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UBC Theses and Dissertations

A study of domestic service in Canada Pedlar, David John 1982

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A STUDY OF DOMESTIC SERVICE IN CANADA by DAVID JOHN PEDLAR H.B,A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f Western O n t a r i o , 197 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y / S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA MASTER OF ARTS i n September 1982 Dav i d John P e d l a r , 1982 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of A> r>-\Wopo\ocj ^  j The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 D a t e 5<LfV- \U , DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT T h i s paper i s a s t u d y o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e i n Canada. I t a c c o m p l i s h e s s e v e r a l o b j e c t i v e s : (1) co n n e c t s d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e w i t h the l i t e r a t u r e on housework; (2) p r e s e n t s a n u m e r i c a l p r o f i l e d e s c r i b i n g t h e d e c l i n e o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e as a component o f t h e Canadian l a b o u r f o r c e 1891-1971; (3) e x p l a i n s the d e c l i n e o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e r e l a t i v e t o i m m i g r a t i o n and t h e growth o f o t h e r f e m i n i z e d segments o f the l a b o u r f o r c e ; (4) i d e n t i f i e s the work c o n t e x t o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e ; (5) d e s c r i b e s and e x p l a i n s the t r e a t m e n t o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia l a b o u r s t a t u t e s 1900-1981. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TITLE PAGE I ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES i v LIST OF FIGURES V ACKNOWLEGEMENTS v i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: DOMESTIC SERVICE AND A REVIEW OF HOUSEWORK LITERATURE 1 I I DOMESTIC SERVICE: WORK CONTEXT AND COMPONENT OF THE CANADIAN LABOUR FORCE . . 12 I I I A STATUTORY ACCOUNT OF DOMESTIC SERVICE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 32 IV CONCLUSION 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY 46 APPENDIX 52 LIST OF TABLES Table D e s c r i p t i o n Page 1 Income D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Employers of Domestics and B a b y s i t t e r s on Employment V i s a s 29 i v LIST OF FIGURES F i g u r e D e s c r i p t i o n Page 1 Per cent of Labour Force i n A g r i c u l t u r e 1891-1971 13 2 Per cent of female Labour Force i n Domestic S e r v i c e and C l e r i c a l Occupations 1891-1971 . . 13 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I e x t e n d my s i n c e r e thanks t o the members o f my su p e r -v i s o r y committee, M a r t i n M e i s s n e r , N e i l Guppy and Helga J a c o b s o n , f o r t h e i r p a t i e n c e and guidance d u r i n g t h e p a s t s e v e r a l y e a r s . v i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: DOMESTIC SERVICE AND A REVIEW OF HOUSEWORK LITERATURE Domestic s e r v i c e i s a s c a n t l y s t u d i e d or understood component o f the Canadian labou r f o r c e . During i t s hey-day domestic s e r v i c e was the l a r g e s t s i n g l e component of the female labour f o r c e . In 1891, 40.6% of women i n the labour f o r c e r e g i s t e r e d as domestic s e r v a n t s . Since 1891, domestic s e r v i c e has been a d e c l i n i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f the Canadian labou r f o r c e . By 1971, the p r o p o r t i o n o f domestics had d e c l i n e d t o 1.9% of the female labour f o r c e . T h i s de-c l i n e may be a t t r i b u t e d to a shortage o f servants and the growth of othe r f e m i n i z e d segments of the labour f o r c e which p r o v i d e d more a t t r a c t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r women e n t e r i n g the labour market. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t such a l a r g e component of the labour f o r c e has r e c e i v e d l i t t l e s e r i o u s a t t e n t i o n from s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . S o c i a l s c i e n c e has tended t o n e g l e c t , omit and ignore the unique experiences and con-t r i b u t i o n s of women. In the case of domestic s e r v i c e the n e g l e c t i s m u l t i p l e . S o c i a l s c i e n c e has n e g l e c t e d women, women's work, housework and domestic s e r v i c e - each co n t a i n e d i n the pr e v i o u s item. There are s e v e r a l c o m p e l l i n g reasons t o begin s e r i o u s r e s e a r c h i n t o domestic s e r v i c e . The d e c l i n e of domestic 1 2 s e r v i c e marks an i m p o r t a n t l a b o u r t r e n d . A t an aggre g a t e l e v e l t he d e c l i n e o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e d e s c r i b e s t h e ex-p e r i e n c e o f women d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f s o c i a l t r a n s i t i o n ; from r u r a l t o urb a n , and f o r e i g n t o Canadian (McBride, 1974: 63-78). A t an i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l d omestic s e r v i c e o f f e r s i n s i g h t i n t o t h e l i f e c y c l e e x p e r i e n c e o f a s p e c i f i c group o f women. D u r i n g t h e e a r l y decades o f t h i s c e n t u r y , a poor u n m a r r i e d r u r a l o r immigrant woman might e n t e r t h e ranks o f domesti c s e r v i c e a t t h e age o f f i f t e e n . From t h e r e h e r l i f e p r o s p e c t s would i n c l u d e e i t h e r m a r r i a g e , o r s e c u r i n g a p o s i t i o n i n t h e emerging f e m i n i z e d segments o f t h e Canadian l a b o u r market. A second r e a s o n i s t h e work c o n t e x t o f domesti c s e r v i c e . A domesti c s e r v a n t l i v e s i n h e r employer's home and p e r f o r m s housework under t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f a house-w i f e . The employer-employee r e l a t i o n s h i p between a domestic s e r v a n t and h o u s e w i f e i s an i n t e r e s t i n g f a c e - t o -f a c e r e l a t i o n s h i p between two d i s t i n c t groups o f women. The h o u s e w i f e , o f upper o r m i d d l e c l a s s s t a n d i n g and t h e s e r v a n t o f po o r , r u r a l o r immigrant o r i g i n s . Because t h e s e r v a n t p erforms housework under t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f a hou s e w i f e she i s below t h e ho u s e w i f e i n t h e h o u s e h o l d d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r . By t h e st a t e m e n t 'below t h e h o u s e w i f e ' , I w i s h t o d i s t i n g u i s h a d i f f e r e n c e i n s o c i a l s t a t u s between ho u s e w i f e and s e r v a n t , as w e l l as a r e l a t i o n o f dominance 3 of housewife over s e r v a n t i n the household. In a sense, the s e r v a n t might be c o n s i d e r e d a "housewife's housewife". F i n a l l y , domestic s e r v i c e i s an i n t r i g u i n g occupat-i o n . The domestic s e r v a n t i s p a r t o f the household, but not a member o f the f a m i l y . She i s h i r e d from the l a b o u r market t o perform housework, n o r m a l l y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f a housewife. For t h i s reason domestic s e r v i c e has c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f both a household and l a b o u r market a c t i v i t y . On the one hand, because she i s h i r e d from the la b o u r market, domestics r e c e i v e a wage and are i n c l u d e d i n Census o f Canada o c c u p a t i o n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . On the o t h e r hand, because she performs housework i n a p r i v a t e household, her work c o n t r i b u t i o n i s c o n s i d e r e d minimal, m e r i t i n g substandard wages, and, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , e x c l u s i o n from p r o t e c t i v e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n . I t can be s a i d t h a t the domestic's p o s i t i o n , p e r f o r m i n g housework below a housewife i n the household, r e i n f o r c e s her l o w l y s t a t u s a t the bottom o f the o f f i c i a l l a b o u r f o r c e . T h i s paper i s an i n t r o d u c t o r y study o f domestic s e r v i c e i n Canada. I w i l l : (1) review the l i t e r a t u r e on housework, (2) p r e s e n t a n u m e r i c a l p r o f i l e which d e s c r i b e s the d e c l i n e o f domestic s e r v i c e as a component of the Canadian l a b o u r f o r c e 1891-1971, (3) e x p l a i n the d e c l i n e of domestic s e r v i c e r e l a t i v e t o immigration and growth of o t h e r f e m i n i z e d segments of the l a b o u r market, 4 (4) i d e n t i f y the work context o f domestic s e r v i c e , (5) d i s -cuss the treatment o f domestic s e r v i c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia labour l e g i s l a t i o n . Very r e c e n t l y , domestic s e r v i c e has become a s u b j e c t o f s c h o l a r l y i n t e r e s t to f e m i n i s t s , h i s t o r i a n s and s o c i o l o g i s t s (Barber, 1980; L e s l i e , 1975; L e n s k y j , 1981). In my o p i n i o n , t h i s i n t e r e s t i n domestic s e r v i c e i s l i n k e d w i t h a p r o l i f e r -a t i o n o f e m p i r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e f o c u s i n g on housework, which has appeared over the p a s t f i f t e e n y e a r s . A c c o r d i n g to t h i s l i t e r a t u r e the work c o n t r i b u t i o n of the housewife i n the home has been "hidden". I w i l l t r a c e the " d i s c o v e r y " o f housework i n two d i s t i n c t t r a d i t i o n s o f thought: through the economic t h e o r i e s o f S t a f f a n L i n d e r and S c o t t Burns, and the 'domestic labour debate'. I b e l i e v e the study of domestic s e r v i c e i s a l o g i c a l e x t e n s i o n of r e s e a r c h about housework. Research about housework has focused on r e v e a l i n g the unnoticed work c o n t r i b u t i o n of a housewife i n the household. The study of domestic s e r v i c e i s to d i g deeper i n t o the household to an unnoticed work c o n t r i b u t i o n which takes p l a c e below the housewife. L i n d e r (1970) f o l l o w e d Becker (1965) and c o n s i d e r e d time as a s c a r c e commodity s u b j e c t to economic a n a l y s i s . Time a c c o r d i n g to L i n d e r , i s s u b j e c t to the laws of supply and demand. Because the supply of time i s l i m i t e d , i t i s thus s c a r c e i n r e l a t i o n to i t s v a r i o u s p o t e n t i a l uses. L i n d e r ' s t h e s i s i s t h a t i n c r e a s e d economic p r o d u c t i v i t y , an aggregate i n c r e a s e i n r e a l wages, leads to i n c r e a s e d 5 consumption, t h e tendency t o combine goods and time w h i c h produces an i n c r e a s i n g s c a r c i t y o f t i m e . I n c r e a s -ed p r o d u c t i v i t y l e a d s t o i n c r e a s e d time s c a r c i t y because i t t a k e s time t o consume and m a i n t a i n an abundance o f goods, and because as p r o d u c t i v i t y and y i e l d on time i n c r e a s e s , i t becomes more c o s t l y t o a b s t a i n from work t i m e . A c c o r d -i n g t o e q u i l i b r i u m t h e o r y a l l time must be k e p t i n p a r i t y w i t h y i e l d on w o r k i n g t i m e . The d e c i s i o n t o c o n s i d e r time a s c a r c e r e s o u r c e i s an i m p o r t a n t t h e o r e t i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n . The once c o n t r a -posed domains o f p r o d u c t i o n and consumption become l i n k e d because consumption r e q u i r e s time as does p r o d u c t i o n . Time i s a b r i d g e which l i n k s work and p r o d u c t i o n t i m e , o f t r a d i t i o n a l economic c o n c e r n , w i t h o t h e r spheres o f a c t i v i t y . Work and p r o d u c t i o n time become one form o f time use among many. L i n d e r i d e n t i f i e s f i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f time use: work t i m e , p e r s o n a l work ( i n c l u d e s p e r s o n a l and h o u s e h o l d m a i n t e n a n c e ) , consumption t i m e , i d l e n e s s and c u l t u r e t i m e . L i n d e r argues t h a t t h e y i e l d on time t h r o u g h a l l i t s uses i s d e t e r m i n e d i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e by the l e v e l o f p r o d u c t i v i t y o r aggregate l e v e l o f r e a l wages on work t i m e . S t a t e d s i m p l y , o n l y work time i s c a p a b l e o f g e n e r a t i n g new v a l u e , r a i s i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y and i n c r e a s i n g t h e s c a r c i t y o f t i m e . A c c o r d i n g t o L i n d e r , housework ( i n c l u d e d i n the p e r s o n a l work c a t e g o r y ) may i n c r e a s e i n v a l u e i n response 6 t o a r i s e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y i n "working time o r , more s p e c i f i c a l l y , time s p e n t i n s p e c i a l i z e d p r o d u c t i o n " ( L i n d e r , 1970:13) and i s not i n i t s e l f e c o n o m i c a l l y p r o -d u c t i v e . I n "The Household Economy" (1975) S c o t t Burns s t e p s beyond L i n d e r . I n c o n t r a s t t o L i n d e r , Burns' argues t h a t the h o u s e h o l d i s an economy. A c c o r d i n g t o Burns, consumption goods produced i n the m a r k e t p l a c e , become, i n the h o u s e h o l d , s o u r c e s o f c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t . He argues t h a t the combin-a t i o n o f l a b o u r and c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t i n d o m e s t i c work c r e a t e s economic w e a l t h . Because housewives a r e l a r g e l y i n charge o f d o m e s t i c work, Burns' s u c c e s s f u l l y d e f i n e s the h o u s e h o l d as a t h r i v i n g l o c u s o f p r o d u c t i v i t y . F u r t h e r m o r e , he p r o v i d e s f a c t s w h i c h s u g g e s t t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e market economy, and a p r o p o r t i o n a t e i n c r e a s e i n the h o u s e h o l d economy. The causes o f market d e t e r i o r a t i o n "are s i m p l e and r e v o l v e around t h e m a t u r a t i o n o f a goods p r o d u c i n g economy and c o n c u r r e n t r i s e i n i m p o r t a n c e o f the h o u s e h o l d economy" (Burns, 1975:9). The most u s e f u l way o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g Burns' view o f housework i s as a p r o c e s s . He r e l i e s i m p l i c i t l y on a p r o c e s s o f d e m y s t i f i c a t i o n and t r a n s l a t i o n . I t i s t h r o u g h Burns' approach t h a t the "hidden" h o u s e h o l d economy becomes " v i s i b l e " . Housework, a t f i r s t c o n c e a l e d and h i d d e n , once broug h t t o l i g h t , becomes o v e r t and t a n g i b l e . The d e m y s t i f i c a t i o n o f housework i s a c c o m p l i s h e d by 7 t r a n s l a t i n g the language o f the m a r k e t p l a c e , i n t o the a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h t a k e p l a c e w i t h i n the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f the f a m i l y . The c o n t r i b u t i o n o f housework as a v i s i b l e and p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t y i s d e t e r m i n e d by measuring t h e number of work hours i n the h o u s e h o l d , d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e s e hours by t a s k , and ma t c h i n g time spent a t v a r i o u s t a s k s w i t h the wage l a b o u r o f c o r r e s p o n d i n g a c t i v i t i e s i n the m a r k e t p l a c e . Housework becomes v i s i b l e when measured i n terms o f how much an e q u i v a l e n t s e r v i c e would c o s t i n the m a r k e t p l a c e . Burns' r e s t s h i s case on the famous s t u d y by Walker and Gauger who e s t i m a t e d t h a t "household income was some 212 b i l l i o n i n 1968, women were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l m o s t 75%, 155 b i l l i o n . The l a r g e s t s i n g l e c o n t r i b u t o r was made by "unemployed" housewives, who were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r $124 b i l l i o n " (Burns, 1975: 2 2 ) . T h i s d e m y s t i f i c a t i o n and t r a n s l a t i o n p r o c e s s i s most e a s i l y u n d e r s t o o d t h r o u g h the s t a t e m e n t " r e v e a l i n g the hi d d e n work o f housewives". The word h i d d e n i m p l i e s t h a t housewives have always been w o r k e r s . T h e i r work has escaped r e c o g n i t i o n because i t t a k e s p l a c e i n t h e h o u s e h o l d o u t s i d e the f o r m a l m a r k e t p l a c e . A second t r a d i t i o n o f thought w h i c h has c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e v i s i b i l i t y o f housework i s the 'domestic l a b o u r debate'. M a r x i s t ' s have responded t o the r i s e o f t h e women's movement by d i r e c t i n g a t t e n t i o n t o women's work i n the home ( M i l e s , 1982: 36). The debate a d d r e s s e s the 8 f o l l o w i n g problems: (1) the e x p l o i t a t i o n and s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f women under c a p i t a l i s m , (2) the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f house-work t o c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n , as e i t h e r p r o d u c t i v e o r u n p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r , (3) the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o t e n t i a l o f housewives (See Molyneux, 1979; Fee, 1976). C o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h e debate seem t o agree t h a t dominat-i o n o f husband over w i f e i n the f a m i l y i s founded on a husband r e c e i v i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g a wage and b e i n g c o n s i d e r -ed the main economic agent i n c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n f o r exchange. Housework i n c o n t r a s t has been " h i d d e n " , i t does not s t a n d i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o market exchange. The p o i n t o f c o n t e n t i o n i s the q u e s t i o n o f how housework i s r e l a t e d t o the c a p i t a l i s t sphere o f exchange, s p e c i f i c a l l y , whether housework i s p r o d u c t i v e o r u n p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r . Answers t o t h i s problem r e v o l v e around a c c o u n t s o f Marx's o r i g i n a l d e f i n i t i o n s and ask: Does housework s t a n d i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o c a p i t a l ? Does housework produce s u r p l u s v a l u e f o r a c a p i t a l i s t ? I n t h e l i t e r a t u r e housework has been deemed (1) u n p r o d u c t i v e , (2) p r o d u c t i v e , (3) un-p r o d u c t i v e b u t n e c e s s a r y . I w i l l b r i e f l y r e v i e w t h e s e a c c o u n t s . Benston (1969) i s o f t e n c r e d i t e d w i t h i n i t i a t i n g the d o m e s t i c l a b o u r debate.: She b e g i n s by d i s t i n g u i s h i n g use-v a l u e and exchange-value and p l a c i n g them i n a h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t . Over the p a s t s e v e r a l hundred y e a r s , u s e - v a l u e , 9 p r o d u c t i o n f o r use by f a m i l y members, has been e c l i p s e d by the growth o f a market economy. The growth o f a market economy, and men as the p r i m a r y agents i n the m a r k e t p l a c e , l e d t o the i s o l a t i o n and concealment o f housewife and house-work. She argues t h a t housework i s a p r e c a p i t a l i s t form o f p r o d u c t i o n : "women a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p r o d u c t i o n o f s i m p l e u s e - v a l u e s i n t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h home and f a m i l y " (Benston, 1969:16). P r o d u c t i o n o f u s e - v a l u e would i n c l u d e h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n , c h i l d b e a r i n g and s a t i s f y i n g t h e e m o t i o n a l needs o f men. A l t h o u g h Benston does n o t ex-p l i c i t l y approach the q u e s t i o n o f whether housework i s p r o d u c t i v e o r u n p r o d u c t i v e , l a t e r c o n t r i b u t o r s t o the debate have c o n s i d e r e d the s t a t e m e n t , women produce s i m p l e use-v a l u e s , as an i m p l i c i t s t a t e m e n t t h a t housework i s unpro-d u c t i v e . Housework i s c o n s i d e r e d s e p a r a t e from a market economy, and i n c a p a b l e o f p r o d u c i n g s u r p l u s v a l u e . I n "Toward a S c i e n c e o f Women's L i b e r a t i o n " (1972:40-52) I s a b e l L e r g u i a and John Dumoulin argue t h a t house-work i s p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r . A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s a c c o u n t house-work i s h i d d e n because i t i s s e g r e g a t e d from t h e sphere o f market exchange, where husbands a r e " v i s i b l e a g e n t s " , because t h e y produce " e c o n o m i c a l l y v i s i b l e o b j e c t s d e s t i n e d t o c r e a t e w e a l t h t h r o u g h exchange" ( L e r g u i a and Dumoulin, 1972:43). Because housework i s h i d d e n women are d e s c r i b e d as "the i n v i s i b l e u n d e r p i n n i n g o f c l a s s s o c i e t y " ( L e r g u i a and Dumoulin, 1972:43). Women u n d e r p i n c l a s s s o c i e t y by 10 r e p l a c i n g the economy's l a b o u r power, t r a n s f o r m i n g raw m a t e r i a l s t o u s e - v a l u e s , p r e p a r i n g f o o d and r e a r i n g c h i l d r e n . A t a w o r l d l e v e l housework c o n t r i b u t e s " t h r e e thousand m i l l i o n hours o f i n v i s i b l e l a b o u r e v e r y day" ( L e r g u i a and Dumoulin, 1972: 4 3 ) . F u r t h e r m o r e : " i t can t h e r e f o r e be s a i d t h a t women's l a b o u r i n the home i s t r a n s -formed i n t o t h e c r e a t i o n o f s u r p l u s v a l u e t h r o u g h the wage l a b o u r f o r c e " ( L e r g u i a and Dumoulin, 1972:43). I n o t h e r words, t a k e n from the p e r s p e c t i v e o f the t o t a l economy, housework and Wage l a b o u r , housework i s p r o d u c t i v e because i t i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the p r o l e t a r i a t c r e a t i n g s u r p l u s v a l u e f o r a c a p i t a l i s t . F i n a l l y , W a l l y Secombe has argued t h a t housework i s u n p r o d u c t i v e b u t n e c e s s a r y (Secombe, 1973: 3-24). He argues t h a t d o m e s t i c l a b o u r i s u n p r o d u c t i v e because i t f a i l s t o f i t Marx's o r i g i n a l d e f i n i t i o n o f p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r . Domestic l a b o u r i s i s o l a t e d from the sphere o f market exchange and t h u s does n o t s t a n d i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o c a p i t a l . Because d o m e s t i c l a b o u r does not s t a n d i n a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o i . c a p i t a l , i t does n o t produce s u r p l u s v a l u e f o r a c a p i t a l i s t . However, do m e s t i c l a b o u r i s n e c e s s a r y t o the f u n c t i o n i n g o f c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c a l economy. I t f u n c t i o n s t o reproduce l a b o u r power: "(1) on a d a i l y b a s i s , (2) on a g e n e r a t i o n a l b a s i s " (Secombe,1973: 14). S e c o n d l y , d o m e s t i c l a b o u r i s n e c e s s a r y f o r the r e -p r o d u c t i o n o f r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n . The mother performs an i m p o r t a n t i d e o l o g i c a l r o l e by p r o d u c i n g " w i l l i n g p a r -11 t i c i p a n t s f o r the s o c i a l o r d e r t h r o u g h c h i l d s o c i a l i z a t i o n " (Secombe,1973: 15). Thus, a c c o r d i n g t o Secombe, do m e s t i c l a b o u r i s u n p r o d u c t i v e b u t n e c e s s a r y t o c a p i t a l i s m . To c o n c l u d e , t h e e c o n o m i s t S c o t t B u r n s , and t h e d o m e s t i c l a b o u r debate f o c u s on housework as an u n n o t i c e d work c o n t r i b u t i o n . However, they b o t h share a l i m i t i n g a s s u m p t i o n : t h e y assume t h a t housework i s performed by a h o u s e w i f e . A s t u d y o f d o m e s t i c : s e r v i c e h i g h l i g h t s a l i t t l e known c a t e g o r y o f women and u n n o t i c e d work c o n t r i b u t i o n i n the h o u s e h o l d . The d o m e s t i c i s u n m a r r i e d , h i r e d from t h e o f f i c i a l l a b o u r market and performs housework below a h o u s e w i f e . I t i s time t o f u r t h e r our knowledge about housework and d i s c u s s the work c o n t r i b u t i o n , work c o n t e x t and t r e a t m e n t o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s . The c h a p t e r s which f o l l o w a t t e n d t o t h i s t a s k . CHAPTER I I DOMESTIC SERVICE: WORK CONTEXT AND COMPONENT OF THE CANADIAN LABOUR FORCE In t h i s c h a p t e r , I w i l l d e s c r i b e the d e c l i n e o f domestic s e r v i c e as a component o f the Canadian l a b o u r f o r c e 1891-1971 and e x p l a i n t h i s d e c l i n e r e l a t i v e t o i m m i g r a t i o n and t h e growth o f o t h e r f e m i n i z e d segments o f the l a b o u r market. I n a d d i t i o n , I s h a l l f o c u s on p l a c i n g t h e do m e s t i c s e r v a n t i n t o h e r work c o n t e x t , t h e ho u s e h o l d . I w i l l i n t r o d u c e t h e prominence o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e as a l a b o u r t r e n d t h r o u g h a comparison. F i g u r e 1 shows changes i n the p e r c e n t o f women and men i n a g r i c u l t u r e from 1891-19 71. F i g u r e 2 shows p e r c e n t o f women i n do m e s t i c s e r v i c e and c l e r i c a l o c c u p a t i o n s 1891-1971. Men a r e n o t i n c l u d e d i n F i g u r e 2 because d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e has always c o n s t i t u t e d about 1% o r l e s s o f t h e male l a b o u r f o r c e . Domestic s e r v i c e is'^an a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y female o c c u p a t i o n . F i g u r e 1 i s an a p p r o p r i a t e p l a c e t o b e g i n a l o n g -term a c c o u n t o f the work h i s t o r y o f Canadian men. As shown by F i g u r e 1 the p e r c e n t o f t h e male l a b o u r f o r c e i n a g r i c u l t u r e has d e c l i n e d 44 p o i n t s , from 51.3% i n 1891 t o 7.1% i n 1971. The r e a d e r w i l l o b s e r v e the s i m i l a r i t y o f t r e n d , between t h e l i n e d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e ( F i g u r e 2) and men i n a g r i c u l t u r a l o c c u p a t i o n s ( F i g u r e 1 ) . Between 1891 and 1971, the p e r c e n t o f women r e g i s t e r e d as domesti c s e r v a n t s 12 13 60 50 40 Labour Force 30 20 10 Figure 2: % of Female labour Force i n Live-In Domestic Service and C l e r i c a l Occupations Women - domestic service Year 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 14 has d e c l i n e d 38.7 p o i n t s , from 40.6% t o 1.9%. F i g u r e 2 i s an a p p r o p r i a t e p l a c e t o b e g i n a l o n g - t e r m a c c o u n t o f the work h i s t o r y o f Canadian women. Two f a c t o r s must be t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when e x p l a i n i n g the d e c l i n e o f domesti c s e r v i c e . The f i r s t f a c t o r i s an aggre g a t e d i s p l a c e m e n t o f w o r k i n g women from d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e i n t o growing f e m i n i z e d segments o f the l a b o u r f o r c e . I n F i g u r e 2 the r i s e o f c l e r i c a l work r o u g h l y c o i n c i d e s w i t h the d e c l i n e o f domesti c s e r v i c e . The second f a c t o r i s the i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women i n the o f f i c i a l l a b o u r market p e r f o r m i n g o c c u p a t i o n s o t h e r than d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e . F o r a l l women t h e l a b o u r f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e has i n c r e a s e d from 22.5% i n 1951, t o 45% i n 1981. F o r m a r r i e d women the i n c r e a s e i n l a b o u r f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been even more d r a m a t i c , g rowing from 4.5% i n 1941 t o 43.7% i n 1976. What f o l l o w s i s a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the d e c l i n e o f do m e s t i c s e r v i c e ( F i g u r e 2) as a component o f the Canadian l a b o u r f o r c e . D u r i n g the e x p l a n a t i o n I w i l l a l s o f o c u s on p l a c i n g the domestic i n t o h e r work c o n t e x t , the p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d . F o r the sake o f c l a r i t y the e x p l a n a t i o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s : 1891-1931, 1931-1951, 1951-1981. 1891-1931 Of the t h r e e h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s t o be c o n s i d e r e d , the p e r i o d 1891-1931 marks the h e i g h t o f domesti c s e r v i c e 15 i n Canada. Between 1891 and 1931, the p r o p o r t i o n o f d o m e s t i c s d e c l i n e d from 40.6% t o 20% o f the female l a b o u r f o r c e . The s i n g l e " g e n e r a l s e r v a n t " was a common f e a t u r e o f farm and u p p e r - m i d d l e - c l a s s urban h o u s e h o l d s . I n 1911, one i n e v e r y f i f t e e n h ouseholds had a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t ( L e s l i e , 1974: 75). The predominance o f the s i n g l e " g e n e r a l s e r v a n t " d i s t i n g u i s h e s Canada from B r i t a i n , where l a r g e numbers o f s e r v a n t s were d i v i d e d by sex and t a s k i n a s i n g l e h o u s e h o l d (Horn, 1975). What i s t h e a p p r o p r i a t e c o n t e x t t o i n i t i a t e an i n -t e r p r e t a t i v e a c c o u n t o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t 1891-1931? Take the f o l l o w i n g two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f d o m e s t i c work as g i v e n . A d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t worked and l i v e d i n a p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d w i t h h e r employers' f a m i l y . Second, a d o m e s t i c ' s work was s u p e r v i s e d by a m i s t r e s s , t h e w i f e o f t h e h o u s e h o l d . G i v e n t h e s e two f a c t s , i t would seem t h a t t h e domestic s e r v a n t must be u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f the h o u s e h o l d , i t s d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r and l i n e s o f a u t h o r i t y . 1891 t o 1931 was a time o f t r a n s i t i o n i n Canadian s o c i e t y . Canada t r a n s f o r m e d from a s o c i e t y w h i c h was 86% r u r a l i n 1886, t o one which was 52% urban i n 1921 (Census o f Canada, 1921; V o l . 1, i . x x x i ) . Thus, t h e r e was p r o b a b l y a s h i f t i n numbers o f dome s t i c s e r v a n t s from farm t o urban h o u s e h o l d s . L e s l i e (1975:76) argues t h a t the urban and r u r a l 16 household provided two d i s t i n c t work contexts f o r the domestic servant. For the r u r a l household she s t a t e s "the farmer's w i f e was more of a companion to her than the urban m i s t r e s s was to her servant" ( L e s l i e , 1975:76). Furthermore, L e s l i e claims t h a t some domestics "chose farm l i f e because of the higher s o c i a l s t a t u s they would have w i t h i n the household" ( L e s l i e , 1975:88). L e s l i e ' s s t a t e -ments are based on the assumption that a domestic would experience higher s o c i a l s t a t u s w i t h i n the farm household because women's labour was more h i g h l y valued i n a r u r a l s e t t i n g and because mi s t r e s s and servant shared work tas k s . M i s s i n g from her account i s exa c t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about what people d i d and what people valued on the nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth-century farm. L e s l i e ' s account of the r u r a l domestic i s too a b s t r a c t a formula t i o n to r e l y upon i n t h i s paper. In c o n t r a s t , i n f o r m a t i o n about the r o l e of the servant i n the urban middle-class household between 1891 and 19 31 i s more r e l i a b l e . According to Lenskyj (1981:4) i n the urban household the primary r o l e of the domestic was to r e l i e v e the housewife of her household respons-i b i l i t i e s . The urban middle-class housewife was burdened w i t h two c o n f l i c t i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s at the turn of the century. The f i r s t was to maintain V i c t o r i a n m iddle-class standards of order and c l e a n l i n e s s , r e q u i r i n g e x t r a o r d i n a r y 17 time and c a r e . The second was a woman's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t o s o c i e t y - t o women's c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Women who devoted t h e i r time and energy t o a c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t e n worked f u l l - t i m e , and were unable t o m a i n t a i n the h o u s e h o l d a t i t s r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d s o f c l e a n l i n e s s ( L e n s k y j , 1981:4). An o b v i o u s s o l u t i o n t o t h i s c o n f l i c t was t o h i r e a d o m e s t i c . I t must be remembered t h a t the ho u s e h o l d b e f o r e 1920, was a p l a c e o f demanding work. I t was " a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h l o t s o f muscle power and a few p r i m i t i v e t o o l s " ( L e s l i e , 1975:77). Wood and c o a l b u r n i n g s t o v e s predominated t h r o u g h the p e r i o d . These s t o v e s were awkward and d i r t y , r e q u i r i n g c o n s t a n t c l e a n i n g ( L e s l i e , 1975:77). E l e c t r i c a l r e f r i g e r a t i o n d i d n o t appear u n t i l 1920. Laundry was done on s i m p l e washboards u n t i l t he 1890's, when hand o p e r a t e d machines appeared ( L e s l i e , 1975:77). I r o n i n g was done w i t h f l a t i r o n s w h i c h needed t o be h e a t e d on a s t o v e ( L e s l i e , 1975:77). F u r n i t u r e was e l a b o r a t e , r e q u i r i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e c a r e ( L e n s k y j , 1 9 8 1 : 4 ) . There was a l s o the r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s o f c h i l d c a r e . G i v e n t h e d i f f i c u l t y and dr u d g e r y o f house-work a t t h i s t i m e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was a n e c e s s i t y f o r a s o c i a l l y c o n s c i o u s m i d d l e - c l a s s woman. In the m i d d l e - c l a s s h o u s e h o l d the d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r was based on the d i v i s i o n o f work and home. The husband worked i n the l a b o u r market and r e c e i v e d a wage. The 18 V i c t o r i a n w i f e was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the household ( L e n s k y j , 1981: 4 ) . Housework was c o n s i d e r e d a n a t u r a l duty t o husband and c h i l d r e n ( L e n s k y j , 1981:5). I t was h a r d work which r e c e i v e d l i t t l e s t a t u s o r r e c o g n i t i o n and no pay. W i t h i n the hou s e h o l d p a t t e r n o f a u t h o r i t y the w i f e s t o o d below t h e husband. The s e r v a n t , i n t u r n , was h i r e d from the l a b o u r market t o p e r f o r m housework under the s u p e r -v i s i o n o f a m i s t r e s s . Thus, t h e domestic s e r v a n t s t o o d t h i r d i n a l i n e o f s u b o r d i n a t i o n : w i f e below husband and s e r v a n t below w i f e . I n s h o r t , the s e r v a n t was h i r e d t o p e r f o r m work wh i c h the hou s e w i f e found unsavoury, f r e e i n g the h o u s e w i f e f o r i n v o l v e m e n t i n more i n t e r e s t i n g a c t i v i t -i e s . The domesti c s e r v a n t was a "housewife's h o u s e w i f e " . S e v e r a l f e a t u r e s o f do m e s t i c work and t h e s o c i a l s t a t u s o f t h e women who performed i t h e l p e x p l a i n the low s t a t u s o f domesti c s e r v i c e . The f i r s t f e a t u r e i s the s o c i a l s t a t u s o f m i s t r e s s and s e r v a n t . W h i l e a m i s t r e s s was a m i d d l e o r u p p e r - c l a s s woman, do m e s t i c s were i n -v a r i a b l y o f low c l a s s s t a n d i n g . A second i s the low s t a t u s o f a h o u s e w i f e and house-work. The work c o n t e x t o f a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was m o d e l l e d on the work c o n t e x t o f a h o u s e w i f e . Housework was con-s i d e r e d a l o w l y a c t i v i t y by b o t h m i s t r e s s and s e r v a n t . I t was "women's work" "work: f o r w h i c h women were b e l i e v e d t o have a n a t u r a l t a l e n t , and work r o u t i n e l y performed 1 9 w i t h o u t pay" ( L e n s k y j , 1981: 5 ) . Thus, t o p e r f o r m house-work below a h o u s e w i f e would be one o f the l o w e s t o c c u p a t -i o n s i m a g i n a b l e . I n a d d i t i o n t o low s o c i a l s t a t u s , d o m e s t i c s o b j e c t e d t o t he l a c k o f freedom, i s o l a t i o n and l o n e l i n e s s o f do m e s t i c s e r v i c e ( B a r b e r , 1980:151). D e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d d o m e s t i c s r e c e i v e d s l i g h t l y h i g h e r n e t wages tha n women i n c l e r i c a l o r f a c t o r y work, women alm o s t always dreaded the p r o s p e c t o f domestic work (Barber,1980: 151; L e s l i e , 1975: 85). I f the c r i e s i n t h e p o p u l a r p r e s s o f t h i s p e r i o d a r e to be t r u s t e d , the d e c l i n e i n t h e number o f do m e s t i c s e r v a n t s from 40% i n 1891 t o 20% i n 1931, was n o t the r e s u l t o f d e c l i n i n g demand, b u t o f u n a v a i l a b i l i t y o f s u p p l y . The s u p p l y o f do m e s t i c s e r v a n t s came from two c a t e g o r i e s o f m i g r a n t women: r u r a l t o urban m i g r a n t s , and immigrants from G r e a t B r i t a i n and t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , c o n t i n e n t a l Europe ( B a r b e r , 1980:148). I n 1911 25% o f do m e s t i c s e r v a n t s were immi g r a n t s (Urquhart and B u c k l e y , 1965:25-29). A l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f the r e m a i n i n g 75% were l i k e l y r u r a l - u r b a n Canadian m i g r a n t s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the r u r a l t o urban m i g r a t i o n o f Canadian women i s s c a n t l y documented. E v i d e n c e t h a t " r u r a l g i r l s " e n t e r e d the l a b o u r f o r c e as d o m e s t i c s i s sug g e s t e d by c o m p l a i n t s i n the p o p u l a r p r e s s o f t h e "unmannerly" and 20 uneducated demeanor o f "farm g i r l s " . The most r e l i a b l e documented s o u r c e s c o n c e r n t h e case o f i m m i g r a n t women. Between 1891 and 1914 most immigrant d o m e s t i c s o r i g i n a t e d from t h e l o w e r r a n k s o f B r i t i s h s o c i e t y ( B a r b e r , 1980:155). I n B r i t a i n , t h e B r i t i s h Women's E m i g r a t i o n S o c i e t y was formed (18 84) t o s o l v e t h e s u r p l u s o f l o w e r c l a s s and unemployed B r i t i s h women i n t h e c o n t e x t o f I m p e r i a l development ( B a r b e r , 1980:155). I n Canada, r e c r u i t m e n t o f d o m e s t i c s was h a n d l e d as a p a r t n e r -s h i p between i m m i g r a t i o n o f f i c i a l s and a number o f " c h a r i t -a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s " ( B a r b e r , 1980:155). P r o v i s i o n s f o r such r e c r u i t m e n t were s e t f o r t h i n the Canadian I m m i g r a t i o n A c t . These c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , w h i c h c o n s i s t e d o f c h u r c h and women's groups, s u p p l i e d and p r o v i d e d r e c e p t i o n , such as the Women's Welcome H o s t e l i n T o r o n t o (1905), w h i c h p l a c e d d o m e s t i c s i n t o p r i v a t e homes and s e n t i n d i v i d u a l s t o B r i t a i n t o choose s u i t a b l e d o m e s t i c h e l p ( B a r b e r , 19 80: 156) . The f l o w o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s i n t o t h e l a b o u r market c o n t i n u e d w i t h o u t d e v i a t i o n u n t i l t h e u n s e t t l i n g e v e n t s o f 1914. D u r i n g the S p r i n g o f 1914, t h e r e was the u s u a l c o n s t a n t s u p p l y and d e s p e r a t e s h o r t a g e o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s ( B a r b e r , 1980:158). By midsummer the t e n s i o n o f pre-war u n c e r t a i n t y t r i g g e r e d an economic r e c e s s i o n . The r e s u l t was a sudden o v e r s u p p l y o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s . Women had 21 been f o r c e d from t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s i n o t h e r segments o f the l a b o u r f o r c e and as a r e s u l t were s e a r c h i n g f o r work as d o m e s t i c s ( L e s l i e , 1975:91). A f t e r t h e o u t b r e a k o f World War One, t h e o v e r s u p p l y t r e n d s u d d e n l y r e v e r s e d . The demand f o r d o m e s t i c s immensely i n c r e a s e d . On the one hand i m m i g r a t i o n was s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d (Urquhart and B u c k l e y , 1965: 25-29). On t h e o t h e r hand, women were p u l l e d i n l a r g e numbers i n t o more a t t r a c t i v e segments o f t h e l a b o u r market because o f wartime o v e r p r o d u c t i o n ( B a r b e r , 1980: 159) . Domestic s e r v i c e was always a l a s t r e s o r t o c c u p a t i o n ; an o c c u p a t i o n women d e s p i s e d , because o f l o n g h o u r s , i s o l a t i o n , and l a c k o f independence. Domestic s e r v i c e was the most m a r g i n a l o f female o c c u p a t i o n s . F o r t h e s e reasons t h e s u p p l y o f d o m e s t i c s i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g p e r i o d s o f r e c e s s i o n . D u r i n g p e r i o d s o f economic f l o r e s c e n c e t h e demand f o r d o m e s t i c s i n c r e a s e d t o d e s p e r a t e l e v e l s as women s h i f t e d t o p r e f e r r e d segments o f the l a b o u r market. A f t e r 19 20, the demand f o r d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s remained h i g h , b u t s u p p l y d e c l i n e d . Two f a c t o r s c o n s p i r e d a g a i n s t the s u p p l y o f domestic s e r v a n t s . I n the Canadian economy, the s h i f t from s m a l l companies t o b i g c o r p o r a t i o n s w i t h l a r g e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a f f and t h e growth o f government b u r e a u c r a c y i n c r e a s e d the demand f o r women i n c l e r i c a l and s e r v i c e s e c t o r s o f the economy. On the o t h e r hand, the 22 s u p p l y o f a v a i l a b l e B r i t i s h women d w i n d l e d ( B a r b e r , 1980: 159). One s o l u t i o n t o t h e s u p p l y problem was r e c r u i t m e n t o f " n o n - p r e f e r r e d " i m m i g r a n t s from c o n t i n e n t a l Europe. I n 1925, the Canadian government e x e r c i s e d t h i s o p t i o n and c o n t i n e n t a l Europe was opened t o Canadian i m m i g r a t i o n t h r o u g h a r a i l w a y s agreement reached by the Department o f I m m i g r a t i o n and the C o l o n i z a t i o n Branches o f t h e C.P.R. and C.N.R. These d o m e s t i c s were p a r t o f an e l a b o r a t e p l a n f o r s e t t l i n g the Canadian West ( B a r b e r , 1980:166). By 1931, t h e d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was s t i l l an i m p o r t a n t 20% o f the female l a b o u r f o r c e . However, t h e heyday o f domestic s e r v i c e i n Canada had come t o an end. B e f o r e d e a l i n g w i t h the p e r i o d 1931-1951, I w i l l a s s e s s t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f the domestic s e r v a n t from 1891 t o 19 31. I w i l l argue t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was the ex-p e r i e n c e o f a s p e c i f i c group o f women a t b o t h an aggre g a t e and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l ( M cBride, 1974:63-78). From an aggre g a t e l e v e l , t h e r i s e and d e c l i n e o f domestic s e r v i c e marks an i m p o r t a n t phase o f women's h i s t o r y . I t was a b r i d g e (Broom and Sm i t h , 1963:321-334), f o r a s p e c i f i c group o f women, between ways o f l i f e a m i d s t a s o c i a l t r a n s i t i o n ; from r u r a l t o urban, and f o r e i g n t o Canadian. Domestic s e r v i c e was the e x p e r i e n c e o f lower c l a s s , u n m a r r i e d , f o r e i g n o r r u r a l Canadian women. As "housewife's 23 h o u s e w i f e " , the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t was a d i s a d v a n t a g e d p r i s o n e r , i n t h e domain o f V i c t o r i a n womanhood. The dome s t i c s e r v a n t s t o o d below t h e ho u s e w i f e i n a s o c i e t y where housework was c o n s i d e r e d a l o w l y and w o r t h l e s s a c t i v i t y . I t was a w o r l d where the o p t i o n s o f women were l i m i t e d by an i n s o l u b l e c u l t u r a l l o g i c l i n k i n g women, house-work, c h i l d r e n and h o u s e h o l d (Oakely, 1974:43-59). Because the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between h o u s e w i f e and s e r v a n t was a r e l a t i o n o f a u t h o r i t y and s u b o r d i n a t i o n , i t may be r e -garded a r a r e p o i n t o f a c c e s s f o r b e g i n n i n g t o e v a l u a t e f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r - c l a s s r e l a t i o n s between women i n a w o r l d c o n t r o l l e d by men. A t the l e v e l o f i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was a phase i n the l i f e - c y c l e o f t h e group.of -women i d e n t i f i e d as d o m e s t i c s . What were the l i f e chances and o p t i o n s t h a t t h e s e women face d ? An u n m a r r i e d , uneducated, lo w e r c l a s s r u r a l o r f o r e i g n woman would e n t e r d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e between t h e ages o f 14 and 20. Domestic s e r v i c e was one o f the few o c c u p a t i o n s i n the l a b o u r market w h i c h s u i t e d h e r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . From do m e s t i c s e r v i c e , a s t e p h i g h e r on the l a d d e r o f s t a t u s c o u l d o n l y i n c l u d e m a r r i a g e f o r w h i c h h e r time as a dom e s t i c s e r v a n t s e r v e d as an a p p r e n t i c e s h i p . Or she might e n t e r t h e growing f e m i n i z e d segments o f the l a b o u r market such as c l e r i c a l o r s e r v i c e work. E v i d e n c e t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was o f f i c i a l l y viewed 24 as an a p p r e n t i c e s h i p i s abundant. The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f dom e s t i c s e r v i c e i n t o the c u r r i c u l u m o f O n t a r i o e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s was d e s i g n e d t o p r e p a r e women f o r d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e ( B a r b e r , 1980:152). I t was argued t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was the b e s t p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e i r u l t i m a t e r o l e s as w i f e and mother ( B a r b e r , 1980:152). The h o u s e w i f e has o f t e n been d r a m a t i c a l l y termed a k i n d o f " s l a v e " . I f t h e ana l o g y i s extended, a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was a " s l a v e ' s a p p r e n t i c e " . 1931-1951 From the d e p r e s s i o n o f t h e t h i r t i e s t h r o u g h t h e postwar economic boom o f t h e f o r t i e s , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e i s d i f f i c u l t t o document. I m m i g r a t i o n , the major s o u r c e o f documentation on do m e s t i c s e r v i c e was s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d from 1932-1945 (Urquhart and B u c k l e y , 1965:24-25). There-f o r e , d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h i s p e r i o d i s c a r e f u l l y reasoned s p e c u l a t i o n based on d i v e r s e and g e n e r a l e v i d e n c e . A g l a n c e a t F i g u r e 2 i l l u s t r a t e s t h a t the l i n e f o r do m e s t i c s e r v i c e l e v e l s between 1931 and 1941 a t about 20% o f the female l a b o u r f o r c e . Why does d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e l e v e l a t t h i s p e r i o d , a m i d s t a g e n e r a l t r e n d o f d e c l i n e ? The pause i n t h e d e c l i n e o f do m e s t i c s e r v i c e between 1931 and 1941 must be e x p l a i n e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e economic c l i m a t e o f the p e r i o d . Domestic s e r v i c e was a l a s t r e s o r t o c c u p a t i o n f o r women d u r i n g h a r d economic 25 t i m e s . T h e r e f o r e , d u r i n g t h e economic d e p r e s s i o n o f the t h i r t i e s , when unemployment r a t e s s o a r e d , women were pushed i n t o d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e f o r reas o n s o f s u b s i s t e n c e . From 1941 t o 1951, t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f domestic s e r v a n t s resumes i t s d e c l i n e . The d e c l i n e o f dom e s t i c s e r v i c e between 1941 and 1945 i s a g a i n e x p l a i n e d by the l a b o u r - h u n g r y wartime economy. Demand f o r do m e s t i c s e r v a n t s was h i g h d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d because the d e p r e s s i o n r e l a t e d o v e r s u p p l y o f female d o m e s t i c s d i s a p p e a r e d as women were a t t r a c t e d t o a wide range o f a v a i l a b l e o c c u p a t i o n s due t o wartime o v e r - p r o d u c t -i o n . The f l a v o u r o f t h i s p e r i o d i s c l e a r i n p o p u l a r j o u r n a l s such as MacLean's and Sa t u r d a y N i g h t magazine. From 1944 t h r o u g h 1949, numerous a r t i c l e s appeared con-c e r n i n g t h e r o l e o f women i n post-war r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . The d i a l o g u e took p l a c e i n a c l i m a t e o f u n c e r t a i n t y . Some p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s t s a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t the p r e s s u r e e x e r t e d by r e t u r n i n g s e r v i c e m e n on the economy would p r e c i p i t a t e complete economic c o l l a p s e . The r o l e o f women i n r e c o n -s t r u c t i o n was c l e a r . Women were t o be d u t i f u l l y p r e p a r e d t o r e - a d j u s t t h e i r s o c i a l r o l e s , r e t u r n i n g t o t h e c o n f i n e s o f the h o u s e h o l d as h o u s e w i f e o r domestic s e r v a n t , o r l i m i t i n g t h e i r l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y t o e s t a b l i s h e d f e m i n i z e d o c c u p a t i o n s . I n each a r t i c l e , t he j o u r n a l i s t would argue t h e same i s s u e s . F i r s t , t h a t women must g i v e up t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s t o men and be p r e p a r e d t o r e t u r n t o 26 the h o u s e h o l d . As compensation, i t was argued t h e s t a t u s o f d o m e s t i c work must i n c r e a s e . D e s p i t e p r e d i c t i o n s o f doom, the r e c e s s i o n never a r r i v e d . However, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h e d e c e n n i a l c h a r a c t -e r o f census d a t a h i d e s an i n c r e a s e i n do m e s t i c s e r v i c e between 1945 and 1949. D u r i n g the immediate post-war p e r i o d , t h e r a t e o f female l a b o u r f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n d e c l i n e d from 31.4% i n 1945 t o 22.7% i n 1946 ( C o n n e l l y , 1978:78). Thus, f o r a b r i e f p e r i o d , t h e r e was a l a r g e d i s p l a c e m e n t o f women by men i n l a b o u r f o r c e o c c u p a t i o n s . A r i s e i n do m e s t i c s e r v i c e i s h i n t e d a t i n a S a t u r d a y N i g h t magazine i n 194 9: "Women a r e i n t h e i r own words 'd e s p e r a t e ' f o r work...The d e s p a r a t e s i t u a t i o n f o r house-h o l d employees has r e v e r s e d , women a r e now d e s p e r a t e t o become h o u s e h o l d employees." F o r a s h o r t time women were a g a i n f o r c e d i n t o d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e . By 19 51, the c o n t i n u e d d e c l i n e o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the e x t e n t o f post-war economic growth out-weighed t h e i n i t i a l d i s p l a c e m e n t o f women from l a b o u r f o r c e o c c u p a t i o n s . F e m i n i z e d segments o f t h e l a b o u r market c o n t i n u e d t o i n c r e a s e . C l e r i c a l work almost d o u b l e s between 1941 and 1951. Due t o i n c r e a s e d demand f o r women i n o t h e r segments o f t h e l a b o u r market, Canadian women have n o t been f o r c e d t o r e t u r n t o the dru d g e r y o f dom e s t i c s e r v i c e . 27 1951-1981 Between 19 51 and 1981 the r a t e o f female l a b o u r f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c r e a s e d from 22.5% t o 45%. W h i l e the number of women e n t e r i n g the l a b o u r market i n c r e a s e , t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s d e c r e a s e d t o a minute p e r c e n t a g e . F a c i n g p e r s i s t e n t demand and a s h o r t a g e o f Canadian women w i l l i n g t o work as do m e s t i c s e r v a n t s t h e Canadian government i n i t i a t e d a " s o f t l a n d i n g " program f o r r e c r u i t -ment o f Jamaican d o m e s t i c workers between 1955-1967 ( F r a n c i s , 1968:180). The program was a r r a n g e d by t h e Jamaican M i n i s t r y o f Labour and Canada Employment and Department o f Manpower (Canada,1981:86). A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p l a n Jamaican women were p r e s c r e e n e d by the Jamaican M i n i s t r y o f Labour. Women s e l e c t e d were between 18 and 40 y e a r s o f age, had completed e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l and were o f "good h e a l t h and c h a r a c t e r " . They were e l i g i b l e o n l y i f s i n g l e , widowed, d i v o r c e d , w i t h o u t s m a l l c h i l d r e n , n o r i n v o l v e d i n a common law r e l a t i o n s h i p (Canada, 1981:86). The p l a n exchanged l a n d e d immigrant s t a t u s t o t h e employee i n r e t u r n f o r a one y e a r term as do m e s t i c i n Canada. From 1973 u n t i l p r e s e n t , Canadian i m m i g r a t i o n a u t h o r -i t i e s i n i t i a t e d a "temporary employment a u t h o r i z a t i o n " p l a n . Under the p l a n women are i s s u e d a temporary work p e r m i t a t the time o f t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada. A temporary employ-ment p e r m i t r e s t r i c t s h e r a c t i v i t y t o performance o f 28 d o m e s t i c l a b o u r i n the p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d o f a d e s i g n a t e d employer (Canada, 1982:12). I f her j o b t e r m i n a t e s , the d o m e s t i c i s g r a n t e d a two week grac e p e r i o d t o s e c u r e a d o m e s t i c p o s i t i o n , o r f a c e immediate d e p o r t a t i o n . The d o m e s t i c must l e a v e Canada because a temporary employment a u t h o r i z a t i o n can o n l y be a p p l i e d f o r o u t s i d e Canada. The temporary a u t h o r i z a t i o n system i s an e f f i c i e n t s o l u t i o n • f o r s o l v i n g t h e demand f o r " l i v e - i n " d o m e s t i c s i n Canada. I n many r e s p e c t s female d o m e s t i c s a r e i n d e n t -u r e d l a b o u r . Domestics a r e r e s t r i c t e d to d o m e s t i c work and l o s s o f j o b means d e p o r t a t i o n . On t h e o t h e r hand, the d o m e s t i c cannot e x p e c t t o improve h e r s t a t u s i n Canada because the c u r r e n t p o i n t system f o r l a n d e d s t a t u s v i r t -u a l l y e x c l u d e s d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s . Under the p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e 19 76 I m m i g r a t i o n A c t , an a p p l i c a n t may become s u c c e s s f u l l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n Canada i f awarded f i f t y u n i t s o f assessment. The assessment c r i t e r i o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o n i n e f a c t o r s each w i t h a maximum number o f u n i t s a v a i l a b l e depending on the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s o f t h e a p p l i c a n t . The f a c t o r " S p e c i f i c V o c a t i o n a l P r e p a r a t i o n " , i s " t o be measured by the amount o f f o r m a l p r o f e s s i o n a l , v o c a t i o n a l , a p p r e n t i c e s h i p , i n - p l a n t o r o n - t h e - j o b t r a i n i n g s p e c i f i e d i n the Canadian C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and D i c t i o n a r y o f Occupat-i o n s " (Canada, 1981:19) and t h e o c c u p a t i o n "maid-domestic" i s e l i g i b l e f o r t h r e e o f a p o s s i b l e f i f t e e n u n i t s . I n t h e 29 f a c t o r f o r " E x p e r i e n c e " a '"maid-domestic" i s e l i g i b l e f o r o n l y two o f a p o s s i b l e e i g h t u n i t s . The low r a t i n g o f d o m e s t i c work i n d i c a t e s the a t t i t u d e o f the Canadian author-i t i e s t o the v a l u e o f d o m e s t i c l a b o u r o f a l l k i n d s . The employers o f domestic s e r v a n t s a r e now almost ' e x c l u s i v e l y p r o s p e r o u s and urban. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f employ-ment a u t h o r i z a t i o n s are c o n c e n t r a t e d i n " T o r o n t o , M o n t r e a l and o t h e r O n t a r i o c i t i e s " (Canada, 1981:35). Dubois (Canada,1981:35) shows th e f o l l o w i n g income d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r employers o f d o m e s t i c s and b a b y s i t t e r s i n s e v e r a l Quebec c i t i e s : TABLE 1 Employers' Income* Per Cent 10-20,000 .5% 20-30,000 8.3% 30-40,000 24.0% 40+ o v e r 40,000 67.2% *NOTE: Median f a m i l y income f o r the m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a o f M o n t r e a l was $22,356 i n 1979 ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, .1981) W h i l e the employers o f d o m e s t i c s have always been m i d d l e t o u p p e r - c l a s s Canadian, e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t the f u n c t i o n o f the d o m e s t i c i n the h o u s e h o l d has changed. Between 1891-19 31, t h e " g e n e r a l s e r v a n t " was h i r e d t o p e r f o r m a number o f t a s k s . Today the f u n c t i o n o f a " l i v e -i n " d o m e s t i c i s s p e c i a l i z e d . I n Dubois' s t u d y almost a l l 30 h o u s e h o l d s w i t h d o m e s t i c s had c h i l d r e n and 71.4% o f the responden t s answered the q u e s t i o n "Reasons f o r H i r i n g a Domestic o r B a b y s i t t e r " , w i t h , "To f r e e b o t h spouses f o r the l a b o u r market" (Canada,1981:38). C u r r e n t l y d o m e s t i c s are h i r e d t o p r o v i d e c h i l d c a r e f o r d u a l c a r e e r p r o f e s s i o n -a l f a m i l i e s . A t a t a k e home pay r a t e o f $78.69 p e r week i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Canada, 198-1:69) , t h e do m e s t i c s e r v a n t compares f a v o u r a b l y w i t h day c a r e f a c i l i t i e s . By 1981 dom e s t i c s e r v a n t s r e p r e s e n t a s m a l l p e r c e n t -age o f the female l a b o u r f o r c e . A l t h o u g h the f u n c t i o n o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t has become s p e c i a l i z e d h e r p o s i t i o n i n t h e h o u s e h o l d i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t d e s c r i b e d i n the t u r n -o f - t h e - c e n t u r y urban h o u s e h o l d . I n t h e V i c t o r i a n home the dome s t i c s e r v a n t was h i r e d t o f r e e the ho u s e w i f e f o r community a c t i v i t i e s . Today, the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t i s h i r e d t o f r e e t h e w i f e f o r l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y . From 1951 onward t h e domestic s e r v a n t has been d e n i e d numerous freedoms. I n l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y t h e l a b o u r e r i s t h e o r e t -i c a l l y f r e e t o choose an employer. From the r e s t r i c t i o n s o f the " s o f t l a n d i n g " program i n i t i a t e d i n 1953 th r o u g h the "temporary a u t h o r i z a t i o n " system o f 1973, the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t has l o s t t he s m a l l measure o f freedom t h e s e r i g h t s p r o v i d e . Domestic s e r v i c e i s a m a r g i n a l o c c u p a t i o n . T h i s becomes c l e a r i n the next c h a p t e r , a s t u d y o f the t r e a t -ment o f dom e s t i c s e r v a n t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia l a b o u r 31 l e g i s l a t i o n . A number o f c o n c l u s i o n s may be drawn from t h i s c h a p t e r . The urban domest i c worked t o f r e e h e r m i s t r e s s f o r o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s . I n the c o n t e x t o f the urban f a m i l y the do m e s t i c i s a "ho u s e w i f e ' s h o u s e w i f e " . Domestic s e r v i c e has always been a l a s t r e s o r t o c c u p a t i o n and e n t e r t a i n s a s p e c i a l r e -l a t i o n s h i p w i t h o t h e r segments o f the l a b o u r f o r c e - d u r i n g p e r i o d s o f r e c e s s i o n women are pushed i n t o t h i s o c c u p a t i o n . Over the p e r i o d 1891-1981, the f u n c t i o n o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t has become s p e c i a l i z e d . S i n c e 1951, v a r i o u s i m m i g r a t i o n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d t h e l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y o f d o m e s t i c s . CHAPTER I I I A STATUTORY ACCOUNT OF DOMESTIC SERVICE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA Chapter I I i s an aggregate s t a t i s t i c a l p r o f i l e and e x p l a n a t i o n o f the d e c l i n e o f do m e s t i c s e r v i c e as a l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y . A f u r t h e r account o f domesti c s e r v i c e i s p r e s e r v e d on t h e l e g a l r e c o r d . I n t h i s c h a p t e r I w i l l d e s c r i b e the t r e a t m e n t o f the domesti c s e r v a n t i n B r i t i s h Columbia l a b o u r s t a t u t e s i n the p e r i o d 1900-1981. I s h a l l a l s o p r o v i d e a g e n e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Why has t h e do m e s t i c s e r v a n t , u n t i l 1981, remained o m i t t e d and e x c l u d e d from a l m o s t e v e r y p r o v i s i o n o f p r o t e c t i v e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n ? What does t h i s t y pe o f t r e a t m e n t t e l l about the o f f i c i a l v iew o f the do m e s t i c s e r v a n t , and the work i n the h o u s e h o l d she p e r f o r m s ? I w i l l b e g i n by a d d r e s s i n g the r e s e a r c h p r o c e s s b e h i n d t h i s c h a p t e r . T h i s c h a p t e r i s based on the i n f o r m a t i o n con-t a i n e d i n t h e Appendix, an a n n o t a t e d s t a t u t o r y h i s t o r y o f the domestic s e r v a n t i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The Appendix was com-p i l e d by r e v i e w i n g B r i t i s h Columbia s t a t u t e s , and i n v e s t i g a t -i n g t he s t a t u s o f t h e domesti c s e r v a n t i n d e v e l o p i n g l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n . The second s t e p was a r e v i e w o f the j o u r n a l s and debates o f the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, i n t h e p e r i o d d u r i n g w h i c h the a c t o r amendment was e s t a b l i s h e d . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , my r e v i e w o f the l e g i s l a t i v e debates produced v e r y l i t t l e u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n . F i n a l l y f o r the purposes o f d e f i n i t i o n I used the Canadian Abridgement and Words and P h r a s e s L e g a l 32 33 Maxims (1825 t o 1978), t o p r o v i d e a case law l e g a l d e f i n i t -i o n o f d o m e s t i c work. T h i s c h a p t e r i s n o t a complete l e g a l s t u d y o f t h e domesti c s e r v a n t i n B.C. What i s m i s s i n g from t h i s a c c o u n t , i s a thorough a n a l y s i s o f B.C. M a s t e r - S e r v a n t case law. A s t u d y o f M a s t e r - S e r v a n t case law would p r o v i d e e x a c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the a p p l i c a t i o n o f a s t a t u t e . My l e v e l o f e x p e r t i s e w i t h l e g a l m a t e r i a l s p r e v e n t e d such an i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The s i m p l e s t way o f p r e s e n t i n g a s t a t u t o r y h i s t o r y o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s t o g i v e an i t e m i z e d a c c o u n t o f each r e l e v a n t s t a t u t e . The f o l l o w i n g i t e m s summarize th e - A p p e n d i x , w h i c h c o n t a i n s a more ..d e t a i l e d and f u l l y r e f e r e n c e d a c c o u n t : (1) Domestic s e r v a n t s were e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from the a c t t o f i x "minimum wage" f o r women when e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1918. Domestic s e r v a n t s were e x p l i c i t l y i n c l u d e d i n minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n e f f e c t i v e March 14, 1981, a t $29.20 f l a t r a t e p e r day. (2) Domestic s e r v a n t s were e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from the "Annual H o l i d a y s A c t " , when e s t a b -l i s h e d i n 1946. Domestic s e r v a n t s were n o t e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from annual h o l i d a y s l e g i s l a t i o n e f f e c t i v e March 14, 1981. ;(3) Domestic s e r v a n t s were n o t e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from the "Workmen's Compensation A c t " e s t a b -l i s h e d 1902. I n a 1916 amendment, domesti c s e r v a n t s were e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from the a c t . S i n c e a 1954 amendment t o the a c t , a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t may be s u b j e c t t o the a c t t h r o u g h s p e c i a l a p p l i c a t i o n t o the w o r k e r s ' compensation b o a r d . (4) Domestic s e r v a n t s were n o t e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from the "Hours o f Work A c t " , when e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1923. Domestic s e r v a n t s were e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from hours o f work p r o v i s i o n , e f f e c t i v e March 14, 1981. 34 (_5). Domestic servants, v^ere ngt e x p l i c i t l y excluded frgm t h e o r i g i n a l "Semi^Mpnthly Payment of W.ages A c t " f 1917, -Domestic servants: were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a semi-monthly payment of wages l e g i s l a t i o n i n 1979. Domestic servants must be p a i d a l l wages semi-monthly e f f e c t i v e inarch 14, 1981. (6) Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the o r i g i n a l "Maternity P r o t e c t i o n A c t " , 1921, Domestic servants; were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n Act 1966, E f f e c t i v e March 1981, domestics are not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from m a t e r n i t y l e a v e . (.7) Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the "Labour R e l a t i o n s A c t " , e s t a b l i s h e d 1954, Since 1975, the domestic servant has been d e f i n e d as an employee, and may p a r t i c i p a t e i n union formation and c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g . (8) Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the " F a i r Employment P r a c t i c e s . A c t " , e s t a b l i s h e d 1956, Domestic ser v a n t s are no longer e x p l i c i t l y excluded from human r i g h t s l e g i s l a t i o n 1979. At l e a s t two p a t t e r n s may be gleaned from the above d e s c r i p t i o n . The f i r s t i s a simple two stage process-; e x c l u s i o n -admission. At the time when an a c t was e s t a b l i s h e d the domestic servant was e x p l i c i t l y excluded from i t s a p p l i c a t i o n . The second stage i s sudden r e c o g n i t i o n and admission of the domestic under a p p l i c a t i o n of an a c t . The h i s t o r y of minimum wage and labour r e l a t i o n s l e g i s l a t i o n i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s two stage p r o c e s s . The second p a t t e r n i s a more complex three stage p r o c e s s ; omission e x c l u s i o n - admission. The m a t e r n i t y p r o t e c t i o n , 35 and semi-monthly payment o f wages a c t a r e examples o f t h i s e x p e r i e n c e . A t the i n i t i a l s t a g e , when an a c t was f i r s t e s t a b l i s h e d , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was not e x p l i c i t l y d e f i n e d as a c a t e g o r y o f work exempt from t h e a c t ' s a p p l i c a t i o n . D u r i n g t h i s s t a g e , a l t h o u g h t h e d o m e s t i c was not e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from t h e a c t ' s a p p l i c a t i o n , i t has been suggested t h a t p r o -v i s i o n s o f t h e a c t s were never a c t u a l l y e n f o r c e d w i t h r e s p e c t t o d o m e s t i c s . I n o t h e r words, a t t h i s s t a g e t h e d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t and her work were an o m i s s i o n . The d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was not e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from an a c t ' s a p p l i c a t i o n , but n e i t h e r were th e a c t s e n f o r c e d . From a l e g a l p o i n t o f v i e w , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e was i n v i s i b l e . The second s t a g e o f t h e p r o -c e s s may be termed e x p l i c i t e x c l u s i o n . Domestic s e r v i c e f i r s t became v i s i b l e as a k i n d o f a c t i v i t y , t h r o u g h t h e de-c i s i o n t o e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e from a p p l i c a * -t i o n o f a s t a t u t e . The movement toward e x p l i c i t e x c l u s i o n o f the d o m e s t i c , was p r o b a b l y a f o r m a l statement o f s t a n d a r d p r a c t i c e , the f a c t t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d s t a t u t o r y p r o v i s i o n s were never e n f o r c e d w i t h r e s p e c t t o d o m e s t i c s . E x p l i c i t e x c l u s i o n was i n many i n s t a n c e s l i k e l y the r e s u l t o f a c a s e -law i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e / where"domestic s e r v i c e was o f f i c i a l l y e x c l u d e d by a bench d e c i s i o n from a p p l i c a t i o n o f an a c t . The t h i r d s t a g e e f f e c t i v e i n r e c e n t y e a r s i s the e x p l i c i t a d m i s s i o n o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s t o v a r i o u s a c t s from w h i c h t h e y were p r e v i o u s l y e x c l u d e d . A way o f v i e w i n g t h e two p a t t e r n s o u t l i n e d i s t o a s s e r t t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e has been a s u b j e c t o f i n c r e a s i n g 36 awareness i n s t a t u t o r y m a t e r i a l s . I n t h e case o f o m i s s i o n , d o m e s t i c work was h i d d e n , i t was n e i t h e r mentioned nor were the p r o v i s i o n s o f the s t a t u t e e n f o r c e d . N e x t , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e became v i s i b l e as an e x p l i c i t e x c l u s i o n . P r e c i s e w o r d i n g o f the s t a t u t o r y t e x t p r o v i d e s i n s i g h t i n t o the mean-i n g o f e x p l i c i t e x c l u s i o n . The d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t was exclud^-ed from one o f two p l a c e s i n t h e s t a t u t o r y t e x t , e i t h e r " a p p l i c a t i o n o f the a c t " o r " d e f i n i t i o n o f employee" t o whom the a c t a p p l i e s . The movement t o e x p l i c i t ex'clias-ion meant t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e had become a problem o f c l a s s -i f i c a t i o n , a l t h o u g h i t was d e c i d e d t h a t d o m e s t i c work d i f f e r -ed f u n d a m e n t a l l y i n some way from o t h e r forms o f l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y . The f i n a l s t a g e i s - a d m i s s i o n , e x p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e i s s i m i l a r t o o t h e r l a b o u r f o r c e a c t -i v i t i e s m e r i t i n g some p r o t e c t i o n under the law. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e f i n a l s t a g e , complete a d m i s s i o n and p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t under the law, has y e t t o f u l l y mature. The Appendix shows a number o f p r o g r e s s i v e s t e p s . Between 1979 and 1981, the d o m e s t i c has g a i n e d ad-m i s s i o n t o numerous a c t s from which she was p r e v i o u s l y exempt: human r i g h t s , minimum wage, semi-monthly payment of wages, m a t e r n i t y l e a v e . However, the r e c e n t l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o p r o -v i d e s a p a i n f u l l y r e g r e s s i v e p r o v i s i o n . E f f e c t i v e March 1981, t h e d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from P a r t 3 o f t h e Employment S t a n d a r d s A c t , i n c l u d i n g hours o f work and o v e r t i m e , maximum hours o f work, o v e r t i m e pay, v a r i a t i o n by d i r e c t o r , e a t i n g p e r i o d s and p e r i o d s f r e e from work, s p l i t 37 s h i f t , minimum d a i l y pay and hours f r e e from work. P r i o r to 1981, the domestic s e r v a n t had been omitted from hours of work l e g i s l a t i o n . She had not been e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the a c t , although the a c t was never e n f o r c e d . The e x c l u s i o n o f domestic s e r v i c e from hours of work l e g i s l a t i o n s u b t r a c t s from the b e n e f i t s o f admission to minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to 1981 minimum wage p r o v i s i o n s the domestic must r e c e i v e a t l e a s t $2 9.2 0 per day f l a t r a t e . The amount $29.20 i s c a l c u l a t e d on the assumption of an e i g h t hour work day r e c e i v i n g minimum wage. At the same time, the domestic i s excluded from the hours of work l e g -i s l a t i o n e n s u r i n g e i g h t hour work p e r i o d s , and a p p r o p r i a t e overtime pay f o r work which, exceeds the e s t a b l i s h e d maximum. St a t e d simply, a domestic may l a w f u l l y work f o u r t e e n o r s i x t e e n hours per day f o r $29.20. A f u r t h e r concern which p e r t a i n s to the most r e c e n t l e g i s l a t i o n i s the problem of enforcement. Repressive immigration l e g i s l a t i o n s o f t e n s the p o t e n t i a l impact of p r o g r e s s i v e employment s.-fca,nda,rds- l e g i s l a t i o n . As d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter IT most domestic servants work i n Canada under a temporary employment a u t h o r i z a t i o n permit. The permit allows a domestic to perform o n l y domestic labour i n the home of a d e s i g n a t e d employee. I f a domestic l o s e s her job, through, d i s m i s s a l or otherwise, she i s granted a two week p e r i o d o f grace to secure a new p o s i t i o n . Once t h i s p e r i o d of grace e x p i r e s , her permit i s revoked and d e p o r t a t i o n immediate. With the t h r e a t o f immediate d e p o r t a t i o n , i t is-38 u n l i k e l y t h a t a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t w i l l r e a d i l y r e p o r t v i o l -a t i o n s t o the employment s t a n d a r d s l e g i s l a t i o n . O t her p r o v i s i o n s o f r e c e n t l e g i s l a t i o n , w h i l e a p p l i c a b l e , ar e o f l i t t l e p r a c t i c a l c o n c e r n t o a domestic s e r v a n t . One such p r o v i s i o n i s t h e r i g h t t o u n i o n i z e . U n i o n i z a t i o n i s a common form o f c o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h w o r k e r s c r e a t e t o improve t h e i r s t a t u s , wage l e v e l s and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s . The d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t won t h e r i g h t t o u n i o n i z e under t h e 1975 Labour Code o f B r i t i s h Columbia. I n p r a c t i c e , a p p l i c -a t i o n f o r u n i o n c e r t i f i c a t i o n would be a d i f f i c u l t g o a l f o r d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s t o a c c o m p l i s h . As noted p r e v i o u s l y , t h e s e are immigrant women under temporary a u t h o r i z a t i o n p e r m i t s whose immigrant s t a t u s i s tenuous a t b e s t . I n a d d i t i o n , d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s work i n i s o l a t i o n , i n p r i v a t e homes, r a r e -l y have the same time o f f , and l a c k a s t r o n g i n f o r m a l o r g a n -i z a t i o n where a membership d r i v e might b e g i n . Our h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t i s n o t complete w i t h o u t answer-i n g the q u e s t i o n : Why has d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e r e c e i v e d admiss-i o n t o employment s t a n d a r d s l e g i s l a t i o n d u r i n g the p a s t s e v e r a l y e a r s ? N e i t h e r the type and l o c a t i o n o f d o m e s t i c work, nor the s o c i a l s t a t u s o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t i n s o c i e t y has changed g r e a t l y and thus cannot account f o r the r e c e n t a d m i s s i o n o f d o m e s t i c s t o l a b o u r s t a t u t e s . A f a c t o r w h i c h has changed and p r o v i d e s e x p l a n a t i o n i s an i n c r e a s e i n the number o f groups i n t e r e s t e d i n the unique problems d o m e s t i c s e x p e r i e n c e . D u r i n g the p a s t decade women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l a b o u r r e s e a r c h groups and j o u r n a l i s t s have a c t e d as a d v o c a t e s 39 on b e h a l f o f d o m e s t i c s . The Canadian A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l on the S t a t u s o f Women, I n t e r c e d e - I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o a l i t i o n t o End Domestics' E x p l o i t a t i o n , B r i t i s h Columbia S t a t u s o.f Women and the B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Advocacy and Research A s s o c i a t i o n a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s w h i c h have d r a f t e d p o s i t i o n papers and l o b b i e d on b e h a l f o f the d o m e s t i c . The p r e s s u r e from l o b b y groups was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e Government o f Canada Task F o r c e 1981, whi c h s t a t e s t h a t the s i t u a t i o n o f f o r e i g n d o m e s t i c s has been " w e l l - p u b l i c i z e d " , " t h e r e have been s u f f i c i e n t r e p o r t s o f m i s t r e a t m e n t t o f o c u s p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n on t h e i r p l i g h t and t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r v u l n e r a b i l i t y t o abuse" (Canada, 1981:12). W i t h a b r i e f h i s t o r y c omplete, I may pose the q u e s t i o n : Why, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , has t h e dom e s t i c s e r v a n t been o m i t t e d and e x c l u d e d from a l m o s t e v e r y p r o v i s i o n o f p r o t e c t i v e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n ? Two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f dome s t i c s e r v i c e p r o v i d e an e x p l a n a t i o n . The f i r s t c o n c erns the type and l o c a t i o n o f t h e work the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t p e r f o r m s . The f o l l o w i n g i s a case law d e f i n i t i o n o f the domestic s e r v a n t , from a 1950 O n t a r i o Workmen's Compensation c l a i m . These passages a r e d i f f e r e n t summaries o f the same c a s e : 40 (Ont.) The terms "domestic s e r v a n t " and "menial s e r v a n t " , t a k i n g i n t o a c c o u n t t h e i r o r i g i n and h i s t o r y and the meaning a s c r i b e d t o them f o r so l o n g a t i m e , denote h i r e l i n g s employed i n s e r v i c e i n and about t h e house on hou s e h o l d a f f a i r s , o r whose b u s i n e s s i t i s t o a s s i s t i n t h e economy o f the f a m i l y . They s h o u l d n ot be a p p l i e d , w i t h o u t words t o t h a t e f f e c t , t o pers o n s h i r e d i n t h e s e r v i c e o f a commercial o r g a n i z a t i o n where th e y a r e f a r removed from the f a m i l y atmosphere, Endersby v. Robert Simpson Co. L t d , ( 1 9 5 0 ) 4 D . L , R , 4 5 8 : O I 9 5 0 ) 0 . R . 6 4 5 ( S a n a g a n , 1 9 7 9 ; 5 4 6 ) And, . ''Domestic o r m e n i a l servants." A p p l i c a t i o n o f P a r t I I o f A c t -Workmen's Compensation A c t , R . S , 0 , 1 9 3 7 , c . 2 0 4 , s e c , 1 2 0 , 1 2 4 , One who i s employed i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h a commercial i n d u s t r y i s n o t w i t h i n the term "domestic s e r v a n t " , even i f the s e r v i c e s performed a r e o f such a n a t u r e . Endersby v, Robert Simpson Co. L t d , ( 1 9 5 9 ) (Canadian, Abridgment, 1 9 7 4 ; 3 9 0 ) A s e p a r a t e case example demonstrates t h e p r i n c i p l e , t h a t "one employed i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h a commercial i n d u s t r y i s n o t w i t h i n t h e term "domestic s e r v a n t " , even i f s e r v i c e s performed a r e o f such a n a t u r e , " T h i s example i s from a 1942 B.C. Workmen's Compensation c l a i m : (B.C.) The Workmen's Compensation A c t , R.S.B.C. 1 9 3 6 , c, 3 1 2 , s, 2 ( 2 ) , e x c e p t s a "domestic s e r v a n t " from t h e o p e r a t i o n o f the A c t , From t h e d e c i s i o n s on t h e meaning o f the phrase i t would appear t h a t each, case must be d e c i d e d on I t s own m e r i t s . Here, a woman who performed the d u t i e s o f cook and housekeeper i n a h o s p i t a l , under t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f matron t h e r e o f , s h o u l d n o t be r e g a r d e d as a "domestic s e r v a n t " so as t o p r e v e n t 41 h e r c l a i m i n g under t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e A c t . B a i l e y v. Enderby G e n e r a l H o s p i t a l Tne,, (194 2) 1 W.W.R. 28. (Sanagan, 1979:546) The p r i n c i p l e upon wh i c h t h i s d e c i s i o n i s based, i s a c o n v i c t i o n t h a t d o m e s t i c work wh i c h t a k e s p l a c e i n a p r i v a t e home i s f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t t h a n work o f t h e same n a t u r e w h i c h t a k e s p l a c e i n a commercial s e t t i n g . T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n h i g h l i g h t s a c o n s p i c u o u s contradiction:,-. When d o m e s t i c t y p e s o f work a c t i v i t y t a k e p l a c e i n a commercial s e t t i n g t h e y m e r i t f u l l r e c o g n i t i o n and p r o t e c t i o n under l a b o u r l e g i s l a -t i o n . I n t h e h o u s e h o l d , t h e same a c t i v i t y s u d d e n l y t u r n s t o non-work - i t i s e x c l u d e d from the b a s i c l e g i s l a t i o n d e s i g n e d t o s a f e g u a r d l a b o u r f o r c e a c t i v i t y , That t h e d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s h o u l d be o m i t t e d and e x c l u d -ed from l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n i s not s u r p r i s i n g g i v e n t h e c h a r -a c t e r i z a t i o n p r o v i d e d i n Chapter I T, A c c o r d i n g t o my de f i n ^ -i t i o n , t h e do m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s : a h o u s e w i f e ' s h o u s e w i f e . The dom e s t i c s e r v a n t p e r f o r m s a range o f ho u s e h o l d tasks-, under the a u t h o r i t y o f a mistress , . Because a do m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s a housewife's; h o u s e w i f e / h er work, s u f f e r s the same f a t e as- t h e work o f a hou s e w i f e / the work c o n t r i b u t i o n o f a do m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s n o t r e c o g n i z e d from a l e g a l p o i n t o f v i e w . The work c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e do m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s i n v i s i b l e when d o m e s t i c work i s o m i t t e d from a s t a t u t e , and e x p l i c i t l y d e f i n e d as non-work when f o r m a l l y e x c l u d e d , ' I t i s because a d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t performs d o m e s t i c work i n the h o u s e h o l d r 42 under t h e a u t h o r i t y o f h o u s e w i f e , t h a t d o m e s t i c work i s o m i t t e d and e x c l u d e d from p r o t e c t i v e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n . A second f e a t u r e o f d o m e s t i c work h e l p s e x p l a i n why dom e s t i c s e r v i c e has been o m i t t e d and e x c l u d e d from s t a t -u t o r y p r o v i s i o n s . C a r e f u l r e a d i n g o f t h e s t a t u t e s r e v e a l a second group o f workers whose t r e a t m e n t i n l e g a l m a t e r i a l s i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the do m e s t i c s e r v a n t . The Appendix i n d i c a t e s t h a t " f a r m - l a b o u r e r s " and " f r u i t - p i c k e r s " a r e a l s o e x c l u d e d from numerous p r o v i s i o n s o f l a b o u r l e g i s l a t -i o n . A b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e two c a t e g o r i e s o f work p r o v i d e s i n s i g h t i n t o domestic work. What does farm l a b o u r and do m e s t i c s e r v i c e have i n common? Farm l a b o u r and do m e s t i c s e r v i c e each stem from p r e - i n -d u s t r i a l t y p e s o f p r o d u c t i o n . P r o g r e s s i v e l a b o u r l e g i s -l a t i o n i s l a r g e l y a r e s u l t o f u n i o n i z a t i o n . Unions w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d i n t h e growing m a n u f a c t u r i n g and r e s o u r c e s e g -ments o f the economy, d u r i n g the 19th and 2 0 t h c e n t u r y f o u g h t and won l i m i t e d forms o f p r o t e c t i o n f o r employees. A g r i c u l t u r e and domesti c work was i n a sense " l e f t b e h i n d " . Domestic s e r v i c e and farm l a b o u r has not r e c e i v e d f u l l l e g a l s t a t u s as "work", as has m a n u f a c t u r i n g and r e s o u r c e a c t i v i t y . A g r i c u l t u r a l and do m e s t i c s e r v i c e i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p e r s o n -a l s e r v i c e , r e s i d u e o f a f e u d a l view o f work and p r o d u c t i o n . An a s s o c i a t e d r e a s o n f o r e x c l u s i o n and o m i s s i o n o f dom-e s t i c s e r v i c e and a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s i s t h e . s o c i a l s t a t u s o f t h e w o r k e r s and work c o n t e x t o f t h e s e o c c u p a t i o n s . B o t h d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e and a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r i s performed l a r g e l y 43 by l o w e r c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s , whose work c o n t e x t makes u n i o n i z a t i o n d i f f i c u l t . Domestic work t a k e s p l a c e i n the i s o l a t i o n o f a p r i v a t e home and a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r i s o f t e n o f a s e a s o n a l n a t u r e . From a s i m p l e p e r s p e c t i v e o f power, t h i s group o f d i s a d v a n t a g e d and m a r g i n a l workers has been unable t o t a k e c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n and g a i n con-c e s s i o n s from t h e i r employers. To c o n c l u d e , u n t i l r e c e n t l y d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e has been e x c l u d e d and o m i t t e d from a l m o s t e v e r y p r o v i s i o n o f p r o -t e c t i v e l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n . S i n c e 1902, the s t a t u t o r y law o f B r i t i s h Columbia has become i n c r e a s i n g l y aware o f dome s t i c s e r v i c e , f i r s t as an e x c l u s i o n and l a t e r as an e x p l i c i t a d m i s s i o n t o l e g i s l a t i o n . D e s p i t e r e c e n t p r o -g r e s s i v e s t e p s , the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t s t i l l a w a i t s f u l l l e g a l s t a t u s i n B r i t i s h Columbia employment s t a n d a r d s l e g -i s l a t i o n . The do m e s t i c s e r v a n t has been e x c l u d e d from l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n f o r two r e a s o n s . F i r s t , because she i s a woman who performs housework i n a ho u s e h o l d under t h e a u t h o r i t y o f a h o u s e w i f e , h e r l a b o u r has s u f f e r e d the same f a t e as the work c o n t r i b u t i o n o f the hou s e w i f e i n the house-h o l d ; i t i s c o n s i d e r e d "non-work" from a l e g a l p o i n t o f view. Second, because a domestic s e r v a n t i s a woman o f lo w e r c l a s s and immigrant s t a t u s , she has been u n a b l e t o p r e s s f o r t h e ref o r m s won by workers i n o t h e r segments o f the l a b o u r f o r c e . CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION T h i s paper b e g i n s t o o u t l i n e and e x p l a i n t h e p l i g h t o f d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s i n Canada. A domestic s e r v a n t i s (1) a woman, (2) i n a p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d , (3) who performs housework, (4) below a h o u s e w i f e . The work c o n t e x t o f t h e dom e s t i c s e r v a n t i s m o d e l l e d on t h e work c o n t e x t o f a hou s e w i f e i n a p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d . The work o f Canadian housewives i s c o n s i d e r e d an al m o s t w o r t h l e s s a c t i v i t y . As a r e s u l t , t h e dom e s t i c s e r v a n t has r e c e i v e d s u b s t a n d a r d wages, been o m i t t e d and e x c l u d e d from l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n , and been i g n o r e d by s o c i a l s c i e n c e . When examined c a r e f u l l y d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e p r o v e s an i n t e r e s t i n g and i m p o r t a n t o c c u p a t i o n . Domestic s e r v i c e i s an i m p o r t a n t l o n g - t e r m l a b o u r t r e n d . The h e i g h t and d e c l i n e o f dom e s t i c s e r v i c e i s a l o n g - t e r m l a b o u r t r e n d f o r women w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d s w i t h t h e d e c l i n e o f male p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r a l o c c u p a t i o n s . I t i d e n t i f i e s the a g g r e g a t e e x p e r i e n c e o f a group o f women i n Canadian h i s t o r y . I t i s the e x p e r i e n c e o f lo w e r c l a s s immigrant and r u r a l women d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f s o c i a l t r a n s i t i o n ; from r u r a l t o urban and f o r e i g n t o Canadian. Domestic s e r v i c e d e c l i n e d because o f a s h o r t a g e o f s u p p l y o f s e r v a n t s and the r i s e o f o t h e r f e m i n i z e d segments o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e such as c l e r i c a l work, w h i c h p r o v i d e d more a t t r a c t i v e 4 4 45 o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r women e n t e r i n g the l a b o u r market. F i n a l l y , the e x p e r i e n c e and t r e a t m e n t o f the d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t i s a s t a t e m e n t about how housework i s v a l u e d i n Canada. L i k e the h o u s e w i f e , t h e work c o n t r i b u t i o n o f the dom e s t i c s e r v a n t e x p e r i e n c e s the p e c u l i a r f e a t u r e o f be-coming non-work. Domestic s e r v i c e was e x c l u d e d from B r i t i s h Columbia l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n because i t t a k e s p l a c e i n a p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d ; i d e n t i c a l work i n a commercial s e t t i n g r e c e i v e d l e g a l a p p l i c a t i o n . T h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n r e q u i r e s r e s o l u t i o n . The work c o n t r i b u t i o n o f the do m e s t i c s e r v a n t and h o u s e w i f e must be r e c o g n i z e d as a v a l u a b l e and worthy c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e Canadian economy. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barber, M. 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S. 3 Employment Standards A c t (annual h o l i d a y s ) , R.S.B.C. 1979, C. 107, S. 2, as am., S.B.C. 1980, C. 10, S. 36, F a i r Employment P r a c t i c e s A c t , S.B.C, 1956, C. 16, S. 1 Human Rights A c t, S.B.C, 1966, C. 10, S. 1 Human Rights Code, R.S.B.C., 1979, C. 186, S. 1 Hours of Work A c t , S.B.C, 1923, C. 22 Hours of Work A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C 107 Hours of Work Act, R.S.B.C., 1936, C. 122 Hours of Work A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C. 154 Hours of Work A c t , R.S.B.C., 1960, C. 182 Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C. 107, as am,, S.B.C, 1980, C. 10, S. 26. Labour R e l a t i o n s A c t , S.B.C, 1954, C, 17, S. 1 Med i a t i o n Commission A c t , S.B.C, 1968, C 26, S. 1 Labour Code of B r i t i s h Columbia, S.B.C, 1973, C. 122, S. 1, as am., S.B.C, 1975, C. 33, S. 1 Minimum Wage A c t , S.B.C, 19;8, C. 109, S. 1 Minimum Wage A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C. 173, S. 15 Minimum Wage A c t , R.S.B.C., 1936, C. 48, S. 3 Minimum Wage A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C. 221, S. 3 Minimum Wage A c t , R.S.B.C., 1960, C. 143, S. 3 Employment Standards A c t (minimum wage), R.S.B.C., C. 107, S. 87, as am., S.B.C, 1980, C. 10, S. 105. M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t, S.B.C, 1921, C. 37 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C. 155 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t, R.S.B.C., 1936, C. 169 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C. 204 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C., 1960, C. 235, S.B.C, 1966, C. 25, S. 3, as am. Employment Standard A c t , S.B.C, 1980, C. 10, S. 51 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , S.B.C, 1917, C. 73 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C. 269 51 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages. A c t , R.S, B.C. , 1936 , C. 303 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C-, 19.48,, C. 358 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages! A c t , R, S , B, C, , 1960, C, 350 Employment Standards- A c t (payment of wages), R.S,B.C., 1979, C. 107, S. 110, as am., S.B.C, 1980, C. 10, S,4 Workmen's Compensation A c t , S.B.C, 1902,. C, 74,, Sy 1 Workmen's Compensation A c t , S.B.C. , 1916, C 77, S\ 74 Workmen's Compensation A c t , R,S,B,C,, 1936, C 312, S, 2 Workmen's Compensation A ct, R,S.B.C., 1948, C t 370^ S, 2, as am., S.B,C,, 19.54, C, 54, S, 2 APPENDIX : Treatment o f Domestic Servants i n B r i t i s h Columbia Labour S t a t u t e s 1. An Act to f i x a minimum wage f o r women, s h o r t t i t l e , Minimum Wage A c t , e s t a b l i s h e d S.B.C., 1918, C.56, S . l . Acc o r d i n g to S.15: "This a c t s h a l l not apply t o farm l a b o u r e r s , f r u i t p i c k e r s , or domestic servants or t h e i r employers." Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from minimum wage p r o t e c t i o n when the a c t was e s t a b l i s h e d . Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the Minimum Wage A c t : Minimum Wage Act, R.S.B.C., 1924, C.173, S.15 Minimum Wage Act, R.S.B.C., 1936, C.48, S.3 Minimum Wage Act, R.S.B.C., 1948, C.221, S.3 Minimum Wage A c t , R.S.B.C., 1960, C.143, S.3 Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.87 Domestic se r v a n t s were admitted t o Minimum Wage P r o v i s i o n s , through an amendment t o the Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.87, as am., S.B.C, 1980, C 7 0 , S.105. E f f e c t i v e March 1981, minimum wage f o r a domestic servant i s 29.20 per day f l a t r a t e . 2. An A c t to pro v i d e f o r Annual H o l i d a y s w i t h pay f o r employ-ees, s h o r t t i t l e , Annual H o l i d a y s A c t, e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B.C. 1946, C.4, S . l , A c c o r d i n g to S.3: "This a c t s h a l l apply to employers i n every i n d u s t r y , b u s i n e s s , t r a d e , and occu p a t i o n , except the f o l l o w i n g : (b) Domestic s e r v i c e 53 i n a p r i v a t e r e s i d e n c e . " Domestic servants were e x p l i c -i t l y excluded from the annual h o l i d a y s p r o v i s i o n when the a c t was e s t a b l i s h e d . Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the Annual H o l i d a y s A c t : Annual H o l i d a y s A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C.13, S.3 Annual H o l i d a y s A c t, R.S.B.C., 1960, C . l l , S.3 Employment Standards A c t, R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.2 Domestic s e r v a n t s were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the Annual H o l i d a y s p r o v i s i o n , through an amendment to the Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.2, as am., S.B.C., 1980, C.10, S. 36, The 1980 amendment became e f f e c t i v e March 1981. 3. An Act r e s p e c t i n g compensation to workmen f o r a c c i d e n t a l i n j u r i e s s u f f e r e d i n the course of t h e i r employment, s h o r t t i t l e , Workmen's Compensation A c t , e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B.C., 1902, C.74, S . l . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the o r i g i n a l a c t . Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the Workmen's Compensation A c t , S.B.C., 1916, C,77, S.74; "This a c t s h a l l not apply t o farm l a b o u r e r s o r domestic se r v a n t s o r t o t h e i r employers," Domestic servants were f u r t h e r excluded; Workmen's Compensation Act, R.S,B.C., , 1936 , C 3 1 2 , S, 2 Workmen's Compensation A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C«370, S.2 54 In an amendment, Workmen's Compensation A c t , R, S.B.C, 1948, C.370, as am., S.B.C, 1954, C.54, S.2, the s e c t i o n of the a c t e x c l u d i n g domestic servants was omitted. Since 1954, although domestic s e r v i c e i s not among the indu s -t r i e s s p e c i f i e d by the B.C. s t a t u t u e , they may be i n c l u d e d by s p e c i a l a p p l i c a t i o n . 4. An A c t l i m i t i n g hours o f work i n i n d u s t r i a l u n d e r t a k i n g s , s h o r t t i t l e , Hours of Work A c t , e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B.C, 1923, C.22, S . l . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the o r i g i n a l a c t . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t : Hours of Work Act, R.S.B.C., 1924, C 1 0 7 Hours of Work A c t , R.S.B.C., 1936, C 1 2 2 Hours of Work A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C 1 5 4 Hours of Work Act, R.S,B.C., 1960, C.182 Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107 Domestic servants, were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from Hours of Work p r o v i s i o n i n an amendment to the Employment Standards Ac t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.87, as am, , S.B.C, 1980, C I O , S.26. The 1980 amendment became e f f e c t i v e March. 1982. Domestics were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from P a r t 3 of the Employment Standards A c t i n c l u d i n g , N o t i c e o f hours-of work, Maximum hours o f work, Order by d i r e c t o r , Over-time pay, V a r i a t i o n by d i r e c t o r . E a t i n g p e r i o d and p e r i o d s 55 f r e e from work, S p l i t s h i f t , Minimum d a i l y pay, and hours f r e e from work. 5. An Act r e s p e c t i n g the employment of women bef o r e and a f t e r c h i l d b i r t h , s h o r t t i t l e , M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , e s t a -b l i s h e d , S.B.C, 1921, C.37, S . l . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n o f the a c t when e s t a b l i s h e d . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t : M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C 3 7 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C, 1936, C 1 6 9 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C20.4 M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n Act, R.S.B.C., 1960, C.235 Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n P r o v i s i o n , through an amendment to the M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n A c t , R. S,B,C,, 1960, C.235, as am., S.B.C, 1966, C.25, S.3. Domestic servants were no longer e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the M a t e r n i t y P r o t e c t i o n p r o v i s i o n , i n an amendment, S.B.,C, 19-80, CIO., S.51. T h i s amendment became e f f e c t i v e Match, 1981. 6. An Act r e s p e c t i n g the Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages, s h o r t t i t l e , semi-Monthly Payment of Wages- Act, e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B.C,, 1917, C 7 3 , S . l , Domestic servants were not v.: 56 e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t when i t was e s t a b l i s h e d . Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n o f the Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t : Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C., 1924, C.269 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C., 1936, C.303 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C., 1948, C.358 Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages A c t , R.S.B.C., 1960, C.350 Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from the Semi-Monthly Payment of Wages p r o v i s i o n Employment Standards Act , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.110. Domestic servants were admitted t o the Semi-Monthly Pay-ment of Wages p r o v i s i o n i n an amendment to the Employment Standards A c t , R.S.B.C., 1979, C.107, S.110, as am,, S.B.C, 1980, C I O , S.4. The amendment became e f f e c t i v e March, 1981. 7. An Act r e s p e c t i n g the Right of Employees t o o r g n a i z e , and p r o v i d i n g M e d i a t i o n C o n c i l i a t i o n , and A r b i t r a t i o n o f I n d u s t r i a l D i s p u t e s , s h o r t t i t l e , Labour R e l a t i o n s A c t , e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B.C, 1954, C.17, S . l , A c c o r d i n g t o S,2; ''Employee means a person employed by an employer t o do u n s k i l l e d manual, c l e r i c a l , or t e c h n i c a l work, but does not i n c l u d e - ( d ) A Person employed i n domestic s e r v i c e , a g r i c u l t u r e , h o r t i c u l t u r e , hunting, or t r a p p i n g , " In 1968 the Labour R e l a t i o n s A c t became t h e M e d i a t i o n 57 Commission A c t , S.B.C, C.26, S . l . The domestic servant was e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t . In 1973 the M e d i a t i o n Commission A c t became the Labour Code of B r i t i s h Columbia A c t , S.B.C, 1973, C.122, S . l . Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t . In an amendment to the Labour Code of B r i t i s h Columbia Act, S.B.C, C.122, S . l , as am,, S.B.C, 1975, C.33, S . l , the domestic servant may p a r t i c i p a t e i n l a w f u l a c t i v i t i e s w i t h r e s p e c t to union formation and c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g . 8. An Act to prevent d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n regard t o Employment and i n regard t o Membership and Trade-unions by reason of Race, R e l i g i o n , C o l o u r , N a t i o n a l i t y , A n c e s t r y , or Pl a c e of O r i g i n , s h o r t t i t l e , F a i r Employment P r a c t i c e s A c t, e s t a b l i s h e d , S.B,C, 1956, C.16, S . l . A c c o r d i n g to S.2: "This a c t does not apply t o the employment of p r o s p e c t i v e employment of a domestic servant i n a p r i v a t e home." In 196 6 the F a i r Employment P r a c t i c e s A c t , became the Human Rights A c t , S.B.C, 1966, C I O , S . l . Domestic servants were e x p l i c i t l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t . In 1979 the Human Rights A c t , became the Human Rights Code, R.S.B.C., 1979, C.186, Domestic servants were not e x p l i c i t ^ l y excluded from a p p l i c a t i o n of the a c t . 

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