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Residential ideology and practice among the Sheep Springs Navajo Reynolds, Terry Ray 1979

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RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE • AMONG THE SHEEP SPRINGS NAVAJO by TERRY RAY REYNOLDS B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f Colorado, 1962 M.A., Stanford U n i v e r s i t y , 1965 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in  THE  FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (Department o f Anthropology and Sociology)  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA JUNE, 1979 ©  Terry  Ray Reynolds, 1979  In presenting  this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference  and  study.  I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may by his representatives. of  be granted by the Head of my Department or It is understood that copying or  publication  this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my  written permission.  Department of Anthropology and The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1WS  Date  October 12.  1979  Sociology  Research S u p e r v i s o r :  David F. A b e r l e  ABSTRACT T h i s study's purpose i s t o determine whether the o f t r e p o r t e d v a r i a t i o n s i n Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s a r e simply responses  t o c o n t i n g e n c i e s a r i s i n g from environmental,  g r a p h i c , and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s o r i f responses  demo-  are condi-  t i o n e d i n some way by Navajo ideas about the o r d e r i n g o f r e s i d e n t i a l r e a l i t y and bahaviour.  I t i s based on f i e l d  r e s e a r c h among the Sheep Springs Navajo o f northwestern  New  Mexico. Data about Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y a r e d e r i v e d from these people's  statements  about r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and groups and  from Navajo o r i g i n myths.  This information i s synthesized  i n t o a d e s c r i p t i v e account  of the content o f Sheep Springs  Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y . They b e l i e v e r e a l i t y has a r a t i o n a l o r d e r . reasoning, g o a l - d i r e c t e d beings.  T h e i r behaviour  Humans a r e i s directed  toward the propagation o f the human s p e c i e s and the maintenance of human l i f e  from conception t o the death o f o l d age.  These  g o a l s p r o v i d e the b a s i s f o r t h e i r views on the standards t h i n k should order human behaviour  and on the modes of behaviour  they t h i n k b e s t o r a t l e a s t a c c e p t a b l e i n meeting these ards.  Standards  important  t h a t i s , a l l persons another  stand-  t o r e s i d e n c e a r e not s p e c i f i c t o i t ,  should make a l i v i n g and should h e l p one  a t a l l times i n a l l p l a c e s .  f o r behaviour  they  I t i s only the procedures  t h a t a r e s p e c i f i c t o the r e s i d e n c e c o n t e x t .  For  these people, r e s i d e n c e i s a matter of s u b s i s t e n c e economics.  B e h a v i o u r a l modes take i n t o account c o n d i t i o n s a f f e c t i n g people's  access t o l i v e l i h o o d resources  e x p l o i t i n g and p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s .  and t o manpower f o r  A l t e r n a t i v e , acceptable  ways t o l o c a t e r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and t o aggregate persons i n t o r e s i d e n c e groups are based on these c o n d i t i o n s . Since the amount o f conformity  e x i s t i n g between r e s i d e n c e  p r a c t i c e s and b e h a v i o u r a l modes gives an i n d i c a t i o n as t o whether v a r i a n t behaviour  i s i n some way c o n d i t i o n e d by i d e o l o -  gy, comparisons are made between s p e c i f i c aspects o f Sheep Springs Navajos procedures.  1  r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s and t h e i r  behavioural  These are done u s i n g a n a l y t i c u n i t s and v a r i a b l e s  d e r i v e d from Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y r a t h e r than anthropological considerations of s o c i a l l i f e .  from  A further test  i s made o f the agreement between i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e by determining  how much e r r o r i n making p r e d i c t i o n s about v a r i a n t  b e h a v i o u r a l forms can be reduced  by u s i n g the i d e o l o g i c a l l y -  recognized conditions. These comparisons show very high p r o p o r t i o n s o f Sheep Springs Navajos are f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r r e d or acceptable modes o f r e s i d e n c e behaviour.  Because so many f o l l o w a p r e f e r r e d mode  or one o f the acceptable ones, the p a t t e r n s o f v a r i a n t behaviour  are not very pronounced and low r e d u c t i o n i n p r e -  d i c t i o n e r r o r i s achieved by u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s d e r i v e d from t h e i r procedures.  Many v a r i a t i o n s however tend t o be i n the  d i r e c t i o n p r e d i c t e d by these c o n d i t i o n s .  Variant residence  p r a c t i c e s do have some r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the acceptable behavi o u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s , but there are c o n t i n g e n c i e s t o which  iv practices  respond t h a t are not taken s p e c i f i c a l l y i n t o account  i n the a l t e r n a t i v e Spring Navajos.  r e s i d e n t i a l behaviour modes o f the Sheep  Some o f these c o n t i n g e n c i e s can s t i l l be  d e a l t w i t h by o t h e r mechanisms i n h e r e n t i n the s t r u c t u r e of t h e i r i d e a s about o r d e r i n g behaviour.  Consequently, a t the  same time Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and practices  g e n e r a l l y conform with each o t h e r , there i s v a r i a t i o n  i n t h e i r r e s i d e n c e behaviour.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT..  i i  LIST OF TABLES  v i i  LIST OF FIGURES  x  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CHAPTER I:  xi  INTRODUCTION  1  Sheep Springs Navajo Residence:  .. P r a c t i c e and Ideology  1 8  Research among Navajos  15  Notes...  22  CHAPTER I I :  NAVAJO RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY.......  ....  26  L i v i n g a t Sheep Springs  26  Land and Home  34  Making a L i v i n g and a Home  40  L i v i n g Together  44  Places to Live  57  O r d e r i n g R e s i d e n t i a l R e a l i t y and Behaviour  64  Notes CHAPTER I I I :  .. NAVAJO RESIDENCE PRACTICE  68 72  Comparing Ideology and P r a c t i c e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  72  Residence S i t e A c q u i s t i o n  76  Homes and Resources  79  Transhumant Use o f S i t e s  104  Residence Aggregation  115  Forms o f Aggregation  .... . . . ... .  130  vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ( CONTINUED) Page Conformity between Ideology and P r a c t i c e  139  Notes  141  CHAPTER IV:  CONCLUSION  -.,143  Accommodating R e a l i t y  143  Studying Navajo Residence  148  LITERATURE  CITED  150  APPENDICES  159  Appendix A:  Key t o P r o n o u n c i a t i o n of Navajo Words  Appendix B:  Sheep Springs Environmental  -.  159  . '.'.' -: ..  Conditions  161  Appendix C:  Sheep Springs P l a c e Names  168  Appendix D: Appendix E:  Table Format and S t a t i s t i c a l T e s t s . . . Changes i n Land-Dependent L i v e l i h o o d A c t i v i t i e s a t Sheep Springs 1936-1937 to 1965-1966  177 181  vii LIST OF TABLES Table  Page  I  Sheep Springs Residence S i t e s and Aggregates, 1965-1966  74  II  Source of Use-Right t o Residence S i t e , by Seasonal Use Area  77  III  IV  V  VI  VII  VIII  IX  X  XI  XII  1965-1966,  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area  84  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area  86  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Permanent Water Source, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area  90  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Major Road, 19651966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area  93  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Major Road, 19651966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area  95  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o A l l P r e f e r r e d ' Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area  100,  Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o A l l P r e f e r r e d Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area  101  Number of Residence S i t e s t o Which a L i v e l i h o o d Aggregate Has Access, 1965-1966, by Herding o r Farming Involvement......  105  Number o f Residence S i t e s t o Which a L i v e l i h o o d Aggregate Has Access, 1965-1966, by Combined Herding and Farming Involvement. '.'  107  L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates' Use o f Residence S i t e s , 1965-1966, by Season  109  viii LIST OF TABLES (CONTINUED) Table XIII XIV  page Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates 1966, by P o s s e s s i o n and P l a n t i n g o f Winter Area F i e l d . .  110  Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates>1966, by Possession , and P l a n t i n g o f Summer Area F i e l d . . I l l -  XV XVI  XVII XVIII XIX XX  XXI  XXII w  Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates, 1966, by Herding Involvement  113  Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates, 1966, by Herding and Farming Involvement i n the Summer Area  114  A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Conjugal U n i t Composition  116  A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Age o f Male  118  A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Annual Income  120  A g g r e g a t i o n o f Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e o f Conjugal U n i t Composition and Age o f Male  123  A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e o f Conjugal U n i t Composition and Annual Income .  124  A g g r e g a t i o n o f Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e o f Age o f Male and Annual Income  126  XXXIII A g g r e g a t i o n o f Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e o f Conjugal U n i t Composition, Age:of Male, and Annual Income XXXIV  Kinsman With Whom Conjugal U n i t Aggregates, 19651966, by Mother's o r C h i l d ' s Residence i n the Sheep S p r i n g s Area  128  131  XXV  Kinsman With Whom Subsequent Conjugal U n i t ^Vs. Composed o f M a r r i e d Couple Aggregates, 19 65-1966, by Age o f Male. ................................... 133  XXVI  Residence L o c a t i o n o f Never M a r r i e d C h i l d r e n , . . 1965-1966.. .vi . 136  ix LIST OF TABLES "(CONTINUED) Table XXVII  Page Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t Capable of Independent Residence, 1965-1966, by U n i t ' s R e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Mother or C h i l d U n i t Needing A s s i s t a n c e  138  XXVIII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Mother's or C h i l d ' s Residence i n the Sheep ,;:\'.:./ Springs Area .  146  XXIX  Summary of Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos' Environmental Types  162  XXX  Named P l a c e s i n the Sheep Springs Area  169  XXXI  Income Source, Land Management 1936-1937.  182  XXXII  Sources of Annual Income, 1965-1966  D i s t r i c t No. 12,  183  XXXIII Sheep Springs Area L i v e s t o c k , 1936-1937 and 19651966..  184  XXXIV  188  Field  S i z e and Use, 1965-1966, by L o c a t i o n . . . . . . .  X  LIST OF FIGURES Figure  Page  1  Sheep Springs  2  Residence S i t e s of L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates 1965- ,  2  1966  80  3  General F i e l d Areas  82  4  Permanent Water Sources  88  5  White Space  164  6  Grey Country  165  7 8  Mountain Named P l a c e s  167 175  xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Because r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s over s e v e r a l  f o r t h i s study took p l a c e  y e a r s , many persons have a s s i s t e d me i n a  v a r i e t y o f ways. contributions  I want t o acknowledge g r a t e f u l l y the  o f the f o l l o w i n g :  - The Sheep Springs Navajos, who answered my q u e s t i o n s and allowed me t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e i r way o f l i f e ; - The Navajo f a m i l i e s w i t h whom I l i v e d , and who shared t h e i r homes, food, everyday  activities,  and f a m i l y c r i s e s ; - The i n d i v i d u a l Navajos who helped me f o r long hours i n the t r a n s c r i p t i o n and t r a n s l a t i o n of Navajo words and i d e a s ; - Other persons i n the New Mexico-Arizona r e g i o n , but e s p e c i a l l y Lee and Barney B e r t i n e t t i , O c t a v i a F e l l i n , and Evan Lewis, who made my r e s e a r c h and l i f e  there a b i t e a s i e r ;  - L o u i s e Lamphere, who generously a s s i s t e d i n many ways my r e s e a r c h among the Navajo through the y e a r s ; - David A b e r l e , who u n f a i l i n g supported my i n t o Navajo c u l t u r e the b e n e f i t  and s o c i e t y ,  inquiry  and who gave me  o f h i s e x t e n s i v e knowledge r e g a r d i n g  xii Navajo  life;  - The Canada C o u n c i l , who p r o v i d e d  Doctoral  F e l l o w s h i p s from 1969 t o 1972 f o r graduate study and f i e l d  research;  - M i c h a e l Ames, C h a r l e s Frake,  and Raymond F i r t h  who through t h e i r seminars i n f l u e n c e d my t h i n k ing  r e g a r d i n g methods and concepts  this  underlying  study;  - The members o f my a d v i s o r y committee a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, who gave me suggestions  and c r i t i c i s m s r e g a r d i n g my r e s e a r c h  and v a r i o u s d r a f t s o f t h i s manuscript,  and who were  s u p p o r t i v e d u r i n g times t h a t were o f t e n - Students of  difficult;  and f a c u l t y members a t the U n i v e r s i t y  B r i t i s h Columbia and a t C a l i f o r n i a  U n i v e r s i t y , Northridge,  e s p e c i a l l y Dan  State Jorgensen,  the l a t e Richard Kluckhohn, and Gregory Truex, who p r o v i d e d me w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o d i s c u s s and develop  concepts  used i n t h i s  study;  - S h e r r i l l Selander, who shared her p r o f e s s i o n a l knowledge o f r e s e a r c h data o r g a n i z a t i o n and a n a l y s i s , and who e d i t e d t h i s - Barbara  Conder, who helped  manuscript;  t o prepare  the f i n a l  v e r s i o n o f maps and f i g u r e s i n c l u d e d i n the study;  David A b e r l e , M i c h a e l Kew, Robin R i d i n g t o n , A l f r e d Siemens, and E l v i Whittaker o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, who have waited p a t i e n t l y f o r the f i n a l d r a f t o f t h i s  study,  and who have taken time t o read i t ; Family and f r i e n d s , e s p e c i a l l y H a r r i e t and Raymond Reynolds,  Rick Reynolds,  Lucy Wales  Kluckhohn, and J u d i t h R i c h t e r , who a s s i s t e d my r e s e a r c h and w r i t i n g i n many ways, and who extended  f r i e n d s h i p and many kindnesses  t o my  f r i e n d s from Sheep S p r i n g s ; E l o i s e W. K a i l i n , M.D.,  and G r a n v i l l e F. Knight,  M.D., whose d i a g n o s t i c s k i l l s ,  c l i n i c a l ecolog-  i c a l knowledge, and wise a d v i c e enabled me t o complete t h i s  study.  1  CHAPTER  I  INTRODUCTION Sheep  Springs The  side  Sheep S p r i n g s  Post  i s l o c a t e d on t h e  o f t h e Chuska V a l l e y i n northwestern  Figure  1).  trading post  The  flat  hilly  provides  several different  wide,  open p l a i n  topographical  on t h e i r  near  environments.''"  summit p l a t e a u o f t h e Chuska M o u n t a i n s ,  landslide-debrishighlands  western  New M e x i c o ( s e e  The c o u n t r y s i d e o f t h e N a v a j o R e s e r v a t i o n  the  the  Trading  the rough,  eastern  flank,  and  o f t h e Chuska V a l l e y a r e t h e major  features i n the area  (Gregory  1917, Warren  1967).  Because o f e l e v a t i o n d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e summit  plateau  and t h e v a l l e y ,  conditions area  this  area  offers  and a s s o c i a t e d v e g e t a t i o n .  r e c e i v e more p r e c i p i t a t i o n  a range of  Higher  climatic  parts of the  and have c o o l e r  temperatures  2 than  lower  support  are covered  involved  f i r forest.  i n herding  and farming  and  a t lower  area  1967). Navajos  with opportunities From  s m a l l herds o f sheep  e l e v a t i o n s where everyone has  H e r d s a r e moved t o t h e h i g h e r  f o r t h e summer.  lower  (Harris  i n the area.  t o May o r J u n e ,  homes.  shrubs  activities  use of the resources  are grazed  The  conditions provides  September o r October goats  highlands  w i t h a p i n y o n - j u n i p e r woodland, and t h e  range o f environmental  seasonal  winter  and upper  i s a grassland area with desert  This  for  The summit p l a t e a u  a ponderosa pine-Douglas  highlands valley  ones.  Many p e o p l e  have  portions of the  summer h o m e s i n t h e  Q B ^ T w o Grey Hills  —  •  Trading Post  &  Chapter House — Fence  — — »  Major Road Wash Contour - 1,000 ft.intervals  1/2 lnch= 1 Mile Sources: U.S.G.S. Contour Map 1954, N.M-Hwy Dept. Map 1961.  FIGURE 1: SHEEP SPRINGS  3  upper highlands o r on t h e summit p l a t e a u . dry-farmed  Some persons  plant  f i e l d s on the mountain, and o t h e r s have f l o o d -  i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s i n the v a l l e y .  (See Appendix E f o r a d e t a i l e d  d i s c u s s i o n o f land-dependent l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s a t Sheep Springs.) Some a n c e s t o r s o f the Sheep Springs Navajos used a g r e a t d e a l more o f northwestern presently.  New Mexico than t h e i r descendants do  They herded t h e i r l i v e s t o c k , p l a n t e d f i e l d s ,  hunted  w i l d game animals, and gathered p l a n t s i n a transhumant p a t t e r n t h a t ranged from the C o n t i n e n t a l D i v i d e area i n the e a s t , where winter was spent, t o the Chuska Mountain summit p l a t e a u i n the west, where summer was spent. f i v e miles  T h i s was a d i s t a n c e o f seventy-  (Van Valkenburgh 1941:142).  By the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century, Navajos used the g e n e r a l r e g i o n along the western edge o f the Chuska V a l l e y near Sheep Springs i n s u f f i c i e n t l y l a r g e numbers t o l e a d the Spanish t o designate the area northwest o f Sheep Springs as a Navajo 3  population centre  (Wilson 1967:7-8).  By 1855, t h e r e were so  many Navajos u s i n g the r e g i o n t h a t i t was decided t o e s t a b l i s h the f i r s t U.S. Navajo Agency i n Navajo country i n the mountains west o f Sheep Springs  (Van Valkenburgh 1974b).  By the e a r l y  1900's the r e g i o n ' s Navajo p o p u l a t i o n supported at Sheep S p r i n g s , Newcomb, and Two Grey H i l l s  t r a d i n g posts  (McNitt 1962,  Van Valkenburgh 1941:142) . The upper highlands and the summit p l a t e a u near Sheep Springs were used by many people  f o r t h e i r permanent summer  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s long b e f o r e they used the lower h i g h l a n d s o r  4 t h e v a l l e y ' s w e s t e r n edge f o r p e r m a n e n t w i n t e r 1964,  Bennett  and  Bennett  1969,  Newcomb 1964,  Springs Navajo Interviews  1970,  1971,  A major e x c e p t i o n o c c u r r e d farming  areas  N a v a j o s had  i n the  Van  homes 1966,  Sheep  Valkenburgh  spring run-off  1941).  irrigated  a l o n g v a l l e y washes n e a r t h e f o o t h i l l s where  winter  programme o f t h e  homes b e f o r e  1900.  1930's d i s c o u r a g e d  The  those  livestock  e s t a b l i s h e d as  the  reduction  N a v a j o s who  homes e a s t o f t h e Chaco R i v e r f r o m m o v i n g t o them. R i v e r was  (Bennett  had  The  winter  Chaco  l i v e s t o c k management u n i t  bound-  4 ary.  Thxs r e s t r i c t i o n  fuel  at higher  e l e v a t i o n s and  e n c o u r a g e d more and winter  along with the  l o c a t i o n of  more N a v a j o s a s  time  the  went on  homes n e a r t h e v a l l e y ' s w e s t e r n e d g e .  homes were b u i l t away f r o m t h e The century 1860's  a v a i l a b i l i t y of  traditional  N a v a j o p o p u l a t i o n grew v e r y following their  (Johnston  1966,  Young  highway to locate  Many o f  farming  rapidly  incarceration  winter  areas.  during  the  a t F t . Sumner i n  1961), but  area.^  e a s t and  between C r u m b l i n g  120  square  residing  here  the area  i n the  in  the  time  summer.  during  Sheep  summit p l a t e a u on  House Wash on  N a v a j o L a n d Management D i s t r i c t f e n c e on imately  to  I n 1965-1966, between t h e C h a c o R i v e r on  the western escarpment of the  w e s t , and  the  i t i s impossible  determine a c c u r a t e l y the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e f o r the Springs  these  m i l e s ) , the winter  totalled  535  persons.  t h e n o r t h and the  south  population of Of  summer.  An  The  p o p u l a t i o n u s i n g the  total  t h e y e a r was  631  additional  these  persons  105  (5.26  the the  (approxNavajos  10 were n o t  persons area  persons  the  moved  in there  a t some per  square  ,  mile) . In the mid-1960's the Sheep S p r i n g s T r a d i n g Post, the Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter  House, and the Oak  S p r i n g s Chapter  House  complexes p r o v i d e d c e n t r a l i z e d meeting p l a c e s f o r the Navajo population.  The  t r a d i n g post c e n t r e i n c l u d e d the t r a d i n g post  g a s o l i n e s t a t i o n , l a u n d e r e t t e , and c a f e .  People  congregated  there to take advantage of these s e r v i c e s , to p i c k up  their  m a i l , t o have the t r a d e r make phone c a l l s , or to wait f o r passersby w i l l i n g t o g i v e r i d e s . was  the Sheep Springs Chapter  Less than a m i l e to the west  House complex, which i n c l u d e d  the chapter house, a house f o r the V i s t a workers, an  office  f o r the Community Development A i d e , and a Headstart p r e s c h o o l . The chapter i s the l o c a l u n i t of Navajo t r i b a l government (Williams 1970:40-42), and chapter meetings were h e l d weekly i n the w i n t e r a t t h i s l o c a t i o n . meetings were h e l d a t the Oak  In the summer, chapter  S p r i n g s Chapter  House on  mountain about e i g h t m i l e s west of the Sheep S p r i n g s House.  almost  the  Chapter  Near the summer chapter house were a v a t and pens used  to d i p members' sheep.  There a l s o were a ceremonial hogan,  cooking s h e l t e r , and bread ovens f o r use by chapter members g i v i n g squaw dances i n the summer.^ Sheep Springs Navajos l i v e d i n square or round s c a t t e r e d over the c o u n t r y s i d e .  Most houses were  houses  square,  one-or two-room l o g c a b i n s , although frame or c i n d e r b l o c k houses w i t h two or t h r e e rooms had been b u i l t .  Some m u l t i p l e  room houses had a p u e b l i t o f l o o r p l a n , i . e . , rooms b u i l t s i d e by s i d e i n a row  l i k e a motel without i n t e r n a l  connecting  6 doorways.  A few people l i v e d i n l o g , p o l y s i d e d  hogans.  S e v e r a l f o r k e d - p o l e hogans were maintained f o r c e r e m o n i a l use. Brush s h e l t e r s supplemented houses i n the summer.  Other  s t r u c t u r e s t h a t c l u s t e r e d about houses i n c l u d e d storage sheds, sheep c o r r a l s , p r i v i e s , and sweat houses. Houses were reached by roads t h a t were unpaved except f o r U.S. Highway 66 6, which had been paved f o r a number of y e a r s . The o n l y graded road i n the area was Navajo Route 32, over Washington Pass.  Other roads were maintained by l o c a l  or by people working on t r i b a l ten-day work p r o j e c t s . roads were o f t e n d i f f i c u l t rain.  residents These  to t r a v e r s e , e s p e c i a l l y i n snow or  Many f a m i l i e s owned or had access t o a pickup t r u c k or  a car.  No one r e g u l a r l y used a wagon and team f o r t r a n s p o r t a -  tion . Only houses t h a t were b u i l t w i t h i n a h a l f - m i l e of the highway had access to e l e c t r i c i t y .  People had to pay f o r the  necessary p o l e s to c a r r y the e l e c t r i c l i n e t o t h e i r houses and f o r w i r i n g t h e i r houses. No house had running water. hauled.  Domestic water had to be  On the mountain t h i s was not a d i f f i c u l t  task.  Numerous n a t u r a l s p r i n g s o c c u r r e d along the upper and lower edges of the h i g h l a n d s .  In the v a l l e y however, t h e r e were  few w e l l s , and water had t o be hauled f o r some d i s t a n c e . stock troughs had been added t o some s p r i n g s and w e l l s .  LiveLive-  stock a l s o c o u l d be watered a t s m a l l l a k e s on the summit p l a t e a u and a t c a t c h dams c o n s t r u c t e d throughout the-areav-  T h i s was Sheep Springs i n the mid-1960 s, when I began 1  r e s e a r c h there i n t o Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s pertaining  t o them.  and the i d e o l o g y  I t i s the s e t t i n g f o r t h i s study.  8 Navajo Residence: In any  P r a c t i c e and  Ideology  s o c i e t y r e s i d e n c e i s a complicated  phenomenon'!to  study f o r i t encompasses both p l a c e s and persons. end-product of two  processes,  I t i s the  the l o c a l i z a t i o n of people  t i v e to the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e and the aggregation r e l a t i v e to each other at l i v i n g s i t e s .  of persons  Thus, r e s i d e n c e  i n v o l v e s matters of settlement as w e l l as community Chang 1962).  rela-  (cf. ,  These matters do not n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e the same  economic, s o c i a l , or p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s .  Among the Navajo  r e s i d e n c e i s even a more complex phenomena to examine and  to  analyze because there i s v a r i a t i o n i n t h e i r r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s . S t u d i e s done b e f o r e the m i d - s i x t i e s , i n c l u d i n g one of own,  my  documented v a r i a t i o n i n r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s among Navajos.  D i f f e r e n c e s i n p o s t - m a r i t a l r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s , the composit i o n and  s i z e of r e s i d e n c e groups, and  groups over the land and (Aberle 1961,  Adams 1963,  Kluckhohn 1966, Reichard 1963,  1928,  the d i s p e r s i o n of  through the seasons were recorded C o l l i e r 1966,  Kluckhohn and L e i g h t o n  Downs 1964, 1974,  Levy  Reynolds, Lamphere, and Cook 1967,  Ross 1955).  these  1965, 1962, Richards  These d i f f e r e n c e s were d e s c r i b e d i n terms  of such v a r i a b l e s as m a t r i l o c a l and p a t r i l o c a l p o s t - m a r i t a l r e s i d e n c e and n u c l e a r and extended f a m i l y r e s i d e n c e groups. Many ethnographers,  i n c l u d i n g myself,  ascribed variations i n  r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s to demographic, economic, s o c i a l ,  and  h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n the context of the Navajo m a t r i l i n e a l descent  principle.  The domestic c y c l e (Levy  1962,  9 Reynolds, density  Lamphere, and Cook ( A b e r l e 1 9 6 1 , Downs  particular and  holdings  1974),  relative  (Kluckhohn  t h e male r o l e  Reynolds,  residence  and L e i g h t o n  i n resource  groups. history  of various  subsistence  Levy  s t a t u s and s i z e o f  1974, Levy  1962, Ross  access  as p o s s i b l e and s i z e o f  t o resources  environmental  activities  1955),  (Adams 1 9 6 3 ,  1967) were c i t e d  and d i f f e r e n t  groups  (Aberle  1962, Reynolds, All  of these  haviour.  They  irregularities these  were g i v e n  1961, C o l l i e r  through  requirements  as  explanations  Lamphere, and Cook  1 9 6 6 , Downs  s t u d i e s were concerned w i t h  focused  on t h e s t a t i s t i c a l  o f Navajo residence  about  social  Navajo residence  life.  degree by contingencies  practices.  n a t u r a l environment,  demographic processes.  could  arising  They  be a c c o u n t e d  activities,  the  ordered,  their  shared  views o f residence.  that defined, g  described  f o r t o some involving and/or  s t u d i e s however d i d n o t p r e s e n t ideology,  Navajos  and  that differences  much i n f o r m a t i o n o n N a v a j o r e s i d e n t i a l ideas  be-  from a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  from circumstances  subsistence These  residence  regularities  They emphasized  behaviour  1964,.1965,  1967).  p r a c t i c e s i n terms o f u n i t s d e r i v e d  notions  the  1961, Kluckhohn  t h e v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e d i s p e r s i o n and/or m o b i l i t y o f  residence  in  (Aberle  exploitation  Differential  population  emphasis on a  f o rv a r i a t i o n s i n the composition  settlement  for  activity economic  Lamphere and Cook  explanations  1963),  1965), r e l a t i v e  kind of livelihood  Leighton  and  1967, Richards  t h a t i s , on or  justified  10  The b e l i e f s Navajos h e l d about the world, human beings, and  life  t h a t organized the way they saw the r e a l i t i e s o f t h e i r  r e s i d e n c e were i g n o r e d .  The procedures  they used t o d e l i n e a t e  and to order t h e i r view of e x i s t e n c e were not r e c o r d e d . did  How  Navajos view the c o u n t r y s i d e i n which they l i v e d and t h e i r  activities  i n r e l a t i o n to i t ?  tinguish residence sites?  How d i d they i d e n t i f y and d i s -  How d i d they see themselves and  t h e i r r e l a t i o n s t o one another w i t h i n the r e s i d e n c e  situation?  How d i d they i d e n t i f y and d i s t i n g u i s h r e s i d e n c e groups? A l l of  these q u e s t i o n s about Navajo b e l i e f s and d e f i n i t i o n s were  unanswered.  Because these were i g n o r e d , some ideas Navajos  had about r e s i d e n c e behaviour misinterpreted.  c o u l d have been overlooked  and/or  B e l i e f s and d e f i n i t i o n s form the context f o r  and g i v e meaning t o b e h a v i o u r i a l standards and procedures. Without knowledge of t h i s context and meaning, i t i s easy t o s u b s t i t u t e d e f i n i t i o n s and concepts Most s t u d i e s provided l i t t l e  a l i e n t o t h e Navajo.  i n s i g h t i n t o Navajo ideas  about behavioural!', s#aridards. and procedures residence.  w i t h regard to',',  The s t u d i e s g e n e r a l l y noted t h a t Navajos seemed t o  p r e f e r a newly married couple t o l i v e near the w i f e ' s  parents,  but they a l s o p o i n t e d out t h a t i t was a c c e p t a b l e f o r the couple to  r e s i d e near the husband's parents or by themselves.  w h i l e they touched  upon the b e h a v i o u r a l .aspects, - they 'did;;' not!  examine them i n depth.  Was t h i s p o s t - m a r i t a l p r e f e r e n c e a c t u -  a l l y a standard f o r r e s i d e n c e behaviour p r e f e r r e d procedure  Thus,  f o r meeting a  or was i t simply a  behavioural.^ s t a n d a r d ?  v  11 These s t u d i e s a l s o d i d not d e l i n e a t e where o t h e r persons or c o u l d aggregate.  With whom were d i v o r c e d people, widowed  i n d i v i d u a l s , o r c h i l d r e n of deceased parents expected L o c a l i z a t i o n was  should  e n t i r e l y ignored.  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s be e s t a b l i s h e d ?  to l i v e ?  Where should or c o u l d  Indeed, the v a l u e s Navajos  h e l d r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n c e or the i d e a l models they had f o r r e s i d e n c e were not examined. for  Navajos?  aggregate?  What was  What was  the nature of r e s i d e n c e  t h e i r i d e a l of a r e s i d e n c e s i t e or  What s a n c t i o n s were invoked  for incorrect  behaviour?  Because these s t u d i e s d i d not examine Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y , i t was  difficult  to determine whether v a r i a t i o n s i n  Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s were simply a response gencies or were a response  to c o n t i n -  c o n d i t i o n e d or l i m i t e d by  their  9 ideology.  They l e f t unanswered such q u e s t i o n s  - Do Navajos h a v e ' s p e c i f i c standards behaviour  to which they are unable  as:  f o r residence to adhere because of  contingencies? - Or, does t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y allow f o r a wide range of r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s i n response - I f so, i s t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y a l standards  to c o n t i n g e n c i e s ?  achieved by d e l i n e a t i n g sever-  for a p a r t i c u l a r residence p r a c t i c e  without  r u l e s f o r choosing between them ( c f ; A b e r l e -1963:3) ?. - Or,  i s i t achieved through  non-contextual  the e x i s t e n c e of g e n e r a l i z e d  b e h a v i o u r a l standards w i t h o n l y p r e f e r r e d  or accepted modes of behaviour  a p p l y i n g to the r e s i d e n c e  context? The r e s e a r c h among Sheep Springs Navajos was  undertaken  12 then, t o answer these q u e s t i o n s .  In o r d e r t o do so, i t had t o  examine both t h e i r r e s i d e n c e i d e o l o g y and t h e i r  residence  p r a c t i c e s and t o determine not o n l y the major components of <• t h e i r i d e o l o g y , but a l s o the amount of c o n f o r m i t y or e x i s t i n g between these components and t h e i r  agreement  practices.  The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of major elements of these people's r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y c o u l d not be done from an examination r e s t r i c t e d o n l y to t h e i r r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s .  First,  beliefs,  d e f i n i t i o n s , arid-categofies:..are.;.nbt d i r e c t l y r e v i d e h t i i n . behaviour.  For example,  Navajos tend t o aggregate more o f t e n than  not i n t o extended f a m i l y r e s i d e n c e groups  (Aberle 1961, Adams  1963, Adams and R u f f i n g 1977, C o l l i e r 1966, Henderson 1975, Kluckhohn 1966, Kluckhohn and L e i g h t o n 1974,  and Levy  Lamphere  1977, Levy 1962, R e i c h a r d 1928, Reynolds, Lamphere, and Cook 1967, R i c h a r d s 1963, Ross 1955, Shepardson and Hammond Witherspoon 1970,  1975).  Does t h i s mean t h a t Navajos  1970, identify  and d i s t i n g u i s h the extended f a m i l y as the main component of t h e i r r e s i d e n c e groups, or do they c o n s i d e r some o t h e r aggregate o f persons t o be such?  Second, i f a study focuses  on the degree of c o n f o r m i t y between Navajo p r a c t i c e and i d e o l o g y , the i d e o l o g y cannot be i n f e r r e d from the p r a c t i c e without c i r c u l a r s - r e a s o n i n g . For t h i s study data r e g a r d i n g Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l  ideology  were o b t a i n e d from Sheep Springs Navajos* comments about r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s and aggregates and from Navajo myths about the o r i g i n s of the world, man,  and v a r i o u s customs.  These data  13 are  synthesized  Sheep S p r i n g s is  presented  these  Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l after  this  people's b e l i e f s  existence values, and  i n t o a d e s c r i p t i v e account of  t h a t touch  ization  residence  and  on  reasoning  the  amount o f c o n f o r m i t y  p r a c t i c e and  ideology  l i m i t e d by  or  are  t h e n made.  derived  as  In order  an  1  residence  t o do  ideology social  Springs  these  local-  as  to way  specific  practices  and  comparisons,  r a t h e r than from  life.  u n i t s " or families"  a further test two  of  i s done by  the  using  or  the  1  in  anthro-  this  i n terms o f  such  aggregation"  "matrilocal post-marital their  practices  amount o f a g r e e m e n t  and  existing  d e t e r m i n i n g . - t h e : e x t e n t ..to., w h i c h residence  behaviour  ideologically-derived variables.  i m p l i c a t i o n s of the  Navajos  Thus,  "mother-child  In a d d i t i o n t o comparing  r e d u c e d by  Finally,  indication  comparisons of  i n making p r e d i c t i o n s about t h e i r  be  preferred  p r a c t i c e s i s i n some  p r a c t i c e s are discussed  "conjugal  between t h e  can  Navajos  considerations of  residence."  error  gives  ideology,  from t h e i r  r a t h e r than "nuclear  ideology,  and  their  v a r i a b l e s used t o . d e s c r i b e , t h e i r ^ r e s i d e n c e behav-  residence  things  and  t h a t e x i s t s between  i n residence  components o f Sheep S p r i n g s  pological  includes  aggregation.  conditioned  i o u r are  It  I t also contains standards,  of  account  about the world  residence.  variance  u n i t s and  This  i n t r o d u c t i o n to research.  whether or not  ideology  content  modes o f a c t i o n t h a t c o n c e r n r e s i d e n t i a l  and  Since  study  ideology.  i d e a l models, b e h a v i o u r a l  accepted  the  residential  findings regarding  ideology  and  Sheep  p r a c t i c e s are  d i s c u s s e d i n r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the ways they can accommodate the world i n which these people l i v e and t o f u t u r e of Navajo r e s i d e n c e .  studies  15 Research Among Navajos Because the r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s study was  undertaken to  e x p l o r e the nature of Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and was  little  known about the r e l a t i o n s h i p of r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y to  r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s , a s i n g l e r e s e a r c h l o c a t i o n was  chosen.  The  Sheep Springs area o f f e r e d some advantages over other p o s s i -  ble  locations.  people  still  Because i t i s an o n - r e s e r v a t i o n area,  c o n t r o l l e d to some extent the manner i n which they  acquire residence s i t e s .  In o f f - r e s e r v a t i o n areas Navajos have  been subjected to the land a l l o t m e n t procedures Government.  the  of the  U.S.  More i m p o r t a n t l y , the Sheep Springs Navajos  f o l l o w e d a transhumant way  of l i f e .  still  While s e v e r a l types of  mobile settlement p a t t e r n s had been r e p o r t e d f o r Navajos ( C o l l i e r 1966, Levy 1962,  Downs 1965,  Reichard  1928,  F r a n c i s c a n F a t h e r s 1910,  Stephen 1893), the transhumant  had never been f u l l y d e s c r i b e d nor had to. i t been documented. Sheep Springs was  Hill  1938, type  the i d e o l o g y p e r t a i n i n g  In a d d i t i o n , e n t r y i n t o Navajo l i f e  made r e l a t i v e l y easy by my  acquaintance  at  with  a Navajo f a m i l y i n the area and with the Sheep Springs t r a d e r . F i e l d r e s e a r c h began t h e r e i n 1965.  During  t h a t year and the next, L o u i s e Lamphere, now of  New  Mexico, and  tion efforts."^ to  the a r e a .  a t the U n i v e r s i t y  I combined our i n t e r v i e w i n g and data  collec-  In the next f i v e years I made f i v e more v i s i t s  In a d d i t i o n , two  i n Los Angeles,  the summer of  Sheep S p r i n g s women v i s i t e d  me  C a l i f o r n i a and Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia f o r  the purpose of h e l p i n g with t r a n s l a t i o n s of words and  ideas.  16  In t o t a l  I spent  researching  their  During of  the  their  one,  visits  cared  building,  for children,  activities to reduce buting  to t h e i r  m o n i e s and me  other  into  special  their  lives  Over the y e a r s families. they  One  was  lived  by  married family also  daughter living  lived  d u r i n g my seven  first  occasions.  a r e a and  tried  with  sons,  over  summer  i n the everyday to v i s i t  to discuss i n f o r m a l l y  to  different  and  children, married  wife's  t h e o t h e r was  a nuclear  divorced brother. additional In t o t a l  the years,  I  families I lived  at  four i n the  one. life  o f Sheep  most r e s i d e n c e s i t e s  these  for cere-  seemed  t h a t of the  and  contri-  daughter.  t h e w i f e ' s m o t h e r and  t h r e e i n the  by  Another c o n s i s t e d of a  residence sites  N a v a j o s a l l o w e d me  I also  i n t h e homes o f t h r e e  aggregated  I with  These people  i n the r o l e of a  married  family  helped  p r o v i d i n g cash  summer a t Sheep S p r i n g s .  Participating  and  and  i n t h e b o r r o w e d h o u s e s o f two  different  winter  supply  themselves.  near  In a d d i t i o n ,  composed o f m o t h e r , f a t h e r ,  and  and  sheep h e r d i n g .  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and  I stayed  c o u p l e whose home was  shared  t h e p e o p l e w i t h whom I l i v e d  weekly food  exception  c l e a n i n g , water, h a u l i n g , wood  ceremonies.  b u r d e n on  I  activities,  b u t c h e r i n g , and  provided  surrounding my  the  I stayed with Navajo f a m i l i e s . everyday  Navajos  practices.  t o Sheep S p r i n g s , w i t h  I helped with cooking, fire  Sheep S p r i n g s  i d e o l o g y and  s l e e p i n g quarters, food,  chopping,  and  months w i t h  residential  a l l my  first  crises.  fit  seventeen  sites  and  Springs i n the  the aggregates  area of  persons occupying them.  In a d d i t i o n , I conducted  with t h i r t y - s i x Navajos, twenty-eight women and these,  views and  Of  expressions.  Compensation f o r i n t e r -  language a s s i s t a n c e v a r i e d from r e c i p r o c i t y arrange-  ments, i n v o l v i n g t h i n g s  such as food,  bour, to wages f o r the two language teachers,  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and l a -  young women who  i n t e r p r e t e r s , and  spent work-weeks as  guides.  Whenever p o s s i b l e Navajos were i n t e r v i e w e d language. residence gual  e i g h t men.  e i g h t were e s p e c i a l l y h e l p f u l spending many hours d i s -  c u s s i n g Navajo ideas and  my  interviews  I learned and  in their  enough Navajo to ask questions  to understand r e p l i e s .  own  about  Many Navajos were b i l i n -  so i n t e r v i e w s o f t e n i n v o l v e d E n g l i s h as w e l l as Navajo.  Interviews were open-ended i n format. d i r e c t e d by questions technique d e s c r i b e d Charles  Frake  I had  Some d i s c u s s i o n s were  prepared u s i n g the q u e s t i o n  frame  i n s e v e r a l p u b l i c a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g one  (1964).  Others r e v o l v e d  around the i n t e r p r e t a -  t i o n of Navajo words and  phrases p e r t a i n i n g to r e s i d e n c e .  s o r t i n g , map  p i c t u r e drawing a l s o were used to  making, and  generate f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n about During i n t e r v i e w s and  I attempted to e s t a b l i s h the meanings  r e l y on the meanings and  phrases r a t h e r than to  i m p l i c a t i o n s conveyed by the  t r a n s l a t i o n of the Navajo.  t h a t t r a n s l a t e s as  the r i g h t to use  and  English  For example, when a person s a i d , "my  l a n d " , I d i d not assume the  speaker shared our meaning of the phrase, t h a t i s , the had  Card  residence.  i m p l i c a t i o n s of Navajo words and  "shikeyah"  by  to dispose  speaker  of a p a r t i c u l a r p a r c e l of  18 land w i t h boundaries t h a t are d e s c r i b e d by an a b s o l u t e g r i d of l o n g i t u d e and l a t i t u d e based on c e l e s t i a l o b s e r v a t i o n (cf..'.Bohannan 1967:52-54).  Thus, a l a r g e amount of time was  i n d i s c u s s i n g when a phrase or term c o u l d be used, how  spent i t was  used, and t o what i t r e f e r r e d . When i t was  necessary t o expand my  understanding of a  concept or word beyond what I c o u l d e l i c i t  during interviews,  I c o n s u l t e d Navajo myths and v a r i o u s a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l analyses of  them.  Knowledge gained from these sources then was  dis-  cussed w i t h v a r i o u s Navajos. Since the o b j e c t i v e of the i n t e r v i e w s w i t h Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos was  t o e x p l o r e t h e i r ideas r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n c e , I d i d  not attempt  t o f i n d out how many Navajos h e l d a s p e c i f i c i d e a  or  interpretation.  U n t i l t h e r e i s b e t t e r ethnographic know-  ledge about Navajo s o c i a l ideology.and the ways they use  these  i d e a s , the types of q u e s t i o n s and the manner i n which they are asked c o u l d e a s i l y b i a s the r e s u l t s of any e f f o r t t o e s t a b l i s h frequencies. Enough Navajos however expressed the concepts or used  the  c a t e g o r i e s presented i n t h i s study t o i n d i c a t e they were not the i d i o s y n c r a t i c views or h a b i t s of lone i n d i v i d u a l s .  Illu-  s t r a t i v e q u o t a t i o n s t h a t are verbatim comments by Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos have been i n c l u d e d to support my  account of t h e i r  i d e o l o g y and t o g i v e some i d e a as t o how  Navajos t a l k  about  12 various subjects.  These q u o t a t i o n s are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of  t h e i r statements, however, and do not c o n s t i t u t e the o n l y  19 evidence  c o l l e c t e d f o r any concept  or c a t e g o r y .  The o r t h o -  graphy used t o r e c o r d Navajo terms i n t h i s study f o l l o w s t h a t d e s c r i b e d i n Robert W. Young and W i l l i a m Morgan's The Navaho Language (1962) (see Appendix A ) . Information about the Sheep Springs p o p u l a t i o n and t h e i r r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s was obtained from a v a r i e t y o f sources. Surveys,  v a r i o u s census r e c o r d s , r e c o r d s r e g a r d i n g the l i v e l i -  hood a c t i v i t i e s of these people,  and maps p r o v i d e d b a s i c  demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r 196513 1966.  Some of these sources a l s o p r o v i d e d h i s t o r i c a l  mation f o r the Sheep Springs a r e a .  infor-  T h i s m a t e r i a l was supple-  mented by i n f o r m a t i o n p r o v i d e d by Navajos, t r a d e r s , and government o f f i c i a l s .  Interviews with Navajos o r my own  o b s e r v a t i o n s p r o v i d e d data about r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s , f i e l d s , p a s t u r e s , r e s i d e n c e h i s t o r i e s , c l a n membership, and k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s f o r most people  i n the a r e a .  Traders and government  o f f i c i a l s were h e l p f u l i n d e t a i l i n g aspects o f t h e area's economic s i t u a t i o n , the income o f v a r i o u s f a m i l i e s , the g e n e r a l h i s t o r y o f the area, and v a r i o u s events the  i n v o l v i n g people i n  area. Data from a l l of these sources were used t o develop a  demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n c e census of the t o t a l Navajo p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g w i t h i n the geographic earlier.  boundaries  described  S i n c e the purpose o f t h i s census was t o d e l i n e a t e  r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s and groups, geographic  boundaries  the l e a s t ambiguous way o f d e f i n i n g the study  provided  population.  Using chapter membership, chapter attendance,  c o - o p e r a t i v e land  use, or Navajo c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of people t o d e f i n e the populat i o n proved d i f f i c u l t  f o r s e v e r a l reasons.  These i n c l u d e d the  d i s p e r s e d s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n , the seasonal use o f m u l t i p l e e c o l o g i c a l zones, d e f i n i t i o n s o f chapter membership which allowed o f f - r e s e r v a t i o n Navajos t o be chapter members, and the l a c k o f agreement among Navajos as t o the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of some people.  The boundaries  used  i n t h i s study a r e w e l l - d e f i n e d  g e o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s t h a t encompass an area where most people l i v i n g t h e r e e i t h e r throughout  the year or s e a s o n a l l y a r e con-  s i d e r e d by Navajos t o be "from Sheep S p r i n g s , " t h a t i s , they are c l a s s i f i e d as Meadow Water People  (to h a l t s o i i ' d i n e ' e ) .  Because some people l i v e i n the Sheep S p r i n g s area o n l y i n winter o r i n summer, the p o p u l a t i o n o f the area w i t h the seasons.  fluctuates  In order t o m a i n t a i n a c o n s t a n t p o p u l a t i o n  base f o r t h i s study, o n l y those people who l i v e d i n the area i n winter were c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s examination practices.  of r e s i d e n c e  Winter r e s i d e n t s were chosen because Sheep Springs  Navajos regard t h e i r w i n t e r homes as t h e i r primary r e s i d e n c e s . The  f i g u r e s presented i n t h i s study about demographic,  economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n r e p r e s e n t the t o t a l w i n t e r p o p u l a t i o n o f t h i s geographic  area.  Because the  numerical r e s u l t s a r e based on the t o t a l w i n t e r p o p u l a t i o n , they a r e not s u b j e c t t o the s t a t i s t i c a l e r r o r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a sample.  normally  Instead, any d i s c r e p a n c i e s o r e r r o r  are due t o unmeasurable b i a s e s such as i n a c c u r a t e or unknown  information.  I t w i l l be noted i n the p r e s e n t a t i o n whenever  these b i a s e s are known to  occur.  NOTES ^"To conform to the p r e f e r e n c e of the Navajo T r i b e , Navajo w i l l be s p e l l e d w i t h a j_ throughout study.  the o r i g i n a l t e x t of  this  Only i n those cases where a d i r e c t quote or t i t l e i s  g i v e n from an author who  used the h form w i l l Navaho be used.  2 There are no r e c o r d s of p r e c i p i t a t i o n or temperature i n the Sheep Springs area, but r e l a t i v e amounts can be from c l i m a t o l o g i c a l data f o r other l o c a t i o n s w i t h e l e v a t i o n s i n northwestern (Government Survey 1938,  New  determined  similar  Mexico and n o r t h e a s t e r n A r i z o n a  H a r r i s 1967).  3 T h i s area of p o p u l a t i o n c o n c e n t r a t i o n was  usually called  "Tunicha," but authors of maps and r e p o r t s d i f f e r as to which t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e i n the area i s g i v e n t h i s name 1917,  N c N i t t 1964,  1967).  Van Valkenburgh and Walker 1945,  (Gregory Wilson  Sheep Springs Navajos use the term B i g Water ( t o n i t s a a )  f o r a l a r g e lake on the summit p l a t e a u of the mountains d i r e c t l y west o f Toadlena, same name found  New  Mexico.  I i n f e r t h i s i s the  i n the e a r l y r e p o r t s and maps.  4 As p a r t of the l i v e s t o c k r e d u c t i o n programme i n the 1930's, the Navajo R e s e r v a t i o n was  d i v i d e d i n t o e i g h t e e n land  management u n i t s (Young 1961:55).  Fences were put up to  discourage l i v e s t o c k movement a c r o s s u n i t  boundaries.  5 Only p a r t i a l data were l o c a t e d f o r the Sheep Springs area from the 1936  Human Dependency Survey.  Since t h i s  survey  covered o n l y about e i g h t y percent of the t o t a l Navajo populat i o n (Johnston 1966:123), even a p o p u l a t i o n estimate f o r the  Sheep Springs area based on these data would be u n r e l i a b l e , g T h i s was the o n l y s c h o o l i n the Sheep Springs Some elementary  students attended  area.  the day s c h o o l a t Newcomb.  A l l other c h i l d r e n were sent away, t o boarding  schools.  7  A c c o r d i n g t o David F. A b e r l e chapter p r o v i s i o n o f ceremonial i s not u n i v e r s a l . these  (Personal Communication),  s t r u c t u r e s f o r members' use  Chapters which he has observed  do not have  facilities, g To use the term, i d e o l o g y , t o denote i d e a s shared by  members o f a s o c i e t y t h a t they use t o d e f i n e , o r d e r , and j u s t i f y the way they see r e s i d e n c e and t h e i r l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation behaviour  d i v e r g e s somewhat from the way t h i s  term i s o f t e n employed i n t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s .  I t usually  r e f e r s t o a theory t h a t j u s t i f i e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power and a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n a complex s o c i e t y ( c f . Geertz  1973);\  I t s use i n t h i s study f o l l o w s some other a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l w r i t ings  (e.g. H a r r i s  term a broader  1971:146,  Service  1966:63-77)  i n g i v i n g the  meaning.  9  Whether v a r i a t i o n i n other Navajo s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s was c o n d i t i o n e d or l i m i t e d by i d e o l o g y a l s o was d i f f i c u l t t o determine because of a g e n e r a l l a c k of knowledge a t t h i s r e g a r d i n g the whole of Navajo s o c i a l i d e o l o g y . accounts Leighton accounts  time  Generalized  o f t h e i r ideas such as those by Kluckhohn and ( 1 9 7 4)  o r Ladd  (1957)  were not r e l a t e d t o s p e c i f i c  o f k i n s h i p c a t e g o r i e s , the m a t r i l i n e a l  descent  p r i n c i p l e , the c l a n exogamy r u l e , or the m a t r i l o c a l  post-  m a r i t a l residence preferences.  I t was not u n t i l the s t u d i e s o f  Witherspoon  (19 77)  (1975) and Lamphere  t h a t some o f the gaps i n  our knowledge about p a r t i c u l a r aspects o f Navajo i d e o l o g y r e garding k i n s h i p , a f f i n i t y , "^To  and c o o p e r a t i o n were  filled.  p r e s e n t an account o f these Navajos' r e s i d e n t i a l  i d e o l o g y i s n o t t o imply t h a t I was able t o e l i c i t o r g a n i z e d body o f thought r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n c e . account was c r e a t e d by myself invoked  a consciously  Rather, t h i s  from v a r i o u s ideas these  people  i n d i s c u s s i n g and e x p l a i n i n g r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and aggre-  gates and from ideas c o n t a i n e d i n Navajo mythology. "'"'''Louise Lamphere's a n a l y s i s o f c o - o p e r a t i o n among Sheep Springs Navajos  (1977) i n c l u d e s much o f the b a s i c r e s i d e n c e  and demographic m a t e r i a l presented here, but she i n c l u d e s i n her p o p u l a t i o n some f a m i l i e s l i v i n g o u t s i d e of the geographic boundaries  used i n t h i s study.  In a d d i t i o n , I have made some  changes i n the demographic, r e s i d e n c e , and economic i n f o r m a t i o n found i n her a n a l y s i s , because I o b t a i n e d c l a r i f y i n g data i n l a t e r years w h i l e I was i n t e r v i e w i n g on r e s i d e n c e and  histories  ideology. 12 These q u o t a t i o n s are p r e s e n t e d without  c i t a t i o n o f the  person's name i n order t o p r o v i d e anonymity t o the people d i s c u s s e d these  who  topics.  13 During my v i s i t s t o Sheep Springs i n 1970 and 1971, I intended t o b r i n g the demographic, economic, and r e s i d e n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n on t h i s > p o p u l a t i o n up t o date.  I l l health  prevented  Residence  me from accomplishing  t h i s task.  25  i n f o r m a t i o n was  updated, but a complete update on a l l t o p i c s  was never achieved.  CHAPTER I I NAVAJO RESIDENTIAL IDEOLOGY L i v i n g a t Sheep Springs A c c o r d i n g to Sheep Springs Navajos a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of humans i s t h e i r a b i l i t y to walk over the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e . They are the " E a r t h Surface People" they are c l a s s i f i e d as "walkers" walk randomly. fundamentally  (nihokaa d i n e ' e ) , and  (naaghaii).  T h e i r movement i s p u r p o s e f u l .  Humans do  not  They .are  c o n s c i o u s , reasoning beings a b l e to d i r e c t  behaviour w i t h regard to goals  thei  ( c f . Ladd 1957:203-206,  Reichard 1950:34, Witherspoon 1977). Humans walk on the s u r f a c e of a world designed by other s e t of reasoning beings i n the u n i v e r s e , the People"  ( d i g h i n dine'e")  and Morgan 1954).  Thus, the world  ( c f . Kluckhohn 1949, Witherspoon 1977).  (Wheelwright 1953,  "Holy  Wyman 1970,  is rationally  the  Young  ordered  Ladd 1957:203-225, Reichard 1950:3-79, I t s f e a t u r e s , i n h a b i t a n t s , and c o n d i t i o n s  serve p a r t i c u l a r purposes.  For example, a Sheep Springs  Navajo e x p l a i n s t h a t the r a i n e x i s t s because: I t f a l l s on the e a r t h and i n a w h i l e i t makes the grass t o grow. Then the sheep eats the grass and gets f a t . Then we butcher the sheep f o r mutton and eat i t . Rain g i v e s us water f o r the corn, watermelon, pumpkin, beans, and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . Rain i s where we get food. We l i v e on i t . I t ' s a c h a i n from r a i n to us. S i m i l a r l y , they say t r e e s e x i s t f o r people  to use as  and f i r e e x i s t s f o r the cooking of humans' food.  For  firewood these  Navajos, human beings are l i n k e d by c h a i n s of uses to the  27  e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e and i t s r e s o u r c e s . Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos  c o n c e i v e o f t h a t p o r t i o n o f the  e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e they use as h i g h l y v a r i e d . country they occupy  i n t o f o u r t o p o g r a p h i c areas t h a t have  three k i n d s o f environmental c o n d i t i o n s . areas a r e :  "wide space"  The f o u r t o p o g r a p h i c  ( h o t e e l ) , "badlands  (honozhitah), "mountain s h e l f " (bjjghj^) .  They d i v i d e the  country"  ( b i t a t ' a h ) , and "up on t o p "  These correspond r e s p e c t i v e l y t o t h e Chuska V a l l e y ,  the lower p o r t i o n o f the l a n d s l i d e - d e b r i s h i g h l a n d s , the upper p a r t o f these h i g h l a n d s , and the summit p l a t e a u o f t h e Chuska Mountains. The t h r e e types o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s found i n these f o u r areas are "white space" and "mountain"  (dzij!) .  ( h a l g a i ) , "grey c o u n t r y "  These environments  are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d  from one another by the presence and s i z e o f t r e e s . are  (Jfabatah) ,  They a l s o  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by v a r i a t i o n s i n t e r r a i n , c l i m a t e , animals,  and p l a n t l i f e  (see Appendix B ) .  The p e o p l e a t Sheep S p r i n g s t h i n k these t o p o g r a p h i c areas and environments living"  are t o be used f o r the purpose  (bee ' i i n a dah yis^eej!) .  o f "making a  L i k e o t h e r Navajos,  c o n s i d e r t h e maintenance o f human l i f e  from i n i t i a l  they  *  trans-  f o r m a t i o n o f substance i n t o human form t o the death o f t h a t form from o l d age t o be t h e fundamental activity  (cf;'.\. Kluckhohn  purpose  o f human  and L e i g h t o n 1974:299-303;  208, 299; R e i c h a r d 1950:26-49; Witherspoon  Ladd 1957:  1977:19-21).  The  standards these Navajos have f o r b e h a v i o u r a r e d e r i v e d from this goal.  People should be i n v o l v e d i n l i v e l i h o o d  activities.  28 "You  a r e suppose t o make a l i v i n g . "  People a l s o should do  nothing t o j e o p a r d i z e t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s . "should take c a r e " o f h i m s e l f should  ( c f . Ladd 1957:252).  " t h i n k " about what they a r e doing.  a l l y plan t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s  Everyone They  They should  ration-  so t h a t they s u s t a i n human l i f e .  L i k e a l l Navajos, the people a t Sheep Springs b e l i e v e  illness  and e a r l y death can r e s u l t from d i s t u r b i n g the order o f the world,  such as b o t h e r i n g a s p i d e r i n i t s web, or from b r i n g i n g  about c o n t a c t w i t h aspects o f the n a t u r a l world such as s t i r r i n g food w i t h a k n i f e - an a c t t h a t i n v i t e s l i g h t i n g t o strike  ( c f . Kluckhohn 1949:363-365, Ladd 1957:228-234,  Newcomb 1940:46-47, Reichard 1950:80-103, Witherspoon 1977:35). People taboos.  should a v o i d the dangers r e s u l t i n g from t r a n s g r e s s i n g They a l s o should a v o i d e x c e s s i v e behaviour  endangers making a l i v i n g  ( c f . Kluckhohn and L e i g h t o n 1974:  299-303, Ladd 1957:252, Lamphere 1977:35-47). drink or play cards."  that  "You shouldn't be l a z y . "  "You shouldn't "Every  person  should work hard."  people  should take care of the t h i n g s p r o v i d i n g them w i t h a  livelihood  Sheep S p r i n g Navajos a l s o t h i n k  ( c f . Kluckhohn and L e i g h t o n 1974:299-303, Ladd  1957:253, Lamphere 1977:35-47). See, you a r e suppose t o take care o f the corn and sheep and horses - t o r a i s e them up. You are suppose t o take care o f your house, t o o . These h e l p you t o make a l i v i n g . The people a t Sheep Springs t h i n k there a r e a number o f p r e f e r r e d and/or a c c e p t a b l e ways of meeting these b e h a v i o u r a l standards.  Two a c c e p t a b l e ways o f making a l i v i n g t h a t i n v o l v e  29  Navajo use o f the Sheep Springs c o u n t r y s i d e are l i v e s t o c k r a i s i n g and farming. Sheep Springs Navajos p r e f e r c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s i n t a k i n g care o f l i v e s t o c k .  environmental  They l i k e t o herd sheep  and goats o r t o allow c a t t l e and horses to roam i n areas where the animals have access t o water a t l e a s t once every two days and where there i s s u f f i c i e n t p l a n t cover f o r g r a z i n g . They t h i n k these pasturage and water c o n d i t i o n s can be b e s t met by d i f f e r e n t environments  over the course o f a year.  "white space" and "grey country" environments  The  are c a t e g o r i z e d  as a p p r o p r i a t e f o r w i n t e r use, and the "mountain" area i s c o n s i d e r e d as a p p r o p r i a t e f o r summer use.  The warmer, d r i e r  c l i m a t e s o f the former are b e l i e v e d t o p r o v i d e l e s s harsh winter conditions f o r l i v e s t o c k . these environments  I f areas encompassed by  are not grazed c o n t i n u a l l y d u r i n g the  summer, then the r a i n f a l l there u s u a l l y i s c o n s i d e r e d s u f f i c i e n t t o produce  enough p l a n t cover f o r w i n t e r g r a z i n g and t o  p r o v i d e water.  The c o o l e r , m o i s t e r c l i m a t e of "mountain" i s  b e l i e v e d i d e a l f o r l i v e s t o c k i n the summer. grass and water."  During lambing  I t has " l o t s o f  time, they say i t i s  p r e f e r a b l e t o keep sheep and goat herds i n p l a c e s w e l l prot e c t e d from wind and storms.  I t i s thought best i f c a t t l e  and horses can graze i n range  l a n d away from r e s i d e n c e l o c a -  tions.  Sheep and goats are b e l i e v e d t o be able t o graze  almost anywhere, but i t i s c o n s i d e r e d too d i f f i c u l t t o herd them on steep h i l l s i d e s ,  i n deep f o r e s t , o r i n very rocky  areas, so t h a t r e l a t i v e l y open areas are p r e f e r r e d f o r h e r d i n g .  30  These Navajos p r e f e r a f i e l d t o be l o c a t e d where i t w i l l receive s u f f i c i e n t  moisture b e f o r e S p r i n g p l a n t i n g .  f i e l d land t o be t r e e l e s s , w i t h few rocks and a level  surface.  1  than one f i e l d .  like  relatively  I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a f a m i l y t o have more Having f i e l d s  them t o take advantage  i n more than one p l a c e a l l o w s  of differing  amounts o f r a i n f a l l and t o  p l a n t a v a r i e t y o f crops s u i t e d t o d i f f e r e n t Corn, squash,  They  environments.  and beans are thought t o grow w e l l a t lower  a l t i t u d e s and potatoes and oats a t h i g h e r ones. Hunting and g a t h e r i n g a l s o are c o n s i d e r e d t o be appro2  p r i a t e uses o f the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e .  Game i s a food source  and p r o v i d e s m a t e r i a l s f o r r i t u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a . p l a n t s are important f o r medicines, food, c l e a n i n g and household  Some w i l d agents,  utensils.  Because Sheep Springs Navajos  l i k e t o l i v e near the  resources they use i n making a l i v i n g , they c o n s i d e r a number of environmental f e a t u r e s t o be d e s i r a b l e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g residence s i t e s . site's  The most important f e a t u r e i s the r e s i d e n c e  p r o x i m i t y t o sheep and goat pasturage and/or t o f i e l d s .  Because sheep and goats are penned a t n i g h t and taken out t o graze d u r i n g the day, Sheep Springs Navajos p r e f e r d w e l l i n g s to be near g r a z i n g areas and a l i v e s t o c k water supply.  These  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are important even t o people who do n o t have livestock.  They t h i n k i t i s d e s i r a b l e t o l i v e near g r a z i n g  areas because animals.  i n the f u t u r e they o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n may a c q u i r e  31  The  d e s i r e t o have adequate pasturage near r e s i d e n c e  l o c a t i o n s a l s o i s emphasized i n views on the p r o x i m i t y o f l o c a t i o n s t o one another. t o t h e i r neighbours  People do n o t want t o l i v e  close  because t h e r e w i l l n o t be enough room t o  graze sheep and goats. They used t o l i v e over h e r e , b u t they moved because t h e i r l i v e s t o c k was t o o crowded here. We s t a y e d , see. We were r e a l l y r i g h t i n the middle. A l l the homes a r e s u r r o u n d i n g us. We c a n ' t move t h i s way. We c a n ' t move t h a t way. We're surrounded. For Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos the p r o x i m i t y o f a r e s i d e n c e s i t e to pasturage to a f i e l d .  i s much more important than i t s nearness  Sheep and goats a r e penned near t h e f a m i l y ' s  d w e l l i n g , and they take c o n s t a n t c a r e and a t t e n t i o n . i s not t r u e o f a f i e l d .  Only d u r i n g -planting,-;.weeding, ,( :P$. a  h a r v e s t i n g does anyone need t o be near a f i e l d . i s t o be l o c a t e d a t a f i e l d ,  I f a house  i t i s p r e f e r a b l e t h a t i t n o t be  b u i l t w i t h i n the boundaries o f the f i e l d . the f i e l d i s thought t o be b e s t . a residence s i t e ,  This  B u i l d i n g i t beside  Happenings a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  such as i l l n e s s o r death, c o u l d d i s t u r b the  c o n d i t i o n n e c e s s a r y f o r p l a n t growth and c o u l d cause  a field  to be abandoned. To have more than one d w e l l i n g i s c o n s i d e r e d d e s i r a b l e . Trying to help they move here They a l s o move garden s t a r t e d  the sheeps t o g e t g r a s s , and t h e r e w i t h t h e sheeps. f o r a s h o r t time t o g e t the and then t o f i n i s h i t .  D i f f e r e n t t o p o g r a p h i c areas and environments s e a s o n a l l y f o r g r a z i n g and farming.  can be u t i l i z e d  Two r e s i d e n c e s i t e s ,  one i n "white space" o r "grey c o u n t r y " and one i n "mountain,"  are c o n s i d e r e d minimal f o r anyone i n the area.  A third  site  i n a t o p o g r a p h i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t area than the other two i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be advantageous f o r those people w i t h sheep and goats.  A t h i r d l o c a t i o n allows them to have a s h e l t e r e d  area f o r s p r i n g lambing,  i f such i s u n a v a i l a b l e at t h e i r  w i n t e r s i t e , o r t o have an a d d i t i o n a l g r a z i n g area f o r b e t t e r pasture r o t a t i o n .  During a drought,  a t h i r d s i t e i s also  advantageous f o r g r a z i n g o r f o r p l a n t i n g . Some a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s are c o n s i d e r e d i n s e l e c t i n g a 3 residence s i t e . i s thought  A dry, l e v e l area without t r e e s and rocks  t o be a good p l a c e t o b u i l d .  They l i k e r e f u s e  from p r e v i o u s d w e l l i n g s t o be some d i s t a n c e away from new houses.  Other houses o r s t r u c t u r e s should n o t be very c l o s e  t o the e a s t s i d e o f the new house.  A l l homes are supposed t o  be b u i l t w i t h the doorway f a c i n g e a s t . immediately  Another s t r u c t u r e  t o the e a s t b l o c k s o f f the l i g h t o f dawn and the  t h i n g s a s s o c i a t e d with the o r d e r and harmony o f l i f e ( c f l Newcomb 1940:18).  They p r e f e r d r i n k i n g water t o be c l o s e  enough t o be reached without d i f f i c u l t y , u s i n g the a v a i l a b l e means o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n .  The c l o s e n e s s o f major roads a l s o  i s c o n s i d e r e d i n house placement.  Paved or graded  roads are  b e l i e v e d t o p r o v i d e fewer problems f o r motor v e h i c l e s and t o p r o v i d e more o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r h i t c h h i k i n g .  School bus routes  and e l e c t r i c l i n e s a l s o are p o s i t i v e a t t r i b u t e s to be taken i n t o account when s e l e c t i n g a r e s i d e n c e s i t e .  In a d d i t i o n ,  they say because o f warmer w i n t e r temperatures  and l e s s snow-  fall,  "white space" and "grey country" are good f o r w i n t e r  dwellings. and  "Mountain" i s b e s t f o r summer houses.  I t i s cool,  fewer i n s e c t s make l i v i n g there more p l e a s a n t . In sum, f o r Sheep Springs Navajos the l o c a t i o n o f a  residence s i t e of  the land.  people  does n o t determine the k i n d o f use people make Rather, they t h i n k i t d e s i r a b l e t h a t the way  use the l a n d determine r e s i d e n c e s i t e .  They p r e f e r  the g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n o f d w e l l i n g s to r e f l e c t pants'  subsistence  activities.  4  the occu-  Land and Home There are two g e o g r a p h i c a l p l a c e s Sheep Springs Navajos c o n s i d e r important  to t h e i r subsistance a c t i v i t i e s .  The f i r s t  i s t h a t p o r t i o n o f the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e e x p l o i t e d f o r a l i v e ^ 5 lihood.  I t i s c a l l e d " l a n d " (keyah).  T h i s term denotes the  area over which a Navajo walks when e x p l o i t i n g n a t u r a l r e sources.  I t i s where l i v e s t o c k are grazed and fieldsij.are  planted.  Because r e s i d e n c e s i t e s are p r e f e r r e d t o be d e t e r -  mined by s u b s i s t e n c e - a c t i v i t y l o c a t i o n s , "land" a l s o u s u a l l y r e f e r s t o where d w e l l i n g s are b u i l t . Land (k^yah) i s what you l i v e on. I t ' s where you herd the sheep and p l a n t corn. I t ' s what you make a l i v i n g on. The other important p l a c e i s where d w e l l i n g s are b u i l t . I t i s denoted i n the Navajo language by the stem - ghan. l i t e r a l meaning o f t h i s stem i s "home" ( H a i l e 1950:75).  The This  i s a p p l i e d t o both p l a c e and any d w e l l i n g s t r u c t u r e s assoc i a t e d w i t h i t i n c l u d i n g t e n t s , brush s h e l t e r s , and houses (cf.  Frisbie  1967:100).  "Home" i s thought  t o be a f i r e and a s h e l t e r .  A fire  allows food t o be cooked and warmth t o be given t o humans. A s h e l t e r p r o v i d e s p r o t e c t i o n f o r people  and t h e i r  possessions. Home (hooghan) i s where you b u i l d a f i r e and keep your g r o c e r i e s and keep e v e r y t h i n g t h a t you need f o r l i f e ( ' i i n a ) . I t i s where people  are cared f o r and f e d .  "Home" i s where  n a t u r a l resources are processed and consumed. focal point for livelihood a c t i v i t i e s .  I t i s the  I t i s where these  a c t i v i t i e s are planned and d i s c u s s e d .  I t i s the beginning  and end p o i n t o f t h e t r a v e l s people take i n order t o e x p l o i t resources. The b e l i e f s o f Sheep Springs Navajos r e g a r d i n g a "home" do not d i f f e r from those  found i n Navajo mythology.  In t h e  Blessingway myth a "home" i s e s t a b l i s h e d by the Holy People when a s h e l t e r i s c o n s t r u c t e d from m a t e r i a l s e a r t h , mountains, water, and corn 385).  Within  representing  (Wyman 1970:112-123, 384-  t h i s s t r u c t u r e are a f i r e ,  food, food  processing  u t e n s i l s , a s l e e p i n g p l a c e , bedding, c l o t h i n g , and v a l u a b l e s . I t i s where thought and d i s c u s s i o n take p l a c e r e g a r d i n g subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . w i l l be done t h e r e " prototype  "Planning  t h i n g s and making them s t r o n g  (Wyman 1970:385).  T h i s i s the "home"  developed by the "Holy People" t h a t i s t o be r e -  c r e a t e d by human beings. A person may have " l a n d " and "home" i n s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s near Sheep S p r i n g s . See, when you say "my land" ( s h i k ^ y a h ) , you mean l o t s o f p l a c e s , not j u s t one. I t ' s wherever you l i v e . F o r Grandma, i t ' s n o t j u s t around here i n the F l a t . I t ' s up on the mountain and over by the f i e l d , t o o . These Navajos, however, c o n s i d e r the "land" and "home" they use  i n winter  as primary, because t h i s i s where they  spend  the g r e a t e r p o r t i o n o f the year. While a "home" serves as the f o c a l p o i n t o f land-use activities,  the a c t u a l s i z e o f someone's "land" i s d i f f i c u l t  t o determine.  Navajos d e f i n e area boundaries by use,  p a t t e r n s change over time.  and use  Thus, s i z e depends on a number o f  36 f a c t o r s i n c l u d i n g season and use  history.  These Navajos do i d e n t i f y the approximate g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n of " l a n d " or "home" by the use of named g e o g r a p h i c a l points  (see Appendix C ) .  These r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s are w e l l -  known landscape f e a t u r e s near or w i t h i n a use-area.  The  g e o g r a p h i c a l e x t e n t of a use-area i s not d e s i g n a t e d by a s i n g l e p l a c e name.  For example, someone's " l a n d " i s not  named "Yellow H i l l " nor does i t have the same area s i z e as the landscape f e a t u r e , "Yellow H i l l . "  "Yellow H i l l " i s  simply a landscape f e a t u r e t h a t i s used as a l o c a t i o n a l r e f e r e n c e p o i n t i n or near the a r e a .  A s e r i e s of these  named p l a c e s , however, can be used t o d e l i n e a t e the  approx-  imate boundaries of the a r e a . L i k e other Navajos, the person who  the people a t Sheep Springs t h i n k  f i r s t uses an area f o r making a l i v i n g or a  home has the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t i t s use f o r these purposes other people  ( c f . H a i l e 1954:16-22, H i l l  Van valkenburgh 1936:20-21). f a c t t h a t t h i s person f i r s t use.  T h i s i s analogous  the world because order  by  1938:22-23,  T h i s r i g h t i s d e r i v e d from the thought of and ordered the area's  to the Holy People's c o n t r o l over  they o r i g i n a l l y thought of i t s d e s i g n and  ( c f . Reichard 1950:13-25, Witherspoon  Sheep Springs Navajos him or her t o t a l k "  1977;13-46).  say about the f i r s t - u s e r ,  (t-'^a bee b o h o l n i i h ) .  say whether or not o t h e r persons may  6  " I t ' s up t o  The f i r s t - u s e r  graze t h e i r  livestock,  can  37 p l a n t t h e i r crops, o r b u i l d houses i n h i s o r her use area. f i r s t - u s e r , however, can say n o t h i n g about t r a v e l through  The this  area i f the t r a v e l does not i n v o l v e use. I can't say a n y t h i n g t o him about those sheep going by here on the way t o t h e water. I sure would say something i f he s t a r t e d t o herd h i s sheep around here. When a person says that an area i s "my l a n d "  (shikeyah)  or  "my home" (shighan), the i n d i v i d u a l does n o t mean t h a t he  or  she i s f i r s t - u s e r .  Anyone i n c l u d i n g the f i r s t - u s e r may  use the p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x i n t a l k i n g about p l a c e s t h a t he o r she uses.  People a l s o can use "my l a n d " f o r areas t h a t they  have used i n the p a s t but which they no l o n g e r use f o r making a l i v i n g o r a home. People who are c o n s i d e r e d f i r s t - u s e r s may be g i v e n r e f e r e n c e nicknames - not names used i n a d d r e s s i n g them t h a t i d e n t i f y the l o c a t i o n o f t h e i r w i n t e r " l a n d " and "home". For example, " V a l l e y Running Down the H i l l Man" Dahndzl^gai)  o r "Yellow H i l l Woman" ('Asdzan  (Hastiin  ffitso  Deesk'idi)  are the persons who have the r i g h t t o r e s t r i c t the use o f t h e areas i d e n t i f i e d by these named landscape f e a t u r e s . Sheep Springs Navajos t h i n k t h a t i t i s d e s i r a b l e f o r 7  f i r s t - u s e r s t o have a "mountain s o i l bag" (dzi% jteezh b i j i s h ) . The mountain s o i l  bag's prototype i s the medicine bundle o f  F i r s t Man i n Navajo mythology.  F i r s t Man's medicine  bundle  i s d e s c r i b e d as: The t h i n g , which had made t h i n g s f i r m , by which had l i f e i n them, which r e g u l a t e d the r i p e n i n g , which r e g u l a t e d g i v i n g b i r t h , which r e g u l a t e d our progress (Haile 1932:48-49).  38 People a t Sheep Springs say t h a t the mountain s o i l bag "helps make a l i v i n g . " You keep i t so you can make a l i v i n g . I t i s f o r your own good, f o r your own p r o t e c t i o n . I t keeps you going forward throughout the future. I t i s f o r sheep and horses. I t keeps them on the r i g h t t r a i l . It i s for c a r s , people, and f i e l d s . I t keeps i t a l l going. I t i s f o r the l a n d t h a t you l i v e on. I t i s f o r e v e r y t h i n g you have around t h i s place. But the p o s s e s s i o n o f a mountain s o i l bag i s not l i m i t e d t o first-users.  Anyone may have one made.  a first-user's  " l a n d " area and who do not have a mountain  s o i l bag, however, can be c o n s i d e r e d bag  Persons who l i v e i n  "under" the f i r s t - u s e r ' s  and are thought t o be p r o t e c t e d by i t . While the f i r s t - u s e r of a "land" o r "home" has the  r i g h t t o r e s t r i c t the area's  use by o t h e r s , he o r she i s not  n e c e s s a r i l y t h e "owner" o f the sheep t h a t graze  i n the area,  the crops p l a n t e d t h e r e , o r the houses and s h e l t e r s b u i l t there.  These Navajos t h i n k the person whose thought brought  something i n t o e x i s t e n c e i n i t s p r e s e n t  form i s the i n d i v i -  dual who has the r i g h t t o decide about i t s use o r d i s p o s a l . They again say about t h i s person, " I t i s up t o him o r h e r t o talk."  The n o t i o n t h a t the designer o r planner o f something  i s i t s "owner" i s r e f l e c t e d i n the l i t e r a l meaning of such questions  as "Do you own any sheep?"  (Da dibesh nee  t h a t means "Do sheep e x i s t by means o f you?" 4-5)  o r "Do you own a r a d i o ? "  (Haile 1947:  (Ni^ch' i y ^ i s t s ' ^ ' i g i i s h jfa  sinij?' |i?) t h a t means "Did you cause a r a d i o t o be?" 1948:212).  hol6*?)  (Haile  The person who purchases a motor v e h i c l e , f u r n i t u r e ,  appliances, may  use  c l o t h i n g , or f o o d s t u f f s has  them.  A person who  plans  the r i g h t to say  f o r the next year's crop by  s a v i n g seeds or who  buys seeds or s e e d l i n g s may  use the p l a n t .  person who  The  c o n s t r u c t i n g a house or who i z e d i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n may who  i s responsible  has  the r i g h t t o say who  Hill, may  and  planned the house and  say who  can  may  use  Kluckhohn 1971:72-76).  Van  i t . An  the water 8  Valkenburgh 1936).  used i n organ-  individual  Thus, w h i l e the o f the area,  (cf.. H a i l e 1954,  can  or well  ( c f . Kluckhohn,.  have the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t the use  t h i n g s w i t h i n t h a t area 1928,  use  f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a catch dam  have the r i g h t to r e s t r i c t the use  people may  say who  pays f o r the m a t e r i a l s  has  who  Hill  first-user other  of s p e c i f i c 1938,  Reichard  40 Making a L i v i n g and a Home People a t Sheep Springs b e l i e v e l i f e cannot be i n i t i a t e d or maintained without the p a i r i n g  o f males and  females.  Men  and women perform d i f f e r e n t , but complementary f u n c t i o n s , t h a t are necessary t o l i f e and l i v i n g . The  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of substance  take p l a c e without male and necessary  f o r t h i s process.  female.  i n t o human form Both p r o v i d e  substances  Human l i f e begins when the mois-  t u r e of the male i s mixed w i t h t h a t of the female 1950:18-19, F r i s b i e  cannot  ( c f . Bailey.  1967:352, Reichard 1950:28-31).  Water from the man and water from the lady mixes together t o s t a r t the baby. More important t o t h i s process however are the complementary f u n c t i o n s men  and women perform.  See i n the Navajo way, the e a r t h i s a lady l i k e us. We born k i d s . That's why we c a l l the e a r t h , Mother ('ama). Up t h e r e , those blue t h i n g s i s F a t h e r ('azhe'e). So F a t h e r f e e l s l i k e to r a i n . The r a i n comes down and wets the e a r t h , and i t grows something. I t ' s j u s t l i k e us, l i k e the man and the woman. For Sheep Springs Navajos the male both " p l a n s " and "works on" the c h i l d .  L i k e Father Sky, he i s the i n i t i a t o r and hence  planner or d e s i g n e r of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , but he a l s o i s c o n s i d e r e d the l a b o u r e r i n the p r o c e s s . The lady don't do anything. She don't work on having a baby. I t ' s the man does the work. He works on i t t o have a baby. I t ' s j u s t l i k e the man i s working on the f i e l d ( i . e . , plowing i t ) , and the lady i s j u s t there. The  female  a l s o has a dual f u n c t i o n .  She p r o v i d e s the  environment f o r the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and the sustenance  needed  by the new form t o grow. In m a i n t a i n i n g human l i f e , males and females functions.  have s i m i l a r  The p l a n n e r - l a b o u r e r male f u n c t i o n i s t r a n s l a t e d  i n t o t h a t of e x p l o i t e r i n s u b s i s t e n c e a f f a i r s . suppose "to make a l i v i n g "  Men are  f o r themselves and f a m i l i e s .  They  e x p l o i t e a r t h - s u r f a c e resources i n order t o produce a l i v e l i hood.  They p l a n the use o f a v a i l a b l e resources and p r o v i d e  the labour r e q u i r e d f o r t h e i r use.  I t i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t men  " b u i l d houses," "chop t r e e s , " "get water," "take care o f stocks"  ( i . e . , l i v e s t o c k ) , "plow the f i e l d , " and "get a job."  I t i s d e s i r e d they do "the hard work, the hard j o b s " i n subsistence a c t i v i t i e s .  Because men are not d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d  i n the growth o f new forms, they are charged w i t h t a s k s i n v o l v i n g a c t i o n s such as k i l l i n g and d i g g i n g t h a t are thought to be dangerous, although necessary,  t o human l i f e .  Only men  are suppose t o chop down l i v e t r e e s , t o hunt animals, arrows, t o plow f i e l d s ,  or to dig holes  t o make  (cf'.;.. Kluckhohn,,", . H i l l ,  and Kluckhohn 1971, Newcomb 1940, Stephen 1893:354). P l a n n i n g and implementing the use o f resources f o r human purposes are f u n c t i o n s assigned t o the male i n Navajo myths (Spencer a living  1947, 1957).  Males are put i n charge o f making  ( H a i l e 1932, Wyman 1970).  T h e i r f u n c t i o n i s symbol-  i z e d i n myth and r i t u a l by arrows used i n h u n t i n g 352). thought  The i n h e r e n t male r o l e t o design r e a l i t y  (Wyman 1970:  through  and labour i s d e s c r i b e d i n a myth by F i r s t Man:  J u s t as my p a r t i c u l a r thought may:be, t h i n g s take p l a c e on e a r t h , he s a i d . J u s t as I speak o f t h i n g s so they happen, he s a i d ( H a i l e 1932:4). The  female's f u n c t i o n as a medium f o r growth i n human  reproduction affairs.  i s translated i n t o that of a nurturer  Women support, encourage, and n o u r i s h human l i f e  from conception exploiters. growth.  i n human  t o death.  They a r e processors  A woman i s the medium f o r a c h i l d ' s  She i s i t s f i r s t  p h y s i c a l "home."  i t w i t h a "home" a f t e r b i r t h . the k i d s . "  rather  than  initial  She a l s o  provides  Women are supposed " t o r a i s e  I t i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t women do.-the " "cooking, "  "washing,""sewing," and "weaving." I t i s d e s i r e d they "take care o f the k i d s and house." involved with l i f e ,  they a r e supposed t o perform tasks c l o s e l y  associated with i n i t i a t i n g ing  and s u p p o r t i n g  seeds o r m i l k i n g animals P r o v i d i n g the context  f u n c t i o n assigned 1957).  Because women a r e d i r e c t l y  life  such as p l a n t -  ( c f . Newcomb 1940).  f o r the human l i f e c y c l e i s the  to the women i n Navajo myths  (Spencer 1947,  They a r e put i n charge o f making a home ( H a i l e 1932,  Wyman 1970).  T h e i r f u n c t i o n i s symbolized i n myth and r i t u a l  by the s t i r r i n g  s t i c k s used i n cooking  ,'inherent female r o l e t o nurture  (Wyman 1970:352).  i s described  The  i n a myth by  Woman C h i e f : I make e v e r y t h i n g t h a t i s necessary f o r l i f e , she s a i d . E v e r y t h i n g e x i s t s through me, e v e r y t h i n g t h a t r i p e n s e x i s t s through me, she s a i d ( H a i l e 1932:8). For Sheep Springs usually i s considered  Navajos, a man's domain i s " l a n d . "  He  the f i r s t - u s e r o f the areas e x p l o i t e d i n  43 making a l i v i n g  ( c f . Witherspoon 1970:59-60).  domain i s the "home."  I t i s she who has the r i g h t t o say who  may use the house ( c f . Lamphere Stephen 1893:354).  A woman's  1977:71-72,  Reichard  1928:92,  44 Living  Together  Sheep Springs Navajos d e r i v e other b e h a v i o u r a l  standards  from t h e i r g o a l t o m a i n t a i n human l i f e u n t i l i t i s ended by the death o f o l d age.  L i k e other Navajos, they t h i n k c o n f l i c t  between people should be avoided and people should be f r i e n d l y and c o - o p e r a t i v e w i t h one another  ( c f . Ladd 1957:253-255,  Lamphere 1977:35-65, W i l l i a m s 1970:53-58, Witherspoon 1977: 81-95).  " F i g h t i n g , " "being mean," " g e t t i n g mad,"  j e a l o u s , " and g e n e r a l l y "not g e t t i n g along thought  t o be hon^cobperativey  Lamphere 1977:35-36). of behaviour,  People  but r a t h e r they  "being  (with o t h e r s ) " a r e  discordant-.behaviour (cf." should not i n d u l g e i n t h i s  type  "should h e l p each other o u t . "  They should "give a i d when requested or when i t appears t o be needed" (Lamphere 1977:36). phere 1977:37).  People  should be generous (Lam-  More s p e c i f i c i n a p p l i c a t i o n than  g e n e r a l i z e d standards  o f s o c i a l behaviour  these  a r e those t h a t  govern the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a man and a woman and between parents and c h i l d r e n . The people a t Sheep Springs t h i n k a man and a woman "should h e l p each other out" because o f t h e i r complementary capabilities.  The male e x p l o i t e r and female n u r t u r e r f u n c t i o n s  however do not t r a n s l a t e i n t o male dominance and female subm i s s i o n i n everyday  activities.  L i k e other Navajos, they  b e l i e v e i n the autonomy of the i n d i v i d u a l Kluckhohn and L e i g h t o n 1974:309-311).  (Ladd 1957:292-29 7,  Both male and female  have independent v o l i t i o n and a r e capable of r a t i o n a l  thought.  D e c i s i o n s about making a l i v i n g and a home and about the areas  these a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v e are supposed t o be made by consensus between these independent of  the f u n c t i o n i n g dyad.  beings who compose the complements  9  The man and t h e lady are supposed t o decide together. They are supposed t o t a l k about i t , the two o f them together. They agree on what t o do. People  at Sheep Springs p r e f e r a woman t o have a man  around the p l a c e " t o h e l p her out," and a man t o have a woman around " t o do t h i n g s f o r him." and  females  I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e t h a t males  should l i v e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y so t h a t the nec-  e s s a r y f u n c t i o n s o f human e x i s t e n c e may be c a r r i e d out. For Sheep Springs Navajos the b a s i c r e s i d e n t i a l i s the married couple. and  living.  aggregate  I t i s t h e fundamental u n i t o f l i f e  Each married couple i s supposed t o f u n c t i o n  independently o f a l l others because i t has the a p p r o p r i a t e personnel f o r human r e p r o d u c t i o n and f o r making a l i v i n g and a home. selves."  Each married couple i s supposed "to support themThey are supposed " t o g e t t h e i r own food."  The  autonomy o f t h i s u n i t i s a l s o s t r e s s e d i n the i d e a t h a t each married couple should have a separate "home,", i . e . , s h e l t e r 1  and f i r e  (cf. , Newcomb 1940:24, Young and Morgan 195 4:19)."'"^  These Navajos t h i n k i t i s d e s i r a b l e t h a t a widowed, d i v o r c e d , separated, o r never-married who can perform or  a home.  a d u l t l i v e near someone  the complementary f u n c t i o n o f making a l i v i n g  T h i s does not mean t h a t males o r females are  f o r b i d d e n from doing some o f the o t h e r ' s t a s k s when they are alone.  A woman can chop wood and c a r r y water i f there i s no  46 man a r o u n d a n d a man w i l l self. will  do h i s  own c o o k i n g  I f , however, t h e circumstances be w i t h o u t  Springs  a spouse  Navajos think  f o r long  i f he i s by him-  are such that  periods  i t i spreferable  the person  o f time,  then  f o rt h e person t o  d e p e n d o n a n o t h e r m a l e o r f e m a l e who i s n o t a s p o u s e them.  I t i s appropriate  clustered with  that  f o rt h e dependent a d u l t ' s  of the person providing  example, i n t h e absence o f other for  a son o r grandson  separated living labour,  t o reside  adult  helping  financial  livestock  with  to assist  home t o b e  assistance.  males,  For  i t i s appropriate  near h i s widowed, d i v o r c e d ,  mother o r grandmother and t o a s s i s t  by p r o v i d i n g  Sheep  and f i e l d  h e r i n making  management  wood a n d w a t e r h a u l i n g ,  or a  and/or  and g i v i n g  aid.  He l i v e s n e x t t o h i s mom b e c a u s e h i s d a d i s dead, and t h e r e i s nobody t o h e l p o u t h i s mom. If  t h e son o r grandson  can  cook, sew, a n d wash  preferred for  his wife  an e l d e r l y  He may a s s i s t  husband o r a d u l t  with  help  then  near by.  I f , however, that  a  he o r -  forher.  also think  out".  care  i f she i s unmarried  i t i s desired  activities  Navajos  each other  t o be t a k e n  i n the vicinity.  son e x i s t s , these  activities  i ti s  appropriate  o r g r a n d d a u g h t e r who l i v e s  son l i v i n g  and perform  I t i s also  father o r grandfather  daughter  Sheep S p r i n g s "should  tasks.  her i n livelihood  has no a d u l t  ganize  f o r him, b u t i f he i s married,  do t h e s e  widowed  of by h i sa d u l t  and  i s unmarried, h i smother o r grandmother  that parents  and c h i l d r e n  A . ' . c h i l d / i s .thought: \ t o 'be: ;bor,n :  an immature mind as w e l l as body.  ;  On t h e d a y o f b i r t h  a  47 c h i l d ' s body should be moulded and shaped so i t w i l l grow properly  ( c f . Kluckhohn 19 47:45).  A c h i l d ' s mind, l i k e i t s  body, i s thought t o be m a l l e a b l e a f t e r b i r t h .  The mind i s  moulded or shaped by the d i s p o s a l o f the d r i e d "navel c o r d " ('ats'ee)  ( c f . Kluckhohn 1947:49, Leighton and Kluckhohn  1947:17, Newcomb 1 9 4 0 : 2 9 ) .  11  You p u t t h a t n a v e l cord ('ats'ee) i n the ground so the k i d w i l l be on the r i g h t t r a i l for l i f e . I t makes the k i d ' s mind go r i g h t . I f you don't do i t , the k i d w i l l be out o f h i s mind. These Navajos t h i n k the cord should be p l a c e d i n a l o c a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with making a l i v i n g  and a home.  T h i s i s done t o  i n s u r e a c h i l d w i l l remember and t h i n k about these life.  throughout  P l a c e s where i t i s c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e t o p u t the  cord i n c l u d e beneath the sheep c o r r a l , so a boy t h i n k s about sheep and becomes a good stockman, beneath a loom, so a g i r l t h i n k s about weaving and becomes a good weaver, and beneath the f l o o r of a house so, the c h i l d : . . . w i l l remember the whole f a m i l y , h i s mother (bima') , h i s maternal grandmother (bima sa*ni) , and h i s home (bighan) . Thus, a c h i l d ' s mind i s d i r e c t e d towards making a l i v i n g and a home.  T h i s moulding o f a c h i l d ' s body and mind begins the  lengthy process o f growth on the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e . is  A child  thought t o be incompetent t o p r o v i d e h i s own home and l i v e 12  l i h o o d f o r many y e a r s .  Thus, a c h i l d must be r a i s e d by  a d u l t s who w i l l p r o v i d e and care f o r i t . Both men and women a r e important t o the k i d s . A man does the work and supports the k i d s . A woman takes care o f the k i d s  48 u n t i l t h e y a r e o l d enough t o s u p p o r t themselves. Livelihood by p a r e n t s and  they  fortheir  children  children  and n u r t u r i n g a r e p r e f e r r e d children.  t o share  t o be p r o v i d e d  I t i s desirable  a home when t h e c h i l d r e n  lack a parent  f o r any r e a s o n ,  f o r parents a r e young.  i t i s preferred  If  that  l i v e w i t h a woman, r a t h e r t h a n a man, who c a n r a i s e  These people possible.  like  children  to l i v e with their  I f a c h i l d ' s mother cannot  own m o t h e r when  care f o r i t , the order  o f p r e f e r e n c e f o r a mother s u r r o g a t e i s t h e m a t e r n a l mother, p a t e r n a l grandmother, sister.  a mother's s i s t e r ,  others.  l i v e w i t h a woman, t h i s for children deceased. maternal  desirable  d o e s n o t mean t h a t  to l i v e with their  father  g r a n d m o t h e r and m o t h e r ' s s i s t e r s Whether c h i l d r e n  mother s u r r o g a t e , o r f a t h e r ,  are l i v i n g  above a l l  f o rchildren to  i t i sinappropriate  i f t h e i r mother i s  T h i s arrangement i s e s p e c i a l l y  deceased.  her s i s t e r ,  becomes t h e s u r r o g a t e p r e f e r r e d  Even though i t i s thought  grand-  or a father's  I f t h e m o t h e r d i e s and t h e f a t h e r m a r r i e s  the mother's s i s t e r  them.  d e s i r a b l e when t h e a r e f a r away o r  w i t h mother, a p r e f e r r e d  a l l of these people  are considered 13  kinsmen o f t h e c h i l d r e n .  Each i s a " r e l a t i v e "  They a r e a l l r e l a t i v e s Sheep S p r i n g s , l i k e and  father's role  child's  other Navajos,  i n conception  k i n s h i p bond t o e a c h  mentary, b u t d i f f e r e n t , conception.  of the c h i l d  The c h i l d  function i s "born  because people a t  recognize both  ( c f . Witherspoon  parent  (bik'ei).  i s based  t h e mother's 1975).  The  on t h e c o m p l e -  the parent provided a t f o r " the father,  b e c a u s e he  49 planned and worked on i t . growing  The mother p r o v i d e d the c h i l d ' s  p l a c e and sustenance.  The c h i l d i s born from h e r .  Thus, a c h i l d i s r e l a t e d t o both p a r e n t s , parent's mothers, and parent's s i s t e r s , but the r e l a t i o n s h i p t o mother and her f a m i l y i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d as d i f f e r e n t from t h a t t o f a t h e r and h i s f a m i l y ( c f . Witherspoon  1975).  At marriage, c h i l d r e n do not n e c e s s a r i l y stop being dependent on the a d u l t s who r a i s e d them. I f they a r e young when they g e t married, they a r e r a i s e d by the mother and f a t h e r . They r a i s e them u n t i l they a r e a b l e t o s t a r t making a l i v i n g and a home i n t h e i r own way. I f the young couple's marriage  i s arranged i n the t r a d i t i o n a l  manner and i t i s the w i f e ' s f i r s t marriage, the p l a c e the couple i s t o l i v e i s agreed on by both s e t s o f parents o r mothers.  Even when the couple makes the r e s i d e n c e d e c i s i o n  themselves,  i t i s d e s i r a b l e f o r them t o d i s c u s s i t w i t h both  s e t s of parents o r mothers.  Unless a spouse has a job some  d i s t a n c e away from both mothers, the newly-married  couple i s  expected t o s e t t l e near one s e t o f parents o r mother.  It i s  not i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a son and h i s new w i f e t o share h i s mother's home and t o e a t meals p r o v i d e d and prepared by h e r . I f .a mother-in-law  d e c i d e s t h a t her son-in-law i s t o observe  the custom o f not l o o k i n g a t her, a young couple cannot i n the same d w e l l i n g as the w i f e ' s mother.  reside  I f d u r i n g the d i s -  c u s s i o n r e g a r d i n g the young couple's r e s i d e n c e she r e q u e s t s the observance  of t h i s custom t o be d i s r e g a r d e d , the newlyweds  can l i v e w i t h her and share her food.  I f i t i s sharing a  house w i t h a mother, the young couple should e v e n t u a l l y p r o v i d e t h e i r own d w e l l i n g .  T h i s can be done by adding a room on t o  the mother's e x i s t i n g house o r by b u i l d i n g a new d w e l l i n g near the mother's home. There i s a p r e f e r e n c e f o r the husband t o move t o h i s w i f e ' s p l a c e , e s p e c i a l l y i f he i s from a d i f f e r e n t area.  This pref-  erence seems t o be based on the b e l i e f t h a t men are more able than women t o handle  "dangerous" ; i . e . , unknown, s i t u a t i o n s . 1  T h i s does not mean t h a t o t h e r arrangements are i n a p p r o p r i a t e , e s p e c i a l l y i f both spouses are from the same area. I f a man from Sheep Springs marries a g i r l from C h i n l e , he has t o l i v e over t h e r e . I f he marries a g i r l from N a s c h i t t i , he has t o l i v e t h e r e . I f he marries a g i r l from Sheep S p r i n g s , they can stay a t e i t h e r h e r mom's o r h i s mom's p l a c e . They can s t a y with the mother i n the same house u n t i l they get a new one b u i l t . I f they are working i n G a l l u p , they can move t h e r e . I t even i s proper f o r a couple from Sheep Springs t o l i v e i n w i n t e r w i t h one mother and i n summer w i t h the o t h e r (cf:  Witherspoon 1975:74-85). S i m i l a r t o what i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r young c h i l d r e n , a  young couple may a l s o r e s i d e near one o f the spouses'  maternal  or p a t e r n a l grandmothers o r s i s t e r s i f n e i t h e r mother i s able to p r o v i d e the couple w i t h a s s i s t a n c e i n making a home and a living.  In a d d i t i o n , i f the w i f e ' s mother has d i e d , but her  f a t h e r remains l i v i n g a t the l o c a t i o n used independently by him and her mother, i t i s proper f o r the newly-married to r e s i d e near t h e w i f e ' s f a t h e r (cf.fi  couple  Witherspoon 1975:74-85).  51  A newly-married  couple should e s t a b l i s h an independent  home as soon as p o s s i b l e , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r a c h i l d i s born. However, i t i's' expected' the couple w i l l take a much longer time becoming independent  i n making a l i v i n g than i n making a home.  The young couple's d w e l l i n g i s c l u s t e r e d w i t h the homes o f the r e l a t i v e s a s s i s t i n g them and t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s  take  p l a c e i n l o c a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d by the usage o f these people. I t i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t a married couple l i v e near these  relatives  u n t i l they achieve independence i n producing a l i v e l i h o o d , and they may l i v e there even a f t e r they are capable o f b e i n g i n d e pendent, e s p e c i a l l y i f they get along w e l l with  everyone  c l u s t e r e d t o g e t h e r and i f there are only a few couples  aggre-  gated a t one l o c a t i o n . I f a couple should d i v o r c e , i t i s p r e f e r r e d f o r the spouse who moved i n t o o r near the mother-in-law's dwelling to leave.  (or o t h e r r e l a t i v e ' s )  A f t e r divorce i t i s desired that  people  depend on t h e i r own r e l a t i v e s , u s u a l l y p a r e n t s , f o r a s s i s t i n g them i n making a home and/or a l i v i n g . I f a spouse d i e s , a p p r o p r i a t e r e s i d e n c e arrangements are more complex.  I f the w i f e d i e s and the couple was l i v i n g w i t h  o r near her mother (or other r e l a t i v e s ) , the husband e i t h e r marries h i s w i f e ' s s i s t e r or l e a v e s . b e s t i f c h i l d r e n from the marriage grandmother o r s i s t e r .  I t i s usually considered  are l e f t with t h e i r  maternal  P r e f e r a b l y , the husband r e t u r n s t o h i s  mother's p l a c e and depends on h e r f o r homemaking f u n c t i o n s . I f h i s mother i s deceased,  h i s maternal grandmother o r a d u l t  s i s t e r p r o v i d e s a p l a c e f o r him t o r e t u r n .  I f the husband  d i e s and the couple was l i v i n g w i t h o r near the w i f e ' s mother (or o t h e r r e l a t i v e s ) the w i f e remains l i v i n g there and depends on h e r parents  for assistance.  I f the husband d i e s and the  couple was r e s i d i n g w i t h o r near h i s mother (or o t h e r  rela-  t i v e s ) , the w i f e may remain l i v i n g there i f she has c h i l d r e n , does not remarry, o r marries h e r deceased husband's b r o t h e r . She  depends on h e r in-laws t o a s s i s t her i n making a l i v i n g .  I f t h e w i f e l e a v e s , p r e f e r a b l y she r e t u r n s t o h e r mother's p l a c e and e s t a b l i s h e s a home t h e r e . her maternal  I f h e r mother i s deceased,  grandmother, h e r mother's s i s t e r o r h e r o l d e r  s i s t e r provide a place f o r her t o return.  I f the wife d i e s  and t h e couple was r e s i d i n g w i t h o r near t h e husband's mother (or o t h e r r e l a t i v e s ) he remains l i v i n g there and depends on his  parents f o r a s s i s t a n c e (ef'. People  unable  v  Witherspoon 1975: 75-76).  a t Sheep Springs a l s o t h i n k the e l d e r l y may be  t o be independent i n making a l i v i n g o r a home.  bodies and minds no l o n g e r have t h e hard, c l a r i t y o f the mature a d u l t . human l i f e  f i r m s t r u c t u r e and  They are i n the l a s t stage o f  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by w i t h e r i n g and w r i n k l i n g .  processes s i g n i f y the g r a d u a l l o s s o f the moisture so important  dryness.  These  t h a t was  t o t h e i n i t i a t i o n and maintenance o f l i f e .  begins i n moisture.  I t i s s u s t a i n e d by moisture,  "When you are dry, you are dead."  s a i d t o be " l i k e c h i l d r e n . "  Their  Life,  but ends i n  The e l d e r l y are  "They can't do t h i n g s f o r them-  s e l v e s , " and "they don't t h i n k very good."  Elderly  persons  should be p r o v i d e d f o r and taken care o f by t h e i n d i v i d u a l s they  raised.  53  Everybody should have k i d s because the k i d s w i l l h e l p t h e i r mother and dad when they get o l d . For t h i s reason, a d u l t s who  have never had any c h i l d r e n or  whose a d u l t c h i l d r e n have moved f a r away are always c o n s i d e r ed good candidates t o r a i s e someone e l s e ' s  child.  By the time a parent or parents become dependent, many of t h e i r c h i l d r e n o f t e n are making t h e i r own are no longer l i v i n g nearby.  livelihoods  Sheep Springs Navajos d e s i r e  one c h i l d and h i s or her spouse to continue to make a w i t h the o l d e r person or couple. independent  and  living  The young couple may  be  i n s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s , but remains w i t h the  o l d e r person or persons  i n order t o take care of them when  they are no longer s e l f - r e l i a n t .  The younger couple  occupies  a room i n the same d w e l l i n g w i t h the parents or a separate house near them. daughter  I t i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t a daughter  grand-  be the c h i l d to remain but i t i s not i n a p p r o p r i a t e  f o r a son t o do so. m a i n t a i n t h e i r own they may  or  As long as both parents are a l i v e ,  home, but, i f e l d e r l y parents are widowed,  move i n t o the home of the woman who  T h i s woman may  they  be a daughter,  granddaughter,  cares f o r them. or d a u g h t e r - i n -  law, and she and her c h i l d r e n cook and c l e a n f o r the e l d e r l y person. In sum,  Sheep Springs Navajos l i k e parents and  children  who  "work t o g e t h e r " t o have homes c l u s t e r e d t o g e t h e r .  They  may  b r i e f l y share the same d w e l l i n g when the c h i l d i s newly  married, but when the young couple i s a b l e to e s t a b l i s h i t s own  home, i t may  occupy a separate room i n the same house as  54  the o l d e r couple, or i t may nearby.  live in a different  dwelling  Parents should a s s i s t both daughters and sons i n  making a home and a l i v i n g .  In r e t u r n , c h i l d r e n should a s s i s t  t h e i r parents when they are too o l d t o m a i n t a i n themselves, t h e i r homes, and t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s i n a proper manner. Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos use the term "home" (hooghan) t o i n d i c a t e the s m a l l e s t d i s t i n c t s p a t i a l u n i t or r e s i d e n c e . T h i s term, however, i s ambiguous.  I t can mean one or more  homes (Witherspoon 1971:112), and t o i n d i c a t e c l e a r l y t h a t a s i n g l e home i s being t a l k e d about, the phrase " j u s t one home" ( t ' a a % a ' 1 . hooghan) i s used.  T h i s u n i t may  be composed o f one  b u i l d i n g or a c l u s t e r of b u i l d i n g s , but i t s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s a s i n g l e cooking f i r e used by o n l y one woman t o prepare meals f o r persons l i v i n g t h e r e or by an a d u l t male to prepare h i s own  meals.  They a l s o l a c k a s i n g l e , unambiguous term f o r the aggregate of persons occupying t h i s u n i t but they do have ways of d e s c r i b i n g the sets of persons who  co-reside.  For example,  a n u c l e a r f a m i l y r e s i d i n g t o g e t h e r w i t h or without a d d i t i o n a l persons l i v i n g w i t h them, such as an e l d e r l y parent, w i l l i d e n t i f i e d by the phrase " L i t t l e Man ( H a s t i i n Ya'zh^' d6o ba' a ^ c h i n i ) .  be  and h i s c h i l d r e n "  T h i s phrase i m p l i e s t h a t the  man's w i f e i s a r e s i d e n t s i n c e a man  normally does not have  h i s c h i l d r e n l i v i n g w i t h him without h i s w i f e a l s o b e i n g present.  A d i v o r c e d or widowed woman and her unmarried  c h i l d r e n or g r a n d c h i l d r e n w i t h or without o t h e r persons, such  55 as a s i s t e r ' s o r b r o t h e r ' s c h i l d ,  l i v i n g together i s i d e n t i -  f i e d as " L i t t l e Woman and her c h i l d r e n "  ('Asdzan Y a z h i do6  ba'a/chini). "Many homes" (dahooghan) d e s i g n a t e s a l a r g e r spatial unit. one independent unmarried T h i s term,  distinct  I t i s composed o f c l u s t e r e d homes occupied by m a r r i e d couple and a t l e a s t one dependent  a d u l t , young m a r r i e d couple, o r e l d e r l y l i k e "home," i s ambiguous.  person.  I t can be used t o l a b e l  any grouping o f homes whether o r not they a r e c l u s t e r e d t o gether because t h e i r r e s i d e n t s make a l i v i n g t o g e t h e r .  This  u n i t a l s o can be composed o f one b u i l d i n g o r a c l u s t e r o f buildings.  I f a s i n g l e house i s the o n l y s t r u c t u r e , i t w i l l  have more than one room.  T h i s u n i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by more  than one woman o r one woman and one man cooking over separate f i r e s o r by women s e q u e n t i a l l y u s i n g one cooking f i r e t o prepare meals f o r persons occupying separate homes.  The d i s -  t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e of t h i s u n i t , however, i s t h a t the persons who occupy c l u s t e r e d but separate homes j o i n together, in:.livelihood activities.  They say these people "work t o g e t h e r "  or "make a l i v i n g t o g e t h e r . "  Making a l i v i n g together may  mean a l l sheep owners i n these c l u s t e r e d homes put t h e i r sheep i n one herd o r r e s i d e n t s p o o l t h e i r labour on a s i n g l e ( c f . Downs 1964, Lamphere 1977,  Witherspoon  1970,  field  1975).  See, she and her husband a r e separate from her grandmother and aunt who l i v e c l o s e by. They got sheep and a f i e l d . They can make t h e i r own l i v i n g i n s t e a d o f going over t o her grandma and a s k i n g her. Her grandma and her aunt a r e together because they work t o g e t h e r . They have sheep and a f i e l d  56  too. I t a l s o may mean t h a t people p o o l some r e s o u r c e s o r labour i n everyday  tasks when the source o f t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d i s c r a f t s ,  w e l f a r e , o r wage work. We a r e together w i t h grandma. We don't have any sheep, but we work t o g e t h e r . When an a d u l t c h i l d ' s home i s c l u s t e r e d w i t h i t s parent's home, t h e l a t t e r i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the former by i d e n t i f y i n g i t as the " o r i g i n a l " o r "main home" (bitse" s e l ^ ' hooghan). Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o l a c k a s i n g l e unambiguous term f o r the aggregate o f persons occupying t h i s s p a t i a l u n i t . They use the same phrases f o r t a l k i n g about t h i s aggregate as they do about the s m a l l e r one occupying a s i n g l e home. Woman and her c h i l d r e n " a l s o can r e f e r t o m a r r i e d and spouses  "Little  children  as w e l l as g r a n d c h i l d r e n .  For Sheep Springs Navajos,  i t i s proper f o r people un-  a b l e , f o r whatever reason, t o make t h e i r own l i v i n g or home, to l i v e i n the same home o r i n a c l u s t e r of homes w i t h those able t o a s s i s t them i n everyday unmarried  life.  Men and women, the  and married, the young and o l d , parents and c h i l d r e n  can l i v e t o g e t h e r .  The i d e a t h a t r e s i d e n t i a l a g g r e g a t i o n i s  a f u n c t i o n o f the i n t e r d e p e n d e n c i e s e x i s t i n g among people as they attempt  t o make a l i v i n g and a home i s a  concept i n Sheep Springs Navajos'  fundamental  r e s i d e n t i a l ideology.  57 Places to Live The Springs  geographical  locations of residence  s i t e s a t Sheep  are thought t o be determined by couples'  v a r i o u s p o r t i o n s o f the e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e 82-86).  (cf.  Sheep Springs Navajos b e l i e v e every  r i g h t s t o use  Downs 1964: c h i l d has a r i g h t  to use the area where i t was "born and r a i s e d . " See, you always have a p l a c e to t u r n back t o . You was born there and r a i s e d t h e r e . That's where you came from. That's where your mother and grandmother l i v e d . You have a r i g h t t o say t h a t ' s your l a n d (hikeyah). You can always t u r n back t o i t even i f you leave i t . Where a c h i l d was born and r a i s e d i s the p l a c e p r o v i d i n g resources  f o r i t s home and sustenance.  This place i s part o f  the e a r t h , and l i k e other Navajos, people a t Sheep  Springs  b e l i e v e the e a r t h t o be "the mother o f a l l l i v i n g t h i n g s " ( F r a n c i s c a n Fathers  1910:354, Reichard  1975:16, Young and Morgan 1954:14).  1950:19-20, Witherspoon  As a c h i l d had the r i g h t  t o home and sustenance from i t s human mother before  birth,  i t i s b e l i e v e d t o have the r i g h t t o home and sustenance from i t s e a r t h mother a f t e r b i r t h  ( c f . Stephen 1893:349).  The  p l a c e where the c h i l d was born and r a i s e d i s the g e o g r a p h i c a l center of i t s e x i s t e n c e . See, my Dad t o l d me I was born over there i n the middle o f the h i l l . He t o l d me, "You were born r i g h t t h e r e . You s t a r t e d out r i g h t t h e r e . Go over there and r o l l around (on the ground) t h i s way and t h a t (to the four c a r d i n a l d i r e c t i o n s ) . Don't forget this place!" That's what he t o l d me. I t connects both sons and daughters with t h e i r mother,  58 grandmother, and e a r t h mother. an i n d i v i d u a l .  each o f them as  U s e - r i g h t s are not given t o descendants o f a  s p e c i f i c woman as a group.  S i b l i n g s have i n d i v i d u a l and equal  use-rights to residence s i t e s , lands.  I t connects  farming areas, and g r a z i n g  Each can c a l l these p l a c e s , "my l a n d " (shikeyah).  If  people with the same r i g h t s t o use a p a r t i c u l a r area come i n t o d i s p u t e over i t s use, the person who i s the f i r s t  to establish  occupancy there by b u i l d i n g a f i r e and p u t t i n g up a s h e l t e r , u s u a l l y a t e n t , i s thought a home area i s symbolized  t o have won the d i s p u t e .  Because  by f i r e and s h e l t e r , these two t h i n g s  are c o n s i d e r e d proof of r e s i d e n c e a t a new l o c a t i o n  (cf i \  H a i l e 1937) . The b e s t way t o m a i n t a i n u s e - r i g h t s i s t o maintain a continuous why  presence  i n an area  (e'fl ; H i l l 1  1938:22).  This i s  people p r e f e r a t l e a s t one of a woman's c h i l d r e n  continue  t o l i v e i n the mother's use area a f t e r h e r death whether o r not h e r husband i s s t i l l  alive.  They l i k e the d e c i s i o n as t o  which c h i l d l i v e s there t o be made by a l l her c h i l d r e n a t a f a m i l y meeting s h o r t l y a f t e r h e r death. presence  A chapter  officer's  a t t h i s meeting i s d e s i r a b l e f o r he o r she serves  as an o b j e c t i v e o u t s i d e r t o witness  the d e c i s i o n s .  This i s  done i n case there i s a f u t u r e d i s p u t e over the d e c i s i o n . I f one  a d u l t c h i l d remained l i v i n g near the mother and a s s i s t e d  her u n t i l she d i e d , i t u s u a l l y i s thought  best t h a t t h i s  child  be given the mother's sheep permit and most o f h e r sheep. c h i l d a l s o can r e c e i v e her f i e l d permit.  This  I f two o r more a d u l t  c h i l d r e n remain w^th/the mother and make; i t h e i r l i v i n g - w i t h". :  her, a t h e r death o n l y one w i l l r e c e i v e the sheep permit and most o f the l i v e s t o c k .  The f i e l d permit can be g i v e n t o the  same c h i l d or a d i f f e r e n t one.  P r e f e r a b l y , the c h i l d o r  c h i l d r e n chosen t o r e c e i v e the permits and l i v e s t o c k i s the one o r ones most h e l p f u l t o the mother b e f o r e h e r death. Whether o r not t h e r e are d i s p u t e s between s i b l i n g s over t h e i r mother's goods, h e r death i s thought t o s i g n i f y the p o i n t a t which each m a r r i e d c h i l d should become independent begin making i t s /..own l i v i n g . are  supposed  Unmarried  s i b l i n g s , however,'  t o depend on the o l d e r s i b l i n g s ,  married s i s t e r s ,  and should  especially  f o r p r o v i d i n g a home and a s s i s t i n g i n sub-  sistence a c t i v i t i e s .  I f none o f a woman's c h i l d r e n was l i v i n g  near her, people t h i n k i t b e s t f o r one c h i l d t o r e t u r n t o the area t o m a i n t a i n i t s use and t o use h e r sheep permit.  Which  c h i l d r e t u r n s , they t h i n k , depends on j o b s , marriages, e t c . The c h i l d r e c e i v i n g the sheep permit and u s i n g the l a n d a l s o has the f i r s t - u s e r ' s r i g h t t o r e s t r i c t use o f these areas t o others. to  I f s i b l i n g s move back, they must r e c e i v e p e r m i s s i o n  do so from t h i s person. While u s e - r i g h t s are not given t o descendants  of a  s p e c i f i c woman as a group, t h e r i g h t t o use the l a n d between the four " s a c r e d " mountains surrounding t h e Navajo homeland i s extended  t o a l l Navajos  as c h i l d r e n o f Changing Woman.^  "Yonder, t h i s s i d e toward s u n r i s e , t h e r e are four mountains i n the midst o f which I began l i f e , " she s a i d . "From t h e r e I s t a r t e d t h i s way a t the time, and stopped here," she s a i d . "Now e v e r y t h i n g i s t o be had over t h e r e . Every growing t h i n g needed f o r l i f e i s found t h e r e , and there are  60 corn f i e l d s too," she s a i d . "Many people who are Holy People are t h e r e . Besides the p l a c e i s good (to l i v e i n ) but at p r e s e n t there i s nobody t o be had to l i v e upon i t . You w i l l s t a r t f o r t h a t p l a c e , you w i l l dwell t h e r e , " she t o l d them (Wyman 1970:448). T h i s r i g h t i s the b a s i s f o r the statements  made by people a t  Sheep Springs t h a t they can use any p l a c e they want t o use f o r homes, f i e l d s ,  or pastures.  unused areas.  A couple capable o f making i t s own l i v i n g i n -  dependently  I t i s the b a s i s f o r pre-empting  o f others can move t o such a p l a c e .  I f land i s used by someone e l s e , a couple can move t o i t i f one o f the spouses r e c e i v e s p e r m i s s i o n t o do so from the area's  f i r s t user.  Both independent and dependent married  couples can move t o someone e l s e ' s use a r e a . u n i t does so, i t u s u a l l y does not aggregate those a l r e a d y t h e r e .  I f an independent i n t o a c l u s t e r with  An independent u n i t does not need t o  c o n t a i n a kinsmen o f the f i r s t - u s e r f o r the p e r m i s s i o n t o be granted.  A dependent u n i t u s u a l l y i s thought  t o move near a  kinsmen.  Whether o r not a couple has l i v e s t o c k i s the most  c r u c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n a f i r s t - u s e r ' s d e c i s i o n t o grant p e r m i s s i o n o r not.  I f they have l i v e s t o c k , i t i s expected  most f i r s t users w i l l deny p e r m i s s i o n . W e l l , i f they j u s t wanted t o b u i l d a house, I t e l l them i t ' s O.K. t o l i v e t h e r e . I f they have sheep then I say no. I t ' s already t o o crowded around here. I f a f i r s t - u s e r c o n t r o l s a l a r g e area, p e r m i s s i o n can be given to people w i t h sheep t o r e l o c a t e some d i s t a n c e from the p l a c e where the f i r s t - u s e r r e s i d e s .  Grandma says, "When I d i e I'm not going t o take t h i s l a n d . I'm going t o go a l l by myself." So she l e t s them l i v e t h e r e . I t ' s a long way over t h e r e . Permission  f o r non-kin  couples t o l i v e on the f i r s t - u s e r ' s  may not continue a f t e r the f i r s t - u s e r d i e s .  land  Sheep Springs  Navajos t h i n k t h a t the h e i r s have preemptive r i g h t s and t h a t i t i s n o t i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r them t o chase the r e l o c a t e d household or households out o f the area. People who l i v e on the land of a s p e c i f i c whether kinsmen o r not, are s a i d t o be (keedahat' l n i g i l " ) .  "neighbours"  T h i s term a l s o can be used t o r e f e r t o  members o f contiguous  u s e - r i g h t areas o r t o anyone l i v i n g i n  the e n t i r e Sheep Springs The phrase  first-user,  area.  " L i t t l e Man around whom are areas"  ( H a s t i i n Ya*zhi biX danahaz' |L ' j f ) does r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y t o the households r e s i d i n g i n a f i r s t - u s e r ' s l a n d area. thought  t h a t these households do not normally  It is  and c o n t i n u a l l y  "make a l i v i n g t o g e t h e r " , even though some o r a l l o f them may co-operate  f o r a s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t y , e.g., sheep s h e a r i n g , a  ceremony, e t c . In the p a s t t h i s phrase  r e f e r r e d t o a group of people  who  were not n e c e s s a r i l y c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d kinsmen and who occupied contiguous use  areas.  The men a s s i s t e d one another  i n major l a n d -  a c4.t i v i- 4t- -i e s . 16 The people who were great f r i e n d s used t o l i v e c l o s e by. They used t o do t h i n g s together. I f they were going to plow o r p l a n t corn i n the f i e l d s , a l l o f the men used t o come t o g e t h e r and help each o t h e r .  They used t o do i t f o r i r r i g a t i n g and c u t t i n g hay. They used t o share s t u f f they brought out from G a l l u p . J u s t a l i t t l e b i t t o each family. That's how i t used t o be. People r e f e r r e d t o by t h i s phrase now are expected t o be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d kinsmen. Even though a f i r s t user i s g i v e n a g e o g r a p h i c a l r e f e r e n c e p o i n t nickname, the group o f people d e s i g n a t e d by the above phrase are not given a p l a c e name d e s i g n a t i o n , e.g., " V a l l e y Running Down the H i l l People"  ( D a h n d z l l g a i Dine'e*) .  To do so  would be t o put them i n a category separate from o t h e r people at  Sheep Springs and would make them " o u t s i d e r s " , t h a t i s ,  people w i t h whom one does n o t have f r i e n d l y , c o - o p e r a t i v e relations. I wouldn't c a l l them t h a t ( i . e . , Aspen Grove People, ( T ' i i s b a i " Sikaad Dine' unless I was mad a t them. Only people who are not from Sheep Springs are d e s i g n a t e d as b e l o n g i n g t o another category o f persons.  Geographical r e f e r -  ence p o i n t names used i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the term "people" >* 17 (dine'e) d e s i g n a t e c a t e g o r i e s o f people.  People are not  expected to know much about o r have much t o do with persons, e s p e c i a l l y non-kinsmen, b e l o n g i n g t o another category.  The  r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s used i n category names are u s u a l l y the b e s t known ones i n a r e g i o n . to  Quite o f t e n they are the p o i n t s used  i d e n t i f y trading post locations.  regions around Sheep S p r i n g s .  T h i s i s the case i n the  The "Meadow Water People"  (To  H a l t s o i f Dine'6*) o r Sheep Springs People are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from "Clay P o i n t People"  (Bis D e e z ' a h i i Dine'e)  o r Newcomb  P e o p l e , -"Yellow C l a y S t a n d i n g T h e r e Dine'e)  o r Two G r e y  Hills  ( N a h a s h c h ' i d i i D i n e ' e) People"  (T5 N i ^ t s ' l l i i  "Badger  or Naschitti  (T'iistsoh  and '.'White -Rock. P e o p l e "  whose t r a n s l a t e d  name i s u s e d  Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s "Meadow Water P e o p l e "  (Bis  DahXitsoii  People"  People,  Dine'g) o r C r y s t a l  Cottonwood Grove P e o p l e " hams P e o p l e ,  People,  People"  "Sparkling  People, " B i g  S i k a a d Dine'e) (TseY  i n English  Water  ffigaii  o r BurnDine'e)  - W h i t e Rock  People.  s a y p e o p l e who a r e c l a s s i f i e d a s  a r e "from"  Sheep S p r i n g s .  Meadow Water P e o p l e a r e f r o m a r o u n d Sheep Springs. They a r e c o u n t e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r . T h e i r c e n s u s number i s s e n t f r o m h e r e t o Window Rock ( i . e . , t h e h e a d q u a r t e r s o f t h e Navajo T r i b e ) . Because  "Meadow Water P e o p l e "  than a group they can l i v e  of persons elsewhere  i s a category of persons  residing  rather  i n t h e Sheep S p r i n g s a r e a ,  on t h e r e s e r v a t i o n  and i n o f f - r e s e r -  18 v a t i o n communities. are  B u t no m a t t e r where t h e y  "Meadow W a t e r P e o p l e "  and c a n r e t u r n  to live  live, where  19 were b o r n Springs  and r a i s e d .  Chapter.  They a r e members o f t h e Sheep  they they  Ordering R e s i d e n t i a l R e a l i t y and Behaviour In sum, Sheep Springs Navajos fundamentally r e a l i t y has a r a t i o n a l o r d e r .  Substances,  d i t i o n s do not e x i s t i n a random f a s h i o n .  believe that  events, and conEverything i s  ordered by the conscious reasoning o f t e l e o l o g i c a l t h a t i s , p u r p o s e f u l beings..'  T h e i r thought  beings,  determines' the  form  and f u n c t i o n o f a l l t h a t i s found and occurs i n the world. Both e x i s t e n c e and behaviour a r e d i r e c t e d by the purposes o f these b e i n g s . L i k e other Navajos,  they d i s t i n g u i s h two s e t s of these  beings, the Holy People and the E a r t h Surface People. former a r e t h e d e s i g n e r s o f r e a l i t y . that orders.  They i n i t i a l l y  thought  The  I t i s t h e i r reasoning o f the world's f e a t u r e s ,  i t s i n h a b i t a n t s , and the c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t i n g i n t h i s  world.  They thought  females,  o f the forms t h a t humans, homes, males,  and the stages o f l i f e were t o take.  They developed the  prototype of the b a s i c r e s i d e n c e s i t e , t h a t i s , the "home" (hooghan) and the fundamental r e s i d e n c e aggregate, the married couple.  that i s ,  They continue t o e x i s t and t o t h i n k f o r  (hence, c o n t r o l l i n g ) what they designed w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of humans, who have independent  volition.  Human experience, how-  ever, r e c a p i t u l a t e s r e a l i t y as planned by the Holy Analogously,  People.  c h i l d r e n ' s experience o f r e a l i t y repeats t h a t o f  t h e i r parents because t h e i r minds have been d i r e c t e d toward t h e i r p a r e n t s ' experience.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and  women, moreover, r e c a p i t u l a t e s t h a t between male and female  Holy People, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between parents and c h i l d r e n i s p a t t e r n e d by t h a t between the Holy People and t h e E a r t h Surface People.  U n l i k e the Holy People, humans however, are  not e t e r n a l as i n d i v i d u a l e n t i t i e s .  Substance must be c o n t i n -  u a l l y transformed i n t o human form, and these forms must eventually die. In a d d i t i o n , human m i s f o r t u n e , i l l n e s s , and e a r l y can r e s u l t from the a c t i o n s o f Holy People. own purposes  and concerns t h a t are not always  human a f f a i r s .  death  They have t h e i r compatible w i t h  They make the world a dangerous p l a c e .  Humans  can compound t h i s danger by running a f o u l o f the world's o r d e r through n o n - t h i n k i n g , i g n o r a n t , and/or e x c e s s i v e behaviour. L i k e the Holy People, humans moreover have the c a p a c i t y t o c r e a t e danger f o r each other through the e v i l i n t e n t o f w i t c h craft  (cf:.. Kluckhohn  are always  1944).  threatened.  Thus, the goals o f human a c t i v i t y  T h e i r achievement  i s never  certain.  People are c o n t i n u a l l y motivated. L i k e o t h e r Navajos, the people a t Sheep Springs b e l i e v e there are two major purposes o f a l l human a c t i v i t y , the p r o p a g a t i o n o f humans and the maintenance o f t h e i r l i v e s conception t o death of o l d age.  from  These goals p r o v i d e a prag-  matic, u t i l i t a r i a n base f o r t h e i r views on the standards people should achieve i n behaviour and the procedures they t h i n k b e s t or a t l e a s t a c c e p t a b l e i n meeting 1957:208, Shepardson Navajos  these standards  and Hammond 1970:243).  ( c f . -Ladd  Sheep Springs  t h i n k people l i v e a t p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e s o r w i t h c e r t a i n  persons f o r some pragmatic reason.  Residence, f o r them, i s a  matter o f s u b s i s t e n c e economics.  I t i s a matter o f easy  access  to resources needed i n making a l i v i n g and t o manpower adequate f o r e x p l o i t i n g and p r o c e s s i n g these r e s o u r c e s . of a v o i d i n g anything t h a t j e o p a r d i z e s these Sheep Springs Navajos  1  standards  I t i s a matter  concerns.  f o r behaviour  important  to the context o f r e s i d e n c e are not s p e c i f i c t o i t ,  that i s ,  the standards  people's  f o r behaviour, which u l t i m a t e l y o r d e r  a c t i v i t i e s w i t h regard t o r e s i d e n c e , are g e n e r a l i z e d and noncontextual all  (cf,;:,, Ladd 1957: 301-302).  They t h i n k a l l persons i n  s i t u a t i o n s should d i r e c t t h e i r a c t i o n s toward  concerns  and should help out one another.  livelihood  At' a l l times  people  should do n o t h i n g t o j e o p a r d i z e t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d o r r e l a t i o n s with others.  A l l i n d i v i d u a l s should take care o f themselves  and t h e i r p o s s e s s i o n s .  A l l males and females  as w e l l as  parents and c h i l d r e n should take care o f one another. standards  do not designate  These  (with the e x c e p t i o n o f sex and  g e n e r a t i o n c r i t e r i a ) s p e c i f i c a l l y where or w i t h whom persons should l i v e .  In terms o f r e s i d e n c e these standards p r o v i d e a  wide l a t i t u d e o f r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s t o meet the u l t i m a t e Navajo g o a l s . I t i s only the procedures  o r modes o f behaviour  they t h i n k  b e s t , o r a t l e a s t a c c e p t a b l e , i n meeting these standards more s p e c i f i c a l l y take i n t o account context.  that  t h i n g s w i t h i n the r e s i d e n c e  These i n c l u d e p r e f e r r e d and/or acceptable ways o f  a c q u i r i n g r e s i d e n c e s i t e s , o f l o c a t i n g homes, and o f aggregat i n g persons  a t these p l a c e s .  A l l Sheep Springs Navajos' b e l i e f s , g o a l s , and b e h a v i o u r a l  67 standards and procedures aspects.  have both e x i s t e n t i a l and  They a l l c o n t a i n d e f i n i t i o n s  of r e a l i t y based  t h e i r b e l i e f s about the nature of t h i n g s . preferred residential  normative on  For example, the  a g g r e g a t i o n behaviour of a newly married  couple w i t h the w i f e ' s parents or a t l e a s t her mother i s based on a b e l i e f about the d i f f e r e n t  c a p a b i l i t i e s of men  and women  w i t h regard to s i t u a t i o n s t h a t might c o n t a i n "danger."  They  a l s o a l l c a r r y a r i s k not o n l y of poverty, i l l n e s s , or e a r l y death, but a l s o of s o c i a l p r e s s u r e i n the form of g o s s i p , c o n f r o n t a t i o n l e c t u r e s , or g e o g r a p h i c a l - s e p a r a t i o n ' f r o m o t h e r s i n the case of those who or who  do not h o l d these b e l i e f s or goals  do not f o l l o w b e h a v i o u r a l . s t a n d a r d s or procedures  (cf.  Ladd 1957:226-261, Lamphere 1977:43-56, W i l l i a m s 1970:56-58). I f I do something wrong, then people w i l l say t h i s or t h a t about me. Maybe t h e y ' l l say I'm c r a z y . Maybe, too, my mother or f a t h e r or grandma w i l l get mad a t me. They have a r i g h t t o say something t o me about what I've been doing. They can t e l l me what I'm suppose to be doing, and they t e l l me t o t h i n k about i t . I f I don't pay any a t t e n t i o n t o them and keep on doing i t , then maybe t h e y ' l l chase me out. They'll t e l l me t o go away. That's a p r e t t y bad t h i n g t o happen.  68 NOTES  ''"Sheep Springs Navajos differ  1  criteria for field  locations  i n one aspect from those o u t l i n e d by H i l l  Navajos  (1938:20).  f o r other  Type o f s o i l i s n o t mentioned as an  important c o n s i d e r a t i o n by people a t Sheep S p r i n g s . 2 . . . . Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o l i s t weaving, s i l v e r s m i t h i n g , and  "working f o r y o u r s e l f "  ( i . e . , wage labour) as a p p r o p r i a t e  ways t o make a l i v i n g . 3 Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o take i n t o account natural"  factors i n residence s i t e s e l e c t i o n .  best t o l o c a t e houses where the world's  "super-  They t h i n k i t  order i s n o t d i s r u p t e d  and where l i f e and l i v i n g can be promoted.  I l l n e s s and/or  death o f humans, sheep, o r crops are s i g n s o f danger a t a particular place.  L i k e other Navajos,  they do n o t l i k e t o  have homes l o c a t e d near where t h e r e has been c h r o n i c or death  (cf.  H a i l e 1937, Newcomb 1940).  illness  They a l s o t h i n k i t  i s dangerous t o have houses p l a c e d near where l i g h t n i n g has s t r u c k o r where o t h e r unexplained happenings, such as a f i r e , have o c c u r r e d . 4 T h i s p r e f e r e n c e i s extended activities resources.  even t o s u b s i s t e n c e  t h a t do n o t i n v o l v e the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f n a t u r a l Sheep Springs Navajos t h i n k t h a t l i v i n g near  r a t h e r than commuting t o them over any d i s t a n c e i s b e s t .  jobs If  one gets a j o b i n town, then moving t o town i s p r e f e r r e d . Commuting i s c o n s i d e r e d hazardous and d i f f i c u l t because o f  69 road c o n d i t i o n s , drunk d r i v e r s , weather, and c o s t s . Springs  Sheep  Navajos however p r e f e r t o f i n d jobs t h a t a l l o w them t o  remain l i v i n g  a t Sheep Springs  o r t h a t a l l o w a' person o r  f a m i l y t o be absent from the area f o r only a few months. Migratory  f i e l d work o r r a i l r o a d t r a c k labour are thought t o  be good jobs  for this  reason.  5  s  The  l i t e r a l meaning o f "land"  speculation" according  to Haile  (keyah) i s "a matter o f  (1948:93).  i t may mean " f o o t below" or " f o o t h o l d ; "  He suggests t h a t  Hoijer  (1974:265)  gives the l i t e r a l meaning o f t h i s term as " f o o t under.^ and he t r a n s l a t e s i t as "homeland." Lamphere d i s c u s s e s  the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s phrase i n  terms o f Navajo concepts about autonomy and consensus  (1977:  38-41). 7 The  mountain s o i l bag c o n t a i n s  soil  from the s a c r e d  mountains t h a t d e f i n e the portion, o f the Southwest Navajos consider  t o be t h e i r homeland.  i s described  The method of i t s p r e p a r a t i o n  i n the Blessingway myth and i t i s used i n  a s s o c i a t i o n with v a r i o u s  aspects o f the Blessingway  ritual  (Wyman 19 70). g  Navajos do not name p l a c e s exception.  a f t e r people w i t h one  They do sometimes name water resources  by a person a f t e r t h a t i n d i v i d u a l .  developed  These p l a c e names combine  the person's- nickname and the term meaning " h i s , h e r , o r i t s water" Yazhi b i t o )  ( b i t o ) , e.g., " L i t t l e ( c f . . J e t t 1970:183).  Smith's water"  ('Atsidii  9  S e e Lamphere  (19 77:38-42, 57-65) f o r a g e n e r a l  d i s c u s s i o n o f Navajo concepts  about autonomy, and consensus.  " ^ T h i s standard can be met a p p r o p r i a t e l y by a m a r r i e d couple occupying a house, t e n t , or s h e l t e r and u s i n g an a s s o c i a t e d cooking f i r e .  I t i s a l s o proper f o r two o r more  married couples t o share a d w e l l i n g i f i t has s e v e r a l rooms. Each couple should have a separate room, but i n t h i s  situation  o f t e n there i s only a s i n g l e cooking f i r e f o r the e n t i r e dwelling. separately. way  Each woman i s supposed t o cook her f a m i l y ' s meal S e q u e n t i a l meal cooking i s c o n s i d e r e d the b e s t  t o accomplish  this.  "''"''Another moulding o f a g i r l ' s body and mind takes p l a c e d u r i n g the g i r l ' s puberty ceremony  ( F r i s b i e 1965).  12 In h i s study o f the Navajo moral code Ladd p o i n t s out t h a t Navajos c o n s i d e r c h i l d r e n t o be e t h i c a l l y  incompetent  (1957:270-272). 13 . • I t i s a l s o a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a c h i l d t o be r a i s e d by a woman who i s r e l a t e d t o the c h i l d by c l a n o n l y .  She should  be o f the same m a t r i c l a n as the c h i l d . " ^ H a i l e gives "home c e n t r a l " phrase  (hooghan ' ana' ai) as the  t h a t i d e n t i f i e s the parent's home area  (1950:172).  15 In Navajo mythology, Changing Woman i s o f t e n i d e n t i f i e d as the c h i l d o f Mother E a r t h and Father Sky 1953:11, Wyman 1970:404).  (Wheelwright  The f o u r "sacred" mountains  correspond t o the f o u r c a r d i n a l d i r e c t i o n s .  The southern  mountain i s Mount T a y l o r i n n o r t h - c e n t r a l New western mountain i s San Arizona.  The  New  and e a s t e r n mountains  Various peaks i n southern  Mexico are p o s s i b i l i t i e s  1964,  the  F r a n c i s c o Peak i n n o r t h - c e n t r a l  i d e n t i t y o f the northern  i s problematic.  Mexico and  Colorado and  (Van Valkenburgh 1974,  eastern  Watson  Wyman 1970). 16 T h i s group sounds l i k e the one Kluckhohn and  (1974:109-110) designate 1977,  as an " o u t f i t "  Leighton  ( c f . Lamphere 1970,'  Witherspoon 1975:100-110). Clan names among the Navajos i.al.So-. have; a';similar ,,f orm;-, v  "'  "  ,  They o f t e n combine a g e o g r a p h i c a l the term  •* •„  "  _  '  '"  -•  •  .  .  r e f e r e n c e p o i n t name with  "people".  18 Levy does not make t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between and  category  group of persons i n h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the phrase  " K a i b i t o People."  He says the use of t h i s phrase i n d i c a t e s  that a "more homogeneous p a s t i s s t i l l people"  (1962:793).  a l i v e i n the minds of  He t h i n k s t h i s phrase once s i g n i f i e d  the  a c t u a l l o c a t i o n o f a person's r e s i d e n c e a t some p o i n t d u r i n g the year, s i n c e nowadays "many camps do not come c l o s e t o Kaibito:" 19 As  long as c h i l d r e n are r e g i s t e r e d w i t h the T r i b e from  the Sheep Springs  Chapter, they can r e t u r n to where t h e i r  mother or grandmother l i v e d . r a i s e d i n the Sheep Springs  They need not have been born or area.  ,  CHAPTER I I I NAVAJO RESIDENCE PRACTICE i  Comparing Ideology  and P r a c t i c e  Because Sheep Springs Navajos  1  behavioural  standards  r e l e v a n t to r e s i d e n c e are g e n e r a l i z e d and non-contextual, r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s can only be compared w i t h t h e i r f o r meeting these standards. idence context.  their  procedures  These are s p e c i f i c t o the r e s -  In order t o make t h i s comparison, a n a l y t i c  u n i t s and v a r i a b l e s d e s c r i b i n g t h e i r p r a c t i c e s are d e r i v e d from t h e i r i d e o l o g y . The  f i r s t u n i t of a n a l y s i s i s the r e s i d e n c e s i t e .  based on the Navajo concept o f "home" (hooghan).  It is  I have  d e f i n e d i t as the l o c a t i o n at which there i s at l e a s t  one  permanent d w e l l i n g s t r u c t u r e , t h a t i s , a house, a hogan, o r a c a b i n , t h a t i s a v a i l a b l e f o r immediate o c c u p a t i o n .  I t has  a door t h a t i s kept padlocked when the d w e l l i n g i s not i n use. T h i s i s d e f i n e d as the elementary  s p a t i a l u n i t of r e s i d e n c e .  I have i n c o r p o r a t e d the Sheep Springs Navajos' b a s i c f u n c t i o n a l dyad, the married couple, i n t o the c o n j u g a l u n i t . I t i s d e f i n e d as the elementary t h i s study.  s o c i a l u n i t of r e s i d e n c e i n  T h i s u n i t i s composed of a m a r r i e d p a i r o r the  remaining p a r t n e r of a marriage d i v o r c e , or death.  d i s r u p t e d by s e p a r a t i o n ,  Never-married  c h i l d r e n , r e g a r d l e s s of  age,  b e i n g cared f o r by the u n i t are c o n s i d e r e d attached to i t . T h i s u n i t can l i v e alone and can be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n subsistence a c t i v i t i e s ,  or i t may  co-reside with other l i k e u n i t s  and j o i n them i n making a l i v i n g .  One  o r more c o n j u g a l u n i t s  t h a t make a l i v i n g t o g e t h e r and r e s i d e t o g e t h e r form the l i v e l i h o o d aggregate.  I t i s modelled  a f t e r the s p a t i a l l y  dis-  t i n c t u n i t Sheep Springs Navajos l a b e l "many houses" (daahooghan). During 1965-1966 there were a t o t a l of one hundred ten r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n both the winter-use v a l l e y and  and  area, i . e . , the  lower h i g h l a n d s , and the summer-use area, i . e . ,  the upper highlands  and summit p l a t e a u .  One  hundred and  teen c o n j u g a l u n i t s had access to these s i t e s and f i f t y - s i x l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  fif-  formed  (see Table I ) .  These u n i t s are used t o analyze the amount of agreement between t h e i r p r e f e r r e d and/or acceptable procedures meeting b e h a v i o u r a l standards w i t h i n the r e s i d e n c e and t h e i r r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s i n two  for context  d i f f e r e n t ways.  First,  the extent to which t h e i r a c t u a l p l a c e s o f r e s i d e n c e and types of aggregates  the  formed at these s i t e s seem to conform t o  t h e i r p r e f e r r e d and/or acceptable ways of behaving w i t h to r e s i d e n c e i s examined.  regard  What p r o p o r t i o n of Sheep Springs  Navajos' r e s i d e n c e s i t e s are i n a p r e f e r r e d o r acceptable location?  What p r o p o r t i o n of t h e i r r e s i d e n c e aggregates  a p r e f e r r e d o r acceptable composition?  have  Second, the e x t e n t to  which e r r o r i n making p r e d i c t i o n s about r e s i d e n c e  location  and aggregation can be reduced by u s i n g i d e o l o g i c a l l y - d e r i v e d variables i s delineated.  How  much i s one's a b i l i t y to p r e d i c t  the l o c a t i o n of a r e s i d e n c e s i t e or the composition  of a  r e s i d e n c e aggregate  economic  improved by t a k i n g i n t o account  TABLE I Sheep S p r i n g s Residence S i t e s and Aggregates,  1965-1966 Total  Residence s i t e s found i n : Winter-Use Area Summer-Use Area Total  59 51 110  54 46 100  Conjugal U n i t s Composed o f : Married P a i r s Once-Married A d u l t s Total  80 35 115  70 30 100  22 34 56  39 61 100  L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates Composed o f : One Conjugal U n i t More than One Conjugal U n i t Total  Note:  See Appendix D f o r e x p l a n a t i o n of t a b l e format. One male c l a s s i f i e d as once-married may not a c t u a l l y have been m a r r i e d . He however formed a separate aggregate and supported h i m s e l f . H i s handicaps of deafness and s i g n i f i c a n t limp may account f o r h i s anomalous s i t u a t i o n .  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971.  or s o c i a l f a c t o r s these people d e f i n e as important t o the r e s i d e n c e context?  76  Residence  Site  Acquisition  The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e i n Sheep Springs N a v a j o s r e s i d e n t i a l ideology regarding residence s i t e  1  acquisition  i s t h a t the c h i l d r e n have the r i g h t t o use the areas t h e i r mother used.  In the narrow a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e ,  the c h i l d r e n o f a s p e c i f i c woman have equal r i g h t s t o h e r use-areas.  In the broad a p p l i c a t i o n , a l l Navajos have  equal r i g h t s t o use l a n d between the sacred mountains because they a r e the c h i l d r e n o f Changing Woman. p r i n c i p l e i s a l s o contained i n t h e i r ideology.  A second  When persons  have equal r i g h t s t o any p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e , the r i g h t s o f the f i r s t person others.  t o use i t take precedence over those o f  I f someone e l s e wants t o use the area, he must  o b t a i n the f i r s t - u s e r ' s p e r m i s s i o n t o do so.  From these  two p r i n c i p l e s , three a c c e p t a b l e methods o f r e s i d e n c e acquisition - inheritance, are d e r i v e d .  site  preemption, and p e r m i s s i o n -  Sheep Springs Navajos, however, do n o t  i n d i c a t e a p r e f e r e n t i a l o r d e r i n g o f these methods. Although  a l l three methods have been used by the  o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t i n a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate the u n i t u s i n g the s i t e f i r s t  (i.e.,  r e l a t i v e t o others i n the  aggregate) t o e s t a b l i s h r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s  a t Sheep S p r i n g s ,  they have not been used e q u a l l y (see.. Table/. 11), . i s the dominant method o f s i t e a c q u i s i t i o n .  1  /Permission  I n a l l cases  of k i n - g r a n t e d p e r m i s s i o n a spouse's p a r e n t s , mother, maternal  grandparents,  maternal  grandmother, o r s i s t e r  77 TABLE I I Source of Use-Right t o Residence S i t e , 1965-1966, _i by Seasonal-Use Area Residence S i t e L o c a t i o n Site in Site in Winter-Use Area Summer-Use Area Use Right  Source:  Pre-emption of Unused l a n d by O r i g i n a l Conjugal Unit  12  I n h e r i t a n c e of Land Used by Mother or Maternal Grandmother of E i t h e r Spouse of O r i g i n a l Conjugal U n i t  12  Permission of O r i g i n a l Conjugal U n i t to Use Land Granted by Kinsmen of E i t h e r Spouse Permission f o r Main Conjugal U n i t t o Use Land Granted by Non-kinsmen Total  12  39  66  35  68  6  10  6  12  59  100  51  100  Note:  The p e r m i s s i o n from non-kinsmen category i n c l u d e s one s i te occupied by a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate t h a t r e c e i v e d p e r m i s s i o n t o r e s i d e by the t r a d i n g pos t from the Sheep S p r i n g s Trader, In the w l n t e r - u se area some l i v e l i h o o d aggregates have more than one r e s i d e n c e s i t e . In the summer-use area some aggregates a l s o have more than one r esidence s i t e , and nine aggregates have none at a l l i n t h i s area.  Sources:  Bowman 1937:43-73, Government Survey 1938, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs T r a d i n g Post Ledgers 1928-1940.  gave a p p r o v a l .  I n h e r i t a n c e and preemption methods account  f o r only about twenty percent o f the s i t e a c q u i s i t i o n s i n e i t h e r the winter-use inheritance i s s t i l l preemption i s not.  area o r the summer one.  While  i n use as a method o f a c q u i s t i o n , No r e s i d e n c e s i t e has been a c q u i r e d  through preemption s i n c e the l a t e 1930's. In a d d i t i o n t o the f a c t t h a t Sheep Springs  Navajos  1  r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y p r o v i d e s no p r e f e r e n t i a l o r d e r i n g r e g a r d i n g the methods used t o o b t a i n a r e s i d e n c e  site,  i t does not p r o v i d e much i n f o r m a t i o n about contexts  that  would allow p r e d i c t i o n s t o be made as t o who would use which method o r under what c o n d i t i o n s a p a r t i c u l a r method would be used.  Obviously,  i n order t o i n h e r i t a l o c a t i o n  or t o r e c e i v e a kinsman's p e r m i s s i o n  t o use one, one o f  the spouses i n a c o n j u g a l u n i t must have a kinsman who used the l a n d .  Beyond t h i s c r i t e r i o n , however, l i t t l e can  d e r i v e d from the i d e o l o g y t o p r e d i c t who would a c q u i r e a r e s i d e n c e s i t e through p e r m i s s i o n , i n h e r i t a n c e , o r preemption.  79  Homes  and Resources According  a  to the ideology  preferred location  provides goats.  access Since  hillsides would  rocky  occupied, goat  rocky  with  terrain,  especially  terrain  f o r herding  dense  forest,  characteristics  by l i v e l i h o o d  o f most  dividing  highlands  from  these  sheep and  and  o f t h e lower  the valley  t h e summit  i s not very  open  hollows  easily  used  f o r herding.  n o t be running  include the  The f o r e s t  and i s broken  sheep  broken,  and the steep  the highlands  a n d meadows; h e n c e ,  2 shows  Springs  would  highlands  plateau.  dense  small,  from  steep  f o rherding, i t  aggregates  areas  Navajos,  i s one t h a t  unsuitable areas  Locally,  hillsides  Figure  a home  Springs  t h a t p o r t i o n s o f t h e Sheep these  herds.  mountain  suitable  are considered  countryside  and  f o rbuilding  to land  be e x p e c t e d  o f t h e Sheep  and the  on t h e  f r e q u e n t l y by this  area i s  2  the location  of livelihood  aggregates'  3 residence only  of  i n the winter  are the areas  livelihood also  sites  land  running  by o t h e r  the residence  Springs  unsuitable f o rherding  aggregates  unoccupied  a n d summer  sites  herds,  are located i n places  Not  unoccupied  but these  aggregates.  of livelihood  areas.  places are  One h u n d r e d aggregates  providing access  percent  a t Sheep to  suitable  f o r herding. A  location  preferred  with  access  f o r a residence  t o farming  site.  land  by  also i s  Treeless, level  land  —  *"—  Fence  — — M a j o r  Road  Wash ;  Contour — 1,000  ft.intervals  1/2 I n c h r 1 M i l e Sources: Sheep Springs  Nava]o  I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 1 9 7 0 , 1971.  OF L I V E L I H O O D  AGGREGATES,  1965-1966  81  receiving  enough m o i s t u r e  farming  i s found  washes,  lower  and  for flood-irrigated  i n t h e Sheep  Springs  h i g h l a n d washes,  i n the hollows  summit  plateau.  farmed  by Sheep  o f the upper  some o f t h e s e  Springs  along  the Washington  a n d meadows  Only  area  Navajos  or dry-land  areas,  valley  Pass  road,  highlands i n fact,  (see Figure  and  are  3 f o rthe  4 location If Sheep  of these  not everyone  Springs  resources  they  to  general  field  In  this  farming  herds  would  their  fields.  goats  need  than  have  site  where  and h e r d i n g  aggregates have field  only  care,  and a herd area.  that  If a  may  Those  o r may  closer  farming  involvement.  near  a  or less  i twould  i s looked would  field  from  herding by  running  a n d away  Navajos, left  from  sheep  and  unattended  aggregate's  at i n  combination,  be e x p e c t e d  but aggregates  the  be e x p e c t e d  aggregates  c a n be  the  livelihood  sites  livelihood  n o t have  near  aggregate's  Springs  but fields  areas,  live  herding'areas  t o Sheep  involvement  field  no  of a mile  involved i n farming  homes n e a r  field  with  and s i n c e  that  residence  a livelihood  close to their  constant  should  i s considered  the ideology  According  area,  be e x p e c t e d  are not contiguous,  from  live  a field  those  l a r g e p o r t i o n o f the time.  farming  a  areas  would  a residence  land  extrapolating  a  fields  In situations  areas).  b e l i e v e people  i f i t i s located a quarter  area. and  near  use, i t would  with  study  field  lives  Navajos  aggregates  area  general  to  with  both  a  a residence  site  near  not involved i n farming  would not  I n t e r v i e w s 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 6 , 1 9 7 0 , 1971.  83  n e c e s s a r i l y be expected t o l i v e w i t h i n a q u a r t e r o f a m i l e of a  farming-area. As Table I I I shows, twenty-nine  p e r c e n t of the  livelihood  aggregates' w i n t e r area r e s i d e n c e s i t e s are i n p r e f e r r e d l o c a t i o n s near f i e l d areas.  Since f i e l d areas occupy so  little  of the w i n t e r area, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t l e s s than  one-  t h i r d of the w i n t e r residence s i t e s are near them. There i s a d e f i n i t e a s s o c i a t i o n between an p o s s e s s i o n of a f i e l d i n the winter-use  aggregate's  area and i t s s i t e  l o c a t i o n i n the w i n t e r area r e l a t i v e to. a g e n e r a l f i e l d Aggregates  area.  with w i n t e r area f i e l d s more f r e q u e n t l y have s i t e s  near farming areas than those without an aggregate  fields.  Knowing t h a t  has a w i n t e r area f i e l d improves the a b i l i t y  to  p r e d i c t where i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e i s r e l a t i v e t o a farming area by twenty-one percent  (see Table I I I ) .  (See Appendix D  f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s used i n t h i s There i s no a s s o c i a t i o n between a l i v e l i h o o d h e r d i n g a c t i v i t y and i t s s i t e f i e l d area, but combining and h e r d i n g involvement of i t s d w e l l i n g .  analysis).  aggregate's  l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e to a general  knowledge o f an aggregate's  c l a r i f i e s t o some degree the  Those aggregates  farming location  only i n v o l v e d i n farming  have s i t e s near f i e l d areas, but o n l y about one-half of the aggregates  i n v o l v e d i n both farming and h e r d i n g have homes  near these areas.  Aggregates  without  f i e l d s , r e g a r d l e s s of  whether or not they run a herd, tend to have r e s i d e n c e s i t e s over a q u a r t e r o f a mile from a farming area. knowledge of an aggregate's  Combining  f i e l d p o s s e s s i o n and h e r d i n g  84  TABLE I I I Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area Total Winter-Use Area S i t e s f ~o Q.  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  r  17 42 59  r  29 71 100  13 11 24  54 46 100  11 89 100  4 31 35  Aggregate Runs Herd % _f  Does Not Run Herd "5 _f  12 28 40  5 14 19  Q,  30 70 100  26 74 100  = 0.00  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  Q.  Q. "O  = 0.21  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use Aggregate Does Not Has Winter Have Winter Area F i e l d Area F i e l d f f "o  Aggregate Has F i e l d But No Herd f % 3  100  3  100  —  Has F i e l d and Herd f % • 10 11 21  48 52 100  Does Not Have F i e l d f "5 Q.  4 31 35  = 0.27 r  Sources:  F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader Interviews 1965.  11 89 100  85 a c t i v i t y i n c r e a s e s the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e t o farming areas by twenty-seven p e r c e n t i n t h i s p o r t i o n o f the Sheep Springs area In  (see Table I I I ) .  the summer-use area n i n e t y percent o f l i v e l i h o o d  aggregates'  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s a r e near g e n e r a l f i e l d  (see Table I V ) .  T h i s h i g h percentage  s i z e and topography  areas  r e f l e c t s : the r e l a t i v e  o f the summer area.  I t i s much s m a l l e r  than the w i n t e r area, and i t s s c a t t e r e d hollows and meadows do not a l l o w f o r the c l u s t e r i n g together o f f i e l d s as i n the winter area. throughout  F i e l d s i n the upper h i g h l a n d s a r e s c a t t e r e d  most of the area.  Because so many summer s i t e s a r e near f i e l d areas, the p a t t e r n s i n v o l v i n g t h e i r p o s s i b l e use are l e s s pronounced than those i n the winter-use  area.  Knowing a g g r e g a t e s  1  involvement  in  e i t h e r farming o r h e r d i n g a c t i v i t i e s i s o f l i t t l e a s s i s t a n c e  in  determining whether o r not t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s i t e s w i l l be  near a f i e l d area. three p e r c e n t .  The r e d u c t i o n i n p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r i s o n l y  Combining knowledge of aggregates'  and herding involvement  also results i n l i t t l e  p r e d i c t i o n error - only four percent. of  aggregates'  somewhat.  farming  reduction i n  The combined knowledge  a c t i v i t i e s , however, does c l a r i f y the s i t u a t i o n  A l l aggregates  t h a t have f i e l d s but no herds do  l i v e near f i e l d areas, and those who do not have f i e l d s a r e l e s s l i k e l y t o l i v e near them. Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o p r e f e r a r e s i d e n c e s i t e t o be l o c a t e d near a permanent source o f water.  Because abundant  86  TABLE IV Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o General F i e l d Areas, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  Total Summer-Use Area S i t e s Q, f "o 46 5 51  32 2 34  90 10 100  94 6 100  14 3 17  82 18 100  = 0.03 r  r  11  88 12 100  35 5 40  —  100 100 100  ;  11  = 0.03  -  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  Does Not Run Herd . _f %  Aggregate Runs Herd f %  Location i s : Near F i e l d Area Away From F i e l d Area Total t  S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use Aggregate Does Not Has Summer Have Summer Area F i e l d Area F i e l d o. "o f % f  Aggregate Has F i e l d But No Herd f "6 Q,  4  100  4  100  Has F i e l d and Herd f % 28 2 30  93 7 100  Does Not Have F i e l d % f 14 3 17  = 0.04 r  Sources:  F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader I n t e r v i e w s 1965.  82 18 100  87 n a t u r a l water sources are a v a i l a b l e a t h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n s i n the Sheep Springs area and because o f the  attempts by the  t r i b a l and f e d e r a l governments t o p r o v i d e l i v e s t o c k water every few m i l e s , most r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s should not be too d i s t a n t from water sources) .  (see F i g u r e 4 f o r l o c a t i o n o f water r e -  The government water development programme, how-  ever, has been accompanied by a r e g u l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f r e s i d e n c e s i t e s near water sources i n an attempt t o prevent over g r a z i n g of areas near water.  Dwell-  ings are p r o h i b i t e d from being b u i l t w i t h i n one-half mile o f permanent water resources 24-28).  Consequently,  (Navajo  Grazing Regulations 1962:  i n t h i s study a r e s i d e n c e s i t e i s  d e f i n e d as l o c a t e d near a water source i f i t i s o n e - h a l f mile to one m i l e away from i t . I f not everyone l i v e s near water, and s i n c e a permanent water source o f the type a v a i l a b l e i n Sheep Springs i s necessary  t o h e r d i n g a c t i v i t i e s , but not t o farming ones, i t  would be expected  t h a t l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  running  herds  would have r e s i d e n c e s i t e s near permanent water r e s o u r c e s . I f an aggregate  has a f i e l d and cannot r e s i d e near both a  water source and a farming area, i t can be e x t r a p o l a t e d from the i d e o l o g y t h a t the aggregate  would have a d w e l l i n g near a  f i e l d area and as a r e s u l t i t would tend t o l i v e away from a water source.  I f aggregates'  h e r d i n g and farming  are combined, i t would be expected  t h a t aggregates  involvement with  herds,  r e g a r d l e s s o f whether o r not they a l s o have a f i e l d , would have a r e s i d e n c e s i t e near water.  Aggregates having n e i t h e r  Interviews  1965,1966,1970,1971.  89  field  or herd would a l s o be expected  t o have homes near water,  because domestic water i s important t o these  aggregates.  A l l o f the r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n the summer-use area are near permanent water sources.  This r e f l e c t s the r e l a t i v e l y  s m a l l e r s i z e o f the summer area, and the abundant n a t u r a l sources of water found t h e r e . Ninety p e r c e n t o f the r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n the winter-use area a l s o are near permanent water sources  (see Table V ) .  In  t h i s r e l a t i v e l y dry p a r t o f the Sheep S p r i n g s c o u n t r y s i d e t h i s high percentage attempts  o f s i t e s near water r e f l e c t s government  to p r o v i d e water f o r domestic  and l i v e s t o c k use.  Most o f these sources are a r t e s i a n w e l l s w i t h  accompanying  l i v e s t o c k troughs o r c a t c h dams c o n s t r u c t e d f o r l i v e s t o c k use. Because so many w i n t e r s i t e s are near water; the p a t t e r n s i n v o l v i n g t h e i r p o s s i b l e use are not c l e a r .  There i s no  a s s o c i a t i o n between whether o r not an aggregate  runs a herd  and the l o c a t i o n o f i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e r e l a t i v e t o water i n the winter-use  area.  prediction error.  There i s o n l y a one p e r c e n t r e d u c t i o n i n  Knowing aggregates'  a c t i v i t i e s also results i n a f a i r l y  involvement  i n farming  small reduction i n error,  nine p e r c e n t , but the r e l a t i o n between aggregates'  farming  a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r s i t e s i s s t r o n g e r than t h a t between t h e i r h e r d i n g a c t i v i t i e s and s i t e s .  I t i s i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n .  There i s no a s s o c i a t i o n between aggregates' and  farming involvement  combined h e r d i n g  and t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s i t e  locations  r e l a t i v e t o water, and only a one p e r c e n t r e d u c t i o n i n p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r i s achieved.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note more  90  TABLE V • Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e to Permanent Water Source 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and 7 Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use  Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Total  Total Winter-Use Area S i t e s Q, f *o  95 5 100  18 1 19  88 12 . 100  35 5 40  90 10 100  53 6 59  Does Not Run Herd Q. f *o  Aggregate Runs Herd Q , "O f  = 0.01 Aggregate Has Winter Area F i e l d Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Totalt  19 5 24  Does. .Not Have Winte r. Are a..... F i e l d . 34 1 35  79 21 100  97 3 100  = 0.09 r  Location i s : Near Water Away From Water Total  , . Aggregate Has Aggregate Has Aggregate . N e i t h e r .Herd _ F i e l d But No Herd . or F i e l d . Has Herd Q. Q . " O f % f f "o 35 5 40  88 12 100  15 1 16  94 6 100  3  100  3  100  1—  —  0.01 Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 196 5.  aggregates having f i e l d s l i v e near t o water than those without herd or f i e l d ,  and more of these l a t t e r aggregates  to water than those w i t h herds.  live  near  T h i s i s o p p o s i t e of what i s  expected given t h e i r i d e o l o g y . Another p r e f e r r e d l o c a t i o n f o r b u i l d i n g a home i s near an e a s i l y t r a v e l l e d road.  Sheep Springs Navajos  do not  specific-  a l l y r e l a t e t h i s p r e f e r e n c e to l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s .  Rather,  they c o n s i d e r major roads t o be a matter o f convenience.  They  p r o v i d e q u i c k e r , e a s i e r routes t o s t o r e s , s c h o o l s , and towns, and they are t r a v e l l e d by many people who  might p r o v i d e v a r i o u s  kinds of h e l p or by s c h o o l buses p r o v i d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t o elementary  grade day s c h o o l s .  The only two w e l l - m a i n t a i n e d  roads i n the Sheep Springs area are Highway U.S. Route 32.  666  and  In most o f t h i s area i t i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y  Navajo  difficult  t o get to one of these roads on f o o t or by motor v e h i c l e i f one does not have t o t r a v e l over o n e - h a l f m i l e .  Consequently,  a r e s i d e n c e s i t e i s d e f i n e d as near a major road i f i t i s l o c a t e d o n e - h a l f m i l e o r l e s s from i t . I f everyone  does not l i v e near a road, i t would be  expected t h a t aggregates would r e s i d e i n l o c a t i o n s near r e sources used i n t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s r a t h e r than near a major road.  Since aggregates w i t h herds should be near both  h e r d i n g l a n d and water,  they are more l i k e l y t o have homes  away from roads than other aggregates.  Aggregates  involved  i n farming should g i v e p r i o r i t y t o s i t e s near f i e l d s . these aggregates are f a c e d w i t h o n l y one p o t e n t i a l s i t e  Because con-  f l i c t i n v o l v i n g r e s o u r c e s ( f i e l d s versus roads) r a t h e r than  the.two noted f o r herders and because i n the Sheep Springs area most f i e l d s are near roads, these aggregates would be l e s s l i k e l y t o l i v e near roads than aggregates not i n v o l v e d i n h e r d i n g or farming, but more l i k e l y t o l i v e near roads  than  those i n v o l v e d i n h e r d i n g . F i f t y - f o u r p e r c e n t o f l i v e l i h o o d aggregates' r e s i d e n c e s i t e s i n the winter-use area are near a major road VI).  Many o f the l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  (see Table  l i v i n g ,far from major•  roads i n the w i n t e r area do not have use r i g h t s t o land near the roads.  Thus, they do n o t have an easy way t o move c l o s e r  to the roads. There i s an a s s o c i a t i o n between an aggregate's  residence  s i t e l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e t o a road and the use of the s i t e as centre o f h e r d i n g a c t i v i t i e s . has a herd improves  The knowledge t h a t an aggregate  the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e  being l o c a t e d near a road by seventeen p e r c e n t .  There i s no  r e l a t i o n s h i p between an aggregate's p o s s e s s i o n o f a w i n t e r area f i e l d and the l o c a t i o n of i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e r e l a t i v e t o a major road.  Combining knowledge o f an aggregate's  and farming involvement  herding  shows an a s s o c i a t i o n i n the p r e d i c t e d  d i r e c t i o n between these f a c t o r s and the l o c a t i o n o f i t s r e s idence s i t e r e l a t i v e t o a major road. f a c t o r s improves  T h i s combination o f  p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of an aggregate's  residence  s i t e l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e t o a road by e i g h t e e n p e r c e n t (see Table V I ) , but knowledge o f h e r d i n g a c t i v i t y alone g i v e s almost the same improvement i n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y .  93  TABLE VI Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Major Road, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use Area S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use Total Winter-Use Area S i t e s Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total t  r  54 46 100  32 27 59  Aggregate Runs Herd 40 60 100  16 24 40  Does Not Run Herd 84 16 100  16 3 19  = 0.17 Does Not Have Winter Area F i e l d  Aggregate Has Winter Area F i e l d _%  Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total t  r  12 12 24  Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total r  57 43 100  = 0.00  Aggregate Runs a Herd  t  20 15 35  50 50 100  16 24 40  40 60 100  Has a Winter Area F i e l d But Does Not Run A Herd 2 1 3  67 33 100  Has Neither 14 2 16  88 12 100  = 0.18  Sources:  F i e l d Permit Records 1965, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965.  In the summer-use area twenty-nine  p e r c e n t o f the r e s i -  dence s i t e s are l o c a t e d one-half m i l e or l e s s from an e a s i l y t r a v e l l e d road  (see Table V I I ) .  T h i s percentage  i s not sur-  p r i s i n g s i n c e a major road runs through o n l y a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l p o r t i o n of the summer area as opposed to the w i n t e r one. T h i s road, moreover, runs along the southern edge of the summeruse area so t h a t only r e s i d e n c e s i t e s l o c a t e d n o r t h o f i t are counted w i t h i n the Sheep Springs area. Knowing aggregates'  involvement  i n herding a c t i v i t i e s  r e s u l t s i n a f a i r l y small reduction i n p r e d i c t i o n error, eight p e r c e n t , but the r e l a t i o n between t h e i r h e r d i n g  involvement  and the l o c a t i o n o f t h e i r d w e l l i n g s r e l a t i v e t o a road i s s t r o n g e r than t h a t between t h e i r farming involvement tion  (see Table V I I ) .  and l o c a -  There i s no r e l a t i o n s h i p between  aggregates' p o s s e s s i o n o f summer area f i e l d s and t h e i r locations.  Combining knowledge o f aggregates'  farming involvement  sites'  h e r d i n g and  does n o t c l a r i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f s i t e s '  p o s s i b l e uses and t h e i r l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e t o a road, and the r e d u c t i o n i n e r r o r remains the same as t h a t producted o n l y by herding The  involvement. l o c a t i o n of r e s i d e n c e s i t e s cannot be c o n s i s t e n t l y  e x p l a i n e d i n r e f e r e n c e t o Sheep Springs Navajos'  preferences  r e g a r d i n g resources when the resources are examined one by one. Their a b i l i t y to explain s i t e s ' twenty-nine  l o c a t i o n s ranges  from a low o f  p e r c e n t , e.g., near f i e l d s i n the w i n t e r area and  near a major road i n the summer one, t o a h i g h o f one hundred p e r c e n t , e.g., near s u i t a b l e h e r d i n g land i n the w i n t e r and  95 TABLE V I I Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Major Road, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use f o r Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Summer-Use Area S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use Total Summer-Use Area S i t e s Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total t  r  15 36 51  29 71 100  Aggregate Runs Herd 22 78 100  9 31 40  Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total r  Does Not Have Summer Area Field 35 65 100  = 0.01  Location i s : Near Road Away From Road Total r  6 11 17  26 74 100  9 25 34  Aggregate Runs A Herd f %  t  54 46 100  6 5 11  = 0.08 Aggregate Has Summer Area F i e l d  t  Does Not Run Herd  9 31 40  22 78 100  Has A Summer Area F i e l d But Does Not Run A Herd f 2 2 4  50 50 100  Has Neither 4 3 7  57 43 100  = 0.08  Source:  F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader Interviews 1965.  96  summer areas and near water i n the summer one. In a d d i t i o n , g i v e n t h a t l o c a t i o n s of a l l r e s i d e n c e do not p r o v i d e aggregates  sites  w i t h access t o a l l f o u r p r e f e r r e d  r e s o u r c e s , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s i t e s ' p o s s i b l e uses and t h e i r l o c a t i o n s r e l a t i v e t o p r e f e r r e d resources a r e i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f l o c a t i o n s r e l a t i v e to water i n the winter-use  area.  These a s s o c i a t i o n s , however,  are o f t e n very weak, g e n e r a l l y more so i n the summer area  than  the w i n t e r one, and the: reduction.'in p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r i s . sometimes q u i t e s m a l l , although i n the w i n t e r area knowledge r e a r d i n g land-dependent l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s p r o v i d e s a reduct i o n o f seventeen  percent f o r major roads and twenty-one per-  cent f o r f i e l d s . Perhaps l o o k i n g a t combinations  o f p r e f e r r e d resources  w i l l c l a r i f y the extent t o which r e s i d e n c e s i t e l o c a t i o n s can be e x p l a i n e d by Sheep Springs Navajos' p r e f e r e n c e s . v i o u s l y shown these people  As pre-  imply a p a r t i a l o r d e r i n g t o the im-  portance o f the d i f f e r e n t p r e f e r r e d resources g i v e n various, livelihood activities.  A l i v e l i h o o d aggregate's  degree o f  p r e f e r e n c e f o r any g i v e n r e s o u r c e t o be c l o s e t o i t s r e s i d e n c e s i t e may vary depending on its:'involvement i n herding and/or farming.  For each o f these a c t i v i t i e s , r e s o u r c e s can be d i v i d e d  i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s - h i g h p r i o r i t y r e s o u r c e s , t h a t i s resources necessary  t o the l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t y , and other p r e f e r r e d  r e s o u r c e s , t h a t i s , the other resources o f the f o u r p r e f e r r e d near a r e s i d e n c e s i t e .  T h i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n means t h a t the  97  combination  of resources f o r which a l i v e l i h o o d  aggregate  would  be expected  t o show a p r e f e r e n c e w i t h regard to r e s i d e n c e s i t e  (when i t i s not p o s s i b l e t o l o c a t e near a l l f o u r p r e f e r r e d resources)  should vary depending on the l i v e l i h o o d a c t i v i t i e s  i n which i t i s i n v o l v e d . For those i n v o l v e d i n herding sheep and goats, p r o x i m i t y of a. r e s i d e n c e s i t e t o h e r d i n g land and t o a permanent water source are h i g h p r i o r i t y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s .  Thus, a l l the  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o f aggregates  involved i n herding should  l o c a t e d near these r e s o u r c e s .  Since access to a farming  and to a major road i s a l s o p r e f e r r e d , s i t e s o f f e r i n g  be area  one  or  both of these resources should be p r e f e r r e d over s i t e s l o c a t e d f a r from them.  As a r e s u l t , the f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r e n c e order of  resources r e l a t i v e to r e s i d e n c e s i t e s can be generated r e s i d e n c e s i t e s of l i v e l i h o o d  aggregates  1st - Near water, f i e l d 2nd - Near water and and  area, and  field  for  involved i n herding: road  area or near water  roads  3rd - Near water only 4th - Near f i e l d area and  road  5th - Near f i e l d area only or near road o n l y V Since h e r d i n g land i s a v a i l a b l e to a l l r e s i d e n c e s i t e s , i t has not been i n c l u d e d i n the p r e f e r e n c e o r d e r i n g . For aggregates  i n v o l v e d i n farming, a g e n e r a l f i e l d  area  i s a h i g h p r i o r i t y resource f o r l o c a t i n g a r e s i d e n c e s i t e , a l l s i t e s of aggregates areas.  w i t h f i e l d s should be near one  and  of these  Since h e r d i n g l a n d , a permanent water source, and a  98  major road are a l s o p r e f e r r e d r e s o u r c e s , s i t e s near one o r more o f these should be p r e f e r r e d over s i t e s l o c a t e d away them.  Consequently,  from  the f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r e n c e order of resources  r e l a t i v e to residence s i t e s f o r residence l o c a t i o n s of l i v e l i hood aggregates  i n v o l v e d i n farming:  1st - Near a f i e l d area, water, and a road 2nd - Near a f i e l d area and water or near a f i e l d area and road 3rd - Near a f i e l d  area only  4th - Near water and a road 5th - Near water o n l y o r near a road o n l y . Again, s i n c e h e r d i n g l a n d i s a v a i l a b l e t o a l l r e s i d e n c e s i t e s , i t has not been i n c l u d e d i n the p r e f e r e n c e o r d e r i n g . For aggregates  i n v o l v e d i n both h e r d i n g and farming,  h e r d i n g l a n d , water, and a farming area are h i g h p r i o r i t y resources.  The f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r e n c e order o f resources  r e l a t i v e t o r e s i d e n c e s i t e s occurs f o r l o c a t i o n s used by these aggregates: 1st  - Near water, a f i e l d area, and a road  2nd - Near water and a f i e l d 3rd  area  - Near water and a road  4th - Near water o n l y 5th - Near a f i e l d area and a road 6th - Near a f i e l d  area only  7th - Near a road only Again, s i n c e h e r d i n g land i s a v a i l a b l e t o a l l r e s i d e n c e s i t e s ,  i t has not been i n c l u d e d i n the p r e f e r e n c e o r d e r i n g . Aggregates  who a r e not i n v o l v e d i n e i t h e r h e r d i n g o r  farming would not have,herding, land, or a g e n e r a l f i e l d  area -as  high p r i o r i t y r e s o u r c e s ; r a t h e r a permanent water supply and a major road would be r e s o u r c e s o f t h i s type f o r them. F o r r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o f these l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  the f o l l o w i n g  i s the p r e f e r e n c e order o f r e s o u r c e s : 1st  - Near water, a f i e l d  area, and road  2nd - Near water and a road 3rd  - Near water and a f i e l d . a r e a o r near a road and a field  area  4th - Near water o n l y o r near a road area only 5th - Near a f i e l d Herding In  only  land i s again not i n c l u d e d i n t h i s  listing.  comparing the a c t u a l l o c a t i o n o f Sheep S p r i n g s  Navajos  1  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s with t h e i r p r e f e r r e d r e s o u r c e s , a l l d w e l l i n g s are found to be near a t l e a s t two p r e f e r r e d r e s o u r c e s - h e r d i n g land and one other r e s o u r c e , . o f t e n water.  This i s true  whether l o o k i n g a t the winter-use area o r the summer one (see Tables V I I I and I X ) . In  the winter-use area f i f t y - e i g h t p e r c e n t o f - t h e  liveli-  hood aggregates' d w e l l i n g s a r e l o c a t e d near three or more of the p r e f e r r e d r e s o u r c e s  ( i n c l u d i n g h e r d i n g land)  (see Table  V I I I ) , and i n the summer-use area n i n e t y p e r c e n t a r e so situated  (see Table I X ) .  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n percentages be-  tween the w i n t e r and summer area i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y g i v e n the s i z e and topography  unexpected  o f the summer area as p r e v i o u s l y  TABLE V I I I Residence L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o A l l P r e f e r r e d Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use i n Herding and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n the Winter-Use  Area  Site's Possible Total Winter-Use Area S i t e s _% f  Aggregate Runs Herd and Has Winter Area F i e l d f _%  Runs Herd f  _%  Use  Has Neither  Has Winter Area F i e l d f  f  %  2  12  Location i s : Near Water, Fie'ld Area, and Road  9  15  4  19  1  5  2  67  Near Water and F i e l d  4  7  2  9  1  5  1  33  —  —  Near Water and Road  21  36  5  24  5  27  —  —  11  69  Near Water Only  19  32  5  24  12  63  —  —  2  12  4  7  4  19  —  =.:•  —  —  2  3  1  5  —  •>  —  —  59  100  21  100  Near F i e l d  Only  Near Road Only Total t  r  Area  19  100  3  100  —  — 1  7  16  100  =0.17  Sources-  F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader I n t e r v i e w s 1965.  TABLE IX R e s i d e n c e L o c a t i o n R e l a t i v e t o A l l P r e f e r r e d Resources, 1965-1966, by S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use i n H e r d i n g and Farming A c t i v i t i e s i n t h e Summer-Use A r e a S i t e ' s P o s s i b l e Use Total Summer-Use Area S i t e s f %  Aggregate Runs Herd and Has Summer Area F i e l d % f  Runs Herd f  %  Has Summer Area F i e l d f %  Has Neither f %  Location i s : Near Water, F i e l d A r e a , and Road  15  29  7  23  2  20  2  50  4  57  Near  31  61  21  70  5  50  2  50  3  43  5  10  2  7  3  30  51  100  30  10  100  Water and F i e l d  Near Water O n l y Total t  r  Area  100  —  — 4  100  —  — 7  100  =' 0. 08  Sources:  F i e l d P e r m i t Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep P e r m i t Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s T r a d e r I n t e r v i e w s 1965.  102  discussed. V a r i a t i o n i n . t h e resources l o c a t e d near r e s i d e n c e s i t e s does seem to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the v a r i a t i o n i n the needed by the l i v e l i h o o d aggregate l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  u s i n g the s i t e .  A l l the  i n v o l v e d only i n farming have s i t e s  near t h e i r h i g h p r i o r i t y r e s o u r c e , f i e l d , summer areas.  resources  In a d d i t i o n , a l l aggregates  i n both winter  p a r t i c i p a t i n g only  i n sheep and goat h e r d i n g are near t h e i r h i g h  priority  r e s o u r c e s of water and h e r d i n g land i n both the w i n t e r summer areas  (see Tables V I I I and  and  and  IX).  Aggregates i n v o l v e d i n both h e r d i n g and farming are somewhat less, l i k e l y to be near a l l t h e i r h i g h p r i o r i t y water, h e r d i n g land, .arid f i e l d s .  .In- the  resources,  ,s.uramertuse\.area  n i n e t y - t h r e e percent are near a l l three, but i n the area o n l y twenty-eight  percent are so l o c a t e d .  noted however i n those i n s t a n c e s where these  winter-use  As p r e v i o u s l y  aggregates  cannot be near a l l three r e s o u r c e s , a p r e f e r e n c e f o r a l o c a t i o n near water and h e r d i n g l a n d would be expected. c r i t e r i a the m a j o r i t y of aggregates and  and  i n v o l v e d i n both  farming are i n p r e f e r r e d l o c a t i o n s .  area a l l these aggregates i n the winter-use  (see Tables V I I I and  Using  these herding  In the summer-use  are near both water and h e r d i n g land  area s e v e n t y - s i x percent are so l o c a t e d IX).  Aggregates i n v o l v e d i n n e i t h e r h e r d i n g or farming a l s o are l e s s l i k e l y  to be l o c a t e d near a l l t h e i r h i g h  resources than are those i n v o l v e d i n one of these In the winter-use  area eighty-one  percent of these  priority activities. aggregates  103  are l o c a t e d near water and a road, but i n the summer-use area o n l y f i f t y - s e v e n  percent are near both.  however, a l l o f these aggregates p r i o r i t y resources  In each area  are near one o f t h e i r h i g h  (see Tables V I I I and I X ) .  In summary, i n the winter-use  area s i x t y - n i n e  percent o f  the aggregates  are near a l l o f t h e i r h i g h p r i o r i t y r e s o u r c e s  and ninety-two  percent a r e near a t l e a s t one o f them.  summer-use area n i n e t y percent are near a l l t h e i r high  In the prior-  i t y resources and one hundred percent are near a t l e a s t one of them.  Nonetheless,  knowing t h e " l i v e l i h o o d  aggregates  u s i n g the r e s i d e n c e s i t e s reduces  predicting  the combination  by only seventeen  a c t i v i t i e s of the e r r o r i n  o f resources near r e s i d e n c e s i t e s  percent i n the winter area and by e i g h t  percent i n the summer area  (see Tables V I I I and I X ) .  104  Transhumant Use o f S i t e s Sheep Springs Navajos c o n s i d e r a second i n a d d i t i o n to the one winter-use  t h e - l i v e l i h o o d aggregate  area as h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e .  be i n the summer-use area.  should site  escape the warm  and abundant i n s e c t p o p u l a t i o n of the v a l l e y  an aggregate  A second  and  site also affords  access t o s e a s o n a l resources needed f o r l i v e s t o c k  for planting.  herds.  site  They b e l i e v e t h a t a second  lower highlands d u r i n g the summer.  or  occupies i n the  T h i s second  i s r e q u i r e d by everyone so t h a t they may temperatures  residence s i t e  A t h i r d s i t e i s d e s i r a b l e f o r aggregates  with  I t allows them t o have a s h e l t e r e d p l a c e f o r s p r i n g  lambing o r an a d d i t i o n a l range t o use d u r i n g s p r i n g o r f a l l d u r i n g droughts.  or  From these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , i t would be  expected t h a t aggregates w i t h f i e l d s i n the summer-use area would be more l i k e l y t o have two r e s i d e n c e l o c a t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t topographic areas than those without a summer area Aggregates  field.  w i t h herds c o u l d be expected to have two or more  residence s i t e s ,  and aggregates  with both summer area  fields  and sheep and goat herds would be more l i k e l y t o have m u l t i p l e s i t e s than o t h e r s . More than e i g h t y p e r c e n t of Sheep Springs aggregates  do have more than one  residence s i t e  livelihood (see Table X).  Most aggregates w i t h o n l y one s i t e , a l l of which are i n the w i n t e r a r e a , c o n t a i n persons who  have i n h e r i t e d use r i g h t s t o  l a n d i n the summer area.  As p r e v i o u s l y noted however the  summer area i s r e l a t i v e l y  s m a l l i n comparison t o the w i n t e r  105  TABLE X Numfier of Residence S i t e s t o Which a L i v e l i h o o d Aggregate has Access, 1965-1966, by Herding or Farming Involvement 1  Total Livelihood Aggregates Q. f O  Herding Involvement Runs Herd f  %  Does Not Run Herd Q, f *o  Number o f Residence Sites: One  9  16  1  3  8  42  Two  40  71  29  78  11  58  Three  7  13  7  19  —  —  Total  56  100  37  100  t  = 0.12  E  2  19  100  = 0.26  r Farming Involvement Does Not Have Has a Summer A Summer Area F i e l d Area F i e l d f % f % Number of Residence S i t e s : One  1  3  8  33  Two  27  84  13  54  Three  4  13  3  13  Total  32  100  24  100  t  r  =0.10  Sources:  E  2  - 0.08  F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo i n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader Interviews 1965.  106  one,  and i t has been s e t t l e d f o r a longer p e r i o d of time.  Thus, summer land i s a l r e a d y being used by o t h e r s w i t h equal use r i g h t s .  S i n g l e s i t e aggregates, many of whom have r e t u r n e d  to Sheep Springs a f t e r l i v i n g away f o r a number of years or  who  are composed of comparatively young couples, must get perm i s s i o n from these users b e f o r e they can e s t a b l i s h a r e s i d e n c e on the land t o which they have use There i s a tendency an aggregate's  rights.  f o r an a s s o c i a t i o n t o e x i s t between  involvement w i t h farming and the number of  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s t o which i t has a c c e s s .  Only e i g h t percent  o f the v a r i a n c e can be accounted  f o r by summer area  possession.  for association exists  A s t r o n g e r tendency  tween h e r d i n g involvement f a c t o r accounts of aggregates  be-  and number of r e s i d e n c e s i t e s .  f o r one-quarter  w i t h one,  field  two,  This  of the v a r i a n c e i n the number  or three r e s i d e n c e s i t e s .  XI shows there i s even a s t r o n g e r tendency  Table  for association  between the number of s i t e s and h e r d i n g and/or farming i n v o l v e ment.  Combining these f a c t o r s however does not i n c r e a s e the  amount of v a r i a n c e t h a t can be accounted i s accounted  f o r by herding involvement  Because an aggregate site,  f o r over t h a t which alone.  has o n l y a w i n t e r area r e s i d e n c e  i t does not mean t h a t i t w i l l remain t h e r e d u r i n g the  summer.  I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r ' a . l i v e l i h o o d aggregate with! o n l y  one r e s i d e n c e s i t e t o ask p e r m i s s i o n f o r p a r t or a l l of the aggregate aggregate,  t o use t e m p o r a r i l y the summer area s i t e of u s u a l l y the s i t e of kinsmen.  The  another  temporary  TABLE  XI  Number o f R e s i d e n c e S i t e s t o W h i c h a L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e H a s A c c e s s , 1965-1966 by Combined H e r d i n g and F a r m i n g I n v o l v e m e n t Herding  Total Livelihood Aggregates f %  and Farming  Runs H e r d a n d H a s SummerU s e A r e a. F i e l d f %  Involvement  Runs H e r d o r Has Summer-Use Area F i e l d f %  Has Neither f %  Number o f R e s i d e n c e Sites: One  9  16  —  —  2  13  7  50  Two  40  71  23  85  10  67  7  50  Three  7  13  4  15  3  20  —  —  Total  56  100  27  100  15  100  14  100  t  = 0.15  Sources:  E  2  =  0.25  F i e l d P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1 9 6 4 , NEO S u r v e y 1 9 6 6 , Sheep P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s T r a d e r I n t e r v i e w s 1965.  108 aggregate  would l i v e there i n a t e n t .  Given t h i s , i t would be  expected t h a t a l l l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  would move t o the  summer-use area e i t h e r t o escape the heat and bugs o f lower e l e v a t i o n s o r t o use the r e s o u r c e s of t h i s area i n t h e i r lihood a c t i v i t i e s .  live-  T h i s , however, was n o t the case i n the 5 .  summer o f 1966 (see Table X I I ) . • Over o n e - t h i r d o f the aggregates  e i t h e r d i d not move a t a l l o r o n l y some o f t h e  c o n j u g a l u n i t s composing them moved. Sheep Springs Navajos' why t h i s o c c u r s .  i d e a s c o n t a i n an e x p l a n a t i o n o f  Since l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  are supposed t o  have homes near the resources used i n h e r d i n g and farming, those w i t h a w i n t e r area f i e l d would be expected t o have a t l e a s t p a r t o f i t s members at the w i n t e r area r e s i d e n c e s i t e d u r i n g the summer.  Those aggregates  w i t h summer area  fields  or w i t h herds would be expected t o use summer area r e s i d e n c e s i t e s d u r i n g the summer. These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s p r o v i d e a p a r t i a l p r e d i c t i o n of residence s i t e s '  seasonal use a t Sheep S p r i n g s .  On the one  hand, there i s no a s s o c i a t i o n between an aggregate's or p l a n t i n g o f a winter-use  area f i e l d and the aggregate's  s t a y i n g a t the w i n t e r area s i t e d u r i n g the summer XIII). for  possession  (see Table  On the other hand, although there i s a s l i g h t  tendency  a s s o c i a t i o n i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n between p o s s e s s i n g  a summer-use area f i e l d and a l i v e l i h o o d aggregate's  summer  movement, there i s a d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p l a n t i n g a summer area f i e l d and summer movement (see Table XIV). t h a t an aggregate  p l a n t e d a summer area f i e l d reduces  Knowing error  109  TABLE XII L i v e l i h o o d Aggregates' Use of Residence S i t e s , by Season Winter  1965-1966,  Summer  Aggregate Used: S i t e i n Winter-Use Area  56  100  14  25  S i t e i n Summer-Use Area  —  —  36  63  S i t e i n Both Areas  —  —  6  12  Total  56  100  56  100  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1970, 1971.  1966,  1967,  110  TABLE X I I I Summer Movement o f L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e s , 1966, by P o s s e s s i o n and P l a n t i n g o f W i n t e r A r e a F i e l d Total Livelihood Aggregates f %  Has  Summer Movement:  Field Possession a Winter Does N o t Have Area a Winter Field Area F i e l d f % %  A l l o f Aggregate Moves  36  64  14  67  22  63  Some o r None o f A g g r e g a t e Moves  20  36  7  33  13  37  Total  56  100  21  100  35  100  t  = 0.00 Field Planted Winter Area Field f %  Planting Did.Not P l a n t Winter Area F i e l d f %  Summer Movement: A l l o f Aggregate Moves Some o r None o f A g g r e g a t e Moves Total t  60  30  65  4  40  16  35  10  100  46  100  = 0.00  Sources:  F i e l d P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1964, NEO S u r v e y 1966, Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966.  I l l  TABLE X I V Summer M o v e m e n t o f L i v e l i h o o d A g g r e g a t e s , 1 9 6 6 , b y P o s s e s s i o n a n d P l a n t i n g o f Summer A r e a F i e l d Total Livelihood Aggregates f % Summer  Field Possession Does N o t Have H a s a Summer a Summer Area Area F i e l d Field f % f %  Movement:  A l l o r Some o f A g g r e g a t e Moves  42  75  27  84  15  62  None o f Aggregate  14  25  5  16  9  38  56  100  32  100  24  100  Moves  Total t  r  = 0.06 Field Planted Summer A r e a Field f %  Summer  Movement:  A l l o r Some o f A g g r e g a t e Moves None o f Aggregate Total t  r  Planting Did Not Plant Summer Area F i e l d f %  23  100  Moves 23  100  19  58  14  42  33  100  = 0.23  Sources:  F i e l d P e r m i t R e c o r d s 1 9 6 4 , NEO S u r v e y 1 9 6 6 , S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966.  Sheep  112  i n p r e d i c t i n g i t s summer movement by twenty-three p e r c e n t . There a l s o i s a . s l i g h t tendency f o r an a s s o c i a t i o n i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n between an aggregate's h e r d i n g involvement and i t s summer movement (see Table XV).  Combining  knowledge  of an aggregate's h e r d i n g involvement and p l a n t i n g o f a summer area f i e l d does n o t i n c r e a s e the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f which aggregates w i l l move to h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n s i n the summer, over the knowledge alone o f which aggregates p l a n t summer area fields  (see Table XVI).  In comparing  the a c t u a l number of r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and  t h e i r s e a s o n a l use w i t h Sheep S p r i n g Navajos' p r e f e r e n c e s r e g a r d i n g these f a c t o r s , very h i g h percentages o f l i v e l i h o o d aggregates have been found t o have more than one r e s i d e n c e s i t e and t o move i n p a r t o r whole t o t h e summer-use area. Because so many aggregates have access t o more than one s i t e and i n p a r t o r whole move t o a summer area s i t e , the p a t t e r n s i n v o l v i n g the land-dependent  livelihood  activities  of aggregates g e n e r a l l y show only tendencies f o r a s s o c i a t i o n , but i n the p r e d i c t e d d i r e c t i o n , between these f a c t o r s . Aggregates not i n v o l v e d i n land-dependent  a c t i v i t i e s have  fewer r e s i d e n c e s i t e s and l e s s summer movement than those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n h e r d i n g and/or farming.  Indeed,  aggregates  who p l a n t summer area f i e l d s more o f t e n than n o t move t o the summer a r e a .  113  TABLE XV Summer Movement of L i v e l i h o o d Aggregate, 1966, by Herding Involvement Total Livelihood Aggregates f %  Herding Involvement Does Not Run Herd  Runs Herd  Summer Movement: A l l o r Some o f Aggregate Moves  42  75  31  84  11  58  None o f Aggregate Moves  14  25  6  16  8  42  Total  56  100  37  100  19  100  t  =0.08  Sources:  NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Springs Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader I n t e r v i e w s 1965.  TABLE XVI Summer Movement of L i v e l i h o o d Aggregate, 1966, By Herding and Farming Involvement i n the Summer Area  Total Livelihood Aggregates  Herding and Farming Involvement Ran Herd Ran Herd Or P l a n t e d and Planted Did Summer Summer Neither Area F i e l d Area F i e l d  A l l o r Some of Aggregate Moves  42  75  21  None of Aggregate Moves  14  25  Total  56  100  Summer Movement:  t  21  100  100  53  12  67  6  33  8  47  18  100  17  100  = 0.22 r  Sources:  NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews, 1965.  115 Residence  Aggregation  The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e o f Sheep Springs Navajos  1  residential  i d e o l o g y r e g a r d i n g the aggregation o f people a t any p a r t i c u l a r d w e l l i n g p l a c e i s t h a t these people must be capable o f performing complementary, but d i f f e r e n t , f u n c t i o n s f o r one another i n making a l i v i n g and a home.  Over e i g h t y p e r c e n t o f a l l  c o n j u g a l u n i t s a t Sheep Springs do aggregate  (see Table XVII),  and these peoples' p r e f e r e n c e s r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l  aggregation  take i n t o account a number o f c o n d i t i o n s t h a t may e x p l a i n why so many do aggregate.  I t must be noted, however t h a t the  p a t t e r n s i n v o l v i n g these c o n d i t i o n s may not be very pronounced, because so many u n i t s do aggregate. A c c o r d i n g t o Sheep Springs Navajos, aggregate couple.  capable o f independent  the most fundamental  f u n c t i o n i n g i s the married  Death, d i v o r c e , and s e p a r a t i o n are thought  t h i s aggregate's would be expected  a b i l i t y to function e f f e c t i v e l y .  to destroy Thus, i t  t h a t widowed, d i v o r c e d , o r separated  persons  aggregate w i t h others i n order t o have the complementary f u n c t i o n s i n v o l v e d i n making a l i v i n g o r a home, once p r o v i d e d by t h e i r spouses,  f u l f i l l e d by someone e l s e .  While the p r o p o r t i o n o f c o n j u g a l u n i t s composed o f oncemarried a d u l t s t h a t aggregate,.is h i g h e r than the p r o p o r t i o n o f u n i t s composed o f married couples t h a t do, t h e d i f f e r e n c e i s not s u f f i c i e n t t o have a pronounced impact prediction error  (see Table XVII).  on the r e d u c t i o n o f  F u r t h e r , o f the t h i r t y  c o n j u g a l u n i t s composed o f once-married  a d u l t s who  aggregate,  t h i r t e e n p e r c e n t o f them do not aggregate w i t h other u n i t s  116  TABLE XVII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, By Conjugal U n i t Composition Composition Total Conjugal Units f %  Married Pair f _%_  OnceMarried Adult _f_ _%  Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates  93  81  63  79  30  86  Does Not Aggregate  22  19  17  21  5  14  115  100  80  100 ;  35  100  Total  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toedlena Boarding School Census 1965.  117 c o n t a i n i n g persons who can f u l f i l l  the o p p o s i t e sex f u n c t i o n s .  Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o p r e f e r people who are i n e x p e r i e n c e d i n making a l i v i n g or a home because of t h e i r youth o r who are unable t o make a l i v i n g o r a home because o f the i n f i r m i t i e s o f o l d age t o aggregate  with others.  Thus, i t  would be expected t h a t c o n j u g a l u n i t s composed o f young people would have a h i g h e r tendency  t o aggregate with, o t h e r juni^fes ;  than those-containing, the •middle-aged  or. elderly".  Because--  independence i n making a l i v i n g and a home i s d e s i r a b l e , the e l d e r l y are l e s s l i k e l y  t o l o s e t h i s independence by aggrega-  t i n g than the young who have never been independent,  but they  are more l i k e l y t o c o - r e s i d e w i t h others than the middle-aged. Since males are i n charge o f making a l i v i n g , i t i s t h e i r age t h a t i s used t o determine unit.  t h e age c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f a c o n j u g a l  U n i t s without males are c l a s s i f i e d on the b a s i s o f the  age o f once-married  females composing them.  Young c o n j u g a l  u n i t s are those w i t h a male t h i r t y years o f age o r younger. Middle-aged  u n i t s c o n t a i n males from t h i r t y - o n e t o s i x t y - f o u r  years o f age, and e l d e r l y c o n j u g a l u n i t s c o n t a i n males s i x t y f i v e years o f age and o l d e r . There i s a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f young c o n j u g a l u n i t s aggregating a t Sheep Springs than o f e l d e r l y ones, and there i s a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f e l d e r l y u n i t s c o - r e s i d i n g than o f middle-aged  ones  (see Table X V I I I ) .  Knowledge o f age, however,  i n c r e a s e s the accuracy o f p r e d i c t i n g whether or n o t a u n i t aggregates  by o n l y f i v e p e r c e n t .  TABLE XVIII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t  and Type of Aggregate  T o t a l Conjugal Units f %  By  Age of Male  By Age of Male 31 to 30 y r s . & 64 y r s . Under Q. % f f "5  65 y r s . & Over Q. f "o  Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates Does Not  r  =  81  18  95  52  74  23  88  22  . 19  1  5  18  26  3  12  19  100  70  100  26  100  115  Total t  Aggregate  93  100  0.05  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965.  119 People  a t Sheep Springs a l s o p r e f e r persons  a l i v i n g by themselves t o aggregate  unable  with others.  The  to make  l e v e l of  a c o n j u g a l u n i t ' s economic dependency i s measured here by estimated annual income of the u n i t .  I t would be expected  the that  the lower a u n i t ' s income the more l i k e l y i t would c o - r e s i d e with others. Navajos  Because the average annual  income of Sheep Springs  ($425.68 per c a p i t a o r $1,980.36 per c o n j u g a l u n i t ) i s  low r e l a t i v e to some other Navajos (Henderson and Levy 1975) w e l l as to other groups i n the U.S.  population  235-236), d e f i n i t i o n s of low, middle,  (Aberle  as  1969:  and h i g h income f o r  Sheep Springs c o n j u g a l u n i t s are achieved by d i v i d i n g the u n i t s i n t o three c l a s s e s c o n t a i n i n g equal numbers of them. There i s a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f low and middle  income  c o n j u g a l u n i t s t h a t c o - r e s i d e w i t h others than those of h i g h income  (see Table XIX).  not a u n i t aggregates  But e r r o r i n p r e d i c t i n g whether or  i s reduced by only f i v e p e r c e n t when  c o n s i d e r i n g the u n i t ' s income l e v e l . Since Sheep Springs Navajos t h i n k t h a t each o f the presented  above i n c r e a s e s the tendency f o r people t o  factors  aggregate  at any p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n c e s i t e , perhaps the tendency f o r a c o n j u g a l u n i t to aggregate v a r i a b l e s are combined.  i s more pronounced i f these  In order to look at the e f f e c t of  these f a c t o r s i n combination,  each dimension  of the v a r i a b l e  i s a s s i g n e d a ranking s c o r e .  I t i s p o s s i b l e to do t h i s because  the Sheep Springs Navajos p r o v i d e a rank o r d e r i n g of v a r i a b l e dimensions i n terms of t h e i r e f f e c t on people's c o - r e s i d e w i t h one  another.  tendency t o  Since the g r e a t e s t number of  120  TABLE XIX A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, By Annual Income E s t i m a t e d Annual Total  Conjugal Units  Income  $1238 t o $2297  $1238 & Lower  $2298 & Over  Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates Does Not Total t  r  Aggregate  93  81  34  89  33  85  26  68  22  19  4  11  6  15  12  32  115  100  38  100  39  100  38  100  = 0.05  SourcesSources.  NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo I n t e r v i e w s J B O ^ u r v ^ ^ i n t e r v i e w s 1965. S  p  r  i  n  g  g  T  r  a  d  e  r  121 v a r i a b l e dimensions i s t h r e e , I have assigned ranks of 1 equals the l e a s t l i k e l y aggregate.  to aggregate  to 3 equals the most l i k e l y  To look at the e f f e c t of v a r i a b l e  c o n j u g a l u n i t s are c l a s s i f i e d i s the sum  of the  to  combinations,  on the b a s i s o f t h e i r s c o r e , " t h a t  rankings.  For example, the dimension  of c o n j u g a l u n i t  composition  are given the f o l l o w i n g rankings: married couple  =1  once married couple  = 3  The male age dimensions are ranked middle  age  = 1  elderly  = 2  young  = 3  In l o o k i n g a t these two  as f o l l o w s :  v a r i a b l e s i n combination  then,  the  r e s u l t i n g c a t e g o r i e s are as f o l l o w s : Aggregation Tendency Score  Conjugal U n i t Classification  6  Once-Married A d u l t and Young  5  Once-Married A d u l t and  4  Once-Married A d u l t and Middle Age or M a r r i e d Couple and Young  3  M a r r i e d Couple and  2  M a r r i e d Couple and Middle  Elderly  Elderly Age  A score of 6 means t h a t the c o n j u g a l u n i t i s most l i k e l y aggregate,  and a score of 2 designates one  least likely  to to  co-reside. The  r e s u l t of combining c o n j u g a l u n i t composition  and  age  122  i s t h a t the u n i t s most l i k e l y t o aggregate based on composition and age do c o - r e s i d e (see Table XX).  This set of v a r i a b l e s  however does n o t e f f e c t i v e l y i d e n t i f y the u n i t s who do not aggregate n o r does i t reduce the e r r o r i n p r e d i c t i o n any more than age alone d i d . The  f o l l o w i n g tendency  t o aggregate  rankings were a s s i g n e d  to income c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : High Income  = 1  Middle Income  = 2  Low Income  = 3  In l o o k i n g a t c o n j u g a l u n i t composition and income t o g e t h e r , the f o l l o w i n g c a t e g o r i e s r e s u l t e d : Aggregation Tendency Score  Conjugal U n i t Classification  6  Once-Married  A d u l t and Low Income  5  Once-Married Income  A d u l t and Middle  4  Once-Married A d u l t and High Income or M a r r i e d Couple and Low Income  3  M a r r i e d Couple and Middle Income  2  M a r r i e d Couple and High Income  As Table XXI shows t h i s combination effective not.  o f v a r i a b l e s i s not very  i n d e l i n e a t i n g which u n i t s aggregate  and which do  Conjugal u n i t composition and income l e v e l do n o t  d e l i n e a t e the u n i t s with a h i g h tendency  t o aggregate as w e l l  as c o n j u g a l u n i t composition and male's age do.  Composition  and income however appear t o be somewhat more e f f e c t i v e i n i d e n t i f y i n g those u n i t s t h a t do n o t aggregate  than  composition  TABLE  XX  A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e o f C o n j u g a l U n i t C o m p o s i t i o n and Age o f Male A g g r e g a t i o n Tendency Total Conjugal Units  f  %  f  %  f  %  f  %  14  100  28  82  9  75  39  75  6  18  3  25  13  25  34  100  12  100  52  100  % Conjugal  Unit:  Aggregates  93  81  Does Not  22  19  115  100  Total t  r  =  2  3  4  5  Score  Aggregate  100  — 100  14  — 100  0.05  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s C h a p t e r Census 1963, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos I n t e r v i e w s 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, T o a d l e n a B o a r d i n g S c h o o l Census 1965.  1965,  OJ  TABLE XXI A g g r e g a t i o n of Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e of Conjugal U n i t Composition and Annual Income Aggregation Tendency Score T o t a l Conjugal Units Conjugal  Unit:  Aggregates Does Not Total t  r  =  Aggregate  93  81  17  85  10  91  20  91  23  82  23  68  22  19  3  15  1  9  2  9  5  18  11  32  115  100  20  100  11  100  22  100  28  100  34  100  0.05  SourcesSources.  NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, NEO^bur ^ ^ . ^ ^ l  Boarding School Census  g  6  6  1965.  j  1  9  6  ?  j  1  9  7  Q  /  l  g  7  1  Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader I n t e r v i e w s 1965, Toadlena f  s  h  e  e  p  S  p  r  i  n  g  s  125 and age a r e . In combining  a c o n j u g a l u n i t ' s tendency t o aggregate  based  on i t s age and income the f o l l o w i n g s c o r e s r e s u l t : Aggregation Tendency Score  Conjugal U n i t Classification  6  Low Income and Young  5  Low Income and E l d e r l y o r Middle Income and Young  4  Middle Income and E l d e r l y , High Income and Young, o r Low Income and Middle Age  3  High Income and E l d e r l y o r Middle Income and Middle Age  2  High Income and Middle Age  T h i s combination o f aggregation f a c t o r s produces  a pattern  s i m i l a r t o t h a t found f o r the combination o f c o n j u g a l u n i t composition and age, although i t " i s somewhat/less-effective:; at d i s c r i m i n a t i n g those who do aggregate and somewhat more e f f e c t i v e a t d i s c r i m i n a t i n g those who do not (see Table XXII). O v e r a l l , t h i s combination reduces the e r r o r i n p r e d i c t i o n more than any s i n g l e v a r i a b l e o r p a i r o f v a r i a b l e s , but the reduct i o n i s o n l y seven p e r c e n t . When a l l three tendency  t o aggregate  f a c t o r s are combined  the f o l l o w i n g scores are produced: Aggregation Tendency Score  Conjugal U n i t Classification  9  Once-Married and Young  A d u l t , Low Income,  8  Once-Married A d u l t , Low Income, and E l d e r l y o r Once-Married A d u l t , Middle Income, and Young  TABLE XXII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e of Age of Male, and Annual Income Aggregation Tendency Score Total Conjugal Units Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates  93  81  Does Not Aggregate  22  19  115  100  Total t  =  9 — 9  100  18  95  27  84  16  73  23  70  —  1  5  5  16  6  27  10  30  100  19  100  32  100  22  100  33  100  0.07  r Sources:  NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965.  127 7  Once-Married A d u l t , Low Income, and Middle Age; Once-Married A d u l t , M i d d l e Income, and E l d e r l y ; Once-Married A d u l t , High Income, and Young; M a r r i e d Couple, Low Income and Young  6  Once-Married A d u l t , Middle Income, and M i d d l e Age; Once-Married A d u l t , High Income, and E l d e r l y ; M a r r i e d Couple, Low Income and E l d e r l y ; M a r r i e d Couple, Middle Income, and Young 1  5  4  3  Once-Married A d u l t , High Income, and Middle Age; M a r r i e d Couple, Low Income, Middle Age; M a r r i e d Couple, Middle Income, and E l d e r l y ; M a r r i e d Couple, High Income and Young '  M a r r i e d Couple, Middle Income, and Middle Age or M a r r i e d Couple, High Income, and E l d e r l y M a r r i e d Couple, High Income, and M i d d l e Age  Combining a l l t h r e e f a c t o r s r e s u l t s i n a s c a l e t h a t d i s c r i m i n a t e s those who have a h i g h tendency t o aggregate, and the s c a l e i s as e f f e c t i v e as any s i n g l e v a r i a b l e o r combination of v a r i a b l e s i n i d e n t i f y i n g u n i t s who do not aggregate (see Table X X I I I ) .  Taking a l l t h r e e f a c t o r s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n  however reduces p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r by o n l y seven p e r c e n t . In summary, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos t h i n k people  living  apart from one another a t separate r e s i d e n c e s i t e s as w e l l as together w i t h one another a t one l o c a t i o n a r e both a p p r o p r i a t e situations.  Thus, t h e r e are no c o n j u g a l u n i t s unaccounted f o r  by t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y . As expected, g i v e n these p e o p l e s ' p r e f e r e n c e s , the p r o p o r t i o n s o f c o n j u g a l u n i t s w i t h v a r i o u s dependent kinds  TABLE XXIII A g g r e g a t i o n o f C o n j u g a l U n i t , 1965-1966, by Combined I n f l u e n c e of Conjugal U n i t Age Age of Male, and Annual Income  Composition,  Aggregation Tendency Score Total Conjugal Units f % Conjugal Unit: Aggregates  93  81  Does Not Aggregate  22  19  115  100  Total  t  r  =  2  100  11  100  16  _ _ _ _ _ —  — 2  100  11  J  100  3  19  84  12  86  21  88  11  69  20  69  16  2  14  3  12  5  31  9  31  100  14  100  24  100  16  100  29  100  X D  0.07  SourcesSources.  NEO  Survey  a  t  ^ ^7^  1966, e  r  v  i  e  w  Sheep Permit Records 1964, Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep S p r i n g s £ 0 , 1971, Sheep S p r i n g s Trader I n t e r v i e w s 1965, Toadlena  s  1 9  5 >  Boarding School Census  1  9  6  6  #  1965.  1  9  6  7  j  1 9 7  129  of persons  t h a t aggregate  are h i g h e r than those with  capable o f l i v i n g . . independently.  These d i f f e r e n c e s however  do not produce much r e d u c t i o n i n p r e d i c t i o n In  persons  error.  a d d i t i o n , such a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the u n i t s  aggregate  t h a t there are a number of c o n j u g a l u n i t s , which by  the standards s e t f o r t h i n the i d e o l o g y , are capable of r e s i d i n g independent so.  of o t h e r c o n j u g a l u n i t s , but are not doing  T h i s s i t u a t i o n occurs i n p a r t because c o n j u g a l u n i t s  capable o f r e s i d i n g independent with those who  of other u n i t s may  have a h i g h tendency  aggregated  t o aggregate, e.g.,  young, e l d e r l y , poor, and once-married aggregation tendency  be  people.  the  To a d j u s t the  score of any c o n j u g a l u n i t so t h a t i t  r e f l e c t s i t s a b i l i t y t o become a p o i n t of aggregation f o r one of high tendency  u n i t s cannot be done with r e s p e c t t o the  v a r i a b l e s d e r i v e d from the i d e o l o g y .  I t p r o v i d e s no  i n d i c a t i o n as t o whether c o n j u g a l u n i t s with a h i g h to  aggregate  direct tendency  c o - r e s i d e with other l i k e u n i t s or w i t h those  c o u l d r e s i d e independently.  who  130  Forms o f A g g r e g a t i o n In a d d i t i o n residence contain  to delineating  i s expected  circumstances  t o occur,  Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o s  the c a t e g o r i e s o f persons  aggregate  a t any p a r t i c u l a r  under which c o concepts  1  t h a t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d t o  location.  They b e l i e v e t h a t a  m o t h e r and h e r c h i l d r e n , w h e t h e r a d u l t s o r y o u n g s t e r s , live  together.  think  If this  that children  preferably  arrangement i s n o t p o s s i b l e ,  should  the c h i l d ' s maternal  mother, mother's s i s t e r , if  with  a mother  a r e f a r away.  i t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d  surrogate,  Given  these  t h a t the aggregated  units without  expected  to co-reside with  grand-  a mother o r c h i l d  prefer-  conjugal  i n t h e Sheep  w i t h t h e mother o r c h i l d .  conjugal  they  or with the father,  a t l e a s t one s p o u s e ' s m o t h e r o r c h i l d  a r e a w o u l d be a g g r e g a t e d  then  grandmother, p a t e r n a l  father's sister,  the mother's r e l a t i v e s  ences,  reside with  should  units Springs  Those  i n t h e a r e a w o u l d be  a p r e f e r r e d mother s u r r o g a t e o r a  father. Eighty-eight percent of the conjugal units aggregate taining  are r e s i d i n g  either  six percent a  i n t h e same l i v e l i h o o d  a mother o r a c h i l d  are residing with  (see T a b l e  t h a t do  aggregate XXIV).  con-  Another  a p r e f e r r e d mother s u r r o g a t e o r  father. As  expected,  units with one  a high proportion of aggregating  a mother o r a c h i l d  o f these persons  these  units  (see T a b l e  do n o t do s o .  a mother o r c h i l d  conjugal  i n t h e a r e a do c o - r e s i d e w i t h XXIV).  Of t h o s e  Only  two p e r c e n t o f  aggregating  i n the area, only f i f t y  units  percent  live  without with  TABLE XXIV Kinsman With Whom Conjugal U n i t Aggregates, 1965-1966, by Mother's or C h i l d ' s Residence i n the Sheep Springs Area  Total Aggregated Conjugal U n i t s  Aggregates  P r e f e r r e d Mother Surrogate or Father Kinsmen  81  88  81  98  6  6  1  1  5  50  6  6  1  1  5  50  93  100  100  10  100  83  Total Sources:  i n Sheep Springs Does Not Have Mother or C h i l d i n Area  with:  Mother or C h i l d  Other  Residence Mother or C h i l d i n Area  Sheep Springs Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965.  132  a p r e f e r r e d mother surrogate o r a f a t h e r . While Sheep Springs Navajos t h i n k mothers and c h i l d r e n should l i v e t o g e t h e r , they a l s o t h i n k i t p r e f e r a b l e f o r a husband t o move t o h i s w i f e ' s l i v e l i h o o d aggregate marriage.  Because i n l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  after  composed o f more  than one c o n j u g a l u n i t , the u n i t o r i g i n a l l y occupying the aggregate's  s i t e g i v e s p e r m i s s i o n t o the others f o r subsequent-  l y e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r homes t h e r e , these o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s can be used as r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s i n determining the type of k i n s h i p r e l a t i v e between u n i t s i n these Consequently,  aggregates.^  i t would be expected t h a t young couples, most  of whom have been m a r r i e d f o r o n l y a year o r two,  aggregate  with o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s c o n t a i n i n g w i f e ' s mother. Over n i n e t y p e r c e n t o f married couples who are: not,;,, 1  o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l units; livefcwithr the-mother- of'the/.wife o r husband, and more o f these couples l i v e w i t h w i f e ' s mother than husband's mother (see Table XXV). There i s no a s s o c i a t i o n between age o f the male i n a married couple u n i t and the type o f k i n c o n t a i n e d i n the o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t with whom the couple aggregates,  and o n l y  a three p e r c e n t r e d u c t i o n i n p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r i s achieved. In o p p o s i t i o n t o what i s expected more young couples l i v e with the husband's mother than w i t h the w i f e ' s . true f o r middle  age couples.  The o p p o s i t e i s  This s i t u a t i o n r e f l e c t s i n part  the o p p o r t u n i t y o f some younger men with wives from other areas to f i n d jobs i n ONEO programmes a t Sheep S p r i n g s .  133  TABLE XXV Kinsman With Whom Subsequent Conjugal U n i t Composed of M a r r i e d Couple Aggregates, 1965-1966, by Age o f Male Age o f Male i n M a r r i e d Couple U n i t Total'..Married Couple Subsequent Conjugal U n i t s  30 y r s . & Under  31 t o 64 yrs.  Aggregates With O r i g i n a l Conjugal Unit Containing: Mother of Wife  24  51  Mother of Husband  19  41  2  4  8  40  18  56  53  11  34  P r e f e r r e d Mother Surrogate or Father of Wife Other Kinsman of Wife  47 100  Total t  =  1 7 15 100  1 3 32 100  0.03  r Sources: Sheep Springs Chapter Census 196 3, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965.  Sheep Springs Navajos a l s o i n d i c a t e t h a t when marriages are ended through'death,-or aggregate  d i v o r c e the spouse ''Or. spouses can •  w i t h the same kinsmen w i t h whom i t i s p r e f e r r e d  children l i v e .  They t h i n k when a woman becomes a widow she  can remain with the aggregate  where she was l i v i n g whether o r  not i t c o n t a i n s her own mother o r her husband's mother.  At  Sheep Springs i n /1965-1966 there a r e f o u r widows who do not compose o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s . l i v e l i h o o d aggregates  Of these, two remain i n the  w i t h t h e i r husband's mother, one r e s i d e s  w i t h her own mother, and the other l i v e s w i t h a c l a n b r o t h e r ' s daughter.  In the l a t t e r case t h i s e l d e r l y widow, has a daughter  r e s i d i n g i n the Sheep Springs area, b u t due t o problems i n her r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h i s daughter she l i v e s w i t h another k i n s woman . Unless a widower r e m a r r i e s '.within' h i s deceased w i f e ' s aggregate  o r i s a l r e a d y l i v i n g i n h i s mother's aggregate, i t  i s p r e f e r r e d t h a t he r e t u r n t o h i s mother's aggregate. only widower a t Sheep Springs who i s not an o r i g i n a l u n i t aggregates  The  conjugal  w i t h h i s mother.  Divorced persons  a r e p r e f e r r e d t o r e t u r n t o t h e i r mother's  (or other kinswoman's) l i v e l i h o o d aggregate r e s i d i n g i n the aggregate spouse's other kinswoman).  i f they have been  of t h e i r spouse's mother  (or of  A t Sheep Springs i n 1965-1966 t h e r e  are seven d i v o r c e d persons-who a r e not o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s . Of the f o u r d i v o r c e d women, two aggregate e r s , one l i v e s w i t h her maternal w i t h f a t h e r and h i s w i f e .  w i t h t h e i r own moth-  grandmother, and one r e s i d e s  Two of the t h r e e d i v o r c e d men r e s i d e  135 i n t h e i r mother's aggregate,  and the o t h e r l i v e s w i t h h i s  widowed f a t h e r . Both married couples and once-married  a d u l t s who  o r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s l i v e i n l i v e l i h o o d aggregates i n g persons  are not contain-  Sheep Springs Navajos d e s i g n a t e as a p p r o p r i a t e  p o i n t s of r e s i d e n c e  aggregation.  J u s t as a d u l t c h i l d r e n g e n e r a l l y c o - r e s i d e w i t h mothers, so do youngsters.  N i n e t y - f o u r percent of  c h i l d r e n are l i v i n g w i t h t h e i r mothers the remaining  s i x percent  (twenty  their  these  (see Table XXVI).  Of  c h i l d r e n ) not c o - r e s i d i n g  w i t h mother, there i s only one c h i l d w i t h a mother l i v i n g i n .. the Sheep Springs area.  T h i s c h i l d r e s i d e s w i t h her  maternal  grandmother. Given the m o t h e r - c h i l d form of r e s i d e n c e aggregation i s p r e f e r r e d , an.-ideol6gically: consistentv.hypothesis. canv.be„ formed t h a t might i d e n t i f y c o n j u g a l u n i t s capable of r e s i d i n g independently  t h a t • a r e nonetheless, aggregating because :a mother  or c h i l d needs a s s i s t a n c e i n making a l i v i n g or a home. Whether or not a mother or c h i l d needs a s s i s t a n c e can be  defin-  ed by the aggregation v a r i a b l e s f o r the mother's or c h i l d ' s conjugal u n i t  (see Table X X I I I ) .  T h i s score a l s o d e f i n e s the  u n i t s t h a t are capable of r e s i d i n g alone g i v e n these  variables.  I f a u n i t has a score of 3 or 4, i t i s c o n s i d e r e d a b l e to r e s i d e alone, and i f one has a score of 7, 8, or 9, i t i s c o n s i d ered i n need of a s s i s t a n c e .  I t would be expected  that conjugal  u n i t s capable of independent r e s i d e n c e w i t h a mother or c h i l d i n the area who  needs a s s i s t a n c e would be more l i k e l y  to  TABLE XXVI Residence L o c a t i o n of Never-Married C h i l d r e n ,  1965-1966  Never-Married f Residence Location i s : With Parents W i t h M o t h e r and Her  Husband  With Mother  Children %  242  71  32  9  46  14  With Mother s  Mother  2  1  With Father's  Mother  1  *  1  *  7  2  With Father  3  1  W i t h F a t h e r and H i s W i f e  2  1  3  1  1  *  340  100  1  With Mother's S i s t e r  and Her  Husband  With Mother's S i s t e r  and F a t h e r  With Father's S i s t e r  and h e r  W i t h C l a n M o t h e r and  Her Husband  Total Sources:  Husband  Sheep S p r i n g s C h a p t e r C e n s u s 1963, Sheep S p r i n g s N a v a j o I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, T o a d l e n a B o a r d i n g S c h o o l 1965.  137  aggregate need  assistance.  likely child  than t h o s e u n i t s w i t h a mother o r c h i l d Both  t o aggregate  o f t h e s e t y p e s o f u n i t s w o u l d be more  than the c o n j u g a l u n i t w i t h o u t a mother o r  i n the area. This  however does n o t o c c u r a t Sheep S p r i n g s .  u n i t s w i t h a mother o r c h i l d  i n t h e a r e a who  a s s i s t a n c e have a much h i g h e r t e n d e n c y with  needs o f a m o t h e r ' s o r c h i l d ' s u n i t s t o aggregate,  unit  Conjugal  do n o t n e e d  t o aggregate  a m o t h e r o r c h i l d who n e e d s a s s i s t a n c e .  although there i s a strong association  Table  who does n o t  than  those  Consequently,  between t h e a s s i s t a n c e  and t h e t e n d e n c y  i t i s not i n the p r e d i c t e d  of related  d i r e c t i o n (see  XXVII).  ?7  TABLE ::XXVII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t s Capable of ent Residence, 1965-1966, by U n i t ' s R e l a t i onship Independent With a Mother or C h i l d U n i t Needing A s s i s t a n c e  T o t a l Conjugal U n i t s Capable of Independent Residence  Status of Related U n i t Mother or Mother or Child No Mother Child Conjugal U n i t Conjugal or C h i l d Does Not Need U n i t Needs U n i t i n Assistance Assistance the Area  Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates Does not  Aggregate  Total t  =  31  69  19  95  9  60  3  30  14  31  1  5  6  40  7  70  45  100  20  100  15  100  10  100  0.31  r Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School 1965.  139  Conformity  between Ideology and P r a c t i c e  The preceding comparisons show very h i g h p r o p o r t i o n s of u n i t s measuring Sheep Springs Navajos ." l o c a l i z a t i o n and 1  aggregation p r a c t i c e s a r e w i t h i n the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r a c c e p t a b l e behaviour behaviour.  o r a r e f o l l o w i n g p r e f e r r e d modes o f  F o r example, one hundred percent o f Sheep Springs  c o n j u g a l u n i t s a c q u i r e r e s i d e n c e s i t e s through mode.  One hundred percent o f the l i v e l i h o o d  an a c c e p t a b l e aggregates'  r e s i d e n c e s i t e s a r e near a t l e a s t two p r e f e r r e d n a t u r a l resources.  E i g h t y - f o u r percent o f l i v e l i h o o d aggregates, as  p r e f e r r e d , have more than one r e s i d e n c e s i t e . percent o f c o n j u g a l u n i t s aggregate t i v e o f mother o r c h i l d .  Eighty-eight  w i t h the p r e f e r r e d r e l a -  These h i g h percentages  indicate  an o v e r a l l h i g h l e v e l o f conformity between Sheep Springs Navajos' r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s and t h e i r a c c e p t a b l e and/or p r e f e r r e d procedures  f o r meeting b e h a v i o u r a l  standards  w i t h i n the r e s i d e n c e c o n t e x t . When a p r e f e r r e d mode o f r e s i d e n c e behaviour  i s not  achieved, Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y c o n t a i n s p o s s i b l e b e h a v i o u r a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the form of a c c e p t a b l e . a l t e r n a t i v e procedures  g i v e n such c o n d i t i o n s as people's  livelihood  a c t i v i t i e s , m a r i t a l s t a t u s , age, economic needs, and k i n s h i p ties.  Because such h i g h p r o p o r t i o n s o f Sheep S p r i n g u n i t s  achieve the p r e f e r r e d mode o f f o l l o w one of the a c c e p t a b l e ones, the p a t t e r n s i n v o l v i n g v a r i a n t p r a c t i c e s a r e g e n e r a l l y not very pronounced and low r e d u c t i o n s i n p r e d i c t i o n e r r o r s are produced.  Many v a r i a t i o n s i n p r a c t i c e however tend t o  140  be i n the d i r e c t i o n p r e d i c t e d by s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s , and i n only two or three cases do v a r i a t i o n s run a g a i n s t p r e d i c t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , t a k i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n t o account does produce some r e d u c t i o n i n e r r o r p r e d i c t i n g the m a j o r i t y o f l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation p r a c t i c e s . i n Sheep Springs N a v a j o s  1  A l l of t h i s i n d i c a t e s v a r i a t i o n s r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s do have some  r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c o n d i t i o n e d , a c c e p t a b l e procedures,  alternative  b u t there a r e c o n t i n g e n c i e s i n r e a l i t y t o which  t h e i r r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s respond  and t h a t t h e i r  procedures  f o r meeting b e h a v i o u r a l standards do not take i n t o  account.  There i s some suggestion these c o n t i n g e n c i e s have a g r e a t e r e f f e c t on t h e i r aggregation than on t h e i r 7 practices.  localization ..  I d e o l o g i c a l l y - r e c o g n i z e d c o n d i t i o n s a r e more  e f f e c t i v e i n r e d u c i n g e r r o r s i n p r e d i c t i n g the l o c a t i o n , number, and use o f r e s i d e n c e s i t e s than i n r e d u c i n g them i n p r e d i c t i n g the aggregation o f c o n j u g a l u n i t s .  Additionally,  when w i n t e r and summer l o c a l i z a t i o n p r a c t i c e s can be compared, there i s very high agreement between the p a t t e r n s f o r each seasonal-use  area.  141 NOTES '''Tables i n t h i s chapter do not i n c l u d e p o s s i b l e forms o f behaviour  not used by Sheep S p r i n g Navajos.  Table I I does not i n c l u d e the dimension  F o r example,  I n h e r i t a n c e of Land  Used by a Non-kinsman. 2 Appendix E c o n t a i n s a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n on l i v e s t o c k i n the Sheep Springs  area.  3  T h i s map does n o t i n c l u d e the r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o f l i v e l i h o o d aggregates area i n the summer.  t h a t o n l y move i n t o the Sheep Springs There are seven a d d i t i o n a l  occupied by these aggregates  sites  i n the upper h i g h l a n d s  area.  I t a l s o does not show the r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o f aggregates l i v i n g adjacent to the Sheep Springs area. 4 Appendix E c o n t a i n s a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g f i e l d s i n the Sheep Springs area. 5 Moving t o the h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n s now takes p l a c e i n May or June and from them i n September or October. of  The dates  seasonal moves i s d i c t a t e d by the s c h o o l year f o r those  aggregates  with c h i l d r e n r i d i n g buses t o day s c h o o l .  Fewer  aggregates  now seem t o move as e a r l y o r as l a t e i n the year  as they d i d i n the 1930's (Bowman 1937). O r i g i n a l c o n j u g a l u n i t s a r e composed o f middle-age and e l d e r l y once-married  a d u l t s o r married  couples.  7 T h i s s i t u a t i o n a l s o may be a r e f l e c t i o n o f a problem i n the aggregation d a t a .  The i n t e n t u n d e r l y i n g the o r i g i n a l  aggregation of persons was i m p o s s i b l e t o separate from t h e i r p r e s e n t i n t e n t to m a i n t a i n a g g r e g a t i o n .  I f a c l e a r c u t way  c o u l d have been developed to separate these aspects o f a g g r e g a t i o n i n t e n t without b i a s i n g ,the r e s u l t s ,  different  r e s u l t s r e g a r d i n g aggregation might have been o b t a i n e d .  CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION Accommodati ng  Reality  As has been shown c o n t i n g e n c i e s a r i s i n g from  environmental,  demographic, and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s can be met t o some degree by the a l t e r n a t i v e modes o f behaviour  Sheep Springs Navajos  t h i n k are a c c e p t a b l e i n meeting any p a r t i c u l a r b e h a v i o u r a l standard.  These a l t e r n a t i v e s take i n t o account  gencies p r e v e n t i n g people presence  from behaving  some c o n t i n -  i n the same way.  o f l e s s than optimum environmental  The  circumstances and  the need o f d i f f e r e n t resources f o r v a r i o u s l i v e l i h o o d p u r s u i t s , p h y s i c a l o r mental i n a b i l i t y o f persons i n everyday  to participate  fully  a c t i v i t i e s , and t h e absence o f v a r i o u s kinsmen and  a f f i n e s are some o f the c o n d i t i o n s s p e c i f i c a l l y , c o n s i d e r e d . These a l t e r n a t i v e s and c o n d i t i o n s are n o t ranked each other.  Only  the s i t u a t i o n p r o v i d e s r e l a t i v e values t o  the b e h a v i o u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s . expect persons  relative to  The people  a t Sheep Springs  t o l i v e i n d i f f e r e n t types o f l o c a t i o n s and t o  r e s i d e w i t h d i f f e r e n t kinds o f k i n and a f f i n e s because o f the c o n t i n g e n c i e s they must take i n t o account.  Some persons  may  achieve p r e f e r r e d modes of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a l i z a t i o n o r aggregation.  Others  achieve acceptable modes.  Sheep Springs  Navajos a l l o w - f o r behavioural; v a r i a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d  t o the ,-  settlement o r community aspect of r e s i d e n c e . There are o t h e r mechanisms f o r d e a l i n g w i t h c o n t i n g e n c i e s t h a t are i n h e r e n t i n the s t r u c t u r e o f t h e i r ideas about  o r d e r i n g r e s i d e n t i a l behaviour.  Fundamental t o the f i r s t of  these i s t h e i r d i s r e g a r d o f the i n t e r m i n g l i n g i n r e a l i t y o f l o c a l i z a t i o n and aggregation aspects o f r e s i d e n c e . separate a l t e r n a t i v e b e h a v i o u r a l procedures  They have  f o r each.  The  c o n d i t i o n s taken i n t o account by the a l t e r n a t i v e s p e r t a i n t o e i t h e r r e s i d e n c e s i t e s o r r e s i d e n c e groups, but n o t t o both. They do n o t have a p r e f e r r e d o r acceptable mode o f behaviour s t i p u l a t i n g how many o r what k i n d s o f persons  aggregate  at a  p a r t i c u l a r k i n d o f r e s i d e n c e s i t e , nor do they have a procedure i n d i c a t i n g the s p e c i f i c type o f l o c a t i o n f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g r e s i d e n c e s i t e s of c e r t a i n numbers o r k i n d s o f persons. i z a t i o n i s not ranked r e l a t i v e t o aggregation.  Local-  The s i t u a t i o n  d i c t a t e s ' whether p r e f e r r e d o r acceptable modes o f behaviour w i t h regard t o one or both of these aspects w i l l be f o l l o w e d . People may p l a y o f f l o c a l i z a t i o n modes a g a i n s t aggregation ones i n order t o meet some c o n t i n g e n c i e s .  For example, once-  married a d u l t s capable o f h e r d i n g sheep may not aggregate  with  anyone e l s e i n order t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r herds near p r e f e r r e d resources.  Thus, the people a t Sheep Springs can respond t o  even a wider  range o f c o n t i n g e n c i e s than those allowed f o r i n  b e h a v i o u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r any p a r t i c u l a r standard of behaviour. The o t h e r mechanism i n v o l v e s c o n d i t i o n s n o t taken account by the a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r behaviour.  into  Sometimes these  can be accommodated by the i n t e r a c t i o n between standards f o r behaviour  and the procedures  can be d e a l t w i t h through  f o r meeting them.  A condition  a s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n c e behaviour  1 4 5  procedure  i f t h a t c o n d i t i o n f a l l s w i t h i n the realm o f  concern  covered by the b e h a v i o u r a l standard which/theyprG.c;edur,ef:is/ I designed t o meet.  For example, c o n j u g a l u n i t s at Sheep S p r i n g s  tend t o aggregate more o f t e n than would be expected c o n d i t i o n s s e t f o r t h i n t h e i r procedures standards  (see Tables XVII-XXIII).  from the  f o r meeting b e h a v i o u r a l  T h i s aggregation  takes  p l a c e along p r e f e r r e d l i n e s , i . e . , mothers and c h i l d r e n gating together  (see Tables XXIV-XXV).  or not a c o n j u g a l u n i t has Springs area has gation  In f a c t , knowing whether  a mother or c h i l d i n the Sheep  a d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the u n i t ' s  (see Table XXVIII).  i n p r e d i c t i n g the tendency  aggre-  T h i s knowledge reduces  aggre-  the e r r o r  o f c o n j u g a l u n i t s to aggregate  more  than do any s i n g l e or m u l t i p l e f a c t o r s d e r i v e d from t h e i r i d e a s about o r d e r i n g r e s i d e n c e behaviour. T h i s procedure  f o r aggregation i s being used to  respond  to a c o n d i t i o n a r i s i n g from the i n c r e a s e . i n the Sheep S p r i n g s p o p u l a t i o n on an e s s e n t i a l l y non-expanding l a n d base. no l o n g e r p o s s i b l e f o r a married couple t o break o t h e r s i n order to l i v e independently  and to  away from  pre-empt,'land  s u i t a b l e f o r h e r d i n g o r farming t h a t has not been used someone's a n c e s t o r s .  I f persons now  It i s  by  want t o l i v e at Sheep  S p r i n g s , they must e i t h e r i n h e r i t t h e i r mother's l a n d or r e c e i v e her  (or other r e l a t i v e ' s ) p e r m i s s i o n t o e s t a b l i s h a  home at any p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e .  Mothers  (or o t h e r r e l a t i v e s )  o f t e n c o n t r o l access t o l a n d t h a t i s very, r e s t r i c t e d i n s i z e or has  a l i m i t e d number of p l a c e s s u i t a b l e f o r d w e l l i n g s .  146 TABLE XXVIII Aggregation of Conjugal U n i t , 1965-1966, by Mother's or C h i l d ' s Residence i n the Sheep Springs Area  Total Conjugal Units f %  Residence i n Sheep Springs Mother Mother or C h i l d or C h i l d In Area Not i n Area f % f  Conjugal U n i t : Aggregates Does Not  Aggregate  Total t  r  =  93  81  83  90  10  43  22  19  9  10  13  57  115  100  92  100  23  100  0.23  Sources:  Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963, Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos Interviews 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965.  147  I n c r e a s i n g l y , a mother has a c q u i r e d her own r e s i d e n c e  site  through •permission from a • f i r s t - u s e r . " s t i l l m a i n t a i n i n g of  areas contiguous  control  t o the mother's d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n , or she  may have i n h e r i t e d only a p a r t o f her mother's land and i t may not i n c l u d e many good r e s i d e n c e s i t e s . i n attempting  Consequently,  mothers,  t o meet the standard r e g a r d i n g p r o v i s i o n o f h e l p  to t h e i r c h i l d r e n , can only g i v e p e r m i s s i o n t o t h e i r to make t h e i r homes a t t h e i r own r e s i d e n c e s i t e .  children  Mothers and  c h i l d r e n l i v e together not o n l y because they can a s s i s t one another  i n making a l i v i n g , but a l s o because there,.is:.no^other  p l a c e t o l i v e i f they a r e t o remain a t Sheep S p r i n g s . Together  these t h r e e mechanisms,of Sheep Springs Navajos'  r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y f r e e persons of  t o accommodate a broad  range  c o n t i n g e n c i e s i n the c h o i c e s they make r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n c e .  Yet, most o f these c h o i c e s a r e w i t h i n the parameters o f behavi o u r ordered by t h e i r standards  and procedures.  Consequently,  at the same time there i s v a r i a t i o n i n Navajo r e s i d e n c e behaviour,  t h e r e a l s o i s c o n f o r m i t y between t h e i r  i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e .  residential  148 Studying Navajo Residence Given expect  the f i n d i n g s of t h i s study, ethnographers  can  to f i n d v a r i a t i o n i n Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s not  o n l y between d i f f e r e n t communities, but a l s o w i t h i n any t i c u l a r one.  V a r i a t i o n i n r e s i d e n c e behaviour  i s the norm r a t h e r than the e x c e p t i o n .  par-  among Navajos  Behaviour v a r i e s i n  response t o the c o n t i n g e n c i e s of r e a l i t y , but i t a l s o i s c o n d i t i o n e d by Navajo i d e a s about the o r d e r i n g of r e a l i t y  and  behaviour. In d e s c r i b i n g and a n a l y z i n g Navajo r e s i d e n c e , i t cannot be assumed t h a t Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s i n v o l v e only aggregation  or t h a t there i s a s i n g l e Navajo r e s i d e n c e  "rule".  " M a t r i l o c a l " does not p r o v i d e a s u f f i c i e n t d e s c r i p t i o n of Navajo r e s i d e n c e . economics.  To them, r e s i d e n c e i s a matter of  subsistence  I t i n v o l v e s access t o resources as w e l l as to the  manpower f o r e x p l o i t i n g and p r o c e s s i n g .  They have a number  of p r e f e r r e d and/or acceptable modes f o r both  localization  and aggregation  t h a t meet t h e i r g e n e r a l i z e d standards  behaviour.  r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e o f Navajos  The  for  a re..- ex tremely; compl ex. Because o f t h i s complexity,  a study should be  to examine the a c t u a l s t r a t e g i e s Navajos use where to l i v e and with whom to aggregate.  r e s i d e n c e and  a multitude o f procedures  r e s i d e n c e context.  for deciding  This  i d e n t i f i e d a number o f b e h a v i o u r a l standards  undertaken  study  important  to  a p p l i c a b l e t o the  I t demonstrated these c o n d i t i o n r e s i d e n c e  149 behaviour.  I t i d e n t i f i e d some o f the p o s s i b l e ways t h i s  c o n d i t i o n i n g occurs, but i t d i d not examine the a c t u a l processes by which i t does happen.  What c o n d i t i o n s are  a c t u a l l y considered i n residence decisions? t r y t o maximize or minimize? v a l u e s or rankings?  What do Navajos  How do they a s s i g n r e l a t i v e  How do these people decide between  a l t e r n a t i v e b e h a v i o u r a l modes?  What l o c a l i z a t i o n  do they p l a y o f f a g a i n s t aggregation ones?  procedures  A full  understand-  i n g o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Navajo r e s i d e n t i a l i d e o l o g y and p r a c t i c e cannot be gained without such a study.  150 LITERATURE CITED A b e r l e , David F. 1961 Navaho. In M a t r i l i n e a l K i n s h i p , ed. David M. Schneider and K a t h l e e n Gough. Pp. 96-201..' Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. 1963  Some Sources o f F l e x i b i l i t y i n Navaho S o c i a l Organization. Southwestern J o u r n a l of Anthropology 19.: 1-18.  1969  A P l a n f o r Navajo Economic Development. 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Los Angeles:  Westernlore P r e s s .  Bennett, Kay and Russ Bennett 1969 A Navaho Saga. San A n t o n i o : .Blalock, Hubert M. 1960 Social Statistics.  New York:  The N a y l o r Company. McGraw-Hill Book Co.  Bohannan, Paul 1967 A f r i c a ' s Land. I n T r i b a l and Peasant Economics, ed. George D a l t o n . Pp. 51-60. Garden C i t y : The Natural History Press. Bowman, E d i s o n 1937 L i v e s t o c k Movements i n U n i t #12. I n Land Management U n i t No. 12, Range Management Branch Report, ed. W.R. McKinney. Pp. 43-73. S o i l C o n s e r v a t i o n S e r v i c e , U.S. Department o f A g r i c u l t u r e . Copy i n F i l e s o f Author.  151 Brugge, David M. 1964 Navajo Land Usage: A Study i n P r o g r e s s i v e D i v e r s i f i cation. In Indian and Spanish American Adjustments to A r i d and Semiarid Environments. Arranged by C l a r k S. Knowlton. Pp. 16-25. Lubbock: Texas Technological College. Chang, Kwang-Chih 1962 A Typology of Settlement and Community P a t t e r n s i n Some Circumpolar S o c i e t i e s . A r c t i c Anthropology 1:28-41. C o l l i e r , Malcolm Carr 1966 L o c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n among the Navajo. Human R e l a t i o n s Area F i l e s .  New Haven:  D i p p i n g Record Census 1936a L i s t o f Stock Owning Family Heads f o r D i s t r i c t No. 12. Copy i n F i l e s o f Author. 1936b L i s t o f Stock Owning Family Heads f o r D i s t r i c t No. 14. Copy i n F i l e s o f Author. Downs, James <, F. 1964 Animal Husbandry i n Navajo S o c i e t y and C u l t u r e . U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, Volume 1. 1965  The S o c i a l Consequences o f a Dry W e l l . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 67: 1387-1416.  American  F i e l d Permit Records 1964 F i e l d Permit Records, Sheep S p r i n g s . Bureau o f Indian A f f a i r s , S h i p r o c k , New Mexico. Frake, C h a r l e s 0. 1964 Notes on Queries i n Ethnography. In T r a n s c u l t u r a l S t u d i e s i n C o g n i t i o n , ed. A. K i m b a l l Romney and Roy G. D'Andrade. American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 66(3): 132-145. The F r a n c i s c a n F a t h e r s 1910 An E t h n o l o g i c D i c t i o n a r y . o f the Navajo St. Michaels, A r i z . Freeman, L i n t o n C. 1965 Elementary A p p l i e d S t a t i s t i c s . Wiley and Sons.  Language.  New York: John  152 F r i s b i e , C h a r l o t t e Johnson 1967 K i n a a l d a , A Study of the Navaho G i r l ' s Puberty Ceremony. M i d d l e t o n : Wesleyan U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Geertz, 1973  Clifford Ideology as a C u l t u r a l System. In The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of C u l t u r e s . Pp. 193-233. New York: B a s i c Books, . Inc., P u b l i s h e r s .  Goodman Leo A. and W i l l i a m H. K r u s k a l 1954 Measures of A s s o c i a t i o n f o r Cross C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Journal, of the American S t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n .49: 732-764. 1959  Measures of A s s o c i a t i o n f o r Cross C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : I I . F u r t h e r D i s c u s s i o n and References. J o u r n a l o f the American S t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n 54: 123-163.'  1963  Measures of A s s o c i a t i o n f o r Cross C l a s s i f i c a t i o n : I I I . Approximate Sampling Theory. J o u r n a l of the American S t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n 58: 310-364,.'  Government Survey 1938 Maps f o r Land Management U n i t No..12. S o i l Conservat i o n S e r v i c e , U.S. Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . Copy i n F i l e s of Author. 1939  S t a t i s t i c a l Summary, Human Dependency Survey, Navajo Hopi R e s e r v a t i o n s . S o i l Conservation S e r v i c e , U.S. Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . P a r t i a l Copy i n F i l e s of Author.  Gregory, Herbert 1917 Geology of the Navajo Country. Survey P r o f e s s i o n a l Paper 93.  U.S.  Geological  H a i l e , Berard 1932 Where People Moved Opposite. Manuscript C o l l e c t i o n of the Museum of Northern A r i z o n a , F l a g s t a f f , A r i z o n a . 1937  Some C u l t u r a l . A s p e c t s o f the Navajo Hogan. p o s s e s s i o n of Lucy Wales Kluckhohn.  1947  Learning Navaho: Volume Three. St. Michaels Press.  1948  L e a r n i n g Navaho: Volume Four. St. Michaels Press.  1950  A Stem Vocabulary of the Navaho Language: NavahoEnglish. St M i c h a e l s : St. Michaels Press.  St. St.  Copy i n  Michaels: Michaels:  153 H a i l e , Berard 1954 Property Concepts o f the Navaho Indians. The C a t h o l i c U n i v e r s i t y o f America A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l S e r i e s No. 17. H a r r i s , A r t h u r H. 1967 E c o l o g i c a l and Geographic D i s t r i b u t i o n of V e r t e b r a t e s i n the Shiprock Area, San Juan County, New Mexico. In An A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Survey of the Chuska V a l l e y and the Chaco P l a t e a u , New Mexico, P a r t I, N a t u r a l Science S t u d i e s . Museum o f New Mexico Research Records 4. Pp. 14-65. H a r r i s , Marvin 1971 C u l t u r e , Man, and Nature. Company.  New York:  Thomas Y. C r o w e l l  Henderson, E.B. and J.E. Levy 1975 Survey o f Navajo Community S t u d i e s , 1936-1974. Lake Powell Research P r o j e c t B u l l e t i n , No. 6. H i l l , W.W. 19 38 The A g r i c u l t u r a l and Hunting Methods o f the Navaho Indians. Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology 18. H o i j e r , Harry 1974 A Navajo L e x i c o n . 78.  University of C a l i f o r n i a  J e t t , Stephen G. 1970 An A n a l y s i s o f Navajo P l a c e Names.  Linguistics  Names 18:  175-184.  Johnston, Denis F o s t e r 1966 An A n a l y s i s o f Sources o f Information on the P o p u l a t i o n of the Navajo. Bureau o f American Ethnology B u l l e t i n 197. Kluckhohn, Clyde 1944 Navaho W i t c h c r a f t . 1967.  R e p r i n t . Boston:  Beacon P r e s s ,  1947  Some Aspects of Navaho Infancy and E a r l y Childhood. In P s y c h o a n a l y s i s and the S o c i a l Sciences 1: 37-86.  1949  The Philosophy o f the Navaho Indians. In I d e o l o g i c a l D i f f e r e n c e s and World Order, ed. F.S.C. Northrop. Pp. 356-384. New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s .  1966  The Ramah Navaho. Anthropology Paper 79. Bureau of American E t h n o l o t y B u l l e t i n 196. Washington: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e .  154 Kluckhohn, Clyde, W.W. H i l l , and Lucy Wales Kluckhohn 19.71 {'Navaho M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e . Cambridge: The Belknap "Press of Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Kluckhohn, Clyde and Dorothea L e i g h t o n 1974 The Navaho. Revised E d i t i o n . Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press. Ladd, John 19 57 The S t r u c t u r e of a Moral Code. University Press.  Cambridge:  Harvard  Harvard  Lamphere, L o u i s e 1970 Ceremonial Cooperation and Networks: A R e a n a l y s i s of the Navajo O u t f i t . Man, n.s. 5: 39-59. 1977  To Run A f t e r Them. Press.  Tucson:  U n i v e r s i t y of A r i z o n a  L e i g h t o n , Dorothea and Clyde Kluckhohn 19 47 C h i l d r e n of the People. Cambridge: Press.  Harvard U n i v e r s i t y  Levy, J e r r o l d E. 1962 Community O r g a n i z a t i o n of, the Western Navajo. A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 64: 781-801.  American  L i t t e l l , Norman M. 1966 A l p h a b e t i c a l Index of Navajo Place-Names R e l a t i v e - to the Navajo Land:, Claim. ~ In Proposed F i n d i n g s of "Fact i n B e h a l f ; o f _ t h e Navajo T r i b e - of Indians i n Area of the O v e r a l l . N a v a j o Claim (Docket 229), V o l . 6, Appendix A - l . McKinney, W.R. 1937 Land Management U n i t No. 12, Range Management Branch Report. S o i l C o n s e r v a t i o n S e r v i c e , U.S. Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . Copy i n F i l e s of Author. McNitt, Frank 1962 The Indian T r a d e r s . Press. 1964  Norman:  U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma  Navaho E x p e d i t i o n . J o u r n a l of a M i l i t a r y Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico to the Navaho Country Made i n 1849 by L i e u t e n a n t James H. Simpson. Norman: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma P r e s s .  Mirkowich, N i c h o l a s 1941 A Note on Navajo P l a c e Names. 43: 313-314.  American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t  155 M u e l l e r , John H., K a r l F. S c h u e s s l e r , and Herbert L. Costner 1977 S t a t i s t i c a l Reasoning i n S o c i o l o g y . Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company. Navajo Grazing R e g u l a t i o n s 1962 Navajo R e s e r v a t i o n G r a z i n g Handbook. The Navajo T r i b a l C o u n c i l .  Window Rock:  NEO Survey 1966 Survey of Sheep S p r i n g s . O f f i c e of Navajo Economic Opportunityv^v-Windoyr Rock, .Arizona.:-; Newcomb, Franc Johnson 1940 Navajo Omens and Taboos. 1964  Hosteen K l a h .  Norman:  1966  Navaho Neighbors. Press.  Santa Fe:  Rydal  Press.  U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma P r e s s .  Norman:  U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma  New Mexico S t a t e Highway Department 1961 Newcomb Quadrangle 13, San Juan and McKinley Counties Map. Planning D i v i s i o n , Bureau o f P u b l i c Roads. Reichard, Gladys A. 1928 S o c i a l - L i f e o f the Navajo I n d i a n s . s i t y C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, 1950  Navaho R e l i g i o n . Press.  Princeton:  Columbia U n i v e r Vol. VII.  Princeton University  Reynolds, T e r r y Ray, L o u i s e Lamphere, and C e c i l E". Cook J r . 1967 Time, Resources, and A u t h o r i t y i n a Navaho Community. American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 69: 188-199.' R i c h a r d s , Cara E. 19 63 Modern Residence P a t t e r n s among the Navajo. Palacio 70(1-2): 25-33. Ross, W i l l i a m T. 1955 Navaho K i n s h i p and S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . Dissertation. U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago. S e r v i c e , Elman R. 1966 The Hunters.  Englewood C l i f f s :  El  Ph.D.  P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc.  Sheep Permit Records 1964 Sheep Permit Records, Sheep S p r i n g s . Bureau of I n d i a n A f f a i r s , S h i p r o c k , New Mexico. Sheep S p r i n g s Chapter Census 1963 Chapter Community Census. Sheep Springs Chapter. Sheep S p r i n g s , New Mexico. Copy i n F i l e s of Author.  Sheep Springs Navajo 1966 Sheep Springs Environment Drawings. In F i e l d Notes of T e r r y Reynolds and L o u i s e Lamphere. F i l e s of the Author. Sheep iSprings 1965 Field Files 1966  Field Files  1967  Field  1970  Field  1971  Field  F i l e s of Author.  Sheep Springs 1965 Field Files Sheep Springs 1928- Ledgers of Sheep Springs T r a d i n g P o s t . 1940 of Evan Lewis. Shepardson,- Mary and Blodwen Hammond 1970 The Navajo Mountain Community. of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s . S i e g e l , Sidney 19 56 Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s . Book Company, Inc.  New  In p o s s e s s i o n  Berkeley:  York:  University  McGraw-Hill  Spencer, K a t h e r i n e 1947 R e f l e c t i o n s of S o c i a l L i f e i n the Navaho O r i g i n Myth. U n i v e r s i t y of New Mexico P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, V o l . 3. 1957  Mythology and V a l u e s . Memoirs of the American F o l k l o r e S o c i e t y , V o l . 48.  Stephen, A.M. 1893 The Navajo.  American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 6:  345-362.  Toadlena Boarding School Census 1965 Census of Sheep S p r i n g s . Toadlena Boarding School, Toadlena, New Mexico. Copy i n F i l e s of Author. U.S. G e o l o g i c a l Survey 1954 S h i p r o c k , New Mexico, A r i z o n a , Map,  NJ 12-12.  157 Van Valkenburgh, R i c h a r d F. 1936 Navajo Common Law I . Museum Notes o f the Museum o f Northern A r i z o n a 9 ( 4 ) : 17-22. 1941  Dine Bikeyah (The Navajo C o u n t r y ) , ed. Lucy Wilcox Adams and John C. McPhee. U.S. Department o f the I n t e r i o r , O f f i c e of Indian A f f a i r s , Navajo S e r v i c e , Window Rock, A r i z o n a .  1974a Navajo Sacred P l a c e s . Clyde Kluckhohn, ed. In Navajo Indiams I I I . Pp. 9-200. New York: Garland P u b l i s h i n g Company. 1974b A Short H i s t o r y of the Navajo People. Indians III.. Pp. 201-267. New York: P u b l i s h i n g Company.  In Navajo Garland  Van Valkenburgh, R i c h a r d F. and Frank O. Walker 1954 O l d P l a c e Names i n the Navaho Country. Masterkey 19: 89-94. Warren, A.H. 1967 The Land i n the Chuska. In- An A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Survey of the Chuska V a l l e y and the Chaco P l a t e a u , New Mexico, P a r t I , N a t u r a l Science S t u d i e s Museum o f New Mexico Research Records 4. Pp. 1-9. Watson, E.L. 1964 Navajo Sacred P l a c e s . 5.  Navajoland P u b l i c a t i o n s  Wheelwright, Mary C. 1953 Navajo C r e a t i o n Myth. Art Bulletin~6.  Museum o f Navajo Ceremonial  W i l l i a m s , Aubrey W., J r . 1970 Navajo P o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . to Anthropology 9.  Series  Smithsonian C o n t r i b u t i o n s  Wilson, John P. 1967 M i l i t a r y Campaigns i n the Navajo Country, Northwestern New Mexico, .1800-1846. Museum of New Mexico Research Records 5. Witherspoon, Gary 1970 A New Look a t Navajo S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 72: 55-65.  American  1971  Navajo C a t e g o r i e s o f O b j e c t s a t Rest. American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 73: 110-127.  1975  Navajo K i n s h i p and M a r r i a g e . of Chicago P r e s s .  Chicago:  University  158 Witherspoon, Gary 1977 Language and A r t i n the Navajo U n i v e r s e . U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan P r e s s . Young, Robert W. and W i l l i a m Morgan 1947 Navajo P l a c e Names i n G a l l u p , New 54: 283-285.  Mexico.  Ann  Arbor:  E l Palacio  1954  Navajo H i s t o r i c a l S e l e c t i o n s . Navajo H i s t o r i c a l S e r i e s 3, Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s .  1962  The Navajo Language. P u b l i c a t i o n of the E d u c a t i o n a l D i v i s i o n , United S t a t e s Indian S e r v i c e .  159  APPENDIX A Key to P r o n u n c i a t i o n  of Navajo Words  Consonants:  Ul rH  Ul  u fd  >  to r-l  <d •H XI fd  Voiceless Stops Affricates Spirants  fd  (0  o  CD  1  rH  TS rd  >  rH  rH  <  b m  Glottalized Stops Affricates Semi-vowels  ch sh  d dz z n t' ts  fd  Ul rH  rd -p fd  rH  m  ft  a ; N •H rH  (d -H Xi rd  fa Tj CD  Ul rH  (d SH  (U -P fd  j zh  1  rd O fd  fa  -H rH  fd  -rH  Xi fd  hv  1  g  k* ch'  rH  h  X  gh  N  CO  i  kw  t ts s  Voiced Stops Affricates Spirants Nasals  o  (d PM  o  rH  fd  rH  rH  tfl  00  rH  (d -P (d  w  dl  tX' y  The orthography used to r e c o r d Navajo phonemes i n t h i s study i s t h a t d e s c r i b e d I have f o l l o w e d  i n Young and Morgan (1962:  them i n w r i t i n g h throughout r a t h e r than  x or h i n i n i t i a l  p o s i t i o n and h i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n . A l l  a u t h o r i t i e s concur t h a t the phoneme x i s pronounced many Navajos  I-VI).  in initial  h by  p o s i t i o n , whereas i n f i n a l p o s i t i o n  160 only h appears.  Given t h i s v a r i a t i o n i n i n i t i a l  form and  lack  of v a r i a t i o n i n t e r m i n a l , I have used h except a f t e r s to confusion  avoid  w i t h sh.  Vowels: a as i n E n g l i s h  father  e as i n E n g l i s h  met  i  as i n E n g l i s h i t  o as i n E n g l i s h note Following  Young and Morgan, vowel length i s i n d i c a t e d by  s i n g l e l e t t e r denoting a short vowel ( b i t o ' ) and l e t t e r denoting a long one i s represented Morgan 1962:1). accent mark  (beesh),  (binaa).  by  (bitoo').  a double  N a s a l i z a t i o n of a vowel  a s u b s c r i p t comma (bjjli)  ( c f . Young  High vowel tone i s i n d i c a t e d by an and  low  a  and  acute  tone i s denoted by a l a c k of an  accent  161 APPENDIX B Sheep Springs Environmental C o n d i t i o n s The three types o f environmental c o n d i t i o n s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by people a t Sheep S p r i n g s - "white space" ( h a l g a i ) , "grey country" (/abatah), and "mountain" are summarized i n Table XXIX/  (dzi/) -  The f e a t u r e s o f t e r r a i n  and c l i m a t e and the kinds o f animal and p l a n t s  outlined  i n the t a b l e f o r each environment a r e those most o f t e n mentioned as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h a t  environment.  Each environment i s a l s o p o r t r a y e d i n F i g u r e s 5-7. These i l l u s t r a t i o n s were drawn by a Navajo woman i n an attempt t o e x p l a i n t o me the d i f f e r e n c e s among the three environments.  Each drawing d e p i c t s s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t s o f  t e r r a i n , c l i m a t e , and v e g e t a t i o n .for t h a t environment.  The  woman a l s o i n c l u d e d some humorous d e t a i l s i n each illustration,  such as the l i n e s o f ants and heat waves i n  the drawing o f white space, the pinyon nuts on t h e pinyon t r e e i n grey country, and the dancing b u t t e r f l y ,  grazing  sheep and the improved s p r i n g i n mountain. Her comments on white space as she drew F i g u r e 5 were: There i s sand ( s e i ) , b l a c k ants ( w o ' l c f z h i n f ) , sage ( t s ' a h ) , and Russian T h i s t l e (ch '11 d e e n i n i i ) i n white space ( h a l g a i ) . I t ' s hot. There are washes (bikooh) and h i l l s . There i s some g r a s s . F i g u r e 6 d e p i c t s grey c o u n t r y , and about t h i s she s a i d :  environment  162  TABLE XXIX' • Summary o f Sheep Springs Navajos' Environmental  Types  White Space  Grey Country  Mountain  Distinguishing Feature:  Treeless  Small  Large t r e e s  Area o r Areas Where Environment Found:  Wide Space  Badlands Country  Mountain S h e l f Up on Top  F l a t land Some h i l l s Numerous d r y arroyos  Rock r i d g e s Eroded slopes Tiny v a l l e y s Springs  Mountainous land Open s l o p e s and"valleys S p r i n g s and lakes  Hot Temperatures Little rainfall  Warm temperatures Some r a i n f a l l  C o o l temperatures Abundant rainfall  Insects P r a i r i e Dogs  Rabbits  Bears Deer Turkeys  Juniper" (gad) Red J u n i p e r (gad n i ' e e X i ) Pinyon (cha'o?) Sagebrush (ts'ah) Grass (t^'oh) Yucca (tsa'aszi') Mountain Mahogany (ts e*' e s d a a z i i )  Pine (nidishchi*i) Oak (chech'il) Aspen (t'iisbai) Spruce (ch'o) Juniper (gad) Pinyon (cha'o^) Grass (t*'oh)  Characteristic Terrain:  Characteristic Climate:  Associated Animal L i f e :  Associated Vegetation:  Small Rabbitbrush" (k'ii/tsoii d i jodi) Sagebrush (ts'ah) Russian T h i s t l e (ch:'il d e e r i i n i i ) Grass (tX'oh) Yucca (tsa'aszi') Saltweeds (daak 'qcfzh)  trees  163  TABLE XXIX.;(continued) White Space  Grey Country  Associated Vegetation: (continued)  Mountain Alder (k'ish) Sumac  • qc-u'? Goldenrod  (k'iijtsoi)  Sources f o r T r a n s l a t i o n of Navajo Terms: 1  (Young and Morgan 1962:118, 220, 40, 213; H a i l e  1950:116)  2 (Young and Morgan 1962:73, 73, 31, 220, 213, 219; H a i l e 1950:246) 3  (Young and Morgan 1962:154, 33, 201, 42, 73, 31, 213, 118; H a i l e 1950:222, 222)  Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971.  Source: Sheep Springs Navajo 1966. F I G U R E 5 : WHITE SPACE  Source: Sheep S p r i n g s Navajo 1966. F I G U R E 6: GREY COUNTRY  OV  166  There i s j u n i p e r (gad) , pinyon (cha'cvO , and sagebrush ( t s ' a h ) . T h e r e ' i s nothing but s m a l l t r e e s and sage brush, i n grey country (lab a t ah) . I t i s very rocky.i l a n d ; (ts_tah),. Her comments on F i g u r e 7, which d e p i c t s mountain, were: There are l o t s of mountains up t h e r e . '. There are l o t s of p i n e t r e e s ( h i d i s h c h ^ i ) , oak t r e e s ( c h e c h i l ) , aspen t r e e s ( t ' i i s b a i ) , and spruce t r e e s (ch '6*) . There i s l o t s o f water t h a t comes out from the mountain (i.e., springs). There i s a l o t of p l a n t s and g r a s s . 1  Sheep Springs Navajos c l a s s i f y areas o u t s i d e of t h e i r r e g i o n u s i n g the same t r e e c r i t e r i a as they do i n n o r t h western New  Mexico.  They c l a s s i f y the Mohave Desert as  white space, the Mesa Verde w i t h i t s p i n y o n - j u n i p e r f o r e s t as grey country, and the c o a s t a l areas of the P a c i f i c Northwest w i t h t h e i r r a i n f o r e s t s as mountain. There i s n o t h i n g i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e t o i n d i c a t e i f other Navajos d i s t i n g u i s h l o c a l  environments  or what c r i t e r i a they might use i n doing so. speak of "white space" and Shonto d i s t i n g u i s h I was  "canyon"  Ramah Navajos  "up on top," and people (tsegi) and  near  "up on top," but  unable to d i s c o v e r i f these were topographic areas  o r k i n d s o f environments.  David F. A b e r l e  (Personal Communi-  c a t i o n ) r e p o r t s Navajos near Pinon d i f f e r e n t i a t e valley"  "flat  ( d z i g a i ) or "white space," which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  b l a c k greasewood, from greasewood.  "up on top," which has grey or p l a i n  T h i s suggests t h a t these Navajos may  d i s t i n g u i s h i n g environments  be  on the b a s i s of greasewood types.  Source: Sheep Springs Navajo 1966. F I G U R E 7 : MOUNTAIN  168  APPENDIX C Sheep S p r i n g s The  p e o p l e a t Sheep S p r i n g s  f e a t u r e s as f i x e d  reference  earth's  The name t h e y  surface.  generally describes place  Place  there,  hill,  1970:179-184).  t h i n g s on t h e  to a landscape  feature  o f i t o r an e v e n t t h a t  took  i s t h e name o f a low,  and " B o b c a t F e l l  mesa where a b o b c a t was s h o t  landscape  i n locating  give  e.g., "Yellow H i l l "  yellowish-coloured  (cf. J e t t  u s e named  points  an a s p e c t  Names  and r o l l e d  Down" i s a s m a l l  down t h e s i d e  The l o c a t i o n o f s o m e t h i n g i s  i d e n t i f i e d by the nearest,  well-known r e f e r e n c e  point.  T h i s p o i n t a c t u a l l y may be some d i s t a n c e away, b u t i t s name is  t h e most w i d e l y - u s e d  one i n t h e a r e a .  p e o p l e l i v i n g more t h a n a m i l e Grove" a r e s a i d a quarter  t o be l i v i n g  of a mile  Sheep S p r i n g s  F o r example,  from a p l a c e  there,  named  as a r e p e o p l e  "Aspen residing  away o r l e s s . N a v a j o s u s e s e v e n t y - t w o named  f e a t u r e s a s common r e f e r e n c e  points  (see Table  landscape  XXX).:  O t h e r named f e a t u r e s a r e u s e d by one o r two f a m i l i e s t o identify of  t h e i r houses,  exception places the  the location of a thing within fields,  t h e immediate  or grazing pastures.  area  With the  o f Young and Morgan's r e p o r t o n N a v a j o names f o r  i n Gallup,  ethnographic  features of their  New M e x i c o literature local  (1947), t h e r e  i s nothing i n  t o suggest other  areas  N a v a j o s name  a s e x t e n s i v e l y a s do t h e  169  TABLE Named P l a c e s English Translation. and Name .- Map N o . .  XXX  •  i n t h e Sheep  Springs  Area Landscape F e a t u r e Name  N a v a j o Name  1 River Junction - B i g Bend o f t h e Chaco  t o 'aheedl^ni  Bend i n t h e Chaco R i v e r  2 Valley  teeh  Bottom o f Chaco V a l l e y watershed  na"shdoi n a a t / i z h i '  Event  3 Bobcat F e l l  Down  at a  mesa 4 Jay's  Water  5 Little  jee'bit6  Smith's Water  6 Grinding  Rocks  Place  'atsidii  yazhi  bito  tsedahk'a'ii'  7 Long  Grey H i l l  Jabai  8 Crow  Eats  gaagii  yilk'idr 'l'lyf^'  Stock  pond  Stock  pond  Ridge with highway g r a v e l dump Long prominent ridge Event  at a  field 9 Metal's 10 P r a i r i e 11 H e a d ' s  Water  beesh b i t o ' i i  Artesian  Dog C o u n t r y  dipij'tah  P r a i r i e Dog Village Particular spot a l o n g an arroyo  Water  12 B l a c k P o i n t o f a  'atsiits'iin  Jizhin  bito  deez'cihi*  Ridge  End o f a cuesta  13 Meadow W a t e r - S h e e p Springs  to haltsoi'  Spring  14 B l a c k S i t s  Jizhin s i ' | "  Small  15 R o c k  tse"s i t ^ n i i  Rock Formation  Sits  well  h i l l  170  TABLE XXX. .(continued).;. English Translation and Name - Map No.  Navajo Name  Landscape Feature Name  16 C o n i c a l H i l l  dah ats os  Small  17 Road Goes Over the Hill  b i t i s 'adee'atiin  R i s e t h a t an o l d road goes over  18 Can't Go Any F u r t h e r C a r r y i n g Something on His Back  b f n i d a ji<£ j i '  Event a t a h i l l top  19 S i t s There On Top  dah s i ' £  Rock f o r m a t i o n on a b l u f f  20 Cross  a^na'oos'ahi  Finger of a mesa t h a t c r o s s cuts a ridge  dah'azkf.' i i ' Xitso deesk'idaT  Small b u t t e  beesh siniX  Heating o i l barrels  bit'iis'ii  Cottonwood t r e e on arroyo's edge  Hills  21 Rounded Table Mesa 22 Yellow  Hill  23 Metal L y i n g 24 H i s Cottonwood  1  1  biqhff  1  knoll  . ..  Small, low hill  25 Greasewood-lCountry,  dowozhitah  Patch o f greasewood  26 Shady P l a c e  honish'oozh^'  P l a c e shaded by steep hillside  27 White Rock P o i n t  tse' / i g a i  Rock formation  2 8 Red S h i r t ' s Water  •ee' ^ i c h i l f b i t o  Well  29 Water Drawn Out With a Bucket  toha * adlee  Well  deez'ahi  171  TABLE XXX (continued) English Translation and Name - Map No.  Navajo Name  Landscape Feature Name  30 Blue Adobe S i t t i n g There  bis doot/'iz s i ' ^  Prominent knoll  31 Tabaha's  tabaaha  Well  Water  hifo  32 Impassable Mountain  d z i ^ doo bighazhooghahf  33 Impassable Mountain Water  d z i l doo  Event a t mesa Well  bighazhooghahi t o  34 Water Flowing on t o the F l a t  to deescha  35 Square B l a c k Rock  t s ^ z h i n naask'^ni  36 Snakes Hanging Down  tl'iish dahhidiijih  Event a t bend i n a road  37 Blue Water  to  doot^ izh  Spring  38 Hidden Water  t6" n a n i t ' i n i  Spring  39 Grey Water  t6 Jtabai  Spring  40 V a l l e y Running Up the Mountain  dahndzflgai  Large  41 White Country  ^igaitah  White sand patch  42 Black Water  to  Spring  43 Grey Area a t Mountain Base  biniit'a  44 Rock C r e v i c e Water  tse k ' i i s to  Spring  45 Horse Speeds Out  X$%'  Event a t a trail  46 Wood T h i c k e t P o i n t  t s i n n c h ' i l deez' a'ii'  1  1  /izhini" hoba  hadit'i  Arroyo Rock formation  Small area  valley  level  Dense t r e e s bridging a sheep t r a i l  172  TABLE XXX; (continued) English Translation and Name - Map No.  Navajo Name  Landscape Feature Name  4 7 Mud S l i d e  hodeezhchaa'  Mud  4 8 Coyote Trapped  ma'ii d a ' a j i z h f  Event a t a hill  49 Bushy Mountain  dziX  Hill  50 Weeping Willow  t' i i s t s oo'zii  Patch o f willows  51 Aspen GroveCottonwood Pass  t ' i i s b a r sikaad  Aspen Grove  52 Mountain White  dz±X  Small  Turning  dit/'ox 1  deeshgai  slide  hollow  Spring  53 White Water  to  /igai  54 Square Pinyon  d e e s t s i i n dik'ani*  Hill  55 Dan's Water  dan  Spring  bito"  'e'e' n e i s h o o d i i bito"  Spring  57 Oak S p r i n g  chech'il  Spring  58 Hollow  naahats'isi  Hollow  59 Hollow Water  naahats' i s i * t 6  Spring  60 Spruce S p r i n g  c h ' 6 yato*  Spring  61 Water Runs Down  to" d a h d e e z l i r i i  Tiny  62 L i n e o f A l d e r s  k'ish  A l d e r s along an arroyo  63 Turquoise  dootl'izhii  56 M i s s i o n a r y ' s  Water  Spring  yato  deesht'ihii ha'eeX  creek  Spring  64 Owl Water  ne*'eshjaa' t o  Spring  65 Copper Gap - Washington Pass  beesh ^ i c h i i * ' bigiizh  Pass t o summit plateau  173  TABLE XXX. .(continued) English Translation and Name - Map No.  Navajo Name  Landscape Feature Name  66 Water S i t t i n g There  tc-ba ' a z ' j  Spring  67 Rock Dumplings  t s e k' I"neezhbrzhi*i  Rock formation  68 Chipped Rock  tse h a a l t a a l  Rock f o r m a t i o n  69 Rubbed Rock  tse b i z h d i i l n i h f i *  Rock formation  70 P u t t i n g Rocks Down  tse  Wayside s h r i n e  71 Sun R e s t i n g  johonaa'ai  72 T o d i c h i i n i i ' s Water  todich  naajihi'  1  si'|i  Ti'nii  bit6  Sources: Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966, 1970, 1971.  Rock formation Lake  174  people  a t Sheep S p r i n g s  Littell Van  1966,  (Gregory  M i r k o w i c h 1941,  V a l k e n b u r g h . and  W a l k e r 1945,  however, t h a t Sheep S p r i n g s in  this  regard.  Rather,  five in  interview with  names  1974a,  W a t s o n 1 9 6 4 ) . -I d o u b t , ; „ 1  this  i n f o r m a t i o n simply  not  by m o s t e t h n o g r a p h e r s .  In  Navajos a t Pinon  distribution  approximately  I was  sites  and  Figure  routes of  8).  cluster  given  thirty-  along  Communication).  o f named l a n d s c a p e  the  winter  of  residence  i n t h e Sheep S p r i n g s  homes and  trading post,  the  lower  the  three areas  p o r t i o n of  the  where t h e r e a r e  the chapter  area  (see  the  thought  are i n  suitable for residence.  that rises  o f t h e p l a c e s named a r e  the  t o t h e summit p l a t e a u .  i s where m o s t ' o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n has  and  named p o i n t s i n  t h e named f e a t u r e s a r e a l o n g  steep h i l l s i d e  Washington Pass road  irrigated  l a n d s l i d e - d e b r i s highlands t o be  the  house,sand"the'main  L a n d s c a p e f e a t u r e s u s e d as  In the upper h i g h l a n d s ,  rest  features i s  the d i s t r i b u t i o n  travel  place  t h e w e s t e r n edge, where t h e m a j o r i t y o f  paved highway.  base of  many l o c a l  sites  In the Chuska V a l l e y the r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s  p o p u l a t i o n has fields,  a l s o use  Personal  t h e same as  unusual  has  a Ramah N a v a j o ,  ( D a v i d F. A b e r l e , The  The  V a l k e n b u r g h 1941,  named l o c a t i o n s t h a t i d e n t i f i e d some r e s i d e n c e  the a r e a .  This  1970,  Navajos are p a r t i c u l a r l y  been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y c o l l e c t e d a brief  Van  1917:149-154, J e t t  summer homes.  located along  t h e m a i n r o a d on  the  t h e summit  plateau.  Interviews 1965,1966,1970, 1971.  176  Four, of the seventy-two named-features a l s o have :. ritual significance. prayers  Ceremonial m a t e r i a l i s c o l l e c t e d and  a r e s a i d a t "Sun R e s t i n g "  on the summit  plateau.  People stop a t both "Rubbed Rock" i n Washington Pass and " P u t t i n g Rocks Down" b e s i d e the summit p l a t e a u .  the main n o r t h - s o u t h road on .  They pray a t these p l a c e s f o r good  f o r t u n e on t h e i r journey.  O f f e r i n g s a r e made and prayers  f o r r a i n a r e s a i d a t "Turquoise S p r i n g . "  The l a t t e r  s p r i n g i s i d e n t i f i e d by Van Valkenburgh as i n the Washington Pass area  (1941:169).  He wrote t h a t t h i s s p r i n g i s the  same one t h a t was w a l l e d expedition  up by U.S. s o l d i e r s on an 1848  through'Washington Pass.  I suggest t h a t Van  Valkenburgh was d e s c r i b i n g two d i f f e r e n t s p r i n g s , only one of which has r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e .  "Turquoise  c e r t a i n l y i s a Navajo s h r i n e , b u t i t - i s a m i l e from Washington Pass.  Spring"  l o c a t e d w e l l over  "Water S i t t i n g There" i s  near the summit of the pass and has been d e s c r i b e d as a "walled  up" s p r i n g .  used by the t r o o p s .  to me  The l a t t e r i s probably the one  177  APPENDIX D Table Format and . S t a t i s t i c a i r T e s j t s Table Format All  the t a b l e s i n t h i s study have the same g e n e r a l  form and use the same symbols.  A l l have t i t l e s  t h a t :l  i d e n t i f y the v a r i a b l e being analyzed, the u n i t o f measurement, the v a r i a b l e used f o r ' c r o s s - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , when a p p r o p r i a t e , The  and the time p e r i o d o f the d a t a .  dimensions o f the v a r i a b l e being analyzed a r e  l i s t e d as row d e s c r i p t i o n s table.  on the l e f t - h a n d  s i d e o f each  When a t a b l e i s b i v a r i a t e , t h i s i s the dependent  variable derived  from Navajo  ideology.  In u n i v a r i a t e t a b l e s , columns p r e s e n t only t o t a l or a s e r i e s of non-additive univariate  a univariate  totals.  In  b i v a r i a t e t a b l e s , the f i r s t column i s the t o t a l column t h a t is  l a b e l l e d by the u n i t of measurement.  describe  the dimensions o f the v a r i a b l e being used f o r  cross-classification. derived For given. and  Other columns  from Navajo  This i s the independent v a r i a b l e ideology.  each column l a b e l , two s e t s o f d i s t r i b u t i o n s a r e The frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n i s i d e n t i f i e d by  the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n by  % .  f •  Since columns  u s u a l l y r e p r e s e n t the independent v a r i a b l e or t o t a l , the frequency and percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n a r e t o t a l l e d v e r t i c a l l y . The  percentage t o t a l u s u a l l y equals 100%, because the row  categories  a r e mutually e x c l u s i v e  and account f o r a l l c a s e s .  178 In those i n s t a n c e s where a case may  f a l l i n t o two or more row  c a t e g o r i e s and r e s u l t i n a percentage t o t a l o f more than the e x c e p t i o n i s noted on the t a b l e .  100,.  W i t h i n the frequency and  percentage columns, the f o l l o w i n g symbols  have been used:  no cases, and *  percentage equals l e s s than o n e - h a l f o f one percent.  Since the data r e p r e s e n t a census r a t h e r than a they are not s u b j e c t to sampling e r r o r . Navajo mistakes, however, may f i c a t i o n of some cases.  sample,  Observer e r r o r  and  have r e s u l t e d i n the m i s c l a s s i -  The m i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of a case has  a n o t i c e a b l e impact on the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n s because of small numbers.  Consequently, a l l percentages have been  to the n e a r e s t whole p e r c e n t t o a v o i d i m p l y i n g an  rounded  unwarranted  degree o f accuracy. The r e s u l t s o f s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s a p p l i e d t o each t a b l e ' s data are l i s t e d d i r e c t l y below the t o t a l and are i d e n t i f i e d by a p p r o p r i a t e symbols.  T a b l e notes r e g a r d i n g e x c e p t i o n s t o  the g e n e r a l t a b l e format or the presence o f unusual cases and sources of t a b l e d data are l i s t e d a t the bottom of each t a b l e .  179  Statistical  Tests,  In order to e s t a b l i s h , to what extent Navajo r e s i d e n c e p r a c t i c e s conform to t h e i r i d e o l o g y ,  a s e r i e s of  are presented to determine whether or not regarding ideology  r e s i d e n c e t h a t are d e f i n e d  applied  and  i n or d e r i v e d  1  aggregation patterns.  from  residence  Statistical  tests  are  to data i n these t a b l e s so t h a t the degree of  a s s o c i a t i o n , i f any, The  dimensions  c o r r e l a t e as expected with actual  l o c a t i o n and  tables  can be measured.  tests selected  K r u s k a l ' s Tau  (t  to measure a s s o c i a t i o n are Goodman  f o r p r e d i c t i n g row  variables)  (Blalock 1960:232-234; M u e l l e r , S c h u e s s l e r , and  Costner  2 1977:196-207), and  the C o r r e l a t i o n R a t i o  1965:120-130; M u e l l e r , S c h u e s s l e r , and  (E ) (Freeman  Costner 1977:233-242,  426) . Goodman and reasons.  K r u s k a l ' s Tau was  F i r s t , i t i s applicable  selected  for  several  to both. 2 X 2 t a b l e s  to those with a l a r g e r number of variables..  Second,  i t p r o v i d e s an estimate of the degree to which, e r r o r be reduced due two  As  may  to the nature of the a s s o c i a t i o n between  v a r i a b l e s , t h a t i s , the p r o p o r t i o n a l  variance  and  made p o s s i b l e by  the e x i s t e n c e  reduction of an  association.  a r e s u l t , the estimates o b t a i n e d from t a b l e s of  dimensions can be d i r e c t l y compared.  Lastly,  in  varying  the  a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of t h i s t e s t f o r a wide v a r i e t y of data d i s t r i b u t i o n s and  f o r nominal data i s w e l l documented  180  (Goodman and KrusJcal 1954, 1959, 1963)... s e l e c t e d to estimate e r r o r r e d u c t i o n  Although., t  was  i n those t a b l e s where  the dependent v a r i a b l e was nominal or o r d i n a l , f o r comparative purposes i t has been a p p l i e d  to a l l t a b l e s .  Since t i s not the most s e n s i t i v e index o f a s s o c i a t i o n r 2 f o r i n t e r v a l data, E  a l s o was a p p l i e d where the dependent  v a r i a b l e was an i n t e r v a l s c a l e .  This  not only because i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e  t e s t was s e l e c t e d  to use i n cases where  the independent v a r i a b l e i s nominal or o r d i n a l , but a l s o f o r much the same reasons t h a t t was choosen. r  It is  a p p l i c a b l e both to 2 X 2 t a b l e s and t o those w i t h a l a r g e r number o f v a r i a b l e s .  I t a l s o p r o v i d e s an estimate of the  degree to which e r r o r may be reduced due to the nature of the a s s o c i a t i o n between two v a r i a b l e s , and estimates obtained from t a b l e s of v a r y i n g compared.  dimensions can be d i r e c t l y  181  APPENDIX E Changes i n Land-Dependent L i v e l i h o o d A c t i v i t i e s at Sheep S p r i n g s , 1936-1937 to 1965-1966 B e f o r e the t h i r t i e s ,  l i k e o t h e r Navajos, people a t  Sheep S p r i n g s p r o b a b l y o b t a i n e d much of t h e i r  livelihood  :  from land-dependent  a c t i v i t i e s such as l i v e s t o c k  and farming. (Aberle^ 19 69?, the  In the  Depression • . ;  importance of these s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s began to  change as the U.S. to  Brugge 19C4) ;  raising  Government s t a r t e d programmes designed  reduce l i v e s t o c k on the overgrazed l a n d of the Navajo  R e s e r v a t i o n and to encourage more Navajos'to farm beyond the  subsistence l e v e l .  In 1936-1937 Navajos  Land Management D i s t r i c t No.  12, which i n c l u d e s Sheep  S p r i n g s , s t i l l d e r i v e d j u s t over f i f t y  p e r c e n t of t h e i r  annual income from l i v e s t o c k and a g r i c u l t u r a l (see  living in  produce  Table XXXI), but i n thV-sixties Sheep. Springs .Navajosi. •  d e r i v e d o n l y n i n e t e e n p e r c e n t from these sources (see Table XXXII). The decreased dependency on l i v e s t o c k i s a l s o in  a c t u a l d e c l i n e i n the number of animals grazed i n Sheep  Springs between the t h i r t i e s and the s i x t i e s XXXIII) over two  (see Table  The . t o t a l number of. sheep and goats was thousand head, the horse p o p u l a t i o n had  by over two hundred was  reflected  about the same.  lower by dropped  and f i f t y head, and the number of c a t t l e There were s l i g h t l y more herds of  sheep  and goats i n the s i x t i e s than i n the the t h i r t i e s , but they  182  TABLE XXXI Income Sources, Land Management D i s t r i c t No. 12, 1936-1937 Estimated D o l l a r Amount  Percent o f T o t a l Income  Wage Work  222,400  37.  Livestock  173,100  29  A g r i c u l t u r a l Produce  150,800  25  38,500  Rugs Miscellaneous Total  Note:  7,  9,000  2  593,800  100  D o l l a r amounts have been rounded t o the n e a r e s t $100. Income data f o r about 70 p e r c e n t o f D i s t r i c t No. 12 was estimated on b a s i s o f averages from neighbouring areas (Government Survey 1939: I n t r o d u c t i o n ) .  Source: Government Survey  19 39: Table I I I .  183  TABLE XXXII SPurees of Annual Income, 1965-1966 Estimated D o l l a r Amount Income Source:  f  Livelihood  %  f  g.  24  43  M i g r a t o r y Wage Work  54,600  24  F u l l - T i m e Wage Work  27,700  12  8  14  Part-Time Wage Work  32 ,400  14  51  91  Welfare and Retirement Payments  48,200  21  38  68  Cattle  21,100  9  10  18  Sheep and Goats  18,100  8  40  71  A r t s and C r a f t s  17,700  8  38  68  4, 400  2  31  55  3,500  2  11  19  227,700  100  56  100  Agricultural Miscellaneous Total  Produce  Note:  estimated as f o l l o w s : $9 L i v e s t o c k income v annual income p e r mature sheep o r goat and $7 8 annual income p e r mature cow ( c f . Shepardson and Hammond 1970:113). A g r i c u l t u r a l produce was estimated a t $20 an acre annual income. Dollar amounts have been rounded t o the n e a r e s t $100. L i v e l i h o o d aggregates f r e q u e n c i e s and p e r c e n t s do not t o t a l t o 56 and 100 because each aggregate has more than one source o f income.  Sources:  NEO Survey 19 66, Sheep Springs Permit Records 1964, Sheep Springs Navajo I n t e r v i e w s 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, Sheep Springs Trader Interviews 1965.  TABLE X X X I I I Sheep Springs Area L i v e s t o c k , 1936-1937 and 1965-1966 In 1936-1937: Number of Sheep and Goats Number of Herds Average Number o f Sheep and Goats per Herd Herd S i z e Range  Total '  4,542 33 137.64 8-900  Number o f Cows  260  Number o f Horses  336  In 1965-1966: Number o f Sheep and Goats  2,00 7  Number o f Herds  37  Average Number of Sheep and Goats per Herd  54.24  Herd S i z e Range Number of Cows Number of Horses  9-250 2 70 -85  Note: Lambs, c a l v e s , and c o l t s were not i n c l u d e d i n these f i g u r e s . Mature animals are the b a s i s of t h i s census.. Only, ranimals . run i n the Sheep S p r i n g s area i n the w i n t e r time are counted. Sources: Bowman 1937:43-73, D i p p i n g Record Census 1936a, 19 36b, Government survey 19 38, NEO survey 1966, Sheep Permit Records .1964, Sheep Springs. T r a d e r Interviews 1964, Sheep Springs T r a d i n g Post Ledgers 1928-1940.  185 averaged l e s s than o n e - h a l f of t h e i r e a r l i e r s i z e . l a r g e f l o c k s had d i s a p p e a r e d .  Very  These f i g u r e s do not :/  r e p r e s e n t the t o t a l decrease i n Sheep Springs Navajos' l i v e s t o c k dependency because  some l i v e s t o c k r e d u c t i o n  a l r e a d y had taken p l a c e by 1936-1937. L i v e s t o c k r e d u c t i o n d e s c r i b e d i n the-comparison m i d - t h i r t i e s and m i d - s i x t i e s f i g u r e s was 1940  of the  accomplished i n  and 1941 when l i v e s t o c k permits f o r a l l c l a s s e s o f  g r a z i n g animals were i s s u e d . ' Only those Navajos who l i v e s t o c k i n 1937  could acquire permits.  The  1937  l i v e s t o c k count, undertaken a t sheep d i p p i n g s , was b a s i s f o r determining ownership. o f t e n were g i v e n to Navajos who  owned  the  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , permits had brough-t herds to be  dipped and t a l l i e d r a t h e r than to a c t u a l owners o f animals. In  s p i t e of government attempts  the permits d i d not - and s t i l l a c t u a l ownership  of animals.  to c o r r e c t t h i s  do not - completely  reflect  No a d d i t i o n a l permits have  been i s s u e d , and, t h e r e f o r e , many Sheep Springs do not have a permit.  situation,  Navajos  I f they d i d not r e c e i v e one i n the  f o r t i e s or i n h e r i t one l a t e r and s t i l l want to have l i v e s t o c k , they must have t h e i r animals covered by someone e l s e ' s permit.  Permits can be s o l d , but they r a r e l y a r e .  Not o n l y have no new  permits been i s s u e d , but the  number of head p e r m i t t e d has never changed. permits was in  The s i z e of  determined on the b a s i s of a range survey done  the t h i r t i e s t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d the c a r r y i n g c a p a c i t y o f  186  any area..  Ea,ch. D i s t r i c t 12 owner was. allowed a permit up  to one hundred, and f o u r sheep u n i t s .  One  d e f i n e d as one sheep g r a z i n g f o r a y e a r . i s counted as one sheep u n i t .  A cow  sheep u n i t s and a horse as f i v e .  sheep u n i t i s A sheep or goat  i s counted as f o u r  Some stockowners  i n the  D i s t r i c t were allowed s p e c i a l permits up to t h r e e hundred and f i f t y u n i t s .  These s p e c i a l permits have never been  withdrawn (Young 1961:155-156).. F a c t o r s other than the l i v e s t o c k r e d u c t i o n programme may  account f o r some of the d e c l i n e i n the horse p o p u l a t i o n  and the maintenance of the c a t t l e p o p u l a t i o n .  C a t t l e had  become p r e s t i g e p o s s e s s i o n s so t h a t they competed with horses as s i g n s o f wealth. on a day-to-day  Cows a l s o r e q u i r e d l e s s c a r e  b a s i s than sheep and goats, and  p r o v i d e d a b e t t e r income source than h o r s e s . persons engaged i n wage work w i t h l i t t l e l i v e s t o c k , cows were an i d e a l investment.  they  Thus, f o r  time to care f o r While  cattle  were d i s p l a c i n g horses as p r e s t i g e p o s s e s s i o n s , t r u c k s and c a r s d i s p l a c e d them as means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n .  Several  f a m i l i e s a t Sheep Springs s t i l l had wagons i n the mids i x t i e s , but these were used r a r e l y , and wagon teams were maintained by o n l y a very few.  Saddle horses were r i d d e n  to look f o r l o s t l i v e s t o c k and to round up c a t t l e . few were used i n rodeo s p o r t s .  Given these l i m i t e d uses,  i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the horse p o p u l a t i o n had w h i l e the c a t t l e one remained  A  the same.  declined,  187  A t the same .time as Navajos were. discouraged i n t h e i r ;  attempts  t o r a i s e l a r g e amounts o f l i v e s t o c k , there was an  e f f o r t to develop a g r i c u l t u r a l land on the R e s e r v a t i o n through  the c o n s t r u c t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n systems.  Subsistence  farming was encouraged by a s s i g n i n g f a m i l i e s t e n t o twenty a c r e p l o t s o f i r r i g a t e d l a n d . (Young 1961:123)..  U n f o r t u - .'.  n a t e l y , the Sheep Springs area d i d not p r o v i d e the o p p o r t u n i t y to develop i r r i g a t i o n systems beyond rudimentary  ones i n v o l v i n g d i t c h e s to c a r r y s p r i n g r u n o f f .  The s o i l was too porous to c o n s t r u c t s i z e a b l e dams and t h e r e was no permanent area.  water supply o f any l a r g e volume i n the  Along Blue Shale Wash i n the Chuska V a l l e y s m a l l  f i e l d s were p r o v i d e d w i t h s p r i n g r u n o f f by a s e r i e s o f d i t c h e s developed  i n the t h i r t i e s .  a l l o c a t e d to f a m i l i e s through  These f i e l d s were  the i s s u i n g of f i e l d  Permits a l s o were i s s u e d f o r f i e l d s developed i n the highlands and on the summit p l a t e a u .  permits..  by Navajos (See Table  XXXIV f o r present f i e l d acreage o f Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos").Many of these f i e l d s have been used  long b e f o r e the t h i r t i e s .  F i e l d permits d i d not r e s t r i c t the development o f new f i e l d s , but they were designed  t o p r e s e r v e the s i z e o f f i e l d s by  preventing t h e i r d i v i s i o n into smaller p l o t s .  A field  permit cannot be d i v i d e d among the p e r m i t t e e ' s h e i r s . must be i n h e r i t e d by one person o n l y .  It  A f i e l d permit a l s o  can be s o l d to o n l y one person. In  s p i t e of these attempts  to i n c r e a s e a g r i c u l t u r a l  188  TABLE .XXXIV F i e l d S i z e and Use, 1965-1966, by L o c a t i o n  Total  Location of F i e l d s Winter-Use Summer-Use Area Area  Total F i e l d s : Number o f F i e l d s Number o f Acres Average Number o f . Acres.per F i e l d  59  23  36  428  198  230  7.25  8.61  6.39  P l a n t e d i n 1966: Number o f F i e l d s Number o f Acres Average Number o f Acres per F i e l d  33  10  23  209  72  137  6.33  7.20  5.96  Not P l a n t e d i n 1966: Number o f F i e l d s Number o f Acres Average Number o f Acres per F i e l d  26  13  13  219  126  93  8.42  9.69  7.15  Sources: F i e l d Permit Records 1964, NEO Survey 1966, Sheep Springs Navajo Interviews 1965, 1966.  189  activities,  the p e r c e n t of annual.income Sheep Springs  Navajos d e r i v e d from a g r i c u l t u r a l produce i n the s i x t i e s was  q u i t e s m a l l (see Table XXX'i-I )\ . T..p*d^ermine.-hpwj,rmichl ; ,  >  :  f  of a d e c l i n e i n income from t h i s source o c c u r r e d between the t h i r t i e s and the s i x t i e s i s p r o b l e m a t i c . No.  Since D i s t r i c t  12 a l s o i n c l u d e s p a r t of the i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s  along  the San Juan R i v e r near Shiprock, people a t Sheep S p r i n g s w i t h t h e i r flood-water and dry-farmed  fields  probably  r e c e i v e d l e s s of t h e i r income from t h i s source than average  f o r the d i s t r i c t suggest.  Only ten p e r c e n t of the  annual income of people i n D i s t r i c t No. south of D i s t r i c t No. the m i d - t h i r t i e s  12, was  the  14,  immediately  d e r i v e d from a g r i c u l t u r e i n  (Government Survey  1939:  Table I I I ) . I f  t h i s p e r c e n t i s c l o s e r to t h a t of the Sheep Springs Navajos i n the t h i r t i e s ,  there i s s t i l l  an a g r i c u l t u r a l produce  income d e c l i n e , although i t i s not as s i z e a b l e as the prese: D i s t r i c t No.  12 percentage  indicates  (see Table  XXXII).  The l a c k of o p p o r t u n i t y a f f o r d e d Sheep S p r i n g s Navajos to farm p r o f i t a b l y i s l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h i s d e c l i n e i n a g r i c u l t u r a l income. of i r r i g a t e d land was  I t was  estimated t h a t 120  needed f o r farming beyond the  s u b s i s t e n c e l e v e l on the Navajo R e s e r v a t i o n i n the (Young 1961:127).  acres  fifties  The l a r g e s t .'field acreage . c o n t r o l l e d .by  one  l i v e l i h o o d aggregate  a t Sheep S p r i n g s i n the m i d - s i x t i e  was  30 a c r e s , which i n c l u d e d a 10 a c r e dry-farmed  field  the mountain and a 20 a c r e f l o o d - i r r i g a t e d f i e l d on Blue  on  190 Shale Wash.. Other f a c t o r s income d e c l i n e .  -  a l s o are r e f l e c t e d i n t h i s  The dryness  agricultural  of the w i n t e r i n 1965-1966  provided meagre s p r i n g runoff..  Thus, l a r g e r  fields  dependent on f l o o d - i r r i g a t i o n f or p l a n t i n g were., not :used (see Table XXXIV).  In a d d i t i o n , the s u r p l u s commodity •  programme, which allowed persons w i t h low incomes to r e c e i v e , a t no c o s t , food s t u f f s such as b u t t e r , canned meat, canned v e g e t a b l e s , and powdered m i l k , d i d not encourage farming a c t i v i t i e s t h a t would p r o v i d e supplemental t h a t purchased  food items  w i t h funds d e r i v e d from other  A t the same time government c o n t r o l was  to  sources. being  instituted  over Navajo land-dependent a c t i v i t i e s , wage work was  being  p r o v i d e d i n i n c r e a s i n g amounts by p u b l i c works p r o j e c t s . Wage income f o r the p o p u l a t i o n on the Navajo R e s e r v a t i o n rose from $200,000 i n 1932 1961:212).  to $1,700,000 i n 1936  (Young  T h i s i n c r e a s e i s r e f l e c t e d i n the almost  p e r c e n t o f annual  income'provided  forty  by wages to D i s t r i c t  12 Navajos i n 19 36-1937 (see Table XXXI) ..  No.  Sheep Springs:!;  7  Navajos i n the m i d - s i x t i e s d e r i v e d only t h i r t e e n percent more of t h e i r income from wages than D i s t r i c t No. d i d i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s , but t h i s seemingly may  be due  12 Navajos  small increase  to the f a c t t h a t the e a r l i e r D i s t r i c t No.  12  f i g u r e s i n c l u d e the Shiprock area, a c e n t r e of wage j o b s . The a c t u a l i n c r e a s e i n the amount of annual wage labour f o r Sheep Springs Navajos may  income from  be much g r e a t e r  191  than i n d i c a t e d .  I t does not seem that.wage work made up  the main p o r t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e i n income as l i v e s t o c k r a i s i n g and farming d e c l i n e d between the t h i r t i e s and sixties,  b u t i t seems income from v a r i o u s forms o f w e l f a r e  programmes d i d .  No w e l f a r e income i s r e p o r t e d f o r D i s t r i c t  No. 12 Navajos i n 1936-1937.  By 1965-1966 Sheep  Springs  Navajos d e r i v e d twenty-one percent of t h e i r income from such programmes as A i d to Dependent C h i l d r e n , S o c i a l S e c u r i t y , and O l d Age A s s i s t a n c e .  Young estimates  the Navajo T r i b e and U.S. Government  that  provided $124 worth  of b e n e f i t s such as f r e e medical and d e n t a l care, per Navajo each year beyond a c t u a l w e l f a r e payments  (1961:228).  I f t h i s was t r u e i n the m i d - s i x t i e s , an a d d i t i o n a l $66,300 would be added to the Sheep Springs N a v a j o s  1  annual income.  The percent o f t h e i r annual income c o n t r i b u t e d by w e l f a r e would be s u b s t a n t i a l l y h i g h e r , t h i r t y - n i n e p e r c e n t .  Wage  work would c o n t r i b u t e very n e a r l y the same amount i t d i d i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s and would equal w e l f a r e income, i . e . , thirty-nine  percent.  

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