no immediate overarching bureaucracy to contend with. Patients are referred to the doctors through the r e f e r r a l system and c l i e n t s are recommended to the lawyer's service. "Once I'm recommended", says a lawyer,"race does not come into i t . I'm dealing with sophisticated people who r e a l i s e 58 that i t i s a b i l i t y which counts". This lawyer worked i n a plush modern business block i n the heart of downtown Vancouver. He had a White colleague as partner and catered to both Chinese and White c l i e n t s . Although his ethnic status dids not a f f e c t him adversely i n his pr a c t i c e , there were"oceasionsiwhen :his Chinese Malaysian background benefited him. My Hong Kong c l i e n t s come to me because I'm not from Hong Kong. They think I serve a half-way house between the White man and the Hong Kong man. They know that we're more at home with White people. At the same time we're also Chinese. I f they go to a Hong Kong lawyer, they regard him as just l i k e one of them. We're a good i n t e r -mediary. A l i t t l e above them i n a sense. A Chinese physiotherapist with his own private practice which catered to d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups also found that being Chinese could help him i n his career. Certain people come to me because of my ethnic background. They seem to have the idea that Chinese have the a b i l i t y to cure things. They might say,"Oh, the Chinese, they invented accupunture","Chinese seem to have more i n s i g h t into things", "Chinese have a d i f f e r e n t philosophy i n medicine". They say that i n the olden days, i n the Chinese community, the Chinese doctor did not get paid i f the patient got sick but i f the patient recovered, they pay him. In medicine, e s p e c i a l l y i n my f i e l d , there's a l o t of psycho-play. The two respondents mentioned above o f f e r personalized services unique to each c l i e n t or patient. These c l i e n t s or patients come to them out of t h e i r own preferences. In some cases these preferences are influenced by misconceptions or popular myths — such as "Chinese have the a b i l i t y to cure things", which therefore operate to the benefit of the Chinese professionals. Those professionals who work i n large corporations are, however, employees with very l i t t l e contact with c l i e n t s . 59 Their ethnic status therefore does not confer any "benefits i n the above sense. A unique way i n which ethnic status can complement pro-fessional status i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case of a p s y c h i a t r i s t who worked with a public mental health service. Like the en-gineers and accountant, he was an employeebbut-ihissethriic status f i t t e d his r o l e as a p y p h i a t r i s t . He dealt mainly with Chinese patients. I have a rather unique r o l e i n that because of my Chinese o r i g i n and my own preference, I t r y and extend the service to the Chinese community. So I do a l o t of r e f e r r a l s i n the Chinese centre. In t h i s team, one t h i r d of the patients are of Chinese o r i g i n , ~ I look a f t e r 99% of them. Although the health service catered to a l l c i t i z e n s i n the d i s t r i c t , i t had become known as the mental health service for Chinese. I t took care of a l l categories of Chinese pa-t i e n t s ranging from mild to chronic cases, and covered a wide range of problems. About 40% of the s t a f f were Chinese but the respondent was the only Chineseaamong the three doctors working for the service. The respondent was also involved i n another Chinese welfaresserviceearidhhadlibecomeqquite:'well known i n the Chinese community as a r e s u l t of his a c t i v i t i e s . Thus for t h i s respondent, being Chinese was an important and indispensable part of being a professional. Although he was an employee working i n a large organization,bhis.'work involved, l i k e the physiotherapist and lawyer, unique person to person services which enabled him to make use of his ethnic status such that i t complemented hi s professional status. 60 A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t case where ethnic status complemented professional status i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case of a professor who occupied a high p o s i t i o n within a u n i v e r s i t y . His work involved considerable administrative decision making. Over the years, some of t h i s a c t i v i t i e s included working with a r c h i t e c t s i n designing c e r t a i n f a c u l t y buildings, discussions wiiJh the president, interviewing prospective candidates for faculty positions, s e t t i n g up guide l i n e s f or accepting students, developing the curriculum and serving on various committees at both the national and int e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l . A l o t of his work were "innovative and creative types of things". He enjoyed his decision making powers: "the a b i l i t y to put into action one's own ideas". This professional f e l t that being a Chinese i n such a high ranking p o s i t i o n gave him added prestige. People f e l t that he was unique and gave him special acknowledgement: There were times when people:;.might p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t r o -duce me to other people and make i t a point to stress that "He i s thehehairman, you know", and t h i s would be by Westerners. So I think i n t h e i r minds, t h i s i s something unique and they wanted other people to know about i t . His prestigious p o s i t i o n outside the Chinese community also gave him prestige within i t . Although he had not been active i n the a f f a i r s of the Chinese community, he was asked to become a board member of one of the ethnic organisations. Thus, •-. ethnic status complemented his professional status and vice versa. This case i l l u s t r a t e s the fac t that when a Chinese professional i s able to get to the top of his profession, he i s held up as an example by the dominant society that a person 61 with a disadvantaged background i s s t i l l able to make good. He becomes a symbols both to t h i s own community and to the- dominant society. As such he gains prestige i n a l l eyes. Conclusion An examination of the data from the interview protocols revealed that within the work environment, Chinese ethnic status can both contradict and complement professional status. Ethnic status contradicts professional status when the Chinese professionals experience d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e i r work environment because of t h e i r ethnic status. These d i f f i c u l t i e s include i n a b i l i t y to get to the top and i n a b i l i t y to communicate o: : .:ct'. e f f e c t i v e l y with superiors. These d i f f i c u l t i e s contrast with the s a t i s f a c t i o n the professionals derive from the work i t s e l f . The r e s u l t are ambivalent fee l i n g s among the professionals a.bout t h e i r work experience. Respondents i n a corporate s e t t i n g tend to experience more d i f f i c u l t i e s than those who work i n u n i v e r s i t i e s or who work for themselves. Among the l a t t e r , ethnic status tends to complement professional status. C l i e n t s and patients may u t i l i s e the v; Chinese professionals' services because of some imagined t r a i t s that they perceive are attached to these professionals as a r e s u l t of t h e i r ethnic status. Professionals may u t i l i z e t h e i r ethnic status to f i t into a unique r o l e ;as was examplified by the Chinese p s y c h i a t r i s t . Chinese professionals who have climbed to the top of t h e i r profession may f i n d that t h e i r ethnic*status makes them spe c i a l i n the eyes of others. Their v i s i b i l i t y therefore gives them added prestige. 62 I t should not be concluded that the l a t t e r group of respondents do not therefore experience status contradiction. The point I wish to make i s that even though the Chinese pro-fessionals may not experience any c o n f l i c t s i n the area of work, they are l i k e l y to experience contradictions outside of i t . Once they step outside of t h e i r working r o l e , they are l i k e l y to meet incidents i n which they are treated according to coheir ethnic status rather than t h e i r professional status. Their self-image and i d e n t i t y as people of high s o c i a l standing w i l l be open to challenge. Prestige l o s s always remains a p o s s i b i l i t y . A doctor commented: People whom you know, you don't have discrimination. You don't f e e l i t except those n i c e t i e s I t o l d you about — getting to the top. But once you come into the public where you are an uni d e n t i f i e d person, i t ' s when discrimination would happen. A professor'made a s i m i l a r observation: I think I am judged on my a b i l i t i e s except when people don't know you, l i k e when I go and t r y to rent an.* apartment and they only know your face and your colour. I t did not. seem to be the case that those who did not f e e l ambivalent about t h e i r work also did not f e e l ambivalent about t h e i r ethnic status. In other words, those who had experienced ethnic status as an. advantage i n t h e i r career did not always f e e l that i t was an. advantage i n the other areas of l i f e . I n f a c t they were aware that t h e i r ethnic status deprived them of ce r t a i n rewards available to professionals with ethnic statuses highly evaluated by society. This constitutes another aspect of the status inconsistency problem arid w i l l belthe subject of the next chapter. '6.3 CHAPTER 5 ETHNIC STATUS AS NEGATIVE EXPERIENCE The previous chapter looked at the ways i n which "being Chinese affected the respondents' careers. This chapter w i l l look at the l i v e s of Chinese professionals outside of t h e i r occupational environment and reviealtj?.?*';;-) how status contradiction operates i n i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s as.-experiences of prestige deprivation and negative evalua-tion. Prestige of Ethnic Status Studies of ethnic status have consistently revealed the r e l a t i v e l y lower prestige accorded to non-white ethnic groups. Pineo and Porter ^utilized a national sample of 3 9 3 adult Canadians to judge the s o c i a l standing of 36 ethnic groups. English Canadians gave t h e i r own ethnic group the highest score, at 8 3 . 1 . Chinese rankedclow, at 3 3 . 1 » as did Japanese, Canadian Indians and Negroes. French Canadians gave t h e i r own ethnic group as well as the English Canadians the highest scores, at 7 7 . 6 . Japanese, Chinese and Negroes were given scores i n the twenties. I t i s therefore very clear that "non-whites are f.eifct to be very much at the bottom, v i s i b i l i t y apparently accentuating the phenomenon" (Pineo 1 9 7 7 ) • A study by Berry, K a l i n and Taylor ( 1 9 7 7 ) confirmed generally the above findings. Respondents, selected to re-f l e c t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Canadian population as 6k revealed i n the 1 9 7 1 census, were asked to provide prestige ratings for eleven ethnic groups based on ten adjective dimensions! hard working, important, Canadian, clean, s i m i l a r to me, l i k e a b l e , t s t i c k together as a group, wealthy, i n t e r e s t i n g and well known to me. Respondents reacted very favourably to the two charter groups, i . e . , the English Canadians and the French Canadians, i n comparison to the "other" category of ethnic groups. North European groups, i . e . , the Germans, Belgians, Dutch and Scandinavians, were evaluated r e l a t i v e l y favourably compared to South and East European groups. These were rated more favourably than non-white groups. Chinese Canadians were given below average scores on "Canadian", "Similar to me" and "well known to me". Out of 26 ranks, Chinese ranked 2 1 s t , whereas the English and French ranked 1 sfeandn^rd^respectively. Goldstein's study ( 1 9 7 8 ) of ethnic prestige . . . employed an i n d i r e c t approach i n which surnames representing 13 ethnic groups were judged by a sample of students as to t h e i r s o c i a l standing. The Chinese surname was ranked below that of the English and French Canadians. The study also found that there was a high degree of agreement between respondents of d i f f e r e n t ethnic backgrounds to the r e l a t i v e rpresti-geoof the t h irteen surnames, demonstrating the existenceoofnso- J c i a l l y shared conception of ethnic prestige. Due to the fact that Chinese ethnic status was consis-t e n t l y given a lower ranking r e l a t i v e to white ethnic groups, e s p e c i a l l y the French and the English, i t can be concluded 65 that the lower prestige or s o c i a l standing of the Chinese i s an empirical fact. Awareness Qf Ethnic Status Evaluation The respondents demonstrate an awareness that t h e i r ethnic status was negatively evaluated. Most of the res-pondents had experienced discrimination of d i f f e r e n t sorts at some point i n t h e i r l i v e s . As Parenti states: Even i f f u l l s o c i a l acceptance i s won without serious encounters with "bigotry, i t i s u n l i k e l y that from ; childhood to adulthood one would have escaped a r e a l i -sation that some kind of stigma i s attached to one's minority i d e n t i t y , that one i s i n some way "marginal" (1969:278-279). Background experience even i f not i n Canada, i s essen-t i a l i n describing the attitudes of Chinese professionals who come from d i f f e r e n t parts of the world. In many cases, per-ceptions and experiences were brought to Canada and applied *o the l o c a l context. Those Chinese who had emigrated from countries where ethnic status i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as a legitimate basis for a l l o c a t i o n of resources, such as South A f r i c a , were more aware of the low status of Chinese ethnic group membership and thus were more sensitive and a l e r t to signals from so-ciet y . A South A f r i c a n Chinese made t h i s point very c l e a r l y : We're more aware of racism. We've had i t happen to us. We're more concious and aware of signals whereas other people who haven't been exposed that way wouldn't worry. For instance, when we read about t h i s Ku Klux klan thing, r i g h t away we picked up our ears, whereas i t didn't bother other people. For us i t was some kind of signal. 6 6 1 The respondent's b r i e f sketch of l i f e i n South A f r i c a demonstrated the ubiquitous q u a l i t y of discrimination e x i s t i n g there, and explainedasome- o f ( h e r ^ s e n s i t i v i t y to r a c e l r e l a t i o n s i n Canada. In South A f r i c a , we couldn't go to government schools because that was financed by the government. They were just o f f bounds to non-whites. So the only schools we could go to were the private schools which were cat h o l i c . So we paid for our education. We also had to get opermits from <•>;?: our government to allow us to go to those schools! In our time, we were the only Chinese children i n white schools. They gave us th i s so c a l l e d permit because my father was a -progv.r fessional man. There were many l i t t l e incidents i n the schools. Ofjleoursei? you get some children who were nice and f r i e n d l y and others who didn't want to mix„with Chinese. I t used to hurt, l i k e , you would i n v i t e friends home, some of them would come and some wouldn't. They would say,"Mum says I cannot go to your house". I t was t e r r i b l e e s p e c i a l l y with the children. How do you explain discrimination to children? Even going to the public swimming pool, you were not allowed. Their friends would go and they couldn't go. And do you say," Oh, because you're Chinese". I t sounds stupid. They dalled us second class c i t i z e n s . We didn't have the vote, we had no ri g h t s whatsoever. I t was d i f f i c u l t f or Chinese to get a job i n any f i e l d what-soever unless they were w i l l i n g to do the same kinds of things\.the Negroes did. But gradually, you would f i n d one company taking a Chinese and then another would take. I think i t was by force of economics i f . nothing else. Also people found that whenever they had a Chinese, i t was sucn a boon because the Chinese worked harder ah dry they got l e s s pay. Things are gradually improving but they're s t i l l not equal. The l a s t time we went back to South A f r i c a , a l o t of our friends said, "Oh, things are improving. We can now buy houses". It sounds l i k e a big deal, but for them i t is,you known.But even though they can buy houses, they s t i l l have to apply to the government for permit. The respondent f e l t that these experiences affected the character and mentality of the Chinese i n South A f r i c a to such an extent that even when they did venture away from the 67 country, they were never r e a l l y able to overcome the ef f e c t s of discrimination. I f you meet South A f r i c a n Chinese, they're very much more humble and modest and scared even. We a l l put that down to the background i n which we were brought up because we were almost kow-towing a l l the time. You cov.1'"couldn't do t h i s , you couldn't do that, and whatever, priyiledges you go*, you had to consider i t a r e a l great favour. Lots of Chinese, my own brother for instance, have a cip on t h e i r shoulder. Whenever, the white people say, "you can't do t h i s " , you'd think obh, r i g h t away because you're Chinese, you see, You wouldn't think, that's the law, that's for everybody. So it&s~bred a l o t of neurosis i n the South African Chinese. The experiences of other respondents were l e s s per-vasive i n th e i r l i v e s . Rather, i t was s p e c i f i c incidents which serve to indicate to the respondents that they belong to an ethnic group which was held i n low esteem by others. A Chinese engineer who had been brought up i n the P a c i f i c Islands and had received his education i n New Zealand re-counted some of his fr u s t r a t i o n s ; I graduated out of un i v e r s i t y and subsequently worked there (New Zealand) for two years. But I had to give a reason for staying on i n New Zealand. I had to say I needed the job experience. At the end of the two years, say for instance, the year would end at the end of December, r i g h t on October, they sent me a l e t t e r : "Your year w i l l end on December. We would l i k e to see you buy an a i r t i c k e t r i g h t now and produce i t " , that kind of thing. You were almost treated l i k e a criminal. You know, get out of the country by midnight 31st of December otherwise you w i l l be subverting the country. This i s New Zealand. In A u s t r a l i a , they come ri g h t out and say they have a white p o l i c y . 0.K. , t.th:ere you know. In New Zealand, they don't say as much but they practise i t , you see. To go to New Zealand as a student, I had to sign a form saying that I would not take employment or get married. In fact, not being able to get married,in New Zealand to a New Zealand g i r l i n f ringes on my human ri g h t s . I had to sign that inoorder to have an education. Looking back, so what? I don't want to marry a New Zealand g i r l anyway. Sign anything just to get an education. 68 Often the respondents were not quite sure that unplea-sant incidents they were caught up i n had anything to do with t h e i r ethnic status. They suspected that they were being :.• treated u n f a i r l y because of t h e i r ethnic status but were never quite certain. An accountant related the following incident which occurred to her i n Canada: I f i n d that a l o t of times prejudice i s very subtle and you run into i t i n your d a i l y l i f e . For example, I had a car accident couple of years ago. I t was s e t t l e d i n my favour. But the g i r l who was the w i t -ness was t e s t i f y i n g that I was running the red l i g h t , when i n fact it. was amber. She was so strong ©n that, you know,"You ran the red l i g h t " . I t sort of made me wonder whether because t h i s other guy (who was involved i n the accident) was a Caucasian, that she was t r y i n g to help t h i s guy. L i t t l e things l i k e that do happen. I mean, i t ' s not that often, but there are subtle pre-judcies. People think that "we're better than you are, kind of. r ; The esperiences of the Chinese respondents who grew up i n Canada had some of the ubiquitous q u a l i t y of the South Af r i c a n experience. They grew up i n CKinatown, insulated from white society. They were aware of i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a r r i e r s towards members of the Chinese community, such as the denial of voting r i g h t s for instance. There were also other,"informal, kinds of discrimination. A Chinese Canadian respondent recounted one such experience: ...when I was getting o l d e r , 9 i t was obvious that c e r t a i n places would not rent apartments or rooms to Chinese. I t ' s very d i f f i c u l t to be s p e c i f i c about i t because you can never prove i t . But i f you go to a place that's advertising and ask to rent the apartment and they say, "Well, I've to wait u n t i l my husband comes home". You c a l l back and they say,"I'm sorry but i t ' s been rented out i n the :me;antime". Two to three days l a t e r , you see the same ad i n the newspaper. So something i s going on that's not quite r i g h t . 6 9 Another Chinese Canadian, a un i v e r s i t y professor, said that he did not want to go into the s p e c i f i c s of the experiences with prejudice what he had personally encountered because " i t would take a l l afternoon". The Indirect Experience Negative evaluation need not be d i r e c t l y experienced but may be conveyed through converations with friends who re-count t h e i r experiences with prejudice, and .share s t h e i r f r u s -t rationss and anger. Eidheim observed t h i s sharing of ethnic i d e n t i t y as stigma i n his study of Lappianders i n an environ-ment dominated by Norwegians. Thus, s o c i a l dangers and defeats that people have been subjected to i n public encounters are redundantly reviewed and to some extent mended, or at l e a s t made temporarily l e s s severe, through the sharing of ad-v e r s i t i e s ... ( 1 9 6 9 : 5 2 ) One respondent's conversation was sprinkled with referen-ces to the experiences of others, i n d i c a t i n g that he and h i s friends had par t i c i p a t e d i n the "sharing of adversities". A Chinese doctor l i v i n g i n the next cresent t o l d us that when he was young, down i n Chinatown there were gates and the Chinese had to open and close the gates when they wanted to leave Chinatown. There would be people waiting for them and throwing stones and -things at them. Another professional who trained as an accountant, when he got out he couldn't get a job — couldn't get a job anywhere. Today, he's got a very t h r i v i n g business sewing drapes. He often said that i t was a twist of fate because he couldn't have been so w e M e e £ f i : l o i n g accountancy. There was another pro-f e s s i o n a l , he's a dentist. When he graduated, the war started. He was.brought up i n Saskatchewan and his family was the only Chinese family there. He said that he grew up never thinking he was anything but Canadian -- u n t i l the war started;„They asked every-body to jo i n up. A l l h i s friends went so he just joined them. Anybody who had a profession, instead of being a private you were a sergeant r i g h t away. But they said 70 to him,"look, we're sorry. Not only do we not see the need d?or you to j o i n up, we couldn't give you any positions". So he said, that was the f i r s t time he r e a l i z e d he was different,, . ..../This' f r i e n d of mine from South A f r i c a said she was i n a supermarket shopping and pushing a cart. A man passed hby^her and said,"You Chinese, you'd better get out of my country',,'. You see, t h i s was Vancouver. She said to me,"Gee, nobody said t h i s to me i n South A f r i c a " . For no reason at a l l he said that to her. And some other friends have t o l d us that on CP A i r , there's discrimination of Chinese/ Other people have also sa i d that the Customs, they always look at the Chinese. . e s p e c i a l l y i f they're coming from Hong Kong — they go through you. These are just hearsay but there are a l l kinds of l i t t l e incidents. Besides hearsay, negative evaluation was also conveyed through radio, t e l e v i s i o n and newspapers. This i s to be expected i n a world where the mass media play a c r u c i a l ! and indispensable role i n conveying information and' secon-dary experiences. Often, the same news items were mentioned by d i f f e r e n t respondents. A t e l e v i s i o n program on W5 was a common item. This program portrayed Chinese u n i v e r s i t y students as ali e n s who segregated themselves from Canadian students and took up places r i g h t f u l l y belonging to Canadians. Similar opinions were published i n newspapers. The respondents digested these news items and made t h e i r conclusions. An accountant commented: A year ago some r a c i s t made a statement i n the.news-paper that the University of B r i t i s h Columbia was a l l occupied by these foreign students — Chinese foreign students, without doing some serious research. Later somebody did some reaearch and spoke to the r e g i s t r a r s of these two places and found that most of these students were Canadian c i t i z e n s or immigrants. That sort of re-f l e c t s the r a c i s t attitudes of the people i n that they don't r e a l l y see a Canadian c i t i z e n as someone whose ci t i z e n s h i p i s Canadian but as someone whose colour i s white. 71 A professor reported a news item he had heard on radio: I heard of a recent case of an disco that was said to he discriminating. One disco was discriminating against Negroes and another was said to he d i s -criminating against Chinese as well. One Chinese g i r l , a student at UBC, she heard about i t and so she got a group of friends to go down there one night — Chinese and Western friends, and they found that t h i s was true. The Chinese were charged a higher price then the Western people. So she re-ported i t to the Human Rights Commission and they brought charges against the discotheque. They won the case and the discotheque was fined. So apparently i s o l a t e d cases of discrimination s t i l l happens. Another respondent reported the e f f e c t s on her of some comments made on radioV I got so angry once l i s t e r n i n g to t h i s Doug C o l l i n s on radio. He was speaking about a l l these immigrants coming i n — Chinese buying up a l l the property, and Chinese only s e l l to Chinese and they keep the money c i r c u l a t i n g within t h e i r group. I got so mad that I wrote to CJOR and I said that i f they p e r s i s t i n having a person l i k e him on, t h e y ' l l be breeding r a c i a l hatred because i f I were a white person, I would say,"Yes, that's true, the Chinese are doing t h i s and t h i s and that", and r i g h t away you get mad. So I t o l d them that they're doing a great disservice. I don't know i f that helped but I haven't heard him since on radio. In f a c t , what I did was, I t o l d so many of my friends. I said to them,"Write a l e t t e r , write a l e t t e r " , because the more l e t t e r s they get the better i t would be. I wrote them that every weekend of mine had been s p o i l t . Besides these d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t experiences of ethnic status as a negative a t t r i b u t e , the respondents also ex-perience special problems as a r e s u l t of being both Chinese and professionals. Although being Chinese may not a f f e c t adversely an ind i v i d u a l ' s career and may even enhance i t , incidents occur outside of the work context which deprive the Chinese professionals of the prestige normally accorded 72 incumbents of professional statuses. Prestige Deprivation Deprivation of prestige occur when Chinese professionals are stereotyped, because of t h e i r ethnic status, as incumbents of lower prestige occupational statuses such as restaurant owners or laundry workers — occupations which have t r a d i -t i o n a l l y been associated with the Chinese community. Such was the experience of a lawyer: As f a r as my practice i s concerned, the sophisticated types won't discriminate. But sometimes l i k e , one day I was walking along the seashore and somebody came up to me and asked me whether I own a restaurant. I don't think they mean to be rude but they assume that Chinese people own restaurants.That's the unfortunate part about white people. They stereotype people of other races. This form of stereotyping, consisting of the inappro-:. :> priate a p p l i c a t i o n of low prestige s o c i a l categories, i s irksome to the Chinese professionals for i t contradicts the s e l f image which they wish to project of themselves as highly educated:/ affluent, acculurated i n d i v i d u a l s . Another manifestionation of prestige deprivation i s when passers-by and strangers shout derisive remarks or c a l l the respondents rude names. These strangers consist mostly of young children and teenagers, the category from whom the professionals would normally receive respect by v i r t u e of t h e i r age and professional achievement,/ These incidents are p a r t i c u l a r l y mortifying for the respondents for they usually occur i n public when the respondents are waiting i n a queue for the bus for instance, or simply walking or d r i v -ing along the street. A doctor i n his l a t e f o u r t i e s reported: 73 Every now and then, I think at l e a s t three occasions -when I was d r i v i n g down the street, you get insulted by youngsters who, r e a l l y on r a c i a l reasons, giving you a bad sign, cursing, swearing at you for nosreason., That happens to me about three . " - times i n ten years. So i t ' s not had but s t i l l i t s there. A respondent from South A f r i c a also reported a s i m i l a r incident,,The overt, public display of prestige l o s s caused her to prefer the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d but l e s s personal form of racism e x i s t i n g i n South A f r i c a . This was a recurrent theme i n her conversation: When we were children i n South A f r i c a , there were many times when other children, white children would c a l l out derisive things to us. They would c a l l "ching, chong, chang" and things like.ethat. That was when I was a c h i l d . But growing up i n South A f r i c a within the l a s t twenty years, as I got older, those things seemed to dimi-nish and I never heard any of those derisions,,And you know, we weren't i n Canada one month and I was down i n Hastings Street and Woodwards, I was standing, wait-ing for my husband to pick me up; a car went by and a whole group of teenagers leaned out and shouted,"ching, chong, changi";I came back and said to my family: "Now, i s n ' t that funny; we came from a country where the r a c i a l i s m i s so dominant and r e a l l y I f e l t that at the time we l e f t South A f r i c a , people were doing t h e i r ut-most to t r y and ignore r a c i a l i s m and they would go over-board to show you that they were not included i n the government's feelings about racialism. That's how I f e l t and when we came to t h i s country, because i t seemed to be so free that anybody .could do and say as they l i k e , that's where I encountered i t . So i t ' s so r i d i c u l o u s . I just couldn't get over i t . Another form of prestige deprivation has to do with ba r r i e r s to membership i n exclusive, prestigious clubs and organisations. In making some hypothesis about the factors which a f f e c t the way organisations admit p o t e n t i a l members, Blalock made a d i s t i n c t i o n between those organisamo-tions r e l y i n g on prestige and exclusiveness as a basis for survival and those depending on numbers (Blalock 1 9 6 7 : 1 2 3 ) . 74 In the ease where the organisation i s competing with other groups for members and where i t s goals can only be achieved by gaining a large membership, indivi d u a l s with low prestige may be allowed into the organisation, expecially i f the i n d i -viduals possess resources such as money. But where the organi-sation i s engaged i n competition for prestige among s i m i l a r organisations, individuals with low prestige would obviously not be welcomed as they may lower the o v e r a l l prestige of the club. Where organisations r e l y on high prestige and exclusive-ness as one of the main reasons for existence, membership usually depends on introductions by established members. Since there are few i n d i v i d u a l s from low prestige groups already present, others from such groups who wish to become members would f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to be accepted. Chinese professionals who would normally have been accepted on the basis of t h e i r achieved status are denied acceptance 01S the basis of t h e i r ascribed status. A Chinese doctor commented rather b i t t e r l y on the f a c t that he was not able to become a member of an exclusive club. You would be very privil e d g e d i f you can get into Boint Grey Golf Club. You would have to be d i s t i n -guished i n some way. They would never say they won't accept you but when you apply they would keep you on the waiting l i s t . I have been here for eleven years and achieved f a i r l y good status but I've never been to that place. I can go i f I want to. The medical pro-fession has a dinner there but i t i s just a general dinner. You don't go as a member, as i n v i t e d guests, never. That's the kind of thing. I don't think many people know about that club because i t ' s purposely kept out of sight. Like the Women's University Club for instance. There would be a l l the Caucasian house-wives of successful figures. You don't get there. They won't i n v i t e you. You're shut out. 75 Being denied membership i n exclusive clubs i s a signal to the respondent that although he i s a professional, be-cause of his ethnic status, he is"not accorded "the same s o c i a l standing as white professionals. Chinese professionals cannot enhance t h e i r high occupational status with prestige symbols which come with that status, such as exclusive club membership. Thus membership i n a negatively evaluated ethnic group acts as a constraint to rewards normally available to incumbents of high occupational statuses. Ambivalent attitudes Since being members of a negatively evaluated ethnic group deprives the Chinese professionals of the prestige normally available to incumbents of high occupational statuses, the professionals view t h e i r own ethnic group with mixed feelings. This ambivalence i s compounded by the fac t that the professionals have i n t e r n a l i z e d the standards and values of the dominant society so that they begin to judge t h e i r own ethnic group by those standards. In most instances these judgements are negative. In the public sphere of in t e r a c t i o n , the professionals who are aware of the standards of behaviour p o s i t i v e l y valued by the whiter-society, t r y to avoid behaviour which does not f a l l into t h i s category, so as to project an acceptable image. But since ethnic group membership i s a s c r i p t i v e , the image the professionals wish to project i s not s o l e l y self-deter-:. • ~ mined but i s also dependent on other ethnic group members who are often l e s s knowledgeable i n the ways of white society. 76 These people give the game away by displaying behaviour which i s l i k e l y to be condemned by thetwhite5majority and emphasizes the dichotomy between the negatively evaluated group and the p o s i t i v e l y evaluated group, a dichotomy which the professionals would l i k e to play down. Stigmatising types of behaviour commonly mentioned by the respondents include speaking Chinese loudly i n public, pushing through a queue, refusing to get involved i n community a f f a i r s , refusing to assimilate by '''sticking toge-ther" t ( i n the words of one professional). A Chinese engineer c r i t i c i z e s h is ethnic group for not displaying correct public behaviour: Some of the problems s t a r t from the Chinese too. Some people say the Chinese don't speak English. They l i v e i n t h i s country and they don't mix. I f e e l that's wrong. I f e e l i f you want to l i v e i n t h i s country, the l e a s t you can do i s to learn the language and speak to the Canadians. Sometimes I f i n d i t rude that the Chinese i n department stores shouting i n Chinese and people look down on you, you know,' What are you doing here?" So I think some of the problems originate from the Chinese. They seem to i s o l a t e themselves, s t i c k by themselves a l l the time. A Chinese professor displayed the same tendency to judge his own ethnic group by dominant group standards and consequently f e l t some f r u s t r a t i o n and anger against fellow group members. I know that there are people who say the government i s uncaring, that i t doesn't t r y hard enough. But because I've l i v e d i n an ethnic area, I could see ce r t a i n s o c i a l and behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s amongst the Chinese that may annoy non-ethnics — people talk too loud i n public places, pushing through linesB and so on. I know there are functional reasons why Chinese from Hong Kong or China need to do t h i s because they come from s o c i e t i e s where they need to be aggressive to survive. But they're now i n a dif-ferent context. Although i t i s true that there are people who are r a c i s t s and bigots, sometimes ethnic 77 people set themselves up to be c r i t i c i z e d . I myself as a Chinese get very annoyed when someone who i s Chinese breaks t r a f f i c rules. I get very angry. Although I don't say "Damn Chinese!", I could see a non-Chinese look at t h i s person and displace anger on him not because of his^ s t u p i d i t y but because he was Chinese. And there i s also a tendency for people of Asian backgrounds to commit more aggressive acts than other people. I f i n d that ethnic people behave as i f they're s t i l l i n some l i t t l e e v i l l a g e i n China. But how you change that i s kind of tough because people do get insulted i f you point out to them certa i n things. Like, my wife i s very fluent i n Cantonese, and when we go shopping, some women would push i n front of her and she would t e l l them n i c e l y that i t was not very nice to do that. They would say, "Who the'-Hell do you think you are?" Yet she was doing i t out of goodwill -- to give them some feedback. They don't perceive that you're t r y i n g to be he l p f u l . Part of the respondent's anger arises from his r e a l i z a t i o n that non-group members are l i k e l y to negatively evaluate not only the in d i v i d u a l who perpetr.aut.ess stigmatizing behaviour but also the whole ethnic group to which the in d i v i d u a l i s ascribed. Since the respondent i s himself a member, negative evaluation w i l l also be extended to him. This explains his attempts to correct unreasonable behaviour, attempts which are not appreciated. A respondent l e v e l s another c r i t i c i s m against the :.' .\ . Chinese community: We f e e l that l i v i n g i n a community you made the money from the community or the country and the only way you can channel back some of that i s to be active i n the community otherwise you become a parasite. You take everything from the community and you put nothing back i n . In fact, that i s a c r i t i c i s m we heard from the white Canadians. At u n i v e r s i t i e s they have the Alma Mater Society, medical, dental assocations or whatever and they always c r i t i c i z e the Chinese. They say they come into University, they are very good students, they do well at school, they do well af t e r school, but they never support t h e i r Alma Mater. I t 78 i s as though "thank-you very much, good-bye". So i t leaves a b i t of a sour taste i n the mouth of those Canadians that Chinese are not taking an active enough part i n the Society, which i s true. There are very few Chinese who go out into the community and do anything. Here again we see how.the values of the dominant society are in t e r n a l i z e d by the respondents and applied to t h e i r own community. This p a r t i c u l a r respondent agrees with the c r i t i c i s m s "heard from the White Canadians". A : Chinese lawyer made a s i m i l a r criticism:' I t ' s up to the Chinese themselves to create a p o s i t i v e . image and I'm a f r a i d that's something they have not done. They've not pa r t i c i p a t e d i n many a c t i v i t i e s whereas other people, f o r example., the East Indians have. Like school: you notice that quite often parents are asked to go to school and meet the teachers and attend meeting. Whenever they ask for volunteers, no Chinese comes out. So they're creating a negative image. I t ' s a Chinese tendency not to want to make himself noticed. I t ' s a weakness. We a l l suffer from that. Any meeting, t r y and get a Chinese to serve as o f f i c e bearer, everybody says:- no, no, no, ask somebody else ... Chinese of whatever o r i g i n tend to f i g h t shy of p o l i t i c a l issues. They're not interested and therefore they're a r e l a t i v e l y docile. In ju. judging t h e i r own ethnic groups negatively, the respondents i d e n t i f y with the dominant society while d i s -tancing themselves from t h e i r ethnic group. They display a tendency to p o s i t i v e l y evaluate the standards of the dominant society. Said a lawyer: I don't know how t h i s lack of community s p i r i t among the Chinese can be overcome. Hopefully our children exposed- to. the white man's values would In that sense act l i k e a white man. The white man i s always community minded compared to the Chinese. A number of respondents expressed the opinion that they were personally very westernized as compared to others i n th e i r surrondings and also i n terms of t h e i r attitudes: "In 79-terms of openess, I'm more to the American side". The tenden-cy to judge favourably the standards of whiteo's6ciety-:?ov:; i s also indicated by parents' s a t i s f a c t i o n with the fact that t h e i r children had i n t e r n a l i z e d western! values. They f e l t that t h e i r children brought up i n Canada were more independent i n behaviour and attitude than children from t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese background. They were "free r thinkers", "more i n t e l l i g e n t and more knowledgeable" as a r e s u l t of t h e i r western education and environment. Conclusion Membership i n an ethnic group i s subjected to evaluation by others. Studies attempting to measure the prestige of ethnic groups have shown that Chinese ethnic status i s con-s i s t e n t l y rated lower than most white ethnic groups. The Chi-nese respondents themselves reveal an awareness of t h e i r lower s o c i a l standing. They are made aware of t h i s through di r e c t experience with prejudice at d i f f e r e n t points i n t h e i r l i v e s or through news items on-.television, radio or newspapers. The sharing of adversities also provides a medium of trans-mission of negative evaluation. The Chinese professionals experience additional problems of prestige deprivation. Because of t h e i r ethnic status they are deprived of the prestige accord-ed people of t h e i r professions. With these negative experiences i t is perhaps not sur-p r i s i n g that the Chinese professionals expressed very ambiva-l e n t feelings about t h e i r ethnic group and fellow group members. In addition, t h e i r i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of western values and stan-8 0 dards of behaviour caused them to judge t h e i r own ethnic group negatively, e s p e c i a l l y when they observe that fellow Chinese do not conform to appropriate standards. The circumstances of the Chinese professionals provide the conditions for them to develop into "marginal men": .•- . ~ Frustrated and not f u l l y accepted by the broader s o c i a l world he wishesito enter, ambivalent i n his attitude towards the more r e s t r i c t e d s o c i a l world to' which he has ancestral r i g h t s , and beset by c o n f l i c t i n g c u l t u r a l standards ..." (Gordon 1 9 6 4 : 5 7 ) . 81-CHAPTER 6 RESPONSE TO PRESTIGE DEPRIVATION Ambivalent feelings about one's owhnethnic group constitute only one type of response revealed by the Chinese professionals. This type of "marginal response" (See Park 1950, Stonequist 1937) arises when the res- ; pondents u t i l i z e a non-membership group as a reference group but are prevented, l a r g e l y by t h e i r v i s i b i l i t y , from making t h i s reference group a membership group. The respondents also display a v a r i e t y of responses which are not marginal, which enable them to l i v e with t h e i r ambivalent p o s i t i o n as members of a negatively evaluated group occupying p o s i t i v e l y evaluated occupational positions. They arr i v e at a modus vivendi, a c l a r i f i e d having-come-to-terms with t h e i r p o s i t i o n (See Antonovsky 1956) . Ethnic I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Members of negatively evaluated ethnic groups may res-o pond to status contradiction by turning to t h e i r ethnic communities for a f f e c t i v e support. The ethnic community i s a source of emotional bonds for the member who chooses to i d e n t i f y with i t . I t generates self-acceptance and s e l f -respect (Isaacs 1975) . I t provides members with an i d e n t i t y , informing a person "where he belongs and whom he can trust" (Enloe 1973*39) . The i n d i v i d u a l gains a f f e c t i v e t i e s which may not be found i n the wider society. 82 Although the respondents were aware that t h e i r ethnic group was negatively evaluated, and they had personally experienced d i f f i c u l t i e s as a r e s u l t of belonging to the group, they did not attempt to cut themselves e n t i r e l y from t h e i r background. Rather they stressed the necessity of being aware of one's roots and c u l t u r a l heritage. As one professor put i t : I t i s quite obvious that whether or not one perceives oneself as Chinese, i t i s c l e a r l y the case that other people when they i n t e r a c t with you, would perceive you as such. By being more aware of your roots, you're a much more sound and r e a l i s t i c person. V i s i b i l i t y and a s c r i p t i o n by others as b a r r i e r s to complete as s i m i l a t i o n was pointed out by another respondent: I think i t ' s very important for us to have our own leaders although a l o t of Chinese we've spoken to say no. The say,"We're Canadians and whether you:!*re Chinese or Japanese or Negro or what, we must a l l be Canadians", which i s true i n a way. But I think i f " we were Germans or I t a l i a n s or French or P o l i s h , i t wouldn't matter because we would a l l melt i n and you wouldn't know who's German or Polish. But when you're Japanese or Korean or Chinese, you stand out and I think for that very reason, you can't say we're Canadians. I think l i f e i s a cycle — you have ups and downs. Nothing ever goes along the same scale. There are waves of r a c i a l f e e l i n g and at the moment, I think i t ' s very much against the East Indians. At the time of Pearl Habour, i t was the Japanese. But you must have read about the Ku Klux Klan and the leader said he got tremendous support i n Canada. I was so surprised. I said," My god, Canada seems such a model country and yet ... Most of the respondents were i n favour of the concept of c u l t u r a l pluralism rather than assimilation. They f e l t that the communal l i f e of d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups should be preserved but within the context of national c i t i z e n s h i p and p o l i t i c a l and economic integration. Commented a doctor: 83 I don't think i t i s correct that the Chinese should ever he assimilated. They should he well integrated. That i s the concept of multiculturalism established by the present government. Assimilation means you give up everything to the other culture. No Chinese in their right minds would accept that Chinese culture i s in anyvtway inferior to western culture. Endogamy The desire to maintain some form of boundary i s indi-cated by the respondents' preference for endogamy. This ensures that intimate social relations are kept within the group. Aisnumber of parents expressed the hope that their children would marry other Chinese. A South African respon-dent remarked: The only reason why we moved from South Africa to Canada and what's more to Vancouver i s because there's a large Chinese community here. My husband said i t would be the best place for us to make friends and also for our children to meet Chinese because we want-ed them to marry other Chinese. Some of our friends send their children away to the States to attend university there because they said there are too many Chinese i n B.C.. But I know that deep down they would want their Children to marry other Chinese, yet they send them away where there are less Chinese and one day i f their children marry other than Chinese, the only thing I ' l l be able to say to them i s : "Well, you asked for i t " . Another respondent from Hong Kong commented: I would prefer my son to marry a Chinese g i r l but I wouldn't hate him to the guts i f he doesn't. I wouldn't disown him or anything. There are a l o t of people who would do that. There have been problems l i k e that brought to me. Parents being unhappy about their daughters going out with Caucasian boys. Pride in Chinese Culture The respondents also demonstrated a pride in Chinese culture and f e l t that i t had positive things to offer for themselves and other ethnic groups. A Canadian Chinese resyo 84 dent commented: I've never seen Chinatowns as ghettos. I guess I've always enjoyed the benefits the Chinese community had. When I was a kid, going to that school i n Strathecona and having l o t s of friends and l o t s of beighbours. I never had fightswwith in d i v i d u a l s . We used to s c u f f l e around a l o t but since there were so many Chinese, no-body picked on us. I f anything we picked on them,, ... and the food and the friendship. I think that's import, tant. Now that I'm older, I'm beginning to appreciate some of the culture — the education, the respect for older people. I t ' s r e a l l y good. An engineer commented: Being Chinese you have t h i s c u l t u r a l background and_ people respect you more. We have many ways of thinking which other people don't have. E s p e c i a l l y i n d i f f i -c u l t s i t u a t i o n s , Chinese have the philosophy to l i f t themselves out of that s i t u a t i o n , which some of the Canadians don't know how to do. So I think i t ' s more of an advantage than a disadvantage to be Chinese. Many of the respondents expressed an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with China, even those who did not come from there. They wanted to see her do well economically and f e l t a sense of pride i n her h i s t o r i c a l past. A number had v i s i t e d the country as t o u r i s t s . A Chinese Canadian commented on h i s t r i p to China': Since our t r i p to China, my eyes have been opened more to Chinese arts and Chinese culture. We did a bi g swing through China for three months — 9»000 miles and saw a l o t of things: museums, achieves and ohl a l l kinds of things. I t was r e a l l y great. You come out of China and you f e e l r e a l l y proud. I think i t r e a l l y enriches you when you know something about your past, even i f i t means getting involved i n the Chinese community or taking a t r i p back to China because I think i t has a steadying e f f e c t on you. You're muchh clearer about your roots. An engineer o r i g i n a l l y from Taiwan expressed a willingness to forget p o l i t i c a l ideology and to c o n t r i -bute to the Chinese community i n generals 85 Being Chinese, you shouldn't r e s t r i c t yourself to any small part of the country. I think every Chinese should contribute i f they can towards the Chinese community and well, the biggest community i s i n China. Most of the respondents who spoke about China did not approve of the Communist government or were i n d i f f e r e n t to i t . Their i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was more with China's past, i t s y Ion long h i s t o r y and c u l t u r a l achievements. China's h i s t o r i c a l heritage enabled them to p o s i t i v e l y evaluate t h e i r ethnic background or roots. Trips back to China, usually consisting of guided tours to h i s t o r i c a l s i t e s , serve to either re-inforce p o s i t i v e evaluations or to change negative evaluations to pos i t i v e ones. A comment made by a t h i r d generation Chinese Canadian who had just described the tour he took through China i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s point: I had heard s t o r i e s when I was younger about China, But I discovered that these s t o r i e s were t o l d by peasant people with a very limited*-! knowledge about China. They only knew t h e i r c i t y , Canton. To them that was China. When we went back to China, we went r i g h t round. There was a l o t of China which wasn't l i k e that at a l l . So, you have a very d i f f e r e n t view then of China and your background. Most parents make an e f f o r t to acquaint t h e i r children with some aspects of Chinese culture by sending t h e i r children to Chinese schools or by celebrating Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s . Said a Chinese lawyer: I do make i t a point to celebrate Chinese New Year because I f e e l t h i s i s one of the c u l t u r a l l i n k s that we should maintain.,I think i t ' s a good thing to make my children be concious of t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage. 86 Friendship Networks In modern society, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the ethnic commu-n i t y at the "behavioural l e v e l need no longer take the form of a complete confinement of a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and a c t i -v i t i e s within the community. According to Breton, i t i s more useful to view an i n d i v i d u a l i n terms of r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s which occur i n a series of domains (Breton 1978:59). Some of these r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s involve the ethnic community, others do not. Thus work rela t i o n s h i p s may take place i n a mixed ethnic s e t t i n g whereas friendship networks may be con-fined amongst fellow ethnic members. According to DeSantis and Berkins,"a network of friends and acquaintances of the same ethnic group serves to perpectuate a sense of belong-ing without much formal acknowledgement" and " i d e n t i f y i n g symbols of e t h n i c i t y may be only occassionally employed i n a s p e c i a l s e t t i n g " , such as special ethnic foods during ethnic f e s t i v i t i e s , for instance (DeSantis and Berkin 1980:142). Except for a doctor who worked with large groups of Chinese, the res$ of the professionals worked i n mixed ethnic settings. However, rela t i o n s h i p s with colleagues and c l i e n t s tend to be formalized. Though there were occasional.", get-togethers with members of other ethnic groups at Christ-mas dinners and other occasions, a number of respondents Said they did not enjoy these very much arid prefer t h e i r own c i r c l e of Chinese friends. With Chinese friends, one could, converse i n one's own d i a l e c t s , which f a c i l i t a t e d intimacy. Personal matters could also be brought up and discussed 8 ? whereas with members of the dominant group, one talked about sports, world events or topics that did not require know-ledge of ethnic background. A lack of shared understanding placed a l i m i t on close t i e s with members of other ethnic groups. Commented a Chinese engineer: Somehow being a Chinese i n Canada even for seventeen years now, I tend to have more close friends with Chinese then with Canadians. A."doctor revealed h i s friendship networks; Most of the close friends we entertain would be Chinese. B a s i c a l l y we're more comfortable, we f i n d i t more enjoyable, at l e a s t f o r my wife to be with people who are Chinese. We share common t r a d i t i o n s , culture and language, p a r t i c u l a r l y language. You have to be very fluent i n English before you can mix with the Caucasians. Even I who have studied i n English for a number of years, there are s t i l l some of these things with language that I don't f e e l com-fortable with — p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t comes down to jokes with Caucasians. You don't understand them. I'Those are the kinds of things which make people intimate — i f you can crack the same kind of jokes. I t ' s very d i f f i c u l t to do that — to conform to another culture. A Chinese Canadian commented: There's a difference i n r e l a t i n g to Chinese friends and non-Chinese friends. With my Chinese friends, we pro-bably share more things together i n the past. We grew up as kids i n Vancouver .. during the war when there was s t i l l quite a b i t of discrimination and separation* See, when I was r e a l l y much younger i n Strathecona School, I wouldn't go to the playground by myself. I f I did, I would get pushed around too. We went with other Chinese friends, and we went i n groups. There's safety i n num-bers I guess. And when I was younger I went to Chinese language classes a f t e r school. Chinese school was a very unique experience for us. We used to go and i t was a kind of joke for some of us. So we had t h i s sort of added experiences that the non-Chinese friends would never know anything about. Diet was another area which was very d i f f e r e n t . Another respondent mixed mainly with Chinese as a ''defen-sive mechanism": 8 8 B a s i c a l l y because of my orientation to the Chinese community, the people I i n v i t e to my home tend to be always Chinese now. In a sense that i s a p o l i c y because I'm thinkirig--of my children and the way I want to orientate them. I'm t r y i n g to acquaint them with t h e i r roots i f you l i k e . In a sense, i t ' s a sort of defensive mechanism. Ethnic Organization A S id® Aside from maintaining informal ethnic networks of friends and r e l a t i o n s , some professionals involve themselves i n ethnic organizations. These organisations aim to provide young Chinese with opportunities to become involved i n t h e i r ethnic community and c u l t u r a l roots such that they would have the means to counter prejudice and discrimination. A respondent who had attempted to abandon his ethnic community by a s s i m i l a t i n g into White society but who was now active i n some Chinese organisations made t h i s point: The young Chinese i s brought up i n the school system to be a Canadian. That's fine u n t i l he s t a r t s going out to the work place and begins to encounter prejudice from White people of the main stream. Then he sta r t s asking himself questions. In order to answer these questions within himself he needs to know something about his culture. When he i s subjected to derogatory remarks and discriminatory treatment he has to f i n d out why. Sojhe has to know something sbout the hist o r y of the Chinese Canadians and China, and t h i s w i l l streng-then him. The young people tend to abandon;, the Chinese culture as I did myself. My f e e l i n g i s that they w i l l look back on t h e i r culture when they reach t h e i r twen-t i e s . P a r t i c u l a r l y so i f there i s a focus such as the Chinese Cultural Centre to enable them to e a s i l y f i n d out ;about t h e i r own culture, to expose t h e i r children to the culture. See, the problem the young Chinese parents won't face i s that t h e i r children w i l l grow and turn out to be very Western oriented®, and at that time, they w i l l begin to show concern — when t h e i r children have reached the age of seven or eight. A l l the Chinese parents I know, when t h e i r children reach that age, they become aware of what t h e i r problem i s and they see the need f o r some aspect of Chinese culture. 89 There's no easy way out hut we must f i n d a way not only to r e l a t e to ancient Chinese culture but also to current Chinese culture. The young people have to show the way. The older people s t i l l have a tendency to react against the White people because of the White people's reaction against them inathetpast. Many have b i t t e r memories of being separated from t h e i r families and so on. So the young professionals have to show the way. The Chinese C u l t u r a l centreeis taking the lead and so i s the Chinese Bene-volent Association. The Chinese Cultural Centre i s t r y i n g to act as a bridge between the Chinese and other groups. While i t i s disseminating knowledge about the Chinese Culture i t i s doing i t i n several ways. I t i s t r y i n g to show the White people that the people they t r i e d so long to discriminate against have a f a r longer t r a d i t i o n of culture than they themselves have. I t i s t r y i n g to show the Chinese people something about t h e i r long t r a d i t i o n of culture, and i t i s t r y i n g to promote friendship between the two groups. I t ' s going to be a prolonged e f f o r t . Ethnic organisations seek to increase conciousness of group membership and to stimulate pride i n membership. A p o s i t i v e ethnic i d e n t i t y a r i s i n g from such conciousness was f e l t to provide an e f f e c t i v e means of countering negative evaluation. Thus the strengthening of in-group t i e s can 1 be seen as a way of coping with out-group prejudice ( A l l p o r t 1958:144-146). The his t o r y of Chinese communities outside of China have shown that overseas Chinese have always r e l i e d on voluntary associations based on f i c t i v e kinship to deal with s e l f government and welfare. However, with the opportune l t i e s now available i n the wider society, Chinese Canadians need no longer r e l y on the resources of the ethnic community for t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d , welfare and emotional support, as did t h e i r kinsman 50 years ago (Johnson 1979:368). The very f a c t that membership i n Chinese associations i s now a matter of choice coupled with the fact that these associations 90 continue'.to enjoy ;a f l o r i s h i n g existence and new associations continue to emerge, demonstrate • '.;that Chinese - associations s t i l l play an important part i n the i d e n t i t y of Chinese Canadians. In recent years, organisations devoted to the presentation and preservation of Chinese culture,.? such as the Chinese Cultural Centre, have assumed greater importance and are popular with young Chinese. Besides c u l t u r a l organisations, various s o c i a l service organisations devotedgto helping new Chinese immigrants adjust to Canadian society, have also emerged i n the 70s . A respondent involved i n an organisation for helping immigrant Chinese f e l t that his organisation f i l l e d a gap i n the public agencies: As a minority group your situations and l i f e experiences are quite d i f f e r e n t . Although the government would generally take care of everyone's needs, i t would not do so to the same degree. What i s provided f o r the minority group usually f a l l s f a r short of t h e i r needs i n everywway. They're generally not as well treated .., There i s covert as well as overt discrimination. I have no doubt that being a minority you do have c e r t a i n f r u s t r a t i o n s that are not present for people who are i n the mainstream. Unity i s strength. The number of Chinese i n Canada is. s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y small. In order to get the benefits and r i g h t s , you have to exert a reasonable amount of influence and expression i n the community. The only way you can get that i s by having a strong voice. I f e e l no doubt about that. Alternative Status M o b i l i t y Opportunity Ethnic organisations could also provide members with alt e r n a t i v e channels for status mobility denied them i n Whit:e^.organi sat ions. They are a means to resol v i n g status contradiction for those Chinese professionals who involve 91 themselves with them. Most of the professionals who were members of ethnic organisations had some sort of o f f i c i a l standing. They operated as decision makers on the boards of the organisations. Also, because of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and o f f i c i a l - - positions, some had become k n 6 w n as spokesmen fo r the Chinese community by the wider society. They were con-sulted or contacted for information by the press, mass media or u n i v e r s i t i e s and students, and occasionally i n -v i t e d for prestigious s o c i a l gatherings. Commented a res-pondent: Because of my involvement with the Chinese Cultural Centre, I've been i n v i t e d to various functions. We were i n v i t e d by the lieutenant Governor to the State B a l l and so on. In-group P u r i f i c a t i o n Another way of i n t e r p r e t i n g the involvement of Chinese professionals i n ethnic ogranisations i s to view them as attempts at "in-group p u r i f i c a t i o n " (Seeman 1958 :29 ) , or what Lyman and Douglas termed " c o l l e c t i v e impression management" (Lyman and Douglas 1973*347)• The negatively evalauated ethnic group "seek to defuse p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous aspects of the stereotypic s a l i e n c i e s ,., and influence outsiders towards a more appreciative and tolerant attitude ... (by, for example) attempts to r e s t r i c t public displays of e t h n i c i t y among t h e i r own members to those aspects which are acceptable to the l a r g e r society" (Lyman & Douglas 1973: 347) . Some of the a c t i v i t i e s of the Chinese Cultural Centre 92 can be seen i n t h i s l i g h t . Chinese a r t , l i t e r a t u r e and music • are displayed as a way of "making people appreciate Chinese culture" i n the words of one respondent. In addi-t i o n , the professionals set about making t h e i r ascribed ethnic i d e n t i t y l e s s burdensome by improving the image of the group through various u p - l i f t i n s t i t u t i o n s and organi-sations for those lower c l a s s members who seem to contribute to the stigmatization of the entire group. The various Chinese s o c i a l service organisations which have emerged i n recent years can be described as u p - l i f t i n s t i t u t i o n s . They are run by boards of directors consisting mainly of Chinese professionals, government o f f i c i a l s , businessmen and ministers, who are vested with decision making powers while t h e i r c l i e n t s consist of low income, poorly educated Chinese (Ng 1977:80). The motives given by respondents for t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s demonstrate a concern with the image that the Chinese com-munity i s presenting to the dominant society and a desire to improve that image. The following comment made by a res-pondent i l l u s t r a t e s t t h i s point: I was instrumental i n s e t t i n g up the Vietnamese r e l i e f when there was such a hue and cry over these refugees. There seemed to be so much e f f o r t on the part of White Canadians and we f e l t , Gee, look t e r r i b l e i f these people are Chinese and nor Chinese are helping. So we got together t h i s Vietnamese r e l i e f . Another respondent also indicated his concern with dominant group views and judgements: 93 I've i n the l a s t few years been attempting to r e l a t e to the White community at large. Because of what I've seen and what I've judged, I thought i t necessary to t r y and r e l a t e to the Chinese community. B a s i c a l l y to t r y and open up the Chinese community so that instead of looking inwards towards i t s e l f , i t should look out and open up. That's been my own private philosophy. I'm t r y i n g to tackle the problem of lack of communica-ti o n . In-group S t r a t i f i c a t i o n The respondents demonstrated a tendency to d i s t i n g u i s h between d i f f e r e n t sections of t h e i r ethnic group, usually with reference to class or n a t i o n a l i t y . Differences do i n r e a l i t y e x i s t since the Chinese community's population i s made up of immigrants from d i f f e r e n t corners of the world. The point, however, i s that the respondents not only obje c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e between d i f f e r e n t sections of t h e i r ethnic group but also place value judgements ori the d i f f e r e n t sections. They often p o s i t i v e l y evaluate t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r sub-group while casting unfavourable judgements on the other groups. Often, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for stigmatizing behaviour i s held to originate from other sub-groups. Goffman ma^etJthis observation i n his study of stigmatized i n d i v i d u a l s : The stigmatized i n d i v i d u a l exhibits a tendency to s t r a t i f y his "own" according to the degree to which t h e i r stigma i s apparent and obstrusive. He can then take up i n regard to those who are more evidently stigmatized than himself athe attitudes the normals take to him (1963:10?). . Class and n a t i o n a l i t y are the two main p r i n c i p l e s by which the respondents s t r a t i f y t h e i r ethnic group. A l l p o r t notes that, class d i s t i n c t i o n s within groups^ are often a r e s u l t of t r y i n g to free oneself from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for 94 the handicap which the group as a whole suffers (1958:148) . Class d i s t i n c t i o n s amongst the Negroes are a basis f o r the "uppers" to s h i f t blame for t h e i r disadvantaged' p o s i t i o n upon the "lowers". Jews of German o r i g i n would look down on Jews of Eastern European o r i g i n who are f e l t to be l e s s cultured. This tendency was present amongst the respondents. A lawyer commented: I t i s my own pet theory that people who scream d i s c r i -mination are people who belong to the lower classes. They're not very well educated. They're rough them-selves. They're more l i k e l y to be more r a c i a l l y minded than people who come from a r e l a t i v e l y well heeled background. Chinese from places other than Hong Kong tend to look unfavourably on the Hong Kong Chinese, who were regarded as being l e s s a r t i c u l a t e d i n English and segregationist i n outlook. They were anxious not to be included as a group with them. This i s evident from the comments of the lawyer: I f i n d that I don't have much i n common with Chinese speaking Chinese. That could be due to my Malaysian upbringing. I don't f e e l very at home with them. We cannot communicate very well. Many Hong Kong Chinese can't speak" good English . Some can Hardly speak Englishaat a l l ! I wonder why they bother to come here. They're going to create a bad s i t u a t i o n not only for themselves and t h e i r c h i l d r e n but also for others. The White man i s go-ing to say, "See, that's a t y p i c a l Chinese". The Hong Kong Chinese have a s l i g h t l y c o l o n i a l mentality. They're s t i l l a B r i t i s h Colony. They look up on trie White man more than we do. This respondent was instrumental i n s e t t i n g up a s o c i a l club for h i s own n a t i o n a l i t y group because he said he wanted to "show the Whites that we're a d i f f e r e n t bunch of Chinese". 95 An engineer had s i m i l a r l y unfavourable comments to make about the Hong Kong Chinese: They're very close minded. They have t h e i r own s o c i a l system which they p e r s i s t i n maintaining ... I don't think they regard themselves as overseas Chinese. They regard themselves as the one and only Chinese and every body else i s a foreigner. Another engineer•'commented; There's a difference between a Hong Kong Born and a guy who's born l o c a l l y . We have d i f f e r e n t p r i o r i t i e s , d i f f e r e n t things i n l i f e . We grew up d i f f e r e n t l y . People who came from Hong Kong congregate more because they f e e l more comfortable with each other then with Westerners. Like myself, though I mix with the Hong Kong Chinese, yI don't understand them sometimes. I tend to be more westernized. A respondent from Hong Kong however, d i f f e r e n t i a t e d Hong Kong Chinese and recent immigrants from the early immi-grants and attributed l e s s favourable a t t r i b u t e s to the l a t t e r . He emphasized that he was one of a group of "affluent" immi-grants who had established themselves f i n a n c i a l l y and were considered "very enlightened" because of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n ethnic organisations. In contrast, the early immigrants and Canadian born Chinese were l e s s " a f f l u e n t and. community minded. Those who have been here allong time don't l i k e those from Hong Kong or from other parts of the world who are better to do. Overseas Chinese came under d i f f e r e n t circumstances and are better f i n a n c i a l l y , educationally or s o c i a l l y . They tend to be more successful and more reputable. The •other group mostly started from the basic labouring f i e l d s . They're a l l i n the labouring c l a s s . They came as labourers, then they became small enterpreneurs, grocerers, farmers. The people from the professional group, the aff l u e n t group who came from Hong Kong, are a threat to them. There's no overt re-je c t i o n but there's quite a distance because they're threatened. 96 Besides "being considered lower cl a s s , the Canadian born were also considered to be more submissive. An English born res-pondent commented: The l o c a l Chinese tend to have an i n f e r i o r i t y complex because of repression over the generation. This i s my perception. They have a tendency to keep t h e i r heads down. Another respondent f e l t that the Chinese Canadians did not do much to overcome t h e i r subordinate status, unlike his own n a t i o n a l i t y group.„ What amazes me when the Canadian Chinese t o l d us of t h e i r h i s t o r y i s that t h e i r evolution almost p a r a l l e l s that of the South A f r i c a n Chinese — i n dates and times and what we did. The only difference i s that here i n Canada i t seems they never made any physical e f f o r t s to get together and f i g h t for t h e i r r i g h t s . I t kind of evolved through the conscience of the White people. Whereas i n South A f r i c a , we a c t u a l l y made the outright attempt to form associations. We had meetings; we made repre-sentations to the government; we r e a l l y worked hard to better our p o s i t i o n whereas the ones here didn't,, seem to do that. And that's why today, they're s t i l l l o a t h to organise because they said,"Well, we didn't do any-thing them". I think i t was the White people that brought about equality among the Canadian Chinese. Rati o n a l i z a t i on Chinese professionals attempt to f i n d r a t i o n a l explana-tions f o r lack of opportunities, negative experiences i n v o l -ving t h e i r ethnic status or any discrepancies between them-selves and t h e i r dominant group colleagues as a means of re-solving status contradiction. A phenomenon which can be explained or reasoned out can be more e a s i l y accepted. One can then reconcile oneself to a s i t u a t i o n . In t r y i n g to make sense of t h e i r experiences, the res-pondents come up with some explanations and r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s . A j u s t i f i c a t i o n frequently given for discriminatory treatment 97 was that i t was innate to a l l human beings regardless of ethnic groups and therefore cannot be helped. Rather one should accept that as a part of l i f e . A respondent remarked: Obviously i t ' s going to be very d i f f i c u l t for you to r i s e the same way as a White man. It* s not so much discrimination as a matter of preference. I t ' s a human si t u a t i o n . I t ' s l i k e a l o t t e r y . There're so many Whites out there. How can you ever get a chance? I f I get a promotion, I would regard i t as a bonus. We're a minority here. We've got to accept the l i m i t a t i o n s otherwise you're going to be very unhappy. I f you're not happy here, you can go somewhere else. That's what I always say. You don't have to be the chairman of General Motors. How many people get to be president of General Motors anyway? There's no need to be too ambitious ... You can be comfortable and lead a good l i f e . The good l i f e , that's what we a l l want, i s n ' t i t ? A number of respondents while acknowledging that i f two people of equal a b i l i t y applied for the same job and one was Chinese and the other was White, the White would most c e r t a i n l y get the job, did not wish to describe the s i t u a t i o n as discrimination. They preferred terms l i k e " r a c i a l pre-ference". Commented a respondent: Discrimination has a bad connotation. Let's c a l l i t r a c i a l preference. I t ' s more neutral. There's nothing wrong with that. Raci a l preference was a natural thing. A Chinese em-ployer would behave ..in the same way as other ethnic groups. A Malaysian Chinese drew an example from his background: I f you apply f o r a job as a labourer, you're going to meet with a superviser and he i s going to look around and see some White faces and some yellow faces, and to him being a non-White you're probably a worst labourer. To me that's natural. Supposing he's a Chinese plantation superviser i n Malaysia and he sees a group of Chinese and one Indian apply for jobs as labourers. Who i s he going to favour? He's 98 going to favour a Chinese. Can't you put yourself i n h i s position? In a sense that's discrimination: "I prefer the Chinese to the Indian who i s •black". Another respondent who, e a r l i e r i n the interview, had talked with some heat about the lack of opportunities for status advancement i n Canada, l a t e r balanced his perception with the argument that a f t e r a l l Chinese i n t h e i r turn discriminate too. You talk about discrimination and the Chinese being discriminated against, you just t r y and f i n d an East Indian well treated by Chinese. Chinese are no exception. In fact Chinese are one of the most di s -criminating groups. I f you don't wish to be d i s c r i m i -nated against by others, you s t a r t by not discrimina-t i n g . But you just check that out — you just t r y and t a l k to 10 Chinese and see how many of them w i l l say a good thing about the East Indians. I t ' s probably to do with Chinese culture and Chinese ways. Respondents who had been c a l l e d rude names by strangers r a t i o n a l i s e t h e i r experiences by explaining that the people whoccalled them names were children who did not know what they were doing. Besides the same things often happened to Westerners i n the East. A professor explained: I figured that i t ' s the i n d i v i d u a l rather than the whole society who i s prejudiced. This k i d who c a l l e d me names, well he doesn't know any better. An engineer commented: I have seen Chinese people being discriminated. For instance, some Canadians would pass by Chinese people and c a l l them bad words. You get mad but sometimes you f e e l that i t may happen i n China too. Foreigners walking i n the streets and Chinese people look and think they're strange. Another respondent explained that since he came from a country where he had experienced discrimination, he was used to i t and did not see the need to make a fuss: 99 I n i t i a l l y when I f i r s t came into the country, we were looking for an apartment, we could see a sign posted i n the West End: one bedroom suite for rent. You c a l l up there arid they say i t ' s already rented out. In f a c t at that p a r t i c u l a r instant, I had a Canadian couple who took me around and they were r e a l l y surprised. A c t u a l l y the incident came out i n the papers. They were so upset that they wrote to Jack Wilson who had a column i n the papers, I don't have the cu t t i n g but i t did come out that t h i s thing had happened. I didn't make a big deal out of I t because I come from a country where, you know, we've been discriminated against. Conclusion Chinese professsionals i d e n t i f y with t h e i r ethnic communi-ty by maintaining an informal network of Chinese friends, by taking pride i n Chinese culture and t r a d i t i o n , and by i n v o l -ving themselves i n Chinese organisations. This i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s i n part a defensive mechanism as Chinese professionals face t h e i r paradoxical position: occupants of highly evaluated occu-pational statuses who are denied the prestige that comes with these statuses. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n with one's own ethnic community acts as a buffer against discrimination and negative evaluation since i t fosters a sense of belonging and acceptance. Isaacs c a l l s ethnic i d e n t i t y "basic group i d e n t i t y " because i t i s an i d e n t i t y that "no one can take away", generating self-esteem and belongingness as assured givens { ; .-. An i n d i v i d u a l belongs to his basic group i n the deepest and most l i t e r a l sense that here he i s not alone, which i s what a l l but a very few human beings most fear to be. He i s not only not alone, but here, as long as he chooses to remain i n and of i t , he cannot be denied or rejected.(Isaacs 1979:35) . 100 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n the form of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n communi-ty organisations, "besides being an active affirmation of one's eth n i c i t y , also serves other functions. Organisation involve-ment of f e r alternative status ladders to Chinese professionals who f i n d d i f f i c u l t i e s i n gaining access to the organisations of White society. The existence of Chinese golf clubs and Chinese branches of such mainstream associations as Lions i s perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of t h i s d i f f i c u l t y . The Chinese branch of the Lions i n Vancouver has a large professional membership (Straaton 197^:$6). Membership i n Chinese organizations en-able i n d i v i d u a l Chinese to gain access to leadership posi-tions within the Chinese community and thus access to greater power and influence not otherwise available i n the wider society. Chinese organisations . work towards r a i s i n g Chinese ethnic status by presenting C;hineseeeul'tur,eatprthec;generalr public and thus generating appreciation for i t . Chinese c u l t u r a l associations i n the 1 0 7 0 s are a c t i v e l y involved i n t h i s task. Besides i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the community, Chinese professionals respond to prestige deprivation by engaging i n in-group st r a t f - f i c a t i o n and by r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e i r experiences. 101 CONCLUSION The empirical findings generated by t h i s study enable us to make some tentative conclusions and to generate some hypothesis f o r future research. One of the issues which i n i t i a t e d t h i s study was the question of the saliency of e t h n i c i t y i n modern s o c i e t i e s . In the past, s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s expected that with increa-sing modernisation and i n d u s t r a l i z a t i o n taking place i n s o c i e t i e s , ethnic boundaries would soon lose t h e i r u t i l i t y ; and class d i v i s i o n s would become the main basis of d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n between people. I t was f e l t that ethnic boundaries would become l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t with increasing emphasis on achievement rather than a s c r i p t i o n . Common p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n education and the occupational community would i r o n out differences between ethnic groups by i n c u l c a t i n g i n p a r t i -cipants common norms, behaviour and expectations. P a r t i c i -pants begin to judge actions and events on u n i v e r s a l i s t i c rather than p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c basis, and to value i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and mobility over kinship assistance (See In-keles, I960). This point of view i s premature at best. As f a r as the Chinese professionals i n t h i s study are concerned, being Chinese continues to be a relevant factor i n t h e i r l i v e s , i n s p i t e of t h e i r long years of education, and t h e i r involve-ment i n occupations characterized by the r a t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n of science. Ethnic status was relevant since i t continued to be the basis by which in d i v i d u a l s were judged and rewards a l i o -102 cated. Chinese professionals may he viewed as members of a ne-gatively evaluated ethnic group occupying p o s i t i v e l y evaluated occupational positions. In other words, they are status incon-s i s t e n t s . Status inconsistency i s translated into the i n d i v i -dual l i v e s of the respondents through experiencesswith ne-gative evaluation and prestige deprivation. Chinese profession-als are deprived of the prestige allocated to professionals of p o s i t i v e l y evaluated ethnic groups. For instance, some of the respondents revealed t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s i n gaining promotions and therefore i n a t t a i n i n g greater power and prestige. This d i f f i c u l t y arose because of t h e i r lack of f a c i l i t y with Eng-l i s h , because they did not involve themselves i n s i m i l a r s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s as t h e i r colleagues and superiors, or simply because of prejudice and discrimination. Their talents and a b i l i t i e s were not recognized by t h e i r superiors and colleagues because of differences i n c u l t u r a l behaviour which blocked e f f e c t i v e communication. On the other hand, t h i s study also found that Chinese ethnic status could complement professionalsstatus. This was the case for doctors and lawyers having t h e i r own private practices. Chinese c l i e n t s go to them because tKey urare Chinese. Members of other ethnic groups also u t i l i z e t h e i r services because they are believed to have some spe c i a l a b i l i t i e s not possessed by professionals of other ethnic groups. Chinese professionals who have reached the top of t h e i r profession may be given added prestige by outsiders because they are deemed to be unique since few Chinese professionals ever get to the 103 1 V; top of t h e i r profession where power and influence are vested. However, t h i s study also found that even these profession-a l s who benefited from being Chinese within t h e i r occupation, suffered prestige deprivation outside of t h e i r occupation. They are treated on the basis of theirrlow ethnic status rather than t h e i r highooccupational status. They f i n d d i f f i c u l t i e s i n obtaining prestige symbols such as membership i n p r e s t i -gious s o c i a l clubs and f r a t e r n a l organisations. They also f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to gain access to leadership positions within the larger society. Occasionally, they meet with prejudice, such as being c a l l e d rude names by strangers. They may also be stereotyped as occupants of low prestige occupational cate-gories such as laundry workers or restaurant owners. This study revealed that the Chinese professionals res-pond to t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n a v a r i e t y of ways. They attempt to f i n d r a t i o n a l explanations f o r t h e i r experiences with nega-t i v e evaluation. They s t r a t i f y t h e i r own ethnic group accord-ing to period of immigration, a b i l i t y to speak English, and occupational status, i d e n t i f y i n g with those groups which are of higher status. They display a tendency to negatively eva-luate t h e i r own ethnic group. Some of the respondents also p a r t i c i p a t e d i n ethnic organisations, such as the Chinese Cultural Centres Two hypotheses i n status inconsistency l i t e r a t u r e may be relevantdhere. One commonly stated hypothesis i s that persons i n situations of status inconsistency would tend to avoid those people who react negatively to them, o± to avoid those people who are the embodiment of the low status 104 the persons suffer from.(See Malewski 1966, Lenski 1956) . The tendency to withdraw i s true of the respondents i n so fa r as they expressed negative views about t h e i r own Chinese ethnic group thus confirming i t s low ranking.. At the same time they withdraw from t h i s group by adopting the role of an outsider. The other hypothesis states that i n d i v i d u a l s with several incongruent statuses, some of which are evaluated muchllower than others, would attempt to rais e those statuses which are evaluated lower.iGhineseeprofessionals' involvement i n ethnic organisations may be interpreted i n t h i s l i g h t . By presenting Chinese culture favourably.to the public, they hope to influence them into a p o s i t i v e evaluation of Chinese ethnic status. Chinese professionals' involvement i n Chinese welfare agencies can be interpreted as attempts to ra i s e Chinese ethnic status by inculcating i n those members of the Chinese ethnic group who contribute to the stigmatization of the whole group, correct values §nd ways of behaviour which would enable them to f i t i n with the wider society. Chinese professionals' involvement i n ethnic organisations can also be interpreted,in the l i g h t of status inconsistency theory, as a d i r e c t attempt to resolve contradiction between statuses by dis s o l v i n g the connection between professionalsstatus and ethnic status. Within the ethnic group, ethnic status rank-ings are not relevant. Rather, occupational status i s the main c r i t e r i o n of rank. Within t h e i r own ethnic group therefore, 105 Chinese professionals are able to enjoy t h e i r high occupa-t i o n a l status. The hypothesized r e l a t i o n s h i p between withdrawal and status inconsistency on the one hand, and involvement i n ethnic organisations and status inconsistency on the other, can be tested by comparing the p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates i n ethnic organisations of two representative samples, one of Chinese professionals and one of Chinese i n low occupational positions (who are therefore status consistents). I f Chinese profession-a l s demonstrate a higher p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate than Chinese i n low occupational positions, then our hypothesis that status inconsistency leads to involvement i n ethnic organisations would receive some v e r i f i c a t i o n . On the other hand, a lower p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate among Chinese professionals as compared to Chinese i n low occupational positions would demonstrate that statuss inconsistents tend to withdraw. This type of survey could be useful i n generating hypotheses i n research on other inconsistents, such as Jewish professionals, East Indian professionals, and female professionals, 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Airp o r t , G.W. 1958 The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Doubleday Anchor " Book. Antonovsky, A. 1956 "Toward a refinement of the 'Marginal Man' concept." S o c i a l Forces 35*57-62, Berry, J.W., K a l i n , R. and D.M. Taylor 1977 Multiculturalism and Ethnic attitudes i n Canada. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services. 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Kaysen (ed.), Content and Context: Essays on College Education, New York: McGraw-Hill. Inkeles, A. 1»960 " I n d u s t r i a l man: the r e l a t i o n of status to experience, perception, and value*" American Journal of Sociology LXVI: 1-31. Inkeles, A. ;arid P.H. Rossi 1956 "National comparisons of occuptional prestige." American Journal of Sociology 6 l : 329-339. Isaacs, H. 1975 "Basic group identity* the i d o l s of the t r i b e . " Pp.29-52 i n N. Glazer and D.P. Moynihan (eds.), Ethnicity* Theory and Experience, Cambridge;**,: Harvard University Press. J a c k a l l , R. 1978 Workers i n a Labyrinth* Jobs and Survival i n a Bank Bureaucracy. Monclair, New Jersey* Allanheld, Osmun and Co. 109 Jackson, E.F. 1962 "Status consistency and symptoms of stress." American So c i o l o g i c a l Review 27*469-480. Johnson, G.E. 1979 "Chinese family and community i n Canada: Tr a d i t i o n and change." Pp.358-371 i n J.L. E l l i o t t (ed.), Two Nations, Many Cultures: Ethnic (groups i n Canada. Scarborough: Prentice H a l l . Kalbach, W.E. 1978 "Growth and d i s t r i b u t i o n of Canada's ethnic populations, 1871-1971." Pp.82-104 i n L. Driedger (ed.), The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest f o r Identity. Totonto: McClelland and Stewart. Parenti, M. 1969 "Ethnic p o l i t i c s and the persistence of ethnic i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n . " Pp.267-283 i n H.A. Bailey, J r . and E. Katz (eds.), Ethnic Group P o l i t i c s . Columbus: Charles E. M e r r i l l . Parsons, T. and G.M. P i a t t 1968 The American University. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Park, R.E. 1950 Race and Culture. Glencoe: The Free Press. Patterson, 0. 1975 "Context and choice i n ethnic allegiance: A th e o r e t i c a l framework and Carribean case study." Pp.268-349 i n N. Glazer and D.P. Moynihan (eds.), E t h n i c i t y : Theory and Experience. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 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Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 16*320-332. Lyman, S.M. and W.A. Douglas 1973 "Ethnicity* Strategies of c o l l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l im-pression management," Soc i a l Research 40(2)* 344-365. Malewski, A. 1966 "The degree of status incongruence and i t s e f f e c t s . " Pp .303-308 i n R. Bendix and S.M. Lipset (eds.), Class, Status and Powers S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Comparative Perspective. New Yorks Free Press. Mckay, J.P. 1975 Sport and Ethnicity* Acculturation, Structural A s s i -milation, and Voluntary Association Involvement among I l l I t a l i a n Immigrants i n Metropolitan Toronto. Master of Science Thesis, Un i v e r s i t y of Waterloo, Ontario. Morton, J . 1973 In the Sea of the S t e r i l e Mountains: The Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: Douglas. Ng, R. 1977 "The Vancouver Chinese immigrant community and s o c i a l services." Rikka 4(3-4) :72-86. Seeman, M. 1958 "The i n t e l l e c t u a l and the language of minorities." American Journal of Sociology 29:25-35. Shibutani, T. and K. Kwan 1965 Ethnic S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : A Comparative Approach, New York: Macmillan. Stomequist, E.V. 1937 The Marginal Man. New York: Scribner's. Straaton, K. 1974 The P o l i t i c a l System of the Vancouver Chinese Community: Associations and Leadership i n the early 1960s. Unpublish-ed Master of Arts Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Val, R. 1977 "Can the Canadian e l i t e tolerate the Chinese invasion?" Saturday Night. June. Van den Berghe, P. 1978 Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective. New York: Wiley. Wickberg, E. and others I98O From China to Canada: A History of the Chinese Communities i n Canada. Unpublished manuscript, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Wong, A.T. 1979 "Contest to become top banana: Chinese students at Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s . " Canadian Ethnic studies XI (2) :63-69. r 112 APPENDIX INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Name: Occupation: Date of Interview: PERSONAL DATA 1. B i r t h a. Could you t e l l me i n what year you were born? b. In what country were you born? c. I f i n Canada, which town or c i t y were you born? d. I f abroad, when did you come to Canada? 2. Parents* Occupations a. What was you father's occupation? b. What was your mother's occupation? 3. Languages a. What languages and d i a l e c t s do you speak? b. Which languages and d i a l e c t s do you f e e l most com-fortable with? c. Which languages and d i a l e c t s do you speak most often at home? d. When you're speaking to Chinese people, do you speak i n Chinese? EDUCATION 4. Now, I would l i k e to know something of your educational background; the path you took to become a . 113 a. Could you name the schools you went to, from elementary to u n i v e r s i t y level? b. Could you name me the locations and describe b r i e f l y the communities i n which the schools were situated? OCCUPATION 5. Next, I. would l i k e to talk about the work that you do. a. What were the factors which made you decide to be a ? b. Could you give me a description of what you do during an ordinary working day? c. What i s i t about your work that you l i k e ? Do not l i k e ? INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS 6 . Now, I would l i k e to talk about your re l a t i o n s h i p with the people you work with. a. Who do you work with? b. How many are Chinese? c. Do you in t e r a c t i n s o c i a l events outside of work? 7. Friendship a. How would you define a friend? b. How many of such friends would you say you have? c. How many are Chinese? d. What sort of a c t i v i t i e s do you p a r t i c i p a t e i n together? Family And Relatives 8. I am now going to ask you some questions which are a l i t t l e b i t more personal. a. What i s your marital status? b. Is your partner Chinese or non-Chinese? 114 c. Do you have children? How many? d. Do you have r e l a t i v e s here i n B.C. or outside the province? Do you v i s i t them? How often? CHINESE CONNECTION 9 a. Do you eat Chinese food most of the time or do you prefer Western food? b. Do you go shopping i n Chinatown? How often? c. Do you celebrate Chinese f e s t i v i t i e s ? d. Are you involved with any organisations i n the Chinese community? Outside the community? SOCIAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES 10. Now I would l i k e to ask your opinion on the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l issues facing the Chinese i n t h i s e i t y . a. What do you think are some of the problems confront-ing the Chinese i n t h i s c i t y ? Canada? b. Looking back over the years, what important gains do you think the Chinese have made? c. Do you think the Chinese i n t h i s c i t y act together i n t h e i r own interest? 11. Do you think the Chinese, p a r t i c u l a r l y the younger generation, have adopted Western values and behaviour? I.srlthis desirable? 12. Do you have much i n common with members of the Chinese community? PERSONAL EXPERIENCE WITH PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION 13. Next, I would l i k e you to t e l l me of any personal ex-^sr periences you might have had with prejudice and d i s -11-5 crimination that may have blocked your career oppor-tunity. a. Has being a Chinese Canadian affected your career? Closed opportunities? b. Was there any p a r t i c u l a r incident which comes to you now where being a Chinese was an asset? c. Did you have any experience with prejudice? T e l l me what happened. d. Do you think you are judged on the basis of your a b i l i t y or your race? CONCLUSION 14. I would l i k e now to conclude with some general questions. a. What sort of advice would you give a young Chinese Canadian? b. Now, I've been asking a l o t of questions. Why don't I stop for a while and just l e t you talk about what your experiences as a professional, p a r t i c u l a r l y as a Chinese professional, have meant for you personally. c. Anything else that stands out i n your mind about being a Chinese professional? 

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