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Strangers and sensemaking : an ethnography of Japanese housewives Lee, Beverly 1981

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STRANGERS AND SENSEMAKING: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF JAPANESE HOUSEWIVES by BEVERLY LEE B. A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as con f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1981 c B e v e r l y Lee, 1981 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requ i rement s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I a g ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V5T 1W5 Date August, 1981 i / ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s a t t e m p t s t o l o o k a t the e x p e r i e n c e s of Japanese housewives who have spent a p e r i o d of time i n a f o r e i g n Western c o u n t r y b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o Japan. I t i s an ethnography p r e s e n t e d i n the c o n t e x t of what i t i s l i k e t o become a s t r a n g e r . In i t I t r y t o examine not o n l y the i n i t i a l impact of the c u l t u r a l e n c o u n t e r , but a l s o the day-to-day sense making as i t o c c u r s i n the l i v e s of the women, and the change i n p e r s p e c t i v e which becomes apparent upon r e t u r n home. The d a t a were c o l l e c t e d i n the form of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 50 tape r e c o r d e d , i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s conducted i n E n g l i s h . Because the r e l e v a n t e x p e r i e n c e s of the women v a r i e d so g r e a t l y , an u n s t r u c t u r e d open-ended i n t e r v i e w format was employed. The i n f o r m a n t s were wives of s c h o l a r s , government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , or businessmen. A l l were r e s i d i n g or had r e s i d e d i n a f o r e i g n Western c o u n t r y s o l e l y because t h e i r husbands were s t u d y i n g or working abroad. About o n e - t h i r d of the i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n Vancouver, and the remainder i n Japan. Most i n t e r v i e w s took p l a c e i n the i n f o r m a n t ' s home. Many of the women b r i n g w i t h them e x p e c t a t i o n s based on pas t e x p e r i e n c e s , handed-down i n f o r m a t i o n , and t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i d e a s which prove t o be an inadequate b a s i s f o r sensemaking i n the new environment. C o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h i s anomaly, they o f t e n s u f f e r d i s o r i e n t a t i o n and d e p r e s s i o n . I t appears t h a t t i m e , f a m i l i a r i t y , and exposure t o the new s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environment a m e l i o r a t e the sense of d i s l o c a t i o n . But perhaps the most im p o r t a n t f a c t o r i s the i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t y t o draw from v a r i e d s o u r c e s of i n f o r m a t i o n and t o i n t e g r a t e t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o the p a t t e r n s of t h i n k i n g and b e h a v i o r . T h i s can l e a d t o c u l t u r a l competence, which i s more than j u s t b e i n g a b l e t o p e r f o r m i n a s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e manner. I t i n v o l v e s both knowing the r u l e s of s o c i e t y w e l l enough t o a b i d e by them and u n d e r s t a n d i n g when one can s u c c e s s f u l l y v i o l a t e , bend or break the e s t a b l i s h e d t e n e t s . Upon r e t u r n i n g t o Japan many women f e e l t h a t t h e i r encounter w i t h another c u l t u r e has a f f e c t e d t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of s e l f and home. F o l l o w i n g the i n i t i a l impact of r e t u r n , many began t o q u e s t i o n the d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s of the s o c i o -c u l t u r a l environments they had e n c o u n t e r e d . They a l s o began, a g a i n , t o q u e s t i o n t h e m s e l v e s . Some women found t h i s s e l f -e x a m i n a t i o n and r e f l e c t i o n t o be a l o n g and d i f f i c u l t p r o c e s s , but o t h e r s e x p e r i e n c e d immediate i n s i g h t s and changes i n p e r s p e c t i v e s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Con c e p t u a l Framework 2 A Note on Terminology 4 Re l e v a n t S t u d i e s 4 O r g a n i z a t i o n of M a t e r i a l 13 CHAPTER 2: MAKING CONTACT 18 Ge n e r a l Overview 18 Changing P e r s p e c t i v e s 20 The R o l e of S t r a n g e r as a Research T o o l 22 D i f f e r e n t L o c a t i o n s 28 Impetus f o r F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h 29 S e l e c t i o n of In f o r m a n t s 30 Conta c t Through the CWAJ 31 L i m i t i n g t he S e l e c t i o n of I n f o r m a n t s 32 Data C o l l e c t i o n 38 Informed Consent 40 C r e a t i o n of Responses 42 CHAPTER 3: WHAT EVERYONE KNOWS: THE JAPANESE WAY 46 I n t r o d u c t i o n 46 E a s t e r n P e r s p e c t i v e 50 S o c i e t y , Group and the I n d i v i d u a l 55 The P u b l i c and P r i v a t e S e l f 60 Dependence and Ind u l g e n c e 62 Dependency w i t h i n the F a m i l y 64 Importance of E d u c a t i o n 72 Dependence and the D e s i r e To Be Needed 74 S o c i a l Consensus i n Everyday L i f e 77 CHAPTER 4: THE NEW PLACE 83 I n t r o d u c t i o n 83 PART I : E x p e c t a t i o n s and F i r s t I m p r e s s i o n s 85 Emiko: The B r i g h t New F u t u r e 87 N o r i k o : Working from Informed E x p e c t a t i o n s 90 Setsuko: The U n r e c a l l a b l e Past 93 PART I I : Making Sense i n the New Community 101 The P r i o r i t y of E d u c a t i o n 110 S i z e and Space 116 Re l e v a n c e s , I n t e r e s t s and P r a c t i c a l Knowledge ...117 1. L i m i t e d but P r e c i s e 119 2. A c c e p t i n g the World as Giv e n 124 3. The Broader Search 131 PART I I I : MOMENTS AND MOVEMENTS OF THE SELF 140 V CHAPTER 5: THE RETURN HOME 148 S i z e and Space 1 48 E a r l y I m p r e s s i o n s 149 R e f l e c t i o n s and Re- e n t r y 156 S e t t l i n g In Again 158 Changing R o l e s and R e l a t i o n s h i p s 164 D e v e l o p i n g a Sense of P e r s o n a l S e l f 167 Q u e s t i o n i n g the S e l f 170 The L a s t i n g E f f e c t s 174 C o n c l u d i n g Remarks 177 REFERENCES CITED 179 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e t o thank my a d v i s o r y committee f o r t h e i r s u p port and encouragement throughout the co u r s e of the work which has l e d t o t h i s t h e s i s . In p a r t i c u l a r , I am i n d e b t e d t o Dr. E l v i W h i t t a k e r f o r her i n f i n i t e p a t i e n c e , her v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t s , and her c o n s t a n t s u p p o r t . I am most t h a n k f u l t o Dr. John Howes f o r s h a r i n g w i t h me h i s v e r y c o n s i d e r a b l e knowledge of Japan and Japanese c u l t u r e , which was of i n v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of my d a t a . I am a l s o g r a t e f u l f o r h i s c a r e f u l and d e t a i l e d e d i t o r i a l comments. I w i s h t o thank Dr. Helga Jaco.bson f o r her many h e l p f u l s u g g e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the importance of documenting women's a c t i v i t i e s . I am a l s o i n d e b t e d t o Dr. M a r t i n M e i s s n e r f o r h i s t h o u g h t f u l and c a r e f u l r e a d i n g of p o r t i o n s of t h i s t h e s i s and f o r h i s many v a l u a b l e comments. Dr. R y u j i K i t a h a r a was most k i n d i n h e l p i n g me w i t h some of the Japanese terms I have used. Ms. Joanne R i c h a r d s o n and Ms. P a u l i n e Barber r e a d p a r t s of the t h e s i s and t h e i r r e a c t i o n s l e d t o many improvements. I am in d e b t e d t o Ms. U l r i k e Rademacher f o r . a s s i s t a n c e w i t h p r e p a r a t i o n of the m a n u s c r i p t . A l a r g e number of p e o p l e , both here and i n Japan, gave me i n v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e i n making c o n t a c t w i t h Japanese women. The l i s t i s e x t e n s i v e ? I must g i v e s p e c i a l thanks t o M i s s Anne B l a c k , who f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d me to Japanese women i n her E n g l i s h c l a s s a t the Y.W.C.A., and t o Mr. Kazuo Hatano and Mrs. Hamae Okamoto who were so h e l p f u l i n Japan. V I 1 N a t u r a l l y , my h e a r t f e l t t h a n k s go t o a l l of the women who gave so much of t h e i r time as i n f o r m a n t s and who shared t h e i r f e e l i n g s and e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h me. 1 Chapter 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n Anyone who has t r a v e l e d t o a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , even f o r a s h o r t time has p r o b a b l y e x p e r i e n c e d f e e l i n g s of d i s l o c a t i o n . These f e e l i n g s , unexpected perhaps, can have a sense of i l l u s i o n , a sense of p r o v o k i n g i n s i g h t , y e t can be q u i t e d i s t u r b i n g . The abrupt f e e l i n g s of s t r a n g e n e s s , of not knowing what t o e x p e c t , can occur a t any t i m e — b u t a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y a pparent when one i s suddenly f a c e d w i t h the i d e a t h a t those p e o p l e s u r r o u n d i n g one--with whom s o c i a l c o n t a c t i s m a i n t a i n e d i n everyday l i f e — d o not seem t o make sense of the w o r l d i n the same way. I f the p e r i o d of d i s l o c a t i o n i s b r i e f , one can r e l e g a t e i t to the i r r e l e v a n t ; i f i t i s of s u f f i c i e n t d u r a t i o n , t o wry humor i n r e t r o s p e c t . But i f i t i s of a time ' i n b e t w e e n ' — a n i n d e t e r m i n a t e p e r i o d — o n e must attempt t o make sense of a l l t h a t i s happening b e f o r e i t can be f u l l y u n d e r s t o o d or r e f l e c t e d upon. The P r e s e n t Study and Relevance t o Women The p r e s e n t study i s an attempt t o lo o k a t the e x p e r i e n c e s of Japanese housewives who have spent t h a t i n d e t e r m i n a t e p e r i o d i n a f o r e i g n Western c o u n t r y b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g home t o Japan. My reasons f o r i n t e r v i e w i n g o n l y women have a b e a r i n g on the c o n c e p t u r a l framework. I n i t i a l l y , I wanted a p o p u l a t i o n who move to a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y u n d i s t r a c t e d by study or employment, but 2 who are charged w i t h c a r r y i n g out the same k i n d s of t a s k s and f a m i l y r o l e s i n the new p l a c e as they p e r f o r m i n t h e i r home c o u n t r y . I a l s o wanted t o s p o t l i g h t many of the t h i n g s which women do i n everyday l i f e l a r g e l y because the day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s of women have been i g n o r e d by many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , and t h i s l a c k of documentation s h o u l d be c o n f r o n t e d and examined. I would comment however, t h a t by and l a r g e , women's a c t i v i t i e s and the t a s k s they p e r f o r m have been taken f o r g r a n t e d and o n l y r e c e n t l y has i n t e r e s t i n them been g e n e r a t e d . I would a l s o suggest t h a t t h i s i n t e r e s t , or l a c k of i t , i s d i c t a t e d by the r e l e v a n c e i t appears t o have i n our d a i l y l i v e s , and as l o n g as something remains t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i t remains a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y hidden from view. I am not d e b a t i n g the m o r a l i t y of t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d s , I am a d d r e s s i n g t h e i r e x i s t e n c e . In o r d e r t o examine the sensemaking which must ta k e p l a c e when one moves t o a f o r e i g n environment, i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o lo o k at the l i t t l e t h i n g s , the everyday a c t i v i t i e s which r e q u i r e time and thought and c a r e . In c o n s t r u c t i n g the c o n c e p t u a l framework, I have r e l i e d h e a v i l y upon the i d e a s of Schutz (1944, 1945, 1964, 1970) and h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s of the everyday w o r l d . C o n c e p t u a l Framework The c o n c e p t u a l framework i n which I w i s h t o p l a c e t h i s work s h o u l d be ad d r e s s e d a t t h i s p o i n t . The da t a a r e b e i n g p r e s e n t e d w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of what i t i s l i k e t o become a s t r a n g e r . In i t I t r y t o examine not o n l y the i n i t i a l impact of the. c u l t u r a l e n c o u n t e r , but the day-to-day sensemaking as i t o c c u r s i n the l i v e s of a group of d i s p a r a t e women who, i n common, have become 3 s t r a n g e r s i n the new l a n d . I t would appear t h a t when one moves t o a new s o c i a l -c u l t u r a l environment the i n i t i a l impact of the encounter o f t e n overwhelms the i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s impact so overshadows a l l e l s e t h a t most s t u d i e s have c o n c e n t r a t e d upon documenting and a n a l y z i n g i t i n terms of a d i s e a s e - r e c o v e r y model. E a r l y r e s e a r c h has i n d i c a t e d t h a t i n the p r o c e s s of the e n c o u n t e r , the i n d i v i d u a l seems t o t r a v e l t h r o u g h a s e r i e s of s t a g e s — o f t e n on t o " f u l l r e c o v e r y " . Some works, n o t a b l y Schutz (1944,1945) and Simmel (1950) and more r e c e n t l y A d l e r (1975), G a r z a -G u e r r e r o ( 1 9 7 4 ) , and M e i n t e l (1973) have i n d i c a t e d the inadequacy of the d i s e a s e - r e c o v e r y model. C o g n i z a n t of t h i s , I w i s h t o propose t h a t : (1) In the p r o c e s s of c o n f r o n t i n g the unexpected and o f t e n unknown a s p e c t s of everyday l i v i n g i n the new p l a c e , one becomes aware of t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d n o t i o n s . These t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i d e a s have been hidden from view i n the everyday l i f e back home, but i n the new p l a c e they s t a n d out as anomalous e n t i t i e s which must be e x p l a i n e d or u n d e r s t o o d w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of the new c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In a t t e m p t i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d or e x p l a i n them a new k i n d of q u e s t i o n i n g b e g i n s . Depending upon the i n d i v i d u a l , t h i s q u e s t i o n i n g can l e a d t o a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the s e l f . T h i s c o n f r o n t a t i o n h o l d s the p o t e n t i a l f o r f u r t h e r growth i n terms of a new and i n t e g r a t e d awareness of s e l f and o t h e r . (2) Because most e a r l y work has been done w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o l o n g term i m m i g r a t i o n t o a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , the i m p l i c a t i o n s of a new awareness has gone u n n o t i c e d . A d d i t i o n a l l y , the a b i l i t y t o change p e r s p e c t i v e s and t o g a i n new i n s i g h t s has l a r g e l y been 4 i g n o r e d i n the d i s e a s e - r e c o v e r y model. O f t e n the r e t u r n home i s the f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n t h a t such changes have, i n f a c t , o c c u r r e d . T h i s opens t o q u e s t i o n the i d e a of " c u l t u r e shock" as a s t a t i c c l o s e d concept and suggests t h a t , whatever o c c u r s i n the c o u r s e of c o n f r o n t i n g new p e r s p e c t i v e s , i t i s an ongoing p r o c e s s r a t h e r than a o n c e - i n - a - l i f e t i m e e v e n t . In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s I p r e s e n t a few of the r e l e v a n t s t u d i e s which have a b e a r i n g on t h i s work. The l i s t i s by no means e x h a u s t i v e but has been c u l l e d from a l a r g e r body of r e a d i n g s l e s s a p p l i c a b l e t o t h i s t h e s i s . I have • t r i e d t o i n d i c a t e where I f e e l these s t u d i e s have c o n t r i b u t e d t o the f o r m a t i o n of the c o n c e p t u a l framework. A Note on Terminology In the f o l l o w i n g s t u d i e s most of the w r i t e r s use a g e n d e r l e s s "he". Where I f i n d t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s r e l e v a n t t o the p r e s e n t d a t a , I quote them. In the p a s t , a number of s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h e x c l u s i v e l y female p o p u l a t i o n s have used t h i s pronoun. I b e l i e v e t h i s i s a matter of s t y l e governed by the p e r i o d i n which the work i s w r i t t e n . I t does not r e p r e s e n t a b i a s . When r e f e r i n g t o the i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s s tudy I c o n s i s t e n t l y use the pronoun "she". R e l e v a n t S t u d i e s There have been a number of s t u d i e s c o n c e r n i n g the impact of a c u l t u r a l encounter upon the i n d i v i d u a l who moves t o a s t r a n g e p l a c e . I n t e r e s t i n the s u b j e c t has been e x p r e s s e d by r e s e a r c h e r s w o r k i ng i n the v a r i e d f i e l d s of a n t h r o p o l o g y , s o c i a l 5 p s y c h o l o g y , s o c i o l o g y , and p s y c h i a t r y . Many c o n c e p t u a l i z e the e x p e r i e n c e i n n e g a t i v e terms (Oberg 1960; F o s t e r 1962) as something from which to r e c o v e r i n the s h o r t e s t p o s s i b l e t i m e . C u l t u r e shock i s p r e c i p i t a t e d by the a n x i e t y t h a t r e s u l t s from l o s i n g a l l our f a m i l i a r s i g n s and symbols of s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e . These s i g n s or cues i n c l u d e the thousand and one ways i n which we o r i e n t o u r s e l v e s t o the s i t u a t i o n s of d a i l y l i f e (Oberg 1960:177). Oberg, who f i r s t p o p u l a r i z e d the e x p r e s s i o n " c u l t u r e shock", c o n c e i v e d i t t o be an o c c u p a t i o n a l d i s e a s e s u f f e r e d by those p e o p l e who have been suddenly t r a n s p o r t e d a broad. He d e s c r i b e s a s e r i e s of s t a g e s i n c u r i o u s l y mixed metaphors, a "honeymoon s t a g e " f o l l o w e d by " . . . a sense of c r i s i s i n the d i s e a s e " w h i c h , i f s u r v i v e d and overcome, proceeds t o r e c o v e r y and adjustment (1960:178-179). F o s t e r , i n w r i t i n g about the impact of t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, warns t e c h n i c i a n s who t r a v e l t o l e s s w e l l d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s t h a t they w i l l p r o b a b l y become a f f l i c t e d w i t h the d i s e a s e . He e l a b o r a t e s Oberg's i d e a s i n more m e d i c a l l y o r i e n t e d terms: f i r s t "an i n c u b a t i o n s t a g e " { u n t i l } "the v i r u s b i t e s deep" ( F o s t e r 1962:189). D e s p i t e the c a u t i o n a r y language, n e i t h e r Oberg nor F o s t e r g i v e v e r y much d e t a i l about the second and t h i r d s t a g e s , except t o note : " . . . i f s u c c e s s f u l l y weathered, the p a t i e n t w i l l be r e s t o r e d t o h e a l t h " ( F o s t e r 1962:190). In o t h e r s t u d i e s e m p h a s i z i n g s t a g e s or phases the i n d i v i d u a l i s a l s o p e r c e i v e d t o be a f f l i c t e d and must somehow s l o w l y make h i s or her way t o r e c o v e r y ( Arensberg and N i e h o f f 6 1965; G u l l a h o r n and G u l l a h o r n 1963; Du B o i s 1951). A d l e r g i v e s an a l t e r n a t i v e view of c u l t u r e shock when he s u g g e s t s t h a t i t be c o n s i d e r e d ". . . a t r a n s i t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e . . . i n t o h i g h e r l e v e l s of c o n s c i o u s n e s s and p s y c h i c i n t e g r a t i o n " (1975:15). He proposes v a r i o u s s t a t e s t h rough which the i n d i v i d u a l must pass i n o r d e r t o ". . . open the p o s s i b i l i t y of o t h e r depth e x p e r i e n c e s " (1975:18). W h i l e he compares t h i s concept t o the "U c u r v e " ( L y s g a a r d 1955) and the "W c u r v e of ad j u s t m e n t " proposed by G u l l a h o r n and G u l l a h o r n (1963), who, as human b e h a v i o r i s t s , a r e s t u d y i n g the s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a v e l , he does not attempt t o impose a time frame f o r each of the s t a g e s . He su g g e s t s the f o l l o w i n g f ormat: C o n t a c t : where the i n d i v i d u a l i s s t i l l f u n c t i o n a l l y i n t e g r a t e d w i t h h i s own c u l t u r e . D i s i n t e g r a t i o n : marked by p e r i o d s of c o n f u s i o n and d i s o r i e n t a t i o n . R e i n t e g r a t i o n : c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s t r o n g r e j e c t i o n of the second c u l t u r e . Autonomy: marked by r i s i n g s e n s i t i v i t y and a c q u i s i t i o n of both s k i l l and u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the second c u l t u r e . Independence: the f i n a l s t a g e of t r a n s i t i o n , marked by a t t i t u d e s , e m o t i o n a l i t y , and b e h a v i o r s t h a t a r e independent but not undependent of c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e ( A d l e r 1975:16-18). In a s i m i l a r study from a p s y c h i a t r i c p o i n t of view, G a r z a -G u e r r e r o (1974) suggests t h a t c u l t u r e shock i s a composite of 7 mourning f o r the abandoned c u l t u r e and i d e n t i t y c r i s i s i n the f a c e of the new one. W h i l e he m a i n t a i n s t h a t the i n i t i a l impact i s a " s t r e s s f u l and a n x i e t y p r o v o k i n g s i t u a t i o n " (1974:410) he s u g g e s t s t h a t i f i t i s s u c c e s s f u l l y r e s o l v e d i t can l e a d t o f u r t h e r e m o t i o n a l growth, and i f i t i s n o t , " s t a g n a t i o n and p a t h o l o g i c a l r e g r e s s i o n may o c c u r " (1974:410). C u l t u r e shock i s accompanied by a p r o c e s s of mourning brought about by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s g i g a n t i c l o s s of a v a r i e t y of h i s l o v e o b j e c t s i n the abandoned c u l t u r e . Among o t h e r s , t h e s e l o s s e s a r e o u t s t a n d i n g : f a m i l y , f r i e n d s , language, music, food and c u l t u r a l l y d e t e r m i n e d v a l u e s , customs, and a t t i t u d e s . The c o e x i s t e n c e of t h i s emergency s i t u a t i o n of two f a c t o r s , i . e . , c u l t u r a l e ncounter p l u s the p a i n f u l mourning which f o l l o w s massive o b j e c t l o s s — t h e f o r e s a k e n c u l t u r e — c a u s e s a s e r i o u s t h r e a t t o the newcomer's i d e n t i t y ( G a r z a - G u e r r e r o 1974:410). He c o n c l u d e s t h a t i t i s a " r e a c t i v e p r o c e s s " which p r o f o u n d l y t e s t s o v e r a l l p e r s o n a l i t y f u n c t i o n i n g and t h r e a t e n s the newcomer's i d e n t i t y (1974:410). He p e r c e i v e s the i n d i v i d u a l g o i n g through t h r e e main phases: Phase one: the c u l t u r a l e ncounter i s a p e r i o d of i n i t i a l shock d u r i n g which time the person e x p l o r e s c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s , e x p e r i e n c e s a growing sense of d i s c o n t i n u i t y of i d e n t i t y , and a t t e m p t s v a r i o u s a d a p t i v e t e c h n i q u e s t o a v o i d the p a i n of massive o b j e c t l o s s (1974:418). Phase two: R e o r g a n i z a t i o n appears q u i t e s i m i l a r t o A d l e r ' s 8 " r e i n t e g r a t i o n " , but a d d i t i o n a l l y i t a d d r e s s e s the i s s u e of c o m p l e t i n g the mourning p r o c e s s which G a r z a - G u e r r e r o a s s e r t s i s n e c e s s a r y f o r " r e - a f f i r m a t i o n of p a s t i d e n t i t y " as w e l l as ". . . a more a c c u r a t e and r e a l i s t i c concept of the abandoned c u l t u r e " (1974:422-425). Phase t h r e e : New I d e n t i t y " . . . c o n s t i t u t e s the f i n a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n of newly a c q u i r e d c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , new o b j e c t r e l a t i o n s i n the b r o a d e s t sense, i n t o the o r g a n i z a t i o n of ego i d e n t i t y " and r e s u l t s i n " . . . a s t a b l e and i n t e g r a t e d concept of the s e l f and. . . t o t a l o b j e c t s i n - r e l a t i o n w i t h the s e l f " ( G a r z a - G u e r r e r o 1974:426). There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e s e l a s t two works t o the k i n d of o b s e r v a t i o n s made by van Gennep i n R i t e s of  Passage ( i 9 6 0 ) c o n c e r n i n g the e f f e c t s of r i t u a l i s o l a t i o n and what Turner c a l l s " l i m i n a l i t y " (1967, 1979). They a l l tend t o c o n f i r m the p o t e n t i a l f o r s e l f awareness brought about by the c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the unknown. N e v e r t h e l e s s , thought p r o v o k i n g as i s t h i s l a t t e r study by G a r z a - G u e r r e r o , i t seems more a p p l i c a b l e t o the s i t u a t i o n s of immigrants than t o s o j o u r n e r s . I t i s the essay by M e i n t e l , " S t r a n g e r s , Homecomers, and O r d i n a r y Men (1973)" which best c o n c e p t u a l i z e s the problems of the s o j o u r n e r who e x p e r i e n c e s o t h e r ways of d o i n g t h i n g s , o n l y t o f i n d upon r e t u r n , r e t u r n i s i m p o s s i b l e . In a s i m i l a r v e i n t o A d l e r and G a r z a - G u e r r e r o , she proposes t h a t "the most i m p o r t a n t shocks t o be encountered by those who e n t e r another c u l t u r e or s u b c u l t u r e a r e those of s e l f d i s c o v e r y " (1973:47), but u n l i k e Bock, who d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between c u l t u r e shock and the " l i f e s h o c k s " , 9 C u l t u r e shock s h o u l d not be c o n f u s e d w i t h the " l i f e shock" t h a t r e s u l t s from d i r e c t exposure t o c e r t a i n e x p e r i e n c e s from which many members of our s o c i e t y have been c a r e f u l l y s h i e l d e d . B i r t h , d e a t h , and d i s e a s e a re p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t u r b i n g when they a re f i r s t e n c o u n t e r e d . . . but t h e r e i s n o t h i n g i n h e r e n t l y e x o t i c about these phenomena (Bock 1970:X ) . M e i n t e l suggest t h a t perhaps we s h o u l d c o n s i d e r the p o s s i b l e s i m i l a r i t i e s between the e x p e r i e n c e s of e n t e r i n g a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e and those t o be had i n d a i l y l i f e i n one's own (1973:49). T h i s appears t o be the d i r e c t i o n taken by S c h u t z , h i m s e l f an immigrant, i n h i s paper "The S t r a n g e r : an Essay i n S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y (1944)," as w e l l as i n h i s e q u a l l y w e l l known "The Homecomer (1945)." Other w r i t e r s , n o t a b l y Simmel (1950) and Wood (1934;1953), d i s c u s s the s t r a n g e r i n terms of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r s . Nash a d d r e s s e s the i s s u e s i n h e r e n t i n problems of f i e l d work i n h i s paper "The E t h n o l o g i s t as S t r a n g e r : an Essay i n the S o c i o l o g y of Knowledge (1963)" and suggests t h a t some typ e s of p e r s o n a l i t i e s adapt w i t h g r e a t e r ease than do o t h e r s . ' Most a c c u l t u r a t i o n s t u d i e s d e a l w i t h i s s u e s i n t r i n s i c t o i m m i g r a t i o n t o a new c o u n t r y . There are f a r fewer s t u d i e s r e g a r d i n g those who move t o a f o r e i g n l a n d w h i l e e x p e c t i n g t o r e t u r n home i n a few y e a r s . B e n n e t t , Passen, and McKnight (1958) s t u d i e d Japanese s t u d e n t s educated i n N o r t h America and e x p l o r e d the v a r i o u s r a m i f i c a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the s o j o u r n abroad, as w e l l 10 as the r e t u r n home. G u l l a h o r n and G u l l a h o r n (1963) r e p o r t e d on both f a c u l t y and s t u d e n t s who s t u d i e d abroad and t r a c e d t h e i r p r o g r e s s i n the "W c u r v e " adjustment and r e a d j u s t m e n t e x p e r i e n c e s . In t h i s s tudy they extended the "U c u r v e " h y p o t h e s i s , which had proposed t h a t the adjustment p r o c e s s of f o r e i g n s t u d e n t s i n t h e i r h o s t c u l t u r e s f o l l o w e d the shape of a "U". F i r s t e l a t i o n i s f o l l o w e d by f r u s t r a t i o n s and d e p r e s s i o n , to f i n a l a d j u s t m e n t . G u l l a h o r n and G u l l a h o r n a l s o s t u d i e d r e t u r n e e s and suggest t h a t those who r e t u r n home s u f f e r s i m i l a r p a t t e r n s i n the r e a d j u s t m e n t t o t h e i r own c o u n t r y . Hence: the "W" c u r v e . Nash, i n h i s book Community i n Limbo (1970) observed and i n t e r v i e w e d members of an American e n c l a v e i n S p a i n working and l i v i n g abroad f o r v a r y i n g p e r i o d s of t i m e , but makes ve r y l i t t l e r e f e r e n c e t o accompanying f a m i l y members. In t h i s t h e s i s , I would l i k e t o examine the i s s u e s from q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e . Given the overwhelming i m p l i c a t i o n s of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l e x p e r i e n c e s , I would l i k e t o examine how one goes about making sense of the new p l a c e on a day t o day b a s i s . F o l l o w i n g Schutz (1944, 1945, 1964, 1970), Simmel (1950), and M e i n t e l ( 1 9 7 3 ) , I see the s t r a n g e r ' s r o l e a l o c u s f o r a c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e toward the c u l t u r e around him. Seldom i n d i s c u s s i o n s of c u l t u r e shock i s the n o t i o n of such an outcome e n t e r t a i n e d . . . Given the premium o f t e n p l a c e d on a d j u s t m e n t , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t o f i n d a r t i c l e s d evoted t o e x p l a i n i n g how c u l t u r e shock may be a v o i d e d t h r o u g h v a r i o u s s h i e l d i n g 11 maneuvers, such as the c r e a t i o n of e n c l a v e s , r o l e c o n t i n u i t y , and the l i k e . . . . the e x p e r i e n c e of the s t r a n g e r , m i s l e a d i n g l y l a b e l l e d " c u l t u r e shock", r a t h e r than b e i n g a d i s e a s e t o be a v o i d e d at a l l c o s t s , h o l d s p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r p e r s o n a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l growth ( M e i n t e l 1973:55).. I would l i k e t o address t h i s body of da t a i n the f o l l o w i n g way. I propose t o use t h i s c o l l e c t i o n of f i r s t p e r s o n a c c o u n t s as p a r t of an ethnography. Because of the voluminous n a t u r e of the data i t has been n e c e s s a r y t o s e l e c t c e r t a i n a c c o u n t s which best a r t i c u l a t e the p o i n t s I wi s h t o make. W h i l e i t seems a p p r o p r i a t e t o a l l o w the women's a c c o u n t s t o remain i n the f o r e f r o n t , I a l s o t r y t o i n d i c a t e why they have been s e l e c t e d . T h i s t h e s i s , t h e n , i s concerned w i t h what i t i s l i k e t o be a s t r a n g e r . E s s e n t i a l l y , i t i s an ethnography. E t h n o g r a p h i c d e s c r i p t i o n . . . what we c a l l d a t a are r e a l l y our own c o n s t r u c t i o n s of o t h e r p e o p l e ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n s of what they and t h e i r c o m p a t r i o t s are up t o . . . ( G e e r t z 1973:9). T h i s i s an ethnography of Japanese housewives who are l i v i n g .or have l i v e d i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y s o l e l y because they a r e m a r r i e d t o men who are working or s t u d y i n g t h e r e . Most of these women c o u l d be c a l l e d p r o f e s s i o n a l housewives, as Suzanne V o g e l (1978) has phrased i t . In y o u t h , some were s c h o l a r s , a few have p r o f e s s i o n s , many were s a l a r i e d workers p r i o r t o moving abroad, but f o r a l l of them, once they move t o a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , t h e i r main concerns r e v o l v e around the home and f a m i l y . 12 For most t h i s i s a c o n t i n u a t i o n of a r o l e assumed i n the e a r l y y e a r s of m a r r i a g e back home i n Japan, f o r o t h e r s i t i s the a c q u i s i t i o n of a new and d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e of newlywed. When they move t o the new p l a c e some f i n d themselves a s s a i l e d by f e e l i n g s of s t r a n g e n e s s , or what we have l e a r n e d t o c a l l " c u l t u r e shock", and w i t h i t , d e v e l o p a h e i g h t e n e d sense of h e l p l e s s n e s s and v u l n e r a b i l i t y . The p h y s i c a l environment, the u n f a m i l i a r language, the c o n t r a s t i n g s o c i o - c u l t u r a l norms, and the l a c k of an apparent s o c i a l consensus a l l converge t o impose a sense of anomie and a l i e n a t i o n . Y e t , f o r a few, t h e r e i s e x h i l a r a t i o n f o s t e r e d by the nor m l e s s n e s s and i s o l a t i o n which s p r i n g s from the freedom i n h e r e n t i n l i v i n g among those who have no s p e c i f i c c l a i m on one. "The whole j o y and the whole b i t t e r n e s s of i s o l a t i o n a r e o n l y d i f f e r e n t r e a c t i o n s t o s o c i a l l y e x p e r i e n c e d i n f l u e n c e s " notes Simmel (1950:119). But l i v i n g as a s t r a n g e r can be an e x h a u s t i n g and p e n e t r a t i n g e x p e r i e n c e , and l e a r n i n g t o make sense of i t a l l becomes a f u l l - t i m e o c c u p a t i o n . T h i s ethnography i s c o n s t r u c t e d from the a c c o u n t s of the "win n e r s " . The w i n n e r s , i n t h i s c a s e , a re the women who t o l e r a t e d the a m b i g u i t y , the i s o l a t i o n , the e l a t i o n s and the d e p r e s s i o n s of b e i n g a s t r a n g e r f o r v a r y i n g p e r i o d s of t i m e , u s u a l l y two t o t e n y e a r s , sometimes l o n g e r , r a r e l y l e s s . I t does not c h r o n i c l e except i n an opaque way, the ev e n t s i n the l i v e s of the " l o s e r s " , women who c o u l d not ac c e p t the unknown and who e i t h e r r e t u r n e d t o Japan unhappy and ashamed, t o a w a i t t h e i r husband's r e t u r n , or who committed s u i c i d e i n a moment of d e s p a i r and d e p r e s s i o n . More than one in f o r m a n t spoke of these women. Some knew them p e r s o n a l l y and a l l were p r o f o u n d l y 1 3 a f f e c t e d by t h e i r t r a g e d y . T h i s t h e s i s may be seen t o attempt too m u c h — i n t h a t i t t r i e s t o e x p l i c a t e the r e a l i t i e s of too broad a group of women. C h a l l e n g e d by the c o n s t a n t c l a i m of homogeneity I c o l l e c t e d d a t a from women both urban and r u r a l , who p r o f e s s moral systems both t r a d i t i o n a l and modern, and who, by l i f e ' s e x p e r i e n c e s a re both n a i v e and w i s e . The t h r e e t h i n g s a l l t h e s e women share a re s t r a n g e r h o o d , womanhood and m a r r i a g e . I t i s b a n a l t o note t h a t not a l l Japanese t h i n k a l i k e , but so f r e q u e n t l y was the e x p r e s s i o n "the Japanese Way" used t o e x p l i c a t e s o c i a l a c t i o n i t became l i k e a banner h e r a l d i n g p e r c e i v e d c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and I have l e f t t h i s e x p r e s s i o n untouched i n the a c c o u n t s . Other e x p r e s s i o n s such as "Westerner", "North-American", "Canadian" and "the E n g l i s h " have a l s o gone u n e x p l a i n e d . I am aware of some of the v a s t d i f f e r e n c e s between the Ac a d i a n s of New Brunswick and the Chica n o s of C a l i f o r n i a encompassed by the term "North-American" as , I am s u r e , a r e a number of the i n f o r m a n t s who used them, but when they use the s e e x p r e s s i o n s i t i s t o comment on g r o s s d i f f e r e n c e s between E a s t and West and not upon the f i n e d i s t i n c t i o n s . The O r g a n i z a t i o n of the M a t e r i a l The s t r u c t u r e of the t h e s i s and o r g a n i z a t i o n of m a t e r i a l i s as f o l l o w s : The second c h a p t e r d i s c u s s e s making c o n t a c t w i t h the women and c o l l e c t i n g the d a t a , both i n Vancouver and i n Japan. The i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n E n g l i s h because I f e l t my a b i l i t y i n Japanese t o be i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s . 1 4 I d i s c u s s t h i s a s pect i n d e t a i l i n t h i s c h a p t e r . A l s o d i s c u s s e d are how the i n f o r m a n t s were s e l e c t e d , the e l i c i t i n g t e c h n i q u e s , and i n f o r m e d c o n s e n t . A l t h o u g h I t r i e d f o r - c o n s i s t e n c y , t h e r e i s some v a r i a t i o n . The i n t e r v i e w s i n the b e g i n n i n g a r e s h o r t and the tone i s t e n t a t i v e ; toward the end, i n Japan where I was d o i n g two l o n g i n t e r v i e w s a day I had a b e t t e r i d e a of what I was s e a r c h i n g f o r . By t h a t t i m e , however, I f e l t as though I were s u f f e r i n g from a k i n d of " i n t e r a c t i o n o v e r l o a d " . When I was i n t e r v i e w i n g these women I was k e e n l y aware.of my own p o s i t i o n as a s t r a n g e r i n t h e i r eyes. T h i s h e l d my a t t e n t i o n and o n l y l a t e r d i d I come t o see the many ways I shaped the i n t e r v i e w . I have d i s c u s s e d t h i s a s p e c t i n the C r e a t i o n of Responses. The t h i r d c h a p t e r : What Everyone Knows d i s c u s s e s the k i n d s of taken f o r g r a n t e d i d e a s these women b r i n g w i t h them. They come w i t h a sense of moral o r d e r of what i s j u s t , r i g h t and p r o p e r . They a l s o b r i n g c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t s which may d i f f e r r a d i c a l l y from those which they f i n d i n the new p l a c e . T h i s c h a p t e r was d i f f i c u l t t o w r i t e . A l t h o u g h I have l i v e d i n Japan, had read e x t e n s i v e l y about Japanese c u l t u r e , and had i n t e r v i e w e d i n f o r m e d , i n t e l l i g e n t Japanese women, I found my knowledge t o t a l l y i nadequate f o r an i n depth l o o k at the c u l t u r e . P r e s e n t e d here i s a b r i e f s k e t c h of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s which form many of the u n q u e s t i o n e d b e l i e f s handed down from one g e n e r a t i o n t o a n o t h e r . A l t h o u g h these b e l i e f s t w i s t and t u r n w i t h time the e s s e n t i a l c o r e of i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e , h i e r a r c h y and the importance of group u n a n i m i t y remains s t r o n g . The themes of s o c i a l l y p r e s c r i b e d b e h a v i o r , the n u r t u r i n g of good i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the acc e p t a n c e of dependent-15 i n d u l g e n t t y p e s of i n t e r a c t i o n which f l o w from t h e s e c o n v i c t i o n s are examined. F i n a l l y , the importance of s o c i a l consensus i s h i g h l i g h t e d . The f o u r t h c h a p t e r , The New P l a c e , I have d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e main p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t r e c o r d s the overwhelming impact t h a t e x p e c t a t i o n s e x e r t when these women go abroad, as w e l l as the e n s u i n g f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s . P a r t I I of t h i s c h a p t e r a t t e m p t s t o document the way i n which these women l e a r n t o make sense of the new p l a c e as they encounter o t h e r ways of d o i n g t h i n g s i n a w o r l d where l i t t l e t h i n g s c o u n t . The t h i r d and l a s t p a r t examines the id e a t h a t a c u l t u r a l encounter i s i n f a c t a " j o u r n e y i n t o the s e l f " ( A d l e r 1975:22) and t h a t the moments of d e s p a i r and movements- of the s e l f u l t i m a t e l y r e p r e s e n t a growth i n s p i r i t as w e l l as an expanded awareness of the d i a l o g u e between s e l f and o t h e r . The f i f t h c h a p t e r , The Return Home documents what many e t h n o g r a p h i c f i e l d workers have n o t e d : t h a t the b i g g e r shock i s o f t e n f e l t upon r e t u r n . I t opens the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t what i s r e a l l y b e i n g e x p e r i e n c e d when one s o c i a l l y , p h y s i c a l l y or c u l t u r a l l y d i s p l a c e s o n e s e l f from the u s u a l environment i s not an i l l n e s s from which one must u l t i m a t e l y r e c o v e r but a c o n t i n u i n g p r o c e s s of l e a r n i n g t o l i v e i n a c o n s t a n t l y expanding u n i v e r s e . The a c c o u n t s of thes e women are w i d e - r a n g i n g , d i v e r s e and d i s o r g a n i z e d . In a t t e m p t i n g t o make sense of what they t o l d me and t o p r e s e n t i t , i n what seems to me an o r d e r l y and s t r u c t u r a l l y c o h e r e n t manner, I have o r g a n i z e d the main body of the d a t a i n t o the l a s t t h r e e c h a p t e r s . D e s p i t e my wi s h t o keep t h i n g s whole, I found myself m e n t a l l y l e a p i n g back and f o r t h between a c c o u n t s and r e a d i n g s , between r e a d i n g s and r e f l e c t i o n s , and then back t o a c c o u n t s . I t seemed a d i s o r d e r l y way t o procee d . And then I thought of G e e r t z and h i s a d m o n i t i o n t o a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s s e e k i n g the n a t i v e ' s p o i n t of view: . . . i t i s n e c e s s a r y , I t h i n k , f i r s t t o n o t i c e the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n t e l l e c t u a l movement, the inward c o n c e p t u a l rhythm. . . namely, a c o n t i n u o u s d i a l e c t i c a l t a c k i n g between the most l o c a l of l o c a l d e t a i l and the most g l o b a l of g l o b a l s t r u c t u r e i n such a way as t o b r i n g them i n t o s i m u l t a n e o u s view. . . one o s c i l l a t e s r e s t l e s s l y between the s o r t of e x o t i c m i n u t i a t h a t makes even the b e s t e t h n o g r a p h i e s a t r i a l t o read and the s o r t of sweeping c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n t h a t makes a l l but the most p e d e s t r i a n of them somewhat i m p l a u s i b l e . Hopping back and f o r t h between the whole c o n c e i v e d through the p a r t s t h a t a c t u a l i z e i t and the p a r t s c o n c e i v e d through the whole t h a t m o t i v a t e s them, we seek t o t u r n them, by a s o r t of i n t e l l e c t u a l p e r p e t u a l m o t i o n , i n t o e x p l i c a t i o n s of one another ( G e e r t z 1976:235). In a b r i e f moment of i n s i g h t I . r e a l i z e d t h a t t h i s i s how the women do i t . T h i s i s how they l e a r n t o make sense of the new p l a c e — b y t a c k i n g back and f o r t h - - b e t w e e n c u l t u r e s , between c o n c e p t s , between the e x p e r i e n c e s of e v e r y day l i v i n g i n an unknown p l a c e . Some a r e more s u c c e s s f u l than o t h e r s . But w i t h c u l t u r a l competence comes the added weight of knowledge, and as A d l e r has n o t e d : . . . p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the more one i s c a p a b l e of e x p e r i e n c i n g new and d i f f e r e n t d i m e n s i o n s of human d i v e r s i t y , the more one l e a r n s of o n e s e l f . Such l e a r n i n g t a k e s p l a c e when a person t r a n s c e n d s the b o u n d a r i e s of ego, c u l t u r e , and t h i n k i n g ( A d l e r 1975:22) . 18 Chapter 2 Making C o n t a c t G e n e r a l Overview In any k i n d of s c h o l a r l y i n v e s t i g a t i o n the r e c o r d i n g i n s t r u m e n t s must be f u l l y documented. In the case of the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r v i e w , where a human b e i n g a c t s as an i n t e r p r e t i n g t o o l , the o b s e r v e r as w e l l as the o b s e r v e d , and the i n t e r a c t i o n between them must be d i s c u s s e d w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of the r e s e a r c h . T h i s reason a l o n e r e q u i r e s a f u l l d i s c l o s u r e of the e v e n t s which l e d t o the r e s e a r c h , the manner i n which the data were c o l l e c t e d , and the p e r c e i v e d s o c i a l image p r e s e n t e d t o those who were i n t e r v i e w e d . In t h i s r e g a r d , A r t h u r V i d i c h n o t e s : A v a l i d e v a l u a t i o n of d a t a must n e c e s s a r i l y i n c l u d e a r e a s o n a b l y thorough comprehension of the major s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n s of the s i t u a t i o n i n which the data were c o l l e c t e d . The s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s of the o b s e r v e r and the observed and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between them a t the time must be t a k e n i n t o account when the data are i n t e r p r e t e d . To f a i l t o ta k e account of th e s e c o n d i t i o n s i s t o assume an e q u i v a l e n c e of s i t u a t i o n s which does not e x i s t and l e a d s t o d i s t o r t i o n ( V i d i c h 1955:360). I f i r s t s t a r t e d i n t e r v i e w i n g Japanese housewives n e a r l y t h r e e and a h a l f y e a r s ago. My i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s came about as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of l i v i n g i n Japan f o r a y e a r . I 19 was a graduate "student on l e a v e from the department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y when I l e f t f o r Japan and was p r e p a r i n g f o r a r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t on death and d y i n g . I abandoned t h i s p r o j e c t w h i l e i n Japan. However, i n o r d e r t o p r e p a r e f o r i t I had p r e v i o u s l y a u d i t e d a c o u r s e Approaches t o N u r s i n g Care 5 1 5 , conducted v a r i o u s i n t e r v i e w s w i t h s t a f f members of the P s y c h i a t r i c H o s p i t a l on campus, and i n t e r v i e w e d a number of my c o l l e a g u e s on s e n s i t i v e s u b j e c t s . By the time I l e f t f o r Japan I was w e l l a c q u a i n t e d w i t h r e c o r d i n g equipment, and had a c e r t a i n amount of e x p e r i e n c e i n open-ended i n t e r v i e w s . When I r e t u r n e d , I r e s e a r c h e d , wrote and s u b m i t t e d a r e s e a r c h p r o p o s a l on the p r e s e n t t o p i c , which was c i r c u l a t e d t o my committee. A f t e r d i s c u s s i n g the p r o j e c t w i t h each member and r e c e i v i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e a d v i c e and d i r e c t i o n I proceeded w i t h the i n t e r v i e w s . In view of the apparent endorsement from my committee and my s t a n d i n g as a graduate s t u d e n t , I t h i n k the s o c i a l image I p r e s e n t e d t o the women I i n t e r v i e w e d was of a r e a s o n a b l y q u a l i f i e d s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i n t e r e s t e d i n g a i n i n g t h e i r i m p r e s s i o n s of what i t i s l i k e t o be a s t r a n g e r i n a f o r e i g n l a n d . I s u s p e c t t h a t the i m p l i e d consent of the u n i v e r s i t y enhanced my p o s i t i o n i n t h e i r eyes. The a p p r o v a l of my committee had a p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on me. I t a l l o w e d me t o go i n t o t h f i e l d w i t h a degree of c o n f i d e n c e I might not have had w i t h o u t i t . Perhaps I exuded t h i s s e l f -c o n f i d e n c e i n my b e h a v i o r and i n the way which I conducted the i n t e r v i e w s . 20 In the co u r s e of t h i s study I i n t e r v i e w e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 50 women who were r e s i d i n g i n , or had r e s i d e d i n , a f o r e i g n Western c o u n t r y . The m a j o r i t y of them had l i v e d i n e i t h e r Canada or the U n i t e d S t a t e s , a l t h o u g h a few had t r a v e l e d more e x t e n s i v e l y . A p r r o x i m a t e l y one t h i r d of the women were i n t e r v i e w e d i n Vancouver, and t h a t group c o n s i s t e d about e q u a l l y of wives of s c h o l a r s and wives of businessmen. The o t h e r two t h i r d s were i n t e r v i e w e d i n Japan. Of these women about one t h i r d were wives of d i p l o m a t s , about one t h i r d were wives of s c h o l a r s , and one t h i r d were wives of businessmen. In g e n e r a l , the wives of d i p l o m a t s tended t o be somewhat o l d e r than the o t h e r s , w h i l e many of the wives of businessmen were younger. The wives of s c h o l a r s v a r i e d g r e a t l y i n age. S e v e r a l of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d i n Vancouver had been i n t r o d u c e d t o me through the E n g l i s h C o n v e r s a t i o n c l a s s a t the Y.W.C.A. Some of these r e f e r r e d f r i e n d s who they thought would be i n t e r e s t e d i n s p e a k i n g w i t h me. I a l s o me some women thr o u g h u n i v e r s i t y a c q u a i n t a n c e s . In Japan a number of p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s r e f e r r e d t h e i r f r i e n d s t o me, and v i r t u a l l y a l l of the i n t e r v i e w s r e s u l t e d from t h i s k i n d of a network of r e f e r r a l s . Changing P e r s p e c t i v e s Most of the i n f o r m a t i o n f o r t h i s t h e s i s was c o l l e c t e d a t two s e p e r a t e t i m e s about t h r e e months a p a r t . The f i r s t i n t e r v i e w s took p l a c e i n Vancouver i n e a r l y 1978, the second group i n Japan d u r i n g the summer of the same y e a r . I have c o n t i n u e d d o i n g f o l l o w - u p i n t e r v i e w s s i n c e t h a t t i m e . With d a t a c o l l e c t e d over a p e r i o d of t i m e , i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s or c i r c u m s t a n c e s , or where the . a n a l y s i s has been 21 d e l a y e d f o r an extended p e r i o d , i t i s wise t o address the problem of changing p e r s p e c t i v e s as w e l l as the e v o l u t i o n of these changes. A r t h u r V i d i c h has suggested t h a t one way of measuring s o c i a l change i s t o document c o n t r a s t i n g or c o n f l i c t i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s . To r e f r e s h h i s memory the p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r can t u r n t o h i s r e c o r d s . But i f h i s p e r s p e c t i v e has changed w i t h t i m e , he may d i s c o u n t e a r l y n o t e s and i m p r e s s i o n s i n f a v o r of those taken l a t e r . F i e l d n o tes from two d i f f e r e n t p e r i o d s i n a p r o j e c t , may ind e e d , be one of the more im p o r t a n t means of s t u d y i n g change. I n s t e a d , what p r o b a b l y happens i s t h a t the f i e l d worker obscu r e s change by t r e a t i n g h i s d a t a as though e v e r y t h i n g happened a t the same t i m e . T h i s r e s u l t s i n a d e s c r i p t i o n from a s i n g l e p e r s p e c t i v e , u s u a l l y h e l d j u s t b e f o r e l e a v i n g the f i e l d , but r e d e f i n e d by r e r e a d i n g h i s n o t e s . ( V i d i c h , 1955:360) Most of the d i s c u s s i o n of these changes can be found i n the s e c t i o n of t h i s c h a p t e r e n t i t l e d C r e a t i o n of Responses. I n i t i a l l y , I was c u r i o u s as t o how Japanese housewives would respond t o a s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environment which might be q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from home. To t h i s end, I began a s e r i e s of i n f o r m a l , open-ended tape r e c o r d e d i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Japanese women l i v i n g i n Vancouver. In most c a s e s , these were women who had never t r a v e l e d abroad b e f o r e , and who, because of t h e i r e n t r a n c e v i s a s were r e s t r i c t e d from working or s t u d y i n g i n 22 Canada. I wanted t o t a l k t o i n d i v i d u a l s who d e f i n e themselves as f o r e i g n e r s i n t h a t they have come w i t h the i d e a of e v e n t u a l r e t u r n t o t h e i r home c o u n t r y as p a r t of t h e i r g e n e r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s . I a l s o wanted t o t a l k t o those who see themselves as p e r f o r m i n g no s p e c i a l t a s k s i n the new c o u n t r y which they do not n o r m a l l y do i n t h e i r own. By s p e c i a l t a s k s I mean e c o n o m i c a l l y r e m u n e r a t i v e ones or t a s k s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f u r t h e r i n g one's own f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n . Because of the p e c u l i a r k i n d of q u e s t i o n I am a t t e m p t i n g t o frame: "What i s i t l i k e t o be a s t r a n g e r ? " I c o u l d o n l y ask i t of c e r t a i n p e o p l e , and a c c e s s t o those p e o p l e c o u l d best be ga i n e d through p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l or a network system. I made no attempt t o f i n d a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of v a r i o u s s o c i o -economic s t r a t a , and w i t h the e x c e p t i o n s noted above, I i n t e r v i e w e d anyone who was w i l l i n g t o t a l k about her e x p e r i e n c e s . From the o b s e r v a t i o n s of home v i s i t s , I b e l i e v e t h a t most of the women I t a l k e d w i t h come from the upper-middle c l a s s segment of Japanese s o c i e t y , i n t h a t they e i t h e r have more money or more e d u c a t i o n than most Japanese housewives i n Japan. The R o l e of S t r a n g e r as a Research T o o l When I s t a r t e d i n t e r v i e w i n g these women I was q u i t e nervous, and a l t h o u g h I was concerned about v i o l a t i n g c o n f i d e n c e s I d i d not r e a l l y t h i n k about v i o l a t i n g p r i v a c y . I sensed, i n my i n f o r m a n t s , an u n d e r l y i n g eagerness t o t a l k about 23 what they were e x p e r i e n c i n g , and I equated t h i s eagerness t o w i l l i n g n e s s on t h e i r p a r t t o share t h e i r i n n e r s e l v e s w i t h me f o r my own e n l i g h t m e n t . At f i r s t , I d i d not see t h e i r d e s i r e or need t o t e l l "how i t i s " as a n y t h i n g o t h e r than a r a t h e r f l a t t e r i n g d e s i r e t o h e l p me i n my r e s e a r c h . I t h i n k I was s u r p r i s e d and p l e a s e d w i t h how e a s i l y p e o p l e seemed t o respond t o my q u e s t i o n s . I went t o c o n s i d e r a b l e l e n g t h s t o t r y t o a l l o w the i n d i v i d u a l t o t a l k about what concerned her r a t h e r than what i n t e r e s t e d me, and I made v a l i d and s u c c e s s f u l a t t e m p t s t o " r e c y c l e " t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n a t h o u g h t f u l way so t h a t i t r e f l e c t e d , as much as p o s s i b l e , her views r a t h e r than my own. ( p l e a s e see the s e c t i o n t i t l e d Data  C o l l e c t i on below.) n e v e r t h e l e s s , I d i d not q u e s t i o n u n t i l l a t e r , and upon much r e f l e c t i o n , what m o t i v a t e s t h i s eagerness t o t a l k about p r i v a t e t h o u g h t s . I d i d not r e a l l y see, as I now b e l i e v e , t h a t any k i n d of p e r s o n a l p r o b i n g under the g u i s e of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h i s , by i t s v e r y n a t u r e , an i n v a s i o n of p r i v a c y . P r o t e c t i n g the anonymity of the i n d i v i d u a l i s not the same as p r o t e c t i n g the p r i v a c y of the i n d i v i d u a l . Whether i t i s ac c o m p l i s h e d by t h o u g h t f u l and c a r e f u l l i s t e n i n g , q u e s t i o n i n g and r e c y c l i n g or by p o k i n g and p r o d d i n g , the r e s u l t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n may s t i l l come from t h a t p a r t of the i n d i v i d u a l which i s n o r m a l l y c l o s e d t o a l l but the i n t i m a t e . What m o t i v a t e s these women t o t e l l me t h e i r i n n e r t h o u g h t s ? I do not mean t o imply t h a t every i n t e r v i e w was a r e v e l a t i o n or t h a t a l l of the i n f o r m a t i o n g i v e n was n e c e s s a r i l y of d i r e c t i n t e r e s t t o t h i s t h e s i s . Some of the c o n v e r s a t i o n s b o r d e r e d on t r i v i a l i t y , o t h e r s seemed deep and m e a n i n g f u l . Some t o p i c s 24 r e c u r r e d w i t h p r e d i c t a b l e f r e q u e n c y , w h i l e o t h e r s u b j e c t s were never mentioned. For example, two t o p i c s never v o l u n t e e r e d or d i s c u s s e d i n any depth were sex and a b e l i e f i n s p i r i t u a l i s m . I can o n l y s p e c u l a t e , I b e l i e v e both were of co n c e r n t o most of the women, but I d i d not appear t o be an a p p r o p r i a t e person w i t h whom t o d i s c u s s them. A few i s s u e s were of . such an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c n a t u r e t h a t o n l y one or two peop l e t a l k e d about them. T h i s was the b r e a d t h of the d i s c o u r s e . Why s h o u l d so many women be so w i l l i n g t o speak so f r e e l y ? I s u s p e c t t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o lo o k a t a number of i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s . Among them, the i n t e r a c t i o n i t s e l f , the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of the i n t e r a c t i o n , and the peop l e i n v o l v e d . To b e g i n w i t h the l a s t , i n most c a s e s , the i n d i v i d u a l s I i n t e r v i e w e d were s t r a n g e r s t o me, as was I t o them. The c a n d i d n e s s of t h e i r r e p l i e s might have been p r e d i c t e d by Georg Simmel, who, y e a r s e a r l i e r , o bserved of the s t r a n g e r , ...he o f t e n r e c e i v e s the most s u r p r i s i n g o p e n n e s s - - c o n f i d e n c e s which sometimes have the c h a r a c t e r of a c o n f e s s i o n a l and which would be c a r e f u l l y w i t h h e l d from a more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d person (Simmel 1950:404). One of the reasons f o r t h i s openness, Simmel.notes, i s t h a t the s t r a n g e r i s viewed as p o s s e s s i n g a degree of o b j e c t i v i t y not always found among c l o s e f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s , and t h a t t h i s p e r c e i v e d o b j e c t i v i t y i n f l u e n c e s • the i n t e r a c t i o n between s t r a n g e r s . " ...another e x p r e s s i o n of t h i s c o n s t e l l a t i o n l i e s i n the o b j e c t i v i t y of the s t r a n g e r . He i s not 25 r a d i c a l l y committed t o the unique i n g r e d i e n t s and p e c u l i a r t e n d e n c i e s of the group, and t h e r e f o r e approaches them w i t h the s p e c i f i c a t t i t u d e of " o b j e c t i v i t y . " But o b j e c t i v i t y does not s i m p l y i n v o l v e p a s s i v i t y and detachment; i t i s a p a r t i c u l a r s t r u c t u r e composed of d i s t a n c e and ne a r n e s s , i n d i f f e r e n c e and i n v o l v e m e n t . . . (Simmel 1950:404). The d i a l e c t i c a l t e n s i o n between nearness and d i s t a n c e i s , I b e l i e v e , what c o n t r i b u t e s t o or d e t r a c t s from a f r u i t f u l i n t e r v i e w . In many c a s e s , my s t a t u s as a s t r a n g e r enhanced the chance of r a p p o r t w i t h the women I i n t e r v i e w e d . I was both a s t r a n g e r w i t h a p e r c e i v e d degree of o b j e c t i v i t y , one who was "...bound by no commitments which c o u l d p r e j u d g e h i s p e r c e p t i o n , u n d e r s t a n d i n g and e v a l u a t i o n of the g i v e n . . . " (Simmel 1950:405) and I was a l s o someone recommended by a t r u s t e d f r i e n d . I c o u l d be counted upon not t o r e v e a l the i d e n t i t y of the speaker, y e t I was an eager ear f o r a l l t h a t was spoken. I was w i l l i n g t o hear a n y t h i n g the i n d i v i d u a l wanted t o t e l l me and I was c u r i o u s about many t h i n g s which a c l o s e f r i e n d might not q u e s t i o n . As one i n f o r m a n t s a i d , n e a r i n g the end of an i n t e r v i e w which had r e v e a l e d a p r o f o u n d degree of l o n e l i n e s s and d e s p a i r , I t ' s the f i r s t time s i n c e I r e t u r n e d n e a r l y t en y e a r s ago, t o have t h i s k i n d of c o n v e r s a t i o n — w h a t I took home from my s t a y , or t h a t k i n d of t h i n g . I t ' s my f i r s t e x p e r i e n c e . I thank you ve r y much...Japanese f r i e n d s never asked me, you know— we take each o t h e r - - s o - - f o r g r a n t e d , you 26 know...and they never asked me. A l t h o u g h t h i s woman d e s p a i r e d a t never h a v i n g been asked, I doubt t h a t she would have t o l d a c a s u a l or even i n t i m a t e f r i e n d the same t h i n g s w i t h e q u a l candor. L a t e r i n the c o n v e r s a t i o n she s a i d , you know, i f you were Japanese--I c o u l d never t e l l you t h e s e t h i n g s . T h i s theme, or some v a r i a t i o n of i t , i s e x p r e s s e d by many of the women w i t h whom I spoke. Many u n d e r s t a n d what A l f r e d Schutz means when he w r i t e s of the k i n d of bewilderment f e l t by the homecomer when he or she f i n d s t h a t l i s t e n e r s do not seem t o "understand the uniqueness of the i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e s " t o which the person has been s u b j e c t e d . T h i s d i s c r e p a n c y between the uniqueness and d e c i s i v e importance t h a t the absent one a t t r i b u t e s t o h i s e x p e r i e n c e s and t h e i r p s e u d o - t y p i f i c a t i o n by the people a t home, who impute them t o a p s e u d o - r e l e v a n c e , i s one of the b i g g e s t o b s t a c l e s t o mutual r e - e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the d i s r u p t e d we-r e l a t i o n s (Schutz 1945:374). I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n t o s p e c u l a t e i n any depth about the d i f f e r e n c e s between the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s of s t r a n g e r s as opposed t o those of f r i e n d s . I w i s h o n l y t o p o i n t out t h a t i n most cases my r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the people I i n t e r v i e w e d can be thought of i n the c l a s s i c sense which Mary Margaret Wood us e s , when she w r i t e s , The c o n d i t i o n of- b e i n g a s t r a n g e r i s not . . . Dependent upon the f u t u r e d u r a t i o n of c o n t a c t , but 27 i t i s d e t e r m i n e d by the f a c t t h a t i t i s the f i r s t f a c e t o f a c e meeting of i n d i v i d u a l s who have not known one another b e f o r e (Wood 1934:44). In Japan, I d i d i n t e r v i e w a few of my p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s whom I knew had t r a v e l e d and l i v e d abroad b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o Japan. However, I was f a i r l y s e l e c t i v e i n t h i s r e g a r d , not because I f e l t t h e i r a c c o u n t s t o be of any l e s s v a l u e than those from peopl e I had not f o r m e r l y known, but because I d i d not wish t o d i s r u p t c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p s and i n t i m a c i e s by imposing a new s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . When I l i v e d i n Japan the f i r s t time I was seen as a s t r a n g e r , but as a r e c o g n i z a b l e p a r t of the community. I was a housewife w i t h a f a m i l y who d i d many of the t h i n g s my n e i g h b o r s d i d t o m a i n t a i n a h o u s e h o l d and make i t run smoothly. When I r e t u r n e d , I came a l o n e , l i v e d a l o n e , f r e e of f a m i l i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , s p ending most of my time c o l l e c t i n g d ata f o r my own use. For some f r i e n d s t h i s posed no problem i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g . For o t h e r s , I t h i n k i t seemed somewhat s t r a n g e and perhaps i r r e s p o n s i b l e b e h a v i o r as I was no l o n g e r a t t e n d i n g to my m a t e r n a l and/or h o u s e w i f e l y d u t i e s . For t h i s r e a s o n , the few f r i e n d s I d i d choose t o i n t e r v i e w were women who I f e l t u n d e r s t o o d and a p p r e c i a t e d the i n t e r r e l a t e d n e s s as w e l l as the p a r a d o x i c a l n a t u r e of the d u a l r o l e s I seemed t o p r e s e n t . But t h e r e was a more p r e s s i n g p e r s o n a l reason f o r d i s c r i m i n a t e c h o i c e . W i t h i n the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n t e r v i e w a p e c u l i a r form of i n t e r a c t i o n t a k e s p l a c e which sometimes causes the i n f o r m a n t t o d i s c l o s e more i n f o r m a t i o n , or i n f o r m a t i o n of a more p e r s o n a l n a t u r e than she might o r d i n a r i l y d i v u l g e . Because 28 I d i d not w i s h t o j e o p a r d i z e any f r i e n d s h i p s by e n c o u r a g i n g unplanned d i s c l o s u r e s , I l i m i t e d the number of p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s I i n t e r v i e w e d t o a s e l e c t few. D i f f e r e n t L o c a t i o n s In. Vancouver, most of the women seem t o view me as one of the " l o c a l s " someone who l i v e s i n the community and who has a c c e s s t o c e r t a i n knowledge which i s not always a v a i l a b l e t o the newcomer. O c c a s i o n a l l y I am seen as a p o s s i b l e source of infbrmation--"Why do you people do t h a t ? " At o t h e r times as one t o be e n l i g h t e n e d when p e r c e i v e d c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s a r e a l l u d e d t o by remarks such as " i n Japan, we do i t t h i s way". The main d i s t i n c t i o n , however, i s t h a t i n Vancouver most of the c o n v e r s a t i o n s concern t h i n g s as they are happening NOW. There i s a c o n s t a n t f l o w of i d e a s , a s h i f t i n g and s i f t i n g of " d a t a " , the movement of changing p e r s p e c t i v e s . And t h e r e i s a c o n t i n u a l comparison t o a m o t i o n l e s s memory of "how t h i n g s are done back home". For many, home remains immutable u n t i l they r e t u r n . By c o n t r a s t , i n Japan much of the i n f o r m a t i o n was of a r e t r o s p e c t i v e n a t u r e . The women have had time t o r e t h i n k , t o r a t i o n a l i z e , t o modify or t o r a t i f y t h e i r o p i n i o n s and i d e a s about t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s . They have a l s o had the e x p e r i e n c e of r e - e n t e r i n g a s o c i e t y which has gone on w i t h o u t them, and which may have changed almost as much as they f e e l themselves t o have changed. There are o t h e r d i f f e r e n c e s between those e a r l y i n t e r v i e w s i n Vancouver and the subsequent ones i n Japan. In the b e g i n n i n g , 29 I t r i e d t o keep the i n t e r v i e w t o one hour so as not t o t i r e the i n f o r m a n t , who would be s p e a k i n g i n a second language. In o r d e r t o g a t h e r enough i n f o r m a t i o n I f e l t i t was n e c e s s a r y t o s c h e d u l e a t l e a s t t h r e e one hour p e r i o d s . In Japan, because of the l o n g d i s t a n c e s i t was n e c e s s a r y t o t r a v e l and the time i n v o l v e d , I g e n e r a l l y conducted one l o n g i n t e r v i e w w i t h each i n f o r m a n t . Sometimes t h i s took an e n t i r e morning or a f t e r n o o n . In a few c a s e s , I r e t u r n e d f o r a f o l l o w - u p i n t e r v i e w as w e l l . F i n a l l y , i n Japan i t was p o s s i b l e t o t a l k t o a group of women who have never been abroad but who were e x p e c t i n g t o move t o a western c o u n t r y i n the near f u t u r e . Impetus f o r F u r t h e r Research D u r i n g the e a r l y i n t e r v i e w s i n Vancouver I began t o wonder about those women who had a l r e a d y r e t u r n e d . Schutz (1945:569) notes t h a t home o f t e n shows "an unaccustomed" f a c e t o the homecomer, and u n a n t i c i p a t e d f e e l i n g s of s t r a n g e n e s s i n the homeland can be more d i s t u r b i n g than th o s e g e n e r a t e d by i n i t i a l c u l t u r a l e n c o u n t e r s . I began t o t h i n k about the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e t u r n i n g t o Japan t o i n t e r v i e w t h e s e women as an ex p a n s i o n and c o n t i n u a t i o n of the stu d y . I wrote t o some of my f r i e n d s i n Japan about the f e a s i b i l i t y of c o n t a c t i n g p o t e n t i a l i n f o r m a n t s and I r e c e i v e d e n c o u r a g i n g r e p l i e s . I had a l s o m a i n t a i n e d my membership i n i v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s and s o c i a l groups which I f e l t c o u l d f a c i l i a t e f u r t h e r c o n t a c t . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d I a l s o d i s c u s s e d w i t h my f a m i l y and w i t h my a d v i s o r s the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e t u r n , and was g i v e n c o n s i d e r a b l e encouragement by a l l i n the form of 30 a d d i t i o n a l c o n t a c t s , a d v i c e i n i n t e r v i e w t e c h n i q u e and f u r t h e r r e a d i n g . I s u b s e q u e n t l y spent a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h r e e months i n v a r i o u s p a r t s of Japan, m o s t l y i n and around Tokyo, where I i n t e r v i e w e d about t h i r t y - f i v e women. The t o t a l number of women i n t e r v i e w e d i n both c o u n t r i e s i s j u s t over f i f t y . The t o t a l number of i n t e r v i e w s i s much g r e a t e r due t o the use of m u l t i p l e i n t e r v i e w s spaced over a p e r i o d of ti m e . Of t h i s t o t a l , a p p r o x i m a t e l y two t h i r d s were done i n Japan. S e l e c t i o n of Informants As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, most of the women i n t e r v i e w e d were c o n t a c t e d by means of p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l . However, p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l can have a v a r i e t y of c o n t e x t u a l meanings. In most c a s e s , the i n d i v i d u a l was c a l l e d by a mutual f r i e n d or inf o r m a n t who e x p l a i n e d the purpose and scope of the e n q u i r y . I had t o l d most peop l e t h a t I wished t o t a l k t o Japanese women who had l i v e d i n a Western c o u n t r y t o " f i n d out how they made sense of the., new p l a c e " . I f the person making the c o n t a c t had been i n t e r v i e w e d by me she undoubtedly added i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of her own. I f the woman agreed t o the i n t e r v i e w I then t e l e p h o n e d her and made an appointment. Some of the d i s a d v a n t a g e s of t h i s k i n d of da t a c o l l e c t i o n by p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l a r e : l i m i t e d scope i n terms of c l o s e d networks of f r i e n d s or i n terms of socio-economic s t r a t a , and i n a d v e r t e n t i n v a s i o n of p r i v a c y . When one f r i e n d r e f e r s another they sometimes d i s c u s s i t a f t e r w a r d s . The advantages of p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l , I f e e l , f a r outweigh 31 the problems. For the s t r a n g e r , i t a l l o w s one t o c a s t the net f u r t h e r than one s m a l l c i r c l e of f r i e n d s . Most of my Japanese f r i e n d s m a i n t a i n c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r s on the b a s i s of s c h o o l t i e s , or p r e v i o u s c o n t a c t s i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , which a r e sometimes c l o s e , and sometimes a m b i v a l e n t . They a l s o have a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h v a r i o u s s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As a non-Japanese, I was o c c a s i o n a l l y a s t o n i s h e d t o f i n d two or t h r e e i n f o r m a n t s who had p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d i n the same c i t y i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y now l i v i n g i n the same neighborhood, and who had not made c o n t a c t because the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n was never q u i t e r i p e . A p p a r e n t l y , the c a s u a l c o n t a c t of c o n t i g u o u s l i v i n g found a t the bus s t o p , the g r o c e r , the meat market or the h a i r d r e s s e r , f o r the Japanese, r a r e l y seems t o blossom i n t o f r i e n d s h i p . In a few c a s e s , I made d i r e c t c o n t a c t m y s e l f . In Vancouver, I spoke d i r e c t l y t o some members of a Y.W.C.A. E n g l i s h C o n v e r s a t i o n c l a s s a f t e r f i r s t s p e a k i n g t o the i n s t r u c t o r who then i n t r o d u c e d me t o the c l a s s as a whole. In r e t r o s p e c t , I am sure t h a t the su c c e s s I e x p e r i e n c e d i n g e t t i n g those e a r l y i n t e r v i e w s h i n g e d not upon my p e r s u a s i v e n e s s , but was a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the h i g h r e g a r d f e l t f o r the E n g l i s h t e a c h e r . C o n t a c t through the C.W.A.J. In Japan, I was a b l e t o use my membership i n the C o l l e g e Women's A s s o c i a t i o n of Japan (CWAJ) as an a d d i t i o n a l source of c o n t a c t . T h i s i s an o r g a n i z a t i o n of i n t e r n a t i o n a l scope f o r women who have completed study a t a two year c o l l e g e . T h i s c o n t a c t gave me a c c e s s t o a t h i r d c a t e g o r y of i n f o r m a n t : women who had never been abroad, but who were p l a n n i n g a t r i p i n the 32 near f u t u r e . One of the annual programs o f f e r e d by CWAJ i s an O r i e n t a t i o n Program f o r Japanese Women Going Abroad. T h i s s i x week cour s e i s d e s i g n e d t o g i v e some i n f o r m a t i o n of a c o n c r e t e n a t u r e , such as b a b y s i t t i n g p r a c t i c e s , s c h o o l systems, h o u s i n g and shopping h i n t s — i n g e n e r a l , many of the a s p e c t s of l i v i n g i n a Western c u l t u r e — t o the Japanese woman who w i l l be g o i n g abroad f o r the f i r s t t i m e . I was a b l e t o s c h e d u l e my a r r i v a l i n Japan t o c o i n c i d e w i t h t h i s program and t o c o n t a c t some of the women who would be a t t e n d i n g . A f t e r i n t e r v i e w i n g some of them I was a l s o a b l e t o ar r a n g e w i t h a few who would be l i v i n g on the West Coast of N o r t h America t o c o n t a c t me a f t e r they a r r i v e d . In t h i s way I was not o n l y a b l e t o speak t o them b e f o r e they l e f t Japan, t o g a i n some i d e a of t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s , but a l s o t o i n t e r v i e w them a f t e r they a r r i v e d i n N o r t h America t o f i n d out how they a c t u a l l y f e l t about t h e i r e n c o u n t e r . T h i s same k i n d of double i n t e r v i e w i n g was a l s o p o s s i b l e when I f i r s t a r r i v e d i n Japan. Because I had been g i v e n the names and a d d r e s s e s of some of the women w i t h whom I had spoken i n Vancouver, I was a b l e t o v i s i t them i n t h e i r homes i n Japan f o r a second i n t e r v i e w . L i m i t i n g the S e l e c t i o n of I n f o r m a n t s In t h i s t h e s i s I would l i k e t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the immigrant and the s o j o u r n e r , and f o r t h i s reason I a v o i d e d i n t e r v i e w i n g s e v e r a l p e o p l e i n Vancouver who had a p p l i e d f o r Landed Immigrant S t a t u s . My ' r a t i o n a l e f o r making t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n had come from a k i n d of i n t u i t i v e f e e l i n g t h a t one of the d i f f e r e n c e s between an 33 immigrant and a s o j o u r n e r was one of- commitment, or o r i e n t a t i o n to the new group. Most of the r e a d i n g on the s u b j e c t tends t o b l u r the i s s u e by em p h a s i z i n g the r o l e of the s t r a n g e r t o the community i n terms of ac c e p t a n c e or r e j e c t i o n by the ' i n group' (Schutz 1944:499, Wood 1934:45 or Simmel 1950:402). No mention i s made of the k i n d of commitment u l t i m a t e l y r e q u i r e d of the i n d i v i d u a l t o the new group i n o r d e r t o overcome the sense of not b e l o n g i n g . Wood touches on t h i s when she mentions the deep " w e l l of l o n e l i n e s s " (Wood 1934:9) c r e a t e d by the absence of permanent p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , but she goes no f u r t h e r . Her l a t e r book Paths of L o n e l i n e s s (1953) probes the problems en c o u n t e r e d by ' s o c i a l i s o l a t e s ' , but does not s p e c i f i c a l l y a d d r ess the i s s u e of change i n commitment or o r i e n t a t i o n t o the new group. However, the d i s t i n c t i o n between the s o j o u r n e r and p o t e n t i a l immigrant was most c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d by a young Japanese woman. I had i n t e r v i e w e d t h i s woman n e a r l y two and a h a l f y e a r s p r e v i o u s l y and found her o b s e r v a t i o n s gave me c o n s i d e r a b l e i n s i g h t i n t o the problems of t e m p o r a r i l y l i v i n g i n a s t r a n g e community. R e c e n t l y , she mentioned t h a t she and her f a m i l y were c o n s i d e r i n g permanent r e s i d e n c e i n N o r t h America. When I asked her about her f e e l i n g s c o n c e r n i n g t h i s change, she s a i d : B e f o r e , i t was l i k e I was j u s t camping. You know, I thought of Tokyo as my c i t y and Japan as my • home. And here--here I was j u s t camping. Then I went back t o Japan, and, w e l l , now I'm not camping anymore. My l i f e i s h e r e , where I am now. I don't 34 know about Japan, maybe, bu t , I'm not camping anymore. A second requirement was t h a t a l l i n t e r v i e w s be conducted i n E n g l i s h . T h i s was because my Japanese language a b i l i t y was inadequate f o r the k i n d of i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w i n g I wished t o do, and I f e l t t h a t the presence of a Japanese i n t e r p r e t e r might i n h i b i t the i n f o r m a n t . A l t h o u g h I have l i v e d i n Japan f o r over a year and f o r m a l l y s t u d i e d the language f o r more than two, my competence i n Japanese was l e s s than a k i n t o Edward Norbeck's d e s c r i p t i o n , t h a t of a " t h i c k , d u l l and r u s t e d meat c l e a v e r ( r a t h e r than) a f i n e s u r g i c a l i n s t r u m e n t . . ." (Norbeck 1970:265). S i n c e the i n t e r v i e w would r e q u i r e one of us t o be s p e a k i n g i n a second language, I f e l t i t b e t t e r t o r e l y on my i n f o r m a n t ' s a b i l i t y t o use E n g l i s h w i t h the u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t the p h r a s e o l o g y might be Japanese and t o use my l i m i t e d knowledge t o augment the c o n v e r s a t i o n . I t i s noteworthy t h a t most Japanese have s t u d i e d E n g l i s h f o r f o u r t o s i x y e a r s b e f o r e g r a d u a t i o n from H i g h S c h o o l . A more p o s i t i v e , i f l e s s c e r t i f i a b l e , reason f o r u s i n g E n g l i s h i n the i n t e r v i e w s was t h a t my s h o r t exposure t o the Japanese language had a c q u a i n t e d me w i t h some of the s u b t l e nuances i n h e r e n t i n the l e v e l s of p o l i t e n e s s , good manners of understatement and o u t r i g h t a v o i d a n c e of the n e g a t i v e . In a word, t h e r e i s the f e e l i n g t h a t Japanese i s the language of i n d i r e c t i o n , whereas E n g l i s h , the language most of these women had been u s i n g w h i l e l i v i n g i n the West, i s the language of s p o n t a n e i t y . And s p o n t a n e i t y i s an a s s e t I wished t o encourage. With r e g a r d t o the f o r e i g n c o u n t r y i n which the i n d i v i d u a l 35 had l i v e d I made o n l y the r e s t r i c t i o n t h a t i t be a non-Asian c o u n t r y . T h i s was because I f e l t t h a t the c o n t r a s t between E a s t e r n and Western c u l t u r e was g r e a t e r and of more s i g n i f i c a n c e than t h a t between two A s i a n c o u n t r i e s . Subsequent r e a d i n g on o t h e r A s i a n c u l t u r e s seems t o i n d i c a t e a s t r o n g and common C o n f u c i a n bond (Chang 1980, Tu 1977, S u z u k i 1962). A l t h o u g h most of the i n f o r m a n t s had l i v e d i n E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g c o u n t r i e s such as Canada, the U n i t e d S t a t e s and E n g l a n d , t h e r e were some who had l i v e d i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , such as M e x i c o , Germany, Hungary, P o l a n d , S w i t z e r l a n d and v a r i o u s p a r t s of the M i d d l e E a s t . One f i n a l note r e g a r d i n g the s e l e c t i o n of i n f o r m a n t s . A l t h o u g h t h i s t h e s i s i s m a i n l y concerned w i t h how the Japanese woman makes sense of her environment w h i l e l i v i n g i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , i n some c a s e s , I d i d i n t e r v i e w o t h e r members of the f a m i l y , u s u a l l y a t the r e q u e s t of the woman. But many husbands as w e l l as the c h i l d r e n wanted t o t e l l me of t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s of l i v i n g i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y . I t became c l e a r t h a t my p o s i t i o n as a f o r e i g n e r had a g r e a t d e a l t o do w i t h the a b i l i t y of those who responded t o g i v e c a n d i d and u n i n h i b i t e d r e p l i e s . I t a l s o became apparent t h a t many peopl e wished t o d i s c u s s how they f e l t about t h e i r c u l t u r a l encounter and they welcomed the o p p o r t u n i t y t o t a l k about i t . Most of the i n t e r v i e w s took p l a c e i n the i n f o r m a n t ' s home. T h i s a l l o w e d f o r the degree of i n f o r m a l i t y I had hoped, as w e l l as the o p p o r t u n i t y t o see the k i n d of s u r r o u n d i n g s i n which the person was l i v i n g . I t was from these s u p e r f i c i a l o b s e r v a t i o n s t h a t I c o n c l u d e d t h a t most of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d were from 36 upper-middle c l a s s backgrounds. In a l l c a s e s , e i t h e r i n N o r t h America or i n Japan, the c h o i c e of l o c a t i o n f o r the i n t e r v i e w was l e f t t o the i n f o r m a n t . In Vancouver, I suggested the p o s s i b i l i t y of v i s i t i n g me i n my home or a t the o f f i c e a t U.B.C. as a l t e r n a t e c h o i c e s . In Japan, the a l t e r n a t i v e s were the I n t e r n a t i o n a l House of Japan, where I s t a y e d d u r i n g the f i r s t p a r t of my v i s i t , and l a t e r , an o f f i c e i n one of the Japanese U n i v e r s i t i e s near Ochanomizu S t a t i o n . I t r i e d t o i n t e r v i e w each person s e p a r a t e l y and a l o n e . T h i s was not always p o s s i b l e because of the presence of s m a l l c h i l d r e n who o f t e n c o n t r i b u t e d t o the n a t u r a l n e s s of the s e t t i n g , but who' a l s o c r e a t e d d i s t r a c t i o n . Japanese mothers seem to be more p a t i e n t and u n d e r s t a n d i n g w i t h t h e i r s m a l l c h i l d r e n than many Western mothers. I f a c h i l d wanted a t t e n t i o n the mother u s u a l l y responded q u i c k l y , and the t h r e a d of the c o n v e r s a t i o n became l o s t . In t h i s r e g a r d , Suzanne V o g e l n o t e s : Young c h i l d r e n a r e seen as needing the mother b e s i d e them a l l t i m e s . A c h i l d ' s c r y a t the t h r e a t e n e d s e p a r a t i o n i s seen as proo f t h a t the mother s h o u l d never l e a v e . B a b y s i t t e r s a r e almost unheard o f . . . (Vog e l I978a:24). The few c o n v e r s a t i o n s I taped w i t h s m a l l c h i l d r e n p r e s e n t were o f t e n f i l l e d w i t h s t o p s and s t a r t s , l o u d banging n o i s e s , l i t t l e v o i c e s and an o c c a s i o n a l e r a s u r e . Sometimes when o l d e r c h i l d r e n were p r e s e n t , i f they wished t o c o n t r i b u t e t h e i r mother u s u a l l y encouraged them t o speak. Some mothers who had been e x p r e s s i n g t h e i r i d e a s and f e e l i n g s c a n d i d l y and e l o q u e n t l y , s u d d e n l y , i n the presence of t h e i r s c h o o l age c h i l d r e n , became 37 r e t i c e n t t o speak because of t h e i r 'language problem'. The few t i m e s when I conducted an i n t e r v i e w w i t h the o t h e r spouse p r e s e n t I f e l t a l a c k of s p o n t a n e i t y on the p a r t of the i n d i v i d u a l b e i n g i n t e r v i e w e d . T h i s u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n one member t a k i n g over answering f o r t h e o t h e r or i n r e - i n t e r p r e t i n g many statements which were o f f e r e d . Sometimes t h i s seemed t o be because one member f e l t a b i t more c o m f o r t a b l e i n E n g l i s h than the o t h e r , but I t h i n k much of the r e - i n t e r p r e t i n g o c c u r r e d because of a wish t o m a i n t a i n a smooth s u r f a c e i n f r o n t of an o u t s i d e r . In most cases - i t was the male who took o v e r , but o c c a s i o n a l l y , when I i n t e r v i e w e d the husband, the w i f e i n t e r c e d e d . Because of the p e r s o n a l n a t u r e of the i n t e r v i e w s I u s u a l l y t r i e d t o t a l k t o each p e r s o n under c i r c u m s t a n c e s where they f e l t the most a t ease t o e x p r e s s t h e i r f e e l i n g and o p i n i o n s f r e e l y . I t a p e - r e c o r d e d the i n t e r v i e w s , as opposed t o t a k i n g notes f o r a number of r e a s o n s . F i r s t , I have found note t a k i n g a d i s t r a c t i o n . By r e c o r d i n g the i n t e r v i e w s on tape I was a b l e t o f o c u s a l l of my a t t e n t i o n on the i n f o r m a n t and what she was s a y i n g . T h i s a l l o w e d me t o have a c c e s s t o the i n t e r a c t i o n as i t took p l a c e . V i s u a l n o n - v e r b a l c l u e s c o u l d be n o t e d , any Japanese e x p r e s s i o n s or s t a t e m e n t s c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d l a t e r and the c o n t e x t i n which s t a t e m e n t s were u t t e r e d i n c l u d e d as p a r t of the d a t a . Because the i n t e r v i e w s were open-ended and s e l f s t r u c t u r i n g each one tended t o be d i s t i n c t . A l t h o u g h I t r i e d t o g a t h e r a c e r t a i n c o r e of i n f o r m a t i o n about each p e r s o n , I a l s o t r i e d t o l e t the i n f o r m a n t guide the d i s c u s s i o n . 38 Data C o l l e c t i o n T h i s method of data c o l l e c t i o n a l l o w e d me t o d i s c o v e r q u e s t i o n s which were r e l e v a n t t o the i n f o r m a n t r a t h e r than imposing my own. The t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s f o r t h i s type of q u e s t i o n and response t e c h n i q u e f o l l o w s the p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n c l i n a t i o n s of B l a c k and Metzger (1965) i n t h e i r paper c o n c e r n i n g m e t h o d o l o g i c a l approaches t o ethnography. I t i s b a s i c t o communications t h e o r y t h a t you don't s t a r t g e t t i n g any i n f o r m a t i o n from an u t t e r a n c e or event u n t i l you know what i t i s i n response t o . You must know what q u e s t i o n i s b e i n g answered. . . {the ethnographer} needs t o know which q u e s t i o n s a r e b e i n g taken f o r g r a n t e d because they are what "everyone knows" w i t h o u t t h i n k i n g . To f i n d out the s e i m p l i c i t q u e s t i o n s i s not easy. . . The t a s k of the ethnographer i s t o d i s c o v e r q u e s t i o n s t h a t seek the r e l a t i o n s h i p among e n t i t i e s t h a t a r e c o n c e p t u a l l y m e a n i n g f u l t o the p e o p l e under i n v e s t i g a t i o n ( B l a c k and Metzger 1965:144). B l a c k and Metzger suggest the f o l l o w i n g framework which d i f f e r s from e a r l y a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h i n k i n g i n t h a t , Whereas the o r d i n a r y speaker n o r m a l l y assumes knowledge of h i s i m p l i c i t q u e s t i o n on the p a r t of h i s h e a r e r , the e t h n o g r a p h i c approach used here assumes l a c k of knowledge of the q u e s t i o n s on the p a r t of the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t who must proceed 39 s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o l e a r n from the i n f o r m a n t s ( B l a c k and Metzger 1965:145) . I t was u s u a l l y n e c e s s a r y f o r me t o ask the f i r s t q u e s t i o n . G e n e r a l l y , I t r i e d t o f i n d the i n f o r m a n t ' s a r e a of r e l e v a n c e by u s i n g a n o n - d i r e c t i v e approach w i t h such open-ended q u e s t i o n s as " T e l l me about your e x p e r i e n c e s " or a s l i g h t l y more d i r e c t e d "What d i d you n o t i c e t h a t was d i f f e r e n t / t h e same about the new p l a c e ? " — a n d then l e t her guide the c o n v e r s a t i o n . Any subsequent q u e s t i o n s were then s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o the i n d i v i d u a l ' s j u s t p r e v i o u s statement. I a l s o t r i e d not t o ta k e f o r g r a n t e d the apparent meaning of an answer, by p e r i o d i c a l l y r e s t a t i n g the q u e s t i o n or answer i n s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t modes. The p u r p o s e f u l use of t h i s k i n d of redundancy was t o overcome the ' n o i s e ' which accompanies any d i a l o g u e where one of the speakers i s f o r c e d t o use a second language. By ' n o i s e ' I mean the r a t h e r broad a p p l i c a t i o n which C h e r r y uses when he d e s c r i b e s ' n o i s e ' as "any d i s t u r b a n c e or i n t e r f e r e n c e , a p a r t from the wanted s i g n a l s or messages b e i n g s e n t " ( C h e r r y 1957:42) . Edmund Leach, i n h i s e x e g e s i s of L e v i - S t r a u s s , g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g example of t h i s k i n d of use of redundancy: Now l e t us imagine the s i t u a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l A who i s t r y i n g t o get a message t o a f r i e n d B who i s a lmost out of e a r s h o t and l e t us suppose t h a t communication i s f u r t h e r hampered by v a r i o u s k i n d s of i n t e r f e r e n c e - - n o i s e from the wind, p a s s i n g c a r s and so on. What w i l l A do? I f he i s s e n s i b l e he w i l l not be s a t i s f i e d w i t h s h o u t i n g h i s message j u s t once, he w i l l shout i t s e v e r a l times and g i v e 40 a d i f f e r e n t wording t o the message each t i m e , supplementing h i s words w i t h v i s u a l s i g n a l s . At the r e c e i v i n g end, B may v e r y l i k e l y get the meaning of each of the i n d i v i d u a l messages s l i g h t l y wrong, but when he p u t s them t o g e t h e r the redu n d a n c i e s and the mutual c o n s i s t e n c i e s and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s w i l l make i t q u i t e c l e a r what i s ' r e a l l y ' b e i n g s a i d . (Leach 1970:59) In a d d i t i o n t o re s t a t e m e n t of q u e s t i o n s and answers I f r e q u e n t l y r e c a p i t u l a t e d the c o n v e r s a t i o n a l i d e a s j u s t e x p r e s s e d i n o r d e r t o g i v e the i n f o r m a n t an o p p o r t u n i t y t o amend any i n f o r m a t i o n she might have f e l t was t o o t r i v i a l t o c o r r e c t the f i r s t t i m e . Informed Consent Any k i n d of r e s e a r c h i n v o l v i n g human be i n g s s h o u l d always be accompanied by some s a f e g u a r d s . One of the s a f e g u a r d s most o f t e n d i s c u s s e d i n v o l v e s p r o t e c t i n g the p r i v a c y of the i n d i v i d u a l i n such a way t h a t he or she can not be r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d i n the s u b s e q u e n t l y p u b l i s h e d f i n d i n g s . Another p r o t e c t i o n which i s not always o f f e r e d t o i n f o r m a n t s i s a s a f e g u a r d a g a i n s t unwarranted d i s c l o s u r e of p r i v a t e t h o u g h t s . T h i s means t h a t a l l i n f o r m a t i o n s h o u l d be j u s t i f i e d as c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the e n q u i r y and t h a t statements s h o u l d not removed from the c o n t e x t i n which they were o r i g i n a l l y framed. A f i n a l a s s u r a n c e which s h o u l d be o f f e r e d i s the r i g h t t o break o f f the i n t e r v i e w a t any p o i n t and t o withdraw any 41 p r e v i o u s l y t e n d e r e d i n f o r m a t i o n . A l l of the s e a s s u r a n c e s and r i g h t s f a l l under the a s s u r a n c e of 'informed c o n s e n t ' . I d e c i d e d t o seek v e r b a l agreement from each i n f o r m a n t a t the b e g i n n i n g of each i n t e r v i e w . In most c a s e s , I o f f e r e d an i n f o r m a l statement of t hese r i g h t s and a s s u r a n c e s b e f o r e b e g i n n i n g the a c t u a l t a p i n g . In some cases i t was p a r t of the tap e d c o n v e r s a t i o n . T h i s statement g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w e d the format below: 1 . You w i l l not be p e r s o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d i n the t h e s i s , and a n y t h i n g you say, i f used w i l l be kept i n the c o n t e x t i n which you say i t , e x c ept t h a t i t may be coded i n some manner t o p r o t e c t your p r i v a c y . 2. I f f o r any reason you d e c i d e not t o complete the i n t e r v i e w , or i f you f e e l any r e l u c t a n c e t o a l l o w the i n f o r m a t i o n a l r e a d y r e c o r d e d t o be used i n the s t u d y , I w i l l not use any of the i n f o r m a t i o n you have g i v e n me. 3. I w i l l make eve r y e f f o r t t o s u p p l y a copy of the f i n a l d r a f t of the t h e s i s t o anyone who t a k e s p a r t i n the p r o j e c t and who e x p r e s s e s an i n t e r e s t i n r e a d i n g i t . My reasons f o r s e e k i n g v e r b a l agreement r a t h e r than a w r i t t e n one were two f o l d . F i r s t , a l t h o u g h most i n f o r m a n t s c o u l d speak E n g l i s h q u i t e w e l l , I had no way of knowing how many c o u l d read and w r i t e i n t h i s second language. I a l s o d i d not wi s h t o embarrass anyone who d i d not f e e l c o m f o r t a b l e r e a d i n g and s i g n i n g a w r i t t e n s t atement. The second reason was l e s s c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . I had an i n t u i t i v e f e e l i n g t h a t f o r Japanese, s i g n i n g a 42 w r i t t e n statement c a r r i e d the weight of a c o n t r a c t u a l agreement s i m i l a r t o t h a t of s i g n i n g a l e a s e , and t h a t w h i l e I f e l t s t r o n g l y t h a t the i n f o r m a n t ' s r i g h t s be a r t i c u l a t e d and adhered t o , I a l s o f e l t the s i g n i n g of an in f o r m e d consent paper would push the t r a n s a c t i o n i n t o a too f o r m a l s t r u c t u r e . S i n c e c o l l e c t i n g the da t a n e a r l y t h r e e and a h a l f y e a r s ago I have d e c i d e d t h a t an a b s t r a c t t r a n s l a t e d i n t o Japanese s h o u l d be o f f e r e d t o anyone t a k i n g p a r t i n the e n q u i r y who e x p r e s s e d an i n t e r e s t i n r e a d i n g i t . - T h i s i s i n a d d i t i o n t o the p r e v i o u s o f f e r t o s u p p l y a copy of the t h e s i s f o r r e a d i n g . C r e a t i o n of Responses When an i n d i v i d u a l e n t e r s the presence of o t h e r s they commonly seek t o a c q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n about him or b r i n g i n t o p l a y i n f o r m a t i o n about him a l r e a d y p o s s e s s e d . . . I n f o r m a t i o n about the i n d i v i d u a l h e l p s t o d e f i n e the s i t u a t i o n , e n a b l i n g o t h e r s t o know i n advance what he w i l l e xpect of them. Informed i n these ways, the o t h e r s w i l l know how b e s t t o a c t i n o r d e r t o c a l l f o r t h a d e s i r e d response from him. . . (Goffman 1959:1). In c o n d u c t i n g these i n t e r v i e w , I c o u l d not h e l p but become aware t h a t the women w i t h whom I t a l k e d needed t o have, enough i n f o r m a t i o n about me and my p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r a f f a i r s t o account f o r my reasons f o r w i s h i n g t o i n t e r v i e w them. At f i r s t , I d i d not know how much i n f o r m a t i o n t o o f f e r , or what k i n d , and I stumbled around a l o t . I had a somewhat i d e a l i s t i c n o t i o n of r e c i p r o c a l exchange, and tended t o o f f e r b i t s and 43 p i e c e s i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y . L a t e r , I deve l o p e d a m i n i m a l account and then answered any q u e s t i o n s they might have. In r e t r o s p e c t , I t h i n k t h i s m i n i m a l account was a r e s u l t of an emerging image I had begun t o form of m y s e l f , and which I o f f e r e d a t s i t u a t i o n a l l y a p p r o p r i a t e t i m e s . I had begun by a t t e m p t i n g t o c o n s t r u c t what has been c a l l e d "the shared l i v e a b l e w o r l d " (Olesen and W h i t t a k e r 1968:25) by acknowledging many common f e a t u r e s between the i n f o r m a n t ' s l i f e and my own. We were both women, both m a r r i e d w i t h f a m i l y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and we both had e x p e r i e n c e d l i v i n g i n two d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e s as s t r a n g e r s . But I c o u l d push the s i m i l a r i t i e s no f u r t h e r . We had not shared enough time t o g e t h e r t o "develop a sense of 'we-ness' or ' i n t e r s u b j e c t i v i t y ' which presupposes the e x i s t e n c e of a shared w o r l d " (Olesen and W h i t t a k e r 1968:25). N e i t h e r d i d we share a common c u l t u r a l background w i t h the same t a c i t a ssumptions and t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d n o t i o n s . For a few women the m i n i m a l account I p r o v i d e d was not enough. One woman a c t u a l l y i n t e r v i e w e d me b e f o r e she would a l l o w h e r s e l f t o be i n t e r v i e w e d . The r e s u l t i n g t a l k was one of the most t h o u g h t f u l I r e c o r d e d . One of the t h i n g s I had not a n t i c i p a t e d was the r e f l e c t i v e n e s s of the r e s p o n s e s . I b e l i e v e I had become i n f a t u a t e d w i t h the supposed v a l u e of the spontaneous r e p l y and had not a d e q u a t e l y c o n s i d e r e d t h a t a t l e a s t some of the people I i n t e r v i e w e d had had time t o t h i n k about t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s i n gr e a t d e p t h . They wanted t h i s depth r e c o g n i z e d and r e c o r d e d . A few people brought p r e p a r e d s t a t e m e n t s or notes t o the i n t e r v i e w . My c a r e f u l l y c r a f t e d d a t a c o l l e c t i o n method f a i l e d 44 h e r e . I was unprepared f o r s e v e r a l pages of f i r s t person a c c o u n t s and d i d not t a k e advantage of the a d d i t i o n a l d a t a source by i n c o r p o r a t i n g i t i n t o the i n t e r v i e w s i n a t h o u g h t f u l way. I tended t o scan the c o n t e n t s and then q u i z them about what they had w r i t t e n , I d i d not ask t o keep or copy t h e i r n o t e s . I t h i n k some i n f o r m a n t s were d i s a p p o i n t e d . Other u n a n t i c i p a t e d s o u r c e s of i n f o r m a t i o n were the s c r a p books, momentos, and d i a r i e s — c a r e f u l l y k e p t , which c h r o n i c l e d t h e i r t h o u g h t s and i n t e r e s t s of the moment. More than one woman had w r i t t e n and p u b l i s h e d a book t e l l i n g of her e x p e r i e n c e s . I t would have been f r u i t f u l t o compare her p e r c e p t i o n s then and l a t e r . I mention t h e s e t h i n g s because my way of c o l l e c t i n g d a t a was inadequate t o accommodate them. Another a r e a of c o n c e r n more d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o what c o u l d be c a l l e d the r e a l i t i e s of the i n t e r v i e w i s t h a t , i n s p i t e of my i n t e n t i o n t o always l e t the i n f o r m a n t g u i d e the d i s c u s s i o n , t h e r e were times when I shaped the responses i n a d i r e c t way. T h i s u s u a l l y o c c u r r e d when someone d i d not know q u i t e how t o b e g i n because of language problems; but a t o t h e r t i m e s i t r e s u l t e d from a p r e v i o u s i n t e r v i e w and the i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t p r o v i d e d . O c c a s i o n a l l y someone would i n t r o d u c e a t o p i c or i d e a which I l a t e r pursued w i t h a n o t h e r p e r s o n . Sometimes t h i s was a p p r o p r i a t e . Other t i m e s i t tended t o c o n f u s e and d e f o c u s the • i n t e r v i e w , i n t h a t i t c h a l l e n g e d the area of r e l e v a n c e of the l a t t e r i n f o r m a n t . The r e c y c l i n g of d a t a seemed t o work r e a s o n a b l y w e l l i n t h a t , when I r e c a p i t u l a t e d c o n v e r s a t i o n a l i d e a s or summarized 45 c o n t e n t , the in f o r m a n t u s u a l l y f e l t c o m f o r t a b l e enough t o c o r r e c t , change, amend or r a t i o n a l i z e any s t a t e m e n t s . Where language problems were pronounced t h i s r e c y c l i n g f o r the purpose of c l a r i f i c a t i o n seemed l i k e a l a b o r i o u s game of twenty q u e s t i o n s . F i n a l l y , i n r e v i e w i n g the tapes I f i n d a c o n s i d e r a b l e tendency on my p a r t toward a c h r o n o l o g i c a l o r d e r i n g of e v e n t s , which i s a l s o r e f e c t e d i n the s t r u c t u r e and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the t h e s i s . R a r e l y d i d the i n f o r m a n t s t e l l of t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s i n such an o r d e r l y f a s h i o n . Most tended t o s k i p here and t h e r e s p e a k i n g of what was r e l e v a n t what i s i m p o r t a n t or what was v i t a l . I tended t o ask q u e s t i o n s i m p l y i n g "what happened a f t e r t h a t . . . " In w r i t i n g t h i s t h e s i s I f i n d I have c o n s t r u c t e d a subsequent r e o r d e r i n g of the a c c o u n t s i n o r d e r t o e x p l i c a t e s o c i a l a c t i o n i n a " l o g i c a l " manner. 4 6 Chapter 3 What Everyone Knows: The Japanese Way I n t r o d u c t i o n No one comes t o a new environment empty-headed. Even those who f i n d t h e m s e l v e s suddenly t r a n s p o r t e d by l i f e i n t o a p l a c e p r e v i o u s l y undreamed and u n c h a r t e d , b r i n g w i t h them c o g n i t i v e maps drawn from o t h e r voyages p a s t . Sometimes th e s e maps sk e t c h e d from l i f e ' s e x p e r i e n c e s h e l p them t o roam the u n f a m i l i a r s u r r o u n d i n g s w i t h consummate s k i l l . -At o t h e r t i m e s , they f i n d themselves l o s t i n a w a s t e l a n d of t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d n o t i o n s , u n q u e s t i o n e d c o n c e p t s and broken i d e a l s . Perhaps t h i s i s the one u n i v e r s a l theme we a l l s h a r e . We must a l l s t a r t from somewhere. Most of the Japanese housewives I i n t e r v i e w e d came t o the new environment w i t h c e r t a i n s h a r ed i d e a s , i d e a l s , v a l u e s and customs which they would agree r e p r e s e n t some p o r t i o n of the "Japanese Way" of d o i n g t h i n g s . These customs stem from t a c i t assumptions which a r e a c c e p t e d by consensus because they a r e t h i n g s which "everyone knows". They may not r e p r e s e n t the p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f or mode of b e h a v i o r of any one p a r t i c u l a r person at any one p a r t i c u l a r t i m e , but they a re i d e a s and n o t i o n s w i t h which t h e s e women are i n t i m a t e l y f a m i l i a r , and which most would agree speak t o the i s s u e of what c o n s t i t u t e s b e i n g "a good Japanese w i f e and mother" i n Japan. Many of the s e women found when they came t h a t they were c o n f r o n t e d by a d i f f e r e n t moral o r d e r , as w e l l as d i f f e r e n t 47 p a t t e r n s of b e h a v i o r which c h a l l e n g e d some of t h e i r b a s i c a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s . These c h a l l e n g e s caused them t o q u e s t i o n a number of t h e i r i d e a s , and i n q u e s t i o n i n g , t o d i s c a r d a few w h i l e p l a c i n g a new v a l u e on o t h e r s p r e v i o u s l y l e s s esteemed. For some of them, t h i s p r o c e s s r e p e a t e d i t s e l f upon r e t u r n t o Japan. Because they had l i v e d a p a r t from a community which had gone on w i t h o u t them, and because they had e x p e r i e n c e d new i d e a s and changed p e r s p e c t i v e s , the r e t u r n home was as c h a l l e n g i n g as the i n i t i a l e n c o u n t e r . In t h i s c h a p t e r I would l i k e t o examine some of the • c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s which these women b r i n g w i t h them from Japan. Most of the i d e a s p r e s e n t e d here a re drawn from t h r e e main s o u r c e s . F i r s t , from the c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h the women I i n t e r v i e w e d here i n Vancouver and a l s o i n Japan, second, from e x t e n s i v e r e a d i n g of l i t e r a t u r e w r i t t e n by both Japanese and Western s c h o l a r s , and l a s t l y , from my own f i e l d w o r k e x p e r i e n c e s , as w e l l as everyday l i f e of a housewife l i v i n g i n Japan. The average Japanese housewife t a k e s her j o b s e r i o u s l y . She b e l i e v e s t h a t the c a r e of the home, her c h i l d r e n , and the w e l l -b e i n g of her husband are c o m p l e t e l y i n her hands. She may f e e l overworked, u n d e r - a p p r e c i a t e d or 'put upon' b u t , c o n t r a r y t o the e x p e r i e n c e of Western women, she r a r e l y f e e l s t h a t her j o b i s w i t h o u t v a l u e . She i s n u r t u r e r , m e diator and c o n s t a n t companion to her young c h i l d r e n as w e l l as a home-bound source of support f o r her husband i n h i s d a i l y endeavors. In sum, her d e v o t i o n t o the r o l e of the housewife i s t o t a l . What t h e n , i s the d i f f e r e n c e between the Japanese housewife and her Western c o u n t e r p a r t ? Suzanne V o g e l (1978a; 1978b) 48 s uggests t h a t i t i s her u n m i t i g a t e d commitment t o the r o l e , as w e l l as the degree of p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m she b r i n g s t o i t . V o g e l p o i n t s out t h a t i t i s the e a r l y t r a i n i n g g i v e n by mothers t o t h e i r - c h i l d r e n which l e n d s b oth v a l u e and a u t h o r i t y t o the i d e a of a s e p a r a t e but complementary d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between husband and w i f e . T h i s e a r l y s o c i a l i z a t i o n r e i n f o r c e d by l o c a l consensus and u n c h a l l e n g e d by 'other ways of d o i n g t h i n g s ' p r e s e n t s an u n a s s a i l a b l e image t o the 'average' Japanese woman. What i s the source of t h i s sense of commitment and d e d i c a t i o n ? What m o t i v a t e s the Japanese housewife t o become so t o t a l l y e n g r o s sed i n the r o l e of w i f e and mother? I b e l i e v e t h a t some of t h i s m o t i v a t i o n a r i s e s from the p h i l o s o p h i c a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s i n h e r e n t i n E a s t e r n t h o u g h t , and t h a t t h e s e i d e a s are ones which a r e b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those u s u a l l y found i n the Western t r a d i t i o n . Some of these p h i l o s p h i c a l q u e s t i o n s a d d r e s s i s s u e s c o n c e r n i n g the v a l u e of i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e over independence, the i d e a of h i e r a r c h y as a n a t u r a l o r d e r i n human r e l a t i o n s , the assumption t h a t d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y c o n t r i b u t e s t o the autonomy of the group, the custom t h a t group d e c i s i o n s h o u l d t a k e precedence over i n d i v i d u a l p r e f e r e n c e , and the b e l i e f t h a t the s t a b i l i t y of ' the n a t i o n i s r o o t e d i n the s t a b i l i t y of the f a m i l y . In the m atter of b e h a v i o r a l modes, harmony and c o o p e r a t i o n are p r e f e r r e d over c o n f r o n t a t i o n and a d v e r s a r y p r o c e d u r e s , and f o l l o w i n g t h i s n o t i o n , " s e n s i n g " or i n t u i t i n g the o t h e r ' s needs or d e s i r e s i s f a v o r e d over a more d i r e c t and open approach which 49 might f o r c e unwanted d e c i s i o n making on the o t h e r . These a t t i t u d e s r e f l e c t an e x t r a o r d i n a r y c o n f i d e n c e i n group consensus as w e l l as an e x c e p t i o n a l a b i l i t y on the p a r t of the i n d i v i d u a l t o t o l e r a t e a dependent p o s i t i o n i n the c a s e s of s i t u a t i o n a l c o n f l i c t . F i n a l l y , l i v i n g i n such a s o c i e t y r e q u i r e s a h e i g h t e n e d awareness of the o p t i o n s open t o the o t h e r as w e l l as the a c c e p t a n c e t h a t t h e r e must be l i m i t a t i o n s t o t h e s e o p t i o n s . The obverse s i d e of the c o i n , t h a t s e n s i n g or i n t u i t i n g i s b e t t e r than a s k i n g , and t h a t one can guess the o t h e r ' s t h o u g h t s , i s t h a t one i s always b e i n g watched and t h a t "people w i l l see" and judge one's b e h a v i o r a c c o r d i n g l y . In a study of m i d d l e ' c l a s s v a l u e s among Japanese d u r i n g the y e a r s 1958 t o 1960 E z r a and Suzanne V o g e l o b s e r v e d the p a t t e r n s of e a r l y s o c i a l i z a t i o n of c h i l d r e n by t h e i r mothers. Of t h i s , E z r a V o g e l n o t e s : The widespread use of f e a r or r i d i c u l e , noted by v i r t u a l l y a l l o b s e r v e r s of the Japanese scene, a l s o s e r v e s t o a l l y the mother and c h i l d on the same s i d e w i t h o u t c r e a t i n g any o b s t i n a c y or f e e l i n g s of o p p o s i t i o n . Mamachi c h i l d r e n show an amazing s e n s i t i v i t y t o what people might t h i n k of them, and the s t a n d a r d d e v i c e f o r g e t t i n g them t o behave p r o p e r l y i n f r o n t of company i s the f e a r of what o u t s i d e r s may say or t h i n k . The mother, i n g e t t i n g the c h i l d to behave so t h a t n e i g h b o r s w i l l not l a u g h , i s not seen by the c h i l d as an a u t h o r i t y - e n f o r c i n g d i s c i p l i n e but as an a l l y i n a v o i d i n g the n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s of an o u t s i d e 50 a u t h o r i t y . . . . (Vogel 1971:279) Such methods of s o c i a l c o n t r o l tend t o d o v e t a i l w i t h o t h e r customs or b e l i e f s c o n c e r n i n g c h i l d r a i s i n g and i d e a s of prop e r b e h a v i o r . However, r a t h e r than a t t e m p t i n g t o loo k a t c e r t a i n t r a i t s or customs i n comparison w i t h Western b e l i e f s , I would p r e f e r t o l e a v e the f a b r i c whole, t o r e s i s t u n r a v e l i n g the t h r e a d s and i n s t e a d t o s i m p l y t r a c e them as they a r e woven thr o u g h time and space. The r e s t of t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l p r e s e n t a s h o r t h i s t o r i c a l account of the e v o l u t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e toward Japanese women. F o l l o w i n g t h i s i s a d i s c u s s i o n of Japanese s o c i e t y i n terms of group o r i e n t a t i o n and the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n the group. The f i n a l s e c t i o n d e a l s w i t h the i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d u a l s , dependence w i t h i n the f a m i l y , and the overwhelming importance of s o c i a l consensus i n everyday l i f e . E a s t e r n P e r s p e c t i v e Some of the i d e a s which make up the E a s t e r n p e r s p e c t i v e stem from a c o n f l u e n c e of many streams of th o u g h t . W h i l e the i s s u e i s complex and does not l e n d i t s e l f r e a d i l y t o f a c i l e d i s c u s s i o n , and, as i t i s not the main focus of t h i s t h e s i s , I s h a l l b r i e f l y a l l u d e t o some dominant themes i n E a s t e r n t h i n k i n g as w e l l as the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t i n which they a re embedded. My p o i n t i s s i m p l y t h i s . U n l i k e Western t h o u g h t , which draws h e a v i l y upon A r i s t o t e l i a n l o g i c and J u d e o - C h r i s t i a n e t h i c s , Japanese p h i l o s o p h i c a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s a re hewn from a d i f f e r e n t t i m b e r . In h i s d i s c u s s i o n of East A s i a n thought, Tu r e f e r s t o the 51 " t h r e e t e a c h i n g s " which form the c o r e of E a s t A s i a n p h i l o s o p h y . He i d e n t i f i e s t h e s e t h r e e as an i n t e r w e a v i n g of C o n f u c i a n i s m , T a o i s t t r a d i t i o n and Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism. A l t h o u g h Tu speaks of E a s t A s i a n thought from a Chinese p e r s p e c t i v e , much of what he says seems t o suggest some r e c o g n i z a b l e f a c e t s of Japanese thought. In Japan, the t h r e e most p r e v a l e n t p h i l o s o p h i e s a r e C o n f u c i a n i s m , i n d i g e n o u s S h i n t o i s m and Japanese Buddhism. As i n Chinese p h i l o s o p h y , t h e i r v e r y c o - e x i s t e n c e e x e m p l i f i e s not o n l y a l a c k of c o n f r o n t a t i o n but a k i n d of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y r a r e l y found i n Western t r a d i t i o n . Most w r i t e r s f e e l t h a t r e l i g i o n s such as S h i n t o and Buddhism a d d r e s s themselves m a i n l y t o the 'inwardness' of humankind and do not seek the " t i g h t i n t e g r a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s w i t h e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s " found i n C h r i s t i a n i t y as i t was i n t r o d u c e d i n Japan ( K i s h i m o t o 1962:251). E a r l y S h i n t o s t r e s s e d an 'awe of n a t u r e ' , a r e v e r e n c e f o r a n c i e n t beauty and s i m p l i c i t y , as w e l l as the v a l u e of harmony and a c c o r d among humans (Nakakura 1962; Miyamoto 1962). Buddhism, when i t was f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d , o f f e r e d a more c o n c e p t u a l way of c u l t i v a t i n g a deep s p i r i t u a l r e a l i z a t i o n of e n l i g h t e n m e n t (Miyamoto 1962:98). A l t h o u g h b o t h r e l i g i o n s emphasized c o n c i l i a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v e agreement, n e i t h e r p h i l o s o p h y o f f e r e d a p r a c t i c a l method f o r a t t a i n i n g i t . As the l a c k of a c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d e t h i c a l premise i n the two main r e l i g i o u s p h i l o s o p h i e s became a p p a r e n t , C o n f u c i a n i s m from China seemed t o p r o v i d e c e r t a i n answers. In e a r l i e r days, because of the homogeneous s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of Japan, the need f o r an e s t a b l i s h e d 52 system of e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s might not have been as s e r i o u s as i n o t h e r n a t i o n s . But the s o c i e t y grew and became more c o m p l i c a t e d . . . From the b e g i n n i n g of the s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , by the time of the Tokugawa government, the C o n f u c i a n system-was taken over as the e t h i c a l code of Japan. . . For p r i n c i p l e s of moral c o n d u c t , people r e l y on the C o n f u c i a n Code ( K i s h i m o t o 1962:250). Nakamura (1962:631-647) c l a i m s t h a t i t was the n a t i o n a l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r of i n d i g e n o u s Japanese thought which encouraged the p i c k i n g and c h o o s i n g of those f e a t u r e s from both Buddhism and C o n f u c i a n i s m which best s u i t e d the needs of the s t a t e . The r e s u l t a n t p h i l o s o p h y r e j e c t e d o t h e r w o r l d l i n e s s and f o s t e r e d a p r a g m a t i c " p h e n o m e n a l i s t i c way of t h i n k i n g " (Nakamura 1962:643) w i t h emphasis on harmony and a c c o r d i n everyday l i f e . The h i e r a r c h i c a l t e n d e n c i e s i n both Buddhism and C o n f u c i a n i s m were w e l l a c c e p t e d and were p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l a r t i c u l a t e d i n r e g a r d t o the f a m i l y . I t was here t h a t Japanese C o n f u c i a n i s m was most k e e n l y f e l t . I t has been noted t h a t the Japanese f a m i l y system i s d e r i v e d from Chinese p o l i t i c a l thought t h a t s t a b l e f a m i l i e s meant a s t a b l e s o c i e t y and t h a t f i l i a l p i e t y was a c i v i c and not merely a p r i v a t e d u t y . . Kazoku s e i d o (the f a m i l y system), meaning a system of l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , i s a l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y i n which p r o p e r t y r i g h t s and d u t i e s are v e s t e d , and i s r e p r e s e n t e d e x t e r n a l l y by a f a m i l y head who e x e r c i s e s wide powers of 53 c o n t r o l over f a m i l y members (Dore 1973:93-94). W i t h i n t h i s r a t h e r f o r m i d a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n the p r e f e r r e d v a l u e d human r e l a t i o n s h i p s were those between p a r e n t and c h i l d r a t h e r than between husband and w i f e . The e x p r e s s i o n hara wa  karimono (the womb i s o n l y borrowed) c o n t r a s t e d w i t h oyako no en  wa k i t t e m o k i r a r e n u ( n o t h i n g can break the bond between p a r e n t and c h i l d ) (Dore 1973:98). As i n many o t h e r s o c i e t i e s , when a woman m a r r i e d she no l o n g e r belonged t o her n a t a l group but became a p a r t of her husband's househ o l d . In c o n c u r r i n g , Miyamoto e l a b o r a t e s f u r t h e r by p o i n t i n g out t h a t u n l i k e Buddhism of China or I n d i a which emphasized Dharma (law) or Sangha (assembly) of the Three T r e a s u r e s , the " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Japanese Buddhism i s to w o r s h i p Buddha. .' . and t h i s was always connected i n t i m a t e l y w i t h Emperor-worship and a n c e s t o r w o r s h i p " (Miyamoto 1962:99). D u r i n g the Tokagawa p e r i o d young b r i d e s were thought of as l i t t l e more than s e r v a n t s and b r e e d i n g s t o c k f o r the f a m i l y l i n e . The r e l a t i v e importance between the two r e l a t i o n s h i p s was, perhaps, never more unambiguously s t a t e d than by C o n f u c i a n Nakae Tooju i n a s e v e n t e e n t h - c e n t u r y moral t r e a t i s e f o r g i r l s ; 'The fundamental reason f o r a man t o t a k e a w i f e i s t h a t she may s e r v e h i s p a r e n t s and bear h e i r s t o c o n t i n u e the s u c c e s s i o n . ' (Dore 1973:98). Sometimes events i n h i s t o r y which appear so permanent and f i x e d i n time s i m p l y because they a r e now i n e x i s t e n c e , or are thought t o have o c c u r r e d as s e p a r a t e and d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s , come 54 about i n r e l a t i o n t o the 'tenor of the t i m e s ' or i n response t o a p r e v a l e n t i d e o l o g y . The " s u b j e c t i o n of women i n the C o n f u c i a n manner" (P a u l s o n 1976:4-5) might not have o c c u r r e d w i t h such f o r c e d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d (1600-1868) had i t not been f o r the p r e v i o u s overwhelming i n f l u e n c e of a s t r i c t B u d d h i s t view. The form of Buddhism which reached Japan t h r o u g h China c o n t a i n e d a n t i f e m i n i n e elements not common to Buddhism g e n e r a l l y . . . . W h i l e Buddhism had not g e n e r a l l y h e l d t h a t women were e x c l u d e d from s a l v a t i o n , the s t r i c t Tendai and Shingan s e c t s taught t h a t women s u f f e r e d from o r i g i n a l s i n as w e l l as Gosho the F i v e O b s t r u c t i o n s which p r e v e n t e d them from a t t a i n i n g any of the f i v e s t a t e s of s p i r i t u a l awareness which men were c a p a b l e of a t t a i n i n g . A woman's o n l y hope f o r s a l v a t i o n l a y i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of bei n g r e b o r n as a man (P a u l s o n 1976:7-9). D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d (1500-1600) the c o u n t r y was d i v i d e d and at war. Oft e n women were s a c r i f i c e d t o p o l i t i c a l e x p e d i e n c y . Sometimes women were g i v e n i n m a r r i a g e t o p o l i t i c a l opponents and s u b j e c t e d t o d i v i d e d l o y a l t i e s or t o b e i n g h e l d hostage by w a r r i n g f a c t i o n s . D e s p i t e p i o u s r h e t o r i c t o the c o n t r a r y , women were even f o r c e d by male b l o o d r e l a t i v e s t o d i v o r c e t h e i r husbands (and c h i l d r e n ) and then were r e m a r r i e d t o o t h e r more f a v o r a b l e f a m i l y c o n n e c t i o n s . I t was w i t h the s t a t u s of women a t t h i s low ebb t h a t Japan e n t e r e d the Tokugawa p e r i o d (1600-55 1868), 250 y e a r s of f e u d a l i s m i n which the s t a t u s of women was f i n a l l y d e f i n e d . With the c o u n t r y u n i f i e d under the m i l i t a r y shogun Tokugawa I e y a s u , a system was needed t o f i x the s o c i a l o r d e r so as to p r e s e r v e the s t a t u s quo ( P a u l s o n 1976:10). C o n f u c i a n i s m s u p p l i e d t h a t system. A l t h o u g h the argument has been t h a t i t was from the i n t e r w e a v i n g of t h e s e t h r e e p h i l o s o p h i e s , ( S h i n t o i s m , Buddhism and C o n f u c i a n i s m ) Japanese t h o u g h t - d e r i v e d i t s main t h r u s t , the i m p l i c a t i o n i s not t h a t these were the the o n l y i n f l u e n c e s . A c u r s o r y e x a m i n a t i o n of Japan's p a s t would show a m u l t i p l i c i t y of f a c t o r s , r e l i g i o n s and i n f l u e n c e s , each i m p i n g i n g i n some way upon t h i s c u l t u r e as i t has changed through the ages. The remainder of t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l a d d r e s s t h o s e f e a t u r e s which seem most prominent, when c o n s i d e r i n g how one goes about making sense i n the 'Japanese Way'. S o c i e t y , Group and the I n d i v i d u a l I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n t o r e c o u n t the l o n g h i s t o r y of Japan or Japanese women's p l a c e i n i t as i t rose and f e l l w i t h the t i m e s . Nor do I w i s h t o imply t h a t the moral o r d e r i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h r e l i g i o u s dogma d i d not work h a r d s h i p s on men as w e l l as on women. I w i l l a r g u e , however, t h a t women had a more d i f f i c u l t time than men because they were a s s i g n e d a lower s t a t u s . w i t h i n the h i e r a r c h y . But, w i t h i n t h i s system of i n s t i t u t e d i n e q u a l i t y l a y the seeds of a s t a b l e government, and the needs of a u n i f i e d s o c i e t y superseded the needs of the 56 i n d i v i d u a l . F u r t h e r , i n t r i n s i c t o t h i s system were r e c o g n i z e d v a l u e s f o r the members of the group. The s o d a l i t y a t t a i n e d t h r o u g h i n t e r d e p e n d e n t a c t i o n , the s i g n i f i c a n t r e t u r n g a i n e d from s o c i a l consensus i n everyday l i v i n g , the p l a c e — t h e p r e d i c t a b l e , i r r e d u c i b l e , i r r e p l a c e a b l e p l a c e t h a t each p e r s o n occupied--was s o l i d a r i t y i t s e l f . By p r o p e r p l a c e occupancy I mean one's awareness of the p l a c e a s s i g n e d t o one i n a s o c i a l group, i n s t i t u t i o n , or s o c i e t y as a whole; one's c a p a c i t y and w i l l i n g n e s s t o f u l f i l l a l l o b l i g a t i o n s a t t a c h e d t o t h a t p l a c e ; and one's c l a i m t o r e c o g n i t i o n of t h a t p l a c e by o t h e r s . Most i l l u s t r a t i v e of t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n i s the Japanese word bun, meaning " p o r t i o n " , " s h a r e " , " p a r t " or " f r a c t i o n " ( Lebra 1979:67). The m u l t i f a c e t e d and i n t e r r e l a t e d a s p e c t s of the word bun are r e f l e c t e d i n i t s e s s e n t i a l i n g r e d i e n t s . F i r s t , the i n d i v i d u a l occupant i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be a f r a c t i o n or a p a r t r a t h e r than a whole. Second, the p o s i t i o n i s by i t s v e r y n a t u r e , an i n t e r d e p e n d e n t one and one which r e c o g n i z e s t h a t a l l i n d i v i d u a l s a re dependent on o t h e r s i n some manner, and l a s t l y , t h a t each member of such a s o c i e t y can c l a i m a p l a c e i n i t , and t h e r e f o r e , some k i n d of s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . An e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n which C o n f u c i a n i s m tended t o bestow on Japanese s o c i e t y was the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of r e g u l a t e d b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s i n human, r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The h i e r a r c h i c a l system based on s u p e r i o r / i n f e r i o r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the 57 f a m i l y , the group or the o r g a n i z a t i o n tended t o promote i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the o t h e r r a t h e r than w i t h s e l f , i n t h a t one must always know where 'the o t h e r ' i s i n or d e r t o d e f i n e the p o s i t i o n of the s e l f and behave p r o p e r l y . The f i v e i d e a l i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s , (1) E m p e r o r / s u b j e c t , (2) p a r e n t / c h i l d , (3) husband/wife, (4) e l d e r . b r o t h e r / y o u n g e r b r o t h e r and (5) f r i e n d / f r i e n d promoted the v i r t u e s of f i l i a l p i e t y , f r a t e r n i t y , and t r u s t . I t i s noteworthy t h a t the C o n f u c i a n emphasis on male supremacy v i r t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e s women from any s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The i n t e r p e r s o n a l b e h a v i o r w i t h i n t h e s e d y a d i c c o n n e c t i o n s were a l s o s p e c i f i e d . W h i l e the ' i n f e r i o r ' member was e x p e c t e d t o a c t i n a somewhat s u b s e r v i e n t and c o m p l i a n t manner the ' s u p e r i o r ' p a r t y was a l s o c o n s t r a i n e d , and o b l i g e d t o pe r f o r m i n a compassionate and be n e v o l e n t f a s h i o n . In f a c t , a show of de f e r e n c e t o the f e e l i n g s of o t h e r s became a h i g h a r t . O t h e r - o r i e n t e d s e l f - d e s i g n a t i o n i s , t o put i t ano t h e r way, the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the s e l f , who i s the o b s e r v e r , w i t h the o t h e r , who i s the ob s e r v e d , w i t h no c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n made between the p o s i t i o n s of the two. . . Whereas Western c u l t u r e i s based on the d i s t i n c t i o n between the o b s e r v e r and the ob s e r v e d , on the o p p o s i t i o n of the s e l f v e r s u s the o t h e r , Japanese c u l t u r e and sentiment show a s t r o n g tendency t o overcome t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n by h a v i n g the s e l f immerse i t s e l f i n the o t h e r . . . ( S u z u k i 1978:145). T h i s " o t h e r - o r i e n t e d s e l f - d e s i g n a t i o n " i s e x t e r n a l i z e d i n 58 b e h a v i o r and produces a marked e f f e c t upon the s t y l e s of i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s . S u z u k i o b s e r v e s : We Japanese are not p a r t i c u l a r l y good a t e x p r e s s i n g our own o p i n i o n s and i n making our p o s i t i o n s c l e a r b e f o r e we have c o n s i d e r e d the add r e s s e e ' s f e e l i n g s and t h o u g h t s . R a t h e r , we f e e l c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h o t h e r - o r i e n t e d b e h a v i o r , t h a t i s , w a i t i n g f o r the o t h e r person t o e x p r e s s h i m s e l f and then a d a p t i n g our views a c c o r d i n g l y . Moreover, i t sometimes even happens t h a t , b e f o r e the o t h e r p e r s o n s t a t e s h i s o p i n i o n or wi s h c l e a r l y , we read h i s mind and a d j u s t our b e h a v i o r t o i t . Common e x p r e s s i o n s such as s a s s h i ga y o i 'good a t g u e s s i n g a n o t h e r s f e e l i n g s ' , k i ga k i k u 'quick t o rea d a n o t h e r ' s mind', and o m o i y a r i ga a r u ' c o n s i d e r a t e of o t h e r ' s f e e l i n g s ' a re a l l words of p r a i s e d i f f i c u l t t o t r a n s l a t e l i t e r a l l y i n t o European languages, a f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n t h a t s e l f - a s s i m i l a t i o n w i t h the o t h e r i s a v i r t u e among the Japanese ( S u z u k i 1978:146). In any s o c i e t y where " s e l f - a s s i m i l a t i o n w i t h the o t h e r " i s c o n s i d e r e d worthy, the a b i l i t y t o empathize i s an impo r t a n t a s s e t . L e b r a notes ". . . Omoiyari (empathy) ranks {so} h i g h among the v i r t u e s c o n s i d e r e d i n d i s p e n s i b l e f o r one t o be r e a l l y human, m o r a l l y mature, and d e s e r v i n g of r e s p e c t , { t h a t } I am even tempted t o c a l l Japanese c u l t u r e an o m o i y a r i c u l t u r e . " ( L e b r a , 1979:38). She a l s o p o i n t s out t h a t i n Japan, empathy r e q u i r e s s e l f r e s t r a i n t , enryo, or the a b i l i t y t o suppress one's 59 own f e e l i n g s when they appear t o be i n c o n f l i c t w i t h the o t h e r . An i n f o r m a n t i n d i c a t e d t h a t w h i l e she c o u l d p r o b a b l y ' f e e l ' what the o t h e r was f e e l i n g or t h i n k i n g w i t h o u t any o m o i y a r i , she sometimes had d i f f i c u l t y c a t c h i n g the ' n o t - c l e a r l y - s t a t e d ' meaning beh i n d the words spoken by someone w i t h whom she had g r e a t empathy. T h i s s u g g e s t s two t h i n g s : 1. A g e n e r a l d i s t r u s t of the spoken (or w r i t t e n ) word, and 2. a b e l i e f t h a t 'empathy' d i f f e r s from 'common u n d e r s t a n d i n g ' . D e v e l o p i n g an awareness of the wishes of the o t h e r demands much s k i l l and p a t i e n c e . I t r e q u i r e s r i g o r o u s s e n s i t i v i t y t r a i n i n g which i n v o l v e s a t t e n t i o n t o n o n - v e r b a l c l u e s , c o g n i z a n c e of r i t u a l b e h a v i o r or i t s absence, and f i n a l l y , an a b i l i t y t o respond i n an a p p r o p r i a t e way. Another i n f o r m a n t t o l d me: The Westerner's way i s - - i f he doesn't say, he doesn't want. But t h a t i s not the Japanese way. The Japanese way t a k e s too much energy! . . . Most Japanese t r y t o be modest. You have t o ask many q u e s t i o n s . "Would you l i k e . . . " maybe he w i l l answer, "no thank you" i n the b e g i n n i n g and a f t e r a time he w i l l say " W e l l , then . . . " O r — w i t h o u t a s k i n g or r e p e a t i n g you guess from h i s answer--"oh, no thank you!!" may mean r e a l l y no thank you, but ( s o f t v o i c e ) "No thank you. . ." Maybe means he may want . . . From t h i s , I would v e n t u r e t h a t g u e s s i n g the o t h e r s t h o u g h t s i n o r d e r t o behave a p p r o p r i a t e l y does not r e q u i r e a b e l i e f i n the o t h e r ' s v a l u e system. I t does r e q u i r e i n t i m a t e 60 knowledge of e x p e c t e d conduct as w e l l as the a b i l i t y t o a c t on t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n a s o c i a l l y approved manner. . By c o n t r a s t , N o r t h Americans t h i n k of themselves as members of a 'compassionate' s o c i e t y . Such n o t i o n s as ' r o o t i n g f o r the underdog', c h a r i t y towards those l e s s f o r t u n a t e r e g a r d l e s s of r e l a t i o n s h i p , ' v o l u n t e e r work' f o r v a r i o u s amorphous c a u s e s , a r e a l l c o n s i d e r e d a c t s which g i v e e v i d e n c e of compassion and c o n c e r n f o r s o c i e t y . These a r e p o s i t i v e v a l u e s i n N o r t h American c u l t u r e , and anyone who openly e x p r e s s e s contempt f o r the l e s s f o r t u n a t e or who g i v e s n e i t h e r time nor money t o 'worthy' causes i s c o n s i d e r e d a c a l l o u s and i n s e n s i t i v e i n d i v i d u a l . Thus, i n o r d e r t o be a c c e p t e d i n t h i s s o c i e t y i t i s n e c e s s a r y a t l e a s t t o know how t o e x p r e s s compassion even w i t h o u t f e e l i n g i t . C u l t u r a l competence i s more than b e i n g a b l e t o p e r f o r m i n a s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e manner. I t not o n l y i n v o l v e s knowing the r u l e s of s o c i e t y w e l l enough t o a b i d e by them, i t presupposes an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of when one can s u c c e s s f u l l y v i o l a t e , bend or break the e s t a b l i s h e d t e n e t s as w e l l as the a b i l i t y t o a n t i c i p a t e the p o s s i b l e consequences of such a c t i o n s . The P u b l i c and P r i v a t e S e l f W hile Japanese p h i l o s o p h y a v o i d s d i c h o t o m i z i n g the s e l f and the o t h e r , ( S u z u k i 1962:429; S u z u k i 1978:145) many modern w r i t e r s have commented upon the apparent c r i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n which Japanese make between ' i n n e r ' and ' o u t e r ' s e l v e s . (Doi 1976; Nakane 1974; Lebra 1976; B a r n l u n d 1975). Lebra p o i n t s out t h a t a l t h o u g h 'proper b e h a v i o r ' r e q u i r e s empathy, s e l f r e s t r a i n t and i n t u i t i o n i n o r d e r t o m a i n t a i n s u c c e s s f u l i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the p r i v a t e s e l f may r e f l e c t a d i f f e r e n t 61 p e r s p e c t i v e . Comparing the communicative s t y l e s of i n t e r a c t i o n between Japanese and Americans B a r n l u n d n o t e s : Even the c o n c e p t i o n of the communication i t s e l f - -i t s p roper f u n c t i o n and i n t e n d e d o u t c o m e — a p p e a r s t o d i f f e r i n the two c u l t u r e s . For the Japanese, c o n v e r s a t i o n i s a way of c r e a t i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g the e m o t i o n a l t i e s t h a t b i n d people t o g e t h e r . I n t e r p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e s a r e i t s c o n t e n t . I n t u i t i o n i s i t s mode. S o c i a l harmony i s i t s aim. The p u r s u i t of t r u t h i s l e s s c r i t i c a l than the maintenance of r a p p o r t . . . . { f o r } Americans. . . I n t e r a c t i o n p r o v i d e s an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the e x p r e s s i o n of p e r s o n a l meanings, hence becomes an arena f o r c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Ideas a re i t s s u b j e c t m a t t e r . Argument i s i t s means. V a l i d c o n c l u s i o n s a r e i t s aim. The maintenance of r a p p o r t i s l e s s i m p o r t a n t than s t i m u l a t i n g a v a r i e t y of p o i n t s of view ( B a r n l u n d 1975:129-130). T h i s view was c o n f i r m e d by s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t i n f o r m a n t s . Among them are two, who, a l t h o u g h they agree on the Japanese tendency t o seek u n a n i m i t y , o f f e r d i f f e r e n t r a t i o n a l e s f o r d o i n g so. One, who c l a i m s she i s "not a t y p i c a l Japanese" because "I don't keep s e c r e t s t o m y s e l f " o b s e r v e d , . . . For Japanese, the o u t s i d e and the i n s i d e a re d i f f e r e n t . . . because they worry about how o t h e r s look a t them. They s h o u l d b e — v e r y good on the o u t s i d e - - t h e y s h o u l d not be o f f e n s i v e , r u d e — 62 so they don't say what they f e e l i n s i d e . The o t h e r , who thought she was "very Japanese", t o l d of a t t e n d i n g a "Women's L i b e r a t i o n c l a s s " i n New York c i t y : . . . I was t o l d t h a t I wasn't honest when I was i n t h a t c l a s s . But, I t h i n k I was r i g h t , you know--by b e i n g honest one can make o t h e r p e o p l e u n h a p p y — t o e x p r e s s whatever I l i k e - - i t can h u r t p e o p l e . Both of t h e s e o b s e r v a t i o n s t e n d t o r e f l e c t a b e l i e f t h a t one m a i n t a i n s p r i v a t e and p u b l i c s e c t o r s of the s e l f , e i t h e r of which may be e x p r e s s e d a c c o r d i n g t o what Le b r a c a l l s ' s i t u a t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n ' (Lebra' 1979:110-136). An example of the added d i m e n s i o n of ' c u l t u r a l competence' was shown by another woman, who s a i d : I f I meet someone here ( i n Vancouver) who says t h a t my E n g l i s h i s good, then I say "thank you". But i n Japan, I would say something d i f f e r e n t . . . Because, i f I say "thank you" t h a t means t h a t I a l s o t h i n k s o — t h a t my E n g l i s h i s - - n o t so bad. But, f o r a J a p a n e s e — i t s b e t t e r t o d e n y — o r a t l e a s t t o say "Do you t h i n k s o ? " — o r t o a v o i d . To be modest i s b e t t e r . I t s r a t h e r — a normal r e a c t i o n f o r the Japanese. Dependence and Indulgence No d i s c u s s i o n of Japanese i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s would be complete w i t h o u t some r e f e r e n c e t o Takeo D o i ' s c l a s s i c book on dependence, Amae No Kozo (1971), t r a n s l a t e d as The Anatomy of  Dependence (1973). In a c u l t u r e which p l a c e s g r e a t v a l u e on 63 i n t e r d e p e n d e n t a c t i o n , importance of p l a c e , h i e r a r c h y and group d e c i s i o n - - t h e a b i l i t y t o assume a dependent p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e t o another i s e s s e n t i a l . However, 'dependent p o s i t i o n ' and 'dependency' though r e l a t e d are not the same, and a r e more c o m p l i c a t e d than f i r s t a p p e a r s . D o i ' s d e f i n i t i o n seems t o r e f e r t o a p s y c h o l o g i c a l or an e m o t i o n a l s t a t e r a t h e r than a ' p o s i t i o n ' . However, Doi sees amae as a prominent f a c t o r i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l b e h a v i o r . Of amae, v a r i o u s l y t r a n s l a t e d as "sweet", " i n d u l g e n c e " , or "dependence", from the i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b , amaeru " t o depend or presume upon a n o t h e r ' s l o v e or t o i n d u l g e i n a n o t h e r ' s k i n d n e s s " , Doi n o t e s : Amae i s a key concept f o r the u n d e r s t a n d i n g not o n l y of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l makeup of the i n d i v i d u a l Japanese but of the s t r u c t u r e of Japanese s o c i e t y as a whole. The emphasis on v e r t i c l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t Nakane Chie r e c e n t l y s t i p u l a t e d as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Japanese-type s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e c o u l d a l s o be seen as an emphasis on amae. One might be j u s t i f i e d even i n s e e i n g the s u s c e p t i b i l i t y t o amae as the cause of t h i s emphasis on v e r t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . . . (Doi 1976:28). Doi c l a i m s t h a t he f i r s t became aware of the importance of amae a f t e r h a v i n g spent some time i n a Western c o u n t r y . Upon h i s r e t u r n , I had come t o r e a l i z e t h a t something had changed i n m y s e l f as a r e s u l t of the " c u l t u r e shock" I s u f f e r e d when I f i r s t went t o A m e r i c a . I came back 64 t o Japan w i t h a new s e n s i b i l i t y , and from then on the c h i e f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Japanese i n my eyes was something t h a t . . . C o u l d b e s t be e x p r e s s e d by the word amae (Doi 1976:17). D o i ' s e x p l i c a t i o n of t h i s concept i s broad and c o m p l i c a t e d . Here, I w i l l o n l y a d dress the two narrow a r e a s where the concept r e l a t e s t o t h i s work. Both of them i n v o l v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . The f i r s t c o n c e r n s the husband-wife r e l a t i o n s h i p , the second i n v o l v e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between mother and c h i l d . Dependence W i t h i n the F a m i l y I t i s s e l f e v i d e n t t h a t e m o t i o n a l or p s y c h o l o g i c a l support i s e s p e c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t when one goes i n t o a new or s t r a n g e environment. For those p e o p l e who a r e accustomed t o depending on p a r t i c u l a r ' s i g n i f i c a n t o t h e r s ' f o r e m o t i o n a l s u p p o r t , w i t h d r a w a l of t h i s b u t t r e s s can be d e v a s t a t i n g . Both L e b r a and V o g e l have observed t h a t w i t h i n the home and Japanese f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e the w i f e and mother seems t o be the person upon whom both the husband and c h i l d r e n r e l y . However, Leb r a f e e l s t h a t , O u t s i d e the house i t i s the w i f e who i s dependent as i f she were unable t o make any judgement independent of her husband's o p i n i o n . The common p a t t e r n i n p u b l i c l i f e s t i l l remains f u s h o - f u s h i ("the husband i n i t i a t e s , the w i f e f o l l o w s " ) and a tanomoshi ("dependable") husband i s r e g a r d e d as i d e a l by many women (Lebra 1979:60). Many Japanese women e x h i b i t t h i s b e h a v i o r when they appear i n p u b l i c w i t h t h e i r husbands. What Lebra does not emphasize 65 however, i s t h a t i n Japan, husbands and wives q u i t e o f t e n l e a d s e p a r a t e l i v e s and do not appear i n p u b l i c t o g e t h e r as f r e q u e n t l y as do Western c o u p l e s . An outward show of ' p o l i t e b e h a v i o r ' does not n e c e s s a r i l y s i g n a l dependence. My own o b s e r v a t i o n s of Japanese housewives o u t s i d e of the home a r e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . W h i l e they s t i l l m a i n t a i n s e n s i t i v i t y t o the f e e l i n g s of o t h e r s , as w e l l as a g e n e r a l r e l i a n c e upon group consensus, i n r e g a r d t o p e r s o n a l m a t t e r s , they a re p e r f e c t l y c a p a b l e of independent judgement. Two examples might e l u c i d a t e the m a t t e r . At a p a r t y i n my home i n Vancouver, one of my d a u g h t e r s - i n -law c o r r e c t e d her husband, i n p u b l i c . One of our g u e s t s , a young Japanese w i f e laughed and commented t h a t " t h a t would never occur i n Japan!" When I asked her why, she responded " W e l l f i r s t , i t s not c o n s i d e r e d p o l i t e f o r a w i f e t o c o r r e c t her husband i n p u b l i c even i f she doesn't agree w i t h him and c e r t a i n l y , she wouldn't do i t i n the presence of her m o t h e r - i n - l a w ! " T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n of s o c i a l l y p r e s c r i b e d b e h a v i o r c o u p l e d w i t h a sense of o c c a s i o n s h o u l d not n e c e s s a r i l y be i n t e r p r e t e d as dependence. The o t h e r example o c c u r r e d i n Japan where I had a t t e n d e d an e x h i b i t and s a l e of some Japanese p e a r l s . I t was h e l d i n a p r i v a t e home as p a r t of the monthly 'pot l u c k ' sponsored by "The F a m i l y C l u b " a s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r mothers of c h i l d r e n who were a t t e n d i n g the American S c h o o l i n Japan. The woman who i s co-owner of the p e a r l and j e w e l r y s t o r e commented t h a t subsequent appointment making i n o r d e r t o s e l l p e a r l s seemed t o have an added c u l t u r a l component. I f the woman i s an American, I u s u a l l y have t o 66 make the appointment i n the e v e n i n g so t h a t her husband can come a l o n g and they can d e c i d e t o g e t h e r . I f she i s Japanese, I can make i t d u r i n g the d a y — b e c a u s e i f she wants some p e a r l s she w i l l j u s t buy them. She may d i s c u s s i t w i t h her h u s b a n d — o r she may n o t — b u t he doesn't have t o come a l o n g and see. These remarks tended t o c o n f i r m my own o b s e r v a t i o n s t h a t Japanese housewives i n Japan a r e accustomed t o making f i n a n c i a l d e c i s i o n s as they u s u a l l y manage a l l of the f a m i l y f i n a n c e s . U n l i k e t h e i r N o r t h American c o u n t e r p a r t , many of the s e women do not f e e l the need f o r c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h t h e i r husbands b e f o r e making a purchase of a p r i v a t e n a t u r e . In c o n t r a s t t o the t r a d i t i o n a l American p a t t e r n , Japanese women, even though they do not earn the money, a r e managers of i t . The husband t u r n s h i s pay check over t o h e r ; she does the b u d g e t i n g , the shoppin g , the ban k i n g and the s a v i n g , and a l l o t s an a l l o w a n c e t o her husband f o r h i s d a i l y expenses! In terms of s t r e n g t h and independence w i t h i n the f a m i l y the Japanese w i f e c l e a r l y has more power than the American w i f e . (Vogel 1978b:153-154 emphasis mine). There i s a s u b t l e d i f f e r e n c e between c o n t r o l and management. These women see themselves as managing the f i n a n c e s . They pay the b i l l s , d e c i d e on the p r i o r i t i e s of the budget, o r g a n i z e the household and make most of the f i n a n c i a l d e c i s i o n s . However, the woman i s s t i l l , s u b j e c t t o the e a r n i n g power of her 67 husband as w e l l as t o h i s d i s c r e t i o n a r y c h o i c e s . I f he wishes t o buy something he may do i t and l e a v e her t o d e c i d e how t o pay f o r i t . F u r t h e r m o r e , i f she wishes t o buy a l a r g e h o usehold i t e m , such as a t e l e v i s i o n s e t , she must f i n d the ways of c o n v i n c i n g him of her c h o i c e . Most of the women I spoke w i t h c o n s i d e r e d managing f i n a n c e s t o be a d i f f i c u l t t a s k r a t h e r than a l i b e r a t i n g one. Q u i t e o f t e n they were p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h how t o save enough money f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s f u t u r e e d u c a t i o n and had not r e f l e c t e d v e r y much on who a c t u a l l y c o n t r o l s the f i n a n c e s u n t i l they were c o n f r o n t e d by o t h e r c u l t u r a l ways of managing money. However, these c o n d i t i o n s g e n e r a l l y o n l y a p p l y as l o n g as the women remain w i t h i n the m a r r i a g e . D i v o r c e d women, though s m a l l i n number, s u f f e r c o n s i d e r a b l e f i n a n c i a l h a r d s h i p (Sodei and Naoi 1978:184-188). The o t h e r f a c t o r i s t h a t t h i s a p p l i e s o n l y w h i l e they remain i n Japan. I have found t h a t c o n t r o l of the f i n a n c e s does not always s t a y i n the hands of the woman when she moves t o a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y . A l t h o u g h I do not agree w i t h L e b r a . i n her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the w i f e ' s p u b l i c b e h a v i o r toward her husband as an example of dependency, w i t h a l l of i t s N o r t h American p e r j o r a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s , I do concur t h a t mutual dependence e x i s t s between the two. In g e n e r a l , most Japanese c o u p l e s a re c a r e f u l t o choose p a r t n e r s w i t h whom they f e e l " s o c i a l and e m o t i o n a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y " ( V o g e l 1978b: 151) as w e l l as c h o o s i n g someone approved of by t h e i r f a m i l i e s . To t h i s end n e a r l y one t h i r d t o one h a l f of m i d d l e - c l a s s m a r r i a g e s a re s t i l l ' o m i a i , the t r a d i t i o n a l system of i n t r o d u c i n g the man and woman o n l y a f t e r 68 each f a m i l y has t h o r o u g h l y i n v e s t i g a t e d the o t h e r s i d e (Vogel 1978b: 151). For the w i f e , a good m a r r i a g e means f i n d i n g a s t a b l e r e l i a b l e p a r t n e r who w i l l p r o v i d e her and the f u t u r e f a m i l y w i t h a good home and f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y . A l t h o u g h she may hope f o r romantic f u l f i l l m e n t i t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a c r i t e r i o n f o r s e l e c t i n g a mate. Both p a r t n e r s a re e x p e c t e d t o work toward l i f e - t i m e g o a l s . For the man i t means l o n g hours of complete d e v o t i o n t o h i s work, f o r the woman, an e q u a l d e d i c a t i o n t o the home and f a m i l y . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the woman was e x p e c t e d t o remain at home, a p p r e n t i c e d t o her m o t h e r - i n - l a w , but modern urban l i f e has had a p r o f o u n d i n f l u e n c e on h o u s i n g p a t t e r n s and work h a b i t s . Now, a l t h o u g h most women work b e f o r e m a r r i a g e and some c o n t i n u e t o work a f t e r , almost a l l Japanese wives l e a v e t h e i r j o b s when the f i r s t c h i l d i s e x p e c t e d . Many of the young women I t a l k e d w i t h saw a w i d e n i n g gap between g e n e r a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the way i n which m a r r i e d c o u p l e s are e x p e c t e d t o r e l a t e t o one a n o t h e r . The younger g e n e r a t i o n seemed more i d e a l i s t i c and d e s i r e d t o spend more time w i t h t h e i r husbands. However, most f e l t t h a t a f t e r the f i r s t c h i l d i s born, the w i f e s h o u l d remain a t home because "the c h i l d w i l l need he r " . B a b y s i t t e r s were r a r e l y i f ever used. A number of the o l d e r women quoted t e i s h u wa joobu de ru s u  ga y o i a p r o v e r b which means "a good husband i s one who i s h e a l t h y and absent ", as a humorous example of an e v o l v i n g m a r r i a g e . T h i s d i d not appear t o be a r e f l e c t i o n of unhappiness w i t h one's mate, but r a t h e r , a p e r c e p t i o n of the p e r s o n a l autonomy which the woman g a i n s w i t h i n the home as a r e s u l t of the s harp d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . By many, t h i s d i v i s i o n i s seen as a f u n c t i o n i n g example of i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e ; where the " f a t h e r p u t s h i s e n e r g i e s i n t o h i s work and the mother s t e a d f a s t l y p r o t e c t s the home which i s her r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " (Sugiyama 1978:117). Whether i t be c a l l e d an example of in t e r d e p e n d e n c e or s i m p l y s e p a r a t i o n of r o l e s , once the c h i l d r e n a r r i v e l i f e f o r the 'average' Japanese housewife r e v o l v e s around the home. Some see t h i s as a k i n d of independence: Another a s p e c t of the Japanese h o u s e w i f e ' s r o l e t h a t many Americans do not r e a l i z e i s the e x t e n t of her autonomy. Though she i s n o m i n a l l y s u b j e c t t o her husband's a u t h o r i t y i n a way no American woman i s , i n f a c t , she i s more independent of him, and has more r e a l power w i t h i n her sphere. The c l e a r - c u t d i v i s i o n of l a b o r i n Japan means t h a t a housewife i s e f f e c t i v e l y the boss of her home, o r g a n i z i n g her job a c c o r d i n g t o her own judgement, making most d e c i s i o n s about d e c o r a t i n g , s hopping, c h i l d r e a r i n g on her own, though perhaps w i t h c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h her husband on l a r g e r i s s u e s . But even on l a r g e r i s s u e s , her o p i n i o n w i l l l i k e l y be more d e c i s i v e , because u l t i m a t e l y , even f a m i l y f i n a n c e s and the c h i l d ' s e d u c a t i o n a r e her r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (Vogel 1978b:153). In t h i s r e g a r d , one of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d i n Tokyo e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t , They t h i n k t h a t they a re masters i n t h e i r 70 f a m i l i e s — t h a t the husband has the power. But a c t u a l l y , the women have power. The Japanese woman has much more power {than the Western woman} because she a l l o w s the man t o t h i n k he i s p o w e r f u l . That he i s the bo s s , t h a t he i s the master. B: Do you t h i n k t h a t the Japanese man knows t h i s ? Yes, I t h i n k so. They k n o w , — t h e y know. I t doesn't have t o be s a i d . When her husband r e t u r n s home most Japanese housewives o f f e r c o n s i d e r a b l e n u r t u r a n c e and c a r e . T h i s c a r e t a k e s the form of c a t e r i n g t o h i s p h y s i c a l needs by s e r v i n g him t e a , p r e p a r i n g h i s b ath and ev e n i n g meal, and by p r o v i d i n g e m o t i o n a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l support as an i n t e r e s t e d and a v i d l i s t e n e r t o h i s t a l e s of the work-a-day w o r l d . Of c o u r s e , she w i l l have f e d and bathed the c h i l d r e n e a r l i e r as w e l l as w e l l as h a v i n g s u p e r v i s e d any homework needed f o r the f o l l o w i n g day. E m o t i o n a l comfort i s s t i l l o v e r - w h e l m i n g l y one-s i d e d . Husbands are not g e n e r a l l y e x p e c ted t o h e l p a t i r e d w i f e f e e l more c o m f o r t a b l e a f t e r a h a r d day, though of co u r s e t h e r e a r e p a r t i c u l a r t i m e s t h a t a husband may p r o v i d e some e m o t i o n a l s u p p o r t . . Many o b s e r v e r s have commented on the dependence of the Japanese husband on h i s w i f e . . . I t i s s t i l l o r d i n a r i l y e x p e c t e d t h a t a woman s h o u l d be at home almost a l l of the t i m e , a t l e a s t when the husband and c h i l d r e n r e t u r n (Vogel I978a:24). 71 These " o r d i n a r y e x p e c t a t i o n s " have been i n s t i l l e d i n the 'average' Japanese housewife over a l o n g p e r i o d of t i m e . She has been r a i s e d t o b e l i e v e t h a t "a woman's place, i s i n the home" and she f e e l s s t r a n g e when she i s i n v i o l a t i o n of t h e s e e x p e c t a t i o n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , when she i s p r e s e n t e d w i t h a d i f f e r e n t way of d o i n g t h i n g s she may b e g i n t o q u e s t i o n . One of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d i n Japan t o l d me of her e x p e r i e n c e s of t r y i n g t o e x p l a i n h e r s e l f t o a group "of American wives who had i n v i t e d her t o an e v e n i n g d i s c u s s i o n group, one which she d i d not a t t e n d . I e n v i e d American housewives. . . That they c o u l d go out t o g e t h e r a f t e r d i n n e r . At t h a t t i m e , i n Japan, {1962} when our husbands come back t o our houses, we have t o s e r v e them. . . I have t o get every t h i n g f o r him, and nobody c o u l d go out a f t e r d i n n e r ! Perhaps even now {1978} they can not go o u t . . . And they asked me "Why d i d n ' t you come?" {to the d i s c u s s i o n group} I s a i d , "because my husband comes back." And they s a i d "But why c a n ' t you go out when your husband comes back?" And I s a i d , "Because I have t o s e r v e my husband."--and perhaps, they d i d not u n d e r s t a n d . . . B: Do you s t i l l w a i t and s e r v e your husband? Not so o f t e n as b e f o r e — b u t I f e e l r a t h e r g u i l t y i f I go o u t . . . Because a l l of our l i v e s women are more c o m f o r t a b l e i f they s t a y a t home--doing something f o r our f a m i l i e s ' . . . More and more women can have t h e i r own j o b s but not so many can 72 go out i n the e v e n i n g . T h i s same k i n d of n u r t u r a n c e i s a l s o l a v i s h e d on the c h i l d r e n . O f t e n , mothers w i l l show encouragement i n the e v e n i n g by s i t t i n g w i t h the c h i l d w h i l e he or she s t u d i e s . She may a l s o h e l p w i t h the homework, sharpen p e n c i l s , b r i n g t e a or r e f r e s h m e n t s , and i n g e n e r a l , demonstrate a d e v o t e d i n t e r e s t i n her c h i l d ' s w e l f a r e . In Japan, the bond between mother and c h i l d i s e s p e c i a l l y s t r o n g . The mother i s s a i d t o d e r i v e her i k i g a i , s e l f d e f i n i t i o n , from her c h i l d r e n , and a c h i l d who i s s u c c e s s f u l i n p a s s i n g s c h o o l e x a m i n a t i o n s r e f l e c t s c o n s i d e r a b l e c r e d i t on the mother. P r o b a b l y Japanese housewives get more e m o t i o n a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n from t h e i r c h i l d r e n than from any o t h e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . The m o t h e r - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p i s indeed the c l o s e s t r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a l l Japanese s o c i e t y and t h a t f a c t a l o n e i n d i c a t e s t h e r e i s g e n e r a l l y much g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r the mother as w e l l as the c h i l d ( Vogel I978a:32). Importance of E d u c a t i o n An i m p o r t a n t and i n t e g r a l p a r t of the Japanese mother's d u t i e s c e n t e r s around her e f f o r t s t o h e l p her c h i l d r e n s e c u r e a good e d u c a t i o n . More than adequate d e s c r i p t i o n s have been g i v e n by v a r i o u s w r i t e r s r e g a r d i n g the p a s s i n g of e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s or s h i k e n j i g o k u , " l i t e r a l l y , " e x a m i n a t i o n h e l l , " s u f f e r e d by Japanese youth i n o r d e r t o g a i n a good p o s i t i o n i n l i f e ( V o g e l , 1971; Dore 1973; Nakane 1974). F u r t h e r , the s t a r t l i n g s t a t i s t i c s of the a n n u a l s p r i n g r i s e i n the r a t e s of 73 s u i c i d e among Japanese youth who f a i l e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s a t t e s t t o the p e r c e i v e d importance of g e t t i n g i n t o the r i g h t u n i v e r s i t y (Iga and Ohara 1967:64). No s i n g l e e v e n t , w i t h the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n of m a r r i a g e , d e t e r m i n e s the c o u r s e of a young man's l i f e as much as e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s , and n o t h i n g , i n c l u d i n g m a r r i a g e r e q u i r e s as many y e a r s of p l a n n i n g and ha r d work (Vogel 1971:40). P r e p a r a t i o n f o r the u n i v e r s i t y e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s s t a r t s l o n g b e f o r e the c h i l d can re a d . I t sometimes s t a r t s a t the k i n d e r g a r t e n l e v e l where c h i l d r e n a re encouraged t o take c o m p e t i t i v e e x a m i n a t i o n s i n o r d e r t o e n t e r a s c h o o l system. Some u n i v e r s i t i e s m a i n t a i n lower s c h o o l s , k i n d e r g a r t e n through h i g h s c h o o l , as p a r t of t h e i r system. I t i s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d t h a t e n t e r i n g a t the lower l e v e l i n c r e a s e s one's chances of p a s s i n g the u n i v e r s i t y exams. The amount of involvement by the Japanese mother i n her c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n would be c o n s i d e r e d e x t r a o r d i n a r y by No r t h American s t a n d a r d s . As a w i f e and mother l i v i n g i n a Japanese neighborhood, I was amazed a t the q u a n t i t y of work r e q u i r e d by most mothers t o make sure t h e i r c h i l d r e n succeed i n s c h o o l . She encourages and s u p e r v i s e s t h e i r s c h o o l work, seeks out and ar r a n g e s f o r j u k u , s p e c i a l a f t e r s c h o o l t u t o r i n g n e c e s s a r y f o r p a s s i n g the c o m p e t i t i v e e x a m i n a t i o n s , and a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the P. T. A. She sometimes h e l p s s u p e r v i s e the c h i l d r e n on s c h o o l f i e l d t r i p s t o zoos or museums and d e l i c a t e l y m a i n t a i n s good r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h a l l of her c h i l d r e n ' s t e a c h e r s . T h i s involvement t a k e s much energy and e f f o r t on her p a r t . 74 I t i s noteworthy t h a t , Mothers who i d e n t i f y d e e p l y w i t h t h e i r c h i l d ' s l e a r n i n g a r e not c o n s i d e r e d over p r o t e c t i v e , but are more l i k e l y t o be p r a i s e d by c h i l d r e n and o u t s i d e r s a l i k e f o r t h e i r d e v o t i o n and s e l f s a c r i f i c e (Vogel I978a:27). T h i s k i n d of i n t e n s e p e r s o n a l i nvolvement w i t h one's c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n was of c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r e s t t o me. I found t h a t p u b l i c l y most mothers tended t o b e l i t t l e t h e i r e f f o r t s , w h i l e c o m p l a i n i n g about the system which seemed t o o c c a s i o n the e x t r a o r d i n a r y work r e q u i r e d of them and of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . F u r t h e r , they never appeared t o brag about a s u c c e s s f u l e x a m i n a t i o n , but spoke of how ' l u c k y ' t h e i r son or daughter had been. I t was e v i d e n t , however, t h a t they shared i n the j o y of t h e i r c h i l d ' s s u c c e s s , but c l e a r l y , " t o be modest i s b e t t e r " . From a low-keyed n o n a u t h o r i t a r i a n p o s i t i o n she manages her husband and c h i l d r e n , g e n e r a l l y h a v i n g them do what she t h i n k s they s h o u l d . The essence of her t e c h n i q u e i s t o put h e r s e l f on t h e i r s i d e and then t r y t o i n f l u e n c e them. She uses a minimum of a u t h o r i t y and provokes a minimum of r e b e l l i o n (Vogel I978a:29). Dependence and The D e s i r e To Be Needed In d i s c u s s i n g D o i ' s concept of amae L e b r a p o i n t s out the f o l l o w i n g : f i r s t , L e bra b e l i e v e s t h a t Doi a p p l i e s the concept too b r o a d l y — " s o b r o a d l y t h a t one might get the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t a l l Japanese b e h a v i o r i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o r can be e x p l a i n e d by the m o t i v a t i o n of amae" (Lebra 1979:54). Second, 75 she suggests t h a t the c o n c e p t , as s t a t e d , i s inadequate because i t does not c o n s i d e r the e x i s t e n c e of complementary r o l e b e h a v i o r . L e b r a i n t i m a t e s t h a t by r e s t r i c t i n g the meaning of the term t o "an i n d u l g e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p , " one can c o n s i d e r r o l e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y . The r o l e of e x p r e s s i n g amae, c a l l e d amaeru, must be complemented and s u p p o r t e d by the r o l e t h a t a c c e p t s a n o t h e r ' s amae. The l a t t e r r o l e i s c a l l e d amayakasu . . . Once r o l e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i s t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t , i t i s apparent t h a t b oth amaeru and amayakasu can t a k e a c t i v e or p a s s i v e forms, a l t h o u g h Doi l o o k s a t amaeru o n l y i n ' the p a s s i v e form (Lebra 1979:54). L e b r a ' s development of the a c t i v e / p a s s i v e forms of these two r o l e s i s t i g h t l y s t r u c t u r e d and l e n d s i t s e l f t o the k i n d of t y p o l o g y she uses w i t h i n the framework of what she c a l l s " s o c i a l r e l a t i v i s m " . I f i n d her t y p o l o g i e s t o o c o n s t r i c t i n g ; n e v e r t h e l e s s , I do f e e l t h a t her p o i n t r e g a r d i n g r o l e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i s p a r t i c u l a r v a l i d , e s p e c i a l l y when v i e w i n g dependency w i t h i n the Japanese f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e . I t seems c l e a r t h a t w h i l e the husband and c h i l d r e n seek i n d u l g e n c e from the w i f e and mother, at the same t i m e , she a c t i v e l y , or p a s s i v e l y , encourages, s o l i c i t s and p e r p e t u a t e s t h i s dependency. In Japan, where m o t h e r i n g i s an a r t as w e l l as a p r o f e s s i o n , one of the most a c c e p t a b l e s o c i a l g r a c e s i s the a b i l i t y t o o f f e r h e l p i n a c o n s t r u c t i v e and n o n - t h r e a t e n i n g manner. F u r t h e r , i t i s c o n s i d e r e d ' n a t u r a l ' f o r a woman t o make s a c r i f i c e s f o r her f a m i l y and indeed she has l i t t l e o t h e r 76 o p t i o n . In Japan, t o be independent i s t o be i s o l a t e d , t o be autonomous i s t o be t h r e a t e n i n g , but i f you a r e one upon whom many depend, you are an im p o r t a n t and i n t e g r a l p a r t of s o c i e t y . What ' t a k i n g c a r e of o t h e r s ' a c t u a l l y a c c o m p l i s h e s f o r the Japanese woman i s t h a t i t s a t i s f i e s the d e s i r e t o be n e e d e d — t o be an i m p o r t a n t p a r t of a g r o u p — a n d a t the same t i m e , i t a l l o w s her t o f e e l t h a t she has some degree of c o n t r o l over her l i f e . I f she does i t out of l o v e , and r e c e i v e s l o v e and e t e r n a l g r a t i t u d e i n r e t u r n f o r her e f f o r t s she may f e e l h e r s e l f w e l l rewarded. However, she a l r e a d y knows t h a t w i t h d r a w a l o f - c a r e and a t t e n t i o n or n u r t u r a n c e i s one of the most p o w e r f u l forms of s o c i a l c e n s u r e , but one can not withdraw what does not e x i s t . Forming dependency r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s d e l i c a t e and d i f f i c u l t work, but i t i s one of the few avenues of e x p e r t i s e open t o the Japanese housewife and mother. Not o n l y a r e dependency r e l a t i o n s h i p s s o c i a l l y s a n c t i o n e d , they a re viewed as an impor t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the s o l i d a r i t y of the community. As I f e e l t h a t r o l e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y i s an i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n dependency r e l a t i o n s h i p s , I wrote t o one of my Japanese i n f o r m a n t s and asked f o r her o p i n i o n . The amaeru-amayakasu r e l a t i o n s h i p i s v e r y Japanese, I t h i n k . I t i s the same a s . t h e f e e l i n g we mothers have f o r our f a m i l y . We are s p o i l i n g our f a m i l y , t r u e , but I t h i n k complete dependency i s p a r t of l o v e i t s e l f . Independent peop l e must be p r a i s e d — b u t h e l p l e s s n e s s i s a k i n d of v i r t u e — t o be l o v e d and c a r e d ' f o r , don't you agree? . . . In Japan, o l d e r p e o p l e are a l s o q u i t e 77 dependent and amaeru t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n . And they take i t f o r g r a n t e d t o be taken c a r e of f i n a n c i a l l y as w e l l as p h y s i c a l l y when they become d i s a b l e d . . . So the younger g e n e r a t i o n t o o , has a f e e l i n g of amayakasu (must take c a r e o f ) f o r t h e i r o l d p e o p l e . S o c i a l Consensus i n Everyday L i f e I t would be m i s l e a d i n g t o imply t h a t t h e s e p r e s c r i p t i v e v e r s i o n s of human r e l a t i o n s h i p s and s t y l e s of i n t e r a c t i o n a r e p r a c t i c e d by a l l Japanese housewives. Many of the women I t a l k e d w i t h suggested t h a t a l t h o u g h these i d e a s r e p r e s e n t e d "the Japanese Way" of d o i n g t h i n g s , t h a t they p e r s o n a l l y d i d something e l s e . Most women f e e l t h a t the average Japanese woman wants t o marry and have c h i l d r e n . Indeed, s t a t i s t i c s show t h a t v i r t u a l l y a l l women (98.5 p e r c e n t ) do marry, (V o g e l 1978b:150), and t h a t the e x p r e s s i o n r y o s a i kenbo, a good w i f e and wise mother, i s a f a i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the k i n d of l i f e t i m e g o a l s a r t i c u l a t e d by the 'average' Japanese woman. However, a t t i t u d e s and customs can appear t o change r a p i d l y a t one t i m e , i m p e r c e p t i b l y a t o t h e r s . W i t h i n the time I have been c o l l e c t i n g d a t a , a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h r e e and a h a l f y e a r s , I have heard an i n c r e a s i n g number of women m o d i f y , c l a r i f y or j u s t i f y the ' t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e ' of Japanese women. R e c e n t l y , a young m a r r i e d woman, who had had t o g i v e up a t e a c h i n g j o b t o accompany her husband t o Vancouver, spoke d i s p a r a g i n g l y of the woman who m a r r i e s and remains home as one s e e k i n g san shoku  h i r u n e t s u k i ( t h r e e meals and a nap). And f i n a l l y , a t l a s t c o u n t , t h r e e of the f i f t y or so women w i t h whom I have spoken 78 have o p e n l y q u e s t i o n e d whether they want or i n t e n d t o have c h i l d r e n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , I can not h e l p but f e e l t h a t t h e s e o p i n i o n s e x p r e s s e d so openly t o me a r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from those v o i c e d t o n e i g h b o r s , f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s back home. I t i s one t h i n g t o d i s p a r a g e t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s t o a s t r a n g e r and q u i t e a n o t h e r t o a c t i v e l y f l a u n t c o n v e n t i o n . One of the Japanese mothers, upon r e t u r n t o Japan, found h e r s e l f f o r c i n g her daughter t o study l o n g hours i n o r d e r t o r e - e n t e r the Japanese s c h o o l system, And the s c h o o l s ! I f e l t even f o r grade s c h o o l c h i l d r e n — t h e y r e q u i r e so much of a l i t t l e c h i l d . . . But i f everyone t a k e s i t i n s t r i d e - - i f everyone t a k e s i t f o r g r a n t e d , I mean, t h e r e i s v e r y l i t t l e one can do! You f e e l p o w e r l e s s , and I d i d n ' t want her t o have t o s t a n d out t o have problems. . . "To have t o st a n d o u t " i s t o earn the d e r i s i o n of n e i g h b o r s , f r i e n d s and t e a c h e r s . The p r o v e r b d e r u k u g i wa  u t a r e r u ( the n a i l t h a t s t i c k s out i s the one t h a t g e t s hammered) i s an apt reminder of the v a l u e p l a c e d on s o c i a l consensus and group c o n f o r m i t y . Comparing the l i f e s t y l e s of Japanese and German housewives, Salamon o b s e r v e s : In Japan the moral o r d e r encourages women t o p o l i c e o t h e r w o m e n — c o e r c i n g t h e i r f e l l o w s i n t o l i n e t h r ough g o s s i p , c r i t i c i s m and c o m p e t i t i o n and thus c u t themselves o f f from one another i n t h e i r 79 d a i l y l i v e s . A f t e r m a r r i a g e a woman must l o o s e n her t i e s t o ' o r i e n t a t i o n a l ' i n t i m a t e s who a r e no l o n g e r e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e . Because her n e i g h b o r s , the p o t e n t i a l source of new i n t i m a t e s , a r e the a r b i t r a t e r s of a m a l e - d e r i v e d moral o r d e r , she i s cut o f f from f r i e n d s h i p w i t h her p e e r s . One's ' r o l e s p e c i f i c ' o t h e r s , those e n c o u n t e r e d e v e r y d a y , a re c o n t i n u a l l y e x e r t i n g p r e s s u r e f o r c o n f o r m i t y i n o r d e r t o m a i n t a i n the same degree of c o n t r o l over t h e m s e l v e s . Men a r e , f o r the most p a r t , absent from the d a i l y w o r l d of m a r r i e d m i d d l e - c l a s s women i n Japan. I t i s the women themselves who e f f e c t i v e l y keep one another i n l i n e and p r e s e r v e t h e i r own i n f e r i o r s t a t u s (Salamon 1975:165). Salamon's s t r o n g s t a t e m e n t , i n f o r m e d by an i n t e r n a t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e , acknowledges the power but i g n o r e s the v a l u e of a l o c a l consensus. In o r d e r f o r the average Japanese h o u s e w i f e t o move s i g n i f i c a n t l y from a t r a d i t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e she must be p r e s e n t e d w i t h a l t e r n a t i v e s . I t i s not enough t o say t h a t Japanese housewives p o l i c e one a n o t h e r - - o f c o u r s e they do! Japanese businessmen a l s o c o e r c e t h e i r f e l l o w s t h rough g o s s i p , c r i t i c i s m and c o m p e t i t i o n (Nakane 1974; White 1979). However, I f e e l Japanese housewives and mothers have a g r e a t e r p o t e n t i a l f o r s h i f t s i n p e r s p e c t i v e than do t h e i r husbands, because f o r them, the membrane between ' i n n e r * and ' o u t e r ' , i n s i d e the house and o u t s i d e a c t i v i t i e s , i s s l o w l y d i s i n t e g r a t i n g . ' 80 In the p a s t , t r a d i t i o n has d i c t a t e d t h a t women s h o u l d remain w i t h i n the home. T h i s more than m e t a p h o r i c a l e x t e n s i o n of the concept of the importance of p l a c e has been s l o w l y e r o d i n g over the y e a r s . The Japanese man s t i l l sees a dichotomy between h i s work p l a c e and home, but h i s w i f e , i n her expanding r o l e i n community l i f e has had a much more d i v e r s i f i e d e x p e r i e n c e . R e c e n t l y , t h e r e i s i n c r e a s i n g i n d i c a t i o n t h a t the Japanese housewife i s f i n d i n g her own way of d e m o n s t r a t i n g her con c e r n s w i t h i n the framework of the p r e s i d i n g moral o r d e r . Lewis r e p o r t s t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e r v a t i v e housewives a r e becoming i n v o l v e d i n the consumer movement and a r t i c u l a t i n g a r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y u s u a l l y u n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the f a m i l y o r i e n t e d r o l e . L e wis e x p r e s s e s apparent s u r p r i s e t h a t such i n v o l v e m e n t does not l e a d t o a d e n i g r a t i o n of the h o u s e w i f e ' s r o l e but r a t h e r causes the women t o " d e r i v e s t r e n g t h from i d e n t i t y of i t s members as housewives and mothers; and . . . t h a t the movement seems t o s t r e n g t h e n r a t h e r than weaken the commitment t o the r o l e of ho u s e w i f e " (Lewis 1978:85). In s t u d y i n g urban Japanese housewives, Imamura a l s o n otes an i n c r e a s i n g i nvolvement i n a c t i v i t i e s o u t s i d e of the home. These a c t i v i t i e s c over a v a r i e t y of s p h e r e s , r a n g i n g from Community or C u l t u r e C e n t r e s , s c h o o l i n g , v o l u n t e e r work, c h i l d r e l a t e d groups t o consumer and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s or even p a r t or f u l l time work. Most of the women Imamura i n t e r v i e w e d a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e i r husbands were unaware of the e x t e n t of t h e i r involvement i n o u t s i d e a c t i v i t i e s . One reason was because they were c a r e f u l t o not l e t such a c t i v i t i e s i n t r u d e upon the home. Another was 81 because t h e i r husbands g e n e r a l l y d i d not ask about t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s . The most commonly r e p o r t e d m o t i v e s f o r j o i n i n g t hese groups or a c t i v i t e s were: (1) f o r the sake of t h e i r c h i l d r e n a t the time they j o i n e d , but l a t e r became more i n t e r e s t e d i n a l l community c h i l d r e n ; (2) t h e y . j o i n e d t o f i l l t h e i r spare time but a t the same time t o keep up w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n by s t u d y i n g so t h a t they would be a b l e t o t a l k t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n when they grew o l d e r ; (3) they j o i n e d i n orde r t o improve t h e i r homemaking s k i l l s ; (4) they j o i n e d because they wanted t o have f r i e n d s and c o n t a c t s w i t h o t h e r women from whom they c o u l d l e a r n about s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s , c h i l d c a r e , e t c . And a t the same time t h i s was a way t o have a c c e s s t o such i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h o u t p u t t i n g any economic burden on the f a m i l y and w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o b r i n g t h e s e o t h e r women i n t o t h e i r homes; and (5) t o h e l p the f a m i l y f i n a n c e s (Imamura 1978:111). Most of these r e p o r t e d m o t i v a t i o n s r e v e a l a c o n t i n u i n g i n t e r e s t and involvement i n the j o b of housewife and mother. Perhaps i t i s because " t o be modest i s b e t t e r " t h a t t h e s e women p e r c e i v e e g o t i s t i c a l r e sponses such as "I was bored w i t h housework and wanted some k i n d of p e r s o n a l f u l f i l l m e n t " t o be an un a c c e p t a b l e j u s t i f i c a t i o n , or maybe they had an acu t e awareness of c u l t u r a l v a l u e s r e g a r d i n g motherhood and the f a m i l y - - i t may a l s o be the manner i n which the q u e s t i o n s were asked. In any 82 e v e n t , the answers seem t o r e f l e c t a d e s i r e f o r a br o a d e n i n g of the r o l e of housewife and mother r a t h e r than a v o i d a n c e or a l i e n a t i o n of i t . Perhaps t h i s r e p r e s e n t s a c u l t u r a l p e r c e p t i o n r e g a r d i n g the autonomy of the r o l e of h o u s e w i f e . W h i l e many of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d would not f e e l c o m f o r t a b l e i n t h i s r e s t r i c t e d r o l e , most would agree t h a t t h e i r p r i m a r y f o c u s i n l i f e s h o u l d be d i r e c t e d toward the home and c h i l d r e n . What happens t o t h i s c l e a r p e r c e p t i o n of the r o l e of housewife and mother when a Japanese woman moves t o a new environment? How does an apparent change i n consensus a f f e c t her d a i l y l i f e ? In what way do the s t r a n g e s t i m u l i from the o u t s i d e w o r l d impinge upon the i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the f a m i l y ? What a r e the e f f e c t s of an e n c l a v e or l a c k of i t i n the new p l a c e ? And f i n a l l y , how does the Japanese housewife d e a l w i t h her new p e r c e p t i o n s ? How does she make sense of the new p l a c e ? These and o t h e r q u e s t i o n s w i l l be ad d r e s s e d i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s . The purpose of t h i s c h a p t e r has been t o evoke the c u l t u r a l l y a c c e p t e d l i f e s t y l e from which most of these women come. I t i s im p o r t a n t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s may d i f f e r from the moral o r d e r they a re l i k e l y t o f i n d i n a Western c o u n t r y . I have here a t t e m p t e d t o d e s c r i b e the depth and d i s t a n c e they must t r a v e l i n o r d e r t o e x i s t and under s t a n d w i t h any degree of comfort and competence i n the new p l a c e . 83 Chapter 4 The New P l a c e i T e s t i n q The T a k e n - f o r - G r a n t e d  I n t r o d u c t i o n E x p e c t a t i o n s , hopes and dreams are f r a g i l e s t u f f . F a s h i o n e d from p r e c o n c e i v e d n o t i o n s , u n t r i e d i d e a s , and h a l f - f o r g o t t e n a p p r e h e n s i o n s , they may d i s i n t e g r a t e and d i s a p p e a r b e f o r e the eyes. No matter how much the f u t u r e i s a n t i c i p a t e d , i t f l i t s l i k e the p r o v e r b i a l b u t t e r f l y , ever beckoning onward. With eyes t o the h o r i z o n and minds caught i n the mundane of every day l i v i n g , the new s t r a n g e r t r i e s t o s o r t the i m p o r t a n t from the t r i v i a l . Each day she en c o u n t e r s new s u r p r i s e s , forms new o p i n i o n s and c o n f i r m s o l d t r u t h s . I t i s an uneven p r o c e s s , sometimes f o r w a r d or back, o f t e n w i t h a few s t e p s i n t o the unknown. S l o w l y she becomes 'accustomed' t o the new p l a c e , and at t i m e s , t o a new s e l f . Only i n r e t r o s p e c t can she measure the d i s t a n c e she has t r a v e l e d . I would l i k e t o p r e s e n t the f o l l o w i n g i d e a s i n t h r e e main p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t d e a l s w i t h the k i n d s of e x p e c t a t i o n s t h e s e women b r i n g w i t h them t o the new p l a c e . Not everyone e x p e c t s the same t h i n g of c o u r s e , but the q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g how e x p e c t a t i o n s a re formed, informed and unformed w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . I n t i m a t e l y entwined w i t h the n o t i o n of e x p e c t a t i o n s a re the f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s of the new p l a c e . Many pe o p l e respond t o the s i g h t s and sounds, w h i l e o t h e r s see o n l y b r i g h t l y c o l o r e d but i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e p i c t u r e s . Movement and i t s meaning have s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r some, y e t a few f i n d n e i t h e r s i g h t nor sound 84 nor l i f e i n the new p l a c e . A l l of the s e t h i n g s have a p r o f o u n d i n f l u e n c e upon what f o l l o w s . In the second p a r t , I d i s c u s s the eve r y day l i f e , of the s e women, who, as s e n t i e n t , sense-making s t r a n g e r s p e r f o r m e v e r y day t a s k s i n a w o r l d where the l i t t l e t h i n g s c o u n t . T h i s s e c t i o n a d d r e s s e s q u e s t i o n s of how the r u l e s of the new p l a c e a r e l e a r n e d , what the d i f f e r e n c e might be between " p a s s i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g " and " a c t i v e m a s t e r i n g " of c u l t u r a l competence, (Schutz 1944:504). The advantages as w e l l as the hazards of the e n c l a v e must be a d d r e s s e d , f o r o f t e n , when the s e women a r r i v e i n the new c o u n t r y they f i n d a network of p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w a i t i n g f o r them. F i n a l l y , the l a s t s e c t i o n , p a r t I I I , t r i e s t o q u e s t i o n what moving t o a new environment does t o the sense of s e l f . T h i s i n v o l v e s l o o k i n g a t cha n g i n g i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , dependencies and growing c o n c e r n f o r independent a c t i o n . I t q u e s t i o n s the a u t o m a t i c n e g a t i v i t y u s u a l l y i m p l i e d by the p a i n of s e l f d i s c o v e r y , and s u g g e s t s t h a t the r e a l v a l u e of such e n c o u n t e r s i s an expanding awareness of the d i a l o g u e between s e l f and o t h e r . 85 P a r t I ; E x p e c t a t i o n s and F i r s t I m p r e s s i o n s J u s t as most of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d come t o the new environment w i t h t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i d e a s and n o t i o n s of. what i t i s t o be a "good w i f e and wise mother" i n Japan, so too do they b r i n g w i t h them c e r t a i n e x p e c t a t i o n s of what they w i l l f i n d i n the new p l a c e . Most of thes e e x p e c a t i o n s r e l y h e a v i l y upon ' s o c i a l f a c t s ' they have heard from o t h e r s , or i n f o r m a t i o n a b s t r a c t e d from a r t i c l e s , books and newspapers they have r e a d , as w e l l as from p l a y s , programs s t o r i e s or news items they have seen on t e l e v i s i o n . C l e a r l y , t h e s e women have not l i v e d i n a vacuum, and can c o n c e p t u a l i z e c e r t a i n i d e a s about the s o c i a l evironment t o which they w i l l be g o i n g . Some have dreamed a l l t h e i r l i v e s of t r a v e l i n g o u t s i d e of Japan, and have a c t i v e l y sought knowledge of what t o e x p e c t . Many have s t u d i e d E n g l i s h f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s i n s c h o o l ( u n l i k e most Westerners who o f t e n know l i t t l e Japanese b e f o r e a r r i v i n g i n J a p a n ) , but because many of these women have not been exposed t o n a t i v e s p e a k e r s of E n g l i s h they sometimes l a c k c o n v e r s a t i o n a l s k i l l s . A few of thes e women have p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d i n a Western c o u n t r y f o r v a r y i n g p e r i o d s of. t i m e , some as F u l b r i g h t s c h o l a r s , o t h e r s as d a u g h t e r s w i t h i n a f a m i l y where the f a t h e r t r a v e l s as p a r t of h i s work. These e x p e r i e n c e s , t o o , govern e x p e c t a t i o n s . However, the e x p e c t a t i o n s r a r e l y m i r r o r the enc o u n t e r e d r e a l i t y . W h i l e p a r t of t h i s may be due t o i n c o m p l e t e , o u t d a t e d or erroneous i n f o r m a t i o n , most o f t e n i t i s because the f o r m a t i o n of the e x p e c t a t i o n s t a k e s p l a c e i n t h a t f e r t i l e - s t e r i l e l a n d of "what i f — " where a l l t h i n g s a re p o s s i b l e but n o t h i n g becomes  r e a l u n t i l i t i s e x p e r i e n c e d . 86 Even those women who have l i v e d i n a Western c o u n t r y b e f o r e can not be sure t h a t the new e x p e r i e n c e w i l l bear any resemblance t o the p r e v i o u s one; f o r , as H e r a c l i t u s reminds us, "we can never bathe t w i c e i n the same r i v e r " . In p a r t , t h i s i s because one p e r c e i v e s t h i n g s d i f f e r e n t l y a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s and w i t h t i m e , assumes new r o l e s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and r e l e v a n c e s — and i t i s the l a t t e r t h a t a r e the most i m p o r t a n t . S c h u t z a d d r e s s e s t h i s problem i n h i s now c l a s s i c paper "The  S t r a n g e r : An Essay i n S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y (1944)". He s u g g e s t s t h a t most of the i n f o r m a t i o n about the new p l a c e has been g a t h e r e d from the p e r s p e c t i v e of a " d i s i n t e r e s t e d o b s e r v e r " . However, as the person becomes i n v o l v e d i n the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s of the new group, a s h i f t i n g of r e l e v a n c e s o c c u r s which causes him or her t o move from the r o l e of the "unconcerned o n l o o k e r " i n t o the r o l e of the "would-be member of the approached group." The c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n a c q u i r e s an e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a r a c t e r . I t s remoteness changes i n t o p r o x i m i t y ; i t s vacant frames become o c c u p i e d by v i v i d e x p e r i e n c e s ; i t s anonymous c o n t e n t t u r n s i n t o d e f i n i t e s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s ; i t s ready made t y p o l o g i e s d i s i n t e g r a t e . . . (Schutz 1944:503). These " t y p o l o g i e s " can be f a b r i c a t e d from a n y t h i n g — f r o m r e a d i n g s t o r e m i n i s c e n c e s , wherever f a c e t o f a c e e n c o u n t e r s are a b s e n t . . . . The ready made p i c t u r e . . . p r o v e s i t s inadequacy . . . f o r the mere reason t h a t i t has not been formed w i t h the aim of p r o v o k i n g a response from or a r e a c t i o n of the members of the 87 f o r e i g n group. . . . I t s v a l i d i t y i s p r i m a r i l y based on consensus of those members of the home group who do not i n t e n d t o e s t a b l i s h d i r e c t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h members of the f o r e i g n group (Schutz 1944:503). How do S c h u t z ' s i d e a s r e l a t e t o the data? W h i l e time and space do not a l l o w me t o p r e s e n t f u l l e t h n o g r a p h i c a c c o u n t s h e r e , perhaps t h e s e t h r e e b r i e f s k e t c h e s w i l l shed some l i g h t on the q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g those "ready made t y p o l o g i e s " i n h e r e n t i n our e x p e c t a t i o n s of f u t u r e e v e n t s . Emiko: The b r i g h t new f u t u r e . The f i r s t account i s of a young m a r r i e d woman, Emiko, who has never t r a v e l e d o u t s i d e of Japan, but who i s - a v i d l y l o o k i n g f o r w a r d t o d o i n g so " i n a few month's t i m e " . She i s one of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d a t the o r i e n t a t i o n c o u r s e o f f e r e d by the C o l l e g e Women's A s s o c i a t i o n of Japan (C. W. A. J.) f o r Japanese women who are g o i n g abroad. When I asked how she happened t o be at the c o u r s e she s a i d , "My husband's o f f i c e s a i d I'd b e t t e r go." Emiko's husband i s a C e r t i f i e d P u b l i c Accountant who i s p r e s e n t l y w o r k i ng f o r a l a r g e company which m a i n t a i n s s e v e r a l branch o f f i c e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . He e x p e c t s t o be t r a n s f e r r e d t o one of thes e o f f i c e s i n the near f u t u r e , and they w i l l remain t h e r e f o r about e i g h t e e n months. Emiko i s a d r e s s f i t t e r by t r a i n i n g but i s c u r r e n t l y w orking as a key punch o p e r a t o r because the pay i s b e t t e r than t h a t which she can earn i n her f i e l d . Her husband was a s t u d e n t when they were f i r s t m a r r i e d and i t was n e c e s s a r y f o r her t o 88 work t o s u p p o r t them. She works a t key punching from 8:45 a. m. U n t i l 5:50 p. m. A f t e r work she r e t u r n s home and does "the c o o k i n g and c l e a n i n g and p r e p a r i n g and a l l of t h a t — " b e f o r e her husband comes home. Emiko f i n d s key punching b o r i n g but w i l l be s o r r y t o q u i t her job when they go t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s because "Japanese companies o n l y h i r e young women, and when I come back t o Japan I w i l l be too o l d . I w i l l be almost t h i r t y - t h r e e . " I asked her what she e x p e c t e d t o f i n d when she moved t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s and her answers seemed t o r e f l e c t a wide range of i n t e r e s t s . A f t e r a p o l o g i z i n g f o r her "bad E n g l i s h " she o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g c o m p a r i s o n s : Regarding the r a c i a l mix: In A m e r i c a , { t h e r e are} many peopl e from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds, many r e l i g i o n s and from d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s l i v i n g t h e r e . . . In Japan, we Japanese are a l l a l i k e . About s t y l e s of i n t e r a c t i o n : In Japan, u s u a l l y i f Japanese people don't l i k e {something} they s t i l l say " o k " — b u t i n A m e r i c a , I h e a r — i f an American doesn't l i k e {something} he says "no!" C o n c e r n i n g s a f e t y i n b i g c i t i e s : In Tokyo, i t s s a f e , but i n A m e r i c a , a woman--long walk--not so s a f e . I t s more dangerous i n American b i g c i t i e s , perhaps. R e g a r d i n g husband-wife r o l e s : In J apan, the husband t e l l s the w i f e . . . Husband: huh! Huh! Huh! 89 (Here, Emiko mimes a Japanese husband s h a k i n g h i s f i n g e r a t h i s w i f e , and then the w i f e i s nodding her head i n agreement) W i f e : h a i , h a i , h a i ! But i n America, many American wives have two husbands--or husbands have many w i v e s . . . Wives have a b e t t e r say, I t h i n k . . . C l e a r l y , t h i s young woman has heard or read many t h i n g s about the d i f f e r e n c e s between the two c u l t u r e s , and she i s i n t e r p r e t i n g what she "knows" w i t h i n the framework of her-p r e s e n t r e l e v a n c e s . Emiko wants " t o have many American f r i e n d s " but she f e e l s t h a t her E n g l i s h i s i n a d e q u a t e , and, When I am i n Ame r i c a , I w i l l study E n g l i s h — a n d I w i l l o n l y watch E n g l i s h t e l e v i s i o n ! " She f e e l s t h a t when her E n g l i s h improves she w i l l f i n d American f r i e n d s . When I asked her what she p l a n s t o do w i t h her time d u r i n g the hours t h a t her husband works, she s a i d , P e rhaps, i n the morning, c l e a n i n g and p r e p a r i n g ( l a u g h s ) - - a n d i n the a f t e r n o o n , c a r r y i n g the c a m e r a — t a k e a walk and t a k e p i c t u r e s and back home, study E n g l i s h or Japanese books. . . Wh i l e she has been p r e p a r i n g her s e l f by l e a r n i n g the f a c t s of American c u l t u r e , she seems t o have made l i t t l e p r o v i s i o n f o r the boredom, sadness or homesickness which might a f f l i c t her when she moves t o a f o r e i g n p l a c e . Perhaps t h e r e i s no way t o p r e p a r e — o r perhaps she has c o n s i d e r e d t h i s i n a somewhat o b j e c t i f i e d manner. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t 'to disengage the mind from what Schutz c a l l s " t h i n k i n g . a s u s u a l " . 90 T h i n k i n g as u s u a l . . . { i s } t h a t l i f e and e s p e c i a l l y s o c i a l l i f e w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be the same as i t has been so f a r , . . . The same problems r e q u i r i n g the same s o l u t i o n s w i l l r e c u r and t h a t , t h e r e f o r e our former e x p e r i e n c e s w i l l s u f f i c e f o r m a s t e r i n g f u t u r e s i t u a t i o n s . ( Schutz 1944:502). Emiko w i l l p r o b a b l y c o n t i n u e t o use her " t h i n k i n g as u s u a l " u n t i l such time as the "anonymous c o n t e n t t u r n s i n t o d e f i n i t e s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s " (1944:502) and she f i n d s i t n e c e s s a r y t o augment, a d j u s t or a l t e r her as s u m p t i o n s . N o r i k o : Working from informed e x p e c t a t i o n s N o r i k o i s a young m a r r i e d woman w i t h t h r e e c h i l d r e n . Her husband i s an e x e c u t i v e i n a l a r g e Japanese company. A p p r o x i m a t e l y f o u r t e e n y e a r s ago i n 1967, she and her two o l d e s t c h i l d r e n f o l l o w e d her husband t o New York where they l i v e d f o r f i v e and one h a l f y e a r s . Her youngest c h i l d was born i n New York. N o r i k o i s w e l l educated and speaks f l u e n t E n g l i s h . When she gradu a t e d from h i g h s c h o o l she was o f f e r e d a s c h o l a r s h i p t o study i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , which she d e c l i n e d because her p a r e n t s f e l t she was s t i l l t oo young t o go abroad. In Japan she s t u d i e d American E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e , and w h i l e s t i l l a u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t worked as an i n t e r p r e t e r f o r Japan T r a v e l Bureau and o f t e n t r a v e l e d around Japan w i t h f o r e i g n t o u r i s t s . She says she had always h a r b o r e d a dream of g o i n g t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s , and was l o o k i n g f o r w a r d t o her a r r i v a l i n New York. I thought I c o u l d go smoothly i n t o t h a t p l a c e . . . 91 I was c u r i o u s , and I was not s c a r e d . I was i n t e r e s t e d , and f o r e i g n e r s , I mean Americans, a r e not u n f a m i l i a r t o me. I had e x p e c t e d t h a t American n e i g h b o r s would b e — f r i e n d l y t o us. But the f a c t was, they w e r e — I s h o u l d n ' t say they weren't f r i e n d l y — b u t they w e r e - - i n d i f f e r e n t . N o r i k o , as w e l l as Emiko, was u s i n g her t h i n k i n g as u s u a l - - n o t i o n s a b s t r a c t e d from former e x p e r i e n c e s t o frame her e x p e c t a t i o n s of f u t u r e e v e n t s . She assumed t h a t , i n S c h u t z ' s words, " i t i s s u f f i c i e n t t o know something about the g e n e r a l type or s t y l e of e v e n t . . ." i n o r d e r t o i n t e r p r e t i t c o r r e c t l y . Schutz has p o i n t e d out t h a t i n the p r o c e s s of l i v i n g our d a i l y l i v e s we are o f t e n unaware of the i n c o m p l e t e n e s s of our knowledge. Because we are g u i d e d by r e l e v a n c e t o the moment or e v e n t , we o p e r a t e w i t h o n l y a s m a l l amount of s p e c i f i c knowledge. Schutz e n l a r g e s W i l l i a m James's concept of two k i n d s of knowledge ("knowledge of a c q u a i n t a n c e " and "knowledge a b o u t " ) , when he says: . . . W i t h i n the f i e l d c o v e r e d by the c o n t o u r l i n e s of r e l e v a n c e , t h e r e a r e c e n t e r s of e x p l i c i t knowledge of_ what i s aimed a t ; they a r e surrounded by a h a l o of knowledge about what seems t o be s u f f i c i e n t ; next comes a r e g i o n i n which i t w i l l do t o merely "put one's t r u s t " ; the a d j o i n i n g f o o t h i l l s a r e the home of unwarranted hopes and a s s u m p t i o n s ; between these a r e a s , however, l i e 92 zones of complete i g n o r a n c e . (Schutz 1944:500) N o r i k o was u s i n g her "knowledge about Americans when she e x p e c t e d t o meet f r i e n d l y h o s p i t a b l e n e i g h b o r s . I t was o n l y when she was c o n f r o n t e d by anomaly t h a t she became aware of the i n c o m p l e t e n e s s of her knowledge. Such a n o m a l i e s c r y f o r e x p l i c a t i o n . Her e x p l a n a t i o n of the e v e n t s e x h i b i t e d an i n c r e a s e d awareness of ' s i t u a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e ' . . . •. They were q u i t e used t o Japanese p e o p l e w a l k i n g around i n the n e i g b o r h o o d , and a l s o , they themselves are second g e n e r a t i o n of i m m i g r a n t s . . . Which a l l o w e d her t o s p e c u l a t e , They were not so i n t e r e s t e d i n us f o r e i g n e r s . I d i s c o v e r e d they were too busy b u i l d i n g t h e i r own l i v e s t o be i n t e r e s t e d i n o t h e r p e o p l e ' s l i v e s . L a t e r she s a i d , . . . I e x p e c t e d too much. . . Most of the Americans I had known were p e o p l e i n Japan, l i v i n g i n or t r a v e l i n g i n Japan. I t was n a t u r a l f o r them t o be n i c e , t o be f r i e n d l y — t h e y were h a v i n g f u n ! They were r a t h e r o l d e r p e o p l e coming t o Japan f o r s i g h t - s e e i n g or t o have f u n . And I kept good company w i t h them. I thought I was n a t u r a l l y a c c e p t e d . . . Thus, N o r i k o ' s encounter w i t h a p a t h e t i c n e i g h b o r s i n New York caused her t o r e - e v a l u a t e her p r e v i o u s happy e x p e r i e n c e s , and, i n t h a t l i g h t , t o add t o her s t o c k of knowledge of s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . W hile t h i n k i n g as u s u a l can q u i t e o f t e n i n f o r m our 93 e x p e c t a t i o n s , and f a i l e d e x p e c t a t i o n s can cause us t o r e -e v a l u a t e our p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s , i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t these same e x p e c t a t i o n s can p r o f o u n d l y i n f l u e n c e our f u t u r e a c t i o n s . Such i s the case i n the f o l l o w i n g example. S e t s u k o : The u n r e c a l l a b l e p a s t Setsuko i s somewhat o l d e r than N o r i k o or Emiko. Her two c h i l d r e n , a son and daughter w i l l be twenty-one and e i g h t e e n , r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n 1981. Her husband i s a s c h o l a r who works i n a w e l l known Japanese s c i e n t i f i c i n s t i t u t e . They have both t r a v e l e d t w i c e t o N o r t h America, the f i r s t time b e f o r e they had c h i l d r e n , the second time when the c h i l d r e n were q u i t e young. Setsuko i s a l s o q u i t e w e l l educated and has l i t t l e or no d i f f i c u l t y e x p r e s s i n g h e r s e l f i n E n g l i s h . She had c a r e f u l l y p r e p a r e d f o r the i n t e r v i e w , and brought out s e v e r a l photograph albums, a number of newspaper c l i p p i n g s and a copy of a c o m p o s i t i o n she had composed when she f i r s t went t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s over twenty y e a r s ago. She had a l s o kept c a r e f u l n o t e s of times and p l a c e s as w e l l as h a v i n g p r e p a r e d a w r i t t e n t e x t of what she wished t o say. The f i r s t time I went t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s I went as a F u l b r i g h t s t u d e n t . At t h a t t i m e , I was twenty f i v e , q u i t e young, and w i t h no c h i l d r e n , a l t h o u g h I was m a r r i e d . We had a v e r y i n t e n s i v e s i x weeks o r i e n t a t i o n c o u r s e i n Kansas; we had many f i e l d t r i p s on custom and manners and c o n v e r s a t i o n s , so I was q u i t e w e l l informed about the way of l i f e . I had no d i f f i c u l t y a t a l l when I went t o the U n i v e r s i t y of Texas where I was sent t o do 94 r e s e a r c h i n l i n g u i s t i c s . I was an E n g l i s h t e a c h e r when I was chosen, so my f i e l d was t e a c h i n g E n g l i s h as a second language. The o r i e n t a t i o n c o u r s e , m a i n l y about l i f e i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , d i d not d w e l l on the c u l t u r a l v a l u e s of pe o p l e from o t h e r p l a c e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , Setsuko broadened her awareness. She showed me a number of group p i c t u r e s of F u l b r i g h t s c h o l a r s and of f e r e d , T h i s i s me, and t h e r e a r e about ten d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s , I t h i n k . There a r e about f i f t y F u l b r i g h t e r s from a l l over the w o r l d , so i t was a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g e x p e r i e n c e ! I never had such an e x p e r i e n c e - - ( l a u g h s ) — w e got t o be v e r y good f r i e n d s , and they took c a r e of us v e r y w e l l , b ut, I a l s o had v e r y good American f r i e n d s t o o . Setsuko says t h a t when she f i r s t went t o the U. S. She wondered i f she would encounter any a n t i - J a p a n e s e f e e l i n g . The year was 1957, o n l y t w e l v e y e a r s a f t e r the Second World War. However, she found t h a t "people were v e r y k i n d t o me," and thought t h a t perhaps t h i s was because she was a F u l b r i g h t s t u d e n t . I t h i n k t h a t they f e l t I was a g u e s t — m a y b e i t was because we were p a i d by the government ( l a u g h s ) so my e x p e r i e n c e s were v e r y f o r t u n a t e . A few months l a t e r , S e tsuko's husband came t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s . He was sent t o Kansas as a s c h o l a r by h i s i n s t i t u t e . At t h a t t i m e , he d i d not speak E n g l i s h as w e l l as she, but Setsuko was a b l e t o c o n t a c t some of her good f r i e n d s i n Kansas and "they 95 welcomed him and took c a r e of him" u n t i l she was a b l e t o j o i n him t h e r e about a year l a t e r . When they went l o o k i n g f o r an apartment i n Kansas, they e x p e r i e n c e d " a b i t of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , or something. . ." When we went i n t o the b u i l d i n g they asked us our n a t i o n a l i t i e s , and we t o l d them, then they s a i d t h a t i t (the apartment) was j u s t o c c u p i e d . But t h a t was the o n l y t i m e — t h e o n l y e x p e r i e n c e . The r e s t of the time was good. B: Had you ex p e c t e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ? Not "expected," b ut, i f such t h i n g s s h o u l d o c c u r , I knew I would be a l r i g h t . W h i l e Setsuko d i d not " e x p e c t " d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , she a n t i c i p a t e d the p o s s i b i l i t y of i t s o c c u r r e n c e and i n d o i n g so, thought about how t o d e a l w i t h or de f u s e any n e g a t i v e f e e l i n g s toward h e r . When her f e a r s d i d not m a t e r i a l i z e she viewed the e x p e r i e n c e i n the b e s t p o s s i b l e l i g h t . In s p e a k i n g of her f i r s t t r i p abroad she s a i d , I t was I who wanted t o come. . . . T h i s t i m e , I was w e l l p r o t e c t e d , I was so w e l l taken c a r e o f , I was busy! The schedule was so t i g h t - - a n d e v e r y minute e v e r y t h i n g was s e t ! ( l a u g h s ) . We a t t e n d e d c l a s s e s then we had l u n c h , i n v i t e d by v a r i o u s p e o p l e — a n d then we went on f i e l d t r i p s - -e v e r y t h i n g was s c h e d u l e d . . . . So I had no t i m e - -t h e r e was no time t o f e e l l o n e l y or homesick. I was kept so busy. . . I might have f e l t f a t h e r l o n e l y , but i n t h i s c a s e , when I was o c c u p i e d — 96 b u s y — w e l l , I had a k i n d of m i s s i o n t o do, t o study and t o b r i n g back the c u l t u r e t o my c o u n t r y . At t h a t t i m e , I had a purpose. Some e l e v e n y e a r s l a t e r , S e tsuko t r a v e l e d t o N o r t h America a g a i n . However, i n s t e a d of g o i n g t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s she went t o Canada. The second e x p e r i e n c e was v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t , . . . The next t i m e , I had no purpose. I went t h e r e o n l y because my husband went. . . . I was not so young t h e n , about t h i r t y s i x , and I had two c h i l d r e n ages e i g h t and t h r e e . I was not so w e l l a d j u s t e d . T h i s time Setsuko's husband preceeded h e r . He found an apartment and one month l a t e r , sent f o r h i s w i f e and c h i l d r e n . S etsuko says t h a t because her husband knew she c o u l d speak E n g l i s h so w e l l , and because she was so w e l l i n formed about N o r t h Americans i t never o c c u r r e d t o him t o f i n d an apartment near the Japanese community l o c a t e d i n the downtown a r e a . At t h a t t i m e , I thought Canadians and Americans were a l i k e — t h a t they would t r e a t me as the Americans had t r e a t e d me. . . I e x p e c t e d them t o do the same, but I t h i n k they are v e r y d i f f e r e n t . Americans are v e r y f r i e n d l y and p o s i t i v e , but Canadians are l i k e — I t h i n k they a r e l i k e E n g l i s h p e o p l e — r e s e r v e d , and do not make f r i e n d s so e a s i l y . At f i r s t , I e x p e c t e d the same h o s p i t a l i t y "from Canadians and I f a i l e d . I had two s m a l l c h i l d r e n and I c o u l d n ' t go about because i t was so 97 c o l d o u t s i d e ; I was c o n f i n e d i n a s m a l l apartment w i t h two s m a l l c h i l d r e n and I was v e r y d e p r e s s e d . I wanted to make f r i e n d s w i t h the people i n my same apartment b u i l d i n g , but I c o u l d n ' t make any f r i e n d s a t a l l . I t r i e d t o t a l k t o the peopl e i n the l a u n d r y room—where we were i n the washing room t o g e t h e r — and, when I t r i e d t o t a l k t o the next l a d y I found out t h a t the apartment b u i l d i n g we a r e i n was almost f u l l o f — h o w t o sa y - - p e o p l e from o t h e r c o u n t r i e s — s o m e a re from I t a l y and some a r e from I s r a e l — a n y w a y , they don't speak E n g l i s h a t a l l . ( l a u g h s ) W e l l , they c o u l d make themselves u n d e r s t o o d i n E n g l i s h , but they d i d n ' t speak E n g l i s h so w e l l — s o i t s i m p o s s i b l e t o make f r i e n d s ! S e tsuko's e x p e c t a t i o n s of what i t would be l i k e t o l i v e i n Canada were dominated by her past e x p e r i e n c e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Those e x p e r i e n c e s bore l i t t l e r e l a t i o n t o her p r e s e n t c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Not o n l y the c o u n t r y and the peopl e were d i f f e r e n t , she, h e r s e l f had changed. She had assumed new r o l e s -and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and those t h i n g s which had been r e l e v a n t i n the p a s t were no l o n g e r so. She d i d not appear t o remember t h a t as a F u l b r i g h t s c h o l a r , when she had enc o u n t e r e d p e o p l e from o t h e r c u l t u r e s she was a b l e t o "make f r i e n d s " . Then, she had been i n community w i t h them. T h i s t i m e , the women she met i n the l a u n d r y room d i d not appear t o m i r r o r s u f f i c i e n t c o n c e r n s i n common t o b r i d g e the l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l chasm. Perhaps they 98 t o o , i n N o r i k o ' s words, "were too busy b u i l d i n g t h e i r own l i v e s t o be i n t e r e s t e d i n o t h e r s . " The d i s o r i e n t a t i o n s u f f e r e d by one whose e x p e c t a t i o n s are. i n v a l i d a t e d can be q u i t e i n t e n s e . The d i s c o v e r y t h a t t h i n g s i n h i s new s u r r o u n d i n g s lo o k q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from what he ex p e c t e d them t o be a t home i s f r e q u e n t l y the f i r s t shock t o the s t r a n g e r ' s c o n f i d e n c e i n the v a l i d i t y of h i s h a b i t u a l " t h i n k i n g as u s u a l " . Not o n l y the p i c t u r e which the s t r a n g e r has brought a l o n g of the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n of the approached group but the whole h i t h e r t o u n q u e s t i o n e d scheme of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . . . becomes i n v a l i d a t e d (Schutz 1944:503) . The sudden c a s t i n g i n t o q u e s t i o n e v e r y t h i n g p r e v i o u s l y taken f o r g r a n t e d can be d i f f i c u l t , but i t i s a t such times of d i s j u n c t i o n t h a t d i s c o v e r i e s a re made. I t h i n k , r e a l l y , t h i s time was a t r i a l f o r me. I thought--my husband and I--we thought t h a t we c o u l d w e l l a d j u s t o u r s e l v e s t o Canada. No problem a t a l l ! We c o u l d speak E n g l i s h , and we had two e x p e r i e n c e s i n A m e r i c a — a n d then we found t h a t t h i n g s were q u i t e d i f f e r e n t ! And I found t h a t a l t h o u g h I can speak E n g l i s h v e r y w e l l , I ca n ' t make f r i e n d s . T h i s i s a d i s c o v e r y ! I thought t h a t i f one can speak the language then one can make f r i e n d s e a s i l y . But t h a t i s n ' t always c o r r e c t ! I t h i n k i t s a w o n d e r f u l d i s c o v e r y . . . Language 99 i s n ' t the p r o b l e m — I mean of c o u r s e i t ' s a problem, but i t i s n ' t the whole problem! The importance of t h i s d i s c o v e r y s h o u l d not be u n d e r e s t i m a t e d . P a r t of Set s u k o ' s sense of s e l f had been immersed i n her f e e l i n g of competence a t b e i n g a b l e t o communicate so w e l l i n E n g l i s h . Once t h i s image was s h a t t e r e d she l e a r n e d new t h i n g s about h e r s e l f . So when I came back, I found my m o t h e r - i n - l a w ' s company so c o m f o r t a b l e ! I missed her g r e a t l y i n Canada. And we had t e a t o g e t h e r and we t a l k e d , and t h i s was a s m a l l t h i n g — I d i d n ' t r e a l i z e b e f o r e but i t i s v e r y i m p o r t a n t t o make l i f e happy! ( l a u g h s ) . J u s t s m a l l t a l k — n o t h i n g i m p o r t a n t . " L e t s have t e a t o g e t h e r , and some sweets t o g e t h e r — a n d say something about the t r e e s and f l o w e r s , " such t h i n g s a re ve r y i m p o r t a n t i n l i f e ! Not everyone can r e l a t e t h e i r u n f u l f i l l e d e x p e c t a t i o n s so d i r e c t l y to. a newly a c q u i r e d awareness of the importance of the l i t t l e t h i n g s . For many people e x p e c t a t i o n s and f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s a r e a jumbled l o t . Most women saw immediate d i f f e r e n c e s i n s i z e , c o n t e n t and space between Japan and the new p l a c e . One woman, an a r t i s t by p r o f e s s i o n , r e c o u n t e d , I t h o u g h t — i t ' s so b i g ! E v e r y t h i n g i s so b i g — e v e n the door of the c a r , i t ' s so heavy! E v e r y t h i n g i s so heavy, the c h a i r , the c o u c h — a n d i n the k i t c h e n , the c o u n t e r i s too h i g h f o r me. I had t o use my h i g h h e e l s i n the k i t c h e n ! And w i d e — a n d the p e o p l e , t h e same! ( l a u g h s ) . So, I f e l t s m a l l . 100 I f e l t so s m a l l ! Another woman who went t o Germany, and who d i d not speak German upon a r r i v a l , s a i d , E v e r y t h i n g seemed so s t r a n g e — m a n y t h i n g s were c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t from o u r s — t h e houses, f o o d , d r e s s - - n o t so much the d r e s s . Of c o u r s e , I c o u l d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d what they were s a y i n g - - o n l y as a p i c t u r e . Only as a p i c t u r e , i t appeared b e f o r e me. A t h i r d woman c o u l d not even see the p i c t u r e as i t appeared b e f o r e h e r . When I came t o Vancouver, I was so s i c k — b e c a u s e of the f l u and the a i r s i c k n e s s I almost got a mental d i s e a s e ! ( l a u g h s ) . My husband was w o r r i e d about me. I c o u l d n ' t f e e l any l i f e i n Canada. I j u s t wanted t o overcome my s i c k n e s s — w h e n I f e l t the l i f e i n Canada i t was t h r e e months l a t e r . . . . I c o u l d n ' t speak t o anyone—I c o u l d n ' t even go o u t — I f e l t I was i n a s m a l l cage I d i d n ' t f e e l I'm human. B: What made you come out of the cage? I t was when I got a f r i e n d . 101 PART I I ; Making Sense In The New Community Wh i l e the o v e r - r i d i n g l o n g term g o a l s of most of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d i n c l u d e b e i n g a b l e t o make f r i e n d s w i t h the people i n the host community, t h e i r immediate concerns a r e committed t o more p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s . L e a r n i n g t o l i v e i n the new p l a c e on a day t o day b a s i s i n v o l v e s many s k i l l s , much f l e x i b i l i t y , and a l o t of work. For some of these women the ta s k i s made e a s i e r by o t h e r s who have preceded them. In t h i s r e g a r d , I found d i s t i n c t d i f f e r e n c e s between the t h r e e groups of wi v e s . These d i f f e r e n c e s not o n l y i n c l u d e the manner i n which the w i f e i s i n t r o d u c e d t o the new s o c i a l environment. They a l s o i n c l u d e the k i n d s of on-go i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s she w i l l be e x p e c t e d t o m a i n t a i n , and i t i s these r e l a t i o n s h i p s which w i l l p r o f o u n d l y a f f e c t her p e r c e p t i o n s , i n t e r a c t i o n s and u l t i m a t e involvement w i t h the new community. In P a r t I I of t h i s c h a p t e r d e a l i n g w i t h l i f e i n the new p l a c e , I f i r s t propose t o g i v e a broad overview of some of the s p e c i a l problems f a c e d by t h i s p a r t i c u l a r group of peopl e when they come t o a s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environment q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from "back home". In the l a t t e r h a l f I e x p l i c a t e the sensemaking of these women i n terms of S c h u t z ' s t h r e e t y p o l o g i e s from h i s essay "The W e l l - i n f o r m e d C i t i z e n " on the use of s o c i a l l y d e r i v e d knowledge. Of the t h r e e groups of women, two groups, the wives of b u s i n e s s men and the wives of government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s tend t o f o l l o w t h e i r husbands t o the new p l a c e a f t e r a p e r i o d of t h r e e t o s i x months. Depending upon company p o l i c y , the w i f e w i l l 102 remain i n Japan, p a c k i n g or s t o r i n g b e l o n g i n g s , c l o s i n g a c c o u n t s , p a y i n g b i l l s and a r r a n g i n g f o r the c h i l d r e n ' s s u p p l e m e n t a l s c h o o l i n g . Some wives a l s o pack and s h i p s e p a r a t e l y numerous items such as s p e c i a l food s t u f f s , a d d i t i o n a l c l o t h i n g or Japanese language books f o r use i n the new c o u n t r y . The unaccompanied b u s i n e s s man or government employee u s u a l l y f i n d s company r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n the new p l a c e who mediate on h i s b e h a l f . A l t h o u g h he may come a l o n e , the businessman's e n t r y i n t o the new community i s g e n e r a l l y f a c i l i t a t e d by h i s p r e d e c e s s o r or s u p e r v i s o r who a r r a n g e s f o r h i s l i v i n g q u a r t e r s , i n t r o d u c e s him t o h i s new c o l l e a g u e s and h e l p s him get s e t t l e d i n the new j o b . When h i s p r e d e c e s s o r and f a m i l y r e t u r n t o Japan the new man may even take over t h e i r l i v i n g q u a r t e r s . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d of t r a n s i t i o n , the newcomer w i l l l i k e l y i n c u r a number of ' s o c i a l d e b t s ' i n the Japanese community, i n the form of home-cooked meals of Japanese f o o d , p e r s o n a l f a v o r s such as mending or l a u n d r y and g e n e r a l h e l p f u l a s s i s t a n c e . Most of these t a s k s w i l l be performed by the wives of h i s c o l l e a g u e s . When h i s w i f e and f a m i l y a r r i v e t h r e e t o s i x months l a t e r , they too w i l l be welcomed i n t o a network of e s t a b l i s h e d c o n t a c t s i n the e x i s t i n g Japanese community. A l t h o u g h a few of the wives of s c h o l a r s w i l l f o l l o w t h e i r husbands a s h o r t time l a t e r , as d i d S e t s u k o , u s u a l l y the woman who i s m a r r i e d t o an accademican accompanies her husband when he goes abroad t o s t u d y . Even though t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s do not have any o f f i c i a l mentors or m e d i a t o r s from the home group w a i t i n g t o a s s i s t them i n g e t t i n g s e t t l e d , they u s u a l l y can 103 depend upon some l o c a l member of the u n i v e r s i t y , i n s t i t u t e or h o s p i t a l f o r i n i t i a l c o n t a c t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , they seem t o be t h r u s t much more q u i c k l y upon t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s than those of the o t h e r two groups. Of c o u r s e , t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e o v e r l a p and some v a r i a t i o n between the s e two g e n e r a l p a t t e r n s of e n t r y i n t o the.new community. Inumaru, i n h i s study of the Japanese b u s i n e s s community i n M i l a n , found t h a t f o r the businessman, the a r r i v a l of h i s w i f e and or h i s f a m i l y was extended up to one year i n the 1950's and e a r l y 1960's...now i t seems t o be about t h r e e t o s i x months, (and) i n the case of c h i l d l e s s c o u p l e s the w i f e might even a r r i v e w i t h the husband...The p e r s o n n e l department of the head o f f i c e , which pays f o r the t i c k e t f o r the f a m i l y d e c i d e s when they s h o u l d come (Inumaru 1977:151). One d i f f e r e n c e which seems t o be c o n s i s t e n t i s t h a t Japanese members of the b u s i n e s s community tend t o remain l o n g e r i n the f o r e i g n c o u n t r y than do s c h o l a r s . For b u s i n e s s men and government employees the average i s t h r e e t o f i v e y e a r s , whereas s c h o l a r s tend t o remain an average of one t o two y e a r s . However, s c h o l a r s such as graduate s t u d e n t s and p o s t - d o c t o r a l s t u d e n t s who have not y e t found a j o b i n Japan seem t o remain f o r a somewhat l o n g e r p e r i o d of t i m e . Many new a r r i v a l s from Japan say t h a t they depend upon the Japanese community f o r s u p p o r t . In w r i t i n g t h i s t h e s i s , I have found d i f f i c u l t y d e t e r m i n i n g j u s t what i s i m p l i e d by "Japanese community." When s p e a k i n g t o i n f o r m a n t s , I t h i n k they p e r c e i v e 1 04 the term i n a r a t h e r s p e c i a l way. I t seems t o r e f e r t o a temporary, t r a n s i e n t and e v e r - c h a n g i n g community r a t h e r than an e s t a b l i s h e d group, of people of a p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c background. Inumaru a d d r e s s e s t h i s problem of d e f i n i t i o n when he t a l k s about the Japanese B u s i n e s s Community i n M i l a n . Because h i s s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t i s f o c u s e d on a d i f f e r e n t member of the community, the cases are not i d e n t i c a l , however, the problems a r e similaT:. Inumaru has chosen t o d i v i d e the community i n the f o l l o w i n g way: the Japanese coming t o M i l a n b e l o n g t o two major d i s t i n c t c a t e g o r i e s : businessmen and d i p l o m a t s , and a r t i s t s , s t u d e n t s and s i m i l a r , whom we can c l a s s i f y as " o t h e r s " , s i n c e t h e r e i s no apparent l i n k among them. The fundamental d i s t i n c t i o n . . . i s between i n d i v i d u a l s w o r k i n g f o r a Japanese i n s t i t u t i o n w i t h i t s head o f f i c e i n Japan, and those who do not work f o r such an i n s t i t u t i o n . . . a f i r s t d e f i n i t i o n of the Japanese s o c i e t y . . . might be as f o l l o w s : Japanese b u s i n e s s community i n  M i l a n i n c l u d e s a l l Japanese w o r k i n g f u l l - t i m e f o r  a Japanese i n s t i t u t i o n w i t h head q u a r t e r s i n Japan  and t h e i r f a m i l i e s who r e s i d e w i t h them. (Inumaru 1977:7, emphasis i n the o r i g i n a l ) . In r e s t r i c t i n g the scope of h i s i n q u i r y t o the Japanese b u s i n e s s community, Inumaru has chosen t o i g n o r e o t h e r Japanese temporary r e s i d e n t s because they have l i m i t e d i n f l u e n c e on the f u n c t i o n i n g i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the newcomers i n the community. The same t h i n g c o u l d be s a i d of the r e s i d e n t 105 immigrant group of p e o p l e of Japanese e t h n i c o r i g i n . The degree t o which the immigrant groups have a s s i m i l a t e d w i t h i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y v a r i e s from p l a c e t o p l a c e . Most l a r g e c i t i e s o u t s i d e of Japan have some Japanese immigrant p o p u l a t i o n s . A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e always m e a n i n g f u l exchanges between the n e w l y - a r r i v e d Japanese and the e a r l i e r Japanese i m m i g r a n t s , i t i s my o b s e r v a t i o n the two groups do not t e n d t o mix. One woman, who had spent her e a r l y y e a r s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , who r e t u r n e d t o Japan t o marry, and who l a t e r t r a v e l e d and l i v e d e x t e n s i v e l y i n s e v e r a l l a r g e c i t i e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s o b s e r v e d : I remember i n Chicago t h e r e was a s e c t i o n where a l l the Japanese immigrants l i v e , and these Japanese who have come over f o r b u s i n e s s reasons a f t e r the war, they form another community. Somehow, a t f i r s t I'm sure t h a t the newcomers were g r e a t l y i n d e b t e d t o the o l d immigrants i n s e t t l i n g down. But g r a d u a l l y , the ones who came a f t e r w a r d s s t a r t e d t o l o o k down on them. . . . The o n l y c o n t a c t we had w i t h the immigrant s o c i e t y was s h o p p i n g . . . t o buy f o o d or l i t t l e Japanese g i f t s . T h i s same k i n d of d i s t a n c i n g o n e s e l f from a group of people who seem t o share c e r t a i n o r i g i n s but who no l o n g e r share r e l e v a n c i e s a l s o o c c u r s w i t h i n the r e s i d e n t immigrant s o c i e t y . A d d i t i o n a l l y , I have found t h a t when most of my i n f o r m a n t s t a l k about "the t i g h t l y k n i t Japanese Community," they are r e f e r r i n g 106 t o t h o s e , who, l i k e t h e m s e l v e s , w i l l one day r e t u r n t o Japan. Perhaps t h i s i s s i m p l y because they p e r c e i v e these p e o p l e t o be those w i t h whom they w i l l have on-going c o n t a c t s , r e l a t i o n s h i p s and o b l i g a t i o n s i n the f u t u r e . R e g a r d l e s s of how the r e c e n t l y a r r i v e d Japanese housewife i s i n t r o d u c e d t o the new p l a c e , w i t h i n a few days she w i l l be ex p e c t e d t o assume c e r t a i n r o l e s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and t a s k s h a v i n g t o do w i t h sense-making i n the new community. U s u a l l y , i f her husband precedes h e r , she . w i l l f i n d him r e a s o n a b l y c o n v e r s a n t w i t h h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s , and she w i l l p r o b a b l y r e c e i v e c o n s i d e r a b l e h e l p from o t h e r Japanese wives i n the community. I f she accompanies her husband they might l e a r n 'the r u l e s ' of the new p l a c e t o g e t h e r . Because of t h i s d i f f e r e n c e , I w i l l f i r s t d i s c u s s the l i f e s t y l e of the woman who f o l l o w s her husband. Many of thes e women s a i d t h a t a f t e r a day or so f o r them t o become ' r e s t e d and a d j u s t e d ' t h e i r husband l e f t them on t h e i r own t o l e a r n t o cope w i t h the new w o r l d . S e v e r a l i n f o r m a n t s t o l d me t h a t t h e i r husbands went away on a b u s i n e s s t r i p the day  a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l . The d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s so t a k e n - f o r -g r a n t e d i n Japan i s d i f f i c u l t t o m a i n t a i n i n the new p l a c e . The newly a r r i v e d h o usewife needs t o have c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n a t hand i f not i n hand. The s i m p l e m a t t e r of shopping f o r f o o d , f u r n i s h i n g s and c l e a n i n g equipment the n e c e s s a r y arrangements t o be made f o r the c h i l d r e n ' s s c h o o l i n g , and the r o u t i n e l e a r n i n g of the l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems, a l l t h e s e t h i n g s assume an importance a k i n t o a d v e n t u r e . The w i f e of an over s e a s member of the Japanese b u s i n e s s 107 community u s u a l l y f i n d s t h a t she i s encouraged t o become a p a r t of a t i g h t l y k n i t group. There a r e u s u a l l y s e v e r a l groups or f a m i l y c l u b s she can j o i n which a r e m a i n l y c o m p r i s e d of o t h e r Japanese company w i v e s . However, she soon l e a r n s t h a t most of the companies a r e f i e r c e l y c o m p e t i t i v e , a n d t h a t i n the new p l a c e she w i l l always be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h her husband's company. F i n a l l y , i f the b u s i n e s s i s l a r g e enough she w i l l be e x p e c t e d t o assume a p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the h i e r a c h y of the company wives r e l a t i v e t o the p o s i t i o n her husband h o l d s w i t h i n the company. I f her husband's p o s i t i o n i s h i g h i n the company she may be expe c t e d t o assume c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the ot h e r w i v e s . I f her husband i s j u s t s t a r t i n g out she may f i n d h e r s e l f p a i r e d w i t h someone w i t h whom she f e e l s she has l i t t l e i n common. We had t o be t i e d t o each o t h e r v e r y s t r o n g l y , because i n Germany, I got a l l the i n f o r m a t i o n : about how to do a n y t h i n g from another Japanese w i f e . . . . In Japan, we can s e l e c t our f r i e n d s a c c o r d i n g t o who we l i k e . But i n t h a t c i t y f a r away from Japan, the s e l e c t i o n i s l i m i t e d . A l t h o u g h I don't l i k e "her" I must be k i n d t o her and I must be t i e d s t r o n g l y t o h e r . For some women t h i s i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from any p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e i n Japan, where she was exp e c t e d t o m a i n t a i n a d i s t a n c e from her husband's d a i l y a c t i v i t y . The d i p l o m a t ' s w i f e u s u a l l y f i n d s the h i e r a c h i c a l system p a r t i c u l a r l y f i r m among the wives of government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Lower e c h e l o n wives a re sometimes c a l l e d upon t o p e r f o r m t a s k s 108 w i t h which they might have l i t t l e f a m i l i a r i t y , such as the young woman m a r r i e d t o a d i p l o m a t who was g i v e n a l a r g e f r e s h f i s h and t o l d t o p r e p a r e s a s h i m i (raw f i s h ) f o r an embassy f u n c t i o n . I had never even seen t h a t k i n d of whole f i s h b e f o r e ! You know, when we buy s a s h i m i i n Japan i t i s a l r e a d y p r e p a r e d — s k i n n e d , and boned and s l i c e d ! I j u s t s a t down and c r i e d ( l a u g h s ) . Most women were s u r p r i s e d t o f i n d the importance which food and i t s p r e p a r a t i o n came t o assume i n t h e i r l i v e s . Some who had always taken f o r g r a n t e d the adequacy of t h e i r c u l i n a r y s k i l l s e x p e r i e n c e d u n c e r t a i n t y i n the f a c e of the new p r o s p e c t s . I had t o e n t e r t a i n when h i s Japanese f r i e n d s came to New York or f o r some s p e c i a l event. The f i r s t t h i n g I had t o l e a r n — c a n you guess? Japanese c o o k i n g ! Because most of the Japanese who came from Japan expect v e r y s p e c i a l t h i n g s a t home, and most of the American who we i n v i t e expect something Japanese t o o ! So I s t a r t e d l e a r n i n g Japanese c o o k i n g . B: You d i d n ' t know Japanese c o o k i n g ? I d i d ! But you know the meat and f i s h ? E v e r y t h i n g i s such a d i f f e r e n t shape—we don't have b l o c k s of  beef i n Japan, j u s t s l i c e s . And the c h i c k e n , I had to bone i t , the f i s h — e v e r y t h i n g . And i f we need something s p e c i a l , something Japanese we have t o go t o a s p e c i a l Japanese s t o r e or food shop which i s not near. So we have t o p l a n f o r s e v e r a l days ahead. 109 In Japan, i t i s not customary f o r the w i f e t o have t o e n t e r t a i n her husband's b u s i n e s s a s s o c i a t e s . He u s u a l l y t a k e s them out t o a r e s t a u r a n t , w h i l e she.remains a t home w i t h the c h i l d r e n . Unaccustomed t o i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h her husband's a s s o c i a t e s and u n a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e i r w i v e s , the newcomer sometimes f i n d s such s o c i a l commitments a s t r a i n . Wives of d i p l o m a t s a re e x p e c t e d t o l e a r n q u i c k l y the f o r m a l i t y of e n t e r t a i n i n g Japanese f a m i l i e s who t r a v e l abroad as w e l l as the " f o r e i g n e r s " of the host community. B u s i n e s s men's wives a r e a l s o e x p e c t e d t o e n t e r t a i n but on a more c a s u a l s c a l e . S c h o l a r s and t h e i r wives e n t e r t a i n more or l e s s as the s o c i a l o c c a s i o n d i c t a t e s . Of the t h r e e groups, s c h o l a r ' s wives have the l e a s t p r e s s u r e t o conform a c c o r d i n g t o the consensus of the o v e r s e a s Japanese community. However, they a l s o r e c e i v e the l e a s t h e l p from t h i s p a r t i c u l a r source of knowledge. Perhaps i t i s because she a r r i v e s w i t h her husband, or perhaps i t i s because t h e i r p r i m a r y a f f i l i a t i o n i s w i t h an i n s t i t u t i o n c o n s i d e r e d t o be p a r t of the host community, f o r whatever r e a s o n , s c h o l a r s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s a r e i n t r o d u c e d t o the problems and the p l e a s u r e s of l e a r n i n g how t o cope on t h e i r own more q u i c k l y than the o t h e r two groups. Q u i t e o f t e n , the h e l p they r e c e i v e depends upon t h e i r p e r c e i v e d s t a t u s . Research a s s o c i a t e s and v i s i t i n g f a c u l t y seem t o r e c e i v e more c o n c r e t e a i d than g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s and t h e i r . w i v e s or p o s t - d o c t o r a l f e l l o w s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The gamut of a s s i s t a n c e from the host community runs from non-e x i s t e n t t o a r r a n g i n g f o r a ' w e l l f u r n i s h e d home w i t h f r e s h l y s t o c k e d l a r d e r . Whatever the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , the husband, w i f e 1 1 0 and c h i l d r e n a re exposed t o i t t o g e t h e r . However, soon a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l the husband goes t o work l e a v i n g h i s w i f e t o cope w i t h the new s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment. The P r i o r i t y of E d u c a t i o n R e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r husband's o c c u p a t i o n , p r o f e s s i o n or s t a t u s , s c h o o l i n g f o r the c h i l d r e n assumes a major p r i o r i t y . Many women spoke of a r r i v i n g i n Canada or t h e . U n i t e d S t a t e s and b e i n g s u r p r i s e d when they were t h w a r t e d i n t h e i r attempt t o e n r o l t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l because the l o c a l s c h o o l a u t h o r i t i e s f e l t i t was too near the v a c a t i o n p e r i o d . In Japan, where e d u c a t i o n i s a y e a r - r o u n d o c c u p a t i o n i f not o b s e s s i o n , the s c h o o l year runs from A p r i l t o the f o l l o w i n g March. The summer h o l i d a y s , a p e r i o d of about 35 days, extend from about the 25th of J u l y t i l l the end of August. The w i n t e r break i s about ten days. F u r t h e r , as one mother t o l d me, i n Japan, i f a c h i l d i s absent from s c h o o l more than one q u a r t e r of the s c h o o l y e a r , he or she can not pass t o the next grade, thus s e p a r a t i n g the c h i l d from f r i e n d s , i r r e s p e c t i v e of the marks a t t a i n i n the s u b j e c t m a t t e r . For t h i s r e a s o n , many p a r e n t s attempt t o r e g i s t e r t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l as soon as they a r r i v e i n the new c o u n t r y . Most ele m e n t a r y s c h o o l c h i l d r e n have not been exposed t o E n g l i s h and many p a r e n t s b e l i e v e t h a t even the s h o r t c o n t a c t w i t h schoolmates f a c i l i t a t e s e n t r y i n t o the community. A l a r g e number of women s a i d t h a t they e n r o l l e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l w i t h i n t h r e e days of a r r i v a l . Many Japanese p a r e n t s a r e f e a r f u l of i n t e r r u p t i n g t h e i r c h i l d ' s Japanese e d u c a t i o n . P a s s i n g the e n t r a n c e exams r e q u i r e s such s p e c i f i c , d e t a i l e d and unambiguous knowledge t h a t they a r e 111 r e l u c t a n t t o h i n d e r the flo w i n any way. For t h i s r e a s o n , some c h i l d r e n a r e e i t h e r l e f t i n Japan or a r e sent back t o l i v e w i t h g r a n d p a r e n t s w h i l e they complete t h e i r s t u d i e s . T h i s works a c o n s i d e r a b l e h a r d s h i p on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between mother and c h i l d . However, of the women who d i d send a c h i l d back t o Japan, most atte m p t e d t o loo k upon the o c c a s i o n as something which c o u l d not be h e l p e d ( s h i k a t a q a n a i ) . A l l of them had d i s c u s s e d the p o s s i b i l i t y w i t h t h e i r c h i l d b e f orehand so i t would not come as a s u r p r i s e , and i n a l l c a s e s the c h i l d agreed t o the arrangement. I t i s noteworthy t h a t a l l of the c h i l d r e n sent back were boys. No da u g h t e r s were r e t u r n e d f o r e d u c a t i o n a l r e a s o n s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of one g i r l who spent a year i n a m i s s i o n s c h o o l i n Japan w h i l e her p a r e n t s l i v e d i n an East-European c o u n t r y . She l a t e r j o i n e d them i n Europe where she completed her e d u c a t i o n t h r o u g h the u n i v e r s i t y . T h i s tends t o t a l l y w i t h White's a s s e r t i o n t h a t , The s t a n d a r d s f o r mainstream "normalcy" a r e much h i g h e r f o r boys; g i r l s a r e p e r m i t t e d a g l o s s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m , and p a r e n t s r a r e l y worry as much about t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a l f u t u r e (White 1979:4). Inumaru a l s o c o n f i r m s t h a t p a r e n t s t e n d t o be more concerned about sons r e c e i v i n g an Japanese e d u c a t i o n than they are about t h e i r d a u g h t e r s . He a l s o n o t e s : No f o r e i g n s c h o o l . . . i s acknowledged by the Japanese M i n i s t r y of E d u c a t i o n (monbusho). At the end of t h e i r s t a y abroad, many c h i l d r e n can not have t h e i r d i p l o m a s r e c o g n i z e d , a l t h o u g h they can e n t e r a Japanese s c h o o l more or l e s s c o r r e s p o n d i n g 1 12 to t h e i r l a s t one (Inumaru 1977:166). D e s p i t e the haz a r d s and d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d i n e d u c a t i n g c h i l d r e n i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y many p a r e n t s do choose t o b r i n g them when they l i v e abroad. Those who t r a v e l t o an E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g c o u n t r y see i t as an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the c h i l d r e n t o l e a r n E n g l i s h i n a n a t u r a l s e t t i n g . Because t e s t s i n E n g l i s h a re p a r t of the d i f f i c u l t e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s the e x p e r i e n c e i s viewed as a p o t e n t i a l l y p o s i t i v e one. Inumaru notes t h a t the Japanese p e r c e p t i o n of the v a l u e of l e a r n i n g a f o r e i g n language i s a pragmatic one where the a b i l i t y t o speak E n g l i s h f l u e n t l y i s viewed as p r a i s e w o r t h y but the importance of l e a r n i n g I t a l i a n i s downgraded because i t i s ". . . l e s s used i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o n t e x t i n g e n e r a l and i n the Japanese s o c i e t y i n p a r t i c u l a r " (Inumaru 1979:166). T h i s agrees w i t h what some of the i n f o r m a n t s t o l d me, t h a t even Japanese who move t o a f o r e i g n n o n - E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g c o u n t r y such as Germany, s t i l l t e n d t o conduct a f f a i r s w i t h the host b u s i n e s s groups i n E n g l i s h . The overwhelming involvement by mothers i n the c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n i s somewhat tempered i n the new c o u n t r y . Many women are r a t h e r p e r p l e x e d t o f i n d t h a t a p r o v i n c e of concern p r e v i o u s l y thought t o be t h e i r s a l o n e i s now t o be shared w i t h t h e i r husband. One woman e x p r e s s e d s u r p r i s e t h a t the P. T. A. meetings are h e l d i n the ev e n i n g and t h a t on " P a r e n t ' s N i g h t " both the f a t h e r and the mother are encouraged t o a t t e n d . T h i s i n v o l v e s e i t h e r g e t t i n g a b a b y s i t t e r (not g e n e r a l l y done i n Japan) or l e a v i n g the c h i l d r e n a l o n e i n the e v e n i n g . You see, we don't have t h a t system {of b a b y s i t t e r s } here i n Japan. When we have to--we 1 1 3 j u s t ask the n e i g h b o r s t o - - l o o k a f t e r them. They were a t the age when they needed b a b y s i t t e r s but they d i d n ' t want i t , ( l a u g h s ) so I j u s t l e f t them. We had some t r o u b l e s , you know, when we a r r i v e d home l a t e a t n i g h t we found the l i g h t on i n the garage and I c o u l d n ' t know {imagine} what happened. And then we opened the garage d o o r — a n d found two sons s l e e p i n g t h e r e ! Because I asked them t o b r i n g t h e i r keys w i t h them a l w a y s , but t h e y ' r e not used t o t h a t , and I thought they wouldn't go out a f t e r d i n n e r — b u t i t was l i g h t enough so they d i d ( l a u g h s ) . And they f o r g o t t h e i r keys and were l o c k e d o u t . And they were shy, and they c o u l d n ' t ask the n e i g h b o r s t o h e l p them. Moreover, they c o u l d n ' t speak E n g l i s h a t a l l . T h i s woman f e l t i t was bes t t o c o n t i n u e the c l o s e bond between mother and c h i l d u n i n t e r r u p t e d by another c a r e t a k e r . I f her sons s a i d they d i d not want a b a b y s i t t e r she d i d not impose one on them, but i n r e t u r n , she e x p e c t e d r e s p o n s i b l e b e h a v i o r from them. In the Canada or the U n i t e d S t a t e s the l a c k of a b a b y s i t t e r might be i n t e r p r e t e d as n e g l i g e n c e on the p a r t of the p a r e n t s . In Japan t h i s c o n f l i c t would not have o c c u r r e d because the husband and w i f e would not have been e x p e c t e d t o appear t o g e t h e r a t the same f u n c t i o n . In g e n e r a l most Japanese mothers show a c o n t i n u i n g and c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s s c h o o l work and are s u r p r i s e d a t the s m a l l amount of homework t h e i r c h i l d r e n are ex p e c t e d t o do. Most Japanese c h i l d r e n e x c e l over t h e i r Western 1 1 4 c o u n t e r p a r t s i n math and music, but l a c k v e r b a l s k i l l s and E n g l i s h p r o f i c i e n c y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s l a c k i s o f t e n shared by t h e i r mothers, so h e l p i s d i f f i c u l t t o g i v e . Thus, the p a t t e r n of always b e i n g a b l e t o o f f e r h e l p , knowledge and d i r e c t i o n i s t h r e a t e n e d , as i s the amaeru-amayakasu (dependence-indulgence) r e l a t i o n s h i p . O c c a s i o n a l l y unexpected problems a r i s e . A s e n s i t i v e , a l e r t mother can d e t e c t them, but o f t e n i s p o w e r l e s s t o e f f e c t changes. The f i r s t time we took her t o schools-how can I d e s c r i b e her t e a c h e r ? She was ve r y eager t o h e l p us and she chose one Chinese boy i n her c l a s s , but she c o u l d n ' t t e l l , - - d i s t i n g u i s h C h i n e s e from J a p a n e s e — s o when the l i t t l e C h i nese boy s t a r t e d t a l k i n g we s a i d "I'm s o r r y , but we are Japanese." A n d — a h — s o m e people j u s t l a u g h and say "I'm s o r r y , " t h i s v e r y o f t e n h a p p e n s — b u t she took i t ve r y s e r i o u s l y , and she wasn't v e r y happy, i t seemed t o me, she wasn't v e r y happy t o have my daughter i n her c l a s s . That means she might have a l i t t l e t r o u b l e t o t e a c h something or {my daughter} would have t r o u b l e t o c a t c h up t o the. c l a s s f o r the f i r s t year u m — w e l l , she {daughter} p r o b a b l y had a l o t of t r o u b l e i n E n g l i s h but the l i t t l e c h i l d r e n d i d n ' t h e s i t a t e t o p l a y w i t h her a t r e c e s s . But I t h i n k she had a hard time from A p r i l t i l l June, u n t i l she got another t e a c h e r i n September. 1 1 5 Another mother was a b l e t o use such an e x p e r i e n c e t o h e l p someone e l s e : The reason we had d i f f i c u l t y i s t h a t we moved a f t e r one y e a r . . . . When we f i r s t a r r i v e d , the t e a c h e r s were v e r y a c c e p t i n g because they know they don't speak E n g l i s h , but when we moved a f t e r one year or so, they assume you s h o u l d know t h i s or t h a t . . . But one year i s not enough, I b e l i e v e . B: comparing the two t e a c h e r s , do you t h i n k the second one was as a c c e p t i n g as the f i r s t ? W e l l , I'd r a t h e r s a y - - i f I were t o do i t a g a i n I'd ask the s c h o o l t o change the t e a c h e r , maybe. . . That t h i n g d i d happen a g a i n , and I was a k i n d of v o l u n t e e r worker a t the s c h o o l t h e n — w h e n another Japanese c h i l d came i n and had the same d i f f i c u l t y . So, I and my o t h e r f r i e n d t h e r e h e l p e d h e r — t o h e l p him t o s w i t c h t e a c h e r s and then he had a v e r y n i c e and happy t i m e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , because the c h i l d r e n a r e l e a r n i n g s c h o o l s u b j e c t s i n a language not always f a m i l i a r t o t h e i r p a r e n t s , some mothers f i n d a growing g u l f where b e f o r e had been a b r i d g e . In t h i s r e g a r d , i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n the f a m i l y a re changed by o t h e r f a c t o r s as w e l l , i n the day t o day s t y l e of l i v i n g . One woman noted t h a t the c l o s e t i e s she had always f o s t e r e d w i t h her two c h i l d r e n were s l o w l y b e i n g eroded by a s h i f t i n g meal p a t t e r n . The c h i l d r e n were not used t o h a v i n g g u e s t s a t 1 16 home so o f t e n . And they had t o get used t o — w e l l , u s u a l l y when the Japanese {man} i n v i t e s g u e s t s , the c h i l d r e n and mother have d i n n e r a l l t o g e t h e r and w e l l , they don't do t h a t t h e r e . So my c h i l d r e n had t o eat alon e - - a n d they were not happy, a t f i r s t ( l a u g h s ) . . . . When we had g u e s t s , of c o u r s e , I a t e w i t h my husband. S i z e and Space S i z e and space a l s o p l a y a l a r g e p a r t i n the overwhelming impact of the new s o u r r o u n d i n g s . Many women commented on the g r e a t d i s t a n c e s they had t o t r a v e l t o do s i m p l e shopping f o r everyday l i v i n g . In Japan, most neighborhoods have s e v e r a l s m a l l s t o r e s where one can buy food such as f r e s h produce, eggs, f i s h , t o f u (soya bean cake) meat or canned goods. These s t o r e s a re u s u a l l y w i t h i n w a l k i n g d i s t a n c e of any p a r t of the r e s i d e n t a l a r e a . L a r g e r super-markets and shopping c e n t r e s l o c a t e d some d i s t a n c e away a r e s t i l l w i t h i n r e a c h by v a r i o u s forms of p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . In the new c o u n t r y , the s t r a n g e s u r r o u n d i n g s , the f e a r of becomming l o s t , t he f e e l i n g of incompetence i n l i n g u i s t i c a b i l i t y can take i t s t o l l w i t h the t i m i d . One woman, H i r o k o , remembers the f i r s t s i x months as b e i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y f r u s t r a t i n g . At t h a t t i m e , I c o u l d n ' t d r i v e because I d i d n ' t know how. My husband had a c a r but i n the day I c o u l d n ' t go out because the apartment houses were so f a r from town. I c o u l d n ' t go shopping--I d i d n ' t have any f r i e n d s so I c o u l d not go out. No way! So a l l day I was a l o n e by m y s e l f . 1 1 7 At f i r s t , I d i d n ' t f e e l I'm a c c e p t e d - - f o r s i x months. I f e l t so i s o l a t e d I was always c r y i n g . The l e t t e r from Japan was the o n l y t h i n g t o make me happy. There were no t e l e p h o n e c a l l s from my f r i e n d s . My n e i g h b o r s were good but s t i l l I c o u l d n ' t speak E n g l i s h w e l l - - I c o u l d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d what they s a y - - t h e y speak so f a s t . . . I d i d n ' t have so many f r i e n d s - - j u s t n e i g h b o r s , and my husband, when I t o l d him, he j u s t s a i d "be p a t i e n t " t h a t s a l l . Knowing how t o d r i v e and how t o conv e r s e i n E n g l i s h a r e o b v i o u s l y two v e r y u s e f u l s k i l l s i n suburban New York. But they are o n l y two k i n d s of p r a c t i c a l knowledge among the my r i a d n e c e s s a r y f o r everyday l i v i n g . R e l e v a n c e , I n t e r e s t and P r a c t i c a l Knowledge In r e v i e w i n g the many a c c o u n t s , a p a t t e r n seems t o emerge. There appears an o b v i o u s c o r r e l a t i o n between how much the person knows about the new p l a c e and how c o m f o r t a b l e she f e e l s i n i t . F u r t h e r , how much she knows seems d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o her i n t e r e s t s , and these i n t e r e s t s a r e governed by what she f i n d s r e l e v a n t . One of the problems of moving t o a new p l a c e i s t h a t of s h i f t i n g r e l e v a n c e s because i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e p a r a t e which t h i n g s one must l e a r n i n g r e a t d e t a i l from t h o s e which can be taken f o r g r a n t e d . Schutz d i s c u s s e s t h i s i n h i s essay "The S t r a n g e r (1944)" and i n a l a t e r paper, "the W e l l - i n f o r m e d C i t i z e n (1964)" he suggests t h r e e t y p o l o g i e s t o e x p l i c a t e the manner i n which s o c i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d knowledge i s accumulated. The i d e a l t y p e s 118 he p r o p o s e s , the e x p e r t , the man on the s t r e e t ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d t o as the o r d i n a r y c i t i z e n ) and the w e l l - i n f o r m e d  c i t i z e n , a r e s i m p l i f i e d and rough o u t l i n e s . Schutz notes t h a t "each of us i n d a i l y l i f e i s . . . s i m u l t a n e o u s l y ( a l l t h r e e ) w i t h r e s p e c t t o d i f f e r e n t p r o v i n c e s of knowledge . . . and t h a t these t h r e e k i n d s of knowledge d i f f e r o n l y i n t h e i r r e a d i n e s s t o ta k e t h i n g s f o r g r a n t e d " ( S c h u t z 1964:123). To t h i s , I would add t h a t the a c q u i s i t i o n and use of accumulated knowledge a l s o depends upon the a b i l i t y t o r e f l e c t upon p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s and t o e x t r a c t meaning from them. I propose t o use the t h r e e o u t l i n e s s u g g e s t e d by Schutz i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h e t h n o g r a p h i c r e a l i t y t o show how accumulated knowledge a f f e c t s one's p e r c e p t i o n of a new c o u n t r y . The f i r s t t y p o l o g y (the e x p e r t ) i s an example of a woman who has amassed a c e r t a i n amount of d e t a i l e d and s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n " . . . r e s t r i c t e d t o a l i m i t e d f i e l d but t h e r e i n i t i s c l e a r and d i s t i n c t " (Schutz 1964:123). Most i m p o r t a n t , i s t h a t t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s of p a r t i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e t o her reason f o r l i v i n g i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y . The second a c c o u n t , the o r d i n a r y c i t i z e n i s of a woman who comes t o the new p l a c e w i t h an e x t r a o r d i n a r y number of taken f o r g r a n t e d n o t i o n s . Because she i s never a b l e t o f i n d a s u s t a i n i n g i n t e r e s t i n any s u b j e c t o u t s i d e of an a l l consuming d e s i r e t o be a c c e p t e d by the people who l i v e t h e r e , she i s unable t o disengage her p e r c e p t i o n s from a f e e l i n g of p e r s o n a l r e j e c t i o n . W h i l e she posesses a unique a b i l i t y t o r e c o r d and r e p l a y e v e n t s and t h e i r impact, they remain, f o r h e r , s i n g l e e n t i t i e s , u n u n i t e d and i n v a r i a b l e . 119 The t h i r d t y p o l o g y i s drawn from the a c c o u n t s of two d i f f e r e n t women who a l s o came w i t h t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i d e a s and p r e c o n c e p t i o n s , but who a r e a b l e t o e x t r a c t from t h e i r p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e s enough data t o determine a l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s . These p r i o r i t i e s c o r r e s p o n d t o what Schutz c a l l s "graduated knowledge of r e l e v a n t elements, the degree of d e s i r e d knowledge b e i n g c o r r e l a t e d w i t h t h e i r r e l e v a n c e " (Schutz 1944:500). J u s t as S c h u t z ' s w e l l - i n f o r m e d c i t i z e n "...does not a c q u i e s c e i n the fundamental vagueness of mere r e c i p e knowledge or i n the i r r a t i o n a l i t y of u n c l a r i f i e d p a s s i o n s and s e n t i m e n t s " (1964:122), these women a r e a b l e t o l o o k beyond the imminent and the impending, t o p e r c e i v e changes i n s i t u a t i o n s and t o grow and g a i n from the s h i f t i n g c o n t i n u i t y of t h e i r everyday l i v e s . The E x p e r t ' s Knowledge: L i m i t e d but P r e c i s e . H i s a k o i s an e x p e r t . She i s the w i f e of a h i g h - r a n k i n g d i p l o m a t , and i n t h a t r o l e , has t r a v e l e d e x t e n s i v e l y and l i v e d i n many p a r t s of the w o r l d . She i s m u l t i l i n g u a l , g r a c i o u s and has a d i s a r m i n g manner about her which p u t s one a t ease. A former F u l l b r i g h t s c h o l a r , she has put her f l u e n t E n g l i s h t o use i n her r o l e as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of her c o u n t r y . Her a r e a of e x p e r t i s e i s meeting and e n t e r t a i n i n g both Japanese and f o r e i g n p e o p l e . T h i s i s a problem a r e a f o r many Japanese women because of the the d i f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s i n v a r i o u s c o u n t r i e s . H i s a k o , however, i s not o n l y aware of d i f f e r e n c e s i n e n t e r t a i n i n g s t y l e s between Japanese and N o r t h A m e r i c a , she i s e q u a l l y w e l l v e r s e d i n the r e g i o n a l d i s c r e p e n c i e s i n p r o t o c o l . I f you g i v e a p a r t y i n honor of some person i n San 120 F r a n c i s c o , f o r i n s t a n c e , we gave a p a r t y f o r ("Mr. X") from Japan, and we i n v i t e d s e v e r a l g u e s t s . Of c o u r s e , we i n v i t e d h i s p a t r o n t o o . W e l l , we j u s t n a t u r a l l y d e c i d e d t o sea t him as the guest of honor. But i n Washington, h i s s e a t i n g would depend upon h i s t i t l e as w e l l as who a l s o was p r e s e n t . In Washington, even though he i s the guest of honor, ("Mr. X") would p r o b a b l y be s e a t e d f u r t h e r down. I always had t o be r a t h e r c a u t i o u s i n Washington. H i s a k o says t h a t t h i s p a t t e r n of e n t e r t a i n i n g changes when they l i v e i n Japan. When we l i v e among Japanese people we don't have too much j o i n t e n t e r t a i n i n g . . So my husband meets h i s f r i e n d s and I meet mine. I u s u a l l y e n t e r t a i n a t l u n c h time and he e n t e r t a i n s h i s f r i e n d s a t r e s t u r a n t s . . . That doesn't i n t e r f e r e w i t h the s t y l e of e n t e r t a i n i n g i n f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s . I f we meet f a m i l i e s t h e r e we e n t e r t a i n them t o g e t h e r so we can share i n t e r e s t s t o g e t h e r . She f e e l s t h a t t h i s d i v e r s i t y i s p o s s i b l e because she and her husband have a good u n d e r s t a n d i n g of one a n o t h e r ' s p r e f e r e n c e s and i n t e r e s t s . "We can do t h i n g s e i t h e r s e p a r a t e l y or t o g e t h e r . " She e l a b o r a t e d f u r t h e r , My main c o n c e r n i s how t o mix p e o p l e . My husband has o p o r t u n i t i e s t o meet men th r o u g h h i s j o b , and of c o u r s e , when he i n v i t e s " o f f i c i a l l y " I meet some of them. . . I have o p o r t u n i t i e s t o o , t o meet women. . . So I meet s e v e r a l groups of i n t e r e s t i n g 121 people t h r o u g h a number of d i f f e r e n t c l u b s , and I'm always very g l a d t o meet the husbands of those l a d i e s . I f t h e r e a re people I t h i n k my husband would be p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n , I t r y t o i n t r o d u c e them. Then, when we e n t e r t a i n those government p e o p l e , we can ask these o t h e r s e t s so they can j o i n i n and share t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . Embedded i n the above account i s the i d e a of s e p a r a t e p r i v a t e w o r l d s b e i n g brought t o g e t h e r f o r the purpose of shared p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s . I f these p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s then become p r i v a t e c o n c e r n s , H i s a k o f e e l s rewarded. When I asked her what k i n d s of f u n c t i o n s she p r e f e r r e d , she e x h i b i t e d a p r e c i s e knowledge which i n d i c a t e d c o n s i d e r a b l e e x p e r i e n c e , thought and judgement. I p r e f e r s m a l l d i n n e r p a r t i e s — e x c e p t o f f i c i a l o c c a s i o n s when we have t o i n v i t e more~-but even then I t r y t o keep i t under twenty. I l i k e the number f o u r t e e n — s e v e n c o u p l e s . I t s e a s i e r f o r the cook t o p r e p a r e — s i x i s d i f f i c u l t — I mean twe l v e p e o p l e — t h e s e a t i n g i s d i f f i c u l t , but f o u r t e e n i s g o o d — I can t a l k t o everyone. I know an Ambassador's w i f e i n (. . . . ) who i s always c o m p l a i n i n g about her husband's w i l l i n g n e s s t o i n v i t e so many p e o p l e . They always g i v e l a r g e p a r t i e s , the s m a l l e s t they have i s twenty so she doesn't get a chance t o t a l k t o some of the g u e s t s . J u s t t o say a few t h i n g s a f t e r 1 22 d i n n e r , i f you i n v i t e seven c o u p l e s you can share a l o t . I l i k e t h a t . I asked H i s a k o i f she ever e x p e r i e n c e s any problems i n m i x i n g and matching p e o p l e . She d i s p l a y e d an a p t i t u d e f o r p e r f e c t i o n . Oh y e s ! I t s always a s t r a i n u n t i l the p a r t y i s over . . . I f I had a good group, or i f I have done the r i g h t t h i n g i n g e t t i n g c e r t a i n p e o p l e t o g e t h e r . You know, some people a r e rank c o n s c i o u s — t h e y may be r e s e n t f u l i f I have mixed v e r y h i g h l y ranked people w i t h lower or m i d d l e rank p e o p l e . H i s a k o i s aware t h a t c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s c a l l f o r a more c a r e f u l s e l e c t i o n of the guest l i s t than o t h e r s . In knowing "the r u l e s " she a l s o knows which she can bend or break. Undoubtedly c o g n i z a n t t h a t her h i g h s t a t u s a l l o w s her more leeway than a lower e c h e l o n w i f e , she c l a i m s t o p r e f e r the n a t u r a l and u n a f f e c t e d and d i s l i k e s e n t e r t a i n i n g the wives of her husband's s u b o r d i n a t e s because "when I j o k e they s t i l l t a k e me s e r i o u s l y . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , when e n t e r t a i n i n g abroad she i s a c u t e l y aware of her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Japanese c u l t u r e . D u r i n g our c o n v e r s a t i o n she made s e v e r a l o b s e r v a t i o n s i n d i c a t i n g a p e r c e p t i o n of the s i m i l a r i t i e s as w e l l as the d i f f e r e n c e s she found i n v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s . However, she i s a l s o somewhat aware of the l i m i t a t i o n s of her e x p e r i e n c e s . A f t e r we were m a r r i e d wherever we went we were always b e l o n g i n g t o some embassy. We were not q u i t e t o t a l l y exposed t o the l i f e t h e r e . Thats why 1 23 I a p p r e c i a t e d the s o c i e t y - - t h e people I met through my da u g h t e r ' s s c h o o l i n g . For example, i n San F r a n c i s c o , we met l o t s of i n t e r e s t i n g p e o p l e i n the neighborhood. S t i l l — i t was not the same as some p e o p l e . Without doubt, t h e r e a r e many a r e a s of t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d n o t i o n s i n H i s a k o ' s s t o c k of knowledge about everyday l i v i n g i n a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , but w i t h i n the domain of e n t e r t a i n i n g f o r e i g n e r s and Japanese f a m i l i e s a b r o a d , she i s an e x p e r t . I t i s no a c c i d e n t t h a t her e x p e r t i s e c o i n c i d e s w i t h her p r o f e s s i o n as a d i p l o m a t ' s w i f e . I t i s r e l e v a n t t o her l i f e s t y l e and i n t e r e s t s a t hand. I t i s our i n t e r e s t s a t hand t h a t m o t i v a t e s a l l our t h i n k i n g , p r o j e c t i n g , a c t i n g , and t h e r e w i t h e s t a b l i s h e s the problems t o be s o l v e d by our thought and the g o a l s t o be a t t a i n e d by our a c t i o n s . In o t h e r words, i t i s our i n t e r e s t t h a t b r eaks asunder the u n p r o b l e m a t i c f i e l d of the preknown i n t o v a r i o u s zones of v a r i o u s r e l e v a n c e s w i t h r e s p e c t t o such i n t e r e s t , each of them r e q u i r i n g a d i f f e r e n t degree of knowledge (Schutz 1964:124). The i n t e r p l a y between i n t e r e s t , r e l e v a n c e and sensemaking i n d a i l y l i v i n g i s of paramount i m p o r t a n c e . S e t s u k o , who found t h a t more was i n v o l v e d than j u s t knowing E n g l i s h i n o r d e r t o make f r i e n d s i n Canada, e v e n t u a l l y d i d f i n d o t h e r women w i t h whom to- share her i n t e r e s t i n C h r i s t i a n i t y when she j o i n e d a l o c a l c h u r c h group. She met Canadian women who welcomed her i n t o 124 t h e i r homes and l i v e s and who showed concern f o r her and her c h i l d r e n . She f e l t t h a t t h i s c o n c e r n a r o s e from t h e i r " C h r i s t i a n e t h i c " and though i t was not the same as home i n Japan, i t a l l o w e d her t o r e a c h o u t s i d e of h e r s e l f and t o j o i n i n the community of o t h e r s . H i r o k o , who f e l t t h a t she d i d n ' t speak E n g l i s h w e l l enough t o u n d e r s t a n d and i n t e r a c t w i t h her n e i g h b o r s , and who spent the f i r s t s i x months a l o n e and c r y i n g , a l s o met someone w i t h whom t o share her i n t e r e s t i n p a i n t i n g . L a t e r , she j o i n e d a p r o f e s s i o n a l a r t i s t s ' group and e x h i b i t e d s e v e r a l p a i n t i n g s i n New York b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o Japan. But what happens i f the l e v e l of i n t e r e s t does not r i s e t o the p o i n t where i t i n t e r s e c t s w i t h r e l e v a n c e ; when the "u n p r o b l e m a t i c f i e l d of the preknown" i s i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from the unknown? And what happens when i n t e r e s t i n the u n o b t a i n a b l e o b s c u r e s a l l e l s e ? A c c e p t i n g the World as Given The f o l l o w i n g t r u n c a t e d account i s of a woman who t r a v e l e d t o New York w i t h her two c h i l d r e n of ele m e n t a r y s c h o o l age. Wakako i s young ( m i d - t h i r t i e s ) , f l u e n t i n E n g l i s h and a l t h o u g h she had always wanted t o t r a v e l t o New York, she had no c l e a r i d e a of what she wanted t o do when she a r r i v e d t h e r e . She came w i t h the same unfocused dreams as many o t h e r s , but remained unable t o sharpen the v i s i o n beyound the vague o u t l i n e s she f i r s t p e r c e i v e d . I t ' s v e r y s t r a n g e , when I was l i v i n g i n Tokyo a f t e r my c h i l d r e n went t o s c h o o l and my husband went to the o f f i c e I was a l l a l o n e and I d i d n ' t 125 have any of my f r i e n d s near my house. I was d o i n g by m y s e l f a l l day, almost e v e r y day. But I took i t f o r g r a n t e d . I d i d n ' t t h i n k so much about i t . I was l o n e l y , b u t — I wasn't l o n e l y so much because I thought i t was the way I l i v e . In New York, the same t h i n g happened. A f t e r they went t o s c h o o l and my husband went t o the o f f i c e and I was a l o n e i n the apartment. But i t was a k i n d of f r u s t r a t i o n . I wanted t o do s o m e t h i n g — t o go out because e v e r y t h i n g i s new— e v e r y t h i n g i s so s t i m u l a t i n g ! I wanted t o meet many p e o p l e — A m e r i c a n p e o p l e — b e c a u s e I had been e x p e c t i n g i t . Wakako s a i d t h a t when her husband moved t o New York, s i x months p r e v i o u s to her a r r i v a l , he had taken over h i s p r e d e c e s s o r ' s " n i c e two bedroom garden apartment". When she and the c h i l d r e n a r r i v e d she found many o t h e r Japanese f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n the neighborhood. Her next door n e i g h b o r was Japanese, and t o l d them how t o r e g i s t e r the c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l and "about the d o c t o r check-up". From the b e g i n n i n g she had someone near w i t h whom she c o u l d speak i n Japanese. However, she s a i d : I d i d n ' t need t o speak Japanese. I a l r e a d y knew E n g l i s h , and I was not a f r a i d t o speak i t or hear i t spoken t o me. W i t h her n e i g h b o r ' s h e l p , Wakako was a b l e t o r e g i s t e r her c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l the day a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l . However, because i t was e a r l y June they were i n s c h o o l o n l y about two weeks. A f t e r t h a t , Wakako f e l t caught i n a nightmare of slow motion 1 26 moves i n her a t t e m p t s t o see t h i n g s and meet Americans. In the suburbs of New York i f you don't have a c a r you c a n ' t go o u t . I had a Japanese d r i v i n g l i c e n c e but t o have a New York l i c e n c e I have t o pass a w r i t t e n t e s t . To make a p p l i c a t i o n f o r a w r i t t e n t e s t I have t o go t o the o f f i c e — b u t I d i d n ' t have a c a r — h o w can I get t h e r e ? So i t was a b i g f r u s t r a t i o n . I asked her i f were p o s s i b l e f o r her t o have g o t t e n an I n t e r n a t i o n a l d r i v e r ' s l i c e n c e i n Japan, but she d i s m i s s e d the i d e a w i t h : the I n t e r n a t i o n a l l i c e n c e i s f o r t o u r i s t . I was not a t o u r i s t . I t i s o n l y good f o r one y e a r . I f you a r e g o i n g t o l i v e t h e r e — b e t t e r get a r e g u l a r one. She c o n t i n u e d : I f i n a l l y got a l i c e n c e about a month l a t e r , but t h e n , I d i d n ' t know the way. I f you a r e w a l k i n g you can s t o p and look a t a map but i f you a r e i n the c a r you have t o know where you are g o i n g . So, i n the b e g i n n i n g my husband took me t o the super-market because t h a t ' s the main p l a c e I s h o u l d know how t o get t o . The supermarket, the s c h o o l and the s t a t i o n . Wakako s a i d t h a t even a f t e r she got her New York l i c e n c e she s t i l l spent most of the time i n the apartment. A k i n d of nervous apathy seemed t o g r i p h e r . The apartment had a n i c e garden w i t h a pond and i n 127 the good weather you c o u l d go out t o t a k e a l i t t l e w a l k — b u t t o take a walk a l l by my s e l f seemed f u n n y — s t r a n g e ? I t ' s not the u s u a l t h i n g t o go out l i k e t h a t . I wouldn't go out i n Tokyo. . . . To walk, t a k e a walk a l l a l o n e , and s i t t i n g down on the bench d o i n g n o t h i n g — i t s the t h i n g t h a t I don't do i n Tokyo. B: Not even t o take a book and read? But i f you read the book, you can read i t i n the apartment ( l a u g h s ) . In Japan, when we see the s t r a n g e r , when we see Americans we welcome them. Wakako was w a i t i n g f o r someone t o welcome h e r . One of the t a c i t assumptions many Japanese h o l d i s t h a t a guest s h o u l d be made to f e e l a t home. Wakako c o n s i d e r e d h e r s e l f a f o r e i g n e r and i n Japan, a f o r e i g n e r i s always a g u e s t . She imagined as she e x p l a i n e d , . . . I f the c h i l d r e n were l i t t l e and needed t o be watched then maybe I c o u l d be w i t h them and I would be s i t t i n g t h e r e on the bench maybe somebody would pass by and say " H e l l o " and s t a r t a c o n v e r s a t i o n , but a l l a l o n e — I j u s t c o u l d n ' t do i t . . . . I thought t h a t American people were more f r i e n d l y and open-minded and easy t o speak t o — o r maybe they e a s i l y speak t o me. That's what I had e x p e c t e d . . . . Wakako f e l t t h a t the d i v e r s i t y i n c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s which she saw i n New York a c c o u n t e d f o r the l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n her a f f a i r s . As w i t h N o r i k o and S e t s u k o , she o b s e r v e d : .128 In New York they have have many n a t i o n a l i t i e s . They a r e not c u r i o u s about the f o r e i g n e r . They a r e so used t o s e e i n g d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s and they are busy working a l l the time--even the w i v e s . W a i t i n g f o r the o t h e r t o welcome her i s the k i n d of non-a s s e r t i v e "modest" b e h a v i o u r a p p r o p r i a t e i n Japan. However, g e t t i n g a l o n g i n the new p l a c e sometimes r e q u i r e s a change i n b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n . I t i s not enough t o do o n l y the t h i n g s one does back home. My husband bought me g o l f c l u b s ( l a u g h s ) and t o l d me t o t a k e l e s s o n s , so I s t a r t e d . B: D i d you meet anyone on the g o l f c o u r s e ? Yes, but o n l y w h i l e p l a y i n g g o l f . (10 sec. Pause) but, I e n j o y e d p l a y i n g g o l f v e r y much! I t made me f e e l much b e t t e r . I c o u l d enjoy--and I c o u l d f o r g e t about o t h e r l i t t l e t h i n g s — b e f o r e t h a t , I used t o t h i n k - - o r f e e l . B: Were t h e r e any o t h e r i n t e r e s t s t h a t would t a k e you out of the house? I t r i e d - - w e l l , t h e r e a r e t h e s e Japanese f a m i l y l a d i e s , they get t o g e t h e r a l l the time because of a language h a n d i c a p . They a r e a f r a i d t o be w i t h Americans so they go shopping t o g e t h e r , and they have t e a t o g e t h e r and even when they want t o do s o m e t h i n g — a n y t h i n g , they do i t t o g e t h e r . They don't speak E n g l i s h so they a r e l i v i n g j u s t l i k e i n Japan. No d i f f e r e n c e . They don't t r y t o meet Americans they don't t r y t o make f r i e n d s . They a r e 1 29 j u s t w i t h Japanese people a l l the t i m e . I d i d n ' t l i k e t h a t . Because t h i s i s a v e r y good chance f o r me t o meet the c o u n t r y ' s p e o p l e . So I t r i e d t o get a c q u a i n t e d w i t h American p e o p l e and I d i d n ' t j o i n t h a t Japanese community. Maybe the o t h e r Japanese l a d i e s thought I was not s o c i a b l e f o r them. So I j o i n e d the v o t i n g l e a g u e . I was the o n l y Japanese l a d y . B: the v o t i n g l e a g u e — w o u l d t h a t be the League of Women V o t e r s ? Yes. But I wasn't a f r a i d t o j o i n t h a t l e a g u e . And they had t h a t league every F r i d a y morning a t the same b o w l i n g p l a c e . F i f t e e n Japanese l a d i e s t h e r e { i n one a l l e y } and about f i f t e e n American l a d i e s and one Japanese l a d y here ( l a u g h s ) . A l l b o w l i n g . I t h i n k the Japanese l a d i e s were e n v i o u s when they saw me because I c o u l d speak E n g l i s h , but a f t e r b o w l i n g the American l a d i e s d i d n ' t say "come a l o n g t o my house f o r c o f f e e " they j u s t s a i d "See you next week." And l e f t . J u s t t h a t . Once a week. Thats a l l . Perhaps Wakako made an i n a p p r o p r i a t e c h o i c e of s o c i a l groups t o j o i n among American women i n t h a t the u l t i m a t e aims of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r league or group i s t o i n v o l v e the community i n the v o t i n g p r o c e s s . T h i s was i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h Wakako's g o a l of i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n because a l t h o u g h she was a r e s i d e n t of New York she was a l s o an a l i e n who c o u l d not v o t e . When I asked her about the aims of the league she seemed unaware t h a t they had any purpose except b o w l i n g once a week. She was not 130 a b l e t o make sense -of the new s o c i a l environment because she had not g a t h e r e d enough s p e c i f i c , d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n . F u r t h e r m o r e , by j o i n i n g the b o w l i n g group of the league i n s e a r c h of American f r i e n d s she a l s o became a l i e n a t e d from the s o c i a l group of o v e r s e a s Japanese w i v e s . Wakako l i v e d i n New York f o r f o u r y e a r s . D u r i n g t h a t t i m e , she became r e s i g n e d t o the i d e a of never h a v i n g American f r i e n d s but when the time came t o r e t u r n she d i d not w i s h t o go back. W h i l e you are l i v i n g i n the same p l a c e you get used t o i t . I t f e e l s l i k e l i v i n g i n Tokyo. The same t h i n g . You get used t o i t . So, as I s a i d b e f o r e , when I was l i v i n g i n Tokyo—when I was a l o n e , a l l a l o n e — I d i d n ' t f e e l bad about t h a t . But when i t c h a n g e d — i n the b e g i n n i n g — I f e l t so bad about t h a t , but g r a d u a l l y , you get used t o i t . You s t a r t l i v i n g e x a c t l y the same as l i v i n g i n Tokyo. So you don't f e e l much about i t . G r a d u a l l y , you don't f e e l i t . She paused, You asked me what made me f e e l e a s i e r a f t e r s i x months. I t i s n o t h i n g . I s h o u l d say n o t h i n g but I got used t o i t . Time took c a r e of i t . Time. And r e f l e c t e d , . . . maybe I was not so s t i m u l a t e d as I was b e f o r e . I took e v e r y t h i n g f o r g r a n t e d , and I d i d n ' t t h i n k I wanted t o meet any people anymore. Many t h i n g s g r a d u a l l y change. I d i d n ' t f e e l l i k e t h a t anymore. So, l i f e changed i n t o the same l i f e 131 as i n Tokyo. The p l a c e s change, t h a t s a l l . "The same as i n T o k y o " - - t h i s s i m p l e y e t p r o f o u n d o b s e r v a t i o n speaks d i r e c t l y t o the i s s u e a t hand. I t i s i n the e v e r y - d a y - l i f e , where l i t t l e t h i n g s c o u n t , t h a t c u l t u r a l competence r e s t s . The c a r e , d e l i b e r a t i o n , and sense of i n n e r knowledge w i t h which one meets the day-to-day e v e n t s ; the a b i l i t y t o r e f l e c t upon p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s i n o r d e r t o g a i n meaning f o r the p r e s e n t or i n s i g h t f o r the f u t u r e — t h e s e a r e the s k i l l s or l a c k which c u l l the incompetent from the c a p a b l e . The W e l l - i n f o r m e d : The Broader Search Not a l l women have such a d i f f i c u l t t i m e . N o r i k o , who had encountered a p a t h e t i c n e i g h b o r s "too busy b u i l d i n g t h e i r own l i v e s t o be i n t e r e s t e d i n o t h e r s " d i d not remain i s o l a t e d from her s u r r o u n d i n g s . I asked her i f meeting i n d i f f e r e n t n e i g h b o r s made her f e e l l o n e l y . I d i d n ' t have time t o f e e l l o n e l y - - I t h i n k I have never f e l t l o n e l i n e s s i n my l i f e - - e v e n now. I had so many t h i n g s t o do. . . . My husband had not p r e p a r e d e v e r y t h i n g — t h e f u r n i t u r e was b a s i c , but I had t o buy c u r t a i n s and s m a l l t h i n g s — t h e t h i n g s n e c e s s a r y f o r our f a m i l y . Some of my Japanese n e i g h b o r s came and t o l d me where t o buy what I needed. I drove a c a r and as I had an I n t e r n a t i o n a l d r i v e r ' s l i c e n c e , I went shopping the next day. 132 There were seven f a m i l i e s i n my husband's branch o f f i c e - - a l l Japanese. So, the f i r s t t h i n g I d i d was t o have a p a r t y — a f a m i l y p a r t y i n our apartment. I t was e l e v e n days a f t e r I a r r i v e d . . . When my husband was a l o n e i n the a p a r t m e n t - - i n t h a t neighborhood each of the same seven f a m i l i e s took him in--gave him d i n n e r when he wanted, the n e i g h b o r s were so k i n d t o him, I wanted t o r e t u r n t h e i r k i n d n e s s . N o r i k o showed a c o n s i d e r a b l e awareness of what she b e l i e v e d t o be her i n c u r r e d o b l i g a t i o n s toward the Japanese f a m i l i e s who "took i n " her husband. N e v e r t h e l e s s , her b e h a v i o r , a p p r o p r i a t e i n the sense of r e p a y i n g s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s , was unusual i n speed and d i s p a t c h . In the f i v e and one h a l f y e a r s she l i v e d i n New York she c o n t i n u e d t o i n i t i a t e c o n t a c t w i t h both the Japanese community and the American mothers of her c h i l d r e n ' s f r i e n d s . Of the Japanese w i v e s , she s a i d : I knew so many Japanese women who were p a s s i v e , who became n e u r o t i c . . . I t h i n k I h e l p e d them. Because of the language b a r r i e r , they had a hard t i m e . I never would be k i n d t o anyone who d i d n ' t want my k i n d n e s s , but i n s t i n c t i v e l y , I knew when they needed h e l p . But I was a l s o c a r e f u l not t o g i v e — t o o much. . . I m y s e l f , don't l i k e t o be g i v e n k i n d n e s s or h e l p I don't need. Of American mothers, she .sa i d : L a t e r , I found t h e r e were so many l o n e l y p e o p l e i n New York. And I was s u r p r i s e d t h e r e were so many 133 l o n e l y women--American women! But, oh! They are l o v e l y women! They a r e so independent! One of my son's f r i e n d s ' s mother was a d i v o r c e e , and she was a v e r y a t t r a c t i v e p e r s o n — b u t I t h i n k she was a v e r y l o n e l y one t o o . N o r i k o and her husband had e x p e c t e d t o s t a y i n New York about t h r e e y e a r s . The l a s t two and a h a l f of the n e a r l y s i x y e a r s they were " i n s u s p e n s i o n " u n t i l they a c t u a l l y knew the company's p l a n s . N o r i k o e x p e r i e n c e d and t o l e r a t e d the a m b i g u i t y of the imposed c i r c u m s t a n c e s w e l l . Even i n s u s p e n s i o n , i n my deep mind I knew I wanted t o s t a y more. Deep i n my mind. But I d i d n ' t t e l l anybody about i t . Outwardly I s a i d "I'm happy now, because now I know I'm r e a l l y g o i n g back." But, i n my deep mind, I wanted t o s t a y . Not everyone can meet the c h a l l e n g e of the new s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment so d i r e c t l y , w i t h such f i n e s s e and enthusiasm. For many i t i s a s t e p by s t e p p r o c e s s t o be taken w i t h time and c a r e . Sumie was a young woman i n her e a r l y t h i r t i e s w i t h t h r e e s m a l l c h i l d r e n when whe f o l l o w e d her husband t o Vancouver. In the t r a d i t i o n of many company men, he had preceded her by s i x months, found a n i c e house on a q u i e t s t r e e t and then sent f o r h i s f a m i l y . The f i r s t two or t h r e e months I was v e r y l o n e l y because i t was the f i r s t time I went out of Japan. I was born i n Tokyo and I had never . l e f t i t b e f o r e . 1 34 B e f o r e we went t o Canada we l i v e d i n a s m a l l apartment house t h a t was f o r young c o u p l e s and most had young c h i l d r e n . We had a n i c e p l a y g r o u n d so a f t e r my husband l e f t f o r work the c h i l d r e n went out t o p l a y and we had t o watch them, t o keep our eyes on them, so we had l o t s of chance t o t a l k w i t h our n e i g h b o r s . But i n Vancouver, i t i s so q u i e t and I c o u l d n ' t see v e r y many p e o p l e even on the s t r e e t ! Very o f t e n , my husband laughed a t me when I s a i d I f e l t I was l e f t on a d e s e r t , ( l a u g h s ) Vancouver i s a v e r y n i c e c i t y but i t i s so q u i e t . . . . I t was a v e r y busy time f o r my husband--he had t o take many b u s i n e s s t r i p s , each t i m e , about a week or so. I was a l o n e w i t h t h r e e s m a l l c h i l d r e n . D i d you have problems? Not r e a l l y , because i t was our custom among Japanese, when we a r r i v e d , my husband's c o l l e a g u e ' s w i f e — s h e came and h e l p e d me. She took me t o Woodwards {the l o c a l department s t o r e } so I c o u l d do shopping and buy t h i n g s . . . She i s a ve r y n i c e person and~-ah, I always a p p r e c i a t e d her k i n d n e s s , but i f I am c l o s e t o o n l y Japanese group then p r o b a b l y I w i l l l o s e the chance t o see a n y t h i n g — e v e r y t h i n g ' by m y s e l f . So sometimes I d i d n ' t ask h e r . I t r i e d by m y s e l f . Sumie soon found t h a t t o f e e l c o m f o r t a b l e i n the new p l a c e she must have a b e t t e r command of E n g l i s h . She went t o n i g h t 1 35 s c h o o l f o r new Canadians. I t h i n k i t was v e r y good f o r me because the t e a c h e r never thought "oh, they a r e j u s t l a d i e s " she thought "they a r e s t u d e n t s so I have t o be v e r y s t r i c t and c o r r e c t t h e i r p r o n u n c i a t i o n s " and I l e a r n e d a l o t . The f i r s t l i t t l e w h i l e I c o u l d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d what you a r e s a y i n g and I c o u l d o n l y say a few words. I c o u l d o n l y f o l l o w a l i t t l e b i t . I t was ve r y i r r i t a t i n g t o f i n d I c a n ' t t a l k about many t h i n g s as much as I want ( l a u g h s ) . A f t e r h a v i n g l i v e d i n Vancouver f o r two y e a r s , about the time she f e l t she c o u l d u n d e r s t a n d spoken E n g l i s h w e l l enough t o take some U. B. C. E x t e n t i o n c o u r s e s , Sumie's husband was t r a n s f e r r e d t o a s m a l l town i n the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia. When we f i r s t a r r i v e d t h e r e , I was not v e r y happy. I t was A p r i l and t h e r e was s t i l l deep snow on the ground. Sumie had o t h e r s u r p r i s e s as w e l l . She had always l i v e d i n a b i g c i t y and was unprepared f o r s m a l l town l i f e . I asked her what d i f f e r e n c e s she found. I ' l l t e l l you f r a n k l y — i n Vancouver, the people are n i c e and they a r e ve r y p o l i t e they say "how do you do"--and they know a l l the words you use f o r some s o c i a l o c c a s i o n and they a r e v e r y n i c e t o us. But I r e a l l y c o u l d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d t o a f u l l e x t e n t t h a t we are a c c e p t e d . I c o u l d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d t h a t . But, they a re h i g h l y educated and they knew f o r 1 36 the p e o p l e l i k e us, from J a p a n — w e p r o b a b l y have some d i f f i c u l t i e s so they always f e l t they had t o do something f o r us. They a r e w i l l i n g t o o f f e r t o g i v e some h e l p . But i n a s m a l l c o m m u n i t y — t h e y a r e e x a c t l y a b i g f a m i l y . I f once we a r e i n v o l v e d , then i t s a l r i g h t but u n t i l t h e n , they a r e j u s t w a t c h i n g what we a r e d o i n g ! They are not goi n g t o t a l k t o us - - t h e y a r e w a i t i n g . W a i t i n g f o r us t o s t a r t t o t a l k ( l a u g h s ) . So, t h a t was a b i t of t r o u b l e f o r me. B: D i d a n y t h i n g ever happen t o change t h a t ? I. guess i t was when t h e r e was a meeting of the ( C h r i s t i a n ) c h u r c h group, and someone suggested t o me t h a t i f I had t i m e , t h e r e were l o t s of needs t o be f i l l e d a t the Extended Care s e c t i o n of the h o s p i t a l . She asked me "Why don't you come f o r the S p r i n g Tea a t the h o s p i t a l ? " And I d i d n ' t q u i t e u n d e r s t a n d — i t was what they c a l l a G e n e r a l H o s p i t a l i n the d i s t r i c t , and i t i s p u b l i c . Why do  we have t o do something f o r the p u b l i c ? But t h a t was the f i r s t chance I r e a l l y g o t — a h — a l l of the pe o p l e have s o r t of a f e e l i n g t h a t we have t o do something f o r the community and i t was how t o say, i t was a k i n d of shock! In Japan, we use the words "we have t o do something f o r the community" but I r e a l l y don't f e e l a n y t h i n g we c a l l "community". But i n (Inner Town) they have a r e a l sense of t h i s 1 37 i s our community and we have t o do something f o r the community. Sumie's awareness of "community r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s was a c t i v a t e d by a n o t h e r i n c i d e n t . Sometimes I heard somebody t a l k i n g b e h i n d me {behind my back} about the Japanese f a m i l i e s , "they a r e j u s t a c u s t o m e r " — a n d t h a t was v e r y t r u e ! But I f e l t as l o n g as my husband i s w o r k i n g f o r t h i s p u l p m i l l , and a l s o , we a r e C h r i s t i a n s - -our c h u r c h e s { i n Japan} were h e l p e d s p i r i t u a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y by churches i n Canada and the S t a t e s , - - I f e l t I am one p e r s o n , but I have t o do something f o r t h i s ( l a u g h s ) f o r t h i s o c c a s i o n . Sumie's 'sense of o c c a s i o n ' l e d her t o become a v o l u n t e e r a t the Extended Care u n i t where she l e a r n e d r a t h e r d i r e c t l y about the Canadian e l d e r l y . To us Japanese, i t i s the i d e a l because they have a p l a c e t o s t a y , and they a r e c a r e d f o r , but sometimes, they want t o go back t o t h e i r f a m i l i e s — a n d they a r e lonesome and sometimes, they c a l l t h e i r f a m i l i e s names. . . One of the nurses who gave the o r i e n t a t i o n c l a s s was a b i t of a p h i l o s o p h e r . She t o l d us, "Here i n the h o s p i t a l , they have l o s t t h e i r ' s t a t u s ' so we s h o u l d t r e a t them—how t o say, e q u a l l y . And we s h o u l d not e n q u i r e about t h e i r b a c k g r o u n d — u n l e s s or u n t i l t hey want t o t a l k about i t . " D u r i n g the time she l i v e d i n the i n t e r i o r Sumie became an 1 38 i n t e g r a l p a r t of the s m a l l town community. Her c l o s e involvement i n the community a f f a i r s d i d not o b l i t e r a t e her a b i l i t y t o l o o k o b j e c t i v e l y a t the Japanese u t i l i z a t i o n of Canadian r e s o u r c e s . She p e r c e i v e d and d i s t i n g u i s h e d s h o r t term g o a l s i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h l o n g term o b j e c t i v e s of the community and she r a t i o n a l i z e d and a t t r i b u t e d the d i s j u n c t u r e t o i n s u f f i c i e n t e d u c a t i o n i n the community. I f t h e r e were more educated p e o p l e i n ( I n n e r Town) maybe they c o u l d r e a l i z e t h a t , ah, Japan i s g e t t i n g more i n d u s t r i a l i z e d and i s p u t t i n g more money t o i n v e s t i g a t e some m i n i n g company or something. Maybe they s h o u l d t h i n k - - i n a sense, i t s n i c e t o s t a r t a good j o b , but i t s not so good t o e x p o r t the raw m a t e r i a l s out of the c o u n t r y . But t h e r e a r e n ' t so many educated people i n ( I n n e r Town), most people j u s t f i n i s h s e n i o r h i g h s c h o o l or maybe not even t h a t , so I t h i n k they don't t h i n k t h a t f a r ahead. Sumie wanted t o d i s c u s s t h e s e t h i n g s as w e l l as the theme of Japanese e x p l o i t a t i o n , but found no a p p r o p r i a t e way of b r o a c h i n g these s u b j e c t s . I t was one of the t h i n g s I wanted t o t a l k w i t h somebody about, but I c o u l d n ' t s t a r t i t ( l a u g h s ) . Sumie never l o s t s i g h t of the f a c t she was a s t r a n g e r i n the community. A l t h o u g h she c o u l d c o n t r i b u t e t o and p a r t a k e of the j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s i n day-to-day l i v i n g , she always p o s s e s s e d t h a t degree of o b j e c t i v i t y noted by Simmel: . . . A p a r t i c u l a r s t r u c t u r e composed of d i s t a n c e and n e a r n e s s , i n d i f f e r e n c e and 139 involvement . . . (1950:404) which marks the one e x t e r i o r t o the group. Sumie and her f a m i l y l i v e d seven y e a r s i n Canada, (two i n Vancouver and f i v e i n the i n t e r i o r ) b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o Japan. When I spoke w i t h her i n Tokyo i n 1978, she was busy r e -i n t e g r a t i n g h e r s e l f and her c h i l d r e n i n t o Japanese s o c i e t y . I t seems t o be a mere t r u i s m t o s t a t e t h a t o n l y an e x c e e d i n g l y s m a l l p a r t of our a c t u a l and p o t e n t i a l knowledge o r i g i n a t e s i n our own e x p e r i e n c e . The b u l k of our knowledge c o n s i s t s i n e x p e r i e n c e s which not we but our fellowmen, c o n t e m p o r a r i e s or p r e d e c e s s o r s , have had and which they have communicated or handed down t o us. We s h a l l c a l l t h i s . . . S o c i a l l y d e r i v e d knowledge (Schutz 1964:131). In the a b b r e v i a t e d a c c o u n t s which make up these t h r e e t y p o l o g i e s I am s u g g e s t i n g t h a t c u l t u r a l competence comes from d i r e c t involvement i n the new s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment, and t h a t t h i s r e q u i r e s a k i n d of s t e p p i n g o u t s i d e of the s e l f and and i n t o the concerns and l i v e s of the p e o p l e i n the new p l a c e . I t n e c e s s i t a t e s the use of s o c i a l l y d e r i v e d knowledge as w e l l as what G e e r t z has c a l l e d an " i n w a r d c o n c e p t u a l rhythm" (1973:235) of a l t e r n a t i n g between the outward s o c i a l e v e n t s and the inward sense of meaning. 1 40 P a r t I I I : Moments and Movements of the S e l f In The S i l e n t D i a l o g u e Olesen and W h i t t a k e r d i s c u s s the growing s e l f - a w a r e n e s s among st u d e n t n u r s e s brought about by e n f o r c e d s e l f - e x a m i n a t i o n . They c h r o n i c l e not a l i n e a r p a t h , but a p r e c i p i t o u s t r a i l of peaks and v a l l e y s , of emerging l e v e l s of u n d e r s t a n d i n g and i n t u i t i o n which d i s s o l v e or d i s i n t e g r a t e , o n l y t o r e f o r m elsewhere as p o o l s of r e f l e c t i o n and i n s i g h t . These, t h e n , a re the c y c l e s of the i n n e r w o r l d . Together they suggest the n a t u r e of the movement between s o c i a l and i n n e r r e a l i t y . They su g g e s t , moreover, how s o c i a l r e a l i t y permeates the membrane of the s e l f , and c o n v e r s e l y , how the s e l f c o u l d make i t s e l f f e l t on the s o c i a l r e a l i t y . In t h i s way, the i n d i v i d u a l moves toward h i g h e r and h i g h e r l e v e l s of i n t e g r a t i o n , of i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n and of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . The h i g h e r t h i s l e v e l , the g r e a t e r , presumably, i s the independence of the i n d i v i d u a l from h i s s o c i a l environment i n the s e l f - s e n s e of h i s i d e n t i t y (Olesen and W h i t t a k e r 1968:286). W i t h i n the ' s o c i a l r e a l i t y ' e n c o u n t e r e d by the s e women, some move d r a m a t i c a l l y toward i n d i v i d u a l i t y w h i l e o t h e r s seek and s l i p toward the p e r s o n , t h a t s a f e , s e l f - s a m e i d e n t i t y which o f f e r s warmth i n d u p l i c a t i o n . But deep i n my h e a r t I c a n ' t - - I j u s t c a n ' t overcome the p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t another r a c e . When I say p r e j u d i c e i t doesn't have such a good 141 meaning, but I f e l t so much a t home i n A m e r i c a , and s t i l l I f e l t I'm a f o r e i g n e r t h e r e . And when I come back t o Japan, as a person I f e e l so much a t home i n the p o i n t t h a t I am j u s t the same. I loo k the same as o t h e r p e o p l e , and I am q u i t e c o n s c i o u s  about t h a t . Even though I was q u i t e w e l l a d j u s t e d t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s , and I f e l t so much a t home-but i f I l o o k back a t my l i f e t h e r e , I t h i n k t h e r e was a l i t t l e b i t of t e n s i o n a l l the t i m e — t h a t I am l i v i n g i n the f o r e i g n l a n d among f o r e i g n p e o p l e . B u r r i d g e d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between the p e r s o n , " . . . A s i n g l e i n s t a n c e of the s p e c i e s , the c o n f o r m i s t . . . i n word and deed" and the i n d i v i d u a l , "the moral c r i t i c who e n v i s a g e s a n other k i n d of s o c i a l and moral o r d e r , " ( B u r r i d g e 1979:5) and g r a n t s they may d w e l l w i t h i n the same body, a l b e i t r e s t l e s s l y , And t h i s apparent o s c i l l a t i o n or movement between person and i n d i v i d u a l — w h e t h e r i n a p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e the movement i s one way or a r e t u r n i s made—may be i d e n t i f i e d as i n d i v i d u a l i t y . Or, i n d i v i d u a l i t y r e f e r s t o the o p p o r t u n i t y and c a p a c i t y t o move from p e r s o n t o i n d i v i d u a l and/or v i c e v e r s a . The s e l f now becomes an i n t e g r a t i v e / d i s e n t e g r a t i v e energy which g a t h e r s p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s e i t h e r i n t o the person or i n t o the i n d i v i d u a l and, a l s o , an energy which e i t h e r i n h i b i t s or makes p o s s i b l e the movement between person and i n d i v i d u a l . ( B u r r i d g e 1979:5-6) 142 Sometimes t h i s o s c i l l a t i o n can be heard i n the a c c o u n t s of the c u l t u r a l l y competent as moments of s e l f doubt and d i s c e r n m e n t . N o r i k o , who s a i d , "I've never f e l t l o n e l i n e s s i n my l i f e " r e f l e c t e d , Maybe I was always w i t h someone, I l i k e l o o k i n g around, r e a d i n g b o o k s — I don't have time t o s p a r e - - f o r l o n e l i n e s s . Maybe I'm not a deep i n t r o v e r t e d p e r s o n — " t o t o u c h the edge of l o n e l i n e s s " — ( l a u g h s ) . I always e x p r e s s — m a y b e I'm c o v e r i n g . W e l l , I c a n ' t t e l l e x a c t l y . But, sometimes I want t o be l o n e l y ! I want t o - - a h — t o run away from home! Sometimes, I f e e l l i k e r u n n i n g away from a l l of i t — t o be a l o n e . . . Maybe I'm a v e r y happy person — I've never f e l t a l o n e . At t i m e s , the e l a t i o n s which s p r i n g from the s m a l l s u c c e s s e s of c o p i n g w i t h the new c u l t u r e have a way of f a d i n g from s i g h t . At such t i m e s , s i m p l y overcoming i n e r t i a i n the f a c e of the i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e seems l i k e t o o much t r o u b l e . At such times when ". . . disenchantment s e t t l e s on us unawares i n a crowded e x i s t e n c e , w i t h the u n t u t o r e d pause the mind seems t o take w h i l e i t l e t s the w o r l d r e c e d e . . . " (Read 1965:25). At j u s t such t i m e s i t h e l p s t o see what the hand can produce or the ear can h e a r — i f o n l y t o know t h a t we a r e s t i l l h e r e . We may not be e n t i r e l y r i g h t w i t h the w o r l d , or w i t h o u r s e l v e s , but a t l e a s t we are s t i l l h e r e . At such times of e x i s t e n t i a l c r i s i s when one f e e l s the words w i l l not come, t h a t communication w i t h o t h e r s can not 143 proceed a l o n g the u s u a l l i n e s of t a l k i n g , words, or g e s t u r e s , because of language problems communication gaps, c u l t u r a l b oundaries, or i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l s , i t i s a human c o n d i t i o n t o want t o b r i d g e the gap, t o f i l l the h o l e and t o make whole the s e l f , by p e r f o r m i n g i n another s p h e r e — t o make something w i t h the hands when one can not a r t i c u l a t e the t h o u g h t s . "To make v i s i b l e " - - i n the sense of t o e x t e r n a l i z e the emotions, the f e e l i n g s , the s t u f f of which the s e l f i s made, the t h i n g s which c a r r y on the d i a l o g u e between the person and the i n d i v i d u a l , t h a t something which one f e e l s from the i n s i d e r e p r e s e n t i n g a l l which i s same and a l l which i s d i f f e r e n t from a l l o t h e r s . T h i s f e e l i n g was e l o q u e n t l y e x p r e s s e d by a woman who had l i v e d i n London w i t h her husband and c h i l d r e n . A l t h o u g h she c o u l d read E n g l i s h , Japanese and A r a b i c she h e s i t a t e d t o speak i n E n g l i s h . When I asked her what was the most i m p o r t a n t t h i n g she c o u l d t h i n k o f , she s a i d i t i s t o be a b l e t o speak the language, and how im p o r t a n t i t i s t o be a b l e t o e x p r e s s y o u r s e l f t o o t h e r s , and how her husband would c h i d e her f o r t a l k i n g t o her Japanese f r i e n d s i n Japanese too much, When my husband went out and my c h i l d r e n went out and I , j u s t I l e f t , my n e i g h b o r — w a s Japanese, so sometimes I speak Japanese but my husband says "Don't speak Japanese! Speak E n g l i s h ! P r a c t i c e ! P r a c t i c e ! P r a c t i c e ! B u t — E n g l i s h p e o p l e a r e — a h — d i f f i c u l t t o get t o know. . . And so, she took c o u r s e s i n t a t t i n g and n e e d l e p o i n t and her house was f i l l e d w i t h f i n e l y c o n s t r u c t e d d o l l s , r u g s , and 1 44 t a p e s t r y and many books. I have many books but when I f e e l l o n e l y , I - -r e f u s e — t o - - r e a d . Because, some Japanese women, when become ah, kokoro no b y o k i ( s i c k a t h e a r t ) can not ah--communicate. To r e a d , y e s . To u n d e r s t a n d what i s r e a d , y e s , but t o communicate--t o e x p r e s s i s not so easy. . . So, when I am l o n e l y , I have many hobbies ( l a u g h s ) . Dorothy Lee w r i t e s p e r c e p t i v e l y of the s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n h e r e n t i n p e r f o r m i n g t a s k s imbued w i t h s o c i a l meaning. F i n d i n g h e r s e l f a d d i n g "an e n t i r e l y u n p r e m e d i t a t e d and unnecessary edge of embroidery" t o her d a u g h t e r ' s C h r i s t m a s p r e s e n t , she w r i t e s : At t h i s moment of d i s c o v e r y , I knew t h a t I was e x p e r i e n c i n g what i t meant t o be a s o c i a l b e i n g , not merely Dorothy Lee, an i n d i v i d u a l ; I knew t h a t I had t r u l y become a mother, a w i f e , a n e i g h b o r , a t e a c h e r . I r e a l i z e d t h a t some boundary had d i s a p p e a r e d , so t h a t I was working i n a s o c i a l medium; t h a t I was not w o r k i n g f o r the f u t u r e p l e a s u r e of a d i s t a n t d a u g h t e r , but r a t h e r w i t h i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p u n a f f e c t e d by t e m p o r a l i t y or p h y s i c a l absence. What gave meaning t o my work was the medium i n which I was w o r k i n g — t h e medium of l o v e i n a broad sense (Lee 1959:28). Both Dorothy Lee and the woman w i t h the d o l l s were i n communion w i t h human-kind because they were a c t i v e l y p e r f o r m i n g i n t h i s w o r l d . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t what they produced would be c o n s i d e r e d examples of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y . 1 45 What do some people do when they f e e l d e p r e s s i o n brought about by a sense of a n o m i e — o f n o r m l e s s n e s s and a l i e n a t i o n from the community which surrounds them? Some may r e t r e a t t o an e n c l a v e , a group of p e o p l e who may share common backgrounds, but i f they a r e c o m p l e t e l y c u t o f f from t h i s source of r e s p i t e or i f they do not wish t o u t i l i z e i t , they may seek t o show demonstrable competence i n another a r e a . The e f f e c t of t h i s e f f o r t i s t o put one i n touch w i t h the s e l f ; t o acknowledge some of the q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d i n the p a i n of s e l f d i s c o v e r y . And what of those who do r e t r e a t t o the e n c l a v e ? Do they escape unscathed the o n s l a u g h t of s t r a n g e s t i m u l i ? I doubt i t . My p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n i s t h a t l o n e l i n e s s goes deeper than t h a t . At i t s most p r o f o u n d the i n n e r s e l f comments upon the i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of our own b e h a v i o r ; when the s o c i a l consensus around us r e f l e c t s t h i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s i t s h i n e s the m i r r o r d i r e c t l y i n our eyes, p a i n f u l i n d e e d . At such t i m e s , i t i s h e l p f u l t o speak w i t h someone who understands the p e c u l i a r reasons f o r the a c t i o n s t a k e n . And w h i l e i t i s p o s s i b l e t o meet p e o p l e from the new s o c i a l environment who u n d e r s t a n d , one tends t o want t o seek out those who u n d e r s t a n d w i t h o u t t h i n k i n g about why something was done i n a c e r t a i n way. Somehow t h i s seems t o n o r m a l i z e i n a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i o n s and make them seem l e s s i m p o r t a n t . One can s t i l l see t h a t they weren't q u i t e r i g h t but t h e y no l o n g e r seem so g r o s s l y wrong, o n l y r e l a t i v e l y so, and thus they become u n d e r s t a n d a b l e . I f t h e r e are no people around who u n d e r s t a n d w i t h o u t t h i n k i n g or i f one f i n d s o n e s e l f always h a v i n g t o e x p l a i n one's a c t i o n s , i t becomes an e x h a u s t i n g t a s k . Having c o n s t a n t l y t o 146 p r o v i d e e x p l a n a t i o n t o o t h e r s can y i e l d a v a r i e t y of e f f e c t s . For some i t becomes an adven t u r e i n s e l f - a w a r e n e s s , f o r o t h e r s , a s h a t t e r i n g e x p e r i e n c e . Are a l l such e x c u r s i o n s i n t o the s e l f so p a i n f u l ? Some of the women I spoke w i t h don't t h i n k so. One woman s a i d , j u s t b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o Japan: For the f i r s t year or so I d i d n ' t speak my f e e l i n g s . I was a f r a i d - - y o u know, sometimes you t e l l your good f r i e n d something and v e r y q u i c k l y t h a t person over t h e r e knows a l l about i t . So, I d i d n ' t speak o p e n l y . But, now, I t h i n k I have changed. Now I say f r a n k l y what I t h i n k . When the young wives come I t e l l them how t o shop--to buy t h i n g s - - b u t I t e l l them the d i f f i c u l t i e s t o o ! B e f o r e we d i d n ' t t a l k about those t h i n g s . I t e l l them t o l e a r n E n g l i s h . They always want t o get i n t o groups t o p r a c t i c e E n g l i s h though. I t h i n k they s h o u l d go s e p a r a t e l y t o l e a r n . I t s h a r d , you know, but i t i s b e t t e r . Of cou r s e the group i s n i c e , but they need t o go al o n e t o o . Our company gave us o r i e n t a t i o n c l a s s e s — o f what k i n d of l i f e s t y l e t o expect here~-and we l e a r n e d and s t u d i e d about the customs of the c o u n t r y . But now, I t h i n k I want t o study more about my own c o u n t r y . I want t o f i n d out why. I. want t o know who I am. • 1 4 7 F i n a l l y , t h i s theme of emergent s e l f awareness, so p r e v a l e n t among the women I i n t e r v i e w e d , seems t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a s h i f t i n g i n the b a l a n c e between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e l f . In the new p l a c e many have found t h a t they must a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r c o n c e r n s i n an open manner i n o r d e r f o r them t o be taken s e r i o u s l y . Sometimes t h i s i n v o l v e s e x p o s i n g a p a r t of themselves p r e v i o u s l y kept p r i v a t e . In t h i s p r o c e s s they a l s o q u e s t i o n t h e i r own taken f o r g r a n t e d n o t i o n s i n l i g h t of a new c u l t u r a l awareness. 1 48 Chapter 5 The Re t u r n Home I was t h i n k i n g t h a t I was s i m p l y coming back t o Japan where I knew e v e r y t h i n g v e r y w e l l . I t ' s q u i t e n a t u r a l , don't you t h i n k so . . . I t was not so ( l a u g h s ) . B e c a u s e - - i t ' s s i m p l y because I was not coming back t o the same place~~I went out . . . I got used t o v e r y s p a c i o u s p l a c e s , and the road was so n a r r o w - - t h a t same road I was w a l k i n g , i t s h o u l d have been w i d e r ! The f i r s t n i g h t I a r r i v e d h e r e , a l l the w a l l s were a t t a c k i n g me, I t h o u g h t . They were f a l l i n g down t o me ( l a u g h s ) . That's the f e e l i n g I had. S i z e and Space The s i z e of space and the l a c k of space a r e themes which t h r e a d a l l of the a c c o u n t s t o g e t h e r when the s e women r e t u r n home. Where b e f o r e , the new p l a c e spread l i k e a d e s e r t e d w a s t e l a n d , now home seems s m a l l and cramped and crowded. S m a l l . E v e r y t h i n g i s s m a l l and s m a l l e r s t i l l than remembered. The sheer v i s u a l impact of the home c o u n t r y seems t o be the f i r s t t h i n g mentioned by most women. Q u i t e o f t e n , when I inv o k e d a response by a s k i n g d i r e c t l y , "What was your f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n upon r e t u r n ? " the r e p l y i n v o l v e d a p e r c e p t i o n of d i m i n i s h e d p h y s i c a l s i z e . N o r i k o commented, The f i r s t t h i n g I n o t i c e d was the narrowness of the roads w i t h which I was so f a m i l i a r ! Suddenly, ev e r y road l o o k e d narrower than i t used t o be. I t 1 49 was funny. Other a s p e c t s of the p h y s i c a l s u r r o u n d i n g s were p e r c e i v e d w i t h the same i n s t a n t c l a r i t y , and f o r some women they had a. more l a s t i n g e f f e c t . But, e v e n t u a l l y , the s i z e of t h i n g s "go normal" a g a i n . C o f f e e shops become l a r g e r , the t a b l e s and c h a i r s a r e no l o n g e r p l a c e d as c l o s e l y t o g e t h e r , and, as one woman la u g h e d , "the t i n y g l a s s of water they s e r v e you e v e n t u a l l y grows i n s i z e . " In the f i r s t p a r t of t h i s c h a p t e r , the e a r l y i m p r e s s i o n s , the comparisons and c o n t r a s t s , as w e l l as the r e f l e c t i o n s upon the meaning of r e - e n t r y a re r e c a l l e d . The homecoming p r o c e s s and many of the c o m p l i c a t e d a s p e c t s a r e examined. The second s e c t i o n i s concerned w i t h s e t t l i n g back i n t o l i f e a t home. The overwhelming importance of s c h o o l , the manner, a b i l i t y and the competence w i t h which the women r e a d j u s t t h e i r l i v e s t o the demands of t h e i r own s o c i e t y i s d i s c u s s e d . T h i s i s an ongoing p r o c e s s ; l i f e does not s t o p when the s e women r e t u r n home. In the t h i r d and l a s t s e c t i o n I b r i e f l y d i s c u s s the so-c a l l e d " l a s t i n g e f f e c t s " of h a v i n g t r a v e l e d and l i v e d beyond the c o n f i n e s of the home-community. E a r l y I m p r e s s i o n s Perhaps the reason most people can r e c a l l t h e i r f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s upon r e - e n t r y i s because of the c o n t r a s t they p r e s e n t t o whatever has gone b e f o r e . What Simmel c a l l s the "sharp d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n the g r a s p of a s i n g l e g l a n c e " (Simmel 1950:410) can f i x i n the mind events and scenes commonly l o s t i n the mundane of every day l i v i n g . No doubt most Japanese 150 p e o p l e who go t o the a i r p o r t see l i t t l e more than teeming crowds of w e l l w i s h e r s and l e a v e t a k e r s . Few would be overwhelmed a t the s i g h t of so many dark h a i r e d p e o p l e c o n g r e g a t e d i n one a r e a . But t h i s i s one of the v i v i d images which r e c u r s w i t h r e g u l a r i t y i n many a c c o u n t s . The f i r s t t h i n g I saw was t h a t everybody was Japanese everybody had b l a c k h a i r and brown eyes and they a l l l o o k e d a l i k e ! ( l a u g h s ) T h i s same k i n d of i m p r e s s i o n can evoke d i f f e r e n t r e s p o n s e s . The f i r s t time Setsuko and her husband r e t u r n e d t o Japan she was impressed by how happy a l l the Japanese people l o o k e d . She thoug h t , What happy l o o k i n g p e o p l e ! I t h i n k i t ' s p a r t l y because Japanese are a homogenous p e o p l e . When I saw a crowd of p e o p l e — a l l Japanese, a l l the same c o l o r , eyes, h a i r - - t h e y l o o k e d v e r y happy! I t was the f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n . Because I went t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s — a t f i r s t I l i v e d i n Texas and t h e r e was r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n — b l a c k and w h i t e — a n d s i g n s and such everywhere, so, when I saw t h i s homogenous group of Japanese p e o p l e , — I thought how happy they l o o k ! A younger but e q u a l l y i m p r e s s i o n a b l e r e t u r n e e n o t i c e d the same k i n d of u n i f o r m i t y but responded t o i t d i f f e r e n t l y . My son was one and a h a l f y e a r s o l d when we r e t u r n e d , and he c o u l d n ' t speak too much Japanese and when he d i d , i t was w i t h a s t r o n g American 151 a c c e n t ( l a u g h s ) . But f o r him i t was the f i r s t time t o see so many Japanese--and he was r e a l l y s c a r e d at the a i r p o r t t o see the m — b e c a u s e i n P i t t s b u r g h t h e r e a re not so many Japanese. Perhaps the b i g g e s t shock i s the sheer numbers of people the r e t u r n e e e n c o u n t e r s . At f i r s t , I was overwhelmed by the number of people i n the s t r e e t s — a n d the t r a f f i c — a n d the people r u s h i n g on t o t r a i n s — a n d , w e l l , i n p u b l i c , they seem v e r y rude, whereas i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s — p e o p l e t r e a t you as a woman ( l a u g h s ) . You know, " l a d i e s f i r s t " . We don't have t h a t h e r e . I remember I got f r u s t r a t e d every time I went out on the s t r e e t . The f r u s t r a t i o n s so overpowering a t f i r s t , have a way of s u b s i d i n g a f t e r a t i m e . Another woman r e c a l l e d , I t ' s so crowded e v e r y w h e r e — f o r a month or so, I was a f r a i d j u s t t o walk around... and eve r y time I h i t another p e r s o n , I used t o say "excuse me" and then the man who was h i t by me was s u r p r i s e d ( l a u g h s ) — a n d l o o k i n g at me ( l a u g h s ) — a n d f i n a l l y I r e c o g n i z e d t h a t I c o u l d not walk w i t h o u t h i t t i n g any p e r s o n , so I j u s t stopped s a y i n g t h a t And t h e n , I was a f r a i d of r i d i n g a b i k e so I would j u s t walk around... And t h e n , I got used t o r i d e a b i k e , but I'm s t i l l s c a r e d of d r i v i n g a c a r ( l a u g h s ) . These f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s , so overwhelming t o the u n e x p e c t i n g , 1 52 have a way of p r e c i p i t a t i n g i n t r o s p e c t i o n . And when I r e f l e c t myself back, I would say t h a t I was a k i n d of f o r e i g n e r , l o o k i n g a t Japan f o r the f i r s t time ( l a u g h s ) - - a f t e r so many y e a r s ! So, so I was c u r i o u s about what they were d o i n g , and I j u s t wondered, " d i d I do the same t h i n g , or n o t ? " ( l a u g h s ) - - t h a t k i n d of f e e l i n g . One of the o b v i o u s d i s p a r i t i e s noted by many women i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s . Much of t h i s depends upon the y e a r i n which the woman r e t u r n s ; the r e c e n t p r o s p e r i t y i n Japan has tended t o d i m i n i s h the c o n t r a s t i n economic w e l l b e i n g between Japan and the West. Another f a c t o r i s the number of y e a r s she has been out of the c o u n t r y and i n which p a r t of the w o r l d she has been l i v i n g . One woman, the w i f e of a s c h o l a r , t r a v e l e d t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s d u r i n g the e a r l y s i x t i e s . The t r i p had been a c c o m p l i s h e d at c o n s i d e r a b l e f i n a n c i a l h a r d s h i p and much b u d g e t i n g . Upon r e t u r n , What a narrow p l a c e ! E v e r y t h i n g seemed so s m a l l - -i n c l u d i n g the houses and g l a s s e s and p l a t e s and buses and t o i l e t s and e v e r y t h i n g ! We were so unhappy a f t e r t h a t ! That i s why I wrote t h i s book. I had t o compare the l i f e i n America w i t h the l i f e i n Japan and I had too j u s t i f y why I have t o l i v e here i n Japan. W h i l e I was w r i t i n g , I r e a l i z e d e v e r y t h i n g must be done by money (laughs)--money and s p a c e — b e c a u s e American people are l i v i n g i n v e r y r i c h houses and i t was because of money, and i t was because of the l a n d they have. I t i s t w e n t y - f i v e t i m e s wider than what we have, I t h i n k . In Japan, i t i s a v e r y narrow c o u n t r y and we have t o l i v e i n a s m a l l e r house, even i f we have the money. The space and money make the d i f f e r e n c e . We had no money--and a g a i n and a g a i n I asked my husband t o go back t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s even i f he would be a guard a t the supermarket! ( l a u g h s ) But of c o u r s e , my husband knew i t was nonsense ( l a u g h s ) . "I am a p r o f e s s o r of a U n i v e r s i t y ! " He s a i d . My husband was not so unhappy because he c o u l d t e a c h a g a i n — b u t I , m y s e l f was so unhappy. I a g a i n became a Japanese h o u s e w i f e - - a l w a y s c o n f i n e d i n the house, and I had t o do e v e r y t h i n g by hand. I d i d n ' t have a b i g oven, not much hot water, I had t o go shopping every day, and I was so poor. Bye and bye I had t o a d j u s t and t o j u s t i f y why we have to l i v e here i n Japan. That i s why I began t o w r i t e a book and r e g a i n my energy. The r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n s u f f e r e d by t h i s woman was a m e l i o r a t e d somewhat by an e v e n t u a l improvement i n her economic s i t u a t i o n . She and her husband had found i t n e c e s s a r y t o s e l l the used c a r they had purchased and enjoyed i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , b u t , a f t e r a few months i n Japan, We bought a c a r a g a i n . And, a g a i n , a c a r was a s o l u t i o n t o our own u n s a t i s f i e d f e e l i n g s a t t h a t 1 54 t i m e . Not so many people had a c a r , but we c o u l d have i t . Somewhat--as i f we c o u l d r e g a i n the l i f e i n A m e rica. Another woman who r e t u r n e d t o Japan a few y e a r s l a t e r ( i n the e a r l y p a r t of 1970's) found t h a t Japanese d r e s s had changed remarkably d u r i n g the t h r e e y e a r s she was away. B e f o r e we went t o the U.S., the b u s i n e s s men d i d n ' t wear c o l o r e d s h i r t s — o n l y w h i t e . When we came back we n o t i c e d c o l o r e d s h i r t s , s t r i p e s and v e r y modern n e c k t i e s ( l a u g h s ) and they seemed ve r y f a s h i o n a b l e . When I was i n the U.S. I c o u l d n ' t buy many c l o t h e s — m y husband's s c h o l a r s h i p was too s m a l l — ( l a u g h s ) . . . so when I came back I r e a l l y d i d n ' t have a n y t h i n g and ( l a u g h s ) . . . I was j u s t — h o w do you s a y — d a r a s h i g a n a i ? A h — I thought my s e l f v e r y u n f a s h i o n a b l e . A d d i t i o n a l l y , t h i s woman n o t i c e d the d i f f e r e n t p r i o r i t i e s i n s p ending p a t t e r n s between Japanese and N o r t h Americans. S e v e r a l people a l s o commented t h a t where Japanese tend t o be a c u t e l y aware of f a s h i o n a b l e d r e s s , w e l l made watches and o t h e r items of p e r s o n a l a p p a r e l , most Americans or Canadians take a more c a s u a l approach. A number of women were s u r p r i s e d t o f i n d t h a t even i n b i g c i t i e s Americans do not t e n d t o d r e s s w i t h f o r m a l i t y . T h i s becomes r e l e v a n t here because s e v e r a l women s a i d t h a t upon r e t u r n t o Japan they no l o n g e r p a i d as much f o r c l o t h i n g , and tended t o l o o k f o r b a r g a i n s . Most f e l t a f t e r r e t u r n t h a t Japanese spend "too much money on f a s h i o n " . Wakako 155 had an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s : ' Japanese people d r e s s n i c e l y because they have t o meet so many people a l l the t i m e . So you have t o meet so many eyes you have t o wear good t h i n g s . . . In New York women j u s t wear everyday t h i n g s - - t h e y j u s t get i n the c a r and go, so nobody knows what they a r e wearing ( l a u g h s ) . Most ~ o f the woman I i n t e r v i e w e d t r a v e l e d t o and l i v e d i n e c o n o m i c a l l y d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s i n the West. A few l i v e d f o r s h o r t p e r i o d s of time i n l e s s e c o n o m i c a l l y d e v e l o p e d p l a c e s w i t h lower s t a n d a r d s of l i v i n g , but most d i d n o t . One woman, the w i f e of a government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e spent most of tw e l v e y e a r s commuting between Washington and her home i n Tokyo. Then, her husband was sent t o Bangladesh. I t was d u r i n g a time of c o n s i d e r a b l e s t r e s s f o r the c o u n t r y — a n d i n her account she d e s c r i b e s a "not v e r y e l e g a n t k i n d of c o l o n i a l e x i s t e n c e " of m i x i n g powdered m i l k f o r s t a r v i n g c h i l d r e n by day and p l a y i n g b r i d g e a t the h o t e l i n the e v e n i n g . I asked her what was h er f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n of Tokyo when she r e t u r n e d . I thought Tokyo had changed and I thought i t was P a r a d i s e . I thought the U n i t e d S t a t e s was one extreme and Bangladesh was the o t h e r — a n d Tokyo was between, i n economic s t a n d a r d , i n e v e r y t h i n g . And, r e a l l y , i t ' s a c o m f o r t a b l e p l a c e t o l i v e i n - -no problems. We d i d n ' t have t o worry about s a n i t a t i o n , water, f o o d , v i o l e n c e — y e t e v e r y t h i n g was i n abundance--and i t ' s v e r y l u x u r i o u s f o r me (l a u g h s ) and the Japanese people d i d n ' t seem t o 156 a p p r e c i a t e t h i s . Once you g e t d e p r i v e d - - a n d get d e p r i v e d - - y o u r e a l l y s t a r t t o a p p r e c i a t e t h e s e t h i n g s . The Japanese p e o p l e r e a l l y don't know t o a p p r e c i a t e t h e m — t h a t was my f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n . R e f l e c t i o n and Re- e n t r y Other women who have spent busy a c t i v e l i v e s w h i l e o v e r s e a s had time t o r e f l e c t on what i t meant t o them once they r e t u r n e d . One woman s a i d , I was not lonesome. Oh--I d i d not r e c o g n i z e t h a t I was l o n e l y or t h a t I was lonesome because I had my f a m i l y w i t h me. I was l i v i n g q u i t e a busy l i f e . But, a f t e r I came back, a f t e r a n e a r l y f o u r y e a r s s t a y i n London--to Tokyo--I r e a l i z e d t h a t I needed my f r i e n d s more. Because of my poor E n g l i s h I cannot e x p l a i n these t h i n g s from my h e a r t . My f r i e n d s h i p s i n Tokyo are v e r y deep ones. The group i s v e r y n i c e ... We were f r i e n d s w i t h each o t h e r throughout t i m e , and they were not s i m p l e f r i e n d s h i p s . Not everyone l o o k e d w i t h such p l e a s u r e upon r e g a i n i n g i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . N o r i k o s a i d , I soon got t i r e d of the f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I had the new wives of two b r o t h e r - i n - l a w s t o meet, and, w e l l , i t was a s o r t of everyday m a t t e r . Every Sunday a l l the f a m i l y g a t h e r e d and because we a r e s t i l l l i v i n g w i t h the i n - l a w s , younger b r o t h e r and h i s f a m i l y a l l g a t h e r i n our house. And even i f we had p l a n n e d t o do some shopping or t o go somewhere 157 by o u r s e l v e s , we have--we are supposed t o e n t e r t a i n them. So, b i g b r o t h e r and b i g s i s t e r were busy, and m o t h e r - i n - l a w always wants i t . And i t was always she who 'phoned her younger sons t o come t o our house. T h i s d e s i r e t o seek a p r i v a t e l i f e s e p a r a t e from the p u b l i c can be heard i n many of the comments from o t h e r women, as w e l l . The r e t u r n t o Japan seemed t o e l i c i t a d e s i r e f o r the k i n d of p r i v a c y they had e x p e r i e n c e d i n the new p l a c e . Japanese s t y l e f r i e n d s h i p — t o v i s i t w i t h o u t an appointment i s not i m p o l i t e . But now, I don't l i k e t h i s k i n d of v i s i t i n g anymore. I don't want t o v i s i t t h i s way and I don't want t o be v i s i t e d w i t h o u t an appointment. T h i s i s a c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e . I now f e e l f r e e t o make a c h o i c e . P r i v a t e and not p r i v a t e l i f e has become c l e a r f o r me. . . The woman who r e t u r n e d t o Japan a f t e r t w e l v e y e a r s abroad and who spent time i n Bangladesh acknowledged a need f o r time t o r e a d j u s t . The p e r i o d of commuting between c u l t u r e s e x p i r e d . She had time once a g a i n t o c o n s i d e r the past and p r e s e n t and t o con t e m p l a t e the f u t u r e . And she had many t h i n g s t o l e a r n . I r e a l l y needed a new ad j u s t m e n t . I was e n t e r i n g i n t o a new o r b i t . S t a r t i n g a new l i f e - - b e c a u s e , e v e r y two y e a r s I used t o come back on home l e a v e but I never r e a l l y got s e t t l e d down i n Japan f o r t w e l v e y e a r s . I t was r e a l l y a new l i f e — a n d a l s o e x c i t i n g i n a way--but i t took me a w h i l e t o get 1 58 a d j u s t e d . I t was a l l k i n d s of t h i n g s . S e t t l i n g In Agai n C l e a r l y , s e t t l i n g down t a k e s t i m e . Time t o r e - a d j u s t , time t o d i s c e r n the d a i l y rhythms, time t o p i c k up o l d h a b i t s and new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . I r e g a r d e d my s t a y i n Germany as a k i n d of h o l i d a y . Only a t h r e e y e a r ' s s t a y , but d u r i n g t h a t time I had no o u t s i d e o b l i g a t i o n s toward s o c i e t y . I had t o m a i n t a i n good r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r Japanese, t h a t was a l l . E c o n o m i c a l l y , I had no o b l i g a t i o n — r e n t , t e l e p h o n e a l l th e s e k i n d s of spending m o n e y — t h e y were not my r e s p o n s i b i l i t y — e c o n o m i c a l l y I was c o m p l e t e l y f r e e . And the Japanese s c h o o l — t h e r e was o n l y o n e — I d i d n ' t have t o work t o d e c i d e — I had no c h o i c e — s o I d i d n ' t need t o worry about e d u c a t i o n a l t h i n g s . . . But when I r e t u r n e d t o Japan I had t o worry about a l l those t h i n g s a g a i n . Undoubtedly one of the b i g g e s t c o ncerns f o r the women when they r e t u r n t o Japan i s s c h o o l i n g f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . A l t h o u g h much depends upon the age and sex of the c h i l d , as d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , i t i s c o n s i d e r e d more im p o r t a n t f o r boys t o get i n t o a mainstream t r a c k toward a good u n i v e r s i t y than i t i s f o r g i r l s , f o r whom the economic v a l u e of e d u c a t i o n assumes a lower p r i o r i t y . Another f a c t o r seems t o be the. age a t which the c h i l d r e n r e t u r n . The c l o s e r t o the e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n p e r i o d the l e s s time t o l e a r n a l l of the d e t a i l e d s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n 159 r e q u i r e d . F i n a l l y , these c h i l d r e n a r e competing w i t h o t h e r s who have remained w i t h i n the Japanese s c h o o l system a l l t h e i r l i v e s . Sometimes c o m p e t i t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t i n d e e d . U n l e s s the c h i l d has c o n t i n u e d i n an over s e a s Japanese s c h o o l system he or she has l e a r n e d d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of study p a t t e r n s as w e l l as h a v i n g been exposed t o q u i t e d i f f e r e n t s u b j e c t m a t t e r . Even the p r e s e n t a t i o n of m a t e r i a l d i f f e r s . Japanese s c h o o l system o f f e r s a stea d y c u r r i c u l u m . That means the mother can know her c h i l d has t o study math on one day and maybe some o t h e r s u b j e c t the next day but each day she knows what k i n d of homework h e - w i l l p r o b a b l y b r i n g . A l l the s t u d e n t s study the same t h i n g a t the same t i m e . I t keeps everyone t o g e t h e r . A r e c e n t newspaper a r t i c l e t o l d of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y d i f f i c u l t y some r e t u r n i n g c h i l d r e n have i n r e - i n t e g r a t i n g i n t o the Japanese s c h o o l system. W r i t t e n f o r a p u b l i c u n a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the p o s s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i o - c u l t u r a l demands, i t t e l l s an a p p a l l i n g t a l e of r e j e c t i o n , a l i e n a t i o n and d i s p a i r (Murray 1981:B1). Perhaps i t i s p r i d e but none of the women I i n t e r v i e w e d s a i d t h e i r c h i l d r e n f a i l e d t o make e v e n t u a l adjustment. T h i s does not mean t h a t t h e r e were no problems or t h a t the problems were easy t o o v e r c o m e — o n l y t h a t most c a t a l o g u e d an e v e n t u a l r e i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o some segment of Japanese s o c i e t y . I asked one of the women who had r e t u r n e d a f t e r a f o u r year p e r i o d What k i n d s of t h i n g s a good Japanese mother does t o h e l p her c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l a f t e r they r e t u r n from abroad. She i s v e r y busy! You have t o c o l l e c t i n f o r m a t i o n - - w e l l , t h e r e a re books s o l d i n the bookshops--and you meet p a r e n t s of c h i l d r e n and exchange i n f o r m a t i o n — a n d I don't want t o be persuaded by o t h e r s so I v i s i t the s c h o o l and see f o r m y s e l f . So, you v i s i t s c h o o l s , r e a d books, r e a d t o see what s t a n d i n g the s c h o o l s have--where they a re i n the system, ask f r i e n d s and f i n d out from p a r e n t s of your c h i l d r e n ' s f r i e n d s . A l s o you l o o k f o r a good t u t o r . Juku ( s p e c i a l s c h o o l ) — a s m a l l one i s b e t t e r than a b i g one I t h i n k , you get a t e s t f o r t e s t - - i t ' s c a l l e d a mock  t e s t I b e l i e v e . But f i r s t you must f i n d out which mock t e s t i s good. Then a p p l y f o r i t . Some s c h o o l s g i v e mock t e s t s p r i n t e d by companies, not s c h o o l s . The E d u c a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i e s — t h e r e a r e many. T h i s woman e x p r e s s e d an o p i n i o n I was t o hear from many o t h e r s . In the Japanese t e s t , w r i t i n g i s a v e r y s m a l l p a r t . I t ' s ' f i l l i n the b l a n k s ' . They must memorize e v e r y t h i n g . i n d e t a i l ! They don't encourage c h i l d r e n t o t h i n k . In t h i s system, they l o s e how t o t h i n k , how t o read and how t o o r g a n i z e t h e i r i d e a s . We can say t h i s system i s not good but when we come back home--I don't want my c h i l d r e n t o have t o be i n the lower group. I t . would mean h a v i n g them s a c r i f i c e f o r t h e i r p a r e n t s 161 i d e a l s . I have v e r y mixed f e e l i n g s . One woman, whose husband works f o r a company w i t h r a t h e r broad t r a v e l p r i v i l e d g e s s o f t e n e d her c h i l d ' s r e - e n t r y i n t o Japanese s c h o o l i n g i n a r a t h e r unique way. Every t h r e e months we came' back and d u r i n g t h a t time we put her i n a Japanese ( p r i v a t e ) s c h o o l f o r about t en days. We d i d n ' t expect her t o keep up the language, but we kept her e n r o l l m e n t here a t s c h o o l , so we had the r i g h t t o l e t her go w i t h her f r i e n d s . We kept p a y i n g the t u i t i o n so she had a p l a c e . So, she always f e l t she would r e t u r n . L a t e r , she acknowledged t h a t , I t h i n k i t i s because she i s i n a p r i v a t e s c h o o l she can go on t o c o l l e g e , I t h i n k I don't have t o push h e r . But i f she i s i n a p u b l i c s c h o o l where she had t o t a k e p u b l i c e x a m i n a t i o n s I might t h i n k d i f f e r e n t l y . T h i s woman had spent the l a s t f i f t e e n y e a r s of her m a r r i e d l i f e moving back and f o r t h between the two c u l t u r e s . D u r i n g t h a t time she had r e f l e c t e d d e e p l y on the purpose and meaning of e d u c a t i o n . She h e r s e l f had a c q u i r e d p a r t of her e a r l y e d u c a t i o n i n Japan and p a r t i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . I t h i n k i t i s not because of my p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s i n e d u c a t i o n but r a t h e r the e d u c a t i o n my c h i l d has r e c e i v e d i n America which has changed my i d e a s a b i t . Japanese e d u c a t i o n has changed over the l a s t twenty y e a r s . Not o n l y the e d u c a t i o n but the whole 162 s o c i e t y , the community has changed i n many ways. I t h i n k - - t h e purpose of e d u c a t i o n i s t o make a person who can, I don't want t o use " c o n t r i b u t i o n , " but so one can do something t o make a b e t t e r l i f e . . . As a p a r e n t we have to p r o v i d e her w i t h the environment or the c o n d i t i o n s where i t w i l l make i t e a s i e r f o r her t o t h i n k t h a t way. But t h a t ' s about a l l we can do. We s h o u l d n ' t t e l l her t o do t h i s or t h a t . Deep i n our h e a r t s we have a d e s i r e t h a t she w i l l go up t o the t o p — b u t t o do t h a t we have t o p r o v i d e the c o n d i t i o n s — a n d w a i t . Another woman, unable, t o m a i n t a i n such an a t t i t u d e of "wait and see" e x p r e s s e d p r o f o u n d r e g r e t s upon the r e t u r n home. T h i s woman had spent her own e a r l y c h i l d h o o d i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c i r c u i t and had f e l t h e r s e l f w e l l equipped t o guide her daughter. W e l l , I k i n d of d i r e c t e d my daughter a t eve r y s t a g e — w h e n she was i n d o u b t — e v e n a t times when i t wasn't n e c e s s a r y . But I thought t h a t i f I d i r e c t e d her i n t i m e — t h a t she would be b e t t e r guided,--and i n t h a t way, she never r e a l l y had a chance t o , w e l l , t h i s i s a t e r r i b l e t h i n g t o say, she never r e a l l y had a sense of s e l f  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and she r e a l l y c o u l d n ' t f i n d out what her t r u e needs w e r e — a n d when she went t o the S t a t e s she had d i f f i c u l t y a g a i n — a t a v e r y i m p o r t a n t p e r i o d , when one has t o d e c i d e what one 1 6 3 s h o u l d take up f o r f u r t h e r s t u d y . At t h a t t i m e , because of the language problems she had t o put more emphasis t h e r e than i n t r u e i n t e r e s t s . She k i n d of l o s t her d i r e c t i o n , and I f e e l t h a t the l a c k of judgement which she has i s because I made her r e l y on me so much t h a t she c o u l d n ' t r e a l l y d e v e l o p her own s k i l l s . N e e d l e s s t o say, the s u c c e s s of the r e - e n t r y i n t o the s t r u c t u r e d system depends i n a l a r g e p a r t upon the m o t i v a t i o n and keen i n t e r e s t of the c h i l d . H i s a k o ' s d a u g h t e r , who had been s c h o o l e d on t h r e e d i f f e r e n t c o n t i n e n t s , developed an e x p e r t i s e of her own. Regarding e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s , I r e a l l y got s i c k and t i r e d of s t u d y i n g f o r them. When we get i n t o h i g h s c h o o l they t e l l you t o s t a r t s t u d y i n g f o r e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s - - s o you have t h r e e y e a r s of s t u d y i n g and by the end I r e a l l y was t i r e d of i t . I wanted t o go t o the u n i v e r s i t y and study whatever I l i k e , i n s t e a d of j u s t l e a r n i n g t e c h n i q u e s f o r p a s s i n g exams. From January t o F e b r u a r y (of the f i n a l y e a r ) they don't have c l a s s e s you j u s t go t o s c h o o l once a week f o r homeroom and they l e t you study a t home. I made my own r o u t i n e . A l o t of p e o p l e went to p r e p a r a t i o n s c h o o l s j u k u . I d i d n ' t go. I j u s t s t u d i e d at home. I d i d i t by t e x t book and by m y s e l f . My mother h e l p e d me i n Japanese C l a s s i c s . H i s a k o says t h a t because of her d a u g h t e r ' s e x p e r i e n c e of 1 64 l i v i n g i n N o r t h America and Europe she f i n d s Tokyo crowds and t r a f f i c too much t o bear. She h a t e s t o go downtown—she can not go t o those s c h o o l s juku--when she comes home, she j u s t has t o go t o bed. H i s a k o ' s daughter s a y s , I l i k e w o r k i n g on my o wn—and not b e i n g moved back and f o r t h a c c o r d i n g t o what the t e a c h e r s t h i n k . In those c l a s s e s a t j u k u you have t o a d j u s t and I'd r a t h e r s e t my own s c h e d u l e a c c o r d i n g t o m y s e l f . C u r r e n t l y , t h e r e are a few Japanese s c h o o l s which pay p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the problem f a c e d by r e t u r n i n g s t u d e n t s . H i s a k o ' s daughter a t t e n d e d one of these s c h o o l s . Almost a l l of my f r i e n d s from {school} do l i k e t o study a t home. The s c h o o l i s r e a l l y good and they have good t e a c h e r s who l o o k a f t e r each one of us, g i v e us a d v i c e and t e l l us what t o do and how t o study on our own. When I spoke t o H i s a k o , her daughter had j u s t passed e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s f o r the u n i v e r s i t y and was p r e p a r i n g t o e n t e r the p r e - m e d i c a l c o u r s e of s t u d y . Changing R o l e s and R e l a t i o n s h i p s In the few i n t e r v i e w s I conducted where o t h e r f a m i l y members were p r e s e n t I had a g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n of s o l i d a r i t y . They gave the i m p r e s s i o n of h a v i n g gone t h r o u g h an e x p e r i e n c e t o g e t h e r . S e v e r a l women suggested t h a t l i v i n g i n a f o r e i g n environment f o s t e r e d a f e e l i n g of c l o s e n e s s b u t , i n the p r o c e s s the i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the f a m i l y sometimes 165 changed. A number of women commented t h a t because they had been expected t o assume more r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n terms of j o i n t e n t e r t a i n i n g , they found themselves r e l y i n g more on t h e i r husbands t o do t h i n g s which they ( t h e husbands) had not p r e v i o u s l y done. T h i s i n c l u d e d c h o r e s around the home as w e l l as " f a c i n g the o u t s i d e " t o g e t h e r . Upon r e t u r n , however most r e v e r t e d t o the p a t t e r n t h a t had been e s t a b l i s h e d b e f o r e g o i n g o v e r s e a s . There a r e e x c e p t i o n s . One woman r e f e r s j o k i n g l y t o her husband as h a v i n g been "American t r a i n e d " because he s t i l l t r e a t s her w i t h the p e r s o n a l d e f e r e n c e and outward show of f e e l i n g s not always a c c o r d e d t o a w i f e i n p u b l i c i n Japan. Inumaru notes t h a t i n M i l a n women ten d t o r e l y more h e a v i l y upon t h e i r husbands f o r e m o t i o n a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l support than they had p r e v i o u s l y i n Japan. ...the wives g r e a t e s t problem i n I t a l y i s i s the s t r e s s of b e i n g a l o n e , w i t h o u t r e l a t i v e s or f r i e n d s upon whom they can r e l y and w i t h whom they can communicate. Her husband becomes the n a t u r a l scapegoat and has t o l i s t e n t o her grumbles, he argues t h a t she i s "amateru" ( s i c ) (depending on h i s l o v e , t a k i n g advantage of him) (Inumaru 1977:154). Because Inumaru does not present' any data on r e t u r n i n g wives i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know i f he sees a r e t u r n t o p r e v i o u s b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s . Some women w i t h whom I spoke s a i d t h a t they f e l t a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e i r husbands when they were over s e a s but t h a t i n most c a s e s when they r e t u r n e d t o Japan o l d h a b i t s r e a p p e a r e d . The women were a g a i n charged w i t h t o t a l 166 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the home, complete f i n a n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n as w e l l as a heavy commitment towards the c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n and c a r e . One woman, h e r s e l f a p h y s i c i a n , s a i d , I r e a l l y e n j o y e d g o i n g p l a c e s and d o i n g t h i n g s w i t h my husband. I t was n i c e . But h e r e , i n Tokyo he i s always so busy! He has t h e s e s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and he has t o pay v e r y much a t t e n t i o n t o them--every n i g h t - - o r he w i l l l o s e c o n t a c t . I t ' s i m p o r t a n t t o m a i n t a i n good r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h h i s c o l l e a g u e s . S t i l l , I miss i t . Not everyone goes back t o the same p a t t e r n . N o r i k o s t a r t e d t o t e a c h E n g l i s h i n a h i g h s c h o o l one month a f t e r r e t u r n . Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i s the way i n which she managed t o a c c o m p l i s h t h i s . I s t a r t e d t e a c h i n g r i g h t a f t e r I came back... Because my mentor at the c o l l e g e where I went wrote t o me about t e a c h i n g a t the h i g h s c h o o l a t t a c h e d t o the u n i v e r s i t y . So, I kept s a y i n g "yes" t o him, but we were " i n s u s p e n s i o n " ( s i c ) . So we were not sure when we were coming, but v e r y f o r t u n a t e l y , we came back here i n e a r l y March, so I c o u l d t a k e the i n t e r i m p o s i t i o n i n A p r i l . I was l u c k y . Perhaps she "was l u c k y , " but she was a l s o aware t h a t because her former p r o f e s s o r had r e q u e s t e d t h a t she t e a c h she " c o u l d not o f f e n d him" by t u r n i n g the j o b down. T h i s i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from a c t i v i t y s o l i c i t i n g the j o b , and • shows 167 c o n s i d e r a b l e c u l t u r a l knowledge. N e v e r t h e l e s s , N o r i k o says t h a t her f a t h e r - i n - l a w d i d not e x a c t l y approve. •He t o l d me "we don't need tomokasege i n t h i s house..." - - i t means my husband works and I work--w e l l , i n j e s t he s a i d t h a t — ( l a u g h s ) but he sounded r a t h e r ' r e a l ' t o me! And t h a t was o n l y working once a week! B: And you d i d n ' t back down? That was a f a i r l y independent t h i n g t o do, wasn't i t ? Yes. I t was the f i r s t s t e p I made, and once I began working I found i t e a s i e r t o "add up" one more day, one more morning f o r me t o go o u t . B: What d i d your husband t h i n k ? W e l l ! I'm sure ( l a u g h s ) he doesn't l i k e i t v e r y much but he says he ca n ' t h e l p i t , s i n c e I was  asked t o do i t by my mentor (both l a u g h ) . I was so t h a n k f u l t o my p r o f e s s o r ! N o r i k o l a t e r "wrote a t i n y p i e c e about ( )," which was p u b l i s h e d , and then "grabbed a chance ( o f f e r e d by her mentor) t o t e a c h a t a f o u r year u n i v e r s i t y — m y o l d Alma Mater." D e v e l o p i n g the Sense of P e r s o n a l S e l f . The d e v e l o p i n g sense of p e r s o n a l s e l f e x p e r i e n c e d by many of t h e s e women sometimes found the home s u r r o u n d i n g a r i d l a n d i n d e e d . An o l d e r r e t u r n e e who had been away f o r over t en y e a r s s a i d , There were so many un r e a s o n a b l e t h i n g s g o i n g on! L i k e p a y i n g r e s p e c t t o o l d e r p e o p l e . . . We had t o 168 c o n s t a n t l y bow t o o t h e r people when we came back, we had t o f o r m a l l y v i s i t our s u p e r i o r , and we had t o keep up w i t h the c o n v e r s a t i o n — I r e a l l y  c o u l d n ' t e x p r e s s m y s e l f I had t o get tuned up t o t h e i r i n t e r e s t ! Accompanying t h i s q u e s t i o n i n g of r e s p e c t b e h a v i o r sometimes are f u r t h e r d o u b t s . And a l s o , the g i v i n g and exchanging p r e s e n t s so o f t e n . . . Human r e l a t i o n s a r e so c o m p l i c a t e d i n Japan! Sometimes i t was r e a l l y o f f e n d i n g — a n d took a w h i l e t o get used t o . . . I thought i t was r e a l l y r i d i c u l o u s t h a t we have t o e x p r e s s our f e e l i n g s - -t o measure ours and o t h e r p e o p l e s ' f e e l i n g s i n terms of c o n c r e t e m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s . That we have to e x p r e s s what we r e a l l y f e e l - - a h i f we want t o i n v i t e p e o p l e , we r e a l l y want t o i n v i t e them! I want n o t h i n g from them! --but i n Japan... Perhaps e q u a l l y f r u s t r a t i n g i s the concern t h a t one has l o s t t r a c k of what i s c o n s i d e r e d 'proper b e h a v i o r ' . I t i s one t h i n g t o o b j e c t t o custom but q u i t e a n o t h e r t o f e e l i g n o r a n c e . A w i f e r e t u r n i n g from d i p l o m a t i c s e r v i c e abroad e x p r e s s e d i t t h i s way: The most c o m p l i c a t e d t h i n g i s t h a t we no l o n g e r know how much we s h o u l d t a k e , f o r example when we a r e i n v i t e d f o r l u n c h o r d i n n e r . How much?--I never thought t h a t way! I f we are i n v i t e d f o r d i n n e r , we s h o u l d t a k e more e x p e n s i v e t h i n g s — t h a t k i n d of t h i n g . F o r t u n a t e l y , I have two s i s t e r s who 169 can a d v i s e me--but they thought I was not q u i t e b r i g h t and know n o t h i n g about Japanese customs ( l a u g h s ) . When p e o p l e d i e or i f t h e r e ' s a wedding g i f t you r e a l l y have t o c o n s u l t w i t h your s u p e r i o r or o l d e r p e o p l e who r e a l l y have the wisdom t o know such t h i n g s ! I f we don't a c t p r o p e r l y they t h i n k  we have no common sense. The average Japanese people t h i n k we a r e v e r y i g n o r a n t . L a t e r t h i s same woman a d m i t t e d t o a k i n d of two t i e r system of b e h a v i o r among members of the d i p l o m a t i c c o r p s r e g a r d i n g g i f t g i v i n g . So, among the r e t u r n e e s we don't do t h i s k i n d of t h i n g — a m o n g our good f r i e n d s who have come back from R u s s i a or the U n i t e d S t a t e s or from Europe, they know t h i s k i n d of custom. So they don't e x p e c t - - s o we stopped t h i s k i n d of custom, and we don't b r i n g a n y t h i n g , and they don't b r i n g a n y t h i n g b u t - - w i t h o t h e r people--we have t o ! We f e e l o b l i g a t e d t o take something! W e l l , i t doesn't m a t t e r i f they f e e l we a r e s t r a n g e p e o p l e — b u t s t i l l , we f e e l t h a t — r e c i p r o c i t y . Not a l l the wives of government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f e l t such group c l o s e n e s s . Another woman who was a l s o i n t i m a t e l y i n v o l v e d i n the d i p l o m a t i c l i f e i n London s a i d : I myself was l i v i n g i n t h a t d i p l o m a t i c community (l a u g h s ) but I c o u l d n ' t f i n d any B r i t i s h d i p l o m a t i c p e o p l e w h o — t h e y a r e - - I t h i n k they have 170 a s p e c i a l p o i n t of view towards O r i e n t a l — o r J a p a n e s e — o t h e r p e o p l e . A k i n d of p r e j u d i c e they  don't need us! They a r e s u f f i c i e n t by thems e l v e s ! You know, d i p l o m a t i c p e o p l e a r e a l l l i k e t h a t ! They l i v e f o r a few y e a r s i n one c o u n t r y and then they move t o another c o u n t r y f o r a few y e a r s , then they move a g a i n . So t h e i r way of t h i n k i n g i s n o t — i t tends t o be s u p e r f i c i a l . The s o c i a l demands of the w i f e of a government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e do not always end when she r e t u r n s home. Some women f i n d them even more d i s t u r b i n g than i m p l i c i t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d abroad. I r e a l l y e n j o y e d the company of American or some ot h e r o u t s i d e f r i e n d s — b e c a u s e , i n J a p a n -e s p e c i a l l y b e i n g a w i f e o f — w e l l , my husband i s not'an i m p o r t a n t p e r s o n — b u t s t i l l , he has some r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and always he i s p a r t community, and whether I l i k e i t or n o t , I have t o a s s o c i a t e w i t h c e r t a i n p e o p l e , and t h a t i s r e a l l y v e r y p a i n f u l t o me. And even i f I don't l i k e i t , I have to go t o a c e r t a i n p a r t y and I have t o t a l k w i t h a l a d y whom I don't n e c e s s a r i l y r e s p e c t , or w i t h whom I have n o t h i n g i n common. And I t h i n k t h o s e k i n d s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s a re too many i n t h i s w o r l d ! I t ' s h y p o c r i t i c a l ! Q u e s t i o n i n g the S e l f T h i s q u e s t i o n i n g of home v a l u e s o c c u r s w i t h most of the 171 r e t u r n e e s . F o l l o w i n g the i n i t i a l impact, when the e a r l y i m p r e s s i o n s a r e s t i l l f r e s h they b e g i n t o q u e s t i o n the d i f f e r e n c e s or s i m i l a r i t i e s of the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environments they have en c o u n t e r e d . They a l s o b e g i n a g a i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e m s e l v e s . For some i t i s a l o n g arduous p r o c e s s , f o r o t h e r s come immediate r e v e l a t i o n s . N o r i k o , always q u i c k t o respond, s a i d of her New York e x p e r i e n c e : I was not v e r y a g g r e s s i v e . . . I s h o u l d have been more a g g r e s s i v e — n o w I know t h a t . Even t o make f r i e n d s i n America, I - s h o u l d have been more--uh— a c t i v e i s not g o o d — a g g r e s s i v e I t h i n k . . . But, I d i d n ' t l i k e b e i n g a g g r e s s i v e - - I thought I would be a b l e t o make f r i e n d s w i t h o u t b e i n g "showy" or overwhelming... Now, I t h i n k I f e e l more independent. W e l l , i t was when I was much younger b u t , - - b e f o r e I went to America I had a s o r t of a t t i t u d e toward my p a r e n t s - i n - l a w or towards the ie^ or "house" t h a t I s h o u l d do whatever the "house"--the f a m i l y needed me t o do, or whatever my p a r e n t s wanted me t o do. Now, I don't f e e l t h a t way. I have t o c h e r i s h  my own s e l f t o o . I t h i n k I f e e l t h i s way because I got o l d e r . But I t h i n k the i n f l u e n c e I r e c e i v e d i n New York p l a y e d a b i g r o l e t o o . Because I saw so many independent women. So many d i v o r c e e s ( l a u g h s ) . S e t s u k o , m i n d f u l of the ache of i s o l a t i o n , would p r o b a b l y not agree . 1 72 B e f o r e , when I l i v e d i n Japan I used t o l e a r n Tea Ceremony. At t h a t t i m e , I thought i t wasn't so i m p o r t a n t - - i t was j u s t p a r t of my l i f e . But when I went t o Canada and missed p e o p l e so m u c h — I found t h a t Tea Ceremony group was so n i c e ! We Japanese don't always say t h i n g s s t r a i g h t o u t . Sometimes we have a s p e c i a l way, h a r a g e i of communicating our w i s h e s . . . A k i n d of atmosphere ... And I v a l u e those p e o p l e and missed them so much ... I t h i n k the company, t o t a l k w i t h p e o p l e who un d e r s t o o d i s v e r y i m p o r t a n t — t o make peopl e n o r m a l — a n d t o have t e a . Both of these women f e e l t h a t t h e i r e n c o u n t e r w i t h a n o t h e r c u l t u r e has a f f e c t e d t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of s e l f and home. Where N o r i k o f i n d s freedom i n a growing t h r u s t f o r independence, Setsuko f i n d s peace and new t r u t h s i n o l d h a b i t s . The p o t e n t i a l f o r s e l f d i s c o v e r y a c t i v a t e d by e x p e r i e n c e s i n o t h e r c u l t u r e s seems s e l f e v i d e n t . But i t i s o n l y a f t e r the r e t u r n t h a t one can f u l l y e v a l u a t e the p e r s o n a l meaning of such an a d v e n t u r e . R e g a r d i n g the r e t u r n home, M e i n t e l n o t e s : Once the p o s s i b i l i t y of r a d i c a l q u e s t i o n i n g of o n e s e l f and o t h e r s has been a c c e p t e d as p o t e n t i a l i n c u l t u r e shock, what has been termed " r e v e r s e c u l t u r e shock" appears i n a new l i g h t . H i s new p e r s p e c t i v e of h i s home s o c i e t y , p ersons i n i t and h i s own pa s t may not be f u l l y r e a l i z e d u n t i l r e n d e r e d immediate by r e t u r n i n g home. For some i n f o r m a n t s the r e t u r n was the e q u i v a l e n t t o what S t r a u s s c a l l s "the c r i t i c a l i n c i d e n t " when a change i n o n e s e l f and ones r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r s has e v o l v e d g r a d u a l l y . Sudden r e c o g n i t i o n then n e c e s s i a t e s new a l i g n m e n t of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . . . ( M e i n t e l 1973:52). But, do p r o f o u n d e x p e r i e n c e s always cause movements of the s e l f ? I asked Wakako i f she f e l t t h a t her e x p e r i e n c e i n New York had changed h e r . A f t e r f i r s t s a y i n g t h a t she f e l t the e x p e r i e n c e s t o be "broadening and e d u c a t i o n a l " she r e f l e c t e d f u r t h e r , I l o v e t o be s o c i a b l e — b u t I'm the k i n d of person who does not speak f i r s t . I don't mind t o be spoken t o , but I don't speak t o a person f i r s t . B: How d i d we meet? (both l a u g h ) . Because you have something you wanted t o do--to speak t o me. But, i f you d i d n ' t and we met t h e r e — w i t h o u t any i n t r o d u c t i o n maybe I wouldn't speak t o you ( l a u g h s ) . Because, I h e s i t a t e d — a l t h o u g h I wanted t o speak t o you, I w a i t e d . U n t i l you speak. That doesn't mean I don't l i k e t o speak t o y o u — I wanted t o speak t o you but I h e s i t a t e — a n d I'm g l a d — I l o v e t o be spoken t o — f r o m o t h e r p e o p l e . B: And i f no one speaks t o you? Then I keep q u i e t ( l a u g h s ) . Some pe o p l e get the wrong i m p r e s s i o n of m e — t h a t I'm not s o c i a b l e but i n s i d e I'm w a i t i n g and hoping t h a t someone w i l l speak t o me. I'm t h a t k i n d of p e r s o n . I t ' s hard f o r me t o make f r i e n d s . 1 74 Wakako was t r u e t o her word. A few weeks a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w I chanced t o see her a t a g a t h e r i n g h e l d i n t h e American C l u b i n Tokyo. The room was crowded and I was i n the m i d s t of a c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h some f r i e n d s . When I was a b l e t o break away I l o o k e d f o r her but she had d i s a p p e a r e d . I s t i l l don't know i f she would have responded i f I had spoken f i r s t . The L a s t i n g E f f e c t s What a r e some of the l a s t i n g e f f e c t s of h a v i n g t r a v e l e d and l i v e d i n a n o t h e r c u l t u r e f o r a p e r i o d of time? Always a d i f f i c u l t q u e s t i o n t o ask, t h e r e are no f a c i l e answers. Schutz n o t e s : To a c e r t a i n e x t e n t each homecomer has t a s t e d the magic f r u i t of s t r a n g e n e s s , be i t sweet or b i t t e r . Even amid the overwhelming l o n g i n g f o r home t h e r e remains the w i s h t o t r a n s p l a n t i n t o the o l d p a t t e r n something of the n o v e l g o a l s , of the new s k i l l s and e x p e r i e n c e s a q u i r e d abroad. (1945:375) Many of the women who have l i v e d abroad f e e l t h a t i t i s a once i n a l i f e time e x p e r i e n c e . Aware t h a t Japanese b u s i n e s s e s i n c o r p o r a t e s t r o n g p e r s o n a l t i e s b u i l t upon f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n s they know t h a t t h e i r husbands w i l l p r o b a b l y be r e l u c t a n t t o be t r a n s f e r r e d o v e r s e a s v e r y many t i m e s . A number of b u s i n e s s men c l a i m t h a t "out of s i g h t — o u t of mind" i s a v e r y r e a l c o n c e r n , and t h a t w h i l e they may s t i l l r e c e i v e promotions d u r i n g the time away from the home o f f i c e , they might, as one man e x p r e s s e d i t , "be put on h o r i z o n t a l h o l d " a f t e r t hey r e t u r n . Nakane c o n f i r m s t h i s p r e v e l a n t f e a r : 175 A group member who i s absent t e m p o r a r i l y may w e l l l o s e ground w i t h i n the group, f o r a p e r i o d of s e p a r a t i o n o f t e n a l i e n a t e s e x i s t i n g c o n t a c t s . When a man working i n Tokyo l e a v e s f o r a n o t h e r p a r t e lsewhere h i s d e p a r t u r e i m p l i e s not o n l y a p h y s i c a l s e p a r a t i o n from the c i t y i t s e l f , but a l s o the growth of s o c i a l d i s t a n c e from h i s c i r c l e (Nakane 1970:136). For t h i s r e a s o n , when Japanese businessmen's wives get ready t o r e t u r n t o Japan, o f t e n the f a r e w e l l s have a p a r t i c u l a r b i t t e r - s w e e t atmosphere. They do not expect t o r e t u r n . For the wives of government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s the r e v e r s e might be t r u e . Career d i p l o m a t s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s may spend more time abroad than they do i n Japan. T h i s a l s o p r e s e n t s problems not o n l y i n terms of e d u c a t i o n f o r the c h i l d r e n ; i t makes l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s d i f f i c u l t t o m a i n t a i n . The m a r r i e d daughter e x p r e s s e d i t t h i s way: I've l i v e d h a l f of my l i f e a broad. F r i e n d s ? Where d i d I make f r i e n d s ? M o s t l y abroad, neh? I have made f r i e n d s r e c e n t l y a f t e r m a r r y i n g and s e t t l i n g down i n Japan but the f r i e n d s you make when you are young are v e r y p r e c i o u s , v e r y p r e c i o u s i n d e e d . . . She paused and then c o n t i n u e d : Because I am Japanese, I l o o k l i k e a Japanese, and as l o n g as I am i n Japan everyone w i l l r e g a r d me as Japanese. And they get shocked when they see or they f e e l , or they get the r e a c t i o n -- when they 176 f i n d out t h a t I don't t h i n k Japanese! I t r y t o h i d e i t , but sometimes I j u s t come out and "I t h i n k you are wrong--I t h i n k you are not r i g h t ! " Which we Japanese a r e not supposed t o be d o i n g . . . I'm m a r r i e d t o a Japanese man who goes out w i t h h i s f r i e n d s {at n i g h t } . And I know I s h o u l d n ' t c o m p l a i n , i t ' s the "Japanese way". But I s t i l l s u f f e r from the l a c k of s o c i a l i z i n g t o g e t h e r . Then my husband does h i s best t o s o c i a l i z e w i t h me, but he doesn't have time! Because I've been a d i p l o m a t ' s c h i l d , and because I'm used t o s o c i a l i z i n g - - I ' m used t o Mr. and Mrs. b e i n g i n v i t e d . I f e e l as though I were not t r e a t e d r i g h t . As though I were not human. And those f e e l i n g s I might not have, i f I had l i v e d i n Japan a l l of my l i f e . What are the l a s t i n g e f f e c t s on s c h o l a r s ' wives? A g a i n , i t seems t o be an i n d i v i d u a l m a t t e r . As w i t h businessmen's wives they do not expect t o r e t u r n i n the near f u t u r e . Both of these groups of women take w i t h them new p a t t e r n s of b e h a v i o r or s t y l e s of i n t e r a c t i o n which may or may not remain i n t h e i r r e p e r t o i r e a f t e r they r e t u r n home. One t h i n g which p r o b a b l y does l a s t l o n g a f t e r the e x p e r i e n c e of meeting and c o p i n g w i t h the unknown i s the e l a t i o n of h a v i n g s u r v i v e d the o r d e a l . M e i n t e l touches on t h i s a s p e c t of h a v i n g assumed d i f f e r e n t r o l e s when she n o t e s , Whether the new r o l e i s a d m i r a b l e or d e s p i s e d i t u n v e i l s a " p o t e n t i a l me" f o r m e r l y unknown t o the 177 a c t o r , and i n e i t h e r c a s e , i s l i k e l y t o b r i n g about a r e - a l i g n m e n t i n s e l f - r e g a r d . ( M e i n t e l 1973:56) Thus, u n r a v e l l i n g the m y s t e r i e s of the mundane can sometimes y i e l d unexpected f i n d s . In u n v e i l i n g the " p o t e n t i a l me" new w o r l d s are b o r n , and a c o n t i n u i n g p r o c e s s of crowding our own h o r i z o n s has begun. C o n c l u d i n g Remarks In t h i s t h e s i s . -I have atte m p t e d t o l o o k a t the way i n which a group of Japanese women make sense of a new c u l t u r a l encounter and the manner i n which t h i s encounter a l t e r s t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of home. The i n t e r v i e w s emphasize the importance of everyday a c t i v i t i e s i n l e a r n i n g t o make sense of the new environment. Rather than f i t t i n g the d i s e a s e - r e c o v e r y model propose by o t h e r s (Oberg 1960; F o s t e r 1962), they i n d i c a t e t h a t sense-making i s an ongoing p r o c e s s which does not t e r m i n a t e upon r e t u r n home. Because the i n i t i a l impact of the c u l t u r a l encounter seems p r o f o u n d , I have examined the e x p e c t a t i o n s t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l b r i n g s w i t h her t o the new p l a c e . These e x p e c t a t i o n s may have c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n , but they a r e a l l drawn from a p o o l of p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s , handed down i n f o r m a t i o n , and h a b i t s of t h i n k i n g - a s - u s u a l which were a p p r o p r i a t e t o the p l a c e from which she came, but which have l i t t l e b e a r i n g on the new c i r c u m s t a n c e s . When the s e e x p e c t a t i o n s prove inadequate f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g the new p l a c e , she must s e a r c h elsewhere f o r ways to make sense of the day-to-day e x p e r i e n c e s . Some women are more s u c c e s s f u l than o t h e r s . The i n f o r m a t i o n which they p r o v i d e d i n the i n t e r v i e w s 178 s u g g e s t s t h a t time i t s e l f , as w e l l as f a m i l i a r i t y and exposure to the new environment c o n t r i b u t e t o the p r o c e s s of t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g . However, a more im p o r t a n t f a c t o r appears t o be the i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t y t o draw from the many s o u r c e s of a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n and t o i n t e g r a t e and u t i l i z e i t i n a f r u i t f u l way. In c o n f r o n t i n g the unexpected, she comes fa c e t o fac e w i t h her t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d i d e a s p r e v i o u s l y hidden from view. In q u e s t i o n i n g t h e s e i d e a s , she then b e g i n s t o q u e s t i o n h e r s e l f . T h i s opens up a p o t e n t i a l f o r new p e r s o n a l growth and development of c u l t u r a l competence. I t i s o n l y upon r e t u r n i n g home t h a t she may r e a l i z e how f a r she has t r a v e l e d . One i s s t r u c k by the i n t e r v i e w s which d e s c r i b e changed p e r c e p t i o n s of the p h y s i c a l w o r l d on r e t u r n home, i n c l u d i n g p e r c e p t i o n s of space and s i z e . But the changes go beyond, t o r e a l i z a t i o n s of new p o t e n t i a l s and t o h e i g h t e n e d a p p r e c i a t i o n of f a m i l i a r s u r r o u n d i n g s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 1 79 REFERENCES CITED A d l e r , P e t e r S. 1975 The T r a n s i t i o n a l E x p e r i e n c e : An A l t e r n a t e View of C u l t u r e Shock. J o u r n a l of H u m a n i s t i c P s y c h o l o g y 15(4): 13-23. A r e n s b e r g , Conrad and A r t h u r N i e h o f f 1965 I n t r o d u c i n g S o c i a l Change. C h i c a g o : A l d i n e . B a r n l u n d , Dean C. 1975 P u b l i c and P r i v a t e S e l f i n Japan and the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Tokyo: The Simu l P r e s s . B l a c k , Mary and Duane Metzger 1965 M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Approaches: E t h n o g r a p h i c D e s c r i p t i o n and the Study of Law. American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 6 7 ( 3 ) : 141-165. 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Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Group f o r the Study of Women. Inumaru, Kazuo F r a n c e s c o 1977 The Japanese B u s i n e s s Community i n M i l a n . U n p u b l i s h e d d i s s e r t a t i o n f o r the Master of L i t e r a t u r e Degree. Cambridge, England: U n i v e r s i t y of Cambridge. K i r k u p , James 1970 A Sense of O c c a s i o n . Japan Q u a r t e r l y 17(3): 272-275. K i s h i m o t o , Hideo 1962 Some Japanese C u l t u r a l T r a i t s and R e l i g i o n s . I_n P h i l o s o p h y and C u l t u r e : E a s t and West. C h a r l e s A. Moore, ed. H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y of Hawa i i P r e s s . Koyama, T a k a s h i 1961 The Changing S o c i a l P o s i t i o n of Women i n Japan. Geneva, S w i t z e r l a n d : U n i t e d N a t i o n s E d u c a t i o n a l , S c i e n t i f i c and C u l t u r a l O r g a n i z a t i o n (UNESCO). Leach, Edmund R. 1970 L e v i - S t r a u s s . New York: B a s i c Books. L e b r a , J o y c e , Joy Pa u l s o n and E l i z a b e t h Powers 1976 Women i n Changing Japan. B o u l d e r , C o l o r a d o : F r e d e r i c A P r a e g e r , Westview P r e s s , I n c . L e b r a , T a k i e S. 1979 Japanese P a t e r n s of B e h a v i o r . H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y of Hawai i P r e s s . Lee, Dorothy 1959 Freedom and C u l t u r e . Englewood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e - H a l l I n c . L e w i s , C a t h e r i n e 1978 Women i n the Consumer Movement. I_n P r o c e e d i n g s of the Tokyo Symposium on Women. Merry I . White and Barb a r a Molony, eds. pp. 80-88. Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Group f o r the Study of Women. 182 L y s g a a r d , S. 1955 Adjustment i n a F o r e i g n S o c i e t y : Norwegian F u l l b r i g h t Grantees V i s i t i n g the U n i t e d S t a t e s . I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l S c i e n c e B u l l e t i n 7: 45-51. M e i n t e l , D i e d r e A. 1973 S t r a n g e r s , Homecomers and O r d i n a r y Men. A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Q u a r t e r l y 46 (1):47-58. Miyamoto, Shoson 1962 The R e l a t i o n of P h i l o s p h i c a l Theory t o P r a c t i c a l A f f a i r s i n Japan. In P h i l o s o p h y and C u l t u r e : E a s t and West. C h a r l e s A. Moore, ed. H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y of H a w a i i P r e s s . Nakamura, Hajime 1962 B a s i c F e a t u r e s of the L e g a l , P o l i t i c a l and Economic Thought i n Japan. I_n P h i l o s o p h y and C u l t u r e : E a s t and West. C h a r l e s A. Moore, ed. H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y of H awaii P r e s s . Nakane, Chie 1974 Japanese S o c i e t y . B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . Nash, Dennison 1963 The E t h n o l o g i s t as S t r a n g e r : An Essay i n the S o c i o l o g y of Knowledge. Southwestern J o u r n a l of A n t h r o p o l o g y 19: 149-167. Nash, Dennison 1970 A Community i n Limbo: An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Study of an American Community Abroad. B l o o m i n g t o n : I n d i a n a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Norbeck, Edward 1970 Changing Japan: F i e l d R e s e a r c h . In B e i n g an A n t h r o p o l o g i s t . George S p i n d l e r , ed. pp. 238-266. New York: H o l t R i n e h a r t and W i n s t o n . Oberg, K a l e r v o 1960 C u l t u r e Shock: Adjustment To New C u l t u r a l E n v ironments. P r a c t i c a l A n t h r o p o l o g y 7: 177-182. ( r e p r i n t e d from Washington D. C. Department of S t a t e ( F S I ) ) . O l e s e n , V i r g i n i a L. and E l v i W. W h i t t a k e r 1968 The S i l e n t D i a l o g u e . San F r a n c i s c o : J o s s e y - B a s s I n c . 183 P a u l s o n , Joy 1976 E v o l u t i o n of the Feminine I d e a l . I_n Women i n Changing Japan. Joyce L e b r a , Joy P a u l s o n and E l i z a b e t h Powers, eds. pp. 1-23. B o u l d e r , C o l o r a d o : Westview P r e s s I n c . Read, Kenneth 1965 The High V a l l e y . New York: C h a r l e s S c r i b n e r s and Sons. Salamon, Sonya 1975 The V a r i e d Groups of Japanese and German Housewives. Japan I n t e r p r e t e r 10(2):151- 170 . S c h u t z , A l f r e d 1944 The S t r a n g e r : An Essay i n S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y . American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y 69 (6):499-507. S c h u t z , A l f r e d 1945 The Homecomer.-American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y 50: 369-376. S c h u t z , A l f r e d 1964 The W e l l - i n f o r m e d C i t i z e n . I_n C o l l e c t e d Papers I I : S t u d i e s i n S o c i a l Theory. A v i d B r o d e r s e n , ed. pp. 120-134. M a r t i n u s N i j h o f f : The Hague. S c h u t z , A l f r e d 1970 R e f l e c t i o n s on the Problem of R e l e v a n c e . New Haven and London: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Simmel, Georg 1950 The S o c i o l o g y of Georg Simmel. K u r t H. W o l f f E d i t o r and T r a n s l a t o r . G l e n c o e : The Free P r e s s . S o d e i , Takako and M i c h i k o Naoi 1978 The L i f e of Japanese D i v o r c e e s and Widows. I_n Pr o c e e d i n g s of the Tokyo Symposium on Women. Merry I . White & Bar b a r a Molony, eds. pp. 184-188. Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Group f o r the Study of Women. Sugiyama, Meiko 1978 The P r e s e n t S t a t e of Housewives' C o n s c i o u s n e s s i n Japan: R e s u l t s of P u b l i c O p i n i o n P o l l s . Iri P r o c e e d i n g s of the Tokyo Symposium on Women. Merry I . White and Barb a r a Molony, eds. pp. 115-121. Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Group f o r the Study of Women. 184 S u z u k i , D. T. 1962 B a s i c Thoughts U n d e r l y i n g E a s t e r n E t h i c a l and S o c i a l P r a c t i c e s . I_n C h a r l e s A. Moore Ed. P h i l o s o p h y and C u l t u r e : E a s t and West. H o n o l u l u : U n i v e r s i t y of Hawaii P r e s s . 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Merry I White & Ba r b a r a Molony, eds. pp. 150-155. Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Group f o r the Study of Women. V o g e l , E z r a F. 1971 Japan's New M i d d l e C l a s s . B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . White, Merry I . 1979 The R i t e s of R e t u r n : R e - E n t r y and R e - I n t e g r a t i o n of Japanese I n t e r n a t i o n a l Businessmen. U n p u b l i s h e d d r a f t of paper p r e s e n t e d i n Los An g e l e s Mar. 31, 1979 a t The 31st Annual M e e t i n g of As s o c . f o r A s i a n S t u d i e s . Wood, Mary Margaret 1934 The S t r a n g e r : a Study i n S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s . New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 185 Wood, Mary Margaret 1953 Paths of L o n e l i n e s s . New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 

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