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Popular education in China 1904-1919 : new ideas and developments Bailey, Paul John 1982

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POPULAR EDUCATION IN CHINA 1904 - 1919: NEW IDEAS AND DEVELOPMENTS by PAUL JOHN BAILEY B.A., The University of Leeds, 1973 M.A., The University of London, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1982 0 Paul John Bailey, 1982 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e h e a d o f my d e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 1956 Main M a l l V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) A B S T R A C T This study is an analysis of changing attitudes towards education in China from the turn of the twentieth century to the May Fourth Movement in 1919. The focus is primarily on popular education (e.g., public lectures, spare-time schools, libraries), although there is discussion of education in general, since an overall context is required in order to highlight changes of attitudes. With the abolition of the traditional civil service examinations, which had been designed to recruit government officials, in 1905 and the implementation of a modern, government school system designed to train a patriotic, loyal and hard-working citizenry, Chinese officials and educators began to stress the importance of general and popular education. In contrast to previous English-language studies that have tended to emphasize the "democratic" aspect of western educational influence on China (especially with relation to the philosophy of John Dewey), this study will seek to show that Chinese educators were attracted to quite different aspects of western educational practice. With regard to the formal school system, Chinese educators praised the centralisation, uniformity, discipline, strict supervision of textbooks and inculcation of patriotic ideals which characterized education in the West. Popular, or social, education, which "reformed" the lower classes by emphasizing hard work, patriotism and public hygiene was also seen as an important factor explaining the strength of Japan and the West. There was much discussion, for example, of censorship in the West as a useful tool to "reform" popular culture and hence improve the quality of the people. ii Another development after 1905 was the change in attitudes towards vocational education. Chinese educators, in fact, argued for a closer link between education and economic development. In order to compete in the international arena, they argued, education had to train people who could "earn a livelihood," thus benefitting themselves and the country. The promo-tion of vocational education was also accompanied by changes in attitudes towards manual labour. Such a trend was fully evident in the work-study movement, which was promoted among Chinese workers and students in France. Another feature of discussions on popular education during these years was the idea that formal school education was not fulfilling its required task, that of training a united and patriotic citizenry. Schools were criticized for fostering elitism, division and individualism. Thus it was hoped that public lectures, for example, would stress the virtues of cooperation, unity and concern for the public good. The work-study movement was designed, amongst other things, to break down the traditional social barrier between intellectuals and workers. This study also helps to place educational debate in China during these years within a wider context—in two ways. Firstly, reference is made to educational debates in the West which were often very similar to the dis-cussions being carried out in China. The debate on vocational versus a human-ist education, for example, which raged in Germany at the turn of the century was occurring in China at the same time. In other features of Chinese educa-tional practice at this time, such as the elimination of the Confucian Classics from the primary and middle school curricula and the overriding importance Chinese educators placed on a single-track system in order to preserve a i i i certain egalitarianism in education, China was in advance of countries such as England or France. Secondly, this study will show that the issues debated in China at this time were to have a crucial relevance for educational debates in post-49 China. Such issues included the relative merits of a well-structured, formal school system versus a wider network of less well-equipped spare-time schools, and the importance of intellectuals participating in manual labour. The primary sources used in this study comprise contemporary educational journals, the writings of educators at the time, and educational laws and regulations. In 1909 the first Chinese journal specifically devoted to education—"The Educational Review" (Jiaoyu Zazhi)—was published. During the early years of the Republic, a number of journals on education appeared, most of them only lasting a few years. Such journals contained essays on educational topics, the texts of educational laws and regulations and educational news from individual provinces. These journals, in addition to the 5-volume and 4-volume collections of documents on education edited by Taga Akigoro and Shu Xincheng respectively have proved indispensable to this study. iv T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Page A B S T R A C T ii T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S v LIST O F T A B L E S viii A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S x I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 Notes . . . . . . . . 10 C H A P T E R O N E : T H E D E B A T E 1904 - 1911 . . . 14 Introduction . . . . . . 14 Official Attitudes from the 1890s to 1904 . 17 The 1904 School System . . . . 26 The Board of Education and the Educational Aims of 1906 34 Non-Official Educational Views 1902 - 1911 . 45 Notes . . . . . . . . 59 C H A P T E R T W O : P O P U L A R E D U C A T I O N D E V E L O P M E N T S 1904 - 1911 77 Introduction . . . . . . 77 The Quanxueso, Lecture-Halls and Education Associations . . . . 78 Half -Day Schools and Literacy Schools . . 84 Vocational Education . . . . . 97 Changes In The Primary School Curriculum . 105 Notes . . . . . . . . 112 Page C H A P T E R T H R E E : T H E 1912 S C H O O L S Y S T E M . . 123 Introduction . . . . . . . 123 The Conference of Education Associations and the Central Educational Association . 124 The Establishment of the Jiaoyubu and the Department of Social Education . . . 133 Th e Educational Debate January - July 1912 . 147 The Education Conference and School System of 1912 164 The Function of the New Schools: Hopes and Misgivings . . . . . 178 Notes . . . . . . . . 187 C H A P T E R F O U R : P O P U L A R E D U C A T I O N A L D E V E L O P M E N T S 1912-1919 206 Introduction . . . . . . 206 Popular Education Associations and Attempts to Reform Popular Culture . . . . 209 Public Lectures . . . . . . 222 Spare-Time Schools and Libraries . . . 236 Vocational Education and the Promotion of Qinlao Zhuyi . . . . . . 249 Notes . . . . . . . . 261 vi Page C H A P T E R FIVE: T H E W O R K - S T U D Y M O V E M E N T . . 283 Introduction . . . . . . 283 The Origins of the Work-Study Movement . 286 The Founding of the Work-Study Association and Chinese Workers' Education . . . 292 The Philosophy of Work-Study . . . 306 Notes 314 C O N C L U S I O N 328 Notes 336 B I B L I O G R A P H Y 338 Works In Chinese and Japanese . . . 338 Works In English and French . . . . 351 A P P E N D I X A : C H I N E S E E D U C A T O R S A N D G E R M A N Y 358 Notes . . . . . . . . 361 A P P E N D I X B: A B B R E V I A T I O N S U S E D IN T H E N O T E S . 362 vii LIST O F T A B L E S Table Page 1 Number of Middle Schools and Lower Primary Schools in 1907 and 1909 . . . . 43 2 Number of Vocational Schools in 1907 and 1909 44 3 Number of Quanxueso, Lecture Halls and Education Associations in 1907 . . . 81 4 Number of Half -Day Schools in 1907 and 1909. 86 5 Provincial Expenditures on Quanxueso, Lecture Halls, Education Associations and Half -Day Schools in 1907 and 1909 . . 88 6 Primary School Curricula for 1904, 1910 and 1912 135 7 Expenditures of the Nanking Government, March 1912 142 8 Provincial Origin of Conference Participants . 165 9 Sources of School Funds 1915 - 1916 . . 175 10 Number of Schools and Students 1912 - 1915 . 177 11 Number of Schools and Students in Zhejiang 1912-1916 179 12 School Expenditures in Zhejiang 1912 -1916 . 180 13 Items Considered Beneficial for Popular Education by the Education Ministry, 1913 . 207 14 Number of Popular Education Associations in 1915 211 15 Number of Lecture Institutes in 1916 . . 228 viii Table Page 16 Peking Lecture Institutes in 1916 . . . 229 17 Number of Newspaper Reading Rooms in 1916 230 18 Number of Half-Day Schools and Literacy Schools in 1916 236 19 School Attendance in 1919 . . . . 242 20 School Drop-Out Rate in 1915 . . . 243 21 Popular Libraries 1915, 1922 and 1930 . . 246 22 Number of Readers in Shaanxi Libraries June 1918 - May 1919 249 23 Number of Work-Study Students . . . 302 ix A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S I would like to thank my thesis supervisor, Professor E . Wickberg, for his advice and encouragement. I also extend my thanks to Professor A . Woodside for his helpful suggestions. While in Paris, Professor M . Bastid was kind enough to allow me to attend her seminar on modern Chinese education and I was able to benefit from her expertise on the subject. I would also like to express my gratitude for the cheerful help given at all times by the staff of the Asian Studies Library at the University of British Columbia. Finally, but most importantly, I thank my wife, Michelle, without whose unflagging support and encouragement I could never have completed this study. x I N T R O D U C T I O N In 1900 a deep sense of crisis was felt among Chinese officials and intel-lectuals. China's defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895, and the Boxer uprising and subsequent allied occupation of Peking in 1900 convinced many Chinese of the time that China's very existence was threatened. In 1901 the Qing court embarked on a series of reforms, many of which echoed the earlier proposals of the 1898 reformers, designed to "strengthen" the state and secure the position of the Qing monarchy. Such reforms included preparation for the convening of a national assembly, the formation of provincial and district assemblies, the re-organization of the army and the implementation of a national school system. The latter reform was part of a wider change in attitudes towards educa-tion that was to have relevance beyond 1911. Lit t le has been written in English on educational reform and change in early twentieth century China. It is true that just after the establishment of the Republic in 1912 and during the 1920s and 1930s a number of English-language works on Chinese education appeared, many of which were written by Chinese doctoral students in the United States. 1 Whether such works were optimistic or pessimistic about recent Chinese education, most of them were superficial in their approach. Kuo Ping-wen, writing in 1914, declared that traditionally China had always had a "democratic educational spirit," which was reflected in the modern school system established in 1912. In contrast to China, Kuo claimed, where the new schools were "being utilized by all classes of society," other countries such as England, France and the United States were undemocratic.2 H . Gait, writing in 1929, praised China's traditional system of education which, he thought, had had a beneficial effect on the modern system after 1912. He even went so far as to suggest a 2 revival of the traditional civi l service examinations, which "maintained a series of academic degrees that conserved educational standards and promoted respect," and social forms and ceremonies "valuable for social control and for maintaining kindliness and courtesy in social life."3 Other writers, like C . Peake and V . Purcell condemned recent Chinese educational development. Peake expressed horror at the growth of what he perceived as an intolerant nationalism in Chinese education, which had been developing since the last years of the dynasty.4 The one ray of hope, according to Peake, was the brief interlude of 1919 - 1922 when Dewey's influence on Chinese educational thought led to more emphasis on democratic values and the importance of individual development.^ v . Purcell took issue with Kuo Ping-wen, claiming that he did not give due credit to Christian influence on Chinese education which, Purcell implied, was more or less responsible for any improvements that did o c c u r . 6 L ike Peake, Purcell noted that from 1918 to 1925, when nationalism again became the order of the day, the Chinese jettisoned the German and Japanese educational model and leant in favour of the American model.? However, since the 1930s, not much has been written in a western langu-age on Chinese education during the early years of the twentieth century. The few studies that have been done concentrate, on the one hand, on the attempts of self-strengthening officials to establish modern schools and reform the traditional civi l service examinations at the end of the nineteenth century** and, on the other, on the burst of enthusiasm for democratic and popular education that was supposed to have been aroused after 1918 by the May Fourth movement and the influence of John Dewey's educational philosophy. 9 The period between the abolition of the civil service examinations in 1905 3 and the May Fourth movement has been neglected and, in fact, seems to have been considered of little significance in China's educational development. Yet this was the very period when attitudes towards the role and function of education changed dramatically. New questions were raised and solutions proposed in a lively educational debate that was to have relevance beyond the Republican period. One pioneering study has been made of changes in educational ideas and practice, but only covers the period 1902 - 1912 as seen through the activities and writings of Zhang Jian, an entrepreneur and educational r e f o r m e r . * u The study is useful in pointing out how and in what ways Japanese influence played a role in the reform of Chinese education during the last years of the dynasty, as well as showing that it was during this period that importance began to be placed on such things as vocational education and specialized teacher training. However, an analysis that will encompass the last years of the Qing and early years of the Republic is needed, since there is a very real continuity in a t t i -tudes towards education that spans the 1911 revolution. This study will there-fore describe, primarily, changes in educational ideas from the early years of the twentieth century to about 1919. The study will concentrate on popular education. The focus will be primarily on ideas, rather than on implementation or results. Descriptions of the 1904 and 1912 school systems, for example, are given only to analyze changes of attitude towards education in general. This is necessary in order to establish the context in which discussions of popular education took place. For the Chinese, popular education referred to all educational activities out-side the regular school and hence included not only public lectures, spare-time schools and newspaper reading rooms, but also the "reform" of popular 4 literature, entertainment and customs. The Chinese terms for popular educa-tion, shehui jiaoyu (lit: social education), which was borrowed from the Japanese, and tongsu jiaoyu (lit: common education) were introduced into the Chinese educational vocabulary in the early twentieth century. In the 1920s and 1930s, although new terms were used, such as pingmin jiaoyu (common people's education) and minzhong jiaoyu (mass education), they still referred to educational activity outside the formal school.! 1 Thus a journal entitled Pingmin Jiaoyu (Education for the Ordinary People) declared in 1919 that such an education was not to be confined to the schools. "Everything in society," it commented, "has an educational function."12 i n 1930 "mass educa-tion" was defined as an education that would enlighten the people on hygiene, culture and politics, as well as providing instruction on earning a livelihood. 13 Some sources list mass education as an element of social education, along with public lectures, entertainment and spare-time schools.14 In addition to describing developments in popular education, as the Chinese defined it, I shall also look at developments in primary and vocational education (which the Chinese defined as "general education"). 15 Since primary education had never traditionally been considered as a function of the state, official and non-official attitudes towards primary education after 1905 when a national school system was proposed are an important indicator of attitudes towards popular education in general. Changes in the primary school curriculum, such as the elimination of the Classics, made education more accessible and therefore can be considered as contributions to popular education. Changes in attitudes towards vocational education also have significance for popular education. By providing more facilities for vocational training and/or intro-ducing practical subjects into the formal school curriculum, Chinese officials 5 and educators during this period admitted the need for education to serve the people in more concrete ways other than simply being used as an instrument of social control. Finally, a chapter will be devoted to the work-study move-ment, which took place in the early years of the Republic. Although work-study was promoted among Chinese students and workers in France, the ideas raised during the course of the movement are relevant in a study of changes in Chinese educational attitudes during this period. The purposes behind work-study, according to its promoters, included using education to "reform the people's customs," combining mental with manual labour, and changing attitudes towards physical labour, al l of which were discussed by other Chinese educators. Four caveats must first be mentioned with regard to this study. Unlike eighteenth century France, where changing attitudes towards popular educa-tion led to a spate of essays and articles outlining the purposes of popular education and defining for whom it was designed, 1 ^ n o such abundance of materials exists in the Chinese context. Although statements were frequently made by Chinese educators and writers on the importance of popular and general education, there were no systematic attempts to define the kinds of people for whom it was designed. A t various times they advocated political education, literacy training, vocational instruction and moral indoctrination for the "people," but it is not always clear whether they have certain groups of people in mind. Thus, when they talked of using education to reform the "people's customs," such as gambling or adherence to superstitious beliefs, they evidently had in mind the lower classes, but when they talked of using education to change people's selfish attitudes into a concern for the collect-ivity and country it is evident that they had a wider range of people in mind. 6 Secondly, although details are given of educational developments when possible, it must be noted that apart from the fact that there are no systematic and detailed figures on such things as the funding of popular education (e.g., half-day schools and literacy schools), what educational statistics are available are not always reliable. Despite requests by the Education Ministry after 1912 for the provinces to send in information many provinces did not do so (or if they did it was often incomplete). Furthermore, figures from the same or different sources often do not match. Thus in the First Chinese Education Yearbook (published in 1932) the number of lecture institutes in 1928 and 1929 are given as 551 and 2,071 respectively in volume four, while in volume three of the same publication the numbers are given as 535 and 2,894.17 A similar discrepancy occurs with the number of libraries. In volume four the total number of libraries in 1930 is given as 1,273 while in volume three the total is given as 1,582.18 Statistics are given, therefore, only to indicate general developments. Thirdly, it should be noted that educational developments during this period took place primarily in the urban areas, although the increase in number of half-day schools, literacy schools and lecture institutes did mean that the benefits of education were being spread to more outlying areas than before. Articles on rural education per se began to appear in 1919,19 D u t it was not until the 1920s and 1930s that nongmin jiaoyu and xiangcun jiaoyu (both meaning rural education) became commonly-used terms, particularly in connec-tion with the rural reconstruction movements in the 1930s.20 Fourthly, most schools and spare-time schools at this time were for boys. Although a beginning was made with girls' education and attitudes began to change, progress was very slow. I have not included the debate on 7 women's education in this study since it requires a more extensive study in its own right. With these considerations in mind, this study will show the following: 1. Interest in popular and vocational education predated the May Fourth movement. This even applies to seemingly trivial aspects of popular education. For example, in July 1922, after the first mass education campaign initiated by Y a n Yangchu and his followers in Changsha, there was a "graduation cere-mony" at which the Hunan governor presented certificates to 967 former illiterates who had passed the course. The event was hailed as unique since for the first time, it was claimed, ordinary people, many of whom had never seen the inside of a school, now possessed certificates testifying that they had attained a certain level of literacy. However, such an innovation had already been proposed and carried out in the late Qing, when the government ordered that graduates of the literacy schools were to receive a certificate testifying to their attainment of a basic literacy.21 2. The education debate during the years 1905 - 1919 raised many ques-tions that were to have a long-term relevance. The discussion over the dual-track system, or whether to assign priority to primary or higher education, for example, has played, and continues to play, an important part in educa-tional developments in the People's Republic. It will also be noted that Chinese educators confronted very early in the century a number of issues that were subjects of contemporary debate in the West, such as the role of the Classics in the school curriculum, or the relative importance of vocational education. 3. The increasing importance that was attached to vocational education during this period led to the beginning of changes in attitudes towards manual labour, exemplified by the work-study movement. It will be shown, 8 therefore, that the espousal of the slogan "the spirit of labour" (laodong  shensheng) and the importance attached to labouring people by radical intellectuals during the May Fourth movement was not simply due to the influence of the 1917 October Revolution,22 but rather was the culmination of a trend that had begun in the early years of the Republic. A corollary of this was the desire to see education more linked with the economy and thus helping produce economically productive, as well as hard-working, citizens. 4. Although the most important model for Chinese educators in this period was Japan, from whom they derived the concept of "social education" as a means to "reform the people's customs," other countries such as Germany and France provided inspiration. The educational philosophy of Kerschensteiner, for example, influenced Chinese educators' ideas on vocational education, while the work-study promoters looked to France as the embodiment of republi-can education. The fact that Chinese educators often looked to Germany and France for their inspiration provides a useful corrective to the undue emphasis on the importance of the Anglo-American model in accounts of Chinese educa-tion after 1912. 5. The whole question of western influence on Chinese education in general is much more ambiguous than has been supposed. Previous works have described the western impact on Chinese education in terms of its "democractic" influence, associated usually with the theories of John Dewey.23 Y e t Chinese educators during this period looked to quite different aspects of western educational practice. Centralization, uniformity, strict supervision of textbooks, the inculcation of patriotic ideals and the extensive surveillance over popular culture (e.g., censorship) were all , at one time or another, focused on by Chinese educators as factors contributing to western strength. A l l 9 Chinese educators, whether progressive or conservative admired the "paternal-istic" aspect of popular education in the west, whereby the authorities ensured that the proper ideals of patriotism, hard work and moral uprightness were inculcated in the minds of the people. 6. Finally, a common theme ran through all educational discussions during this period; whether the purpose of education was to instill loyalty to the dynasty, create a united and patriotic citizenry, produce an economically productive people, or raise the social and cultural level of the lower classes, everyone shared a common faith in the power of education to achieve such aims. The ultimate expression of this faith was the assumption by many that widespread education would eliminate classes in society by, as Chinese educators often put it , "breaking down the divisions between rich and poor, and between the knowledgeable and foolish." It was this faith in education that explained the absence of mistrust of the lower classes that was so characteristic of eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe when popular education was discussed.24 10 Notes 1. See, for example, Chai-Hsuan Chuang, Tendencies Toward a Democratic  System of Education in China (Shanghai, 1922); Kuo Ping-wen, The  Chinese System of Public Education (New York, 1914); Y e n Sun H o , Chinese Education from the Western Viewpoint (New York, 1913); Chiling Y i n , Reconstruction of Modern Educational Organizations in China (Shanghai, 1926); T . Y . Teng and T . T . Lew, Education in China (Peking, 1922); Tao Chih-hsing, Education in China (Peking, 1925); You-Kuang Chu, Some Problems of a National System of Education in China (Shanghai, 1933); Chiu-sam Tsang, Nationalism in School Education in China Since  the Opening of The Twentieth Century (Hong Kong, 1933); H . King, The Educational System of China as Recently Reconstructed (Washington, 1911); H . Gait, Oriental and Occidental Elements in China's Modern  Educational System (Peking, 1929); C . Peake, Nationalism and Education  in Modern China (New York, 1932); V . Purcell , Problems of Chinese  Education (London, 1936). A number of accounts were also written in Chinese at this time, but they were mostly concerned with a description of government regulations and laws on the schools. See, for example, Jiang Shuge, Zhongguo Jindai Jiaoyu Zhidu (Shanghai, 1934), and Chen Qitan, Zuijin Sanshinian Zhongguo Jiaoyushi (Shanghai, 1936). Recent Chinese accounts continue this practice and contain little in-depth analysis of, for example, changes in educational attitudes. See Cheng Jingpan, Zhongguo Jindai Jiaoyushi (Peking, 1979) and Chen Yuanhui, Zhongguo Xiandai Jiaoyushi (Peking, 1979). 2. Kuo Ping-wen, p. 4. L i k e Chinese officials during the last years of the Qing, Kuo insisted that during the Zhou period China had had a well-organized school system, providing education for all . Furthermore, Kuo claimed, the curriculum combined Spartan (physical) and Athenian (mental) ideals of education. Ibid., pp. 17-18. Additional proof Kuo gave to support his argument that Chinese education had been in advance of the west was his observation that Wang Yangming anticipated the educational philosophy of Pestalozzi. Ibid., p. 57. Another study of Chinese education commented that during the Zhou the first attempts were made to introduce a "liberal education." Y e n Sun Ho, p. 15. B . Russell, in 1922, also attempted to show that Chinese educational development was not necessar-ily behind that of the west. He pointed to the position of women at Peking University, which he thought was better than that of women at Cambridge, as an example. The Problem of China. (London, 1922), p. 236. 3. H . Gait, pp. 14 - 15. 4. Peake's views contrast with those of Chiu-sam Tsang (Nationalism in  School Education in China, p. 44) who noted that the "period from 1912 to 1922 shows decreasing emphasis on nationalism and an increasing emphasis on democracy in the aims of education." Peake's unsympathetic 11 and, at times, rather ludicrous approach is shown when he gives an example of what he calls "selfish" nationalism—the decision taken by the Tenth Annual Conference of the National Federation of Education Associations in 1924 to remove English from the primary school curriculum and to make it "elective only" in junior middle schools. The idea of teaching a foreign language at primary level has hardly been adopted widely today, least of all in the United States. Peake, as an American, could also have done well to study the results of a survey carried out among American educators in the late 1920s (cited in Y o u -Kuang Chu, Some Problems of A National System of Education in China, p. 30). 81% of those questioned agreed with the statement that "every boy and girl in American schools should be taught to give unquestionned and unlimited respect and support to the A m e r i c a n flag for whatever cause it may be unfurled." 5. On Dewey in China, see W. Brickman (ed.), John Dewey's Impressions of  Soviet Russia and the Revolutionary World-Mexico, China, Turkey (New" York, 1964); R. Clopham and Tsuin-chen Ou, John Dewey: Lectures in  China 1919 -1920 (Honolulu, 1973). 6. V . Purcell , p. 51. 7. Ibid., p. 71. 8. See, for example, W. Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in  China (Mass., 1971); K . Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern Government  Schools in China (Ithaca, 1961); W. Franke, The Reform and Abolition of  the Chinese Examination System (Mass., 1960). Other studies of this period (E. Rhoads, J . Esherick, C . Lewis) refer to education only in the context of increasing gentry control over local organs of government. Japanese scholars have also devoted attention to the establishment of modern schools during the late Qing. See, for example, Abe Hiroshi, "Shinmatsu no kindai gakko, kosei-sho o chushin ni" in Rekishi Hyoron, no. 1 (Jan., 1965) and no. 3 (March, 1965); Saito Akio, "Chugoku gakusei kaikaku no shiso to genjitsu" in Senshu Jimbun Ronshu ( D e c , 1969). 9. See, for example, Chow Tse-tung, The May Fourth Movement (Mass., 1960); B. Keenan, The Dewey Experiment in China (Mass., 1977). 10. M . Bastid, Aspects de L a Reforme de l'Engseignement en Chine au Debut  du X X e m e Siecle (Paris, 1971). 11. Pingmin jiaoyu was applied specifically to the movement initiated by James Y e n (Yan Yangchu) in 1922, which aimed at giving literacy classes to children and adults who had not attended school. See Pingmin Jiaoyu  Chubu Chengji Baogao (Shanghai, 1925); Yang Maoru, "Pingmin jiaoyu yundong di jingguo" in J Y Z Z , 19:9, pp. 1-5. Minzhong jiaoyu was used by the Education Conference of 1928 in calling for the widespread 12 establishment of "mass schools," which would give training in literacy and arithmetic to 15 - 50 year-olds. For a report on the conference proceedings, see Quanguo Jiaoyu Huiyi Baogao (Shanghai, 1928), 2 vols. The resolution on mass schools is in vol. 2, pp. 398-399. 12. Wusi Shiqi Qikan Jieshao, vol. 1, pp. 337-338. Social education was defined in no less as wide a scope. Thus Chen Guofu wrote in the 1940s that it "has the intention of taking all of society ... and constructing a giant educational organ." Zhongguo Jiaoyu Gaige Zhi Tujing, p. 82. 13. Jiaoyu yu Minzhong, 2:1, lunzhu, pp. 1-2. 14. Shehui Jiaoyu Jiangyan Dagang, p. 58. 15. By way of contrast, Kuo Ping-wen, p. 100, regards "popular education" as encompassing literacy schools, primary schools, half-day schools and middle schools. 16. See H . Chisick, The Limits of Reform in The Enlightenment (Princeton, 1981). In 1779, for example, the Academy of Chal6ns-sur-Marne proposed for the subject of its essay contest "What is the best plan of education for the people?" There were over 15 entrants. In fact, Chisick is able to draw on a number of essays in such contests for his analysis of attitudes towards popular education in eighteenth century France. 17. J Y N J , vol. 3, pp. 694-695; vol. 4, p. 183. 18. J Y N J , vol. 3, pp. 798-799; vol. 4, p. 183. More extensive research will have to be done in local gazeteers in order to even begin compiling a detailed picture of educational developments (such as funding, availability, distribution of schools) that is characteristic of the sophisticated studies of education that are being done, for example, in France. F or two recent examples, see W. Frijhoff, Ecole et Society  dans l 'Ancien Regime (Paris, 1975), and F . Furet and J . Ozouf, L i r e et  Ecrire: l'AlphabStisation des Francais de Calvin a Jules Ferry (Paris, 19. Z H J Y J , 8:1, pp. 31-38; 10:1, pp. 83-86. 20. For rural education in Ding xian, Hebei, see the two-volume collection edited by Wu Xiangxiang, Dingxian Nongmin Jiaoyu (Taibei, 1971). For rural reconstruction in Shandong, see G . Al i t to, The Last Confucian:  Liang Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma of Modernity (Berkeley, 1979), pp. 192-278. One result of the increasing interest in rural education was the publication of a number of manuals for potential rural teachers. Two examples are Cheng Benhai, Xiangcun Shifan Jingyantan (Shanghai, 13 1939), and Gan Cao, Xiangeun Jiaoyu (Shanghai, 1938). Gan noted that rural education as a distinct phenomenon only began when capitalism was introduced to China, making the urban-rural gap increasingly wider. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 21. For the Xuebu's proposed graduation certificate, see Liangguang  Guanbao, 1911, no. 3, pp. 26a-28a. 22. For an example of this view, see Ding Shouhe, Shiye Geming Dui  Zhongguo de Yingxiang, pp. 134-135. 23. See, for example, B. Keenan, The Dewey Experiment in China. In a wider sense, other scholars have argued that Chinese nationalists advocated change "in terms of western democratic and scientific ideas and values." See L i n Yu-sheng, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness, p. 11. 24. H . Chisick, op. cit., pp. 279-290. 14 C H A P T E R O N E T H E D E B A T E 1904 - 1911 Introduction Chen Qitian, in his history of Chinese education written in 1928, distin-guished the education of the past from the education of his day by defining the former as "education for talent" (rencai jiaoyu) or "education for officials" (guanshi jiaoyu) and the latter as "citizen education" (guomin  jiaoyu), which meant that only after every citizen had received an education would "education for talent" be carried out . l The years immediately preceding 1911 witnessed the beginning of this change and, in fact, Chen observed this when he referred to the 1902 - 1911 period as a "construction period" characterized by the introduction of two kinds of education thought— that of "citizen education" and "militant-citizenry education" (junguomin  jiaoyu), which involved honouring the martial spirit and teaching military and physical education at school.2 Chen defined "citizen education" as "taking the education of the majority of patriotic citizens to support the state, to reform the state and to enable the state to really stand (on its own feet) in the international sphere."^ Another study of education, written in 1936 by Chen Qingzhi, also referred to this "citizen education" / "education for talent" dichotomy by attributing the former educational thought to the pre-1911 constitutional monarchists and the latter education thought to the pre-1911 absolute monarchists.4 These two studies are useful in pointing to the change in official educa-tional thought in the years preceding the 1911 revolution. These were crucial years in China's educational development. A new school system had been 15 formally promulgated in 1904 but until the abolition of the civil service examinations in 1905 many were still attracted to the traditional way of acquiring official rank and social prestige, rather than attending "modern-style schools." Shu Xincheng, a prominent educator and writer of the 1920s and 1930s, recounted in his autobiography the disdain with which the new higher primary school was met in the capital of his native district of Xupu, Hunan. In 1903 the district magistrate was ordered to convert the Lufeng academy into a higher primary school but the inhabitants, including Shu's mother, dismissed it as a "foreign-type school" and preferred to see their children continuing their preparation for the civil service examinations. It was not until Shu had convinced his parents that he would receive a traditional degree after graduating from the new school and that it would not involve any increased costs for the family that Shu was allowed to attend.^ If it was difficult for ordinary people to change their perception of the purpose of education the same can be said of the group of officials who first sponsored the introduction of western technology, either in the form of special schools or as a subject category in the civil service examinations.** Since education traditionally was associated with the examinations, and hence with the pursuit of an official career, it was inevitable that officials like L i Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong, Yuan Shikai and Sheng Xuanhuai would think of the schools they sponsored as fulfilling the same function. Just as the examinations were regarded as a channel through which to recruit government "talent," so too would the specialist schools provide the talent necessary to make the country wealthy and strong. F r o m the 1890s to 1904 the primary purpose of new educational institutions was precisely this. 16 This chapter will describe the shift in emphasis that occurred during this time through an analysis of the 1902 and 1904 school systems and the educational aims of 1906. Not all officials agreed with the prevailing view and the proposals put forward by L i Duanfen in 1896 and Kang Youwei in 1898 for a national school system foreshadowed the changes in official attitudes that took place after 1904 when more concern was shown in educating all the people, both as a means to foster patriotism and to provide practical knowledge for the general populace. Accompanying this development was a call for the establishment of different kinds of schools, enabling students to perform other tasks than just "studying to become an official" (dushu  zuoguan), a malaise which seems to have affected Chinese education right up to the present.7 Just as Meiji Japan was able to draw on a tradition that stressed the efficacy of education in inculcating obedience,** Chinese officials also were able to draw on a faith in the potential of education that had long been a feature of traditional thought in China. The confidence and optimism expressed by Chinese officials concerning the benefits to be gained from extending education to a wider range of people contrasts sharply with attitudes in eighteenth and nineteenth century England, where popular education was regarded with mistrust and f e a r . 9 Finally, the educational views expressed by journals in China and by Chinese reformers and student radicals in Japan before 1911 will be described. A s with the Qing court, education for all or, in the phrase commonly used at this time, "expanding the people's knowledge" (kai minzhi) was considered the essential ingredient in the building of a strong and wealthy nation. It was at this time that the concept of "social education" 17 (shehui jiaoyu) was introduced (via Japan), but whereas educators like Luo Zhenyu saw it as a means to cement the social order, student radicals defined it as revolutionary propaganda to be carried out amongst the lower classes. Official Attitudes From the 1890s to 1904 When Sheng Xuanhuai established the Sino-Western school in Tianjin, in 1895, he asserted: I investigated the road to self-strengthening and saw that cultivating talent was the basis (of it). For the way to seek talent, it is especially fitting that schools be established f i r s t . 1 " Sheng thus regarded the new schools as a means to cultivate and select talent for government service. A joint memorial by Zhang Zhidong and L i u Shenyi in 1901 continued with this theme: (We say) that China is not poor in resources but poor in human talent. (She) is not weak in weapons but weak in will. The lack of human talent is due to the fact that knowledge is not widespread and that study is not firmly establ ished. 1 1 Although Zhang bewailed the fact that "knowledge was not widespread," and despite the correlation he perceived between Japan's growing strength and the number of schools she had, he saw a more immediate task, to take precedence over establishing a wide network of elementary schools: Today, in order to save the situation ... it is first necessary to establish middle schools and higher-level schools ... then select energetic and bright shengyuan of character and quickly educate them, first studying general subjects and then specialized subjects. 1 2 Zhang Zhidong's contention that a specialized education for a restricted few took priority over everything else was borne out in the schools he founded in the 1890s. In 1893 he established the Self-Strengthening School (ziqiang xuetang) in Wuchang. It was to be restricted to 120 students (aged 18 between 15 and 24), coming from families of officials or gentry above the rank of shengyuan.13 One of the aspects of "western educational systems" that impressed Zhang (in addition to their organization, centralization and emphasis on military drill , uniforms and discipline) was the fact that students paid tuition fees. Zhang made known his intention in 1897 to charge tuition fees at the Self-Strengthening School as well.14 This would have further restricted access to the school. In 1896 Zhang established the Hubei Military Preparatory School (wubei xuetang). Application to the school, again restricted to 120 students, "was permitted to all expectant civi l or military officials, men with civil or military degrees, students of the Classics and the sons of reputable gentry."! 5 Later, Zhang noted that more than 4,000 people had applied and he made it clear that an extremely selective choice would be made in order to make training quick and easy. This was inevitable, Zhang maintained, since the schools "were for training talent and their school experience would be the basis for an official career."16 Zhang's purpose in creating the Agricultural School (nongwu xuetang) in 1898 was to train "upright gentry" to teach the populace, in an official capacity, new agri-cultural techniques.!? Finally, it should be noted that in Zhang's proposed national school system of 1901 candidates for the higher schools had to come from gentry families. W. Ayers' claim that Zhang Zhidong contributed to the spread of schooling throughout China is not convincing, at least up until 1902 -1903. Even after 1903, when Zhang did change his emphasis, he refused to countenance women's education. Ayers' other claim that Zhang anticipated the C . C . P . in urging a higher status for soldiers and artisans and in criticizing students' reluctance to engage in manual labour is somewhat misleading since 19 other officials had broached the subject well before Zhang. 18 zuo Zongtang, for example, a prominent official who participated in the suppression of the Taiping rebellion and became Governor-general of Min-che (Fujian and Zhejiang) and Shen-gan (Shaanxi and Gansu), had drawn attention to the traditional contempt held for manual and technical work in his proposal for the establishment of a shipyard in the 1870s. In his memorial Zuo argued that increased prestige be given to manual and technical work, and called on students to embark on technical, rather than academic or official, careers.l^ In 1903 a joint memorial from Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai proposed the abolition of the traditional civi l service examinations because, since they were still considered the only route to "profit and emolument" (lilu; i.e., an official career), they were obstructing the development of modern schools. Y e t it was evident that they thought of the schools as fulfilling a similar function as that of the examinations: If the examinations are not abolished, then the schools will not greatly develop, scholars will never have any concrete knowledge and the state will never have any talent to suit the times.20 Yuan Shikai, in another 1903 memorial advocating the abolition of the tradi-tional examinations, maintained that: Human talent is really the essence of a state, the basis of governing, it is just like the need for food and drink when hungry or thirsty .... Seeking talent is most urgent. If there is no talent, then all talk of helping the poor and weak borders on mere empty abstractions. If there is talent, then planning for the wealth and strength of the country will be easy. 21 Although Yuan referred to the common practice among western nations of extending education to everyone between the ages of 7 and 12, he ultimately continued to view schools merely as channels through which to recruit government talent: 20 Government must rely on talent. Talent must come from the schools. F r o m time immemorial it has always been like this.22 However, there were other officials who perceived different priorities. L i Duanfen, a vice-president of the Board of Punishments, presented a memorial in 1896 which has been hailed by some Chinese writers as a pioneering proposal for "popular education."23 One source sees in Li's proposal to expand the number of schools the beginnings of "mass education" (minzhong jiaoyu).24 others see Li's memorial as the beginning of the advocacy of "social education" (shehui jiaoyu) in that it referred to education outside the school, reaching a wider range of people.25 L i began his memorial by stressing the urgent need for talent, a common theme in most reform proposals: Times are difficult and the need for talent is extremely urgent. I humbly propose to expand the number of schools in order to encourage human talent and to provide the means necessary to withstand national shame.26 The amount of talent a country had, L i continued, determined whether a country was strong or weak. L i was astounded that so few talented men existed in China, given the large size of her population: Now the Chinese people number hundreds of millions, (but) scholars amongst them (only) number 100,000 or so. For human talent to be so deficient as this (fact) signifies is not a question of no natural talent being born but rather that the direction teaching is going is not perfected. 2 ? L i listed five reasons for this state of affairs, of which the fifth one was the most significant: As for a large building, it is not one (beam) of wood that supports it, nor is it just one pillar that resists stress. The empire is large. Times are changing quickly. (We) have to seek for more scholars (shi) and make a beginning in solving our problems. Today the eighteen provinces only have a few official schools. Each school has only several tens of students. Those who want to study cannot, either because 21 they live in remote rural areas and cannot get to school, or because the quotas for students are full up and they are not permitted to attend. Even if every student in the schools now were useful (afterward), it still would not be sufficient to produce enough talent for serving the kingdom.28 L i advocated the establishment of schools at provincial, prefectural arid district levels, and while Zhang's regulations for his various institutions had called for recruitment from among the families of "upright gentry," L i proposed selecting students from among the people so that youths from the ages of 12 to 20 could enter school. L i evidently had in mind continuing the traditional practice whereby no tuition fees were levied and grants were given to students. In Hunan, for example, many new schools did not originally levy tuition fees, the result being that many of them were forced to close down.29 in 1910 the Governor of Hunan, expressing concern that schools could not expand because of a lack of funds, ordered that henceforth all students were to pay fees and were to be responsible for their own lodgings. 30 L i proposed that schools below the provincial level should have a "mixed" curriculum, including the Four Books, foreign languages, elementary mathematics, geography, and simple histories of foreign countries. Schools at provincial level would select students below 25 years of age (again no specific requirement concerning status). The curriculum would comprise the Classics and Histories, in addition to manufacturing, agriculture, commerce, mining, current affairs and communications. T o counter protests that his scheme would cost too much L i advised converting provincial and district academies (shuyuan) into modern schools. L i brushed aside potential objections that there would not be enough qualified teachers by commenting that at the preliminary stage sophisticated and complicated knowledge need 22 not be taught.31 With this system, L i explained, China's school system would approximate the ideals of her Golden Age and the western system of e d u c a t i o n . 3 2 L i went on to note that: Those who go to schools can advance daily, but those who cannot go to school do not have the help of classroom lectures. This is not the way to improve customs.33 L i suggested five ways to overcome this problem, two of which have led some Chinese writers to regard L i as a pioneer in the development of mass or social education.34 The first method L i suggested was to establish public libraries in all the provinces, especially for those who wanted to study but who were too poor to afford a formal education or to buy books. These libraries would purchase useful books and would "... allow people to come in and read them. From each area those who are good at studying and who are competent would be selected to manage the library. Being like this, those who formerly had no books with which to study will all be able to exert themselves and there will be no wastage of talent."35 The other important proposal L i made was that more newspapers and newspaper branches be established so that more people would know what was going on in the world. As with the case of libraries, L i pointed to the example of the west where hundreds of different kinds of newspapers enabled everyone from the "monarch at the top to girls at the bottom" to be acquainted with current affairs. As a result of reading newspapers, L i commented: Those at the top can carry out their daily duties without being able to cover up any errors, while those below can be thoroughly acquainted with the political situation and can use this in their dealings with those above. The source of wealth and strength is certainly in this.36 23 Although those "below" were not given the chance of participation in government, neither, in Li's estimation, were they to be merely passive observers in the political process. He assumed that an active acquisition of knowledge by those "below" would automatically induce those "above" to act more circumspectly. L i went on to criticize the contemporary Chinese press, which was limited to big cities like Shanghai, Canton, and Hangzhou. Henceforth, L i urged, newspapers should be widely distributed. More people would be acquainted with current affairs and "talent would increasingly emerge."**? L i did not specify which classes of people should or would be affected by newspapers but it seems evident that he was thinking in wider terms than "upright gentry and merchants."38 Although the Zongli Yamen, to whom L i addressed his memorial, endorsed all of Li's proposals, it specifically focused on Li's suggestion to send students abroad as the key issue.39 Li's idea of a national school system was revived and given fuller expression by Kang Youwei in 1898 during the 100 Days Reform. Echoing Li's suggestion, Kang proposed that all academies, as well as ancestoral and clan temples, be converted into a structured hierarchy of primary, middle and higher-level schools.40 Only by everyone going to school, Kang maintained, could the "people's knowledge be expanded" and the country become strong like Japan and Germany. Schools were not to be considered as the stepping stone to an official career, Kang declared, but as places that would contribute to the development of agriculture, commerce and industry.41 Provincial officials, also, were showing an interest in extending * education to a wider populace. Duan Fang, the Governor of Hubei, noted in 1902 that the number of vagrants (yumin) in Wuchang was large. They had no 24 occupation and often starved. The result was that many resorted to criminal activities. The reason for all this, Duan maintained, was the fact that the benefits of education had not been extended to all . T o combat this Duan proposed the establishment of what he called "universal schools" (puji xueshu).42 There were to be 30 such schools in Wuchang and its environs; they would be for 15 to 20 year-olds, and they were to be officially subsidized. Although Duan noted that these schools were to benefit the illiterate and unemployed, it is evident that he had more groups in mind. Thus item 8 of the proposed regulations stipulated that before attending a puji school the student had to register his address and occupation. Item 20 of the regulations stated that employers were not to discourage their employees from attending these schools and noted that they would especially benefit petty shop clerks, traders, peddlers and labourers (e.g., rickshaw-pullers). 43 A t the same time parents of unemployed fifteen year-olds who had not ensured their attendance at school were to be held responsible for any crime committed by their "vagrant" children. (It was at this time that an interest in the problems of juvenile deliquency arose. A n article in the first issue of Jiaoyu Zazhi was devoted to the question in other countries and it noted the world-wide trend of an increase in crime amongst 14 to 21 year-olds. A n article on English education referred to the existence of "corrective institutions" and borstals for wayward youth.)44 With the establishment of these schools, Duan confidently predicted, the streets would henceforth be cleared of crime. Furthermore, once everyone had received an education, Duan continued, it would be impossible for anyone to be cheated or deceived by others: The more they (i.e., people) are literate the more they understand the principles of human intercourse (li), and this is beneficial to the shop (puhu) and to the family?* 5 25 It is significant that Duan did not insist that any uniform be worn, in marked contrast to the regulations of charity schools in eighteenth century England which deliberately insisted on the wearing of a sober uniform to impress upon the children their lowly status and the fact that they were the recipients of charity,46 or to the insistence on uniforms in Japan as a means of cultivating military discipline. It was not until 1906, after his investigation of education in Europe, that Duan Fang advocated the wearing of uniforms at school as a way of imposing discipline upon children.47 Some educators, however, con-tinued to maintain that insisting on children wearing uniforms at primary school would be harmful, since the costs involved would inevitably prevent children from poor families attending school.48 Another example of provincial officials' interest in extending education to a wider populace is provided by the regulations on xiangyue issued by the Governor of Hunan in 1903, which went beyond the traditional function assigned to it of simply expounding on the Sacred Edicts of the Kangxi and Yongzheng Emperors.49 The "lectures," in addition to moral exhortation, were to cover the new government administrative system and current affairs, as well as encouraging the opening of kindergartens and girls' schools. Furthermore, item six of the regulations stipulated that the text of,the lecture was to be written in baihua (colloquial language) to ensure that it was easily understood by everyone. 5 " 26 The 1904 School System A joint memorial by Zhang Zhidong and L i u Kunyi in July 1901 had out-lined a school system modelled on that of J a p a n . 5 * In fact, Zhang praised the western system of schools (in addition to that of Japan) as being like that of China's Three Ages. Characteristics of the two included simultaneous study of wen (civil affairs) and wu (military affairs), an understanding of nei (inner affairs) and wai (outer affairs), and the teaching of both dao (morality) and y_i (technique). 5 2 This latter dichotomy of'morality" and "technique" bears some resemblance to the Maoist distinction between "red" and "expert." More interestingly, another feature of western educational systems that greatly appealed to Zhang was their efficient organization and centralized control. He particularly pointed to the national system of textbooks and supervisory officials.5*5" According to the 1901 plan, each district would establish primary schools (xiao xuexiao) and higher primary schools (gaodeng xiao xuexiao). The curriculum for the primary schools (for the 12 - 15 year-old age group) would include the Five Classics, in addition to elementary geography and mathema-tics, Chinese history and institutions. For higher primary schools (15 -18 year-old age group) a more in-depth instruction of the Classics would be given as well as Chinese and foreign geography, mathematics, Chinese history, one foreign language and military d r i l l . 5 1 * A t eighteen students would enter a middle school in the prefectural capital where, after three years, graduates would be awarded the traditional civi l service degree of lingsheng. A l l this Zhang defined as "general education" (putong j i a o y u ) . 5 5 After three years at a higher school in the provincial capital the graduate was to be sent as an "apprentice" (lianxisheng) to a government office. A t 25 the student would 27 again be examined and thereupon would be given an official appointment or would be allowed to enter the Imperial U n i v e r s i t y . 5 6 A s Franke points out, the whole thrust of the memorial was to train future officials rather than to give an education to the general public. 5 ? Zhang concluded the memorial in terms typical of official suggestions hitherto proposed: These four items (i.e., the establishment of civil-military schools, the reform of the civi l service examinations, the abolition of the military examinations, and the sending of students abroad) are the first task in seeking talent for admin-istration ... if one does not raise talent one cannot count on the survival of the country. If one does not encourage the establishment of schools talent cannot be cultivated. Without reforming the civil and military examinations the establish-ment of schools cannot occur. Without sending students abroad one cannot supplement the deficiencies in the schools.5** Another system of schools was proposed in 1902 by Zhang B o x i n g . 5 9 The imperial edict approving Zhang's plan expressly stated that the provinces should carry out the plan's provisions "with the general expectation that real talent will emerge to be made use of by the state." 6 " In his memorial Zhang, like many other reforming officials, cited tradition as justification for his proposals. He pointed to the passage in the L i J i (Classic of Rites) which stated: According to the system of ancient teaching, for the families of a hamlet there was the village school; for a neighbourhood there was the xiang; for the larger districts there was the xu; and in the capitals there was the col lege. 6 * These, Zhang noted, were the equivalent of kindergarten, primary school, middle school, and university respectively. Zhang maintained that to establish a system of schools would be merely reviving a school system that had existed before the Zhou dynasty but which, since then, had fallen into d i s r e p a i r . 6 2 28 However, the plan made no provision for women's education and little provision for any kind of supplementary education. Zhang's plan did contain, however, the first mention of compulsory education. In the section on primary schools Zhang declared: Children from six years of age will enter lower primary school for four years. A t the age of ten they will enter higher primary school for three years. After each area has established a school, then everyone of whatever rank should receive these seven years of education. After this they can follow whatever enterprise they l i k e . 6 3 When the 1902 "system" (which was never put into practice) is compared to the 1904 school system proposed by Zhang Zhidong, Zhang Boxing and Rong Qing (which was to be in force until the 1911 revolution), it is apparent that a further change in official attitudes had taken place. 6 ^ It was more elaborate, outlining a system of supplementary education. The officials had been reques-ted to devise a school system with the rationale which seemed common to all educational reform efforts during the late nineteenth century. A n imperial edict explained: Today there are many difficulties. T o encourage the establish-ment of schools and to nourish talent is really the urgent task of the p r e s e n t . 6 5 Although the memorialists began by declaring that the aim of schools was to create "all-round talent" (tongcai), they continued: A l l perverse theories and slander will have to be strictly resisted and condemned by teachers. This will enable the students to succeed in the future so that no matter whether they become scholars, farmers, artisans or merchants, they will all, on the one hand, be patriots, and, on the other hand, establish themselves f i r m l y . 6 6 The official aim of a school system had been broadened—schools were now not only to nourish and train talent for government service, but also to encour-29 age feelings of patriotism and to allow students to acquire a training with which to maintain their livelihood. The officials then went on to distinguish the underlying rationale for specialist and general education. The aim of elemenary education, they declared, would enable all the people, whether "rich or poor, aristocrat or commoner," to understand the l i and be transformed into virtuous citizens. Higher primary and middle school education would equip students with the necessary knowledge to plan their livelihood. Higher level education, on the other hand, sought expertise in government and administration through instruc-ting students in various specialized fields.6V Vocational schools were described as an important element of general education since their aim was to provide the necessary "knowledge and techniques" (caizhi zhiyi) with which the individ-ual could make a living. This, the memorialists noted, was the basis for a wealthy people and wealthy nation.68 The importance of teacher training was also emphasized, especially that which provided competent teachers for primary schools.69 it was pointed out that in all states primary education was regarded as compulsory (both in terms of the state's duty to provide educa-tion—yiwu jiaoyu—and the obligation of parents to send their children to school—qiangbo j i a o y u ) . 7 0 Unlike Zhang's earlier proposal of 1901, lower primary schools were now to be for the 6 - 1 1 years olds. Higher primary schools were for the 1 1 - 1 5 years olds, while middle schools were for the 15 -20 year olds. It must again be mentioned that high government officials like Zhang Zhidong ruled out the possibility of establishing schools for girls: Since the Three Dynasties girls have also had education so as to be equipped to read the Classics. What was taught was that which prepared girls to be wives and mothers. However, in China the distinction between the sexes is prudently 30 adhered to. It is not appropriate to allow young girls to enter school in large groups and to wander about the streets. Moreover, it is even more inappropriate to let them read western books and study foreign customs which will gradually cause them to act independently and have contempt for their parents-in-law.? 1 Zhang concluded that "if at this time, with China's situation as it is, we esta-blish girls' education the damage done will be extensive."? 2 What was appro-priate was very clearly expressed: Therefore, girls can only be educated within the family and receive instruction from the mother or from the nurse to enable them to have a basic grasp of literacy and to be con-versant with necessary family affairs ... and with the appro-priate tasks befitting a woman.? 3 Although regulations for girls' primary schools and normal schools were later promulgated in 1907, the official aim was stil l to train "virtuous wives and good mothers." In the final analysis, whatever educational benefits girls were to receive were seen more in terms of the advantages for future generations than for the girl herself. Unlike earlier plans, the 1904 plan provided for a system of vocational and supplementary education. In addition to lower and higher vocational schools for primary school graduates, general supplementary vocational schools were to be established for those who had either worked before or who wanted to learn a trade. A three-year course was to be offered, giving the basic knowledge and techniques of a certain trade in addition to the general instruc-tion characteristic of primary schools.?^ Such schools were to be attached to already existing primary, middle or vocational schools and use was to be made of their teachers, equipment and dormitories. Fees were to be charged in accordance with local conditions but, if possible, it was recommended that no fees be charged so that children from less well-off families could make use of the schools. General subjects to be taught were moral training (xiushen), 31 Chinese civilization, arithmetic and physical education.? 5 Vocational subjects to be taught were subsumed under agriculture, industry and commerce. Within each branch there was to be a wide variety of courses among which students could choose to specialize in. (Under commerce, for example, eight subjects were listed, including accountancy and foreign languages.) These schools could also teach certain vocational subjects which were appropriate for local conditions, such as machine-manufacture, printing or brewing. Even the general subjects had to bear some relation to the vocation taught. Item five of the regulations stated: The general supplementary vocational schools, although they teach general subjects, must pay attention to coordinating them with reality and make them relevant. F o r example, i f a school stresses agriculture, then the study of Chinese language must relate to agriculture.?^ Hours were to be flexible and teaching could take place at night-time, during the slack season, on rainy days or in holiday periods. Normally, only lower primary school graduates could be admitted, but those over 16 who had not graduated were also eligible. T o provide a basic vocational education for those between 7 and 12 years of age who had not or could not go to lower primary schools, the 1904 system proposed the establishment of "apprentice schools" (yitu xuetang). They were to be attached to lower or higher primary schools and to make use of their teachers and equipment. 7 ? A s with the supplementary vocational schools, these apprentice schools were specifically to benefit the less well -off and, if possible, no fees were to be charged. General subjects were to comprise moral training, Chinese civilization, arithmetic, drawing and physical education. Although item 2 of the curriculum regulations pointed out that 32 moral training and Chinese civilization were indispensable, the main purpose of the schools was for the student to learn an occupation. The courses offered at these apprentice schools were to last from six months to four years and, like the supplementary vocational schools, teaching hours could take place in the evening or during the slack season. A n interesting aspect of the regulations was that only textbooks for moral training and Chinese civilization were to be inspected by the official in charge of education (xuewu dachen); this rule did not apply to textbooks used for other subjects.78 T o ensure the supply of teachers for the new vocational schools, the 1904 system called for the establishment of vocational teacher training insti-tutes.79 The regulations stipulated that graduates of lower normal schools, middle schools or vocational schools were qualified to apply but they also allowed those with a "good grasp of literacy" to take a year's preparatory course before embarking on the regular training course. The most significant aspect of the regulations was the stipulation that graudates had to undergo a compulsory teaching period of not less than six years. M . Bastid has pointed to Zhang Jian's 1902 memorial which stressed the importance of normal schools for training teachers as an end in itself (in this case for the new primary and middle schools) . 8 0 The regulations on vocational teacher training institutes thus continued the trend of emphasizing the importance of training professional teachers. The 1904 school system therefore represented a change in attitude amongst reforming officials. Taga Akigoro has noted that before this Zhang Zhidong thought of primary and middle schools merely as the preparation ground for the higher level schools and not as the foundation for "citizen 33 education" (kokumin kyoiku). In other words Zhang had been limited by the prevailing ethos of the yangwu group (i.e., those who advocated the adoption of western technology), that of "education for talent." Taga concludes that with the 1904 school system Zhang had begun to emphasize the importance of "citizen education."*5" 1 This view contrasts with that of Chen Qingzhi, whose study of Chinese education was published in 1936. He maintained that Zhang was never able to free himself from "feudal thought" and the concept of rencai  zhuyi (the philosophy of training talent), which resulted in his stressing higher rather than primary education.82 w. Franke, also, is unimpressed with the 1904 system. According to Franke, the new schools were to be primarily viewed as the path "to social prestige and privileged position as well as a civi l service career." Thus "it remained the ambition of the average middle school or college student outside the industrialized treaty ports and even to some extent inside them to become an official."83 Generally, this is true, especially as the regulations acted on an earlier suggestion by a censor, Pan Qinglan, in 1903, that official degrees be awarded to the graduates of modern schools.84 However, the provision for supplementary vocational schools to enable those who had not had a primary education to learn a trade, in addition to the increasing importance attached to primary education, did reveal a certain shift in emphasis. It was also at this time that officials became interested in the idea of establishing elementary schools (mengyangyuan) as a preparation for primary education. In 1904 Duan Fang declared that "family education" was no longer suitable to prepare children for primary schools and proposed that China emulate Japan by establishing a nationwide system of elementary schools for children aged between 3 and 6. Such schools, according to Duan, would promote love and appreciation of the province and country through 34 music and lay the foundations for future technological skills through the teaching of handicrafts (shouzhi). 8 5 They were also to contribute to the training of a united citizenry. Duan remarked in 1905 that: The original purpose of establishing elementary schools is to take the children of the poor and cultivate them so that wealthy and aristocratic parents will not fear their children picking up bad habits by being in the same place with them. With these good intentions, in the future primary schools will not discriminate between rich and poor, aristocrat and commoner, and will be able to carry out education in common. This is the method through which equal education (tongdeng  jiaoyu) will be carried o u t . 8 6 The Board of Education and the Educational Aims of 1906 A joint memorial by Zhang Zhidong, Yuan Shikai, Zhou F u , Duan Fang, and Cen Chunxuan in August 1905, calling for the abolition of the civil service exams, is further evidence of a change in official attitudes. In the memorial the officials declared: The establishment of schools is not only for accumulating talent but is mainly for expanding the people's knowledge and to enable everyone to receive an education. 8 ? Universal education was seen as the reason for Prussia's defeat of France in 1871 and Japan's defeat of Russia in 1905. More specifically, the memorialists' justification for extending education to the people was that it would, firstly, instill a sense of patriotism among the populace and, secondly, equip the people with the knowledge and skill to "plan their livelihood" (zimou qi sheng). 8 8 Although Franke sees this memorial as representing a "new note" in official attitudes towards e d u c a t i o n , 8 9 it is probably better to regard it as a continua-tion of a trend begun a few years previously. Furthermore, Franke remarks that this "new note" could have been facilitated by traditional ideas on educa-tion, manifested in such institutions as the shexue (village school). 9 " The 35 point is that traditional educational thought must have influenced ideas on educational policy at this time. The traditional faith in education and the belief that everyone could benefit from it, a belief which set Chinese thought apart from traditional educational thought in the west, would have certainly facilitated the shift in emphasis from an education designed for recruiting government talent to an education designed to reach the people as a whole.91 The official debate over education in China during this period was not characterized by a fear that education for the lower classes would result in their thinking "above their station" or that it would result in their being trans-formed into idlers or potential rebels. Such a fear was at the heart of discuss-ions over popular education in England during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In England it was argued that ignorance for the poor was their opiate, "a cordial administered by the gracious hand of providence." A n " i l l -judged and improper education" would only frustrate this benevolent purpose. Thus in the 1780s a certain George Hadley opposed teaching the poor how to read: By diffusing the knowledge of reading we shall enlarge the minds of the vulgar, true, but does it necessarily follow that the lower classes will become more industrious, more virtuous, more happy? Certainly not. Antagonism to popular education in England continued on until the nine-teenth century. During a House of Commons debate in 1807 the following comments were made: Giving education to the labouring classes of the poor ... would be prejudicial to their morals and happiness; it would teach them to despise their lot in life, instead of making them good servants in agriculture and other laborious employ-ments. Instead of teaching them subordination, it would render them fractious and refractory.92 36 When education for the poor93 W a s reluctantly acquiesced to by some, it was to comprise of a very limited curriculum, to be limited solely to religious and moral training. Someone remarked in 1742: It is but a cheap education that we would desire for them (the poor), only the moral and religious branches of it, which indeed is the most necessary and indispensable part. The sole design of this charity is to inculcate upon such ... the knowledge and practice, the principles and duties of the Christian religion.94 The purpose of such religious training was made very clear by a Reverend Wilson in London, who wrote in 1819: In every country, but especially in this free state, the mass of your poor, like the base of a cone, if it be unsteady and insecure, will quickly endanger every superincumbent part. Religious education, then, is the spring of public tranquillity ... by infusing the higher sentiments of penitence and faith and gratitude and the love of God, communicates the elements of a cheerful and uniform subjection to all lawful authority.95 When other subjects were allowed, they were mainly limited to arithmetic and drawing for boys and needlework for girls.96 Unti l 1870 education for the poor in England was mainly carried out by two religious societies, the Society For Promoting The Education Of The Poor In The Principles Of The Established Church and the British A n d Foreign School Society. Neither society's readers contained much vocationally instructive material "given that children were trained to know their place in life, and that only l imited occupations would be available to them."97 When the Mechanics' Institutes were established in 1823 for the diffusion of science among the working classes they met with bitter opposition, despite the fact that they were under middle class leadership and that moral and political science was barred from the curriculum.98 One typical reaction came from a prominent conservative publication in 1825: 37 We cannot be ignorant that the education of the working adults of a great nation is without precedent and on which experience throws no light, save what is abundantly discour-aging. We cannot be ignorant that hitherto wherever the lower orders of any great state have obtained a smattering of knowledge, they have generally used it to produce national r u i n . 9 9 In England, therefore, popular education was reluctantly granted only when it was seen as a way to preserve the status quo. Even then it was primar-ily l imited to religious education. With such an education, it was hoped, the lower classes would continue to be compliant and submissive.100 For Chinese officials, also, extending education to more people would result in greater social harmony but there was more confidence in the people's potential and less fear that education might make them lazy and rebellious. Whereas the eighteenth century writer, Mandeville, attributed idleness and criminality among the lower classes to the fact that they had received too much educa-tion,101 Duan Fang, the Governor of Hubei, attributed criminal behaviour to the fact that education was not widespread enough. Neither are there any references in the official Chinese writings to the naturally depraved character of the lower classes, which was a frequent observation made by English educa-tors in the nineteenth century.l"2 Rather it was confidently expected that once education was extended to all the people they would act according to the prescribed norms of behaviour. Typical of the confidence shown was the remark of the Governor-General of Yunnan and Guizhou, C e n Chuxuan, in 1906, that spreading education would allow the l i to unite all the people, and gradually level off the divisions between "knowledgeable and foolish, cultured and barbaric."l"3 With the establishment of a separate Board of Education (Xuebu) in December 1905 more attention was focused on the schools.104 The Board 38 was headed by a Secretary (shangshu) and two assistants. It comprised five departments: a general affairs department (zongwusi), a department of general education (putongsi), a department of specialist education (zhuanmensi), a department of vocational education (shiyesi) and an accounts department ( h u i j i s i ) . 1 0 5 The department of general education was to supervise teachers 1 training, middle schools, primary schools and "popular education" (tongsu  jiaoyu), which dealt with such matters as public lectures. The general voca-tional supplementary schools and the apprentice schools were to be supervised by the department of vocational e d u c a t i o n . l u D Libraries evidently were not considered an item of popular education at this time since they were under the supervision of the department for specialist e d u c a t i o n . 1 0 7 The new provincial organization of education comprised an educational commissioner (tixue), who was to oversee an education office (xuewu gongso). This education office comprised six sections, those for general affairs, special-ist education, general education (in charge of normal schools, middle and primary schools, and popular education), vocational education, accounts and textbook supervision. 1 0 ** Duan Fang, on his return from a journey to Europe in 1906 to investigate education there, reinforced the idea that general education was the most important priority for the state. He crit icized the educational systems in Russia and Italy because they laid too much stress on higher level education at the expense of general education, and praised the system in Germany (noting that Japan had copied wholesale from the German system) because of its attention to general education. Unlike China, Duan lamented, where people only have regard for their personal interests, Germany has produced a patriotic citizenry trained in the virtue of "performing their duties and keeping o r d e r . " 1 0 ^ 39 H e proposed that higher tuition fees be charged at the specialist schools so as to provide the funds necessary for an increase in the number of primary schools.* I" When the Xuebu issued its educational aims in March 1906, the change in emphasis from training talent to educating the people was made even more e x p l i c i t . H I This is apparent in the opening statements which, although refer-ring to the practice in foreign countries, imply that China should adopt the same approach: Looking at the educational systems of foreign countries, there are two main divisions—one is called specialist and the other is called general. But general education is paid more attention to. It does not lie in creating a talented few, but in creating a majority of citizens ( g u o m i n ) . H 2 This general education was to inculcate the five principles of honouring the monarch, Confucius, the public good, a martial spirit, and practical study. The first two were part of Chinese tradition, the Xuebu maintained, but needed to be proclaimed in order to combat heterodoxy (yishuo). The two countries singled out for praise were Germany and Japan, whose educational systems ensured the unity of the country and the protection of the monarchy. Referring to Japan, the Xuebu remarked that all the people were aware of national events and that because of their education and training they associated their own interests with those of the monarch and state: Therefore, everyone has the public-minded desire to wash away national shame, and regards the monarch's joy or sorrow as the nation's glory or insult, and thus the glory or shame of the country is their own happiness or sadness. This is what is meant by monarch and people being one (junmin y i t i ) . H 3 The Xuebu asserted that exactly the same thing would happen in China once education was extended to all the people. 40 Another justification for extending education to all was that a country's strength was not just dependent on a few heroes, but on the collective will and strength of the people.H4 This will would be fostered by education—in the schools a sense of camaraderie and cooperation extending beyond the traditional group loyalties of clan and family would be developed. Patriotism, the Xuebu commented, would have to be fostered early, hence the importance of primary education. Textbooks were thus to stress "public morality and the benefits of collective u n i t y . " 1 1 5 As for honouring a martial spirit, the Xuebu referred to the west and Japan, where military service was compulsory: Thus old and young, male or female, there is no one who does not greet military service with joy and who does not regard death in battle as g l o r i o u s . 1 1 " It was in the schools that enthusiasm for military service was first fostered. But, the Xuebu continued: The Chinese people's concern with daily living is large, while their loyalty and devotion is meagre; their own lives count for much, while they have little concern for the state. If we want to solve these deficiencies, then we must use education as the tool to improve customs. A l l textbooks in middle and primary schools must contain elements of 'militant citizenry-ism' (junguomin zhuyi) in order to enable children to become thoroughly acquainted with it. History and geography textbooks should describe battles on land and sea and contain illustrations of cannons, battleships and flags.. . H 7 The theme of patriotism was also to permeate such subjects as music, which would be used to popularize songs "praising past heroes." In England, also, in the second half of the nineteenth century, educators were pointing to the utility of history and geography in arousing patriotic feelings among the masses. One writer commented in 1897: It (i.e., history) furnishes excellent material for teaching moral lessons. What could better assist in promoting 41 contentment and thankfulness among the people than comparing the condition of the working classes at the present day with that of their forefathers, or even with that of our foreign neighbours? It calls forth feelings of patriotism. It stimulates the national pride, promotes a love of virtue, gives powerful object lessons against vice, and tends, rightly taught, to make good citizens.118 A n interesting difference, however, is that whereas the Xuebu stressed the importance of military drill insofar as it trained a public-minded, martial people prepared to fight for their country, in England drill was seen more in terms of reinforcing social relationships. Thus in 1880 the advantages of teaching drill in voluntary and board schools were described as: The habit of obedience to authority, of immediate obedience to demands, may tend to teach the working classes a lesson ... that immediate obedience and submission to authority, deference to others, courtesy to equals, respect to superiors —these are the real marks of manly self-respect and independence, and not the vulgar and pernicious doctrine that one man is as good as another, and that courtesy or deference is the property of a servile n a t u r e . 1 1 ^ By associating the welfare of the state with the survival of the monarchy, of course, the Qing hoped that the patriotism to be encouraged in the schools would ensure the people's loyalty to the dynasty. By insisting that schools "honour" Confucius (e.g., they were to celebrate his birthday), the Qing also perceived schools as an important element of social control.120 i n addition to this, however, the educational aims manifested a concern to see education benefit the people in a practical way. Cit ing Wang Yangming as a pioneer advocate of practical study,121 the Xuebu declared that education was only valuable insofar as it could be put to practical use: If one talks in an elevated way about human nature and reveres the abstract, then this has absolutely no benefit for the country's or people's livelihood .... In the past we have had abundant scholarship but no literature of every-day books or letters; we have had subtle studies of mathematical principles but have found no ways for doing everyday accounts.122 42 In addition to Chinese and moral training, the Xuebu noted, practical and concrete subjects should be taught in primary and middle schools, such as arithmetic and handicrafts. The Xuebu continued: In each country of the world, practical benefits are stressed; especially, industry is considered important; everyone must obtain the skill of being a farmer, industrial worker, or mer-chant. On the one hand, this benefits people's livelihood, on the other, it benefits the state. This is the key element in making the state wealthy and strong, and the most beneficial part of e d u c a t i o n . * 2 3 Thus not only a shift from a 'narrow' education to a more varied one was proposed, but also more prestige was attached to vocational education. In other words, attaining officialdom or obtaining a degree was not to be the sole aim of education—learning a trade with which to benefit oneself and the country was to be considered equally important.* 2 '* It is from this time onward that an interest in vocational education occurred, rather than during the May Fourth period as some have m a i n t a i n e d . * 2 5 The stress on general education after 1906 bore fruit in the rapid expansion of primary schools (see Table 1). Thus in Zhili , in 1907, there were 7,596 lower primary schools, with 133,884 students. In 1909 the number had increased to 10,259, with an enrollment of 209,688 students. The number of middle schools during this period remained the same. Most other provinces registered a considerable increase in primary schools, while the number of middle schools remained the same or even, in some cases, decreased. The number of middle schools in Sichuan, for example, decreased from 52 to 51, while the number of lower primary schools increased from 6,924 to 9,132. Statistics do not reveal a large expansion of vocational education before 1911 (see Table 2) and vocational schools constituted less than 1% of the total number of modern schools in 1909.*26 However, what increase there was occurred amongst lower vocational schools. Thus the number of lower 43 Table 1 Number of Middle Schools and Lower Primary "chools in 1907 and 1909 1 9 0 7& 1 9 0 9 b Province Middle schools Lower primary Middle schools Lower primary Zhili 31 2,039 7,596 133,884 31 2,419 10,259 209,668 Fengtian 4 342 1,208 37,566 5 505 2,460 84,284 J i l i n 4 331 6 234 5 526 215 7,468 Heilongjiang 2 169 44 1,280 1 156 116 3,882 Shandong 19 1,050 3,201 39,872 22 1,206 3,536 46,174 Shanxi 25 1,639 510 12,173 15 1,360 1,650 46,804 Sha'anxi 13 771 1,879 36,839 14 943 2,324 50,856 Henan 22 1,331 1,270 23,309 22 2,551 2,948 63,770 Jiangsu 12 1,473 626 18,335 11 1,639 829 26,309 Anhui 21 988 121 2,262 25 1,844 421 10,419 Zhejiang 32 2,025 301 12,571 23 2,430 1,288 42,850 Jiangxi 23 1,473 181 3,588 33 2,286 555 11,675 Hubei 17 1,391 1,306 40,645 21 2,560 2,437 72,937 Hunan 39 3,220 419 11,492 47 3,992 833 25,061 Sichuan 52 5,356 6,924 202,923 51 5,828 9,132 294,650 Guangdong 25 2,600 776 29,338 29 3,122 862 33,347 Guangxi 8 458 916 26,279 15 1,700 819 27,394 Guizhou 1 146 325 12,181 4 445 456 16,968 Fujian 14 1,095 141 4,909 15 1,044 275 9,406 Gansu 11 477 385 8,233 11 372 977 19,637 Xinjiang - 99 1,080 1 21 88 2,126 Note. Number of students are in bold type. aSource: Diyici Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao (1907), pp. 35-36. ^Source: Chen Qitian, pp. 97-100. 44 Table 2 Number of Vocational Schools in 1907 and 1909 1 9 0 7* 1 9 0 9b Province Higher Lower Higher Lower Zhili 2 279 6 391 2 243 14 384 Fengtian 0 5 204 1 118 1 32 J i l i n 0 0 0 3 78 Heilongjiang 0 0 0 3 365 Shandong 1 118 5 131 1 138 12 454 Shanxi 0 0 1 105 1 120 Sha'anxi 0 0 0 1 45 Henan 0 5 89 0 16 846 Jiangsu 1 85 5 208 1 48 6 280 Anhui 0 0 0 6 158 Zhejiang 0 2 68 1 189 12 190 Jiangxi 1 120 0 1 34 0 Hubei 1 86 5 464 1 104 9 727 Hunan 0 2 80 1 227 2 52 Sichuan 0 0 1 239 6 252 Guangdong 1 210 9 850 1 221 8 493 Yunnan 0 8 231 0 12 438 Xinjiang 0 0 0 3 90 Note. Number of students in bold type. a Source: Diyici Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao (1907), pp. 31-32. bSource: Chen Qitian, p. 134. 45 vocational schools in Zhili increased from 6 in 1907 to 14 in 1909, while the number of higher vocational schools remained the same. Henan had no higher vocational schools in 1909 but had 16 lower vocational schools. (See Chapter 2 for individual examples of vocational education.) Non-Official Educational Views 1902 - 1911 In 1902 Luo Zhenyu, a scholar and educator who at various times advised officials like Zhang Zhidong and entrepreneurs like Zhang Jian on educational matters, founded a journal entitled The Educational World  (Jiaoyu Shijie).* 2 ? its primary purpose was to introduce the Japanese school system to Chinese educators. The first issues, for example, contained the translation of the regulations for the Japanese Education Ministry (Monbusho), Japanese primary, middle and normal schools, as well as information on supplementary vocational training, half-day schools and literacy schools in J a p a n . * 2 8 The journal also published a lengthy series of articles (translated from the Japanese) on vocational education in G e r m a n y , * 2 9 which marks the beginning of a specific interest in German education that was to continue with Duan Fang's praise of the German educational system in 1906 and on through the early years of the Republic (see Appendix A). One of the articles published in Jiaoyu Shijie, translated from the Japanese by Luo Zhenyu, was concerned with "social education" (shehui  jiaoyu), a term that was to become synonymous with "popular education" (tongsu jiaoyu). The article divided society (defined as a "collectivity of people with an ordered hierarchy") into three classes (jieji)—the upper, middle 46 and lower levels.130 The upper levels comprised all those to whom society looked up because of family influence, knowledge or great wealth. The middle levels of society were the most important because they played a harmonizing role between the upper and lower levels. The lower levels (or "poor people") comprised all those dependent on others (the sick, poverty-stricken, orphans), the uneducated, those lacking in morality (such as convicts and juveniles) and the physically or mentally handicapped. The task of social education was to train the lower levels to see that hard work and obedience lay in their best interests, while at the same time teaching the upper and middle levels of society to live up to their social responsibilities (i.e., setting a moral example and having concern for the poor). In this way, the article concluded, the struggle between rich and poor and between capitalism and labour occurring in the west could be avoided. A similar definition of social education was presented in Liang Qichao's reformist journal, the New People's Miscellany (Xinmin Congbao). A 1904 article on educational aims, again translated from the Japanese, emphasized the importance of teaching the upper classes to love and cherish the lower classes while, at the same time, inculcating among the lower classes a subservient nature (f ucong xingzhi) and a love of work. Social education would also "reform the people's customs" by teaching them general knowledge and hence dispelling their superstitious beliefs.131 Like the article in Jiaoyu  Shiji emphasis was placed on the crucial role of the middle levels of society in bringing together the upper and lower levels. The reason why China was weak, the article continued, was that her middle classes did not assume their responsibilities in actively promoting the unity of the country. Chinese student radicals in Japan, also, described society in terms of upper, middle and lower levels but unlike the more moderate educators, they 47 defined social education as revolutionary propaganda aimed at the lower classes. A 1903 article in a journal edited by Hunanese students argued that the lower classes constituted the "backbone" (zhongjian) of the revolution, while the middle levels (i.e., intellectuals and students) were to be the "vanguard" (qianli) of the revolution. Social education, comprising, for example, public lectures, would forge a link between the two.132 A s with journals like Jiaoyu Shijie and Xinmin Congbao, student radicals assigned the leading role in social education to the middle levels of society. Yang Dusheng, in his tract entitled "The New Hunan," declared that the middle levels of society had to "give guidance and help to the lower levels in the task of transforming the upper levels of society",133 while Chen Tianhua claimed that "only the middle levels of society know the significance of revolution, and this awareness will gradually reach the lower levels of society."134 The potential revolutionary alliance between the middle and lower levels of society was precisely what more conservative Chinese educators feared. 135 One wrote in 1911, citing Francis Bacon, that such an alliance was the most dangerous threat to social order and that it was therefore essential for the middle levels of society (e.g., school graduates) to be given the job opportuni-ties so that they could play their proper "harmonising role" in society.136 Others preferred to define social education in more Utopian terms. One educator, Gu Shi, writing to Zhang Jian during the meeting of the Central Education Association, discussed social education as a means to transcend both "nationalistic" and "individualistic" education.137 What G u meant by social education was partly, in fact, what C a i Yuanpei would call later "cosmopolitanism" (lit: an education based on a world outlook). Since the world was getting smaller due to improved transportation and communications, 48 Gu argued, national barriers were breaking down. It was not advisable for China to limit herself to a "nationalistic education" (guojia zhuyi jiaoyu). Another feature of society to which G u referred was the increasing tendency of it to be composed of interdependent groups. The individual could no longer function outside these groups and therefore, Gu claimed, the education of the past, which was designed to train the individual and encourage everyone to think of their own private interests (geren zhuyi jiaoyu), was no longer relevant. G u predicted that future human organization would not be based on the state, race or family, but on functional groups of people (not necessarily from the same country). As preparation for this Gu advocated the implementation of "collective education" (tuanti jiaoyu) or social education to aid in the develop-ment of "people's groups" that would transcend family and national b a r r i e r s . 1 * ^ Social education was also defined in more grandiose terms by a student radical journal. Social education, one article maintained, was a means of "developing various groups among the people (so that they would not have to expect every-thing from the authorities), raising the level of knowledge in society, and increasing patriotism and the principle of one world."139 Gradually, however, social education came to be regarded as having two functions. Firstly, it would "improve" the lower classes by giving them general and scientific knowledge, instruction in hygiene, and various forms of vocational training. A wide variety of facilities, ranging from theatres and cinemas to public lectures and museums came to be regarded as suitable vehicles for the promotion of social education.140 Secondly, social education came to be considered as a complement to school education. The 1902 article in Jiaoyu  Shijie on social education noted the fact that school education was invariably concerned with the individual and individual interests.141 Hence social educa-49 tion, through such measures as public lectures, would reinforce the importance of the collective interest. This view of social education was to be shared by all Chinese educators, whether progressive or conservative. Shu Xincheng, for example, the promoter of modern educational methods like the Dalton plan, commented in 1927: T o use these public institutions (i.e., reading rooms, cinemas, museums) to educate the general public is social education. The aim is to promote the people's general knowledge and encourage public order.142 The discussion over the upper, middle and lower levels of society that accompanied the introduction of the concept of social education brought into focus the attitudes of educators and scholars towards the lower classes. Such attitudes often ranged from one of contempt to one that emphasized the people's potential. Thus there are constant references at this time to the people's "lazy and pleasure-seeking nature" (duoyi), which contrasted with the hard working and productive citizens of western countries.143 The idea that the Chinese people were "backward" in comparison to those in the west had first been raised by Kang Youwei in an 1898 memorial proposing the establish-ment of Confucianism as a state religion.144 Kang pointed out that to western visitors the Chinese were objects of scorn and ridicule because of their "extrava-gant and decadent superstitions and beliefs" (yinji). Unlike other countries, Kang remarked, where only one god was worshipped, the Chinese worshipped many spirits and gods. Because of their "barbaric customs," Kang lamented, westerners regarded the Chinese as no different from the "uncivilized" peoples of Java, India and A f r i c a . Kang suggested the creation of Confucian churches in every locality at which all the people would assemble and regularly worship Confucius. In this way, he concluded, the Chinese would be able to keep on the right moral path as their counterparts in the west were able to do. (Kang 50 also referred to the western contempt for Chinese abroad because of their "evil c u s t o m s . " ) ! 4 5 A contributor to the Dongfang Zazhi argued in 1905 that the people were poor because they were lazy and squandered their resources on gambling and "decadent and extravagant forms of worship" (yinsi). He suggested the widespread establishment of industrial training centres (gongyi zhuchang) to train the people in productive work.146 Popular education, in fact, was often described in terms of changing the people's "lazy nature" into a "hard-working and diligent one." 147 Meng Zhaochang, a member of the Jiangsu education association, advoca-ted the creation of "citizen schools" (gongmin xuetang), defining "citizen" as one who had an independent means of livelihood (farmers, artisans, merchants and traders). He excluded all those without a trade (ye) and who were therefore "vagrants." Even amongst the "citizens," however, Meng claimed that idleness and irresponsibility prevailed so that, for example, farmers would lose their land because of gambling debts or general negligence. He suggested that the time they spent whiling away the hours "going to tea-houses" or watching "decadent entertainment" could be used for education. For Meng such an education would produce a hard-working and self-sufficient citizenry, who would come to realize that "working to profit one's person and family was the way to work for the public interest of the locality and the way to build a healthy state ."148 Chinese student revolutionaries in Japan wavered between contempt for the lower classes and an optimism in their potential, an ambivalence that was very much part of work-study philosophy (see Chapter 5). Chen Tianhua, for example, declared that China had nothing to fear from foreign aggressors. 51 With 400 million people ready to die, Chen argued, China would not need to stand in awe of any foreign power, no matter how advanced their military technology was.149 On the other hand, Chen pointed to westerners' contempt for Africans because they were "uneducated" and implied that the Chinese, also, would soon become the targets of western scorn.150 i n another article Chen painted a gloomy picture of the Chinese people: The upper, middle and lower levels of society no longer have any conscience and they have no sense of shame or sincerity. They are not in any way enlightened and they do not have the slightest knowledge. They have a stubborn attachment to outmoded ideas and resolutely adhere to corrupt customs, believing in ghosts and demons. T h e men smoke opium and the women have bound feet. Vagrant bands form everywhere and thieves and brigands spread across the land. Places of residence are like livestock pens and behaviour is like that of savages. Words have no sincerity and people love money as if it was their life.151 Chen concluded that the Chinese, having no sense of shame, were not even aware of how contemptuously westerners viewed them. A similar ambivalence was evident in an article published in the Hubei  Students World. Contrasting the backwardness of China's lower classes (the writer referred to them as "brutes and animals") with more "far-sighted and civilized" peoples elsewhere, the article declared that it was up to students to perform the tasks necessary to build China into a prosperous and strong nation because they were the only ones with the patriotic commitment.152 Later on in the same article, however, the writer observed that the lower levels of society were the "masters (zhuren) of a country" and that students had to inculcate in them a "spirit of independent self-sufficiency" which alone would make China strong enough to compete in the international arena.153 The idea that education should produce a self-sufficient and hard working citizenry was frequently expressed by educators in China and Chinese reformers 52 and student radicals in Japan. The translation, from the Japanese, of Samuel Smiles' Self Help appeared in several issues of Jiaoyu S h i j i e 1 5 ^ a n ( j w a s t 0 become part of the public lecture material used in the early Republic (see Chapter 4). Articles on Spencer's educational thought appeared in Jiaoyu Zazhi, which stressed his philosophy of self-autonomy and "not depending on o t h e r s . "I 5 5 Chen Ronggun, an educator who promoted the use of baihua at school (see Chapter 2), argued that the reason why the Chinese were lazy and dependent on others was because of the tradition of inheritance (yichan guannian). Whereas in the west people often donated their money to the nation's affairs or other worthwhile causes, Chen claimed, in China the people scraped and saved for their sons and grandsons. This prevented them from being independent, mentally and economically. 1 5 ** A n article in Dongfang Zazhi argued that success or failure in life was dependent on whether one was hard-working and diligent (qin) or lazy (duo). It was hard work and diligence that enabled one to become rich and laziness that led to poverty. In the struggle for survival, the article continued, those who worked hard would come out on top and those who did not would fall behind. The article concluded: What I call rich is not a reference to the great rich capitalist of American trust companies or European corporations. The rich merchants and traders of our country must exist through-out the land and be evenly distributed, with each one capable of managing his own business. If the number of those who  depend on others and who detract from the benefit of the  whole daily decreases, then our country will be fortunate indeed and will avoid the fate of e x t i n c t i o n . 1 5 7 (Emphasis mine.) This emphasis on economic self-sufficiency led some educators and writers to analyse Chinese society in a different way (rather than the tradi-tional approach of describing society in terms of a hierarchy of scholar, peasant, 53 artisan and merchant). In contrast to the view that condemned the people as lazy and pleasure seeking, an editorial in the Dongfang Zazhi divided the Chinese population into two groups, those that "produced wealth" (shengcai  zhi ren) and those that "consumed wealth" (fencai zhi ren). China's weakness, the editorial claimed, was that the latter group, which comprised superfluous and petty officials, yamen clerks, slaves and servants, priests and monks, bandits, women, teachers and degree-holders, and "profligate sons of the rich," outnumbered the former.158 A. 1910 article divided the Chinese popula-tion into six "classes" (pinlei). The first three "classes," comprising the peasants, artisans and workers, merchants and small traders, were "productive" (shenglizhe), while the other three, comprising officials, soldiers (and all others dependent on officials and gentry), priests and monks, were "consumers" (fenlizhe). Taking into account the unproductive members of the first three classes (e.g., the old, young, handicapped and unemployed), the article continued, the number of "consumers" far outweighed that of the productive population. As such, it concluded, China was unique in the world and it was imperative that education train more productive citizens.159 This stress on the importance of economic productivity led to more prestige being attached to manual labour, which was a significant feature of educational debates in the early Republic (see Chapters 4 and 5). A n article in Xinmin Congbao, for example, noted that schools had to inculcate "a love of labour" (hao laodong zhi xiguan).160 No matter whether positive or negative assessments were made of the lower classes, however, educators in China and reformers and student radicals in Japan continued to share a faith in the power of education to produce a patriotic and economically productive citizenry.161 For Chinese student radicals in Japan a widespread system of schools in China would result in a 54 strong and prosperous nation in which there would be no division between "aristocrat and commoner, rich and p o o r . " 1 6 2 with education, one student wrote, "the people's strength (minli) will expand and will extend the country's authority abroad." 1 6 ** Education would achieve three aims, the student con-tinued; firstly, it would train a "complete individual" (i.e., a patriotic and economically productive citizen), secondly, it would consolidate the unity of the country and hence transform it into a "great collectivity" (da tuanti), and, thirdly, it would equip people to "struggle with the outside world." Another article in the same student journal claimed that "citizen educa-tion" (guomin jiaoyu) would make everyone "independent in spirit, naturally inclined to become part of the collectivity, self-autonomous, capable of striv-ing for progress, plan in common for the public good, and spirited enough to resist foreign o p p r e s s i o n . " 1 6 4 One student radical noted that the Chinese people were "naturally diligent and hard working, patient and intelligent." It was merely that a lack of education had prevented them from having the necessary knowledge to compete economically in the w o r l d . " 1 6 5 One radical journal even pointed out that the poor in China had much to teach those who were not. They were patient, had stamina and were naturally intelligent (since they had to continually think of ways to survive). Unlike those with money who never took any risks, the article continued, the poor had a "spirit of adventure" (maoxianxing), as well as the hopes and ambitions necessary for an entrepreneurial outlook. A l l they lacked was the means, which education would provide t h e m . 1 6 6 Reformers like Liang Qichao also expressed their faith in the power of education to produce a "new people," aware of their rights and duties and contibuting to the "public good" (gongde). 1 6'- 7 Just as Liang described education 55 as a "tool" (zhu) that would produce a new p e o p l e , 1 6 8 so radical students described education as an "instrument (gixie) which would create c i t i z e n s . 1 6 9 Educators and writers in China expressed a similar optimism in the power of education. A n editorial in the Dongfang Zazhi declared that within thirty years, when all the people were educated, their virtue (daode) and intelligence (zhihun) would be restored. 1 ?" Another editorial in the same journal made the interesting comment that it had been a good thing traditional education (which emphasized literary qualities) had not been widespread. Thus the martial spirit which existed in the poor rural areas because of the constant struggle for resources had not been vitiated. Such a martial spirit existed also, the editorial claimed, among bandits and pirates, as well as being a characteristic of the B o x e r s . 1 ? 1 With a widespread education emphas-izing the importance of patriotism, the editorial concluded, the spontaneous energy and courage exhibited by rural people and bandits in their "private" feuds could be channelled into a united, patriotic struggle against all foreign aggressors. 1?2 it was also assumed that the general populace possessed a similar confidence in education. Thus, in a proposal reminiscent of the eighteenth century physiocrat ideal, a contributor to Dongfang Zazhi suggested that authorities display publicly the amount of taxes needed for specific purposes. Once the people knew that a certain sum was destined for education, the writer predicted, people would willingly pay t a x e s . 1 ? 3 Luo Zhenyu's confidence in the power of education to create a strong nation, as well as to preserve social order, was evident in his call for the speedy implementation of rural e d u c a t i o n . 1 ? 4 i f this was not done, Luo warned, villagers would become salt smugglers, bandits and secret society members. Although Luo was thinking primarily in terms of moral education (which, he 56 argued, would be easier to carry out amongst the rural population because it was less "corrupted" than the urban population), he also had in mind more practical vocational training since he suggested that the primary school c u r r i -culum in rural schools be different from that in urban schools (e.g., there had to be more emphasis on such things as accountancy and arithmetic relevant to agricultural problems). 17 5 The beneficial effect of vocational training for the poor was stressed by L i Weihan, a primary school principal, in a series of articles on poor people's education.176 L i suggested that graduates of poor people's schools, having studied arithmetic, languages and various commercial subjects, should form trading groups (fufantuan) that could be sent abroad to investigate market conditions and consumers' tastes. In this way they would be able to contribute to the improvement of China's trading position by suggesting which were the most appropriate goods for China to export. (Li also suggested that such trading groups could "spy" for the Chinese government and investigate the situation of foreign countries in general.) L i also pointed out that poor people's education was not simply to train them for menial and lowly jobs and he referred to the lowly origins of "heroes" in the past to justify his belief that poor people could benefit just as much from education as the more well-off. 177 Confidence was also expressed in literacy training. One article even suggested using the army to carry out such training, to be based on the Peking dialect, amongst the populace. Once literacy training had been carried out amongst the soldiers themselves, they could return to their home districts and instruct the local inhabitants and then, afterwards, the people of the various areas to which they were transferred. In this way, the article confi-dently predicted, "how would there not be tens of thousands of knowledgeable 57 c i t i z e n s ? " 1 7 8 The stress on the importance of literacy training may have been given extra urgency by the need some educators felt to preserve China's "educational rights." Luo Zhenyu, for example, declared that it was essential for a country to control its own education; otherwise it would become an "appendage" of another country. As an example of how education could be used by one country to dominate another, Luo pointed to the Russian occupa-tion of Poland, where Polish was forbidden in the schools and Russian was the medium of i n s t r u c t i o n . 1 ? 9 In another article Luo referred to the expansion of the colonial powers' influence because of educational d o m i n a t i o n . 1 8 " However, there are very few other articles that deal with China's "educational rights" being u s u r p e d . 1 8 1 As for the implementation of literacy training there is no mention in the memorials or regulations of the need to implement such training in order to ward off potential foreign educational influence over the Chinese populace (see Chapter 2). Despite a few references to the necessity of educating the people for political p a r t i c i p a t i o n , 1 8 2 the main purposes of education as expressed in the writings of this period were to be vocational training (in order to ensure economic self-sufficiency), moral education (in order to stimulate patriotism and concern for the public good), and literacy training (in order to improve the people's general knowledge). Although a scholar like Wang Guowei could adopt a negative attitude towards the potential benefits of popular education, preferring that the lower classes simply be taught religion so as to offer them hope for a better life after d e a t h , 1 8 3 most educators and writers, whether moderate or radical, had firm faith in the power of education to create a patriotic and united citizenry. This faith in education was as much a part of 58 official thinking at the turn of the century as it was a feature of work-study philosophy promoted by Chinese anarchists in the early Republic. 59 Notes 1. Chen Qitian, Zuijin Sanshinian Zhongguo Jiaoyushi, p. 27. 2. Ibid., pp. 65-66. 3. Ibid., p. 61. 4. Chen Qingzhi, Zhongguo Jiaoyushi, p. 631. 5. Shu Xincheng, Wo he Jiaoyu, pp. 49-50. See also Saito Akio,^Chugoku gakusei kaikaku no shiso to genjitsu" in Senshu Jimbun Ronshu, no. 4 ( D e c , 1969), pp. 1-8. Saito's article also contains an interesting account of a Hangzhou middle school on the eve of the 1911 revolution as seen through the diary of one of the students, X u Zhimo (later to be a celebrated poet). Shu's assertion that the modern school in his district did not cost more than traditional education contrasts with modern studies which claim that modern education was more expensive than traditional schooling. See, for example, M . Bastid, L a Re'forme de  l'Enseignement en Chine au Debut du X X e m e Siecle, p. 84. Many parents did not transfer their sons from a traditional school to a modern school until 1912. Thus the father of L a i Jinghu allowed his son to go to a modern school only after the establishment of the Republic when he realized that "everything was new and different." Lai's reminiscences are in Zhuanji Wenxue, 16:3, pp. 37-40. 6. O n the modern government schools established by self-strengthening officials like L i Hongzhang, see K . Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern  Government Schools in China, pp. 1-93. 7. Thus in 1975 both L i u Shaoqi and L i n Biao were accused of using the philosophy of dushu zuoguan to influence educated youth and hence obstructing one of the key elements of Mao's educational philosophy (i.e., sending intellectuals to the countryside). See Hongqi, no. 12 (1975), p. 29. T . Bernstein, Up to the Mountains and Down to the Villages: The  Transfer of Youth from Urban to Rural China, p. 5, notes that the campaign to send intellectual youths to the countryside was designed, amongst other things, to combat the idea of dushu zuoguan. 8. R. Dore, "The Legacy of Tokugawa Education" in M . Jansen (ed.), Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization, pp. 99-131. Dore estimates that by the time of the Meiji Restoration 40 to 50% of boys and 15% of girls were getting some formal schooling. See also M . Jansen and L . Stone, "Education and Modernization in Japan and England" in Comparative Studies in Society and History, IX (1967), pp. 208-232. 9. L . Stone (Ibid., p. 227) remarks that since the seventeenth century the English upper classes had tended to "associate lower class education with political and social radicalism." 60 10. Sheng*s memorial is in Shiliao, vol. 1, p. 24. 11. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 2, p. 939. This memorial is also in Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 47-59. 12. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 2, p. 945. 13. Shiliao, vol. 1, p. 15. A recent study notes that before 1895 Zhang favoured a "double-track system," with academies (teaching the Classics) co-existing with the new schools teaching "western learning." Thus in Guangdong Zhang established the Guangya academy and a naval school. In Hubei he founded the Lianghu academy and the Self-Strengthening school. After 1895, the study concludes, Zhang tended to merge the two. See Su Yunfeng, Zhang Zhidong yu Hubei Jiaoyu Gaige, p. 26. 14. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 4, p. 2226. Room and board, in addition to school supplies like ink and paper, continued to be supplied free of charge. 15. W. Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China, p. 117. The Military Preparatory School was changed, in 1906, to a military primary school. Su Yunfeng, op.cit., p. 114. 16. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 4, p. 2222. Zhang's Industrial School (Gongyi Xuetang), established in 1898, did, however, relax its entrance requirements because not enough gentry were interested. The school called for "intelligent and healthy 12 - 16 year-olds" who could read 2,000 characters and the Four Books. Su Yunfeng, op.cit., p. 145. 17. Zil iao, vol. 1, p. 158. In 1902 the Agricultural School moved to a new site where 2,000 mu of uncultivated land outside Wuchang could be used as an experimental farm. W. Ayers, p. 132. 18. W. Ayers, p. 160. 19. Yangwu Yundong, vol. 5, pp. 5-9. Another recent study of Zhang Zhidong attempts to portray him as a reforming bureaucrat who advocated nationwide change at the expense of conservative, locally-based gentry. D . Bays, China Enters the Twentieth Century: Chang Chih-tung and the  Issues of a New Age, p. 220. This attempt to show, like Ayers, that Zhang led the way in "modernizing" China is again misleading, especially as far as education is concerned. M . Bastid has shown, for example, that whatever ideas Zhang and other high officials had on educational reform were very much influenced and shaped by the proposals and advice of local notables and scholars like Zhang Jian and Luo Zhenyu. 20. C i t e d in Chen Qitian, p. 23. 21. Yuan's memorial is in Donghua L u , vol. 29, pp. 4979-4982. 22. Ibid., p. 4980. 61 23. Li's memorial is in Donghua L u , vol. 27, pp. 3773-3776. It is also reprinted in Mai Zhonghua (comp.), Huangchao Jingshi Wen Xinbian, vol. 1, pp. 368-372; Shiliao, vol. 1, pp. 1-5; Jian Bocan (comp.), Wuxu Bianfa, vol. 2, pp. 292-297. Li's memorial is referred to in W. Franke, The Reform and Abolition of the Traditional Chinese Examination  System, pp. 37-39, but more in the context of proposals for establishing a formal education system. There is also a reference to Li's memorial in C . Peake, Nationalism and Education in Modern China, pp. 25-28, but since the sole purpose of Peake's extremely biased study is to condemn what he feels is an unforgivable outburst of nationalism in Chinese education it is of no surprise that he shows little interest in the development of popular education in its own right. L i Duanfen (1833-1907) was from Guizhou and was a jinshi and Hanlin compiler. Before 1896 he had been an educational commissioner in Yunnan. In 1898 he was appointed Secretary of the Board of Rites but was later dismissed from his post for his association with the 100 Days Reform. For information on L i , see J Y N J , vol. 5, p. 437. See also the chapter on him by Liang Qichao (his brother-in-law) in Beizhuan Jibu, zhuan 5, pp. 5b-8b. According to one source, Liang Qichao helped L i with the draft of the memorial, although Liang makes no mention of this in his chapter on L i . See Luo Dunhe, "Jingshi daxuetang chengli j i" in Yongyan (June 1913), pp. 1-5. 24. Gao Xiansi, "Sanshiwu nian lai zhi minzhong jiaoyu" in Zhuang Y u (ed.), Zuijin Sanshinian Zhi Zhongguo Jiaoyu, p. 153. 25. Jiang Jianbai, Zhongguo Shehui Jiaoyu Xingzheng, pp. 7-8; Zhong Lingxiu, Shehui Jiaoyu Xingzheng, p. 17; Shehui Jiaoyu Yanjiu, pp. 1-2. Jiang Jianbai (op.cit., p. 2) perceives two developments occurring in the late Qing. On the one hand, the government imitated western countries and adoped a new-style education in order to create talent. On the other hand, it carried out "mass education" in order to extend education to adults. In fact, Li's memorial contained both aspects. The terms "mass education" and "social education" as used, for example, by Gao Xiansi and Jiang Jianbai are synonymous in that they both refer to educational projects which seek to reach those who have not had a formal education. Such projects would include newspapers, public libraries and public lectures. 26. Donghua L u , vol. 27, p. 3773. 27. Ibid. The phrase that I have translated as "not yet perfected" is wei jin ( -TJN M- ). In the version printed in Wuxu Bianfa the phrase appears as wei shan ( ^ % ). J i n seems to imply quantity rather than quality, whereas shan perhaps implies the reverse, if this is the case, when L i refers to the imperfect state of teaching he means that not enough people are receiving an education rather than that the methods of teaching or the schools themselves are of an inferior quality. 28. Ibid. The other four reasons were that, (1) the modern schools simply taught western languages and civilization and ignored basic questions such as how to govern the state and make it strong; (2) those studying 62 science and manufacturing were not committed to the subjects; (3) students were not encouraged to specialize in a particular skill or vocation; (4) there were no practical demonstrations or investigations abroad to consolidate what had been learnt academically. 29. See the report on modern schools in Hunan by M . Rocher, the son of the French Consul, in Asie Francaise, no. 113 (Aug., 1910), pp. 340-344. 30. J Y Z Z , 3:3, jishi, pp. 25-26. 31. Donghua L u , vol. 27, p. 3774. Zhang Zhidong, as noted earlier, saw things quite differently. 32. Ibid., pp. 3774-3775. L i was not the only one to justify educational reform by citing tradition. Zhang Zhidong, in his wide-ranging reform proposals of 1903, also cited the traditional Golden Age (of the three sage emperors Yao, Shun and Yu) as a precedent. 33. Ibid., p. 3775. 34. Gao Xiansi, p. 153. 35. Donghua L u , vol. 27, p. 3775. 36. Ibid., pp. 3775-3776. The other three methods proposed were the establishment of "machinery shops" attached to schools, the sending of students abroad, and, finally, the creation of a translation bureau, which would supply more up-to-date translations. M a Jianzhong, a returned student from France and the first Chinese to receive the baccalaureat had made a similar proposal to L i Hongzhang. See Shike Zhai Jiyan, pp. 89-94. 37. Donghua L u , vol. 27, p. 3776. In 1859 Hong Renkan, a T a i p i n g leader, had proposed the use of newspapers to "gather public opinion" and to allow the people to know what the rulers were doing. By 1894 - 1895 there were about 12 newspapers issued in the major port cities. Yuan Shikai and Zhang Zhidong at this time both revived the practice of issuing official newspapers (guanbao). In 1908 the first press law was promulgated, requiring all editors and publishers to be registered and all copy to be checked by the authorities before publication. R. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, pp. 37, 108, 110. See also A . Iriye, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy" in A . Feuerwerker et al . , Approaches to  Modern Chinese History, pp. 216-238. 38. Neither did L i specify if newspapers should be privately or government-owned. 39. Shiliao, vol. 1, pp. 6-7. 40. Zil iao, vol. 1, pp. 80-82. It is interesting that Kang associated academies, which were highly respected seats of classical Confucian learning and scholarship, with clan temples, which he described as ym 63 ("licentious" or "decadent"). Hsiao Kung-ch'uan translates vin as "unauthorized," which does not convey the scorn that Kang had for popular culture. A Modern China and a New World, p. 380. Zhang Zhidong proposed in 1898 that the property of Buddhist monasteries be used to finance education. Wang E r m i n , Wanqing Zhengzhi Sixiang Shilun, p. 95. 41. Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 151-153. 42. The notice and regulations concerning these schools are in Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 100-102. 43. The sick and disabled, as well as opium dealers and smokers, were excluded. 44. J Y Z Z , 1:4, zazuan, pp. 25-26. 45. Ziliao, vol. 1, p. 102. 46. H . Silver, The Concept of Popular Education, p. 32. 47. Qingmo Choubei Lixian Dang'an Shiliao, vol. 2, p. 970. 48. Jiang Weiqiao, for example, later to be an official at the Ministry of Education in 1912, declared in 1909 that insisting on the wearing of uniforms would prevent poorer children from attending school. J Y Z Z , 1:7. 49. In 1652 the Shunzhi emperor promulgated six maxims (liuyu), which urged his subjects to practice virtue and lead a peaceful life. A xiangyue, nominated from among shengyuan degree-holders over 60 years of age, was to expound on the maxims in each locality. In 1670 the six maxims were superseded by a new set issued by the Kangxi emperor (called the Sacred Edict). These were supplemented by the Shengyu Guangxun (Amplified Instructions of the Sacred Edit), promulgated by the Yongzheng emperor in 1724. The main concern was to impress upon the people the need to obey the laws, pay taxes, and to avoid "heretic creeds." According to one scholar the xiangyue system was gradually transformed from a "lecturing device" to an institution of police surveillance. See Hsiao Kung-ch'uan, Rural China, pp. 185-205. 50. These regulations are cited in Jiang Jianbai, pp. 8-10. 51. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 2, pp. 939-949. Also, see W. Franke, pp. 49-50; W. Ayers, pp. 157, 205-215. 52. Ibid., p. 940. 53. Ibid., p. 940. Zhang's admiration of what he perceived as the highly organized and centralized western educational systems was originally expressed in his famous treatise "Exhortation T o Learning" (Quanxue bian), which he wrote in 1898. See Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 6, p. 3729. 64 54. Ibid., p. 942. For Zhang's stress on the importance of military drill in school, see Donghua L u , vol. 27, p. 3735. 55. Ibid., p. 940. 56. Ibid., p. 943. 57. W. Franke, p. 50. 58. Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 2, p. 948. 59. Chen Qingzhi (p. 631) describes Zhang Boxing, like Zhang Zhidong, as a representative of those who advocated "education for talent" and who opposed "citizen education." The regulations for these schools are in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 128-184. For a chart of the proposed school system, see Chen Qitian, p. 80, and J Y N J , vol. 1, p. 23. Zhang's memorial proposing his school system is in Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 195-196. 60. Taga, vol. 1, p. 119. 61. Ziliao, vol. 1, p. 195. For a translation, in English, of this passage, see C . Chai and W. Chai (ed.), The Classic of Rites (New York, 1967), vol. 2, p. 83. 62. Ziliao, vol. 1, p. 196. 63. Taga, vol. 1, p. 167. The regulations also stipulated that charitable and private schools (yishu, jiashu) were to be converted into primary schools. In addition, it should be noted that, according to Zhang's plan, the school system and educational administration were combined. Thus the Imperial University was the highest administrative organ, and higher schools had administrative authority over lower schools. 64. The aims outlined by these officials (xuewu gangyao), as well as the description and regulations of the new schools, are in Zouding Xuetang  Zhangcheng. The xuewu gangyao is reprinted in Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 199-220, and in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 208-225. The regulations for the new schools are also in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 226-408. A memorial written by Zhang in 1902 on educational progress in Hubei showed that he was already beginning to change his approach. In the memorial he noted the importance of primary education in other countries and the fact that it was regarded as the state's duty to provide it. Such an education, Zhang remarked, taught morality and practical skills, as well as laying the foundations for patriotism. He called such a training "citizen education" (guomin jiaoyu). See Zhang Wenxiang Gong Quanji, vol. 2, p. 1016. 65. Zouding Xuetang Zhangcheng, p. 1. 66. Ibid., p. 45. 67. Ibid., p. 46. The "aim" (zongzhi) of lower primary education as stated in the 1904 system was more extensive than that of the 1902 proposals. 65 Thus while in 1902 the aim of primary education was "to teach morality, knowledge and things beneficial to physical health," in 1904 the aim of lower primary schools was "to teach the necessary knowledge for the people's livelihood, to establish clear understanding of human relationships, to establish the basis for patriotism and, moreover, to build up the child's bodily health in order to let the child fully develop ..." In 1902 middle schools were regarded primarily as the foundation for higher level education, whereas in 1904 middle schools were also "to enable those who do not want to go on (i.e., up the educational ladder) to practise various trades." Taga, vol. 1, pp. 157, 166, 279; Zouding Xuetang Zhangcheng, p. 431. In 1909, however, it was decided to adopt the German pattern and divide middle schools into specialist branches of arts and sciences (wenshi). They were thus seen more as preparation for advanced and specialized learning. This division was abolished in 1911 and the more general middle school re-adopted. 68. Zouding Xuetang Zhangcheng, pp. 46-47. 69. Ibid., p. 49. It was also proposed that all western books be translated quickly so as to reduce dependence on foreign teachers. 70. Ibid., p. 53. The more frequent use of yiwu jiaoyu rather than qiangbo  jiaoyu suggests a concern with "persuasion" rather than arbitrary force, although both terms are translated as "compulsory education." D . Munro has pointed to the tension in contemporary China between "persuasion" (shuofu) and "coercion" (zhenya). See his The Concept of Man in  Contemporary China, p. 180. Perhaps this explains the use of the two terms for "compulsory education." When plans for compulsory education were put forward in the early part of the century, they were generally phrased in terms of building more schools rather than in terms of passing laws that would penalize parents who had not sent their children to school. It seemed to be assumed that once the schools were built and once the people were aware of the government's call for universal education, parents would automatically send their children to school. 71. Taga, vol. 1, p. 311. 72 Zouding Xuetang Zhangcheng, p. 485. 73. Ibid., pp. 492-493. 74. Regulations for these schools are in Ziliao, vol. 2, pp. 775-778. One study sees these schools as marking the beginning of adult education. Jiang Jianbai, p. 11. 75. The idea of "moral training" (xiushen) had come from Japan (shushin in Japanese). In 1880 Nishimura Shigeki, in charge of the newly-formed compilation bureau (hensankyoku), brought out the forerunner of the shushin texts which were to be a constant feature of the Japanese school curriculum—the Shogaku Shushin Kun (Moral primer for elementary schools). These shushin texts became exclusively concerned with Japan and stressed the traditional virtues of loyalty and concern for the 66 collectivity. This trend represented a reaction to the Educational Code of 1872 (Gakusei), under which shushin had been western-oriented, drawing on a wide range of sources. In fact, the Japanese Education Ministry had borrowed the idea of moral training from French educational practice during the Third Republic, which prescribed moral instruction (drawn from Roman Catholicism) as part of the curriculum. See I. H a l l , Mori A r i n o r i , pp. 351-353. 76. Ziliao, vol. 2, p. 777. 77. Regulations for these schools are in Ziliao, vol. 2, pp. 783-785. 78. Zil iao, vol. 2, p. 784. A n interesting feature of the regulations for these apprentice schools, as well as for the general vocational schools, was the provision for a "consultative group" (shangyiyuan) comprising those experienced in industry or commerce to "discuss matters concerning the school." 79. Regulations for these training institutes are in Taga, vol.1, pp. 339-342, and in Ziliao, vol. 2, pp. 778-782. 80. M . Bastid translates Zhang's memorial and notes that Zhang's normal school was specifically designed to train teachers and not to produce officials, "toutes choses inconnues dans l'education cFalors." L a Reforme  de l'Engseignement, p. 125. A similar problem had occurred in Japan, and after Mori Arinori became Education Minister in 1885 he issued an ordinance on normal schools which tightened admission procedures and stipulated that graduates had to serve as primary school teachers for at least ten years. This was to stop the practice, prevalent since 1872, of students enrolling in normal schools simply to get a general secondary education. I. H a l l , p. 419. 81. Taga, vol. 1, p. 42. 82. Chen Qingzhi, pp. 631-632. 83. W. Franke, p. 67. Not only school graduates in China thought along these lines; students trained abroad were particularly prone to assuming that their studies would lead to a high official position. Thus the World  Chinese Students Journal commented in 1911: " A n education has in China always been identified with an official career; the new educational system, in spite of its western influence, has not been successful in separating the two from the minds of our students (i.e., students studying abroad). The result is a contempt for the ordinary routine of work." C i t e d in Y . C . Wang, Chinese Intellectuals and the West, p. 95. 84. W. Franke, p. 58. Graduates of higher primary school admitted to middle schools were to be awarded the degrees of lingsheng, zengsheng or fusheng. Graduates of middle school admitted to higher level schools were to be awarded the degrees of gongsheng, yu gongsheng or suigongsheng. Graduates of higher level schools were to be awarded the degree of zhuren, while graduates of the Imperial University were to receive the jinshi. 67 85. Ziliao, vol. 2, pp. 390-392. 86. Ibid., p. 395. 87. Donghua L u , vol. 29, p. 5372. 88. Ibid. 89 W. Franke, pp. 69-70. 90. O n traditional schools, such as the shexue, see Hsiao Kung-ch'uan, Rural  China, pp. 235-244, and E . Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in  Ch'ing China, pp. 33-53. Academies (shuyuan), also, were not necessarily all bastions of traditional studies, and the conversion to modern educational facilities stressing more practical subject-matter may well have therefore been facilitated. Ruan Yuan's Gujing Qingshe academy in Hangzhou (established in 1801), for example, examined students in astronomy, mathematics and geography. See B . Elman, "The Hsueh-hai T'ang and the Rise of New Text Scholarship" in Ch'ing-shih Wen-t'i, 4:2 ( D e c , 1979), pp. 51-71. 91. For a discussion of early Confucian theories on the nature of man, theories which had a profound and lasting influence on educational thought, see D . Munro, The Concept of Man in Early China, pp. 13-15, 22, 48-51, 82-83, 163-165. 92. V . Neuberg, Popular Education in Eighteenth Century England, pp. 3-4. 93. A s H . Silver points out, the actual term "popular education" was not used in England during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but rather the term "education for the poor." Only with the emergence of a wider philosophy of education did the terms "education for the people" or "popular education" begin to be used. The Concept of Popular Education, p. 13. ' 94. V . Neuberg, p. 6. G . Chapman in a Treatise On Education (1773) remarked: "To reconcile the lowest class of mankind to the fatigues of constant labour ... pains should be taken to convince them, when young, that subordination is necessary in society ... that happiness does not consist in indolence, nor in the possession of riches ;... but in the habits of industry and contentment, in temperance and frugality, and in the consciousness of doing our duty in the station in which we are placed." Ibid., p. 10. 95. P. McCann, "Popular Education, Socialization and Social Control: Spitalfields 1812 - 1824" in P. M c C a n n (ed.), Popular Education and  Socialization in the Nineteenth Century, p. 1. 96. V . Neuberg, p. 7. 97. J . Goldstrom, "The Content of Education and the Socialization of the Working-class Chi ld 1830-1860" in P. M c C a n n (ed.), op.cit., p. 99. It is 68 interesting to note that in nineteenth century England some sections of the working class established their own schools, where more stress was laid on practical subjects and less on religious and moral instruction. S. F r i t h , "Elementary Education in Leeds Before 1870" in P. M c C a n n (ed.), op.cit., pp. 83-84. 98. H . Silver, English Education and the Radicals, p. 41. 99. H . Silver, The Concept of Popular Education, p. 212. 100. A s P. M c C a n n observes, many of the provisions for popular education in the early nineteenth century were, for this very reason, counter-revolutionary in nature. P. M c C a n n (ed.), op.cit., p. 18. 101. In his Fable of the Bees Or Private Vices and Public Benefits, Mandeville condemned the provision of education for the lower classes. Noting the increasing crime rate in London, he remarked: "I intend to examine into the real causes of these mischiefs so justly complained of, and doubt not but to make it appear that charity schools, and everything else that promotes idleness, and keeps the poor from working, are more accessory to the growth of villainy, than the want of reading and writing, or even the grossest ignorance and stupidity." H e concluded that "to make the society happy and people easy under the meanest circumstances, it is requisite that the greatest numbers of them should be ignorant as well as poor." Ibid., pp. 271, 287-288. 102. J . Hurt, " D r i l l , Discipline and the Elementary School Ethos" in P. M c C a n n (ed.), op.cit., p. 171. 103. Qingmo Choubei Lixian Dang 1 an Shiliao, vol. 2, p. 975. 104. Zhang Boxing had suggested the creation of a board of education in 1902, and in 1904 Zhang Zhidong had proposed the appointment of a special minister for education, separate from the post of Director of the Imperial University. J Y N J , vol. 1, p. 27. Accordingly, Sun Jianai was appointed the first xuewu dachen (official in charge of studies). 105. J Y N J , vol. 1, p. 28. Overseas students were the responsibility of the department of specialist education. 106. Later on, supplementary schools and apprentice schools were to be regarded as items of popular education. 107. The regulations for the new Board of Education are in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 418-421. The first Secretary was Rong Qing. Jiang Jianbai, p. 19, thinks that the subordination of popular education to the department of general education already indicated Qing mistrust of mass education because of the increasing influence of revolutionary thought, which would have made enlightening the people a risky business. However, if one considers that the establishment of half-day schools and literacy was called for after 1905 it is evident that the Qing was still pinning its hopes on the benefits of widespread education which, it was hoped, would rally support for the throne. 69 108. Regulations for provincial education are in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 421-423. See also Kuo Ping-wen, pp. 94-95. 109. Qingmo Choubei Lixian Dang 1 an Shiliao, vol. 2, pp. 961, 966. 110. Ibid., p. 970. Another article in Jiangning Xuewu Zazhi, vol. 2 (1907), zalu, pp. 5-12 reiterated Duan's proposal that higher level education should be made more expensive so that primary and middle level education could be provided free. 111. This important document is in Donghua L u , vol. 30, pp. 5474-5479; Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 220-226; Taga, vol. 1, pp. 634-635; J Y N J , vol. 1, pp. 29-31. 112. Donghua L u , vol. 30, p. 5474. 113. Ibid., p. 5475. 114. There are many references in this period to minqi (people's anger or spirit); during the nineteenth century officials like L i n Zixu and Y e Mingchen, in their dealings with foreigners, showed an apparent confidence in relying on it. F . Wakeman, "The Canton Trade and the Opium War" in J . Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge History of China, p. 193; J . Wong, Y e h Ming-ch'en, pp. 159-168. See also footnote 171. 115. Donghua L u , vol. 30, p. 5476. 116. Compulsory military service was in force in Japan, Germany and France, but not in England. The Chinese view of the Japanese as a militaristic people was a persistent one in writings of this period. In the early part of the century Liang Qichao had drawn attention to the bushido tradition in Japan and bewailed the fact that such a tradition had been lacking in China (with the exception of the "knight-errants"— yuxia—during the Warring States period), while H u Shi, regretting the fact that the Chinese had not shown enough enthusiasm for military affairs, pointed to the universal acceptance by the Japanese people of military conscription in the 1870s. The Chinese Renaissance, p. 17. Recent studies have pointed out, however, that widespread resistance to conscription occurred among the rural population, often leading to riots. J . Halliday, A Political History of Japanese Capitalism, p. 23. 117. Donghua L u , vol. 30, p. 5477. 118. J . Hurt, " D r i l l , Discipline and the Elementary School Ethos" in P. M c C a n n (ed.), op.cit., p. 182. 119. Ibid., p. 180. By this reckoning, of course, the upper classes had no need for drill . Team sports such as football and cricket were considered quite sufficient. 120. In justifying the call to honour Confucius in the schools, the Xuebu pointed to the role of national religions in the west in creating a well -ordered society. Kang Youwei in 1898 had made a similar observation. 70 121. The citing of Wang Yangming as a model by the Xuebu is somewhat unusual because Wang Yangming's philosophy was not part of the official canon. During the last years of the Qing and early years of the Republic, in fact, Wang Yangming was often praised as the pioneer of "practical study." See Chapter 4. 122. Donghua L u , vol. 30, p. 5477. 123. Ibid. 124. One Chinese writer thinks the Xuebu's 1906 educational aims mark the beginnings of "utilitarian educational thought" (shili jiaoyu sixiang) in China. See Ren Shixian, Zhongguo Jiaoyu Sixiangshi, p. 341. 125. See, for example, Chow Tse-tung, The May Fourth Movement, pp. 259-260; M . Gewurtz, "Social Reality and Educational Reform: The case of the Chinese Vocational Education Association 1917 - 1927" in Modern  China, 4:2 (April, 1978). Gewurtz does refer to the isolated attempts of people like Zhang Jian before 1911 to stress vocational education, but generally she ignores the basic change in attitudes towards vocational education that occurred in these years. Furthermore, in her contrast between Chinese and western education Gewurtz claims that "western culture had never so sharply separated mental and manual labour, nor so avidly disparaged specialization while championing the 'amateur ideal'." (Ibid., p. 159) This is simply not true and betrays an imperfect understanding of educational development in the west. T o give but two examples, the amateur ideal and disdain for specialization was (and still is in many respects) an important part of upper class education in England, while in Germany a fierce and bitter debate broke out at the turn of the century between the inheritors of von Humboldt's ideal of humanist education, which had long held sway over educational policy, and those who advocated a more practical and vocational education. 126. Zhuang Y u (ed.), op.cit., p. 139. 127. Luo Zhenyu (1866 - 1940) came from Shangyu, Zhejiang. In 1896 he established the Agronomy Society in Shanghai, which translated over one hundred books on agriculture, primarily from the Japanese. H e served as an adviser to Zhang Zhidong's Bureau of Agriculture in Hubei and was sent by Zhang to Japan in 1901 to investigate education there. In 1906 Luo became a school inspector for the newly-established Xuebu and toured Zhili and Shanxi, in 1907, and Shandong, Henan, Jiangsu and Anhui in 1908. F or an analysis of Luo's report on education in Jiangxi, see Abe Hiroshi, "Shinmatsu no kindai gakko kosei-sho o chushin ni" in Rekishi Hyoron, no. 1, pp. 47-61, and no. 3, pp. 56-67. In 1909 Luo was appointed dean of the agricultural college at Peking University. See Hashikawa Tokio, Chugoku Bunka K a i Jimbutsu Sokan, pp. 785-786. 128. Jiaoyu Shijie, nos. 1, 2, 12, 28. M . Bastid has ably described the influence of Japan on Chinese entrepreneurs and educators like Zhang J i a n and Luo Zhenyu. Liang Qichao, in a 1902 article, had also praised 71 Japan's education system as well organized and structured. Zil iao, vol. 3, pp. 947-954. F o r a list of translations from the Japanese on education_that appeared in Jiaoyu Shijie see Saneto Keishu, Chugokujin  Nihon Ryugaku Shi, pp. 257-258. Between 1901 and 1904, out of 48 works on education that were translated into Chinese, 39 were from the Japanese. Ibid., p. 283. 129. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 44, pp. 2a-10b; no. 45, pp. 2a-10b; no. 46, pp. 3a-10b; no. 47, pp. 6b-10a; no. 48, pp. 5b-10a. 130. Ibid., no. 31, pp. 1-33. 131. Xinmin Congbao, 13:67, pp. 1-19. The low regard in which some Japanese educators and writers held women's education (and, indeed, women in general), which is evident in this article and many others that were translated into Chinese at this time, may have reinforced Chinese traditional attitudes towards women's education. Thus it was frequently observed in Japanese writings that girls were naturally less competitive, less daring and more subservient than boys. If girls had too much knowledge, according to some Japanese educators, they would lose their subservient natures and this would therefore be a dangerous thing. See J Y Z Z , 2:12, jiaoshou guanli, pp. 147-152, for an article, translated from the Japanese, on the physical and mental differences between boys and girls. It made the usual assertion that boys were equipped, physically and mentally, to work in society, whereas girls were suited to working in the home. Another Chinese newspaper cited the opinions of a Japanese criminologist who argued that women were the source of all crime. Jindai Zhongguo Nuquan Yundong Shiliao, vol. 1, p. 709. 132. Youxue Yibian, no. 10 (1903). T h e lower levels with which students had to forge links were referred to as "secret societies, labouring society and military society." F o r a brief discussion of the educational ideas of Chinese revolutionaries in Japan, see M . Rankin, Early Chinese  Revolutionaries, pp. 35-38. 133. Zhang Nan and Wang Renzhi (ed.), Xinhai Geming Qian Shinianjian Shi  Bian Xuanji, 1:2, p. 615. 134. C i t e d in Chen Jingpan, Zhongguo Jindai Jiaoyushi, p. 214. Zhang J i , another revolutionary, referred to students as the "driving force of the revolution." Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 1:2, p. 683. The potential revolutionary role (as opposed to the harmonizing one) of the middle classes was referred to in a 1919 article in Dongfang Zazhi (vol. 16, no. 6). The middle classes, whether relying on property or on their brains, the article claimed, were at the mercy of big capitalists and as such suffered the same fate as the labouring classes, it was incumbent upon them to lead the labouring classes in the solution of the "social problem." 135. Both Liang Qichao and Chen Tianhua argued that Chinese revolutions in the past had failed because they had not been under "middle class 72 leadership." For Liang's ideas on the subject, see Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 7:2, pp. 803-812; for Chen's ideas on the subject, see Sun Zhifen, "Chen Tianhua di aiguo geming sixiang" in Xinhai Geming Wushi  Zhounian Jinian Lunwenji, vol. 2, p. 387. 136. J Y Z Z , 3:6, yanlun, pp. 62-68. The importance of the middle classes continued to be emphasized during the early years of the Republic. In 1914, the Education Minister, Tang Hualong, lamented the fact that China's educational system was incapable of producing an independent middle class that would mediate between the upper levels of society (e.g., officials) and lower levels (peasants, workers, tradesmen). Jiaoyu  Gongbao, no. 5, fulu, pp. 1-7. 137. Minli Bao, no. 287 (July 31, 1911). 138. Gu pointed to the stock company (gongsi) in the west which, he claimed, was based on "people's groups," as evidence of the existence of social education there. 139. Jiangsu, nos. 3 and 6. 140. A Chinese report on the Brussels World Exhibition of 1911 referred to France as the foremost exponent of social education, and pointed to the existence of adult night classes, libraries, physical education associations, and anti-alcoholic associations in that country. J Y Z Z , 3:9, diaocha, pp. 96, 100. 141. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 31, p. l a . 142. Shu Xincheng, Jiaoyu Tonglun, pp. 180-181. Shu went further and argued that social education could be used to promote government policy, especially in the realm of foreign affairs. 143. J Y Z Z , 2:6, sheshuo, pp. 69-72. The Governor-general of Liangguang, reporting on industry and agriculture in his area, noted that it was difficult to promote economic development because the people were "vagrants and idlers" (youduo). In order to eliminate their idleness, he remarked, gambling had to be prohibited first. Zhengzhi Guanbao, vol. 44, no. 1, 529, p. 115. 144. Kang's memorial is in Wuxu Bianfa, vol. 2, pp. 231-236. 145. The 1895 manifesto of Sun Yat-sen's first revolutionary organization, the Revive China Society (Xingzhonghui), attributed China's ills to the fact that "people's minds were not united, and that they only thought of themselves rather than having any concern for wider interests ..." One of the society's aims was to find ways "to reform the people's customs" (huamin chenyu) by acquainting them with patriotism and the concept of the nation state. Geming Wenxian, vol. 3, pp. 275-276. 146. D F Z Z , 2:5, shiye, pp. 45-47. 73 147. D F Z Z , 1:9, jiaoyu, p. 198. The writer interestingly went on to justify education for the poor on the grounds that if they had the means to earn wealth social order would be preserved and the rich would not need to fear for their property. 148. D F Z Z , 4:2, jiaoyu, pp. 105. 149. Sun Zhifen, p. 380. 150. Xinhai Geming, vol. 2, p. 155. 151. Ibid., p. 133. 152. Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 1:1, p. 452. 153. Ibid., p. 453. 154. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 46, pp. l-19b; no. 47, pp. 20a-50a; no. 48, pp. 51a-79b; no. 49, pp. 80a-109b; no. 50, pp. 110a-126b. 155. J Y Z Z , 1:2, zazuan, pp. 11-12. 156. Jiaoyu Guiyi , p. 295. 157. D F Z Z , 1:8, sheshuo, pp. 175-177. 158. D F Z Z , 1:6, sheshuo, pp. 115-120. Although the writer did not specify who the "productive" group was, the implication was that it included peasants, workers and traders. 159. This article is printed in Laodong, no. 1 (March, 1918), pp. 25-28. I am indebted to Professor Bastid for lending me a copy of this issue. Unfortunately, there is no reference to the origin of the article. Since it is similar in approach to the previous one just cited in Dongfang  Zazhi it is likely that the article was published in a reformist journal. It is significant that when a revolutionary like Zhang Binglin analysed classes in Chinese society, he distinguished them on the basis of their moral qualities rather than their economic capabilities. See his essay "Geming zhi daode" in Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 2:1, pp. 509-520. 160. Xinmin Congbao, 11:59, jiaoyu, p. 6. The article was a report of a speech on education by a Japanese educator, Eguchi Tatsutaro. 161. Some revolutionaries, like Zhang Binglin, saw no need for education and argued that only revolution could increase the people's knowledge: "The intelligence and wisdom of the people will only be discovered after they have participated in struggle. The people's knowledge today does not need to depend on other things to expand it; it has only to rely on revolution to expand it." C i t e d in Chen Jingpan, p. 207. 162. Hubei Xueshengjie, 1:1, jiaoyu, p. 1. One of the founders of the journal was Huang Xing. See Chun-tu Hsueh, Huang Hsing and the Chinese  Revolution, p. 9. 74 163. Ibid., p. 3. 164. Ibid., 1:2, p. 9. The article pointed to the heroic resistance of the Filipinos against the Americans to show what a "spirited citizenry" could do. The encouragement of individual autonomy and the inculcation of the desire to become part of the collectivity as educational aims were often juxtaposed by educators and writers during this period. Abandoning egoistic interests and particularistic loyalties (such as to the family or clan) in order to work for the "public good" (i.e., the country) was considered an act of individual self-assertion. 165. Hubei Xueshengjie, 1:4, p. 5. A n article in Xinmin Congbao, 1:3, jiaoyu, p. 4, noted that the Chinese people were basically "intelligent, hard-working and loyal." The only problem was that they were "stuck in old ways and thought." With the right education, the article claimed, "our people's strength will expand to even greater limits." 166. Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 1:2, pp. 918-921. 167. Excerpts from Liang's series of articles, entitled "Xinmin Shuo" (The theory of the new people) are in Zhang Nan et al. (ed.), op.cit., 1:1, pp. 118-157. See also Hao Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual  Transition in China, pp. 151-157; P. Huang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Modern  Chinese Liberalism, pp. 58-65. Liang perhaps more than anyone else at the time stressed the relationship between "democracy" (minquan) and education. "In the past," he declared, "when rulers wanted to suppress the people's rights, they were forced to block the people's knowledge as the first priority. Now, if they want to promote people's rights they have to expand the people's knowledge." C i t e d in Chen Jingpan, p. 137. F o r Liang, education was to be the basis for political reform and he therefore stressed political education as the most important part of the curriculum, with vocational training as the supplement. Ziliao, vol. 3, p. 945. The idea that education in the past concentrated on making the people "foolish" also appears in an article in D F Z Z , 1:5, sheshuo, pp. 82-86. 168. Xinmin Congbao, 1:1, jiaoyu, p. 3. 169. Hubei Xueshengjie, 1:4, p. 4. 170. D F Z Z , 2:7, sheshuo, pp. 138-141. 171. The Chinese term that I have translated as "people's martial spirit" is minqi, which can also be translated as "people's spirit" or "people's energy." A n article in Liang Qichao's journal Qingyi Bao, in 1901, described the Boxers as the "representatives of the Chinese people's minqi and the pioneers in expelling the foreigner" (Zhang Nan et al . , 1:1, p. 62), while the Xuebu, reporting on the increasing number of non-official schools in 1908, declared that this was proof the people's minqi was "expanding" ( J Y Z Z , 3:3, jishi, pp. 21-22). Others refer to the minqi being suppressed by the old education system and that it needed to be "released" by a more suitable education system that would stress 75 practical and creative studies ( D F Z Z , 2:8, sheshuo, pp. 154-156). It is therefore misleading to simply define minqi, as J . Chen does (Yuan  Shih-k'ai, p. 204), as "anti-foreign sentiments" of the Chinese people. 172. D F Z Z , 1:1, sheshuo, pp. 107. 173. D F Z Z , 1:4, jiaoyu, p. 77. 174. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 133, pp. 1-6. 175. The noted Chinese sociologist, Tao Menghe, also wrote in 1922 that life in the Chinese village was based on trust and cooperation, and that it contained no class enmities. Villagers were thus able to become law-abiding, honest, frugal and cooperative much quicker than their urban counterparts. With the invasion of urban values, T a o remarked, the strong, healthy and virtuous peasant had become like the soft, weak and lazy city-dweller. Shehui Y u Jiaoyu, pp. 170-171. During the last years of the Qing and early years of the Republic, there was not much written about rural education per se. One article that did discuss rural and urban education criticized those who claimed that education in the rural areas would be better because the environment was less corrupting and the life less expensive. On the contrary, the article maintained, students in the countryside would be more liable to exaggerate their wasteful habits. In the cities, however, students would be more disciplined and education cheaper because of the greater availability of teachers and facilities. Besides, the article concluded, the countryside was altogether a dirty, unsafe and uncivilized place. J Y Z Z , 1:10, sheshuo, pp. 120-129. 176. These articles appear in the first issues of Jiaoyu Zazhi . They are reprinted in Jiaoyu Conggao, pp. 1-136. 177. L i also showed a sensitivity (rare for the time) to the feelings of poor students. H e warned that a danger existed of poor children's innate sense of inferiority being confirmed by the arrogant attitudes of teachers. H e suggested that teachers conduct "self-criticism" at regular periods in order to increase students' confidence and self-respect. 178. Jiangning Xuewu Zazhi, no. 5 (1907), xuandai, pp. 1-5. A n article in Xinmin Congbao, 4:22, junshi, pp. 1-20, actually proposed the "militarization" of society. With the military becoming a model for society to emulate, military organization, order and discipline, according to the article, would then produce a "new people." I know of no other proposal at this time to militarize society although, of course, there were frequent calls for an education that inculcated martial values. 179. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 9. Another article in a student radical journal pointed to the use of language in fostering loyalty and referred to the examples of Russia forcing Poles to use Russian and Americans forcing Filipinos to use English. Hubei Xueshengjie, 1:1, pp. 1-7. 76 180. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 141, pp. 1-12. Luo, incidentally, suggested that China do the same thing and he advocated more education be carried out among overseas Chinese in Thailand. With a well-educated Chinese population in Thailand, Luo assumed, China's influence there would automatically increase. 181. One of the few others is in a 1907 issue of Waijiao Bao (Zhang Nan et al. , 2:2, pp. 577-579). It discussed private western schools in the treaty ports, the university at Taiyuan, Shanxi (subsidized by English funds), the University at Changsha, Hunan (financed by American funds), and various missionary schools. 182. See, for example, D F Z Z , 3:3, sheshuo, pp. 44-47; 2:11, sheshuo, pp. 221-225; 2:12, sheshuo, pp. 243-249. 183. Jiaoyu Shijie, no. 129, lunshuo, pp. 105. 77 C H A P T E R T W O P O P U L A R E D U C A T I O N D E V E L O P M E N T S 1904 - 1911 Introduction Following the establishment of the Xuebu and the Qing court's call for the expansion of education, regulations were issued on half-day schools, literacy schools, girls' schools and vocational schools. As frequently occurred throughout the last years of the Qing and early years of the Republic, government regulations often sanctioned a process that had already begun. Thus half-day schools and literacy schools had already appeared before the regulations on such schools were officially promulgated in 1906 and 1909 respectively. After a brief look at the new educational administration at the local level, this chapter will deal with the lecture-halls and education associations, which were seen as key institutions in spreading and promoting the benefits of education. Secondly, the half-day schools and literacy schools will be described. The scholar gentry and other notables who established these schools tended to emphasize the "vocational" role such schools could play. For the Qing court, despite its call in 1909 for universal education as preparation for constitutional government (which would allow the people's level to be sufficiently high for them to "participate" in local self-government), popular education was seen primarily in terms of benefitting people in a practical way and instilling a sense of loyalty to the monarch. The confidence that officials had in the benefits of education, described in the last chapter, was evident in the Xuebu's hope that once all the people were educated (i.e., literate) there would be no opportunity for "perverse theories" to inflame people's discontent. 78 The last chapter noted how vocational education had been provided for in the 1904 school system and that increasing emphasis was placed on the importance of individual welfare. Individual examples of vocational schools, as described in contemporary journals, provide evidence of a determined effort by many gentry members and merchants to establish facilities for vocational training. Lastly, changes in the primary schools curriculum will be described to show how attitudes towards education continued to change. Perhaps the most significant aspect of these changes was the reduction in time spent on teaching the Classics, which came increasingly to be regarded as irrelevant for primary school children. Some educators even argued that they were harmful for children. The Quanxueso, Lecture-halls and Education Associations In addition to a Board of Education and the establishment of a new provincial directorship of education, a new educational adminstration was organized at the local level in May 1906. Education at the zhou and xian levels was to be under the jurisdiction of a new office, the quanxueso, which has been translated as the Education Exhortation Office or the Education Promotion O f f i c e . 1 The director of the quanxueso, appointed by the district inspector of education, selected assistants from among local "upright" genry (quanxueyuan) and assigned them to supervise an educational district (qu), comprising 3,000 to 4,000 households.2 The duties of the quanxueso included lecturing to the populace, researching methods in school administration and pedagogy, training assistants, and "advertising" the new schools. The duties of the quanxeuyuan also included lecturing to the populace and encouraging school attendance. 3 79 The quanxueso was also expected to establish lecture halls (xuanjiangso) and newspaper-reading rooms. The traditional stress on the Sacred Edict was henceforth to give way to more lectures on the Xuebu's educational aims.4 Other subjects to be covered by lectures were to include history, geography, science, moral training and readings from baihua newspapers. If possible, lecturers were to be normal school graduates or, at the very least, lower primary school teachers. Although regulations stated that anyone could attend, women were expressly forbidden since it was considered contrary to the rules of propriety to have men and women mingling together in a public place. The lecture hall could be established next to the Education Promotion office, in a Confucian temple or other public buildings, or even on the street. Education officials were instructed to persuade the people to send their children to school on the basis that there was no other way to "advance" now that the civi l service examinations had been abolished. Attending schools was to be shown as a beneficial way to "plan one's livelihood and manage the family" (mousheng zhijia). Officials were also to encourage the less well-off to attend half-day schools and to encourage private traditional schools to convert into modern primary schools. Statistics reveal that the establishment of local educational administration was very uneven. In 1907 Zhili had established the highest number of quanxueso - 154—while Sinjiang had only established one. The number of quanxueyuan also varied greatly from province to province. Thus while Shandong had less quanxueso than Z h i l i , the total number of quanxueyuan employed in Shandong came to 1,299 compared to only 713 in Z h i l i . Similarly, Guangdong had 1,366 quanxueyuan and Sichuan 1,029 even though the former had over 50 less quanxueso than the latter.5 The number 80 of quanxueso was not necessarily correlated with the number of lecture halls. Thus while Anhui had 36 quanxueso, it had not established any lecture halls by 1907; and although Shanxi only had 40 quanxueso, over 200 lecture halls had been established there (see Table 3). Another notable feature of the 1907 statistics is that Guangxi, Yunnan and Guizhou, which are traditionally placed among the poorer provinces, had established a considerable number of lecture halls, indicating a widespread interest in the promotion of modern education. By 1910, for example, Guizhou had established 1,167 lecture halls. 6 Shandong had the highest number of lecture halls in 1907, a position it retained during the early years of the Republic (see Chapter 4). In September 1906 the Xuebu issued a list of material to be used by the lecture halls. A l l such material, the Xuebu noted, was beneficial for popular education (tongsu jiaoyu).? The people were to be fully informed of the new educational system, particularly as it related to primary education. Material from which lectures were to be taken included Zhang Zhidong's 1898 treatise Exhortation to Learning (quanxue bian), a baihua text on law and order, a text on "missionary cases" (to show that each anti-missionary disturbance was a danger for the country), a book on European and American education, translated from the Japanese, a text entitled "Ardent Words from Primary School Teachers" (which would encourage parents to take their children out of traditional schools and put them in modern schools), Robinson Crusoe (which would stimulate "an adventurous spirit and eliminate subservient and dependent attitudes"), a biography of Nelson and a novel about the English colonization of Australia (also to stimulate an adventurous spirit), a text on practical agricultural matters, a text on general commerce and, finally, a translation of Uncle Tom's Cabin, which, it was hoped, would arouse feelings 81 Table 3 Number of Quanxueso, Lecture Halls and Education Associations in 1907 Province Quanxueso Lecture h a l l s a Education associations Zhili 154 135 35 F engtian 31 37 9 J i l i n 4 4 0 Heilongjiang 11 4 * 1 Shandong 100 311 33 Shanxi 40 234 20 Sha'anxi 45 229 27 Henan 79 114 41 Jiangsu 20 61 15 Anhui 36 0 12 Zhejiang 44 78 11 Jiangxi 18 18 19 Hubei No Figures Available Hunan 49 56 3 Sichuan No Figures Available Guangdong 61 0 0 Guangxi 48 30 6 Yunnan 78 123 14 Guizhou 49 167 0 Fuji an 26 20 16 Gansu 29 0 0 Xinjiang 1 0 0 a B y 1909, the number of lecture halls had increased considerably in most provinces, " o r example, J i l i n had 35, Shanxi had 265, Sha'anxi had 327, Anhui had 60, Zhejiang had 117, Sichuan had 392 and Guizhou had 1,176. (Pi Sanci  Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 40-41.) Source. P i Y i c i Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, passim. 82 of patriotism among the people by warning them that they might meet the same fate experienced by the blacks in the United States.8 Public lectures, therefore, were aimed at securing a loyal and law-abiding populace. In addition to being a vehicle for moral indoctrination, however, the lectures were to stress the importance of patriotism and individal initiative. By pointing out the benefits of education with regard to "planning one's livelihood" the lectures were also designed to appeal to people's self-interest. Such a trend was to continue in the early years of the Republic and resulted in a debate among educators over the relative merits of individual versus the public good. In July 1906 another institution was established to help spread education. In this month regulations for the establishment of education associations (jiaoyuhui) were issued.9 The preamble to the regulations stated that the way of education lay in making it universal. It was not practical to rely only on a few officials to accomplish this. The Xuebu concluded that gentry help would have to be enlisted and pointed to the general enthusiasm shown by the gentry for the new education since the abolition of the civi l service examinations. 1 " The Xuebu gave another reason for the establishment of education associations. It noted that many "study societies" had been founded and that it wished to make them u n i f o r m . 1 1 A prominent educator of the time remarked later that the establishment of education associations was a clever scheme by the Qing government to halt the independent development of informal gentry associat ions. 1 2 There had, in fact, been a proliferation of "study societies" (xuehui) since the founding of the Self-Strengthening Society (qiangxuehui) in 1895 by Kang Y o u w e i . 1 3 They included agricultural study 83 societies, like the one founded in Baoding, Zhi l i , by Wang Shushan in 1906; mathematics research societies; anti-footbinding societies, like the one founded in Shanghai by Liang Qichao in 1896; and a Society for the Promotion of Education, established in Nanjing in 1898. Just before the promulgation of official regulations on education associations two more important gentry associations were founded: the General Association for the Reform of Traditional Schools, founded in Shanghai by Shen Liangqi and the Jiangsu General Study Association, organized by Zhang Jian, M a Liang, Meng Zhaochang and Huang Yanpei. M . Bastid has noted that the old xuehui often formed the base for the education associations. Thus the gentry founders of the Jiangsu Association were all prominent in the new education association.14 The aim of the education associations was to "aid in the administration of education, plan for the universalisation of education and work in harmony with the provincial and district offices of education."!^ Prominent gentry, provincial education inspectors and principals and directors of schools were all eligible to establish a provincial education association. A t the local level district education inspectors, quanxueyuan, and school principals could establish branch associations (fenhui). It was made clear that education associations were "public institutions" (gongli) under the supervision of the provincial education office. The functions accruing to the education associations included: the establishment of pedagogical research societies; the collection and compilation of education statistics; the organization of training institutes (shifan zhuanxiso) to give "crash courses" in teacher training; and the establishment of lecture halls "in order to correct people's minds and improve customs, to destroy superstition, emphasize hygiene and 84 to reform immoral and corrupting plays and songs." 1 6 Education associations were also encouraged to build libraries and plan educational exhibitions. Education associations were quite active in the years preceding the 1911 Revolution. The Jiangsu Education Association established a school of law, a teacher training institute and worker education p r o g r a m m e s . 1 7 The Fujian education association established a training institute in law in 1 9 0 7 . 1 8 The education association of Hangzhou organized its own society for the reform of traditional schools while the education association of Taigu district in Shanxi opened a girls' school and kindergarten in 1 9 0 9 . 1 9 After the promulgation of the regulations general provincial education associations were established in Fujian (1906), Jiangxi (1907), Henan (1907), Fengtian (1907), Hunan (1908), Anhui (1909), Zhili (1909), Shanxi (1909) and Guangdong (1911).20 As with the quanxueso, the number of branch education associations varied greatly from province to province (see table 3 for 1907 figures). Thus in 1910 Zhili and Sichuan each had 65 education associations, while Gansu and Heilongjiang only had 4 and 1 respectively.21 Overall , the number of education associations increased from 262 in 1907 to 506 in 1908. By 1909 there were 723 with a reported total membership of 48,432.22 Half-day Schools and Literacy Schools The commitment to general education, as stressed in the Xuebu's educational aims of 1906, was already evident two months earlier with the promulgation of regulations for half-day schools (banri xuetang).23 A memorial from a councillor in the Xuebu, L i u Xuelian, had drawn attention to the fact that poorer children were unable to attend modern schools. The Xuebu echoed Liu's concern and ordered the establishment of half-day 85 schools, which would specifically benefit children from poorer families. Only the rich benefitted from the modern schools, the Xuebu noted, since the poor had neither the resources nor the time for such "luxury." It requested that each zhou and xian establish a wide network of half-day schools, which would not charge fees or insist on any age qualifications. A t least one half-day school was to be established for every 200-300 households regardless of whether they were located in an urban or rural area. In this way, the Xuebu commented, "people's education (minzhong jiaoyu)24 will be able to become u n i v e r s a l . " 2 5 Some officials had already begun to establish half-day schools before the Xuebu's initiative in 1906. Thus in Hunan there were 24 such schools in 1904, while in Shandong the first half-day school was opened in the provincial capital in 1904.26 j n addition to reading and writing, it was hoped that half-day schools would also teach arithmetic, and elementary history and geography. One half-day school in Henan included Japanese in its curriculum.27 Statistics on half-day schools for the year 1907 show a total of 614, with a reported total enrollment of 18,222. Sichuan recorded the highest with 160, followed by Zhili with 149 (see Table 4). It has often been noted that the establishment of modern schools in the early years of the twentieth century was very much an urban phenomenon, with little benefit for the rural masses. This is certainly true for modern primary and middle schools. Thus in Henan most district primary schools were located in district capitals or large towns.28 i n 1907 21 of Zhili's 31 middle schools were located in Peking,29 while in Shandong in 1911 there were 7 government schools at the secondary level and above in the provincial capital of Jinan, more than in any other place in the province.30 However, the distribution of half-day schools 86 Table 4 Number of Half -Day Schools in 1907 and 1909 Province 1 9 0 7& 1 9 0 9b Zhili 149 3,026 166 3,853 F engtian 3 161 3 137 J i l i n 1 20 3 161 Heilongjiang 3 92 1 47 Shandong 39 797 50 884 Shanxi 5 149 23 622 Sha'anxi 0 0 Henan 15 313 52 1,240 Jiangning 32 1,133 -Jiangsu 91 3,887 12 457 Anhui 1 19 13 481 Zhejiang 47 1,518 65 2,219 Jiangxi 9 206 9 246 Hubei 9 319 27 1,492 Hunan 15 576 32 1,215 Sichuan 160 4,725 203 6,352 Guangdong 11 601 9 715 Guangxi 11 312 10 295 Yunnan 7 211 3 76 Guizhou 1 51 5 130 Fujian 5 130 7 137 Gansu - 7 152 Xinjiang - 241 3,788 T O T A L 614 18,219 941 24,699 aSource: P i Y i c i Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 35-36. bSource: Chen Qitian, pp. 97-100. Note. Number of students in bold type. 87 may present a different picture. In Zhili half-day schools were not necessarily established in the large towns and cities. Twenty-four such schools were situated in six districts in the south-western part of Zhi l i—an area not noted for large urban centres.31 In 1909 Xinjiang, still very much a frontier region, had the highest number of half-day schools, reporting a total of 241 with 3,788 students. According to the 1907 statistics the Xuebu spent 12,000 taels on the quanxueso, lecture halls and half-day schools. In contrast, 150,072 taels were spent on overseas students, 192,000 taels on the Imperial University, 100,000 taels on higher-level education for the Eight Banners and 24,000 taels on lower-level education for the Eight Banners.32 These figures show that the Xuebu's stress on general education had not yet been fully translated into financial commitment, although it should be noted that expenditures for the quanxueso and half-day schools were shared with the provinces. In the case of provincial budgets, also, a small proportion seems to have gone towards the establishment and maintenance of half-day schools (see Table 5). This is brought out more clearly when one considers the average number of taels spent per student for the various categories of schools. Thus in Shandong 256*341 taels were spent per student in higher level or specialist schools; 85*83 taels per student in vocational schools; 34*667 taels per student in general schools (middle and primary schools); and 4*308 taels per student in half-day schools.33 since Hunan had 15 half-day schools, Guangdong 11, and Hubei 9 in 1907 while provincial expenditures on these schools only totalled 355, 682 and 511 taels respectively, it is apparent that non-official funds must have played a considerable role in the maintenance and support of half-day schools. The same can be said for education associations. Shandong, for Table 5 Provincial Expenditures on Quanxueso, Lecture Halls, Education Associations and Half-Day Schools in 1907 and 1909 (in taels) Education Half-Day Total Quanxueso Lecture Halls associations schools Province 1907a 1909° 1907 1909 1907 1909 1907 1909 1907 1909 Zhili - 2,404,443 - 104,344 - 7,650 - 2,893 - 4,683 Fengtian 1,059,502 1,879,742 34,138 107,875 7,478 6,217 5,737 9,834 1,765 1,477 Jilin 404,488 590,596 8,615 41,475 1,038 8,022 7,856 1,251 439 1,849 Heilongjiang 122,739 351,405 11,412 47,799 833 955 4,864 - 915 266 Shandong 792,556 911,369 1,742 20,014 7,576 5,395 100 1,746 28 2,024 Shanxi - 738,835 475 14,815 855 1,891 - 14,640 - 113 Sha'anxi - 639,236 9,938 22,599 852 1,167 2,866 7,773 - -Henan 546,838 - 17,499 32,345 1,428 1,321 1,462 4,371 974 2,357 6,227 0 0 Jiangsu 1,688,223 1,237,947 3,462 105,799 665 788 2,026 27,013 6,938 Anhui 451,810 757,592 2,268 3,224 - - 1,064 3,185 140 1,623 Zhejiang 829,178 1,275,313 13,566 52,270 306 28 3,021 1,678 4,576 1,463 Jiangxi 450,755 970,182 2,227 9,375 - 302 3,830 11,058 119 950 Hubei 974,092 1,868,940 107,644 121,832 322 6,390 - 3,941 511 4,875 Hunan 1,074,251 1,444,413 58,132 89,146 984 1,311 - 2,806 355 707 Sichuan - 2,186,864 - 408,139 - 2,423 - 2,219 - 9,263 Guangdong 287,890 2,115,860 - 53,333 - - - 2,032 - 599 Yunnan 492,327 519,965 17,306 37,621 2,552 2,672 500 2,348 641 172 Guizhou 201,722 349,631 9,771 40,473 2,819 7,492 - - 64 418 Fujian 382,819 539,741 1,988 3,423 536 1,138 4,641 5,826 193 367 Guangxi - - 8,040 37,182 485 1,849 331 2,032 - -Gansu - 160,554 - 2,941 - 344 - 20 - 74 Sinjiang - 233,391 - 11,474 1,677 — 5,888 aSource: Di Yici Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 42-44. ^Source: Di Sanci Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 17-20. 89 example, reported a total of 33 education associations in 1907, although provincial expenditures on them amounted to only 100 taels. Official expenditures on half-day schools and lecture-halls did, however, increase over the next few years. In Shandong, for example, expenditures on half-day schools increased from 28 taels in 1907 to 2,024 taels in 1909 (see Table 5). In 1909 the government issued regulations on "basic literacy schools" (jianyi shizi xuetang). 3 4 Again, as with half-day schools, provincial officials had already begun experimenting with the idea. In 1904 the Hunan education office proposed the establishment of a "literacy association" to organize literacy p r o g r a m m e s . 3 5 in early 1909 the education commissioner for Jiangsu reported that 10 model literacy schools had been opened in the provincial c a p i t a l . 3 6 He also reported that each district had been requested to send four people to the provincial capital to embark on a training programme at a special institute, which was housed in the former building of the provincial education office. On completion of their subsidized three month training period, the trainees were to return to their local areas and establish literacy schools. The educational commissioner noted that these literacy schools were to comprise approximately 50 pupils each, and were to be open to youngsters and adults. No fees were to be levied and subjects to be taught would include moral training, reading, writing and arithmetic. Courses were to be of one, two or three years' d u r a t i o n . 3 7 In Tianjin, also, a literacy school had been opened in front of the city god temple. Two hours of classes were given each evening, one hour being devoted to guowen (Chinese) and one hour to basic arithmetic. Everything was supplied and classes were open to e v e r y o n e . 3 8 90 In a memorial the Xuebu proposed that literacy schools be attached to the more prosperous schools, whether public or private. It also suggested that temples and other public buildings be made use of. Since there would be no need to equip the schools with expensive equipment or hire highly qualified teachers, the Xuebu noted, it would not be necessary to charge tuition fees. Courses at the literacy schools could last from one to three years. The memorial concluded: The more there is one additional person who can study in school, then that area has one more person who understands the l i , and this is really a big benefit for the development of constitutional government.^ Item one of the regulations stated that the literacy schools were specifically for adults and children from poor families. The two main texts to be used were an Essential Reader for the Cit izen and a simple character textbook. The former was to enlighten the people with respect to "being loyal to the monarch and grateful for the sincere benevolence of the state." The latter was to instruct adults and children in characters for everyday use and to teach them "practical ethics." With such a training those who could not advance on to a higher school could "plan a livelihood" without "slipping into evil and heretical ways."40 A significant part of the regulations was item two, which stipulated that graduates of the three year course at a literacy school could transfer to the fourth year of a lower primary school.41 Thus the way was left open for the less well-off to enter the regular stream; there was not to be a rigid dual-track system as existed, for example, in pre-World War One Germany, where the Volksschule (folk schools) were strictly separated from the preparatory schools leading to higher institutions of learning. L o c a l officials were urged to set an example in establishing one or two literacy schools, after which it was hoped local gentry would follow suit. 91 The quanxueso was to report to the provincial director of education every three months on the number of such schools. It was further stipulated that the schools should copy the Japanese system of erbu jiaoshou (two-section teaching method), whereby the class would be divided into morning and afternoon sessions. Theoretically, students were to be divided according to age and how many years they were going to study, but the regulations noted that if the number of students was not large, the danji (one class) teaching method could be used. Some studies have commented that although regulations for popular education were promulgated, there was not a systematic attempt to implement them before 1912. This statement can in fact be applied to all aspects of the Manchu reform effort. However, it should be noted that there were attempts by officials and local gentry to establish facilities for popular education, and contemporary journals like Dongfang Zazhi (The Eastern Miscellany) and Jiaoyu Zazhi (Educational Review) furnish many examples. In 1910 the provincial education commissioner of the Nanjing metropolitan area reported that 92 literacy schools had been opened in his d i s t r i c t . 4 2 The education commissioner of Jiangsu reported that 57 literacy schools had been established in his province, only three of which were situated in Shanghai.4** In Suzhou 15 literacy schools were reported to have been established, each school comprising 50 students. Classes lasted five hours daily and, in addition to literacy training, moral training was added to the c u r r i c u l u m . 4 4 In Qining district, Shandong, 4 literacy schools were opened with a total enrollment of 100. A t these schools ten characters a day were t a u g h t . 4 5 A variety of buildings were used in which to house literacy schools. In Tianjin it was decided to establish literacy schools in the form of night 92 classes to be held in the lower primary schools. One such "night class" in Tianjin had 60 - 70 pupils, with ages ranging from twenty to forty. Most of them were industrial and agricultural workers. They studied for two hours each evening, one hour comprising reading and writing, and the other comprising basic a r i t h m e t i c . 4 6 In Changzhou, Jiangsu, a night class was held at a primary school and use was made of the school's facilities and equipment. Teaching duties were carried out by the school director. 4 ? In Hangzhou, also, literacy schools were attached to higher and lower primary schools.4** Various temples were also used. A literacy school in Tianjin was located in the city-god t e m p l e . 4 9 In Xiushen district, Zhejiang, a literacy school was established in a temple for the god of war (Guandi), while in Dinghai district, also in Zhejiang, use was made of the local official temple (didian) to house a literacy s c h o o l . 5 " In the Anhui provincial capital a half-day school was housed in a temple for the Five Sacred Mountains. Chinese and arithmetic were taught to children "of peasants, workers and merchants" so that "the people's knowledge would be expanded and they would be acquainted with earning a livelihood and with s o c i e t y . " 5 1 In Hankou a number of charitable halls (shantang) established a half-day school for those who could not afford to stay in a regular school for a long t i m e . 5 2 Sometimes even former academies were appropriated, as was the case of the one in Yusheng district, Henan, which was converted into a half-day school with over 80 students.5** Literacy and half-day schools were established by a variety of groups and organizations. The night class in Changzhou was established on the initiative of the quanxueso. In Jinjiang district, Jiangsu, a literacy school was opened by the local education a s s o c i a t i o n . 5 4 In Wuyang district, Jiangsu, 93 and Zhoucun district, Shandong, it was the local chambers of commerce which established a night class and half-day school respectively. 5 5 j n Shuntian district, Zhil i , a group of middle school graduates founded a half-day school. Twenty volunteer teachers were recruited and sixty students were e n r o l l e d . 5 6 If teachers at literacy schools were paid they do not seem to have earned much. In Haijian district, Zhejiang, for example, teachers were paid 4 yuan a m o n t h . 5 7 One reference in 1906 referred to primary school teachers earning 30 - 40 yuan a m o n t h , 5 8 while in 1910 shoemakers could earn 21 yuan a month, machine workers 15 yuan, and women textile workers 8 y u a n . 5 9 The low wage earned by teachers at literacy schools (suggesting that many of them were, for the most part, volunteers) also contrasts sharply with the wages foreign teachers could earn in China. Thus the 11 Japanese teachers hired by the Governor-General at Nanjing to teach at the normal school there in 1903 were each paid 200 - 300 yuan a month, in addition to receiving other benefits such as free board and lodging. 6 " By 1910 complaints began to be heard concerning the literacy schools. A t a meeting of the Jiangsu provincial education association in 1910, one of the resolutions discussed concerned methods to differentiate lower primary schools from literacy schools, which suggested that members felt literacy schools were being used to substitute for lower primary schools. The association proposed that lower primary schools only accept children of school age, while the literacy schools only accept adults. (Some literacy schools were, in fact, only accepting adults as was the case with the literacy school in Changzhou, Jiangsu.) It may be the case that association members felt children at literacy schools were not receiving the required moral 94 training since they noted that if literacy schools continued to accept children from poor families they should ensure that the children be given lessons in moral training and physical exercise. Adults, they remarked, did not have to be taught such subjects.61 In late 1910 the Jiangsu provincial assembly stressed that literacy schools were simply a form of "supplementary education" and that their establishment should not be used as an excuse to delay the founding of lower primary schools.62 zhuang Y u , a prominent contributor to the Jiaoyu  Zazhi and a prolific textbook compiler, thought that literacy schools would be used to perpetuate class differences, and that the children of the rich would come to dominate enrollment in the primary schools, while the children of the poor would only have recourse to the literacy schools, offering an inferior education. Zhuang thus anticipated the criticisms that were levelled at Yuan Shikai's dual-track proposal. 6 3 The Xuebu reacted to such criticisms by inform-ing the provinces in early 1911 that priority must be given to the establish-ment of lower primary schools and that such schools had to be clearly distin-guished from literacy schools, which were designed for adults o n l y . 6 4 (This had not been so stipulated in the 1909 regulations on literacy schools.) However, the Xuebu's insistence on maintaining that it had always intended literacy schools to be for adults only was directly contradicted by its revised regulations for literacy schools in early 1911.65 Henceforth it would now be possible for graduates of the one or two year course to enter primary school, provided they were of primary school age. (Those who had studied one year at a literacy school could enter the second year of a lower primary school and those who had studied two years could enter the third year of a lower primary school.) A more specific curriculum was also laid down. Thus during the week there were to be six hours of Chinese, two hours 95 of moral training, and three hours of arithmetic (which would include instruc-tion in the use of the abacus). Physical education was also added as an optional subject. It seemed that the Xuebu was reluctant to slow down the establishment of literacy schools even though it had taken into account the complaints of provincial organizations that they were blocking the development of primary schools.°6 By providing the opportunity to children of primary school age to enter primary schools via the literacy schools quicker than previously, the Xuebu may have hoped to solve the problem. This apparently did not work since in July 1911 the Xuebu informed the provincial commissioners of educa-tion that henceforth the literacy schools were to accept only adults because local authorities had ceased building lower primary schools.67 Statistics indicate a rapid growth in the number of literacy schools. Figures released by the Xuebu in 1911 showed that Sichuan had the most. The province had 1,670 such schools attached to primary schools, with 29,137 students; 926 literacy schools had also been established in temples and other public places, with 18,474 students. There were also 7,504 reformed traditional schools which gave literacy classes.68 Zhili had the second highest number of literacy schools with a reported total of 4,160 comprising 69,405 students. Henan came next with 2,500 such schools and 59,000 students. Hubei had over 1,000 literacy schools, Shandong over 900, Guangdong over 700, Zhejiang, Fujian, Shaanxi and Hunan each with over 500, Heilongjiang over 300, Fengtian, J i l i n , and Jiangxi each with over 200, and Anhui over 1 0 0 . 6 9 The figure of over 500 literacy schools for Fujian is striking when one considers that in 1910 the Governor-general of Fujian had reported a total of 7 literacy schools throughout the province. 7 0 96 The statistics on literacy schools given by the Xuebu are complemented by the reports of the provincial governors, who often included the number of literacy schools in their general reports on "constitutional preparation" in their provinces. In early 1911 the Governor of Shandong, Sun Baoqi, estimated a total of 901 literacy schools in his province (an increase of 199 from the previous year). Sun made it very clear what he thought was the main benefit to be gained from establishing literacy schools when he remarked that "the more the people's knowledge daily advances, the easier it will be for government orders to be carried out." 1 ' 1 The Governor of J i l i n estimated that in the last half of 1910 there were 212 literacy schools in his province, with an enrollment of 4 , 6 3 0 . 7 2 The Governor of Hunan stated that in early 1911 there were 532 literacy schools, with 9,575 students, in his province.73 The Governor-general of Huguang reported that every district in Hubei except one had established a literacy school, the provincial figure totalling 1 ,070. 7 4 The Governor-general of Fujian and Zhejiang reported in May 1911 that Fujian had 601 literacy schools with 16,165 s t u d e n t s . 7 5 The Governor-general of Shaanxi reported a total of 504 literacy schools for his province, an increase of 188 from the previous y e a r . 7 6 Even the less prosperous provinces reported an increase in the number of literacy schools. Thus the Governor-general of Yunnan and Guizhou reported in 1911 that whereas before there had only been 59 literacy schools in the two provinces there were now 232 such schools with 5,580 p u p i l s . 7 7 The Governor of Xinjiang stated that many literacy schools in his province had been combined with Chinese-language schools (hanyu xuetang), indicating that educational reform was often accompanied by increased efforts to "sinicize" ethnic minorities. 7** 97 Vocational Education According to Huang Yanpei, a member of the Jiangsu education associa-tion, vocational education (zhiye jiaoyu) up until the beginning of the twentieth century had been exclusively concerned with state wealth rather than individual l i v e l i h o o d . 7 9 Huang cited the Fuzhou shipyard and Zhang Zhidong's various schools as typical examples. With the 1904 regulations on vocational schools, Huang commented, more attention was paid to individual livelihood. The first use of the term zhiye jiaoyu (vocational or professional education) appeared in a letter written by the director of the Shaanxi agricultural school, Yao Wendong, in 1904: As for the main principles of education, then what is most relevant for the people is, firstly, general education and, secondly, vocational education. The two should be coordinated and not be mutually exclusive. In the same year Yao wrote: Foreign countries basically take vocational education as the root. T o say a state has a citizenry, one must give them a vocation (zhiye) . 8 0 As was described in the last chapter, the 1904 regulations provided for supplementary vocational education, comprising two types of school—the apprentice school, which stressed practical training of half a year to three years, and the general vocational supplementary school, which would provide vocational and general education (although the Classics were not part of the curriculum). 8 * The Xuebu's determination to see the establishment of voca-tional schools at all levels was apparent in its instructions to the provinces in July 1906, when it again urged the provinces to speed up the establishment of higher, middle, and lower level vocational schools. The Xuebu especially stressed the importance of the general supplementary vocational schools and suggested that each provincial capital establish a vocational teachers' training i n s t i t u t e . 8 2 98 In 1907 the regulations for apprentice schools were elaborated upon.83 As before, their aim was to teach a fairly simple skill and hence "reduce the number of vagrants and unemployed." As with the literacy schools, the regula-tions left open the possibility that students from these apprentice schools could enter primary school. Apprentice schools could be attached to higher level vocational schools and hence could make use of their equipment and facilities. There were to be rapid courses for 14 - 20 year-olds and more regular ones for 12 - 14 year-olds. The main difference from the previous regulations was that the curriculum was now expanded, comprising moral training, Chinese, arithmetic, general science, history (including foreign history), drawing and physical education. In fact, the curriculum differed little from that of a higher primary school. In addition there were to be specialized courses on wood carving, metallurgy and lacquer work. The main emphasis was on giving students practical knowledge and skills. Moral training, for example, was only to be taught for one hour during the week. Another significant aspect of the apprentice schools was that no fees were to be charged. The Xuebu had promulgated regulations on the amount of fees to be charged for the various types of s c h o o l . 8 4 It justified the levying of fees by pointing to the advantage of having more funds to build schools (and by citing western practice). Half-day schools and apprentice schools, however, were exempt, while lower primary schools and vocational schools could charge reduced fees or even waive them if circumstances so permitted. It is important to remember this when considering M . Bastid's conclusion that the costs of modern education exceeded those of traditional education (it was noted in the last chapter that many "modern" schools in Hunan had to close down because they had not charged tuition fees). Based on a study of modern 99 schools in Nantong, Jiangsu, Bastid notes that only five or six schools were entirely free. The fees for the other schools were high. She cites the case of primary schools which charged 4 - 8 yuan a year, and the normal school which charged 30 yuan a year. (The Xuebu's fee schedule had stipulated between 3«5 to 7*2 yuan annually for higher primary schools and between 24 and 36 yuan annually for higher level schools.) In the case of boarders 30 - 40 yuan a year were also needed. Bastid concludes that since the average wage of a worker in Zhang Jian's enterprises was 35 - 50 yuan a year and the average wage of an agricultural labourer was 12 - 15 yuan a year, education was largely out of the reach of the mass of the people.85 Y e t it was precisely for this reason that half-day schools and literacy schools were established. (It is interesting to note that in the reports relating to the destruction of modern schools by angry mobs during the years 1910 and 1911 there is no mention of half-day schools, literacy schools or basic vocational schools being attacked.) It is difficult to find detailed information concerning the funding of literacy schools, half-day schools or vocational schools. A s noted earlier official funds seemed to have played a small part in the establish-ment of half-day schools, and it can be assumed that this applied to literacy schools as well. Most references to the creation of such schools always begin by stating that a certain "gentry member" or "merchant" has contributed a certain sum of money to the opening of a school. The expenditures for these schools could not have been very high—they were often housed in already-existing buildings, such as ancestral temples,86 equipment was minimal, and teachers seemed to be mostly volunteers (the half-day school in the Shandong provincial capital had 14 voluntary teachers who came at different times of the day to give classes.)87 Vocational schools, also, were often established 100 privately and, in some cases, were self-sufficient. Thus a certain Wang Mutang established a vocational school in 1909 in C i x i , Jiangsu. The school had 300 pupils and taught principally silkworm breeding. It had 40 mu of land which was used for agricultural practice. The report on the school noted that all operating expenditures for the school were met from the proceeds of crops grown on the demonstration f i e l d . 8 8 in some cases, also, Buddhist monasteries contributed money for education expenditures, as they seemed to have done in Changde, Hunan and Guangzhou, Guangdong, 8 9 despite the many references to Buddhist monks' opposition to schools taking over monastery property and premises. 9 " In Nanzhang district, Hubei, Buddhist monks contributed to school expenditures, while in Peking it was reported that a head of a Buddhist mona-stery, on his return from Japan, was so enthusiastic about education that he contributed 20,000 copper cash for the opening of a s c h o o l . 9 1 In 1908 the Xuebu again instructed the provinces to establish lower level vocational schools. Such schools were plagued from the beginning by a shortage of qualified teachers. Many of the higher level vocational schools employed foreigners, while many of the teachers at the lower levels were not school graduates. According to 1909 figures, Zhili had a total of 94 teachers in various vocational schools, of whom 6 were foreigners and 32 were non-graduates. Hunan had 160 vocational school teachers, of whom 11 were foreigners and 48 were non-graduates. Perhaps the most remarkable figure is that for Sinjiang. The province had 73 vocational teachers, of whom 72 were non-graduates. 9 2 It is difficult to estimate the number of apprentice schools and supplementary vocational schools since they are not listed as a separate category in the Xuebu statistics for 1907, 1908 and 1909. It may be that they are included in the figures for lower level vocational schools or "preparatory 101 vocational schools" (shiye yubei). A memorial from the Governor of Hunan referred to the existence of 17 apprentice schools in his p r o v i n c e , 9 3 although this is not borne out by the Xuebu statistics, which note that in 1909 Hunan had 10 "preparatory schools." The Governor of Xinjiang in 1911 referred to the increasing number of apprentice schools in his province but gives no definite f i g u r e . 9 4 Although general figures are not available, there are many individual examples of attempts to establish facilities for vocational training. A memorial from the Governor of Zhejiang in 1905 reporting the establishment of an industrial training centre showed as much concern for individual welfare as for state w e a l t h . 9 5 In Jianglu, Sichuan, a certain Zhang L i q i opened an agricultural night school to teach local peasants new agricultural techniques. In Gaoyang, Zhi l i , Wang Liushi established a lower primary school for boys and girls and held a night class there for local peasants. 9 6 In Peking a training institute (xiyiso) was opened to accept the unemployed and vagrants. Beggars on the streets were to be compelled to enter. 9 ? Sometimes entrepreneurs established classes within their factories. Thus in Chongqing, Sichuan, the director of a match factory, Deng Shaoyun, founded a literacy association to teach the workers basic literacy. Every day after work a certain number of characters was t a u g h t . 9 8 In Lincheng, Shandong, Zhang Chengyan established two half-day schools in his spinning factory, designed not only for the workers but also for any poor members of the community who had not attended s c h o o l . 9 9 In Zhucheng, Shandong, Wu Yantuan also opened a half-day school in his cotton spinning f a c t o r y . * 0 0 There are frequent references in this period to the establishment of training institutes. In Suzhou, Jiangsu, an industrial training institute (gongyi 102 zhu) was opened to train apprentices aged between 13 and 30 in such skills as weaving carpets and lacquer w o r k . 1 0 1 In the provincial capital of Shandong a training bureau was established near a temple to teach the poor and beggars of the locality an industrial skill (gongyi). Over 500 people were reported to have been trained in such skills as shoemaking and s p i n n i n g . 1 " 2 In Bao'an, Zhi l i , a mathematics training institute was opened to give courses on "practical arithmetic." No fees were charged and anyone was allowed to attend. 1 0 ** In the provincial capital of Jiangxi an industrial training bureau was established. People who attended consisted of 10 textile workers, 20 dye-workers, and 10 students. They were all taught dyeing and weaving techniques, and the workers were also taught how to read and w r i t e . I " 4 The prominent industrial entrepreneur, Zhang Jian, was also involved in educational reform. In his home district of Nantong he established a normal school (in 1903), a normal school for girls (in 1907), and various primary s c h o o l s . 1 0 5 in addition he created an apprentice school for the children of his workers in 1905, the yujiao xuexiao (school for preparatory education). Zhang also established a sericulture and silk-weaving school for the women in his d i s t r i c t . 1 0 6 Another entrepreneur, Y u Zhimo, founded an apprentice school (gongyi  zhuanxiso) for the workers of his towel factory in Changsha, Hunan, in 1903. The worker-students were provided with food and clothing. Y u came from a merchant family in Hunan and had worked in L i u Kunyi's army as an ordinance clerk. After the Sino-Japanese war he went to Japan to study industry in Osaka. One writer thinks that 1902 was the crucial turning point in Yu's career from economic reformer to political r e f o r m e r . 1 0 7 In any event Y u increasingly involved himself in revolutionary activities and, after the establish-103 ment of the Tongmenghui in Tokyo in 1905, offered to distribute the organiza-tion's journal, M i n B a o , throughout H u n a n . * 0 8 It has been suggested that Yu's factory, although based on capitalist production, possessed features characteristic of "Utopian s o c i a l i s m . " * 0 9 This is somewhat of an exaggeration, but it does seem that Y u was concerned a great deal with the well-being, both physical and mental, of his workers in much the same way as the English reformer, Robert Owen, showed at his New Lanark m i l l . * * 0 One Chinese commentator has described the situation at Yu's factory in the following way: He (i.e., Yu Zhimo) slept and ate with the workers, rose and finished work with them, worked with them, talked and laughed with them. The relationship was as close as that between father and children and there was certainly no difference of labour and capital between t h e m . * * * A t Yu's apprentice school a number of subjects and skills were taught, including chemistry, lacquer work and furniture making. Nakamura thinks that Yu's school represented the first concrete achievement in attempts to forge an alliance between the middle and lower levels of society, an alliance discussed by revolutionary theorists like Yang Dusheng in his treatise "The New H u n a n . " * * 2 Y u also founded a school especially for the poor. It was housed in the former merchant huiguan (guild hall) and taught Chinese, arith-metic and physical education. Fees were minimal and the teachers were all voluntary workers.**3 The attempts to spread education extended to a wide variety of social groups. In Tianjin a night school for shopkeepers' children was o p e n e d . * * 4 In Wuhu, Anhui, the chamber of commerce opened a commercial half-day school for shop apprentices to teach them English and a r i t h m e t i c . * * 5 In Suzhou, a "policeman's school" (jingji xuetang) was established to teach the mostly i l l i ter-104 ate local constabulary.116 In Chengdu, Sichuan, concern was shown for the fact that most of the petty traders and peddlers were illiterate. A night class was therefore established with the high-sounding title "The Enlightenment Night Class Institute" (qiwu yekeguan). A variety of courses were offered, including moral training, general science, Chinese and arithmetic.i l ' ' ' In Qinlu, Jiangsu, a supplementary commercial study institute was opened in a charitable hall for the local merchants, many of whom were considered i l l i ter-a t e . H 8 In Lingzhou, Guangdong, a training centre was opened in the grounds of a temple to teach the unemployed and ex-criminals.H9 Finally, in Songkou, Jiangsu, and in Tianjin special schools for the sons of fishermen were esta-b l i s h e d . ! 2 0 The first attempts at providing vocational instruction for girls and women were also made during this period. Although the official aim of women's education, as stated in the regulations for girls' primary schools and normal schools in 1907, was to "instill knowledge and protect the traditional rites" and thus train "virtuous mothers and good wives" (xianmu l i a n g q i ) , ! 2 ! some preferred to advocate vocational education for women as a means to utilize their skills in the e c o n o m y . l 2 2 In Shanghai a girls' school for silkworm raising was opened in 1 9 0 4 . i 2 3 In Changzhou, Jiangsu, a certain Yang Xincheng established a girls' vocational school in 1906 which taught Chinese, art, applied science, arithmetic and h a n d i c r a f t s . ! 2 4 A n industrial training institute for girls was attached to the first public girls' school in Jinan, the provincial capital of S h a n d o n g . ! 2 5 The enthusiasm to spread education among the populace reached such heights that even schools within prisons were established. A number of memorials in 1904 and 1905 stressed the necessity of implementing training 105 programmes for prisoners.126 The Governor of Guangxi reported that as early as 1892 a "charitable institute" (shangongso) had been opened in Lingui district to teach vocational skills to 120 prisoners and criminals.127 i n Yuanshi, Zhi l i , a school was opened within the local prison in 1906. In addition to lectur-ing the prisoners on the "wicked nature" of their crimes, instructors taught reading and writing, arithmetic and handicraft skills.128 j n one district in Zhejiang, two artisans were employed in teaching petty criminals such voca-tional skills as weaving garments and belts.129 "Prisoner training institutes" (zuifan xiyiso) were also established in Quansha (Jiangsu), Chengdu (Sichuan), and Lai'an (Anhui), where a number of skills such as spinning and weaving were taught.130 Changes In The Primary School Curriculum Changes introduced to the primary school curriculum during the last years of the Qing revealed a tendency to downplay the importance of the Classics and emphasize the teaching of more practical subjects. Such changes reflected a widely-held concern to see general education offer more concrete benefits to the populace. In the 1902 regulations the curricula for lower and higher primary schools had comprised moral training, Chinese, the Classics, history, geography and arithmetic. In the 1904 regulations one hour of science per week was added to the lower primary school curriculum, with drawing and handicrafts as optional subjects. For higher primary schools there were to be two hours per week of science, with agriculture and commerce as optional subjects. 131 By 1909 the number of courses at lower primary schools had been reduced, including the amount of time spent on the Classics. Henceforth, only the 106 Analects, Classic of F i l i a l Piety, and the Classic of Rites were to be studied (although not for the first year). In 1909 the Jiangsu education association complained that too many hours per week (12 out of 30) were being spent on the Classics in primary schools. It suggested that more time be spent on Chinese and arithmetic, which would be "more of a preparation for earning a livelihood." The preservation of the "national essence" (guocui), the association commented, had to be combined with practical everyday things.132 Some educators even argued against teaching some of the Classics on moral grounds. One writer declared that not only were the Classics irrelevant for children but also that some of them, like the Zuozhuan (Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals), were harmful for the child's moral upbringing because they dealt with "promiscuous affairs" (yinluan zhi shi).133 A contributor to the Jiaoyu Zazhi remarked that the Classic of Odes was harmful for children because it dealt with "pornography" (nan'nu  xiangyue, lit: men and women having fun together). 134 In 1910 the time spent on the Classics was reduced even further. During the first two years at lower primary schools they were not to be studied at al l . In the third year five hours per week were to be spent on the Classic of F i l i a l Piety and the Analects. In the fourth year five hours per week were to be spent just on the Analects. The time devoted to the Classics in higher primary schools was also reduced. In the first three years eleven hours per week were to be spent on the Classic of Learning (Daxue), the Doctrine of the Mean, Mencius, the Classic of Odes, and the Classic of Rites. In the fourth year only ten hours per week were to be spent on the Classics.135 singing was also introduced into the curriculum, reflecting the increasing emphasis on stimulating patriotism in the schools. For higher primary schools English was added as an optional subject. 136 107 Educators also promoted the use of baihua (vernacular language) at school instead of the classical language during this period. Chen Ronggun used vernacular readers in the school that he established in Macao in 1899.137 In one essay he emphasized the relativity of language and its pragmatic function in fulfilling immediate tasks. He argued that the classical language (wenyan) therefore had no absolute value and that common speech used at the time should be the basis for textbook m a t e r i a l . 1 ^ i n another essay, written in 1899, Chen declared that the Classics were " i r r e l e v a n t . " 1 3 9 The Qing government, also, perceived the pragmatic use of language, but whereas Chen advocated the use of local dialects, the Qing, with the hope of consolidating unity, proposed the adoption of a standard national language, to be based on the official Peking dialect (known as guanhua or "officials' speech" because it had originally been associated with standard official language at the capital). In 1910 the Xuebu ordered the compilation of guanhua textbooks and requested all middle and primary schools to add guanhua to their c u r r i -c u l a . 1 4 0 Such a measure may not always have had the desired effect. Thus in one school in Fujian the commander of the local Manchu garrison had to be recruited to give instruction in guanhua. One student recalled that the class went on strike because of the Manchu's insistence on the class reciting the word nucai (slave), a term that Manchus always used of themselves when addressing the e m p e r o r . 1 4 1 Changes in the primary school curriculum were accompanied by the government's attempt to increase its control over textbooks. (Zhang Zhidong had been much impressed with educational practice in the west whereby primary school texts were checked and edited by the authorities.) In 1906 the Xuebu issued its first guidelines on lower primary school t e x t b o o k s 1 4 2 and a 108 textbook bureau was established under the Xuebu's jurisdiction. 1 4 ** A temporary list of books that the Xuebu deemed suitable was issued and it declared that in order to facilitate universal education students should not have to pay more than 6 yuan over a five year period for textbooks. A l l other textbooks produced by such publishing centres as the Shanghai Commercial Press and the Nanyang Book Company had to be sent to the Xuebu for a p p r o v a l . 1 4 4 The Xuebu pointed out that unlike other education ministries in the world which charged fees for approval and certification, it would not do so in the interests of promoting education. Such attempts to increase control over textbooks (and indeed the attempt to implement a nationwide school system) raise the question of the extent to which the state increased its control of educational facilities that had tradi-tionally been the responsibility of local communities or organizations such as the c l a n . 1 4 5 In some cases increasing state control did occur. The 1904 school system had called for the conversion of traditional educational institu-tions such as the charitable school (yixue) and village school (shexue) into modern elementary and primary s c h o o l s . 1 4 6 In the district of Linqing, Shandong, 24 charitable schools were converted into primary schools. The curriculum consisted of the Classics, arithmetic, and writing. Teachers had to send copies of the students' work to local officials, who would also conduct a personal investigation of the schools every month. 1 4 ' ' ' A similar trend of increasing government control may have occurred with the reform of "traditional schools" (sishu), private village schools which hired scholars to tutor young boys in the Classics. In 1905 a censor, X i a Shufu, suggested that students from the tradi-tional schools be examined and that the successful ones be admitted into the modern s c h o o l s . 1 4 8 In 1906 the Xuebu ordered that all traditional schools 109 with over 30 students be converted into primary schools.149 A Society for the Reform of Traditional Schools was organized in Shanghai by Shen Liangqi in 1906, suggesting that there was some government-gentry co-operation over the reform of traditional educational institutions. The Society, which had branches in neighbouring provinces, was to investigate traditional schools and ensure they were teaching Chinese, arithmetic and physical education. Teaching methods had to stress comprehension and examinations were to be held regularly. Superior students were to be promoted to official primary schools. In 1910 the Xuebu formally transferred the duty of supervising reformed traditional schools from Shen Liangqi's society to the provincial education commissioner and the quanxueso.* 5 0 Traditional schools, however, continued to exist despite the government's attempt to convert them into modern primary schools. A s late as 1935 it was reported that 101,027 such schools existed, with a total enrollment of 1,757,014 s t u d e n t s . 1 5 * C l a n schools also were converted into elementary and primary schools at this t i m e . * 5 2 Thus in Shandong a certain Y u Chengyang converted his clan school into a primary school which taught writing, history and geography.* 5 2 In Chenping, Guangdong, X i e Longzhang asked the provincial authorities if he could establish a two-level clan primary school, the expenses of which would be met by the c l a n . * 5 4 It is not clear, however, whether this represented a state take-over of the clan's educational functions.1 5 5 What is clear is that clans were just as interested as the government in providing more educational facilities. Thus, despite M . BasticFs assertion that clan schools were often abandoned by wealthy families who sought to place their sons in modern schools and therefore deprived poorer clan members of whatever access they did have to some kind of e d u c a t i o n * 5 6 , one finds references in contemporary 110 journals after 1904 to clan schools being established for poorer members. For example, in Shunde, Guangdong, a clan night school was opened especially for poorer m e m b e r s * 5 7 , while in Sichuan the Yang clan of Xinfan organized a two-level primary school in the clan temple, again to teach its poorer m e m b e r s . * 5 7 It may also be the case that clan ancestral temples were used to house schools that would benefit a wider range of people. Thus there is a reference to a school in Guangdong which made use of the Zhang clan ancestral temple. Although the superviser of the school was a certain Zhang Shaoqing (presumably a member of the clan), everyone over the age of 13 was allowed to a t t e n d . * 5 9 Also in Guangdong a certain L i n Bangjie established a L i n clan elementary school. The teachers and administrators were all from the L i n clan, but stu-dents were reported to have come "from far and wide", suggesting that they may not have all belonged to the L i n c l a n . * 6 u Finally, in Shaoxing, Zhejiang, a mob destroyed a school (founded by a certain L i u Yinfeng), not because extra taxes on salt and bamboo had been imposed for the school's upkeep, but because the school only served the L i u clan and did not allow others to e n r o l l . * 6 * This suggests that it was at least expected that clan schools serve a wider populace. Educational development during the last years of the Qing may therefore have followed two courses. O n the one hand, modern primary and middle schools were built; they were expensive, generally concentrated in the large urban centres and catered to a minority of school-age children. On the other hand, there were attempts to spread education to a wider populace. These took the form of literacy schools, half-day schools, and facilities for vocational training. Often local and gentry initiative anticipated the government's regu-I l l lations on these schools. In any event, the need to recognize the importance of part-t ime education, vocational education and literacy education, both as a means to improve individual welfare and to offset the high costs of "modern education", was perceived in this period. Despite a few references to the danger of foreigners usurping China's educational rights (see chapter one), the motivation for establishing half-day schools, literacy schools, and vocational schools does not seem to have stemmed from a desire to combat the challenge of missionary schools.162 There is no mention in the official memorials or regulations (or in such educational journals as Jiaoyu Zazhi) of the need to counter potential missionary influence amongst the Chinese population. A s was noted in the last chapter the awareness of the importance of general education in creating a strong, united and wealthy country (inspired by the example of Japan), in addition to a traditional belief that everyone could benefit from education, provided the necessary motivation for the promotion of a more widespread education. As will be described in the following two chapters the emphasis by officials and educators during the last years of the Qing on the importance of general and popular education in the creation of a patriotic and economically productive citizenry continued to occupy an important place in the educational debates of the early Republic. 112 Notes 1. Kuo Ping-wen, p. 96; D . Buck, Urban Change in China, p. 62. H . Brunnert and V . Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of  China, p. 408, translate quanxueso as "the association for the fostering of public education." 2. Regulations on the quanxueso are in Taga, vol. 1, pp. 423-425, and J Y N J , vol. 1, pp. 30-31. In 1911 the Xuebu issued further regulations on local education administration. They stated that self-governing councils at the pref ectural and district levels, which had been organized in accordance with the Qing court's plans for local autonomy, could establish middle, primary and literacy schools. "Joint educational federations" below the district level could also establish lower primary schools and lower vocational schools. Within each self-governing unit there were to be educational districts comprising at least a population of 2,000 or 100 children of school-going age. Within each district, the regulations stated, all those who were "self-sufficient" had to contribute to the upkeep of the schools. These regulations were almost identical to the proposals put forward by L i a n g Qichao in 1902. L i a n g advocated the establishment of an educational system in which the state would "supervise" (jiandu) all primary schools, but the local populace would be responsible for financing them. Such a system, Liang argued, explained the strength of Japan and Germany. F o r the Xuebu's regulations, see J Y Z Z , 3:4, faling, pp. 41-47; for Liang's proposals, see Ziliao, vol. 3, pp. 947-954. 3. A song designed to "encourage study" appealed to both feelings of patriotism and enlightened self-interest: Th e black and red races are all subjugated, But we the yellow race have still not wakened up to this, One must be quick in studying. The beautiful pear and peach blossoms only have a l imited time, A n d cannot put off for ever the ravages of time, When one is old, one can only have self-pity. L e t us follow the model of Japan nearby, A n d that of Europe and A m e r i c a far away, A n d join the ranks of the world's civilized countries. When we are young we should all energetically Be concerned with ourselves. T i m e will not come again. C i t e d in Zhongguo Baihua Bao, no. 2 (1903), p. 79. 4. Chen Qitian, p. 11, remarks that lectures on the Sacred Edict were designed solely to "cultivate loyal officials and filial sons." 5. Ibid., pp. 76-78. 113 6. Kuo Ping-wen, p. 109. By 1910 there were a total of 722 education associations, 1,588 quanxueso, and 3,867 lecture halls. Ibid., p. 107. 7. The term tongsu jiaoyu (popular education) had already been used in the organization of the Xuebu. It was to become synonymous with the term for "social education" (shehui jiaoyu) and referred to all educational activity outside the formal schools. See chapter one, footnote 25. Thus a 1906 article defined tongsu jiaoyu as a means to "reform society," including public lectures and popular reading material. D F Z Z , 3:5 jiaoyu, p. 65. In 1908 Shanghai "educational circles" established a "popular education society" (tongsu jiaoyushe). Its aim was to visit localities, with a film projector and lantern slides, and "enlighten the lower levels of society". D F Z Z , 4:7, jiaoyu, p. 169. 8. Taga, vol. 1, pp. 535-537. Uncle Tom's Cabin and Robinson Crusoe were translated by L i n Shu in 1901 and 1905 respectively. Republican China, vol. 2, p. 384. The use of Uncle Tom's Cabin had a certain ambivalence, since it pointed to white enslavement of the blacks and, by implication, warned that Chinese would be similarly treated by whites if the country was not made strong. Chinese revolutionaries, however, were arguing that the Chinese were already enslaved by the Manchus. 9. Taga, vol. 1, pp. 430-433; Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 361-365. 10. Gentry enthusiasm for the modern schools was not always so evident. One article referred to "evil gentry" who stirred up mob anger against a modern school in Guangan, Sichuan, by spreading rumours that disastrous changes in the weather were due to the presence of the school. D F Z Z , 1:9, sheshuo, p. 217. 11. In early 1906 Zhang Jian and others had established the Jiangsu Xuewu  Zhonghui (Jiangsu General Study Association). Ding Zhipin, p. 16; M . Bastid, pp. 164-165. In 1904 the Zhejiang education association was established. It had over 100 members, each one contributing one yuan a month. One of their functions as they saw it was to "improve the schools". D F Z Z , 1:1 jiaoyu, p. 136. 12. Huang Yanpei, Zhongguo Jiaoyu Shiyao, p. 108. 13. For a list of xuehui (study societies) from 1895 to 1910, see Dalu Zazhi, 26:2, pp. 14-20; 26:3, pp. 16-24. 14 M . Bastid, p. 72. 15 Taga, vol. 1, p. 431. 16. Ibid., p. 432. Jiang Jianbai, p. 11, argues that this latter function of the education associations heralds the beginning of "popular education" (tongsu jiaoyu). 17. M . Bastid, pp. 73, 89. 114 18 D F Z Z , 4:2, jiaoyu, p. 23. 19. D F Z Z , 3:10, jiaoyu, p. 279; J Y N J , vol. 2, p. 458. 20. Dalu Zazhi, 26:3, pp. 19-20. 21. Kuo Ping-wen, p. 108. 22. M . Bastid, pp. 71-71. 23. Taga, vol. 1, p. 409. 24. This is the first use that I have come across of the term minzhong jiaoyu in the Chinese sources. One source maintains that "mass education offices" (minzhong jiaoyu guan) were established in Tai'an, Shandong, in 1906, and in Lingyuan and Fengning districts, Jehol, in 1912. They apparently comprised libraries and lecture halls. J Y N J , vol. 3, pp. 747, 775. 25. Taga, vol. 1, p. 409. 26. M . Bastid, p. 46; D F Z Z , 1:8, jiaoyu, p. 193. There are also constant references to the establishment of schools especially for poorer children. In the Fujian capital, for example, two residents, dissatisfied with the fact that the provincial primary school only served the sons of the rich and the gentry, established a school of their own for poor children. D F Z Z , 1:4, jiaoyu, p. 101. For a similar school in Hanyang see D F Z Z , 1:9, jiaoyu, p. 215. For other examples, see D F Z Z , 1:10, jiaoyu, p. 235, and 2:8, jiaoyu, p. 199. 27. D F Z Z , 1:10, jiaoyu, p. 236. 28. J Y N J , vol. 2, p. 460. 29. D i Y i c i Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 23, 35. 30. D . Buck, Urban Change in China, p. 56. By 1915, 24 of the 36 provincially supported primary schools were situated in Tsinan. See D . Buck, "Educational Modernization in Tsinan 1892-1937" in M . E l v i n and G . Skinner (ed.), The Chinese C i t y Between Two Worlds, p. 189. F o r educational reform in Guangdong, and Hunan and Hubei, see E . Rhoads, China's Republican Revolution, pp. 18-19, 51-56, 73-76, 124-128; J . Esherick, Reform and Revolution, pp. 41-43, 118-119, 146-147, 246. See also R. Orb, "Chihli Academies and Other Schools in the Late Ch'ing: A n Institutional Survey" in P. Cohen and J . Schrecker, Reform  in Nineteenth Century China, pp. 231-240. Orb notes the existence of large numbers of lower primary schools in Baoding prefecture, Zhi l i , and challenges the notion that the new schools were exclusively a product of the district city or marketing areas. 31. D i Y i c i Jiaoyu Tongji Tubiao, pp. 73-84. 115 32. Ibid., pp. 12-14. Funds for the Xuebu came from the interest on stocks in the Sino-Russian Bank, the Board of Revenue, and provincial contribu-tions. 33. Ibid., pp. 49,51,53. Sources for provincial expenditures comprised special taxes, contributions, and tuition fees. 34. The regulations are printed in Taga, vol. 1, p. 627; Ziliao, vol. 2, pp. 446-449; J Y Z Z , 2:1, faling, pp. 9-10. See also Chen Qingzhi, p. 614. 35. D F Z Z , 1:4, jiaoyu, p.80. 36. J Y Z Z , 1:10, jishi, p. 76. 37. J Y Z Z , 1:11, jishi, p.88. 38. Ibid. 39. J Y Z Z , 2:1, faling, p.9. 40. Zhang Jinglu, "Qingmo minqu duiyu minzhong duwu bianfan zhi jingguo" in Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo Quban Shiliao, pubian, pp. 145-148. 41. J Y Z Z , 2:1, faling, pp. 10-11. It was also stipulated that graduates were to receive a certificate testifying to the number of characters they could read. 42. J Y Z Z , 2:11, jishi, pp. 92-93. 43. J Y Z Z , 2:6, jishi, p. 47. 44. J Y Z Z , 2:2, jishi, pp. 14-15. 45. J Y Z Z , 2:1, jishi, pp. 3-4. 46. Ibid. 47. Ibid. 48. J Y Z Z , 2:2, jishi, pp. 14-15. 49. J Y Z Z , 2:1, jishi, p.3. 50. J Y Z Z , 2:5, jishi, p.39. 51. D F Z Z , 1:6, jiaoyu, pp. 144-145. 52. D F Z Z , 2:9, jiaoyu, pp. 243-244. 53. D F Z Z , 3:6, jiaoyu, p. 136. 54. J Y Z Z , 2:2, jishi, pp. 14-15; 2:1, jishi, pp. 3-4. 116 55. D F Z Z , 2:12, jiaoyu, p. 345; 3:1, jiaoyu, p. 25. 56. D F Z Z , 3:3, jiaoyu, p. 52. 57. J Y Z Z , 2:5, jishi, p. 39. 58. D F Z Z , 3:5, jiaoyu, p. 65. 59. Jiaoyu yu Shiye, no. 22 (Oct. 1920). 60. J . Tobar, " L a Reforme des Etudes en Chine" in Etudes, vol. 97, pp. 711-716. O n Japanese teachers in China, see Saneto Keishu, pp. 93-104. 61. J Y Z Z , 2:9, jishi, p. 74. 62. J Y Z Z , 2:11, zhangcheng wendu, pp. 51-52. 63. J Y Z Z , 2:5, sheshuo, pp. 23-29. 64. J Y Z Z , 2:12, jishi, p. 99. 65. J Y Z Z , 3:3, faling, pp. 38-39; jishi, pp. 19-20. 66. It may be that this debate foreshadowed later disputes that were to occur in post 1949 China over the relative merits of establishing a wide network of popular educational facilities or constructing a more formal school system. 67. J Y Z Z , 3:9, faling, p. 91. 68. Sichuan also had the highest number of half-day schools in 1907 and the second highest in 1909. It continued to have the highest number of such schools during the early years of the Republic, although the province reportedly had one of the lowest formal school attendance rates in 1919. 69. J Y Z Z , 3:6, jishi, p. 91. 70. Zhengzhi Guanbao, vol. 32, no. 909, p. 83. 71. Ibid., vol. 43, no. 1234, pp. 207-209. 72. Ibid., vol. 43, no. 1237, p. 253. 73. Ibid., vol. 43, no. 1251, p. 501. 74. Ibid., vol. 43, no. 1253, p. 533. 75. Ibid., vol. 44, no. 1260, p. 135. 76. Ibid., vol. 45, no. 1289, p. 125. 77. Ibid., vol. 45, no. 1291, pp. 157-158. 117 78. Ibid., vol. 32, no. 910, p. 102; Taga, vol. 1, p. 98. 79. Huang Yanpei, "sanshiwunian Zhongguo zhi zhiy jiaoyu" in Zhang Y u (ed), Zuijin Sanshinian zhi Zhongguo Jiaoyu, p. 136. The other term that I have translated as vocational education is shiye jiaoyu, although shiye strictly means "industry". However, agricultural, commercial, as well as industrial schools were all defined as shiye jiaoyu and therefore a l iteral rendering of the term (industrial education) is not appropriate. 80. Ibid., p. 138. 81. Chen Qitian, p. 129. 82. Taga, vol. 1, p. 427. 83. Ibid., pp. 519-520. 84. Ibid., pp. 458-459. Primary schools were to charge between 0*3 and 0-6 yuan a month, middle schools 1-2 yuan a month and higher level schools 2 - 3 yuan a month. Girls' schools were to charge no fees. 85. M . Bastid, pp. 223-224. Bastid notes, however, that there was a slight enlargement of the social base for recruitment of pupils. Thus the children of rich merchants and artisans had more opportunities. Ibid., pp. 86, 224. 86. Thus in the Hunanese capital gentry opened a night school for the poor in an ancestral temple. J Y Z Z , 1:11, jishi, p. 87. 87. D F Z Z , 1:7, jiaoyu, p. 168. 88. J Y Z Z , 3:6, zazuan, pp. 31-32. 89. D F Z Z , 1:3, jiaoyu, p. 72. 90. D F Z Z , 1:7, jiaoyu, p. 172; 1:12, shiping, p. 88. 91. D F Z Z , 2:1, jiaoyu, p. 19; 2:3, jiaoyu, p. 49. 92. Chen Qitian, pp. 132-134. 93. Zhengzhi Guanbao, vol. 43, no. 1224, p. 29. 94. Ibid., vol. 32, no. 910, p. 103. 95. D F Z Z , 2:7, shiye, p. 111. 96. Gao Jiansi, p. 157; D F Z Z , 2:2, jiaoyu, p. 29. 97. D F Z Z , 3:8, shiye, p. 170. 98. Gao Jiansi, p. 158; D F Z Z , 2:3, jiaoyu, p. 51. 118 99. D F Z Z , 3:1, jiaoyu, p. 25. 100. Gao Jiansi, p. 158; 3:12, jiaoyu, pp. 369-370. 101. D F Z Z , 1:10, shiye, p. 180. 102. D F Z Z , 1:6, shiye, pp. 101, 103. 103. D F Z Z , 2:12, jiaoyu, p. 344. 104. D F Z Z , 1:3, shiye, p. 40. 105. M . Bastid, p. 46. 106. Qu L i h e , Zhang Jian di Jiaoyu Sixiang, p. 64; S. Chu, Chang C h i en:  Reformer In Modern China 1853 - 1926, p. 96; M . Bastid, p. 46. 107. Nakamura Tadashi, "Chugoku ni okeru kakumeiteki minshu shugika no to" in Higashi Ajia Kindaishi no Kenkyu, p. 312. F o r information on Y u , see Xinhai Geming Huiyi L u , vol. 2, pp. 217-223; F e n g Ziyou, Geming  Yishi, vol. 2, pp. 180-187; Xinhai Geming, vol. 2, pp. 533-537; Zhonghua  Minguo Kaiguo Wushinian Wenxian, 1:31, pp. 288-300. For information on Y u in English, see J . Esherick, Reform A n d Revolution, pp. 53-58. 108. Kaiguo Wushinian Wenxian, op.cit., p. 289. 109. Nakamura Tadashi, p. 316. Nakamura also points out that with the aim of political power in mind, the apprentices and workers received a "revolutionary education." He does not elaborate on this rather vague statement. 110. See the excellent study of Robert Owen in H . Silver, The Concept Of  Popular Education. 111. Xinhai Geming Huiyi L u , vol. 2, p. 217. There were about 40 worker and apprentice students in Yu's factory. 112. Nakamura, p. 318. On Yang Dusheng's treatise "The New Hunan," see Chapter One. 113. Nakamura, pp. 324-325; Xinhai Geming Huiyi L u , p. 223. The latter source (p. 218) maintains that Y u essentially had three aims in establish-ing his work-study programme within the factory and his Unique School. Firstly, he wanted to train workers and apprentices so that they could play a full part in the revolution. Secondly, he wanted to unite all students in Changsha and, thirdly, he wanted to use the factory and school to unite all the "capitalist and labouring classes in the industrial and commerical spheres." Such utopianism, through which it was hoped intellectual and manual worker, capitalist and labourer would unite in a common struggle for progress, was to be a conspicuous feature of the work-study movement in the early Republic. Unfortunately, l ittle exists in Yu's posthumous writings on his social, political or educational philo-119 sophy. Four of Yu's letters, written while he was in prison, are printed in Kaiguo Wushinian Wenxian, op.cit., pp. 290-294. Most of them deal with his interrogation in prison. One of the letters stressed the duty of students to galvanize support for reform and to encourage merchants to demand the return of economic rights appropriated by foreigners. It is evidence such as this that has prompted J . Esherick to define Y u as a member of the "national bourgeoisie," without taking into account M . C . Bergere's observation concerning the difficulty of distinguishing clearly between the "national bourgeoisie" and the "compradore bourgeoisie" in China (see L a Bourgeoisie Chinoise et la Revolution de 1911). In any case, the sources on Y u are far too scarce and limited to permit any definite conclusions. 114. D F Z Z , 2:2, jiaoyu, p. 27. 115. D F Z Z , 2:2, jiaoyu, p. 28. In Sichuan students from a higher primary school gave night classes to apprentices in English and mathematics. D F Z Z , 1:10, jiaoyu, p. 181. In 1909 the Board of Communications ordered that all railway manufacturing factories establish a night school for workers. Literacy and English were to be taught. J Y Z Z , 1:9, jishi, p. 66. 116. Gao Jiansi, p. 159. 117. D F Z Z , 2:12, jiaoyu, p. 347. 118. D F Z Z , 3:9, jiaoyu, p. 233. 119. D F Z Z , 2:7, shiye, p. 130. 120. D F Z Z , 4:7, jiaoyu, p. 169; J Y Z Z , 2:10, jishi, p. 79. 121. Taga, vol. 1, pp. 459-468; Ziliao, vol. 3, pp. 800-819. Women's education was to be considered the basis of citizen education, the Xuebu declared, because without "virtuous mothers" children would not receive the bene-ficial home influence that was required. (Apart from women's education, the motivation behind the campaign against footbinding was also often seen in terms of the benefits for future generations. For the reformers women with unbound feet made healthy mothers and hence made for a vigorous population.) Although it was not until 1908 that the first off i -cial normal school for girls was established in Peking, girl students had already started going to Japan in 1905 for normal school training. Taga, vol. 1, p. 74. 122. See Liang Qichao's 1897 essay on women's education in Ziliao, vol. 3, pp. 797-800. Some educators and officials argued for women's education on the basis that it was ultimately beneficial for men. Without an educa-tion women were subservient and dependent, they argued, and hence men ruined themselves economically in supporting them. L i Youning, Jindai Zhongguo Nuquan Yundong Shiliao, vol. 2, p. 1111. For women's education in China, see L i n Paotchin, L'Instruction Feminine E n Chine (Paris, 1926). The number of girls in modern schools increased from 306 in 1906 to 12, 164 in 1912. Ibid., p. 14. 120 123. Taga, vol. 1, p. 74; Zhuang Y u (ed.), op.cit., p. 138. 124. D F Z Z , 3:10, jiaoyu, p. 278. 125. D F Z Z , 4:7, jiaoyu, p. 165. 126. Among them were memorials from the Governor of Shandong, Yuan Shikai, and the Governor-general of Yunnan and Guizhou. D F Z Z , 1:10, shiye, pp. 170-171, 175-177; 2:5f, shiye, pp. 64-72; 2:7, shiye, pp. 113-114. In 1911 China sent a representative to the Eighth World Congress of Prison Associations. F or the report by the Chinese representative, see Zhengzhi Guanbao, vol. 40, pp. 475-492. 127. D F Z Z , 1:10, shiye, pp. 170-171. 128. Gao Jiansi, pp. 159-160; D F Z Z , 3:3, jiaoyu, p. 52. 129. D F Z Z , 2:7, shiye, p. 129. 130. D F Z Z , 3:10, shiye, p. 196; 3:11, jiaoyu, p. 331; 3:12, shiye, p. 238. 131. Zhuang Y u (ed.), op.cit., pp. 12-13. 132. Ziliao, vol. 2, p. 445. 133. D F Z Z , 2:10, sheshuo, p. 194. 134. J Y Z Z , 3:5, yanlun, p. 51. 135. J Y Z Z , 3:3, faling, pp. 9-13; Chen Qingzhi, pp. 614-616; Taga, vol. 1, pp. 652-653. 136. Taga, vol. 1, pp. 605-608. 137. Jiaoyu Y i y i , p. 293. Chen's school was also one of the first ones to accept boys and girls, in 1903. Born in 1862, in Guangdong, Chen was a pupil of Kang Youwei. In 1898 he visited Japan and became attracted to the philosophy of Fukuzawa Yukichi, the Meiji educational and social reformer. H e moved his school from Macao to Hong Kong in 1918, where he died in 1926. He was a consistent supporter of women's education and tireless promoter of baihua in the schools. 138. Jiaoyu Y i y i , pp. 17-19. In fact, Chen argued that all schools should use the dialect of the region in which they were situated, in opposition to the view that one dialect should be uniformly imposed on the populace. Because children were learning a different speech at school, Chen claimed, a gap arose between them and their parents, thus making the latter suspicious of modern education. 139. Jiaoyu Y i y i , pp. 20-21. 140. J Y Z Z , 3:1, jishi, p. 4. 121 141. L i Jinxi , "Sanshiwunian lai zhi guoyu yundong" in Zhuang Y u (ed), op.cit., p. 71. In 1911 the name was changed to guoyu (national speech). 142. Taga, vol. 1, pp. 534-535. 143. Shiliao, vol. 2, p. 259. 144. Taga, vol. 1, p. 67. Zhuang Y u later wrote that the last years of the Qing witnessed a flurry of "bogus" textbooks because of the desire of publishers to make quick profits. In 1912 the Education Ministry ordered the provinces to each organize a "textbook examining committee" (dushu  fanchahui) to check educational texts. Shiliao, vol. 4, p. 179. 145. For clan education, see Hui-chen Wang L i u , The Traditional Chinese  C l a n Rules, pp. 107, 127-129. 146. E . Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ch'ing China, p. 138. 147. Linqing Xianzhi, 1, p. 478. 148. Taga, vol. 1, p. 63. 149. One commentator noted that by the end of the Qing traditional schools had developed four defects—there were not enough classrooms or recreational activities, teaching material was irrelevant, teaching methods were outdated, and the teachers were too strict. Wu Qiping, Gailiang Sishu, pp. 3-5. 150. Ziliao, vol. 1, pp. 109-113. 151. Wu Qiping, p. 6. 152. On clan schools in the early twentieth century, see Taga Akigoro, "Kindai Chugoku ni okeru zokujuku no seikaku" in Kindai Chugoku  Kenkyu, no. 4 (1960). 153. D F Z Z , 2:9, jiaoyu, p. 242. 154. D F Z Z , 2:11, jiaoyu, p. 293. 155. The ramifications of increasing state control over educational functions traditionally performed by such organizations as the clan need further study. L a c k of time and material has prevented me from pursuing the question. From a reading of educational journals between 1909 and 1919 I have not found any references to a potential state/clan conflict over the control of education. 156. M . Bastid, pp. 84-85. 157. D F Z Z , 2:11, jiaoyu, p. 293. 122 158. D F Z Z , 4:11, jiaoyu, p. 296. In a 1907 memorial on the condition of industry and agriculture in his area, the Governor-general of Liangguang referred to "clan industrial training institutes" (jiazu gongyi zhuanxiso), which were to be set up under the auspices of an industrial bureau. These training institutes were evidently meant to combat idleness and gambling amongst clan members. Zhengzhi Guanbao, vol. 44, no. 1259, p. 115. 159. D F Z Z , 1:1, jiaoyu, p.34. 160. D F Z Z , 1:2, jiaoyu, p. 44. 161. D F Z Z , 7:5, jidai, pp. 27-28. 162. The number of Chinese students in missionary schools was a small proportion of the total number in government and private schools at this time. Thus the total number of Chinese students in government and private primary schools in 1918-1919 amounted to 4,852,642, whereas in 1921 there were 179,045 primary school students in Protestant schools, and 137,040 in Roman Catholic schools. (That is to say, the percentage of those enrolled in missionary schools was about 6.5%.) The proportion was higher for middle and higher schools (12.5% and 11.7% respectively). Zil iao, vol. 1, pp. 376, 378-380; Christian  Education in China, pp. 26-31. 123 C H A P T E R T H R E E T H E 1912 S C H O O L S Y S T E M Introduction This chapter will analyse the debates surrounding the new Republican education system in 1912, which was to remain in force until 1922. The debate that had begun at the turn of the century amongst officials concerning the need to offer more educational benefits to the people rapidly expanded to cover a wider range of people. A conference of education associations was held in the last year of the dynasty to discuss educational reform proposals. This set a precedent for the practice of holding education conferences that was to be followed in the early Republic and, indeed, that has continued until the present. With the organization of a new Education Ministry in 1912, a special department of social education was established under the Ministry's authority. Public lectures, reading rooms and spare-time schools were all considered aspects of social education (or popular education). Such an education, it was hoped, would inculcate patriotism and a concern for the public good amongst a wider populace. It was also regarded as a means of "improving the people's customs" by emphasizing the importance of hygiene and hard work as well as the dangers of holding to "superstitious beliefs" (see Chapter Four). The idea of promoting "social reform" among the people was to provide one of the inspirations for the work-study movement, which will be the subject of Chapter Five. The debate surrounding the 1912 school system has too often been seen in terms of C a i Yuanpei's futile attempts to implement a more "liberal" 124 educational system in the face of opposition from more conservative educators who wanted to use education as a means of moral indoctrination (e.g., respect for public order).* Some educators, in fact, not only crit icized Cai's proposals for being irrelevant, but also for being "elitist." Others preferred not to discuss abstract questions such as the teaching of "cosmopolitanism," but rather to focus on how education could offer immediate practical benefits for the people. Handicrafts, for example, was made a compulsory subject at primary schools and the Classics were eliminated altogether from the primary and middle school curricula. It was hoped, nevertheless, that schools, in addition to providing practical benefits for students, would foster patriotism, unity and concern for the public good. Misgivings arose as to whether modern schools could play this role. It was in this context that social education came to be considered almost as an alternative to school education since it would emphasize the importance of unity and the collective interest that many educators felt was being ignored by the modern schools (despite the fact that moral training was part of the school curriculum) with their encouragement of individual competition. The Conference of Education Associations  and the Central Educational Association During the last year of the dynasty the debate over education began to involve increasing numbers of people, rather than simply being confined to the Xuebu and a few prominent officials. In March 1911 the Jiangsu education association proposed establishing a nationwide federation of provincial education associations, which would hold a conference in Shanghai 125 the coming A p r i l and M a y . 2 Each education association was to send two or three representatives (even those provinces which had not yet established provincial education associations were invited to send representatives from among "educational circles"). 3 The purpose of such a meeting was to discuss educational reform proposals. A month before the meeting opened each education association was to send its ideas for discussion and an agenda would be drawn up. There was to be no permanent chairman but rather a presiding chairman was to be elected at each session. E a c h province had one vote with the chairman having the casting vote. Expenses incurred by the representatives were to be paid for out of the funds of the respective education associations. 4 When the meeting opened in Shanghai at the end of A p r i l , 1911, eleven provinces were represented (Guangxi, Anhui, Jiangxi, Shandong, Hubei, Zhil i , Fujian, Hunan, Zhejiang, Henan, and Jiangsu). 5 The representatives were given a welcoming banquet by the Commercial Press of Shanghai, another indication of the fact that an increasing number of non-official groups and organizations were concerning themselves with educational r e f o r m . 6 The conference opened on the 29th of A p r i l and met for fourteen days. Zhang Jian, in his capacity as the vice-chairman of the Jiangsu education association, addressed the opening meeting and emphasized the necessity for all the provinces to join together to discuss educational plans for the country. 7 Five proposals were addressed to the X u e b u . 8 Firstly, the conference proposed the establishment of a "militant citizenry education" (junguomin  jiaoyu zhuyi). It was felt that this would be in accordance with the principle that in a constitutional country everyone would have to perform military 126 service. Thus the martial spirit would have to be encouraged at school . 9 What is interesting about this proposal is that representatives not only suggested that physical exercise be a compulsory subject at school and that military drill be carried out in all higher primary schools and above, but also that firing practice (using live ammunition) be carried out in all middle schools and above. The Governor-general of the three north-eastern provinces, X i Liang, had already suggested this in A p r i l 1911 but the Xuebu had replied that it thought it sufficient that physical exercise only be taught in the schools. The Xuebu did note, however, that since Fengtian was in a "special position" (presumably because of potential Russian encroachment), one day a term could be devoted to firing drill , during which army graduates would be expected to instruct and supervise. 1 0 Secondly, the conference advocated reform of the primary school c u r r i -culum. It was suggested that handicrafts (shougong) be made a compulsory subject. The representatives felt that this was necessary in order to promote vocational education and to introduce the child to the "real world" by cultiva-ting a "habit of labour" (laodong zhi xiguan). In sharp contrast to traditional attitudes it was stressed that a dexterity in manual skills was intimately linked with intellectual, moral and physical education. Another change in the primary school curriculum that the conference wanted to see implemented was the elimination of the Classics. They were not considered appropriate for primary education since what was needed was subject matter that would appeal directly to the children in an interesting way. Short, relevant extracts from the Classics could be inserted in moral training textbooks; otherwise, the conference suggested, other subjects like handicrafts were to be taught. A third change that the conference proposed was the abolition of segregated 127 education for boys and girls (up until the age of ten). If boys and girls were not allowed to study together, the conference noted, there would not be sufficient funds to build all the schools necessary. Inevitably, girls' education would suffer since the building of boys' schools would take priority. Finally, as a general comment, the conference stressed the necessity of having teaching material that was relevant to the local conditions and characteristics of the area in which the primary school was located. There was no need, the conference declared, for a rigid, uniform set of regulations concerning teaching material. The third proposal addressed to the Xuebu concerned higher level education. A s if to compensate for the elimination of the Classics from the primary school curriculum, the representatives suggested that universities establish a special department of Classics and classical Chinese literature in order to "preserve the national essence." Foreshadowing later criticism of higher level education in China by western educational experts in the 1930s, the conference urged that higher level educational institutions be widely established in the provinces rather than being concentrated in Peking and that they should be relevant to the needs of the province in which they were situated. 11 The final two proposals concerned the unification of the national language (guoyu) using the Peking pronunciation as the standard, 12 and the abolition of the practice of awarding degrees to school graduates. If degrees continued to be awarded, the conference noted, school graduates would only be concerned with "hankering after official positions" and the function of schools to equip students to perform a variety of tasks would be neglected.13 128 The conference adopted other proposals that were not addressed directly to the Xuebu, including one which called for the organization of "teacher federations." Only professional educators, it was noted, were competent to discuss educational problems. Teachers from normal schools, middle schools and primary schools should all form associations which would discuss matters concerning curricula, teaching methods, grading and school administration. This stress on the importance of professional teachers had begun with the creation of normal schools in China. Zhang Jian, in particular, had been much impressed with the system of normal schools in Japan, with their specific aim of training professional teachers. A beginning may also have been made at this time to "professionalize" education in general, thus modifying the view of some writers (e.g., Chow Tse-tung, B. Keenan) that professionalism in education was not emphasized in China until the "Dewey period" (1919 - 1922). Out of the 61 heads of provincial education offices and their departments in 1913, for example, 20 were normal school graduates. 14 Taking the lead from the conference of education associations, the Xuebu decided to establish an educational organization of its own, to be known as the Central Education Association (zhongyang jiaoyu h u i ) . 1 5 As a precedent, the Xuebu cited the existence of the Higher Educational Council in Japan, which had been established in 1896 and which comprised educators under the authority of the Monbushg (Ministry of Education). According to the Xuebu, however, the Central Education Association would have more members and its right to forward resolutions would be specifically recognized.16 The Xuebu noted that since the beginning of the reform movement much official effort had gone into higher level education; more 129 attention had to be paid to middle level and primary level education. In order to facilitate this, the Xuebu remarked, opinions and ideas had to be sought from a wide range of people, including professional educators: We believe that the success or failure of education is the root of a country's strength or weakness. The efficacy of a country's education can be evaluated by the intelligence or ignorance of the people. There is no foreign country that does not stress education. Everyone pools his abilities in dealing with education in order to establish the basis of a strong state and intelligent people. However, the principles of education are deep and profound; educational affairs are becoming increasingly complicated. Education definitely cannot be handled by a few people.l? A t the opening meeting of the Association, the Minister of Education, Tang Jingzong, repeated the call to rely on as wide a range of people as possible in discussions over educational reform.18 The Association was to be under the control of the Xuebu and would comprise officials from the Xuebu, education inspectors, government school supervisers, officials from the service ministries, representatives of education associations, and, finally, those especially appointed by the Xuebu who had extensive experience in education. The Association was to have a three-year term and to meet every summer for thirty days. According to iteVn 11 of the regulations, the education minister was to take into consideration all resolutions passed by the Association and to put into effect those that were considered appropriate. 19 Zhang Jian was recommended as chairman, with Zhang Yuanqi as vice-chairman. The Association met from July to August, 1911, in Peking and there were over one hundred participants.20 Among them were F a n Yuanlian (a future education minister), Huang Yanpei (a prominent member of the Jiangsu education association), Chen Baoquan (the head of the vocational education section of the Xuebu and later to be a prominent educator during 130 the Republic), Meng Zhaochang, L u Feigui, and J i a Dianzhi, who were all contributors to Dongfang Zhzhi and Jiaoyu Zazhi, and, finally, education reformers such as Luo Zhenyu and Y a n Xiu.21 The chairman of the Society for the Reform of Traditional Schools, Shen Liangqi, was also a member, as was Shen Enfu, who had been one of the presiding chairmen at the conference of education associations the previous May. A s with that conference, the Association discussed the importance of primary education and "militant citizenry education," as well as reiterating the proposals for the unification of the national language and the abolition of the practice of awarding degrees to school graduates. 2 2 One subject that was discussed by the Association and which had not received att