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A study of Le Corbusier’s Nôtre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp as a twentieth-century pilgrimage chapel McKay, Frances Sherry 1979

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A STUDY OF LE CORBUSIER'S NOTRE-DAME-DU-HAUT, RONCHAMP AS A TWENTIETH-CENTURY PILGRIMAGE CHAPEL by FRANCES SHERRY MCKAY •A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Fine Arts Department) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1979 <Q Frances Sherry McKay In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers ity of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shal l make i t f ree ly avai lable for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It i s understood that copying or publ icat ion of th i s thesis for f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my written permission. Department The Univers ity of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 E-6 BP 75-5 1 1 E ABSTRACT The completion of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp, by Le Corbusier i n 1955 provoked much comment and conjecture as to i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e to the post-World War II era. It i s a French Catholic chapel of deceptively p r i m i t i v e appearance b u i l t by a Swiss C a l v i n i s t a r c h i t e c t who was often reported as an agnostic and popularly associated with v i s i o n a r y and i n -d u s t r i a l b u i l d i n g schemes. Although various subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the chapel e x i s t i n secular and r e l i g i o u s journals, no s i n g l e account of the chapel records the complex i n t e r a c t i o n of personality, i n s t i t u t i o n , h i s t o r y , and contemporary aims which are suggested i n the chapel's forms. This prompted an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of Notre-Dame-du-Haut as a twentieth-cen-tury pilgrimage chapel. Consequently, t h i s study set out to explore the r e l a t i o n s h i p between French Catholicism and the a r c h i t e c t u r a l theory of Le Corbusier as i t i s expressed i n t h i s small country pilgrimage chapel. The format of a t r a d i t i o n a l monograph was adopted to f a c i l i t a t e a comparison between t r a d i t i o n a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l solutions and those discovered at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. The study i s divided into seven chapters - back-ground, commission, plan, construction, acoustics, ornamentation, and l i g h t - elements which are shown to be e s p e c i a l l y cogent i n the h i s t o r y of the design of t h i s church. Each chapter i s an analysis of the r e l a -tionship between c l i e n t and a r c h i t e c t , and between t r a d i t i o n a l practices and twentieth-century a r c h i t e c t u r a l innovations. Each chapter reaches i t s own conclusion as to the contribution made to the pilgrimage t r a d i t i o n at Notre-Dame-du-Haut, and the possible s i g n i f i c a n c e of that contribution to the patron and to the a r c h i t e c t . i i i An extensive number of Le Corbusier's published writings and journals were a v a i l a b l e from the University of B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r y . Among them were two books about the chapel and Les Oeuvres Completes. These supplied good v i s u a l material. Plans, l e t t e r s , and documentation of the chapel previously unpublished were obtained from the Le Corbusier Foundation i n P a r i s . Correspondence between Marcel Ferry, o r i g i n a l l y involved i n the commission, and Abbe Bolle-Reddat, f i r s t and current resident p r i e s t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut, offered s i g n i f i c a n t and new informa-t i o n . Writings by members of the French Catholic Church, including pub-li s h e d personal journals of e c c l e s i a s t i c s associated with the project, were also a v a i l a b l e from the University of B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r y . I n t e r l i b r a r y loan supplied references not found l o c a l l y . Journals, p e r i o d i c a l s , and contemporary newspaper accounts, as well as general survey books on church architecture and Le Corbusier, profferred i n s i g h t -f u l background information. In conclusion, the thesis considers the pilgrimage chapel of Notre-Dame-du-Haut i n i t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s contexts to see to what extent these are r e f l e c t e d i n the chapel's design. The study suggests that Le Corbusier attempted, i n a highly conscious way, to accommodate t r a d i t i o n and a p a r t i c u l a r section of contemporary r e l i g i o u s thought into his design of the chapel. It also suggests that he did so without com-promising h i s personal a r c h i t e c t u r a l philosophy. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE COMMISSION OF LE CORBUSIER'S DESIGN 4 II THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE COMMISSION OF NOTRE-DAME-DU-HAUT 10 III THE PILGRIMAGE CHURCH PLAN AND NOTRE-DAME-DU-HAUT . . 35 IV CONSTRUCTION, MATERIALS, AND THE CREATION OF FORM . . 52 V ACOUSTICS 67 VI ORNAMENTATION 73 VII LIGHT 100 VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 114 FOOTNOTES 119 BIBLIOGRAPHY 151 ILLUSTRATIONS 163 V LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1 Medieval Pilgrimage Church, plans 163 2 Sainte O d i l e , plan 163 3 Lourdes, s i t e 164 4 NStre-Dame-du-Haut, c. 1854, general view 164 5 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, c. 1936, general view 165 6 Sainte-Thlrese de 1'Enfant, plan 165 7 Sainte-Baume, plan 166 8 Santa-Anna.., plan 166 9 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, 1955 plan 167 10 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, general approach 168 11 Le Corbusier, sketches 1950 " ? ' V 169 12 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, south w a l l 170 13 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , east 170 14 N<5tre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , west . . 171 15 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , north 171 16 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, memorial pyramid 172 17 N6tre-Dame-du-Haut, ceremonial door, i n t e r i o r & e x t e r i o r . 173 18 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r l o o k i n g east 174 19 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r south w a l l 174 20 N6tre-Dame-du-Haut, c r o s s - s e c t i o n l o o k i n g north 175 21 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, V-shaped supports . 176 22 N6tre-Dame-du-Haut, 1st maquette 176 23 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , southeast corner 177 24 Dolmen, 177 25 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r south chapel 178 26 Le Corbusier: Sketches of Hadrian's v i l l a , T i v o l i . . . . 178 27 Le Corbusier: Sculpture, 1948 179 28 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, windows 180 29 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, windows, south 180 30 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, ceremonial block 181 31 N8tre-Dame-du-Haut, ceremonial block, d e t a i l 181 32 Ferdinand Ledger: The V i r g i n of the L i t a n y 182 33 Le Corbusier: " j e u de s o l e i l " diagram 182 34 Le Corbusier: sketch 1-8-3 35 Le Corbusier: l i t h o g r a p h 183 36 Dominican Imperial Monastery, I s l a n d of Hispanola, d e t a i l dome 184 37 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, tab e r n a c l e , f r o n t 184 38 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, tabernacle, back 185 39 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, window d e t a i l 185 40 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, plan 1950 186 41 Notre-Dame-du-Haut, plan e c l a i r a g e 187 42 Dominican Imperial'Monastery, I s l a n d of. Hispanola, d e t a i l . 188 43 Jean Lu r c a t : The Apocalypse, d e t a i l 188 44 Le Corbusier and others: Chapelle independante at C e r n i e r -Fontainemelon, 1907, d e t a i l of a l t a r w a l l 189 45 N3tre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r east 18 9 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S I wish to express a profound gratitude to Abe Rogatnick for h i s astute comments and i n s i g h t f u l guidance throughout t h i s project and to Ann Rosenberg for her u n f a i l i n g support. I would also l i k e to thank Marc Pessin, Avis Rosenberg and Frances Pohl for t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s and time that were much c a l l e d upon i n the c r a f t i n g of t h i s study. I am also g r a t e f u l to the s t a f f of the Le Corbusier Foundation for t h e i r assistance and congeniality. And f i n a l l y , a very s p e c i a l thank you to my mother for a l l her patience. 1 INTRODUCTION Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s an i s o l a t e d country chapel that has caused much debate and i n t e r e s t during the l a s t quarter of a century. I t i s included i n every major a r c h i t e c t u r a l survey book of the p e r i o d ; indeed, i t emblazons many of t h e i r covers.''' I t has generated an enormous amount of c r i t i c i s m and comment, most of i t favourable. This mass of c r i t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , both p o s i t i v e and negative, serves to convince us that the importance of the chapel as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l accomplishment represen-t a t i v e of the twentieth century - the century of technology, machine a r t , mass domestic housing, enormous secular s t r u c t u r e s , and of r e l i -gious s c e p t i c i s m - remains an i n d i s p u t a b l e f a c t . In i t s h i s t o r y , the chapel has e l i c i t e d only two c r i t i q u e s of con-2 sequence from w i t h i n the Church body i t s e l f . This c r i t i c i s m i s centered A upon i t s t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s . Notre-Dame-du-Haut was thought p a r t i c u l a r l y praiseworthy by the spokesmen of the French C a t h o l i c Church, the patrons most d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h i t s b u i l d i n g and those who were best ac-3 quainted w i t h i t s purposes. In r e l a t i o n to the terms l a i d down by the 4 c l i e n t , the church has been judged f u n c t i o n a l l y p e r f e c t . I t was accepted not only by the p a r i s h i o n e r s f o r whom i t was o s t e n s i b l y b u i l t , but by o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of Rome as w e l l . Even before i t was completed, members of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l community were g l o r i f y i n g i t , " * and p r a i s e by the r e l i g i o u s community soon followed. However, w i t h i n a year of i t s completion others were beginning to damn i t . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that w h i l e the chapel was c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s " f u n c t i o n a l " shortcomings by some a r c h i t e c t s , i t was simultaneously p r a i s e d f o r i t s " f u n c t i o n a l " s u p e r i o r i t y by members of the Church. A recent layman c r i t i c made the curious observation that Notre-Dame-du-Haut (seen from a 1977 perspec-tive) could be thought to be "too much of i t s time"^, hence not, to h i s mind, s u f f i c i e n t l y avant-garde. Less tangible points for discussion, such as: Notre-Dame-du-Haut's sacred character and the sense of mystery which i t provokes; Notre-Dame-du-Haut as a temple of joy and optimism; Notre-Dame-du-Haut as an expres sion of l i b e r a t i o n and a statement of hope, appear i n both secular and g r e l i g i o u s writings. Invariably the l o c a l and h i s t o r i c a l importance of the s i t e i s emphasised. In most cases the purely formal and aesthetic 9 aspects of the chapel are stressed. There i s l i t t l e questioning of the appropriateness of the s t r u c t u r a l components and of the f i n a l appearance of the chapel - despite the fact that photos of the chapel during construction and a f t e r , shown i n the same a r t i c l e , suggest a con-t r a d i c t i o n between the two. Le Corbusier himself flaunted t h i s apparent contradiction, to both "explain and amaze".^ The issues to which the Church addresses i t s e l f most d i r e c t l y i n the f i r s t years of the chapel's completion are those which concern the 12 a r t i s t and the d e f i n i t i o n to be given to the term "sacred". In most, A i f not a l l of the w r i t i n g of t h i s early period, Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s >seen as many things: witness to the courage of those responsible f o r the h i r i n g of Le Corbusier; as a brave step into new realms of a r c h i t e c -t u r a l theory; as the r e v i v i f i e d church; and as evidence, i n the modern world, of a divine presence expressed i n human c r e a t i v i t y and genius. In commenting upon the a r c h i t e c t , the representatives of the r e l i g i o u s community take pains to point out the a f f i n i t y between Le Corbusier's sense of morality and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and t h e i r own. Le Corbusier sense of s p i r i t u a l i t y i s also emphasised; h i s pronouncements of a 'new s e n s i b i l i t y ' found i n Vers une architecture (1923), are often quoted, thereby implying an e s s e n t i a l s i m i l a r i t y between the s p i r i t u a l i t y i n -13 tended by Le Corbusier and that intended i n t h e o l o g i c a l doctrine. These comments and the reaction to the b u i l d i n g suggest that an A e x c i t i n g nexus between Le Corbusier and the Church ex i s t s xn Notre-Dame-du-Haut perhaps comparable to that created at St. Denis by Abbot Suger or at St. Peter's by Michelangelo. 4 CHAPTER 1 THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE COMMISSION OF LE CORBUSIER'S DESIGN Immediately following World War I I , the Catholic Church i n France embarked upon a path of a r c h i t e c t u r a l rejuvenation equal to that which i t had already attempted i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l painting and sculpture between the two World Wars.''' The new focus on architecture resulted i n part from the necessity to replace or repair bomb and f i r e damaged churches and i n part from the need to construct new parish churches i n response 2 to changed urban patterns. Such a b u i l d i n g program was envisioned also 3 as a means to re-emphasise the Church's relevancy i n the modern world. A s i m i l a r dual-purpose program had been developed s u c c e s s f u l l y i n Ger-4 many and Switzerland i n the l a t e 1920s and 1930s. Past achievements i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a r c hitecture, i n which the e n t i r e C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n was represented, were much written about i n many Catholic p e r i o d i c a l s begin-ning a f t e r World War I."* Such writings presented proof of both the Church's universalism and i t s a b i l i t y to evolve i n response to changing s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l pressures. Forms representing the various h i s t o r i c a l s t y l e s were interpreted i n terms of t h e i r contex-t u a l pertinence. In r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g the s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , and aesthetic milieux of the respective s t y l e s the relevancy of each was stressed and a s o l i d s o c i a l i n t e r p r e t i v e basis for contemporary s t y l i s t i c concerns was assured. Such examples were intended as i n s p i r a t i o n and j u s t i f i c a -t i o n for s i m i l a r concerns and undertakings during the period of Notre-Dame-du-Haut 's construction. Notwithstanding the t r a d i t i o n a l and conservative tendencies which such h i s t o r i c a l concerns could and did provoke,^ i t also allowed a French Catholic avant-garde to emphasise the connection between s t y l e and society and to assert that a change i n society should s i g n a l a change i n s t y l e . This supported t h e i r claims for a contemporary s t y l e . ^ This avant-garde, co n s i s t i n g of a small group of enlightened clergy and a number of Dominican p r i e s t s , disseminated t h e i r ideas through publica-tions such as L'Art Sacre, and d i r e c t l y encouraged unconventional a r c h i -g t e c t u r a l undertakings. In addition, many f e l t that clergymen should possess not only l i t u r g i c a l knowledge but a r c h i t e c t u r a l understanding as 9 well. It was f e l t that an a e s t h e t i c a l l y enlightened clergy would be i n the best p o s i t i o n to oversee e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a r t i s t i c projects. Cl e a r l y , knowledge of church r i t u a l was not s u f f i c i e n t . For t h i s pur-pose s p e c i a l commissions were established i n many dioceses, an action that was acknowledged by the Pope as a necessary and b e n e f i c i a l proce-d u r e . ^ One such commission, the Besancon Commission for Sacred Art, directed the proceedings by means of which Le Corbusier's design was i n -A 11 v i t e d and l a t e r approved for Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Moreover, important members of the commission c l e a r l y distinguished themselves from e c c l e s i -12 a s t i c s of the Right and i d e n t i f i e d themselves with an avant-garde. The Besancon Commission for Sacred Art was composed of an a r t i s t i -c a l l y well-informed e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and s o c i a l e l i t e : Archbishop Dubourg, Archbishop of Besancon (and l a t e r replacing him Archbishop Dubois), Archbishop Belot, Marcel Ferry, Canon Ledeur, who acted as secretary for the Commission, and Mr. Mathey, who was then Director of Arts and Decora-13 ti o n i n P a r i s . The parishioners of Ronchamp were represented by a com-mitteeU headed by Mr. A l f r e d Canet, an i n d u s t r i a l i s t and treasurer of the Commission, and had among i t s members Abbe Bourdin, Cure of the 14 v i l l a g e , and a lawyer from Vesoul named Mr. Carraud. It was t h i s committee that would vote f i n a n c i a l approval for the chapel and endorse the necessary loans and mortgages.^ However, i n t o t a l the Parish contributed three m i l l i o n f r a n c s ^ and the project r e l i e d heavily on the war indemnity assessed by an independent a r c h i -tect employed by the government and the personal e f f o r t s of the Minister of R e c o n s t r u c t i o n . ^ The war indemnity was assessed at 13.8 m i l l i o n 18 francs i n 1951. Although the indemnity decision did not have any d i r e c t bearing on the choice of a r c h i t e c t or design, i t did place re-s t r a i n t s i n terms of c a p i t a l and the reuse of salvageable material, and bureaucratic intervention and delays created an atmosphere of uncer-19 t a i n t y and suspicion about the project. The dependence on the indem-n i t y also accounted for the active involvement of Claudius P e t i t , then Minister of Reconstruction, who sought s t r i k i n g secular a r c h i t e c t u r a l projects and reknowned a r c h i t e c t s i n an e f f o r t to convince the p u b l i c 20 of France's post-war recovery and to stimulate p r i v a t e enterprise. The Unite d'Habitation, M a r s e i l l e s , which previously united the e f f o r t s of Le Corbusier and P e t i t , i s an example of h i s e f f o r t s . Thus, i n an i n d i r e c t way, the French government and the people i t represented were also patrons of the chapel. The Besancon Commission for Sacred Art, with Canon Ledeur's leadership, had previously been ac t i v e i n the promotion of modern ar t 21 and i t s use i n e x i s t i n g e c c l e s i a s t i c a l structures. However, u n t i l the Ronchamp Commission, i t s e f f o r t s had concentrated upon painting, 22 stained glass, and sculpture, rather than architecture. Up to the time of the Commission's work for the chapel at Ronchamp (1947-1950) church b u i l d i n g committees had customarily employed l o c a l 23 A a r c h i t e c t s . This custom was followed at Notre-Dame-du-Haut and a 24 l o c a l a r c h i t e c t did complete a design for the s i t e . His design was for a rectangular structure with a gabled roof, a square east end, and a cen t r a l tower i n the west facade surmounted by a bell-tower with a bulbous-shaped roof; a church which i n shape, s i z e , and general massing resembled the vernacular s t y l e of parish churches i n the French-Swiss 25 border area. Although no dimensions were given, i t appears smaller and less complex i n massing than the previous church at the s i t e , and lacked the l a t t e r ' s large eastern porch. It was rejected by the parish because of i t s i n s u f f i c i e n t accommodation of pilgrimage needs and lack 26 of i n t e r n a l f l e x i b i l i t y . It was following the r e j e c t i o n of t h i s scheme that the Commission for Sacred Art at Besancon i n v i t e d Le Corbusier to propose a replacement for the World War II-ravaged church s t i l l rem-nant upon i t s s t r a t e g i c high place overlooking the Ballon Gap and the 27 French-Swiss border. The Commission f i r s t approached Le Corbusier i n the spring of 28 1950. He refused the i n v i t a t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e , i n s i s t i n g that he 29 "did not design churches". He was also concerned that the s i t e would 30 not be amenable to his construction methods. However, due to the prescient v i s i o n and conviction of Canon Ledeur, Le Corbusier was ultimately secured for the project. A l e t t e r dated 6 May 1950 reveals that Canon Ledeur's persistence ensured the Church's acceptance of Le Corbusier and his concern assuaged any doubts Le Corbusier may have had 31 about such an undertaking: Le Corbusier consequently reconsidered. On 20 May 1950 Le Corbusier made his f i r s t v i s i t to the s i t e . He made many sketches of the destroyed church which record h i s response to the s i t e with i t s ruins. The sketches reveal an inte r e s t i n the prominent s i t i n g of the former church and a s e n s i t i v e concern for the 32 recording of i t s most s a l i e n t features. It was t h i s response which may have subsequently worked upon his imagination. He was l a t e r alleged to have changed h i s mind about accepting the commission because of t h i s - • 3 3 trxp. An impressive gathering of d i g n i t a r i e s awaited Le Corbusier's par-t i c i p a t i o n i n the reb u i l d i n g of the shrine. In addition to the Besancon Commission for Sacred Art, Claudius P e t i t , Mr. Jardot, Director of the Photographic Archives i n Par i s , Pere Regamey, and Pere Couturier were also i A 3 4 involved. In the months that followed a new seri e s of sketches premised upon the e a r l i e r s i t e drawings led to a f u l l three-dimensional conceptualiza-t i o n . The r e s u l t i n g maquette was f i r s t seen by the members of the Com-35 mission i n September, 1950. P r i o r to t h i s o f f i c i a l u n v eiling, Marcel Ferry and Abbe Bolle-Reddat, l a t e r to become resident p r i e s t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut, and Mr. Mathey had seen the maquettes at Le Corbusier's Rue de 36 Sevres studio. By t h i s time there were two maquettes, one of cardboard i n d i c a t i n g i t s exterior aspects and one of wire rods demonstrating the 37 s t r u c t u r a l system. In November, 1951, Archbishop Dubourg viewed the models of the proposed chapel which e e l i c i t e d h i s surprise and acknow-ledgement of possible controversy. He reportedly exclaimed: "Eh bien, / 38 qu'est-ce q u ' i l s vont d i r e , mes vicares generaux". Notwithstanding h i s surprise, the archbishop gave a u t h o r i t a t i v e sanction to the design. It 39 was then approved by the Besancon Commission i n January, 1951. However, 40 discussion continued and actual construction was delayed. In the interim the maquette was p u b l i c a l l y displayed and debated while a number of encour-41 aging l e t t e r s passed between Le Corbusier and Canon Ledeur. Two problems had to be dealt with: the arrangement of finances and the guarantee of 42 complete a r t i s t i c freedom for Le Corbusier. During the public d i s -cussion that followed the Besancon Commission's acceptance i n January, and while correspondence passed between Canon Ledeur and Le Corbusier, some s t r u c t u r a l and minor compositional changes were made by Le Corbusier, but at no time was h i s conception for Notre-Dame-du-Haut ser i o u s l y c r i -43 t i c i s e d by the parishioners. By popular vote, the finances were approved by the parish i n May, 1952. Construction began i n the spring of 44 1953. 10 CHAPTER II THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE A COMMISSION OF NOTRE-DAME-DU-HAUT It i s the proposal of t h i s thesis that Notre-Dame-du-Haut at Ronchamp, f a r from being an anomaly r e s u l t i n g from a capricious and a r b i t r a r y approach to form, was a c t u a l l y a d i r e c t r e f l e c t i o n of van-guard, yet well-considered, attitudes i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l thinking and that t h i s thinking was c a r e f u l l y interpreted and expressed by Le Corbusier. We can gain s i g n i f i c a n t insight into the twentieth century ideas of the Roman Catholic Church from four major sources: the current " l i t u r g i c a l movement", o f f i c i a l e n c y c l i c a l s and d i r e c t i v e s , s p e c i a l i z e d and popular l i t e r a t u r e , and prominent French p r i e s t s such as Pere Couturier, Pere Regamey and Canon Ledeur. From these sources the p h i l o s o p h i c a l circum-stances of the commission for Notre-Dame-du-Haut may be ascertained and t h e i r r o l e i n the creation of the chapel suggested. The current " l i t u r g i c a l movement" within the Roman Catholic Church, which began i n France i n the middle of the nineteenth century, was a powerful rejuvenating force within an organization which saw as i t s aim the a c t i v e , i n t e l l i g e n t , and f r u i t f u l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the people i n the l i t u r g y of the Church.''' The growing awareness of the richness, beauty, and communical character of l i t u r g i c a l prayers and texts which i t prompted had diverse r a m i f i c a t i o n s . It led to an emphasis on actual p r a c t i c e and i n t e r e s t i n the s p i r i t u a l l i f e of the f a i t h f u l 2 and hence to p a s t o r a l and s c h o l a s t i c pursuits by the clergy. The move-ment flo u r i s h e d f i r s t at Solesmes, France, then at St. Andre-lez-Bruges, 11 Belgium and f i n a l l y at Maria Laach, Germany and Klosterneuberg, A u s t r i a . I t was f i r s t given o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n w i t h the d i r e c t i v e s of Pope Pius X who s i m p l i f i e d and began p a r t i a l reforms of the l i t u r g y . Essen-t i a l l y , the aim was to give the l i t u r g y relevance to contemporary s e n s i -b i l i t y , and to create s i n c e r e e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r l i t u r g i c a l p a r t i c i -p a t i o n . The sense of community to be appreciated i n the Mass was a l s o stressed. Most important was the b e l i e f that a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the sacred mystery and i n the solemn prayer of the Church was the f i r s t 3 and indispensable source of the true C h r i s t i a n s p i r i t . The l i t u r g i c a l movement caused a number of very t a n g i b l e changes. I t emphasised complete consciousness of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of r i t u a l and hence i n t e l l e c t u a l involvement and educational f a c i l i t i e s . I t prompted the f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n of m i s s a l s i n the vernacular and the s i m p l i f i c a -4 t i o n of r i t e s . Numerous conferences and p u b l i c a t i o n s a l s o occurred: Dom Beauduin's " I I f a u d r o i t democratiser l a l i t u r g i e " (1909), Herwegen's Des K u n s t p r i n z i p der L i t u r g i e (1920), Pope Pius X's Tra l e s o l l e c i t u d i n i (1903), and Germany's R i c h t l i n i e n f u r d i e Getaltung des Gotteshauses  aus dem Geiste der romischen L i t u r g i e (1944). In 1943 France e s t a b l i s h e d i t s Centre de P a s t o r a l e l i t u r i q u e . ^ F i n a l l y , s i g n i f i c a n t r e c o g n i t i o n was given to the e f f o r t s of the l i t u r g i c a l movement by Pope Pius X I I i n h i s Mediator Dei of 1947. The l i t u r g i c a l movement supported a philosophy motivated by a l i b e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Roman C a t h o l i c dogma w i t h an emphasis on i t s more human, communal, and communicative aspects. Although l i t u r g i c a l r e v i t a l i z a t i o n was i n i t i a t e d at Solesmes, France's r o l e was to remain marginal u n t i l a f t e r World War I I at which time i t became as s o c i a t e d w i t h Germany as the avant-garde of the movement.^ Furthermore, France was then recognised for i t s unprecedented experimentation i n various means of f o s t e r i n g communal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l i t u r g y , and the num-g ber of episcopates i n favour of the movement. A number of these develop-ments based upon l i t u r g i c a l reform had d i r e c t repercussions i n church construction during the twentieth century. The f i r s t evidence of the ef f e c t of l i t u r g i c a l reappraisal on architecture occurred i n 1913 at 9 Maria Laach, Germany. Here church members proposing a revised l i t u r g y met other members proposing a new approach to church design and recog-nized t h e i r common concerns. From that date church design had as i t s goal a new form that would respond to the varying and new conceptions given to the l i t u r g y . In Germany e s p e c i a l l y , p r i o r to World War I I , new s p a t i a l arrangements having l i t u r g i c a l symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e i n plan configuration developed.^ Rudolf Schwartz, who c o d i f i e d h i s new space symbolism i n The Church Incarnate (1938) was the major f i g u r e i n t h i s development.^ ^  In France the l i t u r g i c a l movement was expressed i n art forms such as painting, sculpture, and decoration more d i r e c t l y than i n a r c h i t e c -t u r a l planning. Many :,iri> the French Church agitated for a more contem-porary e c c l e s i a s t i c a l aesthetic. Following Cingria's La Decadence de  l ' a r t sacre (1913), Maurice Denis, with D e s v a i l l i e r s , opened a studio of sacred a r t which sought to invest art with vigour and to i n s p i r e a r t i s t s with a contemporary sense of brotherhood and piety comparable to 13 that of the Middle Ages. This was supplemented by Denis' Nouvelles  theories sur l ' a r t moderne, sur l ' a r t sacre (1914-1921) which was f o l -lowed by M. B r i l l a n t ' s L'Art chretien en France du XXe S i e c l e (1927), Munier's Une E g l i s e Nouvelle au XXe S i e c l e (1932), and Pere Couturier's Art et cathoLtcisme (1948). A l l the major r e l i g i o u s commentators concurred that contemporary sacred art inadequately represented contem-porary t h e o l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a l s . With the exception of Munier, who documented churches rather than c r i t i q u e d them, architecture was given l i t t l e a ttention i n the quest for modern, l i t u r g i c a l l y respon-sive art forms. Although Germany had a very directed program for f i n d i n g a r c h i t e c t u r a l ways of expressing the new l i t u r g i c a l concepts, France did not. Although much post-EWorld War I r e b u i l d i n g was c a r r i e d out and the 14 o f f i c i a l l y supervised Chantiers du Cardinal b u i l t much, no d i r e c t i v e s , o f f i c i a l statements, or experimentation with new forms appeared u n t i l 1952. 1 5 With increasing frequency one begins to see open spaces, an em-phasis on a c e n t r a l space, the elimination of i n t e r i o r encumbrances, and a growing popularity i n neo-Byzantine churches c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y possess-ing these a t t r i b u t e s . ^ Also noticeable was the willingness of the French church builders to accept new materials, modern art forms, and construc-t i o n a l systems that began to associate modernity with the Roman Catholic Church. However, these aspects of church architecture do not appear to have been d i r e c t l y i n s t i g a t e d by a conscious c o r r e l a t i o n with the new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n developing for the l i t u r g y at that time. For instance, there i s no reason to suggest that Notre-Dame-du-Raincy (Perret, 1923), most often c i t e d as the twentieth century accomplishment i n French Church architecture p r i o r to World War I I , was i n any way designed as a conscious a p p l i c a t i o n of l i t u r g i c a l r e f o r m . ^ In other ways France continued to encourage the new community-conscious and l i b e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the l i t u r g y . At the same time, the mood i n France allowed for regional v a r i a t i o n s and advocated respect 18 for vernacular and national b u i l d i n g s t y l e s . Increasingly, economic r e s t r a i n t s placed upon projects had contributed to a greater use of ex-posed concrete, a reduction of ornamentation, and less frequent use of precious and c o s t l y t r a d i t i o n a l materials. The French Roman Catholic Church r a t i o n a l i z e d t h i s tendency by associ a t i n g such economically moti-vated measures with the s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s of poverty, s i m p l i c i t y , and honesty.(makingj-virtue of.necessity).. Similar s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s i n -formed the Worker P r i e s t movement, a French experiment which sent Domini-can monks to work as common factory labourers i n an attempt to destroy 19 the b a r r i e r s between the clergy and the f a i t h f u l . In 1947 Pope Pius XII issued Mediator Dei, an important e n c y c l i -20 c a l of the post-World War II era. It gave o f f i c i a l sanction to the aims and some of the r e s u l t s of the l i t u r g i c a l movement, including a number of i t s aesthetic i d e a l s . Thus, i n the very year that the parish A of Notre-Dame-du-Haut became concerned with b u i l d i n g a church, Pope Pius XII encouraged such undertakings with o f f i c i a l sanctions for church b u i l d i n g . Not only did the Pope endorse the encouragement of good a r t and architecture i n church b u i l d i n g , but he also approved the use of some 21 modern s t y l e s of a r t . Mediator Dei of 1947 supported a f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach to space where each function found expression i n the structure. A hierarchy of s p a t i a l arrangement was also recommended but by the s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n of well defined areas eschewing absolute separation. Certain q u a l i t i e s of space and b u i l d i n g f a b r i c were also suggested and the v a r i e t i e s of 22 human responses needing a r c h i t e c t u r a l consideration were indicated. Med-i t a t i v e space as a ph i l o s o p h i c a l need and therefore as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l consideration was given great emphasis. Notwithstanding t h i s r a t i o n a l approach, the Pope also acknowledged 15 the importance of the sensual aspects of r e l i g i o u s experience, " f o r 23 every impulse of the human heart expresses i t s e l f through the senses". Moreover, Pope Pius XII a t t r i b u t e d many aspects of the l i t u r g y to develop-24 ments i n the f i n e a r t s . Mediator Dei emphasised the necessary communi-cative and i n t e g r a l r o l e which the f i n e arts played i n the s p i r i t u a l l i f e of the f a i t h f u l . C l e a r l y , i n 1947 the highest authority i n the Catholic Church was interested i n aesthetics, function, modernity, and the humanist t r a d i t i o n with regard to man's contribution to church r i t u a l . Many of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l suggestions made i n Mediator Dei could be f u l f i l l e d by Le Corbusier's usual p r a c t i c e s . The concept of f u n c t i o n a l l y 25 conceived space was part of Le Corbusier's theory of architecture. Le Corbusier also advocated a h i e r a r c h i a l organization of space which was integrated within a s i n g l e volume rather than a se r i e s of spaces w e l l defined with enclosing walls. The need for meditative space was of such importance to Le Corbusier that he included such areas within h i s domes-2 6 t i c buildings./ Although Le Corbusier emphasised i n t e l l e c t u a l involve-ment as c e n t r a l to architecture, he did not deny i t s sensual aspects. His consciousness of "psychophysiological" responses (kinesthetic and 27 psychological response to s t i m u l i ) and for p l a s t i c i t y i n d i c a t e t h i s . Le Corbusier was also recognized for h i s s o c i a l concerns. Schemes for worker's houses, apartments providing daycare centres, plans for assuring communal benefit of urban and r u r a l land, a i r , and greenery, and his projects for a "Radiant C i t y " were well known i n 1950. Le Corbusier's work thus coincided with a pronounced i n t e r e s t by church a u t h o r i t i e s and parishioners i n the s o c i a l r o l e of the church as r e f l e c t e d i n the expanded view of the parish church b u i l d i n g as one which should include a complex of functions: meeting rooms, sports areas, daycare f a c i l i t i e s , 16 28 classrooms, and s i t e planning responsive to suburban contexts. More-over, some r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a t u r e presenting t h i s viewpoint c i t e d Le 29 Corbusier for t h e o r e t i c a l support. The very pressing t h e o l o g i c a l problem of accommodating the i n d i v i -dual as "a stone of the church" within the larger i d e n t i t y of the church " e d i f i c e " was i m p l i c i t i n many of the comments made with regard to space 30 i n Mediator Dei. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the i n d i v i d u a l to the community was also a c e n t r a l p h i l o s o p h i c a l and design problem expressed by Le Corbusier which can be seen as a secular counterpart to the Church's problem of assuring the l a i t y ' s r o l e i n the l i t u r g y . No d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i r e c t i v e s i n Mediator Dei and the philosophy of Le Corbusier can be e x p l i c i t l y stated. However, s t r i k - . ing accords i n general outlook suggest that a common meeting ground existed where both Le Corbusier and the Catholic Church could productively cooperate. It i s l i k e l y that a r e a l i z a t i o n of these concurrences were 31 important i n Le Corbusier's consideration of the commission. Specialized and general publications also impressed upon the f a i t h -f u l the importance of architecture and art i n f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r commit-ments to the f a i t h . In 1946 three s p e c i a l issues of L'Art Sacre focussed 32 on the problem and merits of designing and rebu i l d i n g parish churches. In 1947 Germany published i t s D i r e c t i v e s for church b u i l d i n g which were to remain relevant as l a t e as 1954 when they were adopted i n North America 33 by a conference held i n Wisconsin. Various issues surrounding the con-s t r u c t i o n of churches - s o c i a l , t h e o l o g i c a l , and l i t u r g i c a l - were increas-i n g l y prominent features i n r e l i g i o u s p e r i o d i c a l s and were often discussed i n French newspapers. The newspaper Le Monde frequently and prominently featured reports on the l a t e s t a r c h i t e c t u r a l undertakings of the French Catholic Church, thus underlining the Church's endeavours as being 34 both t o p i c a l and important. Pere Couturier, Pere Regamey, and Canon Ledeur disseminated aesthe-t i c a l l y and r e l i g i o u s l y relevant viewpoints about art which were to have consequences on Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Pere Couturier was a Dominican monk who endeavoured to rejuvenate the French Roman Catholic Church by the 35 incorporation of modern art i n r e l i g i o u s establishments. To that end he wrote three books: Chroniques (1946), Art et catholicisme (1948), Se Garder Libre (1962), as well as a monograph on a Montreal a r c h i t e c t M. Perizeau (1945), and a number of a r t i c l e s which were published i n 36 France, the United States, and Canada. Most s i g n i f i c a n t was h i s co-/ 37 editorship of L'Art Sacre which began i n 1937. This and other journals became convenient media through which he proclaimed h i s far-reaching 38 p o l i c y of "aux grands homines l e s grandes choses". Pere Couturier was personally involved i n the f i n e a r t s . He began as a painter, studying at the school of Denis and D e s v a i l l i e r e s before 39 taking orders i n 1925. He l a t e r s p e c i a l i z e d i n stained glass, a pur-su i t which involved him i n his f i r s t c o n t r o v e r s i a l a r t i s t i c endeavour 40 i n 1938. He wrote his f i r s t and only a r t i c l e that was ostensibly A 41 focussed on architecture p r i o r to Notre-Dame-du-Haut i n 1938. This was concerned almost e n t i r e l y with decoration. In h i s l a t e r writings on the c o n t r o v e r s i a l projects at Assy (1938-1950), Audincourt (1950-1952), 42 and Vence (1948-1950) he did not concern himself with architecture. However, his employment of non-Roman Catholic a r t i s t s , such as the agnos-t i c Bonnard and the communists Lurcat and Leger at Audincourt, estab-l i s h e d a precedent for Le Corbusier, likewise a non-catholic, at Notre-43 Dame-du-Haut. 18 The f i r s t documented encounter between P^re Couturier and Le Corbusier occurred i n 1925 when both were involved i n the Union des A r t i s t e s Modernes. Intermittent meetings between the two followed and \ . 44 were recorded i n Pere Couturier's diary of 1947-1954. Also, both were 45 involved i n an extraordinary church project at Sainte-Baume i n 1947. Later Pe*re Couturier was to re f e r to Le Corbusier's o p t i m i s t i c s o c i a l 46 goals which were often repeated i n the pages of L'Art Sacr£. During the construction of Notre-Dame-du-Haut i n 1953 the p r i e s t was intimately involved with Le Corbusier i n the designing of the monastery of Sainte-47 Marie-de-la-Tourette. At t h i s time the p r i e s t apparently instructed 48 x Le Corbusier i n much Roman Catholic philosophy. In 1953 Pere Couturier wrote an a r t i c l e on Notre-Dame-du-Haut for L'Art Sacre that was to be-come the basis for much of the text of the Forces Vivres p u b l i c a t i o n Le L i v r e de Ronchamp (1961) which was l a t e r published under the d i r e c t i o n 49 of Le Corbusier. The 1953 a r t i c l e i s the f i r s t known d i r e c t contact that Pere Couturier had with the chapel. However, there was private correspon-dence between Le Corbusier and Pere Couturier thoughout the project and i t was Le Corbusier's fear of unwanted p u b l i c i t y with i t s p o s s i b i l i t y of jeopardizing the commission which deterred the p r i e s t from a c t i v e public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . " ^ It i s l i k e l y that i n an i n d i r e c t way, through hi s use of modern and often non-catholic a r t i s t s , and d i r e c t l y by comments made p r i v a t e l y to Le Corbusier, he influenced the events as they devel-oped at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Pere Couturier's actions and h i s p o l i c y of using non-catholic a r t i s t s raised fundamental questions about the creative act and the nature of divine i n s p i r a t i o n for which he was to suffe r heavy c r i t i c i s m from Rome and from prominent Church figures."'''' He also endured the cen-sure brought against the Dominican Order for t h e i r s o c i a l aims, p a r t i c u -52 l a r l y the Worker's P r i e s t Movement. The importance of his involvement i n modern art to the commission of Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s twofold. F i r s t , Pere Couturier presented an accep-table precedent for the successful p a r t i c i p a t i o n between the Church and 53 modern a r t i s t s . Secondly, he was a personality, "un brave type", with whom Le Corbusier shared many objectives - s o c i a l , a r t i s t i c , and personal. Indeed, the ar c h i t e c t had received Papal disapproval with Pere Couturier and the Dominicans because of his involvement at Sainte-Baume 54 and could therefore e a s i l y i d e n t i f y with the much-berated Dominicans. The commission thus allowed Le Corbusier to a l i g n himself with a c u l t u r a l -l y and a r t i s t i c a l l y relevant avant-garde. Charles Jencks, i n Le Corbusier: A Tragic View of Architecture, points out that such a crusading stance was an important part of Le Corbusier's c h a r a c t e r . T h a t Le Corbusier interpreted the Notre-Dame-du-Haut commission i n such terms i s evident i n 56 several l e t t e r s written to others involved i n the project. Therefore, the c o n t r o v e r s i a l and urgent proposal entailed i n the commission, p a r t l y r e s u l t i n g from Pere Couturier's past actions, may have influenced Le Corbusier's enthusiasm for the project. The importance of Pere Regamey to the commission of Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s intimated i n the f i n a l pages of The Chapel at Ronchamp (1957), a p u b l i c a t i o n directed by Le Corbusier. He was among those men to whom Le Corbusier paid s p e c i a l t r i b u t e f o r the part they played i n the r e a l i z a -t i o n of the chapel."^ Many r e f e r e n t i a l statements to Pere Regamey exi s t 58 i n Le Corbusier's correspondence throughout the undertaking. Pere Regamey began h i s involvement i n the arts with h i s education 20 / 59 at L Ecole du Louvre i n 1900. His a r t i s t i c i n t e r e s t s continued i n the secular realm: from 1926 to 1928 he was the attache to the department of painting at the Louvre, where he worked i n coll a b o r a t i o n with Paul Jamot. He became a prominent advocate of r e l i g i o u s and aesthetic reform i n 1937 when he became co-editor of L'Art Sacre with Pere Couturier. They were 60 former students of the same seminary. His f i r s t known combative a r t i c l e , La Querrelle des Vitraux, dated from 1937.*^ It was a defense of the modern s t y l e of Pere Couturier,'s stained glass additions to Notre-Dame-de-Paris i n which he introduced contemporary a r t i s t i c issues and answered c r i t i c i s m s with t h e o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s and aesthetic explanations. His stated aim for L'Art Sacre was to make i t a strident voice 62 against mediocrity, " k i t s c h " , h i s t o r i c i s m , arid convention. He was also c r i t i c a l of pious obeisance, characterizing i t as sentimental, unexalted, 63 and t o t a l l y unrelated to the r e a l i t i e s of modern s e n s i b i l i t i e s . He declared f a i t h a poor excuse for 'bad' art and wrote disparagingly of con-64 temporary r e l i g i o u s a r t i s t s and a r c h i t e c t s . Throughout the 1940s and 1950s he r e i t e r a t e d these unorthodox views i n the pages of L'Art Sacr£ as well as La Vie I n t e l l e c t u e l l e , Partisan Review, La Croix, and Recherches  et debats. In addition, he gained some i n t e r n a t i o n a l reknown with a r t i c l e s that appeared i n L i t u r g i c a l Arts and the Journal of Arts and L e t t e r s . ^ In 1945 Pere Regamey was a member of the Conseil A r t i s t i q u e des Musees de France and from t h i s time his e f f o r t s to bring about a renais-sance i n the sacred arts i n t e n s i f i e d . In 1946 three issues of L'Art Sacre were dedicated to the question of contemporary church architecture. This marked an important departure for Pere Regamey and Pere Couturier: a r c h i -tecture became a part of t h e i r a p o s t o l i c aspirations for a renewed r e l i g i o u s a r t . It was at t h i s time that Pere Regamey f i r s t included a r c h i t e c t s i n 21 Pere Couturier's proposal "aux grands homes, l e s grandes choses". Pere Regamey continued the a p p l i c a t i o n of L'Art Sacre's renovation program to a r c h i t e c t u r e when he spoke before the Congress f o r the Recon-66 s t r u c t i o n of Churches at a symposium he l d at Rotterdam i n 1948. In the same year he supported the c o n t r o v e r s i a l Sainte-Baume p r o j e c t and thereby acquired a r e p u t a t i o n as a r a d i c a l among c l e r i c s and l a i t y . I t was a l s o i n 1948 that h i s prominence w i t h i n the s e c u l a r a r c h i t e c t u r a l community began. Paul Vago, e d i t o r of L'Architecure d'Aujourd'hui, presented and en-t h u s i a s t i c a l l y supported Pere Regamey's ideas i n the October i s s u e , 1948.^ In the f o l l o w i n g year Pere Regamey was featured among the new patrons and thus, by i n f e r e n c e , shared i n the aim of the j o u r n a l , which was "to o r i e n t 68 one's for c e s to the f u t u r e of an a r c h i t e c t u r e deserving of modern time". "Well known among the best a r c h i t e c t s , " Pere Regamey was p i c t u r e d as a confrere sharing i n s i m i l a r general a s p i r a t i o n s f o r a r c h i t e c t u r e expounded 69 by Niemeyer, Sert, Giedion, Le Corbusier, and A a l t o . Vago's i n t e r e s t served to propel Pere Regamey and h i s endeavours f o r a modern church b u i l d i n g i n t o the consciousness of the a r c h i t e c t s who were a l s o crusading f o r a modern a r c h i t e c t u r e . In an a r t i c l e i n L ' A r c h i t e c t u r e d'Aujourd'hui, Vago assured h i s readers that church a r c h i t e c t u r e had i t s place among the b u i l d i n g types worthy of the modern a r c h i t e c t ' s c o n c e r n . ^ In 1952 Pere Regamey published L'Art Sacre au XXe S i e c l e , a compen-dium of h i s p r e v i o u s l y published major themes.^ This i s a convenient source from which Pere Regamey's expectations about the a c t u a l appearance of a twentieth-century church may be extrapolated. Pere Regamey emphasised that the c o n t r o v e r s i a l churches at Assy, Audincourt, and Vence " j u s t express a c o n v i c t i o n that only the best w i l l 22 72 A do...", they are not to be understood as prototypes. Of Notre-Dame-du-Raincy he stated that i t was "only one possible s o l u t i o n and by no means 73 the only one, or the best". He referred to only Notre-Dame-du-Raincy; Karlskirche by Metzger; St. Michael, Dornac; A l l Saints, Basel, by Baur; and Notre-Dame-de-la-Trinite, B l o i s , by Rouvier, as r e a l l y good examples 74 of modern architecture f or t h e i r time. But these were estimated as pre-cursors of an eventual r e a l i z a t i o n , not the i d e a l modern church i t s e l f . He also c i t e d the prefabricated churches of Bartnig i n Germany as "very successful" and indicated a preference for undecorated surfaces and un-ostentatious e f f e c t s . ^ More generally, he f e l t that the church could best present i t s accord with the r e a l i t i e s ( e s p e c i a l l y economic) of i t s s i t u a t i o n i n the contemporary world by eschewing conspicuous s i t i n g and 7 6 great s i z e . For the i n t e r i o r he promulgated merely an ample space with only the a l t a r and c r u c i f i x as predominant appurtenances.^ Pere Regamey presented a number of a r c h i t e c t u r a l and aesthetic concepts which, however unorthodox they may have appeared to h i s r e l i g i o u s confreres at that time, were well known to those involved with contem-porary a r c h i t e c t u r a l theory. He advocated pure forms determined by 78 structure, materials, and function instead of convention or h i s t o r i c i s m . He expressed h i s aesthetic ideals i n terms such as harmony, proportion, ' an attendance to l i n e and rhythm, powerful and b e a u t i f u l volumes and masses, and an ingenious d i s t r i b u t i o n of l i g h t and shadow. These are the same c r i t e r i a used by such prominent a r c h i t e c t u r a l h i s t o r i a n s as H.-R. Hitchcock and P. Johnson i n t h e i r discussion of modern s t y l e i n a r c h i t e c -ture i n t h e i r seminal work The International Style i n 1932. Hitchcock continues to use these c r i t e r i a . By means such as these Pere Regamey c a l l e d upon architecture to create atmospheres conducive to meditation and overpowering joy, to exalt the best i n man, to be u n i v e r s a l i n appeal, to be provocative of the mysterious, and to be unify i n g , mystical, 79 and the o l o g i c a l i n e f f e c t . He also advocated " l o g i c a l construction" as an a l t e r n a t i v e to the i l l o g i c a l construction of pastiche. He f e l t pastiche was detrimental to the expression of a contemporary s e n s i b i l i t y and to a spontaneous, continuous, and personal epiphany. Although he implied a r a t i o n a l approach to architecture and stated that a r t must appeal to the mind, he also c a l l e d f o r design informed by i n t u i t i o n s and 80 "not reason". Moreover, he had a penchant for describing the church with opposing images: the secluded versus the open; the church closed 81 upon i t s e l f , o f f e r i n g s h e l t e r , and the church open to the world. Pere Regamey's in t e r e s t i n the f i n e arts was c l o s e l y involved with his r e l i g i o u s concerns. He believed man had l o s t the a b i l i t y to experience a personal epiphany and to meaningfully p a r t i c i p a t e i n and 82 benefit from the transcendental experience which united a l l men, and he understood art to be a t o o l by which such transcendence could be 83 effected. Consequently he believed that the i n a b i l i t y to perceive the exalted r o l e of art and the i n a b i l i t y to t r u l y experience r e l i g i o u s transcendence were rel a t e d i l l s . It was to overcome these d e f i c i e n c i e s i n man's s p i r i t u a l being that he sought to educate the general populace and clergy i n matters pertaining to man's aesthetic wellbeing. These would be the basic ideas and thought which one would encounter reading the a r t i c l e s written by Pere Regamey, or working for him. While they are vague and un s p e c i f i c , they do o f f e r a number of i n t e r e s t i n g and important parameters. He advocated complete l i b e r t y f o r the a r t i s t based upon knowledge of aesthetic matters,the use of a r t i s t s and a r c h i -tects outside the f a i t h , the supremacy of genius and i n t u i t i o n over f a i t h 24 and dogma, and a strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of contemporary church a r c h i t e c -ture with the aims of secular architecture and a r c h i t e c t s of the avant-garde. Most emphatically, however, he expressed a discontent with the contemporary m i l i e u of church architecture and the unresolved p o s i t i o n as to what modern church architecture should be. Canon Ledeur, as head of the Commission for Sacred Art at Besancon, was the person most a c t i v e l y involved i n the choice of a r c h i t e c t f or Notre-84 \ Dame-du-Haut. He, l i k e the t h e o r i s t p r i e s t Pere Couturier, also believed that aesthetic excellence whould be given p r i o r i t y over the 85 necessity of choosing an a r c h i t e c t of f a i t h . In s e l e c t i n g Le Corbusier, Canon Ledeur chose an a r c h i t e c t whose works and theories were very accessible. He would have undoubtedly been aware of Le Corbusier's Sainte-Baume involvement and the Unite d'Habitation at M a r s e i l l e s - each with i t s attendant controversies. Canon Ledeur would also have been f a m i l i a r with Le Corbusier's notions about town planning i n which the 86 optimism of a society working together i n harmony and joy was expressed, and which was e n t i r e l y compatible with the post-World War II outlook of 87 the Catholic Church, e s p e c i a l l y the Dominicans. Indeed, by March of 1951 Canon Ledeur was well versed i n Le Corbusier's work and quoted him 88 during public lectures held at Ronchamp. The s e l e c t i o n of Le Corbusier, therefore, gave Canon Ledeur the opportunity for a f a s c i n a t i n g dialogue 89 with a major a r c h i t e c t on the l i t u r g i c a l meaning of "functionalism", and augured an i d e a l patron-client r e l a t i o n s h i p . Canon Ledeur supported Pere Couturier and Pere Regamey i n t h e i r aims "to bring to an end by means of a d i r e c t achievement, the absurd divorce which for the past century (had) separated the Church from l i v i n g a r t " . And i n doing t h i s , "to leave no stone unturned: to appeal 25 to the greatest independent a r t i s t s no matter what t h e i r personal con-90 v i c t i o n s " . Ledeur fervently pursued these aims with seminars and A exhibitions on modern a r t p r i o r to Le Corbusier s involvement at Notre-91 Dame-du-Haut. Ledeur also formulated a p h i l o s o p h i c a l construct i n which he j u s t i f i e d h i s commitment to aesthetic excellence and outlined h i s aesthetic and s p i r i t u a l i d e a l s . The following quotations summarize some of those i d e a l s , and elucidate h i s concept of the patron. For a presentation of these ideals I r e l y heavily on a lengthy a r t i c l e which, a l -though published i n 1960, i s a consistent and concise restatement of those ideas found i n preceding smaller a r t i c l e s and i n private correspondence. The t r a n s l a t i o n s are mine. As patron, he s p e c i f i e d that: For our part, l e t us define a program, that i s to say a function, which takes into account u n i v e r s a l l i t u r g i c a l r u l e s and at the same time, of course, a l l l o c a l , pastoral, f i n a n c i a l f a c t s , etc. Even more deeply within ourselves, l e t us attempt to specify i n what s p i r i t we would l i k e the work to be conceived, given the community and what we ourselves are. But then l e t us look for a true master of his a r t . Ledeur j u s t i f i e d his abdication of complete design c o n t r o l with a c r i t i c i s m of conventional patronage p r a c t i c e : In r e a l i t y the a r c h i t e c t i s often chosen for reasons, of l e t us say l o c a l propriety. In general he does not give any guarantees concerning church construction. But one always believes one has the option of having the plans corrected by some competent person. C e r t a i n l y the function can be discussed, the plans modified. But how can one hope to improve on the forms or the volumes? That i s stun^d and r i d i c u l o u s . Choice (of the a r c h i t e c t ) i s every-thing. Ledeur then stated the conditions for the choice of a r c h i t e c t which were s i n c e r i t y and f u l l consciousness i n terms of design and s p i r i t u a l a s p i r a t i o n s . He also s p e c i f i e d : Of course t h i s also requires an involvement on the part of those who commission the work. The promoter must therefore know and Q A have appreciated he whom he has chosen. Furthermore Ledeur indicated that these ideals were i n ef f e c t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut: Thus for Ronchamp, we were able to say to Le Corbusier, "We know very well to whom we have come. We have not come to t e l l you to do t h i s thing or that thing. We have come to t e l l you: We need a chapel that f u l f i l l s such and such a condition. As for the res t , we know who you are. We have chosen you; t r y to propose something for us" You see, that suggests a r e a l involvement on our part.95 Ledeur's d e f i n i t i o n of function i n terms of program, economy, s o c i a l aims, and a broad conception of l i t u r g i c a l rules showed him to be a man of broad v i s i o n and f l e x i b i l i t y . These q u a l i t i e s allowed Le Corbusier enormous freedom to exercise h i s aesthetic and i n t e l l e c t u a l judgment i n the tasks of design. Although Le Corbusier was informed of the concept, poetry, and theology of the V i r g i n by Ledeur, he was not r e s t r i c t e d with 96 regard to forms, structure or materials. Instead, Ledeur scrupulously adhered to his theory that the patron should specify f u n c t i o n a l parameters only. Ledeur used h i s r o l e as patron to safeguard the t h e o l o g i c a l and l i t u r g i c a l requirements of Notre-Dame-du-Haut and to e s t a b l i s h i n the 97 chapel the appropriate contemporary features of worship and s e n s i b i l i t y . To accomplish the l a t t e r he was w i l l i n g to forego h i s d i c t a t o r i a l preroga-t i v e s as patron i n the b e l i e f that the general knowledge offered by con-temporary culture, through the medium of Le Corbusier, would operate advantageously and su c c e s s f u l l y . Comments made by Ledeur ind i c a t e that Le Corbusier was encouraged to draw upon his broad c u l t u r a l knowledge 98 and to r e f e r to the whole spectrum of r e l i g i o u s s i t e s i n h i s design. This shows a willingness on the part of the Church to allow popular b e l i e f s and customs to supplement s t r i c t t h e o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s as would be forthcoming from purely e c c l e s i a s t i c a l sources. The l e t t e r s which passed between Le Corbusier and Ledeur between A p r i l 1950 and May 1955 demonstrate Ledeur's chief concerns to be that the work of Le Corbusier should not be i n open c o n f l i c t with the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of Rome and that i t should not contradict commonly professed 99 b e l i e f s . It i s not u n t i l 29 A p r i l 1951 that the canon suggested that he have any d i r e c t and s p e c i f i c influence on the design. It was at that date that he offered to go to Paris to discuss with Le Corbusier the important considerations to be given church f u r n i t u r e . Yet i t i s i n t e r -esting to note that such f u r n i t u r e as e x i s t s at Notre-Dame-du-Haut shows no marked divergence from Le Corbusier's e a r l i e r f u r n i t u r e design. . In addition to important facts pertaining to the b u i l d i n g f a b r i c , the l e t t e r s also reveal a s t r i k i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l empathy between Le Corbusier and Canon Ledeur. They shared a s i m i l a r concept of s t y l e and thought of i t i n moral terms, of t r u t h rather than beauty. The following d i s t i n c t i o n between tr u t h and beauty given by Ledeur may well have been given by Le Corbusier: "...by using the term " t r u t h " i t i s also possible to avoid the ambiguity of the word " b e a u t y " . F u r t h e r m o r e , Ledeur centered t h i s discussion on the work of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, using i t as an example of the " t r u t h " and implying that a s i m i l a r i t y of v i s i o n existed between himself and the a r c h i t e c t . It i s better to use the word truth. Moreover, i n doing so we return to the language of the most demanding a r t i s t s them-selves . ^ 01 Canon Ledeur and Le Corbusier subscribed to an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the creative act which eschewed a l l dogma and academic thinking. For Le Corbusier: P l a s t i c events do not regulate themselves according to scholarly or academic formulas, they are free and innumer-able. 102 Likewise, for Canon Ledeur: Norms do not e x i s t . Because the t r u t h of what we have c a l l e d the work of art - the truth that i s created and the very act which brings i t f o r t h - does not consist i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of a few r u l e s . ^ 3 To replace formulas and the concept of the a r t i s t as a mere supplier of an acquired t e c h n i c a l p r o f i c i e n c y , both proposed the a r t i s t - c r e a t o r . Thus Le Corbusier's elevated conception of the a r t i s t was supported by his patron's b e l i e f that: The very meaning (of t h i s c reative truth) i s defined i n the act of creation i t s e l f . Thus i t i s evident i t i s a t r u t h which must be rediscovered each time and cannot be e a s i l y expressed i n words. It must above a l l be experienced.104 Le Corbusier had often emphasised the struggle involved i n giving form to h i s inner v i s i o n and the creation of "l'espace i n d i c i b l e " ( i n -e f f a b l e s p a c e ) . T h u s , the very premise upon which Canon Ledeur based his d e f i n i t i o n of " t r u t h " , and hence " a r t " , existed within the p r a c t i c e and often-publicised credo of Le Corbusier. Furthermore, Le Corbusier's v' dramatization of himself and h i s experiences as producing "a l i f e 106 which has unrolled i n the b r u t a l i t i e s of existence" found a response i n Canon Ledeur's view of the a r t i s t as " a l l those who, a u t h e n t i c a l l y , advance themselves i n a research f u l l of uncertainty to discover t h e i r diverse p o s s i b i l i t i e s . But the needs are pressing and the workers of q u a l i t y are few. That i s the drama of our times. With the commission of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Canon Ledeur was able to have form given to his ideas. In so doing he r e a l i z e d the patron-ar c h i t e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p and the i d e a l programmatic demands which Le Corbusier had always wanted. Le Corbusier acknowledged t h i s s i t u a t i o n and t h i s freedom when he stated " i t was agreeable to become absorbed i n 108 a d i s i n t e r e s t e d project without any p r a c t i c a l programme". Canon Ledeur's statements demonstrate how t r u l y minimal the p r a c t i c a l demands were and how u n s p e c i f i c t h e i r formal d e f i n i t i o n . Le Corbusier and Canon Ledeur believed i n the necessity of a r t and i t s a b i l i t y to transcend the mundane; both spoke of a s p i r i t u a l a r c h i -109 tecture. Le Corbusier did so i n Vers une architecture i n 1923 and reaffirmed i t i n Texts et dessins pour Ronchamp i n 1 9 5 5 . L i k e w i s e , Canon Ledeur expressed a desire for "the sort of superior functionalism which has a c e r t a i n human q u a l i t y . Functionalism which includes the mys • " H I t e r i o u s . P u r i t y of " s p i r i t " , " t r u t h " , a "functionalism" that has a q u a l i t y the "mysterious", and "that which i s i n e f f a b l e " are among the abstract q u a l i t i e s that give Notre-Dame-du-Haut i t s present status as one of the supreme works of twentieth-century architecture. Perhaps i t s success i s the r e s u l t of the symbiotic r e l a t i o n s h i p of i d e a l s and purposes that seems to have existed between Canon Ledeur and Le Corbusier. Throughout the conception and construction of the chapel Le Corbusier was given, contrary to t y p i c a l church-client procedures, an extraordinary control over a r t i s t i c matters. The g i f t of freedom was conceived, or at least vigorously supported by the Canon as "a possible means of r e c o n c i l i n g Le Corbusier's point of view with that of the Church's" and as an a f f i r -112 mation of a p h i l o s o p h i c a l p o s i t i o n . Le Corbusier was o b l i g i n g l y afforded assurances from the very f i r s t that he would also have complete con t r o l over a l l future modifications of the structure, "including access...the i n t e r i o r and exterior decoration, painting and sculpture, 113 of whatever nature that might be". 29 Notre-Dame-du-Haut appears to be the r e s u l t of a conflux of i d e a l s . A nexus of i n t e r r e l a t e d ideas suggests that a compatible p h i l o s o p h i c a l outlook towards a r t , s p i r i t u a l i t y , and c r e a t i v i t y existed between the ar c h i t e c t and patron. The s i m i l a r i t y of Canon Ledeur's i d e a l s with those of Pere Couturier and Pere Regamey commend the pervasiveness of those ideals and t h e i r r e f l e c t i o n of a c e r t a i n sector of twentieth-century French Catholic thought. Le Corbusier, as an a r c h i t e c t , was believed by them able to give form to those ideals and thus to make Notre-Dame-du-Haut an agency through which the mind and s p i r i t of contemporary French Catholicism could become apo s t o l i c and ma t e r i a l l y f u n c t i o n a l . Notre-Dame-du-Haut and other e c c l e s i a s t i c a l experiments The rapprochement between modern architecture and the French Roman Catholic Church achieved such prominence that i t prompted several major survey books recording the accomplishments. Although the date assigned the r e a l i z a t i o n of the f i r s t 'modern' French Catholic Church changed as succeeding achievements made precursors of e x i s t i n g ones, a l l the major sources are agreed as to the key works. Although three stages are d i s -cernible i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the second and t h i r d stages post-date Notre-114 Dame-du-Haut. The f i r s t stage i s exemplified by A. Munier's Un Project d'Eglise  au XXe S i e c l e (1932) which praised t e c h n i c a l achievements, economy, inno-vations i n construction, and the use of new materials.''''''"' By discussing the church b u i l d i n g i n these terms, Munier sought to i l l u s t r a t e the Church's openness to modern ideas and a r c h i t e c t u r a l values. However, no d i s t i n c -t i o n was made between such modern works as Perret's Notre-Dame-du-Raincy 30 and others having obvious h i s t o r i c a l reminiscences and were c l e a r l y pas-t i c h e s . S a i n t - J e a n - 1 ' E v a n g e l i s t (1894-1903) by de Baudot i s most o f t e n c i t e d as the f i r s t modern, and l a t e r , the f i r s t forerunner to the modern church. I t was termed modern i n 1903 and i n 1932 because of the use of a concrete skeleton and s i m p l i f i e d (Gothic) forms. However, i n c r i t i c a l w r i t i n g d a t i n g from a f t e r World War I I , Saint-Jean came to be recognized as an e a r l y a r c h i t e c t u r a l r e f l e c t i o n of the l i t u r g i c a l i d e a l s of the u n i t y de-s i r a b l e between c l e r g y and l a i t y . This appears to be a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i n f l u e n c e d by current aims, of the i n i t i a l impetus f o r Saint-Jean. Notre-Dame-du-Raincy (1923) by P e r r e t i s unanimously heralded as the next milestone i n the development of modern church a r c h i t e c t u r e i n 118 France. I t was l a b e l l e d modern i n 1930, the f i r s t modern i n 1960, and 119 A the most s i g n i f i c a n t precursor to the modern church i n 1968. Notre-Dame-du-Raincy i s a long r e c t a n g u l a r b u i l d i n g of exposed r e i n f o r c e d con-c r e t e . I t has a s l i g h t l y bowed apse at the east end and i t s entrance, w i t h a c e n t r a l l y - p l a c e d c l o c k tower above, at the west end. The i n t e r i o r i s a s i n g l e space subdivided by t h i n columns which support the s e m i c i r c u -l a r , transverse concrete v a u l t s of the nave and the l a t e r a l v a u l t s of the f l a n k i n g a i s l e s . Although the nave v a u l t i s s t r u c t u r a l l y and economically p r a c t i c a l , i t i s a l s o v i s u a l l y convenient i n suggesting a t r a d i t i o n a l b a r r e l v a u l t . The sanctuary i s r a i s e d , i n c o r p o r a t i n g a s a c r i s t y beneath, and the a l t a r i s against the rear w a l l . Three quarters of the nave and east w a l l c o n s i s t of great expanses of glass i n s e r t e d i n d e c o r a t i v e con- , c r e t e c l a u s t r a s which are set w i t h i n the t h i n supporting posts which frame the s t r u c t u r e . The lower quarter i s a f l a t , exposed concrete w a l l . The nave and s i d e a i s l e s are t h e r e f o r e flooded w i t h n a t u r a l l i g h t emphasising the lightness of the structure and the great volume of space. Notwithstanding i t s s t r u c t u r a l and material innovations, the t r a d i -t i o n a l s i l h o u e t t e of the urban medieval church i s r e c a l l e d by the presence of the tower and the hall-church arrangement of the church's major volume. The presence of pattern i n the glass and windows framed as claustras, crypt as s a c r i s t y , and tower as clock tower, i l l u s t r a t e the continuation of t r a d i t i o n a l elements within the church to accommodate new purposes rather than the creation of new s p a t i a l arrangements. Although c e r t a i n aspects of the design, p a r t i c u l a r l y the predominance given to the sanctuary and the a l t a r , the slope of the f l o o r , and the great i n t e n s i t y of l i g h t , may be characterized as i n d i c a t i v e of a modern s e n s i t i v i t y to emerging l i t u r g i c a l renovation, Notre-Dame-du-Raincy was 120 praised for other aspects when i t was b u i l t . It was the structure and materials, and the c l a r i t y with which these were expressed which f i r s t gave r i s e to Notre-Dame-du-Raincy's acclaim by both the Church and contem-121 porary a r c h i t e c t u r a l c r i t i c i s m . There i s l i t t l e to ind i c a t e that the r o l e of the patron was an i n -f l u e n t i a l one i n determining the a r c h i t e c t u r a l form of Notre-Dame-du-122 Raincy. Nor are the new planning ideas explored i n Germany i n the early 123 1920s evidenced i n the plan. Instead, the church appears to have derived i t s forms, materials, and a r c h i t e c t from the patron's acquiesence to the economical r e a l i t i e s of h i s parish; i t was a r a p i d l y expanding but poor 124 parish needing a large but economical shelter. The patron did show an open-mindedness i n accepting Perret's image of a church but i t i s impor-tant to keep i n mind that the church was accepted because of i t s economy, and to some degree for i t s embodiment of modern a r c h i t e c t u r a l concepts, but not e s p e c i a l l y for i t s modern l i t u r g i c a l propriety. 32 / / A In neither Saint-Jean-1'Evangelist nor Notre-Dame-du-Raincy was architecture c a l l e d upon to r e f l e c t changes i n l i t u r g i c a l or t h e o l o g i c a l thought i n France by means of changes i n plan configuration. However, i n accepting these bui l d i n g s , the Church, perhaps u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y , sanctioned a new image of the suburban church that possessed s o c i a l and economic appropriateness rather than one that flaunted wealth. The f i n a l stage i n the development of modern church arch i t e c t u r e i n France i s associated with the three churches which, i n t h e i r cumulated e f f e c t , announced that a new period of church b u i l d i n g was imminent. These 125 were the churches of Assy, Audincourt, and Vence. In a l l three the ideas of Pere Couturier were instrumental i n the choice of a r t i s t , theme, and medium. He purposely employed non-catholic a r t i s t s to i l l u s t r a t e h i s p r i n c i p l e of "aux grands hommes les grandes choses" and thus " l e s maitres 126 en dehors". At Assy, Audincourt, and Vence he concentrated h i s e f f o r t s 127 on the arts of stained glass, painting, murals, mosaic, and sculpture. The church at Assy was commissioned i n 1937 by Pere Devemy, a f r i e n d \ 128 of Pere Couturier, and was completed before the war. It was b u i l t by Novarina and i s of a standard b a s i l i c a n plan with a deeply recessed a l t a r i n a raised sanctuary. On the exterior i t has strong reminiscences of l o c a l t r a d i t i o n and exemplified the trend of regionalism favoured by the 129 Dominicans, including Pere Couturier. The post-World War II work at Assy was an extension of t h i s e a r l i e r project and most d i r e c t l y revealed Pere Couturier's aesthetic intentions, as Pere Devemy had sought h i s coun-130 \ / c i l . However, Pere Couturier had consulted with Pere Devemy i n 1939 about the proposed church and had praised other s i m i l a r works by Novarina 131 at that time. Therefore, the church plan must have met with h i s approval as no changes were suggested or c r i t i c i s m s of i t made. It i s 33 s i g n i f i c a n t that, while Pere Couturier saw the need to rejuvenate church decoration by the employ of such recognized and non-catholic a r t i s t s as Leger, Rouault, and Bonnard, he overlooked the use of comparable a r c h i t e c t s i n h i s apostolic aims. The same conclusions may be drawn from Pere Couturier's involvement at Audincourt. This was to be h i s most concerted e f f o r t to r e a l i z e h i s 132 ideals that united art and s p i r i t u a l s e n s i b i l i t y . Audincourt, b u i l t by Novarina between 1950 and 1952, i s a s i m p l i f i e d version of h i s church at Assy using the vocabulary of forms current i n modern architecture. A rectangular emphasis replaces the pronounced peaked roof found at Assy, and t h i n columns replace the more numerous and massive ones. The church at Audincourt derives i t s modern look from i t s f l a t surfaces, the pre-dominance of white, the thinness of the supporting structure, the c r i s p -ness of o u t l i n e , and the c l e a r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and e xterior expression of the b u i l d i n g according to the uses within. However, the plan reveals l i t t l e change from the b a s i l i c a plan as understood by Perret i n 1923. As with Assy, i t was the decoration and the use of non-catholic a r t i s t s 133 which made i t a c o n t r o v e r s i a l project. The chapel at Vence was b u i l t i n 1951. The a r c h i t e c t was Rayssiguier, 134 who received some assistance from Perret. As with Assy and Audincourt, Pere Couturier was involved with the decoration of the chapel and the a r t i s t . Although Matisse i n i t i a t e d h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the project him-s e l f , Pere Couturier acted as h i s personal confidant, advising him on theme and the i n t r i c a c i e s of stained glass. Indeed, the a r c h i t e c t re-veals that his major concern was to accommodate Matisse's needs with large 135 unbroken areas of f l a t surface. Yet the chapel i s planned with great economy and ingenuity to f a c i l i t a t e church hierarchy and r i t u a l i n a 34 u n i f i e d space. D i f f e r e n t functions are housed i n a r t i c u l a t e d s p a t i a l volumes f r e e l y interpenetrating and u n i t i n g at the a l t a r . Although the harmony and proportioning of the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were understood and appreciated by only a few, i t did i n d i c a t e that such a r c h i t e c t u r a l space could be used as a meaningful and expressive medium. At Notre-Dame-du-Haut, designed simultaneously, Le Corbusier was able to take these i n -choate s p a t i a l s e n s i t i v i t i e s and make them a part of public consciousness. The statement issued by Pere Devemy and Pere Couturier i n defense of t h e i r program of " l e s maitres en dehors" at Assy and Audincourt estab-l i s h e d the p i t c h of excitement and urgency which informed the post-World War II era of French Roman Catholicism. The fervency with which such issues were pursued provided a legacy for Notre-Dame-du-Haut at Ronchamp: No more i n France than i n the United States need we expect that the Pope w i l l have r e a l competence i n questions r e l a t i n g to modern art; for that he would have to be a s p e c i a l i s t which he i s not.136 We c a l l e d on them (modern a r t i s t s ) purely and simply because they were the greatest .... We believed that i t was our duty to procure for God and our F a i t h the best art of the present... We were t i r e d of always seeing i n our churches the most mediocre examples of painting and sculpture. In the long run, we thought, that mediocrity could only r e s u l t i n s e r i o u s l y a l t e r i n g the r e l i -gious psychology of clergy and worshippers a l i k e . Under the actual conditions i t would be safer to turn to geniuses without f a i t h than to be l i e v e r s without talent.137 Later, Pere Couturier was to recognize Le Corbusier as one of those geniuses: We believe Le Corbusier to be the greatest l i v i n g a r c h i t e c t and also one i n which the spontaneous sense of the sacred i s the most authentic and the strongest.138 35 CHAPTER I I I THE PILGRIMAGE CHURCH PLAN AND NOTRE-DAME-DU-HAUT At the time that Le Corbusier designed Notre-Dame-du-Haut at Ronchamp, the French C a t h o l i c Church was suggesting a r e t u r n to t r a d i t i o n , i n what-ever way a r e - e v a l u a t i o n of that t r a d i t i o n was intended. Pere Regamey had defined t r a d i t i o n as "a constant, and beneath the i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y of forms . . . the most obvious constant i s the perpetual renewal of the c r e -a t i v e process".''" A r c h i t e c t u r a l forms and customs were included i n t h i s perception of t r a d i t i o n and, j u s t as the r e c o l l e c t i o n of medieval a r c h i -t e c t u r e was intended to i n s t i l l n a t i o n a l p r i d e and reassure the populace w i t h past achievements, so too d i d the re v i v e d i n t e r e s t i n pilgrimage seek 2 to i n s t i l l p r i d e i n personal endeavour. U n l i k e the p a r i s h church, the pilgrimage church i n France was not a n o t i c e a b l e concern of the l i t u r g i c a l movement i n the e a r l i e r part of 3 the century. However, i t o c c a s i o n a l l y arose as a s p e c i a l design problem i n the l a t e nineteenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s : i t appeared as a d i f f i c u l t design problem at Lourdes i n 1864, as a design p r o j e c t f o r the , 4 Ecole des Beaux A r t s i n 1899, i n the en l a r g i n g of the pilgrimage chapel at Ronchamp i n 1844 and again i n i t s r e b u i l d i n g i n 1926, i n a design com-p e t i t i o n at Nancy i n 1930, and i n a phenomenal p r o j e c t at Sainte-Baume i n 1948. Indeed, the p r a c t i c e of pilg r i m a g e , e s p e c i a l l y that i n v o l v i n g shrines to the V i r g i n , had had a remarkable resurgence s i n c e the 1848 mi r a c l e at Lourdes. And pilgrimages to Our Lady of L i s i e u x , to Sa i n t e s -Maries-de-la-Mer w i t h i t s attendant customs, and others continued w i t h renewed vigour. Pilgrimage of a decidedly twentieth-century nature was introduced into avant-garde realms of thinking with B a t a i l l e ' s s u r r e a l i s t concerns i n the 1920s.^ The vast enlargement of pilgrimage f a c i l i t i e s at Lourdes, Lyon, M a r s e i l l e s , Montmarte, Ronchamp, and the plans for Sainte-g Baume resulted from t h i s r e v i t a l i z e d t r a d i t i o n . Although the scope of t h i s paper precludes an attempt to trace the f u l l h i s t o r y of pilgrimage churches, i t i s worthwhile to make some r e f e r -ence to the medieval pilgrimage t r a d i t i o n and to examine some pilgrimage churches b u i l t i n France within a hundred years of Le Corbusier's Notre-Dame-du-Haut. The more contemporary churches o f f e r i n s i g h t f u l examples of how the pilgrimage theme was re-evaluated within i t s t r a d i t i o n during the period immediately preceeding Notre-Dame-du-Haut's conception. A pilgrimage church b u i l t by Rudolf Schwartz, although i n Germany and post-dating Notre-Dame-du-Haut, w i l l o f f e r an i n t e r e s t i n g comparison i n terms of national and contemporary l i t u r g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The t r a d i t i o n a l medieval pilgrimage church i s characterized by two types of construction. The most well-known type i s that associated with the pilgrimage to Compostela: Tours, St. Martin; Limoges, St. M a r t i a l ; Conques, Ste. Foy; Toulouse, St.-Sernin; and Santiago de Compostela (Fig. 1). These churches are characterized by new s p a t i a l configurations developed to accommodate large numbers of congregated pilgrims, v i s i b l e access to the sacred shrine or holy r e l i c , devotional r i t u a l s , and chapels sheltered within a much enlarged b a s i l i c a plan. Chapels for the p i l g r i m became more numerous and eventually evolved into the pilgrim's c h o i r ^ allowing the pilgrim's movement through transept and ambulatory to the shrine i n the choir. A i s l e s were sometimes added to the nave to f a c i l i t a t e large crowds, as were confessionals, a l t a r s , and space. These pilgrimage churches are marked not only by t h e i r large s i z e and complex yet ordered plans, but 37 also by t h e i r luxuriance, which resulted from pilgrimage g i f t s . Associated with these pilgrimage churches of great wealth and s i z e are hostels and often the temporary shelters of poor pilgrims encamped upon the flanking . 11 parvxs. A second t r a d i t i o n of pilgrimage accommodation ex i s t s i n the small shrines b u i l t as an act of i n d i v i d u a l piety or erected communally. They are often the s i t e of miracles, apparitions, a saint's presence, or have acquired r e l i g i o u s importance from some long-forgotten pagan or protec-t i v e association. These are often situated i n small and remote v i l l a g e s 12 or places of d i f f i c u l t access. Such pilgrimage chapels have i n common t h e i r small s i z e , usual lack of ostentation, and the importance given to the s i t e i n recognition of i t as a place of miracle, devotion, and act of beneficence. Examples of these are numerous and at least twelve e x i s t i n eastern France alone. At Notre-Dame-du-Haut no s i n g l e miracle marked i t s emergence from parish church to pilgrimage chapel. The derivation of the statue of the V i r g i n venerated there, and the reasons surrounding i t s i n i t i a t i o n as a holy r e l i c are unknown. Instead, a number of events including pagan precedents, Roman occupation, and continuous a c c e s s i b i l i t y through periods of p o l i t i c a l turmoil, led to a f i e r c e l o y a l t y to the s i t e and to the „. . 14 V i r g i n . Although churches existed on or near the s i t e as early as 1269^ and perhaps 1102,^ the l a t t e r was dedicated to St. Vincent and the former predates by two years any unusual l o c a l event a t t r i b u t e d to the V i r g i n of 17 18 the N a t i v i t y . And although pilgrims are recorded i n 1271, continuous occupation of the s i t e i s v e r i f i a b l e only from 1308, thirty-seven years 19 l a t e r . This, as were the others, was a parish church. In 1734, despite the presence of the venerated statue of the V i r g i n (attributed to the 20 early seventeenth century ), the h i l l t o p church was so neglected that 21 a new, more accessible church was proposed. Subsequently, i n 1741 the old church relinquished i t s p o s i t i o n as the parish church and became Notre-Dame-du-Haut, to d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the new church below i n the 22 v i l l a g e . It retained i t s dedication to the N a t i v i t y ,of the*Virgin, and the custom of the parish church to celebrate i t s dedication on September 8 was transformed into a pilgrimage for the e n t i r e diocese. Notre-Dame-du-Haut1s popularity grew throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth, and pearly twentieth centuries - pr i m a r i l y because of the cha-pel's a b i l i t y to evade Republican closures and the l a t e r State Law of 24 Separation (1906) which c u r t a i l e d many r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s . The statue of the V i r g i n was i t s e l f greatly enhanced by i t s apparent miraculous 25 recovery from the f i r e of 1913 which destroyed most of the chapel. By the post-World War I era, Nc?tre-Dame-du-Haut had become the chief center of Marian devotion of the diocese, a t t r a c t i n g pilgrims on September 8 and 26 at other times. Continuing the pilgrimage church t r a d i t i o n i n France i n the modern era are: Saint-Odile, Paris (1848): the B a s i l i c a of Lourdes (1864 and 1908); Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp (1843-1851 and 1923-1936); Sainte-Theresa-de-1'Enfant-Jesus, Nancy (1930); Sainte-Baume (1949); and i n Germany, Santa Anna, Duren (1956). Sainte-Odile (1848) i s an urban church accommodating worship with a t r a d i t i o n a l l y - p l a c e d a l t a r i n a raised sanctuary c i r c l e d by an ambula-27 tory ( Fig. 2). It has three a d d i t i o n a l side chapels along one nave w a l l . Pilgrimage devotion i s served by an e a s i l y and independently accessible underground crypt placed i n the lower church. The plan of the crypt i s 39 l i t t l e determined by that of the upper church which i s l i m i t e d by i t s 28 narrow urban s i t e . However, the a d d i t i o n a l chapels and ambulatory are conventional to pilgrimage planning and may serve pilgrimage needs here also. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the 1940 p u b l i c a t i o n documenting the church's existence does not reproduce the crypt plan nor does i t ext o l the p i l -29 grimage function of the chapel. The pilgrimage to Lourdes has necessitated much construction at i t s s i t e . In 1858, a comprehensive s i t e plan was projected that included an esplanade with baths along the Cave r i v e r and the construction of a 30 park-like s e t t i n g . This design was inaugurated with the b u i l d i n g of a b a s i l i c a on the c l i f f s of Massabielle, which consisted of a lower church 31 supporting a very high, narrow neo-Gothic e d i f i c e (Fig. 3). In 1883 the lower church of the Rosary, i n a neo-Byzantine s t y l e , and a double 32 ramp connecting the two churches, were begun. Pilgrimage hostels were also b u i l t . In 1908 the b a s i l i c a of Notre-Dame-du-Lourdes enlarged yet 33 again the pilgrimage services offered at the s i t e . A combination of Romanesque and Gothic elements, conventional masonry and rubble, and a three-34 part elevation i n the nave envelop i t s reinforced concrete structure. It has a t r a d i t i o n a l plan: a nave flanked by two side a i s l e s , a p r o j e c t i n g 35 transept, and a polygonal apse. Although Munier documents t h i s b u i l d i n g as a church evincing an elegant modernization of t r a d i t i o n a l church architecture, he f a i l s to comment upon i t s pilgrimage functions or i t s 36 plan. However, i t does provide a d d i t i o n a l s a n c t i f i e d space for p i l -grimage devotion i n close proximity to the venerated waters of Lourdes. Notre-Dame-du-Haut at Ronchamp (1923-1936) was a pilgrimage church b u i l t as a replacement for the fifteenth-century structure - with i t s seventeenth-century belltower and nineteenth-century, five-towered chapel addition - destroyed by f i r e i n 1913 (Fig. 4). The five-towered octagonal chapel with four a d d i t i o n a l a l t a r s was part of an ambitious b u i l d i n g program i n s t i g a t e d by the cure of Notre-Dame-du-Haut between 1843 and 1857 i n response to increased pilgrimages. In addition to an en-larged, grander church with four subsidiary chapels, an orphanage, a g i r l s residence, and a processional way marked by monumental stations of the 38 cross were envisioned. The b u i l d i n g program of 1923 to 1936 produced a neo-Gothic masonry church which accommodated pilgrimage crowds with a 39 makeshift sanctuary created i n the exterior porch on the east facade. This exterior sanctuary was marked a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y by four massive masonry piers surmounted by a gable roof which enclosed the porch. Two sweeping balustrades descended from e i t h e r side of the porch to encompass the earthen p l a i n before i t . The sanctuary was demarcated further by sculptures of the V i r g i n and angels which adorned the roof. Published documentation of the church gives l i t t l e information about the plan. However, i t i s the exterior arrangement which i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important here. Photos i n d i c a t e that pilgrims congregated within the e n c i r c l e d p l a i n before the porch where the a l t a r and o f f i c i a n t s presided. Photos also i n d i c a t e that a procession preceded t h i s (Fig. 5). Sainte-Therese-de-l'Enfant-Jesus (1930) was a projected pilgrimage 40 church for Nancy. It was the featured church i n Munier's Un Projet / s d'Eglise aux XXe S i e c l e and was thought to r e a l i z e the a r c h i t e c t u r a l aspirations of the French Catholic Church at that date. It resembled a conventional medieval church i n i t s o r i e n t a t i o n and arrangement of nave, side a i s l e s , and choir. Three entrances gave access to the narthex fron t i n g the western extremity of the nave, and l a t e r a l entrances were situated at the meeting of transept and nave (Fig. 6). The choir was flanked by two a l t a r s , each having a s a c r i s t y behind. P i l g r i m s were accommodated by s i x a d d i t i o n a l a l t a r s along the nave w a l l s , two of which created a cross-nave w i t h one of the chapels c o n t a i n i n g the r e l i c of / N 41 Sainte-Therese. These chapels opened d i r e c t l y to a i s l e s that were continuous from the a d d i t i o n a l entrances adjacent to the major western porch, through the t r a n s e p t , to the ambulatory. The ambulatory e n c i r c l e d the major a l t a r beneath complex p a r a b o l i c v a u l t s . Thus the t r a d i t i o n a l p i l g r i m ' s c h o i r was r e t a i n e d f o r the " p r o c e s s i o n a l way of Sainte-Therese". Sainte-Baume (1949) was another p r o j e c t f o r a pilgrimage church. The plan c o n s i s t e d of a nave hollowed from the l i v e rock to be l i t p r i m a r i l y 43 by small channels cut through the rock w a l l s ( F i g . 7 ) . The nave rose i n a steady ascent to a s i n g l e l a r g e area and then narrowed to a c o r r i d o r e v e n t u a l l y t e r minating i n an e x t e r i o r porch o v e r l o o k i n g the sea. The b a s i l i c a was prefaced by a long, h i l l y , p r e c i p i t o u s path ascending to the cavernous entrance i n the rock face that functioned as facade f o r the nave. A d d i t i o n a l access to the i n t e r i o r space was provided by small tunnels bored through the rock which debouched at v a r i o u s concealed spots i n the 44 mountain t e r r a i n . The major determinants of the p l a n were the aim to express a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y the ideas of pylon and g r o t t o that were as s o c i a t e d w i t h the legend of Mary Magdalene, the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of past customs ass o c i a t e d w i t h the s i t e , and the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the a c t u a l hallowed ground i n the d e s i g n . ^ Santa Anna (1956) i s a pilgrimage church b u i l t by the l e a d i n g a r c h i -t e c t u r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the l i t u r g i c a l movement i n Germany, Rudolf 46 Schwartz ( F i g . 8 ) . I t i s a church of spare cubic forms and f l a t surfaces ordered by r e c t a n g u l a r geometries. Entered from a s i d e entrance i n the south w a l l , the i n t e r i o r a r t i c u l a t i o n continues the geometric rhythm of 42 the exterior along the length of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y oriented nave. P i l -grims are served by the clear separation of t h e i r a c t i v i t y from the more common devotional r i t u a l s focused on the major a l t a r . They are accommo-dated i n a trapezoidal space (a narthex) immediately accessible from the south entry. This narthex serves as a communal gathering area for the p i l g r i m where he may view the crypt or await entry to the smaller chapel which abuts the narthex and sanctuary. With reduced height and less intense i l l u m i n a t i o n than the nave and sanctuary, the pilgrim's space resembles a side a i s l e and i s manifestly subordinate to the major ceremonial areas focused on the major a l t a r . This i s p e r f e c t l y i n keeping with the hierarchy interpreted by those within the l i t u r g i c a l movement associated with 47 Schwartz, for whom the c o l l e c t i v e events associated with the a l t a r are of the supreme s i g n i f i c a n c e . The pilgrim's space, actions, and importance are accordingly less celebrated. Few conclusions about l a t e nineteenth and twentieth century pilgrimage church b u i l d i n g i n France can be drawn from a mere s i x examples. However, i t w i l l be noted that i n these s i x a great v a r i e t y of s p a t i a l configura-tions were devised to accommodate pilgrimage p r a c t i c e within an e x i s t i n g framework or concept of parish church b u i l d i n g s : the lower church, the simple addition of a l t a r s , the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a side a l t a r or a porch. They also show much ingenuity i n s i t i n g and landscaping. Only the grotto b a s i l i c a of Sainte-Baume appears les s dependent upon, and less d e r i v a t i v e of, more conventional b a s i l i c a plans, yet even here the e a r l i e s t t r a d i t i o n of the catacombs i s an obvious precedent. Three of these pilgrimage churches were l i k e l y informative sources for Le Corbusier. Lourdes was common knowledge i n France at that time and i s constantly used as a term of reference i n pilgrimage discussion. Also, Lourdes was 43 then experiencing renewed pilgrimage i n t e r e s t and,within the decade, i t too required a new, larger b a s i l i c a . Le Corbusier read and marked pertinent 48 sections about pilgrimage i n the manual a v a i l a b l e for pilgrims to Ronchamp. As the a r c h i t e c t - i n - c h i e f f o r Sainte Baume, he would have been made aware of pilgrimage p r a c t i c e s . Indeed, a 1948 p u b l i c a t i o n about the project 49 which Le Corbusier possessed explained them. His c o l l a b o r a t i o n with Trouin at Sainte-Baume resulted i n his access to at least those pilgrimage practices associated with Mary Magdelene. Le Corbusier's plan for pilgrimage r i t u a l Notre-Dame-du-Haut has, within i t s trapezoidal plan, s p a t i a l d i v i -sions intimating those of a t r a d i t i o n a l church: eastern o r i e n t a t i o n , a large c e n t r a l h a l l culminating i n a sanctuary i n the east end, a s a c r i s t y convenient to the a l t a r , and vestiges of a western narthex, c l e r e s t o r y l i g h t i n g , a south a i s l e , and a forecourt (Fig. 9 ). L a t e r a l entrances from the north and south r e c a l l the convenient planning for monks and clergy which can be noticed i n many monastery churches. The complication of the geometric configuration of the plan, with curved spaces to west and north, simply serves pilgrimage needs by providing three a d d i t i o n a l a l t a r s and several private enclosures. On the ex t e r i o r , a sheltered parvis fronts the ceremonial doorway on the south and a large porch ex-tends from the east facade. Like the nearby h o s t e l , these amenities accommodate the p i l g r i m i n a very p r a c t i c a l way. Several paths ascend the h i l l t o p s i t e , one from the carpark below, one from the p r i e s t ' s house to the west, and another from the hostel be-low the rim of the h i l l buttressing the grass parvis to the east (Fig.10.). 44 This plan evidences Le Corbusier's concern to design a chapel that could be walked up to, through, and around. The p r o v i s i o n for circumambu-l a t i o n was not t y p i c a l of recent e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a rchitecture and was not a discernable design feature of the s i x pilgrimage churches already d i s -cussed, although procession i s discussed at Ronchamp and Lourdes. This i s despite the f a c t that canon law prescribes that a zone of free space surround a church e d i f i c e when possible, and that the custom of en-c i r c l i n g the church as part of r e l i g i o u s processional has always been common." U n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y f or the time, he designed a h o s t e l for v i s i t o r s , although none had existed on the s i t e previously."'''' Le Corbusier was also c a r e f u l to accommodate into his design a sheltered exterior sanctuary suitable f or the ceremonials and large congregation of pilgrims on September 52 8, and other s p e c i a l f e s t i v e days celebrated annually. On such days and others, the p l a s t i c i t y of the chapel i n v i t e s approach, circumvention, and ultimate entrance through the south or north door. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, l i k e i t s pilgrimage precursors at Compostela and elsewhere, i s a multi-chapelled chapel. In addition to t h i s general t r a d i t i o n , the e a r l i e r church on the s i t e with i t s eastern porch and ramps undoubtedly had some influence on Le Corbusier's design of the exterior sanctuary as i s demonstrated by a comparison of Le Corbusier's drawings of the s i t e showing the older church with those of the s i t e showing h i s maquette (Fig. 11). Of his own i n i a t i v e Le Corbusier sought to include other le s s ex-p l i c i t and l e s s tangible pilgrimage accoutrements and symbols. For example, there i s no i n d i c a t i o n that the patron required the i n c l u s i o n of three chapels, a number so important i n church symbolism, or the i n c l u s i o n of 45 such pilgrimage symbols as the s h e l l found on the east door. Also, although the hostel and guardian's house were quite suddenly and incon-veniently proposed by Cure Bourdin, Le Corbusier elaborated on the demand, 53 including p i c n i c tables and r e l i g i o u s murals. It i s l i k e l y that these accoutrements were added on the basis of Le Corbusier's own experience 54 and analysis of the problem. Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s f i r s t noticed from afar as a white form perched on the high ridge above the v i l l a g e of Ronchamp, a small, barely modernized v i l l a g e 90 kilometers from the French-Swiss border and 440 kilometers from Pari s , i t s population i n 1948 being about 1,864."'"' Like the r e l i g i o u s pilgrimage monuments of the past, i t dominates the landscape. One ascends the h i l l 131 meters to Nc3tre-Dame-du-Haut on foot, following a rough road 56 of red dust and loose stones. Closer approach reveals a rounded white tower thrusting upward and a large expanse of white wall etched with the dark voids of windows and sweeping outward i n a large concave arc to the southeast(Fig. 1 2 ) . The tower and wall are parted by the brightly-painted door surface and i t s wall of "en brut" concrete above. A large brown-grey eave protrudes from the top of the white wall and door area and then s l i p s behind the tower. At t h i s distance, about twenty yards, the path d i v i d e s , o f f e r i n g three a l t e r n a t i v e s . One leads to the east across a broad f l a t p l a i n - a countryside parvis - to where the curving white wall quickly becomes a sharp v e r t i c a l urging one's progress towards the northeast. Beyond i s a concave space formed by the curved east w a l l , the angled south spur w a l l , and the enlarged column i n the northeast. The platform beneath i s s h e l -tered by the extended eave which soars above these supports. Within are an a l t a r , p u l p i t , choir l o f t , bench, s a c r i s t y , and a statue of the V i r g i n 46 and Child i n a prominently displayed glass niche. This i s the e s s e n t i a l i n church f u r n i t u r e (Fig. 13). A l t e r n a t i v e l y , a path follows the curve of the tower wall to the west. Continuing i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n , one f i r s t passes a fountain beneath a gar-goyle, boldly thrusting from the dipping roofline,and then a rounded pro-trusion which i s the confessional within the west w a l l (Fig. 14). The curve of the wall propels movement around the chapel toward the north u n t i l the v e r t i c a l accent of the north door i s encountered (Fig. 15). The door i s inserted within two rounded white bastions and framed by the dark l i n e s of the expansion j o i n t s etched within them. Further to the north, a t h i n metal and concrete stairway i s perched against the edifice,and the w a l l , perforated with the small dark voids of windows, continues to curve and beckon (Fig. 15). The wall terminates abruptly and the suddenness i s emphasised by the continuing brown-grey eave cantilevered beyond. Past t h i s point the whole of the open parvis i s revealed, and from the t i e r e d steps of the memorial pyramid the exterior sanctuary comes f u l l y into view (Fig. 16). In t h i s way Notre-Dame-du-Haut's expanding and contracting forms and interspersed punctuating d e t a i l s impel the spectator i n a v i s u a l way to enact a symbolic pilgrimage. The t h i r d avenue i s the middle and broadest path which leads d i r e c t l y to the sheltered south parvis and the coloured door, flanked by red and green s i d e l i g h t s , that beckons with i t s s t r i d e n t motifs of hands and s t a r s . This i s the ceremonial door which allows passage d i r e c t l y to the nave (Fig. 1,7). Passing through the ceremonial door, one enters the rear of the nave and i s held i n a c o l l e c t i n g area, or narthex (Fig. 9 j ) . A f t e r pausing and turning r i g h t , one sees the nave extend and expand eastward (Fig. 18). 47 The sanctuary i s e a s i l y recognized by i t s separation within the eastern extremity of the nave, i t s s a n c t i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l configuration acknow-ledged by the attenuated h o r i z o n t a l communion r a i l , and the s l i g h t ten centimeter elevation of the sanctuary f l o o r with i t s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d paving. The a l t a r i s a simple rectangular slab of white stone supported on two rectangular end stones, which i n turn rest upon four rectangular stones arranged i n a Modular-derived pattern and placed d i r e c t l y on the p a v i n g . ^ The e s s e n t i a l c u l t items accompany the a l t a r : b e l l , c l o t h , candles, por-table tabernacle above, and window niche with the statue of the V i r g i n and the Cross behind. The Cross, Paschal candle, and statue of the V i r g i n are d i r e c t l y before the p i l g r i m at the south door when turned toward the a l t a r . Thus the object sought i n pilgrimage i s d i r e c t l y and v i s i b l y a c c e s s i b l e . The placement of the Paschal candle before the statue of the V i r g i n , at the meeting of the nave and sanctuary, allows orderly f u l f i l l m e n t of devo-t i o n a l s . Tapers are placed nearby on a ledge afforded by the window em-brasure. During f e s t i v i t i e s one proceeds d i r e c t l y to t h i s Pashcal candle and o f f e r s prayers; the purpose of one's quest accomplished, one may then e x i t from the southeast door. This path has been guided by the pattern of l i g h t and colour along" the south w a l l which leads f i r s t to the radiance of l i g h t from the V i r g i n ' s niche, then to the f i l e of l i g h t coming from the b r i s e - s o l e i l , i n the southeast corner, and f i n a l l y to one's release through the constricted east doorway which leads one out of the chapel into the expansive space of the exterior church. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , entrance through the north door confronts one d i r e c t l y with the expanse of joyous colour, form, and phrases written on the south windows and often projected by the sun onto the nave f l o o r (Fig. 19). 48 Nearby, to the r i g h t , the two side chapels and west confessionals are e a s i l y reached (Fig. 9 ) . An a d d i t i o n a l chapel l i e s d i r e c t l y on the l e f t , to the east, within the north wall. Further east i s the nave with standing room, pews, and the major a l t a r . This north entrance i s used mainly for 58 everyday services, and accommodates the more common r i t u a l s of communal worship which are centered on the a l t a r , the Eucharist, confession, and private devotions. A cross of black concrete, embedded within the paving, symbolically d i r e c t s one to the a l t a r s situated at each of i t s three ex-tremities (Fig. 9). The clergy are provided with a private entrance through the three-storey s a c r i s t y and lounge within the north walls adjacent to the sanctu-ary and an exterior s a c r i s t y within the wall-encased column i n the northeast corner. The r e q u i s i t e church f u r n i t u r e i s present: elevated p u l p i t s , choir l o f t s , convenient surfaces s u i t a b l e for placing r i t u a l implements, a specially-designed Paschal candle for celebrations, a portable taber-nacle, and i n the exterior sanctuary, a s e d i l e for the ceremonial pomp of f e s t i v e days. The i n t e r i o r s p a t i a l arrangements indi c a t e that two d i s t i n c t func-tions have been accommodated i n two integrated spaces. F i r s t there appears an inner church conveniently arranged for the common celebration of the Eucharist. The chapel of the southwest tower may also serve as a ba p t i s -tery / chapel; i t s proximity to the narthex area of the church and to the ceremonial door suggests the t r a d i t i o n a l and functional p o s i t i o n i n g of chapels for th i s purpose.^ Each of the three chapels, because of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t s i z e s , allow optimal accommodation for a v a r i e t y of group s i z e s . With i t s s a c r i s t y , p u l p i t , confessionals, and l a t e r i t s own resident p r i e s t , ^ Notre-Dame-du-Haut f u l f i l l s the s p a t i a l requirements of the parish church. 49 It lacks only a mortuary chapel, which i s provided by the church i n the v i l l a g e . Secondly, the spaces planned for access from entrance through nave to r e l i c i n the sanctuary and exit demonstrate the other function planned fo r . In addition, there i s the exterior church with i t s own a l t a r , p u l -p i t , and choir l o f t and c e r t a i n rearrangements to f a c i l i t a t e the i n t e r -mittent large gatherings which pilgrimage a t t r a c t s . The exterior sanctu-ary accommodates i t s functions much more amply and conveniently and i n a more integrated manner than did the porch of the previous church. The open and expansive form of the eastern shelter o f f e r s much better v i s i b i l i t y than that of the previous church with i t s massively defined and enclosed porch. Also, greater a u d i b i l i t y i s achieved by the elevated placement of the p u l p i t and choir l o f t near the upward-canted, sound-reflecting sur-face of the eave than would be possible i n the previous porch. A masterly interweaving of f u n c t i o n a l and poetic aims i s i l l u s t r a t e d repeatedly. One such synthesis i s evidenced i n the nave where the blank-ness of the north wall p r o s a i c a l l y shelters p r i v a t e devotion and ceremonial preparation from the view of worshippers occupying the nave and p o e t i c a l l y shields the l i g h t orchestrated on the south wall from a competing cross-l i g h t that would rob i t of i t s i n t e n s i t y . Likewise, the a b i l i t y of the clergy to appear from the s a c r i s t y suddenly i n f u l l ceremonial heightens the drama of t h e i r entrance. Another synthesis of function and poetry i s found i n the coincidence of the roof and drainage with the a n c i l l a r y c i s t e r n so that the normal function of water drainage i s made symbolic by the f o u n t a i n - l i k e receptacle fed by an exaggerated f e s t i v e rooftop gargoyle. But perhaps the greatest interweaving of function and poetry l i e s i n the planning of the o r i e n t a t i o n of the chapel. Not only were the p r a c t i c a l 50 considerations a r i s i n g from the use of natural l i g h t pursued, but so too were the symbolic considerations i n the coordination of space and i t s use with l i g h t . (This w i l l be developed l a t e r i n the chapter on l i g h t . ) The v e r t i c a l organization of space i s as s i g n i f i c a n t as i t s horizon-t a l apportionment (Fig. 20). The two-storey s a c r i s t y and lounge are s k i l l -f u l l y compacted within the main volume of the b u i l d i n g and enjoy easy access to various r e l a t e d functions. P r i e s t and choir can move to t h e i r intended places without i n t e r f e r i n g with each other. V e r t i c a l planning i s also evidenced i n the side chapel turrets where the increased height serves to d i f f u s e the i n t e n s i t y of l i g h t , to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the chapel from the nave i n terms of l i g h t q u a l i t y , to give a sense of greater extent to the small space, and to express the presence of the chapels on the exterior. The numerous elevations and cross-sections necessary to give a com-prehensive d e s c r i p t i o n of the planning of the chapel i n v e r t i c a l extent i n d i c a t e the great concern f o r t h i s dimension i n the design of the chapel. Le Corbusier planned h i s four bounding walls, c e i l i n g , and f l o o r to better accommodate, "psychophysiologically" and symbolically, h i s understandings of the functions to be performed within. One example w i l l demonstrate t h i s . The c e i l i n g height dips to four meters f i f t y - t w o centimeters at the a l t a r r a i l . This i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n i t s connotation of earth meeting sky, of man meeting God. Likewise, the evocation of c o n s t r i c t i o n , induced p h y s i c a l l y , r e c a l l s the s p i r i t u a l c o n s t r i c t i o n described by Rudolf Otto 62 as accompanying the experience of the "mysterium tremendum". The contrast of t h i s four meter f i f t y - t w o centimeter height with the expanded space, the greater amount of clear white and intense l i g h t , and the symbols of Eucharist, mediation , and redemption i n the sanctuaries beyond, emphasise t h i s 51 confrontation. Le Corbusier indicated i n many references to the chapel that such an understanding of t h i s s p a t i a l configuration was h i s i n t e n t i o n . 63 The i n t e r i o r was the place where one "was alone with oneself" and a struggle of a s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t y i s intimated. Thus a symbolic space has surely been Le Corbusier's i n t e n t i o n . Moreover, Abbe Bolle-Reddat 64 r e a d i l y understood and promoted t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the space. The plan of Notre-Dame-du-Haut manifests a concern with the symbolic, notwith-standing the high degree of f u n c t i o n a l i t y shown to e x i s t i n the design. The t r a d i t i o n a l arrangements i n the inner-church configuration have both t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l and symbolic r o l e s . So too does the s c u l p t u r a l treatment of the plan that prompts the enactment of a symbolic procession. The approach on foot, the h o s t e l , the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of a l t a r s , spaces, and access routes, the g r o t t o - l i k e aspect of the exterior sanctuary, the f i s s u r e s of l i g h t , the ceremonial accents, the departure from convention i n order to evoke the p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the s i t e , and the s e n s i t i v i t y to popular practices and celebration are a l l marks of the pilgrimage t r a d i t i o n . CHAPTER IV 52 CONSTRUCTION, MATERIALS, AND THE CREATION OF FORM Despite the complexity of i t s general appearance,Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s b a s i c a l l y a reinforced concrete post-and-beam structure c o n s i s t i n g of fourteen major supports embedded within the north ( i n t e r i o r ) w a l l and the south (exterior) w a l l , with one of the major supports v i s i b l e i n the exterior sanctuary (Figs. 9, 13). ^  The roof, including c e i l i n g and eaves, i s comprised of seven f l a t beams running north-south supported by the fourteen posts with numerous "po u t r e l l e s " , or small l a t e r a l spacing beams 2 between. The beams vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n length, depth, and shape. They ca n t i l e v e r beyond the supporting north ( i n t e r i o r ) wall and terminate at the enveloping north (exterior) wall. Within the she l t e r i n g span of the cantilevered beams, Le Corbusier has created the space f o r side chapels, lounge, and s a c r i s t i e s (Fig. 20). On the south, the ends of the cantilevered beams support the superstructure which forms the enormous eave of the south and west facades. It i s with t h i s simple s o l u t i o n that the roof i s made to soar and the walls are freed to curve and lean. The south wall i s composed of f i v e reinforced concrete, inverted V-shaped supports which vary from a thickness of 3.7 meters at the base to a 3 width of 1.4 to 1.5 centimeters at the top (Fig. 21). These support the roof and a secondary framework cons i s t i n g of angled h o r i z o n t a l crossbeams from which an expanded metal mesh i s hung. A 4 centimeter layer of gunnite has been sprayed on the wire mesh to create the bays, deep embrasures, and splays which break up the i n t e r i o r w all but only minimally puncture the 4 facade. The s i z e , depth, and angle of each aperture i s co n t r o l l e d i n 53 t h i s way. Consequently, the amount and d i r e c t i o n of natural l i g h t flowing into and r e f l e c t e d from t h i s mediating wall i s regulated. Unlike the varied concrete posts that are used i n the south wall, those of the north ( i n t e r i o r ) wall are standard concrete posts of square section.^ Those embedded within the north ( e x t e r i o r ) , east, and west walls are also of standard square section. The posts i n the north ( e x t e r i o r ) , east, and west walls act as reinforcement for the masonry rubble salvaged from the previous church which was used as i n f i l l . The only apertures set into these walls are i n the east wall and the eastern portion of the north w a l l . The l i g h t which penetrates them i s modified d i f f e r e n t l y than the l i g h t from the south wall. The apertures i n the east wall consist of small, unglazed voids l e f t by the omission of stones i n the enclosing masonry wall and a si n g l e window box framed with concrete and faced, i n t e r i o r and exterior, with glass panes. Those on the north are formed by angled concrete embrasures of various splays within the masonry rubble w a l l . Their voids, which d i f f e r s l i g h t l y i n t h e i r i n t e r i o r and exterior surface areas, are glazed. Conventional windows set into the masonry rubble wall allow l i g h t into the s a c r i s t y and lounge on the north.^ The seven major beams of the roof are sandwiched between membranes of reinforced concrete 6 centimeters t h i c k i n order to create the hollow g roof. The beams and lower membrane were poured simultaneously and became the platform to support the formwork for the upper membrane and to f a c i l i -9 10 tate workmen. The roof was then waterproofed. The towers with t h e i r half-domes are also fashioned from a combination of rubble and reinforced concrete. The walls are of rubble masonry strengthened by reinforced concrete, and the domes are of reinforced c o n c r e t e . ^ The complexity of constructing rubble masonry vaults to create the half-domes of the side chapels was 54 thus eliminated by the easier technique of reinforced concrete. On i t s completion i n 1955 t h i s s t r u c t u r a l system of mixed technolo-gies and materials was questioned and the chapel was interpreted as an abandonment of the technological basis claimed for architecture p r i o r to 12 World War II. It was also seen as a new departure i n design for Le 13 Corbusier. Two issues a r i s e . To what extent i s the complex image pre-sented and i t s constituent parts a response to imposed l i m i t a t i o n s and to what extent does i t derive i t s complexity from a new design process and changed a r c h i t e c t u r a l intentions imposed by Le Corbusier. The s i t e offered some l i m i t a t i o n s to materials and construction. It was inac c e s s i b l e to heavy transport vehicles and encumbered by the debris 14 of an e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g . Because of s t i p u l a t i o n s made for the award of indemnities, the rubble from the e x i s t i n g church had to be salvaged, but the poor road and costs made i t impossible to remove.^ Due to the impoverish-ment of the parish, the indemnity was c r u c i a l to the project and i t s s t i p u -16 lations, of necessity, accommodated. The rubble was l a t e r found to be of such poor q u a l i t y and i r r e g u l a r i t y that o r i g i n a l plans to leave i t exposed on i n t e r i o r walls and paving was abandonned.^ Continual and unexpected reductions i n budget may have caused greater r e s t r i c t i o n s on materials and 18 experimentation with new engineering developments. Other possible sources of l i m i t a t i o n s were conditions inherent i n the construction industry i n post-war France and biases within the French Roman Catholic Church. The construction industry i n France was slow to recover a f t e r World War II and, although there was a strong desire to explore the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of reinforced concrete i n large spans and s h e l l construc-t i o n i n ordinary b u i l d i n g , and thus continue the pioneering work done i n i n d u s t r i a l b u i l d i n g before 1920 by Freysinnet and M a i l l a r t , the lack of 55 19 support from industry and science frustrated this. Consequently, many older technologies were revived. Le Corbusier's schemes using rammed earth 20 for emergency post-war housing is an example of this. Government pro-jects, such as Le Corbusier's Unite d'Habitation, Marseilles, were as much an attempt to inspire the private sector of the lagging construction industry, and to present an image of reconstruction vigour, as they were an attempt 21 to supply necessary housing accommodation. Also, the use of prefabri-cated structural components at Notre-Dame-du-Haut would have been economi-22 cally unwise due to the small scale of the project. Lightweight steel was economically unfeasible in France at that time, although Le Corbusier was 23 interested in employing i t . The correspondence between Canon Ledeur and Le Corbusier discloses no o f f i c i a l limitation other than economy was imposed on materials and con-24 struction methods. Nor were s t y l i s t i c prohibitions to be expected from the Besancon Commission and those influential within i t . Indeed, Canon Ledeur had remarked that i t was precisely on the known 'style' of the artist 25 -that he was to be chosen. Nor would exposed reinforced concrete have been without examples in French Catholic Church construction. De Baudot's Saint-Jean-1'Evangelist (1903) displayed i t s barren reinforced concrete A 26 frame on the interior and Perret's Notre-Dame-du-Raincy did so throughout. However, both of these, and most that followed, retained obvious reminis-cences of past styles within their reinforced concrete frameworks. H.-R. Hitchcock termed such s t y l i s t i c conservatism "twentieth century traditional-ism" which he characterized as having obvious historical allusions pre-sented in forms, applied decoration, and often surfacing materials: Notre-27 Dame-du-Raincy and Saint-Jean allude to the Gothic. "Twentieth century traditionalism" was ubiquitous in pre-World War II French ecclesiastical 56 28 b u i l d i n g . Moreover, t h i s conservatism had strong supporters among prominent and i n f l u e n t i a l French Catholic a r c h i t e c t s immediately following 29 World War I I . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , there was an a c t i v e , o f f i c i a l l y supported, and numerically predominant section of the French Catholic population who 30 opposed both reinforced concrete and n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l architecture. Although reinforced concrete often supplemented b r i c k , masonry, and wood, or formed the major supporting framework, i t was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y hidden 31 beneath a decorative a p p l i c a t i o n of surfacing materials. However, stark and cubic churches openly e x h i b i t i n g t h e i r use of reinforced concrete were b u i l t i n Germany and Switzerland during the 1920s and continued to be b u i l t 32 a f t e r World War I I . Bartnig's churches, admired by Pere Regamey, were 33 of t h i s type. Also, Le Corbusier had essayed a cubic church i n the early 34 1920s. This suggests that despite the l i m i t a t i o n s of s i t e , funding, industry, and the Church, the decision to abandon the development i n austere church b u i l d i n g that had already appropriated i t s images from i n d u s t r i a l and housing design appears to have been Le Corbusier's choice. The incorporation of materials associated with nineteenth-century technologies was not a new departure for Le Corbusier. He had used coarse 35 masonry and exposed timber framing i n the E r r a z u r i s house i n 1930. 36 Exposed b r i c k was used for i n t e r i o r p a r t i t i o n walls i n h i s own Paris studio. Economy, a v a i l a b l e work force, and s c a r c i t y of material j u s t i f i e d such materi-37 a l s i n the former and elsewhere, and suggest t h i s r a t i o n a l e was applied at Notre-Dame-du-Haut as w e l l . Works of the post-World War II period showed the use of t r a d i t i o n a l materials also. Their use was not r e s t r i c t e d to exceptional b u i l d i n g programs, but replaced reinforced concrete i n i n d u s t r i a l buildings as w e l l . Masonry walls displayed within exposed concrete s t r u c t u r a l members were used at the factory complex at St. Die, 57 / 38 and Le Corbusier designed reconstruction housing using pise (rammed earth). Equally precedented was the sophisticated handling of these materials. 39 The Swiss P a v i l i o n (Paris,1932) also juxtaposed masonry with concrete, and the masonry walls at St. Die were p r e c i s e l y separated from, and con-40 trasted with, the reinforced concrete s t r u c t u r a l members. The neat framing of the s t r u c t u r a l reinforced concrete one sees at Notre-Dame-du-Haut i n the square, s t r i a t e d , concrete panels framed above the ceremonial door corre-sponds to t h i s past handling of materials. The extensive use of gunnite surfacing was attempted at Pessac and 41 used i n the houses of the 1920s. Garches, Savoie, and A u t e u i l possessed a f i n e gunnite surface applied to the s t r u c t u r a l concrete block used be-42 neath. These surface applications served two purposes, weather protec-t i o n and the creation of u n i f i e d forms with homogenous surfaces. They do so again at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Also, the white surfacing greatly increases the i l l u m i n a t i o n l e v e l within the nave. Despite the use of a material associated with the nineteenth century, the novelty of the forms, and Le Corbusier's implied d e f i n i t i o n of the 43 chapel as a n o n - u t i l i t a r i a n structure, many of the constructional features mark t h i s chapel as a modern work. Features common to reinforced concrete construction are recognizable. D i l a t i o n j o i n t s a r t i c u l a t e d i n the west wall i n d i c a t e the use of concrete beneath the white gunnite surface and the shuttering pattern of the under-side of the eave proclaims the poured-concrete method used. Exposed concrete frames the major entrances and announces i t s use at the major breaks i n the enveloping masonry rubble i n f i l l w a ll (Fig. 12). By employing concrete i n t h i s way the entrances were e a s i l y accommodated i n the design and the s t r u c t u r a l frame around them i s intimated. 58 The use of engineers, technicians, and computers to render the roof construction f e a s i b l e for Notre-Dame-du-Haut's s i t e and for the materials and craftsmen a v a i l a b l e c l e a r l y show Le Corbusier's continued acceptance 43 of modern methods and technology. So too does the use of gunnite and other i n d u s t r i a l products such as the c a s t - i r o n communion r a i l and hand 44 r a i l s . Le Corbusier believed h i s commitment to continual technologi-c a l improvement and refinement was demonstrated at Notre-Dame-du-Haut by his attempts to r e f i n e gunnite as a surfacing material and h i s ingenuity i n constructing the hollow south wall which he f e l t was a needed contribu-t i o n to twentieth-century a r c h i t e c t u r e and an expansion of e x i s t i n g tech-45 nologies. The glass, window mullions and transoms, enamelled door panels, and candelabrum are also factory products. However, a l l are e s p e c i a l l y 46 designed by Le Corbusier and are not mass-produced ready-mades. Le Corbusier's ambivalent involvement with industry - d e s i r i n g the use of industrially-produced and prefabricated products yet designing h i s own -i s a continuation of past behaviour. Although i t seems to be a d e n i a l of h i s own statements regarding the necessity to draw upon industry for the components of architecture, such personalized design i s a legacy of the arts and c r a f t s a t t i t u d e of the l a t e nineteenth century and of the 1920s when products expressing the required aesthetic were unavailable through mass 47 production and were therefore unapologetically simulated. The c a n t i l e v e r i s another element ubiquitous i n twentieth-century arch i t e c t u r e and i s f u l l y exploited at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. On the i n t e r i -or, the c a n t i l e v e r allows the economical l a t e r a l expansion of space and, by the placement of beams, permits a v e r t i c a l expansion as well (Fig. 20). The three s t o r i e s of the s a c r i s t y , the si n g l e v e r t i c a l l y expanding space of the towers, and the lower height of the northeast corner are f i t within 59 the v e r t i c a l posts that act as a spacing framework. This i n t e r l o c k i n g of spaces r e c a l l s Cubist and P u r i s t s p a t i a l ideas and Le Corbusier's prac-t i c a l concerns with space " c e l l s " as construction modules for apartment 48 bu i l d i n g s . The c a n t i l e v e r i n g of roof beams frees the north exterior wall from a major supporting r o l e and allows i t to take i t s exterior con-cave shape. The wall i s then able to respond formally to the projecting arcs of the side chapel domes, i n addition to adding s t a b i l i t y to the masonry rubble walls. On the e x t e r i o r , the c a n t i l e v e r i s used to create the emphatic form of the eave, the d i s t i n c t i v e space of the e x t e r i o r sanctuary, and the south approach, and to provoke "psychophysiological" responses (kines-t h e t i c and psychological response to s t i m u l i ) . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t i s the soaring roof and undulating spaces defined by the south and east walls which f i r s t a t t r a c t attention. Le Corbusier has used a design e l e -ment, the c a n t i l e v e r , not only for i t s s t r u c t u r a l economy and strength, but also for poetic expression. The chapel's structure creates space and forms replete with s p e c i -f i c s evidenced i n e a r l i e r works by Le Corbusier and p a r t i c u l a r to him. The organization of a c e n t r a l nave-like space abutted by chapel-like spaces may be seen i n the plans for the V i l l a Savoie, the Palace of the Soviets, 49 and the Monul houses. The sense of asymmetry experienced externally at No'tre-Dame-du-Haut, effected s c u l p t u r a l l y through v a r i a t i o n s i n height, i n s t r u c t u r a l protrusions, and i n the organization of l i g h t - i t s modelling and d i r e c t i v e forces - was i n t e g r a l to Le Corbusier's design sense and i s evidenced as early as 1922 i n the A u t e u i l h o u s e s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , the p a r t i c u l a r sense Le Corbusier had for symmetry, to be discovered i n Notre-Dame-du-Haut, has i t s precedence i n the Swiss P a v i l i o n of 1932 and the 60 Strasbourg project of 1951."^ A d d i t i o n a l l y , two of the most a r r e s t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the chapel at Ronchamp, the great d i s t i n c t i o n made be-tween roof and walls, and the balancing of the roof structure on t h i n sup-ports, i s presaged res p e c t i v e l y at the Palace of the Soviets and the house 52 at Lac Leman (Lake Geneva). The curved wall has i t s precedence at A l g i e r s and i n the Swiss P a v i l i o n , i n i n t e r i o r p a r t i t i o n and exterior fencing walls. Post-and-beam construction, the c a n t i l e v e r , and gunnite and the r e -s u l t i n g f r e e - p l a n , a r c h i t e c t u r a l promenade, and l i g h t i n g orchestrated to s p a t i a l function were important and i n t e g r a l to Le Corbusier's a r c h i t e c -t u r a l evolution. The s t r u c t u r a l devices evolved from the Dom-Ino struc-ture of 1914 and had continued use i n the A u t e u i l , Citroen, Garches, and 54 Savoie houses i n the 1920s. In these houses Le Corbusier used the s t r u c -t u r a l devices to modulate what he diagramatically demonstrated as i n i t i a l l y a six-sided box; Notre-Dame-du-Haut continues t h i s p r a c t i c e as a modulated, but skewed, box. Thus Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s neither a s t a t i c r e a f f i r m a t i o n of past solutions nor a r a d i c a l revolution. The 10 centimeter l i g h t band be-tween the c e i l i n g and w a l l , with giant b r i s e - s o l e i l s and the d e n i a l of orthogonals and right-angle corners are a l l means by which the "cube" i s further modified a e s t h e t i c a l l y to create "rooms that have become f l u i d and j o i n up and flow i n a moving c o n t i n u u m " . T h i s i s a planning, construc-t i o n a l , and aesthetic achievement which derived i t s premises, as Bruno Zevi points out, from De S t i j l theory and early twentieth-century accom-56 plishments, including those of Le Corbusier. However, despite the many r e l a t i o n s h i p s to be remarked between Le Corbusier's s t r u c t u r a l means and vocabulary used at Notre-Dame-du-Haut 61 and h i s e a r l i e r work, Le Corbusier was i n i t i a l l y reluctant to pursue the use of h i s reinforced concrete methods for the chapel. His comment that h i s "reinforced concrete methods should only be used for u t i l i t a r i a n structures"*^ and h i s reluctance to use them at Ronchamp implies that he understood the construction of a chapel to e n t a i l considerations i n addi-t i o n to openly-displayed structure and materials. Le Corbusier's experi-ences i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l architecture and church program are l e s s known than his experiences i n secular architecture and domestic design. Religious structures of the past such as Notre-Dame of Paris and of Chartres, the Cathedrals of Amiens and of Pisa, Hagia Sophia at Istanbul, the monastery at Mont Athos, and various temples, including p r i m i t i v e Egyptian, figured prominently i n h i s sketchbooks."^ His book Quand le s cathedrales etaient blanches posited cathedrals as the yardstick against which modern sky-59 scrapers were to be judged. His personal l i b r a r y contains h i s t o r i e s of r e l i g i o u s buildings, including one of Ronchamp which he had profusely 60 annotated. And i n 1949 Le Corbusier expressed his s e n s i t i v i t y to church architecture with hi s response to the war-wrought ruins of the St. Die cathedral: The burned cathedral, i n ruins becomes the l i v i n g torch of architecture by a d e f e r e n t i a l taking i n charge of the misfortunes which have struck i t . One w i l l make of i t the witness of t r a g i c events to perpetuate through time. The roof has f a l l e n i n , and the choir and transept, cut to pieces against the sky allow through t h e i r jagged shreds of red stone a glimpse of mountains and of waving f o l i a g e of great trees. The nave i s henceforth f u l l of l i g h t , so that now we s h a l l see c l e a r l y the b e a u t i f u l Romanesque c a p i t a l s which obscurity hid from our sight. Reinforced concrete, combined with clear and coloured glass o f f e r us the chance of saving t h i s and of handing on to the future a quivering symphony of stone and memories.^ So much of t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n could be applied to Le Corbusier's chapel at Ronchamp. At Notre-Dame-du-Haut the red stone of St. Die i s 62 suggested i n the red northeast chapel, the open roof i n the 10 centimeter gap between c e i l i n g and walls, the waving f o l i a g e i n the painted leaves or the r e a l trees v i s i b l e through eye-level, clear glass, and a nave f u l l of l i g h t i n the light-splendoured i n t e r i o r . F i n a l l y , the observation of memory-evoking forms made by Le Corbusier at St. Die appears reinstated i n the m u l t i - r e v e r e n t i a l forms of Notre-Dame-du-Haut. While the ruins at Ronchamp were not magnificient, they, and accounts 62' of the s i t e , were s u f f i c i e n t to s t i r Le Corbusier's imagination. This i s shown i n h i s comments expressing h i s reaction to the s i t e : In e a r l i e r times pagan temples were b u i l t there, then C h r i s t i a n chapels - pilgrim's chapels; and so during the centuries. Wars one a f t e r another destroyed them merc i l e s s l y because the "high point" of land on which they rested was also a landmark and an ^ observation post. It was the l a s t which destroyed the l a s t chapel. Le Corbusier's sketches of the s i t e (dated May 1950) demonstrate not only h i s i n t e r e s t i n the s i t e ' s geography, but also acknowledge t r a d i -64 t i o n a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms represented i n the ruins of the former church. Vestiges of the l a t t e r appear incorporated into the new Notre-Dame-du-Haut. The int e n t i o n of doing so i s indicated by Le Corbusier's l a t e r juxtapo-s i t i o n of sketches of the ruined church with those of h i s completed chapel 65 (Fig. 11). Moreover, the presentation of these sketches i s often se-quential, suggesting a development from the e a r l i e r to the present chapel. Poetic a l l u s i o n s to the former church are discernable i n the promi-nent south entrance, i n the provision for the outdoor ceremony i n the east facade, and i n the i r r e g u l a r s i l h o u e t t e . The observation post d i s t i n c -t i v e l y shown i n the f i r s t maquette i s retained i n the inset balcony high on the north facade of the present chapel (Figs. 15;, 22). The look-out and f o r t r e s s - l i k e north facade.symbolically o f f e r s a defensive front against the invasions which had so frequently plagued the s i t e i n the past 63 and which Le Corbusier had commented upon. There are also d e s c r i p t i v e passages i n a published, h i s t o r i c a l account of Ronchamp owned by Le Corbusier that are comparable to c e r t a i n d e t a i l s i n Le Corbusier's design. These include the V i r g i n ' s niche, the arrangement of the sanctuary, and 66 the references to defensive buildings once on the s i t e . Forms a l l u d i n g to the more distant past can also be perceived. The configuration of the exterior southeast corner i s suggestive of the p a l e o l i -t h i c elements of dolmen-like constructions (Figs. 23, 24). The domed side chapels and t h e i r r e s u l t i n g e f f e c t s on i l l u m i n a t i o n have a s p e c i f i c h i s -t o r i c a l antecedent i n Hadrian's V i l l a at T i v o l i (Figs. 25, 2 6) which i s 6 7 recorded i n Le Corbusier's early sketchbooks. Le Corbusier had already drawn upon Hadrian's V i l l a at T i v o l i for the 1948 Sainte—Baume project, 6 8 i n d i c a t i n g h i s preference for i t s formal devices. His synthesis of these a l l u s i o n s to past forms i n the chapel suggest a conscious attempt to repre-sent a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y h i s response to the s i t e quoted above. Moreover, Le Corbusier's method of synthesizing h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l associations into h i s chapel i s d i s t i n c t i v e from twentieth-century t r a d i t i o n a l i s m i n that the h i s t o r i c a l context i s wider and less obvious, and the r e s u l t far from conservative or expected i n s p a t i a l and formal terms. >. • The various i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s possible for the forms are capable of twentieth-century multivalent and cubist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as opposed to nineteenth or even early twentieth century e c l e c t i c i s m with i t s l i t e r a r y associations and univalent 69 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . In addition to the poetic and v i s u a l l y e lusive suggestions to h i s -t o r i c a l forms, a l l u s i o n s to contemporary forms are also evident. Le Corbusier proposed that analogies with the airplane wing and the ship's h u l l were applicable to the construction technique and forms used for the 64 roof at Notre-Dame-du-Haut."^ He thus asserted the modernity of the chapel by the use of contemporary forms. Also, Le Corbusier added the seashell to these technically-derived forms as a s u i t a b l e analogy and i n s p i r a t i o n a l source for the chapel's c o n s t r u c t i o n . ^ He thus extended the formal voca-/ 72 bulary of architecture to include h i s "formes poetiques". These were forms capable of creating an i n t e l l e c t u a l and emotional response i n the viewer. Thus, the i n c l u s i o n of the seashell i n the documentation of the chapel's contruction demonstrates that Le Corbusier sought forms provoking 73 "psychophysiological" responses. This, too, i s not a recent i n t e r e s t . A decided i n t e r e s t i n "psychophysiological" pursuits i s evident i n 1938 when Le Corbusier dismissed the importance of new materials and new 74 methods i n the creation of a r c h i t e c t u r a l form. He also dismissed dura-b i l i t y and standardized b u i l d i n g . Instead he advocated an architecture that was above any u t i l i t a r i a n objective. Architecture, as distinguished from b u i l d i n g , was intended to declare an elevated purpose through i t s forms and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . ^ In 1948 Le Corbusier continued h i s search for such d e c l a r a t i v e forms through experimentations with s c u l p t u r e . ^ His sculpture possesses many precedents for Notre-Dame-du-Haut. In h i s sculpture he applied colour to form to create volume; he described s c u l p t u r a l composition i n terms of v i s u a l acoustics and he r e l a t e d sculpture p h y s i c a l l y to the landscape and metaphysically to poetry.^* These same terms of reference were applied to Notre-Dame-du-Haut. By 1948 Le Corbusier revealed a greater concern f o r more volumetric compositions i n h i s painting than previously and admitted 78' the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of extending formal pursuits of one medium into another. Le Corbusier dated hi s increased concern for sculptable designs as o r i g i n a t i n g at t h i s time. Many of the forms, compositional patterns, and 65 much of the t e x t u r a l richness found i n h i s sculpture are also found at Notre-Dame-du-Haut (Fig. 27). Moreover, the purpose of both a r c h i t e c t u r e and sculpture was to create i n e f f a b l e space which Le Corbusier equated with the experience of the miracle of f a i t h - the consummation of p l a s t i c *79 emotion. The a r c h i t e c t u r a l and t h e o r e t i c a l basis for t h i s approach to construc-t i o n , materials, and form existed i n Towards a new a r c h i t e c t u r e where Le Corbusier stated that: F i n a l l y , i t w i l l be a delight to t a l k of ARCHITECTURE a f t e r so many grain-stores, workshops, machines and skyscrapers. ARCHITECTURE i s a thing of a r t , a phenomenon of the emotions, l y i n g outside questions of construction and beyond them.'80 (and) Being moved, we are able to get beyond the cruder sensations; c e r t a i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s are thus born which work upon our per-ceptions and put ; us into a state of s a t i s f a c t i o n i n which man can employ f u l l y h i s g i f t s of memory, of analysis, of reasoning and creation, (underlining m i n e ) ^ Le Corbusier conceived of Notre-Dame-du-Haut as a r c h i t e c t u r e , as opposed to b u i l d i n g . It had an "elevated" purpose,and he was "unconstrained by any programme, other than a b r i e f r i t u a l which, indeed, (ennobled) the elements of the problem".^ Le Corbusier overcame the p h y s i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by economy and exterior r e s t r a i n t s and explored the more poetic elements of h i s a r c h i t e c -t u r a l v i s i o n . Despite the many constructional, material, and formal r e l a -tionships found at Notre-Dame-du-Haut which unquestionably have precedence i n Le Corbusier's a r c h i t e c t u r a l work, the chapel was understood upon i t s 83 completion i n 1955 to s i g n a l an altered p o s i t i o n for Le Corbusier. The r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s sculpture both formally and t h e o r e t i c a l l y , and h i s conscious search for symbolic forms, appear to be responsible for t h i s . Although the sculptural, e f f e c t i s more pronounced at Notre-Dame-du-Haut than previously, what appears to be most revolutionary i s not the absence of orthogonals but the willingness - perhaps w i l l f u l n e s s - with which the a r c h i t e c t manipulated memory and form to create a multivalent structure which suggests universalism by the gathering together of forms connoting the wide matrix of h i s t o r i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y various symbols rel a t e d to pilgrimage and s p i r i t u a l drama. 67 CHAPTER V ACOUSTICS V i s i t o r s to Notre-Dame-du-Haut have praised the sound q u a l i t i e s of the chapel: Ronchamp has superb acoustics and the resonance of a Cathedral space.1 He (the Canon) stood i n the back (of the nave) and sang a can-t i c l e . His voice was mellow, resonant, all-pervading. No h i -f i stereo reproduction was ever so able to give the e f f e c t of sound coming from everywhere and nowhere. In f a c t , a f t e r some minutes I turned around to express my appreciation, and I found that the curate had disappeared; he had moved s i l e n t l y into the corner chapel, and h i s voice from there f i l l e d the e n t i r e main space.2 The experience of sound f i l l i n g the space i s created by means of a long reverberation. The p r i e s t has been heard by the ( v i s i t o r ) singing vespers i n tune with himself, the reverberation being so prolonged that the singer can even make cords with himself, using the room as a musical instrument. 3 And Le Corbusier, himself, has said of Notre-Dame-du-Haut: Its acoustic architecture i n the shape of a musical instrument, w i l l make i t 'sing' among the Voges mountains... 4 There are three important features of the acoustic environment i n t h i s chapel. The reverberation evokes the experience of a cathedral space without simulating i t . It enhances the voice of the i n d i v i d u a l . And t h i r d -l y , i t expresses the a r c h i t e c t ' s emphasis on the analogy between space and sound. It can almost be said that Notre-Dame-du-Haut was the f r u i t of these explorations.^ Even without the references to h i s i n t e r e s t i n acoustics which can be read i n the Modulor, the a r c h i t e c t ' s concern f o r t h i s aspect of the architecture of Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s v i s u a l l y revealed i n the building.: the s i x curving surfaces of the chapel's four walls, f l o o r , and c e i l i n g ; the funnel shape of the nave; the deep c a v i t i e s along the south wall; the very s l i g h t banking of the pews,and the precise l o c a t i o n of the p u l p i t , which ju t s out from a hollow close to the i n t e r s e c t i o n of two major reverberant planes, a curving w a l l , and the curving c e i l i n g . Some of the impetus for acoustically-responsive a r c h i t e c t u r e came from the Church. There had been a resurgence of i n t e r e s t i n music that was given o f f i c i a l recognition by the 1903 Tr a : rle;. so11ec i t udini. of 7 8 Pope Pius X. The l i t u r g i c a l movement was l a r e l y responsible f o r t h i s . However, there was no contractual or written demand that Le Corbusier 9 create a s p e c i f i c type of sound environment. This was l e f t to h i s own d i s c r e t i o n . But Le Corbusier's sensual and i n t e l l e c t u a l commitment was of such a degree that i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that he should.:have analysed the problem with great s e n s i t i v i t y and solved i t with creative ingenuity. The conventional accoutrements commonly i n s t a l l e d i n modern churches for sound manipulation include t a p e s t r i e s , carpeting, and r e s i l i e n t wall and c e i l i n g surfaces to absorb sound.^ For purposes of sound enhancement, there were reredoes, baldachins, and soundboards designed to act as r e -f l e c t o r s . More recently modern church b u i l d i n g p r a c t i c e had introduced c o r r e c t i v e and manipulative surfaces such as sound r e f l e c t o r s suspended from c e i l i n g s and loudspeaker systems.^ For ordinary needs Le Corbusier used none of these. What he did do was almost unprecedented and related l i t t l e to contemporary church a c o u s t i c a l control p r a c t i c e s . He elected to use only the basic structure, abstaining from remedial devices such as a c o u s t i c a l t i l e s and carpeting. His approach was to manipulate the path and energy of the sound waves by 12 c o n t r o l l i n g the shape of the surfaces from which they were r e f l e c t e d . 69: Pinpointing h i s sound sources at the p u l p i t , a l t a r s , and pews, the a r c h i -tect then c r e a t i v e l y shaped a l l s i x of the surfaces of t h i s space into a reverberant container. By further modulating these surfaces with balanced curves, s t r a t e g i c a l l y placed recessions such as the c a v i t i e s of the south wall, and by varying the cant i n the wall elevation and distances between 13 bounding edges, Le Corbusier r e a l i z e d h i s chapel i n "the shape of a musi-14 c a l instrument made to sing . " The quotes given above attest to h i s success. The outdoor sanctuary shows a l l the c a r e f u l planning features of a bandshell. The large outward splay of the south spur w a l l , the angling of the outdoor s a c r i s t y i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n , and the large overhead eave that d e f l e c t s expansively i n a shape r e c a l l i n g an enlarged loud-speaker, serve to project sound outward into the crowd amassed on the adja-cent p l a i n . The placement of the church f u r n i t u r e - a l t a r , p u l p i t , choir, l o f t , and s e d i l e - maximizes t h i s sound-enhancing s e t t i n g . The expansive shape of the outdoor sanctuary, while performing i t s functional duties, also manages to give v i s u a l expression to the acousti-c a l q u a l i t i e s envisioned for the chapel. Le Corbusier intended sound to emanate from the chapel and to f i l t e r into the surrounding v a l l e y s . ^ To Le Corbusier, the p r a c t i c a l problem of a u d i b i l i t y was to be solved by s t r u c t u r a l considerations. The problem of sound q u a l i t y was to be resolved i n terms of psychological reactions. Given such considerations, he opened up a number of avenues to possible exploration into man's per-ception and experience of a r c h i t e c t u r a l space and form. He affirmed the re l a t i o n s h i p between music and form, giving greater substance to the analogy 16 often made between music and arc h i t e c t u r e . In addition he heightened the pilgrim's awareness of himself, h i s own voice, and the space enveloping him. Space so strongly (awesomely) 70 l o c a l i z e d becomes place: Ronchamp, s i t e of miracles."^ With the proposal 18 that atonal music be introduced, Le Corbusier expanded the musical i n -terests of the Church into a realm of avant-gardism not usually associated with the i n s t i t u t i o n . He also suggested contemporaneity with h i s plans 19 for exterior sound r e f l e c t o r s . These r e f l e c t o r s add sound r e a l i t y to the v i s u a l image of the environment-engaging structure, and together they p o e t i c a l l y and a c t u a l l y enlarge the presence of the chapel beyond the con-fines of i t s physical embodiment. Le Corbusier took the t r a d i t i o n a l sound concerns of the church -music, preaching, and prayer - and made of them p o e t i c a l and contemporary considerations. In so doing he synthesized a tremendously wide range of sound experiences from numerous and d i f f e r e n t places. Le Corbusier drew upon the experience gained from h i s work with 20 Auguste Perret and e s p e c i a l l y from Gustave Lyon. The theatre he designed with the l a t t e r i n 1928-29 contributed t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l knowledge 21 about acoustics. There i s also evidence that Le Corbusier r e c a l l e d h i s own past sensations of r e l i g i o u s space i n terms of i t s a c o u s t i c a l ambiance. His descriptions of r e l i g i o u s s i t e s found i n h i s t r a v e l d i a r i e s of 1906 and 1911 prove him to be p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e to the r o l e of sound i n , . . . 22 relxgious experience. In Le Corbusier's ongoing quest for the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s i s -ter a r t s , music and architecture, N^tre-Dame-du-Haut has a s i g n i f i c a n t place. P r i o r to the chapel, Le Corbusier's concern with sound had been li m i t e d to purely p r a c t i c a l matters i n h i s designs and r e a l i z e d projects. His work on sound i n s u l a t i o n , as found at Unit£ d'Habitation, M a r s e i l l e s , 23 and h i s descriptions of the Palace of the Soviets design exemplify t h i s . His analogies between music and a r c h i t e c t u r a l composition had otherwise remained i n t u i t i v e and abstract. There had not yet been a programmatic opportunity to u t i l i z e past p r a c t i c a l knowledge of exploring t h e o r e t i c a l incentives. Notre-Dame-du-Haut gave Le Corbusier that opportunity. Notre-Dame-du-Haut constituted a c l a r i f i c a t i o n and development of Le Corbusier's ideas about the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of musical compositional d i s c i p l i n e applied to a r c h i t e c t u r a l composition and about the perception of sound as determined by the form of acoustic environments. The importance of t h i s can be judged by what followed. In 1958 Le Corbusier was to b u i l d the P h i l l i p ' s P a v i l i o n i n Brussels, a t o t a l environment of architecture, l i g h t , p i c t o r i a l image, and sound. The conception was Le Corbusier's own, as was s 24 the idea of c o l l a b o r a t i n g with Edgar Varese, appreciated among the avant-garde for h i s work i n atonal music. He had already been approached by Le Corbusier to compose an atonal mass for Notre-Dame-du-Haut i n 1954. Notre-Dame-du-Haut may be seen as an i n t u i t i v e response to Le Corbusier's own b e l i e f i n the importance of a l l the sensory s t i m u l i i n the creation of s i g n i f i c a n t a r c h i t e c t u r a l space and form, a b e l i e f found 26 stated i n Vers une architecture of 1923. There can be l i t t l e doubt that the program presented at Notre-Dame-du-Haut was understood by Le Corbusier as a demand to create such a s i g n i f i c a n t environment and that he earnestly sought to do s o . ^ Le Corbusier's contribution was not only to aesthetics and a r c h i t e c -t u r a l design. Long reverberation, a cathedral space, and the sound of an undaunted i n d i v i d u a l ' s voice were s i g n i f i c a n t a t t r i b u t e s to give a chapel b u i l t i n the 1950s. The emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l , to which descriptions of the sound environment allude, was also innovative and extremely relevant to the post-World War II Catholic Church that wished to r e a f f i r m the impor-tance of the i n d i v i d u a l within the C h r i s t i a n community. Also, on a poetic l e v e l , the reverberant cathedral space was conducive to the harmonious blending of dissonant and disparate voices such as the Church Universal understood i t s earthly r o l e to be. 73' CHAPTER VI ORNAMENTATION Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s a pilgrimage chapel resplendent with ornament. Images and c a l l i g r a p h y revealed by coloured and clear l i g h t bespeak i t s dedication - a small country parish chapel s h e l t e r i n g a r e l i c of the V i r g i n and those who seek Her. The south windows have c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e b u t t e r f l i e s , s t a r s , clouds, leaves, a "moon-face" (or "Janus head"), b i r d s , and flowers painted i n bright colours of red, yellow, green, blue, v i o l e t , and black. Phrases written l e g i b l y and appropriately i n the vernacular are scattered over these windows and those of the northeast wall abutting the sanctuary (Figs. 19, 28). Images, colours, or phrases are sprinkled on the tabernacle, a b e l l -tower louvre, the small a l t a r crosses, and they are strewn on the f l o o r by the action of the sun passing through the painted glass panes (Figs. 29, 28, 19). Images and colours are gathered together to create a f o c a l point at the ceremonial door on the south facade. A l l these painted signs are a pattern woven into the f a b r i c with which Le Corbusier enwrapped t h i s sacred space. While the Church had an acknowledged involvement with ornament such as has j u s t been described, Le Corbusier did not. This, together with the fact that such images and l i t e r a r y accompaniment were not o r i g i n a l l y en-visioned by Le Corbusier encourages t a n t a l i z i n g speculation as to h i s mo-t i v a t i o n i n f i n a l l y including them. ^  This chapter w i l l look at the general context of ornament i n twentieth-century architecture, Le Corbusier's ornament vocabulary, and contemporaneous 74 l i t u r g i c a l a r t . It w i l l be the intent of such a survey to assess the pos-s i b l e importance of the imagery to both Le Corbusier and to the twentieth-century French Catholic Church. Ornamentation i n the twentieth century Ornament i s usually considered i n t e g r a l to such twentieth-century a r c h i t e c t u r a l aesthetics as Art Nouveau, Art Deco, and twentieth-century i t r a d i t i o n a l i s m . But r a r e l y i s i t estimated important to the aesthetics of Le Corbusier or h i s contemporaries within the Modern Movement(1914-1965), such as Gropius, Oud, Rietveld, and Mies van der Rohe. I cannot hope to to the topic j u s t i c e here, but i t seems important to provide a general o u t l i n e . Beginning i n the nineteenth century with the writings of William Morris, Horatio Greenough, and Louis S u l l i v a n , the question of ornament was considered within the contexts of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c r a f t to manufac-: 2 ture and that of applied ornament to s t r u c t u r a l form. The s o c i a l context of ornament, i t s morality, was here irrevocably introduced. Much l a t e nineteenth and early twentieth century w r i t i n g casts aspersion on the use of applied ornament, and the apogee of such thinking was found i n Adolf Loos' Ornament and Crime (1912), which condemned the use of ornament 3 applied to structure. This denial of applied ornament was an attempt to r e a l i g n the f a c t s of i n d u s t r i a l production with a new aesthetic v i s i o n , new b u i l d i n g materials, and modern construction. The use of the engineer, the 4 factory, and a Taylorized, standardized, and r a t i o n a l i z e d approach to a r c h i -tecture became pronounced i n the opening years of the twentieth century and influenced the a r c h i t e c t ' s conception of the process of construction and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of ornamentation to i t . The contemporary influence of the engineer dates from the nineteenth century when beauty was discovered i n the undisguised structure of cast i r o n and s t e e l bridges and i n the magi-c a l e f f e c t s of such "engineering" feats as the C r y s t a l Palace and the E i f f e l Tower. Thus, by the early years of the twentieth century, a d i s t i n c t i o n was made between applied ornament and that which was i n t e g r a l to the b u i l d i n g f a b r i c and structure. In 1932 P h i l i p Johnson and Henry-Russell Hitchcock, under the banner of the International Style, discussed the contemporary work of Le Corbusier, Gropius, Oud, Rietveld, and Mies van der Rohe without mentioning ornament as such.^ Instead, the e f f e c t of materials, surface q u a l i t i e s , and the d i s p o s i t i o n of s o l i d planes and voids were considered i n terms of t h e i r "ornamental e f f e c t " ( v i s u a l i n t e r e s t , v a r i e t y , meaning-fulness) . With the s i n g l e epithet "form follows function" the v i s u a l complexi-ty of progressive twentieth-century a r c h i t e c t u r e has often been thought adequately characterized.^ However, close scrutiny of these same texts show that there were discrepancies between word and deed. Many of t h e i r authors were not adverse to the use of ornament and some, including g Gropius and Le Corbusier, admitted the p o s s i b i l i t y of i t s f u l l y b l o s -9 soming again at some future date. In addition, the pervasive and seminal influence of Ruskin at the turn of the century must not be overlooked. His perception of ornament as an analogue to the expression of nature's v i t a l i t y and of God's working had repercussions on S u l l i v a n , ^ Antoni 11 12 Gaudi, and Le Corbusier. Writing i n 1852, Ruskin stated that "the p r i n c i p l e part of a r c h i -tecture i s ornament", and that "the a r c h i t e c t who i s not a sculptor or a 13 painter i s nothing better than a b u i l d e r " . Le Corbusier's constant reference to h i s painting and sculpture as a r c h i t e c t u r a l research indicates h i s continued, although s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d , adherence to Ruskinian. thought. A great influence i n Le Corbusier's early y e a r s , ^ Ruskin's elevated con-ception of ornament must remain within the context of any discussion of Le Corbusier's. In 1935 Le Corbusier stated that "the very conception of organic architecture ( i . e . , h i s own) contributes to the arrangement of the e x t e r i -or, with varied a r c h i t e c t u r a l expedients for the enhancing of sculpture 16 i n the outdoors". His intentions were made e x p l i c i t by the expressive sculpture appended to the accompanying facade designs for the League of Nations. C l e a r l y a r c h i t e c t u r e could be embellished. However, to ensure c l a r i t y of purpose, Le Corbusier divided what was once considered a r c h i -tecture when appropriately ornamented into equipment, "objet d'art", and i t s context, a r c h i t e c t u r e . ^ Importantly, a r c h i t e c t s of the Modern Movement (1914-1965) reacted as much to the meaninglessness of t h e i r contemporary ornament as they did to i t s s t r u c t u r a l redundancy. Alongside the t e c h n i c a l , s t r u c t u r a l , and material j u s t i f i c a t i o n s given for the development of a new approach to ornament, there also developed aesthetic v i n d i c a t i o n s . Design choices were often j u s t i f i e d i n terms of proportion, psychic sensation, basic 18 geometric form i d e a l s , and enhanced surface q u a l i t i e s . Aesthetic j u s -t i f i c a t i o n s for a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l can be traced i n the w r i t i n g of Ruskin, Owen Jones, Greenough, and S u l l i v a n i n the nineteenth century, 19 and Loos and Le Corbusier i n the twentieth century. V i o l l e t - l e - D u c , Choisy, Charles Blanc, and the cubist, c o n s t r u c t i v i s t , and de S t i j l move-ments were also contributors to the assessment i n formal terms of a r c h i -20 t e c t u r a l elements, composition, and d e t a i l . From the art movements architecture evolved basic shapes and design patterns whac'h were either s i m p l i f i e d or had been purged of conventional and h i s t o r i c s t y l i s t i c associations. Ornamental d e t a i l had been replaced by f l o a t i n g , c l e a r l y 21 defined planes, pure colour (with i t s space-defining q u a l i t i e s ) , and the manipulation of l i g h t f o r programmatic demands. Loos, for example, so focussed upon the q u a l i t y of materials and manufacture that he made them into concerns which are not always j u s t i f i e d by p r a c t i c a l i t y or 22 economy and could only be termed decorative. The question of appropriate ornamentation was therefore present throughout the twentieth century. It was decidedly important at the 23 C.I.A.M. conferences of 1947 and 1949. Here the r o l e of the p l a s t i c a r t i s t , including the a r c h i t e c t , was the topic of discussion. Ornamenta-t i o n was at t h i s point believed needful of the most serious consideration by the modern a r c h i t e c t and society. Although the term "ornament" was s t i l l evaded i n conference documentation, the s t r i c t adherence to "form follows function" as i t had come to be understood i n the f i r s t h a l f of the twentieth century was deemed inadequate. Le Corbusier, who was present at the conferences, was among those who expressed t h i s b e l i e f . Subse-quently, at the time of Notre-Dame-du-Haut 1s commission, Le Corbusier denied the purely " f u n c t i o n a l " c l a s s i f i c a t i o n normally given to him and 24 openly questioned i t s p r i o r i t y i n assessing a r c h i t e c t u r a l merit. This was not a r e v i s i o n of h i s e a r l i e r p o l i c y , since he had predicted i n Vers une architecture of 1923 that a place for the p l a s t i c arts would be 25 r e a l i z e d i n twenty years. By 1947 the time had a r r i v e d . The ornament vocabulary of Le Corbusier The w r i t i n g and work of Le Corbusier show c l e a r l y how he r e l a t e d to 78 and was a part of the twentieth-century pursuit of meaningful ornament. He j u s t i f i e d t h i s quest with claims validated by both p r a c t i c a l f u n c t i o n a l -ism and aesthetic i d e a l s . He too c a l l e d f o r the demise of applied orna-26 ment, the embracing of the machine's c a p a b i l i t i e s , mass production, and 27 28 standardization. He emulated s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s , Taylorism, the 29 30 engineer, and s c i e n t i f i c d i s c i p l i n e . But at the same time, he also admitted e n t i r e l y aesthectic motivations: regulating l i n e s , the golden section, "objets d'art", "objets pures", the s u p e r i o r i t y of the Philobean 31 s o l i d s , and the i d e a l of a mathematical order. Le Corbusier's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the developing thought about ornament can be b r i e f l y outlined. He shared i n the same experiences as those of any turn-of-the-century craftsman while a young designer and engraver at 32 La Chaux-de-Fonds (1900-1910). At Centiers-Fontainemeion, Switzerland ; he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a quest for r e g i o n a l l y relevant a r c h i t e c t u r a l ornament and had helped to decorate a chapel there with motifs derived from l o c a l 33 f l o r a . He read Ruskin, Owen Jones, and V i o l l e t - l e - D u c at t h i s time, and 34 l a t e r Choisy and Loos. He also spoke highly of S u l l i v a n . Although for a short period c r i t i c a l of them a l l , he did i n l a t e r writings recognize 35 t h e i r influence on h i s conception of ornament and form. His excursions to Vienna and other c i t i e s of A u s t r i a and Germany i n 1910, and the r e -sultant book Etude sur l e mouvement d'art decoratif en allemagne (1912) show him to be personally involved i n the controversy regarding c r a f t and 36 the machine, i n which he supported the l a t t e r . It i s also from t h i s date that a strong aversion to Art Nouveau, brought about by the excesses seen i n Germany and Austri a , can be noted i n h i s w r i t i n g s . In 1925 Le Corbusier again wrote about the question of ornament; t h i s was published again seven years l a t e r as L'.art decoratif d' au j ourd' hui. Here he 79 presented an evolutionary and c u l t u r a l r a t i o n a l e of decorative art 37 s i m i l a r to that described by Loos. From t h i s b r i e f survey i t can be ascertained that decorative aspects had long been a concern of Le Corbusier's. It also shows him interested i n i t s s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , and symbolic r o l e , not merely i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to e s s e n t i a l structure. It i s also evident that Le Corbusier had a great exposure to a number of t h e o r i s t s who made some r e l a t i o n s h i p between ornament and the higher realms of a r c h i t e c t u r a l endeavour and who perceived i n ornament, meaningful r e l a -tionships between God and nature as w e l l as between economy i n manufac-ture and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Purism was Le Corbusier's personal contribution to the 'stripped 38 down' structure and aesthetic s e n s i b i l i t y of h i s era. It was a p h i l o -sophical system that influenced design which he developed with Ozenfant i n 1918. It concentrated on c l e a r forms and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n -terpenetrations, and s i l h o u e t t e . However, Purism also proposed the symbolic r o l e of the image by i t s choice of motifs: t y p i c a l objects representative of contemporary l i f e . The adherence to natural or recognizable forms i n his designs had led to much c r i t i c i s m of h i s l y r i c i s m , sentimentality, 39 and s u b j e c t i v i t y i n the 1920s and 1930s. Such accusations of s e n t i -mentality were repeated about Notre-Dame-du-Haut. From his j u s t i f i c a t i o n of forms and a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l using aesthetic c r i t e r i a , Le Corbusier shows himself the successor to a body of thought which developed concurrently with the more p u b l i c i s e d a t t i t u d e s of "form follows function". However, as has been shown, these submerged c r i t e r i a resurfaced i n the post-World War II era. Raynor Banham, i n h i s Theory and Design i n the F i r s t Machine Age, concludes that "aesthetics as much i f not more than technological 80 awareness determined the v i s u a l appearance of the major masterpieces of 40 the f i r s t h a l f of the twentieth century". W i l l i a m Jordy a l s o upsets the conventional d e f i n i t i o n of modern a r c h i t e c t u r e as being f u n c t i o n a l i s t 41 and preoccupied w i t h the machine. Instead, he sees that the modern move-ment was p r o p e l l e d by a search f o r appropriate symbols which would enable an e d i f i c e to f u n c t i o n as a product of i t s time, s p i r i t u a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y . Given the symbolic importance which ornament and form may have, as sug-gested by Jordy, Le Corbusier's past involvements w i t h i t , and by the precedents set f o r such a view by Ruskin and Purism, such ornament as i s evidenced at Notre-Dame-du-Haut suggests that i t s e x p l o r a t i o n may provide a new viewpoint on the work of Le Corbusier. At the time of h i s commission f o r Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Le Corbusier's s e l f - a d v e r t i s e d use of 'modern' forms, s t r i k i n g m a t e r i a l j u x t a p o s i t i o n s , bold s i t i n g s , and l i g h t o r i e n t a t i o n s were pr e v a l e n t . His use of p a i n t i n g s , murals, and s c u l p t u r e as appropriate adjuncts to h i s a r c h i t e c t u r e was w e l l known. His outspokeness f o r a synthesis of the a r t s had been sta t e d as r e c e n t l y as the C.I.A.M. conference of 1949. His w i l l i n g ness to pursue these a r c h i t e c t u r a l endeavours w i t h i n the context of r e l i -gious a r c h i t e c t u r e could have been p r e d i c t e d by h i s design f o r Sainte-Baume. A l s o , Le Corbusier's work p r i o r to Notre-Dame-du-Haut d i d not l a c k a concern f o r the symbolic and i t s r o l e of embellishment, as was seen i n the u n i v e r s a l symbols sought i n Purism. Importantly, the Church s p e c i f i -c a l l y opened i t s e l f to u n i v e r s a l symbolism a f t e r the fragmentation of World 43 War I I . In the past Le Corbusier had spoken of a u n i v e r s a l v i s u a l 44 language capable of expressing p h i l o s o p h i c a l concepts. I t was i n h i s a r c h i t e c t u r e , i t s forms, and h i s manner of ornamenting i t that Le 81 Corbusier sought to r e i f y h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l and a e s t h e t i c t h e o r i z i n g . The ornamentation of Notre-Dame-du-Haut A s t r i k i n g design program at Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s evidenced i n the geometric forms e i t h e r cut i n t o or p r o j e c t i n g from the b u i l d i n g f a b r i c . On the south facade, f l a n k i n g the ceremonial door, a geometric form p r o j e c t s from the curved w a l l of the southwest tower. Another r i s e s v e r t i c a l l y from the ground on the opposite s i d e of the entrance ( F i g . 12). While the former has no apparent s t r u c t u r a l purpose, i t was intended as a support f o r 45 a f u t u r e s c u l p t u r e . The l a t t e r bears the d e d i c a t i o n plaque and has 46 buried w i t h i n i t the documents re c o r d i n g the h i s t o r y of the chapel. While the permanently d i s p l a y e d d e d i c a t i o n stone r e c a l l s an ancient t r a d i -t i o n i t i s not r e q u i s i t e according to canon law and i s not f r e q u e n t l y found i n contemporary church a r c h i t e c t u r e . However, p o r t a l s c u l p t u r e i s common to Gothic cathedrals as e x e m p l i f i e d by Chartres, Notre-Dame-de-Paris or the / 47 Romanesque Vezelay, a l l of which were known by Le Corbusier. In a d d i t i o n , s c u l p t u r e was a frequent and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c device of pilgrimage a c t i v i t y and s c u l p t u r e marking the pilgrimage routes i s one of the i d e n t i f y i n g 48 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the medi e v a l t r a d i t i o n . Surpassing f u n c t i o n a l n e c e s s i -t y , the geometric forms ' f u n c t i o n ' i n t h e i r own r i g h t as s c u l p t u r e . The p r o j e c t i n g h o r i z o n t a l cube responds to the v e r t i c a l u p r i g h t cube: they 49 ' a c t i v a t e ' the space, g i v i n g access to the ceremonial door, and they give human s c a l e to the l a r g e expanse of the southwest tower. In t h e i r r o l e as place markers, s i g n p o s t s , and space humanizers these forms do f u l f i l l some purposes s i m i l a r to t r a d i t i o n a l p o r t a l s c u l p t u r e s , ( F i g s . 30,31). Another r a t i o n a l e i s suggested by the use of geometric forms. The 82 stone block which serves as a dedication stone i s of h i s 'Modulor' pro-portions, 113 x 113 x 70 centimeters, and has a rectangle of 'Modulor' proportions carved out of i t s s u r f a c e . T h u s i n t h e i r general proportion and geometry these ornamental devices introduce the Modulor and the p h i l o -sophy that such a reference encompasses. This v i s u a l statement suggests that a continual reference to proportion be made thereafter, for to Le Corbusier " i t i s the Modulor which i s the essence of the design - the true basis. Symbolically the e n t i r e structure rests upon i t " . ~ ^ The forms placed within the fountain flanking the west wall are also of Modulor-de-rived proportion. A d d i t i o n a l forms used s c u l p t u r a l l y , with intimations of modulor proportioning, are found dispersed about the chapel. They are d i s c r e e t l y carved within the south spur w a l l on the east facade and are found as hollows and ledges within the chapel. Modulor dimensions also determine the fenestratio n pattern on the south and north walls and the 52 paving pattern on the f l o o r . Le Corbusier also uses a s c u l p t u r a l approach to create the equip-ment for the chapel. P u l p i t , choir l o f t , fonts, confessionals, candelabra, pews, a l t a r s , and tabernacle are incorporated into the b u i l d i n g f a b r i c or designed as free-standing objects. Le Corbusier shows a f i n e s e n s i t i v i t y to materials i n h i s choice of r i c h A f r i c a n wood for the sculptor Savina, whose aid he e n l i s t e d for the c r a f t i n g of the pews. S e n s i t i v i t y , as w e l l as p r a c t i c a l i t y , i s also shown i n the use of water-resistant Burgogne stone for the geometrically precise forms of the a l t a r s , i n the bronze used for the shaped handles, and i n the use of concrete and cast i r o n f o r the 53 communion r a i l and hand r a i l s . These are the objects designed by Le Corbusier and he uses the materials with which he i s most knowledgeable. Repetition of form and s i l h o u e t t e i s used to give the ornamental 83 q u a l i t i e s of v a r i e t y and i n t e r e s t . The most obvious example i s the 'family of f o r m s ' c o m p o s i n g the three towers. The cast i r o n communion r a i l , i n p r o f i l e and s i l h o u e t t e , coheres both with other r a i l i n g s found on the various stairways and with the contour of the pews. Appropriately, the communion r a i l i s s l i g h t l y larger and more elegant due to i t s s l i g h t curve than the s t a i r r a i l s and i s more monumental due to i t s placement and i s o l a t e d p o s i t i o n on four slender posts. The pews, fonts, curved choir l o f t , and communion r a i l o f f e r a v i s u a l counterpoint to the r e c t i l i n e a r forms of the p u l p i t , a l t a r s , and stairways. The l a t t e r also counterpoise or respond to the major curves of the b u i l d i n g . In addition, refinement gives p r e c i s i o n to the forms and to the function each must perform. The f o l d of the communion r a i l makes a convenient nook for praying hands and the hourglass shape and recessed placement of the bronze handles make them easy to grip. The wooden h o r i -zontal members of the pews are moulded to the human form. Texture i s consciously used to give both relatedness to the parts and d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s to the elements. The contrast of the roof with the wall (striated concrete against a nubby gunnite surface) i s one example. Simi-l a r contrasts of concrete surfacing surround the ceremonial door. The r e p e t i t i o n of the rough concrete surface on the fountain forms and the nearby gargoyle serves to v i s u a l l y unite the fountain with the chapel. Texture serves to integrate the choir l o f t with i t s supporting w a l l , while i t contrasts the s t r i a t e d cube of the p u l p i t with the nubby surface of the adjacent curved w a l l . Form i s vigorously a r t i c u l a t e d to give aesthetic expression to structure and function. The bulge i n the west exterior wall declares the presence of confessionals within. The louvered and fenestrated towers 84 proclaim independent alcoves beneath. The north s t a i r c a s e declares i t s function and s t r u c t u r a l independence from the w a l l . Expansion j o i n t s reveal underlying s t r u c t u r a l and material c h a n g e s . I n t h i s way the i n t e r -vening west wall between north and southwestern towers i s established as an independent wrapped form (Fig. 14). Curves of changing d i r e c t i o n are made to meet at sharp points. This i s a Modern Movement d e t a i l which distinguishes s i l h o u e t t e and composition from such precedents as Art Nouveau (Fig. 23). The meeting of choir l o f t with wall, the groove separating c e i l i n g from w a l l , the deep recession of doors, and the recession of the south windows within the w a l l also show a concern for c l e a r l y defined a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements. With such sharp d e f i n i t i o n of surface and d e t a i l the o v e r a l l sense of p r e c i s i o n and r a t i o n a l control i s created. Each of these d e t a i l s i s also a programmatic neces-s i t y : the fountain functions as c i s t e r n , the sloping roof drains r a i n -water, the geometric projections and depressions are not merely abstract references to cubist composition but function as shelves for l i t u r g i c a l 56 implements or devotional o f f e r i n g s . Colour i s also used to ornament the e d i f i c e . In addition to the white gunnite e x t e r i o r , the white p l a s t e r i n t e r i o r , and the brown-grey s t a i n of the roof, the wall of the northeast chapel i s painted red and the northeast corner i s painted purple and y e l l o w . ^ Apart from the possible r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these colours (which w i l l be discussed l a t e r ) they also have an aesthetic explanation. For example, the red may serve to 'activate' the t i n y space of the side chapel and the purple and yellow of the northeast corner may serve to reassert a p o t e n t i a l l y l o s t wall plane and to heighten the perception of brightness coming through the yellow-rimmed windows. The window images and t h e i r method of a p p l i c a t i o n 85 serve as colour accents s c a t t e r i n g red, yellow, blue, v i o l e t , and green, li g h t - c r e a t e d shapes within the nave. Colour r e i n f o r c e s the d i f f e r e n t depths of the window placements and acts as a screen p a r t i a l l y obscuring v i s i o n into the nave while r e t a i n i n g views to the outside. Light r e f l e c t e d from the painted surfaces of the niche i n the east wall onto the statue within serves to enliven the venerated r e l i c . The hint of yellow, green, and red within the niche unites the niche c o l o u r i s -t i c a l l y with the north and south windows and softens the contours of the r e l i c . This adjacently applied colour serves to encase the statue of the V i r g i n " i n a suffused and warm glow which otherwise would have been neutral , cold, or of a substance-negating brightness. Le Corbusier used colour previously f o r ornamental e f f e c t , as an aesthetic t o o l creating cohesion throughout, and to a r t i c u l a t e space and form. The r o l e of colour i n creating "psychophysiological" responses had j u s t i f i e d i t s use i n the past for Le Corbusier and does so again at Notre-58 Dame-du-Haut. Drawing upon h i s studies of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between colour and human response, Le Corbusier expresses the place of pilgrimage as a place of phys i c a l awareness and as a place of joy. For the patron t h i s was an understanding and a function deemed important and i n t e g r a l to the b u i l d i n g program i t s e l f . The r e p e t i t i o n of form, the ju x t a p o s i t i o n of various textures, the precise a r t i c u l a t i o n of form and d e t a i l , and the judiciou s use of colour and i t s manner of a p p l i c a t i o n were a l l methods used by Le Corbusier i n his previous work to create ornamental e f f e c t . It i s l a r g e l y because of d e t a i l s of colour, form, a r t i c u l a t i o n and texture that the chapel i s recognized as a twentieth-century e d i f i c e . In addition, many decorative d e t a i l s also i d e n t i f y the b u i l d i n g as an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l one. 86 L i t u r g i c a l art L i t u r g i c a l art i s art which i s either an i n t e g r a l part of the sacred l i t u r g y (poetry, music), immediately connected with l i t u r g y ( a l t a r ) , or remotely connected with i t (images of veneration, wall paintings, and 59 statues). As i s demonstrated above, Le Corbusier's scheme of ornamen-ta t i o n responded to the whole range of these needs. He shaped h i s spaces and designed a sound-enhancing b e l l tower and elevated g a l l e r i e s for music and oration. He c a l l e d f o r t h h i s s k i l l s as a form-giver to create church f u r n i t u r e such as the a l t a r and pews, and he used h i s s k i l l s as an image-maker to create those images of veneration which are wanted i n a Catholic church. Twelve canon laws existed which safeguarded the importance, d e f i n i -t i o n , and use of l i t u r g i c a l a r t - i n buildings and furnishings and t h e i r ornamental considerations.*^ Of these only three were of consequence at Notre-Dame-du-Haut.^ For the most part, the laws concerning l i t u r g i c a l art were merely general guidelines making l i t t l e reference to s p e c i f i c 62 A a p p l i c a t i o n . Also, the period of Notre-Dame-du-Haut's construction was one of uncertainty over the issues surrounding sacred and l i t u r g i c a l a r t , 63 a s i t u a t i o n then recognized by the French Church. Despite the ferment, i t was recommended that the l o c a l cure, a member of a Sacred Art Commission, 64 or the Archbishop himself, guide the a r c h i t e c t or a r t i s t i n h i s task. Many reknowned avant-garde a r t i s t s had already ass i s t e d the Church i n i t s endeavours to create a contemporary ornament and, as has been noted, Mediator Dei recognized the importance of modern a r t i n serving l i t u r g i -c a l needs. Obviously, Archbishop Dubourg's, and l a t e r Archbishop Dubois's, acceptance of the chapel for consecration acknowledged the f u l f i l l m e n t of canon law. In addition, the advice of leading church figures that a dialogue between a r t i s t and church representatives be conducted was followed, and Le Corbusier did receive guidance. Canon Ledeur had i n -structed Le Corbusier i n "the Mystery of the Church and of the V i r g i n 65 66 Mary". This took the form of a "long and patient conversation" and was not intended as a request. Thus Le Corbusier was given r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for f i n d i n g appropriate and o r i g i n a l ways to handle the matter - for the 67 French Church was not adverse to o r i g i n a l i t y i n s t y l e or motifs. The chapel i s spangled with symbols e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d as references to the V i r g i n Mary. There are also c e r t a i n textual references commonly 68 used i n l i t a n i e s to Her. On the painted windows Le Corbusier painted symbols which r e f e r to the place of the V i r g i n within theology and her r o l e as mediator between Christ and man. In the popular l i t a n i e s Mary i s "the cloud which brought to earth the r a i n " , "the cloud which enclosed the sun", and "the b e n e f i -69 cient r a i n cloud". She i s also "the moon" and "the star who announces the advent of great l i g h t " . ^ She i s seen i n r e l a t i o n to her divine o f f -spring as "smaller and weaker that the Sun".^ Clouds, s t a r s , a moon, and darkened skies painted on the windows r e f e r to these l i t a n i e s . The chapel 72 celebrates her as "Maria S t e l l a " , " S t e l l a Maria", and "Star of the Sea". The l a t t e r i s implied by the words " l a mer" written on one of the south wall windows and thereby remind the viewer that Mary i s the s a i l o r ' s or t r a v e l l e r ' s guide. The statue of the V i r g i n , the venerated r e l i c of the chapel, enshrined i n i t s glass niche and placed so as to glow, i s the 73 "jewel" of the chapel. Such metaphors are found i n the h i s t o r y of the churches b u i l t at Ronchamp that Le Corbusier i s known to have read. A few t r a d i t i o n a l symbols allude to Chr i s t ' s presence. They are h i s image inscribed on the a l t a r crosses and carved within the major cross i n the sanctuary, the cross inscribed i n the pavement, and the chi-rho and the the f i s h painted on the tabernacle cross. The concentration of symbolic references to Christ about the a l t a r demonstrates that Le Corbusier was concerned to c o r r e c t l y present l i t u r g i c a l and th e o l o g i c a l doctrine. His l a t e r comments and adjustments within the sanctuary show he was s e n s i t i v e to the th e o l o g i c a l questions then being proposed regarding the r e l a t i o n -74 ship between Mary and C h r i s t . Moreover, he had sought c l a r i f i c a t i o n of th i s from Canon F e r r y . ^ The presence of these symbolic references to Christ are e n t i r e l y appropriate because, although the chapel i s dedi-cated to the N a t i v i t y of the V i r g i n , i t also celebrates Corpus C h r i s t i 7 6 as one of i t s few yearly pilgrimages. The denials made by Le Corbusier and h i s patrons of t r a d i t i o n a l associations to the windows could be understood as an attempt to r e a f f i r m the modernity of the chapel and were directed at d i s a s s o c i a t i n g the tech-nique involved with that of the Middle Ages.^ Although stained glass was undergoing a r e v i v a l at that time, and was vigorously supported and 78 made by Pe*re Couturier, Le Corbusier chose not to employ i t . Thus, he was able to remain consistent with h i s e a r l i e r d e f i n i t i o n of the window that included the a b i l i t y to commune with nature v i s u a l l y as well as ph i l o s o p h i c a l l y . It was also consistent with Le Corbusier's post-World 79 War II aesthetic aims which included the use of coloured panes of glass. At Notre-Dame-du-Haut Le Corbusier devised painted images and a technique of a p p l i c a t i o n that allowed a fusion of his personal t r a d i t i o n of using images and a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements with those of the Church. Although he eschewed the medieval t r a d i t i o n of stained glass, he did not ignore i t ; a sketch by him reveals that he used a t r a d i t i o n a l Rose window as a 80 s t a r t i n g point for h i s own window designs. In t h i s way, he sought to redefine t h i s old t r a d i t i o n i n terms of h i s own understanding of colour, l i g h t , and image. Thus Le Corbusier directed P^re Couturier's i n t e r e s t 81 i n stained glass into wider and more f l e x i b l e r e l i g i o u s expressions. It i s l i k e l y that Le Corbusier also used colour i n a l i t u r g i c a l l y symbolic fashion i n c e r t a i n places at N&tre-Dame-du-Haut. The red which appears i n the northeast chapel, In Church symbolism, may suggest the blood 82 83 of martyrdom or the joy of celebration. As the colour of rosy dawn, i t may r e f e r to Mary as "the V i r g i n of the Morning Star". The northeast chapel receives the morning l i g h t and contains the phrase " e t o i l e du matin" written on i t s louvre implying i t s use as a t r a d i t i o n a l Lady's chapel, a place of supplication. Since to Le Corbusier the colour red denoted intense a c t i v i t y , h i s choice coincides with a l l of these r e l i g i o u s 84 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . V i o l e t and yellow found on the north sanctuary w a l l 85 may allude to "Regal purple and gold". These colours, associated with majesty and pagentry, are appropriate symbols for t h i s area from which clergy and choir members emerge i n o f f i c i a l and f e s t i v e dress. The metaphors, analogies, and s i m i l i e s used at NStre-Dame-du-Haut were not merely a part of a long past t r a d i t i o n , they were also a part of contemporary poetry, l i t e r a t u r e , and painting. Nor were these l i t e r a r y and v i s u a l analogies foreign to avant-garde r e l i g i o u s uses: at least two of Le Corbusier's contemporaries employed them. Such poetic terms can be found i n the writings of Paul Claudel and such v i s u a l metaphors were * 86 then being employed by Leger at Assy and Audincourt.. (Fig. 32).. . The-themes introduced were also s i g n i f i c a n t to the era. The devotional c u l t s to the V i r g i n and Mariology were then extremely popular, e s p e c i a l l y so i n 90 87 France. The m i r a c l e s at Lourdes and Fatima occurred w i t h i n t h i s time period and the B o d i l y Assumption of the V i r g i n was o f f i c i a l l y recognized i n 1950. 8 8 No4tre-Dame-du-Haut, w i t h i t s d e d i c a t i o n to the V i r g i n and i t s promi-n e n t l y - d i s p l a y e d references to Her, was t h e r e f o r e a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a very s i g n i f i c a n t contemporary r e l i g i o u s s e n s i b i l i t y . And at l e a s t one other a r c h i t e c t , Antoni Gaudi, who was well-known f o r h i s p i e t y and l i t u r -g i c a l understanding, had used images c u l l e d from t r a d i t i o n and from nature 89 to best give expression to h i s unquestionably s i n c e r e f a i t h . And j u s t as he had infused w i t h i n h i s m o t i f s not only references to theology but to a r c h i t e c t u r a l philosophy, so too d i d Le Corbusier. S i g n i f i c a n t examples of Le Corbusier's iconography e x i s t w i t h i n the chapel. They i n c l u d e the motifs found on the ceremonial door, the tabernacle, and the b u i l d i n g forms themselves. E a r l y v e r s i o n s of the design f o r the ceremonial door r e v e a l that the b a s i c format and placement of the m o t i f s corresponds to preconceived 90 geometric schema, the " s t a r r y pentagon" and the "convex pentagon". Le Corbusier j u s t i f i e d these geometric f i g u r e s by comparison to medieval 91 example. He thus intended to represent a modern restatement of t r a d i -t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e and to a f f i r m the c u l t u r a l l i n e a g e of h i s con-cerns. He i d e n t i f i e d the e s s e n t i a l m o t i f s of the ceremonial door as "sun, moon, b i r d s , the convex pentagon, the s t a r r y pentagon, clouds, sea, 92 meanders, windows, and two hands...". Each had a precedent w i t h i n Le Corbusier's iconography, to each he had a t t r i b u t e d a s p e c i f i c and personal s i g n i f i c a n c e . At Notre-Dame-du-Haut he combined m o t i f s from h i s n o t a t i o n a l 93 system employed i n urban planning schemes and i n h i s Modulor. S i m i l a r motifs a l s o appeared i n h i s p a i n t i n g s and murals. On the lower l e f t - h a n d corner of the ceremonial door ( e x t e r i o r face) i s a white wavy l i n e , recognizable as the "meander", the slow and waste-94 f u l " n a t u r a l " pathway unenhanced by man's endeavours. The meander had a contemporary urgency i n the context of Le Corbusier's C.I.A.M. g r i d of 1949. Here i t became the " v - 4 " parameter symbolizing the v e s t i g e of t r a -d i t i o n and h i s t o r y evidenced i n o l d winding paths s t i l l v i s i b l e i n man's 95 96 environment. - F i r s t used as a term of d e r i s i o n i n Urbanisme ( 1 9 2 7 ) , and expressed i n the words "chemins des anes", the meander developed i n t o a concept given p h i l o s o p h i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s i n P r e c i s i o n s (1930) where i t took the form of the " l o i du meander", "a miraculous symbol used to i n t r o -97 duce p r o p o s i t i o n s f o r urban and a r c h i t e c t u r a l reform". Prominently d i s p l a y e d on the e x t e r i o r door face are the two hands l i s t e d by Le Corbusier as among the e s s e n t i a l m o t i f s . The blue hand appears to be i n a gesture of a c t i o n , of r e c e i v i n g , or of g i v i n g . The other, red w i t h outstretched f i n g e r s s l i g h t l y curved, suggests a gesture of welcome. The hand had a long and important place i n Le Corbusier's development of a personal iconography. As w i t h the " l o i du meander", i t found i t s broader a p p l i c a t i o n as a p h i l o s o p h i c a l statement, that of the 98 open hand, " w i l l i n g to give and to r e c e i v e " . The hand was a motif important to Le Corbusier not only f o r the many r h e t o r i c a l uses to which he could put i t , but a l s o f o r i t s formal values. Having i t s f i r s t major s c u l p t u r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n i n the giant hand incorporated i n the V a i l l a n t -99 Couturier monument i n 1937, i t was l a t e r given a r c h i t e c t u r a l form at C h a n d i g a r g h . I n both instances i t possessed strong emotional a t t a c h -ments. The form i t s e l f was to undergo many transformations; the most t e l l i n g was the metamorphosis of the hand i n t o a b i r d , much l i k e the one ornamenting the war memorial pyramid at Notre-Dame-du-Haut.^^ Here, because of the context, the hand-bird takes on the a d d i t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n of the dove, b i r d of peace and hope,(Fig. 16). The windows to which Le Corbusier r e f e r s i n The Chapel at Ronchamp appear to be the two rectangular forms found between the two hands (Fig. 102 17). The transparency of glass i s suggested by the i n d i c a t i o n of a background perceived through them. Windows, the views they frame, the "negative" space they introduce i n t o the " p o s i t i v e " plane of the w a l l , and the problems they present with respect to l i g h t , heat, and v i s i b i l i t y , 103 had long been among the problems which involved Le Corbusier. Also, the window placement was an expression of the freedom inherent i n the use of new construction methods. The attempt to come to terms with t h i s new freedom led to work with "trace's" and the Modulor. The window presented a challenge to h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l aims of r e l a t i n g man to nature, h i s func-t i o n a l aims i n c o n t r o l l i n g the i n t e r i o r environment, and h i s aesthetic aims of creating a balanced, c o n t r o l l e d , and proportioned facade. Hence, the window had a r c h i t e c t u r a l , moral, and s o c i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s . The clouds also mentioned by Le Corbusier are found on both the exterior and i n t e r i o r faces of the door. For Le Corbusier the cloud was e s s e n t i a l l y a sign of disguised optimism. It was not an unfavourable sign, but just another ubiquitous aspect of nature and the harbinger of b e n e f i c i a l r a i n . Other forms also found on the exterior face of the ceremonial door appear to have s p e c i f i c references, although these are l e f t undefined by Le Corbusier. The small tri a n g u l a r shape r i s i n g from the bottom section of the door could be interpreted as a land form. Forms such as t h i s , with 106 the same black mottlings, emerge i n h i s urban study diagrams. The tr i a n g u l a r and skewed pyramid shapes of the c e n t r a l area r e c a l l a number of 93 images used by Le Corbusier: pyramids, t r i a n g l e s , geometry generally, and Plato's f i v e s o l i d s s p e c i f i c a l l y . ' ' ' ^ A l l of these have i n common t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with the i n t e l l e c t u a l achievements of man. Forms with variegated patterns derived from urban planning presenta-tions are also placed on the i n t e r i o r door face. The t r i a n g u l a r forms with the orb above are, when viewed together, s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to Le Corbusier's 108 "jeu de s o l e i l " motif (Fig. 33). It r e f e r s to a large c o n s t e l l a t i o n of ideas well known to those conversant with the w r i t i n g of Le Corbusier. The s p i r a l dominating the composition resembles that used by Le Corbusier to represent the Fibonacci s p i r a l which figured predominantly i n h i s work 109 with the Modular. The small f l o a t i n g forms suggest clouds repeating the function they were shown to have on the e x t e r i o r . Giving order to these apparently disparate images i s the " s t a r r y pentagon" and the "convex pentagon" mentioned e a r l i e r , which form the geometric framework upon which the images and t h e i r background are organized (Fig. 17). The impor-tance of the pentagons l i e s i n the control which they import to the design, a design feature Le Corbusier f e l t necessary to a l l great a r t . ^ ^ It i s obvious that the motifs chosen, and e s p e c i a l l y those pointed out by Le Corbusier, had a s p e c i a l meaning to him. However, the way i n which they were juxtaposed also suggests a meaning has been hidden beneath t h e i r apparent random d i s p e r s a l . When each of the motifs i s interpreted independently, a c r y p t i c depiction of the material world as i t i s manifest through time emerges. The exterior door face with the "meander" and the natural unorganized forms at the bottom suggest a c u l t u r a l and geological past. Above t h i s the organization and work of man and perhaps c i v i l i z a t i o n are r e c a l l e d . Above a l l are the cosmic forces. The exterior door face suggests man's resources, 94 h i s endeavours, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sky, e a r t h , sea, and man w i t h i n h i s 'paradise' on e a r t h . B y using such n o t a t i o n a l devices c u l l e d from urban planning, Le Corbusier sought to draw a t t e n t i o n to h i s i d e a l s and hopes f o r man i n the newly dawning era. On the i n t e r i o r door face the ascending, truncated t r i a n g l e con-veys a sense of c r e a t i v e f o r c e . I t passes through an area c o n t a i n i n g a schematization of Le Corbusier's " j e u de s o l e i l " , a symbol r e f e r r i n g to the n a t u r a l order of t h i n g s , and which s i g n i f i e d to him the b a s i s from 112 which a l l a r c h i t e c t u r e arose. The d a i l y path of the sun, the twenty-four hour day, and the d i v i s i o n i n t o night and day i s evoked by these assembled m o t i f s . They appear r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a cosmological order, but a l s o of the making of order w i t h a l l i t s c r e a t i v e energy more em-p h a t i c a l l y portrayed than on the e x t e r i o r . The i n t e r i o r door face con-veys the heat and v o l a t i l e nature of c r e a t i o n . The containment of t h i s energy by the F i b o n a c c i s p i r a l , w i t h the guiding and b e n e f i c e n t . hand above, suggests that even t h i s c r e a t i v e power should, or can, be c o n t r o l l e d . The F i b o n a c c i s p i r a l and the Modulor were j u s t two of Le Corbusier's p r a c t i c a l and personal c o n t r o l l i n g devices. This idea of Paradise and the means by which to a t t a i n i t were ex-pressed by Le Corbusier many times and through many mediums, i n sketches 1910-1965 ( F i g . 34), i n l i t h o g r a p h s 1910-1965 ( F i g . 35), and i n words: H a b i t a t i o n i s l i f e , knowing how to l i v e ! How to use the b l e s s i n g s of God: the sun and the s p i r i t that He has given to men to enable them to achieve the j o y of l i v i n g on e a r t h and to f i n d again the l o s t Paradise. (1936)^3 These mot i f s were re l e v a n t not only to Le Corbusier but to the French C a t h o l i c Church as w e l l . Abbe Bolle-Reddat, the r e s i d e n t p r i e s t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut, f i n d s these 'signs and symbols' r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e to 95 r e l i g i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n . For example, i n r e f e r r i n g to the window motif on the ceremonial door he adds the exclamation "Annunciation" (window 114 made to r e c e i v e the l i g h t and a l l o w i t to pass i n t o the i n t e r i o r ) . Below t h i s window, " t h i s s i g n of the V i r g i n , " he i s a l s o able to i n t u i t "the meeting of the Earth w i t h the Sky" - a hallowed p l a c e . I t i s an apt d e s c r i p t i o n of the ceremonial door and the chapel as a whole. Appro-p r i a t e l y , the Church too had i t s conception of Paradise which found i t s symbolic and e a r t h l y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s i n flowers and the g i f t s of nature ( F i g . 36). The tabernacle of Notre-Dame-du-Haut c o n s i s t s of a c u b i c , cast i r o n box perched upon three planar supports (reminiscent of a minature E s p r i t 116 Nouveau p a v i l i o n r a i s e d upon p i l o t i ) ( F i g . 37). I t had i t s impetus i n t r a d i t i o n a l prototypes which Le Corbusier refashioned i n t o a form more amenable to h i s aesthetic.''''''^ I t s white enamelled surfaces are adorned w i t h images and colour. Although the tabernacle i s a necessary piece of church f u r n i t u r e - one of the most h e a v i l y shrouded i n mystery and symbolic a s s o c i a t i o n s - there i s no church s t i p u l a t i o n that i t be embellished w i t h 118 images such as these. However, i t i s suggested that the tabernacle should be an ornamented r e c e p t a c l e which represents "a r e a l d w e l l i n g of 119 God among men". Le Corbusier requested i n f o r m a t i o n about the dimensions, uses, and iconography of the tabernacle and, on h i s own i n i t i a t i v e r e f e r r e d 120 s e v e r a l designs to Canon Ferry f o r h i s s e l e c t i o n . '. ' .The side s . have been d i v i d e d i n t o three geometric areas w i t h four images placed w i t h i n : two b i r d s and two b u t t e r f l i e s on the south, two flowers and two leaves on the north. A l l of the images are rendered i n the same manner as those found on the windows and r e i t e r a t e the same general theme. However, the r e -maining east and west sides are d i f f e r e n t . 96 The front of the tabernacle contains free-floating abstract shapes that imply clouds, an interpretation strengthened by their blue colour and use elsewhere as such (Fig. 37). Striations, superimposed on these floating diaphanous shapes, suggest atmosphere and contribute to a sense of forms drifting within an undefined and unusual space. Within this space is a lamb outlined in black with a cross held between its forelegs. The lamb is emphasised by two slashes of blue which inscribe a right angle on i t . Although the right angle has a great importance to Le Corbusier, the lamb motif is not known within his repertoire of imagery. It is therefore necessary to search for i t within religious iconography. As portrayed, the lamb is the traditional Agnus Dei representing Christ and signifying the prefiguration of His crucifixion. Le Corbusier emphasised the idea of crucifixion with a black, painted sketch of the crucified Christ on the attached cross above which the chi-rho is inscribed on its reverse. Such layering of analogous symbols was common in religious ornamental schemes and depictions. That Le Corbusier was aware of the analogies possible and the significance of associating these images is. indicated by Le Corbusier's familiarity with the Isenheim Altarpiece, 121 where a similar juxtaposition of images appear. Also, the figure of a youth carrying the lamb over his shoulders, which belongs to a group of prototype images for Christ, was known to Le Corbusier. He had a Greek 122 statue of this subject in his Paris studio, and he had underlined the references to pagan precedents and relationships for the Christian p i l -123 grimage to Ronchamp in its published history. i : It may be that the classical source of the Christian image suggested a universality in the motif and therefore attracted Le Corbusier to i t . Le Corbusier enriched the tabernacle with new associations by coinciding the right angle with 97 the lamb. The r i g h t angle was an extremely important symbol to Le Corbusier which s i g n i f i e d man standing upright i n the landscape. In the same year he had celebrated the symbol i n verse i n h i s poem "Poem to the Right A n g l e " . 1 2 4 The back of the tabernacle contains a number of images which i n t h e i r combination suggest a landscape scene (Fig. 38). A black l i n e defines the horizon and white dashes allude to waves below i t . Jagged shapes r i s i n g from a f l a t base suggest mountains and a barren tree and a variegated form of three V-shaped disks poised upon the horizon l i n e contribute to the references suggesting creation and the separation of earth and water, or perhaps a sunset and the time of the Angelus. The design of the back face i s replete with symbols of death and rebirth.; and of the power and beneficence of nature - earth, sky, and water. These are frequent topics discussed by Le Corbusier and e s s e n t i a l to h i s understanding of a r c h i t e c t u r e and planning. The creative process of nature burgeoning beneath the bareness (the tree has no leaves) and within the cosmos i s here e x t o l l e d . The themes of C r u c i f i x i o n and the winter season, each a part of the cosmic and r e l i g i o u s cycle of l i f e , are poised as analogues. And, as i f to confirm t h i s metaphysical state-ment, a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i t i s found on a window i n the south wall where image and r e a l i t y coincide: the sun's rays s i g n a l the r e b i r t h of day i n a purple sunrise over a blue-green sea (Fig. 39). F i n a l l y , Le Corbusier contributed new motifs to r e l i g i o u s symbolism. He referred metaphorically to the ship's h u l l and the airplane i n describing Notre-Dame-du-Haut.'''2"' These have already been shown to have been im-portant images for the conception of the structure. The use of metaphor was important for i t was yet another means by which Le Corbusier sought 98 to endow his chapel with contemporary relevance. Le Corbusier emulated the modern ship for i t s e f f i c i e n c y i n design and believed i t s modern forms applicable to architecture and i n d u s t r i a l 126 127 design. He also appreciated the ship as a haven. Therefore, although 128 129 ship imagery has precedent i n both a r c h i t e c t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s thinking i t s well known and personal s i g n i f i c a n c e to Le Corbusier endows i t with contemporary associations. Reference to the airplane wing was another means of imbuing the chapel with modernity and an a s s o c i a t i o n with e f f i c i e n c y . Like many of his era, Le Corbusier saw i n the airplane an e f f e c t i v e t o o l for u n i v e r s a l 130 brotherhood and peace. His g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the airplane merited s p e c i a l consideration i n his 1935 p u b l i c a t i o n A i r c r a f t , and h i s f l y i n g experiences were i n s p i r a t i o n for poetic a l l u s i o n s i n h i s writings of the 131 1930s. The airplane had also served as an image of the "new s p i r i t " which Le Corbusier had associated with modernity i n h i s 1937 E x h i b i t i o n Internationale de 1'Habitation. These images served to summon the ideas of modernity, p r e c i s i o n , haven, and the optimism of man's future. These forms had been used previously and c o n s i s t e n t l y by Le Corbusier to demonstrate man's ingenuity, daring, and f i g h t against mediocrity. The airplane and the ship had offered Le Corbusier a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms and influenced h i s view of the world and of man. They had i n s p i r e d his philosophy of a r c h i t e c t u r e and l i f e and t h i s i n s p i r a t i o n influenced the forms of Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Notwithstanding the purely secular derivation of these two images, they were found to be appropriate by the Archbishop of Besancon and they were used by him as praiseworthy metaphors 132 for the chapel on i t s dedication day. With the a t t r i b u t i o n of s i g n i -ficance f a r beyond t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l function, these forms acquired the gnificance usually associated with ornament. LOO CHAPTER VII LIGHT The a l l - p e r v a s i v e symbol of the chapel i s l i g h t . Light gives the chapel i t s mystical q u a l i t i e s , guides p i l g r i m p r a c t i c e s , and gives l i f e to form. Of a l l the elements that constitute Notre-Dame-du-Haut's great-ness the control of l i g h t has the most to do with the command of structure. Of a l l the symbolic, s c u l p t u r a l , or decorative elements, l i g h t as mani-pulated by the a r c h i t e c t produces i n the spectator the most profound sense of r e l i g i o u s mystery, a fac t commented upon by v i r t u a l l y every c r i t i c . 1 And i t i s i n the program for the handling of l i g h t that we can see how b r i l l i a n t l y Le Corbusier could function under the simultaneous conditions of severe economic r e s t r i c t i o n s and absolute professional freedom. P r i o r to Notre-Dame-du-Haut the subject of l i g h t i n church a r c h i t e c -ture, or i n contemporary Catholicism-inspired l i t e r a t u r e , i s only i n -2 frequently commented upon, with one relevant exception: Paul Claudel. In modern r e l i g i o u s thought l i g h t has not been given the metaphorical s i g n i f i c a n c e i t once had as exemplified by Abbot Suger and Dionysian metaphysics. Nor i s i t e s p e c i a l l y emphasised i n avant-garde a r c h i t e c -t u r a l thought or prac t i c e f o r other than p r a c t i c a l considerations, again save one exception: Sainte-Baume. Church design has tended to concentrate 3 upon si m p l i f y i n g forms and rearranging s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , as i n the work of Bohm, Schwartz, Metsinger, and Perret. In modern non-ecclesias-t i c a l architecture l i g h t has been associated with moral imperatives, and a l i n e of thought i n t h i s respect extends from Morris and Ruskin to Le 4 Corbusier and his contemporaries. 101 There had of course been experiments i n modern church architecture before N<§tre-Dame-du-Haut and some are quite i n t e r e s t i n g with respect to l i g h t . In 1923, at Notre-Dame-du-Raincy, Perret had introduced l i g h t f i l t e r e d through stained glass embedded i n patterned c l a u s t r a s , simulating the order of the spectrum. ~* Dominicus Bohm had introduced a l i g h t i n g scheme with a s i n g l e l i g h t - i n t e n s i v e area over the a l t a r at St. Englebert, Cologne-Riel i n 1930. A s i m i l a r l i g h t i n g arrangement had been created i n France by Dom B e l l o t , a Dominican monk, at Audincourt i n 1930.^ The fact that the l i g h t i n g innovations of Dom B e l l o t were not appreciated by Pere Couturier i n p a r t i c u l a r and not often repeated by other French a r c h i t e c t s , plus the f a c t that Perret's poetic statement with l i g h t was not emulated nor i t s p o s s i b i l i t i e s seized upon seems to point out theo-9 l o g i c a l disinterestedness i n t h i s area. There was a resurgence of i n t e r e s t i n stained glass i n e c c l e s i a s t i -c a l architecture p r i o r to Notre-Dame-du-Haut but i t was used and appreci-ated for f i g u r a t i v e d e t a i l rather than the metaphorical s i g n i f i c a n c e of the ambiance of l i g h t i t c r e a t e d . ^ Surp r i s i n g l y , and i n general, a r c h i t e c t u r a l 1 w r i t i n g and c r i t i q u e s of the period r a r e l y i s o l a t e l i g h t as a topic meriting s p e c i a l considera-tions, other than p r a c t i c a l ones, whereas they r e g u l a r l y t r e a t structure, form, and even colour i n t h i s way.^ Pere Couturier, the leading French exponent of avant-gardism, provides a representative example i n h i s d i s -cussion of the church at Assy, whose decoration he supervised. Nowhere 12 does he use l i g h t as a metaphor for r e l i g i o u s experience. A more contemporary and p r a c t i c a l problem occupied the clergy and 13 Church at that time - the problem of e l e c t r i c l i g h t i n g . Imitation candle s t i c k s , v i s u a l l y prominent, and d i s t r a c t i n g l i g h t fixtures,and the 102 p r o l i f e r a t i o n of l i g h t - a c c e s s o r i s e d devotional objects(such as Christ 14 f i g u r i n e s with illuminated hearts), posed aesthetic as well/as f u n c t i o n a l problems. P a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t r e s s i n g to the Church at that time were the indiscriminate introduction of e l e c t r i c l i g h t and the t h e a t r i c a l e f f e c t s often sought. 1^ As early as 1932 the introduction of e l e c t r i c l i g h t had been s u f f i c i e n t l y d i s r u p t i v e to merit s p e c i a l comment by Rome. In France the problem was countered by Les questions l i t u r g i q u e s et paroissales 16 i n the same year. Although the l a t t e r does not have the power of an o f f i c i a l proclamation, i t does indi c a t e the way i n which l i g h t was approached i n o f f i c i a l French Catholic c i r c l e s as a question of t r a d i t i o n and n e c e s s i t y . 1 ^ The decree states that " e l e c t r i c l i g h t (was) never able to immediately serve the c u l t " , but that " i t was permitted with the consent of the Ordinary", and i f i t was seen to " d i f f u s e the shadows and to i l l u - ' minate the churches with more splendor than formerly with the condition that one c a r e f u l l y evade a l l t h e a t r i c a l e f f e c t and that one respect always the gravity which s u i t s the s a n c t i t y of the place and the d i g n i t y of the sacred l i t u r g y " . 1 ^ At Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Le Corbusier made minimal use of e l e c t r i c a l l i g h t . It i s obvious that the introduction of e l e c t r i c l i g h t took i n t e r e s t away from the older systems of i n t e r i o r i l l u m i n a t i o n , undermining i t s r o l e i n determining s p a t i a l hierarchy. Natural l i g h t had established the dim nave and predominantly-lit sanctuary. For those who s t i l l advo-cated that the sanctuary be shrouded i n obscurity and mystery, the i n t r o -duction of elaborate l i g h t f i x t u r e s above or within the space was viewed 19 as a disturbing element. However there was no consensus i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the French e c c l e s i a s t i c a l avant-garde as to what l i g h t q u a l i t y was best. Furthermore, i n Mediator Dei of Pope Paul XII of 1947 there i s no 103 20 s p e c i f i c mention made of l i g h t . The only reference made to a r c h i t e c -ture i s a general exhortation "to use modern materials, but to do so prudently and to preserve the correct balance among s t y l e s , tending neither to extreme realism, excessive symbolism, nor that which w i l l openly shock". 2 1 To summarize, just p r i o r to the Ronchamp project, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c r i t i c i s m overlooked the p o e t i c a l p o t e n t i a l s of l i g h t i n i t s concern 22 with the abuse of e l e c t r i c l i g h t . Where l i g h t does f i g u r e predominently as an organizing element, i t tends to take one of two standard forms: l i g h t i s either focussed on the a l t a r , as with Dom B e l l o t , or the nave i s flooded with l i g h t , as with Perret. It i s important to note, however, that while l i g h t as a r e l i g i o u s l y s i g n i f i c a n t metaphor does not occur i n o f f i c i a l Church decrees p r i o r to the completion of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, and while i t i s not emphasised i n the writings of Pere Couturier or Pere Regamey, l i g h t does occur as a theme i n less s p e c i a l i z e d and more widely read l i t e r a t u r e . In Paul Claudel's drama, L'Annonce F a i t e a Marie, l i g h t indicates the r e l i g i o u s l y s i g n i f i -23 cant times of the day, which are given t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l association. Early dawn or the s t i l l evening of the Angelus s i g n i f y the presence of the 24 V i r g i n . Furthermore, i n t h i s play the connections between the Catholic cycle of d a i l y and seasonal time to that of the natural world i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to the connection between l i g h t and the day to be discovered i n the ornamentation at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h i s very play by Paul Claudel i s c i t e d at some length i n Le Corbusier's Modulor of 25 1949. Also, Le Corbusier requested the quote from Paul Claudel that Archbishop Dubois had used at the consecration ceremony at Notre-Dame-du-26 Haut; and a l i n e from Paul Claudel appears i n Le L i v r e du Ronchamp: "comprends cette parole a l ' o r l e l l e de ton ame".2^ Given the extent of Le Corbusier's references to Paul Claudel and, through him, the extent of h i s response to the t r a d i t i o n a l correspondence between l i g h t and the sacred experience, i t seems that Charles Jenck's A 28 c r i t i c i s m of Notre-Dame-du-Haut as " i r o n i c " i s unfounded. Le Corbusier earnestly sought the incorporation of modern poetic s e n s i b i l i t y into h i s e d i f i c e . Perhaps more i n d i c a t i v e of the a r c h i t e c t ' s attitudes than these l i t e r a r y p a r a l l e l s of thought i s the si n g l e modern a r c h i t e c t u r a l prede-cessor where l i g h t does f i g u r e as an important s p a t i a l element, his own 29 Sainte-Baume project of 1948. Le Corbusier's design was as "of i t s day" and " r e a l i t y - i n f u s e d " , as was Claudel's v i s i o n a r y church for Chicago of the 1930s where ' f u t u r i s t ' images and ' r e a l i s t ' acceptance of modern tech-30 nology and materials were to be expressed. It was also an opportunity for Le Corbusier to p r a c t i c e h i s luminary v i s i o n since the l i g h t i n g 31 scheme was l e f t e n t i r e l y to h i s d i r e c t i o n . One e a r l i e r project should perhaps be mentioned. Much e a r l i e r than Sainte-Baume was Le Corbusier's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n t e r i o r decoration of the 1907 chapel at Cernier-Fountainemelon, near La Chaux-de-Fonds, which was replete with cosmological motifs and expressive of an awareness 32 of the natural order i n which the sun and life - f o r m s f i g u r e prominently. At Notre-Dame-du-Haut, the importance Le Corbusier gave the problem of l i g h t i s demonstrated by i t s high p r i o r i t y i n design decisions. I n i -t i a l l y the chapel was designed to be composed of simple shapes united into a s i n g l e mass that would stand out e f f e c t i v e l y upon the summit. It i s i n the l a t e r plans marked eclairage that the most s i g n i f i c a n t changes are 33 noted (Figs. 40, 41). For instance, an i n t e r i o r v e s t i b u l e at the south door was eliminated, thereby removing an i n t r u s i v e element into the nave space. The door became a si n g l e large expanse hung on a c e n t r a l pivot. In t h i s form the south door plays a greater r o l e i n the l i g h t i n g scheme; with the opening of the ceremonial door one great shaft of l i g h t i s introduced, s u b s t a n t i a l l y adding to the i l l u m i n a t i o n offered by the s i d e l i g h t s which i n the revised scheme now d i r e c t l y i lluminate the nave. In addition, t h i s l i g h t adds dramatic emphasis to the act of entering. In the e a r l i e r scheme no l i g h t from the door would have been v i s i b l e i n the nave, due to i t s screening by p a r t i t i o n walls. Other changes indicate the developing concern for the l i g h t of the chapel. The elimination of the window of the northwest chapel and the consequent r e l i a n c e on the l i g h t from the lantern demonstrates the desire to create a u n i f i e d method i n the l i g h t i n g scheme. As a r e s u l t of the change, a l l the chapels are now l i t d i r e c t l y only by t h e i r own lantern towers, and since each i s oriented i n a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n , the l i g h t i s caught at d i f f e r e n t times of day. The changes i n i t i a t e d at t h i s time had an e f f e c t not only on the i n t e r i o r but also on the e x t e r i o r . Light considerations affected the forms of the four facades at an early stage i n the design. This i n t e r e s t accounts for the v e r t i c a l and inward cant of the south w a l l , which i s responsive to the v e r t i c a l p o s i t i o n of the sun, and the convex and concave l i n e of the walls, which i s most responsive to the h o r i z o n t a l movement of the sun. In the l a t e r (1951) 'eclairage' plans, these curves are accen-tuated. In addition, the roof was a l t e r e d to increase the eave overhang on the south and east while r e i n f o r c i n g the abrupt end of the roof at the meeting point of the north and east walls. This a l t e r a t i o n had an impor-tant e f f e c t on the south and east facades, greatly increasing the range 106 of l i g h t to shade and shade to l i g h t . The v a r i a t i o n i n window types found i n the north w a l l , despite i t s consistent s t r u c t u r a l system, and the unnecessary, although poetic, battering of the south wall (unnecessary because reinforced concrete^not gravity and masonry account for i t s s t a b i l i -ty) emphasise the p r i o r i t y given to l i g h t over s t r u c t u r a l expression. The changes made to the plan i n 1951 follow the acceptance of the design by the Commission for Sacred Art for Besancon i n January of that year."^ The patrons asked only that the design be reduced i n s i z e . ^ ^ The reduction i n s i z e , however, does not account for the other modifica-37 tion s , whose greatest e f f e c t was on the l i g h t q u a l i t i e s of the chapel. The writings of Le Corbusier abound with discussions of the s i g n i -ficance of l i g h t ; i t i s found i n h i s exposition of a r c h i t e c t u r a l theory, i n urban planning, h i s poetry, and i n h i s emotional responses to architecture, 38 more s p e c i f i c a l l y h i s t o r i c , r e l i g i o u s architecture. In h i s own a r c h i -tecture t h i s s e n s i t i v i t y can be seen i n the l i g h t wells of the V i l l a Savoie, the l i g h t e d s t a i r w e l l s of h i s own apartment, the l i g h t e d 'architec-t u r a l promenade' of the A u t e u i l houses, and the designing of facade forms to best r e l a t e to the d i r e c t i o n and height of the sun's rays, as for example as A l g i e r s . He had also invented the b r i s e - s o l e i l , f i r s t applied at Rio de Janeiro i n 1939, to control the flow of l i g h t into the b u i l d i n g . The treatment of the facade at Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s consistent with an e a r l i e r d e f i n i t i o n given the facade by Le Corbusier: The facades are considered as the c a r r i e r s of l i g h t . . . t h e facade no longer c a r r i e s the f l o o r nor the roof; i t i s no longer but a v e i l of glass or of masonry, enclosing the house.39 The importance which l i g h t assumes at Notre-Dame-du-Haut i s also p e r f e c t l y i n keeping with one of h i s most important tenets of urban theory, 40 "the e s s e n t i a l joys: sky, trees, view and sun". The early p r i o r i t y 107 given the sun i n design decisions was not rooted s o l e l y i n aesthetic con-cerns, but also involved a p h i l o s o p h i c a l and moral i n t e r e s t . Le Corbusier believed that the solar day i s the c o n t r o l l i n g factor i n a l l our a c t i v i -41 t i e s , and that since l i g h t was thought linked to good health, i t s pro-42 v i s i o n was a moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the a r c h i t e c t . Thus even the pro-nounced aesthetic r o l e given to l i g h t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut has i t s i n i t i a l impetus i n s o c i a l , moral, and s t r u c t u r a l imperatives. Light remains "aesthetics d i r e c t l y connected to u t i l i t y " , the implied meaning of func-43 tionalism given by most adherents of the Modern Movement and Le Corbusier. The f a c t that the Church and the congregation f i n d that the chapel functions 44 " p e r f e c t l y " confirms that the s o c i a l and f u n c t i o n a l requirements of l i g h t have been met. However, the "psychophysiological" e f f e c t s of A l i g h t were Le Corbusier s major concern at Notre-Dame-du-Haut and p o e t i -c a l l y r estate, and almost cause the viewer to forget, his o r i g i n a l moral r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of h i s i n t e r e s t i n t h i s element. Le Corbusier's 1932 epigraphic statement about the 24-hour day developed into a ubiquitous diagram of the sun wave traced by the sun i n 45 r e l a t i o n to the horizon. It was t h i s diagram which Le Corbusier used to i n d i c a t e what he believed to be the s t a r t i n g point of a r c h i t e c t u r e , namely, a consciousness of the cycle of the day and therefore the d a i l y 46 cycle of man's l i f e . "This statement i s most emphatically and repeatedly made throughout h i s writings, more so and more co n s i s t e n t l y than any claims of the same magnitude about technology, mechanization, or materi-al s . ^ Le Corbusier's major i n t e r e s t i n l i g h t i s shown i n h i s 1927 descrip-t i o n of the l i g h t e f f e c t s at A u t e u i l . Even at t h i s date, the aesthetic i s given equal importance with the t e c h n i c a l and u t i l i t a r i a n : One follows an i t i n e r a r y and the perspectives develop them-selves with great v a r i e t y , one plays with f l u c t u a t i o n s of l i g h t i l l u m i n a t i n g the walls and creating shadows.4& In 1923 at the Maison l a Roche, Le Corbusier had manipulated l i g h t into the very center of the house. He speaks about giving l i g h t a p r i o r i t y i n the following way: ...tormenting the plan because of the s i t e . . . t h e need for the sun from the south and channeling i t into the house.^ The l i g h t design at No*tre-Dame-du-Haut can be explained i n terms of economy and e f f i c i e n c y . It i s apparent that the incorporation of adequate e l e c t r i c l i g h t was not foreseen for the immediate future and the design of the chapel would have had to accommodate the r e s t r i c t i o n s inherent i n r e l y i n g heavily on natural l i g h t . T h e l i g h t shafts of the side chapels can be seen as an ingenious s o l u t i o n to the problem of i l l u m i n a t i n g an i n t e r i o r space requiring both privacy and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from the main part of the i n t e r i o r without the introduction of p a r t i t i o n walls or numerous separate l i g h t f i x t u r e s . Light plays an important r o l e i n the modulation of the i n t e r i o r spaces. It not only defines d i f f e r e n t areas i n terms of l i t u r g i c a l func-tion s , but i t s q u a l i t y also corresponds to the appropriate r e l i g i o u s experience. The l i g h t i n g of the i n t e r i o r - dimmer i n r e l a t i o n to the exterior - contributes to the sense of quiet and peace experienced within. The dimness i s e s s e n t i a l i n creating the calm and meditative atmosphere so frequently mentioned i n v i s i t o r s ' references to the i n t e r i o r and i s the most important q u a l i t y of sacred space to Le Corbusier. Each area with i t s s p e c i f i c l i t u r g i c a l function has been given i t s own l i g h t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c : each i s rendered d i s t i n c t yet not divorced from the t o t a l 53 space of the i n t e r i o r . Nor are the d i s t i n c t i o n s ^ s t a t i c . The nave and 109 subsidiary chapels a l l have t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r time of prominence as marked by a greater degree of i l l u m i n a t i o n which each receives i n r e l a t i o n to the others at d i f f e r e n t times of the day. Thus i n t e n s i t y of l i g h t announces when each area may be optimally used. The sanctuary with i t s bright pinpricks of l i g h t - t h e i r b r i l l i a n c e increased by t h e i r smallness i n r e l a t i o n to the wall - provides a focus i n the early morning. The i n t e n s i t y of the sanctuary l i g h t contrasts the coloured, d i f f u s e d , and therefore l e s s intense l i g h t of the northeast chapel. The duration of d i r e c t i l l u m i n a t i o n i s greatest i n the nave due to i t s long s t r e t c h of windows along the south wall and t h e i r varied d i s p o s i t i o n s within the wall embrasures. The southwest chapel, which i s the largest and most used, has also been given the most steady l i g h t , 'the dependable north l i g h t ' . The shape of the l i g h t t u r r e t s proclaims t h e i r function of channeling l i g h t downward into the side chapels. Candles l i t on the a l t a r and the Paschal candle to i t s l e f t a i d i n the i l l u m i n a t i o n and demarcation of t h i s s p e c i a l area. Unobtrusive e l e c t r i c l i g h t was added and l a t e r supplemented. It was placed at f l o o r l e v e l to complement the orchestration of natural l i g h t . In addition to the areas within the chapel, l i g h t serves to create a space of a more dynamic nature. Flowing through the ten centimeter crack between the wall and roof, and between the junctures and i n f o l d i n g s of the curving w a l l planes, through the b r i s e - s o l e i l s over the north and east doors, and through the s i d e l i g h t s beside the south door, i t unites the outer spaces with the i n t e r i o r and imparts to the inner space a sense of unbounded expansiveness. V i s i b i l i t y of the outside world, e s p e c i a l l y as glimpsed through the small windows of the south w a l l , also serves to expand the space outward. 110 Thus the l i g h t not only defines an i n t e r i o r space, but simultaneously i n i t i a t e s an experience of dynamic space beyond and around the "bounding walls". The tension of i n t e r i o r and ex t e r i o r space being viewed simul-taneously r e s u l t s i n a dynamic equilibrium,, expressing another long-held a r c h i t e c t u r a l tenet of Le Corbusier's and providing another appropriate metaphor for the Church as a modern dynamic i n s t i t u t i o n . The tension between i n t e r i o r and exterior i s also appropriate to a Church which often defined i t s e l f i n terms of d u a l i t i e s . On the ext e r i o r , l i g h t i s again used to shape and heighten the ex-perience of both l o c a l i z e d and expansive space. Controlled by the sur-rounding surfaces, the l i g h t creates nuanced pockets of space i n t e r r e l a t e d with the environment. Shadows create a constantly changing pattern which provides a sensation of movement both h o r i z o n t a l l y i n response to the sun's movement, and i n depth. The use of l i g h t to unify the e d i f i c e with i t s surrounding environ-ment a e s t h e t i c a l l y r e l a t e s i t to a pronounced feature of the Modern Move-ment. It i s a r e f l e c t i o n of such ideas i n painting and sculpture as are expressed i n the painting and sculpture of Boccioni, Picasso, and the painting and sculpture of Le C o r b u s i e r . ^ In a r c h i t e c t u r a l parlance, i t i s c l o s e l y associated with those advocating an in t e g r a t i o n of ar c h i t e c t u r e with the s i t e - p h y s i c a l l y or metaphysically. Not only i s t h i s an aim of Le Corbusier's which finds r e a l i z a t i o n i n h i s work at A u t e u i l , Pessac, 58 Poissy,and the more contemporary Rob et Roq, i t i s also a major concern of church o f f i c i a l s attempting to provide s i t i n g guidelines f o r parish 59 churches within the newly developing suburbs. The space created and evoked by the l i g h t has an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e as well. The r o l e i n giving meaning to l i t u r g i c a l spaces i n has already been mentioned. It should also be noted that the desire for an aesthetic and s p i r i t u a l experience of expansive space i s p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate to the Church at t h i s time, e s p e c i a l l y to the avant-garde patrons for whom Le Corbusier was working. Expansiveness i s a f i t meta-phor for the ideals' of those c l e r i c s during the span of freedom they en-60 joyed between 1935 and 1955. The i n t e r i o r - e x t e r i o r tensions which con-t r i b u t e to the creation of "l'espace i n d i c i b l e " i s also an astute metaphor for an e d i f i c e whose purpose i s a s p i r i t u a l union which i n the f i n a l analysis i s l e f t i n e x p l i c a b l e . But the control of l i g h t and l i g h t symbolism goes even further. As did Paul Claudel, Le Corbusier has synchronized the apperception of l i g h t within the chapel to the times of day. At NoVre-Dame-du-Haut the sun has been given c o n t r o l l i n g power by the arrangement of the apertures trans-' • mitting i t s l i g h t to the i n t e r i o r . The shape and cant of the south w a l l windows, the o r i e n t a t i o n of chapel domes to three c a r d i n a l points, and the v a r i a t i o n s i n the r a t i o s of l i g h t to dark and s o l i d to void a l l c o n t r i -bute to t h i s . Light has been co n t r o l l e d and d i s t r i b u t e d to animate as well as to illuminate the e d i f i c e . Light flows from pinpoint holes i n the east wall. It flows from huge f i l e s of space above the north and east doors and from the s i d e l i g h t s flanking the ceremonial entrance. It appears at junctures i n the b u i l d i n g f a b r i c and points out passageways. It distinguishes nave from sanctuary and side chapel from nave i n an orderly progression from l i g h t to dim, and a l t e r n a t e l y from dim to l i g h t . In addition, the sun has been used to create crescendos of l i g h t within the e d i f i c e . As the sun r i s e s i n the east, i t enters the chapel from the t i n y holes i n the east wall. As i t r i s e s higher i n the sky, the l i g h t admitted from the east tower becomes stronger, as does the l i g h t from the east w a l l , u n t i l , towards noon, a blaz i n g f i l e of l i g h t bursts f o r t h from the t a l l b r i s e - s o l e i l i n the southeast corner. The sun then continues towards the west, i t s path monitored by the south wa l l . Although the angle of the embrasure of these windows appears ran-dom and does d i f f u s e an even l i g h t , there i s a greater number of them angled towards the center of the nave and directed so as to focus the 61 rays of the mid-afternoon sun. This crest of l i g h t i s not obtrusive nor d i s t r a c t i n g . It has been cont r o l l e d . The shape and recession of the south b r i s e - s o l e i l and the large overhanging eave i n both east and south moderate the extreme points of the l i g h t passage. However, the two most emphatically 'illuminated' points i n t h i s crescendo of l i g h t , l a t e morning and mid-afternoon, are the times of the Masses held for the V i r g i n , 11:00 62 a.m. and 2:30 p.m. While the actual l i g h t of the sun d i c t a t e s these periods, one i s reminded of the reference to the " e t o i l e du matin" i n the northeast chapel and the ready a s s o c i a t i o n to the V i r g i n . Light i s asked to play no f u n c t i o n a l r o l e on the exterior of the b u i l d i n g save providing v i s i b i l i t y i n the exterior sanctuary, and t h i s purpose i s served by the large l i g h t - r e f l e c t i n g , open curve within which the e x t e r i or a l t a r i s set. Brightness i s emphasised on the e x t e r i o r , i n contrast to the dimness i n the i n t e r i o r . But here too the path of the sun i s monitored, i t s passing recorded i n the changing forms of the shadows. What i s marked on the ins i d e by the movement and i n t e n s i t y changes of l i g h t i s marked on the outside by the nuance of shade and shadow. The manipulation of l i g h t over the surfaces and within spaces for other than p r a c t i c a l purposes, as was done at Notre-Dame-du-Haut, can only be c a l l e d ornamental. In r e c a l l i n g Le Corbusier's high expectations of ornament t h i s becomes s i g n i f i c a n t . At Notre-Dame-du-Haut he emphasised: 113 The key i s l i g h t and l i g h t illuminates shapes ^ and shapes have an emotional power. Although Notre-Dame-du-Haut has been termed ' l y r i c a l ' and personal 64 i n i t s imagery, i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e to the a r c h i t e c t and to t r a d i t i o n a l church architecture have not been explored i n the depth merited. Le Corbusier had often asserted that architecture played a major, perhaps the major, r o l e i n determining the happiness of man. He was equally convinced that architecture meant something beyond i t s engineered p a r t s . ^ One of the materials that Le Corbusier used to create h i s a r c h i t e c t u r e was l i g h t . In t h i s he was preceded by Phidias, C a l l i c r a t e s , I c t i n u s , and Michelangelo, a l l creators of sacred space. There i s a great t r a d i t i o n and precedent for the l i n k i n g of l i g h t and that "something more" within r e l i g i o u s thought and architecture attested to by Abbot Suger. In the more recent past, there i s the nineteenth-century heritage of the Impressionists' preoccupation with l i g h t and that of the a r c h i t e c t s ' , f i r s t heralded with the C r y s t a l 66 Palace. There i s also the emphasis given to the creation of sacred space i n terms of l i g h t at the Sainte-Baume project and Pere Couturier's tangential i n t e r e s t i n stained glass which would have impressed upon Le Corbusier the s t i l l s i g n i f i c a n t power of t h i s expressive a r c h i t e c t u r a l component. Light also figures greatly i n other r e l i g i o u s c u l t s ; Le Corbusier noted t h i s s i m i l a r i t y i n the Egyptian and the Greek as well as 67 the Islamic. There i s a large c u l t u r a l context to which Le Corbusier may be r e f e r r i n g with his emphatic and suggestive use of l i g h t , and he translated that t r a d i t i o n into modern terms, including references to modern thought such as that of Paul Claudel. By i n f u s i n g l i g h t with sin c e r e l y f e l t ideas he sought to infuse h i s whole chapel with relevance to i t s contemporary context. 114 CHAPTER VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n for t h i s study of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp, originated with two major issues. The f i r s t was the r e l a t i o n -ship of the chapel to Le Corbusier's established aesthetic. The second concerned the r e l a t i o n s h i p and appropriateness of Le Corbusier's a r c h i t e c -t u r a l theory and forms to that of French Catholicism. The chapel was shown to possess many recognizable and established Corbusian c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The use of memory through the c u l l i n g of the most prominent features of sacred b u i l d i n g evidenced, I believe, an a r c h i -t e c t u r a l manifestation of Purism and a continuation of the i n t e r e s t i n symbolic form discoverable i n Le Corbusier's architecture of the 1920s. The use of pure forms and t h e i r massing i n l i g h t confirmed Le Corbusier's d e f i n i t i o n of a r c h i t e c t u r e that was formulated i n Vers une a r c h i t e c t u r e i n 1923. The s e l e c t i o n of forms which had some semblance of f u n c t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n betrayed a twentieth-century i n t e r e s t that sought aesthetic j u s t i f i c a t i o n by reference to u t i l i t y . The basic a t t i t u d e to form, materials, and structure was shown to have had i t s f i r s t t h e o r e t i c a l statement i n 1923 and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n Le Corbusier's buildings of that era. The curves, i n c l i n e d surfaces, and skewed geometric forms were a synthesis of p r e - e x i s t i n g aesthetic aims and established p r a c t i c e that included the transposing of discoveries made i n one a r t form into another and current formal explorations. The study suggested that the p a r t i c u l a r forms found at Notre-Dame-du-Haut were in s p i r e d by t h e i r independent and simultaneous discovery i n nature (the s h e l l ) , mathematics '(the Modulor), US-human shapes (the ear, the hand), and Le Corbusier's contemporary sculp-ture. The expressive aims which appear to have directed the creation of form at Notre-Dame-du-Haut were demonstrably consistent with Le Corbusier's 1923 d e f i n i t i o n of Architecture that distinguished the l a t t e r from b u i l d i n g by i t s i n c l u s i o n of expressive concerns. Moreover, these aims did not impair the functions of the chapel. As a comparison with the former church i l l u s t r a t e s , Le Corbusier greatly improved t h e i r accommodation. < The use of ornament was shown to have had i t s basis i n early Corbusian theories of aesthetics and society. However, Notre-Dame-du-Haut also proved to be more than a restatement of e a r l i e r design solutions; 1 i t was an evolutionary step proceeding from them. The ornament at Notre-Dame-du-Haut reaffirmed the uses i t served i n h i s chapel of 1907, which were to e s t a b l i s h the human contact Le Corbusier a t t r i b u t e d to the c o l l e c t i v e , p a r t i c i p a t o r y realm of conventional decoration''' and to act as a "clue" to those u n i n i t i a t e d to the higher realms of pure objective form. Addi-t i o n a l l y , i t p a r t i c i p a t e s formally and o b j e c t i v e l y i n the design, con-t r i b u t i n g colour, form, and rhythm. The motifs at Notr e-Dame-du-Haut c l a r i f y the r e a l i s t i c aspects of Le Corbusier's theory while they simul-taneously continue and enrich the poetic and v i s u a l t r a d i t i o n s of French Catholicism. (Figs. 42, 43). The r e l i g i o u s context of the commission was the second issue ex-plored i n t h i s study. The importance given to s t y l e , the act of creation, and human i n i t i a t i v e by the focus placed on the arts and t h e i r attendant controversies by Pere Couturier, Pere Regamey, and Canon Ledeur were shown to have had much s i g n i f i c a n c e to Notre-Dame-du-Haut and to Le Corbusier. These e c c l e s i a s t i c s and others possessing s i m i l a r aesthetic aims created the context i n which the c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l importance which 116 Le Corbusier attached to h i s architecture could be recognized. For i n the contemporary c a t h o l i c l i t e r a t u r e the experience of a r t , r e l i g i o n , and s o c i a l and economic change were i n t e r r e l a t e d . They were thus prepared to believe that a sincere and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c statement such as Pere Couturier had already applauded i n the work of Liger expressed a p o s i t i v e contemporary s p i r i t . Indeed, the study revealed that i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l s of aesthetic theory and s p i r i t u a l i t y existed between Le Corbusier and h i s French Catholic patrons. These p a r a l l e l s give substance to the many metaphors and v i s u a l analogies that were discovered i n the chapel. Le Corbusier defined the creation and experience of architecture as "a d i r e c t c a l l into 2 the absolute...a sermon on the mount". The Church too was concerned with the essence and mainspring of c r e a t i v i t y and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to f a i t h , genius, and the in e x p l i c a b l e manifestations of i n s p i r a t i o n or d i v i n i t y . Just as Le Corbusier had rela t e d the experience of the i n e f f a b l e with that of f a i t h and s p i r i t u a l i t y , so too did Pere Couturier equate the a r t i s t 3 and the r e l i g i o u s man. For these reasons the Church, and e s p e c i a l l y the small group of e c c l e s i a s t i c s then experiencing exceptional freedom, were w i l l i n g to recognize Le Corbusier as "an a r t i s t with the greatest sense of 4 the sacred". Le Corbusier enriched the popular image of a r e l i g i o u s e d i f i c e by the i n c l u s i o n of h i s many secular and aesthetic aims. They were mot whimsically, but s e n s i t i v e l y , included. Thus the exploration of acoustics and v i s u a l acoustics, colour, l i g h t , space, and decoration aptly repre-sented a contemporary c a t h o l i c concept; meditation p a r a l l e d s p i r i t u a l communion, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s voice demonstrated the i n t e g r a l importance of private devotion, expansive space suggested freedom i n f a i t h , decoration r e c a l l e d human and earthly responsiveness, and metaphors r e f e r r i n g to c r e a t i v i t y r e c a l l e d the miracle of l i f e and cosmic order. F i n a l l y , the Le Corbusier persona, known for i t s concerns of human welfare and human habitation raided the popularization of the Church as the House of God, a metaphor emphasised i n Mediator Dei. With the incorporation of forms evocative of several c i v i l i z a t i o n s and d i f f e r e n t eras, including the present, the chapel epitomised the t r a d i t i o n a l i s m combined with universalism which the Church wished i t s image to be. Moreover, the high design p r i o r i t y given to the psychophysiological responses appropriate to .pilgrimage and devotion to the V i r g i n demonstrated the analogous s i t u a t i o n then f e l t to exist between aesthetics and s p i r i t u a l i t y . The immediate responses crafted by Le Corbusier served magnificently as analogues to the spon-taneous sense of the sacred so much desired by reformers within the Church. In summary, i t has been shown that the chapel has many features pertaining to the larger context of French Catholic philosophy and i n -volvement i n the arts than that which the a t t r i b u t i o n of the chapel's date or a r c h i t e c t would f u l l y convey. For instance, i t can be shown that the chapel expresses the thematic concerns and displays the imagery of the contemporary c a t h o l i c poet, Paul Claudel. It incorporates the l i t e r a r y and schematic devices of contemporary, avant-garde French Catholic a r t , such as that found at Assy, Audincourt, and Vence. The chapel also demon-strates an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of pilgrimage planning with an inclusiveness equal to i t s contemporary Lourdes as well as i t s Medieval prototype. In i t s p o l i t i c a l d i a l e c t i c the chapel bears witness to the heroic actions of the Dominicans and the patrons involved i n the Commission i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to r e v i t a l i z e C h r i s t i a n a rt and exhalt the freedom of f a i t h . In i t s incorporation of obvious Corbusian and secular references the chapel extends the pilgrimage beyond i t s purely r e l i g i o u s context to the wider, u n i n i t i a t e d world beyond, giving a place of refuge to anyone - so appro-p r i a t e to the ecumenical era of the 1950s. Thus, the chapel was shown to be a nexus of contemporary s p i r i t u a l i t y and a succinct expression of those i d e a l s shared by Le Corbusier and French Catholicism. In conclusion, i t has been shown that Notre-Dame-du-Haut did not, l i k e Athena, spring from the head of Zeus f u l l y formed. Notre-Dame-du-Haut evolved out of an a r c h i t e c t u r a l theory f i r s t presented i n Vers une  architecture i n 1923 and was prompted by the s p i r i t u a l m i l i e u which formed i t s programmatic context. Notwithstanding the i n t r i g u i n g and heavy i n -debtedness which the chapel's conception was shown to have to Ruskin and the nineteenth-century philosophy which informed Le Corbusier's e a r l i e s t sense of the sacred, a e s t h e t i c a l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y the chapel celebrates the twentieth century (Figs. 44, 45). 119 FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION 1. The major survey books for which t h i s was found to be so are: H. Gardiner, Art Through the Ages, 6th ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Inc., 1959); S i g f r i e d Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture, 5th ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967); Henry-Russel Hitchcock, Architecture:  Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, 4th ed. (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1958); Charles Jencks, Modern Movements i n Architecture (Baltimore: Pen-guin Books, 1973); H.W. Janson, History of Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc., 1962); N. Pevsner, An Outline of European Architecture, 7th. ed. (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1966). A photograph of Ndtre^-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp i s found on the cover of Kidder-Smith's The New Architecture  of Europe (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1961). Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp also figures prominently i n the major survey books of French modern e c c l e s i a s t i c a l b u i l d i n g . Jean Capellades, Guide des Egl i s e s Nouvelles en France (Belique: Les Editions du Cerf, 1969); A. Christ-Janer and Mary Mix-Folfey, Modern Church Architec- ture: A Guide to the form and s p i r i t of 20th century r e l i g i o u s buildings (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Col, Inc., 1962); Peter Hammond, Liturgy and  Architecture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961); Georges Mercier, L'Architecture Religieuse Contemporaine en France (Tours: 1'Imprimerie-Reliure Mame, 1968); Edward M i l l s , The Modern Church (London: The A r c h i -t e c t u r a l Press, 1956); Joseph Pichard, Les Eglises Nouvelles a Travers  l e Monde (Paris: Editions des Deux-Mondes, 1960). 2. Paul Doncoeur, "Esthetique Moderne et Art Sacre. La Chapelle de Ronchamp," Etudes (Octobre 1955): 89-97; Martin Purdy, "Le Corbusier and the Theological Program," Edited by Walden Russell, The Open Hand;  Essays on Le Corbusier (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1977), pp. 286^321. 3. Canon Ledeur, "Celebration et Ver i t e des Formes," L'Art Sacre I- 2 (Septembre-Octobre 1966): 12-21. 4. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1969 ed. s.v. "Ronchamp, Notre-Dame-du-Haut"; Pere M.A. Couturier "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," L'Art Sacre I I - 12 ( J u i l l e t - A o u t 1953): 29-31; Marcel Ferry i n Le Corbusier, Le' L i v r e  de Ronchamp, Edited by Jean P e t i t (Paris: Les Cahiers Forces Vives, 1961), pp. 13-14. 5. J. Labatut, "Ronchamp," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record 118 (October 1955): 169; "Le Corbusier designs a h i l l t o p chapel shaped l i k e a f i d d l e , " A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum 99 (July 1953): 35. 6. Good examples of the subjective nature of the journalism about the chapel are: John Ely Burchard, "A Pilgrimage: Ronchamp, Raincy, Vezelay," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record 123 (March 1958): 171-78; Labatut, "Ronchamp," p. 169; Ernesto Rogers, "II metodo d i Le Corbusier e de forms d e l l a 'Chapelle de Ronchamp'," Casabella 207 (1955): 2-6. 7. Purdy, "Le Corbusier and the Theological Program," p. 318. 8. Rogers, "II metodo d i Le Corbusier," pp. 3-6; Couturier, "Le 120 Corbusier, Ronchamp," pp. 29-31; A.M. Cocagnac, L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1955): 3-11; Robert Ginsberg, "Le Corbusier's Humanistic Chapel at Ronchamp," Rives 18 (Printemps 1962): 23-30; Kidder-Smith, "Le Corbusier on Ronchamp," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review 123 ( A p r i l 1958): 68, 72: Robert S t o l l , Ronchamp (Paris: Desclee De Brouwer, c. 1958). 9. This i s e s p e c i a l l y noticed i n the w r i t i n g of Rogers, "II metodo d i Le Corbusier," pp. 3-6 and Abbe Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut a  Ronchamp (Zurich: Verlag, Schnell and Steiner, 1976). 10. Bolle-Reddat, Journal de Notre-Dame-du-Haut 55 (Novembre 1975): 1, 9; 57 (Janvier 1976): 1, 9. 11. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pp. 142, 141, 143; idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1957), pp. 92, 94, 98, 99; idem, Oeuvre complete 1952 - 1957 (Zurich: W. Boesiger, 1965), p. 38. 12. Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," pp. 29-31; Cocagnac, L'Art  Sacre, pp. 3-11; M.R. Capellades, A.M. Cocagnac, and M.A. Couturier, Les  Chapelles Rosaire a Vence par Matisse et de Notre-Dame-du-Haut a Ronchamp  par Le Corbusier (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1955), pp. 107-109; Mgr. Dubois, L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1955): 22-25; Madeleine Ochse, "Amarree au sommet de l a chapelle de Ronchamp de Le Corbusier," E c c l e s i a 88 ( J u i l l e t 1956): 17-26. 13. Dubois, L'Art Sacre, pp. 22-25; Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," pp. 3-11; Doncoeur, "Esthetique Moderne et art sacre," pp. 89-97. CHAPTER I 1. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 6 4 ; P.-R. Regamey, "L'Esprit et les p r i n c i p e s , " L'Art Sacre" 1 (Decembre 1 9 4 6 ) : 1 - 1 9 . 2 . Gaston Bardet, "L'Eglise dans l a c i t e , " L'Art Sacre 1 (Decembre 1 9 4 6 ) : 2 0 - 3 2 . 3 . Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles , pp. 1 - 1 6 ; Regamey, " L ' E s p r i t , " pp. 3 - 8 . 4 . Hugo Schnell, Twentieth Century Church Architecture i n Germany, trans. by^Paul V. Dine (Munich: Verlag, Schnell and Steiner, 1 9 7 4 ) , p. 3 2 ; Pichard, Eglises Nouvelles, p. 2 3 . 5. Regamey, " L ' E s p r i t , " pp. 5 , 9 ; Gaston Bardet, "Le Centre P a r o i s i a l , " L'Art Sacre 4 (Decembre 1 9 4 6 ) : 2 5 - 2 7 ; Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, pp. 1 - 1 5 ; L'Art Sacr£ 1 -4 (Decembre 1 9 5 6 ) . / \ y 6 . Albert Munier, Un Projet d'Eglise au XXe S i e c l e (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer et c i e , 1 9 3 3 ) , p. 2 5 , 7 5 , 7 9 , 8 6 , 9 9 , 1 8 6 , 1 9 6 , 3 0 9 . 7 . Pie-Raymond Regamey, Religious Art i n the Twentieth Century (New York: Herder and Herder, 1 9 6 3 ) , p. 1 9 . This i s an English language 121« adaptation of Art sacre au XXe s i e c l e ? (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1952). 8. Louis Montalte, La Basilique du Paix et du Pardonne (Paris: L a v a l l o i s - P e r r e t , Impr. Schneider Fres et Mory, 1948); "La Plateau Pro-vencal de l a Sainte Baume," Le Monde, 4 J u i l l e t 1948, p. 3; Rene-Jean, "L'Art et L'eglise Pour une Renovation de l ' a r t sacre," Le Monde, 22 J u i l l e t 1948, p. 5; M.A. Couturier, Se Garder Lib r e (Paris: E'ditions du Cerf, 1961), p. 194; Cocagnac, L'Art Sacre, pp. 3-11; Le Corbusier, Oeuvre-complete 1946 - 1952 (Zurich: W. Boesiger, 1953), pp. 28-31. 9. Regamey, " L ' E s p r i t , " p. 6; Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 19. 10. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, trans. Liturgy Vatican L i b r a r y Washington: New Catholic Welfare Conference, 1947), p. 65. 11. Bolle-Reddat, Journal 55:7; 58 (Fevrier 1976): 11: 12. Canet to Le Corbusier, 24 March 1952, 4 July 1952, 31 July 1952, 14 July 1953, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 13. Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," pp. 29-31; Bolle-Reddat, Journal 55: 5-6. 14. Purdy, "Le Corbusier and the Theological Program," pp. 287-321. 15. Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp." p. 29; Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut a Ronchamp, p. 3. A l e t t e r from Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier dated 14 A p r i l 1951 indicates that the project was only awaiting the necessary f i n a n c i a l approval of the parish. 16. Abbe Besancon to Le Corbusier, 13 March 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . These are Old French francs. They have the exchange rate of 100 Old French francs to 1 New French franc, and were changed 1 June 1960. 17. C. P e t i t to Le Corbusier, 14 February 1950; Abbe Besancon to Le Corbusier, 13 March 1951; P e t i t to Le Corbusier, 16 June 1952, Fonda-t i o n Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 18. Quievreux to Le Corbusier, 8 February 1950, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 19. Quievreux to Wogensky, 7 August 1952; Departamental Inspector of Urbanism and Housing to Wogensky, 12 December 1952; Le Corbusier to Canet, 19 June 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 20. Leonardo Benevolo, History of the Modern Movement v o l . 2 (London: Crosby Lockwood Staples, 1975), pp. 726, 727-728. 21. Canon Ledeur, "Information du P u b l i c , " L'Art Sacre 11-12 (Decembre 1952): 31; Pichard, L'Eglises Nouvelles, p. 31. 22. Regamey, Religious Art, p. 19. 122 23. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 19. 24. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 2. 25. i b i d . 26. "2,~000 ans d'art sacre_ separant sur l a meme c o l l i n e l a chapelle de Le Corbusier et un temple paien," I l l u s t r e (Laussane) J u i n 1955, p. 8. 27. Le Corbusier, The Chape'l at Ronchamp, p. 88; idem, Oeuvre complete  1946 - 1952, p/ 88; "2,000 ans," p. 8; J.M. Nussbaum, "Le beton arme" est entre dans l e champ de l a mystique," La Gazzette-Laussane Aout. '.• 27-28, 1955, p. 10. 28. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 6 May 1950, Fondation Le Corbusier, Paris; Robert Furneaux Jordan, l e corbusier (London: J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1972), pp. 131-32. 29. Jordan, l e corbusier, p. 131; "a h i l l t o p chapel," p. 35; Capellades, Cocagnac, Couturier, Les Chapelles, p. 107. 30. "a h i l l t o p chapel," p. 35. 31. Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 1 May 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 32. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 122. 33. Capellades, Cocagnac, Couturier, Les Chapelles, p.107 34. Jordan, l e corbusier, p. 132. 35. Bolle-Reddat, Journal 55:7. 36. i b i d . , p. 6. 37. i b i d . 38. i b i d . 39. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed., s.v. "Ronchamp, Notre-Dame-du-Haut." 40. Bolle-Reddat, Journal 55:7. 41. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 14 A p r i l 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 42. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 23 A p r i l 1951, 1 May 1951; Le Corbusier to Canon Ledeur, 19 A p r i l 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 43. Bolle-Reddat, Journal 55:7. 44. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88. Finances 123 were assured between 1 May 1951, at which date a l e t t e r from Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier indicates discussion concerning finances s t i l l contined, and spring 1952 as indicated by Le Corbusier i n his Oeuvre complete 1946-1952. CHAPTER II 1. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l Movement," by L.C. Sheppard. 2. i b i d . 3. i b i d . 4. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l A r t , " by L.M. Verostko. 5. i b i d . ; Hammond, Liturgy, p. 9. 6. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l A r t , " by L.'M. Verostko. 7. i b i d . 8. i b i d . 9. i b i d . 10. Hammond, Liturgy, pp. 52-66; Schnell, Architecture i n Germany, pp. 33-35; Regamey, Religious Art, p. 247. 11. Hammond, Liturgy, p. 55. 12. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. 13. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 60; William Rubin, Modern Sacred  Art and the Church at Assy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), p. 24. 14. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 29. 15. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l A r t , " by L.-M. Verostko. 16. Munier, Un Projet, pp. 87, 90, 194, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203. 17. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 139. 18. i b i d . , pp. 24-25; Regamey, Religious Art, p. 228; Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, p. 63. 19. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 29. 124 20. New Catholic Encyclopedia 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l A r t j " by L..M. Verostko. 21. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, p. 65. 22. i b i d . , pp. 26, 64, 66; Hammond, Liturgy, emphasises the func-t i o n a l i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n to be given t h i s pp. 3 - 8. So too does Maurice Lavaneaux, "Preliminary Report: P l r s t International Congress of Catholic A r t i s t s , " L i t u r g i c a l Arts 19 (November 1950): 4-6. 23. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, pp. 45, 62. 24. i b i d . 25. Le Corbusier et Pie r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1910 - 1929 (Zurich: W. Boeseger et 0. Stonorov, 1943), p. 40; Le Corbusier, The  Radiant C i t y (London: Faber and Faber, 1964), p. 143. 26. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965 (London: Hudson and Hudson, 1967), p. 34; Philippe Boudon, Lived i n Architecture, Le Corbusier's Pessac  Revisited (London: Lund Humphries, 1972), pp. 38-39; Charles Jencks, Le Corbusier and the Tragic View of Architecture (Cambridge: Harvard Univer-s i t y Press, 1973), p. 26. 27. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 293; idem, Towards  a hew architecture, trans. Frederick E t c h e l l s (London: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1946),p. 219. 28. Bardet, "L'Eglise dans l a c i t e , " pp. 19-26; idem, "Le Centre P a r o i s s a l , " pp. 25-27. 29. Hammond, Liturgy, p. 51; Mathey to Le Corbusier, 15 March 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 30. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, pp. 7, 14-15, 18-19, 30-31. 31. Le Corbusier had often attempted to f i n d s i m i l a r i t i e s between his aims and those of his patron. He did so at Pessac and again at Chandigarh. Boudon, Pessac, and Stanilaus von Moos, "The P o l i t i c s of the Open Hand: Notes on Le Corbusier and Nehru at Chandigarh," ed. Russell Walden, The Open Hand: Essays on Le Corbusier, pp. 413-48. 32. Regamey, " L ' E s p r i t , " pp. 1-32; Bardet, "L'Eglise dans l a c i t e , " pp. 20-32; Bardet, "Le Centre P a r o i s s a l , " pp. 1-31. 33. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l Movement," by L.C. Sheppard. 34. "La Plateau Provencal de l a Sainte Baume," p. 3; Rene-Jean, "L'Art et l ' e g l i s e , " ; Le Corbusier also reproduces a newspaper c l i p p i n g r e f e r r i n g to the controversy at Sainte-Baume. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete  1946 - 1952, p. 30. 125-35. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. "Couturier, P i e r r e Marie A l a i n , " by J . Pichard; P&re Couturier, "Religious Art and the Modern A r t i s t , " The Magazine of Art 44:7 (November 1951): 270; Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 68-69. Pere Couturier's book Dieu et l ' a r t dans  une Vie (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1965) chronicles his s p i r i t u a l and a r t i s t i c development from 1897 to 1945 and shows h i s personal and deeply f e l t concern f or the isynthesis of these two endeavours. 36. Pere Marie-Alain Couturier, Chroniques (Montreal: Editions de l'Arbre, c. 1947); Art et Catholicisme(Montreal: Editions de l'Arbre, 1948); Se Garder Libre, 1961; Marcel Perizeau(Montreal: L'Arbre, 1945). For a bibliography of relevant a r t i c l e s written by Pere Couturier see Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 171. 37. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v., "Couturier, P i e r r e Marie A l a i n . " ; Pichard, feglises Nouvelles, p. 61. 38. Pere Couturier, "Aux Grands hommes l e s grandes choses," L'Art Sacre (Mai-Juin 1950): 3-6. 39. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. "Couturier, P i e r r e Marie A l a i n ; " Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 42-49, 77. 40. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 212-219. 41. Pere Couturier, "Deux Eg l i s e s S a v o y a r d s , " L'Art Sacre 29 (Mai 1938): 17-21. 42. Couturier, "Religious A r t , " pp. 3-6; Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 171. 43. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 36; Gauthier, Le Corbusier, p. 19. 44. Jordan, l e corbusier, p. 132; Couturier, Se Garder L i b r e , p. 49. 45. Montalte, La Bas i l i q u e , lacks pagination. 46. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 256, 288-89. 47. Jordan, l e corbusier, p. 144. 48. i b i d . 49. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 166. 50. Le Corbusier to Couturier, 23 November 1952, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 51. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 68-69. 52. i b i d . , pp. 62, 63; Doncoeur, "Esthetique Moderne et Art Sacre," pp. 89-97. 126 53. Le Corbusier, Creation i s a Patient Search, trans. James Palmes, introduction by Maurice Jardot (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1960), p. 13 54. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 30. 55. Jencks, Le Corbusier, pp. 18, 23, 25; Le Corbusier, "Poeme de l'an gle . d r o i t , " Architecture du Bonheur (et) l'urbanisme est une c l e f (Paris: Presses d ' l l e de France, 1955). 56. Le Corbusier to Gliscon, 25 March 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, Pari s . 57. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 127. 58. Wogensky to Canet, 11 May 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 59. P i e r r e Vago, "Comite de Patronage de 1'architecture d'Aujourd'hui, L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui 22 (Mars 1949) : IX. 60. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 61. 61. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , p. 213. 62. Regamey, Religious Art, p. 38. 63. i b i d . , pp. 23, 183. 64. i b i d . , p. 183. 65. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 177-178. 66. Regamey, Religious Art, p. 13. 67. P i e r r e Vago,"A: Propos d'Art Sacre," L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui 20 (Octobre 1948): XI. 68. idem, "Comite de Patronage,", p. VII. 69. i b i d . ; idem, "A Propos d'Art Sacre," p. VII. 70. idem, "A Propos d'Art Sacre," p. XI. 71. Regamey, Religious Art, p. 7. 72. i b i d . , p. 232. 73. idem, " L ' E s p r i t , " pp. 13-17. 74. i b i d . , p. 224. 75. i b i d . , pp. 229-30. 76. i b i d . , pp. 20-21. 127-77. i b i d . , pp. 222, 225. 78. i b i d . , pp. 230, 226, 227. 79. i b i d . , pp. 83, 29. 80. i b i d . , pp. 132-33. 81. i b i d . , pp. 24, 25. 82. i b i d . , pp. 83. 83. i b i d . pp. 17, 18. 84. Jordan, l e corbusier, p. 132; Marcel Ferry to the w r i t e r , 25 June 1978, Vancouver. 85. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 17. 86. Le Corbusier, When the Cathedrals Were White (Toronto: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1964), pp. 3, 34, 93, 128, 146. 87. Compare the endeavours of the Dominicans at Ste. Baume rela t e d by Louis B o i t e l , Lieux d'Eglise (Paris: Aux Editions du S e u i l , 1975), pp. 89-105, with Le Corbusier's involvement at Ste. Baume i n Oeuvre complete  1946 - 1952, pp. 32 - 39. 88. Mathey to Le Corbusier, 15 March 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 89. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 19. 90. Reverend Richard James Douadre, "Pilgrimage to Assy - an Appraisal," L i t u r g i c a l Arts 19 (February 1951): 30. 91. Ledeur, "Information du P u b l i c , " L'Art Sacre no. 11-12 ( J u l i i e t -AouV 1951): 6. 92. idem, "Celebration," p. 19. 93. i b i d . 94. i b i d . 95. i b i d . 96. Marcel Ferry to the writer, 25 June 1978, Vancouver. 97. Ledeur, "Celebration" p. 20. 98. i b i d . 99. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 23 A p r i l , 1951. 128 100. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 15. 101. i b i d . 102. Le Corbusier, Modulor 2, 1955 (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1958), p. 252. 103. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 15. 104. i b i d . , p. 17. 105. Le Corbusier, New World of Space (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1948), p. 8. 106. idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 18. 107. Ledeur, "Celebration," p. 17. 108. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88. 109. idem, Towards a new a r c h i t e c t u r e , pp. 18, 47. This i s a tr a n s l a t i o n of the 1923 Vers une architecture . 110. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88. 111. Ledeur, "Celebration,: p. 16. 112. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 1 May. 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 113. i b i d . 114. Each of the three stages added i t s contemporary concerns to the evaluation of past Church b u i l d i n g achievements. The second stage i s represented by a group of books that appeared a f t e r World War II i n which many of the churches that were considered exemplary of a modern s t y l e i n Munier's book of 1932 were deleted. A d d i t i o n a l l y , an expanded h i s t o r i c a l context was thought an appropriate e d i t o r i a l accompaniment and s o c i a l context was much emphasised. Les Egl i s e s Nouvelles (1960) by J. Pichard, Modern Church Architecture (1962) by A. Christ-Janer and M. Mix-Foley, and Liturgy and Architecture (1961) by P. Hammond are the major books of the second stage. These three books, and e s p e c i a l l y Hammond, stressed the importance of the l i t u r g i c a l movement i n shaping the new and varied developments of modern church architecture. The t h i r d stage i n the documentation of modern church a r c h i t e c -ture shows a s h i f t i n h i s t o r i c a l perspective. This i s noticeable i n L'Architecture Religieuse Contemporaine en France (1968) by G. Mercier and Guide des Egl i s e s Nouvelles en France (1969) by J. Capellades. Here a greater number of churches considered modern i n the e a r l i e r surveys were deleted. Most of the remaining examples were relegated to the status of precursors and few of the examples c i t e d i n eit h e r of these surveys date from before the completion of Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp. 129 115. Munier, Un projet, pp. 50-68, 69-70, 92-107. 116. i b i d . , pp. 16, 50; Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 18; Georges Mercier, L'Architecture Religieuse Contempofaine en France: vers une  synthese des arts (Tours: 1'Imprimerie Reliure Mame, 1968), p. 7. 117. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 18; Henry-RussellHitchcock, Architecture, p. 421; Ernest George Schwiebert J r . , "The Pr i m i t i v e Roots of Architecture" (PhD d i s s e r t a t i o n , Princeton University, 1966), p. 391. 118. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 39; Jean Capellades, Guide, p. 17; Hammond, Liturgy, p. 52. 119. Mercier, L'Architecture Religieuse, p. 11. 120. Bernard Champigneuille, Perret (Paris: Arts et Metiers Graphiques, 1957), p. 47; The American A r c h i t e c t 126 (September 1924): 249-50. 121. Champigneuille, Perret, p. 47. 122. Champigneuille, Perret, p. 8; Peter C o l l i n s , Concrete, The  Vi s i o n of a New Architecture (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), p. 240. 123. Schnell, Architecture i n Germany, pp. 41-48. 124. Champigneuille, Perret, p. 38; C o l l i n s , Concrete, p.' 240. 125. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, pp. 61-64; Regamey, Religious Art, p. 231. 126. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 44. 127. i b i d . 128. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, pp. 61-62. 129. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, pp. 24-25; Rubin, Modern Sacred  Art, p. 77. 130. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 45-63. 131. Couturier, "Deux E g l i s e s , " pp. 117-121; Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. 30. 132. Couturier, "Religious A r t , " pp. 117-121. 133. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 45-63. 134. Capellades, . Cocagnac, and Couturier, Les Chapelles, P. 14, 13,0 135. i b i d . , p. 16. 136. Douaire, "Pilgrimage to Assy," p..131. 137. C o u t u r i e r , " R e l i g i o u s A r t , " p. 270. 138. idem, "Le Corbusier - Ronchamp," p. 31. CHAPTER I I I 1. Regamey, R e l i g i o u s A r t , p. 96. 2. The completion of a pilgrimage imparts a sense of accomplish-ment, and th e r e f o r e p r i d e to the p a r t i c i p a n t s . This i s expressed i n Paul Claudel's Annonce F a i t e a Marie (1912). Pere Couturier a l s o emphasises the personal and human aspects of pilgrimage i n h i s personal j o u r n a l . C o u t u r i e r , Dieu et l ' a r t , p. 230. Le Corbusier a l s o a s s o c i a t e s p r i d e i n personal achievement and quest w i t h p i l g r i m a g e , although of a se c u l a r k i n d . Le Corbusier, When the Cathedrals Were White, p. x i x . 3. Hammond discusses numerous types of plans, h i s t o r i c a l and con-temporary, but he makes no mention of pilgrimage churches or plans d i s t i n c t i v e to them,. see Hammond L i t u r g y . The same s i t u a t i o n can be noted i n P i c h a r d , E g l i s e s Nouvelles; M e r c i e r , L ' A r c h i t e c t u r e R e l i g i e u s e ; Capellades, Guide; Munier, Un P r o j e t . 4. Louis P i e s s a t , Tony Ga m i e r (Lyon: Musee des Beaux-Arts, 1970), l a c k s p a g i n a t i o n . 5. Montalte, La B a s i l i q u e , l a c k s p a g i n a t i o n . 6. Freda White, West of the Rhone (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1964), pp. 54-62; A r c h i b a l d L y a l l , The Companion Guide to the South  of France (London: W.M. C o l l i n s , 1963), pp. 164-67; P o i t e l , Lieux d ' E g l i s e , pp. 90-91, 109-135. 7. Bernard T s c h i e m i , " A r c h i t e c t u r e and i t s Double," A r c h i t e c t u r a l  Design 48 (no. 2-3 1978): 114-15. / / 8. D i c t i o n n a i r e des E g l i s e s de France I I I , E d i t i o n s Robert La Hont 1967 ed. s.v. "Lourdes," by Madeleine Ochse. 9. Kenneth Conant, C a r o l i n g i a n and Romanesque A r c h i t e c t u r e 800  to 1200 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1959), p. 94. 10. i b i d . , p. 93-94. 11. i b i d . , p. 93. 12. White, West of the Rhone, pp. 149, 176, 178, 209; B o l l e -Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 19. 131 13. Paul Joanne, Geographle de l a Haute-Soane (Paris: Hatchette et Cie, 1907), p. 47. 14. Canon Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut a Ronchamp (Manuel du Pelerin) (Lyons: Editions Lescuyen, n.d.), pp. 9, 12, 13, 24-5. It i s merely the V i r g i n that i s referred to i n most documentation, including that of Abbe"' Bolle-Reddat. However, the statue i s of the V i r g i n holding a c h i l d i n her arms. The chapel i s dedicated to the N a t i v i t y of the V i r g i n . Capellades, Cocognac, Couturier, Les Chapelles, p. 108. 15. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 3. 16. i b i d . , p. 10. 17. i b i d . , p. 17. Belot states that the f i r s t mention of an event associated to the N a t i v i t y of the V i r g i n occurs i n a thirteenth-century document dated the f i r s t Friday a f t e r N a t i v i t y of September 1271 that granted s p e c i a l safety i n the v i c i n i t y by Count Othon IV of Burgundy. This would be important i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the association of refuge so important and recurrent i n the popular accounts of the chapel's h i s t o r y . 18. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 5. Although Bolle-Reddat records the presence of pilgrims i n 1271, Belot does not. The pilgrims mentioned by Bolle-Reddat may have been on t h e i r way to Compostela and took advantage of the newly granted safe passage. 19. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 25. It was probably at t h i s date that the chapel received i t s dedication to the N a t i v i t y of the V i r g i n because i t i s d i f f i c u l t to change the dedication given to a church accor-ding to canon law. 20. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 18. 21. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 15-16. 22. i b i d . The new church became Notre-Dame de l a Sainte Vierge or Notre Dame de Septembre. 23. i b i d . 24. i b i d . , p. 25. In 1778 exvotos attest to a t t r i b u t i o n s of the miraculous with the s i t e . In 1873, 3,500 pilgrims gathered at Ronchamp on September 8 and i n 1926 12,000 pilgrims gathered for Corpus C h r i s t i . Notre-Dame-du-Haut was able to evade the repercussions of the Republican era which confiscated the sanctuary as a natio n a l good because i t was bought by f o r t y - f i v e parishioners and became pri v a t e property. Conse-quently, when the Law of Separation confiscated Church property i n 1906 the chapel was again saved by i t s status of private property. This greatly enhanced the chapel to neighbouring parishes who had no other access to a church. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 23, 27, 50, 23-25. 25. i b i d . , p. 37. 132 26. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 22. Bolle-Reddat re f e r s to September 8 as a t r a d i t i o n a l regional pilgrimage and adds that there are pilgrimages from Easter to A l l Saints. Belot states that the major pilgrimages are Corpus C h r i s t i and the N a t i v i t y . Belot, Notre-Dame-du- Haut , p. 4. 27. Maurice Dumolin et George Outardel, Les Eg l i s e s de France:  Paris et l a Seine (Paris: L i b r a i r i e et Ane, 1936), pp. 264-65. 28. i b i d . 29. i b i d . 30. Dic t i o n n a i r e des Eg l i s e s de France, 1967 ed. s.v., "Lourdes". 31. i b i d . 32. i b i d . 33. Munier, Un Proj et, pp. 40-42. 34. i b i d . , pp. 166-67. 35. i b i d . 36. i b i d . ' A 37. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 2. A 38. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 26. / A 39. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 2. 40. Munier, Un Projet, pp. 295-300. 41. i b i d . , p. 297. 42. i b i d . 43. Montalte, La Bas i l i q u e , lacks pagination. 44. i b i d . 45. i b i d . 46. Christ-Janer and Mix-Foley, Modern Church Architecture, pp. 62-63. 47. Hammond, Liturgy, p. 55. A 48. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 16-34. 49. Montalte, La Basilique, Sainte Baume F i l e , Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 133 A 50. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 60, 50,. He mentions the enc i r c -l i n g of the parish church i n the v i l l a g e on a Corpus C h r i s t i celebra-t i o n . 51. i b i d . , pp. 8-11, 17-29, 49, 60. ' A 52. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 22. 53. Le Corbusier to Bourdin, 3 July 1952, Fondation Le Corbusier, Par i s . 54. Some of his wr i t i n g and drawings demonstrate an in t e r e s t i n Chartres cathedral and Cluny. In a l e t t e r to Ledeur he r e f e r s to Ghartres as a precursor to Notre-Dame-du-Haut. L i k e Abbot Suger at St. Denis he placed an emphasis on the ceremonial door and on the metaphysical p o s s i b i l i t i e s of l i g h t as an exhaltation of the pilgrims' movements. Le Corbusier, 1'art  decoratif d'aujourd'hui, p. 202; Le Corbusier to Ledeur, 25 A p r i l 1955, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 55. The Columbia Lippincott Gazeteer of the World, Edited by Leon E. Setzer (New York: Columbia Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1952), p. 1600. 56. Maissonier to Le Corbusier, 1 January 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 57. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 107. 58. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 10. 59. H.E. C o l l i n s , The Church E d i f i c e and i t s appointments (West-minster: The Newman Press, 1953), pp. 176-77. 60. Paul Thiry, Richard Bennet and L Kamphvefner, Churches and  Temples (New York: Reinhold Publishing Cor;., 1953), p. 55c. 61. Canet to Le Corbusier, 23 June 1956, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 62. Rudolf Otto, The idea of the holy; an inquiry into the non- r a t i o n a l factor i n the idea of the divine and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the  r a t i o n a l , trans. John W. Harvey (London: H. Mulford Oxford University Press, 1931:, pp. 12-24. 63. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 103. / A 64. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 20. CHAPTER IV 1. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, pp. 79, 92, 99-, 102, 2. i b i d . , pp. 92, 99. 134-3. Ibid. , p. 99... 4. i b i d . 5. i b i d . , pp. 91, 102. 6. idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pp. 131,134. 7. i b i d . , pp. 102, 120. 8. i b i d . , p. 120. 9. idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p, . 91. 10. i b i d . , p. 120. 11. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 256. 12. James S t i r l i n g , "Ronchamp Le Corbusier's Chapel and the C r i s i s of Rationalism," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review 119 (March 1957): 155-61. 13. Hitchcock, Architecture, p. 523. 14. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 88. 15. Le Corbusier to Cure of Ronchamp, 17 January 1951; Abbe Bourdin to Le Corbusier, 21 January 1952, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 16. Abbe Bourdin to Le Corbusier, 21 January 1952; Abbe Dubois to Maissonier, 16 November 1950, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 17. Le Corbusier to Cure of Ronchamp, 17 January 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 18. Abbe Bourdin to Le Corbusier, 21 January 1952, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . Former problems experienced at the s i t e were the ab-sence of water, i t s s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to l i g h t n i n g , and the prevelence of high winds from the north and southeast. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 32, 35, 40. Le Corbusier underlined these i n h i s copy of Belot's book and the operable c i s t e r n and the partommeter on the south tower and perhaps the use of reinforced concrete resulted from consideration of these problems. 19. F e l i x J. Samuely, "Concrete up to Date," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review 107 (May 1950): 331. 20. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1938 - 1946, p. 95. 21. Benevolo, History of the Modern Movement, pp. 726-28. 22. Samuely, "Concrete up to Date," p. 331. 23. Winter, "Le Corbusier's Technological Dilemma," pp. 343-46. 135 24. Canon Ledeur to Le Corbusier, 14 January 1951, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 25. Ledeur, "Celebration,: p. 19. 26. Hitchcock, Architecture, pp. 224,225. 27. i b i d . , pp. 531-53. 28. Munier, Un Projet, pp. 187-207. 29. Lavanoux, "Preliminary Report," pp. 4-6. 30. i b i d . 31. Munier, Un Projet, pp. 187-207. 32. Pichard, Eglises Nouvelles, p. 39; Schnell, Architecture i n  Germany, pp. 39-48. 33. Regamey, Religious Art, p. 247. 34. Jean P e t i t , Le Corbusier Lui-Meme (Geneve: Editions Rousseau, c. 1970), p. 72. 35. Le Corbusier et P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1929 - 1934 (Zurich: W. Boesiger, 1935), pp. 15-17. 36. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 58. 37. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 70. 38. Le Corbusier et P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1938 - 1946 (Zurich: W i l l y Boesiger, 1946) pp. 94-94. 39. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 112-13. 40. i b i d . , p. 137; idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, pp. 15-17. 41. Brian Bruce Taylor, "Le Corbusier at Pessac: Professional and Cl i e n t R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , " ed. Russell Walden, The Open Hand, pp. 164, 166. 42. F.R.S. Yorke, The Modern House (Cheam: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1944) p. 82; William Jordy, "The Symbolic Essence of Modern European Architecture of the Twentieth Century and I t s Continuing Influence," Journal of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l Historians 22 (March 1963): 101. 43. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 126. 44. i b i d . 45. Le Corbusier to M. Gisclon, 25 March 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 136 46. idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pp. 163-65. 47. Jordy, "Symbolic Essence," p. 181. 48. Le Corbusier, Radiant C i t y , p. 143; idem, Creation i s a Patient  Search, pp. 160-61. 49. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 59, 104-05, 108, 25. 50. i b i d . , pp. 36, 114, 135. 51. idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 117. 52. idem, Les carnets de l a recherche patiente: une p e t i t e maison (Zurich: Editions Girsberger, 1954), p. 32; idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 104 - 109. 53. idem, Croisade: ou l e crepuscule des academies (Paris: G. Cres, 1933), p. 70; idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 59; idem, Oeuvre complete  1946 - 1952, p. 76. 54. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 33, 43, 49, 55. 55. Bruno Zevi, The Modern Language of Architecture (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre Ltd., 1978), p. 31. 56. i b i d . 57. "a h i l l t o p chapel," p. 35. 58. P e t i t , Le Corbusier Lui-Meme, pp. 40-43. 59. Le Corbusier, Cathedrals, p. 3. 60. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, annotated copy i n Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 61. Le Corbusier, L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui (Octobre 1949), pp. 7-9. A 62. idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 88. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Le Corbusier's underlinings are p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s i g h t f u l into possible conscious attempts to re-evaluate t r a d i t i o n . 63. idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 8. 64. idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pp. 122-23. 65. i b i d . 66. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 13, 38. 67. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 29. 137, 68. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 255. 69. Hitchcock, Architecture, p. 553. 70. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 140. 71. idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp, pp. 89, 95, 117. 72. idem, New World of Space, p. 64. 73. Le Corbusier and Amldee Ozenfant, "Purism," ed. Tim and Charlotte Benton with Denis Sharp, Form and Function (London: Crosby Lockwood Staples, 1975), pp. 89-90; Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 293. 74. Le Corbusier, "Architecture, The Expression of the Material and Methods of Our Times," The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record 66 (August 1929), p. 123. 75. i b i d . 76. idem, New World of Space, p. 21. 77. Lucien Herve, Le Corbusier L ' A r t i s t e et l' E c r i v a n , Introduction by Marcel Joray (Neuchatel: Editions du G r i f f o n , 1970) pp. 14, 18. 78. idem, New World of Space, p. 21. 79. i b i d . , p. 8. 80. idem, Towards a new architecture , p. 19. 81. i b i d . , p. 17. 82. idem, Modulor 2, p. 253. 83. Hitchcock, Architecture, p. 523. CHAPTER V 1. S t i r l i n g , "Ronchamp," pp. 155-161. 2. Thomas Creighton, "European Diary," Progressive Architecture 41 (August 1958): 127. This was confirmed by the writer at Ronchamp i n June 1979. 3. Sven Hesselgren, The Language of Architecture (Lund: Student-l i t t e r a t e u r , 1967), p. 307. This also was confirmed by the writer at Ronchamp June 1979. 4. "a h i l l t o p chapel," p. 35. 5. Le Corbusier, The Modulor: A Harmonious Measure to the Human Scale U n i v e r s a l l y applicable to Architecture and Mechanics, trans. 138 Peter de Francia and Anne Bostock (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1954), pp. 15-17. 6. idem, Modulor 2, pp. 151-54. 7. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l Movement," by L.C. Sheppard. 8. i b i d . , Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, p. 64. 9. No a c o u s t i c a l demands other than a u d i b i l i t y are evidenced i n the l e t t e r s or the l i t e r a t u r e published by the Church or the patrons. 10. L e s l i e L. Doelle, Environmental Acoustics (New York: McGraw-H i l l Co., 1972), pp. 103,104. 11. i b i d . 12. This i s a s i m p l i f i e d d e f i n i t i o n of the a r c h i t e c t ' s r o l e that has been derived from Doelle i n Environmental Acoustics, pp. 3, 4, 12. 13. C o l l i n s , Concrete, p. 251. 14. "a h i l l t o p chapel," p. 35. 15. i b i d . , Le Corbusier to Canet, 12 May 1955, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 16. Le Corbusier, The Modulor, pp. 15-17. 17. Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," p. 29; Capellades, Cocagnac, Couturier, Les Chapelles, pp. 107-108; Cocagnac, L'Art Sacre pp. 3-4. 18. Purdy, "Le Corbusier and the Theological Program," p. 297; Le Corbusier to Canet, 12 May 1955, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 19. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 90. 20. idem, New World of Space, p. 14; Le Corbusier et P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1929 - 1934, p. 24; C o l l i n s , Concrete, p. 249. 21. Le Corbusier et P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1929 - 1934, pp. 124-37. 22. Le Corbusier, Le Voyage d'Orient (Meaux: Les Editions Forces Nives, 1966), pp. 73, 74, 76, 78-80. 23. idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 194; idem, Le Corbusier  1910 - 1965, pp. 104-109. 24. Ferdinand Ouellete, Edgard Varese (New York: The Orion Press, 1968), p. 196. 139 25. Le Corbusier to Varese, 21 January 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, Par i s . 26. Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, p. 219. 27. This refutes Charles Jenck's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the chapel at Ronchamp as an i r o n i c statement. Jencks, Modern Movements, pp. 153, 157. CHAPTER VI 1. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88. 2. Denis Sharp, "Introduction", Form and Function, ed. Tim and Charlotte Benton with Denis Sharp, p. x i i , x x i - x x i i . See also Louis S u l l i v a n , "Ornament i n Architecture," Form and Function, pp. 2-4. 3. Nicolaus Pevsner, Pioneers of Modern Design from William Morris  to Walter Gropius, rev. 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 30. 4. The term " t a y l o r i z e d " i s derived from the American Frederick Winslow Taylor who introduced s c i e n t i f i c management into i n d u s t r i a l manufacture and r a t i o n a l i z e d assemply l i n e production with h i s analysis of how human work i s performed. S i g f r i e d Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, a contribution to anonymous h i s t o r y (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1948), pp. 79, 115, 120 520. Le Corbusier uses t h i s term frequently. Le Corbusier, Radiant Ci t y, p. 151; idem, L'art decoratif d'aujourd'hui (Paris: G. Cres et c i e , 1925), p. 217; Joyce Lowman, "Corb as a s t r u c t u r a l r a t i o n a l i s t , " The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review 160 (October 1976): 229-33. 5. Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, pp. 13-20, 95-103; Pevsner, Pioneers, pp. 133-46. 6. Henry-Russell Hitchcock and P h i l i p p e Johnson, The International  Style and Architecture since 1922 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1932), p. 24. 7. Edward Robert de Zurko, Origins of F u n c t i o n a l i s t Theory (New York: Columbia Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1957), pp. 7-8. 8. Walter Gropius, "Where a r t i s t s and technicians meet," ed. Benton, Benton and Sharp, Form and Function, p*. 147. 9. Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, p. 64. 10. Louis S u l l i v a n , "Kindergarten Chats," The L i t e r a t u r e of A r c h i - tecture, ed. Don G i f f o r d (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1966), p. 500. 11. E. Casanelles, Antoni Gaudi: A Reappraisal (London: Studio V i s t a , 1967), p. 103. 12. Mary Sekler, "Ruskin, The Tree and The Open Hand," ed. Walden, The Open Hand, pp. 61,62; Le Corbusier, Cathedrals, p. x v i i i , 3; Le Corbusier, L'art decoratif, p. 14, 36, 134, 135, 136. 13. John Ruskin, Lectures on Architecture and Painting Delivered  at Edinburg i n November, 1853, 2nd ed. (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1855), p. 113. 14. Le Corbusier, New World of Space, p. 20. 15. -Sekler, "Ruskin," pp. 61-69. 16. Le Corbusier et Pi e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1934 - 1938 (Zurich: Girsberger, 1945), p. 89. 17. Le Corbusier, L'art decoratif d'aujourd'hui (Paris: Les Editions G. Cres et c i e , 1932), p. 120. 18. Benton, Benton and Sharp ed., Form and Function, pp. x x i - x x i i , 69-70. 19. Ruskin, Lecture on Architecture and Painting, pp. 112-12; K r i s t i n e Offesen Garrigan, Ruskin On Architecture His Thought and Influence (Madison: The Univ e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1973), pp. 29-61, 62; Owen Jones, Grammar of Ornament (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1910), pp. 1-2, 5-12; Benton, Benton and Sharp, Form and Function, pp. x x i - x x i i ; Zurko, F u n c t i o n a l i s t Theory, p. 7. Ruskin's descriptions i n the Stones of Venice betray h i s greater concern f o r ornament and ornamental q u a l i t i e s than f o r structure, as does h i s Bible of Amiens. Le Corbusier read both of these and appears to have been much impressed with the underlying precepts expressed i n them. Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , pp. 123, 134-35. 20. Banham, Theory and Design, pp. 14-35. 21. Hitchcock and Johnson, International Style, p. 13. 22. Banham, Theory and Design, p. 95. 23. S i g f r i e d Giedion, Architecture, you and me. The diary of a  development (Cambridge: Harvard Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1958), pp. 70-71, 79-80, 84-85. 24. Le Corbusier, Architecture du bonheur, lacks pagination. 25. Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, p. 64. 26. idem, L'art d e c o r a t i f , pp. 81, 101, 120. 27. Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , pp. 85, 96; idem, Radiant Ci t y , p. 151; idem, Towards a new architecture, p. 3-19. 28. Le Corbusier, Radiant City, p. 151. 29. idem, Towards a new architecture, pp. 13-20, 95-103. 30. i b i d . 31. i b i d . ; idem, L'art d e c o r a t i f , pp. 86-101; idem, The Modulor, pp. 1-15. 32. Paul Turner, "Romanticism, Rationalism, and the Domino System," ed. Walden, The Open Hand, pp. 18-19; Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier, pp. 4-5; Maximillien Gauthier, Le Corbusier ou 1'architecture au service de 1'homme (Paris: Les Editions Denoel, 1944), pp. 11-20. 33. Sekler, "Ruskin," p. 76, f i g s . 20, 21, 22; p. 79, f i g s . 23, 24. 34. Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , p. 83. 35. Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier, pp. 7, 118-20; Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , p. 137. 36. The e f f e c t s of t h i s t r i p are discussed by Turner, The Education  of Le Corbusier, pp. 120-21. They are also evident i n L'art d e c o r a t i f , p. 96. 37. Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , pp. 85, 122, 137, 144. 38. Bahham, Theory and Design, pp. 206-13, 215. 39. Joost Baljeu, Theo van Doesburg (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1974), p. 64. 40. Banham, Theory and Design, pp. 323, 325. 41. Jordy, "The Symbolic Essence," p. 100. 42. i b i d . 43. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, p. 63; 0'Connell, Church Building, p. 30. 44. Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier, pp. 120-21; Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, pp. 72, 75, 153, 159. 45. "Pierre de l a Chapelle de Notre-Dame-du-Haut a Ronchamp," (Manuscript) 25 March 1954, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 46. Rogers, "II metodo d i Le Corbusier," p. 17. 47. Le Corbusier, Cathedrals, pp. 6, 13, 37. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Le Corbusier had done a s p e c i a l study of cathedral portals i n the early 1920s and 1930s. Le Corbusier, L'art d e c o r a t i f , p. 202. 48. Conant, Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture, p. 99; A. Kingsley Porter, Romanesque Scuplture of the Pilgrimage Roads I (Boston: Marshall Jones Company, 1923), pp. 171, 173-74, 180-82, 187-93, 196. 142 49. Le Corbusier, The Modulor, p. 142; "Pierre de l a Chapelle," Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 50. Rogers, " I I metodo de Le Corbusier," p. 17; "Pierre de l a Chapelle," Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 51. Le Corbusier, The Modulor, p. 140. 52. idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 118. 53. i b i d . , p. 126; idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 121; idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 256. 54. idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88. 55. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 301, 305, 306, 309. By enlar-ging the expansion j o i n t s to create black, shadowed l i n e s , Le Corbusier neatly encised forms s i m i l i a r to those found d e f t l y encased i n black l i n e s i n h i s painting. 56. idem, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pp. 71, 82. 57. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 17; Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 256. 58. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 88; idem, Claviers  de Couleurs, 1935, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 59. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. " L i t u r g i c a l A r t , " by l;.M- Versostko. 60. i b i d . ; O'Connell,Church Building and Furnishing: The Church's  Way. A Study i n L i t u r g i c a l Law (London: Burns & Oates, 1955), p. 57. 61. 0'Connell,Church Building, p. 57. 62. Regamey, "L' e s p r i t et l e s p r i n c i p e s , " p. 3. 63. i b i d . , pp. 5-6. 64. i b i d . , p. 6. 65. Marcel Ferry to the writer, 25 June 1978, Vancouver. 66. i b i d . 67. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 71, 118-125. 68. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 25. 69. Yrjo Him, The Sacred Shrine. A study of the poetry and a r t of  the Catholic Church, 3rd ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. 443, 466, 467. 143 70. i b i d . , p. 465. 71. i b i d . , p. 466. 72. i b i d . , p. 465. 73. The jewel i s a motif often associated with the V i r g i n . Hirn, Sacred Shrine, p. 437. It i s so used i n Claudel's Annonce f a i t e a Marie. A diamond shape i s found painted on one northeast window. 74. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, pp. 130-35. For a discussion of the t h e o l o g i c a l questions then being posed with respect to the r e l a t -i o n s h i p of Mary within the Roman Catholic Church see Ren£ Laurentin, Mary's Place i n the Church, trans. Editions du S e u i l (London: Burnes & Oates, 1965), pp. 9-28. 75. Le Corbusier to Ferry, 8 A p r i l 1957, Fondation Le Corbusier, Par i s . 76. Belot, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 4-5. 77. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 256. 78. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 205 - 19; Pichard, Eglises Nouvelles, pp. 60-61. 79. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 89; idem, The  Nursery Schools, trans, by Eleanor Levieux (New York: The Orion Press, 1968), pp. 41, 42. Nor should Le Corbusier's proposal to use coloured panes of glass i n the reconstruction of the St. Die church be forgotten, see footnote 62, Chapter IV. 80. Fische 7606 (c. 19 May 1955), Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 81. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 207-08, 209. 82. Eduord Corroyer, L'Architecture Romane (Paris: A l c i d e Picard, 1891), p. 49. This reference i s used because i t i s known that Le Corbusier read i t . Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier, pp. 50-51; Paul Thiry, Richard M. Bennet and Henry L. Kamphoefner, Churches and Temples (New York: Reinhold Publishing Corp., 1953), p. 10c. 83. "Le langage des couleurs ;, ;"L'Art Sacre 7-8 (Mars - A v r i l 1963): 18; Thiry, Bennet and Kamphoefner, Churches and Temples, p. 10c. 84. Le Corbusier, Cathedrals, pp. 102, 151, 165. 85. John Bourke, Baroque Churches of Central Europe (London: Faber and Faber, 1958), p. 267; Thiry, Bennett and Kamphoefner, Churches and Temples, p. 10c. 86. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, p. facing 120. 144 87. Laurentin, Mary's Place, pp. 9-11. 88. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. "Mary, Blessed V i r g i n , Devotion to," by E.R. C a r r o l l . 89. Casanelles, Gaudi, pp. 97-103. 90. Rogers, " I I metodo d i Le Corbusier," pp. 24-25. 91. i b i d . 92. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 123. 93. idem, The Modulor, pp. 169; idem, Modulor 2, pp. 53, 55, 116, 150, 151, 157. 94. idem, Precisions, pp. 142-43. 95. idem, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 110. 96. Gauthier, Le Corbusier, pp. 87-88. 97. Le Corbusier, Precisions, p. 5. 98. idem, Radiant C i t y , p. 15; idem, "Le Poeme de .1'angle, d r o i t . " L'architecture du bbnheur, lacks pagination. 99. Le Corbusier and Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1938 - 1946, pp. 10-11. 100. Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 217, 226. 101. Sekler, "Ruskin," p. 76, f i g s . 20, 21, 22. 102. Boll^-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 20. 103. Le Corbusier and Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1938 - 1946, pp. 103-108. 104. Le Corbusier, The Modulor, pp. 51, 64; idem, Le Corbusier  1910 - 1965, pp. 22, 34. 305. 105. idem, Cathedrals, p. 5; idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 106. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 278, 173. 107. idem, Towards a new architecture, p. 159. 108. idem, Cathedrals, pp. x v i i i , x i x 109. idem, The Modulor, p. 51. 110. idem, Cathedrals, pp. xix, 202; idem, Towards a new a r c h i t e c - ture, p. 8. 111. idem, Cathedrals, pp. x v i i i , xix, 31, 146, 173, 176, 205. 112. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 256. 113. idem, Cathedrals, p. x v i i i . 114. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 20. 115. i b i d . 116. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 48. 117. Fische 7465 (1 June 1957) Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 118. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. "Tabernacle," by J.B. O'Connell; Hirn, Sacred Shrine, pp. 151-68. 119. New Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Tabernacle," by J.B. O'Connell 120. Le Corbusier to Ferry, 8 A v r i l 1957, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . N 121. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 27. A. 122. P e t i t , Le Corbusier Lui-Meme, pp. 118-119. 123. Belot, No\re-Dame-du-Haut, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 124. Le Corbusier,"Le-Poem© de l'angle d r o i t , " lacks pagination. 125. idem, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p 126. idem, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, p. 55. 127. idem, Cathedrals, p. 93. 128. Zurko, F u n c t i o n a l i s t Theory, p. 132. 129. The analogy^between the Church e d i f i c e and the ark i s common: i t was often made to Notre-Dame-du-Haut. It was also used for Notre-Dame-du-Raincy. American Ar c h i t e c t 126 (10 September 1924): 249-52. 130. Le Corbusier, Cathedrals, p. 93. 131. Le Corbusier, A i r c r a f t (London: The Studio, 1935), pp. 5, 6, 13 132. Mgr. Dubois, "Response au discours de Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1955):25. 146 CHAPTER VII 1. Couturier, "Le Corbusier, Ronchamp," pp. 29-31; Cocagnac, L'Art Sacre, pp. 3-11; Capellades, CocSgnac and Couturier, Les Chapelles, pp. 108-109; Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 17-19; Boll£-Reddat, Journal 15:16. 2. Pere Couturier focuses h i s a t t e n t i o n on subject matter and figure s t y l e , he does not i s o l a t e l i g h t as a preeminent symbolic element. He does express some response to the general ambiance of l i g h t , however. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 207, 211. Pere Regamey does not emphasise the symbolic function of l i g h t i n h i s w r i t i n g although he does associate dim l i g h t with peace and meditation. P.-R. Re'gamey, "La B a s i l i q u e des Trois Ave a B l o i s , " L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1949): 22. 3. Perret gives much greater emphasis to structure and materials than he does to l i g h t at Notre-Dame-du-Raincy i n h i s comments about the church. Hammond gives much greater emphasis to the plan than to l i g h t . He a t t r i b u t e s great symbolic value to the plan because he f e l t i t indicated a response to new l i t u r g i c a l concerns. Hammond, Liturgy, pp. 83-90. 4. Le Corbusier, Radiant C i t y , p. 47. The concern with s i t i n g and o r i e n t a t i o n for maximum sun penetration into i n t e r i o r s v i a a south exposure i s a f u n c t i o n a l consideration found i n the work of Alvar Aalto, and to a l e s s e r extent i n the work of B. Taut and Gropius, among others. The concern with maximizing natural i n t e r i o r i l l u m i n a t i o n i n the l a s t decades of the nineteenth century and the f i r s t h a l f of the twentieth century was prompted by commercial, economic, and health demands. This pragmatic (and programmatic)concern for l i g h t by Gropius, Aalto, and others d i f f e r e n t i a t e s i t from Le Corbusier's approach to l i g h t at Notre-Dame-du-Haut. Paul Sheerbart i s perhaps the most prominent twentieth-century a r c h i t e c t concerned with the poetic and f u n c t i o n a l aspects of l i g h t . Yet he r e a l i z e d very l i t t l e of h i s ideas. 5. C o l l i n s , Concrete, p. 243. However, t h i s l i g h t scheme probably originated with Maurice Denice who was associated with the project. 6. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, p. 23, f i g s . 17-19; Schnell, Church  Architecture i n Germany, pp. 40-41, f i g s . 21, 26-29. s 7. Pichard, E g l i s e s Nouvelles, pp. 22-23, f i g s . 14,15. 8. Couturier, Se Garder L i b r e , pp. 42, 48. 9. Pere Couturier does not mention Perret's l i g h t i n g achievements at Nc^tre-Dame-du-Raincy, although he does mention Perret. Couturier, Se Garder Libre, pp. 51, 60. Pere Regamey mentions Perret's use of modern techniques and b u i l d i n g materials but not h i s use of l i g h t . Regamey, Religious Art, pp. 224, 247. 10. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, f i g . 51. 11. S i g f f i e d Giedion,nin Space, Time and Architecture, and Talbot 147 Hamlin i n Form and Function i n Twentieth Century Architecture, 4 v o l s . , do not i s o l a t e l i g h t f o r s p e c i a l consideration; i n contrast, space i s exten-s i v e l y discussed by Giedion and colour and rhythm i s discussed by Hamlin. The Glass Chain group of a r c h i t e c t s , the Expressionists generally, and Bruno Taut e s p e c i a l l y , did explore the expressive p o t e n t i a l s of l i g h t i n the 1920s. However, modern materials and the abstract q u a l i t i e s of trans-parency received equal, i f not more, attention. See Paul Sheerbart, Glass ;Architecture, trans. S h i r l e y Palimer and Bruno Taut, Alpine A r c h i - tecture, ed. Denis Sharp (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972), pp. 8-14, 42, 51, 52, 54-56, 59, 64-66, 72-73, 121-122. 12. Couturier, Se Garder Libre, pp. 70, 83; idem, "Religious A r t , " pp. 268-272; idem, "Note by Pere Couturier," pp. 30, 31. 13. "La Lumiere de 1'Eglise," L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1057): 14-16. 14. Canon Ledeur, "Conseils f r a t e r n e l s , " L'Art Sacre 5-6 (Janvier-Fevrier 1951): 15-17. 15. "La Lumiere de l ' E g l i s e , " p. 11; "Prescriptions canoniques," L'Art Sacre 1-2 (Septembre-Octobre 1957):23. 16. "Prescriptions canoniques," p. 23. 17. i b i d . 18. i b i d . 19. "La Lumiere de l ' E g l i s e , " p. 8; Regamey, "La Basilique des Trois Ave a B l o i s , " p. 22. 20. Pope Pius XII, Mediator Dei, p. 66. 21. i b i d . 22. Munier, Un Projet, pp. 109-114; "La Lumiere de l ' E g l i s e , " pp. 14-16. 23. Paul Claudel, "Tidings Brought to Mary," ed. S. Marion Zucker, Modern Continental Plays (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1929), pp. 209-55. 24. Claudel, "Tidings Brought to Mary," pp. 209, 210, 225, 240. 25. Le Corbusier, The Modulor, pp. 221-22. 26. Le Corbusier to Canon Ledeur, 28 J u i n 1955, Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 27. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 39. 28. Jencks, Modern Movements, p. 157. 148 29. Monalte, La Basilique, lacks pagination. 30. Paul Claudel, Positions et Propositions (Dijon: L i b r a i r i e Gallimard, 1934), pp. 231, 233, 237. 31. Montalte, La B a s i l i q u e , lacks pagination. 32. Sekler, "Ruskin," p. 58. 33. These plans were furnished by the Fondation Le Corbusier, P a r i s . 34. Le Corbusier's s e n s i t i v i t y to both the h o r i z o n t a l and v e r t i c a l movement of the sun i s evidenced i n h i s many diagrams showing the r e -l a t i o n s h i p between the sun's movement, l a t i t u d e , and the r e s u l t i n g i n -t e r i o r i l l u m i n a t i o n . Le Corbusier and P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete  1938 - 1946, pp. 104, 106. 35. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed. s.v. "Ronchamp, Notre-Dame du Haut." 36. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 97. 37. The other modifications include the decrease i n the number of confessionals from three to one (with one more portable), the r e o r i e n -t i n g of the roof slope from the north to the west and the consequent r e l o c a t i o n of the c i s t e r n i n the west, and the changes made to the e x t e r i -or exposed column i n the east that became enclosed i n a wall and made into an e x t e r i o r s a c r i s t y . 38. For the importance of l i g h t i n Le Corbusier's a r c h i t e c t u r a l theory see footnote 31 above. His projects for A l g i e r s and Dr. Currett-chet's house at La Plata, Argentina show the extent to which he d i s t o r t e d facades i n order to accommodate natural l i g h t i n g objectives. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1910 - 1965, pp. 327, 82-85. The s i g n i f i c a n c e Le Corbusier at t r i b u t e d to l i g h t i s exemplified i n h i s Radiant C i t y , p. 47. Light i s given poetic form i n h i s poem published i n The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 27. His s p i r i t u a l response to l i g h t i s exemplified i n h i s Voyage d'Orient, pp. 66, 72, 76-79; L'art decoratif d'aujourd'hui, p. 198, and the 1907 chapel at La Chaux-de-Fonds. Sekler, "Ruskin," p. 58, f i g . 17. 39. Le Corbusier et P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1938 - .1946, p. 103. 40. Le Corbusier, Radiant C i t y , p. 86. 41. i b i d . , pp. 78, 85, 104. 42. i b i d . , p. 47. 43. Benton, Benton and Sharp, Form arid Function, pp. x x i - x x i i i , 44. Le Corbusier, Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, p. 11; S t i r l i n g , "Ronchamp," p. 156. 149 45. This sign was used on numerous occasions and i n several d i f f e r -ent contexts. Le Corbusier, Oeuvre complete 1946 - 1952, p. 149; idem, Cathedrals, pp. x v i i i , 171, 176; idem, Creation, p. 305. 46. Le Corbusier, Radiant Cit y, p. 104. 47. Although Vers une architecture (1923) i s most often charac-t e r i s e d as a manifesto advocating technology and mechanization, references to l i g h t are also frequent. Statements supporting a technological view-point are balanced with statements advocating an architecture based on p l a s t i c emotion. It also contains h i s statement: "Architecture i s the masterly, correct and magnificent play of masses brought together i n l i g h t . Le Corbusier, Towards a new architecture, p. 29. p. 60. 48. Le Corbusier and P i e r r e Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1910 - 1929, 49. i b i d . , p. 64. 50. Bolle-Reddat, Journal, 55:11. 6,7. 51. Robert S t o l l , Ronchamp (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, c. 1958), pp. 52. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 103. 53. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, pp. 14-15,17; New Catholic  Encyclopedia, "Ronchamp, Notre-Dame dii Haut." 54. Banham, Theory and Design, p. 217. North l i g h t i s the l i g h t preferred by a r t i s t s due to i t s general day-long consistency. 55. These can be seen reproduced i n Le L i v r e de Ronchamp, pages 46 and 96. Although these may have been temporary l i g h t s added to enhance the photographs, Bolle-Reddat does state that some l i g h t s were added i n 1956 and s t i l l more i n 1968. Bolle-Reddat, Journal, 56:11. 56. This i s exemplified by the concepts 'actio' and 'meditatio' used by S t o l l i n h i s book Ronchamp i n reference to the Church and Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp. S t o l l , Ronchamp, p. 3. The idea that the Church should be both a place of celebration and of meditation appears i n the w r i t i n g of both Pere Regamey, Pere Couturier and Pope Pius XII's Mediator Del, pp. 45, 46. 57. H.H. .Arnason, History of Modern Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc., 1968), p. 215. 58. Le Corbusier et Jeanneret, Oeuvre complete 1910 - 1929, pp. 86, 91; Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965, pp. 34, 58; idem, Oeuvre  complete 1946 - 1952, pp. 70-72; Boudin, Pessac, p. 10. 59. Regamey, "Note sur 1'Orientation," L'Art Sacre 1 (1946): 29-30; Bardet, "L'Eglise dans l a c i t e , " pp. 19-28. 150 60. Rubin, Modern Sacred Art, pp. 62, 62. The idea of tension i s very important to Le Corbusier p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y and, as Notre-Dame-du-Haut demonstrates, a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y . Le Corbusier f e l t that man l i v e d i n a state of tension with nature. He stated "man must struggle against nature to survive.... Happiness i s not a r e a l i t y , i t i s a f i c t i o n , i t i s a r e l a t i o n , a tension. It i s a force drawing i t s energy from one thing - a thing that i s i n us, and therefore subject to change - and directed to-wards another which i s a contingent and therefore likewise to change". Le Corbusier, Radiant Ci t y, p. 83. 61. S t o l l , Ronchamp, f i g s . 15, 19, 35. In h i s next church project at Firminy, 1961, Le Corbusier indicated i n h i s sketches that he intended to focus the sun's rays over the a l t a r on Easter morning. In 1960 Le Corbusier showed an i n t e r e s t i n the way i n which 'the cosmic hours' were incorporated i n church l i g h t i n g schemes i n the past. He mentions Santa Sophia, Constantinople and Stonehenge. Kidder-Smith, The c r e a t i v e method  of Le Corbusier at Firminy (Harvard: M.I.T. Press, 1965). In 1961 Le Corbusier had referred back to h i s 1936 sketchbook which contained a sketch of the l i g h t e f f e c t s of Santa Sophia. It may be that h i s renewed in t e r e s t i n Santa Sophia originated with Notre-Dame-du-Haut, Ronchamp, for there i s a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between the 1936 sketch and the south wall at Ronchamp. Also Le Corbusier was i n the process of reviewing his e a r l i e r sketchbooks at the time of the Ronchamp commission, as h i s re-c a l l i n g of Hadrian's v i l l a demonstrates. 62. Bolle-Reddat, Notre-Dame-du-Haut, p. 22. 63. Le Corbusier, The Chapel at Ronchamp, p. 120. 64. S t i r l i n g , "Ronchamp," p. 161. Capellades, Coca-gnac, Couturier, Les Chapelles, p. 103. 65. Le Corbusier, Radiant C i t y , pp. 28, 37; idem, Towards a new  architecture, pp. 5-7, 16-17. 66. Nikolaus Pevsner, High V i c t o r i a n Design (London: The A r c h i t e c -t u r a l Press, 1951), p. 16. 67. Le Corbusier, Voyage, pp. 55, 56-57, 66-67, 72, 78, 125-27, 153-54; idem, Creation, pp. 30, 31, 33-35. CHAPTER VIII 1. Le Corbusier, L'art decoratif d'aujourd'hui, p. 211-2. i b i d . , p. 120. 3. Couturier, Dieu et l ' a r t , pp. 46, 61, 102-109. 4. Couturier, "Ronchamp," p. 31. 15! BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnason, H.H. History of Modern Art. New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc., 1968. A l f o r d , John. 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" E x t r a i t du b u l l e t i n du Cercle d'etudes a r c h i t e c t u r a l e s du 20 Mars 1952." L'Art Sacre 1952. . Last Works. Edited by W i l l y Boesiger. Translated by Henry A. Frey. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970. . Le Corbusier, a r c h i t e c t , painter, writer. Edited by Stamo Papodaki with essays by Joseph Hudnut and others. New York: Macmillan Co., 1948. . Le Corbusier 1910 - 1965. Edited by W. Boesiger. Translated by William B. Gleckman. London: Thames and Hudson, 1967. . Le L i v r e de Ronchamp. P a r i s : Les Cahiers Forces Vivres, 1961. . The Modulor: A Harmonious Measure to the Human Scale U n i v e r s a l l y applicable to Architecture and Mechanics. Translated by Peter de Francia and Anna Bostock. Cambridge: Harvard Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1954. . Modulor 2, 1955. (Let the user speak next). Translated by Peter de Francia and Anna Bostock. London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1958. . New World of Space. New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1948. . 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The Open Hand: Essays on Le Corbusier. Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1977. White, Freda. West of the Rhone. New York: W.W. Norton & Company Inc., 1964. Winter, John. "Le Corbusier's Technological Dilemma." The Open Hand:  Essays on Le Corbusier. Edited by R u s s e l l Walden. Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1977. Yorke, F.R.S. The Modern House. Cheam: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1944. Zevi, Bruno. The Modern Language of Architecture. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre Ltd., 1978. Zurko, Edward Robert de. Origins of F u n c t i o n a l i s t Theory. New York: Columbia Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1957. UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL  Letters Besancon (Abbe). To Le Corbusier 17 January 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 13 March 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Bourdin (Abbe). To Le Corbusier 21 January 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Canet. To Le Corbusier 24 March 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 4 July 1952... Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 31 July 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . . To Le Corbusier 14 July 1953.! Fondation LeiCorbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 23 June 1956. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . Departamental Inspector of Urbanism and Housing. To Wogensky 2 December 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. Paris... Dubois (Abbe). To Le Corbusier 16 November 1950. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Ferry, Marcel. To Sherry McKay 25 June 1978. Vancouver. Le Corbusier. To Bourdin 3 July 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Canet 11 May 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Canet 19 June 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Couturier 23 November 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To the Cure of Ronchamp 17 January 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Marcel Ferry 8 A p r i l 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Gisclon 22 March 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . . To Gisclon 25 March 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Canon Ledeur 19 A p r i l 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Canon Ledeur 25 A p r i l 1955. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Canon Ledeur 28 June 1955. Fondation Le Corbusier. Pa r i s . Ledeur, Canon. To Le Corbusier 6 May 1950. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 14 January 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 14 A p r i l 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . _ _ . To Le Corbusier 23 A p r i l 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 29 A p r i l 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 1 May 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 29 A p r i l 1955. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Maissonier. To Le Corbusier 9 January 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Mathey. To Le Corbusier 15 March 1951. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . P e t i t , Claudius. To Le Corbusier.14 February 1950. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . . To Le Corbusier 16 June 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Quievreux. To Le Corbusier 8 February 1950. Fondation Le Corbusier. Par i s . . To Wogensky 7 August 1952. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . Wogensky. To Canet 11 May 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . OTHER Fische 7465. 1 June 1957. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . [Fische 7606. c. 19 June 1955. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . "Pierre de l a chapelle de N$tre-Dame-du-Haut a Ronchamp." Manuscript 25 March 1954. Fondation Le Corbusier. P a r i s . c 'Sainte Baume F i l e . Miscellaneous papers. Fondation Le Corbusier. Par Schwiebert, George Ernest J r . "The Primative Roots of Architecture." 3 v o l s . PhD. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Princeton University, 1966. 163 Fig. 2. Sainte Odile, plan F i g . 3. Lourdes, s i t e 165 f i g . 5. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, c. 1936, general view f i g . 6. Sainte-Therese de l ' E n f a n t , p l a n , p r o j e c t c. 1932 V F i g . 8. Rudolf Schwartz: Santa Anna, Duren, 1956 167 F i g . 10. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, general view, i l l u s t -r a t i n g the three a l t e r n a t i v e approaches into the chapel. 169 F i g . 11. Le Corbusier: sketches, 20 May 1950, of the ruined chapel and l a t e r sketches of h i s maquette montaged with the s i t e dated 9 June 1950 171 F i g . 14. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , west F i g . 16. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, war memorial pyramid 173 F i g . 18. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, ceremonial door, i n t e r i o r ' -F i g . 19. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r , south w a l l F i g . 20. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, cross-section, looking north F i g . 21. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, south w a l l , V-shaped supports 177 Fi g . 24. Dolmen F i g . 25. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r , side chapel F i g . 26. Le Corbusier: sketches of Hadrian's V i l l a F i g . 27. Le Corbusier: sculpture r c 1948 F i g . 28. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, i n t e r i o r windows, northeast corner wmwmm 1 A F i g . 30. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, dedication stone, with modulor-scaled c a v i t y , south F i g . 31. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, dedication stone, d e t a i l , i n s c r i p t i o n and walled receptic for church documents, west Fig. 32. Ferdinand Lclger: The Virgin of the Nativity, mosaic Fig. 33. Le Corbusier: "jeu de s o l e i l " diagram 183 Fig. 34. Le Corbusier: sketch Fig. 35. Le Corbusier: lithograph F i g . 36. Dominican Imperial Monastery, Island of Hispanola, d e t a i l of dome 185 F i g . 38. No*tre-Dame-du-Haut, tabernacle, back F i g . 39. south wall 186 F i g . 41. Notre-Dame-du-Haut, plan marked eclairage F i g . 42. Dominican Imperial Monastery, I s l a n d of Hispanola, d e t a i l F i g . 43. Jean Lu r c a t : The Apocalypse, d e t a i l 189 F i g . 4 5 . Notre-Dame-du-Haut, e x t e r i o r , a l t a r wall 

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