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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Rehabilitation of inner city buildings for family residential use: Vancouver Murray, Charlotte C. 1980

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REHABILITATION OF INNER. CITY BUILDINGS FOR FAMILY RESIDENTIAL USE: VANCOUVER CHARLOTTE C. MURRAY M.R.A.I.C. B.Arch., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Architecture) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA c) Charlotte C. Murray, 1980 by i n September 1980 In presenting th i s thes i s in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075. Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D a t e •&> 4 O c V t K & a ABSTRACT In this thesis i t i s proposed that the r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n of existing buildings for family homes can make a sub s t a n t i a l contribution toward reestablishing the central area of the c i t y as an a t t r a c t i v e place for a variety of people to l i v e . A l i t e r a t u r e review summarizes the factors which influence inner c i t y l i v e a b i l i t y , and those that influence the decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e or demolish a building. It i s argued that the c i t y needs a concentrated and varied ^residential population l i v i n g i n the inner c i t y i f the core i s to retain i t s . v i t a l i t y , and that f a m i l i a r structures provide a sense of place and continuity. Evidence suggests that housing supply shapes the inner c i t y population, both of which have diminished i n o v e r a l l numbers. The exodus of families from the central c i t y has been stimulated and encouraged, while equivalent support has not been available . for those who wish to remain. There i s also evidence of a changing attitude, c i t y support for inner c i t y family housing and increasing numbers of families who want to l i v e there. In an outline of requirements for the family environ-ment, ways are suggested that can render the inner c i t y a safe and stimulating place for children to learn the s k i l l s of an urban c i t i z e n . Three sets of goals are presented: those derived from statements regarding the aspirations for a l i v a b l e and v i t a l central c i t y ; those derived from the soc-i a l l y accepted basic needs; for family housing;. *andi. those de-rived from preferences beyond basic^housing needs as expressed by people in Vancouver and Toronto. _. - - Rehabilitation i s defined as the process that re-stores something to i t s former l e v e l of usefulness. Building r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s defined in r e l a t i o n to the physical prop-e r t i e s and l i f e cycles of the building components. Second, i t i s defined as an action that diminishes obsolescence, a process judged by various views of the buildings r e l a t i v e use-fulness. A t h i r d d e f i n i t i o n describes the mutually supportive nature of housing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and heritage conservation. The second part of the thesis presents a survey of 20 percent of the inner c i t y area of Vancouver. A random sample included 54 small neighbourhood plots where data was taken cov-ering 1556 building* l o t s with 780 pre-1945 and 572 post-1945 buildings. Amongst the older buildings 64 percent were s t i l l the o r i g i n a l houses, accounting for 37 percent of a l l buildings in the sample area. By contrast 46 percent of the newer bu i l d -ings were commercial and only 4 percent were houses. Half the older buildings had been b u i l t by 1913, and 80 percent by 1921 when zoning was introduced in Vancouver. Only one t h i r d of the buildings' s i t e s were zoned exclusively for r e s i d e n t i a l use. Most of the sample were in f a i r or better condition, and half were unchanged from th e i r o r i g i n a l form. There were good indications that most of the 54 plots were suitable locations for family homes. iv In the t h i r d part of the thesis the sample p l o t s , and 771 of the inventoried buildings, were evaluated to assess t h e i r r e l a t i v e s u i t a b i l i t y for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Three sets of c r i t e r i a were established related to the three sets of goals from the f i r s t part of the study. Appropriate indicator var-iables were selected from the inventory and scaled according to t h e i r influence on the decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e or demolish. A simple additive weighting procedure was used, with separate weights assigned for each c r i t e r i o n set, derived from expert opinion. The results of the evaluation were normally d i s t r i b -uted, showing a s a t i s f a c t o r y d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the sample. The findings suggested that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was most promising i n the Mt. Pleasant and Strathcoraa sample p l o t s . The i n d i c -ation was that rezoning would considerably improve r e h a b i l i t -ation prospects for the older buildings. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n ap-peared to be l i k e l y i n the most favorable areas. Also the best chance for an advantageous linkage i s where heritage buildings are found i n good family neighbourhoods. The f i n d -ings indicated that d i f f e r e n t r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs would be needed for the various areas of the c i t y . Suggestions are given regarding these programs, as well as recommendations for p o l i t i c a l , educational, and design a c t i v i t i e s to support e f f o r t s toward the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of selected older buildings and heritage neighbourhoods. V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. THE CITY AS A PLACE TO LIVE 6 The Case of Vancouver 28 CHAPTER I I . HOUSING FOR FAMILIES 44 CHAPTER I I I . REHABILITATE OR DEMOLISH? 74 The Physical L i f e Versus the Useful L i f e 75 Rehabilitation Design 81 Rehabilitation and Conservation 91 Housing Supply and Demand 93 Demolition 101 Rehabilitation Costs 105 Financing 107 Benefits 115 Heritage Conservation 117 CHAPTER IV. METHOD 134 Objectives 134 Preliminary Survey 138 Inventory Survey 144 Variables - • 148 Evaluation I 5 4 CHAPTER V. SURVEY RESULTS I 6 7 Preliminary Survey i67 Inventory Survey 169 Sample Evaluation 2 0 5 CHAPTER VI. REVIEW 2 2 0 Technical Points 2 2 0 Observations from the Results 2 2 ^ Suggested Actions 2 4 2 v i APPENDICES A. Four Types of Inner City Neighbourhoods .... 251 B. Child Development 252 C. Building L i f e Cycle 257 D. Federal Housing Subsidies 259 E. Numerical Evaluation Methods 260 F. Potential Uses for Old Buildings 264 G. Design C r i t e r i a 266 H. Survey Variables 270 I. Indicator Variable Transformations 280 LIST OF REFERENCES 285 v i i LIST OF TABLES I Housing Stock, Vancouver, 1976 - 1986 31 II Municipal Goals 42 III Push P u l l Factors in Family Housing 61 IV Family Needs 68 V Preferences 71 VI Age of Vancouver Dwellings 102 VII Demolitions by Type, Vancouver. 1976 - 1978 .. 102 VIII Example Program Costs: Family Income $8000 ... 106 IX Example Cost: Minimum Adult Housing 107 X D i s t r i b u t i o n of Plots 142 XI Evaluating C r i t e r i a 156 XII Building Lots and Buildings 171 XIII D i s t r i b u t i o n of Buildings by Neighbourhood ... 172 XIV D i s t r i b u t i o n of Building Groups 183 XV Older Building Use by Zone 189 XVI D i s t r i b u t i o n of Vacant Lots 197 XVII Correlations: 52 Plots 209 XVIII Buildings Added by Controlling Indicators .... 218 v i i i LIST OF FIGURES 1 Diagram Section of a City Today 3 2 Diagram Section of an H i s t o r i c City 4 3 Typical L i f e Cycles of Three Building Components 76 4 . D i s u t i l i t y Scale 80 5 Kinds of Work Performed on Existing Buildings 92 6 Housing Supply Problems in Vancouver 96 7 Building Depreciation Curve I l l 8 Milltown Cottage, Mt. Pleasant 128 9 C a l i f o r n i a Bungalow, K i t s i l a n o 129 10 a) V i c t o r i a n b)„Tudor Cottage 130 11 Home over the Store, K i t s i l a n o 130 12 Rehabilitation Without Harmony, Downtown East 131 13 Study Organization 135 14 Inner City Neighbourhoods; Vancouver Study Area 139 15 Plo t 8, with 1974 Land Uses 142 16 Preliminary Survey Sample, 66 Plots 143 17 Inventory Survey Sample, 54 Plots 145 18 Neighbourhood Indicators by Position and by Rank 163 19 Individual Building Indicators by Position and by Rank 1 6 3 20 Neighbourhood Indicators: Rank and Weight Value 5 ix 21 Individual Building Indicators: Rank and Weight Value 1 6 6 22 D i s t r i b u t i o n of a l l Buildings by Type 173 23 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Older Buildings by Type and Use 174 24 a: S i m i l a r i t i e s in Older Houses 175 b: S i m i l a r i t i e s 176 25 a: An Origi n a l b: Noteable Details 177 c: Modest and Unique 178 26 a: Modernization not Conservation 179 b: A RRAP Rehabilitation 180 27 Coping i n Many Ways 181 28 Groups of Buildings on One Lot 184 29 Four Adjacent Houses 185 30 Recycled Houses 190 31 West End Apartments 192 32 a: Houses in an Industrial Zone 194 b: Industrial Neighbours 195 33 Houses that Survived 198 34 D i s t r i b u t i o n Curves 203 35 Range of Standardized Scores 208 36 Analysis of Variance: IB 208 37 Neighbourhoods in the 80-100 Percentile: I ... 211 38 Neighbourhoods in the 80-100 Percentile: II ... 212 39 Neighbourhoods in the 80-100 Percentile: III ... 213 40 Individual Building i n the 80-100 Percentile: I 214 41 Individual Building i n the 80-100 Percentile: II 215 '42 Individual Building i n the 80-100 Percentile III 216 Unique Buildings of Interest 239 Strathcona's Heritage 2 4 1 x i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am pleased to have the opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to the many people who have helped me to complete this thesis. Among those to whom I o f f e r my thanks are the members of my committee, Dr. David Ley, Jon G i f t -E l l i s , and es p e c i a l l y my advisor Prof. John Gaitanakis. The time and expertise of several of my colleagues has contributed substantially to this thesis; p a r t i c u l a r l y I want to thank J e n i f e r Iredale f o r her p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the inventory survey; Vinay Kanetekar for his advise and assistance with the applic-ation of computerized procedures to the analysis of the survey data; thanks also to Linda Forbes and Ian Murray for t h e i r patient hours of e d i t i n g . I would l i k e to express my appreciation as well to the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation for the Fellow-ship for Urban and Regional Studies, 1975 - 1978; and to the B r i t i s h Columbia Heritage Trust for the Peter N. Cotton Schol-arship, 1979 - 80. Through their generosity I was able to take the time for the study and preparation of this t h e s i s . Sincerely; Charlotte C. Murray, August 1980. 1 INTRODUCTION The inner c i t y has a dynamic contexture with constantly changing elements and edges. However, i t s physical structures are durable, and together they store the worthwhile and the worth-less which from time to time can be picked up or cast aside for another time, thus f a c i l i t a t i n g the a d a p t i b i l i t y of the c i t y , so i t can continue to accommodate new people and new times (Mum-ford, 1961). In th i s s c i e n t i f i c age there has been a tendency to re l y l i t e r a l l y on h i s t o r i c a l precedents, accepting as natural or inevitable events that follow observed patterns and trends. Mumford seems to be suggesting a more creative option. Using the experience of history and the resources of the existing struc-tures, the future can be determined by the selection of elements to be "picked up or cast aside". The proposition put forward in this thesis i s that the inner c i t y can become a t t r a c t i v e again as a place for people of a l l ages and various persuasions to l i v e , and that the r e h a b i l i -tation of the existing older buildings to provide family housing can make an important contribution toward this end. The physical structure of the c i t y i s a continuum consisting of the oldest to the most recently constructed buildings. On the scale of the t o t a l inner c i t y building stock over time, there is a process of succession which includes no more than three percent of buildings under construction, a proportion of buildings 2 being demolished, and the remainder of more than 90% at some stage in a repeating cycle of maintain-deteriorate-evaluate-rehabilitate. Rehabilitation i n the dictionary sense means restoration to a former capacity. Relative to a building's function this term implies that the building requires some substantial amount of work to return i t to a condition where regular maintenance i s s u f f i c i e n t to allow i t to function as i t did formerly. Those that have deteriorated, however, to the point where they are unsafe or unhealthy or underused, may face demolition. In economic terms the i r value in use appears to be less than the development poten-t i a l of the s i t e they occupy. Within the t o t a l stock i t w i l l be necessary at some time to evaluate the s i t u a t i o n of each i n d i -vidual building and choose whether i t i s to be r e h a b i l i t a t e d , or demolished to be succeeded by another building. This process of succession w i l l continue, as w i l l the need for building evalu-ation. This thesis i s concerned with id e n t i f y i n g the combin-ation of factors that leads to a r a t i o n a l decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e and repeat the cycle rather than to end i t by demolition. The approach taken i s h o l i s t i c i n regard to the contributing factors, and comprehensive in regard to the buildings. By looking at a l l of the existing buildings, the ultimate l i m i t s of the stock (which i s a f i n i t e resource in terms of i t s heritage potential) w i l l become evident. The ramifications of short term decisions then, with regard to the d i s p o s i t i o n of t h i s resource become clearer, and can provide a r e a l i s t i c basis for aspirations for the future of the inner c i t y . 3 While considering the many issues raised by the proposal presented in this thesis, i t became evident that the /inner c i t y cannot, by any ra t i o n a l process, be isolated as a single demarcated area that contains a l l of the pertinent conditions. It i s rather a number of d i f f e r i n g sub-areas which are functionally, p h y s i c a l l y , and emotionally related in sim-i i l a r ways to the c i t y core, the c i t y as a whole, and to the urban region. These relationships give the inner c i t y a qual-i t a t i v e l y perceived r e a l i t y which i s generally acknowledged, but a precise d e f i n i t i o n of which w i l l always be ar b i t r a r y . FIGURE 1 DIAGRAM SECTION OF A CITY TODAY - A ! 2-0 z JUL a + ....t.+i*.«li«lill)« C O R E y ^ O \ T V CITY C l T V — •PROPORTVOK OF USE-1 1 * 1 . B i t t - t — Nevertheless, i t was es s e n t i a l to establish a common reference for the development of this t h e s i s . For t h i s purpose the inner c i t y was defined as the heterogeneous, mixed-use area that surrounds the central business d i s t r i c t or core of the s c i t y . It extends u n t i l i t merges with and becomes single-use r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. The core i s the center of attrac-\ tion of the c i t y , where there i s the strongest focus of 4 people's image of the c i t y , highest density of r e t a i l trade, a daytime population on the street, and internal communication networks; i t has the highest land values, and the lowest pro-portion of residents. Beyond the administrative c i t y bound-aries are the suburbs, a group of communities that depend on the c i t y for c u l t u r a l leadership, specialized services, and to a large extent, employment. In a simple way t h i s describes the Canadian urban region of today, diagramatlcally represented in Figure 1. The h i s t o r i c c i t y structure that provides a model of an environment for the creative functioning of c i t i z e n s has a d i f f e r e n t image, with a sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between urban and r u r a l precincts. The intensity and density of the h i s t o r i c c i t y , depicted in the diagram of Figure 2, i s approximated by the central area in the image of today's c i t y (Figure 1). FIGURE 2 DIAGRAM SECTION OF AN HISTORIC CITY ! 1 I I | | p R o p o R . n o M O F |_ _ \ . ! (2.E&I DENTi A L U S E | = ' L N T E M & l T y -DIVE.PLS.irV • *fo -r i W -\i c l r v >\ J I The a t t r a c t i o n of the c i t y in i t s h i s t o r i c role for people and the creation of a positive urban culture i s out-lined in Chapter I. The distinguishing s o c i a l and physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the inner c i t y accompany a b r i e f descrip-tion of the inner c i t y of Vancouver. Circumstances 5 to the exodus of central c i t y residents and actions to stem the flow are also discussed. This i s the f i r s t of three subject areas in which the factors related to the key decision -to r e h a b i l i t a t e or to demolish - f a l l . Chapter II i s concerned with the amenities required for family housing in the inner c i t y , giving special attention to the needs of children. Dis-t i n c t i o n i s made between basic needs and personal desires i n housing. This i s followed in Chapter III by a discussion of the processes which create the need for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n in r e l a t i o n to the four basic services provided by a home, as shelter, a l i v i n g place, as a resource to the community, and as an investment. Impediments to, and incentives for, rehab-i l i t a t i o n are discussed. The chapter concludes with an over-view of the related heritage-conservation issues. Basic issues raised in the previous chapters are assembled in Chapter IV, and accounted for i n the assessment of the problem and the theoreti c a l organization and research method. The f i n a l two chapters report on the research, which dealt with the issues as they relate to the physical circum-stances found in a survey of 20% of the older buildings that remain in the inner c i t y of Vancouver, and evaluated the chances for their successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . 6 CHAPTER I THE CITY AS A PLACE TO LIVE Two things are common to a l l great c i t i e s : an exciting and b e a u t i f u l l y designed downtown section, and a large middle-class population l i v i n g close to the central core. Edmond Faltermayer Fortune Vol. LXXV, January, 19 67 Not long ago i t was customary to talk about the "heart of the c i t y " . The image has now changed from a place throbbing with l i f e to a place for the exchange of goods and services. C i t i e s have l o s t a heart and gained a central business d i s t r i c t . In the process the c i t y center has l o s t i t s appeal as a place to l i v e and raise a family. Lewis Mumford says, " i t i s a r t , culture, and p o l i t i c a l purpose, not numbers, that define a c i t y " . 1 The reasons he l i s t -ed for the r i s e of c i t i e s were expressed i n human terms: b u r i a l and care of the dead, r i t u a l and magic, s o c i a l enjoyment of shared symbol, sense of enclosure bringing a sense of power and exalta-tio n , physical s u r v i v a l , and the c o l l e c t i v e nurturing of food, animals, and children. In the h i s t o r i c evolution of a l l c i t i e s a number of a t t r a c t i v e forces has remained constant: increasing d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of human a c t i v i t i e s , production of diverse goods "'"Lewis Mumford; The City i n History: Its Origins, Its  Transformations and Its Prospects; Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., A Harbinger Book, New York, 1961; p. 125. 7 and services, accumulation of wealth, and the presence of surplus that allows the release of time and energy for creative endeavours. These forces have attracted people because t h e i r e f f e c t s have been attainable with the convenience that comes from concentration (Mumford, 1961, Ward, 1976). The best known h i s t o r i c c i t i e s were crowded: a sign of their success (Saalman, 1968). "The great v i t a l i t y of the c i t i e s i s one of the most important resources any country has, and once i t i s l o s t i t i s almost certain that 2 industry, culture, and l i f e in general w i l l begin to decline." Over time, c i t y boundaries were changed, and then ex-tended to contain separate administrative units as the hinterland was urbanized by expanding suburbs. The resulting urban areas of today are defined as large, r e l a t i v e l y dense and permanent settlements of s o c i a l l y heterogeneous individuals (Connell, 1970) who have a complex s o c i a l organization and who are not engaged in producing their own food (Gist, 1974) . The process of urbaniz-ation i s a self-perpetuating phenomenon measured in economic terms by the rate of change in the number of people l i v i n g in urban centers in r e l a t i o n to the t o t a l national population. The c i t y i s the a r t i f a c t , developed to accommodate the process of urbaniz-ation. While there has been a vast building up of our urban areas during this century, and while people's l i f e s t y l e s have changed, their basic human needs have not (Ward, 1976). According to Halprin "the ultimate purpose of a c i t y in our times is to provide a creative environment for people to 2 Jonathon Freedman, Crowding and Behavior, W.H. Freeman and Co., San Francisco, 1975. p. 113. 8 3 l i v e i n . " A creative environment, i n his view, i s one that offers d i v e r s i t y of choice, maximizes potential i n t e r a c t i o n , and recog-nizes continuity. The c i t y has provided a background of continuity for the intermingling of various people from various cultures (Mumford, 1961, Jacobs, 1961), and the mix of peoples has main-tained continuity (Ward, 1976). Rousseau observed that c i t i z e n s make a c i t y . They bring to i t the sum of their demands and aspir-ations and frustrations (Ward, 1976). People come seeking oppor-tunity and d i v e r s i t y and they expect to find i t where there is l i v e l y industry and culture. "There is only one c r i t e r i o n of 4 f a i l u r e for c i t i e s : depopulation." " A c i t y must be experienced to come a l i v e in i t s most unique s e n s e . T h e people who give the c i t y i t s f u l l q u ality of l i f e are the inhabitants, not the merchants and commuters who are the part-time users (Halprin, 1972). In return human poten-t i a l , e s p e c i a l l y in children, has the best chance to be r e a l i z e d in an environment where experiences are most diverse and stimu-l a t i n g (Dubos, 1968, Selye, 1956). C i t i e s are permanent i n s t i t u t i o n s , their physical form is extremely durable and their future is b u i l t inevitably on t h e i r past (Cornier, 1966) . While the c i t y i s the expression of past values and ideals, i t also shapes them i n the continuing enlarge-ment of human consciousness (Gertler, 1977, Mumford, 1961). "There i s a continuum between values and attitudes, l i f e s t y l e , 3 Lawrence Halprin, C i t i e s , The M.I.T. Press, 1972; p. 7. 4 ... ...... Howard Saalman, Medieval C i t i e s , George B r a z i l l e r , N,.Y. 1968, p. 11* ^Halprin; C i t i e s , p. 193. 9 i n s t i t u t i o n s and the bricks and mortar of the physical city."** Unlike the European c i t y , the North American c i t y did not always evolve organically in response to the natural environ-ment (Dubos, 1968). In B r i t i s h Columbia the b u i l t heritage is e s s e n t i a l l y one of towns and c i t i e s set out in a wilderness where immigrant workers were able to own a home (Holdsworth, 1977). Their plans r e f l e c t the simple geometry of the Egyptian or Greek colony towns so well suited to rapid building. They grew in the t r a d i t i o n of the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , modelled for u t i l i t y and economy to provide cheap goods, unconcerned about fashion or garishness (Galbraith, 1974). Barbara Ward quoting from James Boswell's L i f e of Dr. Johnson, states that c i t i e s contain "the whole of human l i f e in 7 a l l i t s variety." Among a l l the parts of the c i t y the inner c i t y , more than any other area, encapsulates t h i s q u a l i t y . The inner c i t y is a p a r t i c u l a r part of the c i t y that i s distinguished phys-i c a l l y by i t s location surrounding the commercial center of the c i t y . The inner c i t y i s usually where the e a r l i e s t development occurred; where a proportionally large number of the oldest b u i l d -ings remains, but continues to be under considerable pressure from commercial expansion. Most of the inner c i t y shows signs of deterioration and/or redevelopment. It is more densely devel-oped with a f i n e l y meshed network of land uses. More than a crossroads, i t contains a microcosm of the s o c i a l and functional d i v e r s i t y of the c i t y , where everything i s found close at hand (Roncayolo, 1966). 6 Len Gertler, Ron Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s : the Next  25 years, McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, 1977, p. 331. 7 Ward,, The Home of Man, McClelland & Stewart Ltd., Toronto, 1976, p. 37. 10 g The accommodation of a sophisticated urban r e s i d e n t i a l population immediately adjacent to the c i t y core i s one of the primary functions of the inner c i t y . The concentration of a t r u l y diverse population i s needed to sustain, even afte r working hours, the large variety of special c u l t u r a l and service functions that give the core i t s magnetism. This d i f f e r s from the r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous and sparse r e s i d e n t i a l patterns i n the outer r e s i d -e n t i a l areas which are e s s e n t i a l l y private domains. The inner c i t y , by contrast, has an extension of the public quality of the core through i t s own street a c t i v i t i e s and gregarious s o c i a l networks, s t i l l with the choice of private refuge in the home. For i t s potential to be rea l i z e d the inner c i t y must be accessible to those who choose to l i v e and work there, and i t must include families with growing children. A c c e s s i b i l i t y is contingent upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a variety of housing options to s u i t d i f f e r i n g l i f e s t y l e s , l i f e cycles, tastes, and incomes; i t also depends upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of those services and amenities that are required to support the diverse population. At present, the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the inner c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l population tend to f a l l into several d i s t i n c t groups. Those who are there by choice are the singles or c h i l d l e s s couples (especially i f both partners work in the. c i t y ) , and the cosmopolitan a r t i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Those who are bound by so c i a l t i e s are the "ethnic v i l l a g e r s " and older, long-term 8 Urbanity i s i d e a l l y defined by Barbara Ward "...tolerance for the stranger, courtesy for the chance acquaintance, links of friendship in many areas^and occupations, and an outlook on l i f e generally able to accommodate the strangeness, the largeness, the excitement and stimulus of the wider family of man." i b i d . p. 141. residents. The f i n a l group includes those who are economi-c a l l y and s o c i a l l y trapped (Gans, 1968, Draak, 1966). Here also there tends to be a mismatch between work opportunities and the residents' l e v e l of education, due to the increase of jobs available in the core that are in the t h i r d and fourth sectors which require high l e v e l s of s k i l l (Ward, 1976). Transiency i s a s i g n i f i c a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of inner c i t y residents, c h i e f l y among the young singles who are i n the age group that has had the largest increase in numbers, and also among immigrants. Though this s h i f t i n g population may place a s t r a i n on a stable s o c i a l environment, i t makes an important contribution to the v a r i e t y and v i t a l i t y of the central c i t y a c t i v i t i e s . The basic premise of t h i s thesis, that families should be able to l i v e comfortably in the inner c i t y , con-t r a d i c t s predictions based on events of the past several decades. Depopulation of c i t y centers has become a matter of concern to major c i t i e s in a l l parts of the western world. After the l a s t Canadian mini-census (1976) the c i t y ' s plan-ners were surprised to find that Vancouver had recorded i t s f i r s t population decrease. It was revealed that, to an increasing degree those who came to the center of Van-couver to p a r t i c i p a t e in urban a f f a i r s got i n t h e i r cars at f i v e o'clock to go to the suburbs to l i v e , at consid-erable cost to themselves and to the c i t y ' s environment. To an increasing degree these commuters were heads of families 12 with younger c h i l d r e n . 5 Yet continuing growth of the urban areas i s projected; up to 90% of the t o t a l Canadian population is expected to be urban by the year 2000 (Gertler, 1977). If the c i t y s t i l l contains many of the e s s e n t i a l elements that previously encouraged the concentration of people in urban centres what, then, are the counter-forces that have brought about the current depopulation which appears to threaten the s u r v i v a l of the inner c i t y ? The f i r s t indications began to appear following the i n d u s t r i a l revolution when hordes of rural people flocked to the c i t i e s to find work. The f i r s t surge of people into the c i t i e s ' outlying areas coincided with the development of convenient forms of "mass t r a n s i t " : the t r a i n , then the street car. With the advent of the private motor car, personal mobility was vastly extended and increased, undisciplined by station or tram l i n e . Travel-distance and choice of d i r e c t i o n expanded, but time-distance remained roughly the same (Zorbaugh, 1929) so long as roads, and l a t e r freeways, continued to be b u i l t . The expansion of the c i t y ' s boundaries accommodated the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i n the process of urbanization. People with r i s i n g incomes moved out from the center, and a steady flow of r u r a l and foreign immigrants arrived at the center to take their place. Then, as the suburbs s t i l l grew, a l e v e l l i n g of the concentration of population at g These observations were drawn from s t a t i s t i c s reported in Understanding Vancouver's Housing, Plan. Dept., City of Vancouver, Jan./79. Vacancy rates for rental accommodation were given to Oct/78 at 1.1% r e f l e c t i n g an improving housing supply s i t u a t i o n . One yr. l a t e r , CM.H.C. estimation of the vacancy rate dropped to 0.2 indicating that the housing supply in the c i t y has again be-come c r i t i c a l . This i s the r e s u l t of many factors one of which may be that there is a s l i g h t reversal in the depopulation trend. 13 the center began to occur because a greater proportion of the population could afford to relocate. Another decentralizing influence was government at-titudes and treatment of the inner c i t y , based on incomplete models of urban economic and s o c i a l growth. Theories developed in the 1920's and 30's to explain the growth and development of c i t i e s were based on v i s i b l e evidence of events that had occurred in Chicago and a number of other American c i t i e s . It was observed that in general the c i t y tended to expand out from the central business d i s t r i c t in orderly patterns of r i n g s 1 ^ or segments 1 1. A r e s i d e n t i a l zone heavily populated by the low-income classes was located next to the central r e t a i l and wholesale d i s t r i c t . This was call e d the t r a n s i t i o n a l zone since i t was in the path of, and would be absorbed by, the expanding centre. This t r a n s i t i o n a l zone coincides largely with the area now call e d the inner-city. It was soon found that these early theories were only p a r t i a l l y or s e l e c t i v e l y useful in explaining the evolution of the c i t y . However, i t i s possible that these theories were converted into s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophesies and as late as the 1960's were i n f l u e n t i a l i n ready acceptance of the p r i n c i p l e of slum clearance and redevelopment as part of an inevitable sequence. Lacking i n this assumption of i n e v i t a b i l i t y was an understanding of s o c i a l considerations; "for in the s o c i a l view V^Burgess' Concentric Ring theory, 1925. 1 1Hoyte's Sector theory, 1939. 14 of the c i t y , the future i s what people decide i t should be, 12 rather than something they can predict but never control." Evidence from current studies suggests that in p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s the r e l a t i v e l y simple s o c i a l and ecological systems are indeed reflected in a s p a t i a l pattern with the central c i t y position being the r e s i d e n t i a l zone of the e l i t e . In modern 13 i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , on the other hand, no such simple model can provide a s a t i s f a c t o r y description of the highly complex sp a t i a l patterns that e x i s t , ( G i s t , 1974). The depopulation of inner c i t y areas i s part of the complex s p a t i a l pattern of the c i t y , but not one to be assumed inevitable. On the contrary i t can be argued that i n Canada there were interventions which stimulated dispersal without balancing incentives to encourage concentration. There were also destructive or self-defeating actions that continued under conditions of imperfect information and the lagging response of i n s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i c i e s at a time when the economy was geared for rapid growth. The decrease in inner c i t y housing supply, for example, a factor causing depopulation, i s attributable to p o l i c i e s based on incomplete understanding. Government 12 J.K. Galbraith, "Modern C i t y — o r History as the Future", RIBA Journal #10, October, 1974, p. 943. 13 The d e f i n i t i o n of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l and modern c i t y i s based qn the h i s t o r i c period when the major street patterns and p r i n -c i p a l buildings were set down. Results of studies using tech-niques of factor analysis have suggested that, regardless of v i s i b l e ' p a t t e r n or h i s t o r i c o r i g i n , socio-economic status and family type are the most fundamental differentiating factors with the possible addition of ethnic composition and mobility c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . jRef.( Noel P. G i s t , Sylvia F. Fava, Urban  Society, Thomas Y. C r o w i l l , N.Y., 1974, p. 170-178. 15 housing p o l i c y at a l l levels has t r a d i t i o n a l l y emphasized a supply strategy, depending on private enterprise to supply new housing, and intervening only with short-term measures in spe-c i f i c areas where shortages become c r i t i c a l . (Dennis, 1972, Feldman, 1971). This strategy envisaged the ideal chain reaction of the f i l t e r i n g process wherein the supply of new housing at the top of the market would progressively make more and older dwellings available at lower rent l e v e l s . By t h i s reasoning, at the bottom of the scale, the oldest obsolete dwellings would be vacated and demolished to improve the general standard of housing, rather than be r e h a b i l i t a t e d . I r o n i c a l l y , economic expansion removed housing from the f i l t e r i n g chain, as good, sound buildings were demolished to make way for commercial expansion and high-rise apartment development, just when the increased number of households resulting from the post-war baby-boom created a great bulge of demand for lower rent housing. More recently the federal Assisted Rental Program (ARP) has had an inadvertent e f f e c t on existing building stock. This program, with piggy-backed p r o v i n c i a l grant, in addition to tax shelter provisions, has been a strong incentive to the developer. In Vancouver and also V i c t o r i a , low cost family housing has been demolished to make place for a rash of ARP bachelor and one-bedroom apartments with scant regard for either the s u i t a b i l i t y of the location or dwelling type. A further incentive to dispersal resulted from the national housing policy which, since 1954, has encouraged home ownership and the construction of new houses by o f f e r i n g insured 16 and low-interest mortgages. These programs f i r s t benefitted the upper-middle income group who moved to improve their housing position, and l a t e r , augmented by the p r o v i n c i a l government in B r i t i s h Columbia, were aimed at f i r s t home buyers. With their superior information, developers r e a l i z e d large p r o f i t s by buying up vast amounts of cheap land on the semi-rural fringes of the c i t y to s e l l as building l o t s to supply this stimulated demand for new houses (Gertler, 1977, Ward, 1976). Developers and purchasers in the suburbs received additional subsidies at general public expense, from the extension of u t i l i t i e s and road networks to service the sprawling developments, as well as from the unearned increase in value of the land due to the stimulated demand and the community improvements (Ward, 1976). Economic l i m i t a t i o n to urbanization, the drying up of resources, a down-turn of the national economy, increasing land and housing costs, environmental l i m i t s , psychic stress, value changes, and a lower population source are primarily those factors that act to slow down production and reduce the incentive for the immigration of workers who provide the flow of people to take the place of those who have moved out of the center. Some non-economic conditions supporting the depopula-tion of the center are fundamental s o c i a l changes such as the reduction of household size observed in Europe (Vries Reilingh, 17 1966) and also in Canadian dtie's"1"**, or advances in communication technology which resulted in the relocation of industry and business and the dispersal of employment. Studies on why pepple choose to move away from the c i t y center have shown that the decision i s stimulated by factors s i m i l a r to those l i m i t i n g urbanization: anomie and ali e n a t i o n ; high cost of l i v i n g ; and unpleasant environmental conditions such as noise, p o l l u t i o n , lawlessness, lack of open space and blight (Gertler, 1977). These reasons, expressing d i s s a t i s f a c -tion with conditions in the c i t y , are no doubt genuine. However, in some ways they stem more from the adoption of corrective strategies, based on inadequate or erroneous information, that masked or perpetuated the problems. An example is the dependence The loss of population associated with increase in number of households was noted by Klein and Sears in Core Area Housing  Study, Toronto, 1974. It was also made evident from the 1976 census analysis in Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979, from which the following table was extrapolated. Eight census tracts in the central area of Vancouver are roughly equivalent tQ, .the area surveyed for t h i s t h e s i s . 1976 c i t y 8 center center tracts tracts as % of c i t y population 410,190 69,712 17% no. households 160,230 36,065 23% persons/h.hold 2.56 1.93 change in pop.'71-76 -3.8% -4.5% change in no. h.holds +4.4% + 5.4% 30% ,,(+6805) (+2150) The changes i n the eight cenral tracts are the same but propor-t i o n a l l y greater than in the c i t y as a whole. However, they varied among the eight t r a c t s . One, Mt. Pleasant, showed a 17% increase in population, and four of the eight showed a decrease in the number of households. In the c i t y only one age group, 25-34, increased in number while the age group 0-9 had by far the greatest decrease. Increases in households were mainly in the one person household category, predominantly headed by persons aged 25-34 . 18 on the mobility and convenience of the private automobile, used by suburbanites to make up for other inconveniences (Ward, 1976) . Two cars per family are a necessity where family a c t i v i t i e s are dispersed and convenient public transportation i s not a v a i l -able. Resources have been diverted from alternative trans-portation and applied to encourage increasing numbers of cars. Much of the r e a l cost of maintaining private cars in urban areas is absorbed by the public sector, which pays for services such as t r a f f i c controls, p o l i c i n g , road building and maintenance, and accident emergencies. The largest proportion of these costs is carried by the c i t y taxpayers for the convenience of the commuters^"5 from the suburbs who drive most of the cars (Freed-man, 1975, Gertler, 1977) . Through our permissive attitude, up to 50% of the high priced inner c i t y land i s the preserve of the cars that dangerously pollute a i r and water, injure and k i l l more people than the wars since 1900 (Horvath, 1974), and create excessive noise for the benefit of r e l a t i v e l y few people in r e l a t i o n to the net service they provide. Acceding to auto-mobility has replaced center-city inhabitants with the commuters' cars which in the evening and weekends leave empty parking l o t s where there should be v i t a l i t y and i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulus. The e f f e c t i s s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g and r a d i c a l l y a l t e r s the a b i l i t y of the c i t y to d i s t r i b u t e i t s s o c i a l 1 5 I n 1971 Vancouver C i t y had 57.5% of the jobs in the met-ropolitan region and 44.3% of the households. \, r e f . Part I l l ( c ) Understanding Vancouver 1s Housing, 1979, p. 15. 19 amenities f a i r l y , e s p e c i a l l y to those who are denied adequate public transport and who do not have access to cars: the poor, the handicapped, the e l d e r l y , and the children (Ward, 1976, Netzer, 1970). "We need to smash the out-of-date stereotype of down-town l i v i n g ; from the pieces we can reconstruct for everyone a better community in which to l i v e , to work, to shop, and to 16 enjoy l i f e . " The image of the inner c i t y as an unsuitable l i v i n g environment for families has been b u i l t p a r t l y on miscon-ceptions regarding the effects of density. In fact, an exhaust-ive study conducted in Toronto by Alan Booth led him to conclude, The minute ef f e c t s of crowding revealed by our, analysis indicate .that we have a good deal of f l e x i b i l i t y in housing people in dense environ-ments. We can continue to house people in densely populated areas without fear that i t w i l l r e s u l t in s i g n i f i c a n t disorganization and decrements in the health of the inhabitants. 1 7 This study did show that there was a very small e f f e c t on c h i l -dren's health and development from household crowding, but that the e f fect of the parents' socio-economic status and health Robert Graham; "The Core", Housing + the Community, C.H.D.C., Ottawa, 1978; p. 49. 17 Alan Booth, Urban Crowding and i t s Consequences, Praeger Publications, New York, 1976, p. 104. An empirical study of the _effects of crowding on the health, family l i f e , community part-i c i p a t i o n , and general well being of people l i v i n g in congested conditions in thirteen census tracts of Toronto. Both objective and subjective measures of crowding in the home and i n the neighbourhood were used, i e . persons per room, households per block, and subjects' sense of being crowded. The sample was screened to y i e l d 560 white intact families with one or more children and a mother under f o r t y - f i v e years of age. Data was < collected from separate private interviews with 522 wives, and 344 husbands, also physical examination of 294 wives and 213 husbands and 900 children, plus community data from a number of public sources. 20 was "momentous" by comparison. Booth also found, contrary to his assumption, that the feeling of crowding had a low c o r r e l a -tion to actual conditions of objective crowding, although crowded conditions may have a greater e f f e c t on people when they also experience other stresses. In Freeman's analysis of New York census data and police records, density and family income were measured against the rate of juvenile delinquency. He found no consistent r e l a -tionship, but there was some tendency in low income areas for density to be inversely related to crime. Freeman suggested that where high density produces a high l e v e l of a c t i v i t y in the street, i t acts as a deterrent to crime. Density does aff e c t how people l i v e but these e f f e c t s are not generally negative. From a number of controlled experiments he also concluded that "Humans show no hint of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n the sense of reacting 18 aggressively to a lack of space." This does not take away from the f a c t that there are severe s o c i a l problems that need attention. But public pessimism and incorrect assumptions regarding density have contributed to urban problems by weakening and diverting e f f o r t s needed to reach r e a l , not just cosmetic, solutions. For instance, there i s often confusion between density, which is a measure of people per unit area of some designated space, and population s i z e , which is an absolute number. Increase in population i s indeed a serious world problem related to increased demand on resources and services, and the production of waste and p o l l u t i o n . Redistributing the population 18 Freedman, Crowding and Behavior, 1975, p. 104. 21 to lower densities w i l l , however, only r e d i s t r i b u t e these , problems, not solve them (Booth, 1976, Freedman, 1975). In fact, the provision of services such as medical care, public protection, mail, garbage c o l l e c t i o n as well as transportation and u t i l i t i e s , i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y cheaper and easier where there is concentrated settlement. Paul Goodman pointed out that actions undertaken i n small scale are often continued and expanded into a vast scale, and though the intentions for the actions may be the same, the outcome i s completely altered. The high-rise apartment building is such an example, and one which i l l u s t r a t e s the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of recent inner c i t y development for families who have chosen to move to a more congenial environment. At f i r s t thought to be the answer to the problem of housing at high density that would provide a good tax base, high-rise buildings were entrench-ed in building code and zoning by-laws. With the rush by inner c i t y residents to r e a l i z e windfall p r o f i t s from the sale of up-zoned land, and the building industry's eagerness to c a p i t a l -ize on a p r o f i t a b l e market, whole areas were transformed before the r e a l costs in terms of additional services and s o c i a l prob-lems were understood. Michelson expressed the opinion that assumptions regarding high-rises became self-generating: The large growth in the percentage of high-rise housing starts r e f l e c t s s p e c i f i c economic assumptions and practices which are l a r g e l y taken for granted and which are allowed to have their e f f e c t . Because these practices are taken for granted and not thought subject to control or d i r e c t i o n , trends, such as 1 9 high-rises, have the appearance of being i n e v i t a b l e . . William,Michelson; Environmental Choice, Human Behavior,  and Residential S a t i s f a c t i o n ; Oxford Univ. Press, .N.Y..1977, p. 370. 22 The laws were slow to respond to a r i s i n g protest described in strong words by Barbara Ward, The widespread revulsion against large, what one might almost c a l l cataclysmic housing - the tower blocks and high-rise barracks b u i l t up in areas razed clean of any past buildings or even associations... One root of this revulsion is simply sheer scale.20 It has now been shown that the highest density i s not necessarily associated with high-rise buildings (Kline, 1974), and that a net loss of tax revenue can r e s u l t from their development (Faulkner, 1977). Reasons for moving away from the c i t y centre may be based on positive preferences as well as negative attitudes toward the ambience of the inner c i t y . Canadians have shown a strong preference for the detached single-family house with a private garden. Rising l i v i n g standards and awareness have accompanied the a b i l i t y to pay for preferred conditions. In 1970 Netzer observed that the demand for more space rose with increased income, and smaller sized households l i v e d in larger spaces; but the demand for convenient access did not r i s e , so 21 people moved to the suburbs. In addition, new immigrants tended to be wealthier and compete for the suburban homes (Ban-f i e l d , 1968) b u i l t in response to the induced demand and subsi-dized municipal improvement described previously. In searching 20 Ward, The Home of Man, p. 118. 21 The condition of smaller sized households occupying larger dwelling space in the inner city,was also found to be a factor contributing to depopulation, in European cities,*-- r ef. Hans D. Vries R e i l i n g l e , "The Tension Between Form and Function i n the (Inner City of Amsterdam", Urban Core and Inner City, E.J. B r i l l ed., Leiden, 1966. 23 for a house to buy the prospective purchaser i s dealing with the certainty of his needs for space and pri c e and the uncer-tainty of the area and the p a r t i c u l a r dwelling. The purchaser w i l l not examine a l l the p o s s i b i l i t i e s but w i l l only search u n t i l his anticipated needs are met by an option with a favorable image (Barrett, 1973). This image and the preference for a detached single-family home is set and reinforced from the e a r l i e s t days in school where children are praised for drawings of 'home' which resembles the stereotypical story book cottage, with a picket fence. in Vancouver single-family home ownership was the " o f f i c i a l " v i s i o n . 2 2 Also contributing to the removal of people from the central c i t y to the rur a l and semi-rural fringe is the strongly expressed preference for open space and a natural setting (Ward, 1976, Gertler, 1977). This move i s not only self-defeating, destroying the very quality desired, but also l e v e l s variety and the opportunity for choice between d i s t i n c t i v e urban, r u r a l , and natural environments. Also, we are beginning to recognize that the suburban way of l i v i n g has d r a s t i c a l l y altered family l i f e s t y l e s . Depression and i s o l a t i o n among suburban women i s common, and the role of men has become oddly ambiguous, limited in many "D. Holdsworth quotes from A.G. Smith, "Chairman's Intro-duction" regarding the Bartholomew Plan, "...The retention of Vancouver as a c i t y of single family homes has always been close to the heart of those engaged in the preparation of th i s plan." From "House and Home in Vancouver: Images of West Coast Urbanism, 1886-1929"; The Canadian City; G. S t e t l e r and A. A r t i b i s e eds.; McClelland and Stewart; Toronto; 1977, p. 205. 24 cases to driv i n g the boys to hockey practice and the g i r l s to b a l l e t classes, and l i g h t i n g the s a c r i f i c i a l coals of the barbecue on Sunday afternoons.^ J Looking at the population trends and projections shows the competition between home builder and food grower for prime farm land to be a matter of serious concern. The anticipated conversion of prime Fraser Valley farmland over the next twenty 24 years i s in the region of 2850 acres per year. The d i r e c t cost to the public in terms of the higher cost of imported foods and the lower y i e l d from l o c a l production i s unaccounted for in the price of suburban development. The point to be emphasized i s that since there has been widespread access to automobiles and the mobility they o f f e r , Canadians have been encouraged to s a t i s f y t h e i r taste for a single-family house and more space in the suburbs. At the same time, no equivalent encouragement has been offered to people preferring an inner c i t y residence. On the contrary, u n t i l recently, inner c i t y residents have been l e f t to struggle unaided for the sur v i v a l of the i r homes and a l i v a b l e environ-ment. As more mobile and affl u e n t people moved away from the centre of c i t i e s those who remained behind included an increasing percentage of people l e a s t able to exert either p o l i t i c a l or economic pressure: the e l d e r l y who preferred to remain in fam i l i a r surroundings, the s o c i a l l y divergent who sought 23 . Novia Carter; "Energy", Housing and the Community, C.H.D.C., Ottawa, 1978; p. 60. ' 2 4 G e r t l e r , Changing Canadian C i t i e s , 1977, p. 283. 25 anonymity, and the poor who were s o c i a l l y dependent, usually remained so long as they were not displaced. For low-income housing the post-war strategy was slum clearance, urban renewal, and construction of public housing. This had a strong negative e f f e c t on the survival of older neighbourhoods and has resulted in a net loss of low-rental dwel-lings (Netzer, 1970), esp e c i a l l y in the central c i t y areas where there was enormous pressure for commercial development. The disruption of established s o c i a l networks contributed i n no small way to a sense of alienation and anomie as did l i f e in the high-rise, b u i l t on a large scale as the panacea to housing demands. The hand on the bulldozer was quicker than the eye to the future, and p e r f e c t l y good family housing alternatives were razed to provide place for more high-rises. Not u n t i l the 1960's, beginning with the e f f o r t s of Jane Jacobs, were the e f f e c t s of slum clearance challenged, and there followed serious doubts regarding the q u a l i t y of high-rise l i v i n g , p a r t i -c u l a r l y for children. By that time i n Vancouver a large percen-tage of the stock of fine old houses had been destroyed i n the West End, and parts of Strathcona had been razed for renewal. Despite the strong forces that push and p u l l residents from the inner c i t y , some indications have appeared in general census figures and urban studies which encourage the thesis of this study. A trend back to the center has become v i s i b l e among a p a r t i c u l a r group of people, i d e n t i f i e d in a Toronto study by W. Michelson. These are generally better educated professional people seeking t h e i r ideal permanent home who place 26 value on the environmental quality and prestige or "fla v o r " of the neighbourhood in which they l i v e . Michelson predicts that t h i s trend w i l l grow and more people w i l l be w i l l i n g to trade of f the more spacious suburban alternative for the convenience of access to the c i t y available in an older single-family house or town house in the inner c i t y . This trend back to the center may be a sign that the flow of people from the c i t y has been stemmed. Once the attractiveness of the inner c i t y i s recognized, i t i s easier to keep c i t y residents tahan a t t r a c t them from the suburbs (Goodman, 1979). There is evidence to suggest that urban dwellers enjoy heterogeneous neighbourhoods more than has been thought in the past (Durand, 1973) and that i n looking for a home young parents do no confine t h e i r search to the suburbs (Barrett, 1973). During the 1970's there was a substantial increase of middle class immigrants to American inner c i t y neighbourhoods. Most of these people were already city-dwel-l e r s who had decided to remain, and they had no aspiration to move to the suburbs in the future (Gale, 1979). In Vancouver the recently completed False Creek area of development offered some 900 dwellings at prices scaled to a wide range of incomes and s o c i a l groups. In the i n i t i a l stage assisted rental and co-operative units were over subscribed before the buildings were completed. One group of forty-eight luxury condominiums was sold before they were completely designed, and many re-quests were received about similar units that were planned, i The c i t y required 35% of the co-operatives to include families with children in their membership. 27 At this time, due to changes i n s o c i a l awareness and a r e a l i z a t i o n of natural l i m i t a t i o n s , there are new p r i o r i t i e s being set that are in c o n f l i c t with established p o l i c i e s and patterns of action dependent on economic and technological growth. P o l i t i c a l response to the pressures of this c o n f l i c t w i l l determine the c i t i e s of our future. No doubt, the most far reaching pressures arise from the energy c r i s i s which strikes at the heart of North American dependence on auto-mobility, planned obsolescence, and the technology of disposable parapher-n a l i a . A new wave of nationalism, ethnic i d e n t i t y , and s e l f -confidence has been reinforced by examples of successful c i t i z e n activism that has directed and even reversed government action in the community and in neighbourhoods. Of special significance to the future of the inner c i t y i s the r i s i n g interest and value attached to h i s t o r i c environments. David Lowenthal quotes from the studies of Travis (1973), "houses and neighbourhoods posses-sing h i s t o r i c attachment, or even just an aura of the past, 'may 25 be one of the most e f f e c t i v e status symbols ever devised'." Should the inner c i t y become less troubled by s o c i a l c o n f l i c t because of better education and d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, as Galbraith predicted, and should the r e s i d e n t i a l environment improve as a re s u l t of the more stringent p o l l u t i o n control and a change in the t r a f f i c behaviour (Draak, 1966) and suitable housing also be available, then these small signs may become a trend stimulated by r i s i n g commuting costs and the passing on of suburban development costs....to homebuyers. 2 5 D a v i d Lowenthal, "Environmental perception: presery-ing , the past" , Progress i n Human Geography, Vol... 3 , No. 4,1979 , p. 551 28 The Case of Vancouver In much the same way as other North American c i t i e s , Vancouver has been subject to pressures encouraging an exodus from the inner c i t y . However, Vancouver has changed d i f f e r e n t l y and more slowly than many other c i t i e s because of i t s p a r t i c u l a r development history. From i t s beginning Vancouver has had a strong center, reinforced by the i n i t i a l r a d i a l growth along streetcar l i n e s . When the c i t y was amalgamated with Point Grey and South Vancouver in 19 29 the administrative boundary leapt beyond the sparsely developed areas to the Fraser River. This l e f t ample land for i n f i l l according to the established pattern, through the post second world war period of growth. The cen-t r a l l y based pattern was formalized in 1931 when the Bartholomew plan was introduced. The plan strongly resembled the model of Burgess' concentric ring theory. In the center was the core located in the area of Vancouver's f i r s t decade of development and en-c i r c l e d by a warehousing and i n d u s t r i a l area along the Burrard and False Creek water fronts extending through Strathcona. The next zone, which took i n the West End, eastern K i t s i l a n o , Fairview, Mt. Pleasant, and Grandview east of Strathcona, was for multiple housing, with a single family zone beyond (Hardwick, 1974) . With the example of restlessness i n the i n d u s t r i a l slums of Europe, the strategy in Vancouver was home ownership for , 26 workers. A strategy entrenched in the physical plan of the c i t y by Bartholomew. (See footnote 22),. 29 The development that occurred during t h i s period, and u n t i l the end of the 1960's, was the product of the profes-sional e l i t e , f i n a n c i e r s , planners and entrepreneurs who shared a common b e l i e f i n the economics of highest and best use in a technological age. Vancouver was ten years behind the American experience when the layman-citizen was f i n a l l y aroused to action by the prospect of a freeway tearing out Chinatown and walling of f the Burrard waterfront. The strong decentralizing forces that devastated core areas in American c i t i e s had not got under way i n Vancouver much before the expansion of the c i t y ' s manag-erial-administrative function began, and, was able to sustain employment and a c t i v i t y . Although the c i t y center was spared the traumas of large scale depression, s o c i a l c o n f l i c t with large supressed minorities, and abandoned neighbourhoods, most areas of the inner c i t y underwent profound changes. By the 1970's Vancouver's c i t i z e n s had become vocal, and the c i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n changed to embrace the concept of Vancouver as a strong regional centre. The merchants in the centre saw a new role for themselves and general r e t a i l i n g changed to specialty r e t a i l i n g , l o c a l head o f f i c e s became western head o f f i c e s , and the entertainment business flourished. During the B r i t i s h Columbia and Yukon Heritage Conference in 1977, Vancouver Alderman Harcourt observed that this c i t y ' s problem was "over health", evidenced by p i l e s of demolition permits to tear down modest rental properties to make place for o f f i c e s , "trendy" stores, and expensive condominiums. 30 The 1976 census s t a t i s t i c s suggest that the residen-t i a l population of Vancouver's inner c i t y follows the patterns observed i n other c i t i e s . From 1971 to 1976 the numbers of young children were su b s t a n t i a l l y reduced, and those aged 25-34 were s i m i l a r l y increased. The over-65 group also increased. The number of households increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y while the number of persons per household decreased,„ It is expected that these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l become more pronounced during the period to 1986. According to the estimates of the Planning Department of the City of Vancouver published i n Understanding  Vancouver's Housing the c i t y ' s population change between 1976 and 1986 can range from a loss of 90,700, based so l e l y on a projection of demographic trends, to a gain of 88,100, based on a projection of development trends. Table I expresses the projected population in terms of housing units. In the demographic projection the expected requirement is for a net gain of 4270 dwellings of which 70% would be ground-oriented family units. The development projection yi e l d s a net gain of 14,950 dwellings including a loss of 6575 family units. The maximum development permitted by the existing Zoning and Development By-law i s estimated to be an additional 24,200 dwellings including 6300 new medium-density ground-oriented units. This could involve the removal of every single-family  detached house remaining in the inner c i t y since there i s no single-family zone in that area. Hence there i s great urgency for assessing the potential these houses o f f e r for the benefit of the resident and the community before they are l o s t to the cause of developer p r o f i t . 31 TABLE I HOUSING STOCK, VANCOUVER, 1976,-1986 DWELLINGS GROUND ADULT TOTAL ORIENTED 1976 84500 75725 160225 Demographic Trend 87485 +2985 77010 +1285 164495 +4270 Development Trend 77925 -6575 97235 +21510 175160 +14935 \ Development Potential 87000 +2500 97425 +21700 184425 +24200 \ Source: Part Hid. "Situation and Prospects", Understanding Vancouver's  Housing, 1979. The difference in these two projections hdghlights the necessity of evaluating housing with respect to the relat i o n s h i p between aspiration and market t l.availability. For this, reason people's choice of housing at any p a r t i c u l a r time i s not a v a l i d measure for future events (Michelson, 1977). Investigation in this area should recognize the importance of the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of supply, and factors that a f f e c t supply. ... The d i s t r i b u t i o n of population in a larger urban area i s dependent upon the d i s t r i b u t i o n of housing and jobs. In the core of such an area where jobs are p l e n t i f u l , i t i s housing which w i l l play a lead role in shaping the population size and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s attracted to that core. This is Vancouver's situation.27 An event in Vancouver that substantiates this p osition was the response of matching demand to a sharp increase in supply when the False Creek housing came on the market. •Since this thesis has proposed that provision, be>, made to accommodate families i n the inner c i t y through building rehab-i l i t a t i o n , i t i s implied that suitable units w i l l be improved in both q u a l i t y , by the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and i n quantity, by Part H i d , Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979, p. 36. 32 returning or recycling currently obsolete stock to that use. This proposition i s obviously more sympathetic to thei projection based on demographic trends than to the development trend which i s predicated on intensifying the development on multi-unit zoned land. The inner c i t y contains a number,of d i s t i n c t neigh-bourhoods that d i f f e r in physical, s o c i a l and economic character. A study conducted by Roy McLemore i n ten major Canadian c i t i e s for the Ministry of State for Urban A f f a i r s i n 19 75 found that* each neighbourhood in the inner c i t y f e l l into one of four categories: 1) declining areas, 2) stable areas, 3) r e v i t a l i z i n g areas, and 4) massively redeveloping 2 8 areas. In conclusion i t was stated that no blanket program could s a t i s f a c t o r i l y deal with the needs of a l l types of inner c i t y neighbourhoods. It was recommended that a separate package of programs, aimed at the s p e c i f i c environmental, • s o c i a l and economic problems associated with the ind i v i d u a l area, be provided for each type of neighbourhood. It i s l i k e l y that this recommendation is applicable at the l e v e l of programs related to building r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Such a package would necessitate the early i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of neighbourhood type, and should be subject to __ See Appendix A for a l i s t i n g of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s for each inner c i t y neighbourhood type and recommended correcting p o l i c i e s . 33 review to ensure congruence with s p e c i f i c goals f o r each area. Otherwise there i s the danger of creating the s i t u a t i o n outlined by Vancouver's Mayor V o l r i c h . In his opening remarks at an Inner-City Housing Workshop in 1977 he said,' C i t i z e n s are at a loss to understand why one housing program, NIP, i s attempting to preserve and r e h a b i l i t a t e the community while another program, ARP, i s a l t e r i n g the basic socio-economic structure of the neighbourhood.29 Two authors, writing i n 1977, cautioned Canadians that there were problems in our c i t i e s , that must be addressed through a general change in attitude and values of the c i t i z e n s . Ann Falkner, i n her concern for the preservation of, Canada's a r c h i t e c t u r a l heritage, was moved to quote an anon-ymous source, Unless we r e a l i z e i t i s more important to enhance the q u a l i t y of l i f e than to r a i s e the standard of l i v i n g we w i l l reach the ultimate irony: an a f f l u e n t society dwelling in an environmental slum.30 As a r e s u l t of t h e i r broad survey of conditions in Canadian c i t i e s and a review of current l i t e r a t u r e on the subject, 29 Inner C i t y Housing Workshopo 1977, p. 7. 3 0Ann Faulkner, Without Our Past?, University of Toronto Press, Associate Minister of State for Urban A f f a i r s , Ottawa, 1977, p. 67. 34 Gertler and Crowley appealed for a new moral a t t i t u d e toward l i f e in the c i t y . They suggest that an "open c i t y " provides A t h e f u l l e s t opportunity f o r a l l c i t i z e n s . I d e a l l y , they propose a change in s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l patterns towards acting with f u l l community awareness and with demands restrained by ecological considerations; the union of competence, tech-nology,, and personal mastery with s o c i a l j u s t i c e and service; and the i n t e r l a c i n g , rather than compartmentalizing, of home, work, and l e i s u r e . In Canadian c i t i e s of the present there are four tendencies that are anathema to the open c i t y . One i s the p r o f l i g a t e e x p l o i t a t i o n of land resources. Another an imbalance i n housing production increasingly expressed as inequality in r e s i d e n t i a l conditions. A t h i r d i s the danger of transportation p a r a l y s i s in the car culture c i t y , both i n t e r n a l l y and on the roads to recreation. And f i n a l l y there i s the b l i n d destruction of the c i t y ' s history.31 Notwithstanding the i d e a l i s t i c model for a changed l i f e s t y l e , these observations of the present s i t u a t i o n h i g h l i g h t conditions that continue to d i s t r e s s Canadian c i t i e s . The e f f e c t s are p a r t i c u l a r l y v i s i b l e i n the inner c i t y areas where concentration has focussed attention on them. Gert l e r , Changing Canadian C i t i e s , 1977, p. 409. 35 But there have been some changes in both s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l spheres which attempt to redress the problems. In 1973 the federal government o f f i c i a l l y recognized the advantage of maintaining the character and s o c i a l networks of exis t i n g neighbourhoods by putting forward the Neighbourhood Improvement Program (NIP), making funds available for the upgrading of community services and amenities in designated neighbourhoods. The c r i t e r i a for designation are that the neighbourhood is largel y r e s i d e n t i a l , that i t needs r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , that the residents are predominantly in the low income groups, and the area has inadequate s o c i a l and recreational amenities. A supporting Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program (RRAP) was also enacted to provide f i n a n c i a l aid i n the form of a p a r t i a l l y forgivable loan at low interest to enable landlords and home owners to r e h a b i l i t a t e t h e i r premises. In Vancouver the designated neighbourhoods are mostly close to the inner 32 c i t y area . Application of these programs has had the ef f e c t of drawing attention to the existing s o c i a l and physical struc-ture, making possible v i s i b l e improvement in these areas. Since 1974 further measures have been taken that strongly support the preservation of the physical character of the inner c i t y of Vancouver and the opportunity f o r families to l i v e in these areas. An inventory has also been made of buildings in the c i t y with heritage merit. Some 50 buildings have been so designated, and Chinatown and Gastown have been declared P r o v i n c i a l Heritage S i t e s . A new by-law permits the 32 See map, Figure 14, page 139 . 36 Director of Planning to allow relaxations of the zoning by-law for buildings with heritage merit. Other zoning changes include down-zoning i n some areas, and changes from i n d u s t r i a l to re s i d e n t i a l zones. New Development D i s t r i c t zones established in the inner c i t y recognize the existing character of these areas and are framed to preserve that character. More stringent conditions for the issuing of demolition permits were adopted in order to protect existing buildings and preserve low-rental housing. The City undertook a number of projects d i r e c t l y a f f e c t i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l quality of the inner c i t y such as the closing of r e s i d e n t i a l streets to through t r a f f i c in the West End, Strathcona, and Mt. Pleasant. The r e s i d e n t i a l neigh-bourhoods b u i l t on the former i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s of False Creek Area 6 were designed from guidelines for multi-unit housing intended to "meet basic family needs in the inner areas of the City of Vancouver." In addition, the City Council has passed a deferred property tax for senior c i t i z e n s so that pen-sioners are not forced out of their homes by r i s i n g taxes. Most important, l o c a l area planning o f f i c e s have been set up which give the c i t i z e n s the opportunity to par t i c i p a t e i n planning the future of their community. C i t i z e n awareness and involvement are probably the most creative route to building a better c i t y . However, this does not remove the necessity for government planning to deal with the basic conditions of human settlement, expanding 3 3 " F a l s e Creek, Area 6", 3rd draft, May, 1976. 37 population and expectations (Ward, 1976). It is government's role to guide change, acting as both mediator and f a c i l i t a t o r of c i t i z e n s ' wishes. Some of the questions facing Vancouver c i t i z e n s were raised at the 1977 Inner Cit y Housing Workshop. The mayor expressed the City's concern regarding retaining the older buildings, We have the questions of how we can succeed in preserving low-income housing i n the face of other economic considerations, such as our new Fire By-law requirements. The basic issues of the workshop were a f f o r d a b i l i t y , the condition of the existing housing stock, and the l i v a b i l i t y of the inner c i t y . The opinion expressed was that the concern for families resident in the inner c i t y was not a romantic notion; rather that the romance, supported by federal programs, was for the car and suburbia. People with urban l i f e styles do not want . to be forced to move away, they depend on the t o t a l urban infra-structure support system. The rationale of maintaining options for families to l i v e in the inner c i t y was affirmed and also the necessity for extending incentives to encourage the retention and upgrading of existing housing stock, including public a c q u i s i t i o n of properties. The inequity of senior government programs favoring new construction and development in the suburbs was also discussed during the workshop. From the concerns of c i t i z e n s and government, i t i s possible to derive municipal goals. The evaluation c r i t e r i a 34 . Inner City Housing Workshop, City of Vancouver1977, p. 70. 38 used l a t e r in this thesis are based on such aspirations, con-tained in statements made by people representing the City of Vancouver, in c i t y by-laws and reports, or on informed opinion in support of those sources. Table I I , Municipal Goals, l i s t s the goals together with the p r i n c i p a l f i e l d for action toward achieving them. Although many goals are discussed in the following pages, only a few of them can be measured by c r i t e r i a related to the physical properties of existing buildings. The goal to maintain a strong center image has i t s source in Vancouver's e a r l i e s t development and has been contin-u a l l y reinforced. F a m i l i a r i t y and a sense of place support imageability. A c r i t e r i o n for these q u a l i t i e s , according to Herzog, i s the presence of a v i s i b l e heritage. Some evidence of v i s i b l e neighbourhood heritage can be seen in the r a t i o of old buildings to new in a sample plot, and from the character-i s t i c s of the grouping of the older buildings, t h e i r age, their a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i m i l a r i t y , and how close they are to t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. A second goal, to have a concentrated urban population l i v i n g near the c i t y center ( h i s t o r i c a l l y a companion to a v i t a l c i t y center) is supported by the Vancouver zoning by-law. However, as families have withdrawn from the inner c i t y , not only has the supply of adequate family accommodation diminished; in addition, the image of the s u i t a b i l i t y of the area for family l i v i n g has been damaged. The e f f e c t has been self-perpetuating and in some respects i s based on misconceptions and i n s u f f i c i e n t information. One important strategy for encouraging fam i l i e s , with t h e i r s t a b i l i z i n g influence, to l i v e in the inner c i t y , 39 i s a p o s i t i v e education program through the media and in schools to present a new image of inner c i t y l i f e based on a broader understanding. The goal of minimizing the use of the private car in the centre i s one factor underlying the continuing struggle to provide the Vancouver region with a rapid t r a n s i t system as an alternative to f i l l i n g the c i t y with decentralizing freeways. This i s another case where a more active education program i s needed to gain informed public impetus for lagging p o l i t i c a l decision. For municipal inner c i t y p o l i c i e s to be r e a l i z e d , there must be investment. One means of ensuring that buildings and amenities already in the c i t y center benefit equally with new construction and suburban development, i s to obtain an equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of p u b l i c l y supported incentives from the senior levels of government. This involves the review and r e v i s i o n of tax laws, zoning and building by-laws, as well as various assistance programs such as MIG, AHOP, ARP and RRAP, and p o l i c i e s regarding heritage conservation, non-profit agen-cie s , and advisory services. An improved flow of information and the enlistment of active support and involvement from private c i t i z e n s are l i s t e d as goals because experience has shown that c i t i z e n awareness and p a r t i c i p a t i o n grow together with c i v i c pride, and the benefits are far-reaching. In addition, i t has been estimated that 90% of Vancouver's heritage resource i s p r i v a t e l y owned, so that cooperation from private c i t i z e n s i s e s s e n t i a l . 40 Local area planning o f f i c e s , working with residents and businesses to define neighbourhood character, were estab-lished to help achieve the s i g n i f i c a n t goal of maintaining that character. The o f f i c e s seek to preserve the s o c i a l network, the existing useful structures, and to ensure that new buildings conform to the desired character. Inventory data can show the l i k e l y development patterns of neighbourhoods from indicators l i k e vacant properties, demolitions, zoning r e l a t i v e to current use, and the percentage of older buildings in the p l o t , as well as the development potential in terms of the assessed values of the properties. The p r a c t i c a l goal of making the most e f f i c i e n t use of land and services has resulted, in Vancouver, in the removal of underused buildings, such as schools, which are now i r r e p l a c e -able in their t r a d i t i o n a l form. Such demolition does not, however, preclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of providing family-oriented services and amenities in unconventional forms. On the other hand, the use of e x i s t i n g family f a c i l i t i e s can be i n t e n s i f i e d i f families are encouraged to make their homes in the inner c i t y again. The neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s pertaining to distances to schools, shopping and recreational opportunities give some indicati o n of family services i n the v i c i n i t y of a neighbourhood. The proportion of r e s i d e n t i a l to other building uses suggests the i n t e n s i t y of use that may be expected by residents from the p l o t . Aspirations f o r Vancouver's housing have been expressed in one way by goals that refer to the needs of the persons seeking housing. Basic goals recommended in Understanding 41 Vancouver's Housing were to provide adequate and appropriate housing for a l l , and to provide affordable housing for a l l . In 1979, when the report was compiled, the f i r s t goal was estimated to be close to s a t i s f i e d , while the second, affordab-i l i t y , remained a major problem. Experience has shown that the degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n of these goals changes with each season, depending on demand stimulated by national as well as l o c a l events. Housing aspirations are also expressed by goals re f e r r i n g to the building stock. For example, maintaining the existing housing, and p a r t i c u l a r l y maintaining the low-rental stock, was a s p e c i f i c objective of the Vancouver demolition by-law. The preservation of the existing housing resource also serves heritage conservation and v i s i b l e neighbourhood character goals. If g e n t r i f i c a t i o n can be avoided there i s a minimum of s o c i a l displacement as well. In the inner c i t y where the supply of housing i s constrained, the p r o b a b i l i t y that the available stock shapes the population i s especially strong. For this reason, in the cause of providing a variety of inner c i t y housing, as condit-ions require, consideration should be given to maintaining hous-ing options for undersupplied segments of the population, such as fa m i l i e s . To be able to ensure that a variety of housing i s retained requires a knowledge of the variety that e x i s t s , some method of monitoring the stock, and a p o l i t i c a l committment to a means of c o n t r o l l i n g the inventory through appropriate incentives and deterrents, based on the r e a l i z a t i o n that,private market interests are not generally served by these goals. 42 TABLE II MUNICIPAL GOALS GOAL STRATEGIES Pol. :Ed. Design CRITERION Strong center image X Neighbourhood Heritage Concentrated population living near center V X Minimum use of private car in center X X X Equalization of incentives X Improved information flow X Support from private citizens X Maintain distinctive neigh-bourhood characteristics X Development patterns Save historic buildings and areas X X Building heritage Efficient use of land and services Neighbourhood character Affordable housing for a l l X Cost Appropriate and adequate housing for a l l X X Maintain existing housing Maintain low rental options Variety in housing stock X X • i X X X Results of this study will reveal the potential for realizing these goals. 43 The foregoing goals generated at the municipal l e v e l are summarized in Table II above. Spe c i f i c p o l i t i c a l and educational strategies have been mentioned in r e l a t i o n to th e i r associated goals. Design strategies are indicated in cases where modifications to the existing physical structures can contribute in a s i g n i f i c a n t way toward r e a l i z a t i o n of the goals. The right-hand column, headed " c r i t e r i o n " , i d e n t i f i e s the goals for which measuring c r i t e r i a are further explained i n the Evaluation section of Chapter IV. 44 CHAPTER II HOUSING FOR FAMILIES We s t i l l do not know nearly as much about peoples' reactions to t h e i r homes as we do about the t e l e v i s i o n programs they watch or the breakfast cereals they eat. Prof. Colette Joy "The Consumer" Housing and the Community C.H.D.C., 1978, p. 19. In the housing context, a family i s t e c h n i c a l l y con-sidered to be two or more related people l i v i n g in the same dwelling unit. The s i g n i f i c a n t factors are the number of people in the family, which relates to the size of the dwelling, and the age of the family members, which r e f l e c t s their a b i l i t i e s and range of a c t i v i t i e s . Those in the family who are most r e s t r i c t e d in th e i r a b i l i t y to control, modify, or move about in their environment provide the most c r i t i c a l measures for the s a t i s f a c t o r i n e s s of a home environment. Children, the handicapped, and the aged are a l l limited i n these ways. For the handicapped and the elderly increasing l i m i t a t i o n i s often associated with the need for medical or other specialized assistance that i s independent of the normal services provided by house and home. So what makes family housing d i f f e r e n t from other types? Families d i f f e r in many ways which are re f l e c t e d in their home environment. Predispositions influenced by 45 c u l t u r a l background and socio-economic position, or special needs related to work or family type, w i l l influence the family's choice of a home. For example, single-parent families, repres-enting over 12% of the families i n Vancouver, need extra support from their home environment for counsel, companionship, and r e l i e f i n the care of the children. The family home for most people i s centered in a dwelling place which provides shelter from the weather and a container for family a c t i v i t i e s . In the North American culture the sense of "home" implies much more: i t i s a "castle" that gives privacy and protection, something to be proud of and to defend. "Home sweet home" i s a place of comfort, rest, and security. One returns to i t because "the home i s where the heart i s " , a f a m i l i a r , loving place for intimacies. In 35 short, "there i s no place l i k e home". The sense of home also extends to the f a m i l i a r places in the neighbourhood and to people i n the community who are part of the home environment. These observations give an indication of the d i f f i c u l t y of separating basic needs from desires in the case of an environ-ment as personal as a home. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s usually made "The Magic Word HOME" i s the t i t l e , o f a 1911 real estate add in The Province quoted by Holdsworth in "House and Home in Vancouver", 1977, p. 192. "What a world of fond associations and dear memories is conjured up by those four l e t t e r s , 'H-O-M-E'. How i t makes us think of domestic joy, a warm f i r e before the hearth, and warmed hearts to welcome us when day's work i s over; better s t i l l , how i t makes us think of sturdy independence, freedom from care and worry, and increasing prosperity. The house you l i v e in i s not 'home' i f you don't own i t . If you are paying rent you are l i v i n g in someone else's home, not your own home." 46 with reference to s o c i a l l y accepted standards where needs are measured by minimum or maximum dimensions; for example: Except as provided in (3), additional bedrooms s h a l l have at least 75 sq. f t . of f l o o r area where b u i l t - i n cabinets are not provided and 65 sq. f t . of floor-area where b u i l t - i n cabinets are provided. The minimum dimension within the required area s h a l l be 6 f t . 6 i n . 3 6 Or i t may be defined by a standard of accepted performance given as a design guidelines; for example: Ensure that the front entrance of every unit i s , or i s capable of becoming, d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t from i t s neighbours. 3' For the purpose of housing families at high density six general categories of need are considered to be of p a r t i c u l a r relevance: 1) privacy; 2) ownership, t e r r i t o r y , sense of identity; 3) interaction with neighbours; 4) play and care of children; 3 8 5) safety and security; 6) comfort and convenience. Our standards of need as defined by s o c i a l l y accepted norms for health and safety as well as by c u l t u r a l l y established forms, have been set by the existing housing as i t has evolved over the three centuries of settlement in North America. The sin g l e -family house set i n i t s own garden i s s t i l l the ideal family home to which most North Americans aspire. On the s a t i s f a c t i o n scale most dwellings are measured by what are perceived to be the advantages offered by the single-family house. I t is 36 Residential Standards Canada 1977, issued by the Associate Committee on the National Building Code, National Research Council of Canada, Ottawa, item 5.F.(2). 37 . „ vZonmg and Development By-law No. 4812, City of Vancouver, 1978, item 2.3.(m). 3 8 P a r t V, "Housing Families at High Density", Understanding  Vancouver's Housing, 1979. 47 oriented to the ground with i t s own space on a l l sides, provid-ing privacy and safe play areas for children, and inside there is ample place for a l l the family a c t i v i t i e s . Attachment to this form of housing i s deep and i s l i k e l y to be slow to change. The f a m i l i a r form of the house and garden displays many d e t a i l s such as the shape of the path to the front door, the landscaping, the mail box, house number, and the care that i s taken with a l l , that combine in recognized ways to inform the observer 39 about the household. Learning to interpret the symbolic messages and the appropriate behaviour in and around the house are important i n the early training of children. Single-family homes in an exclusively r e s i d e n t i a l zone represent a predictable and acceptable pattern of family and neighbourhood behaviour, subject more to s o c i a l pressures — either learned in school or exerted by neighbours — than to precise laws and regulations. The combination of d i f f e r e n t elements in higher density mixed-use areas of the inner c i t y i s more complex and less f a m i l i a r . Appropriate behaviour is therefore less predictable and may be subject to imposed ru l e s . People w i l l have d i f f e r e n t images of and attach d i f f e r e n t meanings to l i v e l y mixed-use areas, depending on th e i r own role in the place. So one p h y s i c a l p l a c e may correspond to a variety of s o c i a l spaces (Prokop, 1966). This suggests that a d e f i n i t i o n of appropriate family housing in these areas must, 39 Refer to Duncan, "Landscape Tastes as a Symbol of Group Identity, Geographic Review, 63, 1973; pp. 334-355 for a detailed study of elements around the exterior of peoples' houses that enabled the author to distinguish s o c i a l sub-groups in a seemingly homogeneous community. 48 in addition to functional requirements, also take into account that the inner c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l pattern i s one among a number of other patterns that may a s s i s t people to know what to expect and what i s expected of them. For the healthy growth and development of the children in the family, every home environment should accommodate the range of expanding emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l as well as physical a b i l i t i e s exercised from infancy to young adulthood. The many factors that determine the requirements for children have been researched, reviewed, and restated frequently i n the past few years in terms of design guidelines for various types of new family housing. Although development is a continuous process i t is known through the work of Piaget, Erikson and others that a child^s maturity advances sequentially and in stages that can be i d e n t i f i e d with spurts of growth in one aspect of his nature or another. At each stage the formulation of concepts gives meaning to the c h i l d ' s concrete and d i v e r s i f i e d experience. These concepts can only exist in r e l a t i o n to his reaction to the environment around him. In a study of the relationship between the physical environment and the stages of a child ' s growth in our society, Robert D i l l proposed a model of development based on the theories advanced by Piaget, Erikson, Maslow, and Stone and Church. The model recognizes seven areas of growth during four stages from b i r t h to ten years of age. D i l l ' s thesis proposes that the physical environment can stimulate or hinder any of these 49 areas of growth at each stage of development. The primary measure of the appropriateness of family housing for growing children i s , according to every authority, i t s orientation to the ground. Direct access from the house to the out-of-doors provides young children with easy contact with the earth and nature; the opportunity to exercise and develop muscular s k i l l s unrestrained; a f i e l d for exploring, and expanding th e i r range of experience; and a place to meet with other children. D i l l ' s model makes i t clear that these opportunities are esse n t i a l to the normal development of children. Pre-school children, e s p e c i a l l y , require some degree of supervision as their world grows. The access from house to out-of-doors must also include the opportunity for adults, engaged in indoor a c t i v i t i e s , either parents or trusted neighbours, to watch over the young at play outside. Basic l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on family housing by these requirements are simply established by physical measurements. For example, a maximum suggested building height for family dwellings is six f l o o r s , because at distances greater than 70 feet individual faces are indistinguishable and children cannot recognize their friends, nor parents t h e i r children. A preferred maximum height i s three floors because by today's standards three f l i g h t s of s t a i r s are accepted as the l i m i t for d i r e c t walk-up access from ground to house, so that there need be no delay in children reaching the bathroom, or in parents 40 Robert M. D i l l , Aspects of the Relationship Between Child Development and Environment, B.Arch. Thesis, U.B.C., 1969. Examples of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and some implications re-garding the physical environment are given in Appendix B. 50 rendering urgent care. The ide a l family home i s at ground l e v e l . In c i t i e s such as Vancouver, where frequent rainy days make outdoor a c t i v i t i e s l e s s l i k e l y , the need for a l t e r n a t i v e play space i n the home becomes more important. The suggested standards include play areas near adult work places such as the kitchen or the laundry, and two separate areas in the home where d i f f e r e n t family a c t i v i t i e s can take place at the same time. They also include the pro v i s i o n of one habitable room in the house for each member of the family so as to prevent the negative e f f e c t s of crowded l i v i n g conditions. This standard has been questioned: Alan Booth found in his 1976 study on the e f f e c t s of urban crowding that space demands for small households d i f f e r e d from those of larger households. Interpersonal space demands, according to people's cultural, backgrounds, are probably not the same between adults as between adults and c h i l d r e n . ^ Nevertheless, the r e s u l t s of Freedman's studies suggested that the number of rooms i s more important than their size - an int e r e s t i n g conclusion, considering the tendency to design houses with "open plans" and the compulsion to renovate older houses by removing walls to create large multi-use spaces. 41 Booth, Urban Crowding and i t s Consequences, 1976, p. 28. In a random sample of 4889 family households out of a popul-ation of 16694, measured in subjective terms of fee l i n g crowded, he found that the increment in the number of rooms per person diminished from 0.91 for two persons to 0.17 f o r seven persons, and then jumped back to 0.49 and 0.47 for eight and nine persons. This i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i v e l y low correlations he found between a number of objective and subjective measures of crowding, although he assumed the perception of being crowded to be a comparative evaluation. See page 19 of t h i s report. 51 One of the general categories of need for families i s privacy. The importance of privacy i n Western society has grown over the past century. This i s e s p e c i a l l y true in North America where strong value i s placed on i n d i v i d u a l i t y and where the control of privacy i s linked with s e l f respect, dignity and authenticity (Gatt, 1977). It is s t i l l considered a luxury, however, and i t s attainment a mark of status. The concept of privacy — how i t is perceived, and i t s complex relationship to the s o c i a l and physical environment — has been a subject of extensive research. A recent d e f i n i t -ion of privacy, proposed by Altman in 1975 , i s the a b i l i t y to regulate the boundary between oneself and others. This i s b a s i c a l l y a s o c i a l concept dependent on the existence of s o c i a l groups and the freedom of choice related to how much information one wishes to disclose about oneself. The family is the one s o c i a l group that touches on every aspect of an individual's l i f e and the home is the one place where people can have complete control of what they want and do. Securing a t e r r i t o r y i s a p r i n c i p a l strategy for achieving privacy. The delineation of a t e r r i t o r y i s usually achieved through separation; using either s p a t i a l distance, physical elements or s o c i a l custom (Gatt, 1977, "Privacy", G.V.R.D). Four kinds of t e r r i t o r y have been recognized: private, over which one has exclusive and r e l a t i v e l y permanent control; semi-private and semi-public, both of which are secondary t e r r i t o r i e s over which there i s some degree of control, the f i r s t by the individual resident and the second by the group 52 of residents; and public, over which almost anyone has free access and occupancy r i g h t of a temporary nature. A guiding p r i n c i p a l strongly recommended i n the G.V.R.D. report on privacy i s that new family housing devel-opments show clear delineation of the d i f f e r e n t kinds of ter-r i t o r y . These delineated spaces are no less important when re h a b i l i t a t i n g existing buildings for family r e s i d e n t i a l use. The nature of the t r a n s i t i o n from public to private spaces which may occur in a very constricted area c a l l s for p a r t i c u l a r care. T e r r i t o r y , in the sense of ownership,,., or of being able to make a l t e r a t i o n and take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for one's own home environment, also appears in the l i s t of family needs. As observed in the G.V.R.D. 'Privacy' report, " I t is always easier for residents to l i v e with the results of th e i r own decision." Surveys of people l i v i n g in multi-unit housing in the Vancouver region indicated a strong preference for some kind of residents' involvement in the management of their c o l l e c t i v e homes ( B e l l , 1974, Gatt, 1977). "The clear percep-tion of what i s 'mine', 'ours' and 'th e i r s ' i s v i t a l to housing 42 s a t i s f a c t i o n . " Oscar Newman concluded that the a b i l i t y of residents to control "perceived zones of t e r r i t o r i a l influence" was one of the basic c r i t e r i a in the design of defensible space. Every person does not attach the same significance to intrusion upon privacy or to the v i o l a t i o n of t e r r i t o r y . The nature of the intrusion and the type of t e r r i t o r y invaded 42 Part V, "Housing Families at High Density", Understanding  Vancouver's Housing, 1979, p. 2. 53 are factors that influence the kind of response that i s evoked. It has also been found in numerous studies concerning p r i -vacy that an increase in compatible s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n or interpersonal r e l a t i o n s h i p s leads to a reduction i n physical expressions of t e r r i t o r y boundaries and a greater r e l i a n c e on s o c i a l controls that permit the sharing of space, objects, and a c t i v i t i e s . The achievement of a s a t i s f a c t o r y degree of privacy in a given s i t u a t i o n seems to rest on one's a b i l i t y to choose whether or not to enter into a r e l a t i o n s h i p and in what way to do so (Freedman, 1975, Gatt, 1977). The three most common ways by which privacy can be invaded are by noise, overview, and unwanted i n t e r a c t i o n . Intrusions are least tolerated when someone wishes seclusion or i s enjoying an intimate interlude with family or f r i e n d s , e s p e c i a l l y inside the home where expectations for achieving privacy are highest. Of the three disturbances the most trouble-some has been found to be noise, which can intrude on privacy in the home when i t originates from an outside source, and which acts as an i n h i b i t o r to home a c t i v i t i e s because of worry about disturbing others outside. P r a c t i c i n g a musical instrum-ent or a l i v e l y family row are examples of noise as i n t r u s i o n and i n h i b i t o r . The sound of someone else's voice, p a r t i c u l a r l y when the words are d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , i s the l e a s t t o l e r a b l e noise i n t r u s i o n . Technology has made some progress in solving noise problems in party walls between dwellings, but as yet has not been able to achieve success equivalent to even a six foot s p a t i a l separation between single.dwellings. ("Privacy", 54 G.V.R.D.). The most common sources of disturbing noise, however, are t r a f f i c and children playing. Family housing places demands on the neighbourhood beyond the home ground. In congested r e s i d e n t i a l areas, and in the inner c i t y e s p e c i a l l y , t h i s brings into focus the import-ance of a further factor in appropriate family housing — i t s location, or the appropriateness of the neighbourhood to family l i v i n g . The sc a r c i t y and high cost of land greatly reduce the opportunity for ample, private back yards and increase the necessity of sharing the available spaces, in an area where so c i a l control may be ambiguous due to rapid changes that have occurred, and to the mix of uses and users. On the other hand, existing r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods which to the outsider may appear to be most in need of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or even of slum clearance, often have a well defined set of s o c i a l t e r r i t o r i e s . 43 In the study of Chicago^s Adams area by Suttles there was a p o t e n t i a l l y explosive s i t u a t i o n where four ethno-racial groups liv e d in one neighbourhood. The area was subdivided into many turfs over which street gangs of juvenile boys acted as hered-i i t a r y v i g i l a n t i . The rules of the street that enforced separ-ation between the groups were s t r i c t and complex. In central neighbourhoods where there i s often a mix of s o c i a l groups as well as a c t i v i t i e s , people who are otherwise independent of one another have the opportunity to meet in a "market place for s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s " (Prokop, 1960). The values, norms, and a c t i v i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t groups are 43 Gerald Suttles, The Social Order of the Slum, University 4of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1968. 55 exchanged in an environment that promotes tolerance of the differences. Children exposed to alternative ways of l i f e receive a broad education from actual l i f e s i t u a t i o n s . But there i s also the p o s s i b i l i t y of c o n f l i c t due to competition and inhibited communication, and of withdrawal from an overload of stimuli (Gans, 1968) and the feeling of crowding. Baum observed, The s o c i a l channels and spacial conventions established by groups provide protection of group members from unwanted outside stimulation and interference, and each individual's control over his s o c i a l experience operating within the group. Families l i v i n g i n the inner c i t y benefit from the opportunity for congenial and informal interactions. Small children need other children to play with or alongside, and attending adults can support each other in many ways. Not [ only does an active street scene help to give people a p o s i t i v e feeling toward their neighbourhood, i t also develops a recog-n i t i o n of f a m i l i a r faces in the neighbourhood, which is important to s e l f - p o l i c i n g and c i t i z e n control of street a c t i v i t i e s (Jacobs, 1961, Newman, 1975, Freedman, 1975). To make a safe and t r u l y urban neighbourhood Freedman suggests small units of a c t i v i t y that occur r e p e t i t i v e l y among the same people in areas of high population concentration. These should provide a reason for residents to be on the street. In the dense inner c i t y , innovative approaches are required to transform anonymous open spaces into much-needed 44 Andrew Baum, R.E. Harpin, S. Valins, "The Role of Group Phenomena in the Experiencing of Crowding", Environment and  Behavior, Vol. 7 #2, June 1975, p. 195. 56 neighbourhood amenities. Play places for children of d i f f e r e n t ages, and schools and community recreation f a c i l i t i e s at conven-ient and safe distances from the home may lead to the r e h a b i l i t -ation of a neighbourhood as well as the dwellings. The conven-t i o n a l solution of large open parks i s perhaps not best suited to inner c i t y s i t u a t i o n s . Jane Jacobs (1961) gives many examples to show that they are r e l a t i v e l y boring and can also be a dangerous place for smaller children. The kinds of places needed to support the p l a y f u l a c t i v i t i e s of children are best described with an understanding of the nature of play. For the c h i l d , play i s a very serious business: i t i s the manner in which the c h i l d explores, imitates, tests and challenges his environment. Through these cognitive experiences he b u i l t s concepts of himself, his world, and the relationships between them, using the unbridled richness of his own imagination. Recognizing play as essential to the growth and development of a c h i l d , in the f u l l sense represented by D i l l ' s model, implies that the significance of play extends beyond physical f i t n e s s and s k i l l . I t i s creative and needs an environment which allows the free use of imagination to create and solve problems. This w i l l involve a mixture of dissonance, complexity, uncertainty, and r i s k s that challenge the imagination at every stage of a c h i l d ' s development. During 1979, the 'Year of the Child', i t was brought to public attention that children belong i n the c i t y . There is at least a 90% chance that they w i l l spend most of t h e i r adult l i f e l i v i n g and working in the c i t y . It follows that as they are growing and learning to deal with t h e i r environment, 57 the most d i r e c t and exciting lessons can be gained from ob-serving and being part of the actual d a i l y events in the c i t y (Jacobs, 1961). U n t i l very recently planners have f a i l e d to recognize the important function of the c i t y as a constructive training ground for the c h i l d c i t i z e n . That i t s street can .. be "an open book, superbly i l l u s t r a t e d , thoroughly f a m i l i a r , yet inexhaustible." 4^ Since play i s the c h i l d ' s way of learning about l i f e , i t should be d i r e c t l y related to the d a i l y l i f e of the society in which he l i v e s . The playground should be so well integrated in the community that i t disappears (Lady Allan, 1968). In fact, a c h i l d w i l l f i n d play any and everywhere. For him i t is what he i s doing when he can choose and control what he does for himself. "Ideally, then, to design a playground i s to design spaces for l i f e generally, in which play opportunities 46 reveal themselves to the p l a y f u l . " Entertainment or work "*JBernard Rudolf sky, Streets for People, Doubleday & Co., N.Y., 1969, p. 324. 46 "A Proposal for the Petralona P l a t e i a " , submitted to the Deputy Minister of Public Works, Athens Greece, February, 1979, by students of the School of Architecture, U.B.C., p. 7. This proposal was the r e s u l t of the work of approximately twenty advanced students during their p a r t i c i p a t i o n in a Studies Abroad Program. The project for the term developed in response to an announcement by the Ministry that some 260 sections of street i n Athens were to be closed to cars, and to be redeveloped as neighbourhood playgrounds. The students, under the supervision of Prof. J . Gaitanakis, were invited by the Minister to design playgrounds for three of the streets in the inner part of the c i t y . Following a review of the l i t e r a t u r e on play, investigation of the s i t e s , and a survey of residents, the design for Petralona was developed to detailed working drawings. A l l design work was based on the philosophy of play expressed above and incorporated the eight p r i n c i p l e s l i s t e d in the text following. 58 begins when the a c t i v i t y i s handed out and/or regulated by others. Protection from t r a f f i c hazards and from t r a f f i c noise i s possibly the most urgent requirement for both young and old in the inner c i t y . The present conditions seem inequit-able: so much land space i s given to the exclusive use of cars where they are least needed. The cars are mostly owned and driven by non-residents l i t t l e affected by the noise and p o l l u t i o n they cause. However, concern for children's safety is not r e s t r i c t e d to people l i v i n g in the inner c i t y . Residents of Toronto, surveyed for Michelson's study of housing choice and s a t i s f a c t i o n / frequently mentioned children's safety on nearby streets, tram tracks, and the l i k e , regardless of the location in a central or suburban area. The indication was that their choice of housing had been compromised in this respect. Two outstanding examples of large scale attempts to remedy the c o n f l i c t with cars in central c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l areas are being currently developed, one i n Amsterdam, Holland, the other in Athens, Greece. Both are worth monitoring to see i f they work as intended, and for t h e i r impact on a c t i v i t i e s and t r a f f i c in the surrounding neighbourhood. The Woonerven of Amsterdam have been l e g a l l y established as special sign-posted r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s where cars have s t r i c t l y limited access. The idea i s that, in the streets so designated, the primary use i s for the residents. Vehicular use i s r e s t r i c t e d to a few parking places for residents, and a narrow, winding passage between planting and street furniture for cars. The speed 59 is limited to 8 km/hr. There are no curbs, so children's play and residents' a c t i v i t i e s can flow f r e e l y across the space between the lines of row houses. In Athens 260 sections of street were chosen to be ^altogether closed to cars and to be redeveloped as playgrounds. Many of the sections were one block long, between rows of .apartment-type houses. Some few included two streets on either side of a square. , U.B.C. architecture students involved with the Athens project developed a set of eight design p r i n c i p l e s for these c i t y playgrounds to integrate them into existing neighbourhoods. The p r i n c i p l e s are as follows: 1) Car Control. Users of cars do not always observe written laws, so i t i s necessary to make physical deterrents to cars that w i l l s t i l l allow access to emergency vehicles and services such as garbage c o l -l e c t i o n . 2) Respect for the Place and i t s People. The desirable and compatible a c t i v i t i e s and relationships of a l l the people of the community should be preserved and enriched, while disturbing a c t i v i t i e s should be d i v e r t -ed or deterred. 3) The Street for Play. Play need not be compartmentalized and isolated from the paths of pedestrians or the ordinary street-side a c t i v i t i e s of the l o c a l community and i t s centre of action. 4) Children Play with Everyone. Children at play need to develop s o c i a l awareness, relationships with others, and a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Interactions between children and adults are r i c h and varied. 5) Secure Play. More than safety, children should be able to find private places of t h e i r own, that have some ,. special feature that i s t h e i r secret. 6) Playful Boundaries. Children make many games along i the path to wherever t h e i r play takes them. Edges that become bridges rather than boundaries contain a c t i v i t i e s but do not confine them. 60 7) Green Brings L i f e . Planting that can survive the careless play of children provides an element of order and continuity, and a r i c h f i e l d for imagined worlds. 8) Richness of Play. Ambiguities so children can discover images of their own, perceivable r i s k s to escape or challenge, complexity and contradictions that engage c u r i o s i t y , unexpected things to find with the senses, many elements to manipulate, construct, create, these are the riches of a child ' s progressively expanding world. Although these p r i n c i p l e s were developed from the study of people and places in Athens, they are b a s i c a l l y derived from the s i g n i f i c a n t role of play i n the cognitive development of children. So in many ways these p r i n c i p l e s are applicable „ to the design of places, for children wherever they are to be inserted into an existing., environment, including Vancouver's inner c i t y . Desires or wants — something more than what is held to be basic housing needs -- are derived from personal tastes, preferences, and predispositions. In housing, desires tend most often to d i f f e r in respect to how much a family is prepared to spend on "extras", the value placed on family "togetherness", and the importance of s o c i a l prestige and conformity (Under-standing Vancouver's Housing). A family's housing desires may or may not match the s o c i a l l y accepted standards. 47 Michelson's research on Toronto family housing revealed the l i n e s along which these desires l i e . The reasons for which young families move away from one home (push), and the reasons for choosing their new home ( p u l l ) , indicate aspects of their housing that, in the opinion of the residents, did 47 Michelson, Environmental Choice, 1977, ch. 5. 61 not match their desires. These push-pull factors contributed to the obsolescence of their units, and motivated the families v t o take the adaptive action of moving. Table III gives the factors in their order of p r i o r i t y , f TABLE III PUSH-PULL FACTORS IN FAMILY HOUSING (By Order of P r i o r i t y ) PUSH FACTORS PULL FACTORS • PRIMARY occurring in 14-20% of the cases SECONDARY occurring in 0-9%" of the cases PRIMARY occurring in-' 17-25% of the cases SECONDARY ocuurring in 5-11% of the cases Dwelling type 1 1 Interior size and layout 2 1 Exterior setting 3 4 Neighbourhood 4 2 Family considerations 5 4 Access 1 3 Fiscal cons iderat ions 2 Interior unit features 3 The primary push factors were consistent for both husband and wife. These findings, coupled with the results of a survey of the same families' s a t i s f a c t i o n with their home, suggested that certain housing desires are given p r i o r i t y only u n t i l they are s a t i s f i e d . For example, the predominant reason for moving from high-rises to houses was tenure or dwelling type, 62 while the predominant reason for a move from one house to another was the unit space, dwelling type already having been s a t i s f i e d . P u l l factors that influenced the families' choice of a new home included both desired expectations, and s p e c i f i c solutions to problems associated with their former home. The p u l l reasons that predominated for ..people choosing an inner c i t y home included the location and location factors such, as ., the person's, job and public transportation. For those moving to a downtown house the aesthetics of the house were an at-tr a c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y for the wives. Secondary p u l l factors were of a considerably lower order than in the case of push factors. Among the factors in the push-pull l i s t s , two that coincide in the high p r i o r i t y group - unit size and layout, and exterior setting - plus one of minor importance in the p u l l l i s t - i n t e r i o r f a c i l i t i e s - are a l l a l l i e d to the physical resources of the dwelling and thus have the p o s s i b i l i t y of being adjusted through r e h a b i l i t a t i o n rather than re l o c a t i o n . Neighbourhood, also given a»primary position in both l i s t s , can be improved ph y s i c a l l y by up-grading the amenities that are offered, thereby diminishing the obsolescence of nearby dwellings. However, unless, such improvements can be construed as part of the set of physical resources of the dwelling, as part of the semi-private or semi-public spaces associated with 63 i t , for example, then such improvements are not included by the d e f i n i t i o n of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n used in thi s t h e s i s . Persons l i v i n g in the inner c i t y of Vancouver, par-t i c u l a r l y home owners, have displayed a very conservative attitude about their neighbourhood and home (Understanding  Vancouver's Housing, P h i l l i p s , 1976). Families value th e i r home as a family center and a source of pride;, some consider i t as a status symbol ( P h i l l i p s , 1976). In neighbourhoods that s t i l l have a large number of houses, owners are strongly opposed to apartment redevelopment or to d i f f e r e n t housing forms, and to rentals which they think may lead to the deter-iora t i o n of the neighbourhood. Some are also concerned by the presence of minority groups with widely divergent l i v i n g standards. Michelson's concluding chapter in Environmental Choice emphatically concurs with a conservative attitude about detached houses i n the inner c i t y . He found that in general there was a high l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n with a l l types of housing and locations, but not to the same degree. The data indicate without ambiguity that families l i v i n g in houses in the downtown area find them highly a t t r a c t i v e because of the loc a t i o n . They value access to the downtown and opportunities within i t . They did not find i t a matter of i n -difference in comparison to l i v i n g in the suburbs. Unlike their high-rise companions today, they do not aspire to l i y e elsewhere, and they do remain in the downtown. ° Ibid., p. 357. 64 Those f a m i l i e s l i v i n g in downtown houses demonstrated a strong committment to the i r neighbourhood, and provided the kind of patronage f o r downtown a c t i v i t i e s that was found desirable in the e a r l i e r chapters of this t h e s i s . These families d i f f e r e d from a l l others i n Michelson's sample in t h e i r strong disagree-ment with the opinion, "Suburban l o t size and stre e t patterns are more suit a b l e for r a i s i n g children than those in i n - c i t y 49 r e s i d e n t i a l areas". There was general agreement among a l l respondents that children cannot be brought up as well in an apartment as elsewhere. Families l i v i n g i n high-rises in e i t h e r l o c a t i o n were l e a s t s a t i s f i e d (though not d i s s a t i s f i e d ) — apparently because they saw i t as a short-term arrangement. One important finding from the study was that an apparent d i s p a r i t y between ultimate housing l i f e s tyle aspirations and the current s i t u -ation ( i n t h i s case a high-rise apartment) was not p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r e s s f u l . Families adjusted their l i f e s t y l e s to the current environment, which was regarded as temporary, and were able to enjoy the opportunities of the s i t u a t i o n because they were staging t h e i r moves in a sequence toward a goal (normally a self-contained unit) that would be reached at a l a t e r time. 4 9 I b i d . p. 300. The sample group in t h i s study of family housing consisted of young families l i v i n g in houses and i n higih-rise apartments located in eithe r the inner c i t y or the suburbs of Toronto. 65 The re s u l t s of this study led Michelson to conclude that families who f e e l they are in a temporary dwelling w i l l be s a t i s f i e d with the necessary short-term adjustments so long as they can be reasonably sure of their mobility and the possib-i l i t y of reaching th e i r f i n a l housing goal. This i s consistent with the position that a lack of mobility contributes to obsole-scence (Nutt, 1976). Furthermore, the indica t i o n of the h i e r -a r c h i c a l nature of housing desires and sequential moves seems to confirm that one of the important aspects of the adaptability of the housing market i s the p o s s i b i l i t y of small step adjust-ments (Heilbrun, 1976), p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the available stock offers a wide range of options. In this chapter the discussion has been devoted to a variety of conditions and q u a l i t i e s thought to be p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to the needs of families with children l i v i n g in the inner c i t y . In summary: i t was f i r s t noted that appropriate housing for families i n an inner c i t y location must s a t i s f y the same basic c r i t e r i a as in any other location. The forms by which these c r i t e r i a are met may vary considerably from the ideal single-family house in an exclusively r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood where acceptable patterns of behaviour have become well understood. The most c r i t i c a l c r i t e r i a for family housing are those related to children's needs for normal growth and development. A d i r e c t access to the ground, preferably within three f l o o r s , i s thought to be most important, with convenient and safe play space at hand separately serving the needs of a l l ages. 66 The opportunity for achieving a desired degree of privacy i s also considered of prime importance in the house, and somewhat less in family outdoor areas. The home should provide s u f f i c i e n t places, not necessarily large rooms, or one room per person, where individuals can withdraw from others in the family, and a place of their own where they can keep their personal possessions undisturbed by others. Outside the home the succession of t e r r i t o r i e s from private to public should be c l e a r l y distinguished. Inner c i t y neighbourhoods where families reside must have the amenities and services required by children, but not necessarily in conventional forms. Urban communities, where people l i v e c l u s t -ered together,- benefit from active streets with many small nodes where regular s o c i a l interaction occurs. Opportunity for the playfulness of children can be integrated into these active places. Noise and t r a f f i c require p a r t i c u l a r attention and may demand a change in the pattern in which inner c i t y spaces are now arranged and used. The sum of these points constitutes the private and public environment of the family home. If Michelson's concept of "congruence" i s applied then the environment i s a c o l l e c t i o n of "opportunity f i e l d s " which w i l l present the p o s s i b i l i t y for a broad range of behaviour, while ..some kinds w i l l be d i f -f i c u l t and a few kinds w i l l be precluded. Considering the points given above in terms of the related behaviour, then the congruence of the family neighbourhood setting can be tested by asking the following questions: 67 1) Does i t preclude desired contacts or a c t i v i t i e s ? 2) Does i t provide r e a l i s t i c opportunity for desired contacts or a c t i v i t i e s ? 3) Does i t provide r e a l i s t i c opportunity to avoid undesired contacts or a c t i v i t i e s ? 4) Does i t preclude undesired contacts or a c t i v i t i e s ? As an example, the following are some fa m i l i a r central c i t y features that do not f i t or are incongruent. High-rise apart-ments on large unusable green spaces or single long stretches of building facade do not provide r e a l i s t i c opportunity for desired contacts or a c t i v i t i e s . Through-traffic on side streets during rush hour, when motorists are seeking escape from jammed t r a f f i c on major routes, precludes quiet contacts and a c t i v i t i e s for residents. Social i n s t i t u t i o n s that encourage the b e l i e f that a home IS a single detached house surrounded by i t s own garden, and anything else i s a second class substitute, create an incongruity that does not provide r e a l i s t i c opportunity for p o s i t i v e contacts and a c t i v i t i e s in the inner c i t y . In conclusion, in case some may believe that these requirements for family housing cannot or should not be met in the central c i t y area, these words by Halprin state the case. "The whole quality of the c i t y ' s l i f e , i t s personality, and i t s image, i s set by the inhabitants,...who f i l l s treets, use parks and f i g h t for i t s amenities—when the c i t y loses i t s inhabitants i t dies. ...And i t w i l l surely die as long as i t does not provide a fin e , well-rounded environment in 51 which to l i v e . 5 0 I b i d . , p. 28. 51 Halprin, C i t i e s , 1972, p. 3. 68 Goals derived from s o c i a l l y accepted standards or needs for family housing y i e l d a second group of aspirations to be s a t i s f i e d i f families are to have an appropriate place in the inner c i t y . Table IV summarizes these goals; suggested strategies for their attainment, and an indication of those needs that are further developed in terms of evaluation c r i t e r i a , TABLE IV FAMILY NEEDS GOAL STRATEGIES POLIT EDUC DESIGN CRITERION Satisfactory home environment X U t i l i t y Privacy X Sense of identity X X Interaction with neighbours X X Play and care of children X Ne ighbourhood character Safety and security X X Housing & neighbour-hood security X Development potential Development pattern A f f o r d a b i l i t y X X Cost A c c e s s i b i l i t y X A s a t i s f a c t o r y home environment in this l i s t i n g refers to the physical services provided by a dwelling as a shelter, as space to accommodate family a c t i v i t i e s , and as the family's place within the neighbourhood. Appropriate design of the dwelling, or i t s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , can s a t i s f y this need. The existing dimensions of the dwelling and the s i t e i t occupies w i l l place l i m i t s on the extent of possible modifications. 69 Privacy in the home environment i s a further pon-v sideration in design involving both the p o s s i b i l i t y for i n -d i v i d u a l s to control their interactions with others, and also for the control of noise. A sense of ide n t i t y refers c h i e f l y to the family home image and i s enhanced by a clear separation between private and public t e r r i t o r i e s . The opportunity for the family to adapt i t s home to su i t i t s own tastes and values contributes s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the sense of i d e n t i t y . In the .inner c i t y , where i t i s often necessary to share semi-private spaces, i t i s important to foster equal acceptance of homes that are not the t r a d i t i o n a l single detached dwelling, and to encourage the establishment of s o c i a l l y regulated rules of behaviour in shared spaces. Frequent and varied opportunity for desired i n t e r -action among neighbours i s known to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y related to the sense of community as well as to the public surveillance of the neighbourhood. The design of public and semi-public places must recognize that i t is essential that individuals have the choice of entering or avoiding an interactive s i t u a t i o n so the potential for encounter does not become threatening. Systems of s o c i a l controls that^regulate behaviour in neighbour-hood public places can be quite unorthodox but nonetheless e f f e c t i v e . Appreciation of the i r value to the general society is a subject for educational concern. For f a m i l i e s , the opportunities for play, and the associated care of children, i s of primary importance. A home oriented to the ground i s ideal because i t permits young,, children 70 ready access to the outdoors while under supervision from home. However, as children grow and learn t h e i r role as urban c i t i z e n s , i t i s appropriate that t h e i r play be integrated with the l i f e of the community rather than always isolated in large segregated playgrounds. A sense of safety and security i s needed to make a neighbourhood a t t r a c t i v e to fa m i l i e s . This condition i s promoted in many ways by f u l f i l l i n g the above-mentioned goals. A further, very real threat which makes the inner c i t y a h o s t i l e environment for both the young and the aged i s t r a f f i c . With support from the p o l i t i c a l l e v e l this i s a condition that can be improved by thoughtful redesign of the use of streets, and other car-oriented lands. Housing and neighbourhood s t a b i l i t y i s a form of security dependent upon freedom from the threat of displacement and redevelopment. A sense of s t a b i l i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y related to the residents' positive attitude toward th e i r neigh-bourhood, and a willingness to invest in the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of t h e i r home. An indication of the s t a b i l i t y of the neighbour-hood i s the pattern of recent-past development and the potential for redevelopment. Data r e l a t i v e to the development potential of a building s i t e i s taken as an indicati o n of the s t a b i l i t y of the existing tenure in the building. A f f o r d a b i l i t y i s recognized as a major housing problem that i s most acute in the inner c i t y where land values and pressures for redevelopment are highest, and yet some rents are the lowest in the c i t y . For the lower and middle income residents a f f o r d a b i l i t y i s p a r t l y dependent on access to sub-sid i e s and financing. Both sources of funds descriminate against existing buildings in the present system of a l l o c a t i o n . Assistance and training to encourage self-help and 'sweat equity* investment in low-rental housing i s a strategy which has some successful precedents. The r e l a t i v e a f f o r d a b i l i t y of the Vancouver sample is suggested by cost-related data, such as the construction type, the condition,,and the assessed values of the property. The third set of aspirations related to family housing in the inner c i t y i s intended to r e f l e c t the position of people dealing in market housing. The goals l i s t e d in Table V are items beyond minimum housing needs where preference i s most l i k e l y to influence choice. TABLE V PREFERENCES GOALS STRATEGIES CRITERION POLIT EDUC DESIGN Ownership of s e l f -contained dwelling Cost Good image X Building heritage Dwelling i n t e r i o r , layout X U t i l i t y Dwelling exterior setting X Garden Neighbourhood, inner c i t y location Ne ighbourhood character Access Neighbourhood Char. Status quo X Development pattern Interior features X Investment Cost Development potent. 72 Ownership of a self-contained dwelling, preferably a single detached house, i s the ultimate housing goal for most Canadian f a m i l i e s . This i s , of course, dependent upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of such dwellings, and on the cost of those that are a v i l a b l e . A good image for the home i s matter of pride and per-sonal taste. The image may be derived from the type of building i t occupies and i t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l q u a l i t y ; and, at this time, considerable value i s also often attached to the heritage merit of the building. The i n t e r i o r size and layout of the dwelling i s important for family accommodation. Rehabilitation design, p a r t i c u l a r l y for a frame structure, can take advantage of the f l e x i b i l i t y permitted by a larger dwelling. The dwelling's immediate exterior setting i s the grounds of the building s i t e . This area i s available to the residents as a play space for small children, and for a garden. Residents in the inner c i t y have expressed a p a r t i -cular preference for t h e i r location and the convenience i t of f e r s . The inventory data give some indicators of the l i v e -a b i l i t y of the sample neighbourhoods: such as the distance to schools, the condition of the nearby buildings, the street and the t r a f f i c . Convenient access to family a c t i v i t i e s outside the home is also a p r i o r i t y of families, influencing t h e i r choice of an inner c i t y location. Residents in Vancouver inner c i t y neighbourhoods are generally conservative. The l i k e l i h o o d of people taking 73 an active interest in maintaining the status quo of the i r neighbourhood is d i r e c t l y related to the i r sense of e f f i c a c y , and the perceived threat of redevelopment. This depends on the observation of development patterns, and on the develop-ment permitted by the by-laws, which can be controlled by p o l i t i c a l action. Home owner-occupiers have not shown strong interest in the investment aspects of the i r property. For landlords, however, investment i s a primary concern. The value in use of the existing building r e l a t i v e to the development pote n t i a l for the s i t e provides a basic measure for investment. 74 CHAPTER III REHABILITATE OR DEMOLISH? The faster the rate of change, the more recent the past that i s valued (Lowenthal, 1975). Donald Appleyard The Conservation of European C i t i e s 1979, p. 21 The ethic that i s being proposed i s to recycle, to minimize waste, and to preserve that which is of i n t r i n s i c s o c i a l and aesthetic value without s a c r i f i c i n g the opportunity to improve the environment and the available services for those who w i l l be using them. If the basic question i s whether or not to demolish a building then the answer should include the assessment of as many alternatives to demolition as possible, and be based on measurements, not only of in t e r n a l , but also of external costs and benefits serving residents' needs and public goals. In this chapter the concern is for the physical existence of a building and factors influencing i t s s u r v i v a l . These factors arise from the unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a habit-able building: that i t is a very durable man-made product; i t i s often i n second hand usage; in a place fixed by past conditions; and i t represents a very high c a p i t a l expenditure. Inherent in the properties manifested by the building's physical presence, i s the success or f a i l u r e of the service i t provides. 75 The Physical L i f e Versus the Useful L i f e of a Building Two concepts are p a r t i c u l a r l y helpful when making an assessment of the potential a building may have to be r e h a b i l i t a t e d . The f i r s t , l i f e cycle, deals s t r i c t l y with the physical component of the structure. The second, obsoles-cence, i s broader in scope, and refers to the judgement of a building[s usefulness according to external influences as well as the physical properties of the building. L i f e Cycle It is clear that the a b i l i t y of a dwelling to provide the services required by i t s occupants depends to a s i g n i f i c a n t extent on the proper functioning of the numerous physical components that compose the building. Each component has i t s own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of function and malfunction explained by the concept of " l i f e cycle". As described by Peter Barnard 52 in his report "Improving Rehabilitation Technology" , a b u i l d -53 ing consists of a set of nine basic sub-systems , such as roofing, or heating and v e n t i l a t i n g systems. Each sub-system i s b u i l t of a variety of components, each with i t s unique l i f e cycle process of deterioration, repair, and replacement, diag-rammatically i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 3. Each of the sub-systems i s susceptible to d i f f e r e n t factors causing deterioration: such as the weather that a f f e c t s the exterior, or chemical action 52 Peter Barnard Associates, Improving Rehabilitation Technology, Report prepared for CM.H.C, Toronto, August, 1 9 7 3 . — 5 3See Appendix C for a l i s t i n g of the nine sub-systems and t h e i r components; also a sample schedule of repair and replace-ment frequencies. 76 54 . . . between two materials. The rate at which deterioration occurs in the systems also varies depending on the qu a l i t y of the materials and construction; the l e v e l of maintenance; and the behaviour of the people occupying the dwelling. FIGURE 3 TYPICAL LIFE CYCLE OF THREE BUILDING COMPONENTS COMPONENT A PERFORMANCE TIME v = repair . = replacement — = minimum level of acceptability COMPONENT B £ v v v PERFORMANCE TIME COMPONENT C PERFORMANCE TIME Adapted from Barnard, Improving Rehabilitation Technology, p. 10. The rate of deterioration also depends on the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the components; for example, the foundations can l a s t 54 The following are the causes of deterioration l i s t e d by Barnard. 1) atmospheric and climatic action: freeze-thaw, wind, sunlight, etc. 2) ,impact and vib r a t i o n : machinery, slamming doors, foot-steps, etc. 3) cleaning and cleaning agents. 4) wear and abrasion. 5) chemical action: between materials and from s o i l , water, and a i r . 6) rodents, insects, bacteria, and fungus. 7) accident: f i r e , flood, earthquake. Ibid., p. 3. 77 i n d e f i n i t e l y while a water tap i s expected to wear out a f t e r a certain p e r i o d . ^ Rehabilitation work usually involves considerable expense for the replacement of a sub-system or components. Barnard suggests that a good understanding of the l i f e cycle of components and r e l a t i v e costs w i l l a s s i s t in making prac-t i c a l decisions about what and how much to r e h a b i l i t a t e or repair. Buildings must be i n d i v i d u a l l y inspected i n d e t a i l by someone with a great deal of expertise in r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work because many components are hidden in the construction. Cost estimating also requires knowledge of l o c a l l y available labour and materials. An inspection check l i s t nineteen pages long i s included i n Barnard's report. A 1963 U.N. study i d e n t i f i e d f i v e categories of dura-b i l i t y of materials. 1) Elements that can l a s t forever without requiring maintenance: e.g. foundations, s t r u c t u r a l frame, etc. 2) Elements that, with minimum maintenance, can l a s t i n d e f i n i t e l y , including items which require per-iodic replacement of a small part: e.g. t i l e roof or f l o o r ; and items requiring current care mostly in the form of renewal of protective coatings: e.g. wood joinery, s t e e l . 3) Elements whose l i f e i s linked with a c e r t a i n degree of wear by the occupants and therefore need to be p a r t i a l l y and wholly replaced p e r i o d i c a l l y regard-less of maintenance: e.g. taps, wallpaper, most f l o o r i n g , etc. 4) Elements whose l i f e i s limited by either technical considerations or mechanical wear: e.g. motors, valves, mastics, paints, etc. 5) Elements which become technologically obsolete. 78 The important implication of the l i f e cycle concept i s that the physical l i f e of a building cannot be measured. With adequate maintenance and periodic r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of sub-systems the building's physical l i f e can be extended i n d e f i n i t e l y . Obsolescence The useful l i f e of a building i s related to the building's image. The concept of "obsolescence" attempts to account for a l l factors that reduce the u t i l i t y of a b u i l d -ing. According to Bev Nutt, obsolescence refers to the degree of uselessness of a building r e l a t i v e to a l l other similar buildings i n the same stock. Obsolescence is evaluated sub-j e c t i v e l y according to the p o s i t i o n and viewpoint of the 57 assessor, and therefore is subject to dispute. Actions that 5^The U.S. Department of Treasury publishes a l i s t of the estimated l i f e of buildings, related to the rules for deprec-i a t i o n write-off for tax purposes. The times are based on the experience of property owners, and assume that the values of buildings invariably decreases with time, though the value of i land may increase. The estimated l i f e i s as follows: 1947 1962-75 1947 1962-75 Apartment 50 yrs. 40 yrs. Hotels a 50 yrs. 40 yrs. Dwelling 60 45 Stores 67 50 Banks 67 50 Office Bldg. 67 45 Factories 50 45 Theatres 50 40 Garages 60 45 Warehouses 75 60 The decrease in expected building l i f e for the 1962T75 l i s t i n g i s p a r tly because machinery i s included in the estimate and i t always wears out before the building, r e f . Bev Nutt, B. Walker, S. Holliday, D. Sears, Obsolescence in Housing, Saxon House, D.C. Health Ltd., Westmead, FarnboroughHants., England, 1976, p. 14. 57 •I- The Birks Building in Vancouver, having been judged ob-solete, was demolished. Peter Cotton observed, during the 1977 B.C. & Yukon Heritage Conference, that the successful preser-vation of heritage buildings depends on the co-existence of three resources: committment, time, & money. In this case, commitment, & time were on one side; money was on the other. 79 are taken to increase usefulness w i l l decrease obsolescence; otherwise obsolescence increases to the terminal condition: absolute uselessness with respect to a s p e c i f i c function, or by current standards (Nutt, 1976) . Obsolescence is viewed as a function of human judge-ment or decision rather than as the r e s u l t of natural forces. It is therefore more general than the concept of l i f e cycle, and in no way assumes expert opinion. Factors that induce obsolescence, in Nutt's interpretation, include the deteriora-t i o n of physical functions (physical obsolescence); the inade-quate accommodation of a c t i v i t i e s (functional and l o c a t i o n a l obsolescence); unsuitable neighbourhood conditions (environ-mental obsolescence); a negative attitude regarding aesthetic q u a l i t i e s (style obsolescence); i n s u f f i c i e n t returns in re-l a t i o n to expenditures ( f i n a n c i a l obsolescence); the potential land value being greater than the value in use ( s i t e obsol-escence) ; and by-laws and regulations which i n h i b i t development (control obsolescence). Each of these factors contributing to obsolescence can be d i r e c t l y related to a reduction i n one or more of the services provided by a dwelling. Nutt and colleagues used the concept of obsolescence 5 8 i n the development of a mathematical model to monitor events in the dynamic relationship between the changing services 5 8 The mathematical model developed by Nutt and his c o l l -eagues was s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to measure housing obsol-escence in England for predictive use. Since the structure of the housing market in England i s very d i f f e r e n t from that in Western Canada, the results of the empirical study using the model is of l i t t l e significance to t h i s thesis. 80 (set of physical resources) unique i n each dwelling, and changing user needs (set of behavioural requirements) — when acted upon either by factors causing obsolescence (systems of f a i l u r e ) and/or actions that diminish obsolescence (systems of controls). This dynamic relationship, assessed from the occupant's point of view, i s set in a scale of d i s u t i l i t y shown in Figure 4. The degree of obsolescence i s measured r e l a t i v e to residents' s a t i s f a c t i o n and the i r willingness to take adaptive action in a form of complaining, r e h a b i l i t a t -ing, or moving. FIGURE 4 . DISUTILITY SCALE • MAXIMUM• UTILITY current standards s a t i s f a c t o r y | 1 \ no action taken L_ _ajcc£pl table. i T_iP_st_toJ.erab_!e. complaint made ' unacceptable action taken ( MAXIMUM 1 DISUTILITY Source: Nutt, Obsolescence in Housing, 197.6., p. 64 The degree of mismatch between housing and households i s more d i f f i c u l t to measure than the mismatch in other sectors of the building stock. User needs, and also users' perceptions of obsolescence, are usually more subjective and variable, and less dependent on economic rationale. The d i f f i c u l t y i s further complicated by the differences between the view-points of a resident assessing his own housing s i t u a t i o n i n 81 a personal framework; a landlord or developer assessing his investment in a market framework; and a public authority assessing housing standards and planning goals i n a p o l i t i c a l v framework. For each, a d i f f e r e n t source of obsolescence takes precedence, and corrective strategies would be implemented with d i f f e r e n t means. Without going further into the development of Nutt's model, i t i s hoped that the concept of obsolescence and the s i m p l i f i e d explanation of housing dynamics may lead to a better grasp of the basis on which the decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e or to demolish i s reached. It is important to understand that a fixed, durable building i s continually subject to the process of obsolescence caused by events which may be quite independent of i t s physical components. These components do deteriorate according to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of their various l i f e cycles, but i t i s the attitude toward the care of the components that contributes to increasing or diminishing obsolescence. Rehabilitation Design Building design is a process which involves t r a n s l a -ting an understanding of the c l i e n t ' s requirements into a physical form. Obviously r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design d i f f e r s from that of new building because i t has to deal with a building which is already in place, and which has many properties that have reached varying degrees of obsolescence. Once i t has been decided that the obsolescence w i l l be corrected at least » i n part by r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the resulting design a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be centered on the physical components of the building 82 and possibly the physical surrounding. The design w i l l f i r s t consider the existing form i n r e l a t i o n to the services the building i s expected to provide; for the c l i e n t , and for the user, who may not be the c l i e n t , i t w i l l ithen, within the l i m i t s imposed by that form, d e t a i l the physical changes needed for the building to s a t i s f a c t o r i l y provide those services. The fundamental service i s that of providing shelter for the safety, health, and comfort of the occupants. A thorough knowledge of the l i f e cycle of the building components is p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable when dealing with problems of inade-quate shelter. The designer must assess and correct physical obsolescence as well as prolong the l i f e of the building by retarding the deterioration cycles. A second service provided by a residence is that of accommodating user a c t i v i t i e s . This refers to the fitness of the appearance, the arrangement, and the number of spaces within and about the building for the occupant's pattern of l i v i n g . This w i l l a f f e c t their sense of well being and there-fore, their attitude and behaviour toward the building. A change in the circumstances of the residents (in income, l i f e s t y l e , expectations, or family l i f e c y c l e ) , may a l t e r space V needs and perceptions. When modifications are required in the accommodation provided by a dwelling, the architect or designer w i l l primarily consider the functional obsolescence and assess how the existing spaces in the building can be modified to s u i t the prospective user better. The convenience of the location of the home r e l a t i v e to family a c t i v i t i e s outside of the home is another aspect 83 of functional obsolescence which is met i n d i r e c t l y by rehabi-l i t a t i o n . Location i s coincident with a dwelling s i t e . If an inner c i t y dwelling i s added to the housing stock following r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , then the desirable location becomes available with the dwelling. To refer b r i e f l y to the h i e r a r c h i c a l nature of housing desires: the r e s u l t s of Michelson's study (1977) confirmed that families have a strong and pervasive desire for a self-contained dwelling as an ultimate long-range housing goal. Rehabilitation of other than self-contained dwellings can therefore s a t i s f y short term desires, but never this ultimate goal. On the other hand, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of existing inner c i t y houses preserves those options for families to s a t i s f y their ultimate goal, in the inner c i t y l o c a t i o n . Style obsolescence can also contribute to inadequa-cies in accommodation since i t can influence the residentfs sense of pride in his home. Environmental obsolescence also can a f f e c t the q u a l i t y of accommodation; for example, by introducing intrusions to privacy which i n h i b i t the residents' a c t i v i t i e s . Since environmental obsolescence is the re s u l t of conditions beyond the s i t e boundaries of the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project, design to correct t h i s inadequacy often cannot deal d i r e c t l y with the problem. A community and/or c i t y neigh-bourhood improvement project, however, would diminish envir-onmental obsolescence for a l l neighbourhood residents. As part of the streetscape a building provides another service to both the occupant and to the community. For the occupant i t is the interface between his private domain and the semi-private or semi-public area that i s s t i l l to some 8 4 extent under his control; where consciously or unconsciously he projects something of his values and attitudes, to be judged 59 by other people in his neighbourhood ( P h i l l i p s , 1976). For the community in which i t stands, an old building i s a resource. This may be due to i t s own inherent heritage value as a landmark. More l i k e l y i t is due to i t s being part of a group of buildings that demonstrates former tastes and l i f e s tyles and anchors the unique character of an area in i t s h i s t o r i c a l context, as well as contributing to the contemporary image of the community. Style obsolescence w i l l be c a r e f u l l y considered in a competent r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design — working with the facade, the spaces around the building, and i t s r e l a t i o n to neighbouring buildings. For example: in respect to heritage q u a l i t y i t is essential to preserve the generous trims and d e t a i l s that a r t i c u l a t e and enhance the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c forms of the old buildings. I f , on the other hand, the owner prefers a contemporary image, the design can at least maintain harmony with the image of the streetscape. A r e s i d e n t i a l building can also provide service as an investment that returns value in either services and/or rents; i s a tax shelter; or i s used as a hedge against i n -f l a t i o n . Investment does not benefit renters and i t is not always given high p r i o r i t y by owner-occupiers (Michelson, 59 In an example observed in Vancouver, the owner, who was refused a permit to build a well designed but non-conforming fense, proceeded to build his fence out of junk, designed to be as ugly as possible yet conforming to by-law. The objective iwas to show how ridiculous the by-law requirements were. 85 1977, P h i l l i p s , 1976). However, for landlords, investment and/or speculation is often the p r i n c i p a l factor influencing t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n of property. It thus becomes an important consideration in the formulation of p o l i c i e s and municipal plans. Both f i n a n c i a l obsolescence and s i t e obsolescence have a constraining influence on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design with respect to investment. The designer i s responsible for holding costs to a budget figure that i s usually based on the a n t i c i -pated returns from the completed project. The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project w i l l also have to compare favourably with other pos-s i b l e uses for the s i t e . In the inner c i t y this w i l l often mean that the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n must lead to a more intensive use of the s i t e . In Vancouver i t has not been unusual for a family to use 'sweat equity' as part of their housing investment. They buy an older house, which they r e h a b i l i t a t e and convert into several self-contained suites, doing most of the work themselves. One suite may be t h e i r home; the others are rented to help pay the mortgage. The t y p i c a l wood frame house i s extremely well suited to t h i s purpose. Its s t r u c t u r a l char-acter i s very f l e x i b l e , and minimal technical s k i l l s are required to do much of the work. Some marginal extras beyond basic housing needs can be obtained when r e h a b i l i t a t i n g an existing dwelling; examples include any kind of modernization that raises the standard of u t i l i t y of the dwelling, or re-storation of o r i g i n a l d e t a i l s and f i n i s h e s that enhance i t s aesthetic value. It is common today for many of these extras 86 to be obtained largely by an expenditure of time, rather than money, in do-it-yourself projects where weekend golf games are traded off for a rec-room i n the basement. As well as providing extras, sweat equity i s an extremely valuable asset for the necessary repair-and-replace process of r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n — one that has been recognized by the materials man-ufacturers and building suppliers, but not so much by econ-omists and planners. In a l l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design, s i g n i f i c a n t constraints are imposed by the by-laws and numerous regulations that govern the development of building s i t e s , the design, and use of buildings. Although intended for new development, they apply equally to existing buildings that undergo "alterations, reconstruction or relocation" (National Building Code, 1977). Existing buildings in the inner c i t y area include many of the oldest buildings in the c i t y . The standards required when they were b u i l t , perhaps f i f t y or s i x t y years ago, are part of the history of the building and the c i t y . They were ce r t a i n l y not as stringent as those of today. Nonetheless those buildings which have survived demolition have served th e i r users u n t i l now, and many can continue to provide s a t i s -factory services for an unspecified time to come. But control obsolescence is a serious concern as soon as an application i s made for improvement to the building which then becomes subject to a host of requirements i t was never intended to f u l f i l l . These regulations often demand changes that would necessitate p r o h i b i t i v e c a p i t a l expenditures or that destroy the building's inherent a r c h i t e c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s . When 87 considering the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g a non-conforming building, p a r t i c u l a r l y in a recycling project, i f creative and economic solutions are to emerge from their discussions, the designer and municipal authorities must appraise these re-quirements for t h e i r underlying intentions and p r i n c i p l e s . The special problems related to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of non-conforming older buildings are being given p a r t i c u l a r attention by those authorities having j u r i s d i c t i o n over the various by-laws. In Vancouver, for example, amendments to the Zoning By-law have been enacted which give the Director of Planning the authority to consider relaxation of i t s pro-visions in order to f a c i l i t a t e the restoration and retention of designated heritage buildings and buildings considered by the Heritage Advisory Committee to have heritage merit. There are examples of p a r t i c u l a r renovation projects for which appeals against t o t a l enforcements of regulations have been negotiated and relaxations granted. However, these individual appeals have taken up to two years to be decided, which has added s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the front-end costs of the project (Diamond, 1 9 7 6 ) . In older, mainly larger, masonry buildings, the chief problems which necessitate major modifications occur in four areas: parking and loading space; earthquake load for a l l but frame structures; f i r e hazard, for large and mixed use occupancies; and health, for older r e s i d e n t i a l hotels and boarding houses. 88 There were no parking problems when buildings more than forty years old were b u i l t . To s a t i s f y today's require-ments often means excavating to provide costly underground space for large older buildings, and turning former gardens to asphalt when big old houses are converted to suites. New earthquake loads are based on the projected 100-year maximum shock which, i n the l a t e s t estimates, i s higher than ever before. The requirement i s that the building be s t r u c t u r a l l y able to withstand the shock — yet s t a t i s t i c s show that the greatest hazard i n the case of earthquake is not the collapse of buldings but rather danger i n the street from shattered glass and f a l l i n g masonry. Requirements re l a t i n g to f i r e deal both with min-imizing the r i s k of f i r e i t s e l f , and in case f i r e should occur, with detection, safe evacuation of the building, and f i r e extinguishing. A major source of d i f f i c u l t y with these reg-ulations i s that the National Building Code, CM.H.C. stand-ards, and the Fire Marshall with l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n each de-mands that d i f f e r e n t measures be taken to s a t i s f y t h e i r re-quirements. In the case of mu l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l buildings the requirement of enclosed s t a i r s and a second means of egress to grade can lead to extensive and space consuming modifica-tions both inside and outside the building. These are not only costly i n themselves, but also reduce useable space and considerably a l t e r the aesthetics of the building. Local regulations may permit some relaxation i f sprinklers are i n s t a l l e d . 8 9 Enforcement of health standards presents a d i f f e r e n t kind of problem. In this case the need or desire for mod-i f i c a t i o n may be i n i t i a t e d by the building owner as part of large-scale renovation for the purpose of sub s t a n t i a l l y up-grading the building. But more often, health inspectors exercise t h e i r authority to enforce the improvement of sanitary conditions in severely rundown, under-serviced, or over-crowded buildings in the lowest rental category. In r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d -ings of this kind where there i s simply no economic base for even modest improvement, and many are found in the inner c i t y of Vancouver, the problem is compounded by the added f i r e and earthquake requirements; and there e x i s t no adequate funding programs to a s s i s t in the maintenance of accommodation at this lowest rental l e v e l . The alternative i s to demolish the building. Providing appropriate dwelling places for the displaced residents i n buildings of sa t i s f a c t o r y standard then adds s o c i a l costs to building costs. A further complication for the designer i s the plethora of aut h o r i t i e s , standards and regulations. As ad-ministrator of federal housing programs, the CM.H.C. has been the ultimate authority on where and how federal housing funds are spent. The National Building Code, with i t s own standards for design, i s the c r i t e r i o n which projects must meet before funds are granted and released. L i t t l e or no coordination has occurred between CM.H.C. and l o c a l auth-o r i t i e s who operate under municipal regulation. This com-pl i c a t e s and prolongs procedures, and increases front-end costs in any type of fed e r a l l y assisted construction. 9 0 Enforcement of standards by CM.H.C. was quite s t r i c t in regard to RRAP projects. Some applications were dropped because of the requirement that a l l major work necessary be carried out under the grant; for many, thi s made r e h a b i l i t a t i o n too expensive even with the grant. Though funding i s s t i l l from CM.H.C, the program i s now administered by the c i t y so i t can at least be more responsive to l o c a l conditions and plan-ning objectives. It is evident from the foregoing discussion that family housing needs and desires can be s a t i s f i e d i n many ways by r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Physical adjustments to the i n t e r i o r of the dwelling, i t s exterior and sett i n g , w i l l not only s a t i s f y the occupant but may also contribute to the conserv-ative desires of the neighbours. Rehabilitation, either by planned stages, or in response to the changing desires of a family, or to a change of families, i s t y p i c a l l y a small-step adjustment that can repeatedly diminish obsolescence and also physical deterioration in a building. A building which has reached an unacceptable l e v e l of d i s u t i l i t y for one cate-gory of user may change to another category of user for which i t i s r e l a t i v e l y more useful, and thus regain u t i l i t y . Such adjustment may occur as filtering-down or -up of r e s i d e n t i a l properties, or as recycling from non-residential to r e s i d e n t i a l use. The conversion of a large single-family house into two or more smaller dwelling units is a filtering-down adjustment while an example of f i l t e r i n g - u p i s the restoration of a boarding house to i t s former use as a home for a family. 91 I n f i l l between one or more small houses to connect them, into one hostel or cooperative house; gutting of an i n t e r i o r to completely change i t into a modern luxury home without al t e r i n g the facade; or conversion of an underutilized commercial building into an apartment of group of suites are modifications that have the potential for increasing the value in use of a property, by either up-grading or intensifying the service provided without sub s t a n t i a l l y changing the building's scale or form in the streetscape. By correcting deterioration, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as an operating p r i n c i p l e assures the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a wide range of housing options. Rehabilitation and Conservation The motivation and objectives of the " c l i e n t " w i l l determine what form the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design w i l l take, within the constraints of budget and by-law. His attitude toward the building and i t s image w i l l be the decisive factor i n how r e h a b i l i t a t i o n w i l l be approached: i f the building i s to be completely redesigned,or renovated to retain i t s o r i g i n a l character, or preserved f o r i t s aesthetic heritage or s i g n i f i -cance . There is c l e a r l y an overlap in the kinds of work performed on a building that w i l l s a t i s f y the objectives for both housing and heritage purposes as i l l u s t r a t e d by the cross-hatched area in Figure 5. Heritage conservation^ can 6 0 H e r i t a g e as defined in the 1973-74 Heritage Canada Board of Governors Annual Report, "the work of man and nature whose character enriches the quality of Canadian l i f e today; works which i l l u s t r a t e our past or which r e f l e c t the excellence of Canadian achievement." r e f . A.J. Diamond, "Conversion of Ind-u s t r i a l Buildings: F e a s i b i l i t y and Practice", Heritage Canada Imposium, October, 1976, Foreword. 92 take a number of forms which are defined by the degree to which the building i s returned to i t s o r i g i n a l state. Re-storation work by heritage c r i t e r i a i s complex and detailed: bringing the building as close as possible to i t s o r i g i n a l appearance, generally as an educational resource, which implies public rather than private r e s i d e n t i a l use. Preservation refers to work that b a s i c a l l y maintains the o r i g i n a l form, and includes measures taken to prevent further deterioration to a building that has h i s t o r i c , a r c h i t e c t u r a l , or c u l t u r a l significance (Stephens, 1972, Kerr, 1977). Renovation work usually includes a number of changes that are s t y l i s t i c a l l y sympathetic but which need not be h i s t o r i c a l l y true — so the building can be retained and adapted to a present use (Kerr, 1977). A f i n a l category, redesign, refers to work that a l t e r s a building to the extent that the o r i g i n a l i s quite unrecognizable (Stephens, 1972). FIGURE 5 KINDS OF WORK PERFORMED ON EXISTING BUILDINGS REHABILITATION (RESIDENTIAL) RESTORATION- PRESERVATION - RENOVATION i - 1 REDESIGN i CONSERVATION.(HERITAGE) i In the context of this thesis restoration work i s hot included in the d e f i n i t i o n of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . However, i t s exclusion is not intended to rule out the p o s s i b i l i t y of an individual restoring his home to i t s o r i g i n a l state. The 93 change to housing from any other use, either t o t a l l y or in part, was c e r t a i n l y intended in thi s d e f i n i t i o n of r e h a b i l -i t a t i o n . The term 'conservation' is used to refer to a l l work that i s performed with the intention of conforming to the o r i g i n a l character of a building and/or i t s se t t i n g . This permits a somewhat freer treatment than does preservation (Diamond, 1976). Housing Supply and Demand Having recognized r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as one p a r t i c u l a r type of adaptation which adjusts a set of physical resources to diminish obsolescence, makes i t necessary to recognize the interdependence of a building's physical state and a t t -itudes and actions separate from the building which influence and are influenced by i t s image. Following this approach to i t s conclusion would resu l t in an impact study of residen-t i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n the inner c i t y . That i s not the i n -tention of this thesis. However, i t i s useful to describe some of the most s i g n i f i c a n t influences i n that adjustment process as they pertain to the whole of the building stock. It is very d i f f i c u l t to deal with the subject of r e s i d e n t i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n a comprehensive way without becoming thoroughly involved in the complex issues of housing supply and demand. Although the supply of housing i s usually associated with the production of new dwelling units, in economic terms supply refers to the t o t a l stock of dwellings available to s a t i s f y demand in the housing market. This thesis i s concerned with that part of the market in which demand 94 by families i s supplied by r e h a b i l i t a t e d buildings located in the inner c i t y . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of supply i n t h i s p a r t i a l market d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from those of the housing market in general. In a t y p i c a l representation of the i n -teraction between supply and demand, supply increases to meet demand: when supply i s short the price r i s e s , a new l e v e l of demand responds to the increased p r i c e , and supply i s stim-ulated to meet the new demand. This would describe the market in the inner c i t y where new multi-unit development provides the increase in supply. But the segment of the market supplied by old inner c i t y dwellings i s characterized by a diminishing supply, and i n r e l a t i v e terms in the long run, has served a sequence of demands with increasingly fewer income resources. This simple sketch c l e a r l y demonstrates the problem of con-serving this stock. What has been described above in a truncated version of the f i l t e r i n g process with the cut-off at the supply end. A conventional d e f i n i t i o n of f i l t e r i n g i s : "housing once occupied by a higher income group i s released by them and becomes available at a lower cost to tenants with lower i n -comes." 6 1 The notion of f i l t e r i n g expects that, in the normal course of events, the oldest stock w i l l become obsolete and be removed; James Heilbrun,, Urban Economics and Public P o l i c y , St. Martin's Press, N.Y., 1974, p. 251. 95 This i s not the case in Vancouver ( i f anywhere). In fact, evidence i s that the opposite s i t u a t i o n i s occurring. Renovations of older stock are causing a general "upward f i l t e r i n g " of prices of older units. While upward f i l t e r i n g adds additional supply for middle income households, i t further reduces the choices of those least able to compete in the market. In any event, the f i l t e r i n g process terminates when in-migration or new household formation demands the f i l t e r i n g u n i t s . ^ 2 These are examples of .circumstances that created a gap between the demand and supply of lower cost accommodation i n the inner c i t y . When the government intervened to rel i e v e the " c r i s i s " , i t provided programs to stimulate low to medium cost housing development in the suburbs, and conditions such as those de-scribed in Chapter I arose. Although for the most part the quantity and quality of a housing stock may be adequate, i f i t does not match the e f f e c t i v e demand of the households in the market, then there w i l l be housing problems. Such were the conditions reported in Understanding Vancouver's Housing. The absolute number of ground-oriented family-type units was found to be more than enough to supply the current demand. Yet younger house-holds, notably the under-thirty group who did not own a house before the sharp r i s e in prices i n 1974, were unable to afford family-type accommodation in the c i t y . On the other hand, the vacancy rate i n family-type rental units was 0.5 at a time when the o v e r a l l average vacancy rate was 2.0 (1978), r e f l e c t i n g an over-supply of medium to high priced bachelor-type units. 6 2 Part IV(c) "'Affordable Housing' What Chance in Van-couver", Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979, p. 15. 96 It i s estimated that only about 15,000 dwellings, or 9% of the c i t y housing stock i s currently i n need of major repairs, and the majority of these are rental units. At least 25% of the households in Vancouver are spending in excess of 25% of t h e i r gross income on housing, which i s above the acceptable l e v e l of a f f o r d a b i l i t y . It i s evident that one s i g n i f i c a n t housing supply problem i n Vancouver i s a f f o r d a b i l -i t y . A summary of the s i t u a t i o n , based on a 1974 CM.H.C. survey, up-dated to 1978, is shown in Figure 6. Among the 40,000 households with housing problems, 12,200 were families with children, and 2000 of these were in poor or inappropriate housing. Many of the people occupying the poorest quality inner c i t y dwellings are prevented by both income and supply from moving to improve their s i t u a t i o n within the inner c i t y . FIGURE 6 HOUSING SUPPLY PROBLEMS IN VANCOUVER - 1978 V a n c o u v e r C i t y H o u s e h o l d s 160,230 Adequa t e a n d a f f o r d a b l e h o u s Lng 111,380 a d u l t h o u s e h o l d s | E l d e r l y 5,950 ha n d I c a p p e d 1,500 2* p e r s o n s 9,230 a d u l t s i n g l e p e r s o n 13,100 E x p e r i e n c incj a hous i n g p r o b l e m 40,000 ( 2 5 % ) h o u s e h o l d s | w I t h " c h i l d r e n " own r e n t 2,350 3,600 p r I m a r l l y r e n t 1,500 r e n t 20,530 own 2 ,940 two p a r e n t 5,^340 f ami 1 l e s l o n e p a r e n t 4,680 r e n t 2,400 r e n t 4 ,400 NATURE OF HOUSINC PROBLEM A d e q u a t e h o u s L n g n o t a f f o r d a b l e 28,750 (721) Q u a n t i t y , q u a l i t y and a f f o r d a b l l I t y p r o b l e m s 11,250 <2B») Y o u n g e r no a s s e t s 10,750 O l d e r r e n t no a s s e t s 13,850 Own home a s s e t s n o t L i q u i d 4,150 Employment She I t e r R e v e r s e a i d m o r t g a g e s Du L I d l n g S h e l t e r R e n o v a t I o n s u b s L d i e s a i d a s s i s t a n c e TYPES OF PROGRAMS DEMAND SIDE SUBSIDIES S o u r c e ! P a r t IV ( c ) . U n d e r s t a n d l n g V a n c o u v e r ' B Hous t n g , p . 3 SUPPLY SIDE ASSISTANCE AND/OR DEMAND SIDE SUBSIDIF.S 97 On humanitarian grounds, Although the quality of the housing in which many of these people l i v e may leave considerable room for improvement, their proximity to downtown sources of employment, to low-cost public transportation and to a variety of commercial and i n s t i t u t i o n a l services provides for a l i v i n g environment which i s normally far more e f f i c i e n t and supportive than that found i n connection with 'better' housing in peripheral a r e a s . 6 3 A large proportion of the lowest rental housing in Vancouver i s located within the study area for t h i s t h e s i s . The analysis of 1971 census data presented in Understanding  Vancouver's Housing shows that three of the eight neighbour-hoods in the study had the lowest average rents in the c i t y . Only in the south half of the West End were rents higher than the c i t y average. At the same time, owner-occupied dwellings in six of the eight neighbourhoods were equal to the average value for the c i t y . In one neighbourhood the average value was the lowest in the c i t y . Although 1976 estimates of rents and values are not equivalent, they did show a loss i n the number of low rental units and a change in the d i s t r i b u t i o n of owner-occupied property values toward a larger proportion in the higher value range. This may have been due in part to demolition of obsolete dwellings in the low range to make s i t e s available for new construction. Demand i s an economic concept that i s determined by the number of households coming into the market, t h e i r desires, t h e i r income, and th e i r propensity! to spend on housing rather than other commodities. Fluctuations in the Michelson, Environmental Choice, 1977, p. 358. 98 demand determinants lead to obsolescence and the corresponding adjustments in housing. I t has already been argued that, on the basis of numbers, the actual demand for family housing in the inner c i t y has remained high; as indicatedi by the ex-tremely low vacancy rates. However, developers have found adult housing and commercial development more p r o f i t a b l e . According to 1976 s t a t i s t i c s , the inner c i t y of Vancouver houses approximately 17% of the t o t a l c i t y population in 23% of the c i t y households, most of which are one person house-holds. The numbers of families coming into this market can be expected to increase due to the r e l a t i v e good health of the B.C. economy. Eff e c t i v e demand for the inner c i t y location i s also l i k e l y to increase with the increasing cost of com-muting and suburban housing. This w i l l influence obsolescence in low rental and under-used dwellings. Landlords w i l l tend to adjust their properties to a higher rental class and older people to move into smaller adult units. The price of re-maining single-family houses should increase; or they might be converted to two or more family su i t e s . The second demand determinant — the desires of t those in ,the market for family housing in the inner c i t y — was the topic of Chapter I I , summarized i n the table at the end of the chapter. It should be noted that the old houses are not only most desirable but are also best suited to family needs. Although there are many ways this resource can be re h a b i l i t a t e d and conserved, i t i s d i f f i c u l t and often ex-pensive to pioneer projects that do not conform to conventional 99 practices and regulations. Short-term investors are r a r e l y prepared to take r i s k s , or calculate s o c i a l benefits as a p r o f i t item. To a large extent income establishes the l e v e l at which the family's demand i s e f f e c t i v e ; in other words, the class of housing they are able to buy. The stock of housing i s allocated to households according to their a b i l i t y to pay. Poor people usually l i v e in poor housing,*! that i s not to say, however, that a l l low re n t a l dwellings are occupied by low income people. The analysis of the e f f e c t of income on housing demand i s generally calculated from aggregate data regarding the value class of housing i n r e l a t i o n to family incomes. It has been found that, in general, a r i s e in housing class i matches or exceeds a r i s e in income (Heilbrun, 1976, Netzer, 1970). The increase in housing consumption tends to be in the form of qua l i t y rather than size (Heilbrun, 1976, Pennance, 1969). In the case of poorer q u a l i t y housing, the r a t i o of improvement in housing to r i s e in income tends to be even larger. But when considering those l i v i n g on fixed income, rather than the average family with an expected increase in earning power, the r i s e in housing class i s less than half the r i s e in income (Netzer, 1970) . It is s i g n i f i c a n t that the cost of housing at the lowest end of the scale increases r e l a t i v e to the housing services provided. It i s no accident that r e l a t i v e price increases appear to be most marked i n the poorest qua l i t y dwellings at the bottom of the housing p i l e . Any increase in the price of housing i s l i k e l y to reduce 100 the demand for space somewhat; but since the demand for quality i s more responsive than the demand for space to changes in price i t is l i k e l y to reduce the demand for q u a l i t y even more: when prices r i s e demand thus tends to be sustained most for the lower quality dwellings. I t appears that, i n a l l but the lower classes of housing, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n provides a very p r a c t i c a l means for adjusting the qual i t y of a dwelling in the inner c i t y ; though i t may be more d i f f i c u l t to achieve an increase in space. But i f obsolescence of inner c i t y housing i s to be diminished for families with r i s i n g incomes, i t seems that the high l e v e l p r i o r i t y f or a desirable neighbourhood would require attention as well, so that the increase in quality i s generally v i s i b l e to others and commensurate with the r i s e in status. However, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of housing in the lowest bracket (which in Vancouver's inner c i t y i s most often rental properties) i s unlikely in the current market s i t u a t i o n of r i s i n g prices unless there i s s i g n i f i c a n t public intervention. This b r i e f account of the e f f e c t of income on housing demand only describes broad gen e r a l i t i e s that have been ob-served. The behaviour of any p a r t i c u l a r household may diverge completely from the general pattern. Aggregate data regarding household income does not distinguish family size and the number of wage earners or dependents, nor does i t r e f l e c t family equity or permanent income po s i t i o n . A l l of these have a bearing on the e f f e c t i v e demand of a household. 64 Pennance, F.G., Housing Market Analysis and Policy, Institute of Economic A f f a i r s , 1969; p. 29 (footnote). 101 A family's propensity to spend on housing i s the f i n a l demand determinant to be explained. This depends en-t i r e l y on the value the family places on i t s housing r e l a t i v e to other possible expenditures beyond the basic need for food, shelter, and clothing. What kind of trade-off would they make? For example, would they move to a larger house or spend that money on a private school education for the children? Would they prefer to modernize the kitchen, or take a t r i p overseas? Housing developers have found that i f they s e l l houses as status symbols, they can persuade people to spend more for that perceived extra, which may be nothing other than some popular, mass produced, appliqued decoration. Demolition With the evidence of the magnitude of the affo r d -a b i l i t y problem, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to j u s t i f y the removal of scarce low-rental housing to permit the further supply of high-priced housing. The rate at which demolition i s taking place in Vancouver is alarming not only because of the loss of low-cost housing, but also because of the steady elimination of houses from the area. Through this non-reversible process, the housing option that has been found to be most s a t i s f a c t o r y i s taken away, and irreplaceable examples of the c i t y ' s e a r l i -est houses and neighbourhoods are destroyed. Table VI shows that in 1976 just over 11% of the dwelling units in Vancouver were in buildings b u i l t before 1921. This was a drop of 21% in the number of pre- 1921 dwellings existing in 1971. The 102 buildings i n the inner c i t y b u i l t before the World War II period of expansion generally f a l l into t h i s age group. TABLE VI AGE OF VANCOUVER DWELLINGS constructed 1971 % of t o t a l 1976 % of t o t a l 1920 or before 22,970 15.0% 18 ,235 11 1921-1946 46,815 30 .5% 46,815 29 .2% * 14,065 new units b u i l t 197JL-1976. Source: Part 111(b), Understanding Vancouver's Housing; 1979; p. 12 In a 1977 report on the e f f e c t of the Vancouver Demolition By-law prepared by the City s t a f f , i t was estimated that approximately 700 dwelling units were demolished each year. Most were low-rental units in the inner c i t y , c h i e f l y in converted houses with four to eight units. The majority were also in sound condition, on s i t e s from which the owner anticipated higher returns from a change in land use. The figures provided i n Understanding Vancouver's Housing are r given in Table VII. These figures indicate an even larger , number of demolitions, but decreasing s l i g h t l y each year. TABLE VII DEMOLITIONS BY TYPE, VANCOUVER. 1976-1978 DWELLING TYPE 1976 1977 1978 Single-detached 599 603 471 Duplex ' 36 37 28 Apartment 64 94 28 Multiple conversion dwelling 254 200 323 Total 953 934 850 Source: Part* 111(d), Understanding Vancouver's Housing; 1979; p. 13 In regard to housing that has become obsolete, the ultimate decision to demolish stems primarily from 103 circumstantial factors a r i s i n g from the l o c a l housing market. Considerations of this type include the economic assessment that the value in use of the property i s less than i t s develop-ment poten t i a l ; or that the expense of maintenance or modifica-t i o n i s too high in the case of land assembled for future re-development (Demolition Report, 1977)^ 5; or that the building cannot be incorporated into the o f f i c i a l l o c a l plan, perhaps following a change of land use ((Stephens, 1972). Conditions of the national economy and p o l i c i e s can d i r e c t l y influence demol-i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y tax incentives obtained through loopholes in the c a p i t a l gains tax (Demolition Report, 1977). Perhaps less important as an influence are considerations a r i s i n g from the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the building i t s e l f , such as the' owner's de-s i r e for something new, a new image (Demolition Report, 1977, Stephens, 1972), and the physical deterioration of a neglected (building. However, deterioration was not an important factor for the majority of dwellings demolished in Vancouver. Vancouver By-law No. 4913, setting out the conditions for obtaining a demolition permit, was introduced in response to a policy to preserve the c i t y ' s heritage, to implement better land use planning, and to protect the stock of lower-priced dwellings. The by-law applies to r e s i d e n t i a l rental .buildings and requires an approved development permit for the s i t e and completion of 50% of the working drawings for the new development. However, there i s no provision in the Hardwick (1974) attributed the abundance of parking l o t s in the Nelson Center neighbourhood to this consideration. Res-i d e n t i a l properties were assembled for i n d u s t r i a l development that never happened. 104 Vancouver City Charter to ensure that the developer proceeds with development as s p e c i f i e d . Laws regarding standards of maintenance for health and f i r e do not apply to vacant b u i l d -ings, nor are they often enforced on small r e s i d e n t i a l struc-tures. The resu l t has been a very large increase in c i t y condemnation and boarding-up of vacant buildings. In fact the loss of low-cost dwelling units due to these closures was estimated in 1977 to be 700 per year. In the opinion of the authors of the report the Demolition By-law by i t s e l f was i n e f f e c t i v e with respect to i t s intended purpose. At best i t caused a s l i g h t delay before demolition, giving a l i t t l e extra time to consider a l t e r n -atives. But i t has also increased public hazard due to the increased number of vacant buildings. If the existing building stock i s to be conserved by perpetuating the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n cycle, then control of demolition w i l l have to be exercised at the l e v e l of the housing market economy, and by federal p o l i c i e s as well as l o c a l planning and by-laws. It should be noted that a co r o l l a r y to conserving existing buildings for family housing i s the conservation of neighbourhood r e s i -d e n tial services, especially schools. While the demolition by-law was enacted s p e c i f i c a l l y to a s s i s t i n the conservation of older buildings, the Zoning and Development By-law allows removal of the older houses in areas zoned for higher density development. It was pointed out i n Chapter I that the present zoning establishes the develop-ment potential i n the c i t y , and as i t stands at present i t permits every remaining house in the inner c i t y to be demolished. 105 Rehabilitation Costs Though i t i s l i k e l y that the f i n a l decision w i l l be made in terms of cost, there i s no simple d i r e c t comparison between the cost of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g an existing dwelling and of constructing a new dwelling, that can be used as a yard-s t i c k . By now i t has become quite evident that there i s a broad range in the extent of work required on the many b u i l d -ings that may qualify for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as family dwellings. And there i s a broader range s t i l l i f p o s s i b i l i t i e s for con-version to more intensive use are permitted and are included in the estimates. Many factors are involved and for each of these there i s a range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Within these ranges there i s certain to be a lower l i m i t beyond which i t i s not possible to j u s t i f y the expense of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Nevertheless, some estimates have been made that i l l u s t r a t e the cost advantage of r e h a b i l i t a t e d properties over new construction. A.J. Diamond (1976) prepared compara-tive cost estimates of a new five-storey apartment building and a conversion of an old i n d u s t r i a l building into r e s i d e n t i a l suites. Given that the older building i s in optimum condition, requiring some f i r e protection to the structure and minimum changes for the means of egress, there can be a saving of approximatley 15% over new construction. For a building i n just f a i r condition the saving would be 6%, even though the new building was assumed to be minimum standard. Estimates , were also presented in Understanding Vancouver's Housing. Table VIII compares the subsidy s h o r t f a l l for a low-income 106 family in three d i f f e r e n t types of housing, based on 1978 Vancouver costs. The p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment for new construc-t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the column, "existing subsidies". A second example, shown in Table IX, i s based on the estimated cost for rehab i l i t a t e d existing units at $3800 - $8000 per unit, and, the cost of new construction from an actual project at $19,000 per unit. TABLE VIII EXAMPLE PROGRAM COST: FAMILY INCOME $8000 PROGRAM ACCOMMODATION MONTHLY EXAMPLE EXISTING DIFFERENCE RENT MONTHLY SUBSIDIES SUBSIDY AVAILABLE REQUIREMENT S h e l t e r A l l o w a n c e Two bedroom o l d e r $240.00 + $40.00 + $40.00 a p a r t m e n t S h e l t e r A l l o w a n c e T w o - t h r e e bedroom $350.00 + $150.00 + $150.00 o l d e r house B u i l d i n g Program New t h r e e bedroom $537.00 + $337.00 F e d e r a l i n t e r e s t + $62.00 townhouse r e d u c t i o n g r a n t C i r c a + $275.00 Soorot: Po-x-t- W 1919 j p . 2.^ .. There are two ways of looking at the cost. The f i r s t as above, compares r e h a b i l i t a t i o n with new construction, and the resu l t favours r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The second method i s to compare existing rents with p o s t - r e h a b i l i t a t i o n rents, which, of course, are higher. It is on th i s second basis that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of existing low cost housing i s considered to be too expensive. The example in Table VIII for family housing demonstrates one reason for this — the larger sub-sidies available for new housing. 107 TABLE IX EXAMPLE COSTS: MINIMUM INCOME ADULT HOUSING PROBLEM ACCOMMODATION TYPE PROGRAM TYPE MONTHLY RENT MONTHLY SUBSIDY REQUIREMENT 1. H i g h c o s t o f h o u s i n g o l d , n o n - r e n o v a t e d down town room s h e l t e r a l l o w a n c e $100 $ 20 2 . H i g h c o s t o f h o u s i n g and i n a d e q u a t e q u a l -i t y accommodation r e n o v a t e d downtown room r e h a b i l i t a t i o n f u n d s and s h e l t e r a l l o w a n c e $100 + $ 40 3 . H i g h c o s t oE h o u s i n g and i n a d e q u a t e q u a l -i t y accommodation r e n t a d e q u a t e q u a l i t y o l d e r b a c h e l o r u n i t s h e l t e r a l l o w a n c e $180 + $ 100 4 . , H i g h c o s t oE h o u s i n g and i n a d e q u a t e q u a l -i t y accommodation r e n t new h o s t e l u n i t c a p i t a l f o r c o n -s t r u c t i o n and s h e l t e r a l l o w a n c e ~ $218 + $ 160 Souvoe- •• ibid , p . Z.5 Financing The Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program i s the only federal housing subsidy that recognizes existing buildings, although c a p i t a l grants and interest reduction for non-profit s o c i e t i e s may be used for approved r e h a b i l i -6 6 tation projects. RRAP was designed to help low income earners, landlords of lower rental properties, and non-profit organizations or cooperatives to repair t h e i r housing units. The s p e c i f i c aim was to extend the l i f e of these dwellings for f i f t e e n years. Instructions regarding application state that, to be e l i g i b l e , the dwelling must be substandard i n one of fiv e "basic areas". The l i s t includes structural soundness, f i r e safety, e l e c t r i c a l wiring, plumbing and heat-ing. A deficiency in any of these must be corrected under the grant. Minor repairs that may be considered e l i g i b l e for RRAP include items such as i n s u l a t i o n , windows, and ex-t e r i o r f i n i s h . It is clear that the program i s limited to 6 6 See Appendix D for a 1976 l i s t i n g of Federal Housing Subsidies. 108 physical obsolescence af f e c t i n g the shelter services provided by the dwelling. In a 1976 study of the effects of RRAP in Vancouver i t was found that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n completed with RRAP assistance 6 7 had l i t t l e impact in the aesthetics of the neighbourhood. , By contrast private funds were more l i k e l y to be spent on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of components that improved the v i s i b l e q u a l i t y of the dwelling, and so were more e f f e c t i v e in improving the general character of the neighbourhood. The results of this study provided indications of home owners' attitudes regarding r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and th e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the program. Most residents f e l t that t h e i r dwelling was in need of repair, and most preferred r e h a b i l i t a t i o n over alternative solutions to their housing problem. Negative influences on the decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e were that they already had a mortgage and did not want, or could not affor d , an additional loan; that they feared higher taxes, or rent control. Some f e l t that the neighbourhood was too unstable or was declining, and a few were intending to move. Positive influences were pride in the home and neighbourhood, a desire to improve and preserve the existing character of the neighbourhood, and most import-ant, a b e l i e f in the i r own e f f i c a c y regarding the future of the i r home environment. fi 7 ref. Deborah Ann P h i l l i p s ; "Urban Housing Quality: The Importance of Attitudes in the Decision to Rehabilitate:; Mas-ters Thesis, Dept. of Geography, U.B.C. 1976. The study sample included 160 home owners in three neighbourhoods: K i t s i l a n o , Cedar Cottage & Grandview Woodlands, which was the control neighbourhood not designated for RRAP at the time of the study. A house-to-house survey was conducted to administer a question-naire designed to examine the owner's decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e his property. 1 0 9 Among the study sample some people were very ap-preciative of the government assistance, p a r t i c u l a r l y senior c i t i z e n s who would not otherwise have been able to r e h a b i l i -tate. Some others were suspicious of government interference, and s t i l l others preferred to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . In the study, reference was made to findings from other sources which suggested that s e l f - h e l p type programs had had more success than those which excluded p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Besides RRAP only one other public program d i r e c t l y subsidizes r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work. The B.C. Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s and Housing Home Conversion Loan Program is available to individual private c i t i z e n s , or small groups of investors who wish to convert a single-family dwelling into a duplex or multi-unit accommodation. This program offers a low-interest loan of up to $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 in the f i r s t new unit, and $ 9 0 0 0 on each additional unit. RRAP offers a N.H.A. preferred interest loan up to $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 , and possibly a non-repayable , grant of up to $ 3 7 5 0 , depending on family income. There are some non-monetary forms of government assistance that might be made available as incentives to investment from the private sector. Waiving of incremental tax revenue from the increased value of a re h a b i l i t a t e d prop-erty would encourage re-use of existing structures. The recent Vancouver by-law permitting the Director of Planning to relax zoning requirements for buildings with h i s t o r i c .merit may of f e r an incentive, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f there i s also cooperation and coordination with other regulating a u t h o r i t i e s . The improvement of neighbourhood amenities, possible^ under the 110 current municipal budget, could provide external benefits that a t t r a c t investment. Abatement of rent control in areas where higher rents are appropriate could make investment in r e h a b i l i t a t i n g q u a l i t y structures more competitive with new construction. In areas where high-rise building i s permitted, the transfer of a i r rights can generate funds and also e f f e c t -i v e l y down-zone the potential use of the s i t e of the existing building, thereby greatly increasing the l i k e l i h o o d that i t w i l l be preserved in the future. Vancouver's Christ Church Cathedral was saved by such a transfer. 6 8 In the opinion of P. L e v i t t of Abacus C i t i e s Ltd., a development company, i t does cost the developer more to r e h a b i l i t a t e than to build new because the same degree of financing i s not a v a i l a b l e . He feels that financiers have the idea that heritage buildings are associated with p o l i t i c a l manoeuvers and s o c i a l upheaval and that they do not want to be involved. Furthermore, the l o c a l representative finds i t d i f f i c u l t to persuade the head o f f i c e in eastern Canada that a r e h a b i l i t i o n project can compete with new construction for the same money. L e v i t t believes that s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l acceptance of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s an educational problem. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of financing for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n projects from private sources i s a discouraging prospect)due to the 'no-risk' attitude of most loan i n s t i t u t i o n s . Funds available for mortgages are subject to general economic 6 8 ref. New L i f e for Old Buildings, 1977. I l l conditions, and their a l l o c a t i o n i s based on a number of assumptions and precedents. One such assumption is the l i f e 69 expectancy of a building and related depreciation. From United States data the depreciation behaviour of buildings seems to follow an "S" surve in terms of value over time. As i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 7, for the f i r s t ten to twenty years, a period of good maintenance, l i f e expectancy of the building i s not considered by the market. After twenty years mortgage lenders anticipate decline in housing qu a l i t y and assume a limited l i f e f or the bui l d i n g . R e s t r i c t i v e lending p o l i c i e s are applied so that the curve is forced down. FIGURE 7 BUILDING DEPRECIATION CURVE NEW LOW INCOME DEMAND ACTUAL VALUE .YEARS 20 50 , ANTIQUE DEMOLISH At a l a t e r period, when the value has depressed to the l e v e l where many people can a f f o r t the cost, as described by Pennance, increased demand fl a t t e n s the curve — even i f depreciation continues. However, to some degree the cost of maintenance 69 See " L i f e Cycle", page 75 112 i s balanced by the greater demand, so that a f t e r f i f t y years the market gives the dwelling an unspecified l i f e span, always assuming another ten to f i f t e e n years regardless of age. Eventually, i f the building i s not demolished, i t w i l l assume antique value (Nutt, 1976). The " g e n t r i f i c a t i o n " or f i l t e r i n g - u p of a nice old house by q u a l i t y r e h a b i l i t a t i o n for fam i l i e s who can exercise e f f e c t i v e demand probably establishes a dwelling's antique value status. This process i s highly desirable from the point of view of conservation; however, the process also reduces the a v a i l a b l e stock of low-rental dwellings. Approximately 1000 low cost dwellings a year were l o s t in t h i s way i n Vancou-ver (Demolition. Report). "Displacement or g e n t r i f i c a t i o n occurs because r e s t o r a t i o n i s usually found only i n a few desirable neighbourhoods. If preservation were a p o l i c y for the c i t y 70 as a whole, then displacement would occur less often." The model conservation program, implemented in Savannah, Georgia, has averted a p o t e n t i a l g e n t r i f i c a t i o n problem. Minority groups, with the help of token loans, were able to r e h a b i l i t a t e t h e i r own neighbourhoods"with sweat equity. I t i s possible that W.P. Carter, Assistant General Manager of the Royal Bank's r e t a i l lending and mortgage ser-vices, was r e f e r r i n g to the "gentr i f i c a t i o n " market when' he addressed the Toronto Home Builders' Association late in 1979. Carter also pointed out that future home buyers may have quite d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e s than have been common so f a r . 7 n Nathan Weinberg, Preservation in American Towns and C i t i e s , Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, 1979, p. x v i . 113 'They probably w i l l not,' he said, 'want to s i t in a suburban ca s t l e and contemplate the e f f o r t of mowing a quarter acre of lawn or shovelling out 50 feet of driveway. 'Rather they w i l l prefer to l i v e closer to down-town where the s o c i a l action i s , be i t disco, dining, a t h l e t i c or c u l t u r a l pursuits.' Carter also said many of the new home buyers are more l i k e l y to focus on the mid-town section of c i t i e s rather than the suburbs. This in turn, he added, could mean that in coming years renovation of existing homes w i l l become much more important than i t currently i s . There is also growing precedent for financing i n -novative recycling projects which are unique and therefore high-risk. The key to success in these cases seems to be a complete and well-presented proposal, including d e t a i l s of the prospective market and an accurately prepared budget (Diamond, 1976, Danhez, 1976, Falkner, 1977). In addition to the standard loan i n s t i t u t i o n s , p r i -vate financing may be available from savings clubs or invest-ment funds, and unions and service organizations w i l l i n g to invest i n , or even to sponsor special worthy projects. The l o c a l business community, or industry might support a project that enhances i t s image, or allows tax deductions. Heritage projects might receive popular support from the community through special money-raising schemes and events. There are also examples of successful conservation projects maintained with revolving funds operated by service organizations or heritage s o c i e t i e s , who buy a house with seed money, r e h a b i l i -tate and s e l l i t , then use the proceeds to buy the next house. John Davis, a Vancouver house restorer warned: Journal of Commerce, January 14, 1980. 114 We must not delude ourselves into believing that the bulk of our oldest houses w i l l continue to stand by some sort of magic, and that we can safely confine our energies to a handful of c e r t i f i e d blue-ribbon heritage houses.... The future of the largest number of remaining heritage houses depends so heavily upon indiv-idual i n i t i a t i v e and investment. On the other hand, Kenneth Galbraith (1974) observed that in the c i t y the c a p i t a l i s t system has never anywhere been e f f i c i e n t in providing housing, and he sees a need to accept that the modern c i t y i s a s o c i a l i s t enterprise in this respect, as in several others. So long as the existing b u i l d -ing stock i s considered to be a commodity regulated by an interest in maximizing the value of the land on which i t i s fixed, the older buildings are endangered. A quotation from Understanding Vancouver's Housing expresses this attitude: Since housing deteriorates over time, es p e c i a l l y i f i t is of wood-frame construction, age i n d i -cates something about the redevelopment p o t e n t i a l of the City's existing housing stock. 3 But should the existing dwellings be valued as a resource, then s o c i a l and environmental services would be emphasized. Indeed, the older existing dwellings represent a non-renewable resource. In the most c r i t i c a l area of low-cost housing i t i s immediately available for use, and i f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s necessary, a minimum displacement of residents r e s u l t s . In the inner c i t y areas t h i s resource i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important because the remaining older houses represent, as they stand, ..New L i f e for Old Buildings, 1977, p. 107. 7 3 P a r t 111(b), Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979, p. 12. 115 a major reserve of properties that s a t i s f y most requirements of family housing. Benefits Throughout this chapter so far the main concern has been with the many factors influencing increasing obsol-escence and the decision to r e h a b i l i t a t e or to demolish. The economic constraints to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n have been discussed in some d e t a i l . There are also some benefits that may not be part of the fa m i l i a r economic models. For example, the physical existence of an old building contains "stored up energy". A federal study in the United States found that a building can operate for sixteen years on the energy i t 74 would take to build the structure from scratch. Along the same l i n e of reasoning, Arthur Skolnik, an architect from the Office of Urban Conservation in Seattle, Washington, suggests that an older building should be assessed as i f i t 75 were p a r t i a l l y completed, rather than deteriorated. The reusable systems and components then become the building's c o l l a t e r a l . Unfortunately the attitude of public agencies toward the physical state of an older building i s more l i k e l y to be "all-or-nothing" from a position of either/or, when any improvement i s better than none at a l l . Private promoters can c a p i t a l i z e on the uniqueness of small-scale recycled projects which provide alternatives 74 "The Recycling of America", Time, June 11, 1979, pp. 82-85. 7 5New L i f e for Old Buildings, 1977. 116 in housing suitable for a special market. Revitalized areas generate t o u r i s t revenue and increased taxes to the c i t y . Direct benefits from a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project involving a large building, given straight-forward municipal approval, would be derived from a shorter construction period which reduces holding cost, and cuts the r i s k of possible market changes, such as t i g h t e r money or labor problems. In addition, the renovated housing would then come on the market at lower rents than for equivalent new projects. To achieve this potential benefit from r e h a b i l i t a t i o n requires a coordinated approach by a l l the agencies involved, which i s not yet common. Certainly one of the benefits of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s that i t is an ongoing process and can be accomplished by a series of r e l a t i v e l y small step adjustments. This i s es-p e c i a l l y true for wood-frame structures, which can be adjusted simply and quickly to meet q u a l i t y and quantity demands from d i f f e r e n t quarters, and in any order up or down the scale. Rehabilitation with respect to function i s r e v e r s i b l e . Through r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of existing buildings the potential variety of the housing stock is greatly increased, not only by the c a p a b i l i t y of changing housing cl a s s , but also by that of re c y c l i n g . The community also stands to benefit i n regard to planning considerations. Rehabilitation of dwellings for families may help restore underused r e s i d e n t i a l services to f u l l use in the older r e s i d e n t i a l communities which have ex-perienced depopulation. Isolated non-conforming,buildings in 117 r e s i d e n t i a l areas can be recycled to r e s i d e n t i a l use. I t has been stated that, e s p e c i a l l y in the dense inner c i t y , the nature of the housing supply i s a strong determinant of the demographic character of the area (Understanding Vancouver's Housing); so perhaps in certain areas some non-residential building which has become obsolete could be turned around by re c y c l i n g . Rehabili-tation can be the means by which r e s i d e n t i a l use is introduced and encouraged i n mixed-use neighbourhoods. Residents i n Vancouver's inner c i t y neighbourhoods believe that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n has increased the s t a b i l i t y of their community, and improved the aesthetic q u a l i t y , thereby adding to their sense of pride i n their home ( P h i l l i p s , 1976). Heritage Conservation ...Even without assessment we know what an existing structure looks l i k e , by i t s e l f and in r e l a t i o n to i t s neighbours; we know i t s use, i t s impact on t r a f f i c , community f a c i l i t i e s , and services; we know how i t 'behaves' c l i m a t i c a l l y and environmentally. We can estimate i t s lifespan and imagine alternative future uses. On the other hand, new construction and new development at the planning stage are completely unknown quantities. 6 Not least important to the residents, the neighbour-hood, and the c i t y , i s the benefit from the v i s i b l e evidence of the community heritage. One d e f i n i t i o n of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n given in this chapter graphically explained i t s relationship to conservation, de-monstrating the overlap between the two areas of concern. Both spring from an attitude which, values., existing building stock 7 6 F a l k n e r , Without our Past, 1977, p. 120. 118 and both seek to prevent the demolition of those i n d i v i d u a l buildings among the stock which can p o t e n t i a l l y s a t i s f y the purposes that have p r i o r i t y for each concern. In this thesis the defined objectives of r e h a b i l i t a -tion and conservation are housing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and heritage conservation. These purposes are coincident in a l l but the extreme cases, where exact h i s t o r i c restoration cannot serve the housing purpose, or extensive redesign for housing does not respect heritage merit. In the majority of cases, however, the two purposes are mutually supportive. In the case of the poor in neglected neighbourhoods, residents wishing to r e h a b i l i t a t e their homes have been encouraged, and interest in the neighbourhood excited, when th e i r e f f o r t s were joined by the a c t i v i t i e s of persons or organizations motivated by heritage concerns (Weinberg, 1979). Together they have broader appeal, receive more attention from the media, and can exert stronger p o l i t i c a l pressure. Since obsolescence occurs r e l a t i v e to a p a r t i c u l a r purpose, the factors influencing the obsolescence of a building may not affe c t housing and heritage merit to the same degree (for example, an outmoded heating system) or in the same di r e c t i o n i f recycling from housing to an al t e r n a t i v e i u s e i s involved. The degree w i l l depend on the p r i o r i t y that i prevails and the kind of trade-off that i s made. In the open-ing chapter of t h i s thesis reference was made to the importance of continuity in the c i t y environment: the "bricks and mortar" of both old and new buildings are part of the continuum re-lati n g past and future (Halprin, 1972). "The a b i l i t y to 119 transmit in symbolic forms and human patterns a representative 77 portion of a culture is the great mark of the c i t y . " In these references the presence of h i s t o r i c linkages in the c i t y ' s environment was presented as a necessary condition for encouraging the f u l l e s t expression of human capacities and creative potentials. The natural setting and the antece-dent forms of the c i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the oldest sections s t i l l showing the f i r s t responses to the setting, help to create a strong image and sense of place. The role of f a m i l i a r i t y may well be a source of comfort to supporters of the preservation movement. A related idea to that of f a m i l i a r i t y i s the concept of 'affection' proposed by Acking and Sorte (1973). They consider i t to involve a feeling for the older and genuine'. I t may well be that these concepts are components of the sense of place, a d i f f i c u l t to pin down but v i t a l component of the human environment.' 8 The question i s : which physical elements i n the c i t y , and for this thesis the inner c i t y , have image giving q u a l i t i e s that provide orientation for creative a c t i v i t i e s . From the conservationist's point of view, "Any building that s t i l l shows a relationship between the needs, the resources, and the traditions of the people who b u i l t i t i s a heritage 79 building". Holdsworth advises an awareness of "structure a l l through the spectrum, not just the "fin e s t o f or the i • \. £111 80 'nicest of' .  7 7Mumford, The C i t y in History, 1961, p. 93. 7 8 Thomas R. Herzog, S. Kaplan, R. Kaplan; "The Prediction of Preference for Familiar Urban Places", Environment and Be- havior, Vol. 8, No. 4, December, 1976, pp. 627-645. 7 9 C a r o l y n Smyly, New L i f e for Old Buildings, 1977, p. 20. 8 0 i b i d , p. 24. 120 Landmarks and designated heritage buildings are, of course, an important part of this set, for which provisions w i l l be made once they have been o f f i c i a l l y recognized. But the great majority of older buildings i s just part of the fam i l i a r scene, and perhaps conservation becomes more c l o s e l y aligned with environmental than with c u l t u r a l issues (Diamond, 1976): irelating to minimizing waste of energy and materials. On the intimate scale of the home environment the turn-of-the-century dwellings also provided q u a l i t i e s of spaciousness, de-t a i l , workmanship and materials that are not possible with to-day's cost-conscious construction practices (Stephens, 1972). Methods for evaluating and selecting buildings for heritage conservation have been developed and t r i e d i n compre-hensive programs i n a number of countries, including Canada. The general consensus i s that some form of numerical scoring system i s es s e n t i a l for making f i n a l decisions, despite the fact that they r e l y to a large extent on opinion and personal 81 taste. Scaled evaluation, beginning with a methodical quanti-tative l i s t i n g of a l l buildings, is one part of the thorough investigation required. I t then should proceed to encompass each building in greater d e t a i l and the broader h i s t o r i c fabric ( M i l l s , 1977). Falkner recommends a six-stage "Proposed Heri-tage Building Selection Process", incorporating c r i t e r i a used by the Department of Community Development in V i c t o r i a , B.C. The process involves a sequence of data assembly-evaluation that i s a progressively selective process. At the f i n a l stage a heritage handbook i s prepared that gives the f u l l p a r t i c u l a r s 81 Examples of numerical evaluating systems found in Without Our Past by Falkner are included in Appendix E. 121 of the selected buildings.\ (The evaluation process uses three categories: h i s t o r i c a l , a r c h i t e c t u r a l , and p r a c t i c a l values. The assignment of measures, the numerical values, and the r e l a t i v e weighting of the categories would have to be designed according to the goals of the conservation program and s p e c i f i c l o c a l interests. Two such possible goals arise from the fore-going discussion of the overlap between heritage conservation and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n interests and from the concern of this study with the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of buildings as family dwellings. One > i s to ensure that housingnsrehabilitation work w i l l also be designed to develop heritage p o t e n t i a l . Another goal i s to c a p i t a l i z e on heritage value to advance the case for r e s i d e n t i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . In either case the objective would be to take the f u l l e s t possible advantage of the mutually supportive aspects of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and conservation. The l o c a l conditions i n the inner c i t y neighbourhoods, r e l a t i v e to housing for fam i l i e s , w i l l primarily involve ordinary and modest structures with minimum h i s t o r i c significance in terms of a connection to important events or personages of the past. One of the basic evaluating considerations used by the 'City and County Planning Commission' of Lexington, Kentucky, "Urban design", suggests measures, appropriate to the Vancouver s i t u a t i o n , based on composite aspects of elements which form individual streets, 8 2 street patterns, and neighbourhoods. Two of the character-i s t i c s described are p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant: 8 2 See Appendix E, p. 263. 122 1) A range of building types, land uses, and q u a l i t i e s of design representing the variety of s o c i a l and economic needs in a h i s t o r i c period. 2) Spatial quality, scale and texture of an urban area representative of a h i s t o r i c period.**? Value would be given in accordance with the degree to which these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are expressed in the neighbourhood. The p r a c t i c a l values referred to in the s e l e c t i o n process recommended by Falkner are measured by: present zoning, potential future use, building condition, market value, and land compatibility. For this thesis the poten t i a l future use, family housing, i s a parameter than can be used to estab-l i s h values for the other measures. The important point i s that to j u s t i f y saving an old building on scarce inner c i t y land there must be a sound economic proposal — taking into account time, cost, rewards, investment, and f i n a n c i a l returns (Diamond, 1976, Falkner, 1977). In regard to a p r a c t i c a l approach r e l a t i v e to the consideration of "Urban Design", P h y l l i s Lambert, Governor of 'Heritage Canada', observed, Conservation areas are in the business of urban renewal - they are New Towns within the c i t y , and as such they need a l l the careful planning, the controls, the incentives, which have been b u i l t into urban renewal areas of the 50's and 60's. It is l o g i c a l that at least the same committment and the same investment should be made in recycling old areas as in knocking them down. 8 4 The potential uses for an old building are assessed according to d i f f e r e n t sets of information relevant to each p a r t i c u l a r use. Several of the categories of use l i s t e d by Falkner, Without Our Past, 1977, p. 74. Lambert, New L i f e for Old Buildings, p. 132. 123 Falkner might apply to inner c i t y r e s i d e n t i a l rehabilitation,* including low-cost housing, renovations for a town house, i n f i l l or conversion development, and neighbourhood improve-8 5 ment. The six or seven types of data needed to evaluate each use are a d i f f e r e n t combination of a dozen items that appear in a d i f f e r e n t order of p r i o r i t y f or the various uses. Because the evaluation of buildings w i l l necessarily involve subjective judgement, as stated previously, a clear statement of goals for rehabilitation-conservation should id e n t i f y and be consistent with the motive of those who propose the goal. For housing suppliers (rather than for residents who exercise demand) the basic motives are c u l t u r a l - h i s t o r i c value, private economic inter e s t , and general s o c i a l welfare (Vries Reilingh, 1966). There are some areas of c o n f l i c t i n g interest between the motives; for example, the s o c i a l need for low-cost housing suggests that older high-class housing should not be re h a b i l i t a t e d to i t s former high-value condition. Yet these same houses may have the best economic potential for c a p i t a l i z i n g on "antique" value. Perhaps not so much a c o n f l i c t of interest as a departure from i n c l i n a t i o n or prac-t i c e where public action i s concerned, was a strategy used in Pittsburgh: the key building to start up a trend of s e l f -help improvements in a generally rundown area was the building most obviously i n the worst condition. This was re h a b i l i t a t e d by the agency responsible for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program for the area (Weinberg, 1979). 8 5 The l i s t i n g of nine potential uses and the types of data needed for each i s found in Appendix F. 124 In dealing with the p r a c t i c a l imperative in conser-vation, the matter of cost d i f f e r s from straight r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n respect to the degree of h i s t o r i c restoration involved. The cost of c a r e f u l restoration, estimated from the experience in Savannah, Georgia, can be 100% greater than the cost of preservation, and preservation may average from 20 to 30% more than r e h a b i l i t a t i o n (Falkner, 1977). Experience suggests that i-timing i s c r i t i c a l for conservation programs. Lengthy delays i n negotiating finances and implementing action may r e s u l t in disappointment and a draining o f f of private interest as well as increasing costs beyond p r a c t i c a l bounds (Weinberg, 1979). ( The sources of private and public funds for conserva-ti o n are the same as for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , though i t is l i k e l y that private fund r a i s i n g e f f o r t s w i l l have a broader response. Some special measures for public support may be available. The City of V i c t o r i a , for example, offers public subsidies to heritage properties in the form of tax abatements. I t i s very l i k e l y the l o s t tax revenue w i l l be recaptured as a r e s u l t of increased t o u r i s t i n t e r e s t . In the United States the economic potential of heritage conservation has been recognized by the Federal government in an increase in the funding from $300,000 in 1968 to $60,000,000 in 1979. 8 6 It has been est-imated that some 30% of the recreational t r a v e l i n Canada 8 7 i s related to v i s i t i n g heritage s i t e s of various kinds. 86 ''Recycling America", Time, 1979 . 8 7 Watt, New L i f e for Old Buildings, 1977, p. 10. 125 In Europe and England, where the building heritage spans many hundreds of years, a philosophical acceptance of heritage value supports a p o s i t i v e approach to h i s t o r i c con-servation. In the United States i t has become a cause with strong private as well as public support. But in Canada there has been l i t t l e change in the pursuit of 'progress' and the acceptance of the sanctity of the private property owner's rights (Falkner, 1977). In the West, history i s very recent and many of the oldest buildings are constructed of wood-frame and so appear to be expendable. They are usually small, rep-resenting r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e c a p i t a l , and seem less durable than the i r masonry counterparts. However, post-modernism and suspic-ious mistrust of black glass towers has cast attention back in time and generated a reverence for things that are old. In Canada, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for heritage designation i s held by a l l three le v e l s of government, each with i t s own c r i t e r i a . At the federal l e v e l there are at least nine agen-cies that have been involved in some form of heritage a c t i v i t y ; including such areas as Canada Council research and LIP pro-j e c t s . Heritage concern at the federal l e v e l i s for s i t e s and monuments of national significance for which funds can be made avail a b l e . The B r i t i s h Columbia Provincial Secretary i s em-powered to designate properties for protection. He can also order " s i t e investigation" for heritage merit which may place a moratorium on a l l development of the s i t e . Penalties for i n -f r a c t i o n are minor, however, and corporations are v i r t u a l l y ex-empt because of the technical d i f f i c u l t y of establishing the responsible "person". 126 B r i t i s h Columbia m u n i c i p a l i t i e s may pass by-laws designating any buildings, structures, or lands as heritage, and these lands may be as extensive as the municipality des-i r e s . Vancouver has exercised t h i s prerogative in the case of fift y - t w o b u i l d i n g s . But in the case of the ordinary b u i l d -ings and neighbourhoods, i t i s the power, to control development that has the most s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t , e s p e c i a l l y the regulation of land use, building volume, and height. The new p r o v i s i o n allowing r e l a x a t i o n of zoning regulations f o r e x i s t i n g b u i l d -ings of merit i s an important change. The dubious p o s i t i v e e f f e c t of demolition control was mentioned e a r l i e r . At the l e v e l of private ownership, properties may be protected by easement, which binds an owner and future owners not to do some p a r t i c u l a r thing on t h e i r property. But i t can only be enforced i f i t provides for the r i g h t s of other land i n the area. Covenants such as those i n the United States /which have used revolving funds 7 bind the pur-chasers of r e h a b i l i t a t e d heritage buildings to maintain the character of t h e i r b u i l d i n g . This represents the d i s p o s i t i o n of c e r t a i n r i g h t s attached to the ownership of the property that have a value. In the U.S. t h i s value i s tax deducti-88 ble. An innovative use of the covenant was seen in the Northwest area of Portland, Oregon. Seven properties at one end of a c i t y block, each with a 1900 working class house in f a i r condition, were purchased by a single buyer. He ar-ranged a covenant whereby the purchasers of the houses agreed 8 8 "Protecting the Structural Environment of B.C.", Mem-orandum. 127 that the back yard portion of each property, beyond a certain distance from the house was for the common use of a l l the owners of the seven houses. Separate areas within the common area were reserved for children and for adults. The whole area was fenced and developed by the owners as a private mini-park with a barbecue, raised seating area, sand box, land-scaping, and two or three access paths between the houses. A shortage of play space was one of the planning problems in the neighbourhood. A second condition of the covenant was that the exteriors of the houses were to be restored to the o r i g i n a l state and maintained in good order by the owners. It i s estimated that 90% of the buildings that have heritage merit worth saving belong to private owners, so i t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important to generate interest and support from that quarter. It cannot be assumed that the government w i l l take any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for conservation at the l o c a l l e v e l . Pierre Berton suggested making heritage conservation "fashionable", which seems rather s u p e r f i c i a l and shortsighted. A more l a s t i n g philosophical acceptance of the importance of history would require that e f f o r t be put into education. An example of cooperation and committment that was also an educational experience promoting self-awareness, was the h i s t o r i c survey and urban design inventory conducted by c i t i z e n volunteers in several Seattle neighbourhoods, under the i n -structions of the 'Historic Seattle Preservation and Develop-ment Authority'. The results of the surveys were published with maps and i l l u s t r a t i v e material collected by the volunteers. At the same time the 'Office of Neighbourhood Planning' of 128 the Department of Community Development was carrying out street improvements. A p o l l was taken among the residents to discover where their p r i o r i t i e s lay regarding the work to be done. These two programs were complementary; enhancing the community image, and strengthening the organization among private c i t i -zens to promote conservation. FIGURE 8 Milltown cottage, Mt. Pleasant If Vancouver's c i t i z e n s were involved in a s i m i l a r survey of the inner c i t y , they would see for themselves, what remains of the o r i g i n a l housing developed during the c i t y ' s f i r s t two major building boom periods, the f i r s t of which end-ed in about 1901. The e a r l i e s t houses, b u i l t mainly in the eastern part of the c i t y , were simple frame cottages which were e n t i r e l y the product of l o c a l taste and the materials of a saw-mill town (Figure 8). Intermingled with the cottages was a variety of more elaborate imported styles such as the shingle s t y l e , Queen Anne, and most important, the C a l i f o r n i a Bungalow inspired by the architects Green and Green (Figure 9). An informal l i f e s t y l e , the opportunity for use of the out-of-129 doors, and an abundance of the craftsman's d e t a i l s charac-terized the many forms of the bungalow. This s t y l e was spread widely over North America by means of pattern books. FIGURE 9 C a l i f o r n i a Bungalow, K i t s i l a n o During i t s f i r s t twenty years of development the West End was the preserve of the wealthy, who l i v e d i n houses designed in the high Vi c t o r i a n style (Figure 10), with t u r r e t s , balconies, gables and ornate trims. When middle-class houses appeared in the area, they were modest mirrors of t h i s s t y l e . After Shaughnessy Heights was opened, and on through the second building boom period following World War I to 1929, the western section of the c i t y on the far side of False Creek was devel-oped. A popular model for houses at thi s time was the Tudor Revival mansion, with the standard set by the elegant designs of Samuel Maclure. A translation of the English farmhouse provided a second model. This featured a r u s t i c rough stucco f i n i s h and a sloping end wall penetrated by an archway. In the l o c a l vernacular these two styles were combined to become the popular tudor cottage (Figure 10). The English-130 inspired house was a theme of the west side develop-ment. Apart from the houses, and the character buildings in Vancouver's two h i s t o r i c areas, two other building forms stand out as representative. One i s the two-storey wood frame mixed-use building, with shops at the street and apartments above, often featuring bay windows on the upper f l o o r (Figure 11). The second i s the insurance underwriter's standard warehouse bui l d i n g . FIGURE 11 Home over the store, K i t s i l a n o o yReference for the sketch of early Vancouver houses was Holdsworth's "House and Home in Vancouver". 131 Over the years since the buildings were o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t , succeeding owners have made changes to s u i t their own needs and tastes. New facades and large signs cover the o r i g i n a l f i n i s h e s and window shapes of commercial buildings. Some houses have been changed to commercial use; many have been converted to suites. Additions, closed i n porches, new finishes and windows have been the r e s u l t of former rehab-i l i t a t i o n s . In contrast with today's concern for conservation, many of these changes are d i s t r e s s i n g l y out of harmony with the scale of the o r i g i n a l d e t a i l s , and of great importance to the o r i g i n a l character and charm of even the simplest houses (Figure 12). FIGURE 12 Rehabilitation without harmony, Downtown East Just what degree of restoration i s required to maintain a building's character i s the subject of an ongoing argument. More than other buildings, a house has personal significance and i n an organic way expresses something of the attitudes and aspirations of a l l who have l i v e d in i t . The house, the space around i t , i t s location — t o g e t h e r these 132 constitute a statement to be respected for i t s uniqueness. However, that need not prevent the present residents from 90 expressing their tastes. When r e h a b i l i t a t i n g buildings as family homes i t does not seem appropriate, as a general objective, to s t r i v e for any "depth" of h i s t o r i c a l accuracy. While encouraging a l i v e l y community, i t should be possible to maintain h i s t o r i c a l continuity, to conserve the character of the neighbourhood. Inside, an old house can be made com-fortabl e , p r a c t i c a l , and natural for the present family to use as they require.—, George Stephens (1972) refers to "good a r c h i t e c t u r a l manners" as an acceptable standard. He means a respect for the character and d e t a i l of the o r i g i n a l building i n proportion and scale, and harmony with the surrounding architecture in scale, s i z e , and general proportion. Good design, he claims, makes the best use of available resources but cannot be ap-p l i e d , ready-made, as a surface treatment. Certain d e t a i l s are of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e . With,clapboard siding for example, spacing, d i r e c t i o n , corner f i n i s h , and the trim around openings set the s t y l e . Front doors, which c l e a r l y have been replaced, should have a symmetry and "weight" appropriate to the building. The "Historic Preservation Plan for the Central Area General Neighbourhood Renewal Area, Savannah, Georgia" provided guidelines for the restoration of existing structures 90 These remarks are the observations and opinions of John Keay, designer-builder from V i c t o r i a , B.C., as reported in New L i f e for Old Buildings. 133 and new construction to ensure that a l l buildings in the area 91 would blend with the present character. The c r i t e r i a include sixteen "Characteristics of relatedness", and at l e a s t s i x of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s had to be achieved in order to have a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or new building project accepted. The l i s t includes: height, proportion, rhythm, materials, d e t a i l s , roof shapes, continuous walls, landscaping, ground cover, scale, and d i r e c t i o n , as well as several variations of rhythm and one of proportion. Stephens also includes a l i s t of twelve desirable relationships between remodelled exteriors and the 92 neighbourhood. He suggests s a t i s f y i n g six as a minimum to achieve a good rapport; two of these should be from the four relationships thought to be most important: rel a t i o n s h i p of materials, textures, colors, and d e t a i l s . In closing this chapter i t should be stated that immediate action i s manditory i f rehabilitation-conservation i s to happen at a l l . Every day more buildings disappear. With the housing market growing t i g h t e r , and prices r i s i n g by leaps, the pressure for redevelopment on the old areas becomes alarming. The challenge is to conserve what there i s of value and s t i l l provide for more housing. 91 A complete l i s t i n g of the c r i t e r i a i s found in Appendix G. 92 A l i s t i n g of these relationships i s found in Appendix G. 134 CHAPTER IV METHOD Objectives In the preceding chapters the objective has been to investigate influences i o n the conditions found in the inner c i t y . As suggested at the outset there is a dynamic r e l a t i o n -\ ship between i n d i v i d u a l , s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l , ( a ttitudes; the l o c a l t r a d i t i o n s ; national economy; and the l o c a l housing market on the one hand, and the physical re-sources of the existing buildings and neighbourhoods on the other. The pressures and influences from these various sources can be seen to contribute to, or detract from, the p r a c t i c a l 93 u t i l i t y or congruence of the physical.resources; but only in r e l a t i o n to s p e c i f i c aspirations regarding the inner c i t y , i t s function within the c i t y , and a strategy of how those aspirations can be achieved. These points are i l l u s t r a t e d as Part 1 of Figure 13: "Study Organization". In this thesis i t has been argued that i n order t t o maintain a strong and l i v e l y c i t y centre, which has been the t r a d i t i o n a l image and aspiration for Vancouver, i t i s essential to have a concentration of people l i v i n g adjacent to the core. I t has been argued further that families should not be excluded from l i v i n g in the inner cityi area. This 93 See page 66. 135 FIGURE 13 STUDY ORGANIZATION • = = F A R T 1 . V////, P A R T 2-P A R T 3 B C O S V O f A s f ' 136 i s increasingly important because of the systematic removal of suitable family accommodation and services from that area in a self-perpetuating cycle of incentives and attitudes influencing the development of inner c i t y land and the supply fof housing. In Chapter III one d e f i n i t i o n of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was explained i n terms of the type of work performed on a building to extend i t s physical l i f e . When attempting to assess whether to r e h a b i l i t a t e or demolish a building i t is certain that the answer w i l l depend to a large extent on the d o l l a r cost and the source of available funds. It soon becomes evident, when considering the wide range of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p o s s i b i l i t i e s , that only one p r i n c i p a l set of considerations is determined by the physical properties of the building. This set varies not only with the condition of the components of the various building systems, but also with the type of construction and the size of the building r e l a t i v e to building code requirements. In the f i n a l analysis the estimate of the cost of a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project w i l l be based on a de-t a i l e d examination of the building's condition and the type of construction work involved to s a t i s f y a p a r t i c u l a r building design program. This l e v e l of detailed investigation? and design l i e s beyond the concerns and the comprehensive purpose \ of this study. In another d e f i n i t i o n , r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was described as one action used to diminish obsolescence or increase the useful l i f e of a building for a p a r t i c u l a r function, in this 137 case for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. Further,! an attempt to assess whether a building should be r e h a b i l i t a t e d for r e s i d e n t i a l use or demolished made i t c l e a r that in terms of cost and available funds, there are at lea s t two points of view, based on d i f f e r e n t p r i o r i t i e s , to be considered. One i s that of the private developer who seeks to supply the desires of a pa r t i c u l a r market that has freedom,of choice. The second i s the s o c i a l concern to provide adequate and appropriate .housing that must be subsidized at public expense. In the l a t t e r case s o c i a l benefits and costs rather than investment and p r o f i t become prime considerations. In e i t h e r case the influence of various other factors on the judgement of obsolescence demonstrates that r e h a b i l i -t a t i o n , by thi s d e f i n i t i o n , could take many forms, including the improvement of.neighbourhood conditions. Therefore, the c r i t e r i a and the measures used i n t h i s thesis d i s t i n g u i s h between these two forms of r e s i d e n t i a l use and consider both buildings and. neighbourhoods in the inner c i t y of Vancouver. Residential r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was also defined i n r e l a t i o n to heritage conservation. I t was shown that i n most situations they are subject to the same influences, and are mutually supportive toward achieving the objective of perpetu-ating buildings suited t o . t h e i r purposes. For t h i s reason i t i s further proposed that, where ever possible, heritage conservation objectives be coordinated with r e s i d e n t i a l rehabi-l i t a t i o n i n order to obfain the f u l l e s t advantage from the supportive aspects of each. in" achieving their i n d i v i d u a l aims. 138 Preliminary Survey It i s appropriate to turn now to the design of a survey to inventory buildings in Vancouver's inner c i t y . The purpose of the inventory was to obtain data pertaining to the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the older buildings and of the surrounding neighbourhoods. I t was intended that,the data collected subsequently be used to form a comprehensive picture of the s i t u a t i o n and to help i d e n t i f y i ndividual b u i l d -ings which are suitable for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as residences. The study area for t h i s thesis was confined to those areas that are within reasonable walking or easy bi c y c l i n g distance of Vancouver's central business d i s t r i c t . This i s assumed to be a distance of approximately one and a half miles. Nominally then, the inner c i t y study area includes the eight numbered neighbourhoods shown in Figure^ 14 and described as follows: K i t s i l a n o : The north-east section forms ;/partj of. the inner cityi.) iThe area contains older, single-family homes (many converted to/rental suites) both old and new low-rise apart-ments, and a r e l a t i v e l y large number of new condominiums, i I t i s a popular r e s i d e n t i a l area for young middle-class people, singles, and some families with children. Fairview: , The northern hal f i s an early r e s i d e n t i a l area of both working class and management homes, some of which have been designated heritage buildings. For a number of years, u n t i l approximately 1975, much of the area was zoned i n d u s t r i a l . Some r e l a t i v e l y small scale i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y did f i l t e r in from the east and the north, and some commercial a c t i v i t y from Broadway. However the slopes are most remarkable for deteriorating and abandoned houses, intermixed with others that have been professionally renovated, most often for non-r e s i d e n t i a l uses. Compact market housing i s rapidly replacing the old houses in this area. Residents, a very few,of whom are families with children, are, either in the low income group or singles and c h i l d l e s s couples in upper income brackets. 139 Mount Pleasant; Characterized by a number of early 1900's working-class single-family homes in various states of main-tenance. New three-floor apartments are encroaching from the north, and commercial development from the west. I t i s a family r e s i d e n t i a l area of the middle and lower-middle income group. FIGURE 14 , v TNNER CITY NEIGHBOURHOODS, VANCOUVER- STUDY AREA Source: McLemore, "The Changing Canadian City" from,1971 Census tract b u l l e t i n Cat. 95-728 (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973) Legend: 1) K i t s i l a n o 2) Fairview 3) Mt. Pleasant 4) West End 5) Nelson Center 6) Downtown 7) Downtown East 8) Strathcona False Creek Basin Designated NIP RRAP Areas 140 The West End: P r i n c i p a l l y a high-rise high-density r e s i d e n t i a l area, where the residents include a large percentage of young singles, c h i l d l e s s couples, and r e t i r e d singles or couples, often pensioners. There are also some families with children in the older apartments of the central section, where children have not been excluded as they have been i n many of the newer apartments bordering the waterfront and Stanley Park. Nelson Center: The area immediately south of the downtown, between Burrard and the C.P.R. False Creek property. I t i s •primarily non-residential except for a few r e s i d e n t i a l hotels along G r a n v i l l e , c h i e f l y inhabited by transient or seasonal workers and welfare r e c i p i e n t s . The area serves as a t r a n s i -t i o n a l zone for the core where the f i r s t signs of commerical overflow are beginning to be seen as one or two of the old warehouses are being renovated for use as o f f i c e s . This area i s included in the Downtown Development D i s t r i c t . The, Downtown: U n t i l recently zoned exclusively for commercial use,\ i t i s now regulated by development d i s t r i c t zoning which requires that new buildings in much of the area include r e s i -dential use i f they are to be developed to the f u l l p o t e n t i a l of the s i t e . The Gastown area of the Downtown was designated as a Heritage zone in the 1975 o f f i c i a l downtownjplan. This i s a mixed-use area where residents are mainly welfare r e c i p i e n t s and pensioners, often in the most deprived circumstances. Chinatown i s , as the name implies, a predominantly ethnic area that has also been declared a heritage zone. I t i s a mixed-use area which serves^ both as a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n and as a r e l a t i v e l y self-sustaining community for the ethnic r e s i -dents. Downtown East Side: Characterized by older, deteriorating walk-up apartments and r e s i d e n t i a l hotels occupied /byipeople j in the lowest income bracket, including several ethnic minority i groups. Strathcona: The f i r s t community in Vancouver to be r e h a b i l i -tated under a forerunner to the Neighbourhood Improvement Program. It also contains some renewal projects. This i s p r i n c i p a l l y a family r e s i d e n t i a l area, almost exclusively ^Chinese. Since a building-by-building survey of the entire study area was outside the scope of this study, some random sampling procedure was necessary. A method was adopted s i m i l a r to that used by Alan Booth to sample neighbourhood e f f e c t s 141 i i n his 1976 Toronto study of.crowding. Two-level s t r a t i f i c a -t i o n -T by l o c a l neighbourhood plot and by inner c i t y neigh-bourhood area — seemed to o f f e r the best means for obtaining a representative sample of a l l relevant conditions in the study area. To test t h i s assumption i t was decided that a preliminary windshield survey would be run before under-taking the detailed inventory. Following Booth's example, the f i r s t step taken in the procedure for enumerating the building population was to divide the study area into small neighbourhood p l o t s . The 1974 land-use map prepared by the City of Vancouver Planning Department was used as a base map. North-south dividing lines were drawn through the middle of each alternate tblock, and east-west l i n e s were drawn along the rear yard l i n e or the service lane separating the properties.i In this way each plot consisted of a row of facing buildings along a street for a distance that included one entire central block plus one half of the blocks on either side of the central block. An example of one of the plots in Figure 15 shows a double row of buildings along a street for a distance equal to two long c i t y blocks. The plots located in each of the eight inner c i t y areas were numbered consecutively so that the sample could be s t r a t i f i e d . This s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ensured that a random is e l e c t i o n of sample plots would be representative of each of the inner c i t y neighbourhoods. In the few areas where the streets varied from the t y p i c a l rectangular g r i d , the d i v i s i o n s were made so that the resulting plots were as 142 FIGURE 15 PLOT 8 WITH 1974 USES FROM CITY OF VANCOUVER PLANNING DEPARTMENT LAND USE MAP — H 15 1 14 13 12 II \ 0 , 0 0 ® •I 0 a a A 0 0 a 0 S I X T H £ A V E 46 31 0 Legend: ..©....Single family house Converted house A Cluster dwellings 13 Apartment M R e t a i l — .— Boundary of plot (enclosed numbers indicate number of dwelling units) consistent as possible. There were 287 plots generated by thi s method of enumeration, distributed among the inner c i t y ,neighbourhoods as shown in Table X. TABLE X DISTRIBUTION OF PLOTS NEIGHBOURHOOD ENUMERATION NO. OF PLOTS 1) K i t s i l a n o 1-34 34 2) Fairview 35-66 32 3) Mt Pleasant 67-127 61 4) West End 128-182 55 5) Nelson Center 183-200 18 6) Downtown 201-238 38 7) Downtown East 239-260 22 8) Strathcona 261-287 27 Total 287 A 25% random sample was charted (see Figure 1 6 ) , -and a preliminary survey of these plots supplied a general view of the variety of building types and issues to be found in the study area. 144 Inventory Survey; In the design of the inventory survey there were two basic requirements to be s a t i s f i e d : one dealt with p r a c t i c a l l i m i t s of the sample s i t e , the other with the l e v e l of i n f o r -mation needed from the survey r e s u l t s . The concerns of the thesis did not require data at the l e v e l of intimate d e t a i l s of individual buildings, such as f l o o r plans and the precise condition of building components, which are essential for cost estimates and design. Therefore i t was decided that a f i e l d study be limited to data obtained from exterior observations which did not involve disturbing occupants of the buildings. As previously explained, the study area was enumer-ated by dividing i t into 287 plots, each containing approxim-ately two c i t y blocks of facing buildings. Experience from the preliminary windshield survey of a 25% random sample i n d i -cated that the plot& as delineated provided a convenient work-ing unit for gathering data r e l a t i v e to neighbourhood group-ings as well as a sampling of individual buildings that i n -cluded a l l types and conditions. For s t a t i s t i c a l purposes a sample size of 10% of a population i s generally accepted as s u f f i c i e n t to produce s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s . However, because of the wide variety of conditions observed during the windshield survey i t was decided that a larger sample was needed to y i e l d representative r e s u l t s . A random selection of 20% of the plots in each of the eight neighbourhoods generated a sample group of f i f t y - f o u r plots for the inventory survey, d i s t r i b u t e d as shown in Figure 17. This number was considered, tq be the upper l i m i t i n terms of available resources. 146 The t h i r d l i m i t a t i o n to the survey was with respect to the choice of buildings in each plo t to be inventoried. In the broadest terms the process of building obsolescence often begins before construction i s completed. But r a r e l y vdoes this process reach the point where major remedial action i s required i n the f i r s t few years of the building's e x i s t -ence. Furthermore, i n order to have a r e l a t i v e measure for the group of "older" buildings i t was necessary to have a "newer" group to act as a control, p a r t i c u l a r l y in matters concerning development a c t i v i t i e s . During the 1939-1945 war years there was a prolonged break in building a c t i v i t y . Following t h i s period the re-sponse to the backlog of demand and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of new building technology resulted in a surge of building that was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t in character from that of the pre-war period.y-- In addition, the l i f e span of most buildings, e s p e c i a l l y frame buildings, has been calculated to be approx-imately f o r t y - f i v e years. Although this view of a building's useful l i f e does not r e f l e c t the actual aging process i t has none-the-less commonly been( used as a yardstick to measure mortgage financing. Therefore the year 1945, the year of the end of the second world war, was chosen as the cut-off between "older" and "newer" buildings. The survey was designed to c o l l e c t data relevant to questions regarding the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of older inner c i t y buildings for family r e s i d e n t i a l use. One question concerns the extent and type of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work that might be involved. A simple answer i s supplied,in .terms of the number 147 of older buildings existing in the study area and t h e i r various types of construction. Further information pertinent to t h i s question includes the location of the buildings, the concentration of buildings in a single area, and an i n d i c a t i o n of their condition. A f u l l answer to the question would (require a detailed investigation of each building ( i t s i n -t e r i o r as well as i t s (exterior) to discover the s p e c i f i c r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work „needed. ( Such d e t a i l i s beyond the intend-ed purpose of the study. A second question concerns the evaluation of 'the existing buildings to determine which of them,are most suitable for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Information was required that would indicate the building [ s appropriateness for r e s i d e n t i a l use, i t s value as a community resource, and which pressures might work against the b u i l d i n g ' ^ being preserved by r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . It was assumed that (meaningful) information could be generated from data about the general physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a building and the adjacent buildings; about amenities of the immediate neighbourhood and proximity of services; and about r e l a t i v e land and building values; the zoning c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; and l o c a l development trends. The f i n a l question concerns the implementation of a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program. In this case i t was assumed that the information obtained i n answer to the f i r s t two questions — about extent and s u i t a b i l i t y for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n —— would provide a basis from which to formulate c i v i c 148 p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c a l programs to stimulate either i n d i v i -v duals or the building industry to respond to the need for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n with pos i t i v e action. Data for the survey were obtained from the Vancouver City Planning Department maps; reports and Zoning By-law; the Tax Assessment/roll; and also from f i e l d observations. A l l data were recorded on a printed form designed for the purpose. This form included a map sim i l a r to Figure 15 of each sample p l o t extracted from the 1974 land-use map prepared by the planning department. These maps show a l l registered properties coded according to current 1974 use. t The survey form made provision for notation of data relevant to the plo t as a neighbourhood unit as well as for data pertaining to the 1978 use of a l l the l o t s . In another section, the form provided for the notation of d e t a i l s , and for a photo-graph of each of the older buildings in the sample. The majority of the f i e l d observations were made over a period of six weeks in October and November, 1978. Assessment data were obtained in March and A p r i l 1979, follow-ing the publication of the 1978 tax r o l l . F i e l d checks were made of the survey before the inventory was completed and the data coded and placed on f i l e for computer analysis using the SPSS:7 and MIDAS programs. Variables: The results of the survey generated two data f i l e s . The f i r s t f i l e , c a l l e d Plots, contains twenty-two variables 149 for each of f i f t y - f o u r j c a s e s : one case for each sample 94 pl o t . The first.two variables are id e n t i t y variables giving the neighbourhood area and the plot number. There follow seventeen categoriesof v land-use data, starting with the number of separate l o t s shown on the 1974 land-use map. The remain-ing land use variables record a number of s i t e s of miscellan-eous use, including vacant l o t s and parking l o t s ; and seven building-use categories divided into sets of older and newer buildings. A further group of twelve variables contains data pertaining to the neighbourhood character r e l a t i v e to r e s i d e n t i a l use. In this group are the zoning categories for each l o t , street and t r a f f i c conditions, and the distances to schools, shops, and recreationalramenities. Four variables give some indication of development patterns in the p l o t . i'They are the number of vacant buildings, the number of demol-ished buildings and the approximate dates of o r i g i n a l and recent development in the plot, based on the estimated ages of the buildings. The fact that a demolition had occurred was extrapolated from differences between the 1974 land use and current conditions. The f i n a l six variables were adapted from the assessment of 1976 Canada Census data concerning population and dwelling density i n Understanding Vancouver's  Housing. The second f i l e generated from the survey data i s named Rehab. It contains 780 cases, each case representing See Appendix H for a l i s t of Plots variables and code categories. 150 one building inventoried i n the survey. These buildings include a l l that, in the opinion of the canvasser, had o r i g i -n a l l y been constructed p r i o r to 1945. Each of the 780 cases 95 in the Rehab f i l e i s represented by thirty-seven variables. The f i r s t two give the (neighbourhood area and plot number. The t h i r d i s the id e n t i t y of the l o t or building s i t e in the plot with reference to the 1974 land use map. The l o t s as shown on each of the f i f t y - f o u r p l o t maps were numbered consecutively, s t a r t i n g with "1" at the NW corner and contin-u i n g clockwise. As stated above, data were recorded for pre-1945 buildings, so only l o t s with older building improve-ments appear in the Rehab f i l e . In some instances there were two, three, or four buildings on one l o t . Each building was then recorded as'a separate case with the same l o t number. For this reason there are among the 780 cases in the Rehab f i l e ; t h i r t y - s i x more buildings than there are developed l o t s . This difference exists i n the data of the Plots f i l e as well but i s not e x p l i c i t . Two variables record the o r i g i n a l use for which a building appears to have been b u i l t , and i t s use or uses at the time of the survey. If the present use was not evident from observation, the use shown on the 1974 map was assumed. In a l l , thirteen variables were chosen to indicate several aspects of the physical appearance of each building. Notation of a r c h i t e c t u r a l features v i s i b l e from the exterior includes the type of construction, windows, roof, exterior 95 See Appendix H for a l i s t of Rehab variables and code categories. 151 f i n i s h , porch; and special d e t a i l s such as decorative trims and f i n i s h e s . These variables were included because they assisted in dating the building as well as representing elements important to the building's character. Building size indications are the number of fl o o r s (with habitable basement and a t t i c separated out), and the p r i n c i p a l facade width. The variable "age" records the estimated date of o r i g i n a l construction for each building. The p r i n c i p a l authority for this data was "Vancouver's Building Heritage", a 1977 internal report for the Vancouver City Planning Depart-96 ment by Nancy Oliver*. s The Oliver report covered the entire study area. It s p e c i f i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d most pre-1900 b u i l d -ings and designated heritage buildings, and mentioned other buildings or groups of buildings that were considered to have merit in heritage terms. Although some buildings i n ^ the Mt. Pleasant area were discussed, a detailed l i s t i n g of this neighbourhood was not included in the report. Estima-ti o n of the age of buildings not included i n the report was based on a technique using windows, roof shape, porches, and i n t e r i o r finishes as indicators. The technique i s ex-plained as the "Magic Formula" for the "Dating Game" in "Vancouver Houses" by Bailey, Holdsworth and Gavel. It should be noted that some commercial buildings with contemporary facades may be supported on pre-1945j structures. A number 96 Heritage, i n Nancy Oliver's report, was taken to be "the physical remains of man's past". Buildings were consid-ered to have heritage merit for h i s t o r i c or a r c h i t e c t u r a l reasons; or i f they gave a fe e l i n g of the time period in which they were b u i l t . 152 of single-storey r e t a i l buildings, p a r t i c u l a r l y found in Downtown East, may have been of this type. However, where the early o r i g i n s were not c l e a r l y evident from the exterior no data were recorded. Indicators of the general physical state of each building are represented by three variables. The condition of each building was evaluated on a f i v e point scale from very poor (when deterioration of main structural elements was observed) to excellent (when appearing l i k e new). \ ^ v a l u -ation by external appearances i s not more than a s u p e r f i c i a l impression of the building's condition. It cannot be used in any way as a measure of the extent ,or cost of the r e h a b i l i -tation work required. Nonetheless t h i s preliminary impression, together with other factors, can a s s i s t in determining i f a certain building should be examined further. A second variable recorded changes in the o r i g i n a l v i s u a l character. One of four conditions was recorded: no change; some change made in the past such as the enclosure of a porch; some change made recently such as new v e r t i c a l siding; or changes made that substantially obscure the o r i g i n a l character of the building. The t h i r d variable in this group i d e n t i f i e d the heritage designation of any sample buildings that were men-tioned i n the Oliver report. A further set of variables i n the Rehab f i l e con-tains fdata from the Tax Assessment r o l l . This provided the l o t width and depth, as well as the assessed f u l l value for land and for building improvements. The assessment c l a s s i f i - : cation of each building was also noted. 153 The data recorded for the above variables were col l e c t e d either by f i e l d observations or by a search of c i t y documents. A variable giving a zoning category for each of the cases was l a t e r added to the Rehab f i l e . Sixteen categories were selected to represent the range of uses and the densities of development permitted by the City of Vancouver Zoning and Development By-law, January, 1978. The f i r s t six categories of the zone variable represent aggregates of similar single zones found i n the sample area. For example a l l l o t s in the sample that were designated RT-2A, and RT-3 are i d e n t i f i e d by the variable category "2". The remaining ten categories of the zone variable were chosen to represent the p a r t i c u l a r uses and densities of development that are permitted by the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s set downifor the recently defined development d i s t r i c t s . Twenty-six of the sample plots are located in these six d i s t r i c t s . The area now com-pr i s i n g these d i s t r i c t s was re-zoned with the intention of allowing more f l e x i b l e and innovative development, consistent with the desired neighbourhood character and with planning goals for the c i t y . Before the f i n a l analysis of the data was undertaken, nine of the 780 cases i n the Rehab f i l e were deleted. The data from these cases grossly skewed the results of the s t a t i s t i c a l procedures. On checking i t was found that these cases were a l l part of large building complexes, that occupied unusually large s i t e s extending well outside the sample p l o t . The buildings were Molson's Brewery, Seaforth Armory, Provin-c i a l buildings at Twelth and Cambie, City H a l l , Marine 154 Building, The Orpheum, and three elementary schools. Follow-ing these deletions, a l l s t a t i s t i c a l analyses were performed on 771 cases. In certain analyses the contents of the Rehab f i l e concerning individual buildings were supplemented by relevant data from the Plots f i l e . These general character-i s t i c s of the f i f t y - f o u r plots in which the buildings are located provided an i n d i c a t i o n of the neighbourhood context for each building in the sample. Evaluation:. The f i n a l step i n the research for t h i s thesis was to use the r e s u l t s of the sample inventory and the evalu-ation of the sample's potential for family housing to obtain a comprehensive view of the range of opportunities that are s t i l l available to l i n k housing with h i s t o r i c quality in Vancouver's inner c i t y , and to show which among the f i n i t e and non-renewable resources of older buildings have the.great-est p otential for maintaining the linkage. In the opinion of Ann Falkner, a numerical scoring procedure i s the most e f f e c t i v e method for evaluating heritage p o t e n t i a l , and i t may be equally e f f e c t i v e for evaluating housing p o t e n t i a l . In Figure 13 (p.135) Part 3 of the "Study Organization" represents t h i s evaluation process. The method used to i d e n t i f y the appropriate b u i l d -ings was a simple additive weighting procedure. The complex s i t u a t i o n being evaluated in this study met the relevant conditions described by MacCrimmon; i n "An Overview ofiMuilti-i pie Objective Decision Making". F i r s t , there were three 155 "objective functions" being considered that were derived from the municipal goals (see Table I I , page 42), the family needs (see Table IV, page 68) and the r e s i d e n t i a l preferences (see Table V, page 71) that were l i s t e d i n summarizing Chapters I and I I . These became the basis on which evaluating c r i t e r i a were chosen. The three objectives were i d e n t i f i e d as her-itage, subsidized housing, and market housing. Table XI l i s t s the indicators for each c r i t e r i o n that were available from the survey variables. Second, the sample neighbourhoods and the invent-oried buildings provided a set of alternatives with s p e c i f i c attributes described by the survey variables. Third, each indicator variable was scaled according to the l i k e l i h o o d that i t would contribute to the building being r e h a b i l i t a t e d at one end of the scale, or demolished at the opposite end It seemed evident from the study that the various attributes, or c r i t e r i a indicators, would assume d i f f e r i n g degrees of importance according to the intended use for the re h a b i l i t a t e d building. Therefore the weights representing r e l a t i v e importance across the indicators were assigned sep-arately for each of the three objectives. Evaluation by a weighting method tends to re l y more on an i n t u i t i v e understanding of a s i t u a t i o n than on hard data and mathematical assumptions, which in this case were not av a i l a b l e . People who have had experience with the 97 See Appendix I for the transformation procedures and variable scores. 156 proposed objectives were more l i k e l y to be aware of the inter-dependence of the indicator variables, to have predictive knowledge, and to be able to express independent opinions. - TABLE XI EVALUATING CRITERIA C r i t e r i o n and Indicators Neighboured heritage -bldg. groups changes in character age bldg. uniformity s t y l e —• scale average age general condition Building h e r i t a g e — age condition change from o r i g i n a l arch, quality heritage c l a s s i f ' n j Development p a t t e r n — old buildings old/new buildings vacant buildings vacant l o t s , demolitions conformity to zone avg. prop, value period of redevel't Cost condition construction type land value building value property value Neighbour*d character -d i s t . to services recreat'n opportunity i _ street condition t r a f f i c neighbours U t i l i t y — building type building size l o t size zone Plot Variables Plot I.D. __No. of l o t s Vacant l o t s Parking l o t s . _Building type: house " apartment hotels mixed com/res business/retail i n d u s t r i a l -.Vacant buildings -Demolitions _ .Traffic : NrS E-W — Curbs, trees, lanes Distance to schools Distance to shops Rec. opportunities 1st dvmt. period . _2nd dvmt. period t Rehab Variables . _Lot I.D. O r i g i n a l use _1978 use __Type of construction |__No. of f l o o r s Window type — E x t e r i o r f i n i s h Porch type ^ i L . A r c h . d e t a i l s _Age ..Condition -Change from o r i g i n a l 4-_Lot size _Bldg. width J Assessed land value ^ ^ A s s e s s e d bldg. v a l . .Heritage c l a s s i f ' n , . .Zone 157 For these reasons weights were assigned which were based on the opinions of nine people with expertise in some aspect of this study. Included i n this group were a re a l estate agent who has been involved in heritage r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , a Vancouver c i t y planner responsible for heritage matters, and the manager of Rent Supplements for the B r i t i s h Columbia Housing Management Commission. Each respondent was presented with the following descriptive material, and was asked to rank the neighbourhood characteristics, as directed on a r e l a -t i v e scale from the most to the least important in decision-making for three d i f f e r e n t scenarios. Neighbourhood Evaluation: When evaluating the potential f i t n e s s of an older building to serve a p a r t i c u l a r purpose, conditions existing i n the immediate neighbourhood of the buildings have an influence on s u i t a b i l i t y and p r a c t i c a l i t y for that use and must be taken into account. However, the r e l a t i v e importance of these influences may vary according to the point of view of those who are considering the pro-i posal. Following is>a l i s t of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that can be observed in small neighbourhood areas being considered for their potential as places for family homes. Characteristic D e f i n i t i o n 1) Building groups: The number of these older buildings found in a row of adjacent buildings forming groups that may be as large as 10 or more, or as few as 2 older buildings. 2) Changes in char- The proportion of older buildings acter: s t i l l remaining much as they were when b u i l t , with o r i g i n a l f i n i s h e s and form. 3) S i m i l a r i t y in age: The average difference between the ages of the older buildings, which indicates whether the early develop-ment of the street occurred during a short period, or i f i t grew slowly over a period of many years. 158 4) S i m i l a r i t y i n s t y l e : 5) S i m i l a r i t y i n scale: 6) Old buildings: 7) Old/new buildings: 8) General condition: 9) Vacant buildings: 10) Vacant l o t s : 11) Demolitions: 12) Conformity to zone: 13) Average age: 14) Average property value: • 15) Recreation opportunities: 16) Distance to services: The degree to which the remaining older buildings exhibit the same arc h i t e c t u r a l finishes and d e t a i l s . The degree to which the older b u i l d -ings are the same size in height and width. The proportion of older buildings to the t o t a l building s i t e s in the neighbourhood, some of which may be vacant l o t s . The proportion of old to new b u i l d -ings in the neighbourhood. The proportion of older buildings that have been maintained i n good con-d i t i o n . If any buildings are vacant. The proportion of vacant l o t s to the t o t a l number of building s i t e s i n the neighbourhood, assuming that l o t s used for surface parking are vacant. The proportion of buildings demolished between 1974 and 1978. The degree to which the use and size of the older buildings correspond/ conform to the use and int e n s i t y of development permitted by the Zoning By-law. The average age for older buildings. The r a t i o of the assessed building value to the t o t a l assessed value of the property, which is assumed to be an .indication of the value in use of the existing building according to the current market 1978j. The number of parks and recreation f a c i l i t i e s there are within 5t blocks of the neighbourhood. The number of blocks from the neigh-bourhood to the nearest day-care or pre-school, elementary school, high school, and shopping. 159 17) Street Improvements that have been made to r conditions: the streets in the form of curbs and gutters, boulevard trees, and service lanes. 18) T r a f f i c : The l e v e l of t r a f f i c on the street is observed to be l i g h t , moderate, or heavy. 19) Period of The approximate date when the new redevelopment: buildings in the neighbourhood were b u i l t — which indicates the period of redevelopment a c t i v i t y . 20) Neighbours: The proportion of a l l the buildings in the neighbourhood used for r e s i d -e n t i a l purposes. As a method of checking for variations in p r i o r i t y , and for subsequently weighting the l i s t of neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s according to th e i r relevance, three scenarios are suggested. Each represents a d i f f e r e n t orientation of interest in the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of buildings in a certain neighbourhood which i s the setting for th e i r project. The neighbourhood is along a section of street s i m i l a r to that i l l u s t r a t e d below. The scenarios which the respondents were asked to consider were these: Scenario I: Application has been made for relaxation of r- zoning,) requirements for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the older buildings in this neighbourhood because the streetscape i s thought to have potential heritage merit as a representative example of the p a r t i c u l a r values and tastes of an e a r l i e r period in Vancouver's hi s t o r y . 160 Scenario I I : A non-profit agency i s looking for buildings to acquire and manage as low-income family housing. ,In order to obtain a licence for this operation they must be able to s a t i s f y basic family housing needs. Scenario I I I : A developer i s involved in the business of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g older buildings for resale to famil-ies who wish to l i v e in inner c i t y neighbourhoods. He wants to find the most marketable investment prospects. a) Which of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s most important to the purpose? (mark the number in the c i r c l e near the word "most") b) Which of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s least import-ant? (mark the number in the c i r c l e near the word "least") c) What i s the r e l a t i v e importance of the remaining char a c t e r i s t i c s ? (mark the appropriate places along the l i n e with the numbers) d) Are there other unlisted c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that should be included? (please l i s t with a short d e f i n i t i o n , and mark the r e l a t i v e position on the l i n e ) . Other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 21) 22) 23) These scenarios were each presented on a separate form with \ the instructions and the l i n e for entering the response. The following descriptive material regarding individual buildings was also given to the respondents. Individual Building Evaluation: The preliminary investigation of the f e a s i b i l i t y of r e h a b i l i t a t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r building includes, in addition to conditions in the neighbourhood, some general observations about the building i t s e l f . From the resu l t s of th i s preliminary survey i t should be evident i f i t i s worthwhile to follow up with a thorough and detailed ex-amination of the building. The following i s a l i s t of items that can be observed in a preliminary survey, T 161 Item D e f i n i t i o n 1) Age: 2) Condition: 3) Additions and x a l t e r a t i o n s : 4) A r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l : 5) Construction type 6) Land value: 7) Building value; 8) Property value 9) Building type; 10) Building size; 11) Lot siz e : 12) Heritage c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; The estimated date of construction of the building. If the state of maintenance of the building is good, f a i r , or poor. The older building may s t i l l be much as i t was when i t was f i r s t b u i l t , or i t s character may have been changed to some extent by alterations and ad-ditio n s . A variety of d e t a i l s that may embel-l i s h the form of the building, such as window bays, decorative masonry work, tu r r e t s , stained glass, etc. The building may be of standard wood frame, or be some other more sub-s t a n t i a l type of construction. The assessed value of the land i n $ per sq. f t . The assessed building value in $ per \ sq. f t . The r a t i o of the assessed building value to the t o t a l assessed value of the property, which i s assumed to be an indication of the value in use of the existing building according to the current market 1978. The apparent use for which the b u i l d -ing was o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t . The approximate t o t a l f l o o r area. The l o t area r e l a t i v e to the building area w i l l indicate the approximate "garden" on the s i t e . The building may have been mentioned in previous reports for some heritage merit. 13) Zone: The zoning c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the s i t e 162 As with the neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t i s ,possible that d i f f e r e n t interests for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n w i l l give p r i o r i t y to d i f f e r e n t items in the l i s t . The three scenarios are again proposed as a method of checking for variations in p r i o r i t y . The respondents were asked to do a s i m i l a r ranking ^of individual building items for the purpose of decision-making i n each r e h a b i l i t a t i o n scenario. On the questionnaire the respondents had been asked to l i s t items they f e l t should be added to those presented on the form. Two important areas of considerations to de-cision-making were mentioned consistently. One had to do with items that would require information regarding a s p e c i f i c r e h a b i l i t a t i o n design, which is outside the scope of thi s work. A second group made reference to s o c i a l questions which have been discussed in the text of this thesis. However, s o c i a l factors were not d i r e c t l y r e f l e c t e d in the survey of physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and therefore did not appear among the l i s t of indicators. The same applies to a few references to available financing. Analysis of the responses to the questionnaire was made with respect to the r e l a t i v e p osition of the character-i s t i c s and items as they were marked on the scale, and also according to their rank order. The scale was divided into ten equal parts so that i t was possible to calculate the median and the mean position for each of these indicators. Further, the mean rankings were calculated, and also the adjusted mean rankings obtained by deleting the most extreme case. These procedures resulted in four sets of rank ordered indicators for each scenario as shown in Figures 18 and 19. 163 FIGURE 18 NEIGHBOURHOOD INDICATORS • »» SCENARIO I I 2 5,3,4- fa 7,15,8 IO,9 U 14 18 17 19 15 2D 12 14. 64 ,s a 2- 4ff| 7 13 9 7 15 K.io.ii ie( 9 17 2 0 i<3 14 I) (O 18 201 t — r r I S l b 12. A o j r U f a T E O I Z- 4-IS l+lo(8 MEDIAN '3 11 6 7 l o l l •? ia w a ki io i I II I I" 15 I D l l l t J O At 3 » I 9 1 4 mean »4 M£AH is ia'U '.<* 151 18 14 ZD I 9 i,o«J fans i-> |7 5 <.Z si-1 -L i j • •• 5>CENAR.lb 14. 14 15 TEE. 12(4 S 2 0 I It. 16 (5 9 II 10 SIT 4 3 IO 2. fa 7 1.3 t.9 15 i& l<o ( .7 1=) 15 t t l - i l t io,i4,a,i,ic 15 16 1 10 113,3,4 5 ,0 | t 7 11 13 3o 4o 5 0 eo 90 l o o FIGURE 19: INDIVIDUAL BUILDING INDICATORS 12. 1 4 M E D I A h 41 5 l i 7 6 6 It ID P O t > l T ' O H 8 7 13 l i 4 M E A M 1 12J 4 5 6 7 6 <? 11 IO I O 11 A D J U S T E d 10. P O S I T T O I H 8 t 72 -4 • e 2. => II 13 1 3 9 IO 5 U 3 1 0 K 1 2 . 8 672 <3 5U 2- & 7 '3, 3 11.9 IO 4-1 »1 i t A D J U S T E t b 8 7Z C 13 U 13! 4,762. IO II 4 9 12- 5 <PI0 3 I 3 IM-P O S I T I O N 1t N E A K 4. I2>7 f- i3 7 8 10,1 U 4 <5 z. I X 5 1 H 1 0 5 tf.11 53 IO 20 . io 40 SO CO 70 SO 9 0 too 164 A f i n a l tabulation of the r e l a t i v e importance of the i n d i -cators was obtained by combining thesei four sets of r e s u l t s . The responses given by the respondent pr o f e s s i o n a l l y most active in the area of each scenario were used as the deciding opinion in the few cases of ambiguities among the indica t o r s . The resulting order of importance of the indicators varied, as was expected, for each scenario. However, i t did not vary uniformly in the way in which the indicators had i n i t i a l l y been grouped to represent the evaluating c r i t e r i a . The tabu-lation s did, however, suggest idistinct groups of indicators for each scenario. The groupings for Scenario I, representing heritage inte r e s t s , c l o s e l y approximate the chosen c r i t e r i a grouping. Scenario I I , for subsidized family housing, also tends to follow the o r i g i n a l grouping; but Scenario I I I , market housing, appears to be judged in a more general way, with some aspects of each c r i t e r i o n having r e l a t i v e import-ance. The f i n a l tabulations shown in Figure 20, "Neigh-bourhood indicators: rank and score", indicate that Scenario I i s c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the other two scenarios which relate to housing. Subsidized housing i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from market housing by the degree rather than the kind of import-ance attributed to i t . Figure 21, "ind i v i d u a l building i n -dicators: rank and score", i l l u s t r a t e s similar differences. In order to weight each indicator according to i t s r e l a t i v e importance to decision-making, a separate value was 165 assigned for each scenario. The values were chosen to r e f l e c t the rank and the grouping of the indicators. FIGURE 20 NEIGHBOURHOOD INDICATORS: RANK AND WEIGHT VALUE .1 2 . 3 4 5 6 7 6 "3 l o . .11.-12. 12> 1+ AS .16 )7. 18 19. Z O -INP lC . /V ro f^e> 1 2. 3 4- 5 C 7 fe 9 lO tl la. lb 14 15 lfc 17 I-& . 1 9 ZD The indicators that f a l l below l i n e A are those items that, by general agreement among the respondents, were of least importance and therefore have been assigned a value of zero. The;items above l i n e B are those that were most c l e a r l y given p r i o r i t y . Opinion regarding the remainder of the items tended to vary more widely among the respondents. 98 A l i s t i n g of the indicators and weighting procedures i s included in Appendix I. 166 FIGURE 21 INDIVIDUAL BUILDING INDICATORS: RANK AND WEIGHT VALUE I 2 3 A 5 & 7 & 9 lO U tZ. 13 > N D I C A T O r \ S Using the method described above the t o t a l score for each .indicator was obtained by multiplying the scale value of the variable by the weight value. The r e l a t i v e p o t e n t i a l for each of the 52 sample neighbourhoods and the 771 buildings in the inventory survey to s a t i s f y the objectives was determined by summing over a l l the indicators. The results are discussed in the following chapter. 167 CHAPTER V SURVEY RESULTS The report of the findings from the research for t h i s thesis i s presented i n three parts. These are: f i r s t , some general impressions obtained from the preliminary survey; second the quantitative results of the inventory survey; and f i n a l l y the outcome of the evaluation of the sample neighbour-hoods and buildings. Preliminary Survey The strongest impression obtained from the prelimin-ary survey was of the very wide v a r i a t i o n in conditions e x i s t -ing in the inner c i t y - including an apparent mixture of a c t i v i t i e s as well as ofi building types, ages, and conditions. With respect to location, the sample buildings most in need of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n seemed to f a l l mainly in one of two categories: 1) i n areas under pressure of development to a d i f f e r e n t building form with a more intensive use of the land (houses to apartment)*,, or tp a change of use ( r e s i d e n t i a l to o f f i c e ) ; 2) i n areas that are generally depressed where both the buildings and the neighbourhood require r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Of the buildings that presented the clearest p o t e n t i a l for re-h a b i l i t a t i o n , older houses were the most numerous. These were found in seven of the eight l o c a l neighbourhood areas, the 168 single exception being Downtown East. In Strathcona and Mt. Pleasant older houses were the predominant building form, though in some places they were mixed in with i n d u s t r i a l b u i l d -ings or new apartments. There had been either considerable r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or ongoing maintenance over much of these areas. In the West End and K i t s i l a n o the houses were dis t r i b u t e d imainly in groups between apartment buildings or town houses. Herei most houses (many of them large, formerly elegant homes) appeared to have been converted into suites or rooming houses. The apartment buildings in these areas varied in age from pre-war walk-ups to the highrises of the 1960s and the town-houses and walk-ups of the^60s and 70s. Most older houses observed in Fairview, thetDowntown and Nelson Center areas appeared to have either, deteriorated extensively or to have been renovated for alternative uses such as o f f i c e s o r j r e t a i l premises. While the Downtown had by d e f i n i t i o n become a business and commercial center, Fairview slopes were undergoing renewal as a r e s i d e n t i a l area with townhouse developments replacing rows of old houses. I The second most numerous type of building with potential for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was the mixed-occupancy building with commercial establishments on the ground f l o o r and r e s i -d e n tial units( on one or more floors above. These predominated in the Downtown East,sample and were found along commercial tstreets in other areas, e s p e c i a l l y along Broadway in Fairview. In the sample these were exclusively old buildings, often frame, and showing scant sign of adequate maintenance. 169 Newer adjacent buildings were usually singlepusei commercial. A few older apartment buildings of intere s t to this [Study were observed. Most,appeared to be of pre-1920 vintage and in a low rental category. They were either in the Down-town area or on a side street o f f an a r t e r i a l road such as Broadway. I t i s possible that underused o f f i c e or commercial ibuildings found in some areas, such as Nelson Center or parts of Fairview, could be converted to r e s i d e n t i a l use, but in th i s survey no p a r t i c u l a r note was made of this p o t e n t i a l . A further impression gained from the windshield survey of the 25% sample was that the mixture of r e s i d e n t i a l types and variety of uses appeared to be inversely related to the number of new buildings. This could be accounted for by the observation that new buildings in any one plot tended to be of a single category; that i s , a l l o f f i c e s , a l l apart-ments, or a l l town houses. It also appeared that dwellings in the low-rental category had a high rate of occupancy re-gardless of location, condition, or dwelling type. With regard to areas where r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work had been taking place, i t was observed that a consistent neighbour-hood character had been maintained even with the insertion of new buildings. Street trees and shrubs v i s i b l e in private (gardens added s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the amenity of the areas, t iInventory Survey The report of the findings from the inventory ^survey deals with three aspects of the data: the dimensions 170 and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the sample; the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the neighbourhoods and the buildings; and zoning and econo-mic factors influencing development a c t i v i t i e s i n the study area. These findings are based on an analysis of frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n s and on cross-tabulations of the data. The, . s t a t i s t i c a l procedures involved i n the analysis were measures of the central tendency of the frequencies (mean, median, mode) and measures of t h e , p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the cross-tabulated 99 r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The s t a t i s t i c s available for the SPSS procedure CROSSTABS which were described in the manual as being approp-r i a t e for the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of the data are the following: Chirsquare: computes the c e l l frequencies expected from the row and column tot a l s to determine i f a systematic r e l a t -ionship exists between the two variables. Significance i s evaluated r e l a t i v e to the degrees of freedom. Cramer's V.: a measure of the association, or the strength of the r e l a t i o n s h i p , of variables in a table greater than 2x2. Lambda: based on the assumption that the best strategy for pre-d i c t i o n i s to select the category with the most cases, measures the % of improvement of the a b i l i t y to predict the value of Variable A i f the value of B i s known. , Uncertainty C o e f f i c i e n t : s i m i l a r to Lambda but based on the entire d i s t r i b u t i o n . jEta: measures how d i s s i m i l a r the means of Variable A are for the d i f f e r e n t categories of Variable B and also the var-iance within the categories of B as a test for randomness. Tau: considers every possible p a i r of cases to see i f t h e i r r e l a t i v e ordering on the f i r s t j variable i s concordant, i t i e d , or discordant with the r e l a t i v e ordering of the second variable. RHo: measures the extent to which) the ranks of two variables are s i m i l a r . 171 The 1974 City of Vancouver land-use map, on which the inner c i t y study area was plotted, included a t o t a l of 1664 i n d i v i d u a l l y i d e n t i f i e d l o t s in the f i f t y - f o u r sample vplots found i n Figure 17. The 1978 survey of the same f i f t y -four plots covered a t o t a l of 1556 building l o t s (see Table XII). Among these, 240 were unimproved: used for parking or vacant. In a l l , 1352 buildings were observed on 1316 s i t e s , 780 or 58 percent of which were constructed before 1945, and 572 afte r 1945. The older group includes t h i r t y - s i x buildings that shared a l o t with one, two, or three other buildings. i These instances of several buildings on one s i t e account for the differences between the t o t a l number of developed building s i t e s and the number of buildings. TABLE XII BUILDING LOTS AND BUILDINGS Building Lots 1978 No. % Developed l o t s 1316 85 Parking and vacant l o t s 240 15 Total l o t s 1978 1556 100 1974 Total Lots 1665 Lots l o s t in consolidation 109 (-07) Buildings 1978 Pre 1945 780 58 Post 1945 572 42 Total buildings 1352 100 (incidences of more than one building per lot) (36) The method of enumerating the building population allowed for a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the sample by eight neigh-bourhood areas, and again by l o c a l neighbourhood pl o t s . Table XIII gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of building l o t s and buildings for the eight neighbourhoods. The differences in the numbers 172 of sample buildings in each area are la r g e l y accounted for by the differences in the numbers of plots which represent 20 percent of the area of each neighbourhood. However, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of sample buildings among the f i f t y - f o u r plots varies from two cases with none to a maximum of th i r t y - e i g h t . TABLE XIII DISTRIBUTION OF BUILDINGS BY NEIGHBOURHOOD NEIGHBOURHOOD AREA PLOTS WO* % LOTS 1974 no %• LOTS ; 1978 no % OLDER BLDGS', n'o % NEWER BLDGS no % old/ new KITSILANO <,__ u ' 2 O 6 ._ 1 - - 1 3 ice 1 J 4 _ _7_9_ i - 5 7 ' FAIRVIEW 6> I T ; tZQI.T. . C 2 Z - ZOZ " .9»_-": JZ- . jso . - 1.8 „ rMT. PLEASANT I Z Z Z z z 2 r Z _ - 2>I2>_ .zo 174 ZZ_ 1 IjlZl Z l 1 . 4 4 . : i WEST END 0 i 1 XTZ 143." 1 5 I 0.7I 17 . NELSON 'CENTER ' - u I'loT. -9&Z1 7 145" 2 . 7 : 5 - T Z l ~ t 7 Z Z + DOWNTOWN -7 13 ! I 1 z z i o [ 1 ZV2>_ J_4_ 5 7 IO 1 . 7 4 DOWNTOWN EAST ": - 7 - - -81 i32T~ ! 1 ! i J :4<" : s . "i::"fc7_-rr 7 STRATHCONA -[±> - I53T" :~c -;ss:: TL :4to : 7 TOTALS 54~ voo; 1 !6tD. . 1 0 0 1 5 4 - n z 1 9 0 7 S O Z .VIS i 1 1 - I Figure 22 compares the d i s t r i b u t i o n of pre- and post-1945 buildings by type of use. Over eighty percent of a l l buildings in the sample, old and new, were of one of three types. In the largest group were houses (comprising 39 per-cent), followed by business-retail (26 percent), and apart-ments (16 percent). Among the 780 cases of older buildings, 490 were b u i l t as single-family houses and a further nine as semi-detached houses, which together account for 64 percent 173 of the older buildings. Business-retail accounted for only 11 percent. By contrast, 46 percent of the newer buildings were bu s i n e s s - r e t a i l ; 31 percent, apartments; and only 4 per-cent, new houses. . FIGURE 22 DISTRIBUTION OF ALL BUILDINGS BY TYPE M 81 s x i a X 3 ill £ is! J < i o 0 z n 13 :.{: in J <t + < cr 0 a V-w 0 u. a- a. 0 In the analysis of this survey and inventory a d i s -t i n c t i o n was made between building type and building use. Type refers to the intended function of the building at the time of construction, while use refers to the a c t i v i t y taking place in the building at the present time. This d i s t i n c t i o n takes into account the recycling of old buildings to new uses, Figure 23 compares type and use. The inventory of the pre-1945 buildings showed an 80 to 90 percent correspondence of o r i g i n a l type to 1978 use foremost categories. 174 FIGURE 23 DISTRIBUTION OF OLDER BUILDINGS by TYPE ( o r i g i n a l use) and USE (1978) loo While a few buildings were vacant, those recycled to business-r e t a i l and mixed r e t a i l - r e s i d e n t i a l use accounted for most of the changes. One notable exception was the category of single family house; there was only a 29 percent type to use correspondence and a 60 percent conversion to multiple dwel-l i n g s . Industrial-wholesale buildings displayed a 70 percent correspondence of type with use; 20 percent were recycled to business-retail use. Only one. instance of a recycled building was observed in the sample of newer buildings; from hotel to apartments. Small scale buildings predominated by a large margin among a l l buildings i n the sample. Eighty-four percent were two and one half floors or less ; the averaqe width was t h i r t y -seven feet, while the median was just over twenty-five feet. These were on correspondingly small s i t e s . The tendency was 175 for the oldest buildings to be on the smallest l o t s . More than half the buildings sampled occupied l o t s smaller than 3900 square feet; in every plot 25 percent occupied l o t s of 3500 square feet or l e s s , that is equivalent to a l o t twenty-nine feet by 120 feet. Over a l l , the sample buildings appeared to be in f a i r or s l i g h t l y better condition. Only 6 percent of the buildings were c l a s s i f i e d as very poor, indicated by signs of structural deterioration, and 4 percent were c l a s s i f i e d as excellent. From external appearances the inventory FIGURE 24a: S i m i l a r i t i e s among the older houses were s t r i k i n g . 176 indicated that these modest older buildings retained, much of th e i r o r i g i n a l character. Over 50 percent were c l a s s i f i e d as unchanged, and as a group these appeared to be i n at least as good condition as, i f not s l i g h t l y better than, did the /29 percent that had evidence of e a r l i e r minor modifications. They appeared to be in considerably better condition than the few that had been greatly altered. The 15 percent that had undergone recent changes were in r e l a t i v e l y good condition. The s i m i l a r i t i e s between the older buildings, such as seen in Figure 24 a and b, were much more s t r i k i n g than were unique features. Original !t building components, f i n i s h e s , • and d e t a i l s enhanced character-i s t i c roof and porch forms to present the f u l l e s t image of the standards of taste, sensit-i v i t y , and technology of the f i r s t few periods of Vancou-FIGURE 25a: An O r i g i n a l ver's development. Among the houses, windows were the feature most l i k e l y to receive embel-lishment and i n d i v i d u a l treatment. Even the p l a i n e s t houses often had bay windows. F i f t y seven percent of the o r i g i n a l wood sashes or casements were s t i l l in place. Elaboration with stained glass and especially small l a t t i c e d panes was frequent. Special i n d i v i d u a l treatment of window shape or placement which provided an interesting v a r i a t i o n to the t y p i c a l facade proportion of the period, was occasionally noted. An-other prominant and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of the older single family house was the porch. FIGURE 25b: Noteable d e t a i l s 178 FIGURE 25c: Modest and unique, rare examples -Mt. Pleasant Fairview The various forms t y p i c a l in t h e i r time were represented i n the sample. Even in the many cases where the porch had been enclosed proportions had been maintained so the o r i g i n a l form was s t i l l v i s i b l e . In the sample, many examples were found of the dormers that penetrated the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c steep pitch of the early roofs. There were also examples of the a r t i c u l a t e d roof brackets that were a feature when wide roof overhangs became popular. The d e l i g h t f u l gingerbread lacework was less frequent in the sample, and balconies were r e l a t i v e l y uncom-mon. Some unique examples are those i n Figure 25c. 179 A s u r p r i s i n g l y large proportion of the oldest houses s t i l l had t h e i r o r i g i n a l exterior cladding. The special textural quality produced by a variety of shingling patterns was well represented in the sample, as was the de l i c a t e horiz-ontal emphasis of the early narrow clapboard. Figure 26 shows examples(Of the 25 percent of the cases where the o r i g i n a l cladding had been replaced by featureless stucco or had been "modernized". There were r e l a t i v e l y few examples of buildings clad with composition material. 180 Buildings other than houses most often, but not always, appeared to be fla t - r o o f e d . A frequent elaboration in the oldest of the business or apartment buildings was some kind of coping d e t a i l , often just simple brackets or d e n t i l s , but in some cases quite elaborate masonry work, as seen i n Figure 27. The masonry buildings also very frequently had decorative brick or stone work embellishing the facade. In a l l , i t was extremely encouraging to find; from the inventory that so large and well-kept a heritage resource s t i l l exists in the inner c i t y of Vancouver. A large propor-ti o n of these oldest buildings are located in neighbourhoods that appear from the plot survey to have many of the a t t r i b -utes of a convenient home environment. In a majority of the plots pre-school or daycare f a c i l i t i e s were within two blocks, elementary schools were within three to four blocks, 181 , Manitoba FIGURE 27: Coping in many ways 182 , but high schools were eight blocks d i s t a n t . Shopping was most often within two blocks and never more than four blocks. Only a t h i r d of the plots were without some recreational opportunity as close as two blocks, and only two had none within a radius of f i v e blocks. For more than half the sample plots there was a choice of at least three public recreation f a c i l i t i e s such as a park or community center within a range of f i v e blocks. Service lanes and streets improved with curbs and gutters were found in three quarters of the p l o t s , but less than a third were observed to have boulevard trees. T r a f f i c on the east-west streets tended to be moderate to heavy. Most of the buildings faced onto these s t r e e t s . T r a f f i c in the north-south d i r e c t i o n was r e l a t i v e l y quiet in most cases. Though of minor importance in themselves, these iattributes of ^neighbourhood convenience indicated that much of the inner c i t y area surveyed does provide some of the basic services required for family l i v i n g . In this study the buildings in question were older buildings with potential to be r e h a b i l i t a t e d for r e s i d e n t i a l use, so emphasis lay in ide n t i f y i n g neighbourhoodsrnot only convenient as places to l i v e but also suitable ais settings for older homes. Di s t r i b u t i o n of the sample in groups of adjacent buildings, and the gaps between the groups was anal-yzed for significance relevant to the street scenei(see Table XIV). 183 TABLE XIV DISTRIBUTION OF BUILDING GROUPS BY NEIGHBOURHOOD . NEICHHBOURA+OOU ; AR.EA N U M b E f " O F . G j R Q V J P s / Q A P i ? S l T . & V ( | M C R f l U p S / C | f t P S 5 G> 7 © • ' 10 " 1 1 • i z |3 \4 15-ZO K I T S I L A N O : (o P L O T S 7 7 7 A 7 i F W R V l E W (o P L O T S 7 7, 7 7 V 1 ' :MT. P L E A S A NT" 12 P L O T S v. 7 '/• 7 7 7 :WE.ST & M D II P L O T S 7 7 7 7 A , • • N E L b O M cetST-3 P L C T P 5 v 7 7 7 7 D O W N T O W N ' 5 7 P L O T ' S 7 X, '/ / , 7 7 D O V / M T ' N E A S T :A P L O T S /, S T R A T H C O H A . ' 5 P L O T S V, 7 7 7 7 ; , 7 / . 77 7 . 7 ^ - 7 . ;• ..• 1 • The size of the gaps between buildings was measured in terms of the number of intervening l o t s . While this gave an indication of separation i t could not be used for d i r e c t comparison be-cause in general newer buildings tend to be on larger l o t s . It i s , however, useful to investigate the sit u a t i o n of the older buildings within groups to gain a f u l l e r impression of the i r setting and also of the development patterns of the neighbour-hoods . 184 Discounting the s i t e s on the two plots with no older buildings, over 50 percent of the sample buildings belonged to a group of f i v e or more adjacent buildings, either side by side or d i r e c t l y across the street from one another. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of s i t e s not occupied by older buildings is s i m i l a r . These represent the gaps between older buildings. Sixty-three percent of these s i t e s were occupied by newer buildings, and 26 percent by vacant or parking l o t s . These percentages were based on the 1974 l o t count. I t was assumed as well, that the clustering of modest buildings, such as Downtown East Strathcona FIGURE 28: Groups of buildings on one l o t 185 comprised the major portion of the inventory sample, increased the heritage merit of the neighbourhoods (see Figure 28 and 29). In a set of thirteen out of f i f t y - f o u r sample plots there were groups of between ten and twenty adjacent older buildings; one p l o t had two such groups. Some plots had sim-i l a r groups of f i v e to eight buildings. One group of twelve adjacent buildings in K i t s i l a n o was of intere s t because a l l belonged to the c i t y . They occupy land which is earmarked to be made into a buffer park along the proposed Arbutus t r a n s i t /route. Most of these f a i r l y large houses, b u i l t around 1915, have been modified in the past and seemed to be in poor con-d i t i o n . With one exception this set of plots had a very high proportion of older to newer buildings, with the large groups of older buildings occupying more than a third of the l o t s . As a set this plot was f i r s t developed at an e a r l i e r date than the average for K i t s i l a n o . FIGURE 29: Four adjacent houses on a small side street in K i t s i l a n o . B u i l t about 1914, they provided a good example of the sense of continuity that is achieved by s i m i l a r i t i e s of scale and d e t a i l , such as wide roof over hang. These houses are probably nonconforming in f l o o r space r a t i o . 186 Development indicators suggested that the neigh-bourhood s i t u a t i o n was not altogether favourable-for 9 of the 13 p l o t s . For example, in these nine plots there was a d i s -proportionately high number of vacant buildings; there were up to s i x , eight, and ten demolitions per p l o t . Several of the plots had more than 20 percent of the t o t a l s i t e s vac-ant or used for parking, and many had r e l a t i v e l y large gaps between the older buildings. In these nine plots recent development had taken place after 1960, mainly i n the seven-t i e s . In the remaining four plots, recent development occur-red generally before 1960. Two of the sample plots in t h i s study are located in heritage zones, but only the one in Chinatown was included among the plots having a large group of adjacent older b u i l d -ings. The Gastown plot had a higher proportion of old b u i l d -ings than did the one in Chinatown, but the remainder of the Gastown s i t e s , which were mostly parking l o t s , were more evenly distributed about the plot so the older buildings were s p l i t into smaller groups, only two of which consisted of f i v e or more buildings. The s i t u a t i o n with the Gastown plot suggested that the absence of sizable gaps between older buildings should also be included as a factor in developing a measure for the f i t n e s s and the heritage value of a building's s e t t i n g . Two of the f i f t y - f o u r sample plots had no remaining older buildings; i n the rest most of the older buildings were b u i l t within a few years of one another. The history of buildings i n Vancouver i s r e l a t i v e l y short, going back to 1886 when f i r e destroyed a l l the f i r s t buildings of the young 187 settlement on Burrard Inlet. The period of building construc-ti o n covered by the survey was f i f t y - n i n e years, between 1886 and 1945; the i n i t i a l surge of development in the sample plots was estimated to occur between 1900 and 1910, t r a i l i n g off a f t e r 1915. The f i r s t c i t y zoning bylaw was enacted in 1921, and approximately 80 percent of the buildings in the inventory sample were b u i l t before that year. The pattern of the recent development was found to be scattered over a period extending from 1935 to the present. Two p r i n c i p a l methods of zoning are used to regulate present development in the inner c i t y area of Vancouver: dev-elopment d i s t r i c t s and t r a d i t i o n a l single-use zoning. Forty-three percent of the pre-1945 buildings were i n development d i s t r i c t s , 50 percent, occupied single use s i t e s and a further seven percent comprehensive development s i t e s . Even though the plots that were surveyed were r e l a t i v e l y small, extending just two blocks along a single street, half of those with single use zones contained a mix of two or more zoning cate-gories . Since the two methods of zoning are not d i r e c t l y comparable i t was considered more appropriate to confine general comment to zoning in r e l a t i o n to r e s i d e n t i a l uses, remembering that the zoning by-law was drafted i n i t i a l l y to regulate new construction. Indeed, the post-1945 buildings conformed very c l o s e l y to permitted uses and configurations* The large majority of the s i t e s on which the older buildings stand allow some form of r e s i d e n t i a l use to be developed. Not a l l uses however, are equally applicable to •\ . • 188 r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the older buildings on these s i t e s . Two , zone categories, for two-family dwellings and for multi-unit dwellings, are outright r e s i d e n t i a l zones where nonresidential use is not permitted. These two zones contained over one t h i r d of the 780 inventoried buildings. In each of these zones there was a high correspondence of permitted to actual use. Ninety percent of the sample buildings in these zones were either single family houses or houses converted to a more intensive r e s i d e n t i a l function. The development d i s t r i c t of Fairview (contributing a further 10 percent of the inventoried s i t e s ) , i s also intended to have a s i m i l a r scale of r e s i d e n t i a l use. In Fairview, houses accounted for approximately 83 percent of the older buildings; a large majority of these were conversions or had been recycled to business use (see Figure,30). Industrial use accounted for 12 percent of the remaining older buildings surveyed in Fairview. Of p a r t i c u l a r interest in regard to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n are the statements in the Zoning By-law "encouraging the retention of the existing houses..." or "buildings". This expressed objective applies to the Fairview sample and to 60 percent of the sample located in the multi-unit zone. If these are added to the portion of the sample in the two-family zone, where more intensive use is r e s t r i c t e d , the r e s u l t i s a t o t a l of some 263 houses, plus a few other types of b u i l d -ings - 38 percent of the t o t a l sample - that are placed in a favorable position for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n by the stated inten-t i o n i n the zoning by-law, i f not by p r a c t i c e . This i s 189 i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table XV which shows the d i f f e r e n t uses of older buildings in each zone. TABLE XV OLDER BUILDING USE BY ZONE showing proportionately high d i s t r i b u t i o n s and percentage of use category . o V A C A - K H . TOXfrU 2 2 . 3 147,, 4 \ & 7 „ 4 -• I e . F . . . House 1 4 * 7 307. 45 3 2 % 2AZ, - -2. A T A T i - T A A e M ' T . . ; 4 3 . - -\ 4 5 5 , • -4 t 7 „ 'P V \ O T & l — 2-3 l-37o £ 4 17.% Ar 17*7. 3 137,, ?. M l K E a 11 Y\% - 7 1 1 % 5 • •• ._ c o M - e e r A i L 107 '-- ' 15 12% 2 0 1 1 % • -15 \47„ 17 i t 7 . 40 \o 257» 237o 5 15% 4 1 0 7 . 7 • C O N V E R S I O N ! 4,5 83 37 \Z7<, 3<o 1 2 7 . 3 5 1 2 7 . • ' s >:" ;. • : 15 5 207. : . 1 T O T A L W - P C * U J x o r t t J ' I -f ' 1 0 7 t 2 igs \4t J 3 '0 d ID 2 0 0 . f , 0 & z 98 S 1U 5 2 ? ? 7 a . n \u & z 2 58 9 c ui 1$ Ul 2 ?Z 2 5 2 2 a 2 " 5 0 •2 " If 2 X H i ? s Z.& 2 ? 23> I A ! 5 Ah i l l S A d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n exists in the areas of the West End which are intended for r e s i d e n t i a l use. In the portion designated primarily for family sized dwellings, the permitted intensity of development i s eighty-three units per -site acre. This i s very high compared to the number of units provided by the converted houses which constituted 88 percent 190 FIGURE 30: Recycled houses Fairview West End Downtown 191 of the buildings inventoried in this zone category. The 1976 census tr a c t average dwelling density for the area was 22.3 units per gross acre. Calculating that streets and lanes consume approximately 37 percent of the land, that translates to about forty units per net acre exi s t i n g in 1976. The other primarily r e s i d e n t i a l zone in the West End permits s t i l l higher density. The inventory of these s i t e s showed that older buildings occupied 40 percent of a l l developed s i t e s ; of these there are more than twice as many converted houses as there are apartments. In t h i s zone category a density of 100 to 110 dwellings per s i t e acre i s permitted. The significance of these permitted densities to the potential r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of existing buildings may be more c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d by a comparison of maximum f l o o r space r a t i o s permitted in these f i v e p r i n c i p a l l y r e s i d e n t i a l zones. ZONE CATEGORY FLOOR SPACE RATIO 1 0 0 Two-family 0.6 Multi-unit 0.75-1.0 Fairview 0.6 West End low 1.5 West End high 2.0-2.75 However, there i s no d i r e c t correspondence between f l o o r space r a t i o and dwelling density. Clearly two and three bedroom family units consume more area than do bachelor units. Sim-i l a r l y , older houses and apartments l i k e those in Figure 31 tend to have larger rooms and higher c e i l i n g s than do those b u i l t to today's standards. "*"°°"Floor Space Ratio s h a l l mean the figure obtained when v the area of the f l o o r s of a building on a s i t e i s divided by the area of the s i t e . " Zoning and Development By-Law, 1978, p. 6. 191 of the buildings inventoried in this zone category. The 1976 census tract average dwelling density for the area was 22.3 units per gross acre. Calculating that streets and lanes consume approximately 37 percent of the land, that translates to about forty units per net acre existing in 1976. The other primarily r e s i d e n t i a l zone in the West End permits s t i l l higher density. The inventory of these s i t e s showed that older buildings occupied 40 percent of a l l developed s i t e s ; of these there are more than twice as many converted houses as there are apartments. In t h i s zone category a density of 100 to 110 dwellings per s i t e acre is permitted. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these permitted densities to the potential r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of existing buildings may be more c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d by a comparison of maximum f l o o r space r a t i o s permitted in these f i v e p r i n c i p a l l y r e s i d e n t i a l zones. ZONE CATEGORY FLOOR SPACE RATIO 1 0 0 Two-family 0.6 Multi-unit 0.75-1.0 Fairview 0.6 West End low 1.5 West End high 2.0-2.75 However, there i s no d i r e c t correspondence between f l o o r space r a t i o and dwelling density. Clearly two and three bedroom family units consume more area than do bachelor units . Sim-i l a r l y , older houses and apartments l i k e those in Figure 31 tend to have larger rooms and higher c e i l i n g s than do those b u i l t to today's standards. 1 0 0 " F l o o r Space Ratio s h a l l mean the figure obtained when the area of the f l o o r s of a building on a s i t e i s divided by the area of the s i t e . " Zoning and Development By-Law, 1978, 193 A group of three zoning categories, containing 11 percent of the older sample, consists of areas i n the study where a mix of uses i s required. This usually refers to re-t a i l trading on the ground f l o o r and some proportion of res-i d e n t i a l space on the upper f l o o r s . The exact r a t i o of res-i d e n t i a l space to that for other uses varies. In the West End mixed use area, the proportion i s expressed in terms of seventy units per s i t e acre with a t o t a l f l o o r space r a t i o of 2.2. Here only 35 percent of the s i t e s were occupied by older buildings, but 68 percent of these were b u i l t as single family houses. The remainder were either apartment or bus-i n e s s - r e t a i l buildings. In the Downtown areas r e s i d e n t i a l space permitted i s calculated as a certain proportion of the fl o o r space r a t i o , and i t musjt be provided i f that proportion of the f l o o r space i s to be developed. Permitted maximum fl o o r space i n these areas ranges from 5.0, of which 2.0 must be r e s i d e n t i a l , to 7.0, of which 1.0 must be r e s i d e n t i a l . Over half the older buildings i n the sample from these Down-town mixed use areas were b u i l t for business-retail use and another 21 percent for i n d u s t r i a l or wholesale use; 15 percent were s t i l l houses. Recycling of the older buildings was evident in the sample, esp e c i a l l y for mixed business and r e s i d e n t i a l use (see Figure 30). However just a few of the sample buildings approached the permitted height or fl o o r space r a t i o . Only two zone categories do not s p e c i f i c a l l y include r e s i d e n t i a l use, yet i t is not excluded as a possible use. In the highest density Downtown area, the f u l l allowable f l o o r 194 space may be developed for any appropriate use. A r e s i d e n t i a l component i s not mandatory as i t is in other downtown areas. The older buildings inventoried in t h i s area included examples of a l l types, the largest part of which were b u s i n e s s - r e t a i l premises. Industrial-wholesale i s the second zone category where r e s i d e n t i a l use i s not expressly included i n the terms of the by-law. Industrially-zoned s i t e s accounted for eight percent of the t o t a l sample. Among thi s group 57 percent were occupied by the o r i g i n a l houses, s i m i l a r to those in Figure 32 and s t i l l used for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. On the other hand, only 16 percent of the older buildings occupy-ing industrially-zoned s i t e s were used for i n d u s t r i a l purposes. Furthermore, a scant one quarter of a l l older buildings oc-cupied by industrial-wholesale a c t i v i t i e s were located on s i t e s s p e c i f i c a l l y zoned for that use; nearly h a l f of such buildings were in the Downtown area. FIGURE.32a: Houses in this i n d u s t r i a l zone are numerous and generally well kept. Mt. Pleasant. 195 FIGURE 32b: Industrial neighbours The comprehensive development s i t e s appearing in i the inventory sample included examples of a l l building types defined. Here, houses s t i l l used as residences are most num-erous, representing 38 percent; business-retail buildings were next, occurring on 23 percent of these cases. Since comprehensive development zoning is intended to deal with s p e c i f i c conditions on an individual building basis, observa-tions concerning the relationship of these s i t e s with residen-t i a l use is not possible without a search of the fifty-two individual regulating documents that apply to the sample s i t e s . I t has therefore been assumed that the recorded 1978 uses and building types conformed to the relevant terms of the comprehensive development by-law. The importance of the two h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t s to this research is c h i e f l y i n terms of example, standards for h e r i -tage evaluation and the recycling that have set precedents in 196 Vancouver and in Canada. The r e s i d e n t i a l components in both Gastown and Chinatown are specialized in that the residents in each are mainly from a single minority s o c i a l group. Furthermore, i t is the intention of the relevant by-laws that these residents should continue to f i n d t h e i r homes in these d i s t r i c t s . At least in intent, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of e x i s t i n g buildings i s a p r i o r i t y , and preservation of the existing neighbourhoods' s o c i a l and aesthetic characters i s mandatory. The largest percentage of the o r i g i n a l buildings in Gastown was either wholesale-industrial or hotels; many were renovated and recycled to a mixed business-residential use. In Chinatown, mixed business-residential buildings dominated the sample; however, some of the r e s i d e n t i a l component had been recycled to commercial use. Only f i v e inventoried s i t e s were located in the False Creek Development D i s t r i c t . They were three r e t a i l premises and two examples of the dormitory apartments that were constructed early in the century to accommodate workers in nearby industries. Only a few examples of these unusual buildings s t i l l e x i s t i n the c i t y , one on the Fairview slopes. None of the buildings in t h i s small sample conforms to the development guidelines for this area. Further facts related to development and i t s e f f e c t s on the neighbourhoods were obtained d i r e c t l y from the survey and from a comparison of the 19 74 c i t y land use map and the r e s u l t s of the 1978 survey. During the period between 1974 and 19 78 the number of individual l o t s in the sample area 197 diminished from the 1665 i d e n t i f i e d on the 1974 map to 1556 observed in the survey, a decrease of 109 lots due to consol-idation into larger development s i t e s . The d i s t r i b u t i o n by neighbourhood area is given in Table XVI. During the same four year period eighty-six buildings shown on the map had disappeared, a number equal to 11% of the t o t a l sample. I t was assumed that these buildings had been demolished. TABLE XVI DISTRIBUTION OF VACANT LOTS, PARKING LOTS, CONSOLIDATIONS, DEMOLITION AND VACANT BUILDINGS BY NEIGHBOURHOOD • ' ' , ; „ ' . . ; . ; \r ": < -Z : 2 z 1 - — 0 i - *y-•~<C -; ' V) z '2 ' •••3 . : . , - • ' . . • • • <c 1 • ul - < ; UJ UJ Z o h-.2" i- " f . , ~ . , . ' . . . . z - i . -V z Z I • < a H A . 1U m 0 I a: 1- 0 5 1L Z > z Q o !n v-. N ° • OF PLOTS c C iz. u 3 7 4 s 5 4 ... V A C A N T LOTS • -PARKING} LOTS T-2. C9 2.5 " 15 2 6 1 4 2 .6 2 4 0 ; j COHSOL1 DATl OHS IZ. O , 3S 17 : s \\ 3 z o I 0 9 : . . ; i p&MOUT\OMS 4 . 23 ZO .17 - 1 , 4 U 6 8& -^TVACANT feLDO,.S 0 4 ~ 5 ' • 2 1 G z a ZZ They were located in 26 of the 54 plots distributed throughout the study area with frequencies of up to ten demolitions in any one plot. Many of them had been part of groups of 3 to 7 adjacent buildings. It was noted that the large majority of the older buildings observed to be vacant occurred.in the same plots where buildings had been demolished. A l l but two of the demolished buildings were houses, several of which had been mentioned in the Oliver report on heritage buildings. 198 Four that dated from 1895 had been part of groups of sim i l a r older buildings in a single plot where a t o t a l of nine houses had been demolished. Another four were part of a group of six that had been noted for their heritage i n t e r e s t . Over half of the demolished houses had been replaced by apartments or townhouses, and another 22 percent by o f f i c e s or i n d u s t r i a l buildings. In a number of cases, l o t s that were vacant in 1974 had been consolidated with those of demolished buildings to create a large s i t e for new development. On the other hand 22 percent of the s i t e s vacated by demolition remained vacant or were used for parking at the time of the 19 78 survey. FIGURE 33: Houses that survived on busy commercial streets 4th at Arbutus Hastings and Gore 199 The physical appearance and condition of each b u i l d -ing, i t s use, the relationship to adjacent buildings, as well the possible heritage value and s u i t a b i l i t y of i t s neighbour-hood setting were a l l viewed as mitigating factors to provide some balance to the dispassionate economic factors that are used to assess a property. In real terms a property consists of a piece of land plus the building improvements that occupy the land. Each can conveniently be apportioned a d o l l a r value which, for the developer, becomes the primary measure for deciding whether to redevelop or r e h a b i l i t a t e . In p r i n c i p l e the tax assessment procedure for rental properties in B r i t i s h Columbia, which is in the pr o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , i s to estimate property values on the basis of the net annual income generated from the property. This i s next c a p i t a l i z e d over the expected l i f e of the bui l d i n g . Then the res u l t i n g property value i s apportioned f i r s t to the land according to the current market value and the remainder to the building. For properties that do not generate income, such as owner-occupied houses, estimates are based on a manual of values related to building class checked with the current market value, and the results s i m i l a r l y apportioned to land and building."'" 0 1 A p a r t i c u l a r piece of land retains e s s e n t i a l l y the same market value, according to the highest and best permitted use, regardless of the building that occupies the s i t e . The residual appor-tionment to building improvements by this method represents 1 0 1 I n f o r m a t i o n regarding assessment procedures was ob-tained during an interview with Mr. Wallace of the Assessment Authority of B r i t i s h Columbia. 200 the value in use of the existing structure. The l i k e l i h o o d that a building w i l l be demolished increases with an increased difference between the value in use (less cost) of the ex i s t i n g building and the development potential of the land, which i s also based on estimates of revenue from future highest and , ^ ,, ^, 102 best use (less cost). The average value of the l o t s i n the sample area was $20.28 per square foot. The range for the tenth to the n i n t i e t h percentile was $8.40 to $30.00, increasing at two and three d o l l a r i n t e r v a l s . In the l a s t ten percent, values escalated to a maximum of $175.90. The land values were r e l a t i v e l y consistent within a neighbourhood area but d i f f e r e d from one area to another. The cross-tabulations showed a very high correspondence between neighbourhood areas and zone categories was r e f l e c t e d by the land values. As with areas, land values were also consistent within zone categories but d i f f e r e d from category to category. As was expected the lower density r e s i d e n t i a l zones were limited to the low value range and the higher density zones to the higher value range. However, land values in the Fairview zone were on the average higher than those in the single use commercial category. Lots in the i n d u s t r i a l zone were also limited to the lower value range. Land values related to building type indicated that commercial buildings and mixed-use buildings usually occupied 102 Pennance observed, "Land costs to any user, private or public, represent the alternative use-value of the s i t e thrown up by the demand of the community which must be outbid i f the use of the s i t e i s to be obtained." Housing Market Analysis  and Policy, 1969; p. 35. 201 the high value s i t e s , including those in the Downtown zones. Houses occupied l o t s that were f a i r l y well d i s t r i b u t e d across the f u l l range of land values. For the most part a l l these relationships were predictable and consistent with the state-ment that land values tend to follow current development expect-ations irres p e c t i v e of existing building improvements. For example, i t was noted that one property i n a K i t s i l a n o multi-unit zone had a uniquely low land value. This case proved to be a twenty-five foot l o t sandwiched between two large newer apartments; i t s usefulness for development was therefore severely c u r t a i l e d . 10 3 No s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p (chi-sq. = .47/- .92) was found between land value and lotjwidth in either the West End or Downtown where s i t e s with longer frontages might be expected to have i n f l a t e d values. However, in other areas, e s p e c i a l l y K i t s i l a n o and Fairview, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t inverse relationship (chi-sq. = .0003/.046); smaller s i t e s tended to have r e l a t i v e l y higher d o l l a r per square foot values. Since the land value i s apportioned according to the current market for an equivalent l o t and the consideration of the potential usefulness of the land, i t gives an indication of the expectation for development. Conversely, the property r a t i o indicates the current usefulness of the building i n the economic terms of revenues to the owner. An indicator developed to represent the value in use of the sample of older buildings was the r a t i o of the tax assessment for building improvement to the t o t a l assessment 1 fl 1 U J C h i - s q . s i g n i f i c a n t at .05 or l e s s . 202 for the property. For convenience t h i s i n d i c a t o r was c a l l e d "property r a t i o " . Also to f a c i l i t a t e a n a l y s i s , the continuous range of both property r a t i o s and the d o l l a r per square foot land values were divided into ten' categories, each containing ten percent of the sample to the nearest one percent. The graphs i n Figure 34 represent the range of l o t areas, land values, and property r a t i o s in each of the eight neighbour-hoods. Relating property r a t i o to land value in the anal-y s i s provided some measure of the incentive to redevelop de-rived from the return on land investment that was brought by the older buildings. A s i g n i f i c a n t (Chi square s i g n i f i c -ance = 0.000) though inversely related (tan b --0.0898) association was found between land value and property r a t i o . In the low to middle range of values the r e l a t i o n s h i p was negative: low land values associated with high property r a t i o s , and mid land values with low property r a t i o s . There was a reversal in the higher ranges; both scales tended to correspond, though the top ten percent on the land.value scale tended more to random d i s t r i b u t i o n among property r a t i o . Unlike the comparatively equal i n t e r v a l s between the ten percent frequency d i v i s i o n s in land values, the i n t e r -vals between the d i v i s i o n for property r a t i o s increased with the r a t i o s , i n d i c a t i n g that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of land values was r e l a t i v e l y even while the d i s t r i b u t i o n of property r a t i o s tended to decrease with r a t i o increase. The r a t i o s for the sample buildings ranged from a low of .03 up to .50, or equal 203 FIGURE 34 DISTRIBUTION CURVES: LOT AREAS, LAND VALUE, PROPERTY RATIO BY NEIGHBOURHOOD i 5 j • 5 o r • X - : 8/ 5 / • " ' • | " - ' ! 6 z 3 iff/ ' - ! * :",4 •'' ". : 5 W E i T E H D N6U-SON CENTER. . ; .... D O W N T O W N 6 D O W N W W N EA6>T StteATHGONA. i | I ;.0 sqFT. LOT AREA. 35006 1 u-0 3 4 62. 3 7 ' ' 7 2/ 4 / 1 / 5 / 3 ^ 1 O .2A°> PROPE.RTV R W W 204 building to land value, at the ninetieth p e r c e n t i l e . The highest r a t i o was .90 j the median was .19. Property ra t i o s only showed a modest degree of sim-i l a r i t y with the eight areas or neighbourhoods that were covered in the survey. The clearest tendency was for the highest r a t i o s to occur closest to the c i t y center, a location where i t is reasonable to find a favorable economic return. Property r a t i o s for the Strathcona sample appeared r e l a t i v e l y high while those i n the West End and Fairview were c l e a r l y low. The d e f i n i t i o n of the sample area by zone exposed some interesting differences in association with prpperty r a t i o s . For example the two-family zone f e l l largely in the upper ranges, between .25 and .50. A great majority of the sample in the two-family zone was houses, and nearly a l l the s i t e s were found to be in the two lowest l e v e l s of land value. In the Downtown sample most of the high property r a t i o s oc-curred i n the two heritage zones, so the ra t i o s in the other Downtown zones were correspondingly lower, e s p e c i a l l y in the high density zone. The West End and p a r t i c u l a r l y Fairview remained at the low end of the property r a t i o scale. In the West End the properties zoned for mixed use were proportion-ately lower than the two r e s i d e n t i a l zones. With regard to building type, the lowest 30 percent of the property r a t i o values consisted almost exclusively of houses. These must be houses not located in two-family zones, since only two buildings in that zone category had property ratios, among 205 the lowest 30 percent. Apartments, hotels, and i n d u s t r i a l •a buildings a l l had more than one t h i r d t h e i r number in the top range of property r a t i o s ; b u s i n e s s - r e t a i l buildings were di s t r i b u t e d r e l a t i v e l y evenly through the whole range of r a t i o s . The cross-tabulation of age with property r a t i o showed a tendency for a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with one excep-t i o n . There was a moderate swell of the oldest buildings among the highest r a t i o s . This was a r e f l e c t i o n of the high r a t i o s found i n the h i s t o r i c zones and in Strathcona. The apparent physical condition of the sample buildings also demonstrated a tendency toward a p o s i t i v e association with the greatest correspondence at the lowest values. , The s t a t -i s t i c a l t e s t of the cross-tabulated data indicated that the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between property r a t i o s and the estimated age and apparent condition of the sample buildings were s i g n i f i c a n t but very weak (Tan C = 0.085 for age, 0.129 for condi-tion) . This suggests that the a b i l i t y f o r a building to produce revenue in some modest way i s dependent on.its age or i t s external condition. But in the case of age i t appeared that the r e l a t i o n s h i p could also work in reverse. Sample Evaluation The report on the findings from the sample evaluation f i r s t considers the v a l i d i t y and usefulness of the scoring method. Next the r e s u l t s of the evaluation are given for scores i n the 80 to 100 percentile range on the two sets of indicators (neighbourhood and i n d i v i d u a l b u i l d i n g ) , and for 206 each of three conditions being evaluated. F i n a l l y the f i n d -ings from a re-evaluation of the sample are reported, as the individual building indicators for the buildings' physical condition, building size and value, and zone are controlled. A b r i e f review of the method used to evaluate the sample follows. For fifty-two sample plots with pre-1945 buildings the products of the neighbourhood indicator variable values and respective weight values were summed to generate a single score for each p l o t , representing i t s r e l a t i v e poten-t i a l for s a t i s f y i n g c r i t e r i a pertaining to each of three conditions: heritage merit ( I ) ; subsidized housing ( I I ) ; and market housing ( I I I ) . Scores were generated in a similar manner for the 771 buildings from the inventory survey, using the values of the individual building indicators and weights for the c a l c u l a t i o n . Henceforth in this report, scores derived from the neighbourhood indicators are referred to as N and those de-rived from the individual building indicators are referred to as IB.; I,II, and III are used to refer to the three con-diti o n s as designated above. The indicators used for the evaluation were weighted separately for I, II, and III because of the hypothesis that i f a building i s being evaluated for i t s potential to be used for d i f f e r e n t purposes, then the r e l a t i v e importance of the c r i t e r i a by which i t is judged w i l l also d i f f e r . The d i s t r i b u t i o n and the degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the resulting scores were checked as an indication! of t h e i r usefulness in measuring the r e l a t i v e potential of the sample. 207 Both the N and the IB scores for a l l three conditions were observed to be normally distributed with very small standard deviations. This held true when the IB scores were aggregated to the l e v e l of the 52 plots and then further aggregated to the levels of the eight neighbourhood areas. Attention should be drawn to the differences between the two sets of scores. The neighbourhood indicators were overlooking the individual buildings to measure the average! plot c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , including the s i m i l a r i t y of the b u i l d -ings, and convenience and development patterns of the plot (N scores). Individual building indicators measured each building as a unit, without reference to i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the neighbourhood conditions, or other buildings (IB scores). The aggregated IB scores represent the average potential of the individual older buildings in the plots or i n the larger neighbourhood areas (excluding plot c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) . Figure 35 i l l u s t r a t e s that a l l the scores for the 52 plots provide a useful degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the sample, ranging from a minimum of .315 points for IB-I to .409 for N-II. The degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n over the whole sample of 771 cases is much greater with a minimum range of .674 for I I I . These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the scores suggest that the measures are sa t i s f a c t o r y , and the hypothesis i s supported. An analysis of variance with the IB scores aggreg-ated at the l e v e l of the eight neighbourhood areas was used to determine the nature of the differences that were measured. 208 FIGURE 35 RANGE OF STANDARDIZED SCORES FOR 52 PLOTS C O N D I T I O N 3L N_ IB .438 . Z 6 6 . 4 - 3 3 . t o o -244- . S 2 3 . 7 5 3 .30© . s a o -782. .262. . 4 S I . 7 0 6 32-1 W O M e A N 5 .718 l O O The results showed s i g n i f i c a n t differences for a l l three con-d i t i o n s : F=19.2(I) / 101.7(11), 63.5(111). This is i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 36 which shows the strong relationship of the three conditions. FIGURE .36 ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE: IB for Eight Neighbourhood Areas I • 2 i / 1 \ 3 « 2-4* ,3 e 209 The next test was to see i f the buildings were d i s -tinguished according to the i r r e l a t i v e potential to s a t i s f y one or another of the conditions. Correlation matrices of I, II, III were constructed for IB over a l l the sample and s t r a t i f i e d by plots and by neighbourhood. Correlations were also examined for N scores. The correlations o v e r a l l and s t r a t i f i e d by area were very pronounced. At the plot l e v e l they were also pronounced, but N and the aggregate of IB differed i n degree as indicated i n Table XVII. Part a) of the table shows that some d i s t i n c t i o n exists between the potential for housing or heritage use (I/II and I / I I I ) . TABLE XVII i CORRELATIONS: 52 PLOTS I /H x /m X L / H I N • 5L •74 .C& •73 . 94 w X XL XTX N/I& .42. .52. .44 IB I XT. m. :N X • 42 NS. N.S. : \ • U. .47 .52 .51 .45 .44 R@ O-CM = 0 . 3 5 4 S t a t i s t i c a l measure of significance was Pearsons's r (correlation c o e f f i c i e n t ) which i s an index showing the extent to which an obtained r e l a t i o n follows a l i n e a r trend. 210 But the two types of housing are almost p e r f e c t l y correlated among both buildings and neighbourhoods ( I I / I I I ) . On the other hand, part b) shows that, for each of the three uses, the c o r r e l a t i o n between the potential of a neighbourhood, and the potential of the buildings in that neighbourhood i s s i g n i -f i c a n t , however, i t i s considerably less than i t i s between the uses as shown in part a). Part c) looks at the p o t e n t i a l for making heritage and housing purposes mutually supportive. The suggestion i s that the strongest r e l a t i o n s h i p i s where there are heritage buildings in r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. The analysis of IB s t r a t i f i e d at the plot l e v e l shows that I/II was s i g n i f i c a n t l y correlated in 16 out of 49 cases, I/III in 23 out of 49, and II/III in 38 of 49 cases. Three plots contained only one or two older buildings so no correlations were possible. The plots that scored i n the eightieth percentile or higher on both N and IB are plotted for each use in Figures .37 to 39. It should be noted here that although only the IB scores f a l l i n g in the top 20 percentiles are plotted, the ag-gregations are averaged accross the f u l l range of IB scores for each p l o t . The buildings plotted in Figures 40 to 42 are those that scored in-or above the eightieth percentile among the entire sample of 771 individual buildings for each of I, II , and I I I . T h i r t y - s i x out of the 52 plots were represented in :the high scoring group. Two plots - #93 at 11th Avenue and Manitoba and #280 at Pender and Glen - were high in a l l counts. 211 FIGURE 37 NEIGHBOURHOODS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: (Measured for Heritage Conditions) = IB scores = N scores g> N t i i O N C E N T E R . & DOWNTOWN OlST-V DOWNTOWN £>VST t l T l S A M P L E . P L O T •D DEMOLISH CD B L P t ; ntP PRE t*»+5 B U I L P 1 N G S N\M» FOR. P U M ^ ' H 7 4 V A H . L W C U*. H a m H E 3 "MriWOI STRET ' I B " 212 FIGURE 38 NEIGHBOURHOODS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: II (Measured for Subsidized Housing Conditions) ^ = IB scores fl K I T S I L A N O | N E L S O N C t M T t R f ^ l S A M P L E . P U r r v W R V I t w S D O W N T O W N OIVT- » ° D E M O L I S H E D B t O C , S MT- P L E A S A N T ^ D O W N T O W N E A W QECI P R E l « » 4 * B U I L D I N G S "> W t S T E M D ^ & S T R A T H C O N A ^ ^ v m v m w o * ^ g-3 Hi !yjiiiin.O roe p f ^ i mm H JBB, ,1 S | § i i i i ! M ; W | i i j j | | ( • 1 1 l-r~ faCl0EI3 tffl 1LLU 6i m — w q r ^ r r i ' i a " E l l BUfflsffl Hlf 213 FIGURE 39 4 NEIGHBOURHOODS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: III (Measured for Market Housing Conditions) f2 = N scores Si = IB scores fl g HE.LSON CEHTfeR t J Q S A M P L E . PLOT S t * W V \ 6 W S DOWNTOWN D(ST- '° D E M O U 5 H E P B L O C M T PLEASANT V DOWNTOWN E A S T flTTI PRE l « » + 5 BUILDINGS <S WEST END ^ (©> S T R A T H C O N A f ° R P u ^ f > VANx»*o i« fc^sA^ 214 FIGURE 40 INDIVIDUAL BUILDINGS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: I (Measured for Heritage Merit) ^ = © = scores controled 111 = IB scores 215 FIGURE 41 INDIVIDUAL BUILDINGS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: II (Measured for Subsidized Housing) //=0=scores conlroled 111= IB scores 130/y • B ' fi KtTSUAKO S NELSON CENTER, f H S A M P L E . PLOT a FAIRVIEW & DOWNTOWN DIST- • » DEMOLISHED BLOC, » M T PLEASANT V DOWNTOWN E A S T QH3 PRE l«J45 BUILDINGS ^ WEST END <§b STM.ATMCONA » < k « . * \ M > K H P U H S : tn* V * H . U * » U * . * W BET S O 145 SCHOOL I I 6 M E E S ^ . F i r n i T i r n : n 1 H1M £g L i ! pr i ip • LTDB^rTT l^ TTT - ] i U 1, O C T EZZI SHiiiiiiiiSI 25 fScWBI 55L ^TMTm mm • U \\U-\ H H . r ;>r>« pit" »*".;-;] j 1 216 FIGURE 42 INDIVIDUAL BUILDINGS IN THE 80-100 PERCENTILE: III (Measured for Market Housing) //=?© = scores contv-oled 111 = IB scores 217 Among the plots that were not represented, two-thirds had predominantly non-residential occupancies. The Strathcona area scored high in a l l conditions (I, I I , III) with a l l plots represented. Mt. Pleasant was p a r t i c u l a r l y high in a l l housing scores, having the highest o v e r a l l percentages of buildings i n the II count. Individual buildings in Fairview were well rep-resented in the high scoring group, including the largest pro-portion in the I count; however, Fairview did not do well in the N scores. On the other hand, plots in the West End scored high as neighbourhoods for housing (II and I I I ) , but there were no high scores i n the IB counts. A similar d i s t r i b u t i o n of scores was found i n the 70-80 percentile range. It was reasoned that where r e h a b i l i t a t i o n occurs the condition of the buildings w i l l be improved as a r e s u l t . Where the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n includes i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the use of the s i t e , the building's value and r e l a t i v e size w i l l also increase. F i n a l l y , i f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n is accepted i n p r i n c i p a l at the p o l i t i c a l l e v e l the Zoning and Development By-law could be adjusted to l i m i t the development potential of the older building s i t e s accordingly. The relevant i n d i v i d u a l building indicators were therefore controlled by setting their value equal to zero to see i f there would be a d i f f e r e n t set of buildings in the top 20 percentile. Any new buildings appear-ing in the top group could be counted as additional buildings ( W i t h r e l a t i v e l y high potential since the absolute circumstances of the buildings w i l l not have changed. The t a l l y of buildings that would be added by these controls i s given in Table XVIII. 218 The results suggest that a substancial number of buildings would be added in every case. TABLE XVIII BUILDINGS ADDED BY CONTROLLING INDICATORS T ' ' .. i f t O U R H o o p ..' . . S O . - l O O P B R J C & H T I L E O F O V E R A L L 7 "7 . S A M P L E : C O t s l D \ T V O M . X ~.. ... X L TTT '•#4) f S - y Z 0 P 5 0 0 >U1U A D D •'lu v3 1$ si # in 31 KG, E D .Ul' Z 0 •N.< ' '•!-8-z '5 I • -O. < i 1-8 B Z 0 F 5 z .3 U1LD A D D • Ul 51! I H i S / E /O i 111 £ 1. • i • s Z 3. 1 8 . B 1 0 P' 0 z 3 OIL.O A D D . id ft EL.D 111 •t 0 1 • D u) •8 ;'1<£.ITSILA>40 i u PLOTS ; ' ; i o s B L D G ^ . .<}.„ LI .. '.-•ill'. «3 12, :•;-. 9 2. ...„.i ! ~ ' : - 11 i L l F T M B . V l E . W .-; 6> P L O T S 91 foLC>Oi"a 38. 4 . A 2Q 9 ;1 -1 > 3 i M " . P L E A S A N T VI P L O T S 172. 6LDC,S 34 5- a 9 4 o 8 14 2 5 19 5 2 4 12. -z\ 2.4 rivyesr E N D 1 PLOTS \0| &LDG,.S 2. A 1 l o 12. I 5. I L N E i - S O M C E - M T e K . .. . 4 3 P L O T S 4 5 BLCi^.S !'"': -•• :- : ::-•:- •K-. -; 5 P L O T S 97 feLO^S 21 ...7. 5 9 '• ~ ::z:L I ' ; D O W H T O W M Et/" S T .1 4 P L O T S 7 7 BLOG,& 2 . i I. 14 2. 1 1 3 — . Z - 3 : S T R A T T H C O K A ; 1 5 P L O T'S S l > &LDC,S> 3 5 . 2 5 4 8 17 l O 3 . l<5 C.I t o 15 lt> 154 35 31 49 154 3C 27 44 40 .155 Z3 2.7 44 45 1 . When the buildings' physical condition was controlled the added buildings tended to be in plots where there were-al-ready a proportionately large number of high scoring buildings. The most substantial advances were in II, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n 219 Fairview and in Strathcona where the control of building con-d i t i o n was most b e n e f i c i a l . The indicators for building size and building value had been weighted zero for I, so controlled adjustment only occurred in II and I I I . In Mt. Pleasant the considerable ad-vances were mainly in two plots with high scoring buildings. Strathcona was the other area where high scores were substan-t i a l l y augmented in both II and I I I . The advances that occurred when zone was controlled were much greater for a l l conditions in both the 80-111 and the 70-80 percentile ranges. Mt. Pleasant benefited most, p a r t i c u l a r l y in II and I I I . Plot #106 was p a r t i c u l a r l y not-able; high scoring buildings in II increased from one to four-teen. The r e l a t i v e l y large advance in K i t s i l a n o was d i s t r i b -uted among a l l p l o t s , as was the advance in the West End, where I had the largest number of additions. The changes among the buildings scoring i n the top 20 percentile were increased again in the 80-100 range when condition, building size and value, and zone were controlled together. Mt. Pleasant had the greatest number of additions, distributed across the area. There were also r e l a t i v e l y high gains throughout in Strathcona. In both areas most additions were in II and I I I . Advances for I were in the heritage d i s -t r i c t s of Downtown, in the West End and in K i t s i l a n o . Only in Mt. Pleasant were there any substantial additions in the 70-80 percentile range. The effects of the combined control have been noted on Figures 40 to 42 where the buildings added have been i d e n t i f i e d . 220 CHAPTER VI REVIEW "The thing that distinguishes a mere c o l l e c t i o n of individuals from a society i s not likemindedness but cooperative action." Introduction to On Social  Control and C o l l e c t i v e Behavior, selected papers by R.E. Park, edited by R.H. Turner, 1967 In t h i s f i n a l chapter I w i l l comment on the work of the thesis in three sections. The f i r s t deals with the technical aspects of the study. The second presents observa-tions from the results of the survey and evaluation of the sample. The l a s t part draws together the e a r l i e r parts of the study in presenting p o l i t i c a l , educational, and design actions aimed at r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of inner c i t y buildings for family res-i d e n t i a l use. Technical Points I t was decided, following the preliminary survey, that the two block long plot provided a useful sample unit. However, a more representative sample might have resulted had the selection procedure, been designed to i n h i b i t the selection of a series of adjacent p l o t s , such as the string-of f i v e that occurred along Seventh Avenue. Enumeration in a grid form could perhaps have recognized both area s t r a t i f i c a t -ion and adjacency. 221 A number of questions regarding the selection of data were raised during the analysis of the survey r e s u l t s . In one instance, the record of the buildings' physical char-a c t e r i s t i c s would have been more useful i f categories of roof shape had been substituted for roof f i n i s h . Roofs, other than f l a t roofs, were almost uniformly finished in composition t i l e while the shape varied with age and s t y l e . Building depth had not been included among the variables since to obtain a re-l i a b l e measure would have required trespassing on private prop-erty or, i f permission was requested, substantially increased the time required for the survey. Not having the depth dimen-sion necessitated developing two proxy measures to represent the building's s i z e : one for houses and the other for com-mercial type buildings. Although these may be reasonable rep-resentatives, they are not equivalent, so house size could not be compared d i r e c t l y to other types of buildings. Since the square foot d o l l a r values are derived from building size, they are also only approximate and not comparable between houses and other types of buildings. This was accounted for i n the scoring by separating the two types of buildings. But I believe building size or s i t e coverage could have been better approximated,from a e r i a l photographs. It became clear when comparing the r e s u l t s of this survey with the City of Vancouver report on housing, that the census data, included here to provide some indication of population and dwelling density, was not useful because of the difference i n the l e v e l of aggregation. In order to be able to discuss the r e s u l t of t h i s study in r e l a t i o n to 222 Understanding Vancouver's Housing the survey data would have had to include the number of units and tenure type for each of the inventoried buildings. This may have contributed to the argument concerning building s u r v i v a l , but did not seem pert-inent at the time the survey was designed. The suggestions from the experts responding to the questionnaire made i t clear that some measure of the s o c i a l climate of a r e s i d e n t i a l environment i s of primary importance to decision making. I recommend that further studies include some more d i r e c t consideration of s o c i a l factors for measuring building p o t e n t i a l . One should be cautious when using the variable "property-ratio" as an indicator of the value-in-use of the sample buildings due to questionable practices i n a l l o c a t i n g assessment values to land and buildings. However, th i s measure has been used in Vancouver reports, and i t seemed reasonable to assume that the methods described by Mr. Wallace of the Assess-ment Authority were the general practices. Analysis of the data indicated that land values were r e l a t i v e l y consistent in each area except a small percentage of commercial properties at the high end of the scale which t a i l e d o f f steeply (see Figure 34) . The method used in the evaluation procedure c l e a r l y achieved s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s . Nonetheless the s e l e c t i o n and weighting of indicators needs some scrutiny. I t i s possible, for example, that some bias favoring houses was present. This may be j u s t i f i e d to some extent by the fact 223 v t h a t houses provide the ideal family accommodation, and rep-resented the majority of buildings in the survey. In the f i n a l detailed analysis of the evaluation re s u l t s I found that a few buildings did not appear from ob-servation to have potential for market housing consistent with the high scores they had received. Therefore, I recommend a thorough review of the c r i t e r i a and the weights, should research of this type be carried forward. It may be that some factors, such as s o c i a l , must be included in order to make a f a i r eval-uation. The p o s s i b i l i t y for unconventional alternatives such as recycling nonresidential buildings for r e s i d e n t i a l use was not s a t i s f a c t o r i l y accounted for by the indicators. As well, they did not account for the potential heritage merit of var-ie t y among the older buildings of a period, which may have i n -fluenced the elimination of plot #217, on Granville Street, from the high scoring group. No measure for uniqueness was included in the survey; rather, there was a bias toward iden-t i f y i n g the neighbourhoods where a c o l l e c t i o n of modest bu i l d -ings contributed to a street scene with general heritage i n t -erest. Future studies should recognize these two areas of potent i a l merit. The weighting procedure revealed some d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the interpretation of the indicators as they were defined. This was evident from a few of the responses that diverged widely from the majority of opinions expressed, and evident also from the additional indicators suggested by respondents. 224 \ For example, in Scenario I (heritage), neighbourhood indicat-ors for measuring the buildings' s i m i l a r i t y were ranked at the bottom of the scale by a single respondent while the others a l l placed these at or near the top of the l i s t . Numerous "other" indicators suggested for the i n d i v i d u a l building set were measures for neighbourhood s u i t a b i l i t y , while those sug-gested for the neighbourhood indicator set were measures re-lated to individual buildings and s p e c i f i c building designs. The intentions of the two parts of the questionnaire were ap-parently not c l e a r l y enough stated. These problems could possibly have been overcome i f an interview format had been used for the questionnaire, e s p e c i a l l y in this case where expert opinion was being s o l i c i t e d . When analysing the evaluation scores, I noted that, since the buildings were evaluated i n the order of their i d -entity number, buildings i n the plots with high identity numbers had benefitted from an incremental gain in some i n -dicator score values. Unique scores were awarded to each building for the indicators calculated on a percentage basis (land value, l o t s i z e , building value, building s i z e , and property value). Every time a value — such as the l o t area of 3000 square feet which occurred frequently throughout the sample — was repeated the score on that indicator was i n -creased by 1/771. 225 Example: indicator " l o t s i z e " for condition II Standardized maximum indicator score = L = ab/c Where: a = indicator score b = 12 = maximum indicator weight score c = 126 = sum of a l l maximum indicator weight scores Building, l.D.#6., l o t area = 3000 sq. f t . a' = 0.16472 L' = 0.01569 Building, l.D.#705, l o t area = 3000 sq. f t . a" = 0.49815 L" = 0 .4744 Indicator score difference = a" - a' = 0.0317258. A score difference of 0.03 i s r e f l e c t e d i n the percentile standing by a difference of 0.03 in the, extreme score range, and a difference of 0.07 i n the mean range. However the ex-ample of l o t area and building size are by far the worst conditions because the frequencies on two or three values are much higher than for the other three indicators^ The greatest frequency for land value i s 16 while the greatest for l o t area i s 99 for the value of 300p_ used in the example. When building size and building value were controlled then the change among the high scoring group was not as marked as i t had been for the other variables. nTo compensate for t h i s advantage the detailed analysis included a range of 0.30 percentile podnts. In further analysis the mean score should be assigned in these cases. Among the IB scores aggregated at the plot l e v e l two plots were found i n the 80 to 100 percentile group that had a single high scoring b u i l d i n g . (Plot #68; I, I I , III; Plot #206: I I ) . Since a single building could not be considered to represent the image of the neighbourhood, they were excluded 226 from those plotted in Figures 39, 40 and 41. However these aggregate scores were included in the c o r r e l a t i o n c a l c u l a t i o n s . Observations from the Survey and Evaluation Results An immediate observation from the survey and inven-tory was the degree of change in character of the inner c i t y that has taken place during the t h i r t y - t h r e e year period f o l -lowing the second world war. The extreme difference in d i s -t r i b u t i o n of building use between older and newer buildings, from predominantly single family to predominantly commercial and apartment buildings, corresponds to the predominant s h i f t to a larger scale of buildings and building s i t e s and to the change to a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n or elimination of the d e t a i l s that embellish and a r t i c u l a t e the buildings. These physical changes no doubt derive from, and contribute to, a change in the function of the inner c i t y , the people who go there and the sense of place i t i n s p i r e s . In a l l the plots sampled, 42 percent of the building s i t e s had been redeveloped in the l a s t t h i r t y - f o u r years. A great many of those s i t e s were con-solidations of o r i g i n a l twenty-five to f i f t y foot l o t s so that i n terms of land area, redevelopment i s considerably greater than i t appears to be in terms of the number of buildings. The proposition of this thesis, that existing b u i l d -ings be rehabilitated for r e s i d e n t i a l use, also implies a proposal that these changes stop, or at least be greatly re-duced. While I do not intend to suggest that a l l old b u i l d -ings be saved, the inventory results did indicate that in the 227 inner c i t y areas of Vancouver a great many of the sample b u i l d -ings (50 percent) s t i l l retained their o r i g i n a l character and that the majority (70 percent) appeared to be s t r u c t u r a l l y sound. So there i s s t i l l an opportunity to retain a f u l l range of housing options, including those suitable for famil-ies , i n a well distributed network of buildings and stre e t -scapes that exemplify the tastes and values of the e a r l i e s t periods of the c i t y ' s development. These older buildings also provide a pattern of small scale elements that maintain a more intimate texture in these neighbourhoods. The very high proportion of houses (37 percent) found among buildings in the study area was unexpected. They rep-resent over two thirds of the older inventoried buildings. The majority were b u i l t before 1914 and were the homes of working class families. That these modest houses have survived i s probably due to a combination of circumstances which might i n -clude owners who has held out against redevelopment pressure, or economically viable conversions, or r e l a t i v e l y minor pres-sures for redevelopment of the s i t e s . Whatever the reason, the re s u l t i s that there s t i l l remain in the inner c i t y of Vancouver a considerable stock of dwellings eminently suited to family use, many of which are available at r e l a t i v e l y low rents. Among these houses i t appeared that approximately one t h i r d were s t i l l occupied by a single family even though conversion i s permitted in every instance. Nevertheless the demolition of small houses and the consolidation of s i t e s for comparatively large building development has had, and continues to have at an alarming rate, a decided impact on the street scenes. 228 Residential buildings in the sample that were not houses consisted of apartment buildings and those with dwel-lings over ground fl o o r commercial space. The remaining 20 percent of older buildings inventoried were non-residential, business-retail properties, i n d u s t r i a l buildings, and a few community service buildings such as churches. These may hold some potential for being r e h a b i l i t a t e d and recycled to contain dwelling units, at least in the f l o o r s above grade. For the most part these were masonry-frame structures in the Downtown and Downtown East areas. As a general rule, the recycling of non-residential spaces to r e s i d e n t i a l use involves r e l a t i v e l y extensive r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n order to bring the spaces to res-i d e n t i a l standard. I t has been found that there i s often a considerable loss of useable f l o o r space in order to meet day-l i g h t and v e n t i l a t i o n standards (Diamond, 1976), not to mention c i r c u l a t i o n and egress requirements and new energy conserv-ation standards. Usually the work includes major modifications to the plumbing, mechanical and e l e c t r i c a l services. As a r e s u l t the complete gutting of the i n t e r i o r may be the most p r a c t i c a l approach to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and recycling of these buildings. Given a sound structure, t h i s can be accomplished at a cost somewhat lower than that of an equivalent new b u i l d -ing (Diamond, 1976). This form of housing enjoys increasing popularity with a rather special section of the population; for example, the semi abandoned warehouse area of Soho, in New York, became popular with a r t i s t s seeking large inexpensive spaces for their studio-homes. 229 Because of the extent of work and higher s k i l l i n -volved i n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the larger masonry buildings, f e a s i b i l i t y i s marginal and can only be evaluated on the basis of a detailed investigation of the s p e c i f i c building. The inventory conducted for this survey does not provide inform-ation that i s c r i t i c a l to such a project, l i k e f u l l p a r t i c u l -ars of building configuration or d e t a i l s of the s i t e that might relate to required parking. Although there i s no i n d i c -ation yet as to the demand in Vancouver for the unique type of dwelling that results from warehouse rec y c l i n g , i t i s l i k e l y that some, at l e a s t , would s e l l . Indeed, the intention of t h i s thesis was that these alternatives in housing be provided to encourage demand from that quarter, since in the inner c i t y supply tends to determine the population. %, Rehabilitation costs are, of course, an important factor even when moderated by value to the community. I noted from the survey that development p o t e n t i a l , indicated by land value, was closely associated with zoning. The few properties that r e f l e c t e d r e l a t i v e l y low value in t h e i r zone category may be good r e h a b i l i t a t i o n prospects on a cost basis, as are most older buildings in the two-family zones. I also found that houses in lower density zones provided r e l a t i v e l y high returns on investment (shown by the property r a t i o s ) . However, in most areas economic conditions are not as encouraging. The old houses do remain nonetheless, suggesting that conversion to smore intensive use has a holding e f f e c t . The potential for further i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of properties with low property r a t i o s 230 should be considered as a possible means for securing the ex-i s t i n g building resources. Observations from both the preliminary survey and the inventory revealed, that there were few vacant properties; even those that appeared to be in marginal condition were f u l -l y occupied. The February 1980 vacancy rate of 0.01 percent confirms that there is now heavy demand for a l l housing options available in the c i t y . Much of the demand i s due to immigrants from other parts of Canada. But i t i s possible that this i s also a f i r s t hint of a flow of people back to the c i t y , sim-i l a r to the turn of events i n the United States. Several times in this summary of the r e s u l t s , I have referred to the heritage role of these older buildings. Many in the sample were s t i l l the o r i g i n a l buildings of the inner c i t y . Others were examples of an e a r l i e r redevelopment es-p e c i a l l y those in the central business area where redevelop-ment began to replace the o r i g i n a l houses as early as 1910. In other parts of the c i t y there are only isolated occurrences of o r i g i n a l houses sim i l a r to those in the inner c i t y . So the opportunity for conserving and p h y s i c a l l y l i n k i n g t h i s heritage resource is unique to the inner c i t y . The samples from the two designated heritage zones in Vancouver were found to have high property r a t i o s with r e l a t i v e l y high land values, which showed them to be in a very s a t i s f a c t o r y economic po s i t -ion. From these examples i t was also observed that even small groups of older buildings can project a strong h i s t o r i c image, where the r a t i o of old to new buildings i s high and the gaps between the groups of old buildings is small. Half of the 231 older buildings in the survey belonged to groups of f i v e or more. The existence of a number of s i t e s i n the sample with two, three, or four buildings suggested that l i m i t s to s i t e development i s an area where zoning r e s t r i c t i o n s might be reviewed in r e l a t i o n to existing buildings. The by-law states that only one p r i n c i p a l building i s allowed on a s i t e . These examples are c l e a r l y at variance. In cases where several fine large houses were found on a row of small s i t e s facing side streets, these are surely also at variance with permitted f l o o r space r a t i o s . Both these examples r e f l e c t a different, attitude toward the use and development of the land that was in practice before zoning. Perhaps a po l i c y for i n f i l l housing can be influenced by these examples so existing houses need not be destroyed to make way for more intensive s i t e use. S t a b i l i t y of the neighbourhood i s one important factor, since perceived s t a b i l i t y encourages an owner to r e h a b i l i t a t e his property ( P h i l l i p s '76) and respect for established s o c i a l networks reinforces a sense of pride in community and i t s h i s t o r i c relationship to the c i t y . Benefits of this nature are not confined to s i t e boundaries, but extend to building groups and neighbourhood character. The survey also revealed that, i n general, the inner c i t y areas already provide a number of the amenities and services that contribute to a s a t i s f a c t o r y family r e s i d e n t i a l environment. The question i s , how well does the neighbourhood serve i t s residents, and further, can this service be improved? Taking this view, 232 rather than questioning whether people should l i v e in one area or another, one assumes that neighbourhood s u i t a b i l i t y i s a matter that can be amended and controlled. The aim of evaluation procedure was to find out how well, i n r e l a t i o n to each other, the neighbourhood plots and buildings might f i t both the c i r e t e r i a for the two types of housing, and for heritage merit; in other words, i n which situations could these two uses be most mutually supportive. The results of the evaluation indicated that the best chance for an advantageous combination i s where buildings with her-itage interest are found i n plots that are p o t e n t i a l l y good family r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. Thus i t would appear to be worthwhile for those interested i n heritage conservation to f a m i l i a r i z e the residents in these family neighbourhoods with the heritage merit of the buildings, and provide them d i r e c t l y with r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and conservation design information. Per-haps th i s would be an interesting project for highschool stud-ents that would not only increase th e i r awareness of their heritage resources, but also provide a service to the communir ty. The well-known problem of g e n t r i f i c a t i o n was heavily underscored by the results of the evaluation. The weighting procedure had confirmed the impressions from the study that there was a difference in the decision making process regard-i n g market and low rental housing. However, the scores of buildings meeting these two sets of c r i t e r i a were very c l o s e l y correlated, the greatest correspondence being among the highest scoring buildingsV > This demonstrates c l e a r l y the potential competition for the d i s p o s i t i o n of housing stock across the inner c i t y . Where low rental i s concerned, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n brings with i t an increasing g e n t r i f i c a t i o n problem as the preference for the inner c i t y location grows among people with higher incomes. ,There i s an urgent requirement for a c a r e f u l assessment of the g e n t r i f i c a t i o n problems in the inner c i t y in r e l a t i o n to the need for low rental housing. Sp e c i f i c p r i o r i t i e s should be established so e f f e c t i v e support and/or controls can be put in place while there s t i l l i s some accommodation for low income families in the inner c i t y . I also noted that, as the indicators were controlled, the benefits tended to accumulate in the plots where high scoring buildings were already found, which surely focuses attention on these areas as l i k e l y places to begin with a detailed investigation of the alternatives for changes or future development. To be more s p e c i f i c , I w i l l outline my observations regarding the potential for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n for the eight neighbourhood areas i n d i v i d u a l l y . These observations are based p r i n c i p a l l y on the analysis of buildings f a l l i n g on or above the seventieth p e r c e n t i l e . The implication for b u i l d -f.ings scoring below the seventieth percentile i s only that, 105 Number of Building Percentile II III 90 - 100 77 64 (12 in 80s 1 80) 80 - 90 77 44 (16 in 70s 5 70) 70 - 80 77 32 (14 in 60s 13 60) 234 by the c r i t e r i a used here, other buildings seem to have r e l -a t i v e l y greater potential for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . I t does not by i t s e l f imply that low scoring buildings should not be con-sidered suitable. The six sample plots in K i t s i l a n o included three that are p r i n c i p a l l y r e s i d e n t i a l , two are crossed by a major a r t e r i a l , Burrard Street, and one along 4th Avenue in an active commercial area. In general the prospects for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n appear to be r e l a t i v e l y low in this area. However, homeowners have demonstrated a clear preference for maintaining the fam-i l y character of K i t s i l a n o . There has been a comparatively good response to the RRAP program which has helped maintain the status quo for the time being. Multi-unit zoning and the attendant i n f l a t e d land values are key factors influencing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p o t e n t i a l . These strong pressures make redev-elopment seem more l i k e l y than g e n t r i f i c a t i o n in K i t s i l a n o . The exception meriting p a r t i c u l a r attention i s Plot #8 (at Sixth and Yew) which s t i l l has a high percentage of i t s o r i g -i n a l buildings. Not only do many of these buildings show good potential for a l l three purposes, but as a r e s i d e n t i a l neigh-bourhood the plot i s outstanding. There are three early mixed-use buildings of interest (see Figure 11) that might become instruments to stimulate heritage interest in the community. A second of the r e s i d e n t i a l plots i n the K i t s i l a n o sample, Plot #18 (at F i f t h and Arbutus), was outstanding on a l l neighbour-hood counts, but there were no buildings of p a r t i c u l a r note. I n s t a b i l i t y i s no doubt a factor here where half the buildings belong to the c i t y , awaiting the outcome of the Arbutus rapid 235 t r a n s i t plans. The group of four houses in Figure 29 i s also i n this p l o t . This was a s i t u a t i o n where the small size of the l o t reduced the po t e n t i a l of otherwise desirable houses. It is quite possible that in cases such as t h i s , a solution to compensate for the shortcoming can be found. One suggestion i s borrowed from the Dutch concept of "Woonerven" whereby vehicular access to the side street fronting these, or s i m i l a r houses, be r e s t r i c t e d . The street could then be redesigned as a neighbourhood pedestrian area suitable for small children's play. The sample plots i n Fairview contrast with those in K i t s i l a n o . Many buildings show high p o t e n t i a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y for t h e i r heritage value, even though land values are high for r e s i d e n t i a l properties and revenues r e l a t i v e l y low. The N scores did not show promise for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of family housing. There were six plots in the sample. One consisted of a group of elderly i n d u s t r i a l buildings on Sixth Avenue; the remainder are strung out along Seventh Avenue, crossing G r a n v i l l e on the west. Two of the plots were remarkable for the high proportion of meritous buildings that remained along Seventh Avenue at the time of the survey. Alas, many of these have already been demolished, thanks to the permissive zoning that makes a mockery of the stated intention to pre-serve the existing buildings. The outright f l o o r space r a t i o of 0.6 can, at the d i s c r e t i o n of the direc t o r of planning, be increased to 1.5. Unless this relaxation i s abolished the most l i k e l y prospect for conserving any of the old houses i s for them to be recycled to o f f i c e and commercial use so as 236 to generate an acceptable revenue, a frequent occurrence in the area. Some incentives could perhaps be offered to en-courage such preservation of certain of these buildings, care-f u l l y selected for their p a r t i c u l a r heritage merit in an over-a l l scheme that would recognize the physical l i n k between these buildings and es t a b l i s h c r i t e r i a for the design of ad-jacent new buildings that provide their s e t t i n g . Mt. Pleasant is an area that has great v a r i e t y . The twelve sample plots included four in an i n d u s t r i a l zone and two along commercial Broadway. The remainder were zoned half two family and half multi-unit r e s i d e n t i a l . P l o t #93 on Eleventh and Manitoba not only had the greatest number of high i scoring buildings on a l l counts, but was well ahead on the neighbourhood scores. It i s a two, family zone with r e l a t i v e l y low land values and high property r a t i o s , making i t a good economic prospect for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . There i s evidence of work being carried out here and along nearby streets, includ-ing restoration projects, as g e n t r i f i c a t i o n i s taking place. However the RRAP renovation, stripped of o r i g i n a l d e t a i l and shown in Figure 26b , was also in t h i s p l o t which had the highest potential heritage interest in the entire sample. It would seem that this i s an area where the potential for market housing in an excellent family neighbourhood could e f f e c t i v e l y springboard a program to conserve the heritage character of the neighbourhood. Encouragement in the form of advisory services, inducement through by-law relaxations, support with tax abatement, and complimentary neighbourhood improvements 237 might a l l be considered in such a program. Design guidelines and cooperation from RRAP administrators would be mandatory. Plot #74, adjacent to City H a l l , i s in the same general area. I t also figured high on a l l heritage counts, although i t was not as appropriate as a family neighbourhood. I suggest that an area for a conservation program could extend from City H a l l to the east, providing a worthy setting for a statement of the c i t y ' s appreciation of i t s heritage resources. In the Mt. Pleasant i n d u s t r i a l zone north of Broad-way a d i f f e r e n t program i s indicated, i f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s considered appropriate after sampling the views of the r e s i d -ents. Rezoning of the r e s i d e n t i a l properties, p a r t i c u l a r l y where there are clusters of houses, would be a f i r s t step; t h i s would be followed by neighbourhood improvements recog-nizing the r e s i d e n t i a l component in the area, by tree plant-ing and by giving attention to the needs of children. The plots i n the multi-unit zones are beginning to y i e l d to the redevelopment pressures. Small houses and building l o t s make i t d i f f i c u l t to i n t e n s i f y the use of many of the existing houses to they can be competitive. However, I found that they benefitted s i g n i f i c a n t l y when the indicators were controlled in the evaluation analysis. As rentals ap-pear to be r e l a t i v e l y low in these p l o t s , p o t e n t i a l r e h a b i l -i t a t i o n should be assessed i n r e l a t i o n with the need to main-t a i n low cost housing stock. Plot #106 which shows some her-itage potential might benefit p a r t i c u l a r l y from a coordinated self-help program and an opportunity for residents to become involved i n planning their neighbourhood. This might r e s u l t 238 in the sel e c t i v e down zoning of s i t e s such as the one occupied by the group of four houses in Figure 28. Again, encouraging actions by the c i t y , such as tree planting, would help to stimulate interest and pride in the community. Unfortunately there seemed to be very l i t t l e po-t e n t i a l for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n for families of the remaining houses in either the West End, Nelson Center, or the Downtown. Nonetheless, many of the West End plots appear suitable for fam i l i e s , and scores not withstanding, there are some unique opportunities for incorporating existing houses into designs that i n t e n s i f y s i t e development. Otherwise, the low rent a l rooming houses i n the West End may be able to survive with public assistance, but a program for private r e h a b i l i t a t i o n does not seem r e a l i s t i c . These are cases to be decided with reference to the need for such housing, and the consequence of having to provide alternative accommodation for residents. Attention should be paid, however, to the conserv-ation of the older apartments and buildings with unique her-itage interest such as those in Figure 43. Compensation i s often the key factor in successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , perhaps through the sale of a i r r i g h t s . Rehabilitation of r e s i d e n t i a l hotels in Downtown East has been subject to extensive study, beyond the scope of this thesis. In this area only Plot #246, including Oppenheimer Park, was interesting from the point of view of family housing (in a suitable neighbourhood. Here there are some venerable examples of the c i t y ' s e a r l i e s t houses, unchanged and in good 239 FIGURE 43: Unique buildings of interest Yale Hotel Drake and Seymour Davie and Thurlow The Banff Bute and Georgia 240 condition, that should have excellent r e h a b i l i t a t i o n pros-pects. Yet recently similar houses were demolished to be replaced by apartments for the el d e r l y . This seems to be a matter of housing p r i o r i t i e s and the pr e v a i l i n g careless at-titude toward the c i t y ' s dwindling building heritage re-sources. I t is important to count the number of pre-1900 buildings that remain i n good condition and take a quantit-ative stand about their value to the c i t y . In this survey of 20 percent of the inner c i t y area there were t h i r t y - f o u r buildings b u i l t before 1895 and a futher 151 b u i l t between 1896 and 1905. The greatest c o l l e c t i o n of the c i t y ' s oldest houses, a good many i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l state, i s found i n the Strath-cona area. This can only be one reason for the concentration of high scores for the various counts across the area. Low land values, r e l a t i v l y high property values, and a large proportion of o r i g i n a l buildings remaining in better than average condition indicate a stable neighbourhood. At least three of the five sample plots in Strathcona have excellent prospects for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . Plot #280 at t r a c t s p a r t i c u l a r attention because of i t s r e l a t i v e l y high scores. Buildings such as those in Figure 44, often well preserved but unpre-tentious l i n k s with Vancouver's past, could add s i g n i f i c a n t l y to a planned network of small areas conserved to demonstrate the building history of the c i t y . Every encouragement and support should be given to the t r a d i t i o n a l residents of the Strathcona area to continue contributing to the c i t y ' s resour-ces by maintaining their heritage homes and the character of 241 242 their unspoiled neighbourhood. The evaluation suggests that this area could experience g e n t r i f i c a t i o n s i m i l a r to that around Eleventh and Manitoba. Resistance to such change w i l l have to come from the residents themselves, but the c i t y should remain a l e r t to the p o s s i b i l i t y and be ready to support the t r a d i t i o n a l ethnic residents i f they find themselves being forced out by speculators i n f l a t i n g land values. Suggested Actions In the following section I discuss three areas of action through which the goals for the inner c i t y , i t s phys-i c a l resources and the families l i v i n g there may be achieved. P o l i t i c a l action; The a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the inner c i t y to families i s dependent on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a variety of housing appropriate to their needs. The economic bias of our society makes i t extemely d i f f i c u l t to support the qual i t y of environment, amenities and services that are required by our society for i t s children. If the inner c i t y i s to be accessible to families, a preliminary step w i l l be to secure the existing resource of accommodation suitable for fami l i e s , a move which r e l i e s heavily on firm p o l i t i c a l action. At a time such as the present, when there i s public concern about dwindling resources and unemployment is,high, i t makes good p o l i t i c a l and economic sense to stimulate building r e h a b i l i t -ation, an a c t i v i t y that recycles materials and i s labor inten-sive. This thesis has touched on many reasons people give for not becoming involved in r e h a b i l i t a t i o n projects, at every 243 l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n : - homeowners and private c i t i z e n s can't get involved because they don't know how and there i s no one to help them; - builders and developers can't because they can|t get financing from l o c a l sources; - the City Planning Department can't because they don't have cooperation from the Building and Engineering Departments; - The City can't because the major part of public revenues go to the Province and the Federal Government; - the Provincial Government can't because the Fed-e r a l Government won't release matching funds;. - CM.H.C. can't because of their rules, set by Parliament through the N.H.A. This l i s t of examples i l l u s t r a t e s the ease with which the re-s p o n s i b i l i t y for inaction can be passed along. In i t s role as mediator and f a c i l i t a t o r of the c i t i z e n s ' wishes i t i s surely the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the gov-ernment to break down these b a r r i e r s , introduce compromise where necessary, and coordinate a l l parts of the system so they work together toward the desired goals. To do this i t i s important to remember that decisions regarding the future of a building depend on the point of view of the decision maker. The government's agents must know whom they are serv-ing, and be aware of p r i o r i t i e s . Vancouver's c i t i z e n s have shown that they have a conservative attitude with a strong desire to maintain the family orientation and the s o c i a l status 244 of their communities (Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979). They have also demonstrated that their s o c i a l networks can ex-e r t p o l i t i c a l pressure. When formulating a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program I would suggest looking at the l e v e l s of operation and the economics involved. In the private market housing i s a commodity that competes at the l e v e l of the national economy for investment and must return net p r o f i t s at least equal to other invest-ment options. To u t i l i z e the expertise and e f f i c i e n c y of major operators in the building industry a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project must be of s u f f i c i e n t scale to be competitive at t h i s l e v e l : either a large building, or i t must be in an area with many small buildings assembled in a single project so the builder can use his operation e f f i c i e n t l y . The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of several Downtown East hotels gathered in a single project might benefit substantially from such e f f i c i e n c i e s . At a sec-ond l e v e l the public sector i s charged with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of assuring adequate shelter to a l l c i t i z e n s . Rather than a commodity, housing i s an assembly of services, and the economics involve the costs of alternative ways of providing the serv-ices. I suggest that r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs based on t h i s perception would benefit s i g n i f i c a n t l y by stimulating what Kroner (1972) called the "peasant economy". Operations at this l e v e l are t y p i c a l l y small scale, often part-time, involve l i t t l e c a p i t a l , do not calculate return to c a p i t a l or labor, and do not attempt to expand or r a t i o n a l i z e for e f f i c i e n c y . Homeowners and resident landlords w i l l i n g to invest t h e i r own time and barter for services often operate at this l e v e l , where 245 the pay-off includes the exercise of personal preferences, such as a choice of tenants or neighbours. The r e s u l t i s a l o c a l -ized sub-economy that e f f e c t i v e l y subsidizes the national economy but that does not have the bargaining power to r e s i s t professional investors. A r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program aimed at t h i s l o c a l l e v e l of economy would need to bolster i t s bargain-ing power by providing better access to financing, tax abate-ments and incentives. Organizational and technical help i s needed, p a r t i c u l a r l y with the buying and s e l l i n g of properties so they may remain in the hands of the l o c a l s . At the Inner C i t y Workshop i t was suggested that NIP funds might be used to acquire property for non-profit housing and so retain low i n -come housing in NIP areas. The c i t y might consider land ac-q u i s i t i o n i n non-designated areas as w e l l . As a general rule, whoever i s involved, the agents of the c i t y should be searching for ways to encourage and compliment the e f f o r t s of people who are w i l l i n g to r e h a b i l -i t a t e rather than demolish a building. At the same time the Federal government should be pressured to close the loophole i n the income tax law that encourages the demolition of buildings. A suitable set of l o c a l building standards for e x i s t -ing buildings that i s accepted by CM.H.C. i s another import-ant ingredient in any r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program. This should coordinate the demands of the d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s involved so the s e l f - h e l p homeowner i s not intimidated by the seemingly r e p e t i t i v e paperwork, and the procession of inspectors. 246 We need a clear d e f i n i t i o n of what constitutes her-itage merit for buildings, and for neighbourhoods, with design guidelines for the conservation of the heritage resources. With that i n mind i t w i l l be possible to put the onus on a de-molition applicant to show that the building i n question i s expendable. F i n a l l y , i t should be recognized that r e h a b i l i t -ation, and conservation are ongoing. Local area programs such as NIP should be revolving, or some form of maintenance prog-ram should be i n i t i a t e d as a follow up. To help programs to be thorough and e f f e c t i v e , they should extend to the d e t a i l s of the community, and allow for the personal expression of the residents through cooperative e f f o r t s to create t h e i r l o c a l ambiance. Educational action; The second area of action important to deciding the future of the inner c i t y i s educa-t i o n . People have to learn to l i v e i n , and deal with, the complexities of the c i t y . But f i r s t , there are certain assumptions handed down from previous decades that have to be unlearned, or at le a s t q u a l i f i e d . The following are some examples exposed in thi s t h e s i s : dwellings, other than single family houses are second class; buildings, e s p e c i a l l y frame buildings, only have a useful l i f e span of about f o r t y - f i v e years; i t i s cheaper to demolish and build a new than to re h a b i l i t a t e ; reduced density w i l l solve s o c i a l problems; a move to the suburban fringe w i l l s a t i s f y the desire for more space and contact with nature; the inner c i t y t r a n s i t i o n -a l zone w i l l be redeveloped; up to 50 percent of the inner 247 c i t y land i s needed for the exclusive use of cars; high r i s e apartments are economically advantageous to the developer, and for c i t y revenues; and as a f i n a l example,, the federal government's attitude that a supply strategy i s the best o v e r a l l solution to the housing problem, and f i l t e r i n g i s the natural d i s t r i b u t i o n process. A l l these points are now strongly disputed, but the d i s s o l u t i o n of assumptions i s a slow process. i On the p o s i t i v e side of learning, there i s the exciting and expanding f i e l d of environmental awareness f o r participants in the creative environment of Halprin's image of the c i t y . In Sommer's opinion, " P a r t i c i p a t i o n without awareness produces ignorance and ugliness; awareness without 106 p a r t i c i p a t i o n leads to f r u s t r a t i o n and alienation." In the man-made urban setting environmental and design awareness go hand-in-hand. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the design of one's own surroundings adds relevance to the lesson and pride through having been e f f e c t i v e . I believe, with Ann Falkner, that the best chance for the on-going conservation of our building resources i s through the e f f o r t s of an aware c i t i z e n r y . Be i t group schemes or individual s e l f - h e l p projects, private c i t i z e n s should be encouraged, stimulated, instructed and given professional support. Programs stimulating community awareness can be i n -troduced i n schools, and adult training programs combined with r e h a b i l i t a t i o n projects. Technical training programs are 1 0 6 R o b e r t Summer,tDesign Awareness, Rinehart Press,, San Francisco, 1972; p. vii«. 248 needed to develop expertise in the s p e c i a l problems associated with r e h a b i l i t a t i o n work, including inspection and estimating costs. And f i n a l l y , support i s required for research into new materials, construction techniques, and the l i f e cycle of building components, i Design; With careful attention to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i design we have the opportunity of turning a potential b u i l d -ing resource into something of l a s t i n g value. This i s a chal-lenge, worthy of considerable e f f o r t , that I d i r e c t p a r t i c u l -a r l y to those responsible for RRAP. Good design is not limited to "monuments" any more than appreciation of the harmony and delight in good design is limited by age or income. I do not want to suggest that every house or building should be "prettied-up", or even saved from demolition. We must c e r t a i n -l y guard against exaggerating and making a c l i c h e of the t r a -d i t i o n a l features we admire. The design c r i t e r i a developed for the h i s t o r i c area of Savannah Georgia are found i n Appendix G. I recommend that guidelines s i m i l a r to these, with i n s t r u c t i o n regarding the d e t a i l s important to the character of our older buildings, be prepared for Vancouver. One of the most challenging design problems associa-ted with the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of small inner c i t y buildings is the necessity for intensifying the s i t e . One method ra r e l y used here seems well suited for non-profit or cooperative projects; t h i s i s to j o i n adjacent houses with an addition at the back. Also the c i t y should permit, and even encourage 249 building f l a t s , or mews type apartments at the back of larger l o t s , or the side of corner l o t s . In a number of instances I have suggested that the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of a bui l d i n g , i n the sense of diminishing en-vironmental obsolescence, w i l l consist of making improvements to the street or the neighbourhood. .This can be accomplished l by providing a mini-park i n some unused corner, or r e s t r i c t i n g t r a f f i c on the s t r e e t . It can also be accomplished by organi-zing events l i k e the community garden projects which in other c i t i e s have triggered spontaneous improvement on a much wider scale. One p a r t i c u l a r design p o s s i b i l i t y I want to outline again because i t i s a development on this thesis that I strong-l y recommend for further study. I re f e r to the design for the enhancement of a number of plots or other small neighbour-hood areas that are selected for their own special contribut-ion to a v i s u a l essay of the building history of Vancouver, including the physical l i n k s between these areas. I imagine the outcome of th i s design as a v i s i b l e heritage network through the inner c i t y of Vancouver linking a variety of l i f e s t y l e s and a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s especially d i f f i c u l t to grasp the h i s t o r i c usage of this corner of the world because i t i s so young. Vancouver was set down in a wilderness that i s s t i l l close by. But an image i s nonetheless important to the l o c a l sense of place and i d e n t i t y . If we examine the sum of these resources from the f i r s t period of the c i t y with the idea of projecting the sense of h i s t o r i c continuity in a way that touches but 250 does not impede the d a i l y l i f e of the c i t y , I think we may discover more of the human q u a l i t i e s that are part of Van-couver's image. 251 APPENDIX A FOUR. TYPES OF. INNER CITY...NEIGHBOURHOODS THE CONDITIONS Declining Areas steady loss of population p a r t i c u l a r l y f a m i l i e s and the economically mobile unemployment worsening houses and environment, including some crowding deepening s o c i a l problems, poverty, family d i s r u p t i o n lack of community organizations, capacity for s e l f - h e l p Stable Areas s t a b i l i t y i n population, age, family/ household mix, and income some unsteadiness i n employment physical conditions decently maintained few serious s o c i a l problems p o t e n t i a l f or e f f e c t i v e community organization some external pressure f or change R e v i t a l i z i n g Areas population disrupted by i n f l u x of upper and middle income house-holds; mix of family and non-family units poorer households being pushed out physical conditions improving through private r e h a b i l i t a t i o n r a p i d l y r i s i n g land and housing costs Massively Redeveloping Areas Population increasing o v e r a l l , with loss in family units, and gain in sing l e , young couples, the e l d e r l y Average income, educational and occupational l e v e l s increasing Housing conditions improving for newcomers, and declining f or the displaced Environmental q u a l i t y , s e l e c t i v e l y improving along with congestion and s t r a i n on services Housing and land costs increasing S t r i k i n g s h i f t to tenancy Strength of community orgnaizat-ions declining THE STRATEGY to stimulate change and economic improvement by channelling new c a p i t a l , users, residents and functions into such areas, by - improving the d e l i v e r y of s o c i a l services - providing job opportunities - making r e h a b i l i t a t e d housing a v a i l -able to low income groups - providing an a l t e r n a t i v e to rooming houses - introducing new functions and groups to protect, strengthen and improve the r e s i d e n t i a l character, and i t s population and functional mix by - improving job sec u r i t y - strengthening the r e s i d e n t i a l character of such areas - r e h a b i l i t a t i n g housing - developing and applying p r o t e c t i v e planning controls - a s s i s t i n g community organizations to moderate the r i s e of housing pric e s and the displacement of low income people, as well as strengthen r e s i d -e n t i a l character by - retaining low and medium income groups - increasing r e s i d e n t i a l density to more economic l e v e l s - r e s t r a i n i n g r i s i n g land and housing costs - enforcing r e s i d e n t i a l zoning to control more e f f e c t i v e l y , the process of large scale redevelopment through channelling high-density development into preferred l o c a t i o n s , protection for c e r t a i n lower-density uses, and provision for the needs of both the displaced and new popula-tions, by r s e l e c t i v e l y l o c a t i n g community f a c i l i t i e s f o r high-density re-development - introducing some medium-density, low-rise forms of development - retaining suitable housing for the resident population - fostering innovative design and construction for high-rise de-velopment, p a r t i c u l a r l y for family l i v i n g and s p e c i a l groups l i k e the e l d e r l y - evolving and applying development • standards Source: G e r t l e r , Changing Canadian C i t i e s , 1977, pp. 450, 451. from McLemore (1975) 252 APPENDIX B CHILD DEVELOPMENT SEVEN AREAS OF GROWTH FOR THE FIRST AGE 6-10 YEARS SCHOOL STAGE; ACTIVITY AREA MANIFESTATIONS CHILD IMPLICATIONS ENVIRONMENT 1) Physical Growth & Capacity Eyes Hand Muscles Body good eye-hand performance (7 yrs. cautious & clumsy) increased independence of fine muscle control, development of strength (Esp. in boys). rythmic co-ordination. girls grow faster than boys so dif. sex groupings (same growth rate within each group) mastery of environment & girls passive & boys active fine muscle skills tools & materials to do things with in a "special" setting (tree house) 2) Physical Growth & Behavior Activities Toys Dress Sleep Eat - active (strength purposeful play (skill (courage - boys (i.e.) -girls kites doll clothes models cooking (for making things) - no interest in selection. - undisturbed and self admin-istered - large appetite-improving manners places to create his own activity trees to climb, dirt, pools, slopes, etc. places appropriate for bike riding, team sports, rough housing large territory in which to seek real things. Elimination - controlled but can suffer from distraction. 253 ACTIVITY MANIFESTATIONS IMPLICATIONS AREA CHILD ENVIRONMENT Sense Perceptions See ) observant - play will occur where ) pleasure sense from the variety of sense stim-Hear ) doing not the thing ulants occur. ) - able to differentiate & Feel ) assimilate perceptions to - "finished" & "fixed" ) secondary uses. object abandoned in favor Taste ) able to create sense impres- of "new raw" materials to ) sions desired from knowing do things with. Smell ) what a "thing" will provide. 4) Perceptual Development Time Space Reading Writing Thought growth of time sense d i ffe rent iat ion growth of awareness of own place in time and space vis a vis others growth of perspective & notion of things distant, concept of space as stable setting for objects with relevance beyond his own action symbols understood as rep-resentations not things. by 9 yr a tool to convey information building general objective information in real categories (memory) awareness of cause and effect ability for abstract perception. 6 yr - expanding area to explore - l i t t l e relationship between "whole" spaces 7 yr - with beginning concept of distance, desires territory of his own 8-9 yr - enjoys travel for differences of " l i f e " in other times & space. General - use of public transit - interest in ''outer space" - pencil & paper & library important "resource". 5) Emotional & Behavioral Ethics Attitudes ) 6 yr - a show off who likes ) approval & resents correction Emotions ) - conforms ) - jealous, aggressive Fear ) - recognizes death but not for ) him. Dreans ) - emotional enjoyment in God/ ) Santa 254 ACTIVITY AREA  MANIFESTATIONS CHILD IMPLICATIONS ENVIRONMENT Emotional & Behavioral Ethicsi(cont'd) Concept Good-Bad ) 7 yr - serious, intense, fair, consistent. - inhibited in action - too high goals-uncertainty - very aware of self & worried about his "position". - absolute in good and bad. - verbally aggressive. 8-9 yr - realizes others know more than he does. - evaluates, obeys rules, accepts blame. - ccmbats fears with reason and begins to cope with own problems. - more relaxed. - ritual of establishing order before proceeding. - keeps thoughts to himself. - judges act rather than motive. - respect of property - private spaces and places for personal things rocm for letting off physical steam 6) Social Interactions Heme Family Play Grouping - in general, a feeling for con-tinuity: relating what he IS doing with what he HAS done & what he WILL do. - knows his world through re-action to i t , no longer "acts" - expending away from home and family. - refuge for physical needs and protection. - rivalry between "gang" and family. - shares feelings with others. - gang important for dev-eloping orientation toothers. 6 yr - rules accepted as given. 8 yr - social games 9-10 yr - rules adapted to f i t - spectator participation 11-12 yr - rules by consensus. i t . works with original problems & direct experience. separation of sexes & separate models. wants to be where "action is " . social centres for peer group, beyond toddler & preschool range. 255 ACTIVITY AREA MANIFESTATIONS CHILD IMPLICATIONS ENVIRONMENT 7) Interpersonal Relations Father Mother Siblings Adults Peers Self 6 yr - enjoys members of his family for his own pleasure. 7 yr - focus for identity and protection. 8 yr - reinforcement rather than absolutes. 9 yr - takes his place and shares responsibility - gets along well i f in some peer group 6 yr - accepts authority to rebel against. 7 on - testing of authority and extent of tolerance. 1_ - ganging-up rivalries 8-9 - separation of sexes marked. - important contact to gain position beyond family world - learns from older among peers. - groups oriented to activities - sense of aloneness and isolat-ion frcm love and acceptance - more flexible/less secure. - by 8 acceptance of personal limitations. 7 yr - l i t t l e sense of "value" of things. 8-9 yr - will save or collect - personal individual contacts important 256 The points included in the foregoing l i s t of seven growth areas correspond to conditions that would exi s t in the outer ring of the two dimensional diagram of D i l l ' s developmental model below. This model would be represented in three dimensions by an expanding s p i r a l . DEVELOPMENTAL MODEL OF GROWTH fears emotions dreams truths school family home groupings play father mother space numbers causality language reading etc. adults siblings self age touching tasting smelling hearing seeing MATURATIONAL DIVISI'DNS motor control eating movement sleep activities eyes body hands muscles Source: Murray and Hume, "The Child and His Environment", unpublished i report> School of Architecture, U.B.C., 1968, from R. D i l l (1968) 257 APPENDIX C BUILDING LIFE CYCLE "MAJOR" SUBSYSTEMS AND THE IR COMPONENTS SUBSYSTEM 1. STRUCTURE FUNCTIONAL ELEMENTS • FOUNDATIONS a FLOORS • LOADBEAR1NG WALLS • ROCF • S T A I R S MINOR COMPONENTS • POURED CONC. OR C . B L . • J O I S T S . B R A C I N G & S H E A T I N G • S O L I D OR WOOD FRAME • R A F T E R OR T R U S S E S ' / ;•{• • FRAMING & S U P P O R T I N G \\ 2. EXTERIOR • W A L L S , S I D I N G . T R I M t DOORS • .WINDOWS • PORCHES 8 S T E P S • CHIMNEY • I N S U L A T I O N • F I N I S H I N G • HARDWARE & G L A S S • HANDRAILS • L I N I N G & C A P P I N G • ROCKWOOL & STYROFOAM • P A I N T & S E A L 3. ROOFING 4. P A R T I T I O N S • DAMPPROOFING • S H I N G L E S • GUTTERS 8 P I P E S • F L A S H I N G • WATERPROOFING • WALLS • DOORS • TRIM • MEMBRANE • T A R , S L A T E , METAL • S H E E T M E T A L , P L A S T I C • S H E E T M E T A L , P L A S T I C • STANDARD • F R A M E , P L A S T E R , GYPROCK • HARDWARE • STANDARD 5. E L E C T R I C A L 6. H E A T I N G , V E N T I L A T I N G 7. PLUMBING 8. F I N I S H E S INTERIOR 9. S I T E WORK t WIRING • SWITCH & O U T L E T S • F U S E BOXES • S E R V I C E • B E L L & THERMOSTAT • FURNACE • R A D I A T O R , R E G I S T E R • P I P E S , DUCTS • PUMPS • P I P E S • F I X T U R E S • D R A I N S , VENTS • C E I L I N G S • WALLS & T R I M • FLOORS t DRIVEWAYS . • WALKS • F E N C E S • L A N D S C A P I N G t C O N N E C T O R S , BOXES • F I X T U R E S • R E P L A C E . OR AUTOMATIC • STANDARD METER • BURNER, T A N K , CONTROLS t V A L V E S , CONTROLS • S H E E T M E T A L >• F I T T I N G S • F A U C E T S • CONTROLS • P A I N T . A C C O U S T I C TILE. ETC • P A I N T , WALLPAPER • S E A L & F I N I S H • C O N C . , G R A V E L , P A V I N G • C O N C . , G R A V E L , P A V I N G • WROUGHT IRON OR WOOD I S O D . E V E R G R E E N , E T C . 258 REPAIR AND REPLACEMENT FREQUENCIES: CONVENTIONAL SMALL BUNGALOW" COMPONENT AND MAINTENANCE TASK FREQUENCY ROOF Pat oh Raplao* *hingl** Repair and r*paint i d i ) « i trough* • • • • • • • • • • • • • EXTERIOR HALLS 1 PORCH K * f i n i * h aluminum t i d i n g or Rapoint briok v a i l on v*ath*r mid* Rabui Id poroS Rapaint poroh 4 *av*» • • DOORS ft" WINDOWS Raplaoa aluminum ttorm door* Raplao* ttindou- gtaaa • • • ff.ptao. 90% in l i y « a r i INTERIOR MALLS ft CETLINGS Fatoh and rapaint 5ERV1CES turnao* - part* aontraat 4 oompl*t* rap lao*m*nt Raplaoa oopptr plumbing Raplao* wiring Suitah** • • J l . p l a . . tot in It , . a r . FLOOR SURFACE Raplao* v i n y l t i l * • a FITTINGS Raplao* fauoat* Baplaoa cupboard king** Raplaoa oountartop • • • • * • • I ' ' ' ' I I . . . . I . . . . I O 5 1 0 15 2 0 2 5 Source: Barnard, Improving Rehabilitation Technology, 1973, pp. 259 APPENDIX D FEDERAL HOUSING SUBSIDIES (estimated for 1976) Estimate of Total Cost Housing Share ($ Million) ($ Million) A. • TAX EXEMPTIONS 1) Homeowner exemptions from capital gains tax 2) Registered Homeownership Savings Plan 3) Tax shelter for persons investing in rental housing 4) Deferred corporate income taxes Subtotal B. NATIONAL HOUSING ACT TRANSFERS Non-Profit and Co-op Capital grants ~ 21 21 Interest 11 11 Assisted Homeownership Program (AHOP) 22 22 Assisted Rental Program (ARP) 3 3 Public Housing 117 117 Rural and Native 7 7 Residential Rehabilitation (RRAP) 29 29 Subtotal 210 210 C. INCOME TRANSFERS 1) General Assistance under Canada 2,400 700 Assistance Plan (including Provincial share) v2) Old Age Pension 3,258 1,000 3) Guaranteed Income Supplement 1,100 300 4) Family Allowance 1,948 500 Subtotal 8,706 2,500 1,410 160 60 500 2,130 1,410 160 60 500 2,130 Source: Part IV(b), Understanding Vancouver's Housing, 1979, p. 19 260 APPENDIX E NUMERICAL EVALUATING METHODS The following is a rating method used by the Alberta government, Heritage Sites, Department of Culture, Youth and Recreation: System of Rating — Provincial Inventory of Historic Buildings Age: 1 - Built since 1910 2 - Built 1900-1910 3 - Built 1890-1900 4 - Built before 1890 Rarity: 1 - Large numbers of similar buildings exist 2 - Few similar buildings exist in the area or region 3 - Very few similar buildings exist in the province 4 - The building is unique or virtually so. Site, Environment and Integrity: 1-2 - Badly disturbed or changed in very unfavorable environment or in very poor condition. 3- 4 - Unfavorable environment, fair condition or moderately altered but not so as to destroy basic integrity. 5-6 - Generally favorable environment, good condition or only super-ficially altered or modified. 7-8 - Highly favorable environment, excellent condition with no notice-able changes or alterations. Architectural Interest: 1-3 - Little to none. 4- 6 - Sufficient that it is an asset and should be preserved when feasible. 7-9 - Considerable interest. Preservation should be strongly urged. 10-12 - Exceptional interest on provincial level. Historic or Socio-cultural Interest: 1-3 - Little or none. 4-6 - Local only. 7-9 - Broad regional significance — some provincial interest. 10-12 - Considerable provincial or even national significance. 261 For the Architectural Conservancy of Ontario, Toronto Region Branch, Mrs Elizabeth Vickers has suggested this scoring method for the buildings of merit within their jurisdiction: E V A L U A T I O N (Scale: 1 = low; 10 = high; NR = not rated) 1) RECOGNIZED STYLE: 2) E X T E R I O R : 3) EXTERIOR DETAIL: 4) INTERIOR: 5) INTERIOR DETAIL: 6) RARITY: 7) REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTER/ SYMBOLIC N A T U R E : 8) L A N D M A R K : 9) CONTEXT: 10) ARCHITECT: Execution within the canon of a recognized period style or method of construction /10 Distinction of handling of external architectural form, including massing, facades, roof line, entrance, fenestration, etc. /10 Distinction of handling of external finish, including brick or stone masonry, handling of wood, carved or sculptured elements, door and window treatment, etc. /10 Distinction of handling of floor plan, spatial sequences and internal volumes /10 Distinction of handling of internal finish, including mouldings, door ways, fireplaces, hardware, materials, etc. /10 One of the few remaining examples of type /10 Especially typical of a given function or community at a given time /10 Importance visually in streetscape or townscape of given area /10 Retention of characteristic architec-tural setting or compatibility with present neighbourhood /10 Importance to community, whether wide or local reputation /10 Additional Comments Note particularly if environs are related or hostile, relatively stable or rapidly changing. A simpler method for evaluation of architectural significance as an example of style could be scored in this way: 1. Exterior - Exceptional (max 60) Good Fair Poor 262 The City County Planning Commission of Lexington, Kentucky-has done an extensive survey and plan, for which they have de-veloped a useful scoring system. Each of five basic considerations is given a maximum scoring potential, the top score possible being 122. 1 Historical 30 points 2 Architectural 25 points 3 Urban Design . 15 points 4 physical Condition 44 points 5 Modification of Original Design 8 points The evaluation scoring is done in this way: T O T A L HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE SCORE Important in National Context 30 State or Regional Context 20 Community Context 15 Architectural Significance Exceptional 25 Excellent " 20 Good 15 Fair 5 Poor 0 Urban Design Significance Great _ 15 Moderate 10 Minor 0 Physical Condition Structural Soundness 10 Maintenance of Exterior 10 Maintenance of Accfessory] Bldgs 4 Maintenance of Site 4 Maintenance of Adj[acent] Prop[erty] 8 General Condition] of Neighbourhood] 8 Desecration of Original Design Little or None 8 Moderate 4 Considerable 0 The interesting element under consideration here is that of 'Urban Design,' which is explained in this way. 1 Architectural Characteristics — any one or more of the following characteris-tics indicate architectural value in the order of listing for each category, (a) Construction type — specimen - Primitive or unique techniques - Initial uses of new materials 263 (b) Architectural style and design - Work of national, regional, or community significance in design - Work of well-known architect - High standard of design for the region - Early adaptation of style to local functional or economic needs (c) Scarcity of architectural examples of style (rated on a national scale) pre 1800 - Exceptional 1800-1835 - High 1835-1860 - Considerable 1860-1880 - Moderate 2 Characteristics of Urban Form and Function — Urban design values are determined by composite aspects of elements which form individual streets, street patterns and neighborhoods. The relative value of each characteristic will vary directly with the degree to which it is expressed in an urban area. (a) A juxtaposition of historic urban elements illustrating the relationship of land uses and transportation in a historic period. (b) A range of building types, land uses, and qualities of design representing the variety of social and economic needs in a historic period. (c) Spatial quality, scale and texture of an urban area representative of a historic period. In addition any single historic element of visual quality located so as to form a focal element in a contemporary setting has urban design merit. Source: Falkner, Without Our Past, 1977, pp. 73-77 264 APPENDIX F POTENTIAL USES FOR OLD BUILDINGS AND NECESSARY RELATED DATA 1 single museum 2 village type of 'living' museum 3 commercial development 4 rehabilitation for low-income housing 5 renovation for town house 6 infill or conversion development 7 neighbourhood improvement programs 8 institutional adaptation 9 historic area designation (stablization) Buildings may be suitable for only one or for several of these uses. When a decision for use is arrived at, the surveying procedure can be adapted to produce the most relevant information for each possible use. As the required survey and research information will vary from one use to another, the type of data needed for each of the above uses should include the following: single museum (a) architectural and historic significance (e) condition (b) architectural detail and period (f) accessibility (c) architect or builder (g) site plan (d) interior space (for display and traffic) (h) original use 2 village type of 'living' museum (for each building) (a) architectural and historic significance (e) moveability (b) architectural detail and period (f) condition (c) architect or builder (g) original use (d) important person or event commercial development (a) architectural and historic significance (b) architectural detail, style, and period (c) architect or builder (d) interior space (e) services (f) commercial proximity (g) condition (h) safety rehabilitation for low-income housing (a) condition (b) exterior materials (c) interior space (d) lot size; site plan (e) architectural significance and detail (f) services 265 r e n o v a t i o n f o r t o w n h o u s e ( a ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l ( b ) i n t e r i o r s p a c e ( c ) i n t e r i o r d e t a i l ( d ) s i t e p l a n ( e ) s e r v i c e s ( f ) c o n d i t i o n ( g ) a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n f i l l o r c o n v e r s i o n d e v e l o p m e n t ( a ) s i t e o r b l o c k p l a n ( b ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g s ( c ) i n t e r i o r s p a c e ( d ) s e r v i c e s ( e ) e x p e n d a b l e b u i l d i n g s ( f ) a c c e s s i b i l i t y 7 n e i g h b o u r h o o d i m p r o v e m e n t p r o g r a m ( a ) a r e a p l a n ( b ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e a n d d e t a i l ( c ) c o n d i t i o n ( d ) s e r v i c e s ( e ) g r o u p i n g 8 i n s t i t u t i o n a l a d a p t a t i o n ( a ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l ( b ) i n t e r i o r s p a c e ( c ) s i t e p l a n ( d ) s e r v i c e s ( e ) a c c e s s i b i l i t y ( f ) s a f e t y 9 h i s t o r i c a r e a d e s i g n a t i o n ( a ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l o r h i s t o r i c s i g n i f i c a n c e ( b ) g r o u p i n g ( c ) o r i g i n a l a n d p r e s e n t u s e ( d ) a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l ( e ) a c c e s s i b i l i t y Source: Falkner, Without Our Past, 1977, pp. 61-62. 266 APPENDIX G DESIGN CRITERIA For buildings in H i s t o r i c Areas CRITERION 1. Height — This is a mandatory criterion that new buildings be constructed to a height within ten percent of the average height of existing adjacent buildings. Ratio proportion 1:1 Vi CRITERION 2. Proportion of buildings' front fagades — The relationship be-tween the width and height of the front elevation of the building. Window proportion 2:1 CRITERION 3. Proportion of openings within the fagade — The relationship of width to height of windows and doors. 267 V/2 11V2 1 3 2 3 1 Vh 1 1Vz 2L 0 0 " i n Oft i l l D 8ml Rhythm 11/2 :1:1 1/ 2 :1:3 CRITERION 4. Rhythm of solids to voids in front fagade — rhythm being an ordered recurrent alternation of strong and weak elements. Moving by an indi-vidual building, one experiences a rhythm of masses to openings. OOP UQQ nun ODD Rhythm 4:1:4:1:4 CRITERION 5. Rhythm of spacing of buildings on streets — Moving past a sequence of buildings, one experiences a rhythm of recurrent building masses to spaces between them. QQQ n DDD D D L 1 3 A | 1 < 3 J'" j p 1 P Rhythm 1:3:1:3:1 CRITERION 6. Rhythm of entrance and/or porch projections — The relation-ships of entrances to sidewalks. Moving past a sequence of structures, one experiences a rhythm of entrances or porch projections at an intimate scale. Material/brick Texture/raked joint Color/red brick grey trim CRITERION 7. Relationship of materials — Within an area, the predominant material may be brick, stone, stucco, wood siding, or other material. CRITERION 8. Relationship of textures — The predominant texture may be smooth (stucco) or rough (brick with tooled joints) or horizontal wood siding, or other textures. CRITERION 9. Relationship of color — The predominant color may be that of a natural material or a painted one, or a patina colored by time. Accent or blending colors of trim is also a factor. CRITERION 10. Relationship of architectural details — Details may include cornices, lintel, arches, quoins, balustrades, wrought iron work, chimneys, etc. CRITERION 11. Relationship of roof shapes — The majority of buildings may have gable, mansard, hip, flat roofs, or others. Walls and landscaping continuous CRITERION 12. Walls of continuity — Physical ingredients such as brick walls, wrought iron fences, evergreen landscape masses, building fagades, or combina-tions of these, form continuous, cohesive walls of enclosure along the street. CRITERION 13. Relationship of landscaping — There may be a predominance of a particular quality and quantity of landscaping. The concern here is more with mass and continuity. 269 Ground covering CRITERION 14. Ground cover — There may be a predominance in the use of brick pavers, cobble stones, granite blocks, tabby, or other materials. Units of scale CRITERION 15. Scale — Scale is created by the size of units of construction and architectural detail which relate to the size of man. Scale is also determined by building mass and how it relates to open space. The predominant element of scale may be brick or stone units, windows or door openings, porches and balconies, etc. Vertical Horizontal CRITERION 16. Directional expression of front elevation — Structural shape, placement of openings, and architectural details may give a predominantly vertical, horizontal, or a non-directional character to the building's front facade. Source: Falkner, Without Our Past, 1977, pp. 198-203. from Historic Preservation Plan for the Central Area  General Neighbourhood Renewal Area, Savannah Georgia 270 APPENDIX H SURVEY VARIABLES A: PLOT FILE VARIABLES Variable 1: Area ( c o l . 3) Inner c i t y neighbourhood i n which sample i s located. Code: 1. K i t s i l a n o 5. Nelson Center 2. Fairview 6. Downtown 3. Mt. Pleasant 7. Downtown East 4. West End 8. Strathcona Variable 2: Plot ( c o l . 4,5,6) Identity number of sample plot consisting of a l l building l o t s on both sides of a facing street \ + 1 + \ blocks in length.. Variable 3: Total Lots ( c o l . 7,8) Total number of building l o t s shown on the City of Vancouver land use map 1974 that are found on the survey ,plot of variable 2. Variable 4: Vacant Lots ( c o l . 9,10) Total number of lo t s in survey plot that have no bu i l d -ing improvements. Variable 5: Parking Lots ( c o l . 11,12) Total number-of l o t s in survey plot that are improved for surface parking. Variable 6,: Buildings in Survey Plot B u i l t before 1945 ( c o l . 13r24) Total number by o r i g i n a l use. Code: Note: 1. (c o l . 13,14) House 2. (co l . 15,16) Apartment 3. , (c o l . 17) Hotel 4 . (c o l . 18,19) Mixed Commercial and Residential 5. (c o l . 20,21) Business-Retail 6 . (c o l . 22,23) Industrial-Wholesale 8 . (c o l . 24) Community Services This variable i s a tabulation of variable 4 in the f i l e ( c o l . 10,11) Variable 7: Vacant Buildings ( c o l . 25) Total number of unoccupied buildings; tabulation of Rehab f i l e variable 4 (col.-""10,11) = 0 Variable 8: Demolished Buildings in the Plot ( c o l . 26,27) Total number of buildings that have been demolished since 1974 land use survey - either to be replaced by new buildings p,r now a vacant l o t . 271 Variable 9: Buildings B u i l t a f t e r 1945 ( c o l . 28-37) Total number« by use 1978 . Code: 1. ( c o l . 28) House 2. ( c o l . 29,30) Apartment and Townhouses 3. ( c o l . 31) Hotel 4. ( c o l . 32) Mixed Commercial and Residential 6. ( c o l . 33,34) Industrial-Wholesale 8. \ ( c o l . 35) Community Services 5. ( c o l . 36,37) Business-Retail Variable 10: Zoning ( c o l . 38,39,40) From 1978 City of Vancouver Zoning and Development By-law, Code: 1. Single Family 2. Two Family 3. Multi-Residential, Med. Density - 40' height 0.75 & 1.0 F.S.R. 4. Commercial 5. Industrial 6. Comprehensive Development 7. Fairview M u l t i T R e s i d e n t i a l 8. West End Development 9. Downtown Development 10. H i s t o r i c D i s t r i c t - Gastown 11. H i s t o r i c D i s t r i c t - Chinatown Note: Where more than one zoning c l a s s i f i c a t i o n occurs in one it p l o t , they are each i d e n t i f i e d in a descending numerical order. Variable 11: T r a f f i c ( c o l . 41,42) Estimate of the daytime t r a f f i c on the streets passing through the plot from observations during the f i e l d survey conducted in October and November, 1978, spending between one and two hours at each p l o t . , ( c o l . 41) N-S streets ( c o l . 42) E-W streets Code: 0. None 1. Light 2. Moderate 3. Heavy A car occasionally A car or two at regularly short intervals Continual flow of several cars Variable 12,: Street Conditions ( c o l . 43,44,45) .Refering to the conditions on the main street in front of b u i l d i n g . ( c o l . 43) Curbs and Gutter ( c o l . 44) Boulevard trees ( c o l . 45) Lanes - 50,% of the plo t serviced Code: 0. No 1. Yes Variable 13: Distances ( c o l . 46-49) Average number of blocks from the plot to the nearest of each of the services, <, ( c o l . 46) Pre-school or Day Care ( c o l . 47) Elementary School ( c o l . 48) High School ( c o l . 49) Shopping 272 Variable 14: Recreation ( c o l . 50,51) Number of recreation opportunities within the given distances from the p l o t . The count includes playground, park, community center, pool, rink. ( c o l . 50) within 0,1,2 blocks ( c o l . 51) within 3,4,5 blocks Variable 15: F i r s t Development ( c o l . 52,53) The l a s t two d i g i t s of the central year of the primary development of the p l o t . When available, the dates are taken from the N. Oliver Report, otherwise the date is estimated from the apparent age of the older building in the p l o t . 00 = Development appears to have taken place over an extended period of years. Variable 15: 2nd Growth ( c o l . 54,55) The l a s t two d i g i t s of the central year in the period in which major redevelopment of the p l o t appears to have taken place, as observed from the estimated age of recent buildings. 00 = Redevelopment appears to have taken place over an extended period. Variable 17: Census Tract* ( c o l . 56,57) Identity number of the 1976 Canada Interim Census Tract in which the p l o t f a l l s . Variable 18: Occupied Dwellings/Acre ( c o l . 58,59,60) By Census Tract x 10 Variable 19: Change in Number of Dwellings ( c o l . 61,62,63) Percent change to nearest 01% between 1971-1976 by Census Tract. Variable 20: Density ( c o l . 64,65) Persons/acre to nearest 01% by Census Tract. Variable 21: Population Change ( c o l . 66,67,68) Percent change to nearest 01% 1971-1976 by Census Tract. Variable 22: Size of Household ( c o l . 69,70) Average x 10 by Census Tractw * AIL census data taken from "Understanding Vancouver's • Housing" Draft Report, Planning Department, City of Vancouver, January, 1979. 273 B: REHAB FILE VARIABLES Variable 1: Area ( c o l . 4) Inner c i t y neighbourhood in which sample buildings i s located. Code: 1. K i t s i l a n o 5. Nelson Center 2. Fairview 6. Downtown 3. Mt. Pleasant 7. Downtown East 4. West End 8. Strathcona Variable 2: Plot ( c o l . 5, 6, 7) The sample unit consisting of a l l building l o t s on both sides of a section of street % plus 1 plus \ c i t y blocks in length. Variable 3: Lot ( c o l . 8, 9) The l o t which i s the s i t e of one or more buildings included in this survey. Variable 4: O r i g i n a l Use ( c o l . 10, 11) The apparent intended f i r s t use of the building at the time i t was constructed. Code: 1. house 6. heavy i n d u s t r i a l 2. apartment 7 . 3. o f f i c e 8 . community service 4. commercial/retail 9 . hotel 5. l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l 12 . duplex Variable 5: Use 1978 ( c o l . 12, 13) The apparent use of the sample building at the time of the survey. Code: 1. house 6 . heavy industry 2. apartment 7 . converted house 3. o f f i c e 8 . community service 4. commercial/retail 9 . hotel 5. l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l 12. duplex 0 . vacant Note: Where a building accommodated more than one use, both uses were recorded. Variables 4 and 5 were recoded to conform to the build-ing types used in the Plot f i l e . Variable 6: Type of Construction ( c o l . 14, 15) The o r i g i n a l construction material. Code: 1. wood frame 4. concrete block 2. stone 5. brick, early masonry and 3. concrete timber, or steel with masonry i n f i l l . BUILDING HEIGHT: Variable 7: Basement ( c o l . 16) The basement where windows are v i s i b l e above grade. Code: 0 - no 1 - yes 274 Variable 8: Main f l o o r s ( c o l . 17) The number of floors extending over the f u l l area of the structure. Variable 9: Floor above main flo o r s ( c o l . 18) With the exception of City H a l l and the Marine Building this variable represents the a t t i c f l o o r of a house. Code: 0 - no 2 - yes Note: It was assumed that the habitable f l o o r area of a b u i l d -ing consists of 50% of the basement, a l l of the main fl o o r s , and the a t t i c (where one i s observed) which is p o t e n t i a l l y 50% of the main f l o o r area. Therefore a representative measure for the height of a building was taken to be: 0.5 (basement) + no. of main flo o r s + 0. 25 ( f l o o r above main f l o o r s ) . Variable 10: Window type ( c o l . 19, 20) The v i s i b l e windows that contibute to the character of the building. Code: 1. sash 5. aluminum 3. casement 6. fixed 4. pivoted 7. other Note: Aluminum windows in pre-1945 buildings are replacement windows indicating that some r e h a b i l i t a t i o n has occurred, Variable 11: Exterior f i n i s h ( c o l . 21, 22) The material used for the exterior wall f i n i s h that con-tribute to the character of the building. Code: 2. shingle 9. brick or stone 4. clapboard 10. v e r t i c a l siding 6. stucco 11. other 8. composition shingle Note: Stucco on a pre-1920 building indicates a renewal of exterior f i n i s h ; v e r t i c a l siding usually indicates a recent modification. Variable 12: Roof f i n i s h ( c o l . 23) 1. wood shingle 4. s l a t e 2. asphalt shingle 5. sheet metal 3. t i l e 6. f l a t roof Variable 13: Porch Type ( c o l . 24) The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c form at the main entrance to the building. Code: 1. enclosed in main structure. 2. l i g h t or added to main structure. 3. Westcoast or wrapped around. 4. token or marquis. 5. indented. 6. former porch that has been enclosed to create extra i n t e r i o r space. 275 Porch "Ttjpe. E-x-a.rr\plefe Variable 14: Detailing ( c o l . 25, 26, 27, 28) The features on the building exterior that enhance or embelish the basic form or f i n i s h . Code: 1. bargeboard decoration 11. special window treatment 2. g ingerbread 12. bay window 3. roof brackets 13. balcony 4. tu r r e t 14. tudor type trim 5. roof dormer or gable 15. decorative c a p i t a l s 6. stained glass 16. wood l a t t i c e 7. l a t t i c e d glass 17. gambrol roof 8. decorative t i l e 18. special entry door 9. decorative shingles 19. decorative coping 10. decorative brick Note: This variable was subsequently transformed to record the d e t a i l s as four separate variables: Var. 25 ( c o l . 57, 58); Var. 26 ( c o l . 59, 60); Var. 27 ( c o l . 61, 62); Var. 28 ( c o l . 63, 64). Variable 15: Age ( c o l . 29, 30) Estimated o r i g i n a l construction date, l a s t two d i g i t s only. Note: This variable was subsequently r e l i s t e d with a l l four d i g i t s : Variable 29 ( c o l . 65-68) Variable 16: Condition with respect to change ( c o l . 31) The changes that have been made to the building that a l t e r i t s o r i g i n a l exterior character. Code: 0 = no change 1 = some early modification 2 = some recent modification 3 = additions and alterations not conforming to o r i g -i n a l character. Variable 17: Condition with respect to physical state ( c o l . 32) Present physical condition Code: 1 = l i k e new 2 = good: well maintained and/or recent r e h a b i l i t a t i o n 3 = f a i r : c l e a r l y i n need of maintenance, such as painting, but generally sound. 4 = poor: malfunction of secondary elements that tend to accellerate general deterioration, for ex-ample, broken gutters or windows, displaced roof-ing material. 5 = very poor: detioration of main s t r u c t u r a l elements, such as a sagging roof or out of plumb walls. 276 LOT SIZE: Variable 18: l o t width ( c o l . 33, 34, 35) Variable 19: l o t depth ( c o l . 37, 38, 39) The rectalinear measurements in feet, rounded to the nearest foot, as given on the tax assessment r o l e . Where area dimensions were given the length and width were extrapolated using the p r i n c i p a l street frontage as the prime dimension. Note: A new Variable 31, l o t area ( c o l . 77-85), was created from the product of l o t width and length. BUILDING SIZE: Variable 20: building width ( c o l . 40, 41, 42) The length of the primary facade of the building, either facing the street, or i f on a corner l o t , the facade with the p r i n c i p a l entrance. Note: Two new variables were created to provide an indica-tion of the building size r e l a t i v e to other s i m i l a r buildings. (Var. 33 and 36 below) Variable 33: size of detached houses ( c o l . 95103) It was assumed that the rectalinear proportions of houses are generally s i m i l a r . Therefore the area of the facades of the houses was taken to be a f a i r repres-entation of the r e l a t i v e size of this sample of rec-tangular houses. Then Variable 33 equals building width (Var. 20) times building height: (0.5 (Var. 7) + (Var. 8) + 0.25 (Var. 9)). Variable 36: size of buildings other than houses ( c o l . 116-12 It was assumed that the buildings not requiring yard allowance occupy the f u l l width of their s i t e s to the depth of the l o t less 15 feet. A representation measure for the f l o o r area of a l l buildings that were not houses was therefore taken to be: (Var. 18) x ((Var. 19)-15) x (0.5(Var. 7)+(Var. 8)+ 0.25(Var. 9)) VALUE: Variable 21: Assessed land value ( c o l . 43-47) Variable 22: Assessed building value ( c o l . 49-53) The f u l l values l i s t e d for each registered l o t as given i n the City of Vancouver 1979 Tax Assessment Role ( i n hundreds). Variable 23: Assessment class ( c o l . 54, 55) The C i t y assessment class refers to the rate at which taxes are applied to the property, r e l a t i v e to i t s current use. 277 Note: In order to have comparable data representing the assessed values new variables were created in unit measures of $/sq. f t . Variable 30: Land value ( c o l . 70-76) (Var. 21) T (Var. 31) Variable 32: Building value I ( c o l . 86-94) To represent the value of houses: (Var. 22) * (Var. 33) Variable 35: Building value II ( c o l . 107-115) To represent the value of buildings other than houses. (Var. 22) T (Var. 36) Variable 37: Property value ( c o l . 125-132) An indication of the value in use of a building i s the amount of revenue that can be generated from rents r e l a t i v e to the t o t a l value of the property. In making their estimates the B r i t i s h Columbia tax assessors r e f e r to the market value of land, of equiv-alent buildings, and of sim i l a r properties, as well as income from the property.* It i s therefore assumed that the assessments r e f l e c t actual values, and the r a t i o of assessed building value to t o t a l assessed prop-erty value i s a useful measure of the value in use of the sample buildings. Variable 24: Heritage c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ( c o l . 56) The buildings that had been c i t e d i n the Oliver Report on Vancouver's building heritage. Code: 0 = not mentioned 1 = mentioned as having heritage merit 2 = one of a group of buildings having heritage merit 3 = designated heritage building 4 = not included in the Oliver survey Variable 34: Zone ( c o l . 106) The zone c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the sample building s i t e . Code: 1. Single-family (RS group): none occurred in the sample. 2. two-family (RT-2, RT-2A, RT-3): the permitted use i s for one and two family dwellings, conditional uses include townhouses, apartments, and conver-sions; height r e s t r i c t i o n i s 2 or 2\ f l o o r s ; max-imum s i t e coverage is 45%' maximum f l o o r space r a t i o i s 0.60. * Ref. Mr. Wallace of the Assessment Authority of B r i t i s h Columbia. 278 3. medium density multi-family (RM-3A, RM-3A1, RM-3B): the permitted use i s one and two family or multi unit dwellings, conditional uses include conversion to r e s i d e n t i a l use and "In order to encourage the retention of existing buildings and to accomplish a number of s o c i a l and community goals, having due regard to adequate open space and o v e r a l l design, the Director of Planning may, i n his descretion, permit a building at variance with the regulat-ions »**/ height r e s t r i c t i o n s 3 and 4 f l o o r s ; f l o o r space r a t i o i s 0.75 to 1.00. 4. commercial (C-2, C-2B, C-3A): permitted uses are commercial-retail with r e s i d e n t i a l above the ground f l o o r ; provisional uses include r e s i d e n t i a l and conversions to r e s i d e n t i a l use; height r e s t r i c t -ions are 2 and 3 f l o o r s ; f l o o r space r a t i o i s from 1.0 to 3.0. 5. i n d u s t r i a l (M-l, M-1A, M-2): the permitted uses are l i g h t manufacturing and wholesale; provisional uses are public services, o f f i c e s , and in a few cases, conversion to r e s i d e n t i a l use; height r e s t r i c t i o n s are 60 and 100 feet; f l o o r space r a t i o i s 5.0 i n a l l cases. 6. comprehensive development (CD-I): uses are s i t e s p e c i f i c and/or building configuration i s at var-iance with the standard zoning r e s t r i c t i o n s . 7. Fairview (FM-1): "The intent of this zone i s to enhance the small-scale r e s i d e n t i a l character of the Fairview Slopes Neighbourhood by encouraging retention of the existing houses and permitting new low-profile r e s i d e n t i a l development which may include some compatible commercial and a n c i l l a r y uses, designed to optimize the amenities inherent in the topography and location of this inner c i t y ^.neighbourhood. "***; height r e s t r i c t i o n i s 35 feet; and f l o o r space r a t i o i s 0.6. 8. West End low (WED): the area adjacent to Nelson Park intended for family oriented development; f l o o r space r a t i o i s 1.5; dwelling density i s 83 units per acre. 9. West End high (WED): f l o o r space r a t i o i s 2.0 to 2.75; dwelling density i s 100 to 110 per acre. ** Zoning and Development By-law No. 357 5, City of Vancouver, B.C.; RM-3A1 and RM-3B, section 3, pp. 148 and 156. *** i b i d . p. 169. 279 10. West End mixed (WED): f l o o r space r a t i o i s 2.2; re s i d e n t i a l units permitted above the ground f l o o r , maximum density 70 units per acre. 11. Downtown low (DD): height r e s t r i c t i o n of 70 feet; f l o o r space r a t i o s are 5.0 and 6.0. 12. Downtown high (DD): height r e s t r i c t i o n i s 300 feet; f l o o r space r a t i o s are 6.0 and 7.0. 13. Downtown commercial (DD): height r e s t r i c t i o n s of 300 and 450 feet; f l o o r space rat i o s of 5.0 and 9.0 respectively. In thi s category r e t a i l and o f f i c e space can occupy the entire building while in the two preceeding Downtown categories r e s i d e n t i a l units must be included i f maximum flo o r space r a t i o s are to be developed. 14. Gastown (HA-2): h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t created to pre-serve the area. 15. Chinatown (HA-1): also an h i s t o r i c d i s t r i c t . 16. False Creek (FCCDD-Area 1): development guidelines propose high density mixed residential-commercial development; dwelling density i s 100 units per acre. INDICATOR BUILDING GROUPS: *R 3 ( l o t , co l . 7 ,8 ) P 3 ( t o t . l o t s , co l . 7 , 8 ) 2. CHANGE IN CHARACTER: R 16 ( co l . 31) 3. SIMILARITY IN AGE: R 29 ( co l . 65-68) 4. SIMILARITY IN STYLE: R 25,26,27,28 (det 1-4,col.37-64) R 13 (porch, c o l . 24) R II ( e x . f i n . , c o l . 21-22) SIMILARITY IN SCALE: R 7-9 (height col.16-18) R 20 (b.s ize col.40-42) OLD BUILDINGS: P 6 ( c o l . 13-24) P 3 ( co l . 7,8) SCORE: REHAB^- max—min -^DEMOLISH MEASURE / TRANSFORMATION a. ave. s ize of bldg. group (search f o r adjacent cases with l o t value d i f fe rence of 0 or 1) * * (m in ) l - 13 (max) b. no. of b ldg. groups in p l o t . (min)O - 8(max) c. t o t a l bldgs. found in groups to ta l o ld bldgs. i n plot (min)O - l.O(max) no change =0 - 3= great ly a l te red no. of bldgs. with change =0 to ta l o ld bldgs. (min)O.O - l.O(max) average d i f fe rence in age between successive pa i rs of o ld bldgs. (max)0.64 - 19.95(min) a. no. of pai rs of successive bldgs having at least one de ta i l i n common.(19 categories of d e t a i l ) (min)o.O - 20(max) b. pa i rs with s im i l a r porches (5 categor ies of porch) (min)O.O - ll.O(max) c. pa i rs with s im i l a r e x t e r i o r f i n i shes (11 categories of f i n i s h ) (min)O.O - 15(max) no. of pairs of bui ld ings having s i m i l a r width & height. (7 categories of bldg. width, & 10 categories of height) (min)O.O - 18.0(max) no. of o ld bldgs. t o t a l bldg. (min)0.059 s i t e s in the plot 1.O(max) RANK Scl S e l l ScIII 1, 2, 17, 20, 15 3, 19, 13 4, 14, 14 6, 13, 17 WEIGHTS VALUE max/min Sc l S e l l ScI I I 20/0 8/0 14/0 (score derived from sum of a+b+c where a max = 6 b max = 6 c max = 8 18/0 14/0 16/0 4 4 6 10/0 10/0 10/0 (score i s derived from the sum of a+b+c) 16/0 14/0 6/0 10/0 6/0 RATIONAL Where a number of o ld bu i ld ings are next to each other the v isual impression of the heritage character of the neighbour-hood w i l l be strengthened in proport ion to the size and frequency of these groups r e l a t i v e to other s i t e s in the neigh-bourhood. Famil ies seeking inner c i t y dwell ings value heritage character. Heritage value is associated with auth-e n t i c i t y . The impression of an h i s t o r i c period and the aesthet ic character of a neighbour-hood i s enhanced as the number of s i m i l -a r i t i e s among the bu i ld ings increases, a lso as the no. of s im i l a r bu i ld ings increases. The more o lder bui ld ings remaining in a p lot the better the image of former times that i s projected. I f a large proportion s t i l l remains i t may ind icate that r e -development pressures have been r e l a t i v e l y low i n the area. i-3 M ^ 3 Cb 3 z cn < D rti M o Ch o c > 3 0) I—1 O n- JO ro o c < 3 H- > > cn S-1 RI a RI £» H- > 3 3 DO z C L i Q r 1 D m M s: M X rt> 3 i-3 Ch M iQ H- 5> 3" o z rt y- rt 3 o o i C rs RM > O < M O £» o CD •-i z a H-c SD c r CD cn m to CO o * "ft" refers to va r i ab le from the REHAB f i l e and "P " to var iab le from the PLOTS f i l e . * * Values are e i t he r the raw scores from the survey r e s u l t s , or i f under l ined, the transformed score to be used in ca l cu l a t i n g weighted scores. INDICATOR 7. OLD/NEW: P 6 (col. 13-24) P 9 (col. 28-37) 8. GENERAL CONDITION: R 17 (col. 32) 9. VACANT BUILDINGS: P 6 (col. 25) 10. VACANT LOTS: P 4 (vac.lots,col.9,10) P 5 (park.lots.col.il ,12) 11. DEMOLITIONS: P 8 (col. 26,27) 12. CONFORMITY TO ZONE: R 34 (col. 104-105) 13. AVERAGE AGE: R 29 (col. 65-68) 14. AVERAGE PROPERTY VALUE: R 37 (col. 125-132) 15. RECREATION OPPORTUNITY: P 14 (col. 50-51) SCORE: REHAB<- max---min -^ DEMOLISH MEASURE / TRANSFORMATION no. of old buildings no. of new buildings (min)0.08 - 11.5(max) v.poor =1 - 5 = excellent no. of old bldgs. with condition = 4,5  total old bldgs. in plot (min)O.O - l.O(max) vacant bldg. = 0,1(max) - X vacant bldg. = l(min) = 0 vacant lots + parking lots total lots in the plot (max)O - .59(min) demolished bldgs = 0,1 (max) = demolished bldgs = l(min) = 0 zone measured as for individual building zone indicator. no. of bldgs. with zone = }_,2 total old bldgs. in plot (min)O - .76(max) sum of ages of the old buildings total old bldgs. in plot property value measured as for individual bldg. indicators. sum of the property values total old bldgs. (min).04 - .52(max) number of locations within 5 blocks of the plot (min)O.l,2,3,4,5(max) RANK Scl Sell ScIII 9, 16, 18 6, 10, 8, 12 10, 11, 11 11, 10, 10 20, 7, 1 9, 15, 20 13, 3, 2 18, 2, 7 WEIGHTS VALUE max/min Scl Sell ScIII RATIONAL 12/0 12/0 12/0 16/0 8/0 8/0 10/0 8/0 8/0 10/0 8/0 8/0 10/0 10/0 16/0 12/0 8/0 16/0 16/0 16/0 12/0 The strength of the historic image of a neighbourhood is related to the proporti n of the buildings that are s t i l l the orig-inal structures, especially i f the newer structures are different in form and scale. The condition of the buildings along a block project something of the residents' at-titude and committment to their neighbour-hood reflecting "pride in home'. A well kept neighbourhood is an attractive factor in housing choice. Vacant buildings are an indication of the stability of a neighbourhood. Several vacant buildings on a plot suggest pos-sible land assembly for redevelopment to a more intensive use, or seriously deteriorating conditions. Vacant lots in the inner city suggest possible land assembly for anticipated redevelopment, or some form of uncertainty regarding the development of the neigh-bourhood. An expance of parking is incon-grous in a residential neighbourhood. Recent demolitions are an indication of redevelopment activity, or land assembly. The older buildings have been judged obsolete, which often places the re-maining older buildings under increased pressure for similar redevelopment. In neighbourhoods where the existing build-ings conform to the permitted use and in-tensity of development are likely to be less subject to redevelopment pressures. The potential heritage merit of a neigh-bourhood is positively related to the age of the original buildings. Neighbourhoods where the property values of older buildings are generally low in-dicate that these buildings generate in-adequate returns in relation to the value of the land and are therefore subject to redevelopment pressure, (see Building Indicator 8 for analysis) Value is placed on convenient access to places for recreation and to schools, particularly for lower income families who tend to be more limited in mobility. CO INDICATOR 16. DISTANCES TO SERVICES: P 13 (col. 46-49) 17. STREET CONDITIONS: P 12 (col.43,44,45) 18. TRAFFIC: P 11 (col. 41,42) 19. 20. 21. PERIOD OF REDEVELOPMENT: P 16 (col. 54-55) NEIGHBOURS: P 6 (pre-1945 bldgs. col. 13-24) P 9 (post-1945 bldgs. col. 28-37) AVERAGE LAND VALUE: R 30 (col. 69-76) SCORE: REHAB ^  max—mln > DEMOLISH MEASURE / TRANSFORMATION distance given in number of blocks from the plot to the service a. preschool 1,2,3=J[(max), other=()(min) b. elaiientary school 1,2=2(max) ,3,4,5=0 ,other=0(min) c. high school 1-6=1 (max), other=0_(min) (minJO - 4(max) the presence of: curbs & gutters = 100 boulevard trees = 010 service lanes = 001 110,011,111 = X (max) other = 0 (min) 0 = closed, no traff ic 1 = low traff ic 2 = medium traff ic 3 = high traff ic a = N-S streets b = E-W streets a+b = (max)O - 6(min) (max)1950 1977(min) no. of older bldg. + newer bldgs. that currently have a residential occupancy  total bldgs. in plot (min)O.O - l.O(max) sum of land value in $/sq ft total number of older bldgs. (max)0.07 - 0.86 (min) RANK Scl Sell ScIII 19, 1, 6 15, 12, 16 14, 4, 16, 18, 19 17, 5, WEIGHTS VALUE max/min Scl Sell ScIII RATIONAL 18/0 14/0 (score derived from the sum of a+b+c) 6/0 6/0 14/0 12/0 14/0 16/0 8/0 16/0 12/0 Note: The distances to shopping and bus lines were not included because al l plots were within 2 or 3 blocks of these services. The presence of curbs & gutters, service lanes and especially trees contributes to the attractive image and convenience of a neighbourhood which is valued in the home environment. It is desirable to have a low level of traf f ic , especially on the street where children are 1iving. In th neighbourhoods where there has been recent redevelopment there is likely to be a greater current pressure for the redevelopment of the remaining older buildings. This indicator was not considered of sufficient importance to be given any value in the weighting procedure. Given a choice most families prefer to live in neighbourhoods where there is a high proportion of residences. Land value is linked to the level of affordability of homes in the plot. This indicator was added to the l i s t because of its significance as a proxy measure in the assessment of property value (see individual building indicator 8). to 00 N5 INDICATOR 1. AGE: *R 29 ( c o l . 65-68) 2. CONDITION: R 17 ( c o l . 32) 3. ADDITIONS S ALTERATIONS: R 16 (change, c o l . 31) 4. ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS: R 25 (DET1) 26 (DET2) 27 (DET3) 28 (DET3J ( co l . 57-64) 5. CONSTRUCTION TYPE: R 6 ( c o l . 14,15) 6. LAND VALUE: R 30 ( c o l . 69-76) BUILDING VALUE: R 32 ( c o l . 86-94) R 35 ( c o l . 107-115) SCORE: REHAB - max—-min - DEMOLISH MEASURE / TRANSFORMATION 1888 - 1946./ (max) 118=58** - 1946=0 (min) v.poor=l - 5=excellent/ (rain) 1,2=0; 3=J_; 4,5=2 (max) no change=0 - 3=greatly a l t e red/ (max) 0=2; 1,2=1; 3=0 (min) 19 nominal categories/ 2,4,6,10,11,15,19 =3 (max) 1,8, 0,12,17,18 =2 3, 5, 7,13,14 =T also fo r (use 0=1, age 1910, change =0, d e t a i l 1,2,3,4=0) then det. 1,2,3,4 =1 0 =0 (min) wood frame=l, 2-6=masonry, cone.etc (max) 1=1 others=0 (min) continuous values; .02 - 1.76/ (max) low - high (min) continuous values of $/sq f t bldg v a l . I=.10 - 22.40 (houses)/ bldg v a l . II=.0009 - .67 (other)/ (max) low - high (min) RANK Sc l S e l l ScII I 1, 11, 6 1, 3, 5 5, 10, 13 3, 12, 7, 5, 12 5, 2, 1 9, 4, 3 WEIGHTS VALUE max/min Scl S e l l ScII I 20/0 16/0 16/0 16/0 12/0 14/0 20/0 10/0 (the score i s given to the sum of values of Deta i l 1,2,3,4) 10/0 12/0 18/0 16/0 18/0 16/0 RATIONAL Bu i ld ing age is associated with heritage in te res t and with the " s ta tu s " of a bu i ld ing on the market. The condi t ion of a bu i ld ing r e f l e c t s on i t s heritage image, and i s associated with the cost of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n The o r i g i na l character of a bu i ld ing i s an important heritage a t t r i b u t e . Var iables were assigned to transformation categories 0,1,2,3 on the basis of un-iqueness and age. More unusual features found among older bu i ld ings were given the highest count. The pre-1910 houses with no de ta i l were placed in a special category because they are representat ive of Van-couver ' s l oca l m i l l town cabin s t y l e . Type of construct ion i s re lated to the degree of d i f f i c u l t i e s that may be en-countered in the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , which i s re lated to cost. Frame i s general ly s impler and more f l e x i b l e . Market land value i s the base l i n e f o r the cost of a property, a p r inc ipa l f ac to r i n assessing the potent ia l development of a s i t e and the economic u t i l i t y of ex i s t i n g bu i ld ings . Bu i ld ing values are an i nd i ca t i on of the r e l a t i v e cost , or rents , of the sample bu i ld ing in terms of e i t he r the qua l i t y c la s s of the structure or the revenues cur rent l y generated. Low rent o f fe r s the best potent ia l fo r subsidized housing, and lower cost leave la rger marings fo r r e -h a b i l i t a t i o n expenses. * "R" refers to var iab le from the REHAB f i l e and "P " to var iab le from the PLOTS f i l e . * * Values are e i t he r the raw scores from the survey r e s u l t s , or i f under l ined, the transformed score to be used in c a l c u l a t i n g weighted scores. 03 i-3 z CD DJ H -3 iC cn 3" i-h CT O 0 r-S C 3 »-s OJ 3" ,-t- 0 0 b Ch 3 cn M 3 Q> a 3 a o 0) 2! rr a> O f l IT cn 3" r+ H - < 3 0) IT i-i H -TJ f» CT o >-• o a c ri CD cn M CO U> INDICATOR SCORE: REHAB - max—-min - DEMOLISH MEASURE / TRANSFORMATION RANK Scl Sell ScIII 13. PROPERTY VALUE: R 37 (prop, value, (col. 125-132) R 30 (land value, co l . 69-76) 9. BUILDING TYPE: R 4 (col. 10,11) 10. BUILDING SIZE: R 33 (col. 93-103) R 36 (col. 116-123) 11. LOT SIZE: R 18 (lot wd., col . R 20 (bldg wd., col . R 3 (lot area, col . 12. HERITAGE CLASS: R 24 (col. 56) 33-35) 40-42) 78-85) ZONE: R 34 (zone, co l . 104,105) R 5 (use 78, co l . 12,13) continuous values prop val. = .0059 - .90/ (min) low - high (max) land val. = .02 - 1.76/ (max) low - high (min) 10, 1 , l=house, 2=apartment, 4=mixed commercial & residential/ (max) 1=2; 2,4=j_; other=0 (min) i f house: Var 33= 15 - 180 (min) small - large (max) if other Var 36= 750 - 122496 (min) small - large (max) continuous values i f house: lot size = 0.5(lot area)+0.5(lot depth) (lot width-building width) i f other 1 ot si ze =0 (min) 0 - largest = (max) 0=not mentioned l=heritage merit 2=heritage group 3=designated heritage bldg 4=not included in heritage report. (min) 0,4=0; 1,2=1; 3=2 (max) small residential buildings use =1,7,4 conform to zone=2,6,7,14,15 other uses=2,3,5,6,8 are generally in conformity zone=2 - 16 (max)=2 = (use)l,4,7 (zone)2,6,7,14,15 1 = (use)2,3,5,6,8 (zone)2 - 16 U = other 12, 10 13, 7, 10 2, 13, 11 6, WEIGHTS VALUE max/min Scl Sell ScIII RATIONAL 20/0 16/0 (0.5 x weight value is multiplied by var. 37 score and also by var. 30 score) 8/0 10/0 8/0 10/0 12/0 8/0 20 10/0 12/0 18/0 A building's value in use is indicated by the ratio of the building value to the total value of the property. The proxy measure of land cost provides an indication of the po-tential rental class of the property. - Low Land X Bldg Land Cost Return Invest-ment (demoli sh) -High-(rehabilitate) -Low Rents (subsidized) housing) High Rents 1_ (other) •Low (Proxy) Land Cost High R.1.0. High Low Hi up-grade or intensify redevelop Lo Stable Deteriorating A building that was built for residential use is the least risky prospect for current housing purposes. Single detatched houses offer the most appropriate and preferred family housing option. Larger houses allow greater f lexibi l i ty in the use of the space and have greater pot-ential for being turned into suites. The same holds for other buildings but is not as significant. The unimproved portion of a building lot is the potential garden and play space for children in the family. Buildings other than houses built before 1945 generally were not required to have set backs. Except for a small service area. Designated buildings have established heritage value and are protected; those mentioned in the Oliver report have received some recognition. The possible heritage merit of the remainder would have to be reassessed. Family dwellings are most desirable in areas where there are other similar dwellings. 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