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Residential ideology and practice among the Sheep Springs Navajo Reynolds, Terry Ray 1979

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RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE • AMONG THE SHEEP SPRINGS NAVAJO by TERRY RAY REYNOLDS B.A., University of Colorado, 1962 M.A., Stanford University, 1965 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Anthropology and Sociology) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA JUNE, 1979 © Terry Ray Reynolds, 1979 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication o f this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS Date October 12. 1979 Research Supervisor: David F. Aberle ABSTRACT This study's purpose i s to determine whether the o f t -reported variations i n Navajo residence practices are simply responses to contingencies a r i s i n g from environmental, demo-graphic, and h i s t o r i c a l factors or i f responses are condi-tioned i n some way by Navajo ideas about the ordering of r e s i d e n t i a l r e a l i t y and bahaviour. I t i s based on f i e l d research among the Sheep Springs Navajo of northwestern New Mexico. Data about Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology are derived from these people's statements about residence s i t e s and groups and from Navajo o r i g i n myths. This information i s synthesized into a descriptive account of the content of Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l ideology. They believe r e a l i t y has a r a t i o n a l order. Humans are reasoning, goal-directed beings. Their behaviour i s directed toward the propagation of the human species and the maintenance of human l i f e from conception to the death of old age. These goals provide the basis for t h e i r views on the standards they think should order human behaviour and on the modes of behaviour they think best or at least acceptable i n meeting these stand-ards. Standards important to residence are not s p e c i f i c to i t , that i s , a l l persons should make a l i v i n g and should help one another at a l l times i n a l l places. It i s only the procedures for behaviour that are s p e c i f i c to the residence context. For these people, residence i s a matter of subsistence economics. Behavioural modes take into account conditions a f f e c t i n g people's access to l i v e l i h o o d resources and to manpower for exploiting and processing resources. Alternative, acceptable ways to locate residence s i t e s and to aggregate persons into residence groups are based on these conditions. Since the amount of conformity e x i s t i n g between residence practices and behavioural modes gives an i n d i c a t i o n as to whether variant behaviour i s i n some way conditioned by ideolo-gy, comparisons are made between s p e c i f i c aspects of Sheep Springs Navajos 1 residence practices and t h e i r behavioural procedures. These are done using analytic units and variables derived from Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology rather than from anthropological considerations of s o c i a l l i f e . A further t e s t i s made of the agreement between ideology and practice by determining how much error i n making predictions about variant behavioural forms can be reduced by using the i d e o l o g i c a l l y -recognized conditions. These comparisons show very high proportions of Sheep Springs Navajos are following preferred or acceptable modes of residence behaviour. Because so many follow a preferred mode or one of the acceptable ones, the patterns of variant behaviour are not very pronounced and low reduction i n pre-d i c t i o n error i s achieved by using conditions derived from t h e i r procedures. Many variations however tend to be i n the dir e c t i o n predicted by these conditions. Variant residence practices do have some relationship to the acceptable behav-i o u r a l alternatives, but there are contingencies to which i v practices respond that are not taken s p e c i f i c a l l y into account i n the alternative r e s i d e n t i a l behaviour modes of the Sheep Spring Navajos. Some of these contingencies can s t i l l be dealt with by other mechanisms inherent i n the structure of t h e i r ideas about ordering behaviour. Consequently, at the same time Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l ideology and practices generally conform with each other, there i s va r i a t i o n i n t h e i r residence behaviour. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT.. i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 Sheep Springs .. 1 Navajo Residence: Practice and Ideology 8 Research among Navajos 15 Notes... 22 CHAPTER I I : NAVAJO RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY....... .... 26 Livi n g at Sheep Springs 26 Land and Home 34 Making a Liv i n g and a Home 40 Livi n g Together 44 Places to Live 57 Ordering Residential Reality and Behaviour 64 Notes .. 68 CHAPTER I I I : NAVAJO RESIDENCE PRACTICE 72 Comparing Ideology and Practice................... 72 Residence Site Acquistion 76 Homes and Resources 79 Transhumant Use of Sites 104 Residence Aggregation 115 Forms of Aggregation .... . . . ... . 130 v i TABLE OF CONTENTS ( CONTINUED) Page Conformity between Ideology and Practice 139 Notes 141 CHAPTER IV: CONCLUSION -.,143 Accommodating Reality 143 Studying Navajo Residence 148 LITERATURE CITED 150 APPENDICES 159 Appendix A: Key to Pronounciation of Navajo Words 159 Appendix B: Sheep Springs Environmental -. . '.'.' -: .. Conditions 161 Appendix C: Sheep Springs Place Names 168 Appendix D: Table Format and S t a t i s t i c a l Tests... 177 Appendix E: Changes i n Land-Dependent Livelihood A c t i v i t i e s at Sheep Springs 1936-1937 to 1965-1966 181 v i i LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Sheep Springs Residence Sites and Aggregates, 1965-1966 74 II Source of Use-Right to Residence Site, 1965-1966, by Seasonal Use Area 77 III Residence Location Relative to General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area 84 IV Residence Location Relative to General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area 86 V Residence Location Relative to Permanent Water Source, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area 90 VI Residence Location Relative to Major Road, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area 93 VII Residence Location Relative to Major Road, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area 95 VIII Residence Location Relative to A l l Preferred ' Resources, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area 100, IX Residence Location Relative to A l l Preferred Resources, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area 101 X Number of Residence Sites to Which a Livelihood Aggregate Has Access, 1965-1966, by Herding or Farming Involvement...... 105 XI Number of Residence Sites to Which a Livelihood Aggregate Has Access, 1965-1966, by Combined Herding and Farming Involvement. '.' 107 XII Livelihood Aggregates' Use of Residence Si t e s , 1965-1966, by Season 109 v i i i LIST OF TABLES (CONTINUED) Table page XIII Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregates 1966, by Possession and Planting of Winter Area F i e l d . . 110 XIV Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregates>1966, by Possession -, and Planting of Summer Area F i e l d . . I l l XV Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregates, 1966, by Herding Involvement 113 XVI Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregates, 1966, by Herding and Farming Involvement i n the Summer Area 114 XVII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Conjugal Unit Composition 116 XVIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Age of Male 118 XIX Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Annual Income 120 XX Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition and Age of Male 123 XXI Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition and Annual Income . 124 XXII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Age of Male and Annual w Income 126 XXXIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition, Age:of Male, and Annual Income 128 XXXIV Kinsman With Whom Conjugal Unit Aggregates, 1965-1966, by Mother's or Child's Residence i n the Sheep Springs Area 131 XXV Kinsman With Whom Subsequent Conjugal Unit ^ V s . Composed of Married Couple Aggregates, 19 65-1966, by Age of Male. ................................... 133 XXVI Residence Location of Never Married Children, . . -1965-1966.. .vi . 136 i x LIST OF TABLES "(CONTINUED) Table Page XXVII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit Capable of Independ-ent Residence, 1965-1966, by Unit's Relationship with Mother or Child Unit Needing Assistance 138 XXVIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Mother's or Child's Residence i n the Sheep ,;:\'.:./ Springs Area . 146 XXIX Summary of Sheep Springs Navajos' Environmental Types 162 XXX Named Places i n the Sheep Springs Area 169 XXXI Income Source, Land Management D i s t r i c t No. 12, 1936-1937. 182 XXXII Sources of Annual Income, 1965-1966 183 XXXIII Sheep Springs Area Livestock, 1936-1937 and 1965-1966.. 184 XXXIV F i e l d Size and Use, 1965-1966, by Location....... 188 X LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Sheep Springs 2 2 Residence Sites of Livelihood Aggregates 1965- , 1966 80 3 General F i e l d Areas 82 4 Permanent Water Sources 88 5 White Space 164 6 Grey Country 165 7 Mountain 167 8 Named Places 175 x i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Because research and analysis for thi s study took place over several years, many persons have assisted me i n a variety of ways. I want to acknowledge g r a t e f u l l y the contributions of the following: - The Sheep Springs Navajos, who answered my questions and allowed me to pa r t i c i p a t e i n t h e i r way of l i f e ; - The Navajo families with whom I l i v e d , and who shared t h e i r homes, food, everyday a c t i v i t i e s , and family c r i s e s ; - The i n d i v i d u a l Navajos who helped me for long hours i n the tr a n s c r i p t i o n and tr a n s l a t i o n of Navajo words and ideas; - Other persons i n the New Mexico-Arizona region, but es p e c i a l l y Lee and Barney B e r t i n e t t i , Octavia F e l l i n , and Evan Lewis, who made my research and l i f e there a b i t easier; - Louise Lamphere, who generously assisted i n many ways my research among the Navajo through the years; - David Aberle, who u n f a i l i n g supported my inquiry into Navajo culture and society, and who gave me the benefit of his extensive knowledge regarding x i i Navajo l i f e ; - The Canada Council, who provided Doctoral Fellowships from 1969 to 1972 for graduate study and f i e l d research; - Michael Ames, Charles Frake, and Raymond F i r t h who through t h e i r seminars influenced my think-ing regarding methods and concepts underlying t h i s study; - The members of my advisory committee at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, who gave me suggestions and c r i t i c i s m s regarding my research and various drafts of t h i s manuscript, and who were supportive during times that were often d i f f i c u l t ; - Students and faculty members at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and at C a l i f o r n i a State University, Northridge, e s p e c i a l l y Dan Jorgensen, the late Richard Kluckhohn, and Gregory Truex, who provided me with opportunities to discuss and develop concepts used i n t h i s study; - S h e r r i l l Selander, who shared her professional knowledge of research data organization and analysis, and who edited t h i s manuscript; - Barbara Conder, who helped to prepare the f i n a l version of maps and figures included i n the study; David Aberle, Michael Kew, Robin Ridington, A l f r e d Siemens, and E l v i Whittaker of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, who have waited pa t i e n t l y for the f i n a l d r a f t of t h i s study, and who have taken time to read i t ; Family and friends, e s p e c i a l l y Harriet and Raymond Reynolds, Rick Reynolds, Lucy Wales Kluckhohn, and Judith Richter, who assisted my research and writing i n many ways, and who extended friendship and many kindnesses to my friends from Sheep Springs; E l o i s e W. K a i l i n , M.D., and Granville F. Knight, M.D., whose diagnostic s k i l l s , c l i n i c a l ecolog-i c a l knowledge, and wise advice enabled me to complete t h i s study. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Sheep S p r i n g s The S heep S p r i n g s T r a d i n g P o s t i s l o c a t e d on t h e w e s t e r n s i d e o f t h e C h u s k a V a l l e y i n n o r t h w e s t e r n New M e x i c o ( s e e F i g u r e 1 ) . The c o u n t r y s i d e o f t h e N a v a j o R e s e r v a t i o n n e a r t h e t r a d i n g p o s t p r o v i d e s s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t environments.''" The f l a t summit p l a t e a u o f t h e C h u s k a M o u n t a i n s , t h e r o u g h , h i l l y l a n d s l i d e - d e b r i s h i g h l a n d s on t h e i r e a s t e r n f l a n k , a n d t h e w i d e , o p e n p l a i n o f t h e C h u s k a V a l l e y a r e t h e m a j o r t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s i n t h e a r e a ( G r e g o r y 1 9 1 7 , W a r r e n 1 9 6 7 ) . B e c a u s e o f e l e v a t i o n d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e summit p l a t e a u a n d t h e v a l l e y , t h i s a r e a o f f e r s a r a n g e o f c l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n s a n d a s s o c i a t e d v e g e t a t i o n . H i g h e r p a r t s o f t h e a r e a r e c e i v e more p r e c i p i t a t i o n a n d h a v e c o o l e r t e m p e r a t u r e s 2 t h a n l o w e r o n e s . The summit p l a t e a u a n d u p p e r h i g h l a n d s s u p p o r t a p o n d e r o s a p i n e - D o u g l a s f i r f o r e s t . The l o w e r h i g h l a n d s a r e c o v e r e d w i t h a p i n y o n - j u n i p e r w o o d l a n d , a n d t h e v a l l e y i s a g r a s s l a n d a r e a w i t h d e s e r t s h r u b s ( H a r r i s 1 9 6 7 ) . T h i s r a n g e o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s p r o v i d e s N a v a j o s i n v o l v e d i n h e r d i n g a n d f a r m i n g a c t i v i t i e s w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s e a s o n a l u s e o f t h e r e s o u r c e s i n t h e a r e a . F r o m S e p t e m b e r o r O c t o b e r t o May o r J u n e , s m a l l h e r d s o f s h e e p a n d g o a t s a r e g r a z e d a t l o w e r e l e v a t i o n s w h e r e e v e r y o n e h a s w i n t e r homes. H e r d s a r e moved t o t h e h i g h e r p o r t i o n s o f t h e a r e a f o r t h e summer. Many p e o p l e h a v e summer homes i n t h e Q B ^ T w o Grey Hills • Trading Post & Chapter House — — Fence — — » Major Road Wash Contour - 1,000 ft.intervals 1/2 lnch= 1 Mile Sources: U.S.G.S. Contour Map 1954, N.M-Hwy Dept. Map 1961. FIGURE 1: SHEEP SPRINGS 3 upper highlands or on the summit plateau. Some persons plant dry-farmed f i e l d s on the mountain, and others have flood-i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s i n the v a l l e y . (See Appendix E for a detailed discussion of land-dependent l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s at Sheep Springs.) Some ancestors of the Sheep Springs Navajos used a great deal more of northwestern New Mexico than t h e i r descendants do presently. They herded t h e i r livestock, planted f i e l d s , hunted wild game animals, and gathered plants i n a transhumant pattern that ranged from the Continental Divide area i n the east, where winter was spent, to the Chuska Mountain summit plateau i n the west, where summer was spent. This was a distance of seventy-f i v e miles (Van Valkenburgh 1941:142). By the early nineteenth century, Navajos used the general region along the western edge of the Chuska Valley near Sheep Springs i n s u f f i c i e n t l y large numbers to lead the Spanish to designate the area northwest of Sheep Springs as a Navajo 3 population centre (Wilson 1967:7-8). By 1855, there were so many Navajos using the region that i t was decided to es t a b l i s h the f i r s t U.S. Navajo Agency i n Navajo country i n the mountains west of Sheep Springs (Van Valkenburgh 1974b). By the early 1900's the region's Navajo population supported trading posts at Sheep Springs, Newcomb, and Two Grey H i l l s (McNitt 1962, Van Valkenburgh 1941:142) . The upper highlands and the summit plateau near Sheep Springs were used by many people for t h e i r permanent summer residence s i t e s long before they used the lower highlands or 4 the v a l l e y ' s western edge f o r permanent winter homes (Bennett 1964, Bennett and Bennett 1969, Newcomb 1964, 1966, Sheep Sprin g s Navajo Interviews 1970, 1971, Van Valkenburgh 1941). A major e x c e p t i o n o c c u r r e d i n the s p r i n g r u n - o f f i r r i g a t e d farming areas along v a l l e y washes near the f o o t h i l l s where Navajos had winter homes b e f o r e 1900. The l i v e s t o c k r e d u c t i o n programme of the 1930's d i s c o u r a g e d those Navajos who had w i n t e r homes e a s t of the Chaco R i v e r from moving to them. The Chaco R i v e r was e s t a b l i s h e d as the l i v e s t o c k management u n i t bound-4 ary. Thxs r e s t r i c t i o n along w i t h a v a i l a b i l i t y of w i n t e r f u e l a t higher e l e v a t i o n s and the l o c a t i o n of the highway encouraged more and more Navajos as time went on t o l o c a t e w i n t e r homes near the v a l l e y ' s western edge. Many of these homes were b u i l t away from the t r a d i t i o n a l farming a r e a s . The Navajo p o p u l a t i o n grew very r a p i d l y d u r i n g the century f o l l o w i n g t h e i r i n c a r c e r a t i o n a t F t . Sumner i n the 1860's (Johnston 1966, Young 1961), but i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to determine a c c u r a t e l y the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e f o r the Sheep Sprin g s a r e a . ^ In 1965-1966, between the Chaco R i v e r on the e a s t and the western escarpment of the summit p l a t e a u on the west, and between Crumbling House Wash on the n o r t h and the Navajo Land Management D i s t r i c t fence on the south (approx-i m a t e l y 120 square m i l e s ) , the winter p o p u l a t i o n of Navajos r e s i d i n g here t o t a l l e d 535 persons. Of these 10 were not i n the area i n the summer. An a d d i t i o n a l 105 persons moved t h e r e i n the summer. The t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n u s i n g the area a t some , time d u r i n g the year was 631 persons (5.26 persons per square mile) . In the mid-1960's the Sheep Springs Trading Post, the Sheep Springs Chapter House, and the Oak Springs Chapter House complexes provided centralized meeting places for the Navajo population. The trading post centre included the trading post gasoline station, launderette, and cafe. People congregated there to take advantage of these services, to pick up t h e i r mail, to have the trader make phone c a l l s , or to wait for passersby w i l l i n g to give r i d e s . Less than a mile to the west was the Sheep Springs Chapter House complex, which included the chapter house, a house for the V i s t a workers, an o f f i c e for the Community Development Aide, and a Headstart preschool. The chapter i s the l o c a l unit of Navajo t r i b a l government (Williams 1970:40-42), and chapter meetings were held almost weekly i n the winter at t h i s l o c a t i o n . In the summer, chapter meetings were held at the Oak Springs Chapter House on the mountain about eight miles west of the Sheep Springs Chapter House. Near the summer chapter house were a vat and pens used to dip members' sheep. There also were a ceremonial hogan, cooking shelter, and bread ovens for use by chapter members giving squaw dances i n the summer.^ Sheep Springs Navajos l i v e d i n square or round houses scattered over the countryside. Most houses were square, one-or two-room log cabins, although frame or cinder block houses with two or three rooms had been b u i l t . Some multiple room houses had a pueblito f l o o r plan, i . e . , rooms b u i l t side by side i n a row l i k e a motel without i n t e r n a l connecting 6 doorways. A few people l i v e d i n log, polysided hogans. Several forked-pole hogans were maintained for ceremonial use. Brush shelters supplemented houses i n the summer. Other structures that clustered about houses included storage sheds, sheep c o r r a l s , p r i v i e s , and sweat houses. Houses were reached by roads that were unpaved except for U.S. Highway 66 6, which had been paved for a number of years. The only graded road i n the area was Navajo Route 32, over Washington Pass. Other roads were maintained by l o c a l residents or by people working on t r i b a l ten-day work projects. These roads were often d i f f i c u l t to traverse, e s p e c i a l l y i n snow or r a i n . Many families owned or had access to a pickup truck or a car. No one regularly used a wagon and team for transporta-t i o n . Only houses that were b u i l t within a half-mile of the highway had access to e l e c t r i c i t y . People had to pay for the necessary poles to carry the e l e c t r i c l i n e to t h e i r houses and for wiring t h e i r houses. No house had running water. Domestic water had to be hauled. On the mountain t h i s was not a d i f f i c u l t task. Numerous natural springs occurred along the upper and lower edges of the highlands. In the v a l l e y however, there were few wells, and water had to be hauled for some distance. Live-stock troughs had been added to some springs and wells. Live-stock also could be watered at small lakes on the summit plateau and at catch dams constructed throughout the-areav-This was Sheep Springs i n the mid-1960 1s, when I began research there into Navajo residence practices and the ideology pertaining to them. I t i s the setting for t h i s study. 8 Navajo Residence: Practice and Ideology In any society residence i s a complicated phenomenon'!to study for i t encompasses both places and persons. I t i s the end-product of two processes, the l o c a l i z a t i o n of people r e l a -t i v e to the earth's surface and the aggregation of persons r e l a t i v e to each other at l i v i n g s i t e s . Thus, residence involves matters of settlement as well as community (cf. , Chang 1962). These matters do not necessarily involve the same economic, s o c i a l , or p o l i t i c a l f a c t o rs. Among the Navajo residence i s even a more complex phenomena to examine and to analyze because there i s v a r i a t i o n i n t h e i r residence p r a c t i c e s . Studies done before the mid-sixties, including one of my own, documented v a r i a t i o n i n residence practices among Navajos. Differences i n post-marital residence locations, the composi-ti o n and size of residence groups, and the dispersion of these groups over the land and through the seasons were recorded (Aberle 1961, Adams 1963, C o l l i e r 1966, Downs 1964, 1965, Kluckhohn 1966, Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974, Levy 1962, Reichard 1928, Reynolds, Lamphere, and Cook 1967, Richards 1963, Ross 1955). These differences were described i n terms of such variables as m a t r i l o c a l and p a t r i l o c a l post-marital residence and nuclear and extended family residence groups. Many ethnographers, including myself, ascribed v a r i a t i o n s i n residence practices to demographic, economic, s o c i a l , and h i s t o r i c a l factors operating within the context of the Navajo m a t r i l i n e a l descent p r i n c i p l e . The domestic cycle (Levy 1962, 9 R e y n o l d s , L a m p h e r e , a n d Cook 1 9 67, R i c h a r d s 1 9 6 3 ) , p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y ( A b e r l e 1 9 6 1 , Downs 1 9 6 5 ) , r e l a t i v e e m p h a s i s on a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d o f l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t y ( A b e r l e 1 9 6 1 , K l u c k h o h n and L e i g h t o n 1 9 7 4 ) , r e l a t i v e e c o n o m i c s t a t u s a n d s i z e o f h o l d i n g s ( K l u c k h o h n a n d L e i g h t o n 1 974, L e v y 1 9 6 2 , R o s s 1 9 5 5 ) , and t h e m a l e r o l e i n r e s o u r c e e x p l o i t a t i o n (Adams 1 9 6 3 , R e y n o l d s , L a m p h ere a n d Cook 1967) w e r e c i t e d a s p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e c o m p o s i t i o n a n d s i z e o f r e s i d e n c e g r o u p s . D i f f e r e n t i a l a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s t h r o u g h s e t t l e m e n t h i s t o r y a n d d i f f e r e n t e n v i r o n m e n t a l r e q u i r e m e n t s o f v a r i o u s s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s w e r e g i v e n a s e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h e v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e d i s p e r s i o n a n d / o r m o b i l i t y o f r e s i d e n c e g r o u p s ( A b e r l e 1 9 6 1 , C o l l i e r 1 9 66, Downs 1 9 6 4 , . 1 9 6 5 , L e v y 1 9 6 2 , R e y n o l d s , L a m p h e r e , a n d Cook 1 9 6 7 ) . A l l o f t h e s e s t u d i e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h r e s i d e n c e b e -h a v i o u r . T h e y f o c u s e d on t h e s t a t i s t i c a l r e g u l a r i t i e s a n d i r r e g u l a r i t i e s o f N a v a j o r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s . T hey d e s c r i b e d t h e s e p r a c t i c e s i n t e r m s o f u n i t s d e r i v e d f r o m a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l n o t i o n s a b o u t s o c i a l l i f e . T h ey e m p h a s i z e d t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n N a v a j o r e s i d e n c e b e h a v i o u r c o u l d be a c c o u n t e d f o r t o some d e g r e e b y c o n t i n g e n c i e s a r i s i n g f r o m c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n v o l v i n g t h e n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s , a n d / o r d e m o g r a p h i c p r o c e s s e s . T h e s e s t u d i e s h o w e v e r d i d n o t p r e s e n t much i n f o r m a t i o n o n N a v a j o r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y , t h a t i s , o n t h e i d e a s N a v a j o s s h a r e d t h a t d e f i n e d , o r d e r e d , o r j u s t i f i e d g t h e i r v i e w s o f r e s i d e n c e . 10 The b e l i e f s Navajos held about the world, human beings, and l i f e that organized the way they saw the r e a l i t i e s of t h e i r residence were ignored. The procedures they used to delineate and to order t h e i r view of existence were not recorded. How did Navajos view the countryside i n which they l i v e d and th e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to i t ? How did they i d e n t i f y and d i s -tinguish residence sites? How did they see themselves and the i r r e l a t i o n s to one another within the residence situation? How did they i d e n t i f y and di s t i n g u i s h residence groups? A l l of these questions about Navajo b e l i e f s and d e f i n i t i o n s were unanswered. Because these were ignored, some ideas Navajos had about residence behaviour could have been overlooked and/or misinterpreted. B e l i e f s and d e f i n i t i o n s form the context for and give meaning to behaviourial standards and procedures. Without knowledge of thi s context and meaning, i t i s easy to substitute d e f i n i t i o n s and concepts a l i e n to the Navajo. Most studies provided l i t t l e i nsight into Navajo ideas about behavioural!', s#aridards. and procedures with regard to',', residence. The studies generally noted that Navajos seemed to prefer a newly married couple to l i v e near the wife's parents, but they also pointed out that i t was acceptable for the couple to reside near the husband's parents or by themselves. Thus, while they touched upon the behavioural .aspects, - they 'did;;' not! examine them i n depth. Was t h i s post-marital preference actu-a l l y a standard for residence behaviour or was i t simply a preferred procedure for meeting a behavioural.^ standard? v 11 These studies also did not delineate where other persons should or could aggregate. With whom were divorced people, widowed ind i v i d u a l s , or children of deceased parents expected to l i v e ? L o c a l i z a t i o n was e n t i r e l y ignored. Where should or could residence s i t e s be established? Indeed, the values Navajos held regarding residence or the i d e a l models they had for residence were not examined. What was the nature of residence for Navajos? What was t h e i r i d e a l of a residence s i t e or aggregate? What sanctions were invoked for incorrect behaviour? Because these studies did not examine Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology, i t was d i f f i c u l t to determine whether variations i n Navajo residence practices were simply a response to contin-gencies or were a response conditioned or limited by t h e i r 9 ideology. They l e f t unanswered such questions as: - Do Navajos have'specific standards for residence behaviour to which they are unable to adhere because of contingencies? - Or, does t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l ideology allow for a wide range of residence practices i n response to contingencies? - I f so, i s t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y achieved by delineating sever-a l standards for a p a r t i c u l a r residence practice without rules f o r choosing between them (cf; Aberle -1963:3) ?. - Or, i s i t achieved through the existence of generalized non-contextual behavioural standards with only preferred or accepted modes of behaviour applying to the residence context? The research among Sheep Springs Navajos was undertaken 12 then, to answer these questions. In order to do so, i t had to examine both t h e i r residence ideology and t h e i r residence practices and to determine not only the major components of <• th e i r ideology, but also the amount of conformity or agreement exis t i n g between these components and t h e i r practices. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of major elements of these people's r e s i d e n t i a l ideology could not be done from an examination r e s t r i c t e d only to t h e i r residence practices. F i r s t , b e l i e f s , d e f i n i t i o n s , arid-categofies:..are.;.nbt d i r e c t l y r e v i d e h t i i n . behav-iour. For example, Navajos tend to aggregate more often than not into extended family residence groups (Aberle 1961, Adams 1963, Adams and Ruffing 1977, C o l l i e r 1966, Henderson and Levy 1975, Kluckhohn 1966, Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974, Lamphere 1977, Levy 1962, Reichard 1928, Reynolds, Lamphere, and Cook 1967, Richards 1963, Ross 1955, Shepardson and Hammond 1970, Witherspoon 1970, 1975). Does t h i s mean that Navajos i d e n t i f y and d i s t i n g u i s h the extended family as the main component of t h e i r residence groups, or do they consider some other aggregate of persons to be such? Second, i f a study focuses on the degree of conformity between Navajo practice and ideology, the ideology cannot be inferred from the practice without circulars-reasoning. For t h i s study data regarding Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology were obtained from Sheep Springs Navajos* comments about residence locations and aggregates and from Navajo myths about the ori g i n s of the world, man, and various customs. These data 13 are s y n t h e s i z e d i n t o a d e s c r i p t i v e account of the content of Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y . T h i s account i s presented a f t e r t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to r e s e a r c h . I t i n c l u d e s these people's b e l i e f s and r e a s o n i n g about the world and e x i s t e n c e t h a t touch on r e s i d e n c e . I t a l s o c o n t a i n s t h e i r v a l u e s , i d e a l models, b e h a v i o u r a l standards, and p r e f e r r e d and accepted modes of a c t i o n t h a t concern r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a l -i z a t i o n and a g g r e g a t i o n . Since the amount of conformity t h a t e x i s t s between r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e and i d e o l o g y g i v e s an i n d i c a t i o n as to whether or not v a r i a n c e i n r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s i s i n some way c o n d i t i o n e d or l i m i t e d by i d e o l o g y , comparisons o f s p e c i f i c components of Sheep Springs Navajos 1 r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s and i d e o l o g y are then made. In o r d e r t o do these comparisons, u n i t s and v a r i a b l e s used t o . d e s c r i b e , t h e i r ^ r e s i d e n c e behav-i o u r are d e r i v e d from t h e i r i d e o l o g y r a t h e r than from anthro-p o l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e . Thus, i n t h i s study r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s are d i s c u s s e d i n terms of such t h i n g s as " c o n j u g a l u n i t s " or "mother-child aggregation" r a t h e r than " n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s " or " m a t r i l o c a l p o s t - m a r i t a l r e s i d e n c e . " In a d d i t i o n to comparing t h e i r p r a c t i c e s and i d e o l o g y , a f u r t h e r t e s t of the amount of agreement e x i s t i n g between the two i s done by determining.-the: extent ..to., which e r r o r i n making p r e d i c t i o n s about t h e i r r e s i d e n c e behaviour can be reduced by u s i n g i d e o l o g i c a l l y - d e r i v e d v a r i a b l e s . F i n a l l y , the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the f i n d i n g s r e g a r d i n g Sheep Springs Navajos 1 r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e s are discussed i n relat i o n s h i p to the ways they can accommodate the world i n which these people l i v e and to future studies of Navajo residence. 15 Research Among Navajos Because the research for t h i s study was undertaken to explore the nature of Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology and l i t t l e was known about the r e l a t i o n s h i p of r e s i d e n t i a l ideology to residence practices, a single research location was chosen. The Sheep Springs area offered some advantages over other possi-ble locations. Because i t i s an on-reservation area, the people s t i l l controlled to some extent the manner i n which they acquire residence s i t e s . In off-reservation areas Navajos have been subjected to the land allotment procedures of the U.S. Government. More importantly, the Sheep Springs Navajos s t i l l followed a transhumant way of l i f e . While several types of mobile settlement patterns had been reported for Navajos ( C o l l i e r 1966, Downs 1965, Franciscan Fathers 1910, H i l l 1938, Levy 1962, Reichard 1928, Stephen 1893), the transhumant type had never been f u l l y described nor had the ideology pertaining to. i t been documented. In addition, entry into Navajo l i f e at Sheep Springs was made r e l a t i v e l y easy by my acquaintance with a Navajo family i n the area and with the Sheep Springs trader. F i e l d research began there i n 1965. During the summer of that year and the next, Louise Lamphere, now at the University of New Mexico, and I combined our interviewing and data c o l l e c -t i o n e f f o r t s . " ^ In the next f i v e years I made f i v e more v i s i t s to the area. In addition, two Sheep Springs women v i s i t e d me i n Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a and Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia for the purpose of helping with translations of words and ideas. 16 In t o t a l I spent seventeen months wit h Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos r e s e a r c h i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e s . During a l l my v i s i t s to Sheep S p r i n g s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the f i r s t one, I stayed w i t h Navajo f a m i l i e s . I shared t h e i r s l e e p i n g q u a r t e r s , food, everyday a c t i v i t i e s , and f a m i l y c r i s e s . I helped w i t h cooking, c l e a n i n g , water, h a u l i n g , wood chopping, f i r e b u i l d i n g , b u t c h e r i n g , and sheep h e r d i n g . I cared f o r c h i l d r e n , p r o v i d e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and helped w i t h a c t i v i t i e s surrounding ceremonies. In a d d i t i o n , I a l s o t r i e d t o reduce my burden on the people w i t h whom I l i v e d by c o n t r i -b u t i n g to t h e i r weekly food supply and p r o v i d i n g cash f o r c e r e -monies and other s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s . These people seemed to f i t me i n t o t h e i r l i v e s i n the r o l e of a daughter. Over the years I stayed i n the homes of t h r e e d i f f e r e n t f a m i l i e s . One was composed of mother, f a t h e r , and c h i l d r e n , and they l i v e d by themselves. Another c o n s i s t e d of a married couple whose home was aggregated w i t h t h a t of the w i f e ' s married daughter and married sons, and the o t h e r was a n u c l e a r f a m i l y l i v i n g near the w i f e ' s mother and d i v o r c e d b r o t h e r . I a l s o l i v e d i n the borrowed houses of two a d d i t i o n a l f a m i l i e s d u r i n g my f i r s t summer a t Sheep S p r i n g s . In t o t a l I l i v e d a t seven d i f f e r e n t r e s i d e n c e s i t e s over the y e a r s , f o u r i n the w i n t e r area and t h r e e i n the summer one. P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the everyday l i f e of Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos allowed me to v i s i t most r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n the area and to d i s c u s s i n f o r m a l l y these s i t e s and the aggregates of persons occupying them. In addition, I conducted interviews with t h i r t y - s i x Navajos, twenty-eight women and eight men. Of these, eight were e s p e c i a l l y h e l p f u l spending many hours d i s -cussing Navajo ideas and expressions. Compensation for i n t e r -views and language assistance varied from r e c i p r o c i t y arrange-ments, involving things such as food, transportation, and l a -bour, to wages for the two young women who spent work-weeks as my language teachers, interpreters, and guides. Whenever possible Navajos were interviewed i n t h e i r own language. I learned enough Navajo to ask questions about residence and to understand r e p l i e s . Many Navajos were b i l i n -gual so interviews often involved English as well as Navajo. Interviews were open-ended i n format. Some discussions were directed by questions I had prepared using the question frame technique described i n several publications including one by Charles Frake (1964). Others revolved around the interpreta-t i o n of Navajo words and phrases pertaining to residence. Card sorting, map making, and picture drawing also were used to generate further discussion about residence. During interviews I attempted to e s t a b l i s h the meanings and implications of Navajo words and phrases rather than to r e l y on the meanings and implications conveyed by the English t r a n s l a t i o n of the Navajo. For example, when a person said, "shikeyah" that translates as "my land", I did not assume the speaker shared our meaning of the phrase, that i s , the speaker had the r i g h t to use and to dispose of a p a r t i c u l a r parcel of 18 land with boundaries that are described by an absolute g r i d of longitude and l a t i t u d e based on c e l e s t i a l observation (cf..'.-Bohannan 1967:52-54). Thus, a large amount of time was spent i n discussing when a phrase or term could be used, how i t was used, and to what i t referred. When i t was necessary to expand my understanding of a concept or word beyond what I could e l i c i t during interviews, I consulted Navajo myths and various anthropological analyses of them. Knowledge gained from these sources then was d i s -cussed with various Navajos. Since the objective of the interviews with Sheep Springs Navajos was to explore t h e i r ideas regarding residence, I did not attempt to f i n d out how many Navajos held a s p e c i f i c idea or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . U n t i l there i s better ethnographic know-ledge about Navajo s o c i a l ideology.and the ways they use these ideas, the types of questions and the manner i n which they are asked could e a s i l y bias the r e s u l t s of any e f f o r t to es t a b l i s h frequencies. Enough Navajos however expressed the concepts or used the categories presented i n t h i s study to indicate they were not the i d i o s y n c r a t i c views or habits of lone i n d i v i d u a l s . I l l u -s t r a t i v e quotations that are verbatim comments by Sheep Springs Navajos have been included to support my account of t h e i r ideology and to give some idea as to how Navajos ta l k about 12 various subjects. These quotations are representative of t h e i r statements, however, and do not constitute the only 19 evidence c o l l e c t e d for any concept or category. The ortho-graphy used to record Navajo terms i n t h i s study follows that described i n Robert W. Young and William Morgan's The Navaho  Language (1962) (see Appendix A). Information about the Sheep Springs population and th e i r residence practices was obtained from a vari e t y of sources. Surveys, various census records, records regarding the l i v e l i -hood a c t i v i t i e s of these people, and maps provided basic demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l information for 1965-13 1966. Some of these sources also provided h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r -mation for the Sheep Springs area. This material was supple-mented by information provided by Navajos, traders, and government o f f i c i a l s . Interviews with Navajos or my own observations provided data about residence locations, f i e l d s , pastures, residence h i s t o r i e s , clan membership, and kin r e l a -tionships for most people i n the area. Traders and government o f f i c i a l s were help f u l i n d e t a i l i n g aspects of the area's economic s i t u a t i o n , the income of various fa m i l i e s , the general history of the area, and various events involving people i n the area. Data from a l l of these sources were used to develop a demographic, economic, and residence census of the t o t a l Navajo population l i v i n g within the geographic boundaries described e a r l i e r . Since the purpose of t h i s census was to delineate residence locations and groups, geographic boundaries provided the least ambiguous way of defining the study population. Using chapter membership, chapter attendance, co-operative land use, or Navajo c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people to define the popula-tion proved d i f f i c u l t for several reasons. These included the dispersed settlement pattern, the seasonal use of multiple ecological zones, d e f i n i t i o n s of chapter membership which allowed off-reservation Navajos to be chapter members, and the lack of agreement among Navajos as to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of some people. The boundaries used i n t h i s study are well-defined geographical features that encompass an area where most people l i v i n g there either throughout the year or seasonally are con-sidered by Navajos to be "from Sheep Springs," that i s , they are c l a s s i f i e d as Meadow Water People (to h a l t s o i i ' dine'e). Because some people l i v e i n the Sheep Springs area only i n winter or i n summer, the population of the area fluctuates with the seasons. In order to maintain a constant population base for t h i s study, only those people who l i v e d i n the area i n winter were considered i n t h i s examination of residence practices. Winter residents were chosen because Sheep Springs Navajos regard t h e i r winter homes as t h e i r primary residences. The figures presented i n t h i s study about demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l information represent the t o t a l winter population of t h i s geographic area. Because the numerical r e s u l t s are based on the t o t a l winter population, they are not subject to the s t a t i s t i c a l error normally associated with a sample. Instead, any discrepancies or error are due to unmeasurable biases such as inaccurate or unknown information. I t w i l l be noted i n the presentation whenever these biases are known to occur. NOTES "^To conform to the preference of the Navajo Tribe, Navajo w i l l be spelled with a j_ throughout the o r i g i n a l text of t h i s study. Only i n those cases where a d i r e c t quote or t i t l e i s given from an author who used the h form w i l l Navaho be used. 2 There are no records of p r e c i p i t a t i o n or temperature i n the Sheep Springs area, but r e l a t i v e amounts can be determined from cl i m a t o l o g i c a l data for other locations with similar elevations i n northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Arizona (Government Survey 1938, Harris 1967). 3 This area of population concentration was usually c a l l e d "Tunicha," but authors of maps and reports d i f f e r as to which topographical feature i n the area i s given t h i s name (Gregory 1917, NcNitt 1964, Van Valkenburgh and Walker 1945, Wilson 1967). Sheep Springs Navajos use the term Big Water (tonitsaa) for a large lake on the summit plateau of the mountains d i r e c t l y west of Toadlena, New Mexico. I i n f e r t h i s i s the same name found i n the early reports and maps. 4 As part of the livestock reduction programme i n the 1930's, the Navajo Reservation was divided into eighteen land management units (Young 1961:55). Fences were put up to discourage livestock movement across unit boundaries. 5 Only p a r t i a l data were located for the Sheep Springs area from the 1936 Human Dependency Survey. Since t h i s survey covered only about eighty percent of the t o t a l Navajo popula-tion (Johnston 1966:123), even a population estimate for the Sheep Springs area based on these data would be unreliable, g This was the only school i n the Sheep Springs area. Some elementary students attended the day school at Newcomb. A l l other children were sent away, to boarding schools. 7 According to David F. Aberle (Personal Communication), chapter provision of ceremonial structures for members' use i s not universal. Chapters which he has observed do not have these f a c i l i t i e s , g To use the term, ideology, to denote ideas shared by members of a society that they use to define, order, and j u s t i f y the way they see residence and the i r l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation behaviour diverges somewhat from the way thi s term i s often employed i n the s o c i a l sciences. I t usually refers to a theory that j u s t i f i e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and authority within a complex society (cf. Geertz 1 9 7 3 ) ; \ Its use i n t h i s study follows some other anthropological writ-ings (e.g. Harris 1 9 7 1 : 1 4 6 , Service 1 9 6 6 : 6 3 - 7 7 ) i n giving the term a broader meaning. 9 Whether v a r i a t i o n i n other Navajo s o c i a l practices was conditioned or limited by ideology also was d i f f i c u l t to determine because of a general lack of knowledge at t h i s time regarding the whole of Navajo s o c i a l ideology. Generalized accounts of th e i r ideas such as those by Kluckhohn and Leighton (197 4) or Ladd ( 1 9 5 7 ) were not related to s p e c i f i c accounts of kinship categories, the m a t r i l i n e a l descent p r i n c i p l e , the clan exogamy rule, or the ma t r i l o c a l post-marital residence preferences. I t was not u n t i l the studies of Witherspoon (1975) and Lamphere (19 77) that some of the gaps i n our knowledge about p a r t i c u l a r aspects of Navajo ideology re-garding kinship, a f f i n i t y , and cooperation were f i l l e d . "^To present an account of these Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l ideology i s not to imply that I was able to e l i c i t a consciously organized body of thought regarding residence. Rather, t h i s account was created by myself from various ideas these people invoked i n discussing and explaining residence s i t e s and aggre-gates and from ideas contained i n Navajo mythology. "'"'''Louise Lamphere's analysis of co-operation among Sheep Springs Navajos (1977) includes much of the basic residence and demographic material presented here, but she includes i n her population some families l i v i n g outside of the geographic boundaries used i n thi s study. In addition, I have made some changes i n the demographic, residence, and economic information found i n her analysis, because I obtained c l a r i f y i n g data i n l a t e r years while I was interviewing on residence h i s t o r i e s and ideology. 12 These quotations are presented without c i t a t i o n of the person's name i n order to provide anonymity to the people who discussed these topics. 13 During my v i s i t s to Sheep Springs i n 1970 and 1971, I intended to bring the demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l information on this>population up to date. I l l health prevented me from accomplishing t h i s task. Residence 25 information was updated, but a complete update on a l l topics was never achieved. CHAPTER II NAVAJO RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY Livi n g at Sheep Springs According to Sheep Springs Navajos a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of humans i s t h e i r a b i l i t y to walk over the earth's surface. They are the "Earth Surface People" (nihokaa dine'e), and they are c l a s s i f i e d as "walkers" (naaghaii). Humans do not walk randomly. Their movement i s purposeful. They .are fundamentally conscious, reasoning beings able to d i r e c t thei behaviour with regard to goals (cf. Ladd 1957:203-206, Reichard 1950:34, Witherspoon 1977). Humans walk on the surface of a world designed by the other set of reasoning beings i n the universe, the "Holy People" (dighin dine'e") (Wheelwright 1953, Wyman 1970, Young and Morgan 1954). Thus, the world i s r a t i o n a l l y ordered (cf. Kluckhohn 1949, Ladd 1957:203-225, Reichard 1950:3-79, Witherspoon 1977). Its features, inhabitants, and conditions serve p a r t i c u l a r purposes. For example, a Sheep Springs Navajo explains that the r a i n exists because: It f a l l s on the earth and i n a while i t makes the grass to grow. Then the sheep eats the grass and gets f a t . Then we butcher the sheep for mutton and eat i t . Rain gives us water for the corn, watermelon, pumpkin, beans, and st u f f l i k e that. Rain i s where we get food. We l i v e on i t . I t ' s a chain from r a i n to us. S i m i l a r l y , they say trees e x i s t for people to use as firewood and f i r e exists for the cooking of humans' food. For these Navajos, human beings are linked by chains of uses to the 27 earth's surface and i t s resources. Sheep Springs Navajos conceive of that portion of the earth's surface they use as highly varied. They divide the country they occupy into four topographic areas that have three kinds of environmental conditions. The four topographic areas are: "wide space" (hoteel), "badlands country" (honozhitah), "mountain shelf" (bitat'ah), and "up on top" (bjjghj^) . These correspond r e s p e c t i v e l y to the Chuska Valley, the lower portion of the landslide-debris highlands, the upper part of these highlands, and the summit plateau of the Chuska Mountains. The three types of environmental conditions found i n these four areas are "white space" (halgai) , "grey country" (Jfabatah) , and "mountain" (dzij!) . These environments are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from one another by the presence and s i z e of trees. They also are characterized by variations i n t e r r a i n , climate, animals, and plant l i f e (see Appendix B). The people at Sheep Springs think these topographic areas and environments are to be used f o r the purpose of "making a l i v i n g " (bee ' i i n a dah yis^eej!) . Like other Navajos, they * consider the maintenance of human l i f e from i n i t i a l trans-formation of substance into human form to the death of that form from o l d age to be the fundamental purpose of human a c t i v i t y (cf;'.\. Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974:299-303; Ladd 1957: 208, 299; Reichard 1950:26-49; Witherspoon 1977:19-21). The standards these Navajos have for behaviour are derived from t h i s goal. People should be involved i n l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s . 28 "You are suppose to make a l i v i n g . " People also should do nothing to jeopardize t h e i r subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . Everyone "should take care" of himself (cf. Ladd 1957:252). They should "think" about what they are doing. They should r a t i o n -a l l y plan t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s so that they sustain human l i f e . Like a l l Navajos, the people at Sheep Springs believe i l l n e s s and early death can r e s u l t from disturbing the order of the world, such as bothering a spider i n i t s web, or from bringing about contact with aspects of the natural world such as s t i r -r i n g food with a knife - an act that i n v i t e s l i g h t i n g to st r i k e (cf. Kluckhohn 1949:363-365, Ladd 1957:228-234, Newcomb 1940:46-47, Reichard 1950:80-103, Witherspoon 1977:35). People should avoid the dangers r e s u l t i n g from transgressing taboos. They also should avoid excessive behaviour that endangers making a l i v i n g (cf. Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974: 299-303, Ladd 1957:252, Lamphere 1977:35-47). "You shouldn't drink or play cards." "You shouldn't be lazy." "Every person should work hard." Sheep Spring Navajos also think people should take care of the things providing them with a l i v e l i h o o d (cf. Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974:299-303, Ladd 1957:253, Lamphere 1977:35-47). See, you are suppose to take care of the corn and sheep and horses - to raise them up. You are suppose to take care of your house, too. These help you to make a l i v i n g . The people at Sheep Springs think there are a number of preferred and/or acceptable ways of meeting these behavioural standards. Two acceptable ways of making a l i v i n g that involve 29 Navajo use of the Sheep Springs countryside are livestock r a i s i n g and farming. Sheep Springs Navajos prefer certain environmental features i n taking care of livestock. They l i k e to herd sheep and goats or to allow c a t t l e and horses to roam i n areas where the animals have access to water at least once every two days and where there i s s u f f i c i e n t plant cover for grazing. They think these pasturage and water conditions can be best met by d i f f e r e n t environments over the course of a year. The "white space" and "grey country" environments are categorized as appropriate for winter use, and the "mountain" area i s considered as appropriate for summer use. The warmer, d r i e r climates of the former are believed to provide less harsh winter conditions for livestock. I f areas encompassed by these environments are not grazed continually during the summer, then the r a i n f a l l there usually i s considered s u f f i c -i e nt to produce enough plant cover for winter grazing and to provide water. The cooler, moister climate of "mountain" i s believed i d e a l for livestock i n the summer. I t has " l o t s of grass and water." During lambing time, they say i t i s preferable to keep sheep and goat herds i n places well pro-tected from wind and storms. It i s thought best i f c a t t l e and horses can graze i n range land away from residence loca-tions. Sheep and goats are believed to be able to graze almost anywhere, but i t i s considered too d i f f i c u l t to herd them on steep h i l l s i d e s , i n deep forest, or i n very rocky areas, so that r e l a t i v e l y open areas are preferred for herding. 30 These Navajos prefer a f i e l d to be located where i t w i l l receive s u f f i c i e n t moisture before Spring planting. They l i k e f i e l d land to be tree l e s s , with few rocks and a r e l a t i v e l y l e v e l s u rface. 1 I t i s appropriate for a family to have more than one f i e l d . Having f i e l d s i n more than one place allows them to take advantage of d i f f e r i n g amounts of r a i n f a l l and to plant a variety of crops suited to d i f f e r e n t environments. Corn, squash, and beans are thought to grow well at lower altitudes and potatoes and oats at higher ones. Hunting and gathering also are considered to be appro-2 priate uses of the earth's surface. Game i s a food source and provides materials for r i t u a l paraphernalia. Some wild plants are important for medicines, food, cleaning agents, and household u t e n s i l s . Because Sheep Springs Navajos l i k e to l i v e near the resources they use i n making a l i v i n g , they consider a number of environmental features to be desirable i n establ i s h i n g residence s i t e s . The most important feature i s the residence s i t e ' s proximity to sheep and goat pasturage and/or to f i e l d s . Because sheep and goats are penned at night and taken out to graze during the day, Sheep Springs Navajos prefer dwellings to be near grazing areas and a livestock water supply. These considerations are important even to people who do not have livestock. They think i t i s desirable to l i v e near grazing areas because i n the future they or t h e i r children may acquire animals. 3 1 The desire to have adequate pasturage near residence locations also i s emphasized i n views on the proximity of locations to one another. People do not want to l i v e close to t h e i r neighbours because there w i l l not be enough room to graze sheep and goats. They used to l i v e over here, but they moved because t h e i r livestock was too crowded here. We stayed, see. We were r e a l l y r i g h t i n the middle. A l l the homes are surrounding us. We can't move t h i s way. We can't move that way. We're surrounded. For Sheep Springs Navajos the proximity of a residence s i t e to pasturage i s much more important than i t s nearness to a f i e l d . Sheep and goats are penned near the family's dwelling, and they take constant care and attention. This i s not true of a f i e l d . Only during -planting,-;.weeding, ,(a:P$. harvesting does anyone need to be near a f i e l d . I f a house i s to be located at a f i e l d , i t i s preferable that i t not be b u i l t within the boundaries of the f i e l d . B u i l d i n g i t beside the f i e l d i s thought to be best. Happenings associated with a residence s i t e , such as i l l n e s s or death, could disturb the condition necessary for plant growth and could cause a f i e l d to be abandoned. To have more than one dwelling i s considered desirable. Trying to help the sheeps to get grass, they move here and there with the sheeps. They also move for a short time to get the garden started and then to f i n i s h i t . Different topographic areas and environments can be u t i l i z e d seasonally for grazing and farming. Two residence s i t e s , one i n "white space" or "grey country" and one i n "mountain," are considered minimal for anyone i n the area. A t h i r d s i t e i n a topographically d i f f e r e n t area than the other two i s considered to be advantageous for those people with sheep and goats. A t h i r d location allows them to have a sheltered area for spring lambing, i f such i s unavailable at t h e i r winter s i t e , or to have an additional grazing area for better pasture rotation. During a drought, a t h i r d s i t e i s also advantageous for grazing or for planting. Some additional factors are considered i n se l e c t i n g a 3 residence s i t e . A dry, l e v e l area without trees and rocks i s thought to be a good place to b u i l d . They l i k e refuse from previous dwellings to be some distance away from new houses. Other houses or structures should not be very close to the east side of the new house. A l l homes are supposed to be b u i l t with the doorway facing east. Another structure immediately to the east blocks o f f the l i g h t of dawn and the things associated with the order and harmony of l i f e ( c f l Newcomb 1940:18). They prefer drinking water to be close enough to be reached without d i f f i c u l t y , using the available means of transportation. The closeness of major roads also i s considered i n house placement. Paved or graded roads are believed to provide fewer problems for motor vehicles and to provide more opportunities for hitchhiking. School bus routes and e l e c t r i c l i nes also are po s i t i v e attributes to be taken into account when se l e c t i n g a residence s i t e . In addition, they say because of warmer winter temperatures and less snow-f a l l , "white space" and "grey country" are good for winter dwellings. "Mountain" i s best for summer houses. I t i s cool, and fewer insects make l i v i n g there more pleasant. In sum, for Sheep Springs Navajos the location of a residence s i t e does not determine the kind of use people make of the land. Rather, they think i t desirable that the way people use the land determine residence s i t e . They prefer the geographical location of dwellings to r e f l e c t the occu-4 pants' subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . Land and Home There are two geographical places Sheep Springs Navajos consider important to t h e i r subsistance a c t i v i t i e s . The f i r s t i s that portion of the earth's surface exploited for a l i v e -^ 5 lihood. I t i s c a l l e d "land" (keyah). This term denotes the area over which a Navajo walks when ex p l o i t i n g natural re-sources. I t i s where livestock are grazed and fieldsij.are planted. Because residence s i t e s are preferred to be deter-mined by subsistence-activity locations, "land" also usually refers to where dwellings are b u i l t . Land (k^yah) i s what you l i v e on. It's where you herd the sheep and plant corn. It's what you make a l i v i n g on. The other important place i s where dwellings are b u i l t . I t i s denoted i n the Navajo language by the stem - ghan. The l i t e r a l meaning of t h i s stem i s "home" (Haile 1950:75). This i s applied to both place and any dwelling structures asso-ciated with i t including tents, brush shelters, and houses (cf. F r i s b i e 1967:100). "Home" i s thought to be a f i r e and a shelter. A f i r e allows food to be cooked and warmth to be given to humans. A shelter provides protection for people and t h e i r possessions. Home (hooghan) i s where you b u i l d a f i r e and keep your groceries and keep everything that you need for l i f e ('iina). I t i s where people are cared for and fed. "Home" i s where natural resources are processed and consumed. I t i s the focal point for l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s where these a c t i v i t i e s are planned and discussed. I t i s the beginning and end point of the travels people take i n order to exp l o i t resources. The b e l i e f s of Sheep Springs Navajos regarding a "home" do not d i f f e r from those found i n Navajo mythology. In the Blessingway myth a "home" i s established by the Holy People when a shelter i s constructed from materials representing earth, mountains, water, and corn (Wyman 1970:112-123, 384-385). Within t h i s structure are a f i r e , food, food processing u t e n s i l s , a sleeping place, bedding, clothing, and valuables. I t i s where thought and discussion take place regarding sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s . "Planning things and making them strong w i l l be done there" (Wyman 1970:385). This i s the "home" prototype developed by the "Holy People" that i s to be re-created by human beings. A person may have "land" and "home" i n several d i f f e r e n t places near Sheep Springs. See, when you say "my land" (shik^yah), you mean lo t s of places, not just one. I t ' s wherever you l i v e . For Grandma, i t ' s not just around here i n the F l a t . I t ' s up on the mountain and over by the f i e l d , too. These Navajos, however, consider the "land" and "home" they use i n winter as primary, because t h i s i s where they spend the greater portion of the year. While a "home" serves as the focal point of land-use a c t i v i t i e s , the actual size of someone's "land" i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. Navajos define area boundaries by use, and use patterns change over time. Thus, size depends on a number of 36 factors including season and use hist o r y . These Navajos do i d e n t i f y the approximate geographical location of "land" or "home" by the use of named geographical points (see Appendix C). These reference points are well-known landscape features near or within a use-area. The geographical extent of a use-area i s not designated by a single place name. For example, someone's "land" i s not named "Yellow H i l l " nor does i t have the same area size as the landscape feature, "Yellow H i l l . " "Yellow H i l l " i s simply a landscape feature that i s used as a l o c a t i o n a l reference point i n or near the area. A series of these named places, however, can be used to delineate the approx-imate boundaries of the area. Like other Navajos, the people at Sheep Springs think the person who f i r s t uses an area for making a l i v i n g or a home has the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t i t s use for these purposes by other people (cf. Haile 1954:16-22, H i l l 1938:22-23, Van valkenburgh 1936:20-21). This r i g h t i s derived from the fac t that t h i s person f i r s t thought of and ordered the area's use. This i s analogous to the Holy People's control over the world because they o r i g i n a l l y thought of i t s design and order (cf. Reichard 1950:13-25, Witherspoon 1977;13-46). Sheep Springs Navajos say about the f i r s t - u s e r , "It's up to him or her to t a l k " (t-'^a bee boholniih) . 6 The f i r s t - u s e r can say whether or not other persons may graze t h e i r livestock, 37 plant t h e i r crops, or b u i l d houses i n his or her use area. The f i r s t - u s e r , however, can say nothing about t r a v e l through t h i s area i f the t r a v e l does not involve use. I can't say anything to him about those sheep going by here on the way to the water. I sure would say something i f he started to herd his sheep around here. When a person says that an area i s "my land" (shikeyah) or "my home" (shighan), the in d i v i d u a l does not mean that he or she i s f i r s t - u s e r . Anyone including the f i r s t - u s e r may use the possessive p r e f i x i n ta l k i n g about places that he or she uses. People also can use "my land" for areas that they have used i n the past but which they no longer use for making a l i v i n g or a home. People who are considered f i r s t - u s e r s may be given reference nicknames - not names used i n addressing them -that i d e n t i f y the location of t h e i r winter "land" and "home". For example, "Valley Running Down the H i l l Man" (Hastiin  Dahndzl^gai) or "Yellow H i l l Woman" ('Asdzan ffitso Deesk'idi) are the persons who have the ri g h t to r e s t r i c t the use of the areas i d e n t i f i e d by these named landscape features. Sheep Springs Navajos think that i t i s desirable for 7 f i r s t - u s e r s to have a "mountain s o i l bag" (dzi% jteezh b i j i s h ) . The mountain s o i l bag's prototype i s the medicine bundle of F i r s t Man i n Navajo mythology. F i r s t Man's medicine bundle i s described as: The thing, which had made things firm, by which had l i f e i n them, which regulated the ripening, which regulated giving b i r t h , which regulated our progress (Haile 1932:48-49). 38 People at Sheep Springs say that the mountain s o i l bag "helps make a l i v i n g . " You keep i t so you can make a l i v i n g . I t i s for your own good, for your own protection. I t keeps you going forward throughout the future. I t i s for sheep and horses. It keeps them on the ri g h t t r a i l . I t i s for cars, people, and f i e l d s . I t keeps i t a l l going. I t i s for the land that you l i v e on. It i s for everything you have around th i s place. But the possession of a mountain s o i l bag i s not limited to f i r s t - u s e r s . Anyone may have one made. Persons who l i v e i n a f i r s t - u s e r ' s "land" area and who do not have a mountain s o i l bag, however, can be considered "under" the f i r s t - u s e r ' s bag and are thought to be protected by i t . While the f i r s t - u s e r of a "land" or "home" has the rig h t to r e s t r i c t the area's use by others, he or she i s not necessarily the "owner" of the sheep that graze i n the area, the crops planted there, or the houses and shelters b u i l t there. These Navajos think the person whose thought brought something into existence i n i t s present form i s the i n d i v i -dual who has the r i g h t to decide about i t s use or disposal. They again say about t h i s person, " I t i s up to him or her to ta l k . " The notion that the designer or planner of something i s i t s "owner" i s r e f l e c t e d i n the l i t e r a l meaning of such questions as "Do you own any sheep?" (Da dibesh nee hol6*?) that means "Do sheep e x i s t by means of you?" (Haile 1947: 4-5) or "Do you own a radio?" (Ni^ch' i y ^ i s t s ' ^ ' i g i i s h jfa  sinij?' |i?) that means "Did you cause a radio to be?" (Haile 1948:212). The person who purchases a motor vehicle, furniture, appliances, clothing, or foodstuffs has the r i g h t to say who may use them. A person who plans for the next year's crop by saving seeds or who buys seeds or seedlings may say who can use the plant. The person who pays for the materials used i n constructing a house or who has planned the house and organ-ized i t s construction may say who can use i t . An i n d i v i d u a l who i s responsible for the construction of a catch dam or well has the r i g h t to say who may use the water (cf. Kluckhohn,. H i l l , and Kluckhohn 1971:72-76).8 Thus, while the f i r s t - u s e r may have the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t the use of the area, other people may have the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t the use of s p e c i f i c things within that area (cf.. Haile 1954, H i l l 1938, Reichard 1928, Van Valkenburgh 1936). 40 Making a L i v i n g and a Home People at Sheep Springs believe l i f e cannot be i n i t i a t e d or maintained without the p a i r i n g of males and females. Men and women perform d i f f e r e n t , but complementary functions, that are necessary to l i f e and l i v i n g . The transformation of substance into human form cannot take place without male and female. Both provide substances necessary for t h i s process. Human l i f e begins when the mois-ture of the male i s mixed with that of the female (cf. Bailey. 1950:18-19, F r i s b i e 1967:352, Reichard 1950:28-31). Water from the man and water from the lady mixes together to s t a r t the baby. More important to t h i s process however are the complementary functions men and women perform. See i n the Navajo way, the earth i s a lady l i k e us. We born kids. That's why we c a l l the earth, Mother ('ama). Up there, those blue things i s Father ('azhe'e). So Father feels l i k e to r a i n . The r a i n comes down and wets the earth, and i t grows something. It's just l i k e us, l i k e the man and the woman. For Sheep Springs Navajos the male both "plans" and "works on" the c h i l d . Like Father Sky, he i s the i n i t i a t o r and hence planner or designer of the transformation, but he also i s considered the labourer i n the process. The lady don't do anything. She don't work on having a baby. It's the man does the work. He works on i t to have a baby. It's just l i k e the man i s working on the f i e l d ( i . e . , plowing i t ) , and the lady i s just there. The female also has a dual function. She provides the environment for the transformation and the sustenance needed by the new form to grow. In maintaining human l i f e , males and females have s i m i l a r functions. The planner-labourer male function i s translated into that of exploite r i n subsistence a f f a i r s . Men are suppose "to make a l i v i n g " for themselves and families. They exp l o i t earth-surface resources i n order to produce a l i v e l i -hood. They plan the use of available resources and provide the labour required for t h e i r use. I t i s preferred that men "build houses," "chop trees," "get water," "take care of stocks" ( i . e . , l i v e s t o c k ) , "plow the f i e l d , " and "get a job." It i s desired they do "the hard work, the hard jobs" i n sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s . Because men are not d i r e c t l y involved i n the growth of new forms, they are charged with tasks involving actions such as k i l l i n g and digging that are thought to be dangerous, although necessary, to human l i f e . Only men are suppose to chop down l i v e trees, to hunt animals, to make arrows, to plow f i e l d s , or to dig holes (cf'.;.. Kluckhohn,,", . H i l l , and Kluckhohn 1971, Newcomb 1940, Stephen 1893:354). Planning and implementing the use of resources for human purposes are functions assigned to the male i n Navajo myths (Spencer 1947, 1957). Males are put i n charge of making a l i v i n g (Haile 1932, Wyman 1970). Their function i s symbol-ized i n myth and r i t u a l by arrows used i n hunting (Wyman 1970: 352). The inherent male role to design r e a l i t y through thought and labour i s described i n a myth by F i r s t Man: Just as my p a r t i c u l a r thought may:be, things take place on earth, he said. Just as I speak of things so they happen, he said (Haile 1932:4). The female's function as a medium for growth i n human reproduction i s translated into that of a nurturer i n human a f f a i r s . Women support, encourage, and nourish human l i f e from conception to death. They are processors rather than expl o i t e r s . A woman i s the medium for a ch i l d ' s i n i t i a l growth. She i s i t s f i r s t physical "home." She also provides i t with a "home" af t e r b i r t h . Women are supposed "to ra i s e the kids." I t i s preferred that women do.-the " "cooking, " "washing,""sewing," and "weaving." It i s desired they "take care of the kids and house." Because women are d i r e c t l y involved with l i f e , they are supposed to perform tasks c l o s e l y associated with i n i t i a t i n g and supporting l i f e such as plant-ing seeds or milking animals (cf. Newcomb 1940). Providing the context for the human l i f e cycle i s the function assigned to the women i n Navajo myths (Spencer 1947, 1957). They are put i n charge of making a home (Haile 1932, Wyman 1970). Their function i s symbolized i n myth and r i t u a l by the s t i r r i n g s t i c k s used i n cooking (Wyman 1970:352). The ,'inherent female role to nurture i s described i n a myth by Woman Chief: I make everything that i s necessary for l i f e , she said. Everything exists through me, everything that ripens exists through me, she said (Haile 1932:8). For Sheep Springs Navajos, a man's domain i s "land." He usually i s considered the f i r s t - u s e r of the areas exploited i n 43 making a l i v i n g (cf. Witherspoon 1970:59-60). A woman's domain i s the "home." I t i s she who has the r i g h t to say who may use the house (cf. Lamphere 1977:71-72, Reichard 1928:92, Stephen 1893:354). 44 Li v i n g Together Sheep Springs Navajos derive other behavioural standards from t h e i r goal to maintain human l i f e u n t i l i t i s ended by the death of old age. Like other Navajos, they think c o n f l i c t between people should be avoided and people should be f r i e n d l y and co-operative with one another (cf. Ladd 1957:253-255, Lamphere 1977:35-65, Williams 1970:53-58, Witherspoon 1977: 81-95). "Fighting," "being mean," "getting mad," "being jealous," and generally "not getting along (with others)" are thought to be hon^cobperativey discordant-.behaviour (cf." Lamphere 1977:35-36). People should not indulge i n t h i s type of behaviour, but rather they "should help each other out." They should "give aid when requested or when i t appears to be needed" (Lamphere 1977:36). People should be generous (Lam-phere 1977:37). More s p e c i f i c i n application than these generalized standards of s o c i a l behaviour are those that govern the relationships between a man and a woman and between parents and children. The people at Sheep Springs think a man and a woman "should help each other out" because of th e i r complementary c a p a b i l i t i e s . The male exploiter and female nurturer functions however do not translate into male dominance and female sub-mission i n everyday a c t i v i t i e s . Like other Navajos, they believe i n the autonomy of the in d i v i d u a l (Ladd 1957:292-29 7, Kluckhohn and Leighton 1974:309-311). Both male and female have independent v o l i t i o n and are capable of r a t i o n a l thought. Decisions about making a l i v i n g and a home and about the areas these a c t i v i t i e s involve are supposed to be made by consensus between these independent beings who compose the complements 9 of the functioning dyad. The man and the lady are supposed to decide together. They are supposed to talk about i t , the two of them together. They agree on what to do. People at Sheep Springs prefer a woman to have a man around the place "to help her out," and a man to have a woman around "to do things for him." It i s appropriate that males and females should l i v e i n close proximity so that the nec-essary functions of human existence may be ca r r i e d out. For Sheep Springs Navajos the basic r e s i d e n t i a l aggregate i s the married couple. I t i s the fundamental unit of l i f e and l i v i n g . Each married couple i s supposed to function independently of a l l others because i t has the appropriate personnel for human reproduction and for making a l i v i n g and a home. Each married couple i s supposed "to support them-selves." They are supposed "to get t h e i r own food." The autonomy of t h i s unit i s also stressed i n the idea that each married couple should have a separate "home,1", i . e . , shelter and f i r e (cf. , Newcomb 1940:24, Young and Morgan 195 4:19)."'"^ These Navajos think i t i s desirable that a widowed, divorced, separated, or never-married adult l i v e near someone who can perform the complementary function of making a l i v i n g or a home. This does not mean that males or females are forbidden from doing some of the other's tasks when they are alone. A woman can chop wood and carry water i f there i s no 46 man a r o u n d a n d a man w i l l do h i s own c o o k i n g i f he i s by h i m -s e l f . I f , h o w e v e r , t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s a r e s u c h t h a t t h e p e r s o n w i l l be w i t h o u t a s p o u s e f o r l o n g p e r i o d s o f t i m e , t h e n Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s t h i n k i t i s p r e f e r a b l e f o r t h e p e r s o n t o d e p e n d on a n o t h e r m a l e o r f e m a l e who i s n o t a s p o u s e t o a s s i s t them. I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h e d e p e n d e n t a d u l t ' s home t o be c l u s t e r e d w i t h t h a t o f t h e p e r s o n p r o v i d i n g a s s i s t a n c e . F o r e x a m p l e , i n t h e a b s e n c e o f o t h e r a d u l t m a l e s , i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a s o n o r g r a n d s o n t o r e s i d e n e a r h i s w i d o w e d , d i v o r c e d , o r s e p a r a t e d m o t h e r o r g r a n d m o t h e r a n d t o a s s i s t h e r i n m a k i n g a l i v i n g by p r o v i d i n g l i v e s t o c k a n d f i e l d management a n d / o r l a b o u r , h e l p i n g w i t h wood a n d w a t e r h a u l i n g , a n d g i v i n g f i n a n c i a l a i d . He l i v e s n e x t t o h i s mom b e c a u s e h i s d a d i s d e a d , a nd t h e r e i s n o b o d y t o h e l p o u t h i s mom. I f t h e s o n o r g r a n d s o n i s u n m a r r i e d , h i s m o t h e r o r g r a n d m o t h e r c a n c o o k , sew, a n d wash f o r h i m , b u t i f h e i s m a r r i e d , i t i s p r e f e r r e d h i s w i f e do t h e s e t a s k s . I t i s a l s o a p p r o p r i a t e f o r an e l d e r l y w i d o w e d f a t h e r o r g r a n d f a t h e r t o be t a k e n c a r e o f b y h i s a d u l t d a u g h t e r o r g r a n d d a u g h t e r who l i v e s n e a r b y . He may a s s i s t h e r i n l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s i f she i s u n m a r r i e d and h a s no a d u l t s o n l i v i n g i n t h e v i c i n i t y . I f , h o w e v e r , a h u s b a n d o r a d u l t s o n e x i s t s , t h e n i t i s d e s i r e d t h a t he o r -g a n i z e a n d p e r f o r m t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s f o r h e r . Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s a l s o t h i n k t h a t p a r e n t s a n d c h i l d r e n " s h o u l d h e l p e a c h o t h e r o u t " . A.'.child/is .thought: \ ; t o 'be: ;bor,n : w i t h a n i m m a t u r e m i n d as w e l l as b o d y . On t h e day o f b i r t h a 47 child' s body should be moulded and shaped so i t w i l l grow properly (cf. Kluckhohn 19 47:45). A chi l d ' s mind, l i k e i t s body, i s thought to be malleable af t e r b i r t h . The mind i s moulded or shaped by the disposal of the dried "navel cord" ('ats'ee) (cf. Kluckhohn 1947:49, Leighton and Kluckhohn 1947:17, Newcomb 1940:29). 1 1 You put that navel cord ('ats'ee) i n the ground so the k i d w i l l be on the r i g h t t r a i l for l i f e . I t makes the kid's mind go r i g h t . I f you don't do i t , the k i d w i l l be out of his mind. These Navajos think the cord should be placed i n a location associated with making a l i v i n g and a home. This i s done to insure a c h i l d w i l l remember and think about these throughout l i f e . Places where i t i s considered appropriate to put the cord include beneath the sheep c o r r a l , so a boy thinks about sheep and becomes a good stockman, beneath a loom, so a g i r l thinks about weaving and becomes a good weaver, and beneath the f l o o r of a house so, the c h i l d : . . . w i l l remember the whole family, his mother (bima') , h i s maternal grandmother (bima sa*ni) , and his home (bighan) . Thus, a chi l d ' s mind i s directed towards making a l i v i n g and a home. This moulding of a chi l d ' s body and mind begins the lengthy process of growth on the earth's surface. A c h i l d i s thought to be incompetent to provide his own home and l i v e -12 lihood for many years. Thus, a c h i l d must be raised by adults who w i l l provide and care for i t . Both men and women are important to the kids. A man does the work and supports the kids. A woman takes care of the kids 48 u n t i l they are o l d enough t o support themselves. L i v e l i h o o d and n u r t u r i n g are p r e f e r r e d t o be p r o v i d e d by parents f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . I t i s d e s i r a b l e f o r parents and c h i l d r e n t o share a home when the c h i l d r e n are young. I f c h i l d r e n l a c k a parent f o r any reason, i t i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t they l i v e w i t h a woman, r a t h e r than a man, who can r a i s e them. These people l i k e c h i l d r e n to l i v e w i t h t h e i r own mother when p o s s i b l e . I f a c h i l d ' s mother cannot care f o r i t , the order of p r e f e r e n c e f o r a mother sur r o g a t e i s the maternal grand-mother, p a t e r n a l grandmother, a mother's s i s t e r , or a f a t h e r ' s s i s t e r . I f the mother d i e s and the f a t h e r marries her s i s t e r , the mother's s i s t e r becomes the surr o g a t e p r e f e r r e d above a l l o t h e r s . Even though i t i s thought d e s i r a b l e f o r c h i l d r e n t o l i v e w i t h a woman, t h i s does not mean t h a t i t i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r c h i l d r e n t o l i v e w i t h t h e i r f a t h e r i f t h e i r mother i s deceased. T h i s arrangement i s e s p e c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e when the maternal grandmother and mother's s i s t e r s are f a r away or deceased. Whether c h i l d r e n are l i v i n g w i t h mother, a p r e f e r r e d mother su r r o g a t e , or f a t h e r , a l l of these people are c o n s i d e r e d 13 kinsmen of the c h i l d r e n . Each i s a " r e l a t i v e " ( b i k ' e i ) . They are a l l r e l a t i v e s of the c h i l d because people a t Sheep S p r i n g s , l i k e other Navajos, r e c o g n i z e both the mother's and f a t h e r ' s r o l e i n c o n c e p t i o n ( c f . Witherspoon 1975). The c h i l d ' s k i n s h i p bond t o each parent i s based on the comple-mentary, but d i f f e r e n t , f u n c t i o n the parent p r o v i d e d a t con c e p t i o n . The c h i l d i s "born f o r " the f a t h e r , because he 49 planned and worked on i t . The mother provided the ch i l d ' s growing place and sustenance. The c h i l d i s born from her. Thus, a c h i l d i s related to both parents, parent's mothers, and parent's s i s t e r s , but the rel a t i o n s h i p to mother and her family i s distinguished as d i f f e r e n t from that to father and his family (cf. Witherspoon 1975). At marriage, children do not necessarily stop being dependent on the adults who raised them. If they are young when they get married, they are raised by the mother and father. They rais e them u n t i l they are able to st a r t making a l i v i n g and a home i n t h e i r own way. If the young couple's marriage i s arranged i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner and i t i s the wife's f i r s t marriage, the place the couple i s to l i v e i s agreed on by both sets of parents or mothers. Even when the couple makes the residence decision themselves, i t i s desirable for them to discuss i t with both sets of parents or mothers. Unless a spouse has a job some distance away from both mothers, the newly-married couple i s expected to s e t t l e near one set of parents or mother. I t i s not inappropriate for a son and his new wife to share his mother's home and to eat meals provided and prepared by her. If .a mother-in-law decides that her son-in-law i s to observe the custom of not looking at her, a young couple cannot reside i n the same dwelling as the wife's mother. If during the d i s -cussion regarding the young couple's residence she requests the observance of t h i s custom to be disregarded, the newlyweds can l i v e with her and share her food. If i t i s sharing a house with a mother, the young couple should eventually provide t h e i r own dwelling. This can be done by adding a room on to the mother's e x i s t i n g house or by building a new dwelling near the mother's home. There i s a preference for the husband to move to his wife's place, e s p e c i a l l y i f he i s from a di f f e r e n t area. This pref-erence seems to be based on the b e l i e f that men are more able than women to handle "dangerous"1; i . e . , unknown, sit u a t i o n s . This does not mean that other arrangements are inappropriate, es p e c i a l l y i f both spouses are from the same area. If a man from Sheep Springs marries a g i r l from Chinle, he has to l i v e over there. I f he marries a g i r l from N a s c h i t t i , he has to l i v e there. I f he marries a g i r l from Sheep Springs, they can stay at either her mom's or his mom's place. They can stay with the mother i n the same house u n t i l they get a new one b u i l t . I f they are working i n Gallup, they can move there. It even i s proper for a couple from Sheep Springs to l i v e i n winter with one mother and i n summer with the other (cf: Witherspoon 1975:74-85). Similar to what i s appropriate for young children, a young couple may also reside near one of the spouses' maternal or paternal grandmothers or s i s t e r s i f neither mother i s able to provide the couple with assistance i n making a home and a l i v i n g . In addition, i f the wife's mother has died, but her father remains l i v i n g at the location used independently by him and her mother, i t i s proper for the newly-married couple to reside near the wife's father (cf.fi Witherspoon 1975:74-85). 51 A newly-married couple should e s t a b l i s h an independent home as soon as possible, e s p e c i a l l y after a c h i l d i s born. However, i t i's' expected' the couple w i l l take a much longer time becoming independent i n making a l i v i n g than i n making a home. The young couple's dwelling i s clustered with the homes of the re l a t i v e s a s s i s t i n g them and t h e i r subsistence a c t i v i t i e s take place i n locations i d e n t i f i e d by the usage of these people. I t i s preferred that a married couple l i v e near these r e l a t i v e s u n t i l they achieve independence i n producing a l i v e l i h o o d , and they may l i v e there even a f t e r they are capable of being inde-pendent, e s p e c i a l l y i f they get along well with everyone clustered together and i f there are only a few couples aggre-gated at one location. If a couple should divorce, i t i s preferred for the spouse who moved into or near the mother-in-law's (or other relative's) dwelling to leave. After divorce i t i s desired that people depend on t h e i r own r e l a t i v e s , usually parents, for a s s i s t i n g them i n making a home and/or a l i v i n g . If a spouse dies, appropriate residence arrangements are more complex. I f the wife dies and the couple was l i v i n g with or near her mother (or other r e l a t i v e s ) , the husband either marries his wife's s i s t e r or leaves. It i s usually considered best i f children from the marriage are l e f t with t h e i r maternal grandmother or s i s t e r . Preferably, the husband returns to his mother's place and depends on her for homemaking functions. If his mother i s deceased, his maternal grandmother or adult s i s t e r provides a place for him to return. I f the husband dies and the couple was l i v i n g with or near the wife's mother (or other relatives) the wife remains l i v i n g there and depends on her parents for assistance. I f the husband dies and the couple was res i d i n g with or near his mother (or other r e l a -tives) , the wife may remain l i v i n g there i f she has children, does not remarry, or marries her deceased husband's brother. She depends on her in-laws to a s s i s t her i n making a l i v i n g . I f the wife leaves, preferably she returns to her mother's place and establishes a home there. I f her mother i s deceased, her maternal grandmother, her mother's s i s t e r or her older s i s t e r provide a place for her to return. I f the wife dies and the couple was residing with or near the husband's mother (or other relatives) he remains l i v i n g there and depends on his parents for assistance (ef'.v Witherspoon 1975: 75-76). People at Sheep Springs also think the el d e r l y may be unable to be independent i n making a l i v i n g or a home. Their bodies and minds no longer have the hard, firm structure and c l a r i t y of the mature adult. They are i n the l a s t stage of human l i f e characterized by withering and wrinkling. These processes s i g n i f y the gradual loss of the moisture that was so important to the i n i t i a t i o n and maintenance of l i f e . L i f e , begins i n moisture. I t i s sustained by moisture, but ends i n dryness. "When you are dry, you are dead." The el d e r l y are said to be " l i k e children." "They can't do things for them-selves," and "they don't think very good." El d e r l y persons should be provided for and taken care of by the ind i v i d u a l s they raised. 53 Everybody should have kids because the kids w i l l help t h e i r mother and dad when they get old. For t h i s reason, adults who have never had any children or whose adult children have moved far away are always consider-ed good candidates to r a i s e someone else's c h i l d . By the time a parent or parents become dependent, many of t h e i r children often are making t h e i r own li v e l i h o o d s and are no longer l i v i n g nearby. Sheep Springs Navajos desire one c h i l d and his or her spouse to continue to make a l i v i n g with the older person or couple. The young couple may be independent i n subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , but remains with the older person or persons i n order to take care of them when they are no longer s e l f - r e l i a n t . The younger couple occupies a room i n the same dwelling with the parents or a separate house near them. I t i s preferred that a daughter or grand-daughter be the c h i l d to remain but i t i s not inappropriate for a son to do so. As long as both parents are a l i v e , they maintain t h e i r own home, but, i f el d e r l y parents are widowed, they may move into the home of the woman who cares for them. This woman may be a daughter, granddaughter, or daughter-in-law, and she and her children cook and clean for the e l d e r l y person. In sum, Sheep Springs Navajos l i k e parents and children who "work together" to have homes clustered together. They may b r i e f l y share the same dwelling when the c h i l d i s newly married, but when the young couple i s able to e s t a b l i s h i t s own home, i t may occupy a separate room i n the same house as 54 the older couple, or i t may l i v e i n a d i f f e r e n t dwelling nearby. Parents should a s s i s t both daughters and sons i n making a home and a l i v i n g . In return, children should a s s i s t t h e i r parents when they are too old to maintain themselves, t h e i r homes, and t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s i n a proper manner. Sheep Springs Navajos use the term "home" (hooghan) to indicate the smallest d i s t i n c t s p a t i a l unit or residence. This term, however, i s ambiguous. I t can mean one or more homes (Witherspoon 1971:112), and to indicate c l e a r l y that a single home i s being talked about, the phrase "just one home" (t'aa%a ' 1 . hooghan) i s used. This unit may be composed of one building or a c l u s t e r of buildings, but i t s distinguishing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s a single cooking f i r e used by only one woman to prepare meals for persons l i v i n g there or by an adult male to prepare his own meals. They also lack a single, unambiguous term for the aggre-gate of persons occupying th i s unit but they do have ways of describing the sets of persons who co-reside. For example, a nuclear family residing together with or without additional persons l i v i n g with them, such as an e l d e r l y parent, w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d by the phrase " L i t t l e Man and his children" (Hastiin Ya'zh^' d6o ba' a^chini) . This phrase implies that the man's wife i s a resident since a man normally does not have his children l i v i n g with him without his wife also being present. A divorced or widowed woman and her unmarried children or grandchildren with or without other persons, such 55 as a s i s t e r ' s or brother's c h i l d , l i v i n g together i s i d e n t i -f i e d as " L i t t l e Woman and her children" ('Asdzan Yazhi do6 ba'a/chini). "Many homes" (dahooghan) designates a larger d i s t i n c t s p a t i a l unit. I t i s composed of clustered homes occupied by one independent married couple and at least one dependent unmarried adult, young married couple, or el d e r l y person. This term, l i k e "home," i s ambiguous. I t can be used to lab e l any grouping of homes whether or not they are clustered to-gether because t h e i r residents make a l i v i n g together. This unit also can be composed of one building or a cl u s t e r of buildings. If a single house i s the only structure, i t w i l l have more than one room. This unit i s characterized by more than one woman or one woman and one man cooking over separate f i r e s or by women sequentially using one cooking f i r e to pre-pare meals for persons occupying separate homes. The d i s -tinguishing feature of t h i s unit, however, i s that the persons who occupy clustered but separate homes j o i n together, in:.-l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s . They say these people "work together" or "make a l i v i n g together." Making a l i v i n g together may mean a l l sheep owners i n these clustered homes put th e i r sheep in one herd or residents pool t h e i r labour on a single f i e l d (cf. Downs 1964, Lamphere 1977, Witherspoon 1970, 1975). See, she and her husband are separate from her grandmother and aunt who l i v e close by. They got sheep and a f i e l d . They can make the i r own l i v i n g instead of going over to her grandma and asking her. Her grandma and her aunt are together because they work together. They have sheep and a f i e l d 56 too. It also may mean that people pool some resources or labour i n everyday tasks when the source of th e i r l i v e l i h o o d i s c r a f t s , welfare, or wage work. We are together with grandma. We don't have any sheep, but we work together. When an adult chi l d ' s home i s clustered with i t s parent's home, the l a t t e r i s distinguished from the former by i d e n t i f y -ing i t as the " o r i g i n a l " or "main home" (bitse" s e l ^ ' hooghan). Sheep Springs Navajos also lack a single unambiguous term for the aggregate of persons occupying t h i s s p a t i a l unit. They use the same phrases for tal k i n g about t h i s aggregate as they do about the smaller one occupying a single home. " L i t t l e Woman and her children" also can ref e r to married children and spouses as well as grandchildren. For Sheep Springs Navajos, i t i s proper for people un-able, for whatever reason, to make t h e i r own l i v i n g or home, to l i v e i n the same home or i n a cl u s t e r of homes with those able to a s s i s t them i n everyday l i f e . Men and women, the unmarried and married, the young and old, parents and children can l i v e together. The idea that r e s i d e n t i a l aggregation i s a function of the interdependencies e x i s t i n g among people as they attempt to make a l i v i n g and a home i s a fundamental concept i n Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l ideology. 57 Places to Live The geographical locations of residence s i t e s at Sheep Springs are thought to be determined by couples' rights to use various portions of the earth's surface (cf. Downs 1964: 82-86). Sheep Springs Navajos believe every c h i l d has a right to use the area where i t was "born and raised." See, you always have a place to turn back to. You was born there and raised there. That's where you came from. That's where your mother and grandmother l i v e d . You have a r i g h t to say that's your land (hikeyah). You can always turn back to i t even i f you leave i t . Where a c h i l d was born and raised i s the place providing resources for i t s home and sustenance. This place i s part of the earth, and l i k e other Navajos, people at Sheep Springs believe the earth to be "the mother of a l l l i v i n g things" (Franciscan Fathers 1910:354, Reichard 1950:19-20, Witherspoon 1975:16, Young and Morgan 1954:14). As a c h i l d had the rig h t to home and sustenance from i t s human mother before b i r t h , i t i s believed to have the rig h t to home and sustenance from i t s earth mother a f t e r b i r t h ( c f . Stephen 1893:349). The place where the c h i l d was born and raised i s the geographical center of i t s existence. See, my Dad t o l d me I was born over there in the middle of the h i l l . He t o l d me, "You were born right there. You started out r i g h t there. Go over there and r o l l around (on the ground) th i s way and that (to the four cardinal d i r e c t i o n s ) . Don't forget this place!" That's what he t o l d me. It connects both sons and daughters with t h e i r mother, 58 grandmother, and earth mother. It connects each of them as an i n d i v i d u a l . Use-rights are not given to descendants of a s p e c i f i c woman as a group. Siblings have i n d i v i d u a l and equal use-rights to residence s i t e s , farming areas, and grazing lands. Each can c a l l these places, "my land" (shikeyah). I f people with the same rights to use a p a r t i c u l a r area come int o dispute over i t s use, the person who i s the f i r s t to e s t a b l i s h occupancy there by building a f i r e and putting up a shelter, usually a tent, i s thought to have won the dispute. Because a home area i s symbolized by f i r e and shelter, these two things are considered proof of residence at a new location (cf i \ Haile 1937) . The best way to maintain use-rights i s to maintain a continuous presence i n an area (e'fl1; H i l l 1938:22). This i s why people prefer at least one of a woman's children continue to l i v e i n the mother's use area a f t e r her death whether or not her husband i s s t i l l a l i v e . They l i k e the decision as to which c h i l d l i v e s there to be made by a l l her children at a family meeting shortly a f t e r her death. A chapter o f f i c e r ' s presence at thi s meeting i s desirable for he or she serves as an objective outsider to witness the decisions. This i s done i n case there i s a future dispute over the decision. I f one adult c h i l d remained l i v i n g near the mother and assisted her u n t i l she died, i t usually i s thought best that this c h i l d be given the mother's sheep permit and most of her sheep. This c h i l d also can receive her f i e l d permit. I f two or more adult children remain w^th/the mother and make; itheir l i v i n g - w i t h :". her, at her death only one w i l l receive the sheep permit and most of the livestock. The f i e l d permit can be given to the same c h i l d or a d i f f e r e n t one. Preferably, the c h i l d or children chosen to receive the permits and livestock i s the one or ones most he l p f u l to the mother before her death. Whether or not there are disputes between s i b l i n g s over t h e i r mother's goods, her death i s thought to s i g n i f y the point at which each married c h i l d should become independent and should begin making i t s /..own l i v i n g . Unmarried s i b l i n g s , however,' are supposed to depend on the older s i b l i n g s , e s p e c i a l l y married s i s t e r s , for providing a home and a s s i s t i n g i n sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s . I f none of a woman's children was l i v i n g near her, people think i t best for one c h i l d to return to the area to maintain i t s use and to use her sheep permit. Which c h i l d returns, they think, depends on jobs, marriages, etc. The c h i l d receiving the sheep permit and using the land also has the f i r s t - u s e r ' s r i g h t to r e s t r i c t use of these areas to others. I f s i b l i n g s move back, they must receive permission to do so from th i s person. While use-rights are not given to descendants of a s p e c i f i c woman as a group, the r i g h t to use the land between the four "sacred" mountains surrounding the Navajo homeland i s extended to a l l Navajos as children of Changing Woman.^ "Yonder, t h i s side toward sunrise, there are four mountains i n the midst of which I began l i f e , " she said. "From there I started t h i s way at the time, and stopped here," she said. "Now everything i s to be had over there. Every growing thing needed for l i f e i s found there, and there are 60 corn f i e l d s too," she said. "Many people who are Holy People are there. Besides the place i s good (to l i v e in) but at present there i s nobody to be had to l i v e upon i t . You w i l l s t a r t f o r that place, you w i l l dwell there," she t o l d them (Wyman 1970:448). This r i g h t i s the basis for the statements made by people at Sheep Springs that they can use any place they want to use for homes, f i e l d s , or pastures. I t i s the basis for pre-empting unused areas. A couple capable of making i t s own l i v i n g i n -dependently of others can move to such a place. If land i s used by someone else, a couple can move to i t i f one of the spouses receives permission to do so from the area's f i r s t user. Both independent and dependent married couples can move to someone else's use area. I f an independent unit does so, i t usually does not aggregate into a c l u s t e r with those already there. An independent unit does not need to contain a kinsmen of the f i r s t - u s e r for the permission to be granted. A dependent unit usually i s thought to move near a kinsmen. Whether or not a couple has livestock i s the most c r u c i a l consideration i n a f i r s t - u s e r ' s decision to grant permission or not. I f they have livestock, i t i s expected most f i r s t users w i l l deny permission. Well, i f they just wanted to b u i l d a house, I t e l l them i t ' s O.K. to l i v e there. I f they have sheep then I say no. It's already too crowded around here. I f a f i r s t - u s e r controls a large area, permission can be given to people with sheep to relocate some distance from the place where the f i r s t - u s e r resides. Grandma says, "When I die I'm not going to take t h i s land. I'm going to go a l l by myself." So she le t s them l i v e there. I t ' s a long way over there. Permission for non-kin couples to l i v e on the f i r s t - u s e r ' s land may not continue aft e r the f i r s t - u s e r dies. Sheep Springs Navajos think that the heirs have preemptive rights and that i t i s not inappropriate f o r them to chase the relocated household or households out of the area. People who l i v e on the land of a s p e c i f i c f i r s t - u s e r , whether kinsmen or not, are said to be "neighbours" (keedahat' lnigil") . This term also can be used to ref e r to members of contiguous use-right areas or to anyone l i v i n g i n the entire Sheep Springs area. The phrase " L i t t l e Man around whom are areas" (Hastiin Ya*zhi biX danahaz' |L ' j f ) does refer s p e c i f i c a l l y to the households residing i n a f i r s t - u s e r ' s land area. I t i s thought that these households do not normally and continually "make a l i v i n g together", even though some or a l l of them may co-operate for a s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t y , e.g., sheep shearing, a ceremony, etc. In the past this phrase referred to a group of people who were not necessarily c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d kinsmen and who occupied contiguous areas. The men assisted one another i n major land-4.- - 4 - - 16 use a c t i v i t i e s . The people who were great friends used to l i v e close by. They used to do things together. I f they were going to plow or plant corn i n the f i e l d s , a l l of the men used to come together and help each other. They used to do i t for i r r i g a t i n g and cutting hay. They used to share s t u f f they brought out from Gallup. Just a l i t t l e b i t to each family. That's how i t used to be. People referred to by t h i s phrase now are expected to be cl o s e l y related kinsmen. Even though a f i r s t user i s given a geographical reference point nickname, the group of people designated by the above phrase are not given a place name designation, e.g., "Valley Running Down the H i l l People" (Dahndzllgai Dine'e*) . To do so would be to put them i n a category separate from other people at Sheep Springs and would make them "outsiders", that i s , people with whom one does not have f r i e n d l y , co-operative re l a t i o n s . I wouldn't c a l l them that ( i . e . , Aspen Grove People, (T'iisbai" Sikaad Dine' unless I was mad at them. Only people who are not from Sheep Springs are designated as belonging to another category of persons. Geographical r e f e r -ence point names used i n conjunction with the term "people" >* 17 (dine'e) designate categories of people. People are not expected to know much about or have much to do with persons, es p e c i a l l y non-kinsmen, belonging to another category. The reference points used i n category names are usually the best-known ones i n a region. Quite often they are the points used to i d e n t i f y trading post locations. This i s the case i n the regions around Sheep Springs. The "Meadow Water People" (To Hal t s o i f Dine'6*) or Sheep Springs People are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from "Clay Point People" (Bis Deez'ahii Dine'e) or Newcomb People, -"Yellow Clay Standing There People" (Bis DahXitsoii  Dine'e) or Two Grey H i l l s People, "Badger People" ( N a h a s h c h ' i d i i Dine ' e) or N a s c h i t t i People, " S p a r k l i n g Water People" (T5 N i ^ t s ' l l i i Dine'g) or C r y s t a l People, " B ig Cottonwood Grove People" ( T ' i i s t s o h Sikaad Dine'e) or Burn-hams People, and '.'White -Rock. People" (TseY ffigaii Dine'e) whose t r a n s l a t e d name i s used i n E n g l i s h - White Rock People. Sheep Springs Navajos say people who are c l a s s i f i e d as "Meadow Water People" are "from" Sheep S p r i n g s . Meadow Water People are from around Sheep S p r i n g s . They are counted i n t h i s c h a p ter. T h e i r census number i s sent from here t o Window Rock ( i . e . , the headquarters o f the Navajo T r i b e ) . Because "Meadow Water People" i s a category of persons r a t h e r than a group of persons r e s i d i n g i n the Sheep Springs area, they can l i v e elsewhere on the r e s e r v a t i o n and i n o f f - r e s e r -18 v a t i o n communities. But no matter where they l i v e , they are "Meadow Water People" and can r e t u r n to l i v e where they 19 were born and r a i s e d . They are members of the Sheep Springs Chapter. Ordering Residential Reality and Behaviour In sum, Sheep Springs Navajos fundamentally believe that r e a l i t y has a r a t i o n a l order. Substances, events, and con-diti o n s do not ex i s t i n a random fashion. Everything i s ordered by the conscious reasoning of t e l e o l o g i c a l beings, that i s , purposeful beings..' Their thought determines' the form and function of a l l that i s found and occurs i n the world. Both existence and behaviour are directed by the purposes of these beings. Like other Navajos, they d i s t i n g u i s h two sets of these beings, the Holy People and the Earth Surface People. The former are the designers of r e a l i t y . I t i s t h e i r reasoning that orders. They i n i t i a l l y thought of the world's features, i t s inhabitants, and the conditions e x i s t i n g i n thi s world. They thought of the forms that humans, homes, males, females, and the stages of l i f e were to take. They developed the prototype of the basic residence s i t e , that i s , the "home" (hooghan) and the fundamental residence aggregate, that i s , the married couple. They continue to ex i s t and to think for (hence, controlling) what they designed with the exception of humans, who have independent v o l i t i o n . Human experience, how-ever, recapitulates r e a l i t y as planned by the Holy People. Analogously, children's experience of r e a l i t y repeats that of thei r parents because t h e i r minds have been directed toward th e i r parents' experience. The rel a t i o n s h i p between men and women, moreover, recapitulates that between male and female Holy People, and the relationship between parents and children i s patterned by that between the Holy People and the Earth Surface People. Unlike the Holy People, humans however, are not eternal as i n d i v i d u a l e n t i t i e s . Substance must be contin-u a l l y transformed into human form, and these forms must even-t u a l l y die. In addition, human misfortune, i l l n e s s , and early death can r e s u l t from the actions of Holy People. They have t h e i r own purposes and concerns that are not always compatible with human a f f a i r s . They make the world a dangerous place. Humans can compound thi s danger by running afoul of the world's order through non-thinking, ignorant, and/or excessive behaviour. Like the Holy People, humans moreover have the capacity to create danger for each other through the e v i l intent of witch-c r a f t (cf:.. Kluckhohn 1944). Thus, the goals of human a c t i v i t y are always threatened. Their achievement i s never certain. People are continually motivated. Like other Navajos, the people at Sheep Springs believe there are two major purposes of a l l human a c t i v i t y , the pro-pagation of humans and the maintenance of t h e i r l i v e s from conception to death of old age. These goals provide a prag-matic, u t i l i t a r i a n base for t h e i r views on the standards people should achieve i n behaviour and the procedures they think best or at least acceptable i n meeting these standards (cf. -Ladd 1957:208, Shepardson and Hammond 1970:243). Sheep Springs Navajos think people l i v e at p a r t i c u l a r places or with certain persons for some pragmatic reason. Residence, for them, i s a matter of subsistence economics. I t i s a matter of easy access to resources needed i n making a l i v i n g and to manpower adequate for e x p l o i t i n g and processing these resources. I t i s a matter of avoiding anything that jeopardizes these concerns. Sheep Springs Navajos 1 standards for behaviour important to the context of residence are not s p e c i f i c to i t , that i s , the standards for behaviour, which ultimately order people's a c t i v i t i e s with regard to residence, are generalized and non-contextual (cf,;:,, Ladd 1957: 301-302). They think a l l persons i n a l l situations should d i r e c t t h e i r actions toward l i v e l i h o o d concerns and should help out one another. At' a l l times people should do nothing to jeopardize t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d or rel a t i o n s with others. A l l individuals should take care of themselves and t h e i r possessions. A l l males and females as well as parents and children should take care of one another. These standards do not designate (with the exception of sex and generation c r i t e r i a ) s p e c i f i c a l l y where or with whom persons should l i v e . In terms of residence these standards provide a wide lat i t u d e of residence practices to meet the ultimate Navajo goals. It i s only the procedures or modes of behaviour they think best, or at lea s t acceptable, i n meeting these standards that more s p e c i f i c a l l y take into account things within the residence context. These include preferred and/or acceptable ways of acquiring residence s i t e s , of locating homes, and of aggrega-tin g persons at these places. A l l Sheep Springs Navajos' b e l i e f s , goals, and behavioural 67 standards and procedures have both e x i s t e n t i a l and normative aspects. They a l l contain d e f i n i t i o n s of r e a l i t y based on t h e i r b e l i e f s about the nature of things. For example, the preferred r e s i d e n t i a l aggregation behaviour of a newly married couple with the wife's parents or at least her mother i s based on a b e l i e f about the d i f f e r e n t c a p a b i l i t i e s of men and women with regard to situations that might contain "danger." They also a l l carry a r i s k not only of poverty, i l l n e s s , or early death, but also of s o c i a l pressure i n the form of gossip, confrontation lectures, or geographical-separation'from others i n the case of those who do not hold these b e l i e f s or goals or who do not follow behavioural.standards or procedures (cf. Ladd 1957:226-261, Lamphere 1977:43-56, Williams 1970:56-58). If I do something wrong, then people w i l l say t h i s or that about me. Maybe t h e y ' l l say I'm crazy. Maybe, too, my mother or father or grandma w i l l get mad at me. They have a r i g h t to say something to me about what I've been doing. They can t e l l me what I'm suppose to be doing, and they t e l l me to think about i t . If I don't pay any attention to them and keep on doing i t , then maybe t h e y ' l l chase me out. They'll t e l l me to go away. That's a pretty bad thing to happen. 68 NOTES ''"Sheep Springs Navajos 1 c r i t e r i a for f i e l d locations d i f f e r i n one aspect from those outlined by H i l l for other Navajos (1938:20). Type of s o i l i s not mentioned as an important consideration by people at Sheep Springs. 2 . . . . Sheep Springs Navajos also l i s t weaving, silversmithing, and "working for yourself" ( i . e . , wage labour) as appropriate ways to make a l i v i n g . 3 Sheep Springs Navajos also take into account "super-natural" factors i n residence s i t e s e l e c t i o n . They think i t best to locate houses where the world's order i s not disrupted and where l i f e and l i v i n g can be promoted. I l l n e s s and/or death of humans, sheep, or crops are signs of danger at a p a r t i c u l a r place. Like other Navajos, they do not l i k e to have homes located near where there has been chronic i l l n e s s or death (cf. Haile 1937, Newcomb 1940). They also think i t i s dangerous to have houses placed near where lig h t n i n g has struck or where other unexplained happenings, such as a f i r e , have occurred. 4 This preference i s extended even to subsistence a c t i v i t i e s that do not involve the exploitation of natural resources. Sheep Springs Navajos think that l i v i n g near jobs rather than commuting to them over any distance i s best. I f one gets a job i n town, then moving to town i s preferred. Commuting i s considered hazardous and d i f f i c u l t because of 69 road conditions, drunk drivers, weather, and costs. Sheep Springs Navajos however prefer to f i n d jobs that allow them to remain l i v i n g at Sheep Springs or that allow a' person or family to be absent from the area f o r only a few months. Migratory f i e l d work or r a i l r o a d track labour are thought to be good jobs for t h i s reason. 5 s The l i t e r a l meaning of "land" (keyah) i s "a matter of speculation" according to Haile (1948:93). He suggests that i t may mean "foot below" or "foothold;" Hoijer (1974:265) gives the l i t e r a l meaning of thi s term as "foot under.^ and he translates i t as "homeland." Lamphere discusses the implications of t h i s phrase i n terms of Navajo concepts about autonomy and consensus (1977: 38-41). 7 The mountain s o i l bag contains s o i l from the sacred mountains that define the portion, of the Southwest Navajos consider to be t h e i r homeland. The method of i t s preparation i s described i n the Blessingway myth and i t i s used i n association with various aspects of the Blessingway r i t u a l (Wyman 19 70). g Navajos do not name places af t e r people with one exception. They do sometimes name water resources developed by a person a f t e r that i n d i v i d u a l . These place names combine the person's- nickname and the term meaning "his, her, or i t s water" (bito), e.g., " L i t t l e Smith's water" (' A t s i d i i Yazhi bito) (cf.. J e t t 1970:183). 9See Lamphere (19 77:38-42, 57-65) for a general discussion of Navajo concepts about autonomy, and consensus. "^This standard can be met appropriately by a married couple occupying a house, tent, or shelter and using an associated cooking f i r e . I t i s also proper for two or more married couples to share a dwelling i f i t has several rooms. Each couple should have a separate room, but i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n often there i s only a single cooking f i r e for the entire dwelling. Each woman i s supposed to cook her family's meal separately. Sequential meal cooking i s considered the best way to accomplish t h i s . "''"''Another moulding of a g i r l ' s body and mind takes place during the g i r l ' s puberty ceremony (Frisbie 1965). 12 In his study of the Navajo moral code Ladd points out that Navajos consider children to be e t h i c a l l y incompetent (1957:270-272). 13 . • It i s also appropriate for a c h i l d to be raised by a woman who i s related to the c h i l d by clan only. She should be of the same matriclan as the c h i l d . "^Haile gives "home cen t r a l " (hooghan ' ana' ai) as the phrase that i d e n t i f i e s the parent's home area (1950:172). 15 In Navajo mythology, Changing Woman i s often i d e n t i f i e d as the c h i l d of Mother Earth and Father Sky (Wheelwright 1953:11, Wyman 1970:404). The four "sacred" mountains correspond to the four cardinal directions. The southern mountain i s Mount Taylor i n north-central New Mexico and the western mountain i s San Francisco Peak i n north-central Arizona. The i d e n t i t y of the northern and eastern mountains i s problematic. Various peaks i n southern Colorado and eastern New Mexico are p o s s i b i l i t i e s (Van Valkenburgh 1974, Watson 1964, Wyman 1970). 16 This group sounds l i k e the one Kluckhohn and Leighton (1974:109-110) designate as an " o u t f i t " (cf. Lamphere 1970,' 1977, Witherspoon 1975:100-110). Clan names among the Navajos i.al.So-. have; a';similarv,,f orm;-, "' " , •* •„ " _ ' ' " -• • . . , They often combine a geographical reference point name with the term "people". 18 Levy does not make t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between category and group of persons i n his consideration of the phrase "Kaibito People." He says the use of t h i s phrase indicates that a "more homogeneous past i s s t i l l a l i v e i n the minds of people" (1962:793). He thinks t h i s phrase once s i g n i f i e d the actual location of a person's residence at some point during the year, since nowadays "many camps do not come close to Kaibito:" 19 As long as children are registered with the Tribe from the Sheep Springs Chapter, they can return to where t h e i r mother or grandmother l i v e d . They need not have been born or raised i n the Sheep Springs area. CHAPTER III NAVAJO RESIDENCE PRACTICE i Comparing Ideology and Practice Because Sheep Springs Navajos 1 behavioural standards relevant to residence are generalized and non-contextual, t h e i r residence practices can only be compared with t h e i r procedures for meeting these standards. These are s p e c i f i c to the res-idence context. In order to make t h i s comparison, analytic units and variables describing t h e i r practices are derived from t h e i r ideology. The f i r s t unit of analysis i s the residence s i t e . I t i s based on the Navajo concept of "home" (hooghan). I have defined i t as the location at which there i s at least one permanent dwelling structure, that i s , a house, a hogan, or a cabin, that i s available for immediate occupation. I t has a door that i s kept padlocked when the dwelling i s not i n use. This i s defined as the elementary s p a t i a l unit of residence. I have incorporated the Sheep Springs Navajos' basic functional dyad, the married couple, i n t o the conjugal unit. I t i s defined as the elementary s o c i a l unit of residence i n th i s study. This unit i s composed of a married p a i r or the remaining partner of a marriage disrupted by separation, divorce, or death. Never-married children, regardless of age, being cared for by the unit are considered attached to i t . This unit can l i v e alone and can be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s , or i t may co-reside with other l i k e units and j o i n them i n making a l i v i n g . One or more conjugal units that make a l i v i n g together and reside together form the l i v e l i h o o d aggregate. I t i s modelled a f t e r the s p a t i a l l y d i s -t i n c t unit Sheep Springs Navajos la b e l "many houses" (daahooghan). During 1965-1966 there were a t o t a l of one hundred and ten residence s i t e s i n both the winter-use area, i . e . , the valley and lower highlands, and the summer-use area, i . e . , the upper highlands and summit plateau. One hundred and f i f -teen conjugal units had access to these s i t e s and formed f i f t y - s i x l i v e l i h o o d aggregates (see Table I ) . These units are used to analyze the amount of agreement between t h e i r preferred and/or acceptable procedures for meeting behavioural standards within the residence context and t h e i r residence practices i n two d i f f e r e n t ways. F i r s t , the extent to which t h e i r actual places of residence and the types of aggregates formed at these s i t e s seem to conform to t h e i r preferred and/or acceptable ways of behaving with regard to residence i s examined. What proportion of Sheep Springs Navajos' residence s i t e s are i n a preferred or acceptable location? What proportion of t h e i r residence aggregates have a preferred or acceptable composition? Second, the extent to which error i n making predictions about residence location and aggregation can be reduced by using i d e o l o g i c a l l y - d e r i v e d variables i s delineated. How much i s one's a b i l i t y to predict the location of a residence s i t e or the composition of a residence aggregate improved by taking into account economic TABLE I Sheep Springs Residence Sites and Aggregates, 1965-1966 Total Residence s i t e s found i n : Winter-Use Area 59 54 Summer-Use Area 51 46 Total 110 100 Conjugal Units Composed of: Married Pairs 80 70 Once-Married Adults 35 30 Total 115 100 Livelihood Aggregates Composed of: One Conjugal Unit 22 39 More than One Conjugal Unit 34 61 Total 56 100 Note: See Appendix D for explanation of table format. One male c l a s s i f i e d as once-married may not act u a l l y have been married. He however formed a separate aggregate and supported himself. His handicaps of deafness and s i g n i f i c a n t limp may account for his anomalous s i t u a t i o n . Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971. or s o c i a l factors these people define as important to the residence context? 76 Residence S i t e A c q u i s i t i o n The basic p r i n c i p l e i n Sheep Springs Navajos 1 r e s i d e n t i a l ideology regarding residence s i t e a c q u i s i t i o n i s that the children have the rig h t to use the areas t h e i r mother used. In the narrow application of thi s p r i n c i p l e , the children of a s p e c i f i c woman have equal rights to her use-areas. In the broad application, a l l Navajos have equal rights to use land between the sacred mountains because they are the children of Changing Woman. A second p r i n c i p l e i s also contained i n t h e i r ideology. When persons have equal rights to any p a r t i c u l a r place, the rights of the f i r s t person to use i t take precedence over those of others. If someone else wants to use the area, he must obtain the f i r s t - u s e r ' s permission to do so. From these two p r i n c i p l e s , three acceptable methods of residence s i t e a c q u i s i t i o n - inheritance, preemption, and permission -are derived. Sheep Springs Navajos, however, do not indicate a p r e f e r e n t i a l ordering of these methods. Although a l l three methods have been used by the o r i g i n a l conjugal unit i n a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate ( i . e . , the unit using the s i t e f i r s t r e l a t i v e to others i n the aggregate) to estab l i s h residence locations at Sheep Springs, they have not been used equally (see.. Table/. 11), . 1 /Permission i s the dominant method of s i t e a c q u i s i t i o n . In a l l cases of kin-granted permission a spouse's parents, mother, maternal grandparents, maternal grandmother, or s i s t e r 77 TABLE II Source of Use-Right to Residence S i t e , 1965-1966, _i by Seasonal-Use Area  Residence Site Location Site i n Winter-Use Area Site i n Summer-Use Area Use Right Source: Pre-emption of Unused land by O r i g i n a l Conjugal Unit 12 Inheritance of Land Used by Mother or Maternal Grandmother of Either Spouse of O r i g i n a l Conjugal Unit Permission of O r i g i n a l Conjugal Unit to Use Land Granted by Kinsmen of Either Spouse Permission for Main Conjugal Unit to Use Land Granted by Non-kinsmen Total 39 6 59 12 66 10 100 35 6 51 12 68 12 100 Note: The permission includes one s i aggregate that the trading pos In the wlnter-u gates have more the summer-use more than one r gates have none from non-kinsmen category te occupied by a l i v e l i h o o d received permission to reside by t from the Sheep Springs Trader, se area some l i v e l i h o o d aggre-than one residence s i t e . In area some aggregates also have esidence s i t e , and nine aggre-at a l l i n t h i s area. Sources: Bowman 1937:43-73, Government Survey 1938, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trading Post Ledgers 1928-1940. gave approval. Inheritance and preemption methods account for only about twenty percent of the s i t e acquisitions i n either the winter-use area or the summer one. While inheritance i s s t i l l i n use as a method of acquistion, preemption i s not. No residence s i t e has been acquired through preemption since the late 1930's. In addition to the fac t that Sheep Springs Navajos 1 r e s i d e n t i a l ideology provides no p r e f e r e n t i a l ordering regarding the methods used to obtain a residence s i t e , i t does not provide much information about contexts that would allow predictions to be made as to who would use which method or under what conditions a p a r t i c u l a r method would be used. Obviously, i n order to i n h e r i t a location or to receive a kinsman's permission to use one, one of the spouses i n a conjugal unit must have a kinsman who used the land. Beyond t h i s c r i t e r i o n , however, l i t t l e can derived from the ideology to predict who would acquire a residence s i t e through permission, inheritance, or preemption. 79 Homes and R e s o u r c e s A c c o r d i n g t o t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s , a p r e f e r r e d l o c a t i o n f o r b u i l d i n g a home i s one t h a t p r o v i d e s a c c e s s t o l a n d s u i t a b l e f o r h e r d i n g s h e e p and g o a t s . S i n c e r o c k y t e r r a i n , d e n s e f o r e s t , and s t e e p h i l l s i d e s a r e c o n s i d e r e d u n s u i t a b l e a r e a s f o r h e r d i n g , i t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d t h a t p o r t i o n s o f t h e Sheep S p r i n g s c o u n t r y s i d e w i t h t h e s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w o u l d n o t be o c c u p i e d , e s p e c i a l l y by l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e s r u n n i n g s h e e p and g o a t h e r d s . L o c a l l y , t h e s e a r e a s i n c l u d e t h e b r o k e n , r o c k y t e r r a i n o f most o f t h e l o w e r h i g h l a n d s and t h e s t e e p h i l l s i d e s d i v i d i n g t h e v a l l e y f r o m t h e h i g h l a n d s and t h e h i g h l a n d s f r o m t h e summit p l a t e a u . The f o r e s t on t h e m o u n t a i n i s n o t v e r y d e n s e and i s b r o k e n f r e q u e n t l y by s m a l l , o p en h o l l o w s and meadows; h e n c e , t h i s a r e a i s 2 e a s i l y u s e d f o r h e r d i n g . F i g u r e 2 shows t h e l o c a t i o n o f l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e s ' 3 r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n t h e w i n t e r and summer a r e a s . N o t o n l y a r e t h e a r e a s u n s u i t a b l e f o r h e r d i n g u n o c c u p i e d by l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e s r u n n i n g h e r d s , b u t t h e s e p l a c e s a r e a l s o u n o c c u p i e d by o t h e r a g g r e g a t e s . One h u n d r e d p e r c e n t o f t h e r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o f l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e s a t Sheep S p r i n g s a r e l o c a t e d i n p l a c e s p r o v i d i n g a c c e s s t o s u i t a b l e l a n d f o r h e r d i n g . A l o c a t i o n w i t h a c c e s s t o f a r m i n g l a n d a l s o i s p r e f e r r e d f o r a r e s i d e n c e s i t e . T r e e l e s s , l e v e l l a n d — * " — F e n c e — — M a j o r R o a d W a s h ; C o n t o u r — 1 , 0 0 0 f t . i n t e r v a l s 1/2 I n c h r 1 M i l e S o u r c e s : S h e e p S p r i n g s N a v a ] o I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 1 9 7 0 , 1971. O F L I V E L I H O O D A G G R E G A T E S , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 6 6 81 r e c e i v i n g enough m o i s t u r e f o r f l o o d - i r r i g a t e d o r d r y - l a n d f a r m i n g i s f o u n d i n t h e Sheep S p r i n g s a r e a a l o n g v a l l e y washes, l o w e r h i g h l a n d washes, t h e W a s h i n g t o n P a s s r o a d , and i n t h e h o l l o w s and meadows o f t h e u p p e r h i g h l a n d s and summit p l a t e a u . O n l y some o f t h e s e a r e a s , i n f a c t , a r e f a r m e d by Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s ( s e e F i g u r e 3 f o r t h e 4 l o c a t i o n o f t h e s e g e n e r a l f i e l d a r e a s ) . I f n o t e v e r y o n e l i v e s n e a r a f i e l d a r e a , and s i n c e Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s b e l i e v e p e o p l e s h o u l d l i v e n e a r t h e r e s o u r c e s t h e y u s e , i t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d t h a t l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e s w i t h f i e l d s w o u l d have r e s i d e n c e s i t e s c l o s e r t o g e n e r a l f i e l d a r e a s t h a n t h o s e w i t h no f a r m i n g i n v o l v e m e n t . I n t h i s s t u d y a r e s i d e n c e s i t e i s c o n s i d e r e d n e a r a f i e l d a r e a i f i t i s l o c a t e d a q u a r t e r o f a m i l e o r l e s s f r o m t h e a r e a . I n s i t u a t i o n s where a l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e ' s h e r d i n g and f a r m i n g l a n d a r e n o t c o n t i g u o u s , i t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d by e x t r a p o l a t i n g f r o m t h e i d e o l o g y t h a t a g g r e g a t e s r u n n i n g h e r d s w o u l d l i v e c l o s e t o t h e i r h e r d i n g ' a r e a s and away f r o m t h e i r f i e l d s . A c c o r d i n g t o Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s , s h e e p and g o a t s n e e d c o n s t a n t c a r e , b u t f i e l d s c a n be l e f t u n a t t e n d e d a l a r g e p o r t i o n o f t h e t i m e . I f a l i v e l i h o o d a g g r e g a t e ' s f a r m i n g and h e r d i n g i n v o l v e m e n t i s l o o k e d a t i n c o m b i n a t i o n , a g g r e g a t e s o n l y i n v o l v e d i n f a r m i n g w o u l d be e x p e c t e d t o have homes n e a r f i e l d a r e a s , b u t a g g r e g a t e s w i t h b o t h a f i e l d a nd a h e r d may o r may n o t have a r e s i d e n c e s i t e n e a r a f i e l d a r e a . Those n o t i n v o l v e d i n f a r m i n g w o u l d n o t I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 1 9 7 0 , 1971. 83 necessarily be expected to l i v e within a quarter of a mile of a farming-area. As Table III shows, twenty-nine percent of the l i v e l i h o o d aggregates' winter area residence s i t e s are i n preferred locations near f i e l d areas. Since f i e l d areas occupy so l i t t l e of the winter area, i t i s not surprising that less than one-t h i r d of the winter residence s i t e s are near them. There i s a d e f i n i t e association between an aggregate's possession of a f i e l d i n the winter-use area and i t s s i t e location i n the winter area r e l a t i v e to. a general f i e l d area. Aggregates with winter area f i e l d s more frequently have s i t e s near farming areas than those without f i e l d s . Knowing that an aggregate has a winter area f i e l d improves the a b i l i t y to predict where i t s residence s i t e i s r e l a t i v e to a farming area by twenty-one percent (see Table I I I ) . (See Appendix D for a discussion of s t a t i s t i c a l tests used i n t h i s analysis). There i s no association between a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate's herding a c t i v i t y and i t s s i t e location r e l a t i v e to a general f i e l d area, but combining knowledge of an aggregate's farming and herding involvement c l a r i f i e s to some degree the location of i t s dwelling. Those aggregates only involved i n farming have s i t e s near f i e l d areas, but only about one-half of the aggregates involved i n both farming and herding have homes near these areas. Aggregates without f i e l d s , regardless of whether or not they run a herd, tend to have residence s i t e s over a quarter of a mile from a farming area. Combining knowledge of an aggregate's f i e l d possession and herding 84 TABLE III Residence Location Relative to General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total Total Winter-Use Area Sites Site's Possible Use Aggregate Has Winter Area F i e l d Does Not Have Winter Area F i e l d f Q. ~o f Q. "O f Q. "o 17 29 13 54 4 11 42 71 11 46 31 89 59 100 24 100 35 100 t = 0.21 r Aggregate Runs Herd Does Not Run Herd _ f % _ f Q, "5 Location i s : Near F i e l d Area 12 30 5 26 Away From F i e l d Area 28 70 14 74 Total 40 100 19 100 t = 0.00 r Aggregate Has F i e l d Has F i e l d Does Not But No Herd and Herd Have F i e l d f % f % f Q. "5 Location i s : Near F i e l d Area 3 100 • 10 48 4 11 Away From F i e l d Area — 11 52 31 89 Total 3 100 21 100 35 100 t = 0.27 r Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. 85 a c t i v i t y increases the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of i t s residence s i t e location r e l a t i v e to farming areas by twenty-seven percent i n this portion of the Sheep Springs area (see Table I I I ) . In the summer-use area ninety percent of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates' residence s i t e s are near general f i e l d areas (see Table IV). This high percentage r e f l e c t s : the r e l a t i v e size and topography of the summer area. I t i s much smaller than the winter area, and i t s scattered hollows and meadows do not allow for the cl u s t e r i n g together of f i e l d s as i n the winter area. F i e l d s i n the upper highlands are scattered throughout most of the area. Because so many summer s i t e s are near f i e l d areas, the patterns involving t h e i r possible use are less pronounced than those i n the winter-use area. Knowing aggregates 1 involvement in either farming or herding a c t i v i t i e s i s of l i t t l e assistance in determining whether or not t h e i r residence s i t e s w i l l be near a f i e l d area. The reduction i n prediction error i s only three percent. Combining knowledge of aggregates' farming and herding involvement also r e s u l t s i n l i t t l e reduction i n prediction error - only four percent. The combined knowledge of aggregates' a c t i v i t i e s , however, does c l a r i f y the si t u a t i o n somewhat. A l l aggregates that have f i e l d s but no herds do l i v e near f i e l d areas, and those who do not have f i e l d s are less l i k e l y to l i v e near them. Sheep Springs Navajos also prefer a residence s i t e to be located near a permanent source of water. Because abundant 86 TABLE IV Residence Location Relative to General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area  Site's Possible Use Total Aggregate Does Not Summer-Use Has Summer Have Summer Area Sites Area F i e l d Area F i e l d f Q, "o f % f o. "o Location i s : Near F i e l d Area 46 90 32 94 14 82 Away From F i e l d Area 5 10 2 6 3 18 Total 51 100 34 100 17 100 t = 0.03 r Aggregate Does Not Runs Herd Run Herd f % . _ f % Location i s : Near F i e l d Area 35 88 11 100 Away From F i e l d Area 5 12 — ; 100 Total 40 100 11 100 t = 0.03 r Aggregate Has F i e l d Has F i e l d Does Not But No Herd and Herd Have F i e l d - f Q, "6 f % f % Location i s : Near F i e l d Area 4 100 28 93 14 82 Away From F i e l d Area 2 7 3 18 Total 4 100 30 100 17 100 t = 0.04 r Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. 87 natural water sources are available at higher elevations i n the Sheep Springs area and because of the attempts by the t r i b a l and federal governments to provide livestock water every few miles, most residence locations should not be too distant from water (see Figure 4 for location of water re-sources) . The government water development programme, how-ever, has been accompanied by a regulation r e s t r i c t i n g the establishment of residence s i t e s near water sources i n an attempt to prevent over grazing of areas near water. Dwell-ings are prohibited from being b u i l t within one-half mile of permanent water resources (Navajo Grazing Regulations 1962: 24-28). Consequently, i n t h i s study a residence s i t e i s defined as located near a water source i f i t i s one-half mile to one mile away from i t . I f not everyone l i v e s near water, and since a permanent water source of the type available i n Sheep Springs i s necessary to herding a c t i v i t i e s , but not to farming ones, i t would be expected that l i v e l i h o o d aggregates running herds would have residence s i t e s near permanent water resources. If an aggregate has a f i e l d and cannot reside near both a water source and a farming area, i t can be extrapolated from the ideology that the aggregate would have a dwelling near a f i e l d area and as a r e s u l t i t would tend to l i v e away from a water source. I f aggregates' herding and farming involvement are combined, i t would be expected that aggregates with herds, regardless of whether or not they also have a f i e l d , would have a residence s i t e near water. Aggregates having neither I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 1 . 89 f i e l d or herd would also be expected to have homes near water, because domestic water i s important to these aggregates. A l l of the residence s i t e s i n the summer-use area are near permanent water sources. This r e f l e c t s the r e l a t i v e l y smaller size of the summer area, and the abundant natural sources of water found there. Ninety percent of the residence s i t e s i n the winter-use area also are near permanent water sources (see Table V). In th i s r e l a t i v e l y dry part of the Sheep Springs countryside t h i s high percentage of s i t e s near water r e f l e c t s government attempts to provide water for domestic and livestock use. Most of these sources are artesian wells with accompanying livestock troughs or catch dams constructed for livestock use. Because so many winter s i t e s are near water; the patterns involving t h e i r possible use are not clear. There i s no association between whether or not an aggregate runs a herd and the location of i t s residence s i t e r e l a t i v e to water i n the winter-use area. There i s only a one percent reduction i n prediction error. Knowing aggregates' involvement i n farming a c t i v i t i e s also results i n a f a i r l y small reduction i n error, nine percent, but the r e l a t i o n between aggregates' farming a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r s i t e s i s stronger than that between t h e i r herding a c t i v i t i e s and s i t e s . I t i s i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n . There i s no association between aggregates' combined herding and farming involvement and t h e i r residence s i t e locations r e l a t i v e to water, and only a one percent reduction i n pre-d i c t i o n error i s achieved. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note more 90 TABLE V • Residence Location Relative to Permanent Water Source 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and 7 Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Total Total Winter-Use Area Sites Site's Possible Use Aggregate Runs Herd Does Not Run Herd f Q, *o f Q, "O f Q. *o 53 90 35 88 18 95 6 10 5 12 . 1 5 59 100 40 100 19 100 = 0.01 Aggregate Has Winter Area F i e l d Does. .Not Have Winte r. Are a..... F i e l d . Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Total-19 5 24 79 21 100 34 1 35 97 3 100 t = 0.09 r Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Total , . Aggregate Has Aggregate Has Aggregate .Neither .Herd _ F i e l d But No Has Herd or F i e l d . Herd . f Q. "o f Q. "O f % 35 88 15 94 3 100 5 12 1 6 1— — 40 100 16 100 3 100 0.01 Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 196 5. aggregates having f i e l d s l i v e near to water than those without herd or f i e l d , and more of these l a t t e r aggregates l i v e near to water than those with herds. This i s opposite of what i s expected given t h e i r ideology. Another preferred location for building a home i s near an e a s i l y t r a v e l l e d road. Sheep Springs Navajos do not s p e c i f i c -a l l y r elate t h i s preference to l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s . Rather, they consider major roads to be a matter of convenience. They provide quicker, easier routes to stores, schools, and towns, and they are t r a v e l l e d by many people who might provide various kinds of help or by school buses providing transportation to elementary grade day schools. The only two well-maintained roads i n the Sheep Springs area are Highway U.S. 666 and Navajo Route 32. In most of t h i s area i t i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to get to one of these roads on foot or by motor vehicle i f one does not have to t r a v e l over one-half mile. Consequently, a residence s i t e i s defined as near a major road i f i t i s located one-half mile or less from i t . If everyone does not l i v e near a road, i t would be expected that aggregates would reside i n locations near re-sources used i n t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s rather than near a major road. Since aggregates with herds should be near both herding land and water, they are more l i k e l y to have homes away from roads than other aggregates. Aggregates involved i n farming should give p r i o r i t y to s i t e s near f i e l d s . Because these aggregates are faced with only one p o t e n t i a l s i t e con-f l i c t involving resources ( f i e l d s versus roads) rather than the.two noted for herders and because i n the Sheep Springs area most f i e l d s are near roads, these aggregates would be less l i k e l y to l i v e near roads than aggregates not involved i n herding or farming, but more l i k e l y to l i v e near roads than those involved i n herding. F i f t y - f o u r percent of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates' residence s i t e s i n the winter-use area are near a major road (see Table VI). Many of the l i v e l i h o o d aggregates l i v i n g ,far from major• roads i n the winter area do not have use rights to land near the roads. Thus, they do not have an easy way to move closer to the roads. There i s an association between an aggregate's residence s i t e location r e l a t i v e to a road and the use of the s i t e as centre of herding a c t i v i t i e s . The knowledge that an aggregate has a herd improves the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of i t s residence s i t e being located near a road by seventeen percent. There i s no relationship between an aggregate's possession of a winter area f i e l d and the location of i t s residence s i t e r e l a t i v e to a major road. Combining knowledge of an aggregate's herding and farming involvement shows an association i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n between these factors and the location of i t s res-idence s i t e r e l a t i v e to a major road. This combination of factors improves p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of an aggregate's residence s i t e location r e l a t i v e to a road by eighteen percent (see Table VI), but knowledge of herding a c t i v i t y alone gives almost the same improvement i n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y . 93 TABLE VI Residence Location Relative to Major Road, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area t = 0.18 r Total Winter-Use Area Sites Site's Possible Use Aggregate Runs Herd Does Not Run Herd Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total 32 27 59 54 46 100 16 24 40 40 60 100 16 3 19 84 16 100 t = 0.17 r Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total Aggregate Has Winter Area F i e l d 12 12 24 _% 50 50 100 Does Not Have Winter Area F i e l d 20 15 35 57 43 100 t = 0.00 r Aggregate Runs a Herd Has a Winter Area F i e l d But Does Not Run A Herd Has Neither Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total 16 24 40 40 60 100 2 67 1 33 3 100 14 2 16 88 12 100 Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1965, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. In the summer-use area twenty-nine percent of the r e s i -dence s i t e s are located one-half mile or less from an e a s i l y t r a v e l l e d road (see Table VII). This percentage i s not sur-p r i s i n g since a major road runs through only a r e l a t i v e l y small portion of the summer area as opposed to the winter one. This road, moreover, runs along the southern edge of the summer-use area so that only residence s i t e s located north of i t are counted within the Sheep Springs area. Knowing aggregates' involvement i n herding a c t i v i t i e s results i n a f a i r l y small reduction i n prediction error, eight percent, but the r e l a t i o n between t h e i r herding involvement and the location of t h e i r dwellings r e l a t i v e to a road i s stronger than that between t h e i r farming involvement and loca-t i o n (see Table VII). There i s no relat i o n s h i p between aggregates' possession of summer area f i e l d s and t h e i r s i t e s ' locations. Combining knowledge of aggregates' herding and farming involvement does not c l a r i f y the relationship of s i t e s ' possible uses and t h e i r location r e l a t i v e to a road, and the reduction i n error remains the same as that producted only by herding involvement. The location of residence s i t e s cannot be consistently explained i n reference to Sheep Springs Navajos' preferences regarding resources when the resources are examined one by one. Their a b i l i t y to explain s i t e s ' locations ranges from a low of twenty-nine percent, e.g., near f i e l d s i n the winter area and near a major road i n the summer one, to a high of one hundred percent, e.g., near suitable herding land i n the winter and 95 TABLE VII Residence Location Relative to Major Road, 1965-1966, by Site's Possible Use for Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area Total Summer-Use Area Sites Site's Possible Use Aggregate Runs Herd Does Not Run Herd Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total 15 36 51 29 71 100 9 31 40 22 78 100 6 5 11 54 46 100 t = 0.08 r Aggregate Has Summer Area F i e l d Does Not Have Summer Area F i e l d Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total 9 25 34 26 74 100 6 11 17 35 65 100 t = 0.01 r Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total Aggregate Runs A Herd Has A Summer Area F i e l d But Does Not Run A Herd f % f 9 22 2 31 78 2 40 100 4 50 50 100 Has Neither 4 57 3 43 7 100 t = 0.08 r Source: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. 96 summer areas and near water i n the summer one. In addition, given that locations of a l l residence s i t e s do not provide aggregates with access to a l l four preferred resources, the relationships between s i t e s ' possible uses and th e i r locations r e l a t i v e to preferred resources are i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n , with the exception of locations r e l a t i v e to water i n the winter-use area. These associations, however, are often very weak, generally more so i n the summer area than the winter one, and the: reduction.'in prediction error is. some-times quite small, although i n the winter area knowledge re-arding land-dependent l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s provides a reduc-ti o n of seventeen percent for major roads and twenty-one per-cent for f i e l d s . Perhaps looking at combinations of preferred resources w i l l c l a r i f y the extent to which residence s i t e locations can be explained by Sheep Springs Navajos' preferences. As pre-viously shown these people imply a p a r t i a l ordering to the im-portance of the d i f f e r e n t preferred resources given various, l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s . A l i v e l i h o o d aggregate's degree of preference for any given resource to be close to i t s residence s i t e may vary depending on its:'involvement i n herding and/or farming. For each of these a c t i v i t i e s , resources can be divided into two categories - high p r i o r i t y resources, that i s resources necessary to the l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t y , and other preferred resources, that i s , the other resources of the four preferred near a residence s i t e . This discrimination means that the 97 combination of resources for which a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate would be expected to show a preference with regard to residence s i t e (when i t i s not possible to locate near a l l four preferred resources) should vary depending on the l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s i n which i t i s involved. For those involved i n herding sheep and goats, proximity of a. residence s i t e to herding land and to a permanent water source are high p r i o r i t y considerations. Thus, a l l the residence s i t e s of aggregates involved i n herding should be located near these resources. Since access to a farming area and to a major road i s also preferred, s i t e s o f f e r i n g one or both of these resources should be preferred over s i t e s located far from them. As a r e s u l t , the following preference order of resources r e l a t i v e to residence s i t e s can be generated for residence s i t e s of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates involved i n herding: 1st - Near water, f i e l d area, and road 2nd - Near water and f i e l d area or near water and roads 3rd - Near water only 4th - Near f i e l d area and road 5th - Near f i e l d area only or near road only V Since herding land i s available to a l l residence s i t e s , i t has not been included i n the preference ordering. For aggregates involved i n farming, a general f i e l d area i s a high p r i o r i t y resource for locating a residence s i t e , and a l l s i t e s of aggregates with f i e l d s should be near one of these areas. Since herding land, a permanent water source, and a 98 major road are also preferred resources, s i t e s near one or more of these should be preferred over s i t e s located away from them. Consequently, the following preference order of resources r e l a t i v e to residence s i t e s for residence locations of l i v e l i -hood aggregates involved i n farming: 1st - Near a f i e l d area, water, and a road 2nd - Near a f i e l d area and water or near a f i e l d area and road 3rd - Near a f i e l d area only 4th - Near water and a road 5th - Near water only or near a road only. Again, since herding land i s available to a l l residence s i t e s , i t has not been included i n the preference ordering. For aggregates involved i n both herding and farming, herding land, water, and a farming area are high p r i o r i t y resources. The following preference order of resources r e l a t i v e to residence s i t e s occurs for locations used by these aggregates: 1st - Near water, a f i e l d area, and a road 2nd - Near water and a f i e l d area 3rd - Near water and a road 4th - Near water only 5th - Near a f i e l d area and a road 6th - Near a f i e l d area only 7th - Near a road only Again, since herding land i s available to a l l residence s i t e s , i t has not been included i n the preference ordering. Aggregates who are not involved i n either herding or farming would not have,herding, land, or a general f i e l d area -as high p r i o r i t y resources; rather a permanent water supply and a major road would be resources of thi s type f o r them. For residence s i t e s of these l i v e l i h o o d aggregates the following i s the preference order of resources: 1st - Near water, a f i e l d area, and road 2nd - Near water and a road 3rd - Near water and a f i e l d . a r e a or near a road and a f i e l d area 4th - Near water only or near a road area only 5th - Near a f i e l d only Herding land i s again not included i n this l i s t i n g . In comparing the actual l o c a t i o n of Sheep Springs Navajos 1 residence s i t e s with th e i r preferred resources, a l l dwellings are found to be near at lea s t two preferred resources - herding land and one other resource,.often water. This i s true whether looking at the winter-use area or the summer one (see Tables VIII and IX). In the winter-use area f i f t y - e i g h t percent of-the l i v e l i -hood aggregates' dwellings are located near three or more of the preferred resources (including herding land) (see Table VIII), and i n the summer-use area ninety percent are so situated (see Table IX). This difference i n percentages be-tween the winter and summer area i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y unexpected given the siz e and topography of the summer area as previously TABLE VIII Residence Location Relative to A l l Preferred Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s Possible Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area Site's Possible Use T o t a l Aggregate Runs Herd Winter-Use Area S i t e s and Has Area Winter F i e l d Runs Herd Has Winter Area F i e l d Has Neither Location i s : f _% f _% f _% f f % Near Water, Fie'ld Area, and Road 9 15 4 19 1 5 2 67 2 12 Near Water and F i e l d Area 4 7 2 9 1 5 1 33 — — Near Water and Road 21 36 5 24 5 27 — — 11 69 Near Water Only 19 32 5 24 12 63 — — 2 12 Near F i e l d Only 4 7 4 19 — =.:• — — — — Near Road Only 2 3 1 5 — •> — — 1 7 T o t a l 59 100 21 100 19 100 3 100 16 100 t =0.17 r Sources- F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. TABLE IX Residence Location R e l a t i v e to A l l Preferred Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area S i t e ' s Possible Use Aggregate T o t a l Runs Herd Summer-Use Area S i t e s and Has Area Summer F i e l d Runs Herd Has Area Summer F i e l d Has Neither f % f % f % f % f % Location i s : Near Water, F i e l d Area, and Road 15 29 7 23 2 20 2 50 4 57 Near Water and F i e l d Area 31 61 21 70 5 50 2 50 3 43 Near Water Only 5 10 2 7 3 30 — — — — T o t a l 51 100 30 100 10 100 4 100 7 100 t =' 0. 08 r Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. 102 discussed. V a r i a t i o n in.the resources located near residence s i t e s does seem to be associated with the v a r i a t i o n i n the resources needed by the l i v e l i h o o d aggregate using the s i t e . A l l the l i v e l i h o o d aggregates involved only i n farming have s i t e s near t h e i r high p r i o r i t y resource, f i e l d , i n both winter and summer areas. In addition, a l l aggregates p a r t i c i p a t i n g only i n sheep and goat herding are near th e i r high p r i o r i t y resources of water and herding land i n both the winter and summer areas (see Tables VIII and IX). Aggregates involved i n both herding and farming are some-what less, l i k e l y to be near a l l t h e i r high p r i o r i t y resources, water, herding land, .arid f i e l d s . .In- the ,s.uramertuse\.area ninety-three percent are near a l l three, but i n the winter-use area only twenty-eight percent are so located. As previously noted however i n those instances where these aggregates cannot be near a l l three resources, a preference for a location near water and herding land would be expected. Using these c r i t e r i a the majority of aggregates involved i n both herding and farming are i n preferred locations. In the summer-use area a l l these aggregates are near both water and herding land and i n the winter-use area seventy-six percent are so located (see Tables VIII and IX). Aggregates involved i n neither herding or farming also are less l i k e l y to be located near a l l t h e i r high p r i o r i t y resources than are those involved i n one of these a c t i v i t i e s . In the winter-use area eighty-one percent of these aggregates 103 are located near water and a road, but i n the summer-use area only f i f t y - s e v e n percent are near both. In each area however, a l l of these aggregates are near one of the i r high p r i o r i t y resources (see Tables VIII and IX). In summary, i n the winter-use area sixty-nine percent of the aggregates are near a l l of the i r high p r i o r i t y resources and ninety-two percent are near at lea s t one of them. In the summer-use area ninety percent are near a l l t h e i r high p r i o r -i t y resources and one hundred percent are near at lea s t one of them. Nonetheless, knowing the"liv e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s of aggregates using the residence s i t e s reduces the error i n predicting the combination of resources near residence s i t e s by only seventeen percent i n the winter area and by eight percent i n the summer area (see Tables VIII and IX). 104 Transhumant Use of Sites Sheep Springs Navajos consider a second residence s i t e i n addition to the one the-livelihood aggregate occupies i n the winter-use area as highly desirable. This second s i t e should be i n the summer-use area. They believe that a second s i t e i s required by everyone so that they may escape the warm temperatures and abundant insect population of the valley and lower highlands during the summer. A second s i t e also affords an aggregate access to seasonal resources needed for livestock or for planting. A t h i r d s i t e i s desirable for aggregates with herds. I t allows them to have a sheltered place for spring lambing or an additional range to use during spring or f a l l or during droughts. From these considerations, i t would be expected that aggregates with f i e l d s i n the summer-use area would be more l i k e l y to have two residence locations i n d i f f -erent topographic areas than those without a summer area f i e l d . Aggregates with herds could be expected to have two or more residence s i t e s , and aggregates with both summer area f i e l d s and sheep and goat herds would be more l i k e l y to have multiple s i t e s than others. More than eighty percent of Sheep Springs l i v e l i h o o d aggregates do have more than one residence s i t e (see Table X). Most aggregates with only one s i t e , a l l of which are i n the winter area, contain persons who have inherited use rights to land i n the summer area. As previously noted however the summer area i s r e l a t i v e l y small i n comparison to the winter 105 TABLE X Numfier of Residence Sites to Which a Livelihood Aggregate has Access, 1965-1966, by Herding or Farming Involvement 1 Herding Involvement Total Livelihood Runs Does Not Aggregates Herd Run Herd f Q. O f % f Q, *o Number of Residence Si t e s : One 9 16 1 3 8 42 Two 40 71 29 78 11 58 Three 7 13 7 19 — — Total 56 100 37 100 19 100 t = 0.12 E 2 = 0.26 r Farming Involvement  Does Not Have Has a Summer A Summer Area F i e l d Area F i e l d  f % f % Number of Residence S i t e s : One 1 3 8 33 Two 27 84 13 54 Three 4 13 3 13 Total 32 100 24 100 t =0.10 E 2 - 0.08 r Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. 106 one, and i t has been s e t t l e d for a longer period of time. Thus, summer land i s already being used by others with equal use r i g h t s . Single s i t e aggregates, many of whom have returned to Sheep Springs aft e r l i v i n g away for a number of years or who are composed of comparatively young couples, must get per-mission from these users before they can e s t a b l i s h a residence on the land to which they have use r i g h t s . There i s a tendency for an association to e x i s t between an aggregate's involvement with farming and the number of residence s i t e s to which i t has access. Only eight percent of the variance can be accounted for by summer area f i e l d possession. A stronger tendency for association exists be-tween herding involvement and number of residence s i t e s . This factor accounts for one-quarter of the variance i n the number of aggregates with one, two, or three residence s i t e s . Table XI shows there i s even a stronger tendency for association between the number of s i t e s and herding and/or farming involve-ment. Combining these factors however does not increase the amount of variance that can be accounted for over that which i s accounted for by herding involvement alone. Because an aggregate has only a winter area residence s i t e , i t does not mean that i t w i l l remain there during the summer. I t i s appropriate for'a. l i v e l i h o o d aggregate with! only one residence s i t e to ask permission for part or a l l of the aggregate to use temporarily the summer area s i t e of another aggregate, usually the s i t e of kinsmen. The temporary TABLE XI Number o f R e s i d e n c e S i t e s t o Which a L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e Has A c c e s s , 1965-1966 by Combined H e r d i n g and F a r m i n g I n v o l v e m e n t H e r d i n g and F a r m i n g I n v o l v e m e n t T o t a l L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e s Runs and Has Use A r e a Herd Summer-. F i e l d Runs Herd o r Has Summer-Use A r e a F i e l d Has N e i t h e r f % f % f % f % Number o f R e s i d e n c e S i t e s : One 9 16 — — 2 13 7 50 Two 40 71 23 85 10 67 7 50 T h r e e 7 13 4 15 3 20 — — T o t a l 56 100 27 100 15 100 14 100 t = 0.15 E 2 = 0.25 S o u r c e s : F i e l d P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1964, NEO S u r v e y 1966, Sheep P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s T r a d e r I n t e r v i e w s 1965. 108 aggregate would l i v e there i n a tent. Given t h i s , i t would be expected that a l l l i v e l i h o o d aggregates would move to the summer-use area either to escape the heat and bugs of lower elevations or to use the resources of thi s area i n t h e i r l i v e -lihood a c t i v i t i e s . This, however, was not the case i n the 5 . summer of 1966 (see Table XII). • Over one-third of the aggregates e i t h e r did not move at a l l or only some of the conjugal units composing them moved. Sheep Springs Navajos' ideas contain an explanation of why thi s occurs. Since l i v e l i h o o d aggregates are supposed to have homes near the resources used i n herding and farming, those with a winter area f i e l d would be expected to have at least part of i t s members at the winter area residence s i t e during the summer. Those aggregates with summer area f i e l d s or with herds would be expected to use summer area residence s i t e s during the summer. These considerations provide a p a r t i a l prediction of residence s i t e s ' seasonal use at Sheep Springs. On the one hand, there i s no association between an aggregate's possession or planting of a winter-use area f i e l d and the aggregate's staying at the winter area s i t e during the summer (see Table XIII). On the other hand, although there i s a s l i g h t tendency for association i n the predicted di r e c t i o n between possessing a summer-use area f i e l d and a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate's summer movement, there i s a d e f i n i t e relationship between planting a summer area f i e l d and summer movement (see Table XIV). Knowing that an aggregate planted a summer area f i e l d reduces error 109 TABLE XII Livelihood Aggregates' Use of Residence Sit e s , 1965-1966, by Season  Winter Summer Aggregate Used: Si t e i n Winter-Use Area 56 100 14 25 Si t e i n Summer-Use Area — — 36 63 Si t e i n Both Areas — — 6 12 Total 56 100 56 100 Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971. 110 TABLE X I I I Summer Movement of L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates, 1966, by P o s s e s s i o n and P l a n t i n g o f Winter Area F i e l d Summer Movement: A l l o f Aggregate Moves Some or None of Aggregate Moves T o t a l t = 0.00 Summer Movement: A l l o f Aggregate Moves Some or None of Aggregate Moves T o t a l F i e l d P o s s e s s i o n T o t a l L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates f % Has a Winter Does Not Have Area a Winter F i e l d 36 % Area F i e l d f % 64 14 67 22 63 20 36 7 33 56 100 21 100 F i e l d P l a n t i n g 13 37 35 100 P l a n t e d Winter Area F i e l d f % Did.Not P l a n t Winter Area F i e l d f % 60 30 65 4 40 10 100 16 35 46 100 t = 0.00 Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Sp r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966. I l l TABLE X I V Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e s , 1 9 66, by P o s s e s s i o n a n d P l a n t i n g o f Summer A r e a F i e l d T o t a l L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e s f % F i e l d P o s s e s s i o n Has a Summer A r e a F i e l d f % Does N o t Have a Summer A r e a F i e l d f % Summer Movement: A l l o r Some o f A g g r e g a t e Moves 42 75 27 84 15 62 None o f A g g r e g a t e Moves T o t a l 14 56 25 100 5 32 16 100 9 24 38 100 t = 0.06 r F i e l d P l a n t i n g P l a n t e d Summer A r e a F i e l d f % D i d N o t P l a n t Summer A r e a F i e l d f % Summer Movement: A l l o r Some o f -A g g r e g a t e Moves 23 100 19 58 None o f A g g r e g a t e Moves T o t a l 23 100 14 33 42 100 t = 0.23 r S o u r c e s : F i e l d P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1 964, NEO S u r v e y S p r i n g s N a v a j o I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1966. 196 6 , S h e e p 112 i n predicting i t s summer movement by twenty-three percent. There also i s a.s l i g h t tendency for an association i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n between an aggregate's herding involvement and i t s summer movement (see Table XV). Combining knowledge of an aggregate's herding involvement and planting of a summer area f i e l d does not increase the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of which aggregates w i l l move to higher elevations i n the summer, over the knowledge alone of which aggregates plant summer area f i e l d s (see Table XVI). In comparing the actual number of residence s i t e s and th e i r seasonal use with Sheep Spring Navajos' preferences regarding these factors, very high percentages of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates have been found to have more than one residence s i t e and to move i n part or whole to the summer-use area. Because so many aggregates have access to more than one s i t e and i n part or whole move to a summer area s i t e , the patterns involving the land-dependent l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s of aggregates generally show only tendencies for association, but i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n , between these factors. Aggregates not involved i n land-dependent a c t i v i t i e s have fewer residence s i t e s and less summer movement than those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n herding and/or farming. Indeed, aggregates who plant summer area f i e l d s more often than not move to the summer area. 113 TABLE XV Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregate, 1966, by Herding Involvement  Summer Movement: t =0.08 Total Livelihood Aggregates f % Herding Involvement Runs Herd Does Not Run Herd A l l or Some of Aggregate Moves 42 75 31 84 11 58 None of Aggregate Moves Total 14 56 25 100 6 37 16 100 8 19 42 100 Sources: NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. TABLE XVI Summer Movement of Livelihood Aggregate, 1966, By Herding and Farming Involvement i n the Summer Area Summer Movement: A l l or Some of Aggregate Moves None of Aggregate Moves Total Total Livelihood Aggregates 42 75 14 25 56 100 Herding and Farming Involvement Ran Herd and Planted Summer Area F i e l d 21 100 Ran Herd Or Planted Summer Area F i e l d 12 67 21 100 6 33 18 100 Did Neither 53 8 47 17 100 t = 0.22 r Sources: NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews, 1965. 115 Residence Aggregation The basic p r i n c i p l e of Sheep Springs Navajos 1 r e s i d e n t i a l ideology regarding the aggregation of people at any p a r t i c u l a r dwelling place i s that these people must be capable of per-forming complementary, but d i f f e r e n t , functions for one another i n making a l i v i n g and a home. Over eighty percent of a l l conjugal units at Sheep Springs do aggregate (see Table XVII), and these peoples' preferences regarding r e s i d e n t i a l aggregation take i n t o account a number of conditions that may explain why so many do aggregate. I t must be noted, however that the patterns involving these conditions may not be very pronounced, because so many units do aggregate. According to Sheep Springs Navajos, the most fundamental aggregate capable of independent functioning i s the married couple. Death, divorce, and separation are thought to destroy t h i s aggregate's a b i l i t y to function e f f e c t i v e l y . Thus, i t would be expected that widowed, divorced, or separated persons aggregate with others i n order to have the complementary functions involved i n making a l i v i n g or a home, once provided by t h e i r spouses, f u l f i l l e d by someone else. While the proportion of conjugal units composed of once-married adults that aggregate,.is higher than the proportion of units composed of married couples that do, the difference i s not s u f f i c i e n t to have a pronounced impact on the reduction of prediction error (see Table XVII). Further, of the t h i r t y conjugal units composed of once-married adults who aggregate, thirteen percent of them do not aggregate with other units 116 TABLE XVII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, By Conjugal Unit Composition  Composition  Total Once-Conjugal Married Married Units Pair Adult f % f _%_ _ f _ _% Conjugal Unit: Aggregates 93 81 63 79 30 86 Does Not Aggregate 22 19 17 21 5 14 Total 115 100 80 100 ; 35 100 Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toedlena Boarding School Census 1965. 117 containing persons who can f u l f i l l the opposite sex functions. Sheep Springs Navajos also prefer people who are inexperienced i n making a l i v i n g or a home because of t h e i r youth or who are unable to make a l i v i n g or a home because of the i n f i r m i t i e s of old age to aggregate with others. Thus, i t would be expected that conjugal units composed of young people would have a higher tendency to aggregate with, other juni^fes ; than those-containing, the •middle-aged or. elderly". Because--independence i n making a l i v i n g and a home i s desirable, the el d e r l y are less l i k e l y to lose t h i s independence by aggrega-t i n g than the young who have never been independent, but they are more l i k e l y to co-reside with others than the middle-aged. Since males are i n charge of making a l i v i n g , i t i s t h e i r age that i s used to determine the age c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a conjugal unit. Units without males are c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of the age of once-married females composing them. Young conjugal units are those with a male t h i r t y years of age or younger. Middle-aged units contain males from thirty-one to sixty-four years of age, and el d e r l y conjugal units contain males s i x t y -f i v e years of age and older. There i s a higher proportion of young conjugal units aggregating at Sheep Springs than of el d e r l y ones, and there i s a higher proportion of elde r l y units co-residing than of middle-aged ones (see Table XVIII). Knowledge of age, however, increases the accuracy of predicting whether or not a unit aggregates by only fiv e percent. TABLE XVIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit and Type of Aggregate By Age of Male By Age of Male Total Conjugal Units 30 yrs. & Under 31 64 to yrs. 65 yrs. Over & f % f Q. "5 f % f Q. "o Conjugal Unit: Aggregates 93 81 18 95 52 74 23 88 Does Not Aggregate 22 . 19 1 5 18 26 3 12 Total 115 100 19 100 70 100 26 100 t = 0.05 r Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 119 People at Sheep Springs also prefer persons unable to make a l i v i n g by themselves to aggregate with others. The l e v e l of a conjugal unit's economic dependency i s measured here by the estimated annual income of the unit. I t would be expected that the lower a unit's income the more l i k e l y i t would co-reside with others. Because the average annual income of Sheep Springs Navajos ($425.68 per capita or $1,980.36 per conjugal unit) i s low r e l a t i v e to some other Navajos (Henderson and Levy 1975) as well as to other groups i n the U.S. population (Aberle 1969: 235-236), d e f i n i t i o n s of low, middle, and high income for Sheep Springs conjugal units are achieved by d i v i d i n g the units into three classes containing equal numbers of them. There i s a higher proportion of low and middle income conjugal units that co-reside with others than those of high income (see Table XIX). But error i n predicting whether or not a unit aggregates i s reduced by only fiv e percent when considering the unit's income l e v e l . Since Sheep Springs Navajos think that each of the factors presented above increases the tendency for people to aggregate at any p a r t i c u l a r residence s i t e , perhaps the tendency for a conjugal unit to aggregate i s more pronounced i f these variables are combined. In order to look at the e f f e c t of these factors i n combination, each dimension of the variable i s assigned a ranking score. I t i s possible to do t h i s because the Sheep Springs Navajos provide a rank ordering of variable dimensions i n terms of t h e i r e f f e c t on people's tendency to co-reside with one another. Since the greatest number of 120 TABLE XIX Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, By Annual Income  To t a l Conjugal Units Estimated Annual Income $1238 & Lower $1238 to $2297 $2298 & Over Conjugal Unit: Aggregates Does Not Aggregate T o t a l t = 0.05 r 93 81 34 89 33 85 26 68 22 19 4 11 6 15 12 32 115 100 38 100 39 100 38 100 Sources- NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews Sources. J B O ^ u r v ^ ^ S p r i n g g T r a d e r interviews 1965. 121 variable dimensions i s three, I have assigned ranks of 1 equals the least l i k e l y to aggregate to 3 equals the most l i k e l y to aggregate. To look at the e f f e c t of variable combinations, conjugal units are c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of t h e i r score,"that i s the sum of the rankings. For example, the dimension of conjugal unit composition are given the following rankings: married couple = 1 once married couple = 3 The male age dimensions are ranked as follows: middle age = 1 e l d e r l y = 2 young = 3 In looking at these two variables i n combination then, the r e s u l t i n g categories are as follows: Aggregation Conjugal Unit Tendency Score C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 6 Once-Married Adult and Young 5 Once-Married Adult and Eld e r l y 4 Once-Married Adult and Middle Age or Married Couple and Young 3 Married Couple and Eld e r l y 2 Married Couple and Middle Age A score of 6 means that the conjugal unit i s most l i k e l y to aggregate, and a score of 2 designates one least l i k e l y to co-reside. The r e s u l t of combining conjugal unit composition and age 122 i s that the units most l i k e l y to aggregate based on composition and age do co-reside (see Table XX). This set of variables however does not e f f e c t i v e l y i d e n t i f y the units who do not aggregate nor does i t reduce the error i n prediction any more than age alone did. The following tendency to aggregate rankings were assigned to income c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : High Income = 1 Middle Income = 2 Low Income = 3 In looking at conjugal unit composition and income together, the following categories resulted: Aggregation Conjugal Unit Tendency Score C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 6 Once-Married Adult and Low Income 5 Once-Married Adult and Middle Income 4 Once-Married Adult and High Income or Married Couple and Low Income 3 Married Couple and Middle Income 2 Married Couple and High Income As Table XXI shows t h i s combination of variables i s not very e f f e c t i v e i n delineating which units aggregate and which do not. Conjugal unit composition and income l e v e l do not delineate the units with a high tendency to aggregate as well as conjugal unit composition and male's age do. Composition and income however appear to be somewhat more e f f e c t i v e i n i d e n t i f y i n g those units that do not aggregate than composition TABLE XX Conjugal Un i t : Aggregates Does Not Aggregate T o t a l t = 0.05 r Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition and Age of Male T o t a l Conjugal Units % 93 22 115 81 19 100 Aggregation Tendency Score 100 100 Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 5 4 3 2 f % f % f % f % 14 100 28 82 9 75 39 75 — — 6 18 3 25 13 25 14 100 34 100 12 100 52 100 OJ TABLE XXI Conjugal Unit: Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition and Annual Income  Total Conjugal Units Aggregation Tendency Score Aggregates 93 81 17 85 10 91 20 91 23 82 23 68 Does Not Aggregate 22 19 3 15 1 9 2 9 5 18 11 32 T o t a l 115 100 20 100 11 100 22 100 28 100 34 100 t = 0.05 r Sources- NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Sources. NEO^bur ^ ^ . ^ ^ l g 6 6 j 1 9 6 ? j 1 9 7 Q / l g 7 1 f s h e e p S p r i n g s Trader Interviews 1965, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 125 and age are. In combining a conjugal unit's tendency to aggregate based on i t s age and income the following scores r e s u l t : Aggregation Conjugal Unit Tendency Score C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 6 Low Income and Young 5 Low Income and E l d e r l y or Middle Income and Young 4 Middle Income and E l d e r l y , High Income and Young, or Low Income and Middle Age 3 High Income and E l d e r l y or Middle Income and Middle Age 2 High Income and Middle Age This combination of aggregation factors produces a pattern s i m i l a r to that found for the combination of conjugal unit composition and age, although i t " i s somewhat/less-effective:; at discriminating those who do aggregate and somewhat more e f f e c t i v e at discriminating those who do not (see Table XXII). Overall, t h i s combination reduces the error i n prediction more than any single variable or p a i r of variables, but the reduc-tion i s only seven percent. When a l l three tendency to aggregate factors are combined the following scores are produced: Aggregation Conjugal Unit Tendency Score C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 9 Once-Married Adult, Low Income, and Young 8 Once-Married Adult, Low Income, and Elderly or Once-Married Adult, Middle Income, and Young TABLE XXII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Age of Male, and Annual Income Conjugal Unit: Aggregates Does Not Aggregate Total Total Conjugal Units Aggregation Tendency Score 93 81 22 19 115 100 9 100 18 95 27 84 16 73 23 70 — — 1 5 5 16 6 27 10 30 9 100 19 100 32 100 22 100 33 100 t = 0.07 r Sources: NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 127 7 Once-Married Adult, Low Income, and Middle Age; Once-Married Adult, Middle Income, and El d e r l y ; Once-Married Adult, High Income, and Young; Married Couple, Low Income and Young 6 Once-Married Adult, Middle Income, and Middle Age;1 Once-Married Adult, High Income, and Elderly; Married Couple, Low Income and Eld e r l y ; Married Couple, Middle Income, and Young 5 Once-Married Adult, High Income, and Middle Age; Married Couple, Low Income, Middle Age; Married Couple, Middle Income, and El d e r l y ; Married Couple, High Income and Young 4 ' Married Couple, Middle Income, and Middle Age or Married Couple, High Income, and E l d e r l y 3 Married Couple, High Income, and Middle Age Combining a l l three factors r e s u l t s i n a scale that discrim-inates those who have a high tendency to aggregate, and the scale i s as e f f e c t i v e as any single variable or combination of variables i n i d e n t i f y i n g units who do not aggregate (see Table XXIII). Taking a l l three factors into consideration however reduces prediction error by only seven percent. In summary, Sheep Springs Navajos think people l i v i n g apart from one another at separate residence s i t e s as well as together with one another at one location are both appropriate situations. Thus, there are no conjugal units unaccounted for by t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l ideology. As expected, given these peoples' preferences, the proportions of conjugal units with various dependent kinds TABLE XXIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Combined Influence of Conjugal Unit Composition, Age of Male, and Annual Income Aggregation Tendency Score T o t a l Conjugal Units f % Conjugal Unit: Aggregates 93 81 2 100 11 100 16 84 12 86 21 88 11 69 20 69 Does Not _ _ _ _ _ 3 16 2 14 3 12 5 31 9 31 Aggregate 22 19 — — J X D T o t a l t = 0.07 r 115 100 2 100 11 100 19 100 14 100 24 100 16 100 29 100 Sources- NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Sources. ^ a ^ 7 ^ t e r v i e w s 1 9 £ 5 > 1 9 6 6 # 1 9 6 7 j 1 9 7 0 , 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 129 of persons that aggregate are higher than those with persons capable of living.. independently. These differences however do not produce much reduction i n prediction error. In addition, such a large proportion of the units aggregate that there are a number of conjugal units, which by the standards set forth i n the ideology, are capable of re-siding independent of other conjugal units, but are not doing so. This s i t u a t i o n occurs i n part because conjugal units capable of residing independent of other units may be aggregated with those who have a high tendency to aggregate, e.g., the young, e l d e r l y , poor, and once-married people. To adjust the aggregation tendency score of any conjugal unit so that i t r e f l e c t s i t s a b i l i t y to become a point of aggregation for one of high tendency units cannot be done with respect to the variables derived from the ideology. I t provides no d i r e c t i n d i c a t i o n as to whether conjugal units with a high tendency to aggregate co-reside with other l i k e units or with those who could reside independently. 130 Forms of Aggregation In a d d i t i o n to d e l i n e a t i n g circumstances under which co-re s i d e n c e i s expected t o occur, Sheep Springs Navajos 1 concepts c o n t a i n the c a t e g o r i e s of persons t h a t would be expected t o aggregate a t any p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n . They b e l i e v e t h a t a mother and her c h i l d r e n , whether a d u l t s o r youngsters, should l i v e t ogether. I f t h i s arrangement i s not p o s s i b l e , then they t h i n k t h a t c h i l d r e n should r e s i d e w i t h a mother su r r o g a t e , p r e f e r a b l y the c h i l d ' s maternal grandmother, p a t e r n a l grand-mother, mother's s i s t e r , f a t h e r ' s s i s t e r , or w i t h the f a t h e r , i f the mother's r e l a t i v e s are f a r away. Given these p r e f e r -ences, i t would be expected t h a t the aggregated c o n j u g a l u n i t s with a t l e a s t one spouse's mother or c h i l d i n the Sheep Spri n g s area would be aggregated w i t h the mother or c h i l d . Those c o n j u g a l u n i t s without a mother or c h i l d i n the area would be expected to c o - r e s i d e with a p r e f e r r e d mother sur r o g a t e o r a f a t h e r . E i g h t y - e i g h t p e r c e n t o f the c o n j u g a l u n i t s t h a t do aggregate are r e s i d i n g i n the same l i v e l i h o o d aggregate con-t a i n i n g e i t h e r a mother or a c h i l d (see Table XXIV). Another s i x p e r c e n t are r e s i d i n g w i t h a p r e f e r r e d mother surrogate or a f a t h e r . As expected, a hi g h p r o p o r t i o n of aggregating c o n j u g a l u n i t s w i t h a mother or a c h i l d i n the area do c o - r e s i d e w i t h one of these persons (see Table XXIV). Only two per c e n t of these u n i t s do not do so. Of those aggregating u n i t s without a mother or c h i l d i n the area, only f i f t y p e rcent l i v e w i t h TABLE XXIV Kinsman With Whom Conjugal Unit Aggregates, 1965-1966, by Mother's or Child's Residence i n the Sheep Springs Area Total Aggregated Conjugal Units Residence i n Sheep Springs Mother or Child i n Area Does Not Have Mother or Ch i l d in Area Aggregates with: Mother or Ch i l d Preferred Mother Surrogate or Father Other Kinsmen Total 81 88 81 98 6 6 1 1 5 50 6 6 1 1 5 50 93 100 83 100 10 100 Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 132 a preferred mother surrogate or a father. While Sheep Springs Navajos think mothers and children should l i v e together, they also think i t preferable for a husband to move to his wife's l i v e l i h o o d aggregate aft e r marriage. Because i n l i v e l i h o o d aggregates composed of more than one conjugal unit, the unit o r i g i n a l l y occupying the aggregate's s i t e gives permission to the others for subsequent-ly establishing t h e i r homes there, these o r i g i n a l conjugal units can be used as reference points i n determining the type of kinship r e l a t i v e between units i n these aggregates.^ Consequently, i t would be expected that young couples, most of whom have been married for only a year or two, aggregate with o r i g i n a l conjugal units containing wife's mother. Over ninety percent of married couples who are:1 not,;,, o r i g i n a l conjugal units; livefcwithr the-mother- of'the/.wife or husband, and more of these couples l i v e with wife's mother than husband's mother (see Table XXV). There i s no association between age of the male i n a married couple unit and the type of kin contained i n the o r i g -i n a l conjugal unit with whom the couple aggregates, and only a three percent reduction i n prediction error i s achieved. In opposition to what i s expected more young couples l i v e with the husband's mother than with the wife's. The opposite i s true for middle age couples. This s i t u a t i o n r e f l e c t s i n part the opportunity of some younger men with wives from other areas to f i n d jobs i n ONEO programmes at Sheep Springs. 133 TABLE XXV Kinsman With Whom Subsequent Conjugal Unit Composed of Married Couple Aggregates, 1965-1966, by Age of Male  Age of Male i n Married Couple Unit Total'..Married Couple Subsequent 30 yrs. 31 to Conjugal Units & Under 6 4 yrs. Preferred Mother Surrogate or Father of Wife t = 0.03 r Aggregates With Or i g i n a l Conjugal Unit Containing: Mother of Wife Mother of Husband 24 51 19 41 40 18 56 8 53 11 34 Other Kinsman of Wife Total 2 4 47 100 1 7 1 3 15 100 32 100 Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 196 3, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. Sheep Springs Navajos also indicate that when marriages are ended through'death,-or divorce the spouse ''Or. spouses can • aggregate with the same kinsmen with whom i t i s preferred children l i v e . They think when a woman becomes a widow she can remain with the aggregate where she was l i v i n g whether or not i t contains her own mother or her husband's mother. At Sheep Springs i n /1965-1966 there are four widows who do not compose o r i g i n a l conjugal units. Of these, two remain i n the li v e l i h o o d aggregates with t h e i r husband's mother, one resides with her own mother, and the other l i v e s with a clan brother's daughter. In the l a t t e r case t h i s e l d e r l y widow, has a daughter residing i n the Sheep Springs area, but due to problems i n her relatio n s h i p with t h i s daughter she l i v e s with another kins-woman . Unless a widower remarries '.within' his deceased wife's aggregate or i s already l i v i n g i n his mother's aggregate, i t i s preferred that he return to his mother's aggregate. The only widower at Sheep Springs who i s not an o r i g i n a l conjugal unit aggregates with his mother. Divorced persons are preferred to return to t h e i r mother's (or other kinswoman's) l i v e l i h o o d aggregate i f they have been residing i n the aggregate of t h e i r spouse's mother (or of spouse's other kinswoman). At Sheep Springs i n 1965-1966 there are seven divorced persons-who are not o r i g i n a l conjugal units. Of the four divorced women, two aggregate with t h e i r own moth-ers, one l i v e s with her maternal grandmother, and one resides with father and his wife. Two of the three divorced men reside 135 i n t h e i r mother's aggregate, and the other l i v e s with his widowed father. Both married couples and once-married adults who are not o r i g i n a l conjugal units l i v e i n l i v e l i h o o d aggregates contain-ing persons Sheep Springs Navajos designate as appropriate points of residence aggregation. Just as adult children generally co-reside with t h e i r mothers, so do youngsters. Ninety-four percent of these children are l i v i n g with t h e i r mothers (see Table XXVI). Of the remaining six percent (twenty children) not co-residing with mother, there i s only one c h i l d with a mother l i v i n g i n .. the Sheep Springs area. This c h i l d resides with her maternal grandmother. Given the mother-child form of residence aggregation i s preferred, an.-ideol6gically: consistentv.hypothesis. canv.be„ formed that might i d e n t i f y conjugal units capable of residing independently that•are nonetheless, aggregating because :a mother or c h i l d needs assistance i n making a l i v i n g or a home. Whether or not a mother or c h i l d needs assistance can be d e f i n -ed by the aggregation variables for the mother's or c h i l d ' s conjugal unit (see Table XXIII). This score also defines the units that are capable of residing alone given these variables. If a unit has a score of 3 or 4, i t i s considered able to re-side alone, and i f one has a score of 7, 8, or 9, i t i s consid-ered i n need of assistance. I t would be expected that conjugal units capable of independent residence with a mother or c h i l d i n the area who needs assistance would be more l i k e l y to TABLE XXVI Residence L o c a t i o n of Never-Married C h i l d r e n , 1965-1966 Never-Married C h i l d r e n f % Residence L o c a t i o n i s : With Parents 242 71 With Mother and Her Husband 32 9 With Mother 46 14 With M o t h e r 1 s Mother 2 1 With F a t h e r ' s Mother 1 * With Mother's S i s t e r and Her Husband 1 * With Mother's S i s t e r and Fa t h e r 7 2 With F a t h e r 3 1 With F a t h e r and H i s Wife 2 1 With F a t h e r ' s S i s t e r and her Husband 3 1 With C l a n Mother and Her Husband 1 * T o t a l 340 100 Sources: Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School 1965. 1 3 7 aggregate than those u n i t s with a mother or c h i l d who does not need a s s i s t a n c e . Both of these types of u n i t s would be more l i k e l y t o aggregate than the c o n j u g a l u n i t w i thout a mother or c h i l d i n the area. T h i s however does not occur a t Sheep Springs. Conjugal u n i t s w i t h a mother or c h i l d i n the area who do not need a s s i s t a n c e have a much hig h e r tendency to aggregate than those w i t h a mother or c h i l d who needs a s s i s t a n c e . Consequently, although t h e r e i s a str o n g a s s o c i a t i o n between the a s s i s t a n c e needs of a mother's or c h i l d ' s u n i t and the tendency of r e l a t e d u n i t s t o aggregate, i t i s not i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n (see Table XXVII). ? 7 TABLE ::XXVII Independent Aggregation of Conjugal Units Capable of ent Residence, 1965-1966, by Unit's Relati onship With a Mother or Child Unit Needing Assistance  Status of Related Unit Conjugal Unit: Aggregates Does not Aggregate Total Total Conjugal Units Capable of Independent Residence Mother or Child Conjugal Unit Does Not Need Assistance Mother or Child No Mother Conjugal or Child Unit Needs Unit i n Assistance the Area 31 69 19 95 9 60 3 30 14 31 1 5 6 40 7 70 45 100 20 100 15 100 10 100 t = 0.31 r Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School 1965. 139 Conformity between Ideology and Practice The preceding comparisons show very high proportions of units measuring Sheep Springs Navajos1." l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation practices are within the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for acceptable behaviour or are following preferred modes of behaviour. For example, one hundred percent of Sheep Springs conjugal units acquire residence s i t e s through an acceptable mode. One hundred percent of the l i v e l i h o o d aggregates' residence s i t e s are near at least two preferred natural resources. Eighty-four percent of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates, as preferred, have more than one residence s i t e . Eighty-eight percent of conjugal units aggregate with the preferred r e l a -t i v e of mother or c h i l d . These high percentages indicate an o v e r a l l high l e v e l of conformity between Sheep Springs Navajos' residence practices and th e i r acceptable and/or preferred procedures for meeting behavioural standards within the residence context. When a preferred mode of residence behaviour i s not achieved, Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology contains possible behavioural variations i n the form of acceptable .alternative procedures given such conditions as people's l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s , marital status, age, economic needs, and kinship t i e s . Because such high proportions of Sheep Spring units achieve the preferred mode of follow one of the acceptable ones, the patterns involving variant practices are generally not very pronounced and low reductions i n prediction errors are produced. Many variations i n practice however tend to 140 be i n the d i r e c t i o n predicted by s p e c i f i c conditions, and i n only two or three cases do variations run against predictions. In addition, taking conditions into account does produce some reduction i n error predicting the majority of l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation practices. A l l of this indicates variations i n Sheep Springs Navajos 1 residence practices do have some rela t i o n s h i p to the conditioned, acceptable al t e r n a t i v e procedures, but there are contingencies i n r e a l i t y to which the i r residence practices respond and that t h e i r procedures for meeting behavioural standards do not take into account. There i s some suggestion these contingencies have a greater e f f e c t on the i r aggregation than on th e i r l o c a l i z a t i o n 7 . . practices. Ideologically-recognized conditions are more ef f e c t i v e i n reducing errors i n predicting the location, number, and use of residence s i t e s than i n reducing them i n predicting the aggregation of conjugal units . A d d i t i o n a l l y , when winter and summer l o c a l i z a t i o n practices can be compared, there i s very high agreement between the patterns for each seasonal-use area. 141 NOTES '''Tables i n t h i s chapter do not include possible forms of behaviour not used by Sheep Spring Navajos. For example, Table II does not include the dimension Inheritance of Land Used by a Non-kinsman. 2 Appendix E contains additional information on livestock i n the Sheep Springs area. 3 This map does not include the residence s i t e s of l i v e l i h o o d aggregates that only move into the Sheep Springs area i n the summer. There are seven additional s i t e s occupied by these aggregates i n the upper highlands area. It also does not show the residence s i t e s of aggregates l i v i n g adjacent to the Sheep Springs area. 4 Appendix E contains additional information regarding f i e l d s i n the Sheep Springs area. 5 Moving to the higher elevations now takes place i n May or June and from them i n September or October. The dates of seasonal moves i s dictated by the school year for those aggregates with children r i d i n g buses to day school. Fewer aggregates now seem to move as early or as late i n the year as they did i n the 1930's (Bowman 1937). O r i g i n a l conjugal units are composed of middle-age and e l d e r l y once-married adults or married couples. 7 This s i t u a t i o n also may be a r e f l e c t i o n of a problem i n the aggregation data. The intent underlying the o r i g i n a l aggregation of persons was impossible to separate from t h e i r present intent to maintain aggregation. If a clear cut way could have been developed to separate these aspects of aggregation intent without biasing ,the r e s u l t s , d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s regarding aggregation might have been obtained. CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION Accommodati ng Reality As has been shown contingencies a r i s i n g from environmental, demographic, and h i s t o r i c a l factors can be met to some degree by the alternative modes of behaviour Sheep Springs Navajos think are acceptable i n meeting any p a r t i c u l a r behavioural standard. These alternatives take into account some contin-gencies preventing people from behaving i n the same way. The presence of less than optimum environmental circumstances and the need of d i f f e r e n t resources for various l i v e l i h o o d pursuits, physical or mental i n a b i l i t y of persons to pa r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n everyday a c t i v i t i e s , and the absence of various kinsmen and affines are some of the conditions s p e c i f i c a l l y , considered. These alternatives and conditions are not ranked r e l a t i v e to each other. Only the si t u a t i o n provides r e l a t i v e values to the behavioural alternatives. The people at Sheep Springs expect persons to l i v e i n d i f f e r e n t types of locations and to reside with d i f f e r e n t kinds of kin and affines because of the contingencies they must take into account. Some persons may achieve preferred modes of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a l i z a t i o n or aggregation. Others achieve acceptable modes. Sheep Springs Navajos allow-for behavioural; v a r i a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d to the ,-settlement or community aspect of residence. There are other mechanisms for dealing with contingencies that are inherent i n the structure of t h e i r ideas about ordering r e s i d e n t i a l behaviour. Fundamental to the f i r s t of these i s t h e i r disregard of the intermingling i n r e a l i t y of l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation aspects of residence. They have separate alternative behavioural procedures for each. The conditions taken into account by the alternatives pertain to either residence s i t e s or residence groups, but not to both. They do not have a preferred or acceptable mode of behaviour s t i p u l a t i n g how many or what kinds of persons aggregate at a p a r t i c u l a r kind of residence s i t e , nor do they have a procedure i n d i c a t i n g the s p e c i f i c type of location for establishing residence s i t e s of certa i n numbers or kinds of persons. Local-i z a t i o n i s not ranked r e l a t i v e to aggregation. The si t u a t i o n dictates' whether preferred or acceptable modes of behaviour with regard to one or both of these aspects w i l l be followed. People may play o f f l o c a l i z a t i o n modes against aggregation ones i n order to meet some contingencies. For example, once-married adults capable of herding sheep may not aggregate with anyone else i n order to maintain t h e i r herds near preferred resources. Thus, the people at Sheep Springs can respond to even a wider range of contingencies than those allowed for i n behavioural alternatives for any p a r t i c u l a r standard of behaviour. The other mechanism involves conditions not taken into account by the alternatives for behaviour. Sometimes these can be accommodated by the int e r a c t i o n between standards for behaviour and the procedures for meeting them. A condition can be dealt with through a s p e c i f i c residence behaviour 1 4 5 procedure i f that condition f a l l s within the realm of concern covered by the behavioural standard which/theyprG.c;edur,ef:is/ I designed to meet. For example, conjugal units at Sheep Springs tend to aggregate more often than would be expected from the conditions set forth i n t h e i r procedures for meeting behavioural standards (see Tables XVII-XXIII). This aggregation takes place along preferred l i n e s , i . e . , mothers and children aggre-gating together (see Tables XXIV-XXV). In fact, knowing whether or not a conjugal unit has a mother or c h i l d i n the Sheep Springs area has a d e f i n i t e relationship to the unit's aggre-gation (see Table XXVIII). This knowledge reduces the error i n predicting the tendency of conjugal units to aggregate more than do any single or multiple factors derived from t h e i r ideas about ordering residence behaviour. This procedure for aggregation i s being used to respond to a condition a r i s i n g from the increase.in the Sheep Springs population on an e s s e n t i a l l y non-expanding land base. I t i s no longer possible for a married couple to break away from others i n order to l i v e independently and to pre-empt,'land suitable for herding or farming that has not been used by someone's ancestors. I f persons now want to l i v e at Sheep Springs, they must either i n h e r i t t h e i r mother's land or receive her (or other relative's) permission to e s t a b l i s h a home at any p a r t i c u l a r place. Mothers (or other relatives) often control access to land that i s very, r e s t r i c t e d i n size or has a limited number of places suitable for dwellings. 146 TABLE XXVIII Aggregation of Conjugal Unit, 1965-1966, by Mother's or Child's Residence i n the Sheep Springs Area Residence i n Sheep Springs Total Mother Mother Conjugal or Child or C h i l d Units In Area Not i n Area f % f % f Conjugal Unit: Aggregates 93 81 83 90 10 43 Does Not Aggregate 22 19 9 10 13 57 Total 115 100 92 100 23 100 t = 0.23 r Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965. 147 Increasingly, a mother has acquired her own residence s i t e through •permission from a • f i r s t - u s e r . " s t i l l maintaining control of areas contiguous to the mother's dwelling location, or she may have inherited only a part of her mother's land and i t may not include many good residence s i t e s . Consequently, mothers, in attempting to meet the standard regarding provision of help to t h e i r children, can only give permission to th e i r children to make t h e i r homes at th e i r own residence s i t e . Mothers and children l i v e together not only because they can a s s i s t one another i n making a l i v i n g , but also because there,.is:.no^other place to l i v e i f they are to remain at Sheep Springs. Together these three mechanisms,of Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l ideology free persons to accommodate a broad range of contingencies i n the choices they make regarding residence. Yet, most of these choices are within the parameters of behav-iour ordered by t h e i r standards and procedures. Consequently, at the same time there i s v a r i a t i o n i n Navajo residence behaviour, there also i s conformity between t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l ideology and practice. 148 Studying Navajo Residence Given the findings of t h i s study, ethnographers can expect to f i n d v a r i a t i o n i n Navajo residence practices not only between d i f f e r e n t communities, but also within any par-t i c u l a r one. Variation i n residence behaviour among Navajos i s the norm rather than the exception. Behaviour varies i n response to the contingencies of r e a l i t y , but i t also i s conditioned by Navajo ideas about the ordering of r e a l i t y and behaviour. In describing and analyzing Navajo residence, i t cannot be assumed that Navajo residence practices involve only aggregation or that there i s a single Navajo residence "rule". " M a t r i l o c a l " does not provide a s u f f i c i e n t description of Navajo residence. To them, residence i s a matter of subsistence economics. I t involves access to resources as well as to the manpower for e x p l o i t i n g and processing. They have a number of preferred and/or acceptable modes for both l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation that meet t h e i r generalized standards for behaviour. The r e s i d e n t i a l ideology and practice of Navajos a re..- ex tremely; compl ex. Because of t h i s complexity, a study should be undertaken to examine the actual strategies Navajos use for deciding where to l i v e and with whom to aggregate. This study i d e n t i f i e d a number of behavioural standards important to residence and a multitude of procedures applicable to the residence context. I t demonstrated these condition residence 149 behaviour. It i d e n t i f i e d some of the possible ways thi s conditioning occurs, but i t did not examine the actual processes by which i t does happen. What conditions are actually considered in residence decisions? What do Navajos try to maximize or minimize? How do they assign r e l a t i v e values or rankings? How do these people decide between alternative behavioural modes? What l o c a l i z a t i o n procedures do they play o f f against aggregation ones? A f u l l understand-ing of the relationship between Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l ideology and practice cannot be gained without such a study. 150 LITERATURE CITED Aberle, David F. 1961 Navaho. In M a t r i l i n e a l Kinship, ed. David M. Schneider and Kathleen Gough. Pp. 96-201..' Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press. 1963 Some Sources of F l e x i b i l i t y i n Navaho Social Organization. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 19.: 1-18. 1969 A Plan for Navajo Economic Development. In Toward Economic Development for Native American Communities, A Compendium of Papers submitted to the Subcommittee on Economy i n Government of the Joint Economic Committee, Congress of the United States. Pp. 223-276.' 91st Congress, 1st Session,. J o i n t Committee P r i n t . Washington: U.S. Government Pr i n t i n g O f f i c e . Adams, William Y. 1963 Shonto: A Study of the Role of the Trader i n a Modern Navajo Community. Bureau of American Ethnology, B u l l e t i n 188. Adams, William Y. and Lorraine T. Ruffing 1977 Shonto Revisited: Measures of Soc i a l and Economic Change i n a Navajo Community, 1955-1971. American Anthropologist 79: 58-83. Bailey, F l o r a L. . ... _ 1950 Some Sex B e l i e f s and Practices i n ; a Navajo Community. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University 40:2. Bennett, Kay 1964 Kaibah. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press. Bennett, Kay and Russ Bennett 1969 A Navaho Saga. San Antonio: The Naylor Company. .Blalock, Hubert M. 1960 Social S t a t i s t i c s . New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. Bohannan, Paul 1967 A f r i c a ' s Land. In T r i b a l and Peasant Economics, ed. George Dalton. Pp. 51-60. Garden C i t y : The Natural History Press. Bowman, Edison 1937 Livestock Movements i n Unit #12. In Land Management Unit No. 12, Range Management Branch Report, ed. W.R. McKinney. Pp. 43-73. S o i l Conservation Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Copy i n F i l e s of Author. 151 Brugge, David M. 1964 Navajo Land Usage: A Study i n Progressive D i v e r s i f i -cation. In Indian and Spanish American Adjustments to A r i d and Semiarid Environments. Arranged by Clark S. Knowlton. Pp. 16-25. Lubbock: Texas Technological College. Chang, Kwang-Chih 1962 A Typology of Settlement and Community Patterns i n Some Circumpolar Societies. A r c t i c Anthropology 1:28-41. C o l l i e r , Malcolm Carr 1966 Local Organization among the Navajo. New Haven: Human Relations Area F i l e s . Dipping Record Census 1936a L i s t of Stock Owning Family Heads for D i s t r i c t No. 12. Copy i n F i l e s of Author. 1936b L i s t of Stock Owning Family Heads for D i s t r i c t No. 14. 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L i t t e l l , Norman M. 1966 Alphabetical Index of Navajo Place-Names Relative- to -the Navajo Land:, Claim. ~ In Proposed Findings of "Fact i n Behalf;of_the Navajo Tribe - of Indians i n Area of the Overall.Navajo Claim (Docket 229), Vol. 6, Appendix A - l . McKinney, W.R. 1937 Land Management Unit No. 12, Range Management Branch Report. S o i l Conservation Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Copy i n F i l e s of Author. McNitt, Frank 1962 The Indian Traders. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1964 Navaho Expedition. Journal of a M i l i t a r y Reconnais-sance from Santa Fe, New Mexico to the Navaho Country Made i n 1849 by Lieutenant James H. Simpson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Mirkowich, Nicholas 1941 A Note on Navajo Place Names. American Anthropologist 43: 313-314. 155 Mueller, John H., Karl F. Schuessler, and Herbert L. Costner 1977 S t a t i s t i c a l Reasoning i n Sociology. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company. Navajo Grazing Regulations 1962 Navajo Reservation Grazing Handbook. Window Rock: The Navajo T r i b a l Council. NEO Survey 1966 Survey of Sheep Springs. O f f i c e of Navajo Economic Opportunityv^v-Windoyr Rock, .Arizona.:-; Newcomb, Franc Johnson 1940 Navajo Omens and Taboos. Santa Fe: Rydal Press. 1964 Hosteen Klah. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1966 Navaho Neighbors. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. New Mexico State Highway Department 1961 Newcomb Quadrangle 13, San Juan and McKinley Counties Map. Planning D i v i s i o n , Bureau of Public Roads. Reichard, Gladys A. 1928 S o c i a l - L i f e of the Navajo Indians. Columbia Univer-s i t y Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. VII. 1950 Navaho Religion. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Reynolds, Terry Ray, Louise Lamphere, and C e c i l E". Cook J r . 1967 Time, Resources, and Authority i n a Navaho Community. American Anthropologist 69: 188-199.' Richards, Cara E. 19 63 Modern Residence Patterns among the Navajo. E l Palacio 70(1-2): 25-33. Ross, William T. 1955 Navaho Kinship and S o c i a l Organization. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Chicago. Service, Elman R. 1966 The Hunters. Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall, Inc. Sheep Permit Records 1964 Sheep Permit Records, Sheep Springs. Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s , Shiprock, New Mexico. Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963 Chapter Community Census. Sheep Springs Chapter. Sheep Springs, New Mexico. Copy i n F i l e s of Author. Sheep Springs Navajo 1966 Sheep Springs Environment Drawings. In F i e l d Notes of Terry Reynolds and Louise Lamphere. F i l e s of the Author. Sheep i Springs 1965 F i e l d F i l e s 1966 F i e l d F i l e s 1967 F i e l d 1970 F i e l d 1971 F i e l d Sheep Springs 1965 F i e l d F i l e s Sheep Springs F i l e s of Author. 1928- Ledgers of Sheep Springs Trading Post. In possession 1940 of Evan Lewis. 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Publication of the Educational Di v i s i o n , United States Indian Service. 159 APPENDIX A Key to Pronunciation of Navajo Words Consonants: Ul r H 00 (d r H -P fd Ul (d o u r H fd (d fd r H PM fa o Tj tfl > a; CD r H Ul N Ul N to fd (0 r H •H r H CO -H r- l r H 1 rd r H (d r H r H <d o CD -p (d SH rd fd •H TS fd -H (U O -rH XI > rd r H Xi -P Xi fd r H r H m rd fd fd fd < ft fa t kw i ts ch s sh X h hv b d g 1 dz j z zh gh w d l Voiceless Stops A f f r i c a t e s Spirants Voiced Stops A f f r i c a t e s Spirants Nasals m n G l o t t a l i z e d Stops t' k* A f f r i c a t e s t s 1 ch' tX' Semi-vowels y The orthography used to record Navajo phonemes i n th i s study i s that described i n Young and Morgan (1962: I-VI). I have followed them i n writing h throughout rather than x or h i n i n i t i a l p o s i tion and h i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n . A l l authorities concur that the phoneme x i s pronounced h by many Navajos i n i n i t i a l p osition, whereas i n f i n a l p o s ition 160 only h appears. Given th i s v a r i a t i o n i n i n i t i a l form and lack of v a r i a t i o n i n terminal, I have used h except a f t e r s to avoid confusion with sh. Vowels: a as i n English father e as i n English met i as i n English i t o as i n English note Following Young and Morgan, vowel length i s indicated by a single l e t t e r denoting a short vowel (bito') and a double l e t t e r denoting a long one (bitoo'). Nasalization of a vowel i s represented by a subscript comma (bjjli) ( c f . Young and Morgan 1962:1). High vowel tone i s indicated by an acute accent (beesh), and low tone i s denoted by a lack of an accent mark (binaa). 161 APPENDIX B Sheep Springs Environmental Conditions The three types of environmental conditions distinguished by people at Sheep Springs - "white space" (halgai), "grey country" (/abatah), and "mountain" (dzi/) -are summarized i n Table XXIX/ The features of t e r r a i n and climate and the kinds of animal and plants outlined i n the table for each environment are those most often mentioned as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of that environment. Each environment i s also portrayed i n Figures 5-7. These i l l u s t r a t i o n s were drawn by a Navajo woman i n an attempt to explain to me the differences among the three environments. Each drawing depicts s i g n i f i c a n t aspects of t e r r a i n , climate, and vegetation .for that environment. The woman also included some humorous d e t a i l s i n each i l l u s t r a t i o n , such as the li n e s of ants and heat waves i n the drawing of white space, the pinyon nuts on the pinyon tree i n grey country, and the dancing b u t t e r f l y , grazing sheep and the improved spring i n mountain. Her comments on white space as she drew Figure 5 were: There i s sand (sei) , black ants ( w o ' l c f z h i n f ) , sage (ts'ah), and Russian T h i s t l e (ch '11  deeninii) i n white space (halgai). It's hot. There are washes (bikooh) and h i l l s . There i s some grass. Figure 6 depicts grey country, and about th i s environment she said: 162 TABLE XXIX' • Summary of Sheep Springs Navajos' Environmental Types Distinguishing Feature: White Space Treeless Grey Country Small trees Mountain Large trees Area or Areas Where Environment Found: Wide Space Badlands Country Mountain Shelf Up on Top Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c Terrain: F l a t land Some h i l l s Numerous dry arroyos Rock ridges Eroded slopes Tiny valleys Springs Mountainous land Open slopes and"valleys Springs and lakes Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c Climate: Hot Temp-eratures L i t t l e r a i n f a l l Warm temp-eratures Some r a i n f a l l Cool temp-eratures Abundant r a i n f a l l Associated Animal L i f e : Insects P r a i r i e Dogs Rabbits Bears Deer Turkeys Associated Vegetation: Small Rabbitbrush" ( k ' i i / t s o i i  d i jodi) Sagebrush (ts'ah) Russian T h i s t l e (ch:'il deeriinii) Grass (tX'oh) Yucca (tsa'aszi') Saltweeds (daak 'qcfzh) Juniper" (gad) Red Juniper (gad ni'eeXi) Pinyon (cha'o?) Sagebrush (ts'ah) Grass (t^'oh) Yucca (tsa'aszi') Mountain Mahogany (ts e*' esdaazii) Pine (nidishchi*i) Oak (chech'il) Aspen ( t ' i i s b a i ) Spruce (ch'o) Juniper (gad) Pinyon (cha'o^) Grass (t*'oh) 163 TABLE XXIX.;(continued) White Space Grey Country Mountain Associated Vegetation: (continued) Alder (k'ish) Sumac •qc-u'? Goldenrod ( k ' i i j t s o i ) Sources for Translation of Navajo Terms: 1 (Young and Morgan 1962:118, 220, 40, 213; Haile 1950:116) 2 (Young and Morgan 1962:73, 73, 31, 220, 213, 219; Haile 1950:246) 3 (Young and Morgan 1962:154, 33, 201, 42, 73, 31, 213, 118; Haile 1950:222, 222) Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971. Source: Sheep Springs Navajo 1966. FIGURE 5 : WHITE SPACE Source: Sheep Springs Navajo 1966. FIGURE 6: GREY COUNTRY OV 166 There i s juniper (gad) , pinyon (cha'cvO , and sagebrush (ts'ah). There'is nothing but small trees and sage brush, i n grey country (lab at ah) . I t i s very rocky.i land ; (ts_tah),. Her comments on Figure 7, which depicts mountain, were: There are l o t s of mountains up there. '. There are l o t s of pine trees (hidishch^i) , oak trees ( c h e c h 1 i l ) , aspen trees ( t ' i i s b a i ) , and spruce trees (ch '6*) . There i s l o t s of water that comes out from the mountain ( i . e . , springs). There i s a l o t of plants and grass. Sheep Springs Navajos c l a s s i f y areas outside of t h e i r region using the same tree c r i t e r i a as they do i n north-western New Mexico. They c l a s s i f y the Mohave Desert as white space, the Mesa Verde with i t s pinyon-juniper forest as grey country, and the coastal areas of the P a c i f i c Northwest with t h e i r r a i n forests as mountain. There i s nothing i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e to indicate i f other Navajos d i s t i n g u i s h l o c a l environments or what c r i t e r i a they might use i n doing so. Ramah Navajos speak of "white space" and "up on top," and people near Shonto dis t i n g u i s h "canyon" (tsegi) and "up on top," but I was unable to discover i f these were topographic areas or kinds of environments. David F. Aberle (Personal Communi-cation) reports Navajos near Pinon d i f f e r e n t i a t e " f l a t v a l l e y " (dzigai) or "white space," which i s characterized by black greasewood, from "up on top," which has grey or p l a i n greasewood. This suggests that these Navajos may be distinguishing environments on the basis of greasewood types. Source: Sheep Springs Navajo 1966. FIGURE 7 : MOUNTAIN 168 APPENDIX C Sheep Spri n g s P l a c e Names The people a t Sheep Springs use named landscape f e a t u r e s as f i x e d r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s i n l o c a t i n g t h i n g s on the eart h ' s s u r f a c e . The name they g i v e to a landscape f e a t u r e g e n e r a l l y d e s c r i b e s an asp e c t o f i t o r an event t h a t took p l a c e t h e r e , e.g., "Yellow H i l l " i s the name of a low, y e l l o w i s h - c o l o u r e d h i l l , and "Bobcat F e l l Down" i s a s m a l l mesa where a bobcat was shot and r o l l e d down the s i d e ( c f . J e t t 1970:179-184). The l o c a t i o n o f something i s i d e n t i f i e d by the nearest, well-known r e f e r e n c e p o i n t . T h i s p o i n t a c t u a l l y may be some d i s t a n c e away, but i t s name i s the most widely-used one i n the area. For example, people l i v i n g more than a m i l e from a p l a c e named "Aspen Grove" a r e s a i d to be l i v i n g t h e r e , as are people r e s i d i n g a q u a r t e r o f a m i l e away o r l e s s . Sheep Spri n g s Navajos use seventy-two named landscape f e a t u r e s as common r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s (see Table XXX).: Other named f e a t u r e s are used by one or two f a m i l i e s to i d e n t i f y the l o c a t i o n o f a t h i n g w i t h i n the immediate area of t h e i r houses, f i e l d s , or g r a z i n g p a s t u r e s . With the ex c e p t i o n of Young and Morgan's r e p o r t on Navajo names f o r p l a c e s i n G a l l u p , New Mexico (1947), there i s nothing i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e t o suggest o t h e r Navajos name f e a t u r e s of t h e i r l o c a l areas as e x t e n s i v e l y as do the 169 TABLE XXX • Named P l a c e s i n t h e Sheep S p r i n g s A r e a E n g l i s h T r a n s l a t i o n . L a n d s c a p e and Name .- Map No. . N a v a j o Name F e a t u r e Name 1 R i v e r J u n c t i o n - B i g t o ' a h e e d l ^ n i Bend i n t h e Bend o f t h e Chaco Chaco R i v e r 2 V a l l e y t e e h B o t t o m o f Chaco V a l l e y w a t e r s h e d 3 B o b c a t F e l l Down na"shdoi n a a t / i z h i ' E v e n t a t a mesa 4 J a y ' s Water j e e ' b i t 6 S t o c k pond 5 L i t t l e S m i t h ' s Water ' a t s i d i i y a z h i b i t o S t o c k pond 6 G r i n d i n g Rocks P l a c e t s e d a h k ' a ' i i ' R i d g e w i t h h i ghway g r a v e l dump 7 Long G r e y H i l l J a b a i y i l k ' i d r Long p r o m i n e n t r i d g e 8 Crow E a t s g a a g i i ' l ' l y f ^ ' E v e n t a t a f i e l d 9 M e t a l ' s Water b e e s h b i t o ' i i A r t e s i a n w e l l 10 P r a i r i e Dog C o u n t r y d i p i j ' t a h P r a i r i e Dog V i l l a g e 11 Head's Water ' a t s i i t s ' i i n b i t o P a r t i c u l a r s p o t a l o n g an a r r o y o 12 B l a c k P o i n t o f a J i z h i n d e e z ' c i h i * End o f a R i d g e c u e s t a 13 Meadow Wat e r - S h e e p t o h a l t s o i ' S p r i n g S p r i n g s 14 B l a c k S i t s J i z h i n s i ' | " S m a l l h i l l 15 Rock S i t s t s e " s i t ^ n i i Rock F o r m a t i o n 170 TABLE XXX. .(continued).;. English Translation and Name - Map No. 16 Conical H i l l 17 Road Goes Over the H i l l Navajo Name dah 1ats 1os b i t i s 'adee'atiin 18 Can't Go Any Further bfnida ji<£ j i ' Carrying Something on His Back 19 S i t s There On Top dah s i ' £ biqhff 20 Cross H i l l s 21 Rounded Table Mesa 22 Yellow H i l l 23 Metal Lying 24 His Cottonwood 25 Greasewood-lCountry, 26 Shady Place 27 White Rock Point 2 8 Red Shirt's Water 29 Water Drawn Out With a Bucket a^na'oos'ahi dah'azkf.' i i ' Xitso deesk'idaT beesh siniX b i t ' i i s ' i i 1 dowozhitah honish'oozh^' tse' / i g a i deez'ahi •ee' ^ i c h i l f b i t o toha * adlee Landscape Feature Name Small k n o l l Rise that an old road goes over Event at a . .. h i l l top Rock formation on a b l u f f Finger of a mesa that cross cuts a ridge Small butte Small, low h i l l Heating o i l barrels Cottonwood tree on arroyo's edge Patch of greasewood Place shaded by steep h i l l s i d e Rock formation Well Well 171 TABLE XXX (continued) English Translation and Name - Map No. 30 Blue Adobe S i t t i n g There 31 Tabaha's Water 32 Impassable Mountain 33 Impassable Mountain Water 34 Water Flowing on to the F l a t 35 Square Black Rock 36 Snakes Hanging Down 37 Blue Water 38 Hidden Water 39 Grey Water 40 Valley Running Up the Mountain 41 White Country 42 Black Water 43 Grey Area at Mountain Base 44 Rock Crevice Water 45 Horse Speeds Out 46 Wood Thicket Point Navajo Name bis doot/'iz s i ' ^ tabaaha hifo d z i ^ doo bighazhooghahf d z i l doo bighazhooghahi to to deescha 1 ts^zhin naask'^ni t l ' i i s h d a h h i d i i j i h to d o o t^ 1izh t6" n a n i t ' i n i t6 Jtabai dahndzflgai ^ i g a i t a h to / i z h i n i " b i n i i t ' a hoba tse k ' i i s to X$%' h a d i t ' i t s i n n c h ' i l deez' a ' i i ' Landscape Feature Name Prominent kn o l l Well Event at mesa Well Arroyo Rock formation Event at bend i n a road Spring Spring Spring Large v a l l e y White sand patch Spring Small l e v e l area Spring Event at a t r a i l Dense trees bridging a sheep t r a i l 172 TABLE XXX; (continued) English Translation and Name - Map No. 4 7 Mud Slid e 4 8 Coyote Trapped 49 Bushy Mountain 50 Weeping Willow 51 Aspen Grove-Cottonwood Pass 52 Mountain Turning White 53 White Water 54 Square Pinyon 55 Dan's Water 56 Missionary's Water 57 Oak Spring 58 Hollow 59 Hollow Water 60 Spruce Spring 61 Water Runs Down 62 Line of Alders 63 Turquoise Spring 64 Owl Water 65 Copper Gap - Washington Pass Navajo Name hodeezhchaa' ma'ii d a ' a j i z h f dziX dit/'ox t' i i s ts 1 oo'zii t ' i i s b a r sikaad dz±X deeshgai to / i g a i d e e s t s i i n dik'ani* dan bito" 'e'e' neishoodii bito" chech'il yato naahats'isi naahats' i s i * t 6 ch '6 yato* to" dahdeezlirii k'ish d e e s h t ' i h i i d o o t l ' i z h i i ha'eeX ne*'eshjaa' to beesh ^ i c h i i * ' b i g i i z h Landscape Feature Name Mud s l i d e Event at a h i l l H i l l Patch of willows Aspen Grove Small hollow Spring H i l l Spring Spring Spring Hollow Spring Spring Tiny creek Alders along an arroyo Spring Spring Pass to summit plateau 173 TABLE XXX. .(continued) English Translation and Name - Map No. 66 Water S i t t i n g There 67 Rock Dumplings 68 Chipped Rock 69 Rubbed Rock 70 Putting Rocks Down 71 Sun Resting 72 T o d i c h i i n i i ' s Water Navajo Name tc-ba 'az'j tse k' I"neezhbrzhi*i tse haaltaal tse b i z h d i i l n i h f i * tse n a a j i h i ' johonaa'ai s i ' | i todich 1 Ti'nii b i t 6 Landscape Feature Name Spring Rock formation Rock formation Rock formation Wayside shrine Rock formation Lake Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971. 174 people a t Sheep Spri n g s (Gregory 1917:149-154, J e t t 1970, L i t t e l l 1966, Mirkowich 1941, Van Valkenburgh 1941, 1974a, Van Valkenburgh. and Walker 1945, Watson 11964) . -I d o u b t , ; „ however, t h a t Sheep Springs Navajos are p a r t i c u l a r l y unusual i n t h i s r e g a r d . Rather, t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n simply has not been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y c o l l e c t e d by most ethnographers. In a b r i e f i n t e r v i e w w i t h a Ramah Navajo, I was g i v e n t h i r t y -f i v e named l o c a t i o n s t h a t i d e n t i f i e d some r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n the a r e a . Navajos a t Pinon a l s o use many l o c a l p l a c e names (David F. A b e r l e , P e r s o n a l Communication). The d i s t r i b u t i o n of named landscape f e a t u r e s i s approximately the same as the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and routes of t r a v e l i n the Sheep S p r i n g s area (see F i g u r e 8). In the Chuska V a l l e y the r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s c l u s t e r along the western edge, where the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n has w i n t e r homes and where there are i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s , the t r a d i n g post, the chapter house,sand"the'main paved highway. Landscape f e a t u r e s used as named p o i n t s i n the lower p o r t i o n of the l a n d s l i d e - d e b r i s highlands are i n the t h r e e areas thought to be s u i t a b l e f o r r e s i d e n c e . In the upper h i g h l a n d s , the named f e a t u r e s are along the base of the steep h i l l s i d e t h a t r i s e s t o the summit p l a t e a u . T h i s i s where most'of the p o p u l a t i o n has summer homes. The r e s t o f the p l a c e s named are l o c a t e d along the Washington Pass road and the main road on the summit p l a t e a u . Interviews 1965,1966,1970, 1971. 176 Four, of the seventy-two named-features also have :. r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Ceremonial material i s co l l e c t e d and prayers are said at "Sun Resting" on the summit plateau. People stop at both "Rubbed Rock" i n Washington Pass and "Putting Rocks Down" beside the main north-south road on . the summit plateau. They pray at these places f o r good fortune on th e i r journey. Offerings are made and prayers for r a i n are said at "Turquoise Spring." The l a t t e r spring i s i d e n t i f i e d by Van Valkenburgh as i n the Washington Pass area (1941:169). He wrote that this spring i s the same one that was walled up by U.S. soldiers on an 1848 expedition through'Washington Pass. I suggest that Van Valkenburgh was describing two d i f f e r e n t springs, only one of which has r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . "Turquoise Spring" c e r t a i n l y i s a Navajo shrine, but i t - i s located well over a mile from Washington Pass. "Water S i t t i n g There" i s near the summit of the pass and has been described to me as a "walled up" spring. The l a t t e r i s probably the one used by the troops. 177 APPENDIX D Table Format and . S t a t i s t i c a i r T e s j t s Table Format A l l the tables i n this study have the same general form and use the same symbols. A l l have t i t l e s that :l i d e n t i f y the variable being analyzed, the unit of measurement, the variable used f o r ' c r o s s - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , when appropriate, and the time period of the data. The dimensions of the variable being analyzed are l i s t e d as row descriptions on the left-hand side of each table. When a table i s b i v a r i a t e , t h i s i s the dependent variable derived from Navajo ideology. In univariate tables, columns present only a univariate t o t a l or a series of non-additive univariate t o t a l s . In bi v a r i a t e tables, the f i r s t column i s the t o t a l column that i s l a b e l l e d by the unit of measurement. Other columns describe the dimensions of the variable being used for c r o s s - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . This i s the independent variable derived from Navajo ideology. For each column l a b e l , two sets of d i s t r i b u t i o n s are given. The frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n i s i d e n t i f i e d by f • and the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by % . Since columns usually represent the independent variable or t o t a l , the frequency and percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n are t o t a l l e d v e r t i c a l l y . The percentage t o t a l usually equals 100%, because the row categories are mutually exclusive and account for a l l cases. 178 In those instances where a case may f a l l i nto two or more row categories and r e s u l t i n a percentage t o t a l of more than 100,. the exception i s noted on the table. Within the frequency and percentage columns, the following symbols have been used: no cases, and * percentage equals less than one-half of one percent. Since the data represent a census rather than a sample, they are not subject to sampling error. Observer error and Navajo mistakes, however, may have resulted i n the m i s c l a s s i -f i c a t i o n of some cases. The m i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a case has a noticeable impact on the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n s because of small numbers. Consequently, a l l percentages have been rounded to the nearest whole percent to avoid implying an unwarranted degree of accuracy. The r e s u l t s of s t a t i s t i c a l tests applied to each table's data are l i s t e d d i r e c t l y below the t o t a l and are i d e n t i f i e d by appropriate symbols. Table notes regarding exceptions to the general table format or the presence of unusual cases and sources of tabled data are l i s t e d at the bottom of each table. 179 S t a t i s t i c a l Tests, In order to establish, to what extent Navajo residence practices conform to t h e i r ideology, a series of tables are presented to determine whether or not dimensions regarding residence that are defined i n or derived from ideology correlate as 1expected with actual residence location and aggregation patterns. S t a t i s t i c a l tests are applied to data i n these tables so that the degree of association, i f any, can be measured. The tests selected to measure association are Goodman and Kruskal's Tau (t for predicting row variables) (Blalock 1960:232-234; Mueller, Schuessler, and Costner 2 1977:196-207), and the Correlation Ratio (E ) (Freeman 1965:120-130; Mueller, Schuessler, and Costner 1977:233-242, 426) . Goodman and Kruskal's Tau was selected for several reasons. F i r s t , i t i s applicable to both. 2 X 2 tables and to those with a larger number of variables.. Second, i t provides an estimate of the degree to which, error may be reduced due to the nature of the association between two variables, that i s , the proportional reduction i n variance made possible by the existence of an association. As a r e s u l t , the estimates obtained from tables of varying dimensions can be d i r e c t l y compared. Lastly, the appropriateness of this test for a wide variety of data d i s t r i b u t i o n s and for nominal data i s well documented 180 (Goodman and KrusJcal 1954, 1959, 1963)... Although., t was selected to estimate error reduction i n those tables where the dependent variable was nominal or ord i n a l , for comparative purposes i t has been applied to a l l tables. Since t i s not the most sensi t i v e index of association r 2 for i n t e r v a l data, E also was applied where the dependent variable was an i n t e r v a l scale. This test was selected not only because i t i s appropriate to use i n cases where the independent variable i s nominal or ordinal, but also for much the same reasons that t was choosen. I t i s r applicable both to 2 X 2 tables and to those with a larger number of variables. I t also provides an estimate of the degree to which error may be reduced due to the nature of the association between two variables, and estimates obtained from tables of varying dimensions can be d i r e c t l y compared. 181 APPENDIX E Changes i n Land-Dependent Livelihood A c t i v i t i e s at Sheep Springs, 1936-1937 to 1965-1966 Before the t h i r t i e s , l i k e other Navajos, people at Sheep Springs probably : obtained much of th e i r l i v e l i h o o d from land-dependent a c t i v i t i e s such as livestock r a i s i n g and farming. (Aberle^ 19 69?, Brugge 19C4) ; In the Depression • ;. the importance of these subsistence a c t i v i t i e s began to change as the U.S. Government started programmes designed to reduce livestock on the overgrazed land of the Navajo Reservation and to encourage more Navajos'to farm beyond the subsistence l e v e l . In 1936-1937 Navajos l i v i n g i n Land Management D i s t r i c t No. 12, which includes Sheep Springs, s t i l l derived just over f i f t y percent of t h e i r annual income from livestock and a g r i c u l t u r a l produce (see Table XXXI), but i n thV-sixties Sheep. Springs .Navajosi. • derived only nineteen percent from these sources (see Table XXXII). The decreased dependency on livestock i s also r e f l e c t e d i n actual decline i n the number of animals grazed i n Sheep Springs between the t h i r t i e s and the s i x t i e s (see Table XXXIII) The .total number of. sheep and goats was lower by over two thousand head, the horse population had dropped by over two hundred and f i f t y head, and the number of c a t t l e was about the same. There were s l i g h t l y more herds of sheep and goats i n the s i x t i e s than i n the the t h i r t i e s , but they 182 TABLE XXXI Income Sources, Land Management D i s t r i c t No. 12, 1936-1937 Wage Work Livestock A g r i c u l t u r a l Produce Rugs Miscellaneous Total Note: Dollar amounts have been rounded to the nearest $100. Income data for about 70 percent of D i s t r i c t No. 12 was estimated on basis of averages from neighbouring areas (Government Survey 1939: Introduction). Source: Government Survey 19 39: Table I I I . Estimated Percent of Dollar Amount Total Income 222,400 37. 173,100 29 150,800 25 38,500 7 , 9,000 2 593,800 100 183 TABLE XXXII SPurees of Annual Income, 1965-1966 Estimated Livelihood Dollar Amount Income Source: Migratory Wage Work Full-Time Wage Work Part-Time Wage Work Welfare and Retirement Payments Cattle Sheep and Goats Arts and Crafts A g r i c u l t u r a l Produce Miscellaneous Total Note: Livestock income v annual income per mature sheep or goat and $7 8 annual income per mature cow (cf. Shepardson and Hammond 1970:113). A g r i c u l t u r a l produce was estimated at $20 an acre annual income. Dollar amounts have been rounded to the nearest $100. Livelihood aggregates frequencies and percents do not t o t a l to 56 and 100 because each aggregate has more than one source of income. Sources: NEO Survey 19 66, Sheep Springs Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965. f % f g. 54,600 24 24 43 27,700 12 8 14 32 ,400 14 51 91 48,200 21 38 68 21,100 9 10 18 18,100 8 40 71 17,700 8 38 68 4, 400 2 31 55 3,500 2 11 19 227,700 100 56 100 estimated as follows: $9 TABLE X X X I I I Sheep Springs Area Livestock, 1936-1937 and 1965-1966 In 1936-1937: Total Number of Sheep and Goats ' 4,542 Number of Herds 33 Average Number of Sheep and Goats per Herd 137.64 Herd Size Range 8-900 Number of Cows 260 Number of Horses 336 In 1965-1966: Number of Sheep and Goats 2,00 7 Number of Herds 37 Average Number of Sheep and Goats per Herd 54.24 Herd Size Range 9-250 Number of Cows 2 70 Number of Horses -85 Note: Lambs, calves, and c o l t s were not included i n these figures. Mature animals are the basis of th i s census.. Only, ranimals . run i n the Sheep Springs area i n the winter time are counted. Sources: Bowman 1937:43-73, Dipping Record Census 1936a, 19 36b, Government survey 19 38, NEO survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records .1964, Sheep Springs. Trader Interviews 1964, Sheep Springs Trading Post Ledgers 1928-1940. 185 averaged le s s than one-half of t h e i r e a r l i e r s i z e . Very large flocks had disappeared. These figures do not :/ represent the t o t a l decrease i n Sheep Springs Navajos' livestock dependency because some livestock reduction already had taken place by 1936-1937. Livestock reduction described i n the-comparison of the mi d - t h i r t i e s and mid-sixties figures was accomplished i n 1940 and 1941 when livestock permits for a l l classes of grazing animals were issued.' Only those Navajos who owned livestock i n 1937 could acquire permits. The 1937 livestock count, undertaken at sheep dippings, was the basis for determining ownership. Unfortunately, permits often were given to Navajos who had brough-t herds to be dipped and t a l l i e d rather than to actual owners of animals. In s pite of government attempts to correct t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the permits did not - and s t i l l do not - completely r e f l e c t actual ownership of animals. No additional permits have been issued, and, therefore, many Sheep Springs Navajos do not have a permit. If they did not receive one i n the f o r t i e s or i n h e r i t one l a t e r and s t i l l want to have livestock, they must have t h e i r animals covered by someone else's permit. Permits can be sold, but they rarely are. Not only have no new permits been issued, but the number of head permitted has never changed. The size of permits was determined on the basis of a range survey done i n the t h i r t i e s that established the carrying capacity of 186 any area.. Ea,ch. D i s t r i c t 12 owner was. allowed a permit up to one hundred, and four sheep units. One sheep unit i s defined as one sheep grazing for a year. A sheep or goat i s counted as one sheep unit. A cow i s counted as four sheep units and a horse as f i v e . Some stockowners i n the D i s t r i c t were allowed special permits up to three hundred and f i f t y u n i t s . These special permits have never been withdrawn (Young 1961:155-156).. Factors other than the livestock reduction programme may account for some of the decline i n the horse population and the maintenance of the c a t t l e population. Ca t t l e had become prestige possessions so that they competed with horses as signs of wealth. Cows also required less care on a day-to-day basis than sheep and goats, and they provided a better income source than horses. Thus, for persons engaged i n wage work with l i t t l e time to care for livestock, cows were an id e a l investment. While c a t t l e were displacing horses as prestige possessions, trucks and cars displaced them as means of transportation. Several families at Sheep Springs s t i l l had wagons i n the mid-s i x t i e s , but these were used rarely, and wagon teams were maintained by only a very few. Saddle horses were ridden to look for l o s t livestock and to round up c a t t l e . A few were used i n rodeo sports. Given these li m i t e d uses, i t i s not su r p r i s i n g that the horse population had declined, while the c a t t l e one remained the same. 187 At the same .time as Navajos were.; discouraged i n t h e i r attempts to raise large amounts of livestock, there was an e f f o r t to develop a g r i c u l t u r a l land on the Reservation through the construction of i r r i g a t i o n systems. Subsistence farming was encouraged by assigning families ten to twenty acre plots of i r r i g a t e d land. (Young 1961:123).. Unfortu- .'. nately, the Sheep Springs area did not provide the opportunity to develop i r r i g a t i o n systems beyond rudimentary ones involving ditches to carry spring runoff. The s o i l was too porous to construct sizeable dams and there was no permanent water supply of any large volume i n the area. Along Blue Shale Wash i n the Chuska Valley small f i e l d s were provided with spring runoff by a series of ditches developed i n the t h i r t i e s . These f i e l d s were allocated to families through the issuing of f i e l d permits.. Permits also were issued for f i e l d s developed by Navajos i n the highlands and on the summit plateau. (See Table XXXIV for present f i e l d acreage of Sheep Springs Navajos").-Many of these f i e l d s have been used long before the t h i r t i e s . F i e l d permits did not r e s t r i c t the development of new f i e l d s , but they were designed to preserve the s i z e of f i e l d s by preventing t h e i r d i v i s i o n into smaller p l o t s . A f i e l d permit cannot be divided among the permittee's h e i r s . I t must be inherited by one person only. A f i e l d permit also can be sold to only one person. In spite of these attempts to increase a g r i c u l t u r a l 188 TABLE .XXXIV F i e l d Size and Use, 1965-1966, by Location Location of F i e l d s Winter-Use Summer-Use Total Area Area Total F i e l d s : Number of Fi e l d s Number of Acres Average Number of . Acres.per F i e l d Planted i n 1966: Number of F i e l d s Number of Acres Average Number of Acres per F i e l d Not Planted i n 1966: Number of F i e l d s Number of Acres Average Number of Acres per F i e l d Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966. 59 23 36 428 198 230 7.25 8.61 6.39 33 10 23 209 72 137 6.33 7.20 5.96 26 13 13 219 126 93 8.42 9.69 7.15 189 a c t i v i t i e s , the percent of annual.income Sheep Springs Navajos derived from a g r i c u l t u r a l produce i n the s i x t i e s was quite small (see Table ,XXX'i-If)\>. T..p*d^ermine.-hpwj,rmichl:; of a decline i n income from this source occurred between the t h i r t i e s and the s i x t i e s i s problematic. Since D i s t r i c t No. 12 also includes part of the i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s along the San Juan River near Shiprock, people at Sheep Springs with th e i r flood-water and dry-farmed f i e l d s probably received less of t h e i r income from t h i s source than the average for the d i s t r i c t suggest. Only ten percent of the annual income of people i n D i s t r i c t No. 14, immediately south of D i s t r i c t No. 12, was derived from agriculture i n the mid-thirties (Government Survey 1939: Table I I I ) . If this percent i s closer to that of the Sheep Springs Navajos i n the t h i r t i e s , there i s s t i l l an a g r i c u l t u r a l produce income decline, although i t i s not as sizeable as the prese: D i s t r i c t No. 12 percentage indicates (see Table XXXII). The lack of opportunity afforded Sheep Springs Navajos to farm p r o f i t a b l y i s largely responsible for this decline i n a g r i c u l t u r a l income. I t was estimated that 120 acres of i r r i g a t e d land was needed for farming beyond the subsistence l e v e l on the Navajo Reservation i n the f i f t i e s (Young 1961:127). The largest .'field acreage .controlled .by one l i v e l i h o o d aggregate at Sheep Springs i n the mid-sixtie was 30 acres, which included a 10 acre dry-farmed f i e l d on the mountain and a 20 acre f l o o d - i r r i g a t e d f i e l d on Blue 190 Shale Wash.. Other factors - also are r e f l e c t e d i n t h i s a g r i c u l t u r a l income decline. The dryness of the winter i n 1965-1966 provided meagre spring runoff.. Thus, larger f i e l d s dependent on f l o o d - i r r i g a t i o n f or planting were., not :used (see Table XXXIV). In addition, the surplus commodity • programme, which allowed persons with low incomes to receive, at no cost, food s t u f f s such as butter, canned meat, canned vegetables, and powdered milk, did not encourage farming a c t i v i t i e s that would provide supplemental food items to that purchased with funds derived from other sources. At the same time government control was being i n s t i t u t e d over Navajo land-dependent a c t i v i t i e s , wage work was being provided i n increasing amounts by public works projects. Wage income for the population on the Navajo Reservation rose from $200,000 i n 1932 to $1,700,000 i n 1936 (Young 1961:212). This increase i s r e f l e c t e d i n the almost f o r t y percent of annual income'provided by wages to D i s t r i c t No. 12 Navajos i n 19 36-1937 (see Table XXXI)7.. Sheep Springs:!; Navajos i n the mid-sixties derived only thirteen percent more of th e i r income from wages than D i s t r i c t No. 12 Navajos did i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s , but this seemingly small increase may be due to the f a c t that the e a r l i e r D i s t r i c t No. 12 figures include the Shiprock area, a centre of wage jobs. The actual increase i n the amount of annual income from wage labour for Sheep Springs Navajos may be much greater 191 than indicated. I t does not seem that.wage work made up the main portion of difference i n income as livestock r a i s i n g and farming declined between the t h i r t i e s and s i x t i e s , but i t seems income from various forms of welfare programmes did. No welfare income i s reported for D i s t r i c t No. 12 Navajos i n 1936-1937. By 1965-1966 Sheep Springs Navajos derived twenty-one percent of th e i r income from such programmes as Aid to Dependent Children, S o c i a l Security, and Old Age Assistance. Young estimates that the Navajo Tribe and U.S. Government provided $124 worth of benefits such as free medical and dental care, per Navajo each year beyond actual welfare payments (1961:228). If this was true i n the mid-sixties, an additional $66,300 would be added to the Sheep Springs Navajos 1 annual income. The percent of th e i r annual income contributed by welfare would be sub s t a n t i a l l y higher, th i r t y - n i n e percent. Wage work would contribute very nearly the same amount i t did i n the mid-th i r t i e s and would equal welfare income, i . e . , thir t y - n i n e percent. 

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