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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Responsive community planning in developing countries : the Kota Bharu, Buluh Kubu case study Raphael, Andrew Joel 1981

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RESPONSIVE COMMUNITY PLANNING IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ! -'• . - • ! •' ' i THE KOTA BHARU, BULUH KUBU CASE STUDY I' 1 i .1 . I i 1 By j I ANDREW JOEL RAPHAEL B.A., The University of Toronto, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF; THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF ! MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s thesis as conforming To the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA APRIL 1981 © ANDREW JOEL RAPHAEL, 19 81 In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of the require-ments for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t fr e e l y available for re-ference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s under-stood that copying or publication of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Community And Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date A p r i l 1, 1981 DE-6 ABSTRACT This diss e r t a t i o n i s an examination of what the elements of responsive planning are, how they can be applied, and why e x i s t -ing planning conditions at the time of th i s research prevented such an approach from r e a l i z i n g i t s f u l l potential i n community planning for Kota Bharu. The goal of the research was to determine whether community planning i n Kota Bharu, Malaysia, could be made more responsive to the r e s i d e n t i a l needs of low-income groups. As a participant-observer, I applied concepts from the planning l i t e r a t u r e on Third World urbanization, low-income housing and community development to the r e a l i t i e s of the planning process I worked i n . A survey framework was applied which sought low-income r e s i -dents' pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process so that government e f f o r t s i n urban renewal could be more responsive to community needs. Based on th i s information, two planning scenarios pro-posing redevelopment and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n strategies for the Buluh Kubu s i t e were presented. For planning to be more responsive, i t i s my conclusion that a change i n attitude, not technology, i s what i s demanded. Depres-sed neighbourhoods, such as Buluh Kubu, must be seen as organic parts of the t o t a l environment, not slums disassociated from the rest of the town. Indigenous planners must r e a l i z e that substan-dard housing i s only a symptom, not the cause, of the s o c i e t a l i n -equality they can work towards solving. Necessary to such an understanding i s a r e d e f i n i t i o n of commitment by indigenous plan-ners regarding t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to serve low-income groups through participatory planning. A major theme of th i s work, therefore, i s that planners should reinforce, rather than destroy, attempts;by low-income groups to house themselves. By concentrating on the delivery of communal infrastructure, planners can best u t i l i z e t h e i r e f f o r t s towards community development as a partner with low-income residents who, with the proper assistance, have the potential to provide th e i r own shelter. In terms of Canada's global response to the problems of plan-ning i n developing nations, i t i s the conclusion of this study that foreign aid programs which only stress technological a s s i s -tance tend to create Third World dependence, not development. It i s recommended that more self-help, participatory planning programs be adopted by those concerned so that development re-sponsive to the basic community needs of Third World Nations can be r e a l i s t i c a l l y achieved. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: URBANIZATION, PLANNING AND THE SQUATTER: A REVIEW 1 I Introduction 1 II Urbanization in the Developing World 2 A Overview of the Third World Urbanization Process s. 2 1 F i r s t World Urbanization 2 2 Urbanization i n the Developing World....3 B Industrial Location/Primacy and Economic Development 5 III Planning Strategies for. the Developing World 9 A The Conventional Planning Wisdom.. 9 1 The Evolutionary Approach 9 2 The Growth Pole Strategy 12 B Responsive Regional Planning: The Agropolitan Approach 14 C Diffuse Urbanization: Dispersed Technology and the Commuter Migrant 16 IV Low Income Housing and the Squatter 18 A Planning for Anticipated Growth: Housing and the Squatter 18 B Squatter Settlements: A General Definition.20 C Squatter Settlements i n the Developing World: An Overview 23 D Squatters' Impact i n the Developing World...25 V IV D 1 Causes 25 2 Over Urbanization and the Bazaar Sector Economy 26 3 A Reflection of National Character.30 E Housing, Slum Clearance and Squatter Settlement 31 CHAPTER 2: THE KELANTAN STATE PLANNING PROCESS: A CASE STUDY . . .37 I The Kelantan State Planning Process 37 II . Bottlenecks i n the Bureaucracy 46 III Colonial Dependency Bottleneck Plugging 49 IV Towards Breaking the Bottle's Neck 52 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH FRAMEWORK 54 I The Participant-Observer Approach 54 II A Responsive Survey Design for Developing Nations 56 j A Presentation of a Community Plan Option.58 B I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Community Needs 58 C Responsive Tuning 61 III The Mechanics of the Survey: An Insight into the Planning Process 66 IV Red Tape 69 V The P o l i t i c a l Means J u s t i f i e s Social Ends....71 VI The Implementation of the Survey 73 VII Survey Design 7 3 VIII Computer Coding 80 v i IX Computation: The S t a t i s t i c a l Package for the Social Sciences .81 X Targets for Analysis 81 CHAPTER 4: THE SETTING: KOTA BHARU 83 I Geography 83 II Access and Communication 85 III History 87 A Early History 87 B B r i t i s h Intervention 88 C Overseas Market: The Duff Trading Company 90 D Kota Bharu's Roaring 20's: Flood and Fire 91 IV Kota Bharu's Urban Formation 92 V Economic Condition 96 VI Unique Characteristics: "Bumi Putra" Urban Prototype 97 CHAPTER 5: THE BULUH KUBU AREA OF KOTA BHARU 102 I Background and Formation 102 II Community P r o f i l e 108 III P o l i t i c a l Background 117 IV The Squatters' "Catch 22" Syndrome 120 V Buluh Kubu's Settlement and Turner's Squatter Typology 123 VI Previous Planning Recommendations 135 VII Malay Bureaucratic Protocol 146 v i i CHAPTER 6: THE SURVEY'S FINDINGS: A COMMUNITY PROFILE OF BULUH KUBU 14 8 I I n t r o d u c t i o n 148 II A Survey o f Buluh Kubu Households 150 I I I A Survey o f Households: Sample 1 153 A Deomgraphy 153 B Pl a c e o f Origin/Length o f Stay 157 C Density. 169 D Income 17 3 E A b i l i t y to Spend on Monthly Accommodation 176 F Household Amenities 176 G Rooms per Household 186 H Education '.. 193 I Employment C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 196 J Employment Data: Comparative Analysis.202 IV A t t i t u d i n a l Response 205 A Resident S e l f P e r c e p t i o n 205 B The Residents' Planning Recommendations 206 C E v a l u a t i o n of Survey Method and Model P r e s e n t a t i o n 213 D Views on P a r t i c i p a t o r y Planning 216 CHAPTER 7: RESPONSIVE DEVELOPMENT PLANNING 219 I I n t r o d u c t i o n 219 II Concepts A p p l i c a b l e to Renovation 220 v i i i II A Resettlement of Present Inhabitants Back into Area 221 B Present Neighbourhood Function 222 C Outline for Eff e c t i v e Rehabilitation... 224 III Recommendation for "Responsive Tuning" of Development Plan 225 A Resettlement of Residents 226 B Appropriate Commercial Development 227 C U t i l i z i n g Residents for Labour 2 34 IV Neighbourhood Function of H i s t o r i c a l Sites..237 V " Re spon s i ve Tun ing " 247 VI Agencies Involved i n Funding 248 VII Funding for the Working Group's Proposal.... 250 A Low Income Housing 250 B Terrace Housing 252 C Shop houses 252 D The Market 253 E The Balai Besar H i s t o r i c a l Area 253 VIII The Impact of Responsive Tuning on Fin a l Planning Proposals 254 CHAPTER 8: RESPONSIVE PLANNING PROPOSALS FOR REHABILITATION.256 I Introduction: Social Planning in Rehabilitation 256 A A P r a c t i c a l Policy Direction While There Is S t i l l Time 257 B Planning P r i o r i t i e s : Government Settlement Planning and Resident Self-Help Home Improvements 258 II Guidelines for Rehabilitation 261 ix . II A Proposed Framework for Settlement Rehabilitation 261 1 Provision of Land Tenure 262 2 Resident D e s i r a b i l i t y : Resettlement of Existing Residents Back into the Area 263 3 Provision of Adequate Infra-structure 264 4 Government Low Interest Home Inprovement Loans 265 B R e a l i s t i c Low-Income Shelter Design for Those with the Lowest Income 266 C A Proposed Framework for Low Interest, Self-help Home Improvement Loans 267 III Implementation of Programmes 269 A The State Agency for Settlement and Rehabilitation 269 B Community Development Unit 270 CHAPTER 9: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 272 I Summary 272 II Conclusion 275 Footnotes 280 Literature Cited 291 Appendices 29 8 Appendix 1:. Letters of Agreement 298 Appendix 2: Policy Direction: Buluh Kubu Working Group, July 30, 1978 304 Appendix 3: Questionnaire (in Malay & English)... 308 Appendix 4: The Lido D i s t r i c t of Kota Bharu 337 X LIST OF TABLES Table 1: J. F. C. Turner: A Typology of Settlements: Development Level and Security of Tenure....125 Table 2: Sex-Age Pyramid, Buluh Kubu Sample 1 154 Table 3: Sex-Age Pyramid, Kota Bharu, 1977 155 Table 4: Sex-Age Pyramid, Buluh Kubu Sample 2 156 Table 5: Place of Origin: Length of Stay 165 Table 6: Length of Stay i n Buluh Kubu 168 Table 7: Average Household Size 172 Table 8: Household Incomes 174 Table 9: A b i l i t y to Spend on Monthly Accommodation...177 Table 10: Household Amenities 178 Table 11: Rooms per Household 190 Table 12: Education Level of School Age Members 192 Table 13: Employment Characteristics 197 Table 14: Occupational Categories 204 x i LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1:. Planning Process for Buluh Kubu Development..44 Fig. 2: Letter of Agreement by l o c a l Architect to build a model of Buluh Kubu's proposed development 70 Fig. 3: Survey Areas 74 Fig. 4: The States of Malaysia showing the D i s t r i c t s of the State of Kelantan. 84 Fig. 5: Kota Bharu's Town Sections 93 Fig. 6: Map of Kota Bharu 103 Fi g . 7: Site Plan: Buluh Kubu 104 Fi g . 8: O f f i c i a l Sultanic Land Claim 107 Fi g . 9: Proposal 2 (presented by: Planners and Development Consultants of Malaysia, September 1977, Unpublished) 137 Fig. 10: Proposal 3 (presented by: W. E. Won Construction Ltd., June 20, 1978) 140 Fig. 11: Proposed Buluh Kubu Development 142 Fig. 12: O f f i c i a l Permission to ask Buluh Kubu Residents Survey Questions 151 Fi g . 13: The Buluh Kubu Working Group's Proposed Site Plan 251 x i i LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS Photo 1: Model Presentation of Proposed Development... 60 Photo 2: Model Presentation of Proposed Development...60 Photo 3: Model Presentation of Proposed Development... 60 Photo 4: The Model 64 Photo 5: Accommodation Alternatives 64 Photo 6: The Model 65 Photo 7: The Model 65 Photo 8: The Presentation of Survey 76 Photo 9: Interviewers 77 Photo 10: Interviewers 77 Photo 11: The Survey 78 Photo 12: The Survey 78 Photo 13: The Survey 79 Photo 14: The Survey... 79 Photo 15: Kota Bharu: New Business D i s t r i c t 86 Photo 16: The Sultan Yehih Putra Bridge leading North to Thailand 86 Photo 17: Kota Bharu: Town Square 95 Photo 18: Kota Bharu: Main Market 95 Photo 19: Cinema and Commercial S t a l l s , Downtown Kota Bharu 99 Photo 20: Town Fountain i n the Shape of Kelantan State's Crest 99 Photo 21: O f f i c i a l Sultanic Land Claim 106 Photo 22: Neighbourhood Heterogeneity 109 x i i i Photo 23: Neighbourhood Heterogeneity 109 Photo 24: Neighbourhood Heterogeneity 110 Photo 25: Neighbourhood Heterogeneity 110 Photo 26: Buluh Kubu Images 112 Photo 27: Buluh Kubu Images 112 Photo 28: Buluh Kubu Images 113 Photo 29: Buluh Kubu Images 113 Photo 30: Buluh Kubu Images 115 Photo 31: Buluh Kubu Images 115 Photo 32: Buluh Kubu Images 116 Photo 33: Transient Development . 128 Photo 34: Buluh Kubu's Levels of Transient Physical Development 128 Photo 35: Buluh Kubu's Levels of Transient Physical Development 129 Photo 36: Incipient Development 129 Photo 37: Buluh Kubu's Levels of Incomplete Physical Development 130 Photo 38: Incomplete Level of Physical Development....130 Photo 39: Buluh Kubu's Levels of Physical Development.132 Photo 40: Buluh Kubu's Levels of Physical Development.132 Photo 41: Buluh Kubu's Level of Physical Development..133 Photo 42: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Distribution 158 Photo 43: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Distribution 158 Photo 44: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Dis t r i b u t i o n . . . . 159 Photo 45: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Distribution 159 Photo 46: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Distribution 161 Photo 47: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Dist r i b u t i o n 161 Photo 48: Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Dist r i b u t i o n 162 x i v Photo 49: Buluh Kubu: The S i t e ' s C i t y Centre Locale..163 Photo 50: Buluh Kubu 163 Photo 51: Buluh Kubu 164 Photo 52: Buluh Kubu 164 Photo 53: Housing Mix and Income I n t e g r a t i o n 170 Photo 54: Housing Mix and Income I n t e g r a t i o n 170 Photo 55: Housing Mix and Income I n t e g r a t i o n 170 Photo 56: The Fortunate Few 179 Photo 57: The Fortunate Few 179 Photo 58: The Fortunate Few 180 Photo 59: Buluh Kubu Shelter Design 181 Photo. 60: Buluh Kubu Shelter Design 181 Photo 61: Buluh Kubu Shelter Design 182 Photo 62: Road Access 184 Photo 63: Road Access 184 Photo 64: Road Access 185 Photo 65: Road Access 185 Photo 66: F l o o d i n g 187 Photo 67: F l o o d i n g 187 Photo 68: F l o o d i n g 188 Photo 69: F l o o d i n g 188 Photo 70: F l o o d i n g 189 Photo 71: The C h i l d r e n ' s Future 194 Photo 72: Lack o f Opportunity f o r Formal Education....194 Photo 73: Lack o f Opportunity f o r Formal Education....195 Photo 74: Informal Commercial Ventures i n Buluh Kubu..198 Photo 75: Informal Commercial Ventures i n Buluh Kubu..198 X V Photo 76: Informal Commercial Ventures i n Buluh Kubu..199 Photo 77: Buluh Kubu's Commercial Ventures 201 Photo 78: Buluh Kubu's Commercial Ventures 201 Photo 79: Lack of Basic Services 207 Photo 80: Lack of Basic Services 207 Photo 81: Lack of Basic Services 208 Photo 82: Lack of Basic Services 208 Photo 83: Lack of Basic Services 209 Photo 84: Terrace Housing 211 Photo 85: Terrace Housing 211 Photo 86: Terrace Housing 212 Photo 87: Terrace Housing 212 Photo 88: Low Income Housing 214 Photo 89: Low Income Housing 214 Photo 90: Low Income Housing 215 Photo 91: Styles for Proposed Shop-houses 228 Photo 92: Styles for Proposed Shop-houses 228 Photo 93: Styles for Proposed Shop-houses 229 Photo 94: Styles for Proposed Shop-houses 229 Photo 95: Proposed Shop-house designs 2 30 Photo 96: Proposed Shop-house designs.. 230 Photo 97: Proposed Shop-house designs 231 Photo 98: Proposed Shop-house designs 231 Photo 99: Proposed Shop-house designs 232 Photo 100: U t i l i z a t i o n of residents for labour 235 Photo 101: U t i l i z a t i o n of residents for labour 235 xv i Photo 102: U t i l i z a t i o n of residents for labour 236 Photo 103: Hi s t o r i c Sites: Balai Besar Palace 239 Photo 104: Balai Besar Palace 239 Photo 105: Buluh Kubu's His t o r i c Sites: The Istanas -The Sultan's Palaces - Istana Johar 241 Photo 106: Istana Johar 241 Photo 107: Istana Johar 242 Photo 108: Istana Johar 242 Photo 109: Istana Mahkota 244 Photo 110: Kota Bharu's Mosque 244 Photo 111: Kota Bharu's Mosque 245 v. x v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My sincere thanks to Dr. Doug Webster, who sponsored my research i n Malaysia. Dr. Webster readily offered academic ad-vice, insights into the Buluh Kubu project, and his friendship in supporting my work in Kota Bharu. To Mustapha Bin Mohd Zain, Director of the Kelantan State Economic Planning Unit, my appreciation for arranging my research visa, and allowing me the opportunity to work with his Department. The Unit's cooperative s t a f f displayed an interest in my reseach which was tremendously encouraging. Fin Nielsen, and the rest of the Kota Bharu World Bank Team's friendship and constructive advice t r u l y added to my fieldwork and ease i n settlement. I am indebted to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia for a research grant which made my fieldwork abroad feasible. Dr. Henry Hightower has been readily available for advice con-cerning my course work and t h i s research. His input was always stimulating and very much appreciated. A special note of thanks must go to Dr. Terry McGee, who made himself available as th i s dissertation's f i r s t reader at a c r u c i a l time in the research. His humour, guidance and complete expertise in South East Asia was invaluable. I am honoured that he associated himself with my diss e r t a t i o n . x v i i i My deep a p p r e c i a t i o n and r e s p e c t t o my f a m i l y and t h e i r l o v i n g encouragement throughout my academic p u r s u i t s . The i n -t e r e s t o f my p a r e n t s i n the t h e s i s , and t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f what was b e i n g a c h i e v e d g r e a t l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o my work's s u c c e s s f u l con-c l u s i o n . I am t h a n k f u l f o r t h e i r f a i t h i n me. F i n a l l y , I c l o s e my acknowledgements w i t h a note o f g r a t i t u d e t o the peo p l e o f Kota Bharu, whose i n t e r e s t and f r i e n d s h i p made my study i n M a l a y s i a n ot o n l y i n f o r m a t i v e , but a t r u l y r e w a r d i n g ex-p e r i e n c e never t o be f o r g o t t e n . In r e t u r n f o r what they gave me, I can o n l y hope t h a t the s o c i a l p l a n n i n g concepts p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n w i l l be r e a l i z e d so t h a t , d e s p i t e f i n a n c i a l c o n d i t i o n , t h e s e p e o p l e can l i v e i n a humane, urban environment r e s p o n s i v e t o the d i g n i t y t h e y d e s e r v e . CHAPTER 1 URBANIZATION, PLANNING AND THE SQUATTER: A REVIEW I. INTRODUCTION In order to appreciate the situation of the Buluh Kubu squatters i n Kota Bharu, a discussion of the Third World urban-iza t i o n process i s necessary. Understanding how a town the size of Kota Bharu develops i n relation to primate c i t i e s i s essential to an appreciation of Third World governments' plan-ning policy and use of scarce c a p i t a l . An understanding of the " p u l l " of r u r a l residents to urban centers for job oppor-tunities and the resulting condition of squatters depends on the a b i l i t y to analyze migrant flows between regions. A system of i n d u s t r i a l location through a national urban hierarchy en-courages planning for anticipated growth. Especially i n the area of housing for workers, i n d u s t r i a l location of the right type combined with schemes for self-help housing i n small towns dispersed throughout a nation, may e f f e c t i v e l y provide accom-modation for some of the urban population termed "squatters". A discussion regarding the d e f i n i t i o n and situation of those regarded as squatters, and how these people have become victims of the urbanization process and p o l i c i e s of Third World govern-ments concludes this Chapter. - 2 -I I . URBANIZATION IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD A. Overview of the Third World Urbanization Process 1. F i r s t World Urbanization A United Nations seminar on Third World development pro-grams i n 19 73^ " reported that the world's t o t a l population would reach a figure of 6.5 to 7 b i l l i o n by the end of the century, and about half that number would l i v e in urban areas. During the 19 70's alone i t was estimated that 450 m i l l i o n people would seek accommodation i n urban areas. The advanced process of urbanization i n the developed countries of the world w i l l continue with the urban population increasing from 80-90 per cent of the t o t a l . In the developing world however, the increase w i l l be much more dramatic as the U.N. seminar's participants expect urban population to r i s e from 20-50 per cent of i t s present t o t a l . According to Kings ley Davis i n The Urbanization of the 2 Human Population, before 1850 no society could be described as predominantly urbanized, andby-1900 only Great B r i t a i n could be considered predominantly urban. Yet by 1965, v i r t u a l l y a l l the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations were c l a s s i f i e d as highly urbanized. - 3 -A survey o f n i n e European c o u n t r i e s d u r i n g t h e i r p e r i o d o f f a s t e s t urban p o p u l a t i o n growth (mostly i n the l a t t e r h a l f o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) showed an average g a i n of 2.1 per c e n t p e r y e a r . The f r o n t i e r i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , such as t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand, and Canada, which r e c o r d e d the f a s t e s t urban growth i n the f i r s t h a l f o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , showed an average annual g a i n o f 4.2 per c e n t . F o r the U.S.S.R. and Japan, the two l a t e c o m e r s i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d camp, the r a t e was even h i g h e r ; 4.3 3 and 5.4 per ce n t r e s p e c t i v e l y . Deaths from v a r i o u s e p i d e m i c s i n the overcrowded urban c e n t e r s were e x t e n s i v e due t o the l a c k o f p r o p e r h y g e n i c c o n d i t i o n s . As a r e s u l t o f these h i g h m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , the n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e i n the c i t y was lower than t h a t o f the coun-t r y s i d e . C i t i e s t h e r e f o r e demanded s u r p l u s r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s i n c e j o b s were a v a i l a b l e i n p r o d u c i n g goods and s e r v i c e s . T h i s p r o c e s s i n t u r n h e l p e d modernize a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n r u r a l a r e a s . As farm p r o d u c t i o n became more c a p i t a l i n -t e n s i v e , r u r a l m i g r a t i o n t o urban areas o f t e n caused r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n t o d e c l i n e i n a b s o l u t e as w e l l as r e l a t i v e terms.^ 2. U r b a n i z a t i o n i n the D e v e l o p i n g World A g a i n s t t h i s background, i t would seem t h a t the average urban growth r a t e o f 6-7 per c e n t p e r annum f o r d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s i s not a l a r m i n g ; assuming t h a t the c i t i e s i n these - 4 -countries are merely repeating the past history of c i t i e s i n the new i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations. However, such an assumption i s suspect. The growth of c i t i e s in the developing countries today d i f f e r s i n fundamental ways from past history.^ Unlike the Western experience, c i t i e s in the developing world where urbanization has gained momentum within the l a s t two decades have better health services and lower mortality rates than i n the r u r a l areas. Thus, the rate of natural increase i s higher i n the c i t i e s than in the countryside. Furthermore, i n t h e i r eagerness to modernize, developing nations tend to adopt the "hand-me-down", "century-skipping" process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n by importing the most "up-to-date" technology from abroad. The result has often been the mushrooming of c a p i t a l intensive industries with low job crea-t i o n p o t ential. C i t i e s in the Third World must deal with a large labour force increase resulting from natural population growth and rural-urban migration, a phenomenon unique to the developing world, and referred to as over-urbanization. How-ever, along with this urban trend, r u r a l areas, although declin-ing in r e l a t i v e terms, are also gaining in absolute numbers. Most of the Third World i s s t i l l i n an early stage of urban-iz a t i o n with roughly 70 per cent of the population engaged i n •agriculture. On the other hand, c i t i e s are growing. They are urbanized because the rate and volume of r u r a l out migration plus natural increases exceeds the current absorptive capaci-tie s of the primate c i t i e s . - 5 -B. Industrial Location/Primacy and Economic Development The most basic question planners are faced with on the subject of urbanization i s whether to encourage urban concen-tration through primacy, or plan for a dispersed urbanization approach as part of a national regional plan. Inevitably this question involves the delicate balance between ef f i c i e n c y and equity. Without a commitment to both of these components i n urban planning the long-term results w i l l l i k e l y be self-de-structive to the nation. With equity and e f f i c i e n c y i n mind, an overview summary of three mainstream planning approaches w i l l be discussed in order to appreciate the potential and outcome of such strategies i n planning for intermediate size urban centers i n developing countries. Industrial location i s a prime i n i t i a t o r of urbanization and the creation of jobs which w i l l a t t r a c t and sustain the population. Industrial location by government planners can look beyond the short-term benefit to some, and conceive of the long-run national good. The concentrated and dispersed ap-proach to i n d u s t r i a l location in developing countries i s worth examining, i n order to appreciate an urbanization approach which can be equitably e f f i c i e n t for the whole nation. I t i s generally accepted that urbanization can be divided into two kinds of c i t y size d i s t r i b u t i o n : rank siz e , accord-- 6 -ing to which the di s t r i b u t i o n of c i t i e s by population size within countries i s truncated and lognormal; and primate, whereby a stratum of small towns and c i t i e s are dominated by one or more very large c i t i e s causing deficiencies i n the number of intermediate size urban centers. Urban rank size i s generally associated with economically advanced countries, while primate c i t i e s have been associated with ex-colonial, economically underdeveloped nations.^ Brian Berry i n his paper, City Size Di s t r i b u t i o n and 8 Economic Development, q u a l i f i e d the gross generalizations of the above associations. According to Berry, countries with strong urban traditions and long h i s t o r i e s of ubanization, such as India, though economically underdeveloped, also exhibit lognormality. On the other hand, there are economically de-veloped countries such as Japan, Sweden; and Australia that exhibit primacy i n their urban hierarchies. Without contradicting Berry's c l a r i f i c a t i o n s , i t i s s t i l l v a l i d to say that a l l developing countries, irrespective of primacy or rank size urban systems, are concerned about the rapid and large i n f l u x of immigrants into t h e i r largest c i t i e s . In s t r i v i n g for a rapid rate of economic growth through indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n , developing countries have accentuated the primacy of their p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s . The f i n a n c i a l advantages to be gained by investing i n the primate c i t y are s i g n i f i c a n t i n - 7 -terms o f the shared b e n e f i t s g a i n e d through a g g l o m e r a t i o n economies o f s c a l e . Large consumer markets a l o n g w i t h the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f s k i l l e d l a b o u r , and f i n a n c i a l and t e c h n i c a l r e s o u r c e s i n the p r i m a t e c i t y d i s c o u r a g e the p r i v a t e s e c t o r from l o c a t i n g i n h i n t e r l a n d areas w i t h o u t s t r o n g government i n c e n t i v e s . C e n t r a l government and the c o u n t r y ' s p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i e s ' r e s i s t a n c e t o l o c a t i n g out of the p r i m a t e c i t y c o n t i n u e s because the p o l i t i c a l and economic p a y o f f s i n h i n t e r l a n d secondary urban development tend t o be lo n g - t e r m and n ot im m e d i a t e l y t a n g i b l e . ( P r o j e c t s l o c a t e d o u t s i d e the p r i m a t e c i t y may a l s o not have the showcase v a l u e f o r d i g n i -t a r i e s and t o u r i s t s . F i n a l l y as A l o n s o s t a t e s , an i r o n i c p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n e x i s t s i n d e c e n t r a l i z i n g the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s ' urban economy s i n c e : "Only n a t i o n s whose economy have become s u f f i -c i e n t l y l a r g e and secure w i l l be a b l e t o a f f o r d the r i s k o f f a i l u r e . " 9 Those c o u n t r i e s who s h o u l d d e c e n t r a l i z e f o r l o n g - t e r m n a t i o n a l e q u i t y are o f t e n i n the p r o c e s s of c o n s o l i d a t i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power, not d i s p e r s i n g i t . P o l i t i c i a n s i n the f e d e r a l government are t h e r e f o r e h e s i t a n t t o d e l e g a t e p r o -j e c t s and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o secondary c i t i e s l o c a t e d i n back-ward r e g i o n s f o r f e a r i t may encourage r e g i o n a l governments t o become more independent from the source of n a t i o n a l power l o c a t e d i n the p r i m a t e c i t y . I t i s p r e c i s e l y because these - 8 -countries are at a certain stage of p o l i t i c a l development that economic decentralization may pose too much of a national threat. However, Alonso also provides some compelling national reasons for government to locate industries i n secondary c i t i e s , situated i n hinterland areas: F i r s t , the project may contribute to the transfor-mation of society in the less advanced parts of the country to new attitudes, new awareness, and new patterns of behavior better suited to economic advancement. In other words, a hinterland location may be viewed as an investment i n human resources which may be of greater significance than the located project, i t s e l f . Second, the location of a project i n the hinterland w i l l usually promote knowledge about that l o c a l i t y and integrate i t into the information web of the more advanced sectors of economic a c t i v i t y . The increase of.information w i l l reduce the discount a r i s i n g from uncertainty which i s applied to other possible projects at that loca-tion. In so doing, i t lowers the threshold at which l o c a l opportunities become attractive, and several new enterprises may become feasible. Third, . . . most developing countries, especially those with a co l o n i a l background, feature their most important development i n coastal c i t i e s . In some of these countries a turning inward toward the "empty" hinter-land, may have significance and symbolic act of national i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , creating a new f r o n t i e r i n c a l l forth the enthusiasm and energy of the people.10 In other words, i n d u s t r i a l location in hinterland secondary c i t i e s must be appreciated i n terms of the long-term national benefits. The choice between primacy or dispersed urban plan-ning i s , i n the end, a p o l i t i c a l decision. However, there i s a sense that the growing geographic imbalance in the d i s t r i b u -- 9 -tion of population and income which now exists in most develop-ing countries, needs a national planning strategy that can u t i l i z e resources and d i s t r i b u t e benefits to their f u l l poten-t i a l . Coordinating regional a c t i v i t y through urban networks within a national plan provides equitable e f f i c i e n c y for the developing nation. E f f i c i e n c y being the rate of national economic growth, and equity serving as the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l dimension ensuring the even spread of that growth. III. PLANNING STRATEGIES FOR THE DEVELOPING WORLD A. The Conventional Planning Wisdom Concerns i n balancing e f f i c i e n c y and equity i n urban planning for the developing world have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been expressed through the "Evolutionary" or "Growth Pole" planning approaches. These strategies are worth mentioning since t h e i r impact on hinterland regional capitals such as Kota 'Bharu has affected these urban centers' long-term s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and short-term development. 1. The Evolutionary Approach While William Alonso's quote on the benefits derived from i n d u s t r i a l location i n the hinterland t e s t i f i e s to his understanding of dispersal, he argues, i n his theory of un-- 10 -b a l a n c e d g r o w t h , t h a t p l a n n e r s may be o v e r - r e a c t i n g t o the phenomenon o f u rban p r i m a c y . By a n a l y z i n g the h i s t o r y o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n the F i r s t W o r l d w i t h v a r i o u s s t age s o f economic g rowth he o b s e r v e d t h a t p r i m a c y was r a r e i n t h e v e r y u n d e r d e v e l o p e d e c o n o m i e s , r o s e d u r i n g t h e t a k e - o f f s t a g e , and t h e n d e c r e a s e d t h e r e a f t e r . He n o t e s t h a t t h e s e u r b a n t r e n d s do n o t mean t h a t t h e l a r g e s t c i t i e s w o u l d s t o p g r o w i n g i n t h e mature s tage o f t h e economy, b u t t h a t s e c o n -d a r y c e n t r e s w o u l d grow much f a s t e r . ^ A l o n s o ' s t h e o r y was b u t t r e s s e d by J e f f r e y W i l l i a m s o n ' s t h e s i s t h a t r e g i o n a l income d i f f e r e n t i a l s t e n d t o grow f a s t e r d u r i n g t h e e a r l y s t a g e s o f economic d e v e l o p m e n t , t h e n l e v e l o f f , o n l y t o d e c l i n e a g a i n w i t h t h e g r o w i n g m a t u r i t y and 12 s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e economy. T h e o r e t i c a l arguments i n f a v o u r o f g r e a t e r p r i m a c y , l i k e A l o n s o ' s and W i l l i a m s o n ' s , a r e j o i n e d by F r i e d m a n ' s " c o r e p e r i p h e r y " t h e o r y , " ^ and M e r a ' s " a g g l o m e r a t i o n m o d e l " . ^ These models assume a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e i n -ve s tment o f c a p i t a l and t h e e f f i c i e n t use o f s p a c e . Based on such (tenuous) a s sumpt ions t h i s group b e l i e v e s t h a t when r e t u r n t o f u r t h e r i n v e s t m e n t b e g i n s t o d i m i n i s h , b u t n o t u n t i l t h e n , c a p i t a l ( i n d u s t r y ) and p o p u l a t i o n ( l a b o u r ) w i l l d i s p e r s e t o s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a s . - 11 -Salah El-Shakhs' 1972 study on the evolutionary pattern associated with the peak of urban primacy and tr a n s i t i o n of in d u s t r i a l i z e d growth, sums up the Evolutionary Approach to urban systems i n the developing world: Eventually, with the increasing influence and importance of the periphery . . . deviation-counter-acting mechanisms induce a decentralization and spread e f f e c t i n the development process. The economy drives toward a f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n of i t s underdeveloped resources, and inter-regional growth patterns tend to become more balanced through the rapid growth of the less developed regions and their urban centers.15 Evolutionists, l i k e El-Shakhs, seem to f e e l that, given time, the " i n v i s i b l e hand" w i l l work out ef f i c i e n c y and equity. However, how much time can a developing nation afford before regional i n e q u a l i t i e s lead from urban evolution to national revolution? If developing nations allow primate c i t i e s to evolve towards dispersal, by encouraging primacy the time frame required for the reduction of regional i n -equalities through "spontaneous" market forces may take a century or longer. By this stage of evolutionary development even i f high levels of urbanization, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and per capita incomes p r e v a i l , extreme inter-regional and i n t r a -regibnal imbalances may cause national revolution. The advance of primate c i t y growth seems inseparable from the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of internal and external inequities - 12 -i n income d i s t r i b u t i o n . The growth o f the p r i m a t e c i t y t a k e s p l a c e a t the expense o f the impoverishment of the remainder of the c o u n t r y , w h i l e the d u a l i s t i c n a t u r e o f the p r i m a t e c i t y ' s economy promotes unequal, i n t e r n a l growth r a t e s . 2. The Growth P o l e S t r a t e g y F r a n g o i s P e r r o u x i n t r o d u c e d the concept of "growth p o l e s " t o the economic l i t e r a t u r e i n 1950 and gave the term meaning i n a b s t r a c t economic space. A f i r m o r i n d u s t r y would be termed as a "growth p o l e " i f i t p ossessed the t h r e e d i s t i n c -t i v e f e a t u r e s o f a p r o p u l s i v e i n d u s t r y , namely, h i g h i n t e r -s e c t o r a l l i n k a g e s w i t h many o t h e r f i r m s o r i n d u s t r i e s , a h i g h degree o f dominance, and l a r g e s i z e . When John Friedmann and o t h e r s c h o l a r s t r a n s f e r r e d the concept of "economic growth p o l e s " t o r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g t h e o r i e s by l i n k i n g s e c t o r a l t o s p a t i a l development, they gave the p r o p u l s i v e i n d u s t r y (or i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n ( s ) ) g e o g r a p h i c space, and "growth" became i d e n t i f i e d as the space where "growth p o l e s " are l o c a t e d . ^ The "growth p o l e s " s t r a t e g y f o c u s e s i n v e s t m e n t on a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l number o f s e l e c t e d c e n t r e s a t which t h e r e e x i s t s , o r can be e a s i l y c r e a t e d , the n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n s f o r expanding employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and p u b l i c i n f r a s t r u c -t u r e , as w e l l as the e x i s t e n c e o f e x t e r n a l economies t h a t most - 13 -a c t i v i t i e s require. Such "growth centers" are then expected to at t r a c t commuters and migrants from surrounding areas of labour surplus, and at the same time to stimulate secondary growth of employment i n some of those areas. I t i s assumed that economic growth i n i t i a t e d i n these centers w i l l eventual-ly " f i l t e r down" the urban hierarchy and spread out from each center into i t s immediate periphery. The concentration of public investment at "growth centers" i s also j u s t i f i e d on the grounds that they are locations where adequate public services can be provided at reasonable costs, and where prospects e x i s t that prosperity and growth can eventually be self-sustaining 18 withipermanent subsidies. C r i t i c s of the growth center strategy point out that evidence of the desired " t r i c k l e down" of benefits to a l l sectors of the hinterland populace i s often tenuous. Rural areas surrounding i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c i t i e s usually participate only to a limited degree i n the expansion of the urban economy. "T r i c k l i n g down" can occur because of purchases of raw mate-r i a l s made by the c i t y , but these may be more than o f f s e t by the " t r i c k l i n g up" of consumer sales to the "growth center". The relationship between center and periphery then becomes one of further exploitation instead of development. 19 Furthermore, William Alonso points out that this s t r a t -egy i s i n fact "concentrated decentralization" whereby i n t e r -regional d i s p a r i t i e s may decrease while intra-regional - 14 -d i s p a r i t i e s increase. Even i f inter-regional income averages are brought within a common range, no improvement may be obtained i n the intra-regional d i s t r i b u t i o n of income and services. These c r i t i c i s m s are v a l i d and indicate the need for a strong national and regional p o l i t i c a l commitment to hinter-land equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n as opposed to an outflow of p r o f i t and resources to the primate c i t y regions. In planning urban growth centers, not just profitable development, but more importantly, what type of i n d u s t r i a l development should be the planner's prime concern. A strategy which sees benefits gained by a l l the hinterland region's inhabitants, while re-specting the nation's long-term goals, i s l i k e l y to offer "responsive planning" alternatives. B. Responsive Regional Planning: The Agropolitan Approach 20 John Friedmann, and Kenneth Ruddle, at the 1975 Symposium on Regional Development Planning i n Asia, proposed the concept of an "agropolitan approach" to regional planning i n developing countries. This approach t y p i f i e s e f f i c i e n c y but, more importantly, i t i s also p o l i t i c a l l y equitable for the nation. - 15 -In essence, the strategy c a l l s for investment in small and medium sized industries in small r u r a l towns using appropri-ate technology and l o c a l manpower. The industries are to s a t i s -fy l o c a l consumer needs and the needs of the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector for products such as f e r t i l i z e r s and farm tools. The d i s t i n c -tive features of this approach are the selection of labour i n -tensive industries, proximity to agrarian population, and a s e n s i t i v i t y to l o c a l needs. Planning for secondary c i t i e s within this framework stems from the concept of "dependent capitalism" expounded i n i t i a l l y 21 by Terry McGee, and from the idea of "structural transforma-22 tion " i n rural areas as proposed by M. I. Logan. According to these theorists, the intensive transfer of advanced technology from the F i r s t World to the Third World w i l l only make the re-cipients technologically, economically and p o l i t i c a l l y more de-pendent and thus, vulnerable. Only a s e l f - r e l i a n t , autonomous form of development based on native ingenuity in small scale production, and carefully mixed with foreign technology on a highly selective basis may be capable or reducing primacy and producing an integrated economy. An agropolitan planning approach which views development i n terms of a self-sustaining l o c a l population who contributes to the national good seems the most responsive planning approach that developing countries can adopt. It i s important not just - 16 -to disperse urban centers throughout the nation but also to concentrate on encouraging development which w i l l sustain growth. Planners i n government must therefore be wary i n a t t r a c t -ing foreign investors to hinterland capitals where inexpensive labour and government tax incentives often arouse investment interest. "Footloose" industries of this type are f i c k l e , i n that they usually hold no long-term commitment to either the region or to the majority of the population. What results from this situation i s the imposition of a " l i d " on worker's wages which i s needed i n order to prevent foreign investors from packing up and moving to more inexpensive regions nearby. Depending on this type of foreign investment the region's development i s retarded because as workers' demands r i s e , their opportunities decline. At the same time, hinterland i n f r a -structural investment i s b u i l t so as to maximize the outflow of goods and services from the region, thereby draining i t s resources. C. Diffuse Urbanization: Dispersed Technology and the  Commuter Migrant In order to o f f s e t the invasion of foreign "footloose" industry to secondary c i t i e s an agropolitan, intermediate c i t y may best be realized through R. A. Hackenberg's framework for "diffuse urbanization" which, - 17 -. . . e n v i s i o n s i n o v a t i v e forms o f s e t t l e m e n t and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c o r g a n i z a t i o n e r e c t e d upon a f o u n d a -t i o n p r o v i d e d by : a) t r a n s f e r t e c h n o l o g y , b) pene-t r a t i o n o f r u r a l a rea s by urban forms o r p r o d u c t i o n , s e r v i c e s and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , c) new o c c u p a t i o n s i n t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r , d) new o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n f o r m a l s e c t o r e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p , e) new p a t t e r n s o f s o c i a l and s p a t i a l m o b i l i t y . . . e r e c t e d upon an i n f r a -s t r u c t u r e f a v o u r i n g d i s p e r s e d economic g rowth such as t r a n s m i s s i b l e e l e c t r i c power , t r u c k t r a n s p o r -t a t i o n ( e t c . ) . . . . 2 3 Hackenberg c o r r e c t l y p e r c e i v e s d i f f u s e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f t h i s t y p e as " g e n e r a t i n g new p a t t e r n s o f s p a t i a l and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y " w h i c h c o u l d a f f e c t r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a n t f l o w s a n d , t h e r e f o r e , the c u r r e n t p r o c e s s o f T h i r d W o r l d u r b a n i z a t i o n . As r u r a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n t h e d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d becomes more s o p h i s t i c a t e d and v e r s a t i l e , a v a r i e t y o f t r a n s p o r t systems w i l l c o n t i n u e t o d e v e l o p e n a b l i n g f a rm r e s i d e n t s t o commute on a r e g u l a r b a s i s f rom r u r a l home t o p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l o r s m a l l town. Highway b u s e s , motor b o a t s , l o c a l t r u c k c a r r i e r s , j e e p s , b i c y c l e s , t r i c y c l e s , m i n i b u s e s and t r a i n n e t w o r k s a re a l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n modes p o t e n t i a l l y a v a i l -a b l e w h i c h f a c i l i t a t e t h e deve lopment o f what may be termed as t h e " m i g r a n t commuter" . I n v e s t m e n t i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n n e t -works f rom s m a l l towns t o o u t l y i n g h i n t e r l a n d r e g i o n s can m i n i m i z e the m i g r a n t s ' u r b a n - r u r a l a d j u s t m e n t w h i l e e a s i n g t h e prob lems o f o v e r c r o w d i n g i n T h i r d W o r l d c i t i e s . F u r t h e r -more , the i m p a c t t h a t such commuter m i g r a t i o n c o u l d have on t h e i n f o r m a l B a z a a r S e c t o r o f the u r b a n economy may be s i g n i f l -- 18 -cant. Rural-urban relations can become closer and more f l u i d ; further encouraging informal trade while i n i t i a t i n g greater em-ployment exchange between ru r a l and urban job functions. The same process which encourages migrant commuters also favours 24 Goldstein's observations referring to " c i r c u l a r migration" whereby jobs which are only seasonal or temporary attract work-ers to urban centers only part of the year. IV. LOW INCOME HOUSING AND THE SQUATTER A. Planning for Anticipated Growth: Housing and the Squatter Sophisticated transportation networks favouring dispersed urbanization and agropolitan urban centers mean eff e c t i v e plan-ning for anticipated growth. This i s because planners cannot begin to be e f f e c t i v e i n dealing with the huge backlog of plan-ning problems that face the primate c i t y . In Kuala Lumpur for 25 instance, where 300,00 0 squatters do not have basic hygiene f a c i l i t i e s , planning for conditions after the fact results i n ad hoc patch-up jobs that do not work. The steady flow of i n -digenous and new immigrants to the primate c i t y aggravates crowded l i v i n g conditions by adding to the existing f i r e and health hazards i n congested areas. - 19 -I f m i g r a n t s can be d i r e c t e d towards i n t e r m e d i a t e s i z e d c i t i e s t h a t have the p o t e n t i a l t o absorb them, p l a n n i n g i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f growth can be i m p l e m e n t e d . C i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n and commuter m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s l e n d t h e m s e l v e s t o urban p l a n -n i n g t h a t can a p p r o x i m a t e p r o j e c t i o n s o f p o p u l a t i o n f l o w s so as t o accommodate m i g r a n t s when they use the i n t e r m e d i a t e s i z e urban c e n t e r i n i t s c h a n g i n g f u n c t i o n . I n c r e a s i n g l y , the T h i r d W o r l d u r b a n c e n t e r s ' r o l e as a p l a c e o f work r a t h e r than s i t e o f permanent r e s i d e n c e w i l l demand new p l a n n i n g s t r a t e g i e s w h i c h a p p r e c i a t e f l u i d demographic t r e n d s . F o r i n s t a n c e , b a s i c s e t t l e m e n t i n f r a s t r u c t u r e r e q u i r e m e n t s c o u l d be communally , o f f e r e d t o m i g r a n t s on a r e s e r v e d a r e a o f l a n d n e a r o r i n the i n t e r m e d i a t e s i z e c i t y . The permanence o f such government p r o -v i s i o n w o u l d depend on the types o f m i g r a n t s . I f the m i g r a n t s are n o t c i r c u l a r o r commuter, bu t a re those who w i s h t o l i v e i n the urban a r e a , o r are s q u a t t e r s who c a n n o t a f f o r d t o f i n d f o r m a l accommodation i n the c i t y , t h e n r e s e r v e d areas o f l a n d t h a t pos ses b a s i c community i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l r e q u i r e m e n t s can be u t i l i z e d towards a comprehens ive town p l a n f o r urban g r o w t h . As d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r 8, town p l a n s o f t h i s t y p e w o u l d d i r e c t s q u a t t e r s and r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a n t s towards s e t t l e m e n t areas where the government , i n p a r t n e r s h i p w i t h t h e r e s i d e n t s , works t o g e t h e r . The government c o u l d a l l o t n o n - t r a n s f e r a b l e l a n d t e n u r e to the r e s i d e n t s a l o n g w i t h t a k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r communal i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . The r e s i d e n t s ( w i t h the h e l p o f g o v e r n -- 20 -ment loans) can i n turn be responsible for building their own shelters i n accordance with r e a l i s t i c government standards. Whichever planning approach i s adopted by governments the fact remains that many of those l i v i n g in urban centers cannot find conventional housing. These people, therefore, create their own accommodation alternatives which are deemed i l l e g a l by the governments and are c l a s s i f i e d as squatter settlements. B. Squatter Settlements: A General Definition The term "Squatters" or "Squatter Settlements" generally appears as the convenient designated name for the blanket clas-s i f i c a t i o n of those who do not have legal tenure of the land they occupy, regardless of their circumstances. Whether i t be the researcher or government o f f i c i a l s , this c l a s s i f i c a t i o n with a "sweep of a term" conveniently systematizes and pro-cesses individual circumstance into an anonymous, manageable group. An overview of the search for common terminology with which the squatter problem can be examined was presented i n a recent United Nations Department of Economic and Social A f f a i r ' s report: - 21 -For general discussions, i t has been suggested i n a recent United Nations report, that "slums1 and squatter settlements" be used "as a familiar short-hand" , to refer to a l l types of low-income urban settlements; i n order to avoid the terminological and typological debates which have dominated many of the discussions. Among the terms that have been used for the various types of such settlements are the following: "slums", usually referring to the old, deteriorating, core-city tenements; "squatter settlements", o r i g i n a l l y r e f e r r i n g to the fact that the inhabitants squat on, or do not have legal tenure to, the land, but now often r e f e r r i n g to the new slums where the inhabitants sometimes do have legal t i t l e ; "shanty towns", once a commonly used term but now considered pejorative, referring to the external view that the low-income settlements are only makeshift huts; and "squatments", coined from squatter settlements to include a broader range of the new slums and not simply to imply that a l l the inhabitants i n such settlements are squatting. Be-sides these familiar terms, many adjectives have been o f f i c i a l l y applied to modify "settlements", among them "marginal", " t r a n s i t i o n a l " , "uncontrolled", "spontaneous", "subintegrated", "non-planned", "provisional", "unconventional", and "autonomous". Semantic entanglement i s bound to be a p i t f a l l when grop-ing for a phrase to describe a constantly changing problem. St a t i c d e f i n i t i o n s are not conclusions but are only tools with which solutions can be pursued. Yet some d e f i n i t i o n i s ob-viously necessary in order to encourage cooperation amongst a l l concerned in a common e f f o r t to meet the growing propor-tions of these settlements and their associated hazards. In order to do this e f f e c t i v e l y i t i s useful to investigate the deeper meaning and impact of squatters beyond the oversimpli-f i e d narrow lines of def i n i t i o n s such as: " . . . one who 71 s e t t l e s on land or occupies a house without permission". - 22 -F u r t h e r m o r e , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t h a t o n e p e r c e i v e s s q u a t t e r s e t t l e -m e n t s , o r s l u m s a s t h e y a r e o f t e n d u b b e d , w i t h o u t v a l u e - l a d e n a s s u m p t i o n s o u t o f t o u c h w i t h t h e n e e d s o f t h o s e l i v i n g i n s u c h a r e a s . A s A . A . L a q u i a n n o t e s : . . . t h e n e g a t i v e i d e a o f s l u m l i f e , e s s e n t i a l l y a W e s t e r n v i e w p o i n t , h a s b e e n t r a n s p o r t e d e l s e w h e r e , e v e n w h e r e c l i m a t e , s o c i e t y , a n d c u l t u r e d e m a n d n e w c o n c e p t u a l i s a t i o n s . T h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s f o r e x a m p l e d e f i n e s a s l u m a s : . . . a b u i l d i n g , g r o u p o f b u i l d i n g s , o r a r e a c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y o v e r c r o w d i n g , d e -t e r i o r a t i o n , u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s o r a b s e n c e o f f a c i l i t i e s o r a m e n i t i e s w h i c h b e c a u s e o f t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s o r a n y o f t h e m , e n d a n g e r t h e h e a l t h , s a f e t y a n d m o r a l s o f i t s i n h a b i t a n t s o r t h e c o m m u -n i t y . 28 I n t h e s a m e b o o k , t h e a u t h o r p r o p o s e s t h a t : S q u a t t i n g , i n l e g a l t e r m s , m e a n s t h e o c c u p a n c y o f a p i e c e o f l a n d o r b u i l d i n g b y p e o p l e w i t h o u t t h e e x p r e s s e d c o n s e n t o f t h e o w n e r . A s s u c h , i t i s c l o s e l y t i e d u p w i t h t h e n o t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . T h e s q u a t t e r i s u n j u s t b e c a u s e h e i s d e n y i n g t h e p r o p e r t y ' s u s e t o i t s " r i g h t f u l o w n e r " . 2 9 T h e o c c u p a t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y w i t h o u t c o n s e n t i s t h e b a s i s f o r t h e i l l e g a l i t y o f s q u a t t i n g . O f c o u r s e s u c h i l l e g a l -i t y i s i n t h e e y e s o f t h e b e h o l d e r a n d L a q u i a n ' s r e f e r e n c e b r i n g s u p t h e q u e s t i o n o f ' w h o h a s t h e r i g h t t o p r o p e r t y ? ' T h i s q u e s t i o n c a n o n l y b e a n s w e r e d b y t a k i n g a n i d e o l o g i c a l w o r l d v i e w . I t i s o b v i o u s t h a t a M a r x i s t a n d a C a p i t a l i s t w o u l d e a c h p e r c e i v e t h e i s s u e v e r y d i f f e r e n t l y . B e c a u s e o f t h i s , t h e w o r d " s q u a t t e r " c a n o n l y b e u s e d a s a r e l a t i v e t e r m - 2 3 -i n the context of the individuals' legal rights and in rela-tion to the ideol o g i c a l view of his/her country's notion of property ownership. Although vague, as a basis for analysis of the problems regarding squatters and their settlements, the following d e f i n i -tion found i n a recent United Nation's survey i s useful as i t includes the common characteristics of such settlements stud-ied regarding: . . . the fact of being r e s i d e n t i a l areas for low-income groups dwelling i n c i t i e s . In contrast to the r e s i d e n t i a l areas occupied by wealthier people l i v i n g in the same c i t i e s , the low-income urban settlements in a l l regions of the developing world are further characterised by a lack of most or a l l of the basic urban services — . in f a s t r u c t u r a l , wel-fare and community — such as clean water supply, roads, health care, e l e c t r i c i t y and s o c i a l welfare programmes.30 C. Squatter Settlements i n the Developing World: An Overview The inhabitants of squatter settlements account for at least one-third to two-thirds of the t o t a l urban population 31 i n developing countries; J Their numbers are increasing at a rate of between s i x and ten per cent a year. While the t y p i c a l annual growth rate for the t o t a l population in developing coun-t r i e s i s between two and three per dent, for the t o t a l urban population this rate of growth i s six per cent or more. At a six per cent growth per annum the rate of increase i s two and one-half times higher than that of urban growth i n i n d u s t r i a l countries. - 24 -Juppenlatz reports that i n 19 6 0 nearly one-third of the world's inhabitants resided in a c i t y and that i t was estimated that 30 per cent of these urbanites, or 100 m i l l i o n people, were squatters. His figures for 1960-65 indicate that the extreme dimensions of squatting are not a recent problem. For example, i n those years i t was reported that squatters account-ed for the following percentages of these urban populations: Caracus, Venenzuela, 40 per cent; Lima, Peru, 43 per cent; and, Ankara, Turkey, 50 per cent. Juppenlatz predicts in his 19 70 book, C i t i e s in Transformation: The Urban Squatter Problem  of the Developing World, that i f urban squatter populations continue to grow at the rates he observed their proportions in underdeveloped countries may approach their non-squatter 32 urban counterparts by the turn of the century. Third World government's f a i l u r e u n t i l recently to appre-ciate the dimensions and repercussions of rural-urban migration has almost paralyzed serious attempts to adequately address the magnitude of the problem i n primate c i t i e s . When govern-ments do face up to th e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y they tend to u t i l i z e inappropriate foreign models which emphasize capital-intensive approaches (these countries' scarcest resources), instead of labour-intensive indigenous models r e a l i s t i c a l l y adjusted to the proportions of the housing problem. - 25 -D. Squatters' Impact in the Developing World 1. Causes Rapid increase in low-income urban settlements i s partly due to the natural increase of existing urban populations. The other decisive factor i n this trend i s the large rural-urban migration process now taking place in the developing world. This urban-rural p u l l phenomena has d i r e c t l y swelled low-income urban settlements to alarming proportions. I t i s a product of the rural inhabitant's poverty and perception of employment opportunities i n the c i t i e s . Poor migrants are j u s t i f i a b l y seeking better l i v i n g conditions however they are u n r e a l i s t i c i n their expectations for economic opportunity and are quickly d i s i l l u s i o n e d by the city's employment capacity. Despite the disillusionment these people stay i n the hope that their dreams may be met. One result i s i n s u f f i c i e n t housing opportunities in the urban system through either an acute shortage of con-ventional housing or excessive rents for low-income populations. Third World governments' f a i l u r e to o f f e r i t s support i n providing this growing sector of the population with more economic opportunities i s one cause of the problem. A j u s t i f i a b l e compromise regarding the eradication of inequali-t i e s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the nation's incomes and resources must be sought. - 26 -2. Over Urbanization and the Bazaar Sector Economy An understanding of the squatter's role i n a developing nation i s more than an analysis of a group of families' im-poverished condition. I t i s an insight into the c o l l e c t i v e impact of squatters on the developing nation in which they are l i v i n g . T. G. McGee emphasizes the necessity of exposing the differences between the urbanization process experienced by the West, and that experienced by Southeast Asian c i t i e s i n order to correct misconceptions regarding: Two visions (which) haunt the i n t e l l e c t u a l s who view the urbanization process i n the Third World In the f i r s t vision, the c i t i e s are seen as enclaves sur-rounded by an h o s t i l e peasantry. In these "enclaves" foppish e l i t e s play luxurious games with the power and wealth they have inherited or created since Inde-pendence. In the other vi s i o n , the c i t i e s are seen as "beach heads" centers from which the benefits of modernization flow outwards to r e v i t i l i z e the stagnat-ing a g r i c u l t u r a l vision.33 McGee views these "visions" as being overstated ". . . because their assumptions ignore the r e a l i t y of the Third World urban-iz a t i o n process". The following i s a summary of McGee's hypotheses which pertain to this dissertation's research of urbanization i n Malaysia: 1. in comparision to Western c i t i e s , at a similar stage of their development, c i t i e s i n Southeast Asia seem - 27 -to experience both lower mortality rates, and s l i g h t l y higher f e r t i l i t y rates. This leads to the tentative conclusion that one v i t a l variable in the demographic component of the urban process of Southeast Asia, i s very different from the experience of the West. This factor i s natural increase, which i s a far more important c o n t r i -butor to the growth of a c i t y ' s population than i t was during the i n d u s t r i a l urban revolution of the West; 2. the urbanization process i n Asia i s actually one of "over-urbanization" i n comparision with the Western experience, since the West was more develop-ed at a comparable le v e l of urbanization. In the West, i t i s estimated that during this phase of urbanization, about 55 per cent of the people were i n non-agricultural occupations, whereas i n South-east Asia today 30 per cent only are so employed; 3. i n the West, c i t i e s h i s t o r i c a l l y played the -role of a catalyst i n generating real income, being a more e f f i c i e n t unit of economic a c t i v i t y i n producing goods for mass consumption. McGee, however, views the Southeast Asian c i t y , with i t s crowded condi-tions and poorly developed i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s as both cancers and catalysts, i n generating re a l income; and, - 28 -4. i n the West, c i t i e s t r a d i t i o n a l l y played a positive role i n inducing basic s o c i a l change among people. Rural values were gradually replaced in. large part by urban l i f e - s t y l e s . In Southeast Asia however, peasants are maintaining many of the i r t r a d i t i o n a l customs, b e l i e f s , and values, even i n the locale of an urban center. McGee concludes from these observations that rather than view-ing the c i t y as the . . . key variable, a soc i a l sub-system which becomes a l l inclusive, . . . the c i t y must be seen as a  symptom of process operating at a soci e t a l l e v e l . Thus to diagnose accurately the characteristics and roles of these c i t i e s , one must investigate the condition of underdevelopment which characterizes these countries, of which these c i t i e s are only part.34 A prime target of McGee's Third World investigation con-cerns the impact of squatters on the developing nations. He stresses that their importance to the informal trade, or "Bazaar" sector of these countries' economies, should not be overlooked. As noted i n his 1967 study of Southeast Asian primate c i t i e s McGee mentions squatter settlements as usually consisting of: I l l e g a l housing, both i n the inner c i t y and on the periphery of the c i t i e s , (and) often tend to be occupied by the people working i n the Bazaar sector.35 - 29 -The majority of the residents l i v i n g i n the Buluh Kubu area were involved in the "Bazaar", sector of the economy. This sector i s labour-intensive and i s dominated by small cottage industries, hawkers, and casual labourers. U t i l i z i n g t heir location i n the heart of Kota Bharu, the Buluh Kubu residents were able to provide these inexpensive services which kept keeping the cost of l i v i n g down for the c i t y ' s entire population. On a national scale, the impact of the squatter's informal and inexpensive delivery of services u t i l i z e s abundant resources while maintaining a .low cost of l i v i n g for the country. This process supports the poor while encouraging savings for the middle- and upper-classes; savings that can then be used as c a p i t a l investment in the development of the nation. The maintenance of an informal delivery of services (often consisting of a squatter labour force) has a s i g n i f i c a n t , posi-tive impact on the country's o v e r a l l standard of l i v i n g and long-term development. I t i s imperative, therefore, that plan-ners and o f f i c i a l s r e a l i z e the far reaching f i n a n c i a l reper-cussions of r a i s i n g this group's cost of l i v i n g through reloca-tion schemes or rent payments beyond their means. Overtaxing the scarcest resources (capital) of the developing nations' most abundant resource (inexpensive labour and squatters), w i l l raise the cost of l i v i n g for the whole population and could discourage private investment in the o v e r a l l development of the country. - 30 -3. A Reflection of National Character Not only do squatters have a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the developing nation's growth, but i t must also be remembered that t h e i r p l i g h t i s a d i r e c t product, and thus, a revealing r e f l e c t i o n of their society. P h i l i p Hauser's observations :. at the 1956 UNESCO Conference on Urbanization s t i l l holds true today: In large measure the problems — s o c i a l and person-a l i n the great c i t i e s of Asia, derive not so much from urbanism as a way of l i f e , but r e f l e c t rather the problems of the nation at large, problems a r i s -ing from low productivity and mass poverty.36 Squatting i s not a matter of people wanting something for nothing, but of people having nothing and wanting something better than l i f e in r u r a l areas can provide. In the Buluh Kubu case, no doubt there were affluent squatters who took advantage of circumstance by renting out land to t h e i r poorer counter-part. But for the most part, the condition of these people accurately reflected the socio-economic problems of the country at large. 37 Juppenlatz correctly concludes that the national i n -equalities of developing countries must f i r s t undergo a " s o c i a l transformation" before the energies and resources of squatters can be f u l l y u t i l i z e d and ju s t l y rewarded. Within i t s present context the squatter phenomena i s a revealing s o c i a l indicator of change. Such settlements represent growth i n the apparel - 31 -of decay. Although often impoverished, squatters are seeking a better l i f e than what they (or their parents) had the courage to leave. Even i f they only l e f t "nothing for nothing" t h e i r migration indicates a desire for s o c i e t a l upward mobil-i t y . I t i s a s o c i a l indicator that Malays i n Kelantan state, which maintains a f e u d a l i s t i c s o c i e t a l order, undertook " s o c i a l deviancy" as seen in th e i r "squatting" on Buluh Kubu sultanic land. This signals a demand by the poor for th e i r f a i r share of the nation's wealth from the e l i t e . The Third World's squatter phenomena i s aptly described i n W. Mangin's analogue. Referring to the squatter's impact and s o c i e t a l r e f l e c t i o n , as expressed by th e i r annexations of private property, he notes that: If the hand that i s feeding you i s the zoo keeper's you probably have to bite i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f i t i s not feeding you enough. In countries where large squatter developments have taken place, the govern-ments were not feeding much of anything.38 E. Housing, Slum Clearance, and Squatter Settlement Although slums and squatter areas, such as Buluh Kubu, i n the c i t y centre possess important po s i t i v e , functional aspects as " t r a n s i t i o n a l way stations" for the r u r a l migrants' absorption into c i t y l i f e , they are regarded with disdain by government o f f i c i a l s who f a i l to appreciate the positive aspects of such communities. These valuable so c i e t a l functions - 32 -are well documented in Slums Are For People, by A. A. Laquian, who points out that communities such as Buluh Kubu are rurban  human settlements, where s o c i a l norms and patterns of behaviour s t i l l possess both r u r a l and urban characteristics in that: 1. the economics of slum l i f e , enable slum dwellers to save and thereby improve th e i r chances for economic and s o c i a l mobility; 2. community l i f e i n the slums, retains many primary group relations c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of r u r a l community tra n s i t i o n ; and, 3. p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the slums, featuring organized p o l i t i c s , machine a c t i v i t i e s and intensive p a r t i c i -pation, tends to instruct squatters and slum dwellers i n p o l i t i c a l roles necessary for th e i r 39 integration into the c i t y . A World Bank report states that throughout the Third World migrants who i n i t i a l l y s e t t l e i n depressed areas i n order to get a s t a r t i n c i t y l i f e , have generally been found to be more capable of gaining employment than their l o c a l counterparts. The study also shows that this group i s able to save money which i s used to supplement incomes i n ru r a l a r e a s . ^ These findings tend to support Laquian's theory that: - 33 -I t i s a very momentous decision to p u l l up one's roots in the barios, and move to the urban area. There i s therefore, a certain element of s e l f selection among the inhabitants of slums and squatter areas. More and more, i t i s becoming apparent that there i s some-thing i n slum l i f e that provides the drive, economic  mobility and the w i l l to succeed. There i s considerable documentation from various parts of the world which show that large scale, high-rise, development pro-jects tend to be costly and i n e f f i c i e n t . For instance, two independent studies show that building costs per square foot rise from US$20 to $36 as building heights increase, while i n B r i t a i n , the maintenance cost per dwelling i s £8.39 for low 42 buildings, increasing to £21.35 for towers. Robert Jones in his a r t i c l e , Transport, Urban Design and Housing, reports that in Venenzuela a cost comparision study indicated that " s e l f r e l i a n t housing" costs 4,200 bolivars per unit, while four-storey construction costs 10,200 bolivars per unit increasing 43 to 16,000 bolivars per unit for f i f t e e n storey development. In Tanzania, the most inexpensive dwelling the country's b u i l d -ers can construct costs US$2,230, while the same shelter can be b u i l t by that country's squatters for approximately hal f the 44 cost. Similarly, the magazine Business i n Thailand reports that i t would be impossible for the government to meet the urgent housing needs of f i f t e e n per cent of the country's urban population through modern construction methods without enormous subsidies. This i s because the lowest income group cannot 45 af f o r t to pay more than US$5 per month . - 34 -Yet, despite this evidence slum clearance and development schemes are used as an assumed star t i n g point when considering methods for renovating such areas as Buluh Kubu. The explana-tion for these decisions which u t i l i z e inappropriate foreign methods are often based on middle- and.upper-class values, not reason. Even when the positive functions of a depressed area are pointed out, as attempted i n the Buluh Kubu project, i t i s s t i l l seen by o f f i c i a l s as a "negative eyesore" that must be destroyed and replaced with what i s perceived "as a clean, orderly environment" modeled after middle-class neighbourhoods of the developed countries. Such attitudes are in keeping with Malaysia's federal government and national press' long standing contempt for Kuala Lumpur's "shanty" and "slum housing areas". The press supports the government p o l i c i e s by i t s a r t i c l e s on the "serious threat" of these areas.to Malaysia's c a p i t a l and often c a l l s for their elimination so that more 4 6 development projects can proceed. The fact that these d i s t -r i c t s are a legitimate answer to the basic problem of shelter i s overshadowed by i n s t i l l e d values of what i s a "nice place" to l i v e i n and what i s not. The views of the low-income i n -habitants l i v i n g i n the area are disregarded, and since they have l i t t l e economic or p o l i t i c a l power they are removed or resettled i n order to "clean up" the s i t e . But the problem of adequately housing these people and the growing proportion of poor r u r a l migrants flocking to the c i t i e s does not diminish, since they w i l l i n s t i n c t i v e l y evolve similar settlements else-where. As Charles Abrams concludes: - 35 -. . . there i s nothing that slum clearance can accomplish that cannot be done more e f f i c i e n t l y by an earthquake. . . . Such clearance may increase squattering and thereby create slums that are more stubbornly enduring than those removed.^ . In order to address such a dilemma the class perspective of those i n the planning bureaucracies must be "sensitized" so that they can appreciate the benefits of such communities and seek methods to reha b i l i t a t e rather than destroy the existing s o c i a l and economic linkages. I t i s i r o n i c that in those de-veloped countries where Malaysian o f f i c i a l s were trained, ap-proaches in planning now real i z e the need to u t i l i z e indigenous methods to cope with l o c a l problems. Yet these bureaucrats now i n responsible positions, apparently having been trained by the "Old School" act within an outdated framework. Given the investment involved and the p o l i t i c s of the policy makers, even i f i t i s realized that such "old" models f a i l , they may very well not revoke their own class interests to change an approach now deemed inappropriate. The background of government o f f i c i a l s must also be con-sidered i n this analysis. Those who have never come from humble origins most l i k e l y do not appreciate the conditions of the slums they never knew and rarely v i s i t e d . On the other hand, those who come from a poor background may be genuinely firm i n their conviction to destroy such areas as a reaction to t h e i r own origins. Psychologically i t must be d i f f i c u l t - 3 6 -f o r o n e t o b e o b j e c t i v e a b o u t t h e v a l u e o f s l u m l i f e a f t e r h a v i n g s t r u g g l e d f o r a l i f e t i m e , t o e s c a p e i t . T h e s e h y p o -t h e s e s a r e o n l y a s s u m p t i o n s w h i c h d e r i v e f r o m t h e p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v e r ' s a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d i n t h i s s t u d y . T h e o f f i c i a l s c o n -t a c t e d c a m e f r o m e i t h e r o f t h e b a c k g r o u n d s d e s c r i b e d a n d s e e m e d c o m m i t e d t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a " n e w e n v i r o n m e n t " r a t h e r t h a n t h e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f t h e e x i s t i n g B u l u h K u b u s i t e . M a n y o f t h e m a r e s i n c e r e i n t h e i r e f f o r t s t o i m p r o v e t h e " l i v i n g s t a n -d a r d " , a s t h e y i n t e r p r e t i t , f o r t h e p o o r w h i l e " m o d e r n i z i n g " M a l y s i a . H o w e v e r , my s p e c i f i c i n t e r a c t i o n a n d o b s e r v a t i o n s i n K o t a B h a r u a g r e e w i t h G . P a y n e s ' g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n r e g a r d -i n g t h e T h i r d W o r l d p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , i n w h i c h : . . . t h e e t h n o c e n t r i c b i a s o f i m p o r t e d m o d e l s h a s b e c o m e a " c l a s s c e n t r i c " b i a s . P l a n s a n d p r o g r a m m e s r e f l e c t t h e v a l u e s a n d a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e m i d d l e -a n d u p p e r - c l a s s e l i t e s r e g a r d i n g p r o b l e m s o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y , p o l l u t i o n a n d t h e f e a r o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , w h i c h a r e n a t u r a l l y o f l e s s c o n c e r n t o t h e u r b a n p o o r . T h e f a c t t h a t m a n y p l a n n e r s a n d a r c h i t e c t s a r e t r a i n e d i n t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s o f E u r o p e a n d N o r t h A m e r i c a , o r a r e s u s c e p t i b l e t o t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , h a s n o t h e l p e d t o c h a n g e t h i s s i t u a t i o n . . .48 CHAPTER 2 THE KELANTAN STATE PLANNING PROCESS: A CASE STUDY I . THE KELANTAN STATE PLANNING PROCESS The p l a n n i n g procedure p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s Chapter i s based on the M a l a y s i a n L o c a l Government B i l l o f 1975. The B i l l was d e s i g n e d i n o r d e r t o p r e s e n t g u i d e l i n e s c o n c e r n i n g the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s f o r a l l s t a t e s o f the c o u n t r y ; A t p r e s e n t , the law on p l a n n i n g i s t o be found i n the v a r i o u s ' Town Boards Enactments and r u l e s and by-laws made th e r e u n d e r , b u t t h e p r o v i s i o n s t h e r e o f have been found t o be s e v e r e l y inadequate t o the needs o f the problems a r i s i n g from p r e s e n t day development, and have t h e r e f o r e , to be r e p l a c e d by more f a r s i g h t e d p r o v i s i o n s . 4 9 W h i l e p l a n n i n g p r o cedures are o n l y g e n e r a l g u i d e l i n e s they do p r o v i d e i n s i g h t s i n t o the fundamental mechanics o f the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s o b s e r v e d w h i l e w o r k i n g on the Bu l u h Kubu p r o j e c t . So as t o p r e v e n t ad hoc p l a n n i n g the B i l l p r o v i d e s a framework f o r n a t i o n a l c o o r d i n a t i o n which i s d i r e c t e d by a P l a n n i n g Committee f o r each S t a t e . T h i s Committee c o n s i s t s o f : 1. A Chairman: the M e n t r i B e sar who i s the C h i e f M i n i s t e r o f the S t a t e ; - 38 -2. A Deputy Chairman: a member of the State Executive Council, by appointment of the State authority; 3. The State Secretary; 4. The Town and Country Planning Director of the State; 5. The State Director of Land and Mines and the Director of Public Works; 6. The State Legal Advisor; and, 7. Not more than four other members who are appointed by the State authority. This Committee i s responsible for directing general policy regarding development and use of a l l lands and buildings within the area of every Local Authority of the State. The State Director of Town and Country Planning i s the p r i n c i p a l advisor to the Committee on matters r e l a t i n g to planning and i s responsible for implementing the groups' decisions. The l o c a l Planning Authority, under the Town and Country Planning Units' supervision, i s instructed by the Committee to gather a l l relev nt material for the various projects. This author-i t y organizes the s p e c i f i c programmes within the policy frame-work provided by the Committee. The B i l l emphasizes the need to centralize planning decisions by bringing l o c a l authorities under the direction of the state and federal governments. Besides providing valu-able consistency, such provision discourages the exploitation - 39 -of the pl a n n i n g process f o r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . I t should be noted t h a t c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t s regarding land a c q u i s i t i o n i s an extremely s e n s i t i v e i s s u e e s p e c i a l l y i n the State of Kelantan where i n 1977 exposes of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s ' land involvements caused r i o t s and brought down the Malay P a r t y Islam (PAS) St a t e government which had dominated Kelantan p o l i t i c s s i n c e 1959. When developing an area, the Town and Country Planning Department f i r s t conducts a survey of the s i t e . The survey i n c l u d e s a study of i t s present use and p r i n c i p a l p h y s i c a l , economic, environmental and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . In the case of the Buluh Kubu P r o j e c t , the survey was conducted i n 1973 and i s d e t a i l e d i n an o f f i c i a l twenty-three page r e p o r t , the contents o f which are i n c l u d e d i n t h i s r e s e a r c h . The survey i s o b j e c t i v e and does not attempt to determine s u b j e c t -i v e views from the r e s i d e n t s as to how they view t h e i r commun-i t y . F a i l u r e to seek r e s i d e n t input means t h a t the planners are s p e c u l a t i n g on an assumed demand which, i f m i s c a l c u l a t e d , could r e s u l t i n a waste of resources f o r f a c i l i t i e s not u t i l -i z e d . I t i s because of the l a c k of in p u t at t h i s stage of the process t h a t there was the development of a " f i n e tuning" methodology i n t h i s research which could measure r e s i d e n t s ' d e s i r e s and encourage responsive p l a n n i n g . A f t e r the survey i s completed, the planning department submits i t s r e p o r t and a " d r a f t s t r u c t u r e p l a n " of the area - 40 -to the State Planning Committee. It i s a written statement supported by diagrams, i l l u s t r a t i o n s , and descriptive material presenting the policy and general proposal of the Town and Country Planning Department i n respect to the development and use of the project's s i t e . The o r i g i n a l Buluh Kubu Draft Structure Plan submitted by the Planning Department i n 197 3 was rejected by the State Planning Committee since at that time State f i n a n c i a l re-sources were lacking. The Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t was s t i l l Sultanic land and thus could not be developed by the State government which was dominated by PAS- This factor also d i s -couraged investment by the federal government at that time under UMNO party control. In i t s formulation of the draft structure plan the l o c a l authority, which consists of the Town Council and the l o c a l planning department, i s obliged to notify: . . . persons who may be expected to desire an opportunity of making representation to the l o c a l planning authority.50 This clause i s suspect i n the planning process since i t i s vague enough to allow wide interpretation and, possible input from various interests before being submitted to the general public. The concern i s that "persons who may be expected to desire an opportunity of making representation" such as con-- 41 -tractors or developers can gain access to plans and incorpor-ate their desires into the draft structure presentation to the State Committee. Such action tends to override the con-cerns of low-income residents and squatters. The l o c a l author-i t y i s empowered to determine who and what i s relevant to the planning process without provision of adequate guidelines. The purpose of the 1975 B i l l was to reduce inconsistencies among various government bodies; yet by entrusting such j u r i s d i c t i o n with l o c a l o f f i c i a l s before the State Committee i s able to view proposals, discrepancies i n accordance with interests at the l o c a l l e v e l often d i s t o r t the presentation to the State representatives. Taking such factors into account, the draft plan i s f i n a l i z e d and then submitted to the State Planning Committee. The Town Council, i n conjunction with the Town and Country Planning Department, i s then responsible for publishing, i n three issues of at least two l o c a l newspapers, a notice an-nouncing that plans are available for the public's inspection and comments at the l o c a l planning o f f i c e . The time within which objections to the draft structure plan can be made i s not less than one month and not more than two months from i t s date of issue. While the process appears to o f f e r ample op-portunity for c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n within a general Third World context the ingrained middle- upper-class perspective of the system f a i l s to adequately take into account the needs - 42 -of the poor and uneducated. Although the procedure allows plans to be made available to the "general public", the ques-tion must be asked, "Who does i t r e a l l y notify?" No doubt i t does a l e r t those upper-class groups with f i n a n c i a l interests who are l i k e l y to possess the f a c i l i t i e s and contacts to pre-sent their views d i r e c t l y to o f f i c i a l s . I t i s doubtful, however, that those without p o l i t i c a l or economic power who do not f u l l y understand the process and find i t d i f f i c u l t to a r t i c u l a t e objections e f f e c t i v e l y , have the same representation, although such decisions w i l l d i r e c t l y e f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s . A method of public n o t i f i c a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of this type may be v a l i d for developed countries where a l l income groups at least suppos-edly claim access to similar representation. But, when trans-planting such methods to the circumstances of the developing world, class d i s p a r i t i e s are heightened rather than discouraged. Discrepency i n eff e c t i v e access for a l l citizens to input i n the planning process c a l l s for an alternative method of seeking resident response at the f i n a l stage of the planning process. Therefore, the survey design formulated i n the Buluh Kubu re-search encourages a p r a c t i c a l approach i n obtaining a measure of input by those not previously represented. After a month when comments from "the general public" have been considered, the State Planning Committee decides whether or not the plan i s acceptable. If there are no major - 43 -c h a n g e s t o b e m a d e r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e r e v i e w o f o b j e c t i o n s s u b m i t t e d , t h e d r a f t s t r u c t u r e p l a n i s o f f i c i a l l y p a s s e d . T h e p l a n i s t h e n u s e d a s a m o d e l f o r a m o r e d e t a i l e d " l o c a l p l a n " w h i c h i s f o r m u l a t e d b y t h e T o w n a n d C o u n t r y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t . T h e l o c a l p l a n c o n s i s t s o f a m a p a n d w r i t t e n s t a t e m e n t d e s c r i b i n g i n d e t a i l t h e p r o p o s a l s o f t h e l o c a l p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y f o r t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d u s e o f l a n d i n t h e a r e a . A t t h i s p o i n t i n t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , t h e d e t a i l e d p l a n i s p r e s e n t e d t o t h e " g e n e r a l p u b l i c " f o r t h e i r i n p u t b y t h e s a m e m e t h o d p r e v i o u s l y d e s c r i b e d r e g a r d i n g t h e " d r a f t p l a n " . H e r e a g a i n , i t i s t h e T o w n C o u n c i l a n d P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t w h i c h d e c i d e s w h e t h e r t h i s p l a n s h o u l d b e m o d i f i e d a s a r e -s u l t o f " p u b l i c i n p u t " . T h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s t e n d s t o b a r a n y e f f e c t i v e p u b l i c d e b a t e o n p l a n n i n g i s s u e s a n d r e s u l t s i n " b a c k r o o m d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g " b y a p r i v i l e g e d f e w . O n c e t h e d r a f t o f t h e l o c a l p l a n i s f o r m u l a t e d b y t h e p l a n n i n g a u t h o r -i t y , i t i s t h e n s u b m i t t e d t o t h e S t a t e P l a n n i n g C o m m i t t e e f o r a p p r o v a l . I f i t i s a c c e p t e d , t h e p l a n i s p a s s e d a n d a c t e d u p o n b y t h e l o c a l p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h f e d -e r a l a n d s t a t e a g e n c i e s . I f t h e p l a n i s n o t a c c e p t e d , t h e l o c a l p l a n n i n g a u t h o r i t y m u s t r e f o r m u l a t e t h e p r o p o s a l i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e C o m m i t t e e ' s w i s h e s . A l t h o u g h t h e l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t B i l l i s t h e p l a n n i n g p r o -c e d u r e t h a t a l l o f t h e S t a t e s o f M a l a y s i a a r e s u p o s s e d t o f o l l o w , i t s e r v e s o n l y a s a l o o s e f r a m e w o r k f o r e a c h S t a t e - 44 r-Figure 1 Planning Process for Buluh Kubu Development Federal UMNO Government who now have close Advisory and Economic ties with the State ;NTHI BESAB Final Directives and decisions are made by the Mentri Besar- Prime Minister The State : UMNO Party S&ate Ad State Planning Committee Function: Advisory to the Mentri Besar i f requested made up of the same members as the "Ad Hoc Committee." JHoc Committee For Development and Settlement:Department Of Land And Mines Chairman The Buloh Kubu Working Group State Economic Planning Unit Town And Country Planning Dept. State Economic Development Corp, State Rural Development Project Town Council Town And Country Planning Department Function: Advisor and Implementation ^ Public... Requests - 45 -and c i v i c body to work within. Especially i n Kelantan, which has been is o l a t e d from the rest of Malaysia for so many years, the planning process as presented i n the B i l l i s recognized but not necessarily accepted by the government bureaucracies, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the l o c a l l e v e l . Resistance i s apparent in the a b i l i t y of the Town Council of Kota Bharu to "use i t s dis-cretion" regarding l o c a l planning matters. In fact, the Town Council can act as i t wishes through formal or informal channels on any. issue pertaining to i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n , which has never been clea r l y defined. Thus, developers or citizens who want to change planning:codes to meet their desires can go d i r e c t l y to the Town Council, by-passing the Town and Country Planning 51 Department and the State Planning Committee altogether. Obviously such a loophole i n the process diffuses the Planning B i l l ' s o r i g i n a l intent of centralizing decision-making, as i t perpetuates ad hoc "not how, but who you know planning", with i t s accompanying discriminatory practices. Since Kota Bharu's town size was increased by ten times i n 19 78, this informal planning process has a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the State's region-a l planning strategy. When the f i e l d work was conducted i t appeared that a confrontation was developing between the State's authority, which was supported by the Federal government, and the Town Council's discretionary planning prerogative as c o n f l i c t s of in t e r e s t became more apparent between these government bodies. - 46 -A 19 77 Federal government ruling which r e s t r i c t e d timber f e l l -ing, and the resulting ineffectiveness i n enforcing l o c a l author-i t i e s to c u r t a i l t h e i r lucrative involvement i n forest genocide, i s just one example of the lack of control over business i n t e r -ests. However, while the Town Council's strength lay i n i t s contacts and understanding of lo c a l conditions i n large develop-ment projects such as Buluh Kubu, i t lacked the f i n a n c i a l re-sources to execute such schemes without Federal or State co-operation. While previously the State and Federal governments were i n c o n f l i c t , since they joined the UMNO party in 19 78, an alliance formed that u t i l i z e d the party's funds as "carrot" and "stick" incentives. Through various p o l i t i c a l tactics Federal and State cooperation began to erode the c i v i c government's planning influence leading to a more equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of development projects for the whole State. I I . BOTTLENECKS IN THE BUREAUCRACY Despite their differences a common denominator in a l l the government bodies observed was the general condition of the planning and administrative bureaucracies. Coining William Allonso's description, they are "fat at the bottom and thin at the top". The e f f e c t of this condition i s of such conse-quence to the planning process i n Kota Bharu that a further explanation by Allonso of his terminology i s worth presenting: - 47 -At the bottom (of the bureaucracy) they are commonly overstaffed, under-trained, and i n e f f i -cient to the point of immobility. Routine matters lose t h e i r way in the labyrinth; orders from above are not carried out or are distorted from their purpose, and new or unusual needs meet with no responsiveness. . . . The situation at the top i s quite d i f f e r e n t . There i s a small number of able and energetic tech-nicians and managers t y p i c a l l y finding themselves overextended and lacking i n s t a f f support. There are extremely limited resources i n the planning process for ensuring the correct implementation of decisions, and for following up to see how previous decisions have worked out i n r e a l i t y . Thus there i s a limited capacity for action since e f f e c t i v e -ness w i l l depend more on the personal attention of the leadership than on the routine carrying out of the programs by the bureaucracy.52 This state of a f f a i r s , along with an atmosphere of intimidation from senior bureaucrats which discourages .original ideas from intermediate l e v e l o f f i c i a l s , unfortunately, results i n "plan-ning action i t s e l f becoming a scarce resource". The most obvious indicator of the bureaucratic b o t t l e -neck i s a common understanding among o f f i c i a l s that everything said i n a meeting with superiors i s "on the record, and that therefore suggestions which are not deemed acceptable can pot e n t i a l l y harm one's career. Two factors must be consider-ed when analyzing an intermediate l e v e l government o f f i c i a l ' s regard for job security and promotion opportunities: 1. the short l i f e expectancy of the average Malay male and therefore an early retirement; and, 2. the system which increasingly i n s i s t s that senior bureaucrats have foreign M.A. degrees. Thus, i f - 48 -by mid 30's an intermediate o f f i c i a l has not achieved a foreign M.A., his chances of promotion are dim. He w i l l soon r e t i r e with a good pension and since his present job i s r e l a t i v e l y high status and well paying, there i s no incentive for him to attempt to come up with creative approaches or ideas that threaten the bureaucracy's status quo, and thus his job. While innovative ideas are discussed amongst peers, i n o f f i c i a l meetings these views are not usually forwarded. A d i s t i n c t "yes boss" approach i s adopted by subordinates i n order to en-sure their overriding concern for personal job security. Havr ing observed the situation at f i r s t hand, i t i s apparent that measures to improve constructive open debate on planning issues without fear of r e p r i s a l are badly needed. I t i s essential i n order to i n i t i a t e responsive planning which allows o r i g i n a l indigenous ideas and technology to address l o c a l problems such as squatter settlement. An evaluation and reappraisal of present standards that are u n r e a l i s t i c i n meeting existing conditions, are of prime concern to such an approach. The f i r s t l i s t of standards to be assessed i n this regard should be the State's building codes that were formulated in 19 38 by the B r i t i s h administrators and are t o t a l l y inappropriate for Kelan-tan State, today. - 49 -I I I . COLONIAL DEPENDENCY BOTTLENECK PLUGGING The conditions of outdated co l o n i a l building codes o r i g i -nate from a col o n i a l perspective which exists to this day among many "experts" from developed countries. Experts from the conventional school of thought believe that the "transplant" of Western technology and approaches applicable to their s i t -uation at home w i l l work for developing foreign countries that have d i f f e r e n t needs. I t i s becoming increasingly clear that the approach i s of limited v a l i d i t y since i t emphasizes these countries' scarcest resource — f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l , instead.of i t s abundant pool of inexpensive labour and l o c a l technology. As demands increase for basic services by the ever grow-ing population of the Third World the following fundamental question must be asked of those who stand by such outdated planning perspectives: What are the r e a l i s t i c indicators of a "developed" vs. a "developing" country i n the context of the s p e c i f i c l o c a l condition, and proportion of the demands by each nation? Surely, s t r i c t economic measures alone are not s u f f i c i e n t , especially when these indicators are formulated by, and compar-ed to those nations whose achievements evolved over a longer period and under different circumstances. As G. Payne notes: - 50 -. . . despite the evident disparity in the regional contexts of urban areas i n the "developed" or "under-developed" countries at any h i s t o r i c a l stage, the former has been used to formulate a model of what the l a t t e r should become. Yet as Sovani has i n -dicated "the only reason for regarding the situation i n a few developed countries as the norm for the rest of the world seems to be nothing better than the fact that today they are developed economies. 5 3 The next question to be asked i s : To what extent do the f i n a n c i a l interests of "develop-ed" countries derive from the export sales of techno^ logy, come into play in perpetuating p o l i c i e s of trans-planting Western "know how" to "developing" countries? I t i s well known that most international development programs include the condition that machinery and other technology be 54 bought exclusively from that country offering the aid. These types of stipulations f u e l the b e l i e f that by such "good w i l l " development projects the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations are able to negotiate for the import of raw materials i n exchange for manufactured goods. The Third World then becomes the global "hinterland" for developed nations as the result of a balance 55 of trade detrimental to i t s o v e r a l l development. A. G. Frank' s 5 6 observations on South America hold true for Malaysia where i t i s i n the interest of the indigenous e l i t e (the Malay Royal families) who have a wide range of f i n a n c i a l and p o l i t i c a l interests to support their country's - 51 -dependency on developed nations. Dependency maintains the status quo, including the e l i t e ' s lucrative position within the society, and reinforces Frank's analysis that underdevelop-ed andj'jdependency patterns operate between the developed and underdeveloped country's privileged classes on a global scale. A more meaningful strategy would be the encouragement of available l o c a l resources to meet urgent issues within the context of l o c a l conditions. Then, i f required, the construc-tion of f a c i l i t i e s that can produce sophisticated technology by the country i n need could take place with i n i t i a l guidance by i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations. This process i n the short-term may not show rapid returns. In the long-run however, i t can "develop" the nation towards s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and independence to choose. Surely this c r i t e r i a over technological dependence i s a more meaningful role for development policy. On a similar but more personalized note i s the l a s t question: What are the ingrained private motives of those who wish to retain the p r i v i l e g e and "mystique" of the expert from abroad, who can'solve' a l l problems of the friendly natives? The lure of ego nourishment, low taxed sal a r i e s , and an open government mandate to i n i t i a t e programs without such "slow-downs" as consulting the public, are surely incentives to - 52 -those who wish to retain the s e l f serving c o l o n i a l i s t expert role. Too often i n this process, i t i s not to the advantage of any of the parties to complete a program on schedule, since when a<-contract expires and there i s no work l e f t to be done the job i s terminated. This results i n a slowdown of output as well as "make work" programs which serve to perpetuate the desired demand for services of the individual and/or his company. Resources and information can be manipulated so as to correspond to the s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecies of these groups rather than address the issue at hand by the most  r e a l i s t i c inexpensive method. IV. TOWARDS BREAKING THE BOTTLE'S NECK A p r a c t i c a l step i n unplugging a management bottleneck in large organizations i s to restructure the workers' basis for promotion within the l o c a l c u l t u r a l framework. This re-construction should emphasize promotion for those with i n -novative p r a c t i c a l ideas rather than for the pri v i l e g e d with the right contacts or those few with access to university degrees. The disastrous consequences of nepotism, and the aristocracy i n government positions without proper creden-t i a l s are s e l f evident i n countries l i k e Malaysia which espouse democracy. What, i s the impact of those o f f i c i a l s in top posit-ions, the majority of whom hold degrees from foreign universi-- 5 3 -ties? They are taught methodologies and, planning models, that are not applicable to the s p e c i f i c problems of develop-ing nations. Yet i t i s this training that enables the o f f i -c i a l to reach his position, and thus he must constantly f a l l back on these credentials and acquired s k i l l s from the foreign i n s t i t u t i o n i n order to legitimize policy decisions. Under such circumstances, the concern, for decision j u s t i f i c a t i o n can outweigh the r e a l i z a t i o n that planning methods taught abroad may be inappropriate when transferred out of context. The l o c a l o f f i c i a l , therefore, joins his counterpart, the "foreign expert" trained at a similar university, i n working (or fighting) together towards "development" as defined and protected by the interests of their profession, rather than the scope and complexity of the issues at hand. - 54 -CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH FRAMEWORK I . THE PARTICIPANT-OBSERVER APPROACH L i v i n g i n Kota Bharu f o r e i g h t months, I had the o p p o r t u -n i t y t o i n f o r m a l l y d i s c u s s a wide range of t o p i c s , i n c l u d i n g h o u s i n g and the Buluh Kubu s i t e , w i t h a broad c r o s s s e c t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n . These f r a n k c o n v e r s a t i o n s were e n l i g h t e n i n g as they p r o v i d e d d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s which a i d e d i n the u n d e r s t a n d i n g and a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the complex, i n t e r i s s u e s a f f e c t i n g the M a l a s i a n p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . The o b s e r v a t i o n s p r e s e n t e d here e v a l u a t e the p l a n n i n g system w i t h i n which I was w o r k i n g , and propose a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n model ( i n Chapter 8 ) . Why t h i s model was r e j e c t e d i n f a v o u r o f a development scheme i s d i s c u s s e d as an o b s e r v e r , and then as a p a r t i c i p a n t , who attempted t o m o d i f y the e x i s t i n g d e v e l o p -ment p l a n s towards g r e a t e r neighbourhood r e s p o n s i v e n e s s . The p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r approach f o l l o w s W i l l i a m A l o n s o ' s a d v i c e f o r p l a n n e r s i n d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s : The i m p o r t a n t t h i n g i s the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the p r o -c e s s o f the urban system, and w i t h i n t h i s c o n t e x t the p l a n n e r must put t o g e t h e r and use h i s i n c o m p l e t e i n f o r m a t i o n , as a d e t e c t i v e puts t o g e t h e r h i s f r a g -mentary c l u e s ; u s i n g t o the utmost h i s judgement, - 5 5 -and ingenuity to join formal data with any other i n -formation to produce indicators of the condition and performance of the system. When information i s poor, one cannot have confidence i n the prediction of s p e c i f i c events, including the action of the government i t s e l f , or i t s consequences. Rather one must rel y on general strategies of the ongoing processes, while retaining the f l e x i b i l i t y to respond to the unfolding of events and the new information.57 "Understanding the ongoing processes", and " f l e x i b i l i t y to respond", are the inherent benefits of participant observa-tion i n planning research. These benefits derive from the com-plimentary function of the roles of participant and observer, which monitor each other i n such a way that active p a r t i c i p a t i o n can test observations through planning action, while simultaneous observations evaluate the participatory action of the planner. By this method, academic planning models are released from their "ivory towers" to be applied, and r e a l i s t i c a l l y adapted, to the s p e c i f i c procedures and pressures of planning r e a l i t y . I t was such a transition* from textbook to implementation i n the f i e l d , which was the most enlightening lesson of this re-search. Within the context of a foreign country, being a par-ticipant-observer put my planning idealism i n touch with the pro-cess i n which i t must work i n order to have s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t . In the planning process, i t i s the p o l i t i c a l system which governs the implementation of proposals. Fortunately for my research, Kelantan p o l i t i c i a n s completed a t r a n s i t i o n that provided a clear mandate for the renovation of the Buluh Kulu - 56 -s i t e . Partly as a result of this new p o l i t i c a l climate, my input was well received by overtaxed o f f i c i a l s who were under pressure from the newly elected government to develop and implement proposals for the area. I t was my f i r s t hand experience as a participant, reinforc-ed by research as an observer, which resulted i n an understand-ing of the.various concerns ingrained in the l o c a l planning process. Based on these observations, I attempted to gauge the system's f l e x i b i l i t y to receive and u t i l i z e input from the Buluh Kubu's inhabitants i n the planning of their own neighbourhood. Such a step i s v i t a l to s o c i a l planning that i s responsive to the desires of the residents. In order to provide responsive input, the following methodology which was new to the State of Kelantan was employed: I I . A RESPONSIVE SURVEY DESIGN FOR DEVELOPING NATIONS As a participant observer, i t soon became apparent that there was a need to u t i l i z e a methodology that would provide a measure of input into the planning process from the area's residents. In order to do t h i s , i t was important to f u l l y ap-preciate two factors: 1. the lack of f i n a n c i a l alternatives of most of the residents in the area; and, - 5 7 -2. the receptiveness of the p o l i t i c a l system to planning input from the residents of Buluh Kubu. So that planning proposals could be responsive to the needs of the residents, a methodology which i s responsive to the circumstance of the residents i n re l a t i o n to the planning process i s needed. The implementation of plans depends on the s e n s i t i v i t y of the planner to the p o l i t i c a l system he i s working within. Similarly, the u t i l i z a t i o n of planning e f f o r t s to their f u l l e s t depends on the proposal's s e n s i t i v i t y to the desires and aspirations of those who are to be served. These necessary components i n planning must work together in provid-ing a p r a c t i c a l measure of input from poor residents i n the Third World planning process. Towards this end, a methodology that i s relevant to the sophistication and objectives of l o c a l planning procedure i s essential i n providing data that w i l l be properly u t i l i z e d . As Alonso astutely points out: Planners in developing countries often bewail.the lack of some data and the low quality of what data i s available. I t i s often thought that i f only the data were available, the elaborate mathematical plan-ning models developed in the economically advanced countries might be applied. Foreign experts i n these techniques are often consulted, and young national planners aspire to master what they regard as scien-t i f i c sophisticatioa. This i s a fundamental error, because the poverty of the data i s an i n t r i n s i c con- diti o n of underdevelopment, not a happenstance. Rich and frequent data i s the by-product of the organization of an advanced economy. When weak data i s put through the mathematical machinery of a com-plex model i t deteriorates through the compounding of error, and the output becomes worse than the i n -put. I t i s as i f one t r i e d to b u i l d skyscrapers out of wood and reeds: the structure would collapse .58 - 58 -In order to avoid such a "collapse", a methodology was proposed which was designed to provide r e s i d e n t i a l planning input i n keeping with the government's outlook and the social/economic condition of the inhabitants of Buluh Kubu. The methodology was constructed so as to provide "tentative answers" for l o c a l residents (an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of community problems) and the u t i l i z a t i o n of the i d e n t i f i e d concerns towards responsively tuning "tentative answers" into a f i n a l development plan. A. Presentation of a Community Plan Option A community plan was the product of the Buluh Kubu Working Groups' redevelopment proposals, which included the recommend-ations i n Chapter 7 of this thesis. A scale model of the plan was presented to the 56 families l i v i n g i n the d i s t r i c t . This was done i n the b e l i e f that a graphic display would sub-s t a n t i a l l y aid planners i n the " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " of the residents' community needs. B. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Community Needs The problems i n this case were the i d e n t i f i e d needs of the d i s t r i c t ' s residents. Based on f i r s t hand observations, and the Town and Country Planning Department's 19 7 3 survey of the area, an overview p r o f i l e of the d i s t r i c t ' s inhabitants was provided as labourers and hawkers. Given the limited expe-rience of residents i n the planning process, instead of presen-- 59 -ing them only with open ended questions designed to ascertain how they perceived their present condition and aspirations, i t became obvious that i t would be useful to also present a scale model of the State's redevelopment proposals to a sample 56 household heads for their comments and evaluation. Reverse answer in search of problem logic of this sort assumed that i t was conceptually easier for these respondents to comprehend and evaluate a graphic display of planning proposals, rather than answer vague questions which might not be f u l l y understood. Shlomo Angel and Stan Benjamin from the Asian Institute of Technology report: . . . when a squatter i s asked i f he would l i k e to l i v e i n a high-rise f l a t , he may say "yes" i f he feels that i s desired; or he may say "yes" i f he feels that by saying "yes" he may actually get a flat.59 Such a situation i s bound to occur regardless.of the form of survey used. However, by presenting a model of the proposed development, accompanied by photographs of each type of shelter offered, the respondent i s afforded the opportunity to gain an overview of the settlement pattern of his/her future environment, as well as a v i s u a l display of the type of housing that would be available. This methodology delivers relevant feedback of the residents long-term desires so that neighbourhood planners can adapt to future community needs. P h o t o g r a p h s 1-3: Model P r e s e n t a t i o n o f P r o p o s e d Development - 61 -C. Responsive Tuning Once the r e s i d e n t ' s needs have been i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e d i s p l a y o f p l a n n i n g o p t i o n s , the i n f o r m a t i o n can then be used t o r e s p o n s i v e l y tune the f i n a l r e n o v a t i o n p l a n . B e s i d e s o f f e r i n g respondent s e n s i t i v i t y i n p r o v i d i n g a c o n c e p t u a l base from which the r e s i d e n t can i d e n t i f y problems and p r o v i d e i n p u t , the methodology i s a u s e f u l p l a n n i n g t o o l as i t i s gen-e r a l l y c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the T h i r d World p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , i n the B uluh Kubu case the approach was p o l i -t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e as i t took i n t o account the c o u n t r y ' s p l a n n i n g framework and r e a l i z e d the r e s i d e n t s ' l a c k o f f i n a n c i a l a l t e r n a ' -t i v e s . Due t o t h e s e f a c t o r s , i t was more r e l e v a n t t o l o c a l con-d i t i o n s t o i n c l u d e r e s i d e n t i n p u t i n the f i n a l s t a g e s o f the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s than the format o f r e s i d e n t i n p u t proposed by the N o r t h American and Western European " p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n / advocacy" models. These p l a n n i n g methods u t i l i z e the r e s i d e n t s ' demands i n o r d e r t o i n i t i a t e o r modify government p r o p o s a l s . I t can o n l y be s u c c e s s f u l i n a t r u l y d e m o c r a t i c c o u n t r y where the freedom t o p u b l i c l y v o i c e d i s c o n t e n t w i t h o u t f e a r o f r e p r i s a l i s e n sured. I n most developed c o u n t r i e s , those who have demands (supposedly) have f i n a n c i a l a l t e r n a t i v e s and possess the a b i l i t y t o o r g a n i z e a campaign t h a t can c o n f r o n t the government. P r i v a t e l o b b y i n g e f f o r t s o r an a g g r e s s i v e v o c a l campaign u s i n g d e m o n s t r a t i o n s - 6 2 -and the press, can be very e f f e c t i v e i n pressuring authorities to address the public's demands. However, such an approach could not be used i n Malaysia given the country's p o l i t i c a l climate and i t s emphasis on the "professional expert" who i s expected to know what the people need and how to deliver i t . Furthermore, the area's inhabi-tants are i n a p o l i t i c a l l y weak position since they do not have legal tenure of the land they now occupy, and generally do not have f i n a n c i a l alternatives or adequate access to input into the planning process. Therefore, to present r e s i d e n t i a l demands in the i n i t i a l stages of planning would be i n e f f e c t i v e given the pressures to commercially develop the Buluh Kubu s i t e , and the o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of these residents as i l l e g a l squatters. Once the redevelopment plan has been formulated to meet i t s overriding p o l i t i c a l and f i n a n c i a l obligations, r e s i d e n t i a l input can be added. As long as t h i s input does not c o n f l i c t with these concerns, additions or alterations to the plan may be made. I t i s a matter of p r i o r i t i e s , and as exemplified by the Buluh Kubu case study, r e s i d e n t i a l input under these circum-stances seems to be only an afterthought. When considering the o f f i c i a l outlook, i n order to have any e f f e c t on planning pro-posals, resident input from those without p o l i t i c a l or f i n a n c i a l power seems most appropriate i n the f i n a l stages of the process. Despite the personal outlook and best intentions of foreign-- 63 -ers from developed countries, i n order to implement p o l i c i e s and suggestions sensitive to the needs of the residents i t i s essen-t i a l that these recommendations also be sensitive to the p o l i t i -c a l system. In this regard, as the Director of Human Settlement Planning at the Asian Institute of Technology i n Thailand points out, i t i s v i t a l for the foreign planner to "Know Your Limits". Outside of open revolution, "Knowing Your Limits", i n terms of the p o l i t i c a l system within which one i s working, i s the key to any measure of success by a foreign planner i n a developing coun-try. Without such an appreciation, even the best plans w i l l go unnoticed or be met with an o f f i c i a l smile and shelved i n d e f i n i t e -l y . Especially i n the case of squatters and housing, Dr. Angel's experience i n knowing l i m i t s indicates that: Decisions on the proper use of land are largely p o l i t i c a l , and t r a d i t i o n a l l y favour land owning interests which predominate i n l o c a l and national p o l i c i e s . As squatters have neither legitimacy nor power, they are the most p o l i t i c a l l y expedient and economical target for e v i c t i o n . Moreover, as they often occupy lands owned by powerful people, they f a l l prey to market and p o l i t i c a l pressures to build more profitable structures on the land they occupy.60 Taking such factors into account, the methodology used i n this research i s a relevant and useful planning tool since i n the short-term, i t does not threaten the existing process i t must work within i n order to be e f f e c t i v e . At the same time i t offers a new source of r e s i d e n t i a l input that can reinforce existing mechanisms which seek community response. As a result, the evolution of the developing country's planning process to-wards increasingly greater amounts of resident, and p a r t i c u l a r l y 4 . The Model Accommodation Alternatives - 65 -7. The Model - 66 -squatter, input. It i s important that the governments of developing coun-t r i e s appreciate these long-term benefits of responsive plan-ning which u t i l i z e relevant methodologies and l o c a l resources i n encouraging a l l residents to be partners with the govern-ment i n the planning process. Planning that emphasizes par-t i c i p a t i o n can discourage p o l i t i c a l revolution as i t aids o f f i c i a l s i n "keeping i n touch" with the demands of a l l sectors of the nation's population. I I I . THE MECHANICS OF THE SURVEY: , AN INSIGHT INTO THE  PLANNING PROCESS The presentation of a method design which could provide a conceptual base for the Buluh Kubu residents' evaluation and planning response required several bureaucratic procedures. The most d i f f i c u l t task i n implementing the methodology was acquiring the government's permission to publicly present c l a s s i f i e d development plans that had not been f i n a l l y approved by the Mentri Besar, the Chief Minister of the State. Presen-tation of tentative planning proposals to an area's inhabitants, regardless of their income or status, was a new concept i n plan-ning for Kota Bharu. Partly as a r e s u l t of being a new approach which affected the planning status quo, the research framework was-met with a certain amount of skepticism from government quarters. As - 6 7 -mentioned previously, the Town and Country Planning Department had i n the past been responsible for presenting surveys and questionnaires for cases such as the Buluh Kubu s i t e . However, on the Buluh Kubu project the State Economic Planning Unit as well as the State Economic Development Corporation were active-ly involved i n survey work. It seemed that this t r a d i t i o n a l function of the Town and Country Planning Department was per-ceived to be threatened. Possibly for this reason, the Depart-mentment opposed the presentation of a planning model presen-tation arguing that i t s creators as well as the residents who view i t would have unlawful access to "privileged" material. The town planners maintained that proposals for commercial de-velopment could be acquired by private interests who would have an advantage i n speculating on the area's proposed commercial development. However, i n the department's o r i g i n a l develop-ment plans, t h e i r extensive commercial proposals were well known throughout the town. From my own conversations with l o c a l entrepreneurs, many were w i l l i n g to outline i n d e t a i l supposedly confidential proposed commercial plans for the Buluh Kubu area. Therefore my request for the presentation of a tentative model of planning proposals to low-income res-idents, who were going to be d i r e c t l y affected by development did not appear to threaten the "secrecy" of such plans since they were already known amongst business interests throughout the c i ty. - 68 -In the request to various agencies, i t was explained why the model presentation would be b e n e f i c i a l for the long-term planning process. I t was earnestly proposed that the approach would be useful i n i n i t i a t i n g resident response so that plan-ning for Buluh Kubu, as well as other s i t e s , could be sensitive to the desires of the inhabitants involved. I t was also point-ed out to o f f i c i a l s that this procedure would aid i n ensuring that scarce resources and government ef f o r t s would be u t i l i z e d to their f u l l e s t extent. Especially for the Town and Country Planning Department, i t was noted that the model of a s o c i a l planning strategy was relevant since i t was simultaneously involved i n three other similar development projects. The a b i l i t y to have on hand a model of development i s a useful frame of reference for future projects as i t can offer a graphic overview of planning patterns. A conceptual overview can then be evaluated by the outcome of the development that takes place. P a r t i c u l a r l y for the younger planners who have only a minimal amount of training, this model can be used as a useful learning device since i t provides the opportunity to study planning patterns and to learn from past e f f o r t s . The model not only encourages response from the public on planning proposals but also serves as a worthwhile teaching medium that can raise resident consciousness concerning the d i f f e r e n t factors involved i n planning. IV. RED TAPE O r i g i n a l l y I i n t e n d e d t o use h i g h s c h o o l s t u d e n t s t o b u i l d the survey community s c a l e model because i t would have been a w o r t h w h i l e e d u c a t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e w h i l e k e e p i n g the c o s t s o f the c o n s t r u c t i o n down. However, the Town and Country P l a n n i n g Department v e t o e d the i d e a c l a i m i n g t h a t the s t u d e n t s might " l e a k " c l a s s i f i e d m a t e r i a l t o p r i v a t e f i n a n c i a l c o n c e r n s . The department o n l y agreed t o the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the model i f i t was b u i l t by a l o c a l a r c h i t e c t (of which t h e r e were o n l y three) who would be w i l l i n g t o s i g n an o f f i c i a l , b i n d i n g agree-ment t h a t would charge t h i s p e r s o n w i t h " p r e s e r v i n g the c o n f i d e n -t i a l i t y " o f " r e s t r i c t e d m a t e r i a l " . The p r o s p e c t s o f f i n d i n g someone t o s i g n such an agreement seemed dim. I n g r a i n e d i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s and the s o c i e t y as a whole i s a d i s t i n c t u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o commit o n e s e l f f o r b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e i n an u n d e r t a k i n g u n t i l i t i s completed and proven to be a s u c c e s s . A t t h a t time u s u a l l y everyone w i l l c l a i m r e s p o n -s i b i l i t y f o r the v e n t u r e . However, i f i t i s judged to be a f a i l -u re then the "not me, boss" p r o c e s s p r o t e c t s anyone from b e i n g i d e n t i f i e d as h a v i n g f a i l e d , and the buck i s passed i n t o o b l i v i o n u n t i l a c o n v e n i e n t scapegoat i s found or the whole m a t t e r f o r -g o t t e n . T h i s n o t i o n i s r o o t e d i n the people of K e l a n t a n S t a t e ' s extreme s o c i e t a l c o n c e r n i n " s a v i n g f a c e " b e f o r e the eyes o f o t h e r s . - 70 -August 27, 1978 I Mohamad Bin Abdul Ghani (identity card number I understand that the model I agree to build for the proposed Buloh Kubu redevelopment project, i s based on plans which i s restricted material that cannot be released to the general public without Government consent. I therefore.take responsibility for myself and staff in preserving the confidentiality of this material. Furthermore I understand that this agreement does not commit my firm to future involvement in.£he Buloh Kubu Project, ^ »Signed KCKAKAD Bl!,; ABDUL GKAI-, '«1 Figure 2: Letter of Agreement by l o c a l Architect to build a model of Buluh Kubuls proposed development - 71 -Despite the red tape, I was extremely fortunate i n find-ing a l o c a l architect who appreciated the benefits of the pro-posed design. He thus agreed to b u i l d the model, and sign a "document agreeing to undertake the project".. Willingness to commit oneself to such an agreement in this society was a sign of courage which I perceived as surprising the Town Planning Department. The Department did not expect me to find anyone to undertake such r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , however once th e i r s t i p u l a -tions had been met they were obliged to support the method design. After o f f i c i a l approval had been granted, thanks to the effort s of Dr. Webster, I was able to obtain funding for the model's construction and survey implementation. V. THE POLITICAL MEANS JUSTIFIES SOCIAL ENDS The factor which ultimately influenced the State Economic Planning Unit's sponsorship of J the survey was the emphasis placed on the fact that the model would be an im-pressive, testimony of the agency's c a p a b i l i t i e s to the Mentri Besar. I t should be understood that each government agency pa r t i c i p a t i n g i n Buluh Kubu's renovation was extremely con-cerned by what the Mentri Besar regarded as their p a r t i c u l a r input i n the project i n relation to the other agencies involved. I t was a revealing insight into the competitiveness and p r i o r -i t i e s of government agencies supposedly working together on a - 7 2 -p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t . Such i n s t a n c e s do oc c u r i n developed na-t i o n s but perhaps t o a more s u b t l e degree than was observed i n t h i s c a s e . I n s t e a d o f p r e s e n t i n g the d e s i g n i n o r d e r t o edu-c a t e and i n i t i a t e r e s i d e n t i a l response i n the p l a n n i n g p r o -c e s s , i t was soon ( p a i n f u l l y ) apparent t o me t h a t t h e prime mo-t i v e b e h i n d the agency's agreement t o my r e q u e s t was t o i n c r e a s e i t s own p r e s t i g e i n the eyes o f the Prime M i n i s t e r o f the S t a t e . However, as s t a t e d p r e v i o u s l y the v a l i d i t y o f t h i s r e s e a r c h d e s i g n l a y not o n l y i n i t s a b i l i t y t o i n i t i a t e and a r t i c u l a t e r e s i d e n t i a l i n p u t i n t o the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , but a l s o i n i t s c o m p a t i b i l i t y w i t h the p o l i t i c a l mechanics and mot i v e s o f the government's p l a n n i n g p r o c e d u r e , w i t h o u t which such r e s i d e n t i n p u t c o u l d not be r e a l i z e d . Thus, i n o r d e r t o a c q u i r e my s o c i a l p l a n n i n g o b j e c t i v e s as a r e s e a r c h p l a n n e r , I had t o ' s e l l ' the d e s i g n not o n l y as a p l a n n i n g method, but a l s o as a p o l i t i c a l v e h i c l e f o r d e p a r t m e n t a l r e c o g n i t i o n . D e s p i t e the v a r i o u s m o t i v e s i n t h i s c a s e , the d e s i g n was used as a p o l i t i c a l 'means' so t h a t a s o c i a l v iew o f p l a n n i n g s c o u l d be met i n the l o n g r u n . The g o a l o f such an approach i s i n c r e a s e d r e s i d e n t i a l i n p u t i n t o the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s so as t o encourage r e s p o n s i v e p r o p o s a l s i n touch w i t h a l l the r e s i d e n t s ' needs i n the c o n t e x t o f t h e i r c o n d i t i o n . - 73 -VI. THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE SURVEY The survey was conducted over a four day period i n November of 19 78, with the help of seven clerks from the Town and Country Planning Department's s t a f f . I was responsible for the formula-tion of the three-part questionnaire which included a physical questionnaire section and subjective questions designed to de-termine straight forward factual information on the inhabitants' residency and behaviour. I t was this information that was re-quested by the planning department and was in line with t h e i r previous survey framework. While these questions were readily agreed upon by the department the l a s t section of the question-naire which concerned the residents' attitudes and planning i n -put met with resistance. I t was f i n a l l y agreed that the a t t i t u -dinal questions and model could be presented to a random 56 household heads from the t o t a l population of 400 families. VII . SURVEY DESIGN The four square acre Buluh Kubu area was cut into roughly four equal survey areas using the Johar Palace as a marker for d i v i s i o n . The f i r s t five questions (A-E) dealing with the physical appraisal of the area, and Section 2, the objective factual questions (1-15), were delivered to every household head i n Buluh Kubu over a four day period. The questionnaire I constructed, after numerous drafts, was translated into Malay - 74 -Figure 3: Survey Areas - 75 -and delivered personally by myself and seven -Planning Department s t a f f members. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of household head rather than family head was used i n order to avoid confusion i n family t i e s and kinship networks. Household head was considered to be the ranking responsible member available at home at the time of the interview. Since the interviews were conducted after working hours, and prayer meetings, i n most cases the ranking male was available. The benefits of having the s t a f f members explain the questionnaire and write i n the answers were important to the survey. I was able to discuss with each interviewer what the questions meant and to indicate which type of question could stimulate response. Thus a consistent interpretation was achieved by my contact with the interviewers and their under-standing of the questions' intent. Towards this end i t was arranged that I be situated at the model display location i n case there were any problems i n completing the questionnaire The s t a f f members were extremely cooperative in conducting the survey, and asked many questions which made the procedure a valuable learning experience for a l l parties involved. Fourteen families were randomly chosen from each of the four survey areas to answer the l a s t section of the question-naire dealing with the residents' attitudes, input into the planning design, and evaluation of the methodology. Although - 76 -.8 . The Presentationof Survey - 79 -- 80 -i t was o r i g i n a l l y intended to distribute the l a s t section of the questionnaire to the entire Buluh Kubu population, due to the resistance by the Director of Planning, a random sample of 56 family heads was chosen instead. Out of every seven families one household head answered the thi r d questionnaire section. Tables 1 to 10 indicate that with respect to age, sex, d i s t r i -bution, education and employment, these 56 random household heads were f a i r l y representative of Buluh Kubu's t o t a l popula-tion. Since this l a s t section of the questionnaire was de l i v e r -ed only by myself and one s t a f f member, a careful presentation of the model was undertaken i n order to ensure respondent under-standing of what was being asked. VIII.COMPUTER CODING After the survey was conducted, the questionnaire was coded by sections and survey areas. I t was necessary to code each an-swer with a code number for computer use (see Appendix). Eight, meaning 'not applicable', was distinguished from nine, meaning 'no answer', while one was reserved for 'yes', and two was l e f t to indicate 'no'. Four of the seven s t a f f members were placed under my charge i n order to help code the questionnaires. This part of my research was p a r t i c u l a r l y rewarding since i t pro-vided the opportunity to teach questionnaire formulation and computer coding, having learned i t myself from Dr. Webster - 81 -the day before. The Malay s t a f f were very eager to learn these methods, which they saw as enhancing their careers. They pro-vided this research with valuable insights into the workings of the planning process and Malay society. IX. COMPUTATION: THE STATISTICAL PACKAGE FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES Since there were no computer f a c i l i t i e s available i n Kota Bharu only the coding could be done i n the f i e l d work s i t e . Therefore, i n September of 1979 upon returning to the University of B r i t i s h Columbia the S t a t i s t i c a l Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) computer tests for this research was begun by the punching out of questionnaire answers onto computer cards. After several attempts the appropriate SPSS command cards for descriptive tables and cross-tabulations were worked out. The data was divided between the t o t a l sample of 400 household heads — Sample 1, and Sample 2 the random 56 household heads who answered the a t t i t u d i n a l questions. X. TARGETS FOR ANALYSIS The targets for research analysis concentrated on Buluh Kubu's general s i m i l a r i t i e s with the rest of Kota Bharu, as well as the community's unique characteristics. The findings are detailed i n Chapter 6. Table 6 analyzes a comparison of - 82 -the r e s i d e n t s ' l e n g t h o f s t a y i n Buluh Kubu, as compared t o t h e i r p r e v i o u s home, so as to understand the permanence o f the r e s i d e n t s . T able 5 examines b o t h samples' p l a c e o f b i r t h i n o r d e r t o a p p r e c i a t e what f u n c t i o n B uluh Kubu has as a t r a n -s i e n t r e c e p t i o n a r e a i n r e l a t i o n t o the r e s t o f the c i t y . A c r o s s t a b u l a t i o n between sex and age was conducted on Samples 1 and 2 i n o r d e r t o c o n s t r u c t a sex/age pyramid f o r a demo-g r a p h i c o v e r v i e w o f the p o p u l a t i o n . Data comparing Buluh Kubu's household d e n s i t y , w i t h the r e s t o f M a l a y s i a i s examined i n Tab l e s 7 and I I so as t o view the s i t u a t i o n w i t h i n a n a t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e . An o v e r v i e w o f the o t h e r s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s examined i n Chapter 6 i n c l u d e s : income, a b i l i t y t o pay r e n t , household a m e n i t i e s , rooms per l i v i n g q u a r t e r , e d u c a t i o n , employment, and a breakdown o f employ-ment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a l l w i t h i n a comp a r a t i v e framework i n -v o l v i n g the two Buluh Kubu samples and the r e s t o f Kota Bharu. The r e s t o f the d a t a c o l l e c t e d c o n c e r n i n g the t h i r d s e c t i o n o f the q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 6, and i s p r e s e n t e d i n the sample q u e s t i o n n a i r e i n c l u d e d i n the Appendix. - 83 -C H A P T E R 4  T H E S E T T I N G : K O T A B H A R U I . G E O G R A P H Y K o t a B h a r u , w h i c h i s l o c a t e d o n t h e n o r t h - e a s t c o a s t o f M a l a y s i a , h a s u n t i l r e c e n t l y b e e n i s o l a t e d f r o m t h e r e s t o f t h e N a t i o n . S i t u a t e d n e a r t h e m o u t h o f t h e K e l a n t a n R i v e r t h e t o w n i s h e m m e d i n b y m o u n t a i n s t o t h e s o u t h a n d w e s t . T h e C h i n a S e a t o t h e e a s t l a c k s n a t u r a l h a r b o u r s . H i s t o r i c a l l y , t h e n o r t h - e a s t e r n c o a s t l i n e o f M a l a y s i a h a s . d e t e r r e d a c c e s -s i b i l i t y b y f o r e i g n i n t e r e s t s i n t o t h e r e g i o n . D i r e c t l y n o r t h i s T h a i l a n d w h i c h t r a d i t i o n a l l y h a s h a d c l o s e r t i e s t o K o t a B h a r u d u e t o t h e t o w n ' s g e o g r a p h i c d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . S i n c e i t i s t h e r e g i o n a l c a p i t a l , K o t a B h a r u h a s d e v e l o p -e d a s a c e n t e r f o r m a r k e t i n g a n d t r a d e . T h e m a j o r c r o p g r o w n n e a r t h e t o w n i s r i c e . R i c e i s t h e m a j o r s t a p l e i n t h e M a l a y d i e t a n d i s c h o s e n b y m o s t l o c a l f a r m e r s w h o a r e r e l u c t a n t t o g r o w o t h e r t y p e s o f m o r e p r o f i t a b l e c a s h c r o p s . Figure 4: The States of Malaysia showing the D i s t r i c t s of the State of Kelantan 5 Pasir Puteh 6 Tanah Merah 7 Machang 8 Ulu Kelantan International Boundary State Boundary D i s t r i c t Boundary • • • Miles 0 18 36 9+ - 85 -II. ACCESS AND COMMUNICATION Except during the height of onsoon season the Kelantan River provides easy boat access to Kota Bharu. T r a d i t i o n a l l y the r i v e r has been used as the major route to the town since the mountainous ter r a i n and numerous waterways around the area have meant that the town was hard to reach overland. Besides the ri v e r , a twelve hour bus ride through the State of Kuantan, covering 420 miles between Kota Bharu to Kuala Lumpur i s available twice daily. Another, but more dangerous route follows a road through Thailand that crosses into the town of Songa Golok. At this small (but i l l u s t r i o u s ) town the road connects with the east-west highway that joins a road south leading into northwest Malaysia. Although t r a i n tracks have not run d i r e c t l y through Kota Bharu since the Second World War, t r a i n service by the Malaysian Railway System i s available just north of the town. The li n e runs south to Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, and north connecting with trains to points i n Thailand and northwest Malaysia. Eight miles to the east of Kota 3haru i s the small town of Pekalan Chipa where the airport i s located. Since the mid-1960' s the Malaysian A i r l i n e System has offered regular domestic f l i g h t s to Kuala Lumpur, Penang, Kuantan, and Kuala Trengganu. These f l i g h t s have e f f e c t i v e l y opened-up Kelantan state to the rest of the country which, as recently as 1963, was connected to the ca p i t a l of Kuala Lumpur by thirteen ferry crossings. 16. The Sultan Yehih Putra Bridge leading North to Thailand - 87 -At the time of research an important east-west coast highway was near completion. The road would l i n k up Kota Bharu to Penang and for the f i r s t time allow direct access from the hinterland of the east to the developed manufacturing centers of the west coast. I t was i n anticipation of this growth that the World Bank team wanted to establish Kota Bharu as an equal trading partner with western Malaysia. A prime concern of the Team1s mission was to develop industry in Kota Bharu that would discourage a one-way flow of raw resources to Penang and Ipoh on the west coast. III . HISTORY A. Early History 61 ' In his 1967 a r t i c l e , A Kelantan V i l l a g e in Malaya Down indicated that by 1225 A.D., Kelantan State was under the rule of S r i v i j a y a from Sumatra. A hundred years l a t e r the state was taken over by the Majapahit kingdom of Java which was conquered by the end of the f i f t e e n t h century by the Malay Princes from Malacca who converted the state of Kelantan to Islam. From 1600, i n the Patani region of southern Thailand, the Kingdom of Siam gained prominence and claimed suzerainity 6 2 over Kelantan which was d i r e c t l y to the south. To this day, ties,are yery close between the regions and include a strong Islamic-Malay-speaking, Patani-Thai separatist faction which - 88 -regularly blows up the Hadyai t r a i n station in order to orches-trate their commitment to forming closer o f f i c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n with Kelantan state. The B r i t i s h diplomat S i r Frank Swettenham offered this first-hand account of Kelantan and Kota Bharu during an 1875 v i s i t with the Governor of Singapore: They t o l d us Kelantan was under Siam, immediately under Ligor, but the Siamese do not interfere i n the government of the country. There used to be a large quantity of gold obtained i n Kelantan, but i t has been worked for 60 years and i t i s said c there i s a large Bazaar where the buyers and s e l l -ers are p r i n c i p a l l y women, thronged to a degree. The population i s very dense indeed, houses and gardens everywhere and an endless stream of people going up and down the r i v e r bank. The Captain China declared there were 100,000 Malays, males in and about town: of Chinese i n the country of Kelantan 2,000. There i s an opium and s p i r i t farm in the hands of the Captain China at $2,000 per annum. There i s also a duty on s a l t , gambier, paddy, cotton and s i l k for sarong making and tobacco. Immense numbers of sarongs are made in Kelantan by both Malays and Chinese especially the former. . . .63 B. B r i t i s h Intervention Due to the Siamese desire to maintain their' interests in Kelantan state i n the face of colo n i a l expansionism, the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1902 was signed. As part of this agreement, i n 1903 the Siamese government appointed W. R. Graham as B r i t i s h Advisor to look after i t s a f f a i r s i n the state. The B r i t i s h at the time wanted to get involved i n Kelantan trade without - 89 -over-extending i t s e l f and claiming the region a d i r e c t colony of the B r i t i s h Empire. In his six years as Advisor to the Sultan, Graham oversaw: 1) the development of the' police force and the building of a central police station i n Kota Bharu i n 1904; 2) reformation of the j a i l system; including the u t i l i z a t i o n of convict labour i n c i v i c projects and construction of a new j a i l i n 1907 situated in Kota Bharu; 3) creation of a public works department; 4) the creation of a secular school system; and, 5) the recognition of the State Council, and decentralization of the d i s t r i c t s administration i n 1903 , 6 4 In 1909, the Treaty of 3angkok was signed which gave Great B r i t a i n " a l l rights of Suzerainity, protection, admin-i s t r a t i o n and control over Kelantan and the States of Trengganu, Kedah and P e r l i s " . . Having gained f a m i l i a r i t y with the state since 1902 as advisors in the service of the Siamese, the B r i t i s h began the i r formal involvement in Kelantan. Although the State continued to have a B r i t i s h Advisor during the period of c o l o n i a l intervention i n the Malay Peninsula, Kelantan - 90 -maintained i t s independence as an unfederated state. The Japanese attacked Kota Bharu at the start of the Second World War catching B r i t i s h and Malay troops by surprise. A ruth-less occupation followed, which i s b i t t e r l y remembered to this day by l o c a l residents. In 1948 Kelantan joined the Federa-tion of Malays, and on August 31, 1957, under a new constitution, became part of the new independent country of Malaysia. C. Overseas Market: The Duff Trading Company Due to i t s r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n , foreign trading interests i n Kelantan state were not as intense as the involvement of trade i n the western and southern states of the peninsula. However, as the major trading center for Kelantan state, foreign investment did remain a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n the development of Kota Bharu. An Englishman, Robert William Duff, obtained the land concession for commercial purposes from the Sultan of Kelantan in 1900. R a t i f i e d i n July 1901, the con-cession gave the Duff Syndicate v i r t u a l control of a l l rights to mining and commerce a c t i v i t i e s within an area of three thousand square miles. The Duff Company b u i l t up the i n -frastructure for both administration and prospecting min-erals i n Kelantan state. By 1905 the Company had major d i s -agreements with the B r i t i s h Advisor to the Sultan on policy matters. These disputes were not o f f i c i a l l y settled u n t i l an appeal was presented i n England, to the House of Lords in the 1930's. 6 6 - 91 -D. Kota Bharu's Roaring 20's: Flood and Fire Kota Bharu expanded rapidly between 1900 and 1930. The most important event a f f e c t i n g the town's urban formation during t h i s c r u c i a l period was a major flood and f i r e which moved the central business d i s t r i c t of Kota Bharu away from the r i v e r bank towards i t s present location, inland. Although the Kelantan River annually overflows i t s banks, in 1926 flooding was so extensive that most of the town's major commercial d i s t r i c t situated along the r i v e r banks was destroyed. The government intervened with r e l i e f aid to help out these interests as well as the farmers and rubber planta-6 7 tion owners whose crops were ruined by the flood. One year after the flood 300 shops located along the r i v e r bank were destroyed by f i r e . The blaze apparently started i n a Chinese shop house and i s s t i l l the source of some r a c i a l animosity among Malay businessmen. Informants point out that i t was not the Malay custom to insure property, a practice followed by the Chinese. Thus after the f i r e , the Chinese were able to build rapidly, gaining a s i g n i f i c a n t commercial advantage. The Chinese invested their insurance money away from the r i v e r (and heavy flooding) to where the new commercial d i s t r i c t i s today. In recent attempts to re-establish a commercial area along the banks of the Kelantan River, the Malays are adamant that they alone have the right - 92 -to locate their businesses i n new government sponsored pro-jects- They refer to the f i r e of January 1927 as the reason Malays cannot have a business d i s t r i c t with the Chinese, who they believe started the f i r e i n order to c o l l e c t property insurance. IV. KOTA BHARU'S URBAN FORMATION As Map 2 i l l u s t r a t e s , at the turn of the century, Kota Bharu's population was concentrated north of the present town centre along the Kelantan River which, as a means of transport and trade, was central to the town's development. It i s natural, therefore, that the o r i g i n a l Town Centre was situated on the r i v e r bank (Town Section 5). To the south of this area l i e s Independence Park which i s s t i l l a favourite recreational spot i n the town. Just west of the Park i s the old Malay l i v i n g quarter including the 3uluh Kubu area (Town Section 7) which surrounds the Sultan's t r a d i t i o n a l palace, the Balai Besar. The other old area of town (whose background information i s included i n the Appendix of this research) i s the Lido D i s t r i c t , a predominantly Chinese neighbourhood located d i r e c t -l y south of the Park along the r i v e r (Town Section 6). Both these d i s t r i c t s have declined i n importance as a result of the flood and f i r e s of the 1920's. The old landing pier for r i v e r boats and f e r r i e s located opposite the Park, - 94 -lo s t i t s former use with the building of the new bridge down-stream in 1964. This bridge was b u i l t to accommodate the new town centre located to the south and inland from the former town area. The new d i s t r i c t included the Central Market Build-ing, a two-storey building, packed with an estimated 2,300 traders (Town Section 11), and the Government Buildings (Town Section 12) constructed by the B r i t i s h . The southward expansion of the town away from the r i v e r banks i s a result of the annual flooding which i s most severe in the northern part of the town and by the riverside. To the south of the c i t y (Town Section 13 and 15) and along Jalan Telipot (Town Section 2 3) where flooding i s minimal, the ex-pensive houses are found. The d i s t r i c t i n the worst condition was the most densely populated section of the town located in the older section of the c i t y . A further study of a neighbourhood i n this area ca l l e d Buluh Kubu, or "Bamboo Fence", i s offered i n the b e l i e f that i t w i l l provide useful insights into the urban dynamics of Kota Bharu's past, i t s present experience, and p o s s i b i l i -t i e s for future growth. - 95 -18. Kota Bharu: Main Market V. ECONOMIC CONDITION Despite Kota Bharu's size and prestige as the state c a p i t a l of a contained region, the c i t y ' s economy i s depress-ed because i t has a more limited range of i n d u s t r i a l ac-t i v i t i e s and manufacturing employment than other centres in 69 her size range. Light industry in the area includes: ice, matches, b i s c u i t s , and building materials. There are also the well known handicrafts including batik, silverwear, 70 songket weaving, and k i t e s . A 1977 urban development study indicates that out of a sample work force of 1,527 working members taken from 1,000 randomly chosen families, 51.7 per cent were employed i n secondary economic a c t i v i t i e s . These a c t i v i t i e s include: construction, banking and finance, whole-sale trade, r e t a i l trade, and the manufacturing of rubber, o i l palm, tobacco, coconut o i l processing, t e x t i l e s and wood products. Tertiary industries include: rubber u t i l i t i e s , public service, transport, and communication. A sample of the study showed that 45.6 per cent were employed while only two per cent of the t o t a l work sample was involved i n primary resource employment. Such a breakdown in s e c t o r i a l employ-ment reveals Kota Bharu's commercial and processing function in the context of i t s urban, hinterland relationship with the rest of Kelantan State. Hinterland a c t i v i t i e s which should d i r e c t l y affect the c i t y i n the near future are: the Kemubu ri c e double-cropping scheme; expanding Malayan Tobacco Cor-) - 97 -poration operations; and the new highway which w i l l d i r e c t l y link up Kota Bharu with the commercial west coast for the f i r s t time. However, whether such a road w i l l provide the desired two-way flow of goods and services which w i l l aid in Kota Bharu's development, or retard the c i t y by a one-way out-flow effect, remains to be seen. VI. UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS: "BUMI. PUTRA" URBAN PROTOTYPE The evolution of Kota Bharu, a town of 100,000 with a compound annual growth rate of approximately five per cent i s notably di f f e r e n t from i t s larger west coast counterparts such as Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, Taping, and George Town. Unlike these colonial c i t i e s Kota Bharu i s an indigenous Malay town formed by the merger of small Kampongs. Redfield and Singer defined 71 the urban formation as an "orthogenetic c i t y " , since i t i s a product of l o c a l c u l t u r a l assumptions i n response to i n -digenous i n i t i a t i v e s , notcolonial influence. The history of r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n from colonial urbanism has resulted in Kota Bharu's special characteristics as a Malay town where the administrators, population and landowners 7 2 are "Bumi Putra" or people of the s o i l . As spelled out in the 19 78 national plan, a prime concern of the government i s to off e r urban opportunities to Malays. Thus according to l o c a l p o l i t i c a l observers, a town with an indigenous base such - 9 8 -as Kota Bharu i s rapidly becoming a showpiece of national Malay urbanism.^ Due to the town's indigenous evolution i t i s re-ceiving increasing attention by the Federal government. P o l i t i -c a l factors as opposed to rational planning decisions w i l l cause Kota Bharu to grow considerably over the next ten years. P o l i -t i c a l speculation's, at best, risky i n the Developing world, how-ever ; i f the Federal UMNO government stays in power and proceeds with i t s commitment regarding Bumi Putra p o l i c i e s , a special p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t w i l l attempt to rapidly develop Kota Bharu into a major indigenous Malay c i t y . To appreciate a p o l i t i c a l perspective of this kind i t i s necessary to understand that national Bumi Putra policy and " p l u r a l " r a c i a l s o l i d a r i t y in Malaysian society are c r u c i a l factors in attempting to apply s o c i a l planning. The government's Bumi Putra policy i s a far-reaching and extremely sensitive commitment to promote the "Bumi Putra", the Malays who account for approximately 50 per cent of the country's t o t a l population, i n a l l aspects of modern l i f e . Especially i n the urbanization of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y r u r a l Malays, the government u t i l i z e s i t s s t r i c t control in ensuring that the Bumi Putra can, as they view i t , "catch up" to their more urbanized Chinese counterparts who make up approximately 40 per cent of the country's population. - 99 -2 0 . Town F o u n t a i n i n t h e shape o f K e l a n t a n S t a t e ' s C r e s t - 100 -The former B r i t i s h administration policy of non-interfer-ence i n the various r a c i a l groups' s o c i e t a l evolution and func-tion resulted in the f i n a n c i a l l y expert Chinese becoming the country's urbanites. The majority of Malays, on the other hand, were content to stay i n the country "kampong" where vi l l a g e l i f e , the Moslem r e l i g i o n , and subservience to the Malay Royal families ensured an insulated r u r a l community. After Independence i n 19 48 the Malays acquired the p o l i -t i c a l reigns of the country while the Chinese controlled the economy. This d i v i s i o n of power along r a c i a l lines i s s t i l l causing tension today. Despite the government's "Bumi Putra" efforts the Chinese are s t i l l the driving force behind the country's economy, and are concentrated in the major c i t i e s of Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, and Penang. 74 75 In thxs respect I agree with Friedman and Nagata who in their independent studies define Malaysia as being a "p l u r a l society". In this type of society, r a c i a l s o l i d a r i t y more than any other factor including class or position, i s the determi-* nant of an individual's s o c i e t a l group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . As the 1969 r i o t s indicated, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n according to r a c i a l con-f l i c t groups i s an explosive situation that to this day has not been diffused and constantly threatens Malaysian unity. I t seems l i k e l y that the Federal government w i l l realize the v a l i d i t y of a national policy that seeks to reinforce - 101 -existing Malay c i t i e s ' growth, while continuing i t s attempt to reorganize the r a c i a l l y s t r a t i f i e d major c i t i e s of Kuala Lumpur and Penang. Along with this commitment from the national government, now that Kelantan State has ended i t s f i f t e e n year rule under the PAS (Party Islam) and i s governed by the Federal UMNO party, i t w i l l be i n l i n e for receiving further federal funds, p a r t i c u l a r l y for i t s c a p i t a l , Kota Bharu. The town's de-velopment may also be ensured by the prestige of the country's Finance Minister, Tengku Razaleigh, who i s from Kelantan. In Malaysian p o l i t i c s personalities and their place of o r i g i n play an important role on the p o l i t i c a l emphasis of policy direction. Razaleigh i s a popular, young, capable p o l i t i c i a n who has promis-ing career prospects. As Finance Minister he i s in a prime position to encourage and stimulate Kota Bharu's growth i n order to follow the government's commitment, and to b u i l d up his own prestige. Kota Bharu's unique indigenous features may be the major factor that w i l l develop the c i t y . The Bumi Putra policy means that the town's history i s becoming the catalyst for ensuring i t s future development. As Kota Bharu i s i d e n t i f i e d as the Malay "Bumi Putra" urban show case the Federal government, despite the costs or planning obstacles, w i l l develop the town as proof that t h e i r national p o l i t i c a l vision can work. - 102 -CHAPTER 5 THE BULUH KUBU AREA OF KOTA BHARU I. BACKGROUND AND FORMATION The oldest d i s t r i c t of Kota Bharu the Buluh Kubu area, surrounds the Sultan's t r a d i t i o n a l palace the Istana Balai Bezar. The Istana Balai Besar was b u i l t i n 18 44 by Sultan Mohammad II, and was o r i g i n a l l y protected by sharp fences and moats i n de-fence against invaders from Trengganu. As a result of this de-fence the Sultan named the c i t y Kota Bharu, which means New Fort of New Town. The name Istana Balai Besar meaning Palace with Large Audience, aptly describes the wooden castle's impres-. sive design. The Palace i s s t i l l used for State Assembly meetings. The 27 acres which make up the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t were divided into 23 lots i n 1928, and o f f i c i a l l y recognized as Sultan's Land by the Kelantan government in 19 34 under the reign 7 6 of Sultan Ismail. In accordance with this agreement the land was i n the name of the Royal Family, which meant the government could not le g a l l y buy i t from the Sultan. Therefore, i n order to acquire the property for redevelopment i n 1976, i t was arranged to trade the area for another piece of property i n town. - 103 -F i g u r e 6 : Map of Kotu Bharu - 104 L . • • Permanent b u i l d i n g s Area to be reserved S i t e boundary Area to be renovated Figure 7 : S i t e P lan: Buluh Kubu - 105 -Since the area has been Sultanic land for hundreds of years, i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been inhabited by servants and warriors of the Sultan. In exchange for their services in the feudal order, these people were protected by the royal family and granted the right to l i v e on the royal land sur-rounding the palace, which served as a focal point for the community. It appears that t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l feudal relationship was dismantled as a re s u l t of the Japanese invasion and occupation in the 1940's, the return of B r i t i s h commandand the subse-quent "State of Emergency" to combat communism. Due to the s o c i a l upheaval caused by these events not only did the feudal order break down but other neighbourhoods within Kota Bharu were disrupted, causing their residents to seek new accomoda-ti o n . This movement was -accompanied by an inflow of Malays from the r u r a l areas seeking shelter. As a result a vacuum had been created i n the area due to the breakdown i n t r a d i -t i o n a l s o c i a l linkages which was quickly f i l l e d by other Malays searching for resettlement. When considering the easy access to the main market, job opportunities, the major mosque, soc i a l services, and the t r a d i t i o n a l palaces of the Sultan, migration to Buluh Kubu could be appreciated. There was no doubt of the Buluh Kubu's inhabitants' l o y a l -ty to the Sultan which i s a cornerstone of Malay society. What was unclear, however, was the residents' t i t l e to the land - 106 -21. O f f i c i a l Sultanic Land Claim - 107 -Jalaa H i l i r Kota, • ! ! K O T A B H A R U . , - - • ; . W Tuan,: .* ! : M • ; I ' i • I Ada-l&h dengan hormat-nya saya meroj-'kan kapada permohonan tuan dan mema1alomkan bahava Kebavah Dull Yang Maha Mull a Al-Sultan, dengan limpah ehsan Jan kemurahan Baginda, telah mengaaiponi meoperkenan menguv.^  <akan satu. kavasan tapak runah di-atas tanah Buloh Kubu* Tanah Kesuitanan" untok tuan menumpang mendirikan sabuah rumah bagi tempat kediaman tuan dengan t erkena kapada sharat2 yang biada, l a - l t u sebagalmana yang dl-nyatakan di-bavah l n i »- ;.-..!;• (1) Hendak-lah ta'at kapada segala titah • j perentah Kebavah Dull Tang Mahu Mull a ; ' Al-Sultan; V ' ' \ ( i i ) Hend&k-lah mombuat permohonan kerana menytuiibong .•: | •'• kebenaran mendudokki di-atas tanah lni. dari j ; setahun ka-t*ete>":>n} i (111) Apablla Kebj.vih Dull Yang Maha Mulia berkehendak-, ! kan balek tanah l n i dan tuan di-titah supaya j : r merombak rum ah yang akan di-dxrikan oleh tuun i ! ; l t u , maka Hundak-lah tuan ta'at dan segala ?erbelanjaan kerana merombak dan sebagai-nya ertanggong-lah di-atas tuan sendirij -(lv) Sebelom tuan mendirikan rumah di-atas tanah ! l n i , hendak-lahterlebeh dahulu mendapat i i kebenaran darlpada pebak Majlis Bandaran Kota Bharu, l a - l t u mengikut sebagalmana j : yang di-kebendakki di-segl Undang2j i (v) Rum ah yang di-dirikan di-atas tanah l n i tldak j dl-benarkan di-Jual, di-gadai atau di-berl seva kapada seslapa pon, dl-kechualikan dengan ' . amponi Kebenaran Kebavah Dull Yang Maha Mulia Al-Sultan atau kebenaran yang bertulls darlpada Penguasa Tanah Buloh Kubu. Kavasan tanah yang te3.ah dl-amponi kurnia kapada untok menumpang membuat rumah l t u ia-lah di-atas lot Ho.161, Sekshen 7, Bandar Kota Bharu, l a - l t u pada kavasan yang dl-tanda aerah di-atas pian yang berkembar. 2 . tuan Sekian-lah ada-nya. Soya dengan hormat-nya, Figure'-8;^ O f f i c i a l Sultanic Land . -' Claim. i;. (Nik Hussein b'in HJ.Wan Ahmed) PENGUASA TANAH BULOH KUBU - 10 8 -they occupied. I f these people could not trace their roots to Sultanic service and subsequent land agreements with the Royal family for the p r i v i l e g e of ownership for the land, then they were squatters without legal rights. On the other hand, those who did claim the right of special Sultanic p r i v i l e g e were un-sure what their status was since the government took possession of the land. The situation was complicated by the fact that very few cases of actual documentation recording such agreements existed, since most of them were verbal. Furthermore, i t appeared that a high rate of absentee landlordism existed, whereby those claiming to have such past agreements with the Sultan, l i v e d outside the area and rented out dwellings. Such sensitive ques-tions obviously have serious implications when investigating the resettlement and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the Buluh Kubu area. II. COMMUNITY PROFILE What was glaringly evident was that Buluh Kubu lacked basic amenities that needed immediate attention. According 7 7 to this study and recent government surveys i the Buluh Kubu area annually flooded five to s i x feet and housed 387 families. These families represented 1,9 72 people l i v i n g i n 290 residen-t i a l buildings of which 95 per cent were dwellings of an average age of 35 years. Although the houses ranged i n condition, the vast majority were one l e v e l wooden Kampong structure or - 109 -22. Neighbourhood Heterogeneity 23. Neighbourhood Heterogeneity - 110 -25. Neighbourhood Heterogeneity - I l l -detached dwellings i n various stages of deterioration lacking proper drainage, sanitation f a c i l i t i e s or piped water. I t appeared that most of the houses did have "pirate e l e c t r i c i t y " which was hooked up to main extensions. A royal residence, the central state meeting h a l l , the Balai Besar, and several unused Sultanate buildings are central features of Buluh Kubu. The land i n the area belonged to the Kelantanese Sultanate which had granted occupation rights to two types of residents. The f i r s t group included the court retainers or their descendants consisting of the Sultan's ceremonial guards, royal t a i l o r , royal carpenter and others who at the time of this research held additional jobs i n the town. The remaining land was occupied by lower-class marginal urbanites and recent urban migrants including trishaw pedlars, hawkers, labourers, etc. Some of these residents claimed occupancy rights were given to them and guaranteed in perpetuity by some member of the Royal family. Many of these small houses had been divided by their owners into small units that were rented to more recent migrants. Although the occupation of these rental units changed frequently, the rental payments pro-vided longer term residents with more income. The Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t borders Jalan Tok Hakim to the south and Jalan Sultanah Zainab to the west / both p r i n c i p a l streets of Kota Bharu. Access into the area was extremely 27. Buluh Kubu Images - 114 -d i f f i c u l t since adequate roads surrounded the neighbourhood but did not extend into the heart of the d i s t r i c t where con-ditions were the worst. Such a situation discouraged proper garbage disposal and blocked effective f i r e and hospital services. According to a 1973 government survey, the average family tenure of the land was approximately nineteen years, 4 0 per cent of which moved to the area in the l a s t f i v e years. These findings tend to substantiate the breakdown i n the t r a d i t i o n -a l Sultan-servant relationship, and stress the d e s i r a b i l i t y of the location. Such factors resulted in a density ranging from 70-80 persons per acre. For planning to be effective i t was imperative that quick action to rehabilitate the area be taken, while resettlement of the inhabitants i n the d i s t r i c t was s t i l l a r e a l i s t i c proposal. As early as 1961, the State government committed i t s e l f to a stage-by-stage r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program for the area which was never implemented. These delays allowed more squatters to move into Buluh Kubu thus not only causing further deterioration of existing conditions but also encouraging the spread of such s e t t l e -ments into the downtown core, thereby reducing eff e c t i v e planning options. 31. Buluh Kubu Images - 116 -32. Buluh Kubu Images - 117 -I I I . POLITICAL BACKGROUND As a d i r e c t result of 19 78 p o l i t i c a l events i n the State of Kelantan, the Town and Country Planning Department was instructed by the Mentri Besar (the Chief Minister of State) , i n A p r i l ,1978 to reactivate the Buluh Kubu project which had been shelved i n 1973. I t i s therefore useful to provide a b r i e f background of the State's recent p o l i t i c a l events in order to place the inherent p o l i t i c a l pressures propelling the project's implementation into proper prospec-t i v e . The Financial Times i n i t s May 16, 1978 review of Malaysia, aptly describes Kelantan State's p o l i t i c a l climate at the time of this f i e l d work: Datuk Mohamed Nasir (the anti-corruption Chief Minister of Kelantan), was a member of the strident Malay Party Islam (PAS) which had dominated Kelantan p o l i t i c s since 1959 and which Tun Razak (former Prime Minister of the country) had brought into the National Front i n 1972. He had been appointed Chief Minister by Razak against the wishes of the PAS national leader, Datuk Mohamed A s r i Muda, and was a close associate of UMNO's (United Malay National Front) Kelantan Chief, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, the Federal Finance Minister, a connection which d i s -comfited PAS. When Datuk Nasir moved to recover land leases, as part of a campaign against the corruption that he believed had retarded the State's development, fear-f u l PAS members of the Kelantan Assembly voted to dismiss him. This provoked demonstrations and r i o t s (in Kelantan, and p a r t i c u l a r l y Kota Bharu), in sup-port of Nasir of such vehemence that a drastic d e c i -sion to impose emergency rule was taken in Kuala Lumpur in November (1978). Against UMNO orders, PAS Federal MP's voted against the move and the party l e f t the National Front. The spectre of Malay disunity was raised. - 118 -Three months l a t e r and largely at the behest of Tengku Razaleigh, Datuk Hussein suddenly l i f t e d the emergency and called a surprise election for March 11. After a carefully planned campaign that mixed just the right proportions of carrots (development projects for the backward state) and sticks (directed exclusively at PAS), UMNO, and Datuk Nasir's newly formed Party Berjasa, completely routed PAS, taking 34 of the 36 State Assembly seats between them.78 Given the tense atmosphere of the State election and the search for "carrots" which could entice the public's vote, Buluh Kubu development was an obvious choice. The depressed impression that the neighbourhood conveys in v i t e d c a l l s for slum clearance as a p o l i t i c a l campaign pledge aimed at quick returns. By creating a "new" environment, a tangible testimony of government action was eas i l y perceived by the electorate. The s i t e was chosen as a campaign target for UMNO, as i t was a highly v i s i b l e project which would sig n i f y that a new government "meant business". Shortly after March 11, 19 78 when UMNO was elected, the Mentri Besar ordered the Town and Country Planning Department to re-activate work on i t s dormant proposals. The Mentri Besar then directed the Ministry of Land and Mines to create an Ad hoc Committee which included representatives from: the State Economic Development Corporation (SEDC); the State Economic Planning Unit (SEPU); the Town and Country Planning Department; and, the Secretary for l o c a l government. One of the tasks of the Committee was to address Kota Bharu's develop-- 119 -merit schemes. Two sites, targeted for the Committee's immediate 79 attention were the Buluh Kubu and Liko projects. The formation of this Ad hoc Committee was in response to moves i n recent years by the federal government to encourage and coordinate programs dealing with squatter and housing prob-lems. At. the recent "Hundred and Twelfth Rulers Conference", the New S t r a i t Times reported that the Prime Minister of the country urged each State's Mentri Besar to: set up a special unit to l i a i s e , coordinate and co-operate with the Central Government on low cost hous-ing Lin order to address] . . . the problem of squat-ters, which every town i s facing. Datuk Hussein (the UMNO Prime Minister of Malaysia) asked the State governments to plan their strategy to tackle them Lthe problems'! i 8 0 The Adihoc Committee, whose re s p o n s i b i l i t y i t was to develop a comprehensive development strategy, seemed to serve the same function as the "State Planning Committee", described in the "Federal 19 75 B i l l " discussed e a r l i e r . From this Committee was born the "Buluh Kubu Working Group" which consisted of: Mustapha Mohamed Wan Yahya, Assistant Director of the State Economic Plan-ning Unit, I n d u s t r i a l i s t Expert; Zainuddin Mohamed, Director of the Town and Country Planning Unit; Hussein Yusoff, State Economic Development Corporation; Nik Jofe, Assistant Secretary for Local government;• and, Dr. Douglas Webster, Director of State Rural Development Project, World Bank Team Leader. - 120 -By J u l y 31, 1978, the "Buluh Kubu Working Group" was able to submit to the State Committee "a summary of p r o j e c t s planned f o r the p r o j e c t area". These p o l i c i e s were formulat-ed a f t e r v a r i o u s suggestions from the agencies i n v o l v e d had been d i s c u s s e d , and i n some cases i n c o r p o r a t e d , i n t o the up-dated 1973 Town and Country Plan submission. A c l o s e r a n a l y s i s of the Buluh Kubu Working Group 1 s a c t i v i t i e s i s p r o v i d e d i n Chapter 7. IV. THE SQUATTERS' "CATCH 22" SYNDROME When the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t was a c q u i r e d by the S t a t e , i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n from S u l t a n i c to government land had s e r i o u s consequences f o r i t s i n h a b i t a n t s . Only.those with o f f i c i a l deeds from the Royal fa m i l y had c l e a r t i t l e to the land they occupied. Very few of these documents e x i s t e d and, g e n e r a l l y , those t h a t d i d s u r v i v e were i n the possession of the wealthy, whose ancestors were employed i n the higher s e r v i c e s of past Royal f a m i l i e s . Apparently, there were many more v e r b a l agreements be-tween the Royal f a m i l i e s and t h e i r servants of lower order. However, those who proposed such claims had no documentation and thus t h e i r appeals were met with s c e p t i c i s m by govern-ment o f f i c i a l s . To a c e r t a i n extent, t h i s can be understood when c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t acceptance of a l l v e r b a l agreements - 121 -would have allowed anyone now l i v i n g i n the d i s t r i c t , ownership of their land on the basis of possibly fabricated ancestral r i g h t s . I t would also be extremely d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y such verbal agreements, and i t would require a good portion of govern-ment time and energy. The fewer Sultanic land claims, the easier i t was for de-velopment to progress. For the most part, the area was occupied by "squatters". Under the government's d e f i n i t i o n of the term squatter, these people did not have legal rights to the State land they occupied since they neither owned, nor paid rent for their dwellings to the government. Therefore, the State regarded i t s only r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to these residents to be the provision of reparation costs, t o t a l l i n g only the removal of the dwelling and the estimated costs of i t s material. As a r e s u l t there was l i t t l e incentive for o f f i c i a l investigation of those residents who claimed verbal Sultanic agreement for the land they occupied. This situation had serious consequences for the majority of these people, many of whom paid rent to absentee landlords. It was these landlords of the middle- and upper-classes, l i v i n g elsewhere i n Kota Bharu, who were exploiting the pl i g h t of the poor. Those with the lowest income and fewest economic alterna-tives were the victims i n the transfer process of Buluh Kubu's status from Sultanic. to State ownership. Some of these landlords claimed to possess agreements of land ownership made with the - 122 -Royal family. However, according to the Director of Town and Country Planning, the Sultanic-servant agreement stipulated that these individuals must l i v e on the land, and were not allowed to rent i t out. In his mind, any such agreement was void, and thus the residents, although they paid rent, were o f f i c i a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as squatters. The State viewed the paying of rent as v e r i f i c a t i o n that residents who did not have Sultanic claim to the Buluh Kubu land they occupied, were squatters. The government erroneously reasoned that residents would not be paying rent at a l l . Other-wise, i f residents did not have written proof of Sultanic claim to land, they were also considered squatters. Either way, Buluh Kubu residents could not escape a "Catch 22" squatter c l a s s i f i -cation. I t was ir o n i c that residents of the area, many of whom paid rent within a framework of home tenure, f e l l victim to being c l a s s i f i e d as squatters on the basis of their attempts to l e g i t -imize their tenure of land and dwelling habitation. I t was d i f f i c u l t to o f f i c i a l l y determine how many of these people paid 81 rent since such information was not forthcoming i n surveys. Residents realized such information would, weaken their Sultanic land claims. Their silence was also due to fears of re p r i s a l s by landlords, many of whom wanted anonymity because of the "sen-s i t i v e nature" of their legitimate work. Those landlords, who did take advantage of the situation by renting out land they did - 12 3 -n o t own ( a n d i n some c a s e s b u i l d i n g " o v e r n i g h t " s h a c k s f o r r e n t ) , d i d n o t l i k e l y s u f f e r a n y r e p e r c u s s i o n s due t o d e v e l o p -m e n t . I t s h o u l d b e n o t e d h o w e v e r t h a t w h i l e t h i s s y s t e m may b e e x p l o i t i v e a n d c o r r u p t , i t d i d s u c c e e d i n p r o v i d i n g t h e l o w e s t i n c o m e g r o u p i n t h e a r e a w i t h s h e l t e r a n d a f o r m o f a f f o r d a b l e a c c o m m o d a t i o n . T h i s w i l l n o t be t h e o u t c o m e o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s r e d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n s , w h i c h may a c h i e v e l o w - i n c o m e h o u s i n g , b u t  w i l l n o t p r o v i d e h o u s i n g f o r t h o s e w i t h t h e l o w e s t i n c o m e . V . BULUH K U B U ' S SETTLEMENT AND T U R N E R ' S SQUATTER. TYPOLOGY I n a n e f f o r t t o d e t e r m i n e t h e v a r i o u s t y p e s o f i n h a b i t a n t s l i v i n g i n B u l u h K u b u who w e r e o f f i c i a l l y r e g a r d e d b y t h e g o v e r n -m e n t as s q u a t t e r s , i t i s w o r t h w h i l e t o e x a m i n e t h e i r " f i t " w i t h i n a " n o t e d e x p e r t ' s " c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . T h e p u r p o s e o f t h i s a n a l y s i s i s t o p r o v i d e an i n s i g h t i n t o t h e v a r i o u s t y p e s o f s q u a t t e r s a n d t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d i n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e i r s p e c i f i c s e t t l e -m e n t p a t t e r n s . I t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t m o r e a t t e n t i o n b e p a i d t o how s q u a t t e r s d e l i v e r a f f o r d a b l e h o u s i n g f o r t h e m s e l v e s , as i t h o l d s t h e k e y t o p r o v i d i n g a p r a c t i c a l g o v e r n m e n t h o u s i n g p o l i c y . D e s p i t e t h e p o o r c o n d i t i o n o f t h e s e s e t t l e m e n t s t h e s q u a t t e r s n e v e r t h e l e s s p r o v i d e w h a t , i n f a c t , i s n o t b e i n g d e l i v e r e d b y p r i v a t e e n t e r -p r i s e o r g o v e r n m e n t : a f f o r d a b l e s h e l t e r . A n u n d e r s t a n d i n g i n -12 4 -this regard i s the f i r s t c r u c i a l step to addressing the squatter situation since i t offers clues to the best u t i l i z a t i o n of l o c a l resources inexpensively. Instinctive e f f o r t s of desperate people to provide their own shelter i s a useful model to observe and copy to appropriate standards. J. F. C. Turner has investigated different types of squatter settlements throughout the world. His studies have concentrated on the characteristics of these communities and their resulting settlement patterns. Turner i s i n agreement with Dr. S. Angel of the Bangkok Institute of Research who i n s i s t s that building standards must be f l e x i b l y adjusted to the circumstances: . . . the standards are just a r e f l e c t i o n of what i s needed at this time in the pa r t i c u l a r communityand what i s available i n terms of resources. I f this i s below what we consider to be a basic minimum standard that means that we must change our own view as to  what the appropriate standards are;83 It makes sense that by finding out who the squatters are, and how they find and use materials i n building, the government can reinforce these people's resources i n a partnership towards adequate, affordable housing. Turner, on behalf of the United Nations Centre for Housing, Building and Planning, attempted to c l a s s i f y various types and stages of "autonomous urban s e t t l e -ment" , which he defines as an . . . urban settlement, whatever i t s duration or ex-pectations may be, that takes place independently of the authorities charged with the external or i n s t i t u -t i o n a l control of the l o c a l building and planning. 84 - 125 -J. F. C. Turner: A Typology of Settlements: ^ Development Level and Secutiry of Tenure PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT complete semi-squatter complete legal COMPLETE A structure and utilities to moderr standards incomplete squatter INCOMPLETE SEMI-SQUATTER incompl. legal INCOMPLETE B structure or utilities but built to modern standards incipient tentative squatter INCIPIENT SQUATTER INCIPIENT SEMI-SQUATTER INCIPIENT C construction of potentially modern standard PROVISIONAL TENTATIVE SQUATTER PROVI-SIONAL SQUATTER PROVISION-AL SEMI-SQUATTER PROVISIONAL D construction of low standard or impermanent material nomad TRANSIENT TENTATIVE SQUATTER transient squatter TRANSIENT E temporary and easily removed shelter E Internant Squatter: Transient : No in-tent on permanent tenure D Tentative Squatter: Without legal sta-tus or guar-anteed land tenure C Established Squatter: De facto & secure but without legal status B Semi-Squatter: Semi-legal without fu l l recog-nition but with some rights A Legal Occupancy Institu-tionally recogniz-ed forms of tenure Lease and rental : SECURITY OF : TENURE / TABLE 1 - 126 -D e f i n i t i o n e x p l a n a t i o n : 1. T e n t a t i v e S e t t l e m e n t s : P r o v i s i o n a l o r i n c i p i e n t s e t t l e -ments o f i n t e n d e d permanent s q u a t t e r s . 2. I n c i p i e n t S q u a t t e r S e t t l e m e n t s : I n s e c u r e t e n u r e b u t w i t h a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of f i x e d c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t . 3. I n c i p i e n t And Advanced Semi-Squatter S e t t l e m e n t s : S e t t l e -ments w i t h s e c u r e but s e m i - l e g a l t e n u r e and w i t h s i g n i f i -c a n t o r advanced degrees of m a t e r i a l i n v e s t m e n t . 4.. P r o v i s i o n a l S q u a t t e r S e t t l e m e n t s : I l l e g a l but de f a c t o p o s s e s s i o n w i t h l i t t l e o r no i n v e s t m e n t i n permanent con-s t r u c t i o n o f i n s t a l l a t i o n . 5. Mixed S e t t l e m e n t s : C e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d and c r o p s i t e s p r o -v i d e s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n s f o r both immigrant and wage e a r n e r p e r m i t t i n g s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and g e o g r a p h i c s t a b i l i t y . - 1 2 7 -The residents of the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t did not f a l l neat-ly into Turner's squatter settlements. However, they possessed various characteristics from each of his "Levels of Physical Development". The location of the s i t e to jobs and other c i v i c benefits attracted recent r u r a l migrants who liv e d amongst families that resided i n the area for generations. The general i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of these two groups was apparent in the standard of their housing. Recently arrived r u r a l migrants l i v e d i n the least permanent structures, made out of the lowest grade mater-i a l s . These dwellings shown i n pictures 3 4 , 35 and 36 were the most lacking i n basic amenities and would be c l a s s i f i e d i n Turner's framework as "provisional" or "transient" stages of physical de-velopment. Dwellings of this type were i n contrast to the various de-grees of more prosperous permanent houses shown i n pictures 3 7 , 38 and 3 9 . Using Turner's terminology, picture 37 can be clas-sified.as "incipient" development since, although the houses were made of inexpensive material they had a permanent design which conveyed non-triansient tenure. Of course the d i s t i n c t i o n be-tween the "Incipient" l e v e l of physical development and "Pro-v i s i o n a l " accommodation was d i f f i c u l t to distinguish. Design and materials used i n the building of the shelter's roof and flood protection f a c i l i t i e s , were viewed as v a l i d indicators of permanence, given the area's v u l n e r a b i l i t y to annual flooding - 128 -36. I n c i p i e n t Development 38. Incomplete Level of Physical Development - 1 3 1 -a n d m o n s o o n s . P i c t u r e s 38 a n d 39 r e p r e s e n t t h e " I n c o m p l e t e " l e v e l o f p h y s i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t s i n c e , a l t h o u g h b u i l t t o m o d e r n s t a n d a r d s t h e y l a c k e d p r o p e r i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l u t i l i t i e s . T h e s e d w e l l i n g s w e r e c l a s s i f i e d a s " C o m p l e t e " b e c a u s e o f t h e l o w s t a n -d a r d o f d r a i n a g e , s e w a g e , r o a d a c c e s s a n d g a r b a g e d i s p o s a l t h a t a l l o f t h e B u l u h K u b u ' s r e s i d e n c e s l a c k e d t o v a r y i n g d e g r e e s . D e s p i t e t h e a b i l i t y o f t h e r e s i d e n t s t o b u i l d p e r m a n e n t s h e l t e r ,  i t w a s b e y o n d t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n a n d r e s o u r c e s t o p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e  s e t t l e m e n t i n f r a s t r u c t u r e r e q u i r e d t o e s t a b l i s h a " c o m p l e t e "  l e v e l o f d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e g o v e r n m e n t h a d t h e e x p e r t i s e , r e -s o u r c e s a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o w o r k w i t h t h e Buluh K u b u i n h a b i -t a n t s - b y p r o v i d i n g a d e q u a t e s e t t l e m e n t i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . A n e s s e n -t i a l r e s i d e n t / g o v e r n m e n t p a r t n e r s h i p s h o u l d h a v e e n c o u r a g e d t h e S t a t e t o r e i n f o r c e a n d c o o r d i n a t e t h e e f f o r t s o f t h e a r e a ' s i n -h a b i t a n t s t o w a r d s e s t a b l i s h i n g a c o h e s i v e , p e r m a n e n t n e i g h b o u r -h o o d . W h i l e p o c k e t s o f T u r n e r ' s g r o u p d i d e x i s t i n t h e B u l u h K u b u d i s t r i c t a m i x o f b o t h h o u s i n g t y p e s i s a p p a r e n t a s s h o w n i n p i c t u r e s 40 a n d 4 1 . B u l u h K u b u ' s s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l u x o f r u r a l u r b a n m i g r a n t s w h o w a n t e d t o l i v e a n y w h e r e t h e y c o u l d b e t w e e n t h e m o r e p e r m a n e n t h o u s e s o f e s t a b l i s h e d d w e l l e r s . R e f e r r i n g t o T u r n e r ' s t y p o l o g y , i n t h e c a s e o f B u l u h K u b u , i t m u s t b e r e m e m b e r e d t h a t i t w a s t h e S u l t a n w h o c h o s e w h i c h r e s i d e n t s c o u l d l i v e i n t h e a r e a . S i n c e , i n r e c e n t y e a r s t h e R o y a l f a m i l y w a s v a g u e a n d s e e m i n g l y l a x i n t h i s r e g a r d , a s 39. Buluh Kubu's Levels of Physical Development (this picture depicts a Provisional structure forefront next to an Incomplete structure.) 40. Buluh Kubu's Levels of Physical Development — (this picture shows a Transient/Provisional dwelling (forefront) next to an Incomplete structure. Regardless of the individual dwel-ling's degree of develop-ment, a l l the houses share the d i s t r i c t ' s low level of infrastructure notably: sewage, drain-age & garbage disposal f a c i l i t i e s . This pre-vents any of the houses -in the area from reach-ing Turner's Complete Level of Physical Develop-ment .) w - 133 -41. Buluh Kubu's Levels of Physical Development (this picture depicts the glaring d i s p a r i t i e s in Kota Bharu which indicate the proximity of the Buluh Kubu s i t e to the new downtown area. As a result of thi s prime locale, pressure to commercially develop the s i t e so as to merge with development i s i n -evitable .) - 134 -far as the State was concerned the s i t e ' s inhabitants were allow-ed to l i v e i n the area as they wished, but only i f they kept with-i n the law and the Sultan decided not to throw them o f f . Evi c t i o n of squatters i s not only d i f f i c u l t , but i t i s also unpleasant for those i n the 'public eye' since i t was po t e n t i a l l y an explosive issue with serious p o l i t i c a l repercussions. As soon as the State took possession, most of Buluh Kubu's residents, except for the few who held o f f i c i a l documentation, were c l a s s i f i e d as squatters regardless of their duration of residency or permanence of dwelling. In this respect, although Turner's typology would c l a s s i f y an "Incomplete" l e v e l of physical development "with the established squatter's degree of tenure security", given Buluh Kubu's circumstances there, relationships do not exist. In fact, while the typology's "Level of Physical Development" may provide a useful framework for the general d e f i n i t i o n of a shelter's permanence, i n the Buluh Kubu case, there was l i t t l e c o r r elation with a shelter's l e v e l of physical development and i t s degree of tenure security, as Turner assumes. His various settlement d e f i n i t i o n s , while each containing charac-t e r i s t i c s of Buluh Kubu's features (especially d e f i n i t i o n 5 — Mixed Settlements) f a i l to adequately c l a s s i f y an area that was i n a period of t r a n s i t i o n from settlement evolution to instant squatter c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and eviction. I - 135 -VI. PREVIOUS PLANNING RECOMMENDATIONS In order to appreciate the f i n a l Buluh Kubu project pro-posals, i t i s useful to present an overview of previous plans recommended for the area. As discussed i n the State's p o l i t i c a l background, Kelantan, due to i t s control by a p o l i t i c a l party at odds with the fed-e r a l government for the l a s t f i f t e e n years, has received l i t t l e federal aid. Coupled with the d i s t i n c t religious and a n t i -development preoccupation of the previous party's Islam State government, Kelantan has been p o l i t i c a l l y isolated. These factors aided i n Kelantan's economic retardation, leaving i t one of the poorest states in Malaysia. It i s within this context that previous planning recom-mendation for the Buluh Kubu s i t e must be considered. Before elections i n March of 1978, the State had apparently exhausted i t s funds in purchasing the land transferred to the Sultan in exchange for the Buluh Kubu area. Since at that time federal subsidies were not forthcoming as they are today, funds need-ed for the development of the s i t e had to be borrowed by the State from the Federal government at an annual rate of seven per cent, payable within f i f t e e n years. Such economic con-straints posed serious consequences for planning recommenda-tions since i n order to pay back the loan, town planning o f f i -c i a l s i n sisted that development schemes had to be commercially - 136 -viable. Inevitably, these constraints meant trade-offs between re s i d e n t i a l resettlement and commercial interests. This factor was evident i n three previous planning proposals, which sought a compromise regarding r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial considerations. The 1973 Town and Country Planning Proposal 2 i s divided into three stages which would take f i v e years to complete at an estimated cost of M$22,741,000, excluding compensation costs l i s t e d at approximately M$l,138,000. The contents of the pro-posal are as follows: STAGE I: Proposed time: 18 months. Site of development: South of the Balai Besar 1) 18 0 room hotel; 2) Bank and o f f i c e complex: containing 17 o f f i c e s ; 3) 14 unit 4-storey shop houses adjacent to hotel; and 4) a new market located at . the south-west corner of the d i s t r i c t to rel i e v e the overcrowded conditions of the present s i t e . STAGE I I : Proposed time: 24 months. 1) 46 shop house units: 4-storey; 2) 280 f l a t units: 4-storey; and 3) 17 shop house units: 2-storey. STAGE III:Proposed time: 18 months. - 137 -i i .1 Figure N^: Proposal 2 (presented by: Planners and Development Consultants of Malaysia, September 1977, Unpublished) - 138 -1) 45 terrace units: 2-storey; 2) 12 semi-detached units; and p c 3) 13 shop house units: 2-storey, The planning department's three stage plan was organized so that i n Phase I, the commercial area could be realized in order to begin paying back the development loan. The report estimated that 145 families now l i v i n g in the southern end of the area would be displaced by Phase I of the scheme, and o r i g i n a l l y suggested t h e i r relocation to the Jalan Bayam Development which has since been f u l l y occupied. The report concludes that those families l i v i n g in the northern section of Buluh Kubu could be absorbed back into the area, and that, by conducting the project in three stages, the problems i n -volved i n resettlement would be minimized. Due to the lack of State resources and the fact that the area was s t i l l Sultanic land i n 1973, these proposals were not u t i l i z e d . In 1977 a preliminary plan for the area was. proposed by A. K. B. Planners and Development Consultants of Malaysia i n their September report on "Urban Development Project I d e n t i f i -cation". This proposal suggests that the 27 acre s i t e should be zoned into: 1) 10.7 acres for a H i s t o r i c Site:. 3uildings on the s i t e to be restored and open space provided for recreational area; - 139 -2) 4.1 acres for commercial use; To be cleared, provided with services, and subdivided for sale or lease to commercial enterprises, possibly including a hotel; and, 3) 12.2 acres for r e s i d e n t i a l use: To be cleared i n stages and redeveloped to accommodate 240 low r i s e , high density terrace house and f l a t units. The aver-age family size being 5-15 persons; the gross r e s i -dential density of this s i t e would equal 100 persons per acre and would require 137 families to be resettled outside the area, assuming nobody moved in.87 These proposals were modifications of the Town Planning Depart-ment's previous 19 73 plans sought to reduce the resettlement of families from 145 to 137 families, but o v e r a l l , offered few new ideas. The report only reached a preliminary draft before the Consultants were dismissed by the State for "not meeting their obligations". A l a t e r set of proposals for the area was submitted i n June 1978 in a bid by W. E. Won Construction Sdn. Bhd., a private Malay company of which the Sultan's brother, Tengku Besar Indra Raja was Chairman. The detailed report proposed that the project be undertaken as a j o i n t venture with the government. I t was divided into two three month stages that included: - 140 " - 141 -STAGE I: 1) 37 (22'x80') 4-storey shops; 2) 31 (22'xlOO') 4-storey shops; and, 3) a 3-storey market b u i l t on s i x acres. STAGE II: 1) 4-storey commercial podium and 8-storey o f f i c e tower block; 2) 1,200 seat cinema; and, q g 3) 200 room hotel.' There was l i t t l e doubt that the l a t t e r proposals would be commer-c i a l l y viable as the report concluded: 1) Total estimated gross return before taxes would equal M$19,390,000; and 2) 21% return on t o t a l estimated project cost including 8 9 land costs and interest charges. Yet these recommendations were the most lacking of the three plans submitted. While proposals for f i n a n c i a l returns were offered there was a d i s t i n c t lack of s e n s i t i v i t y towards addressing the question of human resettlement, as revealed by the conclusion that: . . . the s i t e i s presently occupied by squatters, who have no right of tenancy, and can be evicted at short notice without incurring much cost.90 In late July of 19 77, representatives of the W. E. Won firm came to Kota 3haru and o f f i c i a l l y presented their recommendations to F i g u r e 10: P r o p o s e d B u l u h Kubu Development. - 143 -the Mentri Besar. Fortunately, the plan was rejected on the grounds that i t did not meet the needs of the area's present i n -habitants. I t i s to the cre d i t of the State government that i t did not bow to such a powerful pressure group in remaining firm to i t s e l e c t o r a l duty. However, i n following the State Economic Development Corpo-ration' s involvement i n the Buluh Kubu development project, an overriding commitment to f i n a n c i a l return at the loss of r e s i -dents' rights was the policy direction. By being enchanted with "place prosperity" over "people prosperity" development/ a lack of s e n s i t i v i t y to the existing residents' impact on the whole town beyond their dwellings' appearance was overlooked by SEDC at the time of research. I t was the poor condition of buildings which SEDC noticed when they surveyed the area and described i t i n an advertising brochure about the redevelopment project. The area to be redeveloped was: Satu kawasan seluas libeh kurang 4 ekar yang sekarang i n i " dipenuhi dengen bangunan-bangunan kayu l a g i usang akan di robokhan dan akan digantikan--degen bangunan-bangunan yang akan menambahkan s e r i bandar Kota Bharu. English Translation: An area of about four acres that i s now crowded with wooden buildings now obsolete s h a l l be demolished and replaced with buildings that s h a l l enhance the beauty of Kota Bharu. 91 Such a statement indicated both the Corporation's focus on b u i l d -ings and their motivating goal i n this project: the "beautifica-tion of the c i t y center. As the Director of the Corporation - 144 -s t a t e d to me, i t was t h i s goal of b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , along with the secondary goal of p r o v i d i n g business premises, t h a t motivated t h e i r adoption of the p r o j e c t . The s u i t a b i l i t y of the area f o r the p r o j e c t was determined by a survey of the b u i l d i n g s which were judged by i n s p e c t o r s to be i n a " d i l a p i d a t e d " s t a t e . A f t e r t h i s d e c i s i o n was made the p r o j e c t was s e t i n motion and the State acquired the land,.suggesting t h a t those who had residence there should move immediately. A few of the shops were allowed to continue i n business, r e n t i n g t h e i r premises on a month-to-month b a s i s u n t i l a c t u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n began. At a cost of n e a r l y one hundred thousand Malaysian R i n g g i t , the b u i l d i n g program p r o p o s a l c o n s i s t e d of three-phases. Phase I i n v o l v e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of 42 u n i t s of 4-storey shop houses and a major h o t e l . Phases II and I I I c o n s i s t e d of adding, i n the same area, three u n i t s of banks and a post o f f i c e , as w e l l as a number of hawkers' s t a l l s i n an adjacent unoccupied area. A l l of these b u i l d i n g s would be owned by SEDC and l e a s e d a t a v a r i e t y of r a t e s to p r o s p e c t i v e occupants. While the r e n t a l r a t e s had not been e s t a b l i s h e d f o r c e r t a i n a t the time of t h i s r e s e a r c h , i t was expected t h a t they would be approximately the f o l l o w i n g r a t e s : 4-storey shop houses at M$800 per month; the h o t e l leased at M$7,000 per month; and the banks at a monthly r a t e of M$300. The h i g h r a t e f o r the shop houses would mean t h a t any one house might have a number of sub-tenants u s i n g the upper f l o o r s , i n a d d i t i o n to the major tenants o p e r a t i n g t h e i r s t o r e s on the ground f l o o r . - 145 -Individuals and firms previously owning shops i n the area were given the opportunity to obtain leases on the new buildings, i f they wanted to continue their businesses i n the new project. Residents of the area were given f i r s t opportunity to obtain rental accommodation i n a new multi-storey housing complex which the SEDC was building one mile from the c i t y centre. Most Malays l i v i n g on the i n t e r i o r l o t s of the redevelopment area owned only small shares i n their r e s i d e n t i a l land, the majority of any one lot.being held by non-residents. When the Development Corpora-tion acquired land for i t s project, the residents* share of the payment, after d i v i s i o n with non-residents, was, i n most cases, not s u f f i c i e n t for a household to purchase a similar parcel of ur-ban land elsewhere. As a re s u l t , many of the residents of the 9 2 area purchased land i n r u r a l areas, exactly what the National Five-Year Plan discouraged. Judging from the success of a similar nearly project under-taken by the SEDC, this new project no doubt f u l f i l l e d the false expectations and goals of the l o c a l planners. In the eyes of many, i t beautified the area and met i t s economic goals. How-ever, whether or not the project served to further the goals set forth i n the Second Malaysia Plan, goals to which the State De-velopment Corporation was also firmly comitted, remained an important question. The answer to this question must be both yes and no. The project may serve to "increase the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Malay . . . i n urban type a c t i v i t i e s i n existing towns and new - 146 -growth centers", but the Malays who participate may i n fact not be able to afford to own or rent accommodation in the c i t y . The Buluh Kubu project w i l l reduce "the influence of an urban environ-9 3 ment" on the Malay population by reducing the ownership of urban land by lower income families. Contrary to the goals of the National Plan, the fact that some residents have been of f e r -ed alternate housing within the town boundaries does not solve this problem since the lowest income groups are not served. Those houses available for purchase are beyond the means of c i t y core dwellers and the only other alternative multi-storey f l a t s , i n -volve a style of l i f e that w i l l not l i k e l y meet the t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e style or expectations of Malay urbanites. VII. MALAY BUREAUCRATIC PROTOCOL I t was a condition to the government's acceptance of my re-search v i s a that I be o f f i c i a l l y sponsored by the Kelantan State Economic Planning Unit, and my energies be directed towards projects they saw f i t . Before arr i v i n g i n Malaysia, this agency informed me that I was expected to work on a "Social Planning Project" for Kota Bharu. Upon my a r r i v a l in Kota Bharu, i n A p r i l of 1978, Mustapha Mohamed, Director of Kelantan's State Economic Planning Unit, along with Dr. D. Webster, suggested that I deal with the town's squatter slum areas. Buluh Kubu was mentioned as a p r i o r -i t y project, and i t was agreed that my studies should concentrate - 147 -on formulating general p o l i c i e s for the s i t e ' s renovation which would be forwarded to the "Buluh Kubu Working Group". Due to the concern with the status of my o f f i c i a l position by Malaysian bureaucrats,, and certain tensions which existed be-tween the Malays and their expartriate World Bank counterparts, i t was decided that, given my vulnerable position as a research student, a low p r o f i l e should be maintained. While u t i l i z i n g the j o i n t f a c i l i t i e s of the State Economic Planning Unit, the State ' Economic Development Corporation, and the World Bank State Rural Development Project, my policy suggestions were conveyed to the Buluh Kubu Working Group Committee by the Directors of these 94 agencies, to whom I p e r i o d i c a l l y reported and submitted pro-posals. Given the importance placed on formality and rank, despite the i n d i r e c t method of my involvement, proposals made to these high ranking o f f i c i a l s carried more weight and accep-tance than i f they had been formally presented to the "Working Group". - 148 -CHAPTER 6 THE SURVEY'S FINDINGS: A COMMUNITY PROFILE OF 3ULUH KU3U I. INTRODUCTION Chapter .6 presents the results of the survey conducted for th i s research and the Town and Country Planning Department of Kota Bharu i n December of 19 78. In order to use the survey model methodology discussed i n Chapter 3 for the fieldwork, i t was necessary to undertake a physical survey of the entire Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t for the Planning Department. While such data was rele-vant to this research i t was the inhabitants' attitudes towards the area they l i v e d i n , and their interest in p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the planning process, which was of p a r t i c u l a r interest. Previous surveys of the town were not concerned with resident attitudes or participatory planning techniques. An arrangement was made through the State Economic Development Agency and the World Bank Team that I would formulate and oversee a physical and factual survey for the Planning Department, and they i n turn would help me carry out the a t t i t u d i n a l model survey designed to find out the inhabitants' views on Buluh Kubu renovation. Due to the strong resistance shown by the Town and Country Planning Department, the a t t i t u d i n a l survey was not conducted on the entire 390 household heads as i n i t i a l l y planned. Use of the - 149 -seven s t a f f members and other government f a c i l i t i e s for thi s research was available only on the condition that a random sample of 56 household heads representing approximately one out of every seven Buluh Kubu families could be questioned. Given my vulnerable position as a guest student i n Kelantan State, there was l i t t l e room for resistance. When compared with the t o t a l Buluh Kubu data i n terms of education, employ-ment, and residency, the norms of the entire community were reflected by the random 56 household heads chosen. The reac-tion to a t t i t u d i n a l questions was f a i r l y representative of the 390 families l i v i n g i n Buluh Kubu at the time of research. Section I of Chapter 6 deals with those questions formulat-ed for the Town and Country Planning Department and this study. Questions one to six of the questionnaire (refer to Appendix) concern the physical description by the survey s t a f f , describing shelter and infrastructure. Included i n Section I's analysis are questions seven to f i f t e e n , which provide objective factual response from the t o t a l sample of 390 household heads. Section II examines the findings of the a t t i t u d i n a l portion of the ques-tionnaire including questions one to sixteen delivered to 56 randomly chosen household heads. Section II determines the residents' perception of themselves, their community, and the planning recommendations. Section III concludes with an examina-tion of the household heads' evaluation of the survey design and the concept of participatory planning. - 150 -I I . A SURVEY OF BULUH KUBU HOUSEHOLDS The basis for an agreement i n c o l l e c t i n g data for this study was an understanding with the Town and Country Planning Department of Kota Bharu that I would formulate and conduct a physical survey for the Buluh. Kubu area, on the condition that seven Malaysian s t a f f members help in c o l l e c t i n g subjective a t t i t u d i n a l data from a sample of 56 household heads. These household heads who represented approximately one-seventh of the 390 families residing i n the d i s t r i c t , were randomly chosen by location of residence in the four survey sections examined. While i n i t i a l l y the Planning Department was only interested in the physical data results, when keen interest was shown by l o c a l residents i n the s o c i a l survey and model presentation, the Depart-ment, along with SEDC and SEPU came to real i z e the importance of finding out resident response to t h e i r planning actions. In developing this section of the questionnaire, i t was necessary to be sensitive to an important constraint i n conduct-ing s ubjective/attitudinal questionnaires i n developing countries. The survey was o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned by the government, and there-fore, given Malaysia's clamp down on government c r i t i c i s m , the re-spondents may have thought that a negative response to planning proposals was dangerous to th e i r well-being. However, without government support, attempts at asking squatters questions regard-ing choice i n government planning action would have been impossible i Bil. Sunt Kami YPEN. KN. Pejabat ... KB. 21155, 21416 & 21831 Pengamh Yunit Perancana Ekonomi Negeri KB. 25185 Bil. Sunt Tun ,152/(65) r 3 ... j j L - f - j y KOTA BHARU, ......14nix...NQxejnb99....  '78 Kepada Semua Yang Berkenaan Tuan/Puan* Soalse l id ik Kawasan Buloh Kubu Adalah dimaklumkan bahawa En. Hussin bin Haji Ahmad Kad Pengenalan No: IWKR adalah seorang kakitangan dari pejabat in1. 2. Pada masa i n i satu kajian sedang dljalankan dikawasan • i n i dengan tujuan memperbaikki dan meninggikan lagi taraf kedu-dokan penduduk-penduduk di kawasan Buloh Kubu i n i . 3. " Oleh yang demikian, sukacitalah saya memohon jasabaik tuan/puan dengan memberi sepenuh kerjasama dan kemudahan kepada pegawal i n i . • Sekian, t e n ma kaseh. F i g u r e 12 r Official' P e r m i s s i o n To A s k . B u l u h Kubu R e s i d e n t s S u r v e y Q u e s t i o n s . : raenurut perentah, ( WAfTTAnYA BIN WAN SALLEH ) b/p: ' SETIAUSAHA. KERAJAAN NEGERI, KELANTAN. - 152 -within this research framework. The questions attempted to find out, i n general terms, the residents' own s e l f view, while inquir-ing into the interest of planning input through the model-picture presentation. The l a s t set of questions was designed to i l l i c i t a direct response to resident p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l o c a l planning process. Due to the blunt wording of these questions, the response may-have been s e l f conscious, however their purpose was to determine how l i b e r a l the government would allow questions to be. By allowing questions twelve to seventeen of the l a s t questionnaire section, the government displayed a willingness to have construc-tive dialogue with low-income Malay residents. It i s interesting to note that similar questioning proposed for a Chinese community was met with immediate reaction, demanding a l e t t e r of apology (see Appendix). Occurrences of this kind were common in Kota Bharu and s i g n i f i e d a Bumi Putra "Malay f i r s t " attitude which may ultimately tear the country apart from within. By d i s -criminating against at least 40 per cent of the country's popu-l a t i o n , Malaysia looses an energetic resource and i t s claim to true democracy. - 15 3 -III . A SURVEY OF HOUSEHOLDS: SAMPLE 1 A. Demography Table 2 provides a sex-age overview of Buluh Kubu residents. When compared to Table 3, which depicts the same information for the t o t a l town, an understanding of Buluh Kubu's relationship to the rest of the urban environment can be better understood. As compared with most Malaysian communities Buluh Kubu was predominantly one r a c i a l group. In this case 98 per cent of the residents were Malays which makes for a homogeneous community i n keeping with Kota Bharu's unique ch a r a c t e r i s t i c as a predomi-nantly K a l a y c i t y . In viewing the almost even s p l i t i n males (870) and females (890) l i v i n g i n Buluh Kubu, the d i s t r i c t ' s sex r a t i o of 102 females per 100 males was f a i r l y close to the town's 1977 figures of 102 males to 100 females. These figures show that Buluh Kubu's sex r a t i o was f a i r l y representative of the whole town, and indicates that the area was not a transient d i s t r i c t of male labourers but rather a community of families. Such an even sex d i s t r i b u t i o n lends i t s e l f to a more permanent community, which supplies and demands a wide variety of goods and services over the long-term. In comparing the age d i s t r i b u t i o n between the Buluh Kubu t o t a l sample, Table 2, and the town's sex-age pyramid construct-ed i n 19 77, the d i s t r i c t can be seen as f a i r l y similar to the - 154 -Table 2: 'Sex-Age Pyramid, Buluh Kubu Sample 1. - 155 -Table %: Sex-Age Pyramid, K o t a 3haru, 19 77. - 156 -AGE MALE Table 4: Sex-Age Pyramid, Buluh Kubu, Sample 2. - 157 -r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n . In d i v i d i n g the age groups i n t o four s e c t i o n s , the data i n d i c a t e s an i d e n t i c a l breakdown between Buluh Kubu and Kota Bharu, with 33% of the populace f a l l i n g i n the 14 and under group, 51% i n the 15-44 year o l d category, 13% of the r e s i d e n t s i n the 45-64 year o l d group, and 3% of the p o p u l a t i o n recorded as 65 and over. These f i g u r e s showed t h a t Buluh Kubu, from a sex-age per-s p e c t i v e , was as s t a b l e as the town as a whole. Attempts by government planners to s i n g l e the d i s t r i c t out as a t r a n s i e n t male slum t h a t had to be redeveloped should have been r e c o n s i d e r -ed i n the l i g h t of i t s age and sex make-up. With 84% of the popu-l a t i o n below 44 years, and evenly d i v i d e d i n sex, i t was young f a m i l i e s who i n h a b i t e d the d i s t r i c t . Due to inexpensive housing, and c e n t r a l l o c a l e near jobs, Buluh Kubu o f f e r e d an advantageous p l a c e to s e t t l e and "get a s t a r t " f o r those b u i l d i n g a f u t u r e . I t was, t h e r e f o r e , not r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the government to assume th a t these people d i d not have the same a s p i r a t i o n s , and r i g h t s , as other town members. B. Place of O r i g i n / Length of Stay Table 5 compares the l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e i n Buluh Kubu j>L_ with the r e s i d e n t s ' previous p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e before moving to the area. 191 of the 391 respondents who l i s t e d "not a p p l i c a b l e " were assumed e i t h e r to have l i v e d i n the d i s t r i c t a l l t h e i r - 158 -of the whole town; Buluh Kubu consisted of a stable mix of females and males of a l l ages. i l l . 4 3 . Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex Distribution - 159 -- 160 -l i v e s , or did not want the government to assume they were from outside the area because of the importance of Sultanic r i g h t to land. Of the 200 who answered these questions, 39% had moved to Buluh Kubu within the l a s t f i v e years. 67% of this group had moved from other parts of Kota Bharu, while 23% had moved to Buluh Kubu from various parts of the State of Kelantan. Only 7% of recently arrived residents migrated to the area from outside of the state. The fact that 69% of the recent migrants to Buluh Kubu came from other parts of the c i t y rather than the rest of the State, i d e n t i f i e d the area as a d i s t r i c t of the town which was i n demand by Kota Bharu's existing population. Buluh Kubu of-fered inexpensive housing and an advantageous location for em-ployment opportunity r e l a t i v e to the whole town. Reaction of Sample 2's randomly chosen 56 residents cor-responds with this analysis. When asked why they settled i n Buluh Kubu, 26% l i s t e d employment opportunities while 30% re-ported inexpensive housing. Besides s t r i c t economic factors, the prestige of the d i s t r i c t as Sultanic land may have i n -duced some c i t y migrants to s e t t l e i n the area i n the expecta-tion that benefits would derive from a relationship with the Sultan. From f i e l d work conducted, i t was clear that they un-derstood that Sultanic ownership was considered a special case i n the town's development. If development did not take place the residents knew they would have a better chance of receiving government reparations than i f they occupied non/Sultanic land. - 161 -48. Buluh Kubu's Age-Sex D i s t r i b u t i o n - 163 -- 164 -TABLE 5: PLACE OF ORIGIN: LENGTH OF STAY Sample 1 * Length of Residency Kota Bharu Outside K.B. Inside State Outside Kelantan Outside Malaysia Row Total FQ % FQ % FQ % FQ % FQ % < 5 54 69 18 23 5 6 1 1 78 39 0-14 28 61 16 36 2 2 0 46 23 16-25 29 71 11 27 1 2 0 41 20 26-34 6 67 2 22 0 0 9 5 35-50 13 57 6 26 4 19 23 11 50 > 1 25 2 50 1 25 4 2 201-100 Sample 2 ** Length of Residency Kota Bharu Outside K.B. Inside State Outside Kelantan Row Total FQ % FQ % FQ % FQ % < 5 8 67 3 25 1 83 12 36 10-14 7 64 4 36 0 12 34 15-25 2 40 2 40 1 20 5 15 35-50 1 20 1 20 3 60 5 15 33-100 * '• 191 residents born in the area **: 30 residents born i n the area - 166 -The d i s t r i c t ' s d e s i r a b i l i t y was further increased by the State's major mosque and r e l i g i o u s training center located across the street. I t was important to note that Kelantan State was one of the most re l i g i o u s regions of Malaysia. Ties to the' mosque and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s played a major part i n the l i v e s of Kota Bharu's inhabitants. The desire to maintain r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y combined with an interrelated loyalty to the Sultan, who was a royal and r e l i g i o u s leader, provided strong s o c i a l reasons for Buluh Kubu settlement. These factors could not be underestimated as they were c r u c i a l to the Malays "Bumi Putra" roots and p o l i t i c a l r u l e . 23% of those questioned had moved i n from other parts of Kelantan State to Buluh Kubu i n the previous f i v e years, show-ing that the d i s t r i c t served, to some extent, as a reception area for r u r a l migrants. This figure was lower than expected because of the substantial flow of l o c a l r u r a l migrants to Singapore and Kuala Lumpur searching for employment. If employ-ment opportunities were created i n Kota Bharu, migrant flows could have been redirected to the town and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Buluh Kubu which, due to i t s inexpensive costs and employment oppor-tunity, was an a t t r a c t i v e place for i n i t i a l town settlement. In the other major categories, 23% reported 16 to 23 years' residency i n Buluh Kubu. Of this group, 61% l i v e d i n Kota Bharu before moving to the d i s t r c t , while 36% reported moving from out-side the c i t y but within the State. Those who had residency of - 167 -15 to 25 years i n Buluh Kubu made up 20% of the respondents. Of this group, 71% reported moving from Kota Bharu, while 27% indicated having moved from Kelantan, but not the town i t s e l f . These two categories again showed that Kota Bharu's inhabitants provided the bulk of Buluh Kubu's migrants. Given their length of stay i n Buluh Kubu, these inhabitants apparently were staying. Most residents appeared not to be urban nomads constructing squatter d i s t r i c t s anywhere i n the c i t y for short periods. Be-fore development took place, those interviewed seemed committed to staying i n Buluh Kubu as long as the current conditions pre-v a i l e d . They had made a decision to move to the d i s t r i c t due to i t s r e l i g i o u s , c u l t u r a l , and f i n a n c i a l benefits, as compared to the rest of the c i t y . Table 6 discloses data concerning the residents' length of stay i n the d i s t r i c t . What i s s t r i k i n g about these figures are the f a i r l y even d i s t r i b u t i o n i n tenure. Clearly Buluh Kubu i s not a t y p i c a l transient squatter d i s t r i c t . One explanation i s the Sultanic relationship which 28% of the population claim to have. Such t r a d i t i o n a l linkages r e f l e c t consistency i n tenure not found i n other areas of the town. 37% of the sample claim residency of at least 35 years, i l l u s t r a t i n g the permanence of this proportion of the inhabitants. On the other end of the scale, 23% report less than f i v e years tenure. These figures are due to Buluh Kubu's function as a rural-urban reception area where migrants fi n d i t convenient to set t l e into urban l i f e . Those who become accustomed to l i v i n g i n the d i s t r i c t , - 168 -TABLE 6. : LENGTH OF STAY IN BULUH KUBU Length of Stay-i n Buluh Kubu i n Years Total Cases: 391 Sample 1 Total Cases: 63 Sample 2 * * Total Cases: 387 Buluh Kubu 73 FQ % FQ % FQ % < 5 88 23 12 19 134 35 6-14 49 13 12 19 47 12 15-34 104 27 18 28 76 20 35-50 95 24 15 24 54 14 50 > 52 13 6 10 26 7 Total 388 63 337 No Answer 3 0.7 50 12 *Kota Bharu Town and Country P l a n n i n g Department u n p u b l i s h e d r e p o r t . - 169 -because of s o c i a l and economic t i e s , stay on, as indicated by 50% of the residents' f a l l i n g within the 6 to 34 year tenure category. What was conclusive from Table 6, and i l l u s t r a t e d by the difference i n housing type, was that the area was heterogenous. It did not f i t the common perception of a transient squatter d i s t r i c t as the State Government would have l i k e d to have be-lieved i n order to j u s t i f y demolition. Buluh Kubu was a mix of communities which had d i f f e r e n t rights and which provided varied functions for the c i t y as a whole. Different income groups li v e d side-by-side, forming a cohesive, mixed-income neighbourhood — the type that planners i n the West s t i l l strove to accomplish. Planning strategies for Buluh Kubu should have distinguished the d i f f e r e n t groups l i v i n g i n the area i n order to i d e n t i f y , and then reinforce, communal.linkages which nourished the community. Self serving blanket labels, such as "squatter settlement" ra t i o n a l i z e d development but destroyed an important sector of Kota Bharu that delivered informal.city-wide services. C. Density The 1,760 residents of Buluh Kubu l i v e d i n 252 dwellings. An average of 1.5 families occupied one dwelling, with each family having an average of 4.5 members. An average of 6.7 people l i v e d i n each dwelling which, as indicated i n Table 6, was higher than Kota Bharu's 1970 figure of 5.6, and other c i t i e s which were much larger, such as Kuala Lumpur: 5.3, 53. H o u s i n g M i x and Income I n t e g r a t i o n (Bu luh Kubu was a community o f d i f f e r e n t income groups l i v i n g s i d e by s i d e . ) - 171 -55. Housing Mix and Income Integration TABLE 7: AVERAGE HOUSEHOLD SIZE TOWNS AVERAGE HOUSEHOLD 1970 SIZE Kuala Lumpur* 5.35 Georgetown 5.9 Ipoh 5.65 Johore Bharu 5.69 Petaling Jaya 5.68 Malacca 6.15 Sevemban 5.96 Alor Star 5.87 Kuala Trengganu 5.54 Kuantan 5.67 Kota Bharu 5.61 Bulu Kubu 1978** 6.7 Total Buluh Kubu population: 1760 v 391 families =4.5 average family s i 391 families T 252 dwellings = 1.5 families per l i v i n g unit. 1.5 = 4.5 + 2.25 = 6.7 : Average Household Size = 7 * Source: Demography and Social Base Study Kota Bharu Town and Country Planning Department, Kota Bharu Government publication, 1977, p. 23 ** Buluh Kubu f i e l d work 78 - 173 -Ipoh: 5.6, Malacca: 6, Kuala Trengganu: 5.5, and Kuantan: 5.6. Since the average Buluh Kubu family size of 4.5 was con-sidered the norm, the extra 2.3 household members might have been tenants renting from the family. Room rentals for low-income rentals provided valuable cash supplements. D. Income Table 8 compares 1979 Buluh Kubu household income with 1973 figures compiled by the Town and Country Planning Depart-ment of Kota Bharu. This survey's t o t a l sample of 390 families has an overal l lower income than Sample 2 — the 56 randomly chosen families who answered the a t t i t u d i n a l section of the questionnaire. While 17% of the t o t a l sample earn between 50 to 100 Malayan d o l l a r s , i n Sample 2, only 8% f a l l into that category. In the M$101-500 category, Sample 1 and 2 are roughly equal at 76% and 79%, but i n the M$501 or more grouping, Sample 1 shows only 5% of the population earning income i n this high range and Sample 2 indicates 13%. Although Sample 2 i s randomly chosen from the t o t a l Sample 1 data, at the bottom and high scale of monthly income a difference e x i s t s . Because Sample 2's data earn more than Sample l ' s , these respondents l i k e l y have more economic alternatives than the t o t a l Buluh Kubu population. Such an important factor l i k e l y affects their a t t i t u d i n a l re-sponse. In comparing Buluh Kubu's t o t a l sample with the 1973 sur~ vey, although prices did not stay constant, the data indicated - 174 -TABLE 8 : HOUSEHOLD INCOMES House Income: Malay $ Buluh Kubu 1979 Sample 1 T.S.: 383 V.C.: 301 M.C: 81 Buluh Kubu 1979 Sample 2 T.S.: 56 V.C: 52 M.C: 4 Kota Bharu* 1973 Town Planning T.S.: 387 V.C: 387 M.C 0 FQ % FQ % FQ % 0 24 6 < 50 5 2 42 11 50-100 50 17 4 8 106 27 101-250 140 47 22 42 126 33 251-500 89 29 19 37 60 16 501-850 17 5 6 11 17 4 850 > 1 2 12 3 Total 301 100 52 100 387 100 Missing Cases 82 4 * Kota Bharu Town and Country Planning Department (Source) unpublished T.S.: Total Sample V.C.: V a l i d Cases M.C: Missing Cases - 175 -that a r i s e i n the d i s t r i c t ' s income over six years took place with 49-76% of the population moving out of the M$50-100 range into the M$101-250 and M$251-500 income bracket groups. In 1979, while only 2% were included i n the less than M$50 group — the lowest l e v e l of income — i n 1973, 17% of the population were i n that category. In the higher income brackets, 1973 figures reported 7% i n the M$501 or more range, while 1979 figures i n -dicated only 5%. This change i n income over six years revealed that the d i s t r i c t was catching up to the rest of the town's Malay middle income groups, which as shown i n Table 8/ had 63% , i n the M$101-500 group i n 1977, as compared to Buluh Kubu's 76% data. However, t o t a l town Malay income figures showed only 3% i n the M$0-100 group as compared to 11% i n the Buluh Kubu sample. 34% of the town's Malays earned over M$501 as compared to only 5% i n Buluh Kubu. Buluh Kubu residents, although having made substantial income gains over the six years i n question at the low and higher income l e v e l , were s t i l l behind the rest of the town's Malays. The r i s e i n income over the six years was due to the general r i s e i n income for the whole town, and the inhabitants J greater involvement i n higher paying jobs. The over M$501 income group decreased over six years, which suggested that once this l e v e l of income had been achieved, families moved out of Buluh Kubu to other parts of the town. In terms of developing a stable community, infrastructure should have been upgraded i n order to encourage higher income families to stay and invest. - 176 -E. A b i l i t y to Spend on Monthly Accommodation Despite the income gains of the community, r e l a t i v e to the rest of Kota Bharu, 54% of the d i s t r i c t ' s residents could only afford less than M$100 per month for accommodation (as com-pared to 44% of the town's total) as shown i n Table 9. Since Buluh Kubu's population was earning less than M$250, the fact that only 23% of the d i s t r i c t ' s residents were able to pay M$100-200 monthly rent, as compared to the town's 36% average, was understandable. Similarly, i t was not surprising that while 20% of the town's population spent M$200-600 on accommodation per month, only 12% of Buluh Kubu's residents had the a b i l i t y to pay i n this range. The trend was due to lower incomes, and may, i n some cases, have been because of p r i o r i t y i n spending. Buluh Kubu's inexpensive l i v i n g environment may have meant that residents were supporting newcomers to the town u n t i l they could find work. Table 9 c l e a r l y shows that Buluh Kubu offers inexpensive housing which i s att r a c t i v e to those who want to save money or cannot afford to l i v e elsewhere. F. Household Amenities Table 10 compares the household amenities of Buluh Kubu 1979 with Kota Bharu 197 7 data. I t i s interesting to note that a l -though Buluh Kubu was considered by the Town Planning Depart-ment to be the "slum" of the c i t y , 79% of the families i n the - 177 -TABLE 9: ABILITY TO SPEND ON MONTHLY ACCOMMODATION MALAY $ 1978/M$= BULUH KUBU *KOTA BHARU Canadian 79 77 $0.50 FQ % FQ % < 100 247 65 295 44 100-200 87 23 243 36 200-400 34 9 112 17 400-600 8 3 15 2 600 > 8 1 Total 337 100 673 100 No Answers 15 *Kota Bharu Demography Base Stury, 1977 Refer to Table 6 - 178 -TABLE 10: HOUSEHOLD AMENITIES AMENITIES KOTA BHARU* 1977 FQ % BULUH KUBU 1979 FQ % Piped Water 740 74 " 199 79 Flush T o i l e t 143 14 5 2 Siamese T o i l e t 737 74 202 85 E l e c t r i c i t y 908 91 201 80 Garbage Co l l e c t i o n 200 20 Permanent Drains 156 16 30 12 Bucket T o i l e t 24 3 Total 1000 100 252 148 families l i v i n g with others *Kota Bharu Demography Base Study, 1977 Refer to Table 6 ' 57. The Fortunate Few - 180 -58. The Fortunate Few 6 1 . B u l u h K u b u S h e l t e r D e s i g n - 183 -area had piped running water, as compared to 74% of the town's t o t a l households. This 5was due to the location of the d i s t r i c t i n the heart of the town where formal infrastructure for the c i t y ' s center could be tapped. Especially i n the case of elec-t r i c i t y , the geographic locations of Buluh Kubu lent i t s e l f to "pirate e l e c t r i c i t y " which consisted of i l l e g a l hookups to main power l i n e s . As a r e s u l t , 80% of the d i s t r i c t ' s residents had some form of e l e c t r i c i t y as compared to the town's t o t a l of 91%. In terms of proper garbage c o l l e c t i o n , Buluh Kubu was far behind the rest of the c i t y . Poor road access made i t impos-si b l e for trucks to enter the d i s t r i c t ' s centre. The r e s u l t was a serious health threat which, as the questionnaire response i n -dicated, was a major concern amongst residents. Similarly, due to poor road access, ambulances and f i r e trucks were of l i t t l e use i n an emergency sit u a t i o n . Other types of smaller vehicles, such as push carts, would have been more appropriate, however, under emergency conditions, such a network was often too l i t t l e , too l a t e . Flooding i s a city-wide problem for Kota Bharu due to the annual monsoons. This problem was compounded because of Buluh Kubu's location next to the Kelantan River. Most houses i n Buluh Kubu were of the t r a d i t i o n a l Malay Kampong design on s t i l t s , and were rarely damaged. However, the disease poten-t i a l caused by flooding i n a densely populated area without proper drains and sewage f a c i l i t i e s presented a major health hazard. - 186 -Table 10 indicates that 12% of the households had permanent drains, which was not far behind the c i t y average of 16%. Pro-per flood control systems for the town was a major goal of the World Bank Team at the time of Cfieldwork, but because of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l resistance by those who would be flooded, the team did not meet i t s objective. I t was also worth noting that the peo-ple seemed to enjoy the annual floods as observed by watching the young and old throughout the c i t y wade and f r o l i c happily i n acceptance of their mucky wet fate. A good example of cross c u l t u r a l bias was evident for what was considered a plan-ning problem by "objective" outsiders, was a matter of d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l tastes and p r i o r i t i e s . When I asked residents about the floods, most replied with the favoured Kelantan expression: "Tida ada musa A l i a " , slang for "no sweat, man". The Siamese t o i l e t was the type most commonly found i n Kota Bharu households. While the town's average was 74%, 85% of Buluh Kubu households reported Siamese t o i l e t f a c i l i t i e s . Despite the type of t o i l e t s used, however, lack of proper sewage f a c i l i t i e s and t r a d i t i o n a l use of the nearby Kelantan River as a l a t r i n e posed a serious health threat. G. Rooms per Household Table 11 compares rooms per l i v i n g quarter, however, caution should be exercised i n determining what constitutes a room. The Kota Bharu and Buluh Kubu study d e f i n i t i o n includes any divider - 187 -188 -68. F l o o d i n g 69. F l o o d i n g - 18 9 -- 190 -TABLE 11: , ROOMS PER HOUSEHOLD KOTA BHARU* BULUH KUBU NUMBER OF 1977 1979 ROOMS FQ % FQ % 1 295 29.5 2 339 33.9 83 35 3 238 23.8 58 24 4 39 8.9 41 17 5 25 2.5 25 10 5 > 14 1.4 32 14 Total 100 % 239 100% Missing cases 152: Those l i v i n g i n the same house. *Refer to Table 6. - 191 -which s p l i t s the function of one l i v i n g space. Since Malays t r a d i t i o n a l l y l i v e i n a communal atmosphere, the d i v i s i o n of communal space, expecialiy i n lower income groups, by straw mat or cloth, provides enough privacy and u t i l i t y to be considered as a separate room featuring minimal cost and maximum f l e x i b i l i t y . While only 1.4% of the town had more than 5 rooms, 14% of the Buluh Kubu households recorded the same. Except for a few noticeable exceptions, most dwellings i n Buluh Kubu were smaller than the town's average. Room number per Buluh Kubu household was largely attributed to crowding, not the size of the house. 27% of i t s housing stock had 4-5 rooms, as compared to 11.4% for the t o t a l town. Reasons for more rooms i n Buluh Kubu than the town's average might have been larger family size, the desire to rent space for extra, income, and the need to create space for newly arrived rural-urban migrants looking for jobs. Kota Bharu's figures included outlying r u r a l houses which had fewer rooms than their urban counterparts due to less density. Certain rooms i n a Buluh Kubu household were used as storefronts and workspace for commercial ventures. In the town's outlying areas, such space u t i l i z a t i o n did not occur to the same degree because farming remained the major economic a c t i v i t y . Similarly, i n wealthier areas, employment a c t i v i t i e s were undertaken outside' the house, thus eliminating the need for extra rooms. The 1977 demographic s o c i a l base study reported that the estimated average rooms per dwelling i n Kota Bharu was about the same as that for West Malaysia i n 1970. Buluh Kubu's room-household - 192 -TABLE 12: EDUCATION LEVEL OF SCHOOL AGE MEMBERS EDUCATION LEVEL BULUH KUBU SAMPLE 1 FQ % BULUH KUBU SAMPLE 2 FQ % KOTA 1977 FQ * BHARU TOTAL % * KOTA BHARU MALAYS ONLY 1977 FQ % No Schooling (No answers assumed to be no schooling) 542 31 76 25 669 14 489 15 Primary 563 32 117 38 1783 38 1267 39 Lower Secondary 369 21 55 18 1241 27 843 25 Upper Secondary College 257 15 55 18 931 20 649 20 University 19 0 5 1 44 1 29 1 Religious Training 10 1 — Total 1760 100 308 100 4668 100 3277 100 *Table 6 r e f e r r a l r a t i o was above the n a t i o n a l average. H. Education R e f e r r i n g to education, Table 12 p o i n t s out t h a t both Samples 1 and 2 i n the Buluh Kubu survey, were s i m i l a r a t a l l l e v e l s of e d u c a t i o n a l attainment. Sample 2's response to the a t t i t u d i n a l s e c t i o n of the q u e s t i o n n a i r e was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l r e s i d e n t s r e g a r d i n g the impact of education on understanding survey questions and methodology. In comparing the t o t a l Buluh Kubu sample with Kota Bharu's e d u c a t i o n a l standards, i t was found t h a t while only 14% of the town's school age members had no formal s e c u l a r education, 31% of Buluh Kubu's r e s i d e n t s were i n the same category. With education accepted as an important v a r i a b l e i n upward m o b i l i t y , l a c k of academic o p p o r t u n i t y had s e r i o u s consequences f o r the r e s i d e n t s ' f u t u r e . The d i f f e r e n c e s i n e d u c a t i o n a l attainment were p a r t l y due to t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e s i n a s s e s s i n g the importance of f u l l education f o r c h i l d r e n . Short-term f i n a n c i a l n e c e s s i t y a l s o o v e r r i d e d long-term m o b i l i t y f o r c h i l d r e n who c o u l d not a f f o r d the luxury of academic or t e c h -n i c a l t r a i n i n g . In terms of f a m i l y cohesiveness, t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l work s t r u c t u r e r e i n f o r c e d k i n s h i p l i n k a g e s i n the communal support f o r those too o l d and too young to support themselves. S h i r k i n g such r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i n d i v i d u a l e d u c a t i o n a l attainment would be seen as d i s r e s p e c t f u l , and would not be t o l e r a t e d i n t r a d i -t i o n a l Malay f a m i l i e s . Buluh Kubu's primary and lower secondary e d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n -- 195 ~ Formal Education - 196 -ment was 15%, compared t o the town's t o t a l o f 20%. Kota Bharu g e n e r a l l y had a low e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l compared t o the r e s t o f the c o u n t r y as r e v e a l e d / b y o n l y 1% ha v i n g gone t o u n i v e r s i t y w h i l e o n l y 20% were i n v o l v e d i n secondary and c o l l e g e e d u c a t i o n . Such a t r e n d was l i k e l y due t o the town's s i z e and r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o the r e s t o f the c o u n t r y . I n c o n t r a s t t o the developed West Coa s t , the i n f l u e n c e o f the B r i t i s h f o r m a l edu-c a t i o n a l system had c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s impact on the t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l Malays o f Kota Bharu. Due t o the I s l a m i c c h a r a c t e r o f the S t a t e , i n f o r m a l r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g was the most common type o f normative e d u c a t i o n , and remained the p r i o r i t y over n o n s e c u l a r t r a i n i n g f o r many. I . Employment C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s I n a n a l y z i n g o c c u p a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a l between 1973 and 1979, Table 12 suggests t h a t i n s i x y e a r s , commercial and hawk-i n g v e n t u r e s changed by o n l y 4%, and was s t i l l the l a r g e s t em-ployment s e c t o r i n the d i s t r i c t , i n v o l v i n g 38% o f the p o p u l a -t i o n ' s l a b o u r f o r c e . Due t o the d i s t r i c t ' s l o c a t i o n near the main market, c l o s e r e l a t i o n t o r u r a l a r e a s and a b s o r p t i v e f a m i l y employment b i a s , i n f o r m a l commercial v e n t u r e s t h a t needed l i t t l e c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t were i d e a l l y s u i t e d f o r B u l u h Kubu's i n h a b i t a n t s . A s u b s t a n t i a l d e c rease i n manual employment took p l a c e over the s i x year p e r i o d . Only 15% o f the r e s i d e n t s were i n v o l v e d i n t h i s a c t i v i t y i n 1979, as compared t o 36% i n 1973. Such f i n d i n g s - 197 -TABLE 13: EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS SAMPLE 1 SAMPLE 2 BULUH * KUBU EMPLOYMENT 1979 1979 DATA • - 1973 FQ % FQ % FQ % Commercial & Hawking 137 38 30 55 133 34 Labour Work Trishaw 56 15 4 7 129 36 C l e r i c a l 21 6 8 14 27 8 Teaching 12 3 2 4 17 5 P o l i c e / F i r e M i l i t a r y ' 19 5 3 5 4 1 P e n s i o n e r 7 2 1 2 9 3 Unemployed 10 3 1 2 25 7 Housewife 42 12 2 4 Se l f - e m p l o y e d 56 15 4 7 Student 4 1 Other 6 V a l i d Cases 364 100 55 100 387 Not A p p l i c a b l e 26 No Answer 5 1 39 *Town and Country P l a n n i n g Department Rep o r t , 1973 u n p u b l i s h e d r e p o r t , - 1 9 8 -7 4 . Informal Commercial Ventures i n Buluh Kubu - 199 -76. Informal Commercial Ventures i n Buluh Kubu - 200 -were s u r p r i s i n g s i n c e the number of t r i s h a w d r i v e r s i n c l u d e d i n the c a t e g o r y had s t e a d i l y r i s e n i n t h a t p e r i o d . A t the time o f r e s e a r c h Kota Bharu was undergoing a b u i l d i n g boom which s h o u l d have p r o v i d e d l a b o u r o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The l a b o u r c l a s s i f i -c a t i o n i t s e l f , however, caused d i s c r e p a n c y i n the d a t a s i n c e some of these r e s i d e n t s were l i s t e d as 15% o f the s e l f - e m p l o y e d c a t e g o r y . R e s i d e n t s who l i s t e d themselves as unemployed might have worked c a s u a l l y i n the l a b o u r f i e l d . There was no doubt t h a t o p p o r t u n i t i e s d i d e x i s t f o r l a b o u r e r s i n Kota Bharu, however, c o n t r a c t o r s had a t i g h t network of r e g u l a r workers which e x c l u d e d many Buluh Kubu r e s i d e n t s . \ H i g her s k i l l e d j o b s i n c l e r i c a l and t e a c h i n g p r o f e s s i o n s a l s o dropped by 2% over the s i x y e a r s between 1973 and 1979. H i g her income p r o f e s s i o n a l s were moving out o f the d i s t r i c t as t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n these f i e l d s expanded. W i t h r e g a r d t o the d i s t r i c t ' s development, such a t r e n d proved n e g a t i v e t o l o n g - t e r m neighbourhood e v o l u t i o n s i n c e t h e s e f a m i l i e s were not i n v e s t i n g t h e i r c a p i t a l and l e a d e r s h i p back i n t o the community. I n s t e a d , they were abandoning the a r e a i n s e a r c h o f upward m o b i l i t y . I n -t e r u r b a n m i g r a t i o n o f t h i s k i n d was n e g a t i v e t o the e v o l u t i o n o f the d i s t r i c t s i n c e t h e a r e a was used o n l y as a s t e p p i n g stone t o something b e t t e r , r a t h e r than becoming a permanent neighbourhood where people's p r o s p e r i t y would be r e i n v e s t e d i n l o n g - t e r m n e i g h -bourhood commitments. Only i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s such as p o l i c e , the m i l i t a r y , f i r e and m e d i c a l a i d , had B uluh Kubu employment r i s e n i n the s i x y e a r s . - 201 -- 202 -On the surface, these figures appeared encouraging since they reflected the settlement of permanent residents who might sta-b i l i z e the d i s t r i c t . However, given the area's lax terms of tenure and law enforcement, I was informally alerted that the increase seen i n police and m i l i t a r y settlement unfortunately had to do with their involvement i n Buluh Kubu's drug, p r o s t i t u -tion and extortion trade. Table 13 indicates that the unemployment rate had dropped from 7% to 3% between 1973 and 1979. In this regard, Kota Bharu's o v e r a l l growth and new p o l i t i c a l commitment to develop-ment at the time of fieldwork increased general employment op-portunities for Buluh Kubu's residents. J. Employment Data: Comparative Analysis Table 14 compares 1979 employment data for Buluh Kubu with figures compiled i n a 1977 report on Kota Bharu by the State government. Employment c l a s s i f i c a t i o n has been divided into three broad economic functions: primary industry, public u t i l i t i e s , and private enterprise, consisting of both t e r t i a r y and secondary i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s . No one i n Buluh Kubu was involved i n primary industry on a full-time basis because of the d i s t r i c t ' s location i n the heart of the town. Kota Bharu's change i n basic employment a c t i v i t i e s from 36% involvement i n 1970, down to 2% i n 1977 revealed a s h i f t i n employment emphasis as the town developed i t s administrative function as a State c a p i t a l . I t was i n the area of public u t i l i t i e s where the town's employment absorbed many of those formerly i n agriculture and f i s h i n g . In - .203 -this regard, the substantial r i s e i n public u t i l i t y from 11% employment i n 1970 to 46% i n 1977, i l l u s t r a t e d Kota Bharu's changing urban r o l e . In contrast to a city-wide employment increase i n public u t i l i t i e s i n Buluh Kubu, only 8% of the residents were i n -volved i n such work. This 38% employment lag was l i k e l y due to the lack of educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n the f i e l d and the ab-sence of inside contacts. Job contacts were c r u c i a l to entrance into a training programme that could lead to prestigious jobs i n public u t i l i t i e s . Most Buluh Kubu residents did not have the r i g h t urban connections needed to land government jobs. The accepted system of acquiring government employment involved the new worker paying a proportion of his/her monthly pay to the "sponsor" who arranged the employment. Such a closed network made i t d i f f i c u l t for Buluh Kubu residents to compete for jobs which they often never heard about u n t i l the positions were f i l l e d . Those involved i n the broad c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of private enter-prise employed approximately one half of the town's working adults. These findings reflected Kota Bharu's role.-as a focal point for manufacturing and processing a c t i v i t y . Due to e x i s t -ing infrastructure and linkages to national and foreign markets, the town's development i n this f i e l d would continue to expand. - 204 -TABLE 14 : . OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES Economic Function Economic Sector Sample 1 Sample 2 * BK 73 ** KB 70 ** KB 77 •' EQ % FQ % FQ % FQ % FQ % Primary Agriculture Fishing Mining 31 8 5 9 21 5 168 11 702 46 Public Utilities Public Utilities & Services Transport & Ccrrmunica-tion Medical Teaching Police Fire 214 55 42 76 287 74 809 53 794 52 Other 140 36 8 15 79 26 Total Cases 391 . 56 387 1527 1527 Valid Cases 385 55 387 1527 1526 *Kota Bharu Town Planning Department, 1973, unpublished **Kota Bharu 1970 unpublished **Kota Bharu 1977, Table 6 - 205 -IV. RANDOM ATTITUDINAL RESPONSE A. Resident Self Perception In response to the f i r s t four questions dealing with the residents' perception of where they l i v e d , 37% of those sampled l i s t e d employment opportunities as being the major reason for l i v i n g i n Buluh Kubu. 36% recorded inexpensive housing as the motivating factor for their settlement i n the area. The fact that friends and re l a t i v e s l i v e d i n the d i s t r i c t was of prime importance i n settlement for only 27% of those surveyed. Finan-c i a l factors for settlement were apparently viewed as more im-portant than s o c i a l t i e s . Just over half of those surveyed chose the term "urban Kampong" as an adequate description of their neighbourhood, as.; opposed to the 22% who l i s t e d "slum" as their Buluh Kubu descrip-tion. "Urban Kampong" denoted community i d e n t i f i c a t i o n l i n k i n g t r a d i t i o n a l Kampong soci e t a l attributes to an urban setting. A Kampong community structure featured strong communal t i e s within a society of c l e a r l y defined roles and status. These networks were the essence of community s e l f help which had to be under-stood and employed i n order to plan responsively toward develop-mental objectives i n an urban context. Reaction to question 3: "Do you consider yourself to be a squatter, that i s a resident without legal r i g h t to the land you now occupy?", recorded a s p l i t response. Twenty-six of the - 206 -56 interviewed said they were squatters, while 30 maintained they were not. Some of those interviewed might not have i n t e r -preted the term "squatter" i n the same l i g h t , thus affecting data: r e s u l t s . Division i n squatter s e l f view underscored the heterogeneity of the residents and their attachment to the Buluh Kubu. Despite d i f f e r e n t s e l f views, 8 0% of those surveyed did vote i n the 197 9 election. The majority of residents had an interest i n partic i p a t i n g i n making p o l i t i c a l decisions, and, for that matter, planning. Enthusiasm of this type demonstrated a p o l i t i c a l base for those wanting more involvement i n the plan-ning process. In terms of the three major problems that residents were most concerned about i n their community, drainage and flooding ranked f i r s t , followed by the threat of f i r e and lack of rubbish disposal. These physical problems surfaced while s o c i a l issues such as theft were not brought up. Social cohesion and trust i n the community were not seen as problems by residents. I t was these three basic c i v i c services which were not delivered to the heart of the town due to poor planning, which they perceived as the most serious danger. B. The Residents' Planning Recommendations Questions 5-11 concerned the residents' perception of the picture models display showing the type of housing and community development that they could expect after renovation of the s i t e . - 207 -- 2 0 8 -- 209 -83. Lack of Basic Services - 210 " Almost a l l the residents wanted to move because of the d i l a p i -dated condition of their housing, and the wish to "change" their environment. Generally, the attitude which prevailed was that "new" meant "better" l i v i n g conditions. In this case, such logic might have been midleading, however, given the persistent problems of drainage, f i r e hazards and health conditions, any "new" alternative i n shelter' condition appeared to be better. I t was s i g n i f i c a n t that only sixteen of the 56 respondents would answer question 6, which asked them to choose aspects of the development model to be removed. Lack of comment showed an. unwillingness by the residents to c r i t i c i z e the government's plan — a Third World "head set" that t r a d i t i o n a l l y obeyed the "expert". However, when i t came to enlarging certain aspects of the model plan, 37 of the 56 ventured recommendations concerning preference i n expanding terrace housing. I t was perceived that these units would "upgrade l i v i n g conditions" and "bring s t a b i l i t y to the area". Terrace housing i n the survey was the clear choice of nearly a l l the residents. Then, most residents seemed to assume that they would l i v e i n terrace shelter, when, i n fact, only a fortunate few would have the p r i v i l e g e . I t was extremely d i f f i c u l t to make low-income residents understand this point and the fact that, as a r e s u l t of development, they would be forced out of the area or into c e l l - l i k e development projects. Question 8, which asked respondents to add sections to the model, was answered by a l l 56 of the household heads. In terms - 211 -- 213 -of planning input, most refused to take away sections of pro-posed development while more were w i l l i n g to comment on enlarging areas of development. However, recommendations concerning "adding on" to the development proposals i n question 8, were unanimous, revealing resident willingness to comment on further develop-ment, but a mistrust concerning comments to do with "taking away" from proposed plans. A l l 56 of those questioned wanted a mosque added on to the Buluh Kubu plan despite the town's major mosque located adjacent to the existing s i t e . Preference for more re-li g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s reflected the Malays' deep Islamic i d e n t i f i -cation which could not be overlooked by planners without serious repercussions. The residents also wanted a community centre, health c l i n i c , and park. As discussed i n Chapter 7, these recom-mendations were made to the Buluh Kubu Working Group i n my report re f e r r i n g to the dynamic u t i l i z a t i o n of the s i t e ' s h i s t o r i c palaces. Question 11 suggested that almost a l l of the respondents wanted to l i v e i n the model's proposed development because they f e l t their present condition was unsanitary. After a concern for health, they favoured the model's development due to i t s spa-t i a l organization and perceived b e n e f i c i a l impact on their c h i l -dren's welfare.. C. Evaluation of Survey Method and Model Presentation Questions 12-15 attempted to find out what the residents thought of the survey's model-picture design. Forty-eight of - 214 -89. Low Income Housing - 215 -90. Low Income H o u s i n g - 216 -the f i f t y - s i x interviewed said they did not find this survey technique confusing, and understood the method of ranking rea-sons for answers they gave. F i f t y of the f i f t y - s i x interviewed indicated that the model and picture display had helped them un-derstand the planning process better than i f only questions alone were asked. Forty-four of the f i f t y - s i x questioned said they would l i k e more surveys of the same type. From these findings, i t appeared that the survey model methodology used i n the research was well received by the re-spondents. Their i n i t i a l attention was attracted by a model display format, while under further investigation an avenue was opened towards understanding plans for the Buluh Kubu s i t e . The methodology provided meaningful input into the planning system for these people, many of whom were previously without represen-tation i n planning decisions d i r e c t l y affecting their l i v e s . D. Views .on Participatory Planning In response to question sixteen, which asked the residents i f they thought the government would act on the survey recommen-dations, forty-four of the fifty-two who answered, said yes. I t was possible that some of these residents did not want to give a negative answer since i t could have been perceived as a n t i -government sentiment. However, at face value, this response was encouraging, since i t indicated the Buluh Kubu's inhabitants' f a i t h i n a system of resident p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning pro-cess. The b e l i e f that o f f i c i a l s would act on the survey's recom-- 217 -mendations provided" an insight into the Malays' t r a d i t i o n of trust i n indigenous leadership. Within the o f f i c i a l Bumi Putra policy, Malays were targeted for preferential treatment i n urban settlements. The Malays' c u l t u r a l f a i t h i n leadership, from v i l l a g e kampong elders to the Sultan was displayed i n the so-ciety' s keen awareness of s o c i a l ranking. Race, f a i t h , age, edu-cation and employment were the f i r s t questions facing an i n d i v i -dual i n Malaysian society when determining s o c i a l rank. The re-cognized "expert" i n Malaysian society was generally respected as long as r e l i g i o u s and t r a d i t i o n a l values were not offended. Faith in the planner as one who knew what was best for society showed up i n question seventeen's ("Would you l i k e to have more of a say i n the planning process?") response. The s p l i t response to a sensitive issue of this type i l l u s t r a t e d community hetero-geneity and t r a d i t i o n a l respect for experts. Half of those ques-tioned wanted more input into the planning process, showing a d i s t i n c t w i l l for self-determination. The survey design used in t h i s fieldwork allowed a format for resident planning input within the existing p o l i t i c a l sys-tem. A strategy of supportive input rather than confrontation provided a framework whereby the government was not threatened by opposing views to i t s plans. Saving face i n the South East Asian planning process cannot be underestimated. It i s disastrous to back either the government, or groups seeking planning input, into a corner where compromise i s - 218 -l o s t . The r e s u l t s o f such a c t i o n are u s u a l l y e i t h e r m a r t i a l law o r r e v o l u t i o n . I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , n e c e s s a r y , i n r e s p o n s i v e p l a n -n i n g , t o be s e n s i t i v e t o both the r e s i d e n t s ' and the government's l i m i t a t i o n s . S i n c e p l a n n i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n by r e s i d e n t s i s a c r u -c i a l s t e p towards p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by c i t i z e n s i n govern-ment, p l a n n i n g s t r a t e g i e s have t o be a p p r e c i a t e d w i t h i n t h e i r l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l framework. I t i s a m e a n i n g f u l way by which governments can keep i n t o u c h w i t h the c i t i z e n s ' n a t i o n a l a s p e r a t i o n s . F a i l -ure t o s t a r t such endeavours i n Moslem c o u n t r i e s l e a d s t o d e v e l o p -mental p o l i c i e s which may seem modern b u t , i n f a c t , i g n o r e the s o c i a l f i b e r o f the n a t i o n . I n t h i s r e g a r d , the Shah o f I r a n ' s m i s c a l c u l a t e d p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s s e r v e d as an example o f what can happen w i t h o u t a p l a n n i n g d i a l o g u e w i t h a l l r e s i d e n t s , f o r K e l a n t a n S t a t e . - 219 -CHAPTER 7 R E S P O N S I V E DEVELOPMENT P L A N N I N G I . INTRODUCTION T h i s C h a p t e r d e a l s w i t h t h e r e a l i t y o f p l a n n i n g c o m m i t m e n t s i n K o t a B h a r u . I n f a t u a t i o n w i t h h i g h p r o f i l e t e c h n o l o g y f o r B u l u h K u b u e f f e c t i v e l y m e a n t t h a t d e v e l o p m e n t , r a t h e r t h a n r e -h a b i l i t a t i o n , was i n s i s t e d u p o n as t h e p l a n n i n g s t r a t e g y t o b e u t i l i z e d . A d e c i s i o n o f t h i s k i n d c o u l d n o t be a b a n d o n e d i n f a v o u r o f c o h e r e n t f i n a n c i a l a n d s o c i a l r e a s o n s f o r a l t e r n a t i v e r e h a b i l i t a t i v e a c t i o n s i n c e i t was a p o l i t i c a l c o m m i t m e n t . As a p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r i n t h e p l a n n i n g s y s t e m i t s o o n became a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e r e was n o p r e t e n s e i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g p o l i t i c s f r o m p l a n n i n g . A " c a m p a i g n c a r r o t " h a d b e e n o f f e r e d t o K o t a B h a r u b y a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t r y i n g t o g a i n a f o o t h o l d i n a n e g -l e c t e d r e g i o n . A h i g h p r o f i l e d e v e l o p m e n t p r o j e c t i n t h e t r a d i t -i o n a l M a l a y c e n t e r o f t h e S t a t e was a t a n g i b l e c a m p a i g n p r o m i s e , d e s i g n e d t o i m p r e s s r a t h e r t h a n t o s e r v e t h e r e s i d e n t s . D e s p i t e my own v i e w s o n how a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n d e s i g n f o r B u l u h K u b u c o u l d b e t t e r m e e t t h e n e e d s o f t h e l o c a l r e s i d e n t s a n d u l t i m a t e l y t h e w h o l e t o w n , t h e p r o j e c t ' s p l a n n i n g p a r a m e t e r s w e r e s e t c l e a r l y w i t h i n a d e v e l o p m e n t a l c o u r s e . R e s p o n s i v e p l a n n i n g f o r B u l u h K u b u n e c e s s i t a t e d a d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l a n d - 220 -r e g i o n a l a p p r o a c h s i n c e i t was d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l w i t h a c o m m u n i t y p r o b l e m w h e n i t was o n l y a s y m p t o m o f a l a r g e r m i s g u i d e d p l a n n i n g p e r s p e c t i v e . My j o b , t h e r e f o r e , w a s t o a t t e m p t t o make t h e d e -v e l o p m e n t p l a n s f o r t h e B u l u h K u b u p r o j e c t , as p r e s e n t e d b y t h e Town a n d C o u n t r y P l a n n i n g D e v e l o p m e n t i n 19 78, more r e s p o n s i v e t o t h e n e e d s o f t h e r e s i d e n t s who w e r e l i v i n g i n t h e a r e a . My r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s e m p h a s i z e d : 1. an e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e l e v e l a n d t y p e o f a p p r o p r i a t e c o m m e r c i a l m i x f o r t h e a r e a . A n a p p r o p r i a t e c o m -m e r c i a l m i x s h o u l d e n c o u r a g e v i a b i l i t y , w i t h o u t d i m i n i s h i n g t h e a r e a ' s t r a d i t i o n a l a s p e c t s o r t h e i n h a b i t a n t s ' w e l l - b e i n g ; 2. t h e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n a n d d y n a m i c u t i l i z a t i o n o f t h e a r e a ' s h i s t o r i c a l s i t e i n t h e c o n t e x t o f c u l t u r a l a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d d e v e l o p m e n t g o a l s ; a n d 3. " R e s p o n s i v e T u n i n g " o f d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n s : A p r o p o s e d m e t h o d o l o g y , as p r e s e n t e d i n C h a p t e r 3, w h i c h w o u l d e n a b l e i n p u t b y t h e a r e a ' s i n h a b i t a n t s i n t o t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . I I . CONCEPTS A P P L I C A B L E TO RENOVATION T h e f o l l o w i n g a r e p o l i c y r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s p r e s e n t e d t o D r . D . W e b s t e r o f t h e W o r l d B a n k t e a m a n d M u s t a p h a Mohamed o f t h e - 221 -State Economic Planning Unit for their comments and subsequent submission to the "Buluh Kubu Working Group". I t was recommended that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n proposals should be sensitive to the h i s t o r i c a l importance of the area. Commercial high p r o f i l e development of this older section of Kota Bharu would rob the town and the State of Kelantan of an important piece of i t s heritage. Such development would seriously dis-place the area's four hundred families, three-quarters of whom were low income, and depress the c i t y ' s present centre of trade through displacement eff e c t s . I t was emphasized that planning must be responsive i n re-inforcing existing neighbourhood resources which compliment, rather than compete, i n renovation. Guidelines for such an approach included: 1. an analysis of Buluh Kubu's present neighbourhood function; 2 . recommendations for eff e c t i v e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ; and, 3. recommendations for the most responsive development policy. A. Resettlement of Present Inhabitants Back Into Area Resettlement of the inhabitants back into the area must encourage the active input of the residents i n the planning pro-cess, so that their needs could be i d e n t i f i e d and l a t e r ex-pressed i n the f i n a l plan. - 222 -B. Present Neighbourhood Function 1 As presented i n e a r l i e r chapters, the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t was occupied by approximately 2 , 0 0 0 squatters, the majority of whom l i v e d i n dilapidated wooden and sheet metal huts. Despite their appearance, these dwellings possessed positive functional aspects i n that they provided basic shelter for the very poor, and could be e a s i l y repaired by low-cost labour-intensive methods. However, the decayed condition of these dwellings, and lack of basic amenities, posed a serious health and f i r e threat which demanded attention. In planning for Buluh Kubu's renovation the socio-economic function at the time of research had to be appreciated. In the planning process, i f the o r i g i n a l urban function was disrupted, i t would have repercussions throughout the c i t y . The needs that created Buluh Kubu's depressed condition were not going to d i s -appear. The government sooner or l a t e r would have to formulate renovation plans responsive to low income residents. Neighbour-hood r e h a b i l i t a t i o n had to accomodate squatters or i t would have to plan for the same group again. In the urban t r a n s i t i o n this group would i n s t i n c t i v e l y evole more settlements to meet i t s needs. Due to i t s labour-intensive low costs and adaptability, this process was l i k e l y to occur at a faster rate than appropriate government reaction resulting i n the spread of squatter s e t t l e -ments to proportions much more d i f f i c u l t to manage. - 223 -As W i l l i a n Alonso pointed out, d i s t r i c t s such as Buluh Kubu were "Slums of Hope Not Despair" since poor migrants from the countryside seeking better l i v i n g conditions often settled i n squatter areas i n the centre of the c i t y , due to i t s low cost and job a c c e s s i b i l i t y . In this respect, Buluh Kubu served an important function i n the acculturation process from r u r a l to urban l i f e and provided an affordable base for those seeking upward mobility. Such an important urban function would be d i s -rupted by l o c a l planners' commitment to tearing down squatter huts. Their proposed low cost housing would be too expensive for most migrants to afford. The Kelantan State government would have to expect an increasing flow of r u r a l migrants who would either seek out, or form, similar squatter areas close to Kota Bharu. Most of Buluh Kubu's residents were involved i n casual or informal labour a c t i v i t i e s including hawking, construction, and pedalling trishaws. They provided a ready pool of inexpensive labour and an alternative delivery system able to di s t r i b u t e resources inexpensively. An informal labour source had develop-ed that kept the cost of l i v i n g down for the whole town. If the government resettled squatters outside Buluh Kubu, their employment function and standard of l i v i n g would change as they encountered new f i n a n c i a l pressures. An increase i n job-site transportation costs, and reduced employment opportunities for each working member of the family were examples of relocation costs. - 2 2 4 -Based on these factors, the function of the Buluh Kubu neighbourhood, and the role of i t s inhabitants at the time of fieldwork were important to the whole town and should have been reinforced, rather than disrupted, by the planning process. C. Outline For E f f e c t i v e Rehabilitation It was strongly recommended to the State Economic Planning Unit that the most ef f e c t i v e and f i n a n c i a l l y feasible method of addressing the needs of l o c a l inhabitants, while maintaining the s i t e ' s positive neighbourhood functions, included a policy of reinforcing the squatters' settlement by upgrading existing f a c i l i t i e s . The government1s provision of adequate i n f r a s t r u c -ture, consisting of: clean water supply delivery, roads, - garbage disposal system, sewage f a c i l i t i e s , would have been the f i r s t step of a r e a l i s t i c programme designed to reduce the d i s t r i c t ' s health problems. Once an adequate level of infrastructure was introduced, then government-sponsored low inte r e s t home improvement loans could encourage residents to improve their dwellings. Unfortunately the government's view of squatter settlements as negative "eyesores", along with i t s desire for Buluh Kubu to become "commercially viable" i n the context of Kota Bharu's - 2 2 5 -o v e r a l l development, led to the rejection of such a r e a l i s t i c approach. Local planners' commitment to tearing down Buluh Kubu meant that i t was to be "redeveloped" from the ground up, rather than "rehabilitated" through reinforcing existing at-tributes of the s i t e and i t s inhabitants. As Kota Bharu grows and r u r a l urban migration accelerates, i t i s only a matter of time u n t i l squatter settlements reach such proportions that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , instead of development, w i l l be viewed as the most viable method of planning. III. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR "RESPONSIVE TUNING" OF DEVELOPMENT PLAN Working within a development framework, i t was even more important to be responsive to the existing communities' s o c i a l , economic and r e l i g i o u s linkages. The redeveloped physical en-vironment had to be sensitive to resettlement needs i n order to encourage neighbourhood cohesiveness, with i t s accompanying benefits. Lasting development for Buluh Kubu could only come by planning for the prosperity of the people, as a means to achieving prosperity for the s i t e . If the government reversed these p r i o r i t i e s , as the s i t e ' s prosperity increased, demand for property would, r i s e , thereby forcing poor residents to relocate. - 226 ~ A. Resettlement of Residents I t was recommended t h a t r e s e t t l e m e n t of the area's four hundred f a m i l i e s back i n t o the area be viewed as one of the p r o j e c t ' s top p r i o r i t i e s . L i m i t e d space was a s e r i o u s con-s t r a i n t which, along w i t h the p r o j e c t ' s economic and r e s e t t l e -ment go a l s , was c a r e f u l l y weighed a g a i n s t the s q u a t t e r s ' poverty and lack o f v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s . In view of these t r a d e - o f f s , i t was suggested that a shop-house/office-house scheme would o f f e r low d e n s i t y development, while p r o v i d i n g a l e v e l of commercial mix t h a t enabled the government to pro-vide low c o s t r e s i d e n t i a l loans f o r res e t t l e m e n t of present r e s i d e n t s back i n t o the area. Kota Bharu's Town Planning Department had proposed four-s t o r e y apartments to accommodate the a r e a ' s . r e s i d e n t s . I t was recommended th a t , where p o s s i b l e , t h i s p r o p o s a l be reformulated so as to encourage two and th r e e - s t o r e y shop-house development t h a t met r e s i d e n t i a l needs. Such development would a i d i n f i n a n c i a l l y s u b s i d i z i n g r e s i d e n t i a l requirements, while en-couraging human s c a l e , low d e n s i t y neighbourhood atmosphere. T h i s type o f commercial r e s i d e n t i a l mix promoted the maximum use of space a t a l l times, while i n v o l v i n g a he a l t h y c l a s s mix, u t i l i z i n g the ground f l o o r of a u n i t as a work s i t e , with lower income r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g above i n f l a t s . As a r e s u l t the d i s t r i c t ' s commercial areas were not abandoned and l e f t - 2 2 7 " unsafe a t n i g h t , as was the case i n many North American c i t i e s . Low d e n s i t y accommodation helped r e l i e v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l pressures imposed on r e s i d e n t s who were f o r c e d i n t o high d e n s i t y accommo-d a t i o n t h a t c o n f l i c t e d with t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . I t was emphasized to government planners t h a t m u l t i - l e v e l shopping complexes and h o t e l s were i n a p p r o p r i a t e commercial ventures f o r Buluh Kubu, even though such schemes were f i n a n -c i a l l y sound. Attempts to impose modern, high d e n s i t y commer-c i a l planning on such neighbourhoods would f a i l because they were not r e s p o n s i v e to the d i s t r i c t ' s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n requirements. These requirements had to r e f l e c t the s o c i e t a l needs of i t s i n -h a b i t a n t s . In t h i s regard, a shop-house scheme f o r development met f i n a n c i a l goals while r e i n f o r c i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l commercial-r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood format of the Southeast A s i a n c i t y . B. Appropriate Commercial Development At the time of r e s e a r c h the standard p o l i c y of the govern-ment was to s e l l or r e n t an e n t i r e shop-house u n i t to p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . U s u a l l y the person who owned the u n i t l i v e d i n one s e c t i o n ' o f the b u i l d i n g and rented the other f l o o r s out. I t was, t h e r e f o r e , recommended t h a t the government adopt the l a n d -l o r d f u n c t i o n and r e n t the bottom f l o o r s of the b u i l d i n g s to commercial i n t e r e s t s . I t could then use the c a p i t a l to sub-- 228 -- 229 -94. P r o p o s e d Shop-house d e s i g n s - 230 -- 231 -98. Proposed Shop-house d e s i g n s : Shop-house deve lopment was a l o w d e n s i t y c o m m e r c i a l r e s i d e n t i a l n e i g h b o u r h o o d model a p p r o p r i a t e f o r B u l u h Kubu . - 232 -- 233 -sidize families l i v i n g on the other floors of the shop-house reserved for low income r e s i d e n t i a l use. Due to t h e i r prime location, Buluh Kubu shop-houses would become the focus of the town's commercial a c t i v i t y . Consequent-l y many f i n a n c i a l interests wanted to rent shops i n the area. It was, therefore, possible for the government to demand sub-s t a n t i a l rents which these shops would, i n turn, r e a l i z e i n business p r o f i t s . The government's rent for ground fl o o r com-mercial ventures was formulated on the basis of the a b i l i t y of low-income residents l i v i n g on the above floors to pay rent, and the f i n a n c i a l position of businesses that rented commercial space. What was needed was a s p l i t i n the t r a d i t i o n a l shop-house function so that with government intervention as landlord, shop interests of higher income groups could subsidize the housing requirements of the poor. A planning approach of this kind i n i t i a t e d a new role for the government. Buluh Kubu was used as a test case so that a similar framework for broader policy i n th i s direction could be employed. The reinforcement and active u t i l i z a t i o n of a shop-house re s i d e n t i a l commercial mix was a low density model for develop-ment that would not alienate the residents. Rejection of the Town Planning Department's proposed hotel, bank and cimema de-velopment , which were services adequately provided near the s i t e , was recommended to the Working Group. By discarding these - 234 -p r o p o s a l s , more land c o u l d be " f r e e d " which would encourage lower de n s i t y r e s i d e n t a l resettlement with i t s accompanying b e n e f i t s . S i m i l a r i l y those areas that were zoned s o l e l y f o r commercial or o f f i c e space were recommended to i n c l u d e a r e s i d e n t i a l mix. The Town Planning Department's proposed new market would r e l i e v e the major market's crowded c o n d i t i o n s . I t provided f o r : a needed commercial f u n c t i o n ; employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the area's i n h a b i t a n t s ; and the - re-establishment of the area's t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e as a town t r a d i n g center. and was, t h e r e f o r e , recommended. I t was emphasized t h a t i n de-s i g n i n g the f a c i l i t y , Kelantan's famous t r a d i n g i n i t i a t i v e and t r a d i t i o n a l open s t a l l atmosphere should be preserved. C. U t i l i z i n g Residents f o r Labour Since the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t o f f e r e d an inexpensive un-employed labour p o o l , i t was recommended that c o n t r a c t o r s chosen by the government be encouraged to h i r e these people. Besides o f f e r i n g needed employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and job t r a i n i n g , r e s i d e n t involvement encouraged neighbourhood i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . - 236 -102. U t i l i z a t i o n of residents for labour in r e h a b i l i t a t i o n - 237 -To recapitulate, the three major policy recommendations for a responsive development strategy were based on an under-standing that: 1. commercial r e s i d e n t i a l redevelopment of Buluh Kubu be low p r o f i l e , u t i l i z i n g l o c a l residents as the labour force, and the State's natural resources as building materials; 2. i n order to maximize the u t i l i z a t i o n of space, a residential-commercial mix was desirable; and 3. the type of commercial mix implemented must respect the existing residents' needs and the h i s t o r i c a l importance of the area. Buluh Kubu should not be developed on a scale that inhibited the d i s t r i c t ' s unique c u l t u r a l character. IV. NEIGHBOURHOOD FUNCTION OF HISTORICAL SITES Low p r o f i l e development was recommended so that the impor-tance of the h i s t o r i c a l s i t e s would not be diminished. High scale development ventures dwarfed h i s t o r i c a l sites that could provide focus for an area's r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . With proper reno-vation and u t i l i z a t i o n , h i s t o r i c a l s i t e s such as the Balai Basar, Istana Johar, and the Istana Mahkota, could provide Kota Bharu with a display of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y highlighting the ca p i t a l of Kelantan State. I t was v i t a l that these structures not simply - 238 -be converted i n t o i d l e monuments of the past, but be transformed i n t o centers of a c t i v i t y f o r Kota Bharu, and Buluh Kubu i n par-t i c u l a r . These b u i l d i n g s ' community u t i l i z a t i o n c o u l d provide focus and s t a b i l i t y to a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n s t r a t e g y . I d e n t i f i c a -t i o n of the r e s i d e n t s ' e x i s t i n g s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , and economic t i e s h e l d the key to understanding how these b u i l d i n g s c o u l d best be used towards c r e a t i n g a sense of communal i d e n t i t y . I t was recommended t h a t the B a l a i Besar C a s t l e become the dynamic f o c a l p o i n t f o r the d i s t r i c t . The l a r g e wooden palace b u i l t i n 1844 by S u l t a n Mohamed II was used o c c a s i o n a l l y f o r o f f i c i a l f u n c t i o n s and was not being u t i l i z e d to i t s f u l l poten-t i a l . R e h a b i l i t a t i n g the h i s t o r i c a l s i t e meant t e a r i n g down high fences surrounding the s t r u c t u r e i n order to " f r e e " i t and o f f e r a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The palace's spacious grounds were i d e a l l y s u i t e d f o r a park t h a t could i n c l u d e a playground, and a garden d i s p l a y i n g Kelantan's l o c a l f l o r a , fauna, s t a t u e s , and museum p i e c e s . The lawns would c a t e r to p e d e s t r i a n s and f a m i l y l e i s u r e a c t i v i t y , while nearby Independence Park would continue to o f f e r an open f i e l d f o r s p o r t i n g events. The l a r g e wooden palace was a b e a u t i f u l example of f i n e l o c a l workmanship using surrounding re s o u r c e s . Given i t s l a r g e s i z e and good c o n d i t i o n , with proper programing the B a l a i Besar could r e - e s t a b l i s h i t s r o l e as the dynamic m u l t i f u n c t i o n a l centre f o r Kota Bharu. I t was recommended to the Buluh Kubu Group that the B a l a i Besar i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g uses: - 239 -104. Balai Besar Palace - 240 -1. State Museum: where, the State's unique a r t i f a c t s and h i s t o r i c a l documents would be d i s p l a y e d i n t r a -t i o n a l surroundings. Maps, as w e l l as c u l t u r a l ex-h i b i t s of t r a d i t i o n a l dress, instruments, k i t e s , weapons, s i l v e r w e a r , b a t i k and other c r a f t s c o u l d be in c l u d e d ; 2 . A r t i s t ' s G a l l e r y : where e x h i b i t s d i s p l a y i n g the State' s p r i z e d a r t could be e x h i b i t e d . P a r t of the g a l l e r y would be open to l o c a l t a l e n t , so t h a t Kelantan's a r t i s t s c ould d i s p l a y works; 3. Stage: where c u l t u r a l / r e l i g i o u s productions such as Shadow Plays c o u l d be r e g u l a r l y viewed, would . be con-s t r u c t e d i n the palace; 4 . C i v i c Center: where Kota Bharu's town events, and meetings c o u l d take p l a c e . I f u t i l i z e d f o r these f u n c t i o n s the B a l a i Besar would take on an important r o l e i n the community and thus r e - e s t a b l i s h i t s t r a d i t i o n a l importance as a major center f o r c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y . When these a c t i v i t i e s were organized a r e v i t a l i z e d T o u r i s t Development Board should have prepared tours of the palace and provided space f o r a g i f t shop and t o u r i s t i n f o r m a t i o n . The process c o u l d c o n t r i b u t e to the palace's maintenance. The Istana Johar l o c a t e d across from the B a l a i Besar, a t the time of field w o r k was occupied i l l e g a l l y by p r i v a t e business i n t e r e s t . I t was o r i g i n a l l y a V i c t o r i a n tea house. Although - 241 -105. Buluh Kubu's H i s t o r i c S i t e s : The Istanas -The Sultan's Palaces - Istana Johar: Proposed Community Center 106. Istana Johar - 243 -i n need of some r e p a i r , the t r a d i t i o n a l wooden s t r u c t u r e was worth renovation. I t was proposed t h a t the renovated b u i l d i n g had the p o t e n t i a l t o be used as a community center. Walls surrounding the s t r u c t u r e should be dismantled so that grounds and community f u n c t i o n c o u l d blend i n t o the proposed B a l a i Besar p r o j e c t . Once t h i s was done, a park, designed to j o i n these two b u i l d i n g s would add d e s i r a b l e c o n t i n u i t y to the area. The I s t a n a Johar's conversion i n t o a community center would provide v i t a l s e r v i c e s and a c t i v i t i e s . Towards developing neighbourhood cohesiveness, i t was recommended t h a t the proposed center i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g c l a s s e s : 1. Night Classes : s e l f - h e l p i n s t r u c t i o n , language l e s s o n s , m a r t i a l a r t s , e t c . 2. Youth Programmes: sports a c t i v i t i e s t eaching of t r a d i t i o n a l Kelantanese c r a f t s 3. Programmes f o r the Aged: hobbies meeting groups (older members of the community could teach youth t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t s and s k i l l s i n order to continue the State heritage) 4. Community and C o u n s e l l i n g S e r v i c e s : l e g a l 109. Istana Mahkota - Proposed L i b r a r y 110. Kota Bharu's Mosque: s i t u a t e d next to Buluh Kubu - 2 4 5 -- 2 4 6 -medical fam i l y p l a n n i n g c a r e e r guidance 5. C h i l d Care S e r v i c e s : v o l u n t e e r s u p e r v i s i o n of young c h i l d r e n belong-i n g to working mothers. I s t a n a Mahkotawas the s m a l l e s t h i s t o r i c a l s i t e i n the area. At the time of research i t was p r i v a t e l y owned. I f acquired, i t was suggested that t h i s one-storey b u i l d i n g be converted i n t o a l i b r a r y . An expansion of l i b r a r y f a c i l i t i e s would en-courage an a c t i v e d r i v e by government and the p r i v a t e s e c t o r , to purchase needed books. The l i b r a r y designed to provide com-f o r t a b l e surroundings f o r i t s users to read, meet and d i s c u s s ideas would be l o c a t e d near the Istana Johar. L i b r a r y and community center programming should be f l e x i b l e enough so t h a t t h e i r f u n c t i o n s c o u l d be multipurpose. A r e s i d e n t of Kota Bharu, Rashidah Abdullah, who had a degree i n S o c i a l S e r v i c e Management, and experience working i n A u s t r a l i a n Community c e n t e r s , was extremely keen to organize and operate such a community center l i b r a r y p r o j e c t i n the Buluh Kubu area. A resource person of her experience and v i t a l i t y was the key to g e t t i n g these types of programmes s t a r t e d . - 2 4 7 " V. "RESPONSIVE TUNING" In order to ensure the maximum u t i l i t y of the planners' e f f o r t s and government expenditures i t was e s s e n t i a l to o b t a i n a measure of feedback from the r e s i d e n t s who were to be r e -s e t t l e d i n the area. Since i n t h i s case, the m a j o r i t y of the r e s i d e n t s were seen not t o have l e g a l r i g h t s to the land they 96 occupied and, had few resettlement a l t e r n a t i v e s , t h e i r i n p u t i n t o the p l a n n i n g process would not have been appropriate i n the e a r l y stages. However, t h e i r i n p u t was c e r t a i n l y b e n e f i -c i a l i n " f i n e tuning" redevelopment plans i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s towards r e s i d e n t s e n s i t i v i t y . The Buluh Kubu Working Group agreed t h a t a s c a l e model of the proposed p r o j e c t be b u i l t . This model was then presented to a random c r o s s - s e c t i o n of i n h a b i t a n t s f o r t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n and suggestions. I t was recommended t h a t adoption of the methodology used i n t h i s research would make i t e a s i e r f o r the r e s i d e n t s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e i r community's development. Accompanying the i n t e r v i e w , a b a s i c e x p l a n a t i o n of reasons f o r the area's p l a n n i n g was presented i n order to teach the r e s i -dents about the process. In a p r e s e n t a t i o n to the head of the S o c i a l Economic Planning U n i t , i t was emphasized that the feed-back recorded by such a survey could then be analyzed i n " f i n e tuning" the f i n a l p l a n towards the d e s i r e s of the community i t would s e r v i c e . Data c o l l e c t e d was not only u s e f u l f o r the - 248 -p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t , but a l s o provided planners with r e s i d e n t g u i d e l i n e s f o r s i m i l a r redevelopment schemes. The World Bank Team r e a l i z e d t h a t a s c a l e model of the Buluh Kubu p r o j e c t was a u s e f u l p l a n n i n g t o o l f o r the govern-ment. I t provided an e f f e c t i v e p r e s e n t a t i o n that aided i n the communication between various government agencies i n v o l v e d i n the p l a n n i n g process and was u s e f u l f o r l a t e r r e f e r e n c e . VI. AGENCIES INVOLVED IN FUNDING As a p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r , the number of agencies i n v o l v -ed i n the Buluh Kubu Working Group caused me concern. Vari.ous 3 c ty agencies could be u s e f u l i n u t i l i z i n g t h e i r e x p e r t i s e and i n t e r -e s t s by proposing d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s on i s s u e s i n the i n -i t i a l p l a n n i n g stages of a p r o j e c t . However, when implementing p l a n s , unless an extremely good working r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d between agencies, lack of c o o r d i n a t i o n s e v e r e l y hampered t h i s c r u c i a l stage of the p l a n n i n g process. As d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 2, the various p i t f a l l s i n such arrangements were numerous. Jealousy between agencies could cause a t o t a l breakdown as r i v a l departments worked on the same problem c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e l y . R i v a l agencies tended to view s i m i l a r pro-j e c t t a r g e t s as b e i n g w i t h i n t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e , wasted energy on the same pl a n n i n g tasks. Interagency r i v a l r y - 249 ~ o b s e r v e d i n c l u d e d p r o j e c t s a b o t a g e d e s i g n e d t o d i s c r e d i t a c o u n t e r p a r t t h r o u g h " p a s s i n g t h e b u c k " f r o m o n e g o v e r n m e n t b o d y t o a n o t h e r u n t i l t h e t a s k b e c a m e l o s t i n t h e s h u f f l e . S e l f -s e r v i n g " w r e n c h e s " t h r o w n i n t o t h e m e c h a n i c s o f p r o j e c t i m -p l e m e n t a t i o n o c c u r r e d e v e n w h e n d e p a r t m e n t a l i n t e n t i o n s w e r e h o n o u r a b l e . C o m m o n o c c u r r e n c e s o f t h i s t y p e a p p e a r e d r o o t e d i n t h e l a c k o f e f f e c t i v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d c o o r d i n a t i o n b e -t w e e n d e p a r t m e n t s . T h e s t a t e g o v e r n m e n t d i d n o t c l e a r l y d e f i n e t h e r o l e o f e a c h d e p a r t m e n t , i n r e l a t i o n t o p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t s . U n t i l s u c h j u r i s d i c t i o n w a s d e f i n e d , i n s t e a d o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d c o o p e r a t i o n , c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h i t s d e t r i m e n t a l c o s t s m o t i v a t e d p l a n n i n g i n t e r e s t s i n B u l u h K u b u d e v e l o p m e n t . I t w a s p o i n t e d o u t , b y H u s s e i n Y u s o f f o f t h e S t a t e E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p -o r a t i o n , t h a t t h e r e a s o n i n v o l v e m e n t o f s o m a n y a g e n c i e s w a s n e c e s s a r y w a s s o t h a t e a c h d e p a r t m e n t c o u l d a p p l y s e p a r a t e l y f o r f u n d s f r o m t h e v a r i o u s r e v e n u e c h a n n e l s . H e e x p l a i n e d , t h a t f e d e r a l f u n d s w e r e m o r e f o r t h c o m i n g i f p a r c e l l e d o u t t o v a r i o u s s t a t e a n d l o c a l p r o j e c t s , t h a n i f a l u m p s u m w a s r e -q u e s t e d b y o n l y o n e g o v e r n m e n t b o d y . B y t h i s m e t h o d , r i v a l r y a n d r e s e n t m e n t b e t w e e n a g e n c i e s w e r e s u p p o s e d t o b e m i n i m i z e d , i n t h a t UMNO c o u l d c l a i m i t w a s n o t p l a y i n g p o l i t i c a l f a v o u r -i t e s . B u t , b y m a i n t a i n i n g t h i s s y s t e m , w h i l e n e w s c h e m e s m a y b e f u n d e d , t h e o v e r a l l c o o r d i n a t i o n o f t h e p r o j e c t s u f f e r e d . - 250 -Despite the government's commitment to high s c a l e develop-ment of Buluh Kubu, the Working Group's w i l l i n g n e s s to co n s i d e r the b e n e f i t s of the r e s i d e n t s over commercial r e t u r n s was very encouraging. Within a developmental context, there was some understanding of the need to a d j u s t "place" p r i o r i t i e s to the long term w e l f a r e of the r e s i d e n t s . V I I . FUNDING FOR THE WORKING GROUP'S PROPOSAL Fig u r e 13 i l l u s t r a t e s the planning s t r a t e g y worked out by the Buluh Kubu Working Group. The ex p l a n a t i o n of the Fig u r e ' s key i s numbered by p r o j e c t s corresponding to the Group's proposal of J u l y 30, 1978. A d e s c r i p t i o n of funding sources used f o r each undertaking, a t the time of the f i e l d -work i s a l s o given. A. Low-Income Housing Three hundred f o u r - s t o r e y f l a t s were financ e d . through the F e d e r a l government by the a s s i s t a n t s e c r e t a r y f o r l o c a l government on be h a l f of the State government. The sub-s i d y from the Fe d e r a l government would allow low-income r e s i d e n t s to r e n t or purchase apartments a t a f i f t y per cent r e d u c t i o n . Rents per month f o r low-income accomodation would be a p p r o x i -mately C$25 i n s t e a d of C$50, s t i l l higher than Buluh Kubu r e s i -dents' a b i l i t y to pay according to t h i s r e s e a r c h . Low-income housing, r a t h e r than housing f o r the lowest income, would be the f i n a l r e s u l t . - 251 -- 252 -B. Terrace Housing F i f t y u n i t s of t e r r a c e housing designed to accomodate those with middle to high incomes, approximately C$125 a month, were planned. This development would be sponsored by the State through i t s Economic Development C o r p o r a t i o n , and not be sub-s i d i z e d , s i n c e a p r o f i t was expected g i v e n the high income of those who c o u l d a f f o r d these choice u n i t s . As depressed neigh-bourhoods were redeveloped f o r wealthy r e s i d e n t s a l r e a d y l i v i n g i n the town, e x i s t i n g low-income i n h a b i t a n t s would be f o r c e d out of the only d i s t r i c t s they could a f f o r d . T h i s process would push low-income Malays back to r u r a l areas thus completely d i s -obeying the government's Bumi Putra p o l i c y , which was supposed to be a prime motivator i n Buluh Kubu's development d i r e c t i o n . C. Shop-houses Funds f o r the development of shop-houses were taken care of by the S t a t e , with a s s i s t a n c e from the f e d e r a l government. Due to Buluh Kubu's prime l o c a t i o n i n the h e a r t of the town, and the f u t u r e business expected by the d i s t r i c t ' s proposed market, the State Economic Development C o r p o r a t i o n expected to make a p r o f i t . The proposal concerning the s u b s i d i z a t i o n of low-income r e s i d e n t s by shop businesses was under c o n s i d e r a -t i o n as a funding s t r a t e g y a t the time of t h i s r e s e a r c h . D. The Market Funding f o r the market, r e a l i z e d as b e n e f i c i a l to the town's development by a l l the concerned agencies, was a p p l i e d d i r e c t l y to the f e d e r a l government by the Kota Bharu Town C o u n c i l . . T h i s request had already been granted a t the time of my re s e a r c h . E. The B a l a i Besar H i s t o r i c a l Area At the time of fi e l d w o r k , no funding had been arranged f o r the development of the h i s t o r i c a l area s i n c e the scheme had been accepted i n p r i n c i p l e only, and n e g o t i a t i o n s with the Royal f a m i l y were c o n t i n u i n g . Although the c i t y had traded land f o r the s i t e , a l l the h i s t o r i c b u i l d i n g s were s ^ t i l l i n the c o n t r o l of the S u l t a n . Despite these c o m p l i c a t i o n s , i t was suggested that funding could come from the F e d e r a l government's Museum Negara which finan c e d the refurbishment of b u i l d i n g s with h i s t o r i c a l importance to the nation's h e r i t a g e . P r o f i t s expected by the Kelantan Economic Development Corporation's Terrace and Shop-house p r o j e c t s c o u l d provide funding f o r the o p e r a t i o n of h i s t o r i c s i t e s . - 254 -VIII.THE IMPACT OF RESPONSIVE TUNING ON FINAL PLANNING PROPOSALS A f t e r the proceeding recommendations were proposed i n a r e p o r t to the Buluh Kubu Working Group, e n t i t l e d "Concepts A p p l i c a b l e to the Renovation of the Buluh Kubu S i t e " , a f i n a l p l a n n i n g proposal f o r the s i t e was submitted to the Prime M i n i s t e r of Kelantan S t a t e . The major impact t h a t my i n p u t had on the Group's r e p o r t concerned m o d i f i c a t i o n of the Town and Country Planning Department's recommendation f o r commercial/ r e s i d e n t i a l mix as o u t l i n e d i n S e c t i o n 3 of the proposal d e a l -i n g with shophouses: Areas marked f o r shophouses on the o r i g i n a l Town and Country Planning plan w i l l be developed with shop-houses. However the shophouses w i l l be three s t o r e y s  i n height, not four as marked i n the o r i g i n a l plan.  The shopping arcade (Kedai Arcade) designated on the  o r i g i n a l p lan f o r the area w i l l not be b u i l t . Rather  that area w i l l be preserved as p a r t of the B a l a i Besar  h i s t o r i c a l community center complex. To compensate f o r t h i s l o s s , the areas marked hotel/bank/pejabat o f f i c e on the o r i g i n a l p lan w i l l be developed with three shophouses. The bank, h o t e l and o f f i c e s w i l l  not be developed. 9 7 The other p r o p o s a l supported by the Group, concerned the u t i l i z a t i o n of the s i t e s H i s t o r i c a l S i t e s as s t a t e d : The Working Group supports the concepts o u t l i n e d f o r  the B a l a i Besar H i s t o r i c a l Area on pages 6 - 9 of the SEPU working paper e n t i t l e d "Some Concepts A p p l i c a b l e to Renovation of the Buluh Kubu d i s t r i c t " . 9 8 - 2 5 5 " While i t was noted t h a t arrangements with the Royal family would be necessary to e f f e c t i v e l y r e v i t a l i z e the B a l a i Besar H i s t o r i c a l S i t e s , the p r i n c i p l e of a c c e p t i n g t r a d i t i o n a l b u i l d -ings as c a t a l y s t s f o r community development was e n t h u s i a s t i c -a l l y accepted. The Groups' acceptance of these proposals i n -d i c a t e d a w i l l i n g n e s s by concerned agencies to leave c e r t a i n areas of community plans open f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Tuning of a f i n a l p lan d i d not threaten the e x i s t i n g p l a n n i n g process because i t was responsive to the system's c l e a r l y d e f i n e d l i m i t s . S o c i a l p l a n n i n g i n p u t i n t h i s case was given a lead-i n g r o l e i n determining development. From t h i s e x e r c i s e of p l a n n i n g w i t h i n a developmental p e r s p e c t i v e , r e v e a l i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o the l i m i t a t i o n s of Kelantan State planning, were r e a l i z e d . Desire to s h i f t the town's commercial area back to i t s o r i g i n s , and away from Chinese i n t e r e s t s , was the u n d e r l y i n g reason f o r Buluh Kubu's develop-ment. The confines of such an approach excluded i n n o v a t i v e s e l f - h e l p r e h a b i l i t a t i o n designs, which as proposed i n the next Chapter, were a more a p p r o p r i a t e socio-economic s t r a t e g y . Proposals made to the Working Group were designed to "open" the government's commitment to development so as to c o n s i d e r the s o c i a l aspects of planning. An emphasis on the u t i l i z a -t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s i t e s w i t h i n a scaled-down shophouse s t r a t e g y was t h e r e f o r e proposed, and accepted. A model design survey methodology was a l s o i n t r o d u c e d so that community response to p l a n n i n g proposals could be determined. - 2 5 6 -CHAPTER 8 RESPONSIVE PLANNING PROPOSALS FOR REHABILITATION I . INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL PLANNING IN REHABILITATION By the time the f o l l o w i n g recommendations were proposed i n J u l y o f 1978 the government was committed t o t e a r i n g down Buluh Kubu and r e d e v e l o p i n g the s i t e f o r commercial use. T h i s was due t o the l o c a t i o n o f the s i t e i n the downtown c o r e r e l a t i v e t o the l e g i t i m a t e need f o r the c i t y ' s commercial e x p a n s i o n . The number of vendors i n the e x i s t i n g market a r e a a t the time o f f i e l d w o r k had s w e l l e d t o t h r e e times i t s i n t e n d e d c a p a c i t y . O f f i c i a l s were dismayed t h a t most of the l u c r a t i v e shophouse t r a d e s u r r o u n d i n g the market was o p e r a t e d by the C h i n e s e , d e s p i t e t h e i r s m a l l p r o -p o r t i o n i n the c i t y . I t was made c l e a r t h a t B uluh Kubu's d e v e l o p -ment would be open t o Malays o n l y , i n k e e p i n g w i t h o f f i c i a l p o l i c y . The e x t e n t o f f i n a n c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s t o develop the s i t e c o m m e r c i a l l y meant t h a t r e h a b i l i t a t i o n through a scheme of s e t t l e -ment p a r t n e r s h i p was not accepted i n p r i n c i p l e by the government as v i a b l e f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t . D e s p i t e u n w i l l i n g n e s s to adopt the p l a n n i n g p r o p o s a l s p r e s e n t -ed i n t h i s C h a p t e r , the time had come f o r governments t o s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r r e s p o n s i v e s e t t l e m e n t approaches. R a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n o f i n t e r m e d i a t e s i z e d r e g i o n a l c e n t e r s such as K o t a Bharu would i n -c r e a s i n g l y demand p l a n n i n g a c t i o n s e n s i t i v e t o changing c o n d i t i o n s and i n touch w i t h i n c r e a s i n g demands. - 257 -A. A P r a c t i c a l P o l i c y D i r e c t i o n While There Is S t i l l Time As Kota Bharu grows i n importance as a r e g i o n a l trade c e n t r e , more Malays from r u r a l areas w i l l be encouraged to migrate to the c i t y i n search o f employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . While at the time o f resea r c h many of these migrants were going to Singapore f o r jobs, as employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n c r e a s e i t i s l i k e l y t h a t they w i l l soon come to Kota Bharu because of i t s comparatively f a m i l i a r surroundings. The Kelantan government does not support f a m i l y p l a n n i n g i n order to promote the Malay p o p u l a t i o n . There-f o r e , besides an i n f l u x i n r u r a l migrants, the e x i s t i n g p o p u l a t i o n w i l l grow. I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , reasonable to disagree with a 1977 o f f i c i a l government r e p o r t s t a t i n g t h a t Kota Bharu would grow only at a r a t e of 2.5 per cent between 1970 and 1995. These f i g u r e s assume m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s to be based on 1957-1970 trends which are much lower than expected given east-west highway develop-ment i n the l a s t ten years. As Kota Bharu expands, housing has to be provided f o r the lowest income groups who w i l l be a t t r a c t e d to the c i t y . I f hous-^ i n g i s not o f f e r e d then these people w i l l "squat" on any a v a i l -able land as near to the c i t y as p o s s i b l e . For Kuala Lumpur i t i s d i f f i c u l t to adequately address the housing problems of i t s 300,000 s q u a t t e r s . Planners i n the c a p i t a l c i t y do not prepare f o r the s i t u a t i o n beforehand, and continue to u t i l i z e f o r e i g n planning methods i n a p p r o p r i a t e to the resources a v a i l a b l e and the pro-p o r t i o n s o f the problem. In t h i s r e s p e c t , Kota Bharu i s f o r t u n a t e f o r i t could a n t i c i p a t e growth and the a s s o c i a t e d needs f o r housing - 258 -B. Planning P r i o r i t i e s ; Government Settlement Planning and  Resident S e l f - h e l p Home Improvements Planners have to achieve t h e i r housing goals by the most prac t i c a l , and, i f r e q u i r e d , elementary means a v a i l a b l e which provide f o r the p r o p o r t i o n and urgency of the s i t u a t i o n . U n r e a l i s t i c b u i l d i n g codes t h a t condemn e f f o r t s by the poor to provide s h e l -t e r f o r themselves, p l a c e government e f f o r t s at odds with the popu l a t i o n they are t r y i n g to h e l p . Planners i n developing c o u n t r i e s have to seek to r e i n f o r c e , r a t h e r than destroy, i n s t i n c t s of peopl to provide s h e l t e r f o r themselves. As examined i n Chapter 1, the lowest income groups can pro-vide t h e i r own s h e l t e r , which, although b a s i c , i s i n keeping with t h e i r economic c o n d i t i o n . T h e i r r i g h t to b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n s i s unquestionable. However, what has to be sought i s the most e f f e c -t i v e and r e a l i s t i c approach f o r the improvement of such f a c i l i t i e s In terms of p r i o r i t y p r o j e c t s , given the alarming growth r a t e of urban - r u r a l p u l l " , i t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the p r o v i s i o n of s h e l t e r , but the p r e p a r a t i o n of f a c i l i t i e s f o r settlements which have to r e c e i v e immediate a t t e n t i o n . The emphasis i n T h i r d World housing has to be the d e l i v e r y of s h e l t e r requirements by the c i t y ' s poorest groups f o r t h e i r own needs. Perpetuating the i n f a t u a t i o n of bureaucrats with t e a r i n g down slums i n order to upgrade s i t e s to what they com-- 259 -pute to be "adequate b u i l d i n g standards" i s u n r e a l i s t i c . P l a n -ners' e f f o r t s w i l l be b e t t e r u t i l i z e d i f they s e r i o u s l y i n v e s t i -gate the v a r i e t y of ways by which low-income groups f i n d s o l u -t i o n s to t h e i r own s h e l t e r needs. Despite the appearance of a squat t e r ' s d w e l l i n g , there i s much t h a t can be lear n e d from i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n as i t i s an attempt by a r e s i d e n t to so l v e a need f o r s h e l t e r . I t i s a p h y s i c a l r e f l e c t i o n o f the sq u a t t e r ' s under-standing o f the urban system. In t h i s regard, b u i l d i n g codes should not be used by s o c i e t y to judge the c o n d i t i o n o f i n h a b i t a n t s . Rather, such standards can be used by planners i n developing nations as a responsive i n d i c a t o r of the c o n d i t i o n of r e s i d e n t s . Using b u i l d i n g s t a n -dards as planning t o o l s , the government can address housing i s s u e s comprehensively w i t h i n the c a p a b i l i t y of t h e i r a v a i l a b l e resources. Planning agencies i n the developing worlds which, out of p r i d e , d i c t a t e i n a p p r o p r i a t e b u i l d i n g codes based on f o r e i g n standards, condemn themselves by viewing low-income self-made dw e l l i n g s as i l l e g a l . They seek to show the world that t h e i r n a t i o n i s "developing", yet such e f f o r t s only serve to cause an " o f f i c i a l housing shortage" when, i n f a c t , s h e l t e r i s provided. T h i s p l a n -ning p e r s p e c t i v e a l i e n a t e s the e f f o r t s o f a growing low-income group who are demanding t h e i r r i g h t s to s h e l t e r through s q u a t t i n g . P e r c e i v i n g slum areas as "meccas" of crime and s o c i a l degen-e r a t i o n was o f t e n motivated by a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s p e r s p e c t i v e . Yet there c o u l d be l i t t l e doubt t h a t depressed areas such as -Buluh - 260 -Kubu were f i r e and h e a l t h hazards. These hazards were the r e s u l t of overcrowding and l a c k of communal resources and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n p r o v i d i n g adequate i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Such f a c i l i t i e s i n c l u d e d roads, garbage d i s p o s a l f a c i l i t i e s , c l e a n water supply, proper drainage and l a t r i n e f a c i l i t i e s . While a poor f a m i l y c o u l d pro-v i d e s h e l t e r f o r i t s e l f as an i n d i v i d u a l u n i t , when crowded t o -gether, i t was more d i f f i c u l t f o r i t to c o n s t r u c t the b a s i c hy-g i e n i c and s a f e t y requirements of a community. Low-income popu-l a t i o n ' s preoccupation with day-to-day poverty, r e q u i r e d most of i t s energy simply to s u r v i v e as a f a m i l y u n i t . I t was only a f t e r b a s i c s h e l t e r concerns had been met t h a t s q u a t t e r s could a f f o r d the luxury of working towards the welfare of t h e i r community. By t h a t stage of development, however, upwardly mobile f a m i l i e s might leave the area i n search of a more prosperous community. In such cases the squatter settlement was used only as a temporary l o c a -t i o n where i n h a b i t a n t s sought upward m o b i l i t y i n order to escape, r a t h e r than improve the c o n d i t i o n of the s i t e . I f planners provided i n c e n t i v e s f o r squatters to s e t t l e per-manently, as the p r o s p e r i t y of the sitae improved the i n h a b i t a n t s could be encouraged to i n v e s t c a p i t a l back i n t o the area's f u t u r e . A planning approach of t h i s type accompanied a cohesive and per-manent community which c o u l d then e f f e c t i v e l y address the needs of i t s neighbourhood settlement. T h i r d World governments have to r e i n t e r p r e t t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s i n order to s e t t h e i r own f l e x i b l e housing standards. Rather than - 261 -f o l l o w i n g the standards of over ambitious p o l i t i c i a n s or previous c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , the time has come f o r planners to analyze how squatters s a t i s f y t h e i r own housing needs. U t i l i z i n g a r e a l i s t i c p lanning p l a t f o r m upon which government e x p e r t i s e can b u i l d , not destroy, i s the fundamental b e l i e f behind responsive p l a n n i n g . I I . GUIDELINES FOR REHABILITATION A. Proposed Framework f o r Settlement R e h a b i l i t a t i o n B e n e f i c i a l neighbourhood e v o l u t i o n c o u l d be i n i t i a t e d a t g r e a t savings to the government/ i f i t ceased wasting scarce f i n a n c i a l resources on c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e , l a r g e s c a l e development schemes and concentrated on r e h a b i l i t a t i v e settlement p r o j e c t s . A proposed framework f o r these settlement r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o j e c t s should have i n c l u d e d : 1. p r o v i s i o n of land tenure; 2. r e s i d e n t d e s i r a b i l i t y : r e s e t t l e m e n t of e x i s t i n g r e s i d e n t s back i n t o the area; 3. p r o v i s i o n of adequate i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ; arid 4. government low i n t e r e s t home improvement loans. - 262 -1. P r o v i s i o n of Land Tenure Within the government's g o a l s , a f t e r zoning the land to con-form with the dimensions and o b j e c t i v e s of the p r o j e c t , and with r e f e r e n c e to p r o v i d i n g f o r the d e s i r e d mix of commercial premises and r e s i d e n t i a l space, the land could be s o l d or otherwise granted to r e s i d e n t s and businesses. i n r e c e i v i n g t h e i r grants, they would agree to abide by a number of s t i p u l a t i o n s t h a t would r e f l e c t the p r o j e c t ' s g o a l . C e r t a i n business premises could then be r e t a i n e d by the agency f o r d i r e c t r e n t a l to v a r i o u s tenants, as proposed i n Chapter 7 . However, i t was important t h a t r e s i d e n t i a l land be made a v a i l a b l e on an ownership b a s i s . These p r o v i s i o n s could be e i t h e r g i v e n by the government, or leased a t low i n t e r e s t r a t e s over an extended p e r i o d of time, i n keeping with the r e s i d e n t s ' income. A land l e a s e programme should have allowed the i n d i v i d u a l to e v e n t u a l l y own property. I t was important t h a t the government monitor such a programme c a r e f u l l y so as to ensure that f a m i l i e s did' not take advantage of the scheme and s e l l t h e i r land r i g h t s to developers. By s t a r t i n g the p r o j e c t with p r o v i s i o n s f o r land tenure, the squatter became a permanent r e s i d e n t with an i n t e r e s t i n h i s d w e l l i n g , and the community's long-term f u t u r e . This com-mitment was e s s e n t i a l i n encouraging the r e s i d e n t s ' sense of neigh-bourhood i d e n t i t y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , a v i t a l f i r s t step i n the process of responsive p l a n n i n g . - 2 6 3 -2 . Resident D e s i r a b i l i t y : Resettlement of E x i s t i n g Residents Back Into the Area The i n i t i a l r e s i d e n t s of any r e h a b i l i t a t i o n scheme should have been the e x i s t i n g i n h a b i l i t a n t s of Buluh Kubu, who were people with urban l i v i n g experience and employment. As new u r b a n i t e s moved i n t o the area through r e n t a l or marriage i n t o l o c a l f a m i l i e s , they would be faced with a s t a b l e and experienced urban community i n which to s e t t l e . Care should have been taken t h a t the settlement p a t t e r n sug-gested d i d not become a w a l l e d c i t y of Malay houses surrounded by t h r e e - s t o r e y shop-houses occupied by non-Malays. As many of the shops and shop-houses should have been occupied by Malay b u s i n e s s -men, they could help encourage more l o c a l i n t e r a c t i o n with persons i n the perimeter b u i l d i n g s . The purpose of t h i s programme was to b u i l d a v i a b l e l o c a l group such as was found i n v a r i o u s o.ther p a r t s of the town, with the u l t i m a t e purpose of improving the " s a t i s f a c t i o n " which i n d i v i d u a l Malay urban r e s i d e n t s found i n t h e i r l i v i n g environment. By so doing, the c e n t r a l c i t y , i n c l u d -i n g the nearby Chinese L i d o d i s t r i c t , would s t a b i l i z e and provide f o r f u t u r e growth. Urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n by persons of a l l e t h n i c c a t e g o r i e s c o u l d c o n t r i b u t e to the e f f e c t i v e r e s t r u c t u r i n g of Malaysian s o c i e t y . - 2 6 4 -3 . P r o v i s i o n of Adequate I n f r a s t r u c t u r e The h e a l t h hazard of Buluh Kubu r e s u l t e d from l a c k of proper f a c i l i t i e s . The government had the resources and e x p e r t i s e to approximate i n f r a s t r u c t u r e needs f o r the p r o j e c t e d number of r e s i d e n t s the area would absorb. Top p r i o r i t y i n t h i s step of settlement p r o v i s i o n was c l e a n water supply, as w e l l as adequate s a n i t a t i o n and garbage c o l l e c t i o n . In the i n i t i a l stages of r e -h a b i l i t a t i o n these s e r v i c e s c o u l d have been communal i n order to keep c o s t s down and e f f e c t i v e l y d i s t r i b u t e s e r v i c e s w h ile encour-aging an atmosphere of c o o p e r a t i o n . Once these f a c i l i t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d , proper drainage and f l o o d c o n t r o l f a c i l i t i e s c ould be c o n s t r u c t e d so as to combat the annual ravages of f l o o d i n g . At the same time, roads had to be c o n s t r u c t e d t h a t c o u l d ensure proper access f o r the p r o v i s i o n of e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s i n c l u d i n g s a n i t a t i o n p i c k up and f i r e rescue. While i n f r a s t r u c t u r e requirements were the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the government, these p r o j e c t s should have i n c l u d e d the employment of those who would l i v e i n the area, as the labour f o r c e . T h i s was a worthwhile endeavour as i t could provide these people, many of whom were part-time c a s u a l workers or were unemployed, with jobs and v a l u a b l e t r a i n i n g . Employment of r e s i d e n t s on p r o j e c t s c o u l d r e s u l t i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the worker as a r e s i d e n t i n h i s own neighbourhood's r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . - 2 6 5 -4. Government Low I n t e r e s t Home Improvement Loans A f t e r land had been d i s t r i b u t e d and the proper i n f r a s t r u c -ture provided, the government c o u l d then t u r n i t s a t t e n t i o n to a s s i s t i n g the r e s i d e n t s i n improving t h e i r d w e l l i n g s . I n i t i a l l y the r e s i d e n t s should have been l e f t to c o n s t r u c t t h e i r own s h e l -t e r s . However, gi v e n the p o t e n t i a l f i r e hazard these dw e l l i n g s presented due to the most inexpensive m a t e r i a l s being used i n t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n (e.g., r o t t i n g wood and sheet metal), government help was d e s i r a b l e . Government a s s i s t a n c e r a t h e r than i n t e r f e r e n c e was v i t a l i n pursuing the prime o b j e c t i v e of the programme: the r e -inforcement of the r e s i d e n t s i n p r o v i d i n g t h e i r own s h e l t e r r e -quirements. O f f i c i a l i n s i s t e n c e i n t e a r i n g down squ a t t e r s h e l t e r s and r e p l a c i n g them with what was considered to be "presentable housing" was not only c o s t l y but i n s e n s i t i v e to the d e s i r e s o f those f o r whom i t sought to pr o v i d e . Such i n t e r f e r e n c e discouraged the i n i t i a t i v e of the r e s i d e n t r e s u l t i n g i n the dependency of the poor on government s u b s i d i e s which f u r t h e r s t r a i n e d the nation's f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s . Thus a s s i s t a n c e by o f f i c i a l sources was f i r s t r e a l i z e d by g r a n t i n g tenure of land i n order to provide i n c e n t i v e f o r the dwellers to i n v e s t t h e i r own c a p i t a l . In c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h e s t a b l i s h i n g the land tenure p a t t e r n s , a t t e n t i o n had to be give n to p r o v i d i n g community a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h i n the l o c a l s e t t i n g . Prayer houses co u l d have been e s t a b l i s h e d by r e s e r v i n g space i n a land apportionment scheme. Important neigh-bourhood a s s o c i a t i o n c o u l d have been c r e a t e d by encouraging the - 2 6 6 -i n i t i a l l o c a l landowner-residents to a s s i s t one another i n con-s t r u c t i n g t h e i r own houses. Houses should have been made of wood, which would have f a c i l i t a t e d c o n s t r u c t i o n by l o c a l r e s i -dents and c o s t should have been w i t h i n t h e i r means. S h e l t e r should have been designed to allow f o r the r e o r i e n t a t i o n of en-t r a n c e s , porches and other f e a t u r e s as needs f o r expansion arose. B. R e a l i s t i c Low-Income S h e l t e r Design For Those With the  Lowest Income John Turner noted i n h i s study f o r the United Nations: People w i l l b u i l d o n l y i n accordance with the models th a t they know, and they f r e q u e n t l y l a c k s u i t a b l e models f o r s e l f - h e l p , s i n g l e f a m i l y urban houses.99 Towards s o l v i n g t h i s fundamental problem, i t would have been use-f u l i f the government took on the r o l e of sponsor and a d v i s o r by b u i l d i n g a number of dwellings which i t considered s u i t a b l e . S u i t -a b i l i t y had to be evaluated i n terms of resources a v a i l a b l e , and the urgency of the s i t u a t i o n . In t u r n , the c o n d i t i o n of these f a c t o r s would be i n s t r u m e n t a l i n f o r m u l a t i n g b u i l d i n g and h e a l t h standards i n tune with the l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s . So t h a t c r e a t i v e l o c a l t a l e n t c o u l d emerge, the f e d e r a l government sponsorship of a competition i n search of indigenous designs f o r these model dwel-l i n g s would have been u s e f u l . Open to a l l Malaysians r e g a r d l e s s of formal t r a i n i n g , the designs would have been, evaluated i n terms of the ease i n which the dwellings could be b u i l t a t minimal c o s t s , u s i n g l o c a l resources that were r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to the poorest s e c t o r of s o c i e t y . - 267 -Once the best designs were chosen, they c o u l d be c o n v e n i e n t l y d i s p l a y e d to the r e s i d e n t s so t h a t f a m i l i e s could b u i l d t h e i r own s h e l t e r s along s i m i l a r l i n e s to s u i t i n d i v i d u a l needs. T h i s r e -l a t i o n s h i p was b e n e f i c i a l i n settlement p r o j e c t s as i t u t i l i z e d the government's e x p e r t i s e as a partner i n a d v i s i n g the r e s i d e n t s i n a s p i r i t of c o o p e r a t i o n . Cooperation would b u i l d t r u s t between these groups r a t h e r than the s u s p i c i o n r e s u l t i n g from o f f i c i a l s ' d i c t a t i n g u n r e a l i s t i c standards on those they were supposed to serve. I t was e s s e n t i a l t h a t the r e s i d e n t s be given the freedom to c o n s t r u c t a s h e l t e r as t h e i r own resources and d e s i r e s d i c t a t e d . Regardless of the standard of such dwellings they addressed the most urgent problem of p r o v i d i n g * n o t only low income housing, but a l s o housing f o r the lowest income group. C. A Proposed Framework f o r Low I n t e r e s t , S e l f - h e l p Home  Improvement Loans A f t e r some measure of housing had been provided f o r the low-e s t income groups, the government had to o f f e r low i n t e r e s t home improvement loans so t h a t these s h e l t e r s c o u l d be b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d from disease and f i r e . Such a loan scheme i n c l u d e d : 1. loose g u i d e l i n e s concerning h e a l t h and f i r e s a f e t y r e g u l a t i o n s ; 2. a c o s t a p p r a i s a l of the b a s i c m a t e r i a l s r e q u i r e d , t h a t would serve as a b a s i s f o r the o v e r a l l amount of the loan; and - 2 6 8 -3 . r e s t r i c t i o n s of loans between government o f f i c i a l s and home owners. For example a home owner would request to b u i l d a new roof f o r which the government would provide funds based on the market c o s t of m a t e r i a l s f o r such an undertaking. The loan could be fina n c e d a t a minimal i n t e r e s t r a t e payable over a p e r i o d i n keeping with the r e s i d e n t ' s income and a b i l i t y to pay. Residents would be expected to provide the labour f o r b u i l d i n g , thus en-a b l i n g them to b u i l d alone, u t i l i z e f r i e n d s ' help through the t r a -d i t i o n a l "gotongroyong" cooperative arrangement, or, i f they c o u l d a f f o r d the c o s t s , h i r e a c o n t r a c t o r . They would a l s o be respon-s i b l e f o r purchasing m a t e r i a l s as determined by the government and, be o b l i g e d to produce a b i l l of purchase from recognized l o c a l merchants. A f t e r the p r o j e c t was completed i n the s e t time l i m i t , l o c a l r e s i d e n t s would n o t i f y designated government o f f i c i a l s who could then ensure that the m a t e r i a l s requested were used w i t h i n the r e g u l a t i o n s as s t i p u l a t e d by the agreement. I f the r e s i d e n t did not n o t i f y the government w i t h i n the time requested an i n -v e s t i g a t i o n would be launched. In cases where the check found any s i g n i f i c a n t d i s c r e p a n c i e s of the signed agreement, the r e s i d e n t could be f i n e d and a l l loans ceased. However, i f i t was found that a l l aspects of the loan requirements had been met, the r e s i d e n t would be granted another home improvement loan under the same favourable c o n d i t i o n s . - 269 -I I I . IMPLEMENTATION OF PROGRAMMES A. The State Agency f o r Settlement and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n E s s e n t i a l to the o p e r a t i o n of a meaningful l o a n programme was the formation of a w e l l t r a i n e d , c e n t r a l i z e d government body d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to the State's C h i e f M i n i s t e r . The respon-s i b i l i t y of such an agency should have concerned: 1. E l i g i b i l i t y : Establishment of e l i g i b i l i t y f o r loans based on determined needs; 2. Documentation: Approval of the p r o j e c t s submitted, and submission of a signed o f f i c i a l document s t a t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s and acknowledgement of comprehension by a l l p a r t i e s ; 3. Cost A p p r a i s a l : E s t i m a t i o n of the "going" r e t a i l c o s t s f o r the b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s r e q u i r e d . A l i s t of repu-t a b l e s u p p l i e r s provided would help to ensure f a i r p r i c e s . Leaving consumer choice up to r e s i d e n t s would a i d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of s a l e s . More small businesses were l i k e l y to b e n e f i t from the arrangement than from l a r g e s c a l e development schemes b u i l t , and s u p p l i e d , by the usual handful of i n f l u e n t i a l companies; 4. M o n i t o r i n g : P e r i o d i c checks on the r a t e of progress on a l l p r o j e c t s ; 5. A p p r a i s a l of Loans: A p p r a i s a l of p r o j e c t completion as i t r e l a t e d to the government's s t i p u l a t i o n s and the f u t u r e approval of loans; and - 2 7 0 -6. E v a l u a t i o n : Submission of a r e p o r t three times a year to the Prime M i n i s t e r of the State, p r e s e n t i n g a l l data concerning the programms, so t h a t an o b j e c t i v e e v alua-t i o n c ould determine the weaknesses and strengths of the programme. E f f e c t i v e monitoring and e v a l u a t i o n was the key to the s u c c e s s f u l implementation of such a proposed programme. Although a u t h o r i t a -t i v e , the type of agency proposed had to a c t i n a s p i r i t o f co-o p e r a t i o n with the r e s i d e n t s as a partner i n r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the d i s t r i c t . The government had to keep i n touch with the f e e l i n g s and needs of the poor. A responsive agency equipped to express to policy-makers the concerns of the people they were t r y i n g to help was an i n v a l u a b l e p o l i t i c a l t o o l . B. Community Development U n i t A f t e r the State Agency f o r Settlement and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n had made progress i n meeting the s i x f u n c t i o n s o u t l i n e d , i t should have expanded i t s r o l e so as to encompass a community development u n i t . The u n i t would have u t i l i z e d s t a f f and access to low-income communi-t i e s a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d by the Settlement and R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Agency. I t s c o n c e n t r a t i o n would have been on the d e l i v e r y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s v i t a l to Buluh Kubu development. Located i n the e x i s t i n g h i s t o r i c s i t e s , the u n i t s ' a c t i v i t i e s should have i n c l u d e d n u t r i -t i o n a l advice, manpower t r a i n i n g , c a r e e r guidance, and the o r g a n i -z a t i o n of r e c r e a t i o n a l and community f a c i l i t i e s . By o r g a n i z i n g a - 271 -responsive network of mutual di a l o g u e , r e s i d e n t s could express t h e i r concerns to the government, thereby keeping p l a n n i n g func-t i o n a l . E v o l v i n g out of the State Agency f o r Settlement and Re-h a b i l i t a t i o n , a s o c i a l p l a n n i n g department concerned with communi-t y development c o u l d i n t r o d u c e a p e r s p e c t i v e imperative f o r govern-ments i n developing c o u n t r i e s . A responsive planning framework o f f e r i n g a c o n s t r u c t i v e s t r a -tegy by which T h i r d World governments can begin to keep i n touch with the a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n of low-income settlements i s d e s p e r a t e l y needed as the gap between low and high income groups continues to broaden. Although t h i s o u t l i n e was not e n t i r e l y adopted i n Kota Bharu, i t d i d f a m i l i a r i z e Malaysian Planners and o f f i c i a l s with low c o s t , humane planning a l t e r n a t i v e s they r e a l i z e d would soon be e s s e n t i a l . - 2 7 2 -CHAPTER 9  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION I. SUMMARY In the preceding chapters the planning process i n Kota Bharu as i t r e l a t e d to the renovation of the Buluh Kubu s i t e has been analyzed. L i t e r a t u r e on T h i r d World u r b a n i z a t i o n , housing and planning was reviewed as a foundation f o r fo r m u l a t i n g planning concepts that were a p p l i e d . As an i n d i v i d u a l working i n a T h i r d World planning process, I faced the " r e a l l i f e " problems which e x i s t e d and were only t r e a t e d a b s t r a c t l y i n the planning l i t e r a -t u r e . Not u n t i l one went to these c o u n t r i e s and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the d e l i v e r y of b a s i c s e r v i c e s c o u l d the c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c neces-s i t i e s and planning i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s be f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e d . Using the p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r approach, i n s i g h t s and data gained by working on the Buluh Kubu p r o j e c t were compared with the l i t e r a -t u r e i n order to c o n s t r u c t and apply planning s t r a t e g i e s respon-s i v e to the r e s i d e n t s ' d e s i r e s i n the context of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . A key to such an approach emphasized the involvement of low-income groups i n planning f o r t h e i r own community. The t h e s i s format was designed so as to begin, with a general background of the problems planners faced i n developing c o u n t r i e s . - 273 -By reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e concerning T h i r d World u r b a n i z a t i o n , low-income housing, and planning s t r a t e g i e s i n Chapter 1, the i s s u e s which were v i t a l to T h i r d World c i t y core development were presented. Chapter 2's d e s c r i p t i o n of the planning process i n Kelantan State conveyed the work s e t t i n g i n which I p a r t i c i p a t e d . A des-c r i p t i o n of the Malaysian n a t i o n a l p l a n , as i t r e l a t e d to the mechanics of the Kelantan State planning process, r e v e a l e d the d i f f e r e n c e between n a t i o n a l goals and r e g i o n a l p r i o r i t i e s . The l i m i t s of the planning process, d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter 2, served to temper the i d e a l i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n s of Chapter l ' s l i t e r a t u r e review. The r e s e a r c h framework proposed i n Chapter 3 was a method by which low-income r e s i d e n t s c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n planning f o r t h e i r environment i n a developing country. The chapter d e s c r i b e d the f i r s t attempt a t p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning i n Kelantan State, and explained a q u e s t i o n n a i r e survey method which proposed t e n t a t i v e neighbourhood plans i n order to i d e n t i f y the r e s i d e n t s ' p e r c e p t i o n of themselves, t h e i r environment, and l o c a l planning i s s u e s . A l s o d i s c u s s e d were the v a r i o u s p i t f a l l s i n v o l v e d i n c r o s s - c u l t u r a l surveying, and i n s i g h t s i n t o the p o l i t i c k i n g necessary to convince government planners of the b e n e f i t s of p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g . The town of Kota Bharu was explored i n Chapter 4 i n order to understand the Buluh Kubu p r o j e c t i n i t s urban context. The impact of Kota Bharu's unique past on i t s f u t u r e urban development r e v e a l e d unique community t i e s t h a t were analyzed. - 27.4 -Chapter 5 presented past development proposals f o r Buluh Kubu re n o v a t i o n . The s t a t u s of the r e s i d e n t s who were l i v i n g i n the area and t h e i r s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to the S u l t a n were considered. P a r t i c u l a r pressures f a c i n g planners on t h i s p r o j e c t were d i s c u s s e d w i t h i n a c u l t u r a l context. Chapter 6 presented data c o l l e c t e d by the survey i n t r o d u c e d i n Chapter 3 . Buluh Kubu data was compared with previous Town and Country Planning surveys, as w e l l as s t a t i s t i c s f o r the r e s t of M a l a y s i a , i n order to present a p h y s i c a l over-view of the area. The survey r e v e a l e d the r e s i d e n t s ' c o n d i t i o n and a s p i r a t i o n s , i n -c l u d i n g t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n of the model p r e s e n t a t i o n and survey method u t i l i z e d . Chapter 7 d e a l t with my involvement i n the Buluh Kubu p r o j e c t . Recommendations to the Buluh Kubu Working Group concerning r e -sponsive v planning i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r commitment to develop the d i s t r i c t were d i s c u s s e d . An assessment of the proposal's impact on the f i n a l development plans emphasized the c l e a r commitment to develop the e x i s t i n g s i t e commercially, and the importance of r e s i d e n t r e s e t t l e m e n t . Various proposals were presented so t h a t the planning process could be f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e d . Plans were de-signed to provide low s c a l e r e s i d e n t i a l / c o m m e r c i a l u n i t s around the e x i s t i n g h i s t o r i c s i t e s . The approach was recommended i n the b e l i e f t h a t i t would r e a f f i r m the t r a d i t i o n a l i d e n t i t y of the community while p r o v i d i n g a new neighbourhood foc u s . - 275 -The f i n a l Chapter proposed a responsive r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p l a n f o r the Buluh Kubu s i t e of a more general nature t h a t c o u l d apply-to other low-income communities. The p l a n was presented on the assumption t h a t the p o l i t i c a l system would be r e c e p t i v e to i t s implementation. However, s i n c e these proposals were not s u b j e c t to the c o n s t r a i n t s of a commitment to develop the s i t e commerically (as were the planning suggestions presented i n Chapter 7), they were o u t s i d e of the Buluh Kubu Working Group's terms of r e f e r e n c e . The chapter was, t h e r e f o r e , presented as a p o s s i b l e planning s c e n a r i o f o r Buluh Kubu and as a general model f o r the r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n of low-income communities i n developing c o u n t r i e s . I I . CONCLUSION Th i s work examines the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l i t e r a t u r e concerning p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning responsive to low-income r e s i -dents' community needs, and the a c t u a l planning process i n which I was i n v o l v e d . J u s t as the t r a n s p l a n t of western urban planning models are u n r e a l i s t i c f o r areas such as Buluh Kubu, so too are expectations t h a t a t Kota Bharu's stage of urban development, planners, business i n t e r e s t s and government o f f i c i a l s w i l l p l a c e the i n t e r e s t s of low-income f a m i l i e s ' w e l l - b e i n g a t the top of t h e i r planning p r i o r i t i e s . T h i s i s p a r t l y because the town i s the urban focus of p o t e n t i a l l y r a p i d economic development. Under such c o n d i t i o n s i n resource towns a " f r o n t i e r p e r s p e c t i v e " which em-phasizes commercial development tends to p r e v a i l . - 276 -A second l i m i t a t i o n a f f e c t i n g the v i a b i l i t y of a p p l y i n g r e -sponsive p l a n n i n g f o r low-income groups i n Kota Bharu stems from the importance of s t a t u s i n Malay s o c i e t y , where who you are tends to determine what you are. As a r e s u l t p r i v a t e i n d u s t r y , planners and p o l i t i c i a n s have a t r a d i t i o n a l symbiotic r e l a t i o n s h i p . What may be l a b e l e d as a c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t by the western observer i s o f t e n (to a c e r t a i n degree) accepted p r o t o c o l i n a s e t t i n g such as Kota Bharu. The a b i l i t y of planners to operate outside com-m e r c i a l i n t e r e s t s i n small T h i r d World towns i s d i f f i c u l t due to the f a r reaching i n f l u e n c e of the r i c h on l o c a l p o l i t i c s . Not u n t i l more indigenous planners are w i l l i n g to l o c a t e i n h i n t e r l a n d regions w i l l d i v e r s e i n n o v a t i v e a t t i t u d e s be adopted and the r o l e of the "expert" represent low-income groups. L o c a l c u l t u r e i s l i k e l y to have the most impact on a s o c i e t y ' s treatment of low-income communities. The f a c t t h a t Kota Bharu i s a s t r i c t Moslem center, where S u l t a n i c t r a d i t i o n and f a m i l y t i e s govern one's movement i n a c l a s s conscious s o c i e t y , discourages the "melting pot" or " v e r t i c a l mosaic" experience of B r i t i s h Columbia's immigrants. Kelantan's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n p l a n n i n g f o r i t s poor must evolve i t s own course, i n keeping w i t h the l o c a l s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , r e l i g i o u s and economic c o n d i t i o n s r e l a t i v e to r a p i d development. As c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y develops h o p e f u l l y there w i l l emerge a gr e a t e r commitment by indigenous planners to h e l p i n g the poor i n s t e a d of t h e i r own c l a s s . From my observations, i t i s evident ~ 2 7 7 " t h a t p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning by the poor i s seen as a t h r e a t by planners s i n c e i t takes away from t h e i r s t a t u s as " p r o f e s s i o n a l s " . Not u n t i l T h i r d World planners f e e l secure i n t h e i r own p o s i t i o n w i l l they have the o p p o r t u n i t y to r e d i r e c t concern from personal advancement towards a commitment to p r o f e s s i o n a l e t h i c s . Proposals f o r p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning i n Kota Bharu were made d i f f i c u l t , not because resources or the understanding were not a v a i l a b l e ; r e s i s t a n c e to new planning techniques stemmed from a l a c k of genuine commitment by p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n government to the idea of low-income groups p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p l a n n i n g . F o r e i g n e r s can teach the techniques but i t i s only a commit-ment by l o c a l planners and p o l i t i c i a n s to serve a l l income groups that can c o n s i s t e n t l y apply responsive planning. Such a commit-ment, however, must o r i g i n a t e from w i t h i n the ranks of the l o c a l p r o f e s s i o n a l s , not from l e c t u r e s by w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d e x p a t r i a t e s . U n t i l there i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e change i n a t t i t u d e and percep-t i o n s by the c o n t r o l l i n g c l a s s e s , the poor w i l l not be represented i n the planning process. S e l f - r e l i a n t technology was not adopted by the planners i n Kota Bharu because i t d i d not conform with the e l i t e v alues and was not p e r c e i v e d as "modern" by p r o f e s s d o n a l s . "Would you b u i l d your own house out of mud b r i c k s i n Canada?" was the q u e s t i o n asked i n Kota Bharu by planners who i n t e r p r e t e d h i g h r i s e b u i l d i n g as an i n d i c a t o r t h a t the c i t y was developing. Plans f o r such developments were proud testimonies to modernity, not r e a l i s t i c - 278 -u t i l i t y . E s p e c i a l l y i n low-income housing the consequences of these a t t i t u d e s proved c o s t l y and i n s e n s i t i v e to the needs of the r e s i d e n t s . Although t o t a l l y i n c o n s i s t e n t with l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , the planners' p u r s u i t of c r e a t i n g a " n i c e " , " c l e a n " , environment, as d e f i n e d by the e l i t e , was the low-income housing s t r a t e g y adopted f o r Kota Bharu. The plans c a l l e d f o r renewal of depressed neighbourhoods such as Buluh Kubu which were pe r c e i v e d as slums apart from the. r e s t of the town. In order to be responsive to the dynamics of town planning, i t i s c r u c i a l t h a t these views change so th a t low-income neigh-bourhoods are understood as an organic p a r t of the whole urban environment. To a c t r e s p o n s i v e l y , planners must be made to r e a l i z e t h a t substandard housing i s only the symptom and not the cause of the s o c i e t a l i n e q u a l i t y which they w i l l i n e v i t a b l y have to t a c k l e . The f i r s t step towards a p p r e c i a t i n g such a c r u c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n i s the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t the s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s c r e a t i n g housing pro-blems i n a community should not be destroyed but r a t h e r s t u d i e d . I t i s an understanding of these f a c t o r s , not c l a s s conscious s t a n -dards, t h a t h o l d the key to i n n o v a t i v e approaches responsive to b a s i c needs and r e a l i s t i c c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s t h e s i s , however, i s not submitted as a s e l f - r i g h t e o u s sermon to the planners of Kota Bharu, many of whom are committed w i t h i n the planning system i n which they are i n v o l v e d . I have presented an examination by a p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r of what the - 2 7 9 -elements of responsive planning are, how they can be a p p l i e d , and why e x i s t i n g planning c o n d i t i o n s prevent such approaches from r e a l -i z i n g t h e i r f u l l p o t e n t i a l i n community planning f o r Kota Bharu. My c o n c l u s i o n i s that f o r planning to be more responsive, a change of a t t i t u d e , not technology, i s what i s needed, and w i l l e v e n t u a l l y be demanded i n developing c o u n t r i e s . The planning s t r a t e g i e s adopted must r e f l e c t l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , not the s e l f - i n t e r e s t of c a r e e r advancement. In t h i s regard, Shakespeare's Hamlet provides eloquent and t i m e l y advice to T h i r d World planners: Be not too tame, but l e t your own d i s c r e t i o n be your t u t o r : s u i t the a c t i o n to the word, the word to the a c t i o n , with t h i s s p e c i a l observance t h a t you . . . h o l d as 'twere the m i r r o r up to nature; to show v i r t u e h i s own f e a t u r e , scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time h i s form and pressure.100 The problems concerning e q u i t a b l e planning and resource a l l o c a t i o n i n the T h i r d World are r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s Canada can no longer a f f o r d to ignore. P i c t u r e s of d i l a p i d a t e d cardboard houses among open sewers haunt us but do not address the cause of T h i r d World government f a i l u r e to provide housing f o r i t s poorest group. Developed c o u n t r i e s must begin to emphasize s e l f - h e l p , not t e c h -n o l o g i c a l dependence, as f e a t u r e s of t h e i r f o r e i g n a i d programmes i f they want to be e f f e c t i v e . Towards t h i s goal Canada's en-couragement of a responsive planning approach as presented i n t h i s t h e s i s can be the modest f i r s t step i n d e l i v e r i n g a i d from a country s t r u g g l i n g with i t s own c o n s t i t u t i o n , but c e r t a i n l y i n command of i t s conscience. - 280 -FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 1 ^"United Nations Development Programme, I n t e r n a t i o n a l  Seminar on New Towns. June 14, 1973 (U.N. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e 74). 2 Km g s l e y Davis, "The U r b a n i z a t i o n o f the Human Po p u l a t i o n " , S c i e n t i f i c American, Volume 213, No. 3 (September 1965), pp. 41-54. 3 I b i d . 4 I b i d . 5 I b i d . 6 B r i a n Berry, The Human Consequence of U r b a n i z a t i o n (London: Macmillan Press L t d . , 1973), pp. 46-47. 7 I b i d . g B r i a n Berry, C i t y S i z e D i s t r i b u t i o n and Economic Develop-ment, i n Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, V o l . 9, No. 4, Part 1, J u l y 1961, pp. 543-589. 9 W i l l i a m Alonso and John Friedman, Eds., L o c a t i o n Theory, i n Regional P o l i c y Reading i n Theory and A p p l i c a t i o n (Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press, 1975), pp. 35-64. 10,,., O A  I b i d . , p. 84. "^ W i l l i a m Alonso, Urban and Regional Imbalances i n Economic  Development (Berkeley: I n s t i t u t e o f Urban and Regional Develop-ment, r e p r i n t 42, 1976, C a l i f . ) . - 281 -12 . . John Friedman and Robert Wulff, The Urban T r a n s i t i o n , Comparative Studies of Newly I n d u s t r i a l i z e d S o c i e t i e s (London: Edward A r n o l d P u b l i s h i n g L t d . , 1975), p. 18. 13 John Friedman, Regional Development P o l i c y : A Case Study  of Venezuela (Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press, 1966). 14 Mera, "On Urban Agglomeration and Economic E f f i c i e n c y " , i n Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, V o l . 21 (1973), pp. 209-324. 15 Robert Hackenberg, "A Second Look at U r b a n i z a t i o n , Indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n and Demographic T r a n s i t i o n " , E.W.P.I. Conference  Report (Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press, September 1979), p. 32. 1 c D. F. Darwent, "Growth Poles and Growth Centers i n Regional Planning: A Review", i n Environment and Planning, V o l . 1, No. 36, 1969), pp. 5-32. 17_. . , I b i d . 18 E. M Hover, An I n t r o d u c t i o n to Regional Economics (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, Inc., 1975), pp. 276-290. 19 Alonso, op c i t . 20 Kenneth Ruddle, "The A g r o p o l i t a n Approach to Regional  Planning: A View from the H i n t e r l a n d " , prepared f o r Symposium on Regional Development Planning i n A s i a , sponsored by the United Nations Center f o r Regional Development, Nagoya, Japan, 1975. 21 Friedman and Wulff, op. c i t . - 282 -22 M.I. Logan, "The S p a t i a l System and Planning S t r a t e g i e s i n Developing C o u n t r i e s " , The Geographical Review, V o l . 62 (1972), pp. 229-244. 23 Hackenberg, op c i t . , p. 33. ^Hackenberg, op c i t . 25 New S t r a i t Times, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, E d i t o r i a l , September 1979, p. 5. 2 6 United Nations H a b i t a t Conference on Human Settlements, Low Income Populations i n Urban Settlements of Developing C o u n t r i e s , Paper (1975) U.N. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e 76. 27 J . B. Foreman, C o l l i n s E n g l i s h Gem D i c t i o n a r y , 1974, p. 501. 2 8 A. A. Laquian, Slums are f o r People; The B a r i o Magsaysay  P i l o t P r o j e c t i n Urban Community Development (Manila, P h i l i p p i n e s : Manila U n i v e r s i t y , Bustante Press, 1968), pp. 16-17. I b i d . "^United Nations, H a b i t a t , op c i t . , p. 12. 31 Laquian, op c i t . , p. 9. 32 M o r r i s Juppenlatz, C i t i e s i n Transformation: The Urban  Squatter, Problems of the Developing World (St. L u c i a , Brisbane: U n i v e r s i t y of Queensland Press, 1970), pp. 33-36. 33 T. G. McGee, The U r b a n i z a t i o n Process i n the T h i r d World:  E x p l o r a t i o n s i n Search of a Theory (London: B e l l , 1971), p. 13. - 283 -34 T.G. McGee, The Southeast Asian C i t y : A S o c i a l Geography  of the Primate C i t i e s of South East A s i a (New York: Praeger, 1967), p. 15. 3 5 I b i d . 3 6 P h i l i p Hauser, U r b a n i z a t i o n i n A s i a and the Far East i n Proceedings of the J o i n t United Nations UNESCO Seminar on  Ur b a n i z a t i o n (Bangkok. August 8-18, 1956, C a l c u t t a UNESCO, 1957, SS 57, V. 7/A), p. 88. 37 Juppenlatz, op c i t . 3 8 W i l l i a m Magin, Ed., " I n t r o d u c t i o n " i n Peasants i n C i t i e s (Boston: 1970), p. x x v i . 39 Laquian, op c i t . , p. 85. 40 K. Davis, World U r b a n i z a t i o n , 1950-1970, V o l . 1, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1969, Reproduced i n World Bank Sector Paper). 41 Laquian, op c i t . , p. 37. 42 C. Alexander, S. Angel, The Oregon Experiment (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974, Table 3.2 Cost Per Square Feet of Net Usable Space), and P e a r l Jepheott with Harry Robinson, Homes i n High F l a t s : Some of the Human Problems Involved i n M u l t i - S t o r e y Housing (Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971), p. 128. 43 Robert Jones, "Transport, Urban Design and Housing", i n Edwin T. Maefele (ed.), Transport and N a t i o n a l Goals (Washington, D.C: The Brookings I n s t i t u t e , 1969, Table 2.2), p. 60. - 284 -44 John Leaning, Low Cost Housing i n Tanzania (Dar-es-Salaam: M i n i s t r y of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Government of the United Republic of Tanzania, 1971). 45 "N a t i o n a l Housing A c t i o n : An U p h i l l Task to F u l f i l l Am-b i t i o u s Plans", Business i n T h a i l a n d Magazine (Bangkok Press, February 1974), p. 54. 46 Newspapers: The Malay M a i l , Kuala Lumpur, December 14, 1973. Sunday Times, Kuala Lumpur, J u l y 15, 1975. New S t r a i t s Times, Kuala Lumpur, August 3, 1973. May 10, 1973. 47 C. Abrams, Housing i n the Modern World: Man's Struggle  For S h e l t e r i n an U r b a n i z i n g World (Faber and Faber, 1966) , p. 126 48 G. K. Payne, Urban Housing i n the T h i r d World (London/Boston: Leonard H i l l , 1977), p. 71. CHAPTER 2 49 F e d e r a l Government of M a l a y s i a , L o c a l Government B i l l , 1975 (Kuala Lumpur: Government Press, 1975), p. 1252. 50 I b i d . , p. 1213, Clause 9B. ^ I n t e r v i e w with Mustafa b i n Mustafa, D i r e c t o r of the Kelantan State Economic Planning U n i t . Other i n t e r v i e w s with other government o f f i c i a l s (names i n c o n f i d e n c e ) . 52 W i l l i a n Alonso, "Planning and the S p a t i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the M e t r o p o l i s i n the Developing C o u n t r i e s " , Rehouot Conference on U r b a n i z a t o n and Dev lopment i n Developing C o u n t r i e s (T l Aviv, I s r a e l : Augu t 1971), pp. 2-3.- 285 -53 Geoffrey K. Payne, Urban Housing i n the T h i r d World (London: London H i l l , 1977), p. 35. 54 New S t r a i t s Times, Kuala Lumpur, August 8, 1978. ~*^ Due to i n f l a t i o n , the c o s t s o f manufactured goods i s s t e a d i l y r i s i n g at a r a t e f a s t e r than raw m a t e r i a l s . Thus the trade r a t i o between I n d u s t r i a l i z e d Nations trade f o r Developing Countries raw resources (excluding o i l ) , g e n e r a l l y favours the former, e.g., 1968: 25 bushels of wheat equals 1 t r a c t o r ; 1978: 40 bushels of wheat equals 1 t r a c t o r . 56 ' A. G. Frank, "Dependence C l a s s and P o l i t i c s " , i n L a t i n America Monthly Review Press (1972), p. 19. CHAPTER 3 57 W i l l i a m Alonso, Planning and S p a t i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the  Me t r o p o l i s i n the Developing C o u n t r i e s . Working paper 153, pre-pared f o r the Rehovot Conference on U r b a n i z a t i o n and Development i n Developing C o u n t r i e s , ( I s r a e l , August, 1971), pp. 1-2. 5 8 I b i d . , Note 1, p. 1. 59 Shlomo Angel, and Stan E. Benjamin, "Seventeen Reasons Why the Squatter Problem Can't Be Solved", E k i s t i c s , V o l . 22 (January 1976), p. 22. 6 0 I b i d . , (6), p. 25. CHAPTER 4 61 R. E. Downs, "A Kelantan V i l l a g e i n Malaya", J u l i a n Steward (ed.), Contemporary Change i n T r a d i t i o n a l S o c i e t i e s (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1967), p. 116. - 286 -6 2 David K. Wyatt, "Nineteenth Century Kelantan: A Thai View", W. R. Roff (ed.) , i n Kelantan': Religion,' S o c i e t y and  P o l i t i c s i n a Malay State (London/Kuala Lumpur: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974). p. 3. 6 3 Kelantan P l a n t e r s A s s o c i a t i o n 1977/78 Year Book. 64 Downs, op c i t . , p. 116. 6 5 Mohamed b i n Nik Mohammed, S a l l e h , "Kelantan In T r a n s i t i o n : 1891 - 1910", W. R. Roff (ed.), i n Kelantan: R e l i g i o n , S o c i e t y  and P o l i t i c s In a Malay State" , (London/Kuala Lumpur: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974), p. 44. ^ I b i d . , p. 38. ;6 7 Sa'ad Shukri b i n M a j i Mada, The H i s t o r y of Kota Bharu, un-pu b l i s h e d manuscript, Kota Bharu L i b r a r y , M a l a ysia. 6 8 I b i d . , p. 144. 6 9 J . Osborn, Area Development P o l i c y and the Middle C i t y i n  Malaysia (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, Dept. of Geography, 1974), pp. 180-186. 70 Demography and S o c i a l Base Study, Khota Bharu Urban Develop-ment Study: A. K. B. Planners and Development Consultants, Working Paper 3 (Kuala Lumpur, M a l a y s i a : Oct. 1977), pp. 49-53. ^ R o b e r t R e d f i e l d and M i l t o n Singer, The C u l t u r a l Role of  C i t i e s : Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change (Cambridge', Mass: M.I.T. Press, 1954), pp. 57-73. - 287 -72 Interview wxth Data Bangs, Resident of Kota Bharu f o r 30 years, Manourial Knight of the Sultan, June 20, 1978. 73 Interview with Zaiuuden b i n Zaiuuden, Head Town Planner of Kota Bharu and D i r e c t o r o f Town and Country Planning, June 9, 1978. 74 Maurice Friedman, The Growth of the P l u r a l S o c i e t y i n Malaysia, i n P a c i f i c A f f a i r s , 33, (1960), pp. 158-168. 75 J u d i t h Nagata, Perceptions of S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y i n Malaysia, C o n t r i b u t i o n s to A s i a n S t u d i e s , 7_, (1975), pp. 113-136. CHAPTER 5 7 6 Interview with the D i r e c t o r o f Town and Country Planning, Zainuddin b i n Mohammad, June 10, 1978. 77 See Chapter 6 f o r r e s u l t s of Survey, 1978, and the Develop-ment of the Buluh Kubu Area, Kelantan Town and Country Planning Department, 1973. 7 8 F i n a n c i a l Times, May 16, 1978. 79 A p r e l i m i n a r y study o f the L i d o area i s provided i n the Appendix o f t h i s r e s e a r c h paper. 8 0 New S t r a i t s Times, September 1978. 81 Interviews and i n f o r m a l d i s c u s s i o n s with o f f i c i a l s and r e s i d e n t s who asked not to be i d e n t i f i e d , Fieldwork, A p r i l to October 1978. - 288 -8 2 Many i l l e g a l absentee l a n d l o r d s b u i l t the dwe l l i n g s they r e n t . These s h e l t e r s are made of the cheapest m a t e r i a l s , and are b u i l t l i t e r a l l y o v e r n i g h t , so as to avoid d e t e c t i o n by o f f i c i a l s . 8 3 Angel/Shlomo, Seventeen Reasons Why the Squatter Problem  Cannot be Solved, A s i a n I n s t i t u t e o f Technology, p. 96. 84 J . F. C. Turner, U n c o n t r o l l e d Urban Settlement Problems and P o l i c i e s , i n The Developing C i t y , G. Breeze, ed., P r e n t i c e H a l l (1969), p. 508. ^ ^ I b i d . , p. 514. 8 6 Buluh Kubu Development Pl a n , The Kota Bharu Town Planning Department, 1973. 8 7 A. K. B. Planners and Development Consultants of Malaysia, Urban Development P r o j e c t I d e n t i f i c a t i o n , September 1977, pp. 18-21. 8 8 W. E. W. 0. N. C o n s t r u c t i o n , Sdn. Bhd., Proposal f o r Buluh Kubu Development (Unpublished, June 1978). 8 ^ I b i d . , p. 9. 9 0 T . I b i d . 91 State Economic Development C o r p o r a t i o n , Summary o f A c t i v i t i e s (Kelantan State P r i n t e r s 73, Sept. 1973), p. 17. - 289 -92 Interview, Town Planner, Zainuddin b i n MuhammadJune 10, 1978. A l s o i n t e r v i e w with Raja Aman Shah, Resident o f Buluh Kubu, June 5, 1978. 93 Government of Malaysia, Second Malaysian Plan, 1974 (Government of Mal a y s i a P r i n t e r s 75). 94 While my suggestions were f o r m a l l y presented to Mustapha Mohamed, i t was Dr. D. Webster who, i n f a c t , sponsored my r e -search. As my t h e s i s a d v i s o r , i t was with him t h a t I d i s c u s s e d my ideas, and I am g r a t e f u l f o r h i s encouragement and guidance. CHAPTER 7 95 W. Alonso, Planning and the S p a t i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the  Me t r o p o l i s i n the Developing Country, Berkeley, C a l i f . : 1971. 9 6 A . K. B. Developmental Study on Kota Bharu: Only 12.5% of the i n h a b i t a n t s i n d i c a t e d they own property o u t s i d e of Kota Bharu. 97 The Buluh Kubu Working Group: Report to the Mentri Besar of Kelantan State, J u l y 30, 1978, p. 2. Unpublished. 9 8 I b i d . , p. 3. CHAPTER 8 99 John Turner, U n c o n t r o l l e d Urban Settlement Problems and P o l i c i e s i n the Developing C i t y , G. Breeze, ed. ( P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1969) , p'. 508. - 290 -CHAPTER 9 " ^ ^ W i l l i a m Shakespeare, Hamlet, P r i n c e of Denmark (London, England, Ed. 1925), Scene I I , Act 3, p. 1147. LITERATURE CITED BOOKS Abrams, C. Housing i n the Modern World: Man's Struggle f o r S h e l t e r i n an Ur b a n i z i n g World. (Faber and Faber, 1966). Alexander, C , and S. Angel. The Oregon Experiment. (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974). Alonso, W. Planning and the S p a t i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the Metro- p o l i s i n the Developing Country. (Berkeley, C a l i f . , 1971). . Urban and Regional Imbalances i n Economic Develop- ment . (Berkeley: I n s t i t u t e of Urban and Regional Development, r e p r i n t 42, 1976, C a l i f . ) . • , and John Friedman, eds. L o c a t i o n Theory i n Regional P o l i c y Reading i n Theory and A p p l i c a t i o n . (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1975). Angel, Shlomo. Seventeen Reasons Why The Squatter Problem Cannot be Solved. Asian I n s t i t u t e o f Technology. Berry, B r i a n . The Human Consequence o f U r b a n i z a t i o n . (London: Macmillan Press, 1973) . Davis, K. World U r b a n i z a t i o n 1950 - 1970, V o l . 1. U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 196 9. Reproduced i n World Bank Sector paper. Downs, R.E. A Kelantan V i l l a g e i n Malaya, J u l i a n Steward, ed. Contemporary Change i n T r a d i t i o n a l S o c i e t i e s . (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y o f I l l i n o i s Press, 1967) . Foreman, J.B. C o l l i n s E n g l i s h Gem D i c t i o n e r y , 1974. - 292 -Friedman, John. Regional Development P o l i c y : A Case Study of Venezuela. (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1966). , and Robert Wulff. The Urban T r a n s i t i o n , Comparative Studies of Newly I n d u s t r i a l i z e d S o c i e t i e s . (London: Edward Arn o l d P u b l i s h i n g L t d . , 1975). Hover, E.M. An I n t r o d u c t i o n to Regional Economics. (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, Inc., 1975). Jepheott, P e a r l , with Harry Robinson. Homes i n High F l a t s : Some Human Problems Involved i n M u l t i - S t o r e y Housing. (Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971). Juppenlatz, M o r r i s . C i t i e s i n Transformation: The Urban Squatter, Problems of the Developing World. (St. L u c i a , Brisbane: U n i v e r s i t y o f Queensland Press, 1970) . Kelantan P l a n t e r s A s s o c i a t i o n 1977-78 Year Book. Laquian, A.A. Slums are f o r People: The Ba r i o Magsaysay P i l o t P r o j e c t i n Urban Community Development. (Manila, P h i l i p p i n e s : Manila U n i v e r s i t y , Bustante Press, 1968). Mada, Sa'ad Shukri b i n M a j i . The H i s t o r y of Kota Bharu. (Un-pub l i s h e d manuscript, Kota Bharu L i b r a r y , M a l a y s i a ) . Magin, W i l l i a m , ed. I n t r o d u c t i o n i n Peasants i n C i t i e s . (Boston: 1970) . McGee. T.G. The Southeast A s i a n C i t y : A S o c i a l Geography of  the Primate C i t i e s of South East A s i a . (New York: Praeger, 1967) . . The U r b a n i z a t i o n Process i n the T h i r d World: E x p l o r - a t i o n s i n Search o f a Theory. (London: B e l l , 1971). - 293 -Osborn, J . Area Development P o l i c y and the Middle C i t y i n Mala y s i a . (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, Department o f Geography, 1974). Payne, G.K. Urban Housing i n the T h i r d World. (London/Boston: Leonard H i l l , 1977) . R e d f i e l d , Robert, and M i l t o n Singer. The C u l t u r a l Role o f C i t i e s : Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change. (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1954). S a l l e h , Mohamed b i n Nik Mohammed. Kelantan i n T r a n s i t i o n : 1891-1910, W.R. Roff, ed., i n Kelantan: R e l i g i o n , S o c i e t y and P o l i t i c s i n a Malay S t a t e . (London/Kuala Lumpur: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974). Shakespeare, W i l l i a m . Hamlet, P r i n c e of Denmark. (London, England: Ed. 1925). Turner, J.F.C. U n c o n t r o l l e d Urban Settlement Problems and P o l i c i e s i n The Developing C i t y , G. Breeze, ed. ( P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1969). Wyatt, David K. Nineteenth Century Kelantan: A Thai View, W.R. Roff, ed., i n Kelantan: R e l i g i o n , S o c i e t y and P o l i t i c s i n a Malay S t a t e . (London/Kuala Lumpur: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974). GOVERNMENT AND CONFERENCE PUBLICATIONS  A.K.B. Developmental Study on Kota Bharu. A.K.B. Planners and Development Consultants o f Ma l a y s i a . Urban  Development P r o j e c t I d e n t i f i c a t i o n , September 1977. Alonso, W i l l i a m . Planning and the S p a t i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the  Me t r o p o l i s j n the Developing C o u n t r i e s . Rehouot Conference on - 294 -U r b a n i z a t i o n and Development i n Developing C o u n t r i e s . (Tel Aviv, I s r a e l , August 1971). Buluh Kubu Development Plan. The Kota Bharu Town Planning De-partment, 1973. Demography and S o c i a l Base Study. Kota Bharu Urban Development Study: A.K.B. Planners and Development Consultants, Working Paper 3. (Kuala Lumpur, Mal a y s i a , October 1977). F e d e r a l Government of M a l a y s i a . L o c a l Government B i l l , 1975. (Kuala Lumpur: Government Press, 1975). Government of Malaysia. Second Malaysian Plan, 1974. (Government of M a l a y s i a P r i n t e r s 75). Hauser, P h i l i p . U r b a n i z a t i o n i n A s i a and the Far East, i n Pro- ceedings of the J o i n t United Nations UNESCO Seminar on Urbani- z a t i o n . (Bangkok, August 8-18, 1956, C a l c u t t a UNESCO 1957, SS57, V.7/A). Leaning, John. Low Cost Housing i n Tanzania. (Dar-es-Salaam: M i n i s t r y of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Government of the United Republic of Tanzaniz, 1971). Ruddle, Kenneth. The A g r o p o l i t a n Approach to Regional Planning:  A View from the H i n t e r l a n d . prepared f o r Symposium on Regional Development Planning i n A s i a , sponsored by the United Nations Center f o r Regional Development, Nagoya, Japan, 1975. State Economic Development C o r p o r a t i o n . Summary of A c t i v i t i e s . (Kelantan State P r i n t e r s 73, September 1973). The Buluh Kubu Working Group: Report to the Mentri Besar of  Kelantan S t a t e . (Unpublished, J u l y 30, 1978). - 295 -United Nations Programme, I n t e r n a t i o n a l Seminar on New Towns. June 14, 1973 (U.N. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e 74). United Nations H a b i t a t Conference on Human Settlements, Low Income Populations i n Urban Settlements - of Developing C o u n t r i e s , Paper. (U.N. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e 76, 1975). NEWSPAPERS F i n a n c i a l Times, May 16, 1978. New S t r a i t s Times, Kuala Lumpur. May 10, 1973, August 3, 1973, September 1978, September 1979. Sunday Times, Kuala Lumpur. J u l y 15, 1975. The Malay M a i l , Kuala Lumpur. December 14, 1973. PERIODICALS Angel, Shlomo, and Stan E. Benjamin. Seventeen Reasons Why the Squatter Problem Can't Be Solved. E k i s t i c s , V o l . 22 (January 1976) . Berry, B r i a n . C i t y S i z e D i s t r i b u t i o n and Economic Development. Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, Vo. 9, No. 4, Part 1, J u l y 1961. Darwent, D.F. Growth Poles and Growth Centers i n Regional Planning: A Review. Environment and Planning, V o l . 1, No. 36, 1969. Davis, K i n g s l e y . The U r b a n i z a t i o n o f the Human Po p u l a t i o n . S c i e n t i f i c American, V o l . 213, No. 3, September 1965. Friedman, Maurice. The Growth of the P l u r a l S o c i e t y i n Mal a y s i a . P a c i f i c A f f a i r s , 33, 1960. - 296 -Hackenberg, Robert. A Second Look at U r b a n i z a t i o n , I n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n and Demographic T r a n s i t i o n . EWPI Conference Report. (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, September 1979). Jones, Robert. Transport, Urban Design and Housing, i n Edwin T. Maefele (ed.) Transport and N a t i o n a l Goals. (Washington, D.C, The Brookings I n s t i t u t e , 1969). Logan, M.I. The S p a t i a l System and Planning S t r a t e g i e s i n Developing C o u n t r i e s . The Geographical Review, V o l . 62, 1972. Mera. On Urban Agglomeration and Economic E f f i c i e n c y . Economic  Development and C u l t u r a l Change, V o l . 21, 1973. Nagata, J u d i t h . Perceptions of S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y i n M a l a y s i a . C o n t r i b u t i o n s to A s i a n Stu d i e s , 7_, 1975. N a t i o n a l Housing A c t i o n : An U p h i l l Task to F u l f i l l Ambitious Plans. Business i n T h a i l a n d Magazine (Bangkok Press, February 1974) . 297 APPENDIX 1 LETTERS OF AGREEMENT GOVERNMENT OF MALAYS1A—UNDP/IBRD—STATE AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT . MAL/76/014 (KEL) 8.1/15 ... Kota Bharu, February 12:>K)78 Andy Raphael, MA Student School of Community and Regional Planning University of British Columbia Vancouver B.C. V6T 1U5 CANADA Dear Andy, . • * We welcome your participation 1n the activities of the State Economic Planning Unit here under the following conditions: (1) You write a practically oriented (rather than academic) report on social needs in Kota Bharu for us whiclj would identify projects. This report would double as your MA thesis.; We will send you a proposed outline of what is required - we are interested in one squatter area in particular but also urban social programmiig In general. (2) You agree to work with us and aiy staff we hire for the above task rather than in Isolation. 7 (3) You provide us with a draft final report before you leave. (4) You arrange visa details yourself with the Malaysian embassy In Ottawa or the Malaysian consulate in4jancouver. We must warn you that we have no money to pay you - Immigration laws here (as in Canada) prevent us from hiring a foreigner over a local citizen. However, we will advise and guide you in every way possible plus provide office support, e.g., typing. i If you come on a limited scholarship from Canada you will, of course, have to live modestly in modest housiig, etc. You should be prepared for such conditions. We would like you to arrive as tarly in April as possible. Your letter suggests a four-month involvement. Although it 1s possible to do the work 1n that period of time, we feel a six to.eight month involvement would be less stressful on you." i -If you do come, you can be assured that your work will be appreciated and that you will be contributing to societal development here. The data base for social planning is relatively good. We hired a local company to do a HQ Office Economic Planning Unit, Prime Minister's Department, Tel. 03-83144 .-^ Jalan Datuk Onn, Kuala Lumpur. Cable: "ECONOMICS" Kedah c/o State Economic Planning Unit, Wisma Negeri, Alor Star Tel. »"" f Z^' 1* Kelantan c/o State Economic Planning Usit, State Secretariat, Kota Bharu tel. 9^11^U;M <| Ministry of Agriculture, Kuala Lumpur \ TdTo0-203377 / » RISDA Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang, Kuala Lumpur TeL CW-l*1*1 ,-FELCRA . Bangunan ENE. JajMJ>»"'jT~°«<-j Lumpur JTel-. OJfi*^ 303 APPENDIX 2 POLICY DIRECTION: BULUH KUBU WORKING GROUP JULY 30, 1978 - 3 0 4 -APPENDIX BULOH KUBU REDEVELOPMENT A B r i e f Overview of the Strategy Developed by the Buloh Kubu Working Group at t h e i r meeting of July 30, 1973. The Group consists of: (S.E.P.U.) (S.E.P.U.) (T6wn and Country Planning) (S.E.D.C.) (Asst. Sec. for Local Govt.) (S..R.D.P.J Introduction ' Detailed costing and physical specifications w i l l be produced . for the Buloh Kubu area redevelopment plan which has been developed by the above group working from an e a r l i e r plan pro-duced by the Department of Town and Country. Planning, Kelantan. However, to f a c i l i t a t e interim actions, the following summary, of projects planned for the project area has been prepared. 1. F l a t s : Low Cost Housing I t was decided that 300 units of low cost housing should , be built, i n the form of 4 (or possibly 5) storey f l a t s . Because the ground f l o o r w i l l be used for a children's play area and for a building community centre, f i v e blocks of such f l a t s are needed, each block w i l l contain an average of 60 units. (Note: i t i s unwise to "build housing units on the ground f l o o r because of the flood r i s k i n the area). . - — . The l i v i n g units w i l l contain two bedrooms each. They w i l l be rented or sold on the basis of a monthly levy of between f i f t y and seventy r i n g g i t . , En. Mustapha Mohd. Zain En. Wan Yahya En. Zainuddih Mohd. En. Hussien Yussof En. Nik Jafe Dr. Webster - 3 0 5 -Given the addition of another block of fl a t s , these w i l l be constructed on the land across the street from the area where the originally planned four blocks of flats w i l l be "built. Thus terrace housing designated in the original Town and Country Planning Department plan w i l l not be built there. (See the revised plan for the area when pre-pared by Town and Country Planning). 2. Terrace Housing Fif t y units of terrace housing w i l l be built. These w i l l probably be purchased by those existing residents of the 0lyiUvia area/yover 256 ringgit per month. (At present, 90 of the '-'area's 400 families earn over 25O ringgit per month). Terrace houses w i l l be built in a l l areas marked for terrace housing on the original Town and Country Planning plan for the area with the exception of the area to be used for the additional block of flats. To compensate for the latter loss, the areas designated for semi-detached housing in the original plan w i l l now be used for terrace housing. The terrace houses will not be subsidized; a profit should be realised when they are sold or rented. 3. Shophouses Areas marked for shophouses on the original Town.and Country Planning plan w i l l be developed with shophouses. However the shophouses w i l l be three stories in height, not four  as marked in the original plan. The shopping arcade (Kedai Arcade) designated on the original plan for the area behind the Balai Besar, w i l l  not be built. Rather, that area will be preserved as part  of the Balai Besar historical-community centre complex.""" to compensate for this loss, the areas marked hotel-bank  pe.jabet (office) on the original plan w i l l be developed  with three shophouses. The bank, hotel and pe.jabat w i l l ;  not be developed. However, the area numbered 145 and 146 on the original plan (labelled cinema, pejabat and kedai) w i l l be developed as a bank by Bank Negara. The row of two-storey shophouses on Jalan Sultanah Zainab w i l l remain as two-storey units as designated on the - oiHginal plan. The terrace houses w i l l not be subsidized, a profit should be realised when they are sold or rented. - 306 -The shophouses w i l l house the remaining f i f t y currently resident households plus seme additional households currently l i v i n g outside the area. 4. The Market The market should be constructed,as conceptualised in the  original plan^with an interior courtyard market. The perimeter structure w i l l be two storeys in height. Because markets are a local government responsibility, the responsibility for building the market is that of the Kota Bharu government. However, the Buloh Kubu Working -Group wi l l assist the local government by including the market in the project paper, to be prepared by that group. The market must be constructed early in the development cycle — at the same time as the f i r s t block of flats is being constructed — i f the overall redevelopment of the Buloh Kubu area is to be successful. The market 'should "break even" through s t a l l rentals. However, i t is unlikely to show a profit which could be used to subsidize other parts of the. development. 5. The Balai Besar Historical Area ' The Working Group supports the concepts outlined for the  Balai Besar Historical Area on pages'6-9 of the S . S . F . U .  working paper entitled "Some Concepts Applicable to  Renovation of the Buloh Kubu District". However, more  detail, especially v i s - j ^ v i s cost is needed. The Working Group decided that discussions should commence with Museum Negara and other relevant federal agencies . . concerning possible funding for development of this area. It is also necessary that appropriate of f i c i a l s (probably the M.B.) commence discussions with the Royal Family con-cerning the proposed development. The Royal Family would not lose t i t l e to the historical area but would have to agree to the uses proposed. Phasing; Detailed phasing has yet to be worked out. However, one block of flats and market should be developed f i r s t . • '." . DW/tbh July 31, 1978". 307 APPENDIX 3 QUESTIONNAIRE (i n Malay and En g l i s h ) SOALSELIDIK .> <• w ' f"-'"-'^ KAWASAN BULOH KUBU, KOTA BHARU - 308 -Kawasan Contoh; x  Soalselidik No.  Nama Fenemuduqa; PERHATIAN UMUM Alamat: _ . A. Jenis Kediaman (a) Separoh Kekal . (b) Kekal (c) Sementara ( Tanda J ) (a) ,. -(b) : r V (c) ' B. Bahan-Bahan Pembinaan rumah: i (a) Lantai (b) Atap (c) Cara Fengawalan Banjlr (d) Dinding 1 •• (a) ; (b) . . ; <d> C. Kemudahan-Keraudahan dirumah kediaman (a) Bekalan Air Paip (b) Bekalan Api Letrik (c) Longkang besar/tetap (d) Tandas Tarik/Fara (e) Jenis kemudahan buang sampah ' (f) Lain-lain kemudahan.' (Sila nyatakan); r • 0. Anggaran/Nilaian harga bangunan E. Lama masa bangunan telah didirikan ' -SOALSELIDIK  KAWASAN BULOH KUBU, KOTA BHARU KAWASAN .CQNTQH .'• . L j L NAMA TUAN RUMAH: NAMA PENEMUDUGA: SOALSELIDIK NO; i f " SOALAN—SOALAN SUBJEKTIF PERHATIAN: , Bagi soalan-soalan yang perlu disusun/dipilih mengikut keutamaan, isyarat-isyarat/petunjuk-petunjuk berikut hendaklah dihurai oleh Penemuduga kepada yang berkenaan. • Isyarat/Petunluk -— - — 1. SANGAT MUSTAHAK '• ' ' -2. MUSTAHAK 3. ADA SEDIKIT MASAALAH/ADA KEMUSYKILAN 4. TIDAK MENJADI MASAALAH SOALAN JAWAPAN ' 1. (A) Apakah sebab-sebabnya anda (Susuh mengikut keuntamaan) tinggal dikawasan Buloh Kubu i n i . (a) Kawan-kawan c'.sn saudara- (a) r.rcra tinggal dikawakan i n i . (b) Peluang pekerjaan . (b) (c) Perumahan yang murah (c) (B) Sebab-sebab lain: (sila nyatakan) . •. ;'. . 2... . Pada pendapat anda, kawasan- yang .. — • '• ( Tanda v/ ) diduduki sekarang ini.ialah:-. (a) Kawasan Kampung" ' j (a) •(b) Kawasan Bandar (b) (c) Kawasan Sesak (c) • . •• . . : . ' : . • (d) Pinggir Bandar Kota Bharu (d) (e) Selain dari diatas: (e) l.Z .. -. — . _ (sila nyatakan) . i SOALAN - 310 JAWATAN (a) Adakah anda anggap anda i n i . sebagal setinggan (iaitu seorang penduduk yang tidak. ada hak undang-undang keatas tanah yar.g didudiaki)^."^ (b) Adakah anda mengundi dalam pilihanraya yang lepas. Ya Tidak' Pada pendapat anda, apakah masaalah besar penduduk dikawasan ini? -(a) "Adakah"anda"Icfcifi' suka'jenis'" rumah scperii yang dipilih disoolan 14, daripada keadaon rumah" sekarang . '. .(b) Apakah faktor-faktar yang menyebabkan anda membuat keputusan yang terakhir itu:-(i) Kepadatan penduduk ' . " (i) (il) Sunyi/Berasingan j '" ; (ii) ( i i i ) (privacy) Hrjrga rumah sebulan ( i i i ) (iv) Kemudahan kepada kanak- ' (iv) kanak (v) Tinggi daripada tanah ! (v) (vi) Persohabatan dengan i (vi) (vii) ' jiran-jiran Keadaeji rumah yang (vii) (viii) diduGuki sekarang ' Cerah .' j (viii) Ingin kepada perubahan j (ix) suasana Ya Tidak (Susun mehgikut keutamaan) (a) Jika terpsksa dikeluarkan satu bchagian daripada contdh (modal) i n i , bahagian manakah anda akan keluarkan:- (-) (i) Rumah Pangsa (Flat?), (ii) Rumah Kedai. ( i i i ) Rumah Teres (iv) Market (v) Balai Besar ( Tanda >/" ) (i) (ii) ( i i i ) (iv) (v) JAWATAN H I (b) Susun faktor-faktor berUcut . rneagijcut keutamaan ,; mengapa anda buat pilihan diatas. (i) Akan merusakan pandangary' ruasana keadaan sekarang. (ii) Akan raendatangkari.akibat yang tidak baik kepada kanak-kanak. ( i i i ) Taraf hidup disini akan jadi Icbih tihggi. . (iv) Telah sedia eda kemudahan-J . !:3rr.ud=ban itu, dikawasan 3ulcVi Kubu i n i . (Susun mengikut keutamaan) (i) (ii) ( i i i ) (iv) (c) Lain-Lain Eebab (sila r.yatakcJi) (c) A (a) Jika dapat diperbosarkan satu bahagian daripada contph (model)" i n i , kawasan manakah yang bolch dibuat demikian. (i) Human Pangsa (ii) Rumah Kedai ( i i i ) Rusah Teres (iv) Karket (v) Ealai Essar (vi) Kawasan Sejarah (b) Susun faktor-raktcr berikut mengikut keutamaan pilihan anda. i i ) Alciri menguntungkan kanak-kanak. (ii) Akan meriinggikan taraf hidup saya. ( i i i ) Akan r.an3goh;can lagi i kedudukan kawasan i n i . Cc> Sebab-.s^ bcib lain ; • (cila nyatnkan) v : ( Tanda J ) (i) (ii) ( i i i ) (iv) (v) (vi) (Susun mengikut keutamaan) (i) (ii) ; ( i i i ) :SOALAN - 312 JAWAFAN 8. (a) Jiica dapat ditambah satu bahagian lagi kepada contoh (model) i n i , apa yang patut ditambah. (i) Dewan Or ang Ramai (ii ) Muzium ( i i i ) Pusat Membeli Belah (iv) Pusat Kesihatan (v) Pawagam (Panggong Wayang) (vi) Surau (vii) Tainan (b) Apakah kemudahan-kemudahan lain lagi yang diperlukan, yang belum dinyatakan. (Susun mengikut keutamaan) (i) (ii) ( i i i ) (iv) (v) (vi). (vii) Bolehkah anda mendiri rumah .sendiri, jika.ada bahan-bahan . binaan. Ya Tidak 10. Sekiranya belanja membuat rumah sendiri itu lebih murah; mana yang anda pilih? (a) Hendak membuat rumah sendiri atau (b) Mahukan Kerajaan niendirikan rumah itu untuk anda. (c) Baiki rumah sendiri-( Tanda J ) (a) (b) (c) 11. (a) Didalam keadaan mana yang anda lebih suka tinggal -. sebagaimana keadaan sekarang atau sebagaimana contoh ... (model) yang dicadangkan itu . (i) Sebagaimana keadaan kawasan sekarang. (ii) Sebagaimana contoh . (model). ( Tanda ) (i) (ii) JAWATAN (b) Susun mengikut keutamaan " ~faktor-faktor yang menyebab. kan anda pili h jawapan diatas. (Susun mengikut keutamaan) (i) Saya setuju dengan "" ' cadahgah/brganisasi dan susunan bagaimana contoh (model). . (ii ) Peluang mendapat.kawan-kawan dari- jiijanj / ( i i i ) Sunyi/Bersendirian (privacy). (iv) Kepadatan penduduk (v) Keadaan Kesihatah (vi) Kebajikan kanak-kanak (vii) Taraf hidup (c) Sebab-sebab lain (sila nyatakan) (i) (ii) ( i i i ) ' (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) IS 12. Adakah didapati contoh (model) dan gambar-gambar yang dipamirkan itu mengelirukan? Ya Tidak 13. Adakah didapati menjawab soalan cara menyusun mengikut keutamaan dan kemustahakan itu mengelirukan? Ya Tidak 14. Adakah dengan cara contoh (model) dan gambar-gambar yang dipamirkan itu, dapat menulcng anda memahami perancangan i n i lebih jelas T daripada mengemukakan soalan-soalan sa!:aja. Ya Tidak SOALAN _ 3]_4 - JAWAFAN 16. Adakah anda f i k i r Kerajaan-akan Ya Tidak melaksanakan syor-syor yang telah anda cadangkan dalam kajian i n i ? 17. Adakah anda mahukan peranan yang : lebih dalam proses perancangan i n i ? Ya Tidak Hnesrlong 3*» Answers 3 > P 4 5» . • 7i How long has jour family lived her* for? l a Tears* ' 5 ' . ' " , 6 " " - . • 15 - 25 26-3* ' '•'.* ? 35-58 1 : Over 50 specify Tick dff 8. A. Where was the last plaee yen lived before moving here? B. How long aid yon l i v e at this location for? Xn tears: "'• 5 6-20 20-40 40 ' Tick Off A) #/ B) 93 O f$ 8 7 . ODC> i n Members of Family 9.A. Age — •• ...... _ 1 B. Sex C. Level Of Edneation • • v, A Dependentf S. Occupation . Sm Monthly Salary Q. How Far to Plaee of work from noae(milesJ 317 ->C.v&. ( m m Qaeatloaa XB the arerage aoath apprexiaatly how much Mould you apend oa .-.ac comodat ioa? X TSething b"o • . 5 0 - 9 9 0 ) HI JL00 - 149 f50 - 199 -200 - 249 [250 - 324 <fu>34 ^525 - 399 A H ) A00 - 475 V>76 - 600 601 - 700 701 - 800 801 - 900 900 - 1000 1000 - 2000 Pleaae apeeify 2000 above MtkOM 11. Do Tou Ova Or Beat Aay Other Proparty Or Dwelling Uutaide of Tho Buloh Kubu Araa? ' • ' • IL22* ' . ^ Pleaae apeeefy leeatioa aad •/•oat Yea 31 No 12. A. i t . Da you have Sultaaia agreeaeat far thia' Uuid aad dwell lag? 'iwJai&LQ; \jo.V;& CoAftA: N - < \ O \ - . S<il Tes;| ST IF HO GO ON TO QPSSTION 13t IF YES/ AHSWlh THE FOLLOWIwf l a thia verbal, or do you hare o f f i c i a l doouaeatatioa? Verbal Agreeaent O f f i e i a l Doouaentatioa Other - Please Specify j 200, Ho Tielc Off 1 A ) 3^ - 318 -^pactions s A Answers P. ' from choa It Vas Obtain** Ana The signature Of Tha Saltan Datetef Issue Ta Vaea Vaa It Issued . Tha relationship of that parson to tha respondeat . The Nature uf Tha Agraeacnt Infinite binding agreement for a l l tha families generations Addressed to ona person speeif iaalljr Temporary Occupation at tha rleasure of tho Saltan Other KLease Specify Note to .interviewer If you cannot understand any part • f the document concerning these points aa i t l a presented i n writing t arrange for an appointment betveen respondent and o f f i c i a l s at his residenoe Further Inspection r.~ ? needed i f yes. Tiae Date rlaee A ) 8) C) »p-^ T^ -fi i ) a t Tea B. Koto to Interviewer Applicable unly If The Kcspendent has O f f i c i a l Written Documentation assuming Redevelopment Takes rlaee, and you were el i g i b l e for uovernaent i Uompetfsatlon, which would you prefer'/ | The -Transplant" of your rresent dwelling to a location nearby? Tour choice of Available \ Accomodation', baek i n the nedeveleped Buloh nubtt Area* Compensation Honey 2 Ifr 319 -Question - 320 -(5) B) Bank the importance of each of these factors in your last decision t Density 2 ftrivacy The Cost of Accomodation fcAvrt-v\ 3 per. month _ • u Facilities offered to *."•'• ' ' ^ children • . • $ Height from the ground * Friendship with your present neighbours "7 The condition of your present house. f Light exposure ~ You would like a change ' o f environment (6) A) If you had to take away v"~'. . one section of this model which section'would i t be 'a.": Low Income Development Flats Shophouses . * ' Terrace House :' ' -Harket ' 'l ' . .i- .The'Balai Besar Historical Areas B) Bank the import of these factors in your last decision It would ruin the existing community atmosphere - ~ It "would be bad for the chlldrea It would make i t more expensive here r ' The Buloh Kubu Area already has faeilities which serve this function C) Other reasons please specify Answer , Rank i n Ax*- UAUVJ A ( C 13. D ° E t F /O G JU H 131 "3 ^  (Jrde . Tick Off 1 1 2 3 ? H 4 , 5 I Bank in I Order One 40/ <JS A h B * C 7 B 4 . 1-321 11) What were your reasons for n . i settling i n the Buloh Kubu . A) •Friends and Relatives l i v i n g in the area Employment Opportunities T^fnexpeneive housing v - — B) Other^aea^oiis ftea^o Specify Rank each in a%>r V*Ai6< out of » ' 1* 3 6 f Question (2) How would you describe the . area you now li v e in? Rural Kamponrj Urban Kampong A Slum A neighbourhood i n K.B. Other Please Specify Answer A X B IS c n d ^ E -n 13 (3) Do you consider yourself to be A) a squatter; that i s a resident without legal right to the land B) k5oLyou v o t e i n the last election? Mi Si CO In your opinion what are the main problems of the people in "Cliis community? ©I <VAjj£Qj4 choice of accomodation to ^ your present housing? Tes No Question 322 (5) B) Rank the importance of - each of these factors in your last decision PvA«H-C • Density '. \ . i Privacy '..•„«• The Cost of Accomodation fcAvrt-S 3 per month j. Facilities offered to ^children '5 Height from the ground z Friendship with your present neighbours "7 The condition of your -present house $ Light exposure _ You would like a change of environment Answer Rank in Q A i C /£ D 9 £ ? F IT) G 2J H y 131 •3 -5 56. rder £ 6 (6) A) If you had to take away one section of this model .. • which section would i t be .,' /«. ' Low Income Development Flats Shophouses • ' :'' . Terrace House ;•' - : r. Harket ' • '\ <i- The" Balai Besar Historical Areas B) Bank the import of these factors . in your last decision . It would ruin the existing community atmosphere -- " It Vould be bad for the children . It would make i t more expensive here The Buloh Kubu Area already has facilities which Berve this function C) Other reasons please specify loi_t» V*-i& " a- t-^ Vv~i- ^ t u l « Tick Ofi 1 1 2 i 5 H h s 5 i Bank inI Order One »0j <JS A 6 B 8 C 7 B 2. Question 323 (7) A) If you could enlarge one section of this model, which area would i t be? . Low Income f l a t s "shophouses Terrace houses The Market The Balai Besar Historical Area TJ) Rank the import of these factors i n your last decision It would benefit the children It would upgrade my l i v i n g • . conditions It would bring s t a b i l i t y to this area C) Other,reasons please specify Answer Tick Off dna 4 1 ^ 2 7 3 9.1. '*> 5 Sank in ojder A <J 11. * 7 B H C It VtK. (8) A) If you oould add sections to this model what would they be? . Community Center j . v \ ' Museum « .-• v. Shopping Center Health Clinic Movie House Mosque . — « Park B) What other f a c i l i t y would you l i k e that,has not been mentioned? Rank each Option * ^s B € C ? D 5 O Question Anever i$) Could you build your own house i f you had the materials? - 32 4 -Tes V No • (10) Assuming i t would be less expensive for you to build your'own house would you ' prefer to:. (A) Build your own house • or (B) Have the govt, build the house for you (0;; or (C) Improve your existing house yourself \ Tick OffI One A (p B SO c — s (11) l a whleh would you rather l i v e : the way your area i s now or the model's presentation for proposed development (A) The Area now The Model (B) Bank the import of each of these factors i n your last decision The Organization of the Settlement proposed by the model The chance to be friends with ay neighbours : Privacy ' • , Denslty/crowdednoas Health considerations The children's Welfare The cost of l i v i n g Tick off (O Other reasons please specify A 3 B SZ Rank jn Order , B ^ C - 325 -Questions On The Survey Method Question Answer (12) Did you find the Model and the Picture Presentation confusing? (13) Did you find ranking reasons for your answers in order of import confusing? Yes If Yes No 4 ? ' No (1VJ Did you find that the model and picture display helped you understand the planning process, better than i f only questions alone were asked you? Yes 50 No (15) Would you like more survey of this type? Yes (16) Do you think the Government : w i l l act on the recommendations you have given in this survey? Yes No \1 No <3 (17) Would you like to have more of a say in the planning process? Yes No Cod* sheet arabol PMlSICAL - 326 i^kvHWfe ' I H ) - W D O A 5V eoaer*t* 6; 4i5" 7; land oarth «»««t-*atal 4J l lXaa 5> s t r ^ g Y 3,4,5. 7> 3,5. 4)-**od"5-) eoacret* 6)^on»t hav* t)h*s 3¥aa.*t a.tal 4>*9ood 5 ^ 4 6j°£a.nt 7)'o> 1oAM.v»ee . .0=0 7 6 i) T*a or 2) ao ^ 1) • » 2 ) " ; 1) or 2; " " " 1/ o» 2> 3) Slants* 4) flush 5) out house <o) 3> har* MPXa 4) Don't bar* KPKa Aetual Aaount Aetual axe of building aetual nunber cf family JU&ual J/c-Z as. Motet >, vjnestianal nom*»r V* K . o - CD .»ea« aaaet namber y V" vn vn O Co £ vn *• vx IVJ i-i S number of . Space i-m. H- g H * « • yuestionaJ ayabol * • VM M >• 1 • .' ' Ox H *" M v— v_* w . W J? e 2 P 5 0 w *; i • «- w a § & it r ^ b* I « ' ~ 1 « '• * I I a P 5 S-•v • n • vn n. V V 3 ft S ? *• VJI M V* vji vn ! l «« VJI • ° fi 3 • a • fu CM <J\ 1 VJI ? a P a-o vx •< v. • M VJI 1 ro vn • a *• • M ON 1 V * a • t r £ I of • •» • o *% H O o g t ; v-£ 4T •a 1- i <» c , •.. •* r i *• w-S« . O rt-» • t O * • • vn $ • ! •» v. » S I -! l i Vn *- » •> 2 V ...... OV M t> a. •vl w B a a • V* . w V g O* e »• *• • r » • VJI V ' o u. o a rt-O tr M (X o • - • CO a* • ui tr. - J g-o H I N UL b c t»0 c 0 5 b -O ^ 4 - 328 -. c n , 0 \ ........ . '. A«»JAi^fir<A SQX-aSO £ S D > CV-5rZ ; .. '.. • •r* a o •H U +» « • a a 3 3 « e •o e e Jt u a e e .o o §2 . tt O H O uode Sheet oyabol 4, 1 Ho: 6 15 16 10 25 330 26 , 2 7 IV1 »0 2jabove #50 3/ 51 - 99 k'j> 100 - 199 5a200-W)0 6>.*01-600 3> 601-800 4; 801-1000 5; 1000-1500, II I* 16. 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 1 ; ° r 2 ) \ to. '10 lo HO 1) Iaoide ka. Z) Pasip Mas 3; Outaide ...elantan k) Outaide Malaysia 1) Tunpat N 2)oaoholc 3) Tanah Werah k, Machana 5/ Paair i'utoh 6) Kuala n.rai -7; uua riusan* 17, 36 37 38 39 40 kl kz 1) or Z) i) 3 i i ) 4 i l l ; 5 ab ab ab ab AOxUAL DATS \ { 8 ? U S i « 9 . » • t ?3 4+ 4S -3M 2 /^ 5 5 5 S 6o 6/ £2, /) Ue^osx/eyad S)f 'f/Aat- s) Jra>nf^a-#er y_) ys*+€ jr-an* y ^ T ^ " * / -S} J'*a-t Jr**£ j r v r v l j / r t k - t jre*Z-( jreai <jreit).( ^q-Wi«r-Vj/fuS Jrfa^ Jre** J'*** jrQ»*(^sift4J~. ,»'.•-, .331 if f3> W (5J 6 / or 2 / / So n 5/ * 1 5-x iii S3 / : • i- a iii 55; 1 a a to 0 « ¥20 @ 30- 7+ @ 7?- ISO & /S7- 3oa~ ® 30/- XBo @ $6/-/£>0O Q/OO/— VSOO Q •> /SOO <>7 68 c. d <3-332 23 ) if 1 % 7/ 72 73 74 7S 76 77 7t 79 So I tubbing kyieS*/- i7> ' bnzlf)#je (.3) /far <^  &lic4lon (O ~ "2 c v^-o .i" c* £-9 I Jo. I: r t ^ 1 •fr 1* J • . • i .....b| .... .c ai JrxJ i 2k* 50A 4-fc. 1 . % lo n .15-12. J2_ JfL i d 3JL 11 %1 ..ii AW VV v i iiL Hi 1VL 333 (^•gA V > J . \ \ \ .1... ...... i . «lY ' . V v v ^ t W \ C * ^ v \ va... If ~ * vi ti u fc 1, 0 vi 276 CK 25 b i b •//• <• c lie. 334 -• ( 3? 3^5 A 5, 3. * 2. 3. * / 2- 3. f to ant »jer *. /•4.sa.c/ej>-/ia/ sr^>4c<e. 4) Sao* land s) social j,t,rhi 7) Cerco-Z^oi'd srfe Mcc*" « •u /if 20/4 «v b « 5 b k i 5/ 3Z 33 3 4 3 5 3* 27 :3f 40 4/ 4Z i /'»" iii vi Vii /, O. 3. * /, a. 5. /. S. 3, * I. 0. 3. ? 3) Pa/icA Po&J 4) Post <jy-/ / or- 2. SO 3o 44 b s T 7 *4 6 48 b i iV < 2 - 3. * i r • . r. • c' . • *" m b ' e.'' r ... A C • V — ' c I A— - 33S - • /IcttAoA ^j,Y'«-<\ ( M M W Vf> f i - • S3 c .01-. ll. 5<e ...... . n V <w X 57 J i n ' q ' " • t — . 3 4 to ^ -— 1 ftT 2. i n - . 3 - •—*•-— A ' _ x • -T P V • Mlii, APPRENDIX 4 THE LIDO DISTRICT OF KOTA BHARU - 3 3 7 -THE LIDO DISTRICT OF KOTA BHARU H i s t o r y The L i d o d i s t r i c t of Kota Bharu, which i s s i t u a t e d on the Kelantan River bank, was the former center of trade f o r Kota Bharu and the State of Kelantan. U n t i l the 1800's, t h i s r i v e r -s i d e area c o n s i s t e d or orchards, but as the r i v e r became a ma-j o r trade route under Siamese, and l a t e r B r i t i s h i n f l u e n c e , the Li d o d i s t r i c t developed a commercial f o c a l p o i n t . Warehouses, boat f a c i l i t i e s , t r a d i n g centres and a major p i e r were b u i l t i n the d i s t r i c t , i n order to accomodate the steady flow of goods. I t was the Chinese who moved i n t o the area i n the 1800's i n order to c a p i t a l i z e on t h i s r i v e r t r a d e . Some of these people came d i r e c t l y from Singapore, T h a i l a n d , Vietnam and China. How-ever, i t appears that most of the Chinese who s e t t l e d i n the Lido were a l r e a d y i n Malaysia, m i g r a t i n g e i t h e r from the Ipoh area, where they were formerly t i n miners, or from nearby Kampung China to the north. Those who came from t h i s Kampung, the o l d e s t Chinese settlement i n Kelantan, were encouraged to migrate due to heavy f l o o d i n g and l a c k of jobs r e s u l t i n g from the d e c l i n e i n the area's g o l d mines. For the most p a r t , these migrants o r i g i n a l l y were i n v o l v e d i n d i r e c t r i v e r trade s e r v i c e s such as: storage, d i s t r i b u t i o n and l o a d i n g . However, as the area's trade developed and became s o p h i s t i c a t e d , the d i s t r i c t ' s i n h a b i t a n t s ' t r a d i n g f u n c t i o n expanded so as to i n c l u d e f i n a n c i n g , banking, insurance as w e l l as shops and h o t e l s to s e r v i c e those t r a d i n g and t r a v e l -l i n g the r i v e r . - 338 -In 1975, the B r i t i s h diplomat, S i r Frank Swettenham, viewed the L i d o area with C a p t a i n China, the appointed head o f the C h i -nese Community r e s p o n s i b l e to the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . He gave t h i s account: "I went over the town with the Captain China. There i s a l a r g a Bazaar where the buyers and s e l l e r s are p r i n c i p a l l y women, thronged to a degree. The pop u l a t i o n i s very dense indeed, houses and gardens everywhere and an endless stream of people going up and down the r i v e r bank. The Captain China d e c l a r e d there were 100,000 Malays, males, i n and about Kelantan Town; of Chinese i n the country o f Kelantan 2,000. There i s an opium and s p i r i t farm i n the hands of the Captain China at $2,000 per annum. There i s a l s o a duty on s a l t , gambier, paddy, c o t t o n and s i l k f o r sarong making and tobacco. Immense numbers o f sarongs are made i n Kelantan by both Malays and Chinese, e s p e c i a l l y the former. I went to the Captain China's house a mile down the r i v e r , a very good house indeed. He t e l l s me there i s a great deal of debt s l a v e r y i n Kelantan. He h i m s e l f has 40 debt s l a v e s , and he asked me i f I wanted to buy any. The Raja o b j e c t s t o c o c k - f i g h t i n g and gambling. There i s opium smoking amongst the Chinese but h a r d l y any amongst Malays. Kelantan P l a n t e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n Year Book, 1977/1978. Notes taken from A v i s i t by S i r Swettenham to Kelantan: J u l y 1875. - 339 -Under B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l r u l e , the L i d o area continued to prosper u n t i l the year 1926 when, due to heavy monsoons and severe r i v e r f l o o d s , the d i s t r i c t was devastated. Most of the area's b u i l d i n g s and goods were completely submerged i n f l i c t i n g grave l o s s e s to the l o c a l merchants. L a t e r that year, a major f i r e swept through the L i d o d e s t r o y i n g most of the f l o o d e d remains. There i s wide s p e c u l a t i o n t h a t the f i r e was i n t e n t i o n a l l y i g n i t e d by the l o c a l r e s i d e n t s i n order to c l a i m insurance to cover t h e i r l o s s e s . Whether i n t e n t i o n a l or not, the r e s u l t was d i s a s t r o u s to the area and important to Kota Bharu's development. Due to these events, the L i d o d i s t r i c t never regained i t s former t r a d i n g importance, s i n c e most of the merchants were ru i n e d and the insurance t h a t was c o l l e c t e d , along with other business c a p i t a l , was not i n v e s t e d back i n t o the area f o r r e -novation. Instead, c a p i t a l was i n v e s t e d to e s t a b l i s h a new t r a d -i n g c e n t e r f o r the town (map 3) l o c a t e d to the south west of the L i d o , where f l o o d i n g i s l e s s severe and thus commercial e n t e r p r i s e s are b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d . Present P r o f i l e of the Lido D i s t r i c t and i t s Residents As a r e s u l t of the commercial ce n t e r ' s m i g r a t i o n , although the Chinese make up only 20% of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of Kota Bharu, they occupy most of the s t o r e s i n the prime commercial d i s t r i c t surrounding the new market today. According to a r e -2 cent survey, 47.1% of the sample's Malays were engaged i n s a l e s - 340 -- 341 -and s e r v i c e s as compared to 61% of the Chinese, r e f l e c t i n g the general dominance of t h i s group i n commerce r e l a t i v e to t h e i r s i z e . As a r e s u l t o f t h i s economic involvement, o f the 6.4% of the t o t a l households l i v i n g i n Kota Bharu below the World Bank poverty l i n e o f M$25 per c a p i t a monthly, 80% were Malay households while only 2.4% were Chinese. Despite t h e i r p r o s p e r i t y , the Chinese Community of Kota Bharu are poorer than t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n other Malaysian c i t i e s . Due to t h i s c o n d i t i o n and as a r e s u l t of the unusually small p r o p o r t i o n o f Chinese i n Kota Bharu, a predominantly Malay c i t y has r e s u l t e d , which has h i s t o r i c a l l y been i s o l a t e d from the r e s t of the country: A harmonious Kelantan i d e n t i t y apparently t r a n -scends r a c i a l l i n e s . T h i s i s evident i n the two communities' amicable r a c i a l r e l a t i o n s and the area's l a c k o f t e n s i o n d u r i n g the country's 1969 race r i o t s . ( Although depressed, the e i g h t block d i s t r i c t i s densely populated by approximately three hundred f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n two sto r e y makeshift d w e l l i n g s . Some of the i n h a b i t a n t s do own the property they occupy, f o r although P.A.S. (Party Islam) passed a law i n 1959 s t a t i n g t h a t no Chinese c o u l d buy land i n the d i s t r i c t , p r i o r to 1939, there were no Malay reserves i n Kota Bharu and Demography And S o c i a l Base Study, October 1977. Kota Bharu Urban Development Study AKB Planners and Development Consultant M a l a y s i a . Page 71 (Random Sample of 1371 Chinese and 3,845 Malays i n Kota Bharu). » - 342 -thus the Chinese were able to purchase property. Some of the land was a l s o s o l d to the Lido ' s r e s i d e n t s between 1939 and 1959 when the State L e g i s l a t u r e , EXCO, had the a u t h o r i t y to grant Chinese a c q u i s i t i o n of la n d . Thus although unusual, some Chinese ownership i n the L i d o d i s t r i c t does e x i s t symbolizing the i n h a b i t a n t ' s r o o t s i n the area, and the r e s u l t i n g strong attachment to the depressed area today. The northern two block s e c t i o n o f the Lido which d i r e c t l y faces the Padang Merdeka (map 4, s e c t i o n 1) c o n s i s t s o f f i n e examples of the area's o r i g i n a l a r c h i t e c t u r e . These f o u r s t o r e y b u i l d i n g s , although i n need of renovation are s t i l l impressive, with t h e i r o r i e n t a l design and h i s t o r i c a l c h a r a c t e r . The bottom f l o o r s are used as h o t e l s , r e s t a u r a n t s , shops and o f f i c e s , while the top f l o o r s accommodate a r e s i d e n t i a l f u n c t i o n . Given r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , a v a r i e t y of a t t r a c t i v e uses f o r the renovated b u i l d i n g s e x i s t . To the west of these b u i l d i n g s , a d e j e c t e d r e s i d e n t i a l area e x i s t s c o n s i s t i n g of densely packed long narrow shacks b u i l t o f scrap metal and r o t t i n g wood. While i t appears t h a t some of the dwellings do have e l e c t r i c i t y , most u n i t s do not have proper d r a i n s , sewage, piped water, t o i l e t s and garbage d i s p o s a l or emergency s e r v i c e . Given the l a c k o f road access and the decayed c o n d i t i o n o f the houses, f i r e i s a constant hazard to the area which i s un i n s u r a b l e . A l s o the d i s t r i c t ' s l o c a t i o n on the r i v e r - 344 -bank leaves i t a constant v i c t i m to annual f l o o d s , the cause of the L i d o ' s o r i g i n a l degeneration. Why the Area i s Depressed Besides these n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r r i s k s , I suspect t h a t the area's depressed s t a t e i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a d i r e c t r e s u l t of i t s i n h a b i t a n t s ' economic c o n d i t i o n . Although i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to determine the r e s i d e n t s ' income due to t h e i r i n f o r m a l employment and f i e r c e sense of p r i v a c y , as the 3 AKB r e p o r t notes, the Chinese are o n l y a f r a c t i o n of those l i v i n g under the World Bank "poverty l i n e " . Yet the c o n d i t i o n of most of the L i d o ' s dwellings seems to suggest extreme poverty. A p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s the 1959 State Law which p r o h i b i t s Chinese from purchasing property or r e n t i n g land f o r more than one year at a time i n t h i s d i s t r i c t . Without any long term s e c u r i t y , there i s l i t t l e i n c e n t i v e f o r the area's i n h a b i t a n t s of rented land (the m a j o r i t y of L i d o ' s r e s i d e n t s ) , to i n v e s t t h e i r own money i n commercial or r e s i d e n -t i a l r e novation. T h i s , of course, i s a p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n which d i r e c t l y a f f e c t s the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the area, and thus cannot be r e s o l v e d a t a planning p o l i c y l e v e l . The other f a c t o r which may p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n the area's appearance i s the Chinese i n h a b i t a n t s ' values concerning money. I t i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not.dangerous, to g e n e r a l i z e , but i t may 3 I b i d . - 345 -- 346 -be the case t h a t the r e s i d e n t s of the area do have more c a p i t a l than t h e i r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n suggests, but choose to save i t or spend i t on other investments such as commercial ventures or education. In T h i r d World neighbourhood r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the appearance of the area should not n e c e s s a r i l y be used as an economic i n d i c a t o r to be evaluated u s i n g Western v a l u e s . Thus, c u l t u r a l l y s e n s i t i v e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n models are v i t a l to a v o i d i n g the r e c k l e s s t r a n s p l a n t of f o r e i g n planning assumptions which may be m i s l e a d i n g , i f not d i s a s t r o u s to the p l a n n i n g process. Neighbourhood I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Due to the r e s i d e n t s ' general d e s i r e to r e t a i n e t h n i c and t r a d i t i o n a l t i e s , the L i d o has developed a contained neigh-bourhood atmosphere. Generations of f a m i l i e s occupying the same d i s t r i c t has provided important c o n s i s t e n c y i n communal r e l a t i o n s and neighbourhood development. Most of the approximately 300 f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n the area are of the Hokkien Chinese group, while the Cantonese and Hainanese, who make up roughly 20% of the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n of Kota Bharu, are s c a t t e r e d throughout the d i s t r i c t . According to the r e s e a r c h e r ' s i n t e r v i e w s , there i s no t e n s i o n between groups who e a s i l y mix. Yet each group does sponsor i t s own community c l u b which serves as a meeting p l a c e where s o c i a l and s p o r t a c t i v i t i e s r e g u l a r l y take p l a c e . The Persekutuan Kwang Tung A s s o c i a t i o n i s the Cantonese Club l o c a t e d i n the L i d o area, while the Teochew A s s o c i a t i o n , the Hainanese Club, i s s i t u a t e d by the Odean t h e a t r e which i s near the Hokkien A s s o c i a t i o n l o c a t e d on J a l a n I s m a i l . These c l u b s , along with - 3 4 7 -the ccmnunity's Buddhist Association, serve a v i t a l community function, for as w e l l as providing a neighbourhood focal point for a c t i v i t y , these organizations often bind together i n order to help those members of the Chinese community i n personal d i f f i c u l t i e s . This " s e l f help" process was recently displayed when victims of a f i r e i n the Lido d i s t r i c t were pro-vided for by funds raised by these organizations. Such "grass roots" community associations are the key to sensitive neighbourhood r e h a b i l i t a t i o n which.utilizes the community's exi s t i n g s o c i e t a l linkages i n the planning process. Rehabilitation Policy Direction This communal i d e n t i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l attachment of the d i s t r i c t ' s inhabitants to the Lido, necessitates t h e i r complete resettlement back into the area as a top p r i o r i t y i n any r e h a b i l i t a t i o n scheme. Along with t h i s resettlement goal which must take into account the cormtonity1s pa r t i c u l a r needs, the area's general economic function to the c i t y should be planned so that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n costs can be generated within the area to the extent possible. Such commercial ventures must not destroy the area's unique setting and h i s t o r i c a l import to the State. With the proper u t i l i z a t i o n and renovation of the h i s t o r i c a l buildings, commercial v i a b i l i t y can be consistent with t r a d i t i o n a l designs and functions. - 348 -References 1) May 15, 1978 : Interview with Zainuddin bin Muhammad, Director of Town and Country Planning for Kelantan. 2) June 3, 1978 : Interview with Kasim bin Muhanrnad, Assistant Director, Rural Development Division, Kelantan State Economic Planning Unit. 3) June 10, 1978 : Interview with Lee Kwong Shang, owner of the Choo Choo Huan Restaurant i n Lido, and 30 year resident of the area. 4) June 15, 1978 : Interview with Mr. Lee of Northern Life Insurance Company, Kota Bharu. 40 year resident of the area. 5) June 20, 1978 : Interview with Dato' Bangs, resident and historian of Kota Bharu for 30 years; honoured knight of the Sultan. 6) Mohamed bin Nik Mohamed Salleh: "Kelantan in Transition 1899-1910 University of Malaya Press, 1975." 7) Osborn, J.: "Area Development Policy and the Middle City in Malaysia, University of Chicago Department of Geography, 1974 - 180-186." 8) Demography and Social Base Study - October 1977. Working Paper 3. "Kota Bharu Development Study - AKB Planners and Development Consultants." 9) Kelantan Planters' Association Year Book 1977-78. 

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