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The Chʻing salt monopoly : a reappraisal Sokoloff, Laurence David 1980

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THE CH'ING SALT MONOPOLY: A REAPPRAISAL by  LAURENCE DAVID SOKOLOFF B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department o f H i s t o r y )  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 19 80  (Q) Laurence David S o k o l o f f , 19 80  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  HISTORY  The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date  -J^^E  >x,  ii  >  Abstract T h i s essay begins with a survey of the r e s e a r c h that has been done on the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s a l t monopoly, one of the most important sources of revenue to the Chinese state.  The most i n f l u e n t i a l work on t h i s s u b j e c t i n E n g l i s h  has been two  a r t i c l e s by Dr. Thomas Metzger.  puts:.forth what may  Dr. Metzger  be c a l l e d the " o p t i m i s t i c "  interpretation  of the monopoly's f u n c t i o n i n g ; he argues t h a t the government was  Chinese  capable of r e g u l a t i n g commerce so as to y i e l d  s i g n i f i c a n t amounts of revenue,  and capable of e f f e c t i v e l y  i n s t i t u t i n g reforms i n the face of changed c o n d i t i o n s .  He  uses as h i s example L i a n g - h u a i , the l a r g e s t of the eleven d i s t r i c t s i n t o which the s a l t monopoly was  divided, during  the years 1740 to 1 8 4 0 . T h i s paper seeks to d i s p u t e Dr. Metzger's with regards to L i a n g - h u a i .  conclusions  I t uses as i t s primary  sources  the w r i t i n g s of v a r i o u s o f f i c i a l s of the c h i n g - s h i h ( p r a c t i c a l s t a t e c r a f t ) s c h o o l of thought, who  tfe  were i n t i m a t e -  l y concerned with the problems of the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t a l s o makes use of the standard c o l l e c t i o n s of memorials of important o f f i c i a l s to the c o u r t , as w e l l as sources to p r o v i d e h i s t o r i c a l background from  secondary  earlier  dynasties. Beginning with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the f u n c t i o n i n g of the s a l t monopoly i n L i a n g - h u a i , the t h e s i s continues with an examination of L i a n g - h u a i d u r i n g the e i g h t e e n t h century, when i t was  at the h e i g h t of i t s p r o s p e r i t y .  The  success-  f u l f u n c t i o n i n g of the monopoly a t t h i s time does much  i i i to  justify  Metzger's  However, the by  beginning  efficiency the state,  until  they  confidence  salt  were  smugglers  the source  a n d most  bankrupt.  The t h e s i s  of this  and t h e r a p i d l y  made  i tdifficult  vital the  product.  danger  rebellious the  ranks  of the  smugglers.  then  able  t o make b a s i c  this  paper  failure,  the  concludes  concludes  since strength  since i teventually resulted  was  essentially  i n the revival  o f h e r e d i t a r y merchant  monopolies  The  thesis  concludes  the basic  administration: i n order  amount high would  o f revenue  enough  fails  to the state  t o encourage  be t o p a r t i a l l y  sources  o f revenue,  to deal  f o rsalt  replace high  preferably  satisfactorily  to yield  i t s price  smuggling.  the land  with  would  this  dilemma o f a  great t o be  solution  taxes  with  tax.  Metzger  basic  of  i treplaced.  have  A possible salt  officials  However,  system  salt  and An-  capable  very  by e x a m i n i n g  from  instituted  Kiangsu,  system  this  by p o i n t i n g o u t  system,  o f how  of  to afford  i n t h e monopoly.  the ticket  main  together  much o f t h e i r  example  went  price  peasantry  of Kiangsi,  reforms  that  t h e two  rising  to the ticket  i n 1832, as a s t r i k i n g  were  familys  t o the dynasty,  drew  T'ao Chu, g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l  hwei,  a  points  of Liang-huai's  p o p u l a t i o n , which  posed  societies  activities  merchant  at length with  chapter  secret  was r e c e i v e d  forhalf  the relentlessly  smuggling  a decline i n  revenue  f o r an i m p o v e r i s h e d  Thomas M e t z g e r by  deals  was  increased their  of supply  rising  This  salt  Less  of the o l d salt  decline,  salt  i t .  1800 t h e r e  o f t h e monopoly.  customers,  causes  about  i n  other  dilemma, and  iv in  his "optimistic  to  sufficiently  in  the  eighteenth  1 5  appraisal  of  the  d i s t i n g u i s h between century  and  salt  i t s successful  i t s failure  Dr.  administration  Edgar  i n the  fails  functioning nineteenth.  Wickberg  V  Table of Contents I.  Introduction  1  a)  The  S a l t Monopoly: A D e s c r i p t i o n  7  b)  The  P a r t i a l Success of  Eighteenth II. in  the  Century  C o l l a p s e of the S a l t  18 Administration  Liang-huai  a)  Extent  24  b)  Causes  30  c)  The  T r a n s p o r t Merchants and  the  Problem of Smuggling  57  d)  62  III.  The  Problem of Imperial S e c u r i t y  Proposals  f o r the Reform of  the  S a l t Monopoly  76  IV.  94  Conclusion  Footnotes  108  Bibliography  118  Glossary  121  vi L i s t of Maps I.  Salt Administration D i s t r i c t  Boundaries II. III.  P l a c e s Mentioned i n the Text Kiangsu  Province  vii Acknowledgements  I would l i k e to thank Dr. Alexander Woodside f o r h i s help i n choosing  the t o p i c of t h i s paper, and h i s a i d i n  c a r r y i n g out the i n i t i a l r e s e a r c h . express my  I would a l s o l i k e to  a p p r e c i a t i o n to P r o f e s s o r Hsu-tu Chen f o r h i s  help i n reading some of the d i f f i c u l t my  research.  F i n a l l y , my  texts involved i n  s p e c i a l thanks go to Dr.  Wickberg, f o r h i s p a i n s t a k i n g care and cisms by which t h i s essay was  thoughtful  Edgar criti-  brought to c o n c l u s i o n .  1 I.  Introduction Throughout  the of  salt the  Chinese the  portion  of  theless  the  study  been  written that  to  written  have  been  in  providing  an  neglecting  their  functioning.  best  so  dealing  social more  f a r produced,  to of  the  this  salt  essay  of  economic  a  Never-  has  works  generally  have  monopoly have  tended  paste"  the  salt  laws  background  a n a l y t i c a l study, is  tax.'  " s c i s s o r s and  account  and  largest  land  several  book w r i t t e n  organs  Ming  second  the  history  important  government  with  for  imperial  l e a s t the  the  While  exhaustive  A  most  at  branch  traditional  the  the  of  next  surveyed  the  of  provided  this  Chinese  years  Since  scholars.  while  the  one  revenue,  of  by  in  those  was  monopoly  national  neglected  thousand  government.  salt  been  style,  last  administration  Dynasty  be  the  and by  to  perhaps Saeki  3 Tomi  concerning  work,  the  however,  writing  of  No before  was  this  1911 by  has Ho  not  merchants  their  variety  lines. those  markets,  capital  in  and  Ko  of  available  as why of  in  1954  That  during  they  were  commercial  maintains  so  conspicuous  they  monopoly English.  does  a whole,  merchants and  the  written  Ping-ti in  salt  prevented  study  been  administration  European  readily  administration.  the  paper.  salt  "modern"  salt  1  full-length  written  a  Ch xng  who  but  not  A  deal  on  content  consumption  and  to  the  the  develop  capitalism  transported  existed  with  to  Ch'ing  i t  monograph  focuses  unable  that  were  as  along  regulations salt  from  invest  other  expanding  their  non-productive  areas.*  1  Perhaps the most i n f l u e n t i a l a r t i c l e s on t h i s  s u b j e c t have been two w r i t t e n by Dr. Thomas Metzger.^ In e v a l u a t i n g the success o r f a i l u r e o f the s a l t monopoly it  i s e s s e n t i a l to c r i t i c a l l y  examine the work done by  Dr. Metzger. Since the study o f the e n t i r e s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n over a p e r i o d o f c e n t u r i e s would be i m p r a c t i c a l i n a s h o r t essay Metzger has chosen t o l i m i t h i m s e l f t o the L i a n g - h u a i d i s t r i c t o f the monopoly d u r i n g the e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s .  There are  s e v e r a l reasons why Metzger should choose t h i s p a r t o f China f o r h i s r e s e a r c h .  L i a n g - h u a i was  the l a r g e s t o f the eleven d i s t r i c t s  i n t o which the  s a l t monopoly was d i v i d e d , comprising most o f the s i x p r o v i n c e s o f Kiangsu, Hunan, and Hupeh.  K i a n g s i , Anwhei, Honan,  By the e a r l y p a r t o f the n i n e t e e n t h  century the p r o v i n c e s o f K i a n g s i , Hunan, and Hupeh, which were L i a n g - h u a i ' s  r i c h e s t markets, alone had a combined  p o p u l a t i o n of about seventy m i l l i o n people.  The enormous  s i z e o f t h i s r e g i o n made i t one o f the s e v e r e s t t e s t s o f the Ch'ing  s t a t e ' s a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y o r g a n i z e commerce.  Moreover, s i n c e L i a n g - h u a i was the l a r g e s t d i s t r i c t  source  m a t e r i a l s f o r i t s study would be comparatively p l e n t i f u l .  7  In a d d i t i o n , the wealth o f t h i s p a r t o f China made i t the center of o f f i c i a l  interest.  which worked w e l l here tended of the empire.  Those methods o r reforms t o be i m i t a t e d i n o t h e r p a r t s  - 8  Derived from h i s study o f L i a n g - h u a i , Metzger has put  3  forward of  the  what  might  functioning  admitting he  we  that  praises  of  the  the  call the  system  Chinese  capabilities",  even  the  "optimistic'  salt was  administration. not  state's  where  interpretation  5  completely  "impressive  i t faced  While efficient  commercial  i t s most  difficult  9 challenges.  Metzger  this  been  has  not  criticizes  the  i s , however,  the  work  quick  traditional  of  earlier  to  note  that  interpretation.  scholars  by  He  saying:  . . . what work has been done has f o c u s e d o n l y on the d y s f u n c t i o n a l aspects of these a c t i v i t i e s (those of the Liang-huai m e r c h a n t s and o f f i c i a l s ) . Disting u i s h e d e x p e r t s on t h e s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , s u c h as T s o S h u - c h e n , Ho W e i - n i n g , C h o u W e i - l i a n g , and Tseng Yang-feng, have d e p l o r e d the Liang-huai merchants' g r e a t p o w e r , s a y i n g i t was used to c o r r u p t the whole a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the monopoly... Indeed, s i n c e at l e a s t M i n g t i m e s t h e monopoly has had t h e reputation o f b e i n g hu-1' u ( i n a mess) . . . and o f f i c i a l s often c o n t e m p t u o u s l y lumped t o g e t h e r as p i ( c o r r u p t p r a c t i c e s ) both complicated f i s c a l a d j u s t m e n t s and dishonest practices. T h i s h y p e r b o l i c o u t l o o k has been l a r g e l y due t o t h e n o r m a t i v e , p o l i c y - o r i e n t e d a p p r o a c h o f s c h o l a r s and o f f i c i a l s w i t h i n t h e C h i n e s e t r a d i t i o n , who w e r e r i g h t f u l l y m o r e i n t e r e s t e d i n d o i n g away v/ith bad p r a c t i c e s t h a n i n n i c e l y w e i g h i n g f u n c t i o n a l against dysfunctional factors. Saeki Tomi's valuable b o o k (1962) s i m i l a r l y s t r e s s e s d y s f u n c t i o n a l factors and i g n o r e s much d a t a i n t h e L i a n g - h u a i salt gazetteers concerning the various r o u t i n e adjustments through which the s t a t e t r i e d to counter d y s f u n c t i o n a l ; tendencies." ;|  o '.' '.c '<•• s  1 0  Metzger tively of  the  believes use  that  economic  monopoly  the  and  more  Ch'ing  court  p o l i c e powers  efficient.  II  He  was to  able  to  make t h e  points  out  effecoperation  the  signifi--  IX  cant  amount  Metzger was  of  holds  possible,  success  of  the  revenue that and  that  major uses  "ticket  as  salt  reform his  system"  taxes of  the  yielded. salt  illustration  Finally,  administration the  striking  ( p ' i a o - - f a) , w h i c h  was  :.  introduced  after 1830.  i n t o Liang-huai  No  doubt  the  apparent success of the t i c k e t system, coming a f t e r a p e r i o d of d i f f i c u l t y  i n the Liang-huai  administration,  seems to Metzger to j u s t i f y h i s o p t i m i s t i c a p p r a i s a l o f the s a l t monopoly, and makes the p e r i o d of h i s t o r y covered i n h i s essays an a t t r a c t i v e one The  f o r him  to study.  t i c k e t sytem, as w e l l as s e v e r a l of Metzger's more  s p e c i f i c proposals,  w i l l be d i s c u s s e d  i n greater  detail  later. In d i s c u s s i n g whether or not Metzger's o p t i m i s t i c a p p r a i s a l of the s a l t monopoly i s j u s t i f i e d tial  t h a t we  make c l e a r our grounds f o r judging  success or f a i l u r e . who  i t i s essen-  T h i s has  it a  been done by Edmund Worthy,  i n h i s study o f the Southern Sung monopoly w r i t e s  ''Ultimately the only y a r d s t i c k f o r measuring the e f f e c t i v e ness of c o n t r o l s i n the s a l t monopoly i s the of i l l i c i t  s a l t production  i f a large proportion  and  sales".  of the p o p u l a t i o n  s a l t from smugglers, who  prevalence  In other words, received  their  p a i d no taxes to the government,  then the monopoly must be judged a f a i l u r e .  However,  Worthy a l s o notes t h a t as long as revenue continued  to  pour i n t o the government c o f f e r s , a moderate amount of smuggling might be t o l e r a t e d I t seems, t h e r e f o r e , the s a l t monopoly must be judged f i r s t and whether the government was i t y i e l d e d , and sales. was  foremost on  s a t i s f i e d with the tax revenue  s e c o n d a r i l y on the prevalence of  A t h i r d standard  that  illegal  f o r d e c i d i n g whether the monopoly  f u n c t i o n i n g p r o p e r l y would be the p r o s p e r i t y of  the  merchants trade. on  licensed  During  merchants  merchants or  went  by  the  f o r the  the  bankrupt,  then  there  open  to  smugglers. nowrturn. our  concentrate basis  If  use  we  the  failure,  a  of  open  and to  measure  year  1830  general well  the  fact, the  will  one  the  may  be  the  Since  the set  served  to  swell  the  T'ang the  then,  the  would  be  at  by the  the  whether  the 'district-  judge  dynasty Dynasty  ranks  of  a  the of  achieved  century,  and  bankrupt.  most In  yielded  century  involved in  was  smugglers  area,  nineteenth  the  collected  revenues  by  were  collecting  smugglers who  by  T h e r e ' was '•.  taxes  gone  those  a  partial  government,  salt  too,  part  monopoly  of  the  thrown  conclusions.  least  Liang-huai had  shipmen  legal  provide  collapse.  amount  these  i t s performance  salt  of  If  study,  to  eighteenth  families  question  the  for  own  !  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the  them.  way  to  Metzger s  verge  throughout  to  as  judged  i n the  quotas  danger  no  evaluation of  that  o l d merchant  salt  worth  the  to  Although  on  agreement  at  must  success  i t was  below  moved of  of  be  so  dependant  salt  administration in that  Metzger's  doubt.  finance  .This  salt  salt.  to  research'.  standards,  salt  monopoly  s t a t e was  market  Liang-huai,  three  the  the  attention-.torLiang-Iiuai',  comparison  these  operation China,  of  on  would the  enter  sale of  capital  and  bylMetzger: f o r r h i s  close  is  customers,  to  the  t r a n s p o r t and  have  reach  will  Dynasty  d i d not  to  chosen  government  Ch'ing  salt  We  the  had  rebelled  against  6 against  the imperial  standards most  court.  This, i n addition  o f e v a l u a t i o n mentioned  damning  indictment  against  above,  to the three  i s perhaps the  the traditional  salt  ad-  ministration . The the  body  of this  criticisms  Metzger's  essay  I have  made  interpretation  will  against  with  duction,  t r a n s p o r t , and s a l e  t o warn  involved tieth  a description  the reader  general, various  when  This  carefully  of salt  Liang-huai  distinguish  Before  beginning,  o f the pro-  i n Liang-huai  history  before  i t i s  t h e twen-  of statistics.  or dispensing  the so-called  In  funds f o r  treasury o f f i c i a l s  between  and  one o f t h e problems  i s the problem taxes  with  monopoly  o f the mechanics  Chinese  collecting  purposes,  the salt  concerning  i n dealing with  century.  i n some d e t a i l  o f i t s success.  however,  well  deal  d i d not  r e g u l a r and  (6  miscellaneous  taxes  not  necessary  even  revenue of one  felt  Liang-huai  the salt  7  This  nature  miscellaneous  though  clear  taxes  In defending  numerous  accuracy  t h a t when  concerning than  other  many  fees  different  by t h e a d h o c  and payments  of doubtful  regarding  Ch'ing  used  t o the r e g u l a r and  sales of salt  statistics  dealing with  T'ao Chu  largely  In addition  total  h i s reforms  an e n t i r e l y  engendered  taxes.  i t was  e x a c t l y how m u c h  h i s opponents  o f the merchants,  estimates  greater  yielded.  c o n f u s i o n was  of the salt  demanded  t o know  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h e statesman  s e t o f numbers,  set.'  ( c h e n g - t s a . - k 'o) . ' I n f a c t ,  were  legality.  were  offered  A l with  taxation, i t i s  financial  administration  7  numbers a)  should be used with  caution,  The S a l t Monopoly: A D e s c r i p t i o n S a l t has been used throughout h i s t o r y both as a sea-  soning and a p r e s e r v a t i v e , and under normal c o n d i t i o n s to m a i n t a i n h e a l t h a person must consume four to twelve pounds of i t a year.  The Chinese, however, consumed more of i t  than u s u a l , s i n c e those who  l i v e on a d i e t o f g r a i n must  use more than those peoples t h a t eat meat. d i f f i c u l t y with the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  P a r t o f the  as Edmund Worthy  has suggested, may stem from the f a c t t h a t s a l t i s not the best product i n which to have a monopoly.  Although as a  b i o l o g i c a l n e c e s s i t y people are f o r c e d to purchase  salt  no matter what the p r i c e , t h i s a l s o means that i n times of s c a r c i t y people w i l l use any means, l e g a l or i l l e g a l , to get i t .  U n l i k e the o i l c u r r e n t l y c o n t r o l l e d by the OPEC  monopoly, s a l t does not r e q u i r e expensive machinery to produce  i t o r l a r g e ships to t r a n s p o r t i t , and so i t i s  relatively difficult  f o r a government to ensure t h a t the  t o t a l supply i s under i t s control.*° A c c o r d i n g to legend i t was Kuan Chung, m i n i s t e r to the Duke o f C h ' i d u r i n g the Spring and Autumn p e r i o d , who  first  thought o f a monopoly of the s a l e o f s a l t as a source o f government revenue. administration  However, China a c t u a l l y owes the s a l t  as an i n s t i t u t i o n to Emperor Wu of Han.  Around the year 120 B.C. the censor Chang T'ang advocated the c r e a t i o n o f a monopoly i n s a l t and i r o n to pay f o r Emperor Wu's  expensive m i l i t a r y campaigns.  A f t e r a checkered  c a r e e r during the next s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s the monopoly was  8 r e v i v e d by the T'ang Dynasty f i n a n c i a l e x p e r t s Ti-wu C h i :  and L i u Yen, who  faced the urgent task of p u t t i n g the  country t o g e t h e r again a f t e r the r e b e l l i o n of An  Lu-shan,  From then on the s a l t monopoly became an accepted arm of the i m p e r i a l government, the system i n use i n L i a n g - h u a i and most o t h e r p o r t i o n s of the empire having developed from the "shipment method ' (kang-fa) c r e a t e d by the l a t e 1  Ming o f f i c i a l Yuan Shih-chen.^  3  The importance o f the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to the i m p e r i a l f i n a n c e s cannot be underestimated.  In the m i l i -  t a r y c r i s i s a t the beginning of the Southern Sung Dynasty s a l t v i r t u a l l y supported the armies s i n g l e - h a n d e d l y . only was  Not  t h e ^ s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n the s u p p l i e r to the s t a t e  of the second l a r g e s t p o r t i o n of i t s revenue by the Ming Dynasty, as we have seen, but t h e r e was  a l s o a marked  tendency f o r d y n a s t i e s to grow more, not l e s s , on s a l t revenue as time went on. temporary  dependant  Beginning as a mere  expedient i n time o f r e b e l l i o n the s a l t taxes  e v e n t u a l l y s u p p l i e d h a l f the revenue i n cash of the T'ang as Dynasty. In the year 1578  the xncome from the s a l t monopoly  accounted f o r about one q u a r t e r of t o t a l revenue; by  1600  the d e c l i n i n g s t a t e of Ming f i n a n c e s had r a i s e d t h i s  figure  6 to one t h i r d .  The seemingly g r e a t e r r e l i a b i l i t y of s a l t  revenue, i t must be admitted, does much to j u s t i f y c o n f i d e n c e i n the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s  Metzger s  effectiveness.  T h i s q u e s t i o n of the r e l i a b i l i t y of the s a l t monopoly as opposed  t o o t h e r methods o f t a x a t i o n w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n  more d e t a i l toward the end of t h i s essay.  1  The source  salt  of  administration  revenue  beginning  of  the  during  five  central  government  taels.  The  taels.  It  or  was  and  the  Imperial  of was  chief  a  staff  private sible  regular  the  the  total  never  the  the million 2,200,000  sum,  large  wealth  reached  that  the  central  This  by  the  so  and the  In  commissioner  catching  salt  Liang-huai  in  of  informal salt  forth.  of  Anhwei.  taotai, itself  whose was  not  to  his  area  divided  Manchu  1831,  at  official  who  in  was job  into  various  were  keeping  own  the  staff with  (especially such to  this  the the  matters  most  an  two  respon-'  treasury,  co-operated  Attached  special  was  including  advisors,  Hupeh)  Liang-huai  a  this  officials  and  Grand  governor-general  addition  smugglers.  the  until  administration  local  the  usually  Under  frequently  Hunan  of  organization  Department,  over  administration  junction  thirty-seven,  about  p r o v i n c i a l and  a  the  of  provinces  called  at  and  governor-general as  to 40  this  Liang-huai  Kiangsu,  and  salt  the  commissioner,  taken  f o r managing  chief  the  Household  secretaries  records,  of  a  monopoly  supplied  that  which  River.  salt  i t was  Kiangsi,  of  Yangtze  of  time  budget  of  revenue  alone  At  salt  total  however,  most  the  of  f r a c t i o n of  Yangchow,  by  which  a  Dynasty.  as  7  headed the  noted,  only  at  a  a  i t s importance  taels  district  headquarters  located  Canal  be  produced,  government.^ The  of  Liang-huai  was  Liang-huai  out  Ch'ing century  six million  must  i t was,  the  nineteenth  yielded  as  retained  of  official was. large  admini-  10 strative former quota of  districts,  was of  much m o r e  about  weight  compared  of to  production offices  Huai-nan  1,600,000 y i n o f  salt  Hai-chou,  and  synonymous Each  yard  was  square not  miles  only  land, the  s i n c e most  months  of  the  year.  salt  ( t h e y i n was  a  the  was  divided into  which  yards),  administered  T ai-chou, the  production  a  was  works  a  salt  of  Huai-pei.  receiver  large  area,  because  the but  nine  district  areas  (t'ing),  workers of  by  last  perhaps yards  also as  well.  was  limited  to  about  salt  was  produced  sea  water  i n s p e c i a l l y - p r e p a r e d ponds,  in  the  water  was  Ming  Dynasty  hereditary, bought  out  Sometimes  was near  but by  in  occupation during  wealthy  salt  facilities As  the  the : :  workers  yard and  regards  widows,  yards or  of  on  salt  Ch'ing  stoves. worker  these  merchants yard  t :  During  Indeed, four by while the  (tsao-hu)  men  were  was  gradually  (ch' ang-shang) .  merchants  owned  manufacturing  common. the  transport  further divided into the  boiled  fifty  agricultural  farmers  In.Huai-pei  (yen-  included  were  salt  branch  eleven  1  yards,  1830)  three  evaporating Huai-nan  unit  regards  This  a c t u a l manufacture  shipment  As  covered  salt  yearly  for Huai-pei.  administered  manufacturing  a  in  the  in a l l .  with  the  catties  three  s s u - t a - s h i h ) , and  which  400  (ch'ang,  with  of  to  ( f e n - s s u ) , T'ung-chou,  yards,  Huai-pei,  equal  Liang-huai  areas  k'o  value,  290,000 y i n  production  being  important,  shifting  of  and  were  orphans,  and  three  s u p p l i e d by who  by  law  sale of  main  areas.  peddlers, paid  salt  no  Liang-huai  Certain often  tax.  the  Other  counties poor, areas  i n Kiangsu p r o v i n c e , where a l l the L i a n g - h u a i yards were l o c a t e d , were d e s i g n a t e d nearby p o r t s (shih-an).  At these  p l a c e s taxes were kept to a minimum so t h a t p r i c e s be lowered and smugglers, who with s a l t  might e a s i l y be  might  supplied  from the nearby y a r d s , be discouraged.  Most of  the L i a n g - h u a i markets, however, were c a l l e d kang-an tant p o r t s ) .  (dis-  The Huai-pei d i s t a n t p o r t s were l o c a t e d i n  Anhwei and Honan p r o v i n c e s , and were reached v i a the Kuai r i v e r .  The Huai-nan d i s t a n t p o r t s , by f a r the most  important markets, were l o c a t e d .in Anhwei, K i a n g s i , Hunan and Hupeh, and used s a l t shipped up the One  Yangtze.  of the c h i e f reasons f o r the e x i s t e n c e of the  y a r d merchants was  to serve as convenient i n t e r m e d i a r i e s  between the thousands  of s m a l l s a l t producers and the  wealthy t r a n s p o r t merchants  (yun-shang).  The  latter  u s u a l l y ' r e c e i v e d t h e i r s a l t from the yard merchants at Yangchow, and p a i d t h e i r taxes at t h i s time.  Under  the system developed by Yuan Shih-chen those who t h e i r taxes i n advance r e c e i v e d the h e r e d i t a r y of s e l l i n g s a l t .  paid  privilege  Because t h i s p r i v i l e g e c o u l d not be  t r a n s f e r r e d to other f a m i l i e s i t was  c a l l e d ken-wo, or  "rooted nest'', although e v e n t u a l l y a system  developed  •whereby l i c e n s e s to s e l l s a l t might be l e a s e d to others f o r a p e r i o d of one to f i v e y e a r s . During the K a n g ~ h s i !  reign d i f f i c u l t i e s  involved i n  the s u p e r v i s i o n of the merchant community r e s u l t e d i n the c r e a t i o n of head merchants  (tsung-shang), who  guaranteed  the a b i l i t y of the other merchants to pay t h e i r t a x e s .  12 These head merchants numbered about t h i r t y , as opposed to the small merchants eighteenth  (san-shang), who  at t h e i r h e i g h t i n the  century numbered about two  hundred.  I t must  be noted at t h i s p o i n t t h a t the number of people i n v o l v e d i n the work of the s a l t monopoly was estimates  t h a t by 1800  enormous.  Metzger  the t o t a l number of s a l t workers,  t r a n s p o r t merchants and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e s , boatmen, e t c . a.  8  added up to 4 00,00 0 men. difficult people.  I t would c l e a r l y have been very  f o r t h i r t y - s e v e n o f f i c i a l s to s u p e r v i s e so many The  head merchants p r o v i d e d v i t a l a s s i s t a n c e i n  managing at l e a s t those  among the monopoly personnel  were engaged i n the t r a n s p o r t and one  should not be confused  d u r i n g the e i g h t e e n t h probably  Incidentally,  by the v a r i o u s t i t l e s used, s i n c e  century  be a very wealthy  s a l e of s a l t .  who  even a "small merchant" would  man.  Although some t r a n s p o r t merchants were assigned c e r t a i n districts  i n which to s e l l t h e i r s a l t most merely  transpor-  ted i t as f a r as the l a r g e c i t i e s , Nanch ang i n K i a n g s i 1  Hankow f o r t h a t s a l t t h a t was From there i t was ( s h u i - f a n ) , who localities.  and  going to Hunan and Hupeh.  p i c k e d up by the s o - c a l l e d water merchants  s o l d i t to the r e t a i l  shops i n the  various  In g e n e r a l , t r a n s p o r t merchants were not  allowed  to s h i p s a l t to any other p l a c e other than t h a t to which were assigned,  unless permitted  to do so by the government.  A l s o ^ except i n extreme emergencies, s h i p p i n g of s a l t o u t s i d e the boundaries of Liang-huai the s a l t monopoly to another was  they  or from one  entirely  district  s t r i c t l y forbidden.  d e s c r i b e d i n o u t l i n e the s t r u c t u r e of the Liang-huai  of  Having salt  13  Provincial Salt  Boundary  District  + * + ++ + +Boundary Huai-pei  Boundary  Between  Huai-nan  and  14  15  District  Boundary  * - Waterway ===  a  Hai-chou  A  T'ai^-chou Yards  •  Yards  T ung-chou 1  Yards  16 Guide  p.  13  Salt  1.  Ch'anglu  2.  Shantung  3. a .  Administration  y  4.  Liangche  5.  Fukien  The  eleventh  the  three  this  IfO*  9  tig  ^5  7.  Yunnan  8.  Szechwan  -  jji  /g  ||  J|J ns  j,|  Shenkan  P 5^  #-  Hotung  C^^j  J§  10. ^  district,  provinces  Fengt'ien ^  of Manchuria  ,  and  i s not  comprises located  on  map.  Source: Chiang C h i n a " , Nanyang p. 68-9. p.  4t  Huainan  Boundaries  6. ., K w a n g t u n g  <!, l \%_  Maps  District  /jji^  Huaipei  b.  to  14  Note:  Places  Tao-chang. University  Mentioned  Since prefectural  mine,  the  located  given  instead.  of  Yangchow  2.  Chen-chiang  3.  Hankow  4.  i n the  Text  boundaries  are  the p r e f e c t u r a l  )')j  1.  " S a l t Consumption i n Ch'ing Journal, Vols. 8 & 9 (1974/5),  9.  y  Ho-fei  difficult  capital  Feng-yang  Jjj^  uj  H.  Shou-chou  ^  Nanch'ang  j| ©  12.  Hsiang-yang  5.  I-ch'ang  ^  13.  I-cheng  6.  Ching-chou  ^ ' J >)•)•)  14.  Waichow  7.  Soochow  •).)./  15.  Chen-hai  8.  Sungv-chiang  ^ 3?  fe^  x  J§  deter-  usually  RC  %  10.  ^  is  to  fj^ 'j-J.J ^  f|L  ^ ^  ;).;.) ^ J .  ^  ^x:  Source: Chung-hua j e n - m i n kung-ho kuo f e n - s h e n g t i - t ' u chi (A c o l l e c t i o n o f maps o f t h e P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a a r r a n g e d by p r o v i n c e ) . T i - t ' u ch'u-pan-she (Map P r e s s ) ,  17 1974. p. 15  Kiangsu  Province lis!)  'Hi  ^  'J'li  1.  Hai-chou  2.  T'ai-chou  3.  Yangchow  4.  I-cheng  5.  Yellow R i v e r  6.  Grand  7.  Yangtze R i v e r  8.  Hai-chou Independent D i s t r i c t  9.  Hsu-chou ^ %  Canal  Prefecture  10.  Huai-an  11.  Yangchow P r e f e c t u r e  12.  T'ung-chou Independent D i s t r i c t IE  Note:  ^  Prefecture  90')  Kiangsu south of the Yangtze i s not d i v i d e d  into  d i s t r i c t s on t h i s map. Source: Thomas Metzger. "The O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s of the Ch'ing State i n the F i e l d of Commerce: The L i a n g Huai S a l t Monopoly, 1740-1840", in.W.E. W i l l m o t t ed. Economic O r g a n i z a t i o n i n Chinese S o c i e t y . Stanford: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1972, p. 12.  18 administration, eighteenth  we  will  century,  now  when  turn  to i t s operation  i nthe  t h e f u n c t i o n i n g o f t h e monopoly a. °l  was  closest  b)  The P a r t i a l The  to i t s official  period  under  K'ang-hsi  White  Lotus  the  high  poly  Success from  ideal.  of the Eighteenth  the f i n a l  during  Century  pacification  t h e 16 8 0 ' s  of the country  t o the outbreak  of the  R e b e l l i o n i n 1796 h a s g e n e r a l l y b e e n  point of the Ch'ing  as w e l l .  Dynasty,  As one author  seen  as  and o f t h e s a l t  mono-  puti t ,  "At t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e C h ' i n g . . . t h e whole c o u n t r y was a t p e a c e . T h e p o p u l a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g r a p i d l y , and t h e r e f o r e t h e number o f c u s t o m e r s f o r s a l t . Salt q u o t a s were g e n e r a l l y o v e r s o l d , w h i l e t a x e s were l i g h t . The m e r c h a n t s were making a p r o f i t , and few a b u s e s h a d c r e p t i n t o the system." h  Thomas M e t z g e r Of  t h e one hundred  labels 30  agrees  1740-1805  with  years  o  this  that  traditional  interpretation.  are h i s special  study  the period of "prosperity", while  i s "increasing  difficulty",  a n d 1831-40  he 1805-  "partial  reco-  il very". poly  Surely  with  There  chief  sent  have  t o t h e market  point  salt  mono-  to the eighteenth  mentioned  i t generated  a success  were  i n advance.  was  next  salt  taxes  to satisfy  the salt  from  this  before, the  but i n order  salt  up  f o r t h e government.  not only  population that  t o back  t h e monopoly  entirety,  requested  the Ch'ing  evidence  of Ch'ien-lung  o f an e x p a n d i n g  Chi-ch'ing  must  much  f o r judging  i n their  that  pride.  A s we  o f revenue  the reign  collected needs  view.  standard  amount  Under  special  i s , i n fact,  traditional  be  holds  functioned effectively  century  the  a n y o n e who  the  commissioner year's  Between  shipment  1746 a n d 1803  19 no  less  were  than  sold  yearly  i n this  but  y i n were  o n l y were  t h e merchant  suggests group  As l a t e  rate  that  sold  community  between  earned  demands  profit  over  5 , 3  f o rtaxes  prospered.  o f no l e s s  satisfied Ho  1740 a n d 1788 t r a n s p o r t  a yearly  the  a n d Hupeh  103,000 y i n , w h i l e  as w e l l  and  d i m i n i s h toward  i n Kiangsi.  government  quota  three  of sales,  a s 1792 i n Hunan  o v e r s o l d by almost  18, 000 e x t r a  the regular  the equivalent o f over  the generation o f revenue,  were  Not  above  Nor d i d the rapid  of the century.  quotas  a  manner,  shipments.  therefore end  7,054,000 y i n o f s a l t  Ping-ti  merchants  than  five  as  million 3H  taels, as  f a r more  h i s measure  merchants  than  the central  o f comparison  to the imperial  government  the contributions  t r e a s u r y Ho n o t e d  1738  a n d 1804 t h e L i a n g - h u a i m e r c h a n t s  than  36 m i l l i o n  million  taels  similar  period  entire the  while on  Those  a grand  merchants  over  Moreover,  four  merchants  over  monopolized  very  who  and b u i l t  t h e sons  relative  ease  into  1646  a n d 1802 t h e t h r e e h u n d r e d  had pretensions t o up v a s t  libraries,  consumption libraries  and  t o move  bureaucracy.  o r so y a r d  indeed.  on a p e r s o n a l  to the best  t h e government  that  wealthy  o f t h e Yangchow m e r c h a n t s  with  a  the  i t c a n ber s e e n were  access  more  than  c a n be seen  scholars  between  d i d not indulged i n conspicuous  scale.  enabled  As t h e l a t t e r  o f the merchants  patronized great who  t h e Cohong  of vast wealth  handed  Using  made b y  that  to the less  t r a d e o f t h e empire  effects  those  tutors  5  transport  as w e l l .  culture  from  of time?  European  The  compared  received  Liang-huai  level  taels,  received.  Between  and t r a n s p o r t  20 merchants shih  produced  degree,  passing  the metropolitan  merchant  function  community  of the salt  numerous  monopoly.  contain  salt  trade  Secretary problems  the  involved  the next  Liang-huai  were  cheat meet  prefecture  Liang-huai  3.  have  Due  districts,  from  retail  those  used  merchants  to sell  people  shops  i n another 4.  salt  Salt  A memorial  since  of the  by t h e G r a n d  f o r c i n g people  While  Chu f e l t  that  yards  would  districts  of  F o r example,  Chekiang,  even  than  districts  some  use various  workers,  would  district  high,  from  division  belonging  prices  the various  salt  major  faced:  who  some o f t h e i r  to the r i g i d  into  of the  though  salt.  the impoverished would  there  i n some d e t a i l ,  irrational.  closer to the Liang-huai  The y a r d  these  officials  administration  2.  century  w r i t t e n .about.-1.730 d e s c r i b e s . " e i g h t  salt  used  and s u c c e s s f u l  i n the operation  century.  between  that  v i t a l i t y of  o f t h e l a r g e - s c a l e breakdown  The b o u n d a r i e s  was  tremendous  service  the eighteenth  1.  Chen-chiang it  during  t o examine  t h e seeds  that  This  civil  attests to the orderly  even  Ghu:Shih  of the chin-  o f t h e chu-j en d e g r e e , f o r  and p r o v i n c i a l  difficulties  during  139 h o l d e r s  administration.  I t i s well  they  than  respectively.  Nevertheless, were  fewer  a n d 208 h o l d e r s  examinations, the  no  be  i n areas to turn large  i n order  salt  of the salt  forced  to  t o make  t o smugglers. monopoly  t o buy t h e i r  t o one d i s t r i c t ,  might  pretexts  even  salt  though  be c l o s e r .  close  t o the yards  to i l l e g a l  smugglers  salt  operating  were t o o  for relief. i n distant  ends  areas  were  within  easy  one  to  apprehend,  hundred  li_  of  the  the  countless  yards  were  petty  traders  impossible  to  deal  down  on  with. 5. their many  As  areas  were  Many  entering  the  hereditary  assume  suggested permitted 7.  to  long  ship the  salt  small  was  to  From  this  or  felt  p r i c e s were  peasant  nineteenth to  turn  of  salt.  first  consumers.  ever  point,  purchased  more  These  the  merchant  community  r e f e r s to  those  salt  protect  who  were  leased  respected  was  ken-wo)  merchants  was the  remote  some.  villages  two  too  by  law  merchants  main  concerns  First or  to  were in  and  allow  retail  shops  or  travel  should  be  given  were  of  becoming continued  for  second  areas  village  thoughtful  peasantry  Chu's  home  a l l , many  smugglers  other  without  in their  of  trend  some  no  people  hard-pressed  from  do  salt  this  that  had  sell  high  As  to  Honest  to  smugglers  cheaply  fixed  will.  frequently  implying  more  the  discovered.  century  the  (since  them  may  for  on  means  f o r c i n g people  officials that  prices  in  officials.  s u b s t a n t i a l and  at  memorial be  sold  doubtful  p r i c e of  buy  permitting  by  be  of  would  sold,  distances  high  to  salt.  prices  Many  licenses  only  blamed  salt  cut  men  this  officials  raise  8. where  to  Although  provincial them  that  would  of  demanded  and  trade  people  quotas  Chu  bribes  swindlers  the  the  high.  and  salt  I  rose  Hence  too  payments  6.  be  prices  consumption.  various  Chu  salt  already too  high  into  was  forced  its  supply  worry.  salt  the  might  administrative  His be  districts  of the monopoly, s i g n a l l e d the b e g i n n i n g of a problem was  t o grow completely out of hand by 1830, namely  (smuggling from n e i g h b o u r i n g d i s t r i c t s ) . i n the L i a n g - h u a i area was  immune.  A 1734  that  lin-ssu  A l r e a d y no p r o v i n c e edict  mentioned  smuggling i n t o K i a n g s i and Honan from the Chekiang  and  T i e n t s i n areas, w h i l e Hunan and Hupeh r e c e i v e d i l l e g a l from Kwangtung and Szechwan.  The emperor a n g r i l y  salt  criticized  the l a c k of d i l i g e n c e among the s o l d i e r s and c o - o p e r a t i o n among p r o v i n c i a l governors, and urged them to c o n s i d e r c a t c h i n g smugglers t h e i r most important duty. Chu s t a t e d , t h i s problem was nearest the y a r d s .  However, as  most severe i n those p l a c e s  Here the t a c t i c of l o w e r i n g p r i c e s i n the  nearby p o r t s t o combat smuggling was  a complete  failure.  Those p r o v i n c e s a t a somewhat g r e a t e r d i s t a n c e , such as K i a n g s i and Anhwei, s u f f e r e d somewhat l e s s from smuggling, w h i l e faraway Hunan and Hupeh were r e l a t i v e l y problem.  f r e e of t h i s  To get away from the i l l e g a l c o m p e t i t i o n the  t r a n s p o r t merchants  tended to a v o i d the nearby p r o v i n c e s  and seek out the l a t t e r .  1-11  The i n a b i l i t y o f the government to e l i m i n a t e prompted  smugglers  the b e g i n n i n g o f a debate among o f f i c i a l s  into  methods of reforming the monopoly so as t o improve i t s performance.  A l r e a d y from the debates i n the Huang-ch'ao  c h i n g - s h i h wen-pien  ( C o l l e c t e d s t a t e c r a f t essays of the  c u r r e n t dynasty) we can see t h a t the major s c h o o l s o f thought of the n i n e t e e n t h century have taken shape. T i e n t s i n t a o t a i Cheng Tsu-ch'en  The  urged t h a t s a l t be taxed  at the yards r a t h e r than when i t was  r e c e i v e d by the t r a n s -  23 port  merchants,  statesman  be  salt  forced  T ao  Chu,  1  field.  4  greater  the To  be  to  from  buy  greatest  various  President  reduced  up, and  of  the  toward  then, a  late  the  the  while  working  stage  method  won of  a  the  the  that  of  the  favour  Board  Ch'ing  T'ang of  of  consumers view  reform  end  many-  War,  would  later  held  reformers  was  salt our  set  this  be  urged not  by  in  this  discussed  paper. their  administration criteria'.of  properly of  of  will  reflected  merchant  administration  (1795).  of  officials  healthy  was  The  salt  reign  so  smugglers,  p e r s i s t e n t problem  well.  proposal  schools  functioning of sum  a  prices  detail  monopoly  the  Hsun,  many p e r c e p t i v e  taxes  the  Lu  This  the  3  The  of  i m i t a t i o n of  L i u Yen.  officials. that  in  community during  smuggling for  after  the the  dramatic of  at  i t s  collection  seem t o  shows  concern  uneasiness  even  full  the  end  The  in  show  eighteenth that  with height. of  that  the  century,  a l l was  not  d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the  Ch'ien-lung  24 II.  Collapse  a)  the  salt  Administration  in  Liang-huai  of  extent  the  solve  the  the  rising  salt  the  dynasty  afford  a  this  and  huai  that  official huai  I t was the  Ch'ing  smugglers  administration were  down  1830  Kuai-nan, 1830  less  only  than  one  sufficient  vital  product,  enter  the  trade to up  posed  the the  series clear  history  was  the  activities argument  of  to  population  major  a l l by in  so  "At  the  that  disordered."  of  3.4  ten  only  yearly 5.7  shipments  520,000 y i n o f the  salt  of  of  secret  societies,  far.  and  of  in the  the  Liang-  of As  this the  Liangsalt  Sales  shipments  of  salt  from  1821  were  were  i n Huai-pei.  sold  sold  quota.  of  the  shipments  were  official  security  time  more  an  discussion  trouble.  grew  Of  in  beginning  numerous,  daily  trade  reforms  serious  stated,  rising  detailed  to  rapidly  and  more  of  inter-  for  grew d a i l y  third  two  of  impossible  illegal  After a  revenue,  health  performance:  i t almost  to  the  poor  monopoly  only  failing  maintaining  made  ninesurvey  monopoly's  sum  equivalent  while  statistical  securing  and  the  examine  dramatically.  the  of  then  to  a  a  functioning  will  illegal  saw  with  of  livelihood.  will  1830's  system.  decade  We  this  many  beginning  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was  trade,  i t s relation  conclusion The  the  the  begin  problems  p r i c e s which  earn  threat  our  of  from  the  community.  to  to  will  which key  encouraged  effort  we  illegal  causes  consumers which  to  the  merchant  related  on  three  combatting  increasingly inefficient  administration  century  In  Salt  d e s c r i b i n g the  teenth  to  the  Extent In  of  of  in  sold  in  Liang-huai,  Even  more  M  5  25  alarming was merchants.  the accumulation o f back taxes owed by the s a l t By 1 8 3 0 t h i s tax debt had reached 57 m i l l i o n  t a e l s o f s i l v e r i n Huai-nan, and s i x m i l l i o n  i n Huai-pei. ^ M  In an 1 8 2 8 memorial the L i a n g - h u a i s a l t commissioner lung-a estimated t h a t merely  Fu-chu-  to s e r v i c e t h i s v a s t debt would  r e q u i r e t h a t the t r a n s p o r t merchants pay  1.6 m i l l i o n  taels  a n n u a l l y above and beyond the r e g u l a r quota of about f o u r million taels. be postponed,  He requested t h a t the payment of back taxes and t h a t merchants only be r e q u i r e d to pay  the sums immediately  owing.  I t i s d o u b t f u l whether even t h i s  would have been p o s s i b l e f o r the exhausted Not only was  the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n unable to supply  the government with revenue, but t h i s fairly  r e c e n t date.  T'ao  f a i l u r e was  As l a t e as the 1 7 9 0 ' s ,  s a l e s o f s a l t were proceeding b r i s k l y perhaps  merchants.  t h i r t y years t h i s s i t u a t i o n  as we  a l s o of have seen,  i n the p o r t s .  Within  had completely changed.  Chu p a i d witness to the suddenness o f the c o l l a p s e o f  the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n when he remarked, "From the l a s t years o f C h i a - c h ' i n g (about 1 8 1 5 ) on s a l e s i n the s a l t markets stagnated... By the t e n t h year o f Tao-kuang ( 1 8 3 0 ) the t r a n s p o r t system had c o l l a p s e d and c o u l d not be r e v i v e d . " M & Thomas Metzger has examined s e v e r a l o f the f a c t o r s which l e d to reduced s a l e s i n L i a n g - h u a i , but maintains t h a t the HS  d e c l i n e o f the monopoly should not be exaggerated. he does not go on to e l a b o r a t e t h i s statement to imply t h a t the "impressive commercial the Ch'ing s t a t e were not l i m i t e d  Although  he would seem  c a p a b i l i t i e s " of  to the prosperous  period  of the e i g h t e e n t h century, although he i s q u i c k to admit  that  d i f f i c u l t i e s d i d develop to  a f t e r about 1805.  It i sdifficult  say what degree o f i n e f f i c i e n c y one would permit i n a l a r g e  b u r e a u c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n b e f o r e c o n c l u d i n g t h a t on the whole i t was not working p r o p e r l y .  However, i t c l e a r t h a t o f f i c i a l s  such as T'ao Chu c o n s i d e r e d the performance o f the s a l t mono-' poly completely The  unacceptable.  d e c l i n e i n r e g u l a r s a l e s o f s a l t and the r e s u l t i n g  flow o f taxes t o the government was p a r a l l e l e d by the marked growth o f i l l e g a l s a l e s .  As we have mentioned b e f o r e , a t no  time was the s a l t monopoly e n t i r e l y f r e e o f smugglers. ever, by the 1830's smuggling had passed of  a minor i r r i t a n t .  How-  f a r beyond the l e v e l  Metzger estimates t h a t by the 1830's  no l e s s than h a l f o f the s a l t s o l d i n L i a n g - h u a i was s o l d So illegally. A contemporary expert, Pao Shih-ch'en, was even more p e s s i m i s t i c .  He h e l d t h a t seventy  to e i g h t y percent si  of  the v i l l a g e s i n L i a n g - h u a i used smuggled s a l t .  T'ao Chu  s t a t e d i n a memorial t h a t only a dozen o r so p r e f e c t u r e s i n K i a n g s i , Hunan, and Hupeh a c t u a l l y used l a r g e amounts o f government s a l t , the r e s t r e c e i v i n g t h e i r s from smugglers ( i t w i l l be noted t h a t not every p r e f e c t u r e i n these  provinces  was l o c a t e d i n L i a n g - h u a i ; some by law used s a l t from other d i s t r i c t s o f the monopoly).  No wonder taxes were i n d e f a u l t ,  when only a few d i s t r i c t s had t o shoulder the e n t i r e burden f o r almost The  s i x provinces.  growth o f smuggling i n a b s o l u t e amounts was matched  by i t s spread over a wider g e o g r a p h i c a l area.  As we have  smuggling i n the e i g h t e e n t h century took p l a c e l a r g e l y i n those areas near the yards, with l i n - s s u .being a  secondary  seen,  problem.  One o f f i c i a l , w r i t i n g about 1730, complained t h a t  while K i a n g s i s u f f e r e d from l i n - s s u Hunan and Hupeh were f r e e of t h i s problem, s i n c e they were _far  away from n e i g h 53  bouring p r o d u c t i o n areas i n Kwangtung and Szechwan. f i g u r e s seem to support t h i s p o i n t of view.  Sales  As l a t e as  1825 Hunan and Hupeh r e p o r t e d f u l l quotas o f s a l t while K i a n g s i and o t h e r p r o v i n c e s had s e r i o u s  sold,  shortfalls.  However, by the l a t e 1830's t h i s s i t u a t i o n had changed markedly.  The famous statesman L i n Tse-hsu, w r i t i n g as  governor-general of Hunan and Hupeh, r e p o r t e d t h a t , "The routes by which l i n - s s u enters Hunan and Hupeh are more numerous (than i n o t h e r p r o v i n c e s ) " .  The d i s t r i c t s o f  I-ch'ang and Ching-chou s u f f e r e d from smuggling from Szechwan, Pao-ch'ing and Heng-chou r e c e i v e d s a l t i l l e g a l l y turig,c aridiso f o r t h .  from Kwangr,  Although s a l e s had p i c k e d up i n r e c e n t  years and f u l l quotas once again were being s o l d there was s t i l l over 400,000 y i n remaining from former years i n the warehouses of Hankow.  To sum up, then, the r a p i d  infil-  t r a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e s of Hunan and Hupeh by smugglers, l a r g e l y but not t o t a l l y a product of the l a s t ten y e a r s , was another s e r i o u s i n d i c a t i o n t h a t by the 1830's the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was not working as i t s h o u l d . One o f Thomas Metzger's most powerful arguments i n favour of  h i s " o p t i m i s t i c " t h e s i s c o n c e r n i n g the e f f i c i e n c y o f the  s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was the supposed a b i l i t y o f o f f i c i a l s to  c r e a t i v e l y use a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c i s i o n s t o s o l v e v a r i o u s  problems.  He seeks t o apply t h i s p o i n t o f view t o the  problem of smuggling from neighbouring d i s t r i c t s o f the  28 monopoly.  He takes note o f the c r i t i c i s m o f Chu Shih t h a t  many o f the boundaries o f the v a r i o u s d i s t r i c t s were i r r a t i o n a l , but argues t h a t o f f i c i a l s were able t o take a c t i o n t o remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n .  He p o i n t s t o the case o f  s e v e r a l p r e f e c t u r e s i n K i a n g s i , which, d u r i n g the l a t e seventeenth century, were switched back and f o r t h  from  Kwangtung t o L i a n g - h u a i on the grounds o f economic r a t i o n a lity  (such as p r o v i d i n g new markets f o r expanding Kwang-  tung p r o d u c t i o n ) .  Indeed, o f f i c i a l s were q u i c k t o argue f o r  more r a t i o n a l boundaries. problems,  A 1791 memorial c i t e d v a r i o u s  such as the case o f Chien-ch'ang  prefecture i n  K i a n g s i , which was l o c a t e d over 2000 l i _ from the Huai-nan y a r d s , but o n l y 200 t o 300 l i _ from v a r i o u s p l a c e s i n Fukien, and hence s u f f e r e d from the i n f l u x o f more cheaply^-transported Fukien s a l t .  5 7  However, the r e s u l t s o f these appeals were not always as p r o m i s i n g as Metzger  implies.  Although Hunan:and Hupeh  d i d not s u f f e r s e r i o u s l y from l i n - s s u u n t i l the 1830's there were a l r e a d y minor d i f f i c u l t i e s o f t h i s s o r t by about 1800.  Hence L i n Tse-hsu, w r i t i n g around 1837, complained  that memorials from that time r e q u e s t i n g t h a t  irrational  boundaries be changed d i d not r e c e i v e i m p e r i a l a p p r o v a l , and so many d i s t r i c t s i n those two p r o v i n c e s s t i l l from l i n - s s u . d e c a d e s l a t e r .  suffered  In any event, by L i n ' s  time  the problem o f l i n - s s u had long s i n c e passed the p o i n t where i t might be s o l v e d by a l t e r i n g a few boundaries.  I f Pao  Shih-ch'en, w r i t i n g about 1 8 2 9 , was c o r r e c t when he claimed t h a t smugglers  were present i n seventy percent o f the  29 v i l l a g e s of L i a n g - h u a i , then to attempt to e l i m i n a t e l i n - s s u by s h i f t i n g a few d i s t r i c t s from-one area would be l i k e p u t t i n g a band-aid  on a cancer.  to:another  T h i s seems  to be a r e a l flaw i n Metzger's argument. The  l o s s of so many d i s t r i c t s to smugglers i n e v i t a b l y  had a ^ s e r i o u s impact to t r a n s p o r t s a l t .  on the merchants whose job i t was As we have seen, d u r i n g the  eighteenth  century the t r a n s p o r t merchants numbered somewhat over hundred, and were f a b u l o u s l y wealthy.  two  By the 1 8 3 0 ' s ,  however, T' ao Chu's a s s i s t a n t Yii Te-yuan estimated t h a t there were only ten or twenty f a m i l i e s l e f t with  sufficient  5°l  c a p i t a l to undertake s a l t shipments.  T'ao  h i m s e l f came  Go  to much the same c o n c l u s i o n .  In f a c t , many areas were  v i r t u a l l y abandoned to smugglers, s i n c e there, were no any merchants to s e r v i c e them.  Pao  Shih-ch'en  i n these areas o f f i c i a l s would make use of such expedients  longer  reported that temporary  as s e l l i n g s a l t captured from smugglers. ^ b  V a r i o u s attempts were made to a l l e v i a t e t h i s problem, but they proved  largely ineffective.  s a l t b e l o n g i n g to those merchants who  During the 1 8 4 0 ' s went bankrupt  d i s t r i b u t e d among the remaining merchants. officials  complained  was  However, some  t h a t these merchants would go bank-  rupt i n t h e i r t u r n under the i n c r e a s i n g l o a d , w h i l e  others  would evade t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s by having the s a l t t h a t should have gone to them r e g i s t e r e d under f i c t i t i o u s names.  6  Moreover, not only d i d the t r a n s p o r t merchants s u f f e r i n creasing f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y came almost  a f t e r 1 8 3 0 , but i t a l s o be-  i m p o s s i b l e to r e c r u i t the shui-.fan, who  serviced  30 the i n d i v i d u a l  districts,  some towns and  cities.  regional and  p l a c e b e i n g t a k e n by  s a l e s by  1830  monopoly  were s t i l l  o f what government q u o t a s ' s t i p u l a t e d , still  sufficient  to d r i v e  and  smugglers.  the  diffi-  found  probably  this  In  transport  most d r a m a t i c a l l y  i n which the L i a n g - h u a i s a l t legal  shops i n  b r e a k i n g down,  o f t h e community o f  merchants which i l l u s t r a t e s  Although  salt  In s h o r t , b o t h t h e l o c a l  i t i s the c o l l a p s e  culty  retail  L i a n g - h u a i t r a n s p o r t n e t w o r k was  the merchants'  fact,  or to f i n d  itself. half  decline  the v a s t m a j o r i t y of  was  transport  merchants out o f the t r a d e , b)  Causes The  most b a s i c  and  of the Liang-huai s a l t rise for  in salt  by Ho  statements  1788.  on  7.1  put  named Kuo  the p r i c e  a t t e n t o twenty writing  Other  put  of  and  12.0  this  salt of  taels  one in  1830's, e s t i m a t e d  but  used  chose  by  the  w r i t i n g probably  However, T'ao figure  not  rather  i n Hunan, Hupeh, and  cash per c a t t y .  a century l a t e r ,  Research  the p r i c e  officials  cash a c t u a l l y  of s a l t  put  difficult Numerous  fact.  of s i l v e r ,  Ch'i-yuan,  more  examination  i n 1740  decline  an i n e x o r a b l e  product.  i n the l a t e 65  in taels  measure i t i n t h e c o p p e r  1730,  taels  at fourteen t a e l s .  essayist  vital  a detailed  writing  to c o n s i d e r the p r i c e  An  this  Ch'ing o f f i c i a l s ,  a t about  L i n Tse-hsu,  the p r i c e  was  bear witness to t h i s  based  a t Hankow by  of s a l t  of the  p r i c e s , w h i c h made i t more and  Ping-ti,  prices  cause  administration  t h e consumer t o a f f o r d  official  yin  fundamental  to  people. around  Kiansi Chu,  at s i x t y  to  seventy  31 cash, o r as much as e i g h t y o r n i n e t y cash i n remote v i l l a g e s . ^ That t h i s was a heavy burden on the peasantry cannot be denied.  Pao Shih-ch'en noted i n 1838 t h a t a farmer wishing  to buy a package o f s a l t  (somewhat over seven c a t t i e s ) would  have t o exchange f o r i t no l e s s than a hundred grain  catties of  (or i t s e q u i v a l e n t i n money), which would otherwise have  gone t o feed h i s f a m i l y . I t i s important to r e a l i z e t h a t the a c t u a l c o s t o f producing the s a l t was r e l a t i v e l y  little.  T a o Chu h e l d 1  t h a t t h i s was l e s s than t e n cash per c a t t y , o n l y a f r a c t i o n of the market p r i c e .  Both Kuo and T'ao p l a c e d the blame  f o r high p r i c e s on t r a n s p o r t c o s t s and e s p e c i a l l y the numerous taxes the merchants were f o r c e d t o pay, a l l o f which 68  added t o t h e i r t o t a l c a p i t a l investment. though,  Transport costs,  a c t u a l l y were:Iower i n L i a n g - h u a i than  elsewhere.  Pao Shih-ch'en noted t h a t the t r a n s p o r t merchants merely shipped t h e i r s a l t down the Yangtze, w h i l e  smugglers  seeking t o e n t e r the L i a n g - h u a i zone f a c e d expensive l a n d routes and formidable n a t u r a l b a r r i e r s .  Therefore,  i n our d i s c u s s i o n o f s a l t p r i c e s we w i l l c o n c e n t r a t e on the Ch'ing t a x a t i o n system  (or l a c k o f system).  It will  be noted t h a t with the v a s t m a j o r i t y o f h i s investment going t o the government the merchant was under enormous temptation t o bypass the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n e n t i r e l y , and buy s a l t i l l e g a l l y d i r e c t l y from the producers."  70  Not o n l y were heavy taxes l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the r a p i d l y r i s i n g p r i c e o f s a l t , but as we have seen most o f t h i s t a x revenue  d i d not go t o the c e n t r a l government.  32 The go  various miscellaneous to  the  state  (fou-fei).  were  T ao  labelled  Chu  1  taxes  and  by  estimated  payments  officials  that  these  that  did  not  "excessive fees  might  fees" be  71  five  times  seems  to  levies ones,  as  much  as  disagree.  would and  seem  the  He  regular  tax.  concludes,  "...  t o have  accounts  of  the  been  much  Metzger,  i n f o r m a l and  less  corruption  however,  of  than salt  the  illegal  formal  officials  73.  must no  doubt  not  of  taels  "the  man  This  meant  deal  of  the  high  efficiency  of  i s suggestive of  middle  course and  the  and  has  that  a  full  while  what  the  people  i n the  situation Metzger's the  salt  Chinese  ad-  called  (chung-pao)".  received  took  go  to of  stomach  the  government  officials  the  various fou-fei  taxes,  and  of  to  examine  more  and  increasing  existence.  since  for pushing  i n some d e t a i l .  the  unwelcome  regarding the  need  paid  a  great  little, lion's  the share  revenue.  worthwhile  and  an  is  admits  d i d not  i s damaging  clerks  rising  creation  himself  revenue  Such  There  fou-fei  view  taxes  responsible  fees  salt  as  of  i n the  Since for  of  Metzger  government.  m i n i s t r a t i o n , and  of  Yet  court's point  conclusions  various  confusion here,  bribes.  central  the  considerable hyperbole".  semantic  meant  millions  the  from  involved some  have  that to  have  up  these the  some o f -These more  burden  provided  i n turn  price the  tend  I t i s important  to  those to  of  most  irregular of  a major were  salt,  largely i t is  important  reveal taxes taxes  remember  impetus  of  these  a pattern: as  that that  time  went  were at  the  the on,  already i n beginning  of  the  dynasty  decree  had  court  to  As  we  might  the  most  involved  have be  in  seen,  leased  to  salt  themselves.  half  of  take  the  those  or a  rose  .5  or  even  .6  the  One  in  who  in  tael  has  more  1  even  than  payments  the  in  the  that  salt  right  yin  in  to  by of  years.  A  1650  would even  speculate  on  sell  who  salt.  did  the  were value  merchant pay  the  at  value  2.0, Yangchow  of  ken-wo.  f i x e d by  per  yin  this  limit  was  not  when  the  salt  trade  was  doing  of  the  deemphasis  that  of  the  administration. of  often  regular  merchants  who  did  the  place  T'ao  not  Chu in  the  always well.  value  taxes;  l e a s i n g ken-wo  of  who  1.6,  up  eventually  concluded  not  about  salt  grew  but  transporting  1740  payments  There  Ming  the  hereditary  actually that  other  1645 the  f o u - f e i was  transport  the  that  practice those  l e v i e d by  merchants  in  k e n - w o was  years  Metzger's  felt  many  would  contradicts  he  the  1740.  one  authority  abolished  in  per  of  those  those  a  3  the  i s estimated  price  at  k e n - w o was  by  involved  with  taels  men  government obeyed  It  taels  of  Although  others  risks  As  of  1  since  k e n - w o p r i v i l e g e was  s t e a d i l y over  2.5  group  taxes  t r a n s f e r r i n g the  involved  leaseholders.  paid  existed,  numerous  important  the to  wish  ken-wo  the  taxes  f o r m i l i t a r y expenses.  of  payment  regular  abolished  pay  One  only  5  of  again,  of  n  this  informal finally  1831,  actually  as transport  ~rTsalt  themselves Another  loans or  from  item  the  t ' ang^-hsi  were of  parasitical.. f o u - f e i was  government,  (treasury  called  interest) .  the  i n t e r e s t owing  t'ang-li I t had  (treasury frequently  on profits) been  the  case  capital  that they  treasury, By  the  had  when m e r c h a n t s would  or  indeed  1830's  reached  merchants  borrow  the  be  at  the  money  found from  compelled  yearly  700,000  had  to  themselves  the do  salt  so  by  i n t e r e s t exacted  taels.  present  T'ao  time  Chu  were  the  officials."  the  7  merchants  complained  paying  of  administration  from  even  short  that  i n t e r e s t on  loans  "is  taken  out  payment  by  of  their  t' ang^-li,  did  benefit  the  collapse  the  price  the of  of  central  "efforts  to  item  such  other to  before!  of  the  transport  merchants  Although  irregular  some d e g r e e ,  of  fou-fei that  government  was  return  imperial  contributions of  unlike  government the  decades  taxes,  i t also  and  the  hastened  needlessly  raise  salt.  Another the  ancestors  the  made b y  urgent  needs  the  of  some b e n e f i t  so-called pao-hsiao grace".  merchants as  was  to  the  These state  or  were  in  military expeditions,  to  the  face  famine  relief,  So or  large  butions not  public to  until  the about  works  projects.  government 1730  that  were  Although not  merchant  unknown  pao-hsiao  became  contri-  earlier, an  i t  was  established  ft l practice.  Altogether  the  a  28,500,000  taels  total  of  (1736-1795) years the  8,900,000  (1796-1820),  salt  sums.  and  administration  Enormous  strained  while  the  as  salt  Liang-huai  taels  amounts  The  needed  irregularly  in  large  lump  the  from  reign  Chia-ch'ing  other  districts  proportionately  seem,  resources  difficulty  contributed  Ch'ien-lung  during  merchants  merchants'  intervals.  the  contributed  these  steady  during  merchants  was sums  they  might  smaller  not  i f collected that to  with  have  at  pao-hsiao  deal  of  was  pressing  35  problems, thereby necessary  c u t t i n g i n t o the immense amounts o f c a p i t a l  t o t r a n s p o r t a year's  example, i n 1792 the Liang-huai  shipment o f s a l t .  merchants p a i d f o u r m i l l i o n  t a e l s toward m i l i t a r y campaigns i n Nepal, while two  For  i n 1795  m i l l i o n - t a e l s went toward c r u s h i n g a Miao r e b e l l i o n i n  Kweichow.  Although the t o t a l amounts o f pao-hsiao may  not have been as great a f t e r Ch'ien-lung  d i e d there was  a tendency as time went on f o r i t t o be c o l l e c t e d i n l a r g e r lump  'Sums:.'  The besides  ..' , - .  c o l l e c t i o n o f pao-hsiao had many bad e f f e c t s c u t t i n g i n t o the merchants' working c a p i t a l .  besides It  a l s o r e s u l t e d i n d i r e c t p r i c e i n c r e a s e s f o r the consumer. T'ao  Chu r e p o r t e d t h a t from 1808 t o 1818 the p r i c e o f a  package o f s a l t was i n c r e a s e d by .023 t a e l s due t o paoh s i a o i n v o l v e d with the beginning  f l o o d c o n t r o l work, and from 1826 to  o f 1830 there was a s i m i l a r i n c r e a s e o f .003  t a e l s due to f l o o d c o n t r o l and m i l i t a r y ' e x p e n s e s .  Moreover,  a s - i n the case o f t r e a s u r y loans, i n t e r e s t from merchants' borrowing to pay f o r pao-hsiao would s t i l l be c o l l e c t e d  years  l a t e r , adding to t h e i r debt l o a d . Another item o f f o u - f e i was the s o - c a l l e d h s i a f e e . The  word h s i a o r i g i n a l l y meant a small box f o r h o l d i n g one's  c a l l i n g card when one made an o f f i c i a l to  visit,  and so came  mean money p a i d f o r e n t e r t a i n i n g o f f i c i a l s and other  of l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  There i s evidence,  much o f t h i s money was a p p r o p r i a t e d merchants.  costs  however, t h a t  i n t r a n s i t by the head  L i k e many other i r r e g u l a r taxes, h s i a payments  tended t o r i s e i n s p i t e o f government e f f o r t s t o prevent  this.  36 A 1740 memorial put these payments at about 130,000 a n n u a l l y , w h i l e another o f f i c i a l w r i t i n g a century claimed t h a t a f t e r 1830  greedy  later  l o c a l o f f i c i a l s s e t a quota  of 700,000 t a e l s per year f o r Hunan and Hupeh and  400,000  t a e l s f o r K i a n g s i , f a r above the l e g a l l i m i t of .4 per y i n . may  taels  taels  Although these l a s t f i g u r e s seem very l a r g e ,  be exaggerated,  and  the upward t r e n d i s n e v e r t h e l e s s p l a i n .  Of a l l the f o u - f e i , the item t h a t appears the l a r g e s t , although i t a t t r a c t e d s u r p r i s i n g l y  t o have been little  official  comment, was  the s o - c a l l e d  "funds to manage p u b l i c  affairs"  (pan-kung).  Managed by the head merchants, these  fees were c o l l e c t e d on such p r e t e x t s as being necessary to maintain the harbours  at Yangchow and Hankow, and were s a i d  by T a o  Chu  Indeed,  fees and payments, many of which have not been  1  to amount to over two m i l l i o n t a e l s  annually^  mentioned here, seem to have been e x t r a c t e d under any convenient excuse.  One  c a l l e d the yueh-che, f o r example,  u s u a l l y p r o v i d e d the head merchants with over 100,000 income each year, although i t s supposed purpose was support the sons of impoverished merchants. to see how  taels  to  It is d i f f i c u l t  a government o f f i c e t h a t depended on c l o s e  c o - o p e r a t i o n with a group of o f f i c i a l l y - l i c e n s e d t r a n s p o r t merchants c o u l d operate e f f i c i e n t l y when those merchants were b e i n g e x p l o i t e d at every  turn.  Having noted the p a t t e r n whereby i r r e g u l a r s a l t  taxes  i n c r e a s e d both i n number and amount over the y e a r s , c o n t r i b u t i n g d i r e c t l y to the r i s i n g p r i c e of s a l t , the q u e s t i o n now  becomes: how  was  this possible?  Why  was  i t permitted?  37 Although  a  definitive  exhaustive  r e s e a r c h , two  of  all,  items  of  "legitimization",  sidered went  of  or  T'ao  ever-increasing ment He  revenue  whereby  seem  taxes were  burden,  possible  to have  explicitly  tax  when  seem  improper  Chu  i s not  factors  fou-fei  illegal  on.  answer  stand  were  gradually  which  this  a  First  process  formerly  accepted  cost  con-  as  situation  eventually  merchants  more  out.  undergone  that  blamed  hard-pressed  to  without  time  for  the  c o u l d no  the  govern-  longer  pay.  wrote, "At the b e g i n n i n g o f t h e dynasty r e g u l a r t a x e s o f the L i a n g - h u a i s y s t e m were o n l y 900,000 t a e l s . Afterwards t h e s a l t f e e s , h s i a f e e , and c h i e h - s h e n g payment (presumably another i t e m o f f o u - f e i ) e t c . a l l changed from b r i b e s (lou-kuei) to r e g u l a r tax items... By the C h ' i e n - l u n g r e i g n (the t a x load) had a l r e a d y reached f o u r m i l l i o n odd t a e l s , and a f t e r t h e t w e n t i e t h y e a r o f C h i a - c h ' i n g t h e t o t a l o f r e g u l a r and i r r e g u l a r t a x e s f i n a l l y reached over eight m i l l i o n t a e l s annually. F r o m t h i s t i m e on t a x e s f e l l more and more i n t o a r r e a r s . "  .  T'ao's  words  of  officials  the  are  would  become  an  would  become  a  echoed  by  a modern  collecting entrenched  legal  authority,  illegal abuse,  precedent"  fees  and  an  "a  who  wrote  repeated  entrenched  ( c h i h s i ch'eng  habit abuse  p i , chi pi  Si. ch'eng ciple time  li).  There  a t work ceased  During  the  here,  to  Another  seems  whereby  what  been  a psychological  once  was  criminal  been  a t work  prin-  after  a  shock.  influence  prosperous  salt  monopoly  seems  that  laid  golden  the  t o have  to  seems  t o have  period  of  have  been  eggs.  As  the  well.  eighteenth century  regarded  one  as  modern  as  the  author  the  goose put i t ,  "When s a l t s a l e s e x c e e d e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t q u o t a s t h e o f f i c i a l s and m e r c h a n t s a l l r e g a r d e d t h i s as a f o u n t a i n o f p r o f i t s  „  (li-sou).  S3  Even  when  c o n d i t i o n s worsened  this  kind  of  38 thinking named  s t i l l  I-ling-a  and  Kiangsi  the  last  request  that  salt  i n spite  that  of profits"  to their  may h a v e  income.  able  t o make  their  them.  taxes this  administration,  though  which  was  His  "optimistic"  considered  t h e whole  them  a  harmful i n  Officials were  i n fact  the "foun-  t o prove  merchants  ap-  The " i n -  were  Moreover,  I f t h e merchants  defeated  well.  he d i s c o u n t s  end, as T'ao Chu has i n d i c a t e d . even  Hupeh,  sales i n  t a x system.  p s y c h o l o g y was b o u n d  demand p a y m e n t s  official  4  of the salt  levies"  that  going  on Metzger's  although o f f i c i a l s  supplement  ^  an  i n Hunan,  of the fact  by t h e c o u r t .  of the fairness  prices  had n o t been  has a b e a r i n g  and i l l e g a l  proper  to  refused  this  numerous,  tain  requested  be r a i s e d ,  was  praisal formal  I n 1778, f o r example,  couple of years  All  the  prevailed.  continued no  longer  could  no l o n g e r p a y  purpose  of the salt  to provide  t h e government  with  revenue. Who  profited,  irregular  taxes?  then, from A s we  have  the imposition  s e e n , many p e o p l e  such  as t h e c e n t r a l  government,  head  merchants.  doubt  were  tolerated  burdens salt  Two  head  head  this  f o r so long.  t h e merchants  administration,  crucial,  the  No  the role  merchants.  merchants  o f t h e head will  the massive t a x decay  merchants  concentrate  upon  of the was them.  the harmful influence of  of all,  tended t o cease  and t h e  i s the reason these taxes  increased First  benefitted,  officials,  and t h e r e s u l t i n g  and so our a n a l y s i s developments  local  In discussing  faced  o f s o many  as t i m e went  actually  shipping  on t h e salt  them-  selves.  On  the  enterprises, etc..  small  the  became  trade  the  On  who  the  capital  how,  merchants t'ang)  the  salt  trade.  This  and  capable  stration,  head  in  c o l l u s i o n with  on  the  small this  merchants increased Another  merchants  to  have  how  seen  ducted  as  merchants called  pay  their  the  of  they  back  about  generally  parasites  also  tied  in  i n with  the  but salt  their  as  their  s i t and  merchants  growing  items  this,  (possibly  require  draw the  out.  Naturally  not  tendency  of  the  hsia  salt  of  the  was  "The  dewas  head They,.are  salt.  administration."  head We  Chu  fees.  transport  management  fee  T'ao  remarked,  the  of  f o u - f ei-.  hands.  and  use  do  admini-  could  loaned  management  through  were  difficulties.  the  their  funds salt  men  for  wealthy  merchants  and  managing  required  the  these  money  reign,  several  of  the  Shih-  for  however,  wished,  the  was  such  by  head  Now  financial  off  part  just  the  "hall  control  on  Pao  and  those  The  carry  funds  treasury  by  development live  Later,  officials).  to  the  supervised  whenever  bitter  salt  was  to  Ch'ien-lung a  so  merchants  salt. to  risky-  pawnshops,  capital  hands.  established handle  less  and  head  required  the  to  from  i t passed  especially  salt,  various  during  into  trade,  smuggling  their  supervised  treasury  silk  into  merchants.  instead also  in  other,  came  (wu-pen  out  trade,  outlays  capital"  loaned  them went  actually transported  described  Liang-huai  rice  engaged  gradually  has  some o f  "financiers", providing  enormous  ch'en  as  them  merchants  the  hand,  taxation.  officials  salt  such  Some o f  avoided  of  one  This  They  are  situation  treasury.  If  they  wished  t o make  government  a  contribution  favour,  leave  i t f o r the  Since  the head  the  a  might Ho  small  were  items of regular  merchant  paid  always  head  merchant  second  the  An  was  the  1840  they  available  five  or  years  a head  On  took  earlier  taels,  Shih-ch'en  the  merchants  government.^ taxes  a modern that  point  First,  he  authority, the  regular  i t is  difficult  since  on  the  small  of  d i d not  T'ao  Chu  a year's  The  need f o r  t h e amount  though  to ship  latter,.  enormous  merchants  even  each  the  t o g u a r a n t e e h i s payment  noted that  that  dea-  great'power over  merchants'  transport  estimated  had  dependant  memorial  six million  this  their  place.  merchant  small  to the  owed  records,  the head  claiming  reasons.  f o r m e r were  reason  capital.  Pao,  first.  actually  required  taxes,  with  f o r two  owed  However,  merchant-financiers  merchants  Pao  and  back.  financial  h i s miscellaneous  left.  paid  t h e money  scholar  taxes  the treasury  concerning  fou-fei  over the  l i t t l e  clear  dark  the prominent  d e t e r m i n e what  small  i n the  from  t o pay  k e p t no  kept  that  very  borrow  merchants  Wei-ning, disagrees  The  of  feel  have  taxes to  to  priority  Once  was  Moreover,  seemed had  small  gain  !  would  merchants  government  lings.  they  of pao-hsiao, and thereby  capital  exceed  had/a  few  quota of  salt  tot  required chants  1  no lack  less of  than twenty capital  forced  pedients  as  the  producers would  salt  salt, With  buying  preferring merchants  salt  to s e l l  being  or thirty them  to resort  from the yards t h e n be i t to  forced  million  on  reluctant  to  such  credit. to part  s m u g g l e r s who  each year  taels.  paid  to borrow  Of  Merexcourse,  with  their  cash.  millions  of  41 t a e l s of s i l v e r from head merchants and o f f i c i a l s any wonder t h a t many went bankrupt?  is i t  Metzger i s w i l l i n g to  admit the c o r r u p t i o n of the head merchants, although  he  p r e f e r s to s t r e s s t h a t o f f i c i a l s were g e n e r a l l y unable  to  103  d e a l with commerce e f f e c t i v e l y without  their aid.  grant t h i s i s t r u e , though, would not the  I f we  indispensability  of the head merchants make i t harder to d e a l with them when they borrowed money f r a u d u l e n t l y , e x p l o i t e d the s m a l l merchants, or engaged i n smuggling  and other abuses?  So f a r we have examined how  v a r i o u s kinds of payments  demanded by the head merchants and others were i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n c r e a s i n g the r a t e of t a x a t i o n on s a l t , and t h e r e f o r e i t s p r i c e t o the consumer.  S e v e r a l other f a c t o r s were a l s o  i n v o l v e d which h u r t the t r a n s p o r t merchant when the came t o pay h i s taxes.  In L i a n g - h u a i taxes were g e n e r a l l y  p a i d by the merchants before the s a l t was which was  time  actually  shipped,  not the case i n other d i s t r i c t s of the monopoly.  , o M  I t can e a s i l y be seen t h a t i f the merchant d i d not have a great d e a l of c a p i t a l accumulated  from p r e v i o u s years  would be f o r c e d to borrow to pay h i s taxes. whenever o f f i c i a l s  found themselves  such as when t h e i r annual due,  he  In a d d i t i o n ,  i n urgent need of  funds,  f i s c a l r e p o r t (tsou-hsiao) became  they would urge the merchants to pay t h e i r taxes  mediately, whether they were ready or not.  im-  S u r e l y the  a r b i t r a r i n e s s of tax c o l l e c t i o n , when a merchant might be compelled  to pay the r e g u l a r taxes or some m i s c e l l a n e o u s  fee  at any time, would make r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g of the s a l t trade difficult  indeed.  42 Another involved tax  debts  were to  a  regulation i n the  unable  to  be  paid.  s t i l l  more,  cheaper T'ao  difficulty  Hence since  smuggled  Chu  which  salt  sell  faced  the  forbade  transport the  administration.  their the  salt,  price  i t had salt  complained  by  of  to  Even  taxes  the  salt  the  became more  bitterly  cancellation  the  cover  i f the  on that  total  this  of  merchants  i t s t i l l was  had  sold  rose  tax burden,  attractive  about  merchants  to  the  point,  and  consumer.  remarking,  " I f t h e r e i s d r o u g h t o r f l o o d i n any l o c a l i t y (land t a x e s ) may b e l e g a l l y c a n c e l l e d o r p o s t p o n e d . However, L i a n g - h u a i t a x e s h a v e many u r g e n t u s e s ; n o t o n l y may t h e y n o t b e c a n c e l l e d , b u t t h e y may a l s o n o t b e p o s t poned. T h e y must be c o l l e c t e d on s c h e d u l e , e v e n i n famine y e a r s . " , 0 - 7  T'ao  here  local  t o be  government  operate, was  seems  not  this  and  in a  writings  of  one  the  with  We  have  de  that  facto  Ch'ing  Fu-chu~lung-a,  which  already  paying  back  yearly,  in addition  i n 1826  that  the  stated  to  L i a n g - h u a i funds court  debts on  merchant  of  regular debts  in  to  money with  fact  occasions.  of  salt  off.  commissioner  merchants  of  back  quota.  Pao  totalled  leave  accumulated  shrugged  1828  The  though,  debt  be  taels  many  issue  subject,  not  as  1,600,000  their  were  memorial  that  takes  enormous  could  that  i f this  several  this  the  decades  over  on  on  impression that  fact  however,  manner  a l r e a d y mentioned  the  tax  officials  over  to  the  Metzger,  noting  merchants  noted  relied  memorialize  forthcoming.  cancelled  the  offices  might  statement,  by  referring  over  were  taxes Shih-ch'en 50  million  no taels. not  be  T'ao paid  Chu back  requested until  i n 1831  some t i m e  that  i n the  this  enormous  future  when  debt  the  1 0  43 salt  administration  Although  Metzger  collection to  be  ted in  no  a l l the fact,  a  influence This  was  on a  silver, copper were Wei  worth  rise  pay  420  or  he  stated  Ch'ien-lung  price  salt  the  late  taels. of  the  We  at  may  due  when m e a s u r e d before  that  rising  taxes  Having  the  buy  have  i n 1788 figure  rising  of  of  salt  price  taels the  only  that  of  being  salt  of  cash,  silver,  doubled  wholesale  per to  about  the  more  monopoly's  taels  yin,  fourteen 1800  consumer the  relatively  i n c r e a s e was  had  the  risen  advisor  even  the  while  after to  was  in  with  300  silver  12.0  had  then,  price  seen, was  vis-a-vis  unofficial  period  other  account.  yards  only  of  we  one  prices  transport  the  price  this  mentioned  at  that  As  most  salt  Chu's  the  expec-  salt  into  whereas  formerly worth  the  of  silver  date,  in silver  date  of  later  conclude,  to  taken  invariably  reign,  i n c r e a s e i n the  actually  buy  1  seems  merchants,  consumer,  be  that  T ao  The  somewhat  Hankow  1830's  and  430. a  the  value  noted  there  discussion  must  would  taels,  at  to  i n the  0.3  prosperity.  by  salt  taxes  greatest of  of  tax  eventually  i t .  vitality.''  debt.  lengthy  meant  that  emergency,  to  this  i t s former  states  Revenue  owing  our  they  price  writing  the  were  customers  coins.  pessimistic: since  Board  L i n Tse-hsu  would  Yuan,  that  drastic  their  now  of  what  the  copperccash. merchants  the  conclude  of  when he  i n an  already paying  we  study  correct  some o f  postponed  that  were  recovered  be  be  taxes  Before with  may  might  doubt  had  due  most was  increase small,  to  the  while sharply  before.  d i s c u s s e d some o f  the  reasons  f o r the  high  price ask  of  salt  'in t h e  what  this  meant  income  would  Tse-hsu would on  he  has  about  Hsu,  calculated  that  labourer  about  10,000  silver  family poor  the  Pao  according or  1.4  a  poor  might  of  the  take  a  Chinese.'  t o Pao,  felt  would  bad  as  since  and  his actual  Perhaps  other  1  an  of  agriculbe. p a i d  the  infla-  a  ten  cost or  400 of  catties  per  geogra-  consumption of  four  a yin of  a year  the  situation  (this  was  his family  be  closer  figure  t o buy  almost  of  annually,  Since  valley),  consume  of  would,  salt  i s staggering. taels  a  needs  a modern  family of  his  of  salt,  the  salt  4  history,  portion  would  might  four. '  to provide  supply  Yangtze  members  consumption  that  thirteen  tenth  i n the  for his family income.  taels  a y i n of  annual  five  of  China would  estimate of  figure  day  from L i n i n t h e i r  rate,  one  only  higher  seen  that  the  any  This  earned  somewhat  At  family  considerable  f o r the  consume  worth.  his yearly  1  five  individual  cash each  Ch'ing  i n South  somewhat  than  figure  late  Lin  each  t h e O p i u m War  be  wrote,  less  1830's  now  man's  commodity?  for a  on  about  I t can  much  copper  annually  servant  Shih-ch'en  the  salt,  late  one  6  as  that,  regulated  authority  when he  labourer  product,  a  for a year." This  taels  be  of  than  differ  i s somewhat  average  How  cash  might  i n 1838  uses  consumer.  by  less  day.  writers  people  must  a year, or  Other  person pher  cash  income.  forty  we  this  o r house  salt  estimates.  century,  immediately after  man's  catties  on  1400  of the  with  nineteenth  the  a modern  tural  ted  spend  somewhat  or  Immanuel  to  estimated that  spend  salt,  early  one  not  would  to Lin's  one third  as work, estimate  45 than  t o Pao' s.  high,  and a poor  cheaper  doubt  monopoly.  Lin  Tse-hsu other  rising  the  at  most  (120  paid  salt,  were  six  stated of  by  that  legal  port  100 t a e l s  salt.  the police  smugglers  only  bordering  of regular  f o r Kwangtung by steep  cause  A ming  salt.  Against  amount  of salt  paid  of Liangfrom  Shansi  and m i s c e l l a n e o u s  taxes,  L i n cited  similar  between  of lin-ssu,  regions,  which  of the prefectures  by t h e i n the  T'ao Chu, w r i t i n g i n 1834,  smuggled this  h a d t o bow  make  Differences i n the price  of the problem  provinces.  t h a t would  135 c a t t i e s  tax differentials  the majority  Liang-  t o t h e consumer.  a similar  taels.  are not available,  equality i n the  weighing  i n Liang-huai.  i n general  merchants  Not  of  t o 1.4  had i n f e c t e d  Liang-huai  salt  of  on t h e t a x r a t e s  of salt  of tax, while  1.3  caused  the root  1830's  a rough  i n the provinces  o f Szechwan  t o 4 80 t a e l s  discrepancies  figures data  there i s  districts  be d i f f e r e n c e s i n t a x r a t e s  yin) paid  compared  of  price  difference i n the price  salt  very-  i n c e n t i v e t o buy  i n other  plentiful  Assuming  .134 t a e l s  was  i n Liang-huai,  cheaper  exact  of silver  a package  most  huai  Although  provinces.  of salt  could.  of salt  i t was much  i t would  Hence  i f he  has provided  value  huai,  salt  the price  had tremendous  the price  that  the  in  peasant  smuggled  Whatever no  Nevertheless,  salt  sort  was o n l y  half  of competition  o u t , even  though  they  the price  many were  transbacked  power o f t h e s t a t e . was  smuggled  salt  cheaper,  because  d i d n o t pay any o f t h e i n n u m e r a b l e  the r e g u l a r merchants,  b u t i t was  of  taxes  also of better  course required quality.  46  I t was a l o n g - s t a n d i n g complaint o f o f f i c i a l s t h a t the merchants a d u l t e r a t e d  t h e i r s a l t with sawdust, d i r t , and so  f o r t h , w h i l e the smugglers s o l d c l e a n , pure s a l t A s  salt  was s o l d by weight i f l e s s o f t h e i r product was a c t u a l l y the merchants o f course made a g r e a t e r sold.  salt  p r o f i t on each y i n  As the smugglers s o l d cheap, c l e a n  s a l t i t i s not  s u r p r i s i n g t h a t they were o f t e n very popular among the peasantry,  many o f whom would help them to escape a r r e s t .  In h i s d i s c u s s i o n  o f r i s i n g s a l t p r i c e s Thomas Metzger  notes t h a t the e i g h t e e n t h century was a p e r i o d o f g e n e r a l inflation.  Were i n c r e a s e s  i n the p r i c e of s a l t  when viewed i n terms o f the economy as a whole? points  justified Metzger  out t h a t w h i l e the p r i c e o f a c a t t y o f s a l t i n Han-  kow rose from  .0119  taels in  1691  to  .0344  taels i n  1788  the p r i c e o f a bushel o f f i n e r i c e i n Yangchow, f o r example, rose from somewhat over . 8 t a e l s i n 1 6 9 7 to over 4 . 8 t a e l s i n 1 7 8 6 , a much l a r g e r i n c r e a s e .  High g r a i n p r i c e s meant  t h a t the wages o f the s a l t workers would have t o i n c r e a s e as w e l l .  I f farmers r e c e i v e d  t h e i r g r a i n , they could  a high p r i c e i n r e t u r n f o r  a l s o r a f f o r d t o pay high p r i c e s f o r  salt. There are s e v e r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h t h i s argument. F i r s t o f a l l , the p r i c e o f s a l t rose c h i e f l y i n response t o the  a d d i t i o n o f new taxes and'the i n f l a t e d p r i c e o f s i l v e r ,  not because high wages among the s a l t workers drove up the p r i c e of production.  Although the p r i c e o f s a l t a t the yards to  did rise dramatically,  from about two ten cash per c a t t y  i n the one hundred years from 1 7 3 0 t o 1 8 3 0 , t h i s was  still  a  fairly  the in  low  price  consumer  of  about  million  taels)  massive  inflation  why  salt  during  the  Metzger  to  actually paid.  taxation  the  compared  was  100%  not of  from  the  day.  only  a f t e r about  1825  179 5  to  that  the  rising  Asr.we:'. h a v e J s e e n , d u r i n g p f c h e  rising In  was  addition,  pared  to  was  monopoly  a  the  price  was  there  i s no  consume  A  a  the  to  legal  commodity,  First  and  large  of  the  price  of  to  ten  cash  to  per  would  eliminate  have  was became  the  salt  did  which  driven  a l l taxation  price  as  its  i t  was,  should  income.  not. half  com-  salt  problem  of It  of  transport  been  than  taxed,  health  supply  have  catty,  i t  strictly  family's  s i m i l a r bulk would  in  heavily  trade  quotas  silver  a l l , since  faced  to  tax  i t s purchase  poor  smugglers  people  produce,  but  a  grain  in Liang-huai;  m i l l i o n s of  be  that  administration  for  cannot of  as  rather  rise  E s s e n t i a l to  portion  possible  of  the  therefore  economically  1800, the  silver  for  salt  high.  which  business,  of  grain.  trade,  cost  reason  price  of  salt  consumed  really of  price  such  physically  grain  the  reason  illegal  salt  chief  artificially  Secondly, the  the  well  l a t t e r , :stages^  r  taxes  explain  so  Moreover,  price  of ^the;saltomonopdly ' s^decayrinf lated  help  after  justifiable.  four  the  function  in  rise  to  may  increases  cash  the  (two  this  However,  rapid  that  considering  able  century.  economically  m o s t i s e v e r e ...  to  Indeed,  was  there,were  were not  1730  seventy  claims  unreasonable,  eighteenth  that  s i x t y or  Metzger  administration  admits,  the  was  the of  impossible. is  the  a l l the  salt  smugglers  would  of  out  course  48 have  meant  itself  made  The  rising  with  that  took  price  Admittedly a t about  394,000,000  Liang-huai  late  1830's,  well  from  the weight  Lin's  60 p e o p l e  general,  who  yin  annually.  was  about  used  780,000  have  been  able  This  i s the view  government Lin,  of  salt  t o keep  efforts  salt  quota of y i n at  y i n i nthe increased  accept  then  750,000  f o r those  administration t h e growth  b y Thomas  Metzger,  provinces seems t o  of population. who  cites  salt  production.'^*  however, d i d n o t agree.  He c o n c l u d e d ,  the reported that  must  population  be s o l d  I fear  figures with there  y i n would  governor-  require  up w i t h  f o r the  t h e 45,000,000  L i n was  would  as  1730, and  of the large  where  than  this  960,000  I f we  the actual quota  t o expand  Ch'ing  the efforts  by about  f o r a year  y i n , the salt  held  from  each  and Hupeh,  t o keep  connec-  of the  salt  t o 1,700,000  that  salt  to the  of population  up w i t h  the total  i n 1831.  Liang-huai  Since  described  t o 344 c a t t i e s  with  o f Hunan  growth  o f t h e y i n had been  estimate  tied  intimately  two c e n t u r i e s  increased  s e t a t 400 c a t t i e s  inhabitants  compares  Although  o f t h e dynasty  closely  i n 1740 b u t no l e s s  administration  200 c a t t i e s  being  provide  was  also  L i n Tse-hsu  been  o f monopoly  figures put the population  143,000,000  had only  beginning  time  was  the f i r s t  i n population.  finally  which  imperfect  i n 1830.  made b y t h e s a l t  the  of salt,  during  The f a c t  too high.  o f smuggling,  place  China  growth  of salt  monopoly.  t h e r a p i d and unprecedented  Dynasty. of  the price  problem  rapidly ted  t h e end o f t h e s a l t  concerted  1  " I f one  t h e amount  i s a deficit (for  13°  the l a t t e r ) r a t h e r than a s u r p l u s . " have happened was  t h a t by c o n s t a n t l y  of the y i n the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n pace with p o p u l a t i o n production  In f a c t , what seems to  had  just barely  kept  i n c r e a s e s , assuming t h a t the e n t i r e  quota c o u l d be s o l d .  r a r e l y the case by  i n c r e a s i n g the weight  1830.  time, noted t h a t i n the  Pao  As we  have seen, t h i s  was  Shih-ch'en, w r i t i n g about t h a t  face of enormous p o p u l a t i o n  each year quotas were undersold  by  growth  300,000 to 500,000 y i n .  Moreover, s a l t quotas d i d not  s e l l e q u a l l y w e l l at a l l  places.  of h i s c a r e e r  T'ao  Chu,  at the end  (he d i e d i n  o f f i c e i n 1839) , remarked t h a t i n d i s t a n t p o r t s of Hunan, and  Hupeh s a l e s were s t i l l poor, and  > 3 >  Kiangsi,  these areas  132  p e r e n n i a l l y s u f f e r e d from l i n - s s u .  When d i s t a n t p o r t s  might not e a s i l y be reached by government s a l t , or when f o r a v a r i e t y of other  reasons s a l t quotas c o u l d not be  the r a p i d l y expanding p o p u l a t i o n smuggled s a l t to supply not  was  i t s needs.  accept L i n ' s f i g u r e s r e g a r d i n g  s i t u a t i o n becomes even worse.  f o r c e d to t u r n to Of course, i f we  s a l t consumption  By Pao  quota c o u l d  legal  supply. f o r the government  the people the expanding p o p u l a t i o n  problems as w e l l .  The  Empire only i n c r e a s e d m i l l i o n mu  the  Hupeh would r e q u i r e  f a r above what the  In a d d i t i o n to making i t d i f f i c u l t to supply  do  Shih-ch'en's estimate  (40 people per y i n per year) Hunan and w e l l over a m i l l i o n y i n a n n u a l l y ,  sold,  i n 1812,  the p o p u l a t i o n .  caused  other  amount of a r a b l e land i n the Chinese from 549  m i l l i o n mu  a r a t e of i n c r e a s e  i n 1661  to  791  f a r below t h a t of  Without s i g n i f i c a n t improvements i n a g r i -  50 cultural  techniques  verishment peasants salt, take  b u t many  and  T'ao Chu's  clothing  summed  salt  assistant  o f government  be f o r c e d a living.  up t h i s  controller  from  unemployed  on s a l t  poor  The neat-  (yen~yun-shih)  1831 t o 1835, n o t e d  people  (smuggling)",  to  problem  the population of the villages  l  paints  an e l o q u e n t  impoverished In growth and  also  the poor  while  depend  grows  daily  f o r food  L i n Tse-hsu  and  >  3  4  added,  "Among t h e p e o p l e e a r n i n g a l i v i n g i s d i f f i c u l t . For t h i s r e a s o n , w h e r e v e r p r o f i t s may b e h a d f r o m s a l t t h e p o o r p e o p l e a l l c a r r y i t a b o u t a n d go f o r t h i n a l l directions to sell i tillegally. Those areas near Szechwan, Kwangtung, and S h a n s i a r e a l l f a r from t h e L i a n g - h u a i yards and ovens...but neighbouring provinces a r e j u s t a s t e p away. ( T r a n s p o r t ) (.-expenses a r e l i g h t and t h e p r i c e i s c h e a p . To o r d e r t h e p e o p l e t o g i v e up w h a t i s n e a r a n d u s e w h a t i s f a r , g i v e u p w h a t i s cheap and u s e what i s e x p e n s i v e , i s by i t s v e r y n a t u r e d i f f i c u l t t o do."  rr  Lin  would  i n t h e impo-  would  price  of earning  officials  Liang-huai  chief  "Because  more numerous  the high  as a method  of Ch'ing  Yu T e - y u a n ,  that,  to afford  result  Not only  of the landless  up s m u g g l i n g  ly.  o f l a n d would  of the countryside.  be u n a b l e  testimony  lack  customers  addition there  1830's,  also  i  S  picture c o u l d no  to the long were  the  Liang-huai  may  found  These  problems  region.  on t h i s  seem A  subject  of Kiangsu  which  give  picture  I n one case  eight  difficulty been  amount  i n memorials  as governor  sters.  problem  t o have  (March  o f almost counties  which i t s  support. of population  s p e c i f ici-to  certain  wrote  a grim  longer  term  a period of great  administration.  o f a monopoly  t h e 1820's  f o r the salt bad years i n of information  that  L i n Tse-hsu  1832 t o F e b r u a r y continual suffered  natural  from  18 37) , disas-  floods,  51 in  another  four  pressions,  more were  Lin  >B7  inundated.  Summing  up  his  im-  wrote,  " i n r e c e n t y e a r s i n K i a n g s u and o t h e r p r o v i n c e s t h e r e h a s b e e n a l m o s t no y e a r i n w h i c h t a x e s w e r e n o t p o s t p o n e d , a l m o s t n o y e a r i n w h i c h r e l i e f was n o t g i v e n out...Minor o f f i c i a l s p r i v a t e l y l i n e t h e i r pockets, w h i l e h i g h o f f i c i a l s o n l y k n o w how t o g a i n a g o o d reputation." 1 3 9  Not  o n l y were  cotton where  crop the  depended  half  of  would  soil on  Bad  to  1832,  of  t o make  was  of  amounted  unprecedented  those  over  50%  loss  of  the  districts of  the  Yangtze  been  people  i n the  to  to  the  region  tended  even  more  times.  to increase  Soochow-Sung-chiang  1,800,000 p i c u l s from  first  factors,  i n former  peasantry  owing sum,  limited  Several other  lower  that  grain  the  to  not  i t had  the  L i n remarked taxes  the  than on  but  living.  course,  famine  piculs  an  blow  i n which  for a  a l l , demands  grain  200,000  severe  poor,  combined  time.  region  a  destroyed,  nineteenth century.  susceptible  over  was  weaving  the  of  crops be  weather,  however,  First  food  the  last  though  11  only  (including years)  60%  of  in  the  ItO  crop  had  vided by  most  the  relief  would  of  harvested. the  funds  Secondly, f o r famine  c o n t i n u i n g demands on  Kiangsu  they  been  scholars  had  during the  could only be  even  Finally, appalling  great  give  less. and  growth  donated  1/1  famine  of  gentry,  relief,  taels  1823,  taels,  by  and  who  were  resources.  1,950,000  1,420,000  pro-  exhausted Although  for  famine  the  year  next  time  1831 i t  '  most of  their  the  important  official  i n the  corruption,  long  run,  which  was  the  rendered  52 any r e l i e f measures the c o u r t might i n i t i a t e Lin  ineffective.  quoted a t l e n g t h from a b l i s t e r i n g memorial by the  s u p e r v i s i n g censor Chin Y i n g - l i n , who d e t a i l e d a l l s o r t s o f abuses.  Yamen c l e r k s would l i s t  tradesmen as famine v i c t i m s  i n o r d e r t o embezzle t h e i r a l l o t m e n t s , a d u l t e r a t e r e l i e f g r a i n o r g i v e f a l s e measure, e x t o r t money w h i l e i n s p e c t i n g the c o u n t r y s i d e f o r bad h a r v e s t s , and a c t i n c o l l u s i o n with minor gentry o r l o c a l gangsters  (t'u-kun).  l a t t e r would foment l a w s u i t s , e x t o r t r e l i e f  These  tickets  (chen-  p ' i a o ) , o r cause d i s t u r b a n c e s i n the homes of the r i c h " a  (ch'ih t a ~ h u ) .  Chin concluded by s a y i n g ,  "Formerly i n Ch'ien-lung and C h i a - c h ' i n g times a l l cases i n which r e l i e f funds were embezzled were pun i s h e d with the f u l l weight o f the law. In the past ten-odd years no governor o r governor-general has impeached anyone f o r t h i s reason. How can today's l o c a l o f f i c i a l s be s u p e r i o r t o those o f the past? The reason i s t h e i r s u p e r i o r s are a f r a i d t o make accusations." 1 4 3  Although L i n succeeded  t o some degree  i n refuting  Chin's  cl  c l a i m s , n e v e r t h e l e s s he h i m s e l f admitted elsewhere  that  many o f f i c i a l s were l e s s than honest, as we have seen above. * 1  There  i s evidence o f a d e c l i n e i n o f f i c i a l m o r a l i t y s i n c e  Ch'ien-lung times, which would render o f f i c i a l s much a d i s a s t e r as the weather. one  almost as  Pressed by bad h a r v e s t s on  s i d e and c o r r u p t o f f i c i a l s on the o t h e r , i s i t any  wonder many peasants rewarding The  gave up t h e i r hard l i v e s f o r the more  ( i f r i s k y ) p r o f e s s i o n o f smuggler? r e l a t e d problems o f smuggling  and r u r a l poverty  were i n t i m a t e l y connected with the management o f the y a r d s , the s a l t p r o d u c t i o n areas.  Since the yards were the only  14  53 p l a c e where s a l t p r o d u c t i o n was any smugglers who  wished to continue t h e i r trade had to  somehow secure a supply of s a l t its-  manufactured i t .  c a r r i e d out on a l a r g e s c a l e ,  from the workers there  When s a l e s of s a l t i n the p o r t s were  going p o o r l y s a l t p i l e d up a t the y a r d s , and there a tremendous temptation  were w e l l aware of t h i s .  The  f o r example, w r i t i n g i n 1844, prevented by borrowing  ''social v i s i b i l i t y "  Officials  censor Chiang Hung-sheng, urged t h a t smuggling  be  a m i l l i o n t a e l s i n order to buy  Thomas Metzger has suggested  v e n t i o n of smuggling  was  f o r the salt- workers to make a  p r o f i t by s e l l i n g some of t h i s to smugglers.  surplus s a l t .  who  at the yards was  up  t h a t the p r e -  made e a s i e r by  their  i . e . the yards were l a r g e , w e l l - d e f i n e d  areas with i n s t a l l a t i o n s t h a t might e a s i l y be watched. However, another a u t h o r i t y , Edmund Worthy, does not  agree.  He h o l d s t h a t s i n c e b o i l i n g s a l t from sea water i s a simple process t h a t does not r e q u i r e l a r g e machinery, the prevention, of p r i v a t e o s a l t j p r o d u c t i o n ; w a s i v i r t u a l l y ' dmpos:  sible.  Although Worthy's study deals with the  d i s t r i c t d u r i n g the Sung Dynasty, the f r e q u e n t complaints of smuggling  Liang-che official  from the yards seem to i n d i c a t e  t h a t h i s c o n c l u s i o n s h o l d f o r the Ch'ing as w e l l . Rural poverty and growing l a n d hunger a f f e c t e d  the  y a r d s , because, as we have seen, most s a l t workers were farmers  as w e l l .  Thomas Metzger suggests t h a t a g r i c u l t u r e  p r o v i d e d s a l t workers with an assured l i v e l i h o o d even when the s a l t trade was  stagnating.  A g r i c u l t u r e could provide  a cushion f o r those at the yards when h a r v e s t s were good,  54 but  the worsening  that  the opposite  smugglers tainly that  workers  afflicted  49,000  was  also  t o g e t money  salt  example  conditions  was  members  true:  workers  t o buy food  peasants.  when  worker  would  sell  harvests  salt  to  failed.  t h e same n a t u r a l  Cer-  disasters  A particularly appalling  i n a 1724 m e m o r i a l , .  of salt  suggest  !  suffered, from  other  given  o f t h e 1820 s a n d 1830's  which  :  families  described  died  when  how  restraining  (SO  dikes the  gave  way  official  smuggling and  make  Ch'ing  from  salt  1834  memorial  at  production  there  the yards  causing  the poor  to  desert  living  could  rose  from  three  also  sales  raise  and bad h a r v e s t s  the yards  altogether  meant,  of  produced, taels  course,  I n an and heavy  and so t h e p r i c e  p e r y i n ,'  53,  Besides  interruptions i n  f o r consumers. forced  i n hopes  many  Eventual-  salt  of earning  workers a  better  elsewhere.  Previously  we  discussed  worse  by t h e c o r r u p t i o n  rying  out of necessary  It  might  by  the salt  side.  IS  due t o f l o o d s  workers,  prices  workers,  t h e m . " "'  on as u s u a l .  how,  to five  f o r the salt  also  that  to prevent  relieve the salt  not carry  salt  reason  " I fyou wish  as f l o o d s  insufficient  would  ly  such  for- t h i s  concerning  1  distress  production  y o u must  T a o Chu d e s c r i b e d was  I t was  remarked,,  the regulations  disasters  that  surf.  history  the yards,  strict  Natural  rains,  t o pounding  be w i s e  here  merchants  As b e f i t t i n g  provided  funds  how  r u r a l poverty  of officials, relief  measures  t o comment  for a variety  impeded  i n times  briefly  i n providing  t h e i r vast  who  made the  of  played  f o r the country-  the transport  of charitable  car-  famine.  on t h e r o l e  relief  wealth,  was  merchants  enterprises,  such  55  as orphanages, homes f o r widows, academies so f o r t h .  (shu-yuan), and  Many o f these e n t e r p r i s e s were supported  of the f o u - f e i items.  by v a r i o u s  Pao-hsiao payments, e s p e c i a l l y , o f t e n  went t o r i v e r conservancy work, which b e n e f i t t e d the a g r i c u l t u r a l economy. occured  The most s t r i k i n g i n s t a n c e o f t h i s k i n d  i n 1788, when the t r a n s p o r t merchants gave one m i l l i o n  t a e l s f o r f l o o d r e l i e f work i n H u p e h .  155  These r e l i e f measures were h e l p f u l t o the s a l t workers as w e l l . ordered  Beginning  about 17 30 the t r a n s p o r t merchants were  t o b u i l d c h a r i t y g r a n a r i e s , many o f them a t the yards.  According  t o Pao Shih-ch'en, by the 1830's i t was becoming  d i f f i c u l t t o secure  enough g r a i n f o r these  facilities.  This  would no doubt have been caused by the i n c r e a s i n g f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s o f the merchants.  A sort of v i c i o u s c i r c l e  was developing whereby merchants c o u l d no longer  provide  r e l i e f f o r the s a l t workers, who thereupon s o l d t h e i r s a l t t o smugglers t o make a d d i t i o n a l money, which h u r t the l e g i t i m a t e merchants s t i l l The  more.  s a l t workers' complaints  sometimes threatened t o  break i n t o open r i o t i n g o r other forms o f d i s t u r b a n c e ;  Indeed,  there are accounts o f s a l t workers t u r n i n g t o b a n d i t r y as 1ST f a r back as Sung times. an 1823 i n c i d e n t .  A more contemporary example i n v o l v e d  At t h a t time s a l e s a t the nearby p o r t s  were going p o o r l y , and s t r i c t p o l i c i n g was p r e v e n t i n g  illegal  sales  support  (one p i e c e of evidence,  Metzger's c o n t e n t i o n s ) .  i n c i d e n t a l l y , t h a t does  A noisy i f non-violent  demonstration  by s a l t workers o u t s i d e o f the v a r i o u s s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n yamens compelled the v i c e r o y t o i s s u e money f o r t h e i r  relief.'  5  During the T a i p i n g . R e b e l l i o n the governor-general of K i a n g s i , Kiangsu, and Anhwei I - l i a n g urged t h a t help be given the  salt  workers following, the t o t a l c o l l a p s e of the s a l t t r a d e , f o r f e a r t h a t they might r e b e l or enter i n t o an agreement with ts<? the T a i p i n g s .  A more thorough d i s c u s s i o n o f the  between s a l t p o l i c i e s and follow l a t e r i n this Before  unrest  connection  i n the c o u n t r y s i d e  will  essay.  l e a v i n g the s u b j e c t of the s a l t workers we  say something about the r o l e of the yard merchants.  should  As  mentioned i n our i n t r o d u c t i o n , during the course of the  we Ch'ing  Dynasty independent s a l t producers were g r a d u a l l y bought out by wealthy merchants. mated t h a t about 60%  Wei  Yuan, w r i t i n g about 1850,  of the s a l t overris and b o i l i n g pans  were owned by these yard merchants, while merchants" 160 each.  (yuan-shang) and  smaller  "depot  s a l t producers owned about 2 0%  Ownership by l a r g e merchants was  they c o u l d p r o v i d e  esti-  s a l t producers with  beneficxal i n that c a p i t a l and  serve  i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between the thousands of s m a l l producers  as and  the l a r g e t r a n s p o r t merchants. There was,  however, another s i d e to the s t o r y .  The  yard  merchants would f r e q u e n t l y attempt to cheat the s a l t workers, u s i n g a l a r g e r than r e g u l a t i o n s a l t b a r r e l or weights and measures i n order  fraudulent  to o b t a i n e x t r a s a l t .  workers would f r e q u e n t l y s e l l to smugglers i n order these e x a c t i o n s ,  among other reasons.  Eventually  In an 1830  to a v o i d  the  depressed c o n d i t i o n of the s a l t trade caught up with yard merchants.  Salt  the  memorial the governor-general of  K i a n g s i , Kiangsu, and Anhwei Chiang Y u - t ' i e n  s t a t e d t h a t many  57 of  the yard  salt  that  120,000 It  merchants  the workers  taels  merchants  were  themselves  So huai  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n we  bankruptcy  o f many  describing  the chief  these  problems  was  t h e t a x b u r d e n ..they  by  which  taxes  they  b u t making There  few  important  sold  were  o f which  needed  some  will  t o compensate  often  amounting  other  times that  estimate carried  went that  this  into  closely  A  found  i t was  i n which here.  bags.  Pao's  as  they  Since  distress process evading a l l  did this,  only  that  i n transit,  to carry  extra  merchants salt,  when w e i g h i n g made  salt  transported  concern  with  Sun T i n g - c h ' e n ,  a  they  i n a one y i n bag.  of legal  were  A l l  a l l t h e worse.  Pao Shih-ch'en  s i xcatties  s c h o l a r named  1  thereby  catty  ten catties  shared  as w e l l  Claiming  spilled  of  and the  a natural  problem  them  of the Liang-  related.  illegally,  ways  Smuggling  the impact  of merchants  use a heavy  f o r every  officials  problem.  salt  their  an a d d i t i o n a l  Other  bore,  to allow  would  I f e  transport  also  developments.  t o 500 o r 600 c a t t i e s  they  with  merchants,  causes  for salt  bribe officials  dealt  of these  be m e n t i o n e d  would  salt  have  the smuggling several  of  of the collapse  of course,  o f t h e most  purpose.  many  merchants  i n c r e a s e d smuggling,  causes  one  that  and t h e Problem  of the small  were,  that  difficulty.  Merchants  t a x revenues,  requested  time  the yard  f a r i n our discussion  declining  t o buy t h e  the treasury f o r this  a t t h e same  bankrupt  i n financial  salt  Chiang  out from that  going  The T r a n s p o r t  longer had the c a p i t a l  produced.  be l e n t  i s not surprising  c)  no  a  that  At  the rough were  illegally.'*  the size  of  writing i n  58 the  1850's,  was  f a r more  would  not  claimed serious  have  difficulties,  Petty  smugglers  salt  modern  was  a  such  problem.'  Metzger,  greatly  found  wastage". officials stated  merchants'  who  that  were  to  carry  on  their  taels  worth  of  capital.  of  to  compete  salt  he  financial  i n sheer  volume  merchants.  w i t h Sun,  the  even  A  feeling  that  administration  admits  that  bags  of  concludes that  He  argues was  that  i n fact  the merchants  biased  before  merchants  substantial  however,  Criticism  this  such  than  smuggling  6 7  exaggerated.  i n the  If true, their  to  but  merchants  of  hope  threat  official  spite  disagrees  merchants,  serious Thomas  been  with  a greater  by  In  millions  hardly  a u t h o r , L i u Chun,  smuggling was  could  by  of bandits.  transport  require  transported  lin-ssu  that  surprising.  f o r the  a t a l l would  smuggling  than  been  trade  of  that  1830  against  bags  of  much o f "legally  came  them.  over  this  the  has  salt  added  from Confucian  T ao 1  500  problem  Chu  catties  himself were  its  ''officially and  not  (T'ao  allowed".  merely  Chu  among  This  because  of  them)  that  the  merchant  The  .".legal".  L i n Tse-hsu,  a s we  weight  the  yin rising  600,  by  about  allowed" and tion  or  official  official 1830.  "customary", that  T'ao  i s , admittedly,  Ch'ing  official  had  centers  I f by  very to  t o me  o f many  on  what  "legal"  was  to  Metzger  400  precisely  means this  accept fees  to  Since  serious  means  by  of  not  500  of The  virtually  supplement  the or  "officially  sort  complaining about.  complicated.  a  spoke  catties,  Metzger  unsound,  authorities  s m u g g l i n g was  noted previously,  i t was  Chu  seems  opinion  problem.  of  difficulty  argument  custom quesevery  h i s meagre  59 salary,  i t i s no  wonder  corrupt  attained  quasi-legal  The  problem  by  the  or  unable  day  fact  to  of  that  certain practices  many o f  business  of  by  the  to  we  would  call  status.  smuggling  personally  day  that  merchants  merchants  carry  on  were  their  transporting  is  complicated  either  trade.  salt  unwilling  Instead,  was  left  to  the  the Li o  "merchants' Since it  the  was  Pao  Ch'ing  to  their  origin  and  Shih-ch'en,  payments chants  be  would  merchants  servants' numbers  was  taxes  Wei  we  numerous  and  to  this  can  to  expensive,  handle be  ensure  and  a  the  but  the  or  needs paid  at  of  From  merchants'  i t is  are  not  the  exact  transport  these  these  hangers-  men,  together  ports,  this  to  amounted  fragmentary  servants  impossible  two  get  what  their  of  the  the  that,  exactly  so  i f  1 7 1  merchants' did  each  and  business.  the  Nor  was  mer-  fitting  they  that  the  failing  known  were.  annually.  that  that  hundred  fees  or,  to  clerks,  this  more  of  Yangchow  yamens,  supervise  complained  taels  deduce  to  at  themselves  i t i s not  that  i n t e r e s t payments  evidence  sent  estimated  with  go  unless  According  taxes  themselves,  by  six million  paying  men,  discussion  brief.  i t would  accompanied  T'ao  over  be  Yuan  on.  to  Chu  that  assistants' duties  known.  merchant  argued  Beyond  and  be  than  servants  relatives,  mischief.  of  Rather  should  and  will  shang-ssu).  these  our  i n v o l v i n g numerous  their  of  dishonesty,  business  their  merchants  assistants into  the  (shang-huo  r a r e l y wrote  functions  send  paid  assistants"  their  made.  179 3 m e m o r i a l  head  of  tiresome, to  and  officials  complain  extremely  A  servants  be  were more  60 specific. The all  merchants  sorts  engage salt  of  in  corrupt  shady  As  frequently  have  officials,  and  One  a  and  with  great  deal  know  more  most  common  and  assistants  was  that  they  the  salt  their  no  agents  wages  at  proper  (pu-t'ou)  a l l were  paid,  in  ins  and  fail  salaries,  the  regular  of  the  salt  against  the  servants  than  the  crews  together sums.  crews  the would  pay  various  the  of men  to  and  of  example,  these  outs  complaints  deduct  accused  yamens  experience  would  and  the  yamens,  a l l the  the  were  might,'for  clerks  of  shippers'  They  i n magistrates'  would  boats  assistants  practices.  dealings  officials.  trade.  servants  1  were  of  with  the  Sometimes  given  salt  vTfc  instead, by  which  forced  to  accelerated large  By  the  each  would  only  portion  or  so  the  were  one  the  tael  would  seek  income. Such  to  make  small  one  trip  a  year.  In  wages  that  said  to  have  forced  as  well  to  per  Since trip  illegally  smuggling  a  by  This  wages  supplement  process  was century  small  boats  over  or  three  trips  a  400,  boat  and  addition was  would  each to  large  by  sums fixed  in  declining  fact,  the  times, enter-  at  surprising that their  only  the  several  a  year.  vessel  this,  deducted  remained  c r e w s was,  there-  and  large  spend  were  eighteenth  increased  i t i s not  boat  crews  the  two  however,  was  yin  In  a  servants.  per  meet.  and  1  and  Boat  3000 y i n  would  boatmen s  agents  taining  carry  century,  yin,  shippers' crews  make e n d s  boat  make o n e  of  illegally.  developments,  might  nineteenth 800  to  other  boats and  carry  sold  smuggle by  salt  thousand,  they  about boatmen  real  frequently  c a r r i e d on with the a i d of the merchants' T'ao  remarked  servants themselves.  a n g r i l y t h a t boatmen would  " h e a v i l y b r i b e the merchants' s e r v a n t s , s h i p p e r s ' agents, e t c . and thereby p l o t to l o a d ( t h e i r boats) with s a l t . I t goes so f a r t h a t even maids and r e t a i n e r s of the merchants' households are a l s o g i v e n monthly p r e s e n t s and payments." »"i8 All  s o r t s of o t h e r i l l e g a l p r a c t i c e s were a s s o c i a t e d with the  boat crews. o f f i c i a l s was  One  such p r a c t i c e t h a t caused g r e a t concern to  " f a l s e l y r e p o r t i n g yen-hsiao".  The yen-hsiao  law allowed those merchants whose boats sunk d u r i n g storms to r e p l a c e the s a l t t h a t had been l o s t , as w e l l as being reimbursed by the government f o r the taxes t h a t had been p a i d on i t .  One  can see t h a t i f the s a l t had not been  a f t e r a l l i t c o u l d be s o l d at a g r e a t p r o f i t . estimated d u r i n g the l a t e  1840's  I t was  t h a t the amount of s a l t  l o s t each year to yen-hsiao came to although no doubt some o f t h i s was me mate hazards o f n a v i g a t i o n .  lost  3 0 , 0 0 0  to  5 0 , 0 0 0  yin,  indeed due to the  legiti-  Such underhanded p r a c t i c e s were  not only a problem to the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , but were a l s o a s e r i o u s law enforcement s a l t boats were numerous  problem.  The crews of the  (as many as 3 0 men  to a s i n g l e \&i  boat) and might r i o t i f accused of I t i s perhaps  wrong-doing.  s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the merchants  themselves  were accused of many of the crimes o f t h e i r s e r v a n t s .  Pao  Shih-ch'en noted s a r c a s t i c a l l y t h a t whereas f o r m e r l y o n l y s e r v a n t s would stoop to p r a c t i c e s such as yen-hsiao f r a u d , now  t h e i r p l a c e was  being taken by t h e i r masters.  named T'u Wen-chun, w r i t i n g about 1 8 4 6 ,  A censor  agreed, s a y i n g t h a t  whereas merchants would lend t h e i r boatmen c a p i t a l f o r smug-  62  g l i n g operations,  i f caught they would attempt to put  blame on t h e i r subordinates.  the  In the face of t h i s s o r t of  evidence, i t i s r a t h e r s u r p r i s i n g t h a t Thomas Metzger takes the problem of merchant smuggling so l i g h t l y .  At any  rate,  the problem of smuggling by those l e g i t i m a t e l y i n v o l v e d i n the s a l t trade  (as opposed to f u l l - t i m e b a n d i t s ) , whether  merchants, s e r v a n t s , n i f i c a n t one.  T'ao  or boatmen, was Chu  by no means an  insig-  concluded t h a t w e l l over h a l f  the  s a l t boats were engaged i n smuggling, d)  The  Problem of Imperial  Security  By the 1830's, then, the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was such d i s o r d e r t h a t men  such as the s a l t producers or boat  crews might r i o t or cause d i s t u r b a n c e s hardship.  in  However, the u n s u c c e s s f u l  due  to acute economic  f u n c t i o n i n g of  s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n posed f a r g r e a t e r  the  t h r e a t s than t h i s  the a b i l i t y of the dynasty to maintain order  i n the  country-  side.  Throughout Chinese h i s t o r y s a l t smugglers have  served  to s w e l l the ranks of those who  c o u r t , and  ev,en to provide  to  r e b e l l e d against  the  the l e a d e r s of these r e b e l l i o n s .  I t i s known t h a t the great T'ang r e b e l Wang began h i s career as a s a l t smuggler.  Hsien-chih  His successor  Huang  Ch'ao, whose f i f t e e n year u p r i s i n g v i r t u a l l y destroyed  the  T'ang Dynasty, came from a f a m i l y of wealthy s a l t merchants ( i t i s p o s s i b l e these a l s o took p a r t i n the i l l e g a l  trade),  although most of h i s f o l l o w e r s were peasants s u f f e r i n g from famine i n Honan. Liang-huai  i s known to have s u f f e r e d from smuggling at  l e a s t as f a r back as the T'ang.  L i u Yen,  whose e f f o r t s made  63 the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n an important arm of government, e s t a b l i s h e d a p a t r o l s t a t i o n i n the Yangchow area f o r the purpose of apprehending  such b a n d i t s .  unrest continued i n l a t e r times. smugglers  T h i s t r a d i t i o n of  During the Yuan  Dynasty  f l o u r i s h e d due to g r e a t l y i n f l a t e d s a l t  prices.  A f t e r about 1340  the smugglers  Chang Shih-ch'eng  Kuo-chen l e d u p r i s i n g s i n the L i a n g - h u a i and regions.  One  and Fang  Liang-che  author has remarked, "When readers of h i s t o r y  say t h a t the Yuan p e r i s h e d due to the chaos of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i t i s not without reason."  salt  We w i l l  now  d i s c u s s the t h r e a t t h i s long t r a d i t i o n of v i o l e n c e posed to the Manchu c o u r t . S a l t smuggling  i n L i a n g - h u a i d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t of  the Ch'ing Dynasty was bandits.  i n t i m a t e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the Nien  Teng Ssu-yii has t r a c e d the f i r s t mention  Nien i n documents to the year 1797. "Red  Beards"  (Hung~hu f e i ) ,  of the  He claims t h a t the  an o f f s h o o t of the White Lotus  S o c i e t y , would form l a r g e gangs c a l l e d n i e n - t z u , from which the Nien drew t h e i r name.  A Ch'ing w r i t e r named Fang Yu-lan,  however, gave a d i f f e r e n t account of the Niens' o r i g i n . claimed t h a t t h e i r bands were formed m i l i t i a , who  He  from d e m o b i l i z e d v i l l a g e  had o r i g i n a l l y been r e c r u i t e d to f i g h t the White  Lotus d u r i n g t h e i r great r e v o l t at the end of the e i g h t e e n t h century.  In any case, the Nien do not seem to have been  present when the s a l t monopoly was  a t i t s h e i g h t i n the  mid-eighteenth century, although many of t h e i r l a t e r  haunts,  such as H o - f e i and Feng-yang d i s t r i c t s i n Anhwei, d i d s u f f e r from smuggling b e f o r e  1797.  From t h a t time on the Nien i n c r e a s e d t h e i r T'ao Chu, w r i t i n g as a censor i n 1815, was  activity.  noted t h a t  smuggling  p r o f i t a b l e t o them because the p r i c e o f s a l t i n L i a n g -  huai was  twice as great as t h a t smuggled i n from the Ch'ang-  lu salt district.  The Nien b a n d i t s , then, were another aspect  of the d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n due to the i n f l a t e d p r i c e of t h e i r product, and to our model of the monopoly's d e c l i n e .  By 1821  encountered conformed the Nien  i n j u s t t h r e e d i s t r i c t s of Kiangsu p r o v i n c e were s a i d t o number over a thousand men,  under the d i r e c t i o n of one L i u  San~mao.  the Nien openly r e v o l t e d  F i n a l l y , i n 1853,  against  the Ch'ing c o u r t , l e d by a man  named Chang L o - h s i n g , who  once worked as a s a l t smuggler  i n Anhwei.  What, then, was smugglers  had  the exact r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s a l t  and the Nien?  Here L i n Tse-hsu has p r o v i d e d us  with the most i n f o r m a t i o n .  He remarked,  "I have heard t h a t f o r m e r l y among the people over h a l f of the b a n d i t s have come from the ranks of the s a l t smugglers. An example i s the Nien b a n d i t s and Red Beards o f Hsiang-yang, who are most harmful. G e n e r a l l y , because they l i v e near Honan p r o v i n c e they s e l l Honan s a l t f o r a l i v i n g , and from there go on to do a l l manner o f wickedness. A f t e r the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was reformed t h e r e were no longer any cases o f t h e f t i n Hsiang-yang... I f s a l t matters are handled p r o p e r l y i t i s not only the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h a t b e n e f i t s . ' 1  From t h i s we can see t h a t i t was  s a l t smugglers who  served  to s w e l l the ranks of the Nien bands, i n d i c a t i n g t h a t the term "peasant r e b e l l i o n " when a p p l i e d to the Nien u p r i s i n g may  be something  of a misnomer.  Of course, the  smugglers  d e r i v e d g r e a t b e n e f i t from t h e i r membership i n the Nien gangs.  O f f i c i a l s tended to f e a r the power o f the s e c r e t  s o c i e t i e s , and would make l i t t l e e f f o r t to capture the  65  smugglers How  i f they were  knew t h e y  people  smugglers?  Evidence  but  should  in  perhaps 1827  Jung-ch'ang bandit Li  was  went  on  salt  was  "outer  say  were  Honan, Anhwei, territory  cling  of  just  as  Religion,  Kiangsu,  together.  with  the  surnames  with  other  salt  have  been  relationship. memorial. boats by  In  called  fishing.  have  T'ao  Chu  Hsu  and  smugglers  of  while  uncle  Mu another  of  These  a  certain  two  exam-  would  people  reported  in  would  the  like of  from  were  tend  the native  to  Ch'ing  China.  different  1831  of  an  same  that  frequently  not  where  bandits  ports  from  clan,  and  by  outer  smug-  markets  port"  society  were  The  occupied  People  drawn  who  named  Anhwei  "inner  same  Ts'ao  memorial  their  Moslems  quarrel faith  in  Anhwei.  Another to  to  criminal  the  decentralized  seems  censor's  memorial  while  the  fragmentary,  business".  ports- were  from  salt  salt  an  Shantung.  the  f o r many p e o p l e  certain parts  and  families  Shou-chou,  "family  into  A  memorial.  in  from  somewhat  maternal  that  of  Feng-lin,  a  divided  a  the  previous  inner  in  too,  was  a Mu  of  people  together  a  is  •q c  ranks  anyway.  of  The  men  point  the  influential  indicate  that  port".  place,  to  in  something  sold  an  members.  into  examined  K'o-chien  seem  to  this  brother  mentioned  would  gling  on  that  the  n a m e d Ma  Ta-pen  ples  was  recruited  be  indicated  were  method the  of  recruitment  creation  T'ao  Chu  Kiangsu  of  a  mao-ch'uan,  who  When  forced  floods  sort  discussed  province  of  salt  of  this  there  usually them  smugglers  "employer-employee" problem  were  in  owners  earned to  seems  flee  an of  their their  1832 small  living homes  66 smugglers would  would  gather  several  hire  together  hundred.  distinguished  would  be  arrested,  their  village  Several in  this  Nien  bands,  example in  the  the  1815  Red  the  given  comments  cash  per  seem  escorting  corruption general,  good,  was  a  nature.  among  administration  T'ao  Chu  put  seems  it,  of  1  all, of  i s  contained  In t h i s  protectors,  have  have  for a  fee of  distribution  to confirm of  salt  features  our  bandits  to r i v a l  may  even  illegal that  smugglers would  Merely  was  of  have  often  much  relief.  view  200  that  would  there  case  guarding  worked.  villages  seen  the  Another  above.  that  In rural  smuggling. of  salt  of Ch'ing o f f i c i a l s ,  t h e m s e l v e s an  salt  back  members  i n return  drowned  alarming  The  First  from the Nien  would  the  care-  latter  Secondly, i t i s unlikely  fundamental cause  of view  even  escorted  service.  smugglers  a s we  with  memorial  the point  created  while  be  they  be  The  actually  mentioned  soldiers  salt.  or  refugees  here.  separate  the  dozen  and  grain.  in their  to their  o f t h e most  organized  as  associated  this  One  of  them back  little  poverty  served  salt,  bandits.  not  f o r t h e mao--ch ' u a n  1  sell  these  i n order  o f T'ao's  the government  T ao ' s p l a n  to  former would  relief  rather  memorial  cartload  that  smugglers were  b u t were  Beards  from  from  while  of smugglers being  them  done  ordered  from the a c t u a l  and  case the  fishermen  i n groups o f s e v e r a l  T'ao  fully  to  these  be  was said  smuggling, i t s highly to  have  bureaucracy, a  private  o f the government. "publicly  s e t up  As  regulations"  •xoo (kung-jan nization  she-li comes  chang-ch'eng).  from  an  1821  One  memorial  example  of bandit  describing  the  orga-  activities  67  of L i u San-mao.  The  author noted how  l e a d e r of 24 gangs (po), spread over the Kiangsu c o u n t r y s i d e . difficult  destroyed  po  The ever,  to d e a l with smug-  captured  L i u merely sent out another man  or h i s gang to r e p l a c e him  or  3 , 0 1  most thorough account of bandit o r g a n i z a t i o n , how-  i s contained  i n the w r i t i n g s of Pao  noted t h a t smugglers would have recognized ta  overall  T h i s setup made i t very  l e a d e r was  up another po elsewhere.  the  out at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s  f o r law enforcement o f f i c i a l s  g l i n g , s i n c e i f one  set  L i u was  chang-t'ou, and  Shih-ch'en. leaders,  Pao  called  seconds i n command, or fu-chang-t'ou.  Each of these would occupy c e r t a i n p l a c e s c a l l e d "wharves'* (ma-t'ou) or " s a l t s t a t i o n s " (yen-kuan), and each boat p a s s i n g by.  levy a t o l l  on  To help them i n t h e i r work were v a r i o u s  subordinates  who  acted as  "measurers"  (p'eng-shou) or " c l e r k s "  (shu-shou).  Each gang might number s e v e r a l hundred men,  and  c o n t r o l s e v e r a l hundred thousand t a e l s worth of c a p i t a l . reason f o r t h i s complex o r g a n i z a t i o n i s easy to see. discovered illegally  e a r l i e r by the year 1830 as l e g a l l y .  As  as much s a l t was  The we  sold  For the smugglers to d e l i v e r s a l t  to l i t e r a l l y m i l l i o n s of people i t would have been necessary for  them to organize  and  secure  l a r g e amounts of  capital.  J u s t as the government s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had of o f f i c i a l s , measurers.  i t s set  so d i d the smugglers have t h e i r c l e r k s  J u s t as the head merchants were o f t e n  wealthy, e s p e c i a l l y i n the e i g h t e e n t h  century,  a c e r t a i n Huang Y u ~ l i n .  fabulously  so d i d  c e r t a i n of the smugglers a t t a i n great i n f l u e n c e . the most n o t o r i o u s was  and  Of  these  Huang, a  68 n a t i v e o f Fukien,  b u i l t up d u r i n g the 1820's a powerful  f l e e t o f s e v e r a l hundred v e s s e l s on the Yangtze, some o f which were capable o f c a r r y i n g s e v e r a l thousand p i c u l s o f salt.  H i s headquarters was a ma-t'ou near I-cheng, Kiangsu,  an important center a t which s a l t was packaged before loaded on board s h i p .  being  From there he s o l d s a l t i n v a r i o u s  p a r t s o f Hupeh and K i a n g s i .  Huang e v e n t u a l l y  surrendered  h i m s e l f t o the a u t h o r i t i e s i n r e t u r n f o r a pardon, an a f f a i r which l a t e r r e s u l t e d i n severe punishment f o r governor-general  Chiang Y u - t ' i e n .  Of course,  x  o  3  we must not exaggerate the s i m i l a r i t i e s  between the "bureaucracy" o f the s a l t smugglers and t h a t of the government.  F o r one t h i n g , although each gang o f  s a l t smugglers had i t s own " o f f i c i a l s " there was never a v a s t o r g a n i z a t i o n i n charge o f the e n t i r e i l l e g a l  trade.  Indeed, the p i t c h e d b a t t l e s between groups o f heavily-armed smugglers, f r e q u e n t l y c e n t e r i n g around c o n t r o l o f a ma-t'ou, were a source o f great concern to the government.  Although  the smugglers q u a r r e l l e d among themselves, i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t was t h e i r membership i n the Nien t h a t r a i s e d them from the s t a t u s o f a major nuisance t o t h a t o f an act u a l t h r e a t t o the dynasty. fifteen  I t was not u n t i l 186 8 , a f t e r  years o f open warfare, t h a t they were e v e n t u a l l y  suppressed by L i Hung-chang.  Mismanagement o f the s a l t  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was, i n f a c t , a r e a l + t h r e a t of the n a t i o n .  t o the s t a b i l i t y  L i n Tse-hsu's remark t h a t i f s a l t  matters  were handled p r o p e r l y the whole government would b e n e f i t s t r o n g l y i m p l i e d t h a t the reverse was t r u e as w e l l .  Although  the Nien  societies  with  ties  other  with  various that  whom s a l t groups  districts  went  Brothers  by  were  such  of Kiangsi names  Society)  liated  with  these  were  sent  they  t o o were Nor  was  district.  smugglers  members this  One  official  even  that i n  secret  societies  ( I n c r e a s i n g Younger  local  i t was  limited in a  were  officials  and even  mentioned  had  (Increasing Knives  of the societies!  problem  they  noted  i n the area  The  the bandits  Chu  hui  hui  of the secret  related,  were  as T ' i e n - t i  o f the societies,  to capture  were  there  societies.  dangerous  T'ao  and T ' i e n - t a o  Most o f the s a l t  afraid  smugglers  as w e l l .  ety) .  usually  t h e most  when  often  Soci-  affiwere  soldiers found  that  t x o f e  to the  Liang-huai  letter  to a  colleague,  •'Formerly i n t h e C h i a - c h ' i n g p e r i o d t h e Kwangtung b a n d i t T'an A-chao s t y l e d h i m s e l f P r i n c e o f P'ing-p'o, while the Fukien bandit Ts'ai Ch'ien c a l l e d himself Prince o f Chen-hai. They k i l l e d o f f i c i a l s and d i s turbed the countryside f o r several years. In the b e g i n n i n g they were s a l t smugglers. " Although serving seem  i t i s n o t known w h e t h e r under  them  to indicate  nization A  beyond  more  a  their  that  detailed  of a  Winston  Hsieh  involved the  with  initial  area  salt  stage  with  of  smuggling  The p a r a l l e l s  of secret i n an  a man  orga-  with  The  societie  essay  i n 1911  by  i n the  Liang-huai  t h e T r i a d s were  of the uprising,  some  does  robbers.  uprising  i n the area.  "officials  titles  or at least  i s contained  the Nien,  had any  of various  band  a Triad  Kwangtung.  As  men  of the a c t i v i t y  dealing with  o f Waichow, numerous.  common  study  of the Liang-huai  are  assumption  "court" of sorts,  outside  city  these  heavily  leader of  named T e n g  K'eng,  70 came  from  salt  trade  Chang  a  family (whether  Lo-hsing  Liang-huai, had o  r  been  stirred  part  the as  of  a  Before secret salt tom to  Nien  the  return  pick  up  that  to  next  f o r the district  was  to  that  have  3.  Tse-hsu  numerous was  of  the  the  At  new  taxes  added  salt  business  business.  monopoly  compli-  admini-  methods  any  rate, were  was dan-  they  bedeviled, the  salt  administration  question  which the  brought  into  to  tribute  valley,  only  smuggle  during  early  the  early  the  illegal  i t was  the  cus-  v/here  1660  part  of  to  they  was  cheap  by  form  a  salt  Although as  smuggling  grain  there  Liang-huai. as  other  Dynasty  Naturally  boatmen  organized one  Ch'ing  Yangtze  load.  of  examine  the  existed  i t grew worse  century.  i n Western  salt  like  in  that  During  Ch'ang-lu known  there  management  should  boats  their  the  As  i t is clear  the  we  took.  empty  temptation  were,  leaving  f o r those  against  imposition of  of  the  i s u n c e r t a i n ) , much  centuries before.  i n Kwangtung  out  associated with  empire.  societies  trade  the  been  illegal  Ch'ao  trained  problem  throughout  by  smugglers  the  or  efficient  those  long  resentment  up  more  by  driving  Huang  although  that  stration  gerous  or  had  legal  popular  fou~feii  cation  that  Peking would  tremendous from  this  there the  is  the  problem evidence  nineteenth  II  During  his  tenure  as  governor  of  Kiangsu  Lin  wrote,  " I n e a c h p r o v i n c e t h e g r a i n b o a t s number s e v e r a l thous a n d , ;;arid t h e i r c r e w s s e v e r a l t e n s o f t h o u s a n d s . Sail o r s w i l l r e l y on t h e i r numbers t o a c t v i o l e n t l y . While t h i s i s n o t a new d e v e l o p m e n t , i t has been most s e v e r e in recent years." The  vast  number  of  v e s s e l s engaged  in  transporting  grain  71 should  give some i d e a of the s i z e of the problem o f f i c i a l s  confronted Chu  i n seeking  to end  this i l l e g a l t r a f f i c .  concluded t h a t the g r a i n boats of Hunan, Hupeh,  T'ao and  K i a n g s i were capable of c a r r y i n g 200,000 to 300,000 y i n of s a l t a n n u a l l y , people  (Pao  or enough f o r e i g h t to twelve m i l l i o n  Shih-ch'en's e s t i m a t e ) .  Even i f only a f r a c -  t i o n of these boats a c t u a l l y smuggled, the  l o s s of paying  customers to the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n would be enormous. A b a s i c cause of smuggling by the crews of g r a i n boats was  the meagre s a l a r i e s they were p a i d , much as economic  need f o r c e d the crews of the s a l t boats on the Yangtze to smuggle. i n 1831,  Teng T'ing-chen, w r i t i n g as governor of Anhwei noted t h a t s a i l o r s were only p a i d 3.6  f o r t h e i r labour.  t a e l s a year  Even with c e r t a i n f r i n g e b e n e f i t s , such  as the r i g h t to deal i n c e r t a i n kinds of merchandise on s i d e , t h i s was  f a r below the amount needed f o r  subsistence.  Teng c o u l d only recommend t h a t the s a i l o r s be permitted sell  a greater  the  to  amount of merchandise.  In s p i t e of the v a s t s i z e of the i l l e g a l trade c a r r i e d on by the g r a i n boats, Thomas Metzger maintains t h a t Chu  was  gling.  s u c c e s s f u l i n b r i n g i n g a stop to t h i s s o r t of smugHe  bases h i s argument on an 1833  incident.  year the d i r e c t o r - g e n e r a l of g r a i n t r a n s p o r t p o i n t e d t h a t the i n s p e c t i o n of g r a i n boats by the s a l t was  T'ao  slowing  out  administration  down the d e l i v e r y of g r a i n to the c a p i t a l .  requested t h a t boat crews be empowered to s e l l s a l t (beyond the  In t h a t  f o r t y c a t t i e s already  paying taxes on i t at Yangchow.  permitted T'ao  He  legally  for personal  argued a g a i n s t  this  use),  p r o p o s a l , s a y i n g t h a t the n o t o r i o u s l y lawless boatmen would fail  to pay taxes on the f u l l  amount t h a t they c a r r i e d ,  and  t h a t i n a d d i t i o n the i m p o r t a t i o n o f so much s a l t i n t o L i a n g huai. would throw thousands of s a l t producers out of a j o b . Metzger f e e l s t h a t unless the boatmen were b e i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y prevented from smuggling there would have been no need f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s to have been  legalized.  i l S  Metzger's argument here appears to have much m e r i t . Indeed, T'ao Chu h i m s e l f p r a i s e d v a r i o u s competent  officials  f o r h a v i n g v i r t u a l l y wiped out smuggling from Ch'ang-lu i n xi6  the l a s t two y e a r s . how  However, Metzger seems to underestimate  deep-rooted t h i s problem was.  In an 1840 memorial  boats were once again mentioned as smuggling s a l t Hunan, Hupeh, and K i a n g s i .  The s i t u a t i o n was  grain  into  s a i d to be even  worse than b e f o r e , although i t i s not at a l l c l e a r j-ust when before  was.  L i k e the smuggling c a r r i e d on by the s e c r e t t h a t of the g r a i n boats was h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d .  societies,  As we  mentioned  b e f o r e , the boat crews were p o o r l y p a i d , and would not have the c a p i t a l w i t h which to purchase l a r g e amounts o f s a l t . They were helped i n t h i s regard by wealthy brokers who c a l l e d 'wind guests" (feng-k'o) . :  were  In time a r e g u l a r system  of trade developed, whereby the feng-k'o would purchase lumber, paper, p o r c e l a i n , and so f o r t h i n the Yangtze and exchange  them f o r s a l t at T i e n t s i n .  valley  The p r o f i t s gained  i n t h i s t r a d e were s p l i t between the feng-k'o and the boatmen. Teng T'ing-chen suggested t h a t boatmen who  confessed should  be pardoned i f they were w i l l i n g to i n c r i m i n a t e  their  feng-k'o,  but  that  rarely  this Since  any  any  length  be  the  or  that  assisted  be  halted  attract  imperative sold  relationship  this  at  the  that  loaded  in  between  the  two  ^  3 , 1  boat  would  i t was  were  was  happened.  time  bought  crews  close  grain  of  officials, to  so  by  place  of  illegal  salt  unloaded  task  one  attention  any  or  any  a  the  police  that  quickly.  special  for  was  The  group  boat  of c r i -  -j  minals many  they  of  along  to  these  the  "green  various  to  far  to  cults  edicts  written  The  god  Ancestor  among in  accused  of  penchant  the  most of  fight  among  grain  boats.  society grain  groups their  authority  themselves this  were  called used  "officials",  boat  development  These  job  crews  was  i t  had  i t was  for for  they  to  were  some  punish to  and  control  was  had  of  sects. the "old  power,  boatmen  who  contributions  of  the  the  t y p i c a l of  grain  course,  They  various  from  boats.  was  would  what  of  divided  called  those  of  series  called  great  guard  violence.  a  hsin-an  were  extort to  to  creation  generally  priests  government,  seem  the  According  priests  and  the  sects  ma-t'ou  Shih-ch'en  worshipped  alarmed  In  Pao  they  these  whose  these  which  boatmen  wrongdoing  bannermen  since  the  Since  o  (lo-^-tsu) , a n d  the  and  the  smuggling.  occupy  lao-an,  had  What  x  to  boat  thetp'an-an,  since  those  :  grain  boatmen.  1825  (lao-kuan).  were  a  the  officials" they  that  interesting  gods)  Lo  said  secret  Nien.  sects,  (or  were  the  assume  more  three  of  the  various  into  by  (ch'ing-p'i),  with  A  living  waterways,  some  sense  contact  their  criminals  skins"  refer  makes  made  the  frequently fleets  the  of  Ch'ing  74 officials  called  be  noted  that  was  not  the  activities  of  officials  or  were  i s no  the  a  heretical,  evidence  i t seems  natural  felt  these  to  the  but  must  the  the  that  p r i e s t s would  of  the  various  occupation  assume  i t  because  security  linking  with  It  religious sect  threatened  lao-kuan  for  (chiao-fei).  condemned  i t s members there  groups  smuggling,  which  officials  i t s teachings  Although  religious salt  when  because  state.  "religious bandits"  of  the  tend  fear  to  pro-  •XXH  tect  their  ship  in  a  d i s c i p l e s from r e l i g i o u s body  same p u r p o s e  as  society,  and  the  the  threat  same  over  the It  decline  important the of  year what  ruptcies,  that As  secret  Why and  albeit the  best  that  a of  Thomas M e t z g e r  or  member-  served  other  sects  to  the  secret  have  as  the  quarrels  conclude  our  discussion  salt this  salt  administration  decline were  be  posed.  only  offered  of  bandits  required.  However,  the  salt  with  a  satisfied  with  this?  salt lower  would  have  monopoly level.  R e v e n u e was put i t ,  to  great  have  answer,  unwilling  to  by  one-half  protected  salt  deal  of  Massive  of  was  its lowering  merchant  served  by  needs  administration  prevented  could The  the  the  an  Granted,  Smugglers,  supplying  of  with  one-third  government  quotas  the  respect  have  Nien  these  order  to  quotas  the  tax  Board  of  people.  on  the  s o c i e t i e s , were  not  and  and  this  ma-t'ou.  sales  supplying  sales  pose,  of  government  revenue. of  law  in  In  seem t o  between  Liang-huai  m i l l i o n s of  s t i l l  to  question 1830  powerful of  feuds  i s perhaps the  would  membership  control  of  arrest.  its  course,  let this  bankpurwas  happen.  75  "However, t h e r e were d o w n h i l l c h a n g e s and t h e r e were were u p h i l l changes. M a n i p u l a t i n g economic s a n c t i o n s b y s h i f t i n g e c o n o m i c o b l i g a t i o n s was r e l a t i v e l y e a s y and d o w n h i l l , b u t b a s i c a l l y c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c o b l i g a t i o n s a t t h e e x p e n s e o f p o w e r f u l i n t e r e s t s , as w i t h reducing the t a x r a t e or c a n c e l l i n g major tax debts, was a n u p h i l l c h a n g e r e q u i r i n g . s t r o n g - n e r v e d executive leadership. T h i s l e a d e r s h i p c o u l d emerge i n moments o f c r i s i s , b u t p o l i t i c a l s u p p o r t f o r t h e n e c e s s a r y f o l l o w - t h r o u g h m e a s u r e s was h a r d t o o b t a i n . " 2.^5 It  i s easy  to  sympathize with  dicament.  The  salt  pao-hsiao,  was  required  needing singly in  t o be  telling  should by and  the  salt  cut  Eight the  u n w i l l i n g to  choice  but  to  reforms w i l l  Trigrams  president  remit  the  Revenue's  such  the  in half.  any  subject  of  as  the  of  court  increa-  that of  the  Miao  no  time  Board of  Revenue t h a t  Faced with  unrest  into  major  the  court  f o r major  the  as  i t was  taxes,  proposals  With  pre-  i n 1813,  escalate  salt  items  suppression  sect  of  that might  consider be  f o r the  rebellions,  h i s tax quotas  smugglers  of  f o r urgent needs.  a l l i t s resources  or  Board  revenue, e s p e c i a l l y such  common p e a s a n t  1799  the  next  he  caused  rebellion, had  reforms.  section of  to These  our  essay.  76 III.  Proposals f o r the It  that  i s an  Reform  essential  part  the Liang-huai s a l t  economic  and  police  measures  the monopoly,  and  no  longer  effective.  of  view,  t h e n , we  administration the  crisis  time, and  as  recall,  introduced Before  cribing the  period.  more  statement concluded, the  not  general lem to  of deal  of  this  "When  a  of  threat series  simplest law  idea  lin-ssu, with the  of  sales  of  prices  ana  l e t us  the  of  and  decade  reforms  of  with  At  that  legal  salt  order  in  smug-..  of  were  the  in  these  an  were  1830's.  effective, by  A  was  fairly  1826  has  how-  desof  number.  schools  are poor  :  the  innovations  i n some b a c k g r o u n d  from  that  which  typical  memorial,  which  i t i s generally been  be-  ineffective,  increased."  was  examine of  salt  thergrowth of  sweeping  the  the  1830.  sales  law  three  during  problem  point  confronted  around  smugglers  Hupeh,  they  r e f o r m among o f f i c i a l s  salt  have  use  running  when  of  when  enforcement.  comes  L i n Tse-hsu, Hunan  f i l l  to  smooth  ability  to of  these  to  apprehension of  because  Since  were  seem t o be  strict  the  threatened, but  grave  able  f  existed  "schools"  and  was  thesis  accept Metzger s  reforms  only  whether  These  first  favoured  cause  not  Administration  Metzger's  ensure  the  i n Liang-huai during  the major  Thomas  I f we  which  Indeed,  Salt  these measures  concede  should attempt  The  and  a  discussing we  change  revenues  a l s d posed  countryside.  ever,  must  to  t o make m a j o r  government  gling  to  conditions  we  of  the  administration  of  proved  of  h i s term most  of  office  as  concerned with  some o f  smuggling.  the measures L i n took  a  governorthe he  probtook  personal  77  i n t e r e s t i n the problems o f the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , as when he v i s i t e d v a r i o u s m i l i t a r y posts i n Hsiang-yang p r e f e c t u r e , Hupeh, so as to encourage the s o l d i e r s t o be more d i l i g e n t i n c a t c h i n g smugglers. his  g e n e r a l approach of choosing capable o f f i c i a l s  work. lity  T h i s was c o n s i s t e n t w i t h  L i n made a s p e c i a l p o i n t o f mentioning  the r e s p o n s i b i -  J  t h a t l o c a l magistrates had i n a r r e s t i n g smugglers and  promoting  s a l e s , and ordered the s a l t t a o t a i t o remove those  magistrates whose s a l e s records were poor. did  for this  not stop t h e r e .  However, L i n  A t the v i l l a g e l e v e l he e n t r u s t e d l o c a l  gentry, m i l i t i a l e a d e r s , and pao-chia  (mutual  surveillance  groups) heads with the duty o f f e r r e t i n g out smugglers.  Lin  used both an economic and a moral argument to get h i s p o i n t across to the common people.  On-the one hand, why r i s k the  f u l l p e n a l t y o f the law t o buy cheaper  smuggled s a l t , s i n c e  government s a l t c o s t a man no more than one cash a day anyway?  On the o t h e r , smuggling  showed one's i n g r a t i t u d e t o the  emperor, who had manifested h i s favour by f i x i n g the l a n d t a x in perpetuity. How e f f e c t i v e would such measures be i n s t o p p i n g the i l l e g a l trade?  L e t us look again a t the estimates o f p e r  c a p i t a s a l t consumption. feed s i x t y people  L i n ' s estimate t h a t one y i n would  f o r one year seems somewhat o f f the mark,  s i n c e the c o n c l u s i o n s o f a modern geographer annually) and those o f Pao Shih-ch'en seem more i n agreement.  (thirteen  (ten c a t t i e s  catties  annually)  Using." the l a t t e r ' s estimate, as a 1  median f i g u r e , we f i n d t h a t the 45 m i l l i o n L i a n g - h u a i  cus-  tomers i n Hunan and Hupeh would have consumed somewhat over  78 1.1  million  y i n each  year  1836  yin,  leaving  Lin  the As  in  failure  more  that  since,  a s we  the  last  ly,  L i n was even  been  drew  on  a  small  than  smugglers.  a million 2500  fraction  cat-  y i n ,i n policies.  of the  x 5  '  smuggled  men  that  Metzger  1830  half  better  seen,  than  these  from  noted  hope  the reasons As  Chin  other  two  smuggling  the problem  in  makes  sense,  historically  problem.  Second-  and i n t e g r i t y . ^ how  this?  for Lin's  failure?  Ying-lin's  of rural about  to rely  which  poverty, the  we has  corruption  subordinates, the  shown  ineffective The  seem t o  so h e a v i l y .  Kung-chuan has  peasantry.  There  memorial,  concerned  as t h e p a o - c h i a were  and d e s t i t u t e  This  he pur-  of smuggling,  m a g i s t r a t e s and t h e i r  the research of Hsiao  when  smuggling  for his ability  forced  consi-  i n L i a n g - h u a i was  p r o v i n c e s were  i n our discussion  u p o n whom L i n was  seems  into  i s correct  elsewhere.  t o do  were  facts  as r e g a r d s  a severe  t o stem  officials  among c o u n t y  restless  the s a l t  the s i t u a t i o n  at the court  institutions  law enforcement  assuming  several.  many  of strict two  unable  at length  rampant  a  only  over  730,000  by  of his strict  take  an o f f i c i a l  h e was  have  over,  more  w h e n we  was  have  What w e r e  very  by  to suffer  lesser  shown,  was  only  supplied  had s e i z e d  o r somewhat  of a policy  illegally, and Hupeh  could  this  First,  estimates  Hunan  y i n t o be  the introduction  apparent  deration.  chased  salt,  to sell  i n the  circulation.  The even  seen,  400,000  his soldiers  following  c a n be  salt  If  almost  o f smuggled year  Yet L i n estimated that  h i s p r e d e c e s s o r h a d managed  claimed that  ties  year.  in  that  Moresuch  controlling  appalling  condition  :  of  flood  time,  or  famine  would  crous.  similarly  dealt  i s , of  who  were  render Lin's  Although the  institutions ly  victims,  subject  of the  other  numerous  moral  course, a vast  w i t h h e r e , one  very  arguments  decline one  problem  at  of  that can  ludi-  village  cannot  be  that  be  proper-  described  more  simply. This  was  the problem  themselves.  Pao  customers  salt  the  of  The  arrest  shops  Nien  would  t o make  bandits,  through bribery  appeared  corruption  S h i h - c h ' e n has  s o l d i e r s wished  riors.  of  with painful  or  described  be  the  the  how  arrested  a good  on  among  as  impression  soldiers  legitimate smugglers, on  their  other^hand, would  intimidation.  This  since supe-  escape  complaint  r e g u l a r i t y i n the writings  of  Ch'ing  IBM  officials. ability its  of  the  salt  regulations,  mentioned (as  Thomas M e t z g e r  above.  i n an  where  salt  1844  was The  law  them  i n the  grain  were  enforcement method  to  t o obey  the turn the  to law.  of  bought  boat  o f f or  that  of  enforce  smugglers  of  with the problems  words  prices  Officials  government  smugglers, The  frightened  "lowering  ti-ssu). cost  the  money  away,  then?  for dealing  was  high  case  effectively  on  i f soldiers accepted protection  (chien-chia  i t was  customers  to  Yet  administration  much o f h i s a r g u m e n t  administration  case),  second  smuggling" since  as  bases  a  lower o f T'ao  to  reasoned  salt price Chu's  that would  of  combat that forced encourage  advisor,  Yuan, " I f one does n o t r e d u c e smuggling? I f one does  the  p r i c e s how c a n o n e c o m b a t not l i g h t e n the ch'eng-pen  Wei  80  ( c a p i t a l expenditure r e q u i r e d to s h i p s a l t ) how can one lower p r i c e s ? I f one does not reduce fees how can one l i g h t e n the ch'eng-pen, and how can one do t h i s without changing the laws? Indeed, i n v e s t i g a t i n g the b e g i n n i n g and using i t to r e g u l a t e the end r e s u l t i s how the gentleman gets to the r o o t of the problem." 2.2>& Wei h i m s e l f , i n an essay w r i t t e n about 1850, a f o u r - p o i n t program of reform. i n the Huai-nan  proposed  He suggested t h a t taxes  r e g i o n c o u l d be lowered by being o f f s e t w i t h  a 700,000 t a e l annual s u r p l u s i n Huai-pei>. where a reform program had been i n o p e r a t i o n f o r some y e a r s .  Furthermore,  p r i c e s a t the yards c o u l d be reduced by c u r b i n g the exc e s s i v e p r o f i t s of the wealthy y a r d merchants.  This,, how-  ever, does not seem p r a c t i c a l , given our d e s c r i p t i o n of the difficulties  these merchants  faced.  More r e a l i s t i c  was  another p r o p o s a l , by which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s c o u l d be lowered by e l i m i n a t i n g the c o s t l y repackaging o f s a l t a t v a r i o u s p l a c e s along the r i v e r r o u t e s .  Finally,  Wei  proposed t h a t many of the f o u - f e i items and much o f the t e d i o u s paperwork of the s a l t monopoly yamens be done away with.  As we have seen, the former comprised the m a j o r i t y  o f the L i a n g - h u a i tax burden. I t was  T'ao  Chu, however, who  prehensive program of reform.  proposed the most com-  His f i f t e e n - i t e m p l a n , p r e -  sented to the c o u r t i n 1 8 3 1 , was,  l i k e Wei's, based  on the p r i n c i p l e of r e d u c i n g p r i c e s to combat F i r s t of a l l , T'ao  largely  smuggling.  sought to reduce f o u - f e i by over a m i l l i o n  t a e l s , l a r g e l y by e l i m i n a t i n g such items as c h a r i t y  contri-  b u t i o n s and payments to yamen c l e r k s .  also  Secondly, he  suggested t h a t s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n procedures be  simpli-  f i e d , so as to reduce the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c l e r k s to  81  e x t o r t payments.  T'ao a l s o requested t h a t the o f f i c e o f  head merchant be a b o l i s h e d , a t the same time s e t t i n g up l e s s powerful "merchants t o handle a f f a i r s " , s m a l l number o f f u l l - t i m e help i n managing  o f f i c i a l s might s t i l l have some  the community o f t r a n s p o r t merchants.  was a most important measure, the  so t h a t the  This  as i t not only ended many of  head merchants' abuses t h a t we d e s c r i b e d p r e v i o u s l y , but  a l s o foreshadowed T'ao's l a t e r h e r e d i t a r y monopolies. length l a t e r .  d e c i s i o n t o end the system o f  T h i s reform w i l l be d e s c r i b e d a t  T'ao chose t o handle the problem o f merchant  debt by asking t h a t payment o f back taxes be postponed u n t i l the  s a l t monopoly  had recovered some o f i t s former prosperity,!  As we have seen, i t would have been i m p o l i t i c be c a n c e l l e d a l t o g e t h e r .  to'-ask t h a t they  T'ao a l s o urged t h a t merchants''  servants and a s s i s t a n t s be s e v e r e l y punished i f they attempted to make deductions from the boatmen's s a l a r i e s .  -T'ao con-  cluded by s u g g e s t i n g v a r i o u s o t h e r minor reforms which need not  be d i s c u s s e d here. As we can see, T'ao's p l a n d e a l t with a great number o f  the  problems mentioned i n t h i s  essay.  Some o f f i c i a l s , how-  ever, q u a r r e l l e d with the assumption t h a t s a l e s would r i s h i f s a l t was made cheaper.  ne  flou-  L i n Tse-hsu wrote,  "This i d e a (reducing p r i c e s t o combat l i n - s s u ) i s g e n e r a l l y a good one, but i t does not r e c o g n i z e the r o l e o f p r o f i t s and abuses. I cannot a v o i d c r i t i c i z i n g i t on these grounds. T h i s method has been t r i e d many times but has had no e f f e c t . Now the expenses i n v o l v e d i n s h i p p i n g L i a n g - h u a i s a l t are very heavy. Reduce them as you may, the s a l t w i l l never be as cheap as smuggled s a l t , which pays no t a x a t a l l . I f you do not d i l i g e n t l y c a t c h smugglers, and hope t o to compete w i t h them by u s i n g l e g a l s a l t , merchants  82 w i l l only l o s e t h e i r investments, s t i l l go on." L i n ' s p o i n t , although w e l l made, was As Wei  and l i n - s s u  not e n t i r e l y  will valid.  Yuan p o i n t e d out, although smugglers d i d not  pay  t a x e s , they had many other heavy expenses, such as paying •XH  b r i b e s to the s o l d i e r s  a  along t h e i r r o u t e s .  At any  rate,  T'ao's p r o p o s a l s seem to have been more p r a c t i c a l than  the  i n e f f e c t i v e method of s t r i c t  by  law enforcement suggested  Lin. The t h i r d s c h o o l of s a l t reform was s a l t at the yards"  t h a t of " t a x i n g  (chiu-ch'ang cheng-shui).  based on the system of L i u Yen,  Supposedly  t h i s method had  gained  much support i n the past from w r i t e r s on the s a l t  admini-  s t r a t i o n , most n o t a b l y the famous e a r l y Ch'ing s c h o l a r at i  Ku Yen-wu. ideas may  A f a i r l y t y p i c a l statement  be found i n an 1829  named Wang Tseng-fang.  memorial w r i t t e n by a censor  Wang f e l t t h a t the c h i e f  of L i a n g - h u a i s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was d i t a r y monopolies,  of t h i s s c h o o l ' s  which prevented  problem  the system of here-  s m a l l businessmen  from  going i n t o the s a l t trade without b r e a k i n g the law.  A  solution  t o pay  to t h i s problem would be f o r s a l t producers  taxes on the s a l t while i t was  still  at the y a r d s .  simple  After-  wards the s a l t workers c o u l d s e l l t h e i r s a l t to whichever merchant they wished, l a r g e or s m a l l .  In t h i s way  many  former smugglers would be drawn i n t o the l e g a l t r a d e , and the problem of smuggling  be done away with.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s method too had i t s drawbacks. T'ao  Chu p o i n t e d out, the s a l t producers were not  As  wealthy.  83 If  you  attempted  their If  salt,  they  how  the  they  the  other  to  sell  capital  their  salt  paying  first  the  salt  at  the  and  yards.  could  to entrust  not  be  sible  to  considered).  The  this court  was  forced  to  merso  taxes.  The  t a x payment  to  appointing  p o s i t i o n does not  the  producers  generally  t r u s t e d to properly  (the a l t e r n a t i v e of  this?  yard  These, however, were  immense r e v e n u e officials  the  after  sold  would  I f , on  to  largest possible profits w o u l d be  they  taxes  exploit  they  t o manage  taxes.  payment o f  ruthlessly  possibility  rank,  from them b e f o r e  have the  money w i t h o u t  would  officials low  taxes  they  entrusted  t o make t h e  only  of  could  hand, you  chants, as  collect  were a l l o w e d  abscond w i t h other  to  handle  such  more r e s p o n d ,\bl  seem t o have  agree w i t h  been  T ao s 1  1  reasoning. None o f  the  satisfactory, that Ting, a  three  and  meaningful president  yet  to  the  of  Board  the  that  stration  lacked  soldiers  necessary  diction T'ao hwei,  over  Chu, and  abolished.  the  then the  the  thought, the  imperative. of  region  Their going  then, court  In  to  report  sent see  Pao  as  salt  do  an  that  because the  effective  monopoly  separate  office  job.  i n Liang-huai  governor-general  of of  1830  Hsing,  be  done  the  salt  fight admini-  officials  and  Therefore, was  given  K i a n g s i , Kiangsu,  chief salt  Wang  i m p e r i a l commis-  a u t h o r i t y over p r o v i n c i a l to  entirely  by  what c o u l d  suggested  badly  was  that year  Revenue, and  Board, were  Liang-huai  s m u g g l i n g was  of  c l e a r to  was  about i t s problems. against  i t was  reform  v i c e - p r e s i d e n t of  sioners  schools  juristo  and  commissioner  An-  A f t e r having h i s f i f t e e n - p o i n t program o f reform, mentioned above, approved by the c o u r t , T a o decided to t u r n 1  h i s a t t e n t i o n to H u a i - p e i , the s m a l l e r o f the two regions which L i a n g - h u a i was d i v i d e d . desperate.  into  Here the s i t u a t i o n was t r u l y  E x c l u d i n g a few d i s t r i c t s i n which s a l e s were  going reasonably w e l l , out o f a t o t a l o f seventeen h e r e d i t a r y merchants only three s t i l l had the c a p i t a l necessary t o ship s a l t .  T a o ' s e f f o r t s t o r e c r u i t new merchants 5  t r a d e , o r , f a i l i n g t h a t , to use government-financed shipments  (kuan-yun)  salt  i n those areas w hich had long been T  dominated by smugglers were not very s u c c e s s f u l . 1832, then, t h a t T a o decided t o implement 1  " t i c k e t system"  i n t o the  I t was i n  the s o - c a l l e d  (p'iao-fa) i n those areas where s a l e s were  going p o o r l y , along the l i n e s o f e a r l i e r reforms i n Chekiang. The main f e a t u r e o f t h i s system was t h a t each t i c k e t allowed a man t o s h i p ten y i n o f s a l t , and so even t r a d e r s might be accomodated  w i t h i n the system.  small  A f t e r 1835,  moreover, poor people near the yards were p e r m i t t e d to s e l l as l i t t l e  as 100 c a t t i e s .  T h i s would go a long way toward  ending p e t t y smuggling near the y a r d s , a problem t h a t had plague^Liang-huai s i n c e the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  In o r d e r  to s u p e r v i s e so many small t r a d e r s , many o f them former smugglers, T a o appointed s e v e r a l " s t a t i o n merchants" (chu1  shang), who would make recommendations enough t o enter the t r a d e .  as t o who was honest  I t must be noted, however, t h a t  these men were f a r l e s s powerful than the o l d head I t was a t these " s t a t i o n s "  merchants.  (chu-ch'ang), s i t u a t e d near the  yards, t h a t the s a l t was c o l l e c t e d from the s a l t producers and  85 the merchants' taxes p a i d . These taxes, i n c i d e n t a l l y , were c o n s i d e r a b l y lower before.  In 1833"regular  y i n , while miscellaneous  taxes were f i x e d at 1.051 taxes were s e t at .40  the b a s i c c o s t of the s a l t i t s e l f at .60 f o u - f e i were p e r m i t t e d .  have seen, i t was  f e i to f a r exceed the revenue t h a t was vernment.  As a f i n a l reform, T'ao  chant had to pass through one s e t up w i t h i n 100  No  and  other  reduced  the custom f o r f o u -  d e l i v e r e d to the go-' :  of three checkpoints  (ch'ia)  I f the amount o f  i n h i s bags d i d not match the amount on h i s t i c k e t he The  at h i s d e s t i n a t i o n without  con-  ordered t h a t each mer-  l_i o f the y a r d s .  t r e a t e d as a smuggler.  per  While the r e g u l a r taxes were  the same as b e f o r e , the tax r a t e as a whole was s i d e r a b l y , s i n c e , as we  taels  taels,  taels.  than  same h e l d t r u e i f he the checkpoint  salt was  arrived  s e a l on h i s t i c k e t . " 2  As can e a s i l y be seen, the t i c k e t system drew h e a v i l y on ideas found  i n each o f - t h e three major s c h o o l s of  reform.  T'ao's goal of b r i n g i n g former smugglers i n t o the trade a b o l i s h i n g h e r e d i t a r y monopolies was " t a x i n g s a l t at the yards" s c h o o l .  by  r e m i n i s c e n t of the He  a l s o attempted to  reduce taxes along the l i n e s of the s c h o o l t h a t favored lowering p r i c e s to combat smuggling, as w e l l as t i g h t e n i n g s e c u r i t y by s e t t i n g up the v a r i o u s checkpoints. T'ao's reforms may  Indeed,  be s a i d to have been a c r e a t i v e s y n t h e s i s  of much of the p r o g r e s s i v e thought then c u r r e n t i n s a l t administration Was concluded  circles.  the t i c k e t system a success?  Thomas Metzger  t h a t "In H u a i - p e i , h i s f a i l u r e i n 1831  has  (T'ao's  86 i n s t i t u t i o n o f the system o f kuan-yun) was f o l l o w e d by the s p e c t a c u l a r and continued success of the t i c k e t system al  initi-  ated i n 1832."  that  T h i s i s i n keeping with Metzger's  view  the Ch'ing s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was capable o f undertaking major changes when the need arose.  Indeed, the s h o r t - t e r m  success o f the t i c k e t system seems i n d i s p u t a b l e .  As the  o f f i c i a l Ch'ing h i s t o r y put i t , "At t h a t time those o f f i c i a l s t h a t made t h e i r l i v i n g from s a l t p r o f i t s r a i s e d a hue and c r y , and s a i d t h i s system was unworkable. T'ao Chu d i d n ' t pay any a t t e n tion... When the people l e a r n e d t h a t there were p r o f i t s to be made they gathered from near and f a r . Boats l i n e d up t o e n t e r the p o r t s , i n a way t h a t had not been seen f o r decades... In t h a t year t h e r e were n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s i n Hai-chou. Famine v i c t i m s turned to the s a l t trade t o make a l i v i n g , and c o u n t l e s s l i v e s were saved." From 1832 t o 1854 there was no year i n which the f u l l Huai-pei t a x quota was not c o l l e c t e d , and i n a d d i t i o n 670,000 t a e l s o f revenue was t r a n s f e r r e d t o Huai-nan, Yuan had suggested.  much as Wei  In 1849, moreover, a d i s a s t r o u s  fire  d e s t r o y e d most o f the s a l t boats d e s t i n e d f o r Hankow, f o r c i n g many o f the remaining t r a n s p o r t merchants t o d e c l a r e bankruptcy.  At t h i s p o i n t governor-general Lu C h i e n - y i n g i n s t i -  t u t e d the t i c k e t system i n Huai-nan and those comparatively prosperous areas o f H u a i - p e i t h a t T a o Chu had not touched. 1  Although the success o f t h i s measure i s harder to e v a l u a t e , s i n c e many o f the r e l e v a n t records were destroyed d u r i n g the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n , a v a i l a b e evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t i n Huainan, t o o , s a l t p r i c e s dropped markedly  and f u l l  t a x quotas  were c o l l e c t e d . The  success o f the t i c k e t system converted v i r t u a l l y  87 all  of  this  the  method.  suggested entire  An  that  feel  thusiastic. never  with  interests  of  profits"  even  was  of  ticket  has  admitted, but  Revenue  even  throughout Taiping  out.  the  Rebellion  One  cannot  overly  en-  the  ticket  system  was  short  run.  although  of  the  (as  salt 1830  necessary In  the  general  is in  vested  from  crisis  obtain. the  This  living  f o r the  to  of  of  the  their  with  society,  system,  paper."  made  advocates  perhaps  that,  i n times  combined  Ch'ing  of  were  i n the  difficult  Board  extended  i t s success  overcome  ation  this  of  into  carried  p o l i t i c a l support  measures  Thomas M e t z g e r  be  officials  "that  late  the  being  officials  difficulties,  the  from  dictum  was),  to  time  outbreak  Metzger's  these  of  the  problems,  the  system  these  spite  c o u l d be  certainly through  measure  In  without  keeping  ticket  that  at  memorial  although  this  but  writing  1850  the  empire,  prevented help  officials  follow-  long  crisis  run  situ-  eventually destroyed i t . " D i f f i c u l t i e s d i d grow  these  I t i s important  are  that  o u t s i d e the these  out  scope  of  d i f f i c u l t i e s be  dis-  cussed. Paradoxically, ficulties to  enter  to  sell  that  because the  this they  had  would  have  to  million  an  system  i t s great  the  amount  first  success. of  salt  One  As  censor  merchants,  sufficient  capital  to  certain  d e p o s i t s had However,  sum  take of  already  i n 1846  merchants for  complained  whereby  deposit a  encountered  available  abuse  Such  taels.  ticket  insufficient.  led to  prove  officials.  of  trade  proved  the  in  i n the  money w i t h amounted  the  to over  governor-general  flocked  them  i n order  part  dif-  1840 to trade, official ten  Pi-ch'ang  88 claimed  that  examined A  the  The  only  Hupeh.  try  to  result  the  and  The  limit  the  four  ticket  was  less  vulnerable  the  though latter  meant  that  the  ticket  area,  the  This,  ticket  ciated  when X5S  with  not  the  ten  to  Huai-pei  ports  Huai-pei  end  x  S  an  than  frequency of  seems  to  conditions, Huai-nan. success i n  lin-ssu  have  the point  had  there  failed  in  o f view  of  might  f o r so  i t s success i n Huai-pei  yards  Huai-nan  initial  instituted  to  i  when  P i - c h ' a n g , and  mar-  i n Hunan  i n the  geographical  was  to  Huai-nan.  Thomas M e t z g e r  s y s t e m was  as  in  1844  salt  p r o b l e m was  smuggling  rate,  to  in  this  required.  to  wrote  of  explain  why  many y e a r s i n been  so  '  f a r we  difficult  worked  to  from  to  price  ticket  o l d way  salt  Yet  due  a t any  s y s t e m was  dramatic. ' So  of  greater  Ch'ing o f f i c i a l s  Huai-nan,  is  the  being  low  opposed  MhAs-raefcho.dgmighteeizentihally  Huai-nan. such  response  system.  the  Lu-t'ai  as  the  problem would  Huai-pei,  longer  the Huai-nan  itself  that  Even  taels,  into  official  no  in bringing  smuggling  Anhwei  Huai-pei  Ts'ao  handled  indicate much  from  named  was  course,tfchis  adopted  stemmed  the production  amount  Of  to  for salt  i n Honan  was  involved  amounted  taels  and  official  capital -  x 5 2  problem  costs  inevitable  kets  to  An  total  thirteen  manner. '  serious  salt.  market  merchants'  in this  more  ticket that  the  the  have  examined  introduction  to t e l l  i n Huai-nan,  whether since  the of  short-term the  this  ticket  problems system.  system would  the Taiping  have  Rebellion,  assoIt actually  coming  89 so  soon  ning  after  point  Taiping built was  up.  long-term tore  During  in  smuggling m e n t was  and  the so  from  reforms  salt  affairs  apart  the  constant  were  for a  forced  tok  in  T'ao's  rendered  effect,  marked  a  tur-  c e n t r a l China.  system  markets  zones. time  in  that  fighting  Liang-huai  other  there,  the had  T'ao  useless,  had River  depend  measures  sanction  Chu  Yangtze to  to  on  salt  prevent  since  lin-ssu  The  the  as  a  governmeans  supply. Far  (transit  more  serious  tax)  as  collected army  1864.  sait  when  they  ter,  This  only  to  selves.  whereby and  to  these  wealthy and  "revolving ticket  r i g h t s to  the  1866  in  merchants  system  their of  who  items  a  ticket  did  to  not  system" agreed in  first of  various Kuo-fan  province the  to  regular  difficult  ten  enter began  for  the to  §00  to  this yin,  trade.  sell  the  actually ship  salt  introduced  Laticket them-  the  (hsun-huan p ' i a o - f a ) , to  pay  advance This  likin  acknowledged  from  L i Hung-chang  tickets.  hereditary  than  salt  Tseng  from  Tseng  merchants  often  by  made i t v e r y  s u b s t a n t i a l merchants  others,  those  varied  trade.  of  At  booths  much h i g h e r  the  content  toll  standardized  rates  the  revenue.  the  expense  enter  c e r t a i n pao-hsiao  nent  was  likin  added  Therefore,  so-called  at  uniformly  r a i s e d the  however,  tickets  the  introduction of  raising  haphazardly  were  merchants  allowing  the  means o f  Although  he  was  its collection  taxes.  small  a  rather  units,  province  of  Chien-ying's  Rebellion  shipped  in  in  blocked,  of  Lu  would  was,  monopolies,  their  in  salt  receive fact,  which  the  a  likin permarevival  Ch'ing  90 officials of  salt  ting  likin  once In  best of  freely  spite  Rebellion.  the  Yet  the  latter  part  the  Ch'ing  court  its  revenue  meant  around.  In  would  a t an  dominate  the  had  the  that it  the  was  of  to  reasons,  bilities  of  i n the  turn  there  would  legal  trade  i t is difficult Rebellion  would  successful  not  of  on  internal  success  forced to  meet  of  the  to  go  salt  enticing  i n Liu's  of  have  merchants petty  thwarted.  might  occurred,  entirely  designed  the to  t o be  reform  based  would  Eventually  opinion,  would  have  taken  perhaps  Liu's  trustworthy.  s u p e r s e d e d by  i t is difficult  Taiping  x 5 ( i  never  s y s t e m was  no  the wealthy  be  t o say what  entirely  i t was  goal  merchants,  as" b e f o r e .  are not  the  would  great  enough  for tickets  and  this  administration  be  seeds  indemnities  apparent  not  i t the  been  a  Chu's  1  that  of  century  salt  crea-  T ao  s y s t e m was  resulting  to the  and  had  absence  Secondly, the  trade  that  and  competition  eventually  ticket  salt,  within  i f there  imposition  smuggling.  considers  nineteenth  of wealthy  ticket  monopolies  the  the  Taiping  conclusions  even  advantage,  into  Since  of  that  the  group  a l l , the  the  government  carried  even  but  approval,  L i u Chun  f o r e i g n wars  needs.  piiao-fa  small  of  that,  of widespread  system  happened  First  the  a  ticket  have  rebellion,  smugglers  only  price of  the problem  tax rate.  be  the  destruction.  likely  low  up  Not  o f Thomas M e t z g e r ' s  efforts,  quite  a  pushed  again  i t s own  admitted.  very  Yet  i t i s clear  successful, system  replace.  For  of a  o p t i m i s t i c about  during  the  latter  place  since hereditary number the  part  of  possithe  91 Ch'ing  Dynasty.  First  o f a l l , as T'ao Chu s u g g e s t e d ,  national  s c a l e was n e c e s s a r y  the  salt  administration.  one  area,  i t might  incanefehern-slKis lowering  the  late  into  Huai-nan.  Ch'ing  rulers. court  i s what  o f p r i c e s caused  smuggling  was  capable,  was  serve  was  successful i n only  t o aggravate  happened  the problems,  i n Huai-pei,  by t h e t i c k e t  system  Yet the central  half  resulted i n  lacklustre  dominated t h e  of the nineteenth  s h o r t - s i g h t e d and concerned  where t h e  government o f  D o w a g e r T z ' u - h s i , who  the last  on a  functioning of  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by g e n e r a l l y  The Empress  during  f o rthe ideal  I f a reform  merely  planning  century,  chiefly  although  with  main-  ass taining its  h e r own p o w e r .  corruption.  amassing  and  favorite  to build  a  move w h i c h  a  capable  measures  seriously  reforms, would  Moreover, 1830's  these,  was  be l i m i t e d many  as L i u Chun  China  by t h e  Dowager's  pointed  of salt. fought  as t h e 1790's,  Summer  such  Palace,  the support i n area  navy.  of the court  which  o u t , was h i g h  f o r c e d t o pay r e p a r a t i o n s  such  and e f f e c t i v e n e s s . T ao faced  both  during  1  t h e end o f the dynasty.  with  Although  as T'ao Chu o r L i might  ©.fifcding t h e l a s t wars  included the  Ch'ien-lung  the Chinese  o f the problems until  of this  fcomLLil-IHungehhangssPEeiyang  crippled  without  also notorious f o r  as f a r back  official  continued  the price  century  t h e Empress  provincial  institute  up  Ho-shen  was  examples  fortune  t h e d i v e r s i o n o f funds  fleet  the  Well-known  o f an enormous  emperor's  The c o u r t  One o f  t a x a t i o n which  half  France  drove  of the nineteenth and Japan,  to the victorious  and  powers,  as  92 w e l l as the enormous Boxer Indemnity of 4 5 0 m i l l i o n  taels.  In order to r a i s e the needed revenue s a l t taxes had  risen  by 1 9 0 0 to a t o t a l o f 1 3 . 5 m i l l i o n t a e l s  salt  likin), lier. to  (including  as opposed to only s i x m i l l i o n t a e l s a century Although  t h i s new  revenue must have been very welcome  the government, Winston Hsieh has shown how  resentment of numerous new r e v o l u t i o n a r y sentiment  ear-  popular  items of f o u - f e i g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d  i n the Kwangtung c o u n t r y s i d e .  i U  I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t such resentment might have been s t i r r e d up i n L i a n g - h u a i as w e l l . Another problem the s a l t monopoly faced had to do with general i n f l a t i o n . of  As we have seen, a f t e r 1 8 0 0 much  the r i s e i n p r i c e of s a l t to the consumer was  due  to  the i n c r e a s i n g value of s i l v e r v i s - a - v i s copper cash. though d>ur sources do not make c l e a r whether or not process continued a f t e r 1 8 5 0 , there was  d u r i n g the  Alfehoug  this last  decades of the Ch'ing Dynasty a g e n e r a l r i s e i n p r i c e s of consumer goods of about 1 0 0 % every f i f t e e n y e a r s .  This  would have the same e f f e c t on the peasant'sopmmehasing power as a d e c l i n e i n value of copper cash, and would make the burden o f i n c r e a s i n g taxes even worse. Thomas Metzger suggests i n L i a n g - h u a i was  t h a t the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  capable of s i g n i f i c a n t reforms  i n times  of  c r i s i s , and p o i n t s to the t i c k e t system as an example  of  such a s u c c e s s f u l reform.  Our  c o n c l u s i o n , however, i s  t h a t the process of d y n a s t i c d e c l i n e , i n v o l v i n g widespread c o r r u p t i o n , weakness i n the face of f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n , and a desperate  search f o r revenue, would work a g a i n s t  93 any of and  successful the t i c k e t  system,  contradictions  attotal by  reform o f the s a l t  the  In the  the pressures of the Taiping  within  the system  r e s t o r a t i o n o f the system 1870's/  monopoly.  itself  case Rebellion  resulted i n  of hereditary  monopolies  94 IV.  Conclusion In  his  discussion of  efficiently to  regulate  concentrate  poly.  As  we  on  eleven  districts,  organizational Perhaps, himself. over on  For  prosperous  than  i n other of  hese the  remote  Not the that  was  China  teenth on  lower  salt  the  to  has  chosen  the  salt  mono-  concentrate salt  on  monopoly's  test  salt  severe  of  the  state's  also  taxes  seem  regions,  harsh  applied  been  workable  were  much  been  to  a  during  explosion as  we  special  period  periods of  the  have  of  the  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , seems  case,  prolonged  to  put  There in  but  history  population  eighteenth seen,  active  3  i n Chinese  Although  prob-  guard, :j  a  heavier  more  Szechwan.  easy  the  largely  l a r g e - s c a l e s m u g g l i n g . "^ present  of  difficult  have  as  one  were  probably  such  chalien  elsewhere.  was  here  to  posed  than  the  on  when  valley  districts  i n many w a y s .  c e n t u r i e s which,  have  created  w e l l was  increased  unduly  certainly  Yangtze  did Liang-huai  population  might  w e l l s , which  as  been  more  This  other  prevented  unusual  the  to  severest  has  i n China  societies  Dynasty  always  massive  sure  only  Ch'ing  the  which  of  regions  of  unsuccessful  t h a t were  eoimerother  location  of  Liang-huai  provinces.  Secret  ihanoin  the  were  scale.  regions  lin-ssu,  avodlded.  chooses  six provinces  since  most  lem  which  officials  example,  district  largest  however, Metzger  limited  to  the  Metzger  ability  capabilities.  Measures  a more  Metzger  i t provided  Liang-huai's  lenges  as  state's  Thomas  Liang-huai  seen,  Liang-huai,beeause,  Chinese  commerce  the  have  the  and  peace  been  the  nine-  enormous  have  of  pres-  unpre-  cedented. that  This  were  crucial  unique  ones.  adequately salt  paper  argues,  to the Ch'ing  Certain  dealt  very  with  We  some o f t h e p r o b l e m s  various  d y n a s t i e s and  T'ang In  "modern"  Dynasty  other  causes  tution  mal  system"  supplied  was  (ch'ang-p'ing salt  by  never  of the  examining  monopoly  from  first  created  i n the  of salt  such  directly  f a ) , whereby  rose  drama-  There  was  as t h e  t h e abandonment  government  rebellion.  needs.  One o f t h e s e  went  during the  the retirement of i t s  to military  however.  Another  with  these  780 t h e p r i c e  (yueh-chin), which  purse.  not the  history  o f t h e An L u - s h a n  following  i n response  as w e l l ,  was  of various irregular"taxes,  advances" privy  the entire  of the salt  salt.monopoly  immediately  largely  problems  regions.  L i u Yen i n about  tically,  those  d i f f i c u l t i e s were  discuss  i n the aftermath  the years  creator  important  will  briefly  that  o r L i a n g - h u a i were  throughout  administration.  The  however,  the  were insti-  "monthly  into  t h e emperor's  o f the "ever  distant  warehouses  nor-  regions at a  were  cheap  xb4> price.  The end r e s u l t  increase The lems of  that  prices  i n t h e amount  o f smuggling.  salt  was  monopoly  afflicted  t h e r e g i o n s where  salt  o f Hopeh  of  powerful  provincial  to  the central t o have  also  t h e T'ang  prefectures  seems  of high  was  increased  b  Dynasty  were who  Moreover,  as time  went  t o the prob-  as a whole.  produced,  governors, 2,4.8  an  l  n o t immune  and Shantung,  government.  x  was, o f c o u r s e ,  such under  denied  Many  as t h e c o a s t a l the control the salt  corruption on, l a r g e l y  revenue  at court due t o t h e  influence by  those  and  of  the  who  used  numerous  fraudulent declined  of  when  the  Merchants  1126) at  to  to  sell  later  half  the  salt  purchased  salt.  Prime  the  or  paying  old certificates  of  a  Due  to income  850  i t had  salt  been  salt  was  at  the  handled  system  certificates Ts'ai  issuing  expense the  put  what  year  certificate  Minister  The  posts,  government  the  Dynasty  these  practice  intervals.  in office.  By of  their  7 0  Sung  who  certificates  one's  of  secure  (hsu-ku)  rose.  than  so-called  began  frequent  new  most  to  maintained  rates  more  o f f i c i a l s were r e p l a c e d  "pull"  L i u Yen's c a r e e r . ^ "  according  mitted  were  tax  little  Throughout  fa).  or  accounting procedures  was  height  Capable  bribery  parasits  even  revenue  eunuchs.  involved  surcharge  ruinous  were  Ching new  (yen-ch'ao  (1046-  certificates i n purchasing  required  burden  per-  on  to  many  renew mer-  chants . In  his excellent  during  the  of  blame  the  problems  Souther  of  ducers , given to  the  ly  or  were  yard not  Sung  f o r the salt out  by  a l l due  the  that  their  far  more  salt  than  police  inspectors,  salt  workers,  Edmund  monopoly's The  d u r i n g the to  Liang-che  official to  sell  f u r n a c e s were  district  places  of  the  i n Sung  salt  times  corruption.  paid Salt  smugglers,  capable  of  as  workers  aided  required.  who  frequently  formed  friendships or  by  producing  quotas  unwilling  opposed  irregular-  government  either  the pro-  the  were  much  d i f f i c u l t i e s on  Ch'ing^were  to  salt  Worthy  wages  government  t h e r e f o r e encouraged fact  the  Dynasty  salt  merchants  at  of  production.  the  the  study  unable  The  to  with stop  illegal  bulk the at  sales.  *  As  was  the  case  of  the  price  Sung the  taxes  yards,  centuries). at  one  the  were unlike  sold  the  merchant  paid  Worthy  time  during  when  the  paid the  payment  estimates  for  Ch'ing,  for his  merchant at  that  eighteen  taxes  salt  bag  of  s t r i n g s of  in  his  salt  later  300  cash,  the  (during  bought  Yangchow a  formed  catties  was  although  the  •xiH  cost  to  result times  the was  as  expensive  first  ficates  needs  were  than  frontier,  numerous  trust  selves.  of as  them  to  this  the  grain.  colonies  price  forced  the  Since  of tax  of to the  payments the that  army.  burden  was  additional taxes, the the  eunuchs, emperor's  who  in  were  to  had  were  given  Yeh  the  made w o r s e  and  latter  to  the  the  l a r g e l y due  to  the  frequently  used to  merchant the  years  the  servants  operated  supply  by  personal  silver  grain  to  1492  altered  in  skyrocketed  During  supplying  In  longer  silver  certi-  government's  made no  a  In  for  Ch'i,  supplied  more  flourished.  Sung.  light.  be  three  the  the  end  followed  exchange  merchants  there  much  of  Revenue,  often  Dynasty  Since  taxes  of  food pay  salt  The  smugglers  Ming  that  posts.  Board  and  was  merchants  sell  way  strings.  salt  the  from  dynasty  permitting  costs  dynasty  influence of  by  the  were  increased  of  of  agricultural  chants  the  4.2  salt,  during  pattern  in  most  illegal  military  filled  system  rather  the  frontier  president  this  of  permitting  to  the  different years  grain  the  as  at  Government  administration  somewhat  the  was  predictable.  Salt a  government  of  creation unfortunate  their  position  enrich  them-  98 The by  the  difficulties  tendency  certificates. to  wait  time,  a  cheaply price  class  of  when  salt  at  a  could  could time the  regular  not  be  could  to  too  by  use  due.  who  salt.  Since  legally,  to  the  latter  so  was  a  beyond this  twice  was  In  high salt  compensate  purchase  bought  at  this,  production  they  and  to  sought  to  had  certificates  them  addition  allowed  salt  certificates.  sold  century  sometimes  they  purchased  and  In  increased many  that  their  increasing were  issue  found  used  sixteenth  sold  were  arose be  came  price;  monopoly  sometimes  not  Merchants  cheap  as  government  they  population  quotas.  it  they  during  ment  salt  speculators  their  rising  the  Merchants before  when  surplus  the  years  producers for  of  of  as  very  governsurplus much  expensive  frequently  sold  x~\ S t&lsmuggiefcs The  afcubelewsthe  numerous  government  difficulties  price.  associated  s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n have caused a t t o t h r o w up h i s h a n d s i n d e s p a i r .  with  l e a s t one Ray H u a n g  the  Ming  modern s c h o l a r writes,  "we have not the s l i g h t e s t doubt t h a t i t (the s a l t administration) r e p r e s e n t s one o f t h e w o r s t c a s e s o f a b u r e a u c r a t - m a n a g e d economy... Dealing with merchants, the government seldom c a r r i e d out i t s o b l i g a t i o n s f a i t h fully. O f f i c i a l s i n c h a r g e were too a n x i o u s t o p r o d u c e an i m m e d i a t e p r o f i t , w i t h r e g a r d n e i t h e r f o r t h e future nor f o r the market s i t u a t i o n . L a w s p r o t e c t i n g t h e monop o l y w e r e s t r i n g e n t b u t c o u l d n o t be e n f o r c e d . In the r e i g n o f Wu-tsung (1506-1521), a b u s e s by e u n u c h s and i n f l u e n t i a l a r i s t o c r a t s v i r t u a l l y wrecked the whole operation. D e s p i t e r e f o r m s by l a t e r administrators, t h e m o n o p o l y was n e v e r p u t on a s o u n d b a s i s . " ^So All  this  is a  capabilities" Now,  far  cry  indeed  from  Metzger  claims  the  i t i s quite  was  more  the  Ch'ing  possible  efficient emperors  than for  that  the some  at  Ming time  the  "impressive  Ch'ing  state  i t s height had  been.  commercial  possessed. the  For  Ch'ing one  successfully ruled  state  thing, an  99 empire  much  cessors' .  larger However,  when m o s t  of  China  entered  had  the  "Abuses  by  then  as  well,  foreign  wars.  Ch'ing than  that  any  recent  salt all  the  prevalent  been out  before, tion. be  share  Ch'ing  corrupt or  growth  salt  late  took  place,  decline.  internal a  prede-  Ch'ing,  essay  were  common  rebellions  situation that  reforms  more  salt  worthwhile  high  price  would  the  and  the  successfully  common  always  m e a n t when he enough  be  to  If  that  defeat were  and  to to  this  not  not  of  the  yards, in were  difficulties  that  do  of  such  as  not  seem  to  that  runs  through-  These,  attractive.  said  attempts  administration,  have  salt.  from  problems  fou-fei  thread  creation  would  were  Ch'ing,  prices.  the  speculation  societies,  administration  of  of  burdensome Those  in  i n the  taxes  many  smuggling  times.  was  the  as  and  marked)  inherent  that  administration  ken-wo,  centuries  prices  their  aristocrats"  police officers,  The  the  the  this  such  clear  ones.  of  in  than  dynastic  massive  problems  (or most  Numerous salt  i t seems  in earlier  were  of  c a r r i e d out  crucial  smuggling  lower  have  secret  For  Tse-hsu  to  by  in  influential  and  the the  period  i s doubtful  Such  or  unique  seen,  described  the  and  population  counterpart.  origin.  population  to  It  certificates  were  have  addition  rate,  inefficient  we  into  could  plagued  and  reforms  in  i t s Ming  size  as  eunuchs  court  At  in  a  as  we  have  monopoly  raise  enough  make up  the  was  case,  the  This  i t would  be  was  have  stated  situarevenue  lion's then  what  Lin  impossible  to  smugglers.  made t o just  in  effectively the  reform  Liang-huai  the  district.  100 This  was  spite to  because  of  the  regulate  caused  and  a  limited  of  In  1789  accumulating  of  chants.  1806  due  the  merchants, put  into  method  of  form of  the  debts, put  merchant  into  into  community of  i t s holders.  while,  prices  risen  enormously,  levied  being  group  of o f f i c i a l s  Na-erh-ching-o, reducing using  the  ticket  effective  ring  the  part  at  functioning The  empire badly  problem  century,j-was and dant  low  than  how  revenue,  problems  of  new  by  century, At  no  time,  i n which enough  the  when  to  court  the  the  extra  work.  to eliminate or high  smuggling,  salt  taxes 1823  and  i s most  were  no  doubt  instituted  du-"  administration there  monopoly a major  then, even  high  mean-  including  What  many w e r e  the b a s i c  prices,  abolished  in Chihli,  Honan.  salt  mer-  In  reforms  t h e n , was  faced,  was  of  Chihlirviceroyy of  the  require  rapidly  system  merchant  merchants  i s that  yards"  station  control  of  1728  by  ten  1724  transport  a  with  series  i n parts  others,  eighteenth  the  a  In  at the  t h e s e r e f o r m s , some o f w h i c h  i t s height.  of  out  system  practice.  action  only  have  In Ch'ang-lu,  with the  recruiting  about  more  for flood  meeting  carried  fou-fei,  interesting  was  t o pay  to  effect  station  among  used  seems  salt  in  had  government  "taxing  forced  the o f f i c e  had  who  kuan-hsiao), while i n  Kwangtung,  the  of  corruption  a  to  a  merchant  supervision In  to  monopolies,  for officials,  i t was  (kuan-yun  instituted  system.  i t had  whenever  salt  of hereditary  number  switched over  sale  Fukien  system  advantages  problems  Kwangsi  the  was  some  not  mal-  overhaul. i n the  dilemma  taxes,  not  and  popular resentment,  of  eighteenth low  the and  prices  atteneven  101 peasant  rebellions,  T'ao  Chu,  that  one  the  sales.  instituted creating  become  salt  so  amount  i n the  the  likin  less of  dependent  high,  and  way  to  polies  i n products  of  the  Sung  as  wine,  do  suggest  not  regulate than  of  large  to  one of  land  tax,  monopoly,  though  the  sources  i n important late  revenue, the  likin,  likin  increasing  the  volume  itself.  have  switching to  other  been  as  to  as  products.  sale  of  salt.  The  f o r example, a massive revenue  would  products In  completely  ec-  to  our  sources  effectively  more  diffi-  establishment  would  scale.  part  in salt.  conjecture that even  mono-  early  Although  was  of  attract:'",  create the  salt  price  less  i n such  well  from  the  be  During  products  certainly  have  Therefore, i t be  preferable  to  products.  Ch'ing aside and  might  could  raise  monopolies  revenue  of  court  again.  would  have  officials and  I f the  by  to  the  time  price  a l l over  existed  these  other  government  same  salt.  might  r e g u l a t e the  the  the  revenue,  not  other  seems  During  at  up  might  the  yet  driving  in fact,  b o o t l e g g i n g on  monopolies  and  prove  thereby  than  encouraged that  to  Rebellion,  t e a had  why,  wine  system  Nien.  Taiping  salt  this  these  sale  ticket  by  presents  other  and  from  the  cult a  do  o r d e r , however, that  and  the  i t would  Dynasty,  lxpsed  Triads  t h e r e f o r e smuggling  One  silk,  taxes  smuggling  on  the  rates,  face of  of  of  the  tax of  solution  taxation,  those by  tax,  problem  tive.  short  the  Yet  other  as  hoped  lower  full  the  One  forms  course,  could  collect of  of  such  the  from the  have  most the  important  salt  maritime yielded  sources  t a x e s , were  customs  extra  the  revenue.  revenue,  of  this  A l would  102 only  have  all  worked  inland  transit  ponsible  for  seems  have  salt  to  no  have  longer  was  not  5%.  been so  a  various  unequal  192 8.  Although  in  government  for  Yu two  five put  by  an  seem  not  faulty  whether the very since number  had  many of  Rebellion danger  to  the when  the  dynasty  since  tariff  foreign  income  tariffs  from  the of  over until  would,  tariffs,  merchants,  and  was  this  autonomy  trade  from  taxation  income,  permit  court  revenue  extra  achieve  of  be  of  own  land  for  a  As  portion  of  this  not  of  people  who  of  was  subject  and  poor  would  the  the  taxation.  be the  It  tax  over  would  and  such  others arguments  burdensome consumed  income. land  taxation  of  questionable  latter  owned  land  Liang-huai  These  is  more  salt  Secondly,  merchants,  peasant's  avoid  land  peasantry.  would  merchants  in  the  incorporation  reasons.  seen,  into  proposal  into  escape  have a  the  "abolish"  taxes  scholars,  taxes  we  scholars  on  would  land  this  taxes  as  number  to  a l l , the  salt  unfair,  was  a l l salt  rejected  First  taels  taxes.  large  with  The  revenue,  possibility  incorporating  increased  salt  res-  customs  private  intolerable strain  did  largely  was  the  increased  of  from  article.  dispense  not  fact,  exempted  control.  reasons.  move w o u l d  who  hands  Te-yuan  million  of  likin  that  the  to  additional  remaining  monopoly,  a  the  As  in  salt  Taiping  source  not,  largely  tax.  a f t e r the  specifically  of  to  treaties did  generate  The  price  immediate.  did  since  reduced^since  course,  to  the  been  reluctant  fruitful  China  about  been  even  had  duties,  raising  likin,  might  i f salt  as  would  than a  Moreover, well, be  the  relative-  103  ly small.  In a d d i t i o n , under the new  more l a n d would pay more t a x e s . a poor man  system those who  Under the s a l t monopoly  would consume almost as much s a l t as a r i c h  and t h e r e f o r e pay almost as much t a x e s . man  owned  man,  Although a poor  might cut h i s consumption of s a l t i n hard times, there  were c e r t a i n b i o l o g i c a l l i m i t s beyond which he c o u l d not The  go.  l a n d ' t a x seems , :therf ore ,' t o haveobeen. more? f a i r \as'.•  a r m e t h o d r o f : r a i s i n g "money thah;.the s a l t taxes. r  The method of i n c o r p o r a t i n g s a l t taxes i n t o the l a n d tax had,  i n f a c t , been put i n t o p r a c t i c e i n v a r i o u s p a r t s  of the country. district  In 1792 t h i s step was  taken i n the Ho-tung  ( i n c l u d i n g p a r t s of Honan, Shansi, and S h e n s i ) ,  w h i l e the same measure was d i s t r i c t in 1800.  adopted  i n the  Shensi-Kansu  In 1795 a censor's memorial  t h a t so e f f e c t i v e was  complained  t h i s method i n c u t t i n g s a l t  prices  t h a t Hunan and Hupeh were r a p i d l y b e i n g i n f i l t r a t e d by  Ho-  2-%S  tung s a l t . caution.  Of course, t h i s memorial must be read w i t h L i a n g - h u a i p e r e n i a l l y s u f f e r e d from l i n - s s u ,  t h a t reforms i n Ho-tung may  so  not have been necessary t o lower  the p r i c e s u f f i c i e n t l y to o f f e r u n f a i r competition to s a l t s o l d i n Hunan and Hupeh.  At any r a t e , i n s p i t e o f t h i s  evidence t h a t i n c o r p o r a t i o n of s a l t taxes i n t o the l a n d tax was  h e l p f u l i n lowering p r i c e s , the sytem of merchant  monopolies  was  r e s t o r e d i n Ho-tung i n 1 8 1 2 . " ^ ° 5  Although the use of the l a n d t a x t o r e p l a c e s a l t was  taxes  never c a r r i e d out over a l a r g e p o r t i o n of China as were  the system of merchant monopolies t h i s method of reform s t i l l  and the t i c k e t  system,  seems to have h e l d some promise.  104 If  Ray  Huang  monopoly  was  management of  this  is one  in  than  of  that the  when  the  he  worst  imperial  paper  correct  correct  China  Huang's  concludes  examples (and  perhaps  more  p r o f i t a b l e to  i t is  conclusions  increased  use  the  of  the  Ch'ing  that  this  The  salt  administration  was  many  parts.  of  might  court.  component  merchants, - o f f i c i a l s , shui-fan  a l l had  function. among  In  any  of  to  disruption  during  During  Taiping  yard the  the  merchants Huai-nan  do  their  yards  to  destruction  The  presence  meant  the  Yangtze  cut, in  f o r c i n g those  effect,  Our absence  further  The  possibility  and  occupation  in  then,  endorsement of  disruption  of of  of  that of  River  seems of  the  research  to  the  sources  The have  monopoly  by  by of  an  of  factor  of  the the  and  Hunan on  made  Ch'ing.  flight  and  at  of  not  Hupeh from of  the  must  armies,  was  Szechwan, salt  vulnerable. in  cautious  mismanagement,  at  Nanking  i t highly  were  not  to  late  could  salt  extremely  and  facilities  however,  revenue  yard  could  subject  capital  Taiping  apparatus,  corruption  complexity  tax,  one  been  producers,  production  depend  land  bureaucratic territory  the  to  Metzger)  merchants,  tools  route  view  have  complex  Salt  Taiping  lin-ssu.  would  t h e m was  salt  to  Thomas  example,  of  the  provinces  legalizing  administration,  for  of  case.  conditions  Rebellion,  meant  of  salt  nearly  Certainly  transport  each  more  tax  highly  or  point  of  possibility  chaotic  continue. that  the  the  a  job  the  groups, the  and  been  boatmen,  addition these  have  the  bureaucratic  are  land  suggests  consisting  of  " o p t i m i s t i c " assessment  then  that  the one.  corruption, resulting  obviously  by  105 no means absent  from the c o l l e c t i o n o f the l a n d tax.  Moreover, a comparison o f the e f f i c i e n c y o f the s a l t and land taxes w i l l i n e v i t a b l y be d i f f i c u l t ,  since a researcher  w i l l be d e a l i n g with many h y p o t h e t i c a l s i t u a t i o n s and "mighthave-beens".  N e v e r t h e l e s s , a comparative  study o f v a r i o u s  methods o f r a i s i n g revenue, c o n c e n t r a t i n g on t h e i r u s e f u l n e s s t o the Ch'ing  relative  s t a t e , does o f f e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r  future research. We w i l l now conclude  t h i s paper by summingLxxp- our  o b j e c t i o n s - t o Thomas Metzger's " o p t i m i s t i c " . t h e s i s the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the Ch'ing  concerning  salt administration.  Metz-  ger has chosen t o concentrate h i s r e s e a r c h on the L i a n g - h u a i d i s t r i c t o f the monopoly d u r i n g the years 1740 to 1840, and we have done the same. to adequately tory.  However, Metzger does n o t appear  d i s t i n g u i s h between d i f f e r e n t p e r i o d s o f h i s - v "  Using our three c r i t e r i a o f the supply o f revenue t o  the s t a t e , the s i z e o f the i l l e g a l t r a d e , and the h e a l t h o f the merchant community, we f i n d t h a t during the e i g h t e e n t h century the s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n L i a n g - h u a i d i d much t o j u s t i f y Metzger's f a i t h i n i t s "impressive capabilities".  commercial  The s a l t monopoly p r o v i d e d the s t a t e with  i t s second l a r g e s t p o r t i o n o f revenue, a f t e r the land tax. Taxes were c o l l e c t e d i n f u l l ,  the community o f t r a n s p o r t  merchants was f l o u r i s h i n g , and smuggling was c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s than what i t was t o become.  However, even a t t h i s  time, other d i s t r i c t s o f the monopoly were n o t always funct i o n i n g as they should, and r e q u i r e d major reforms, even i f L i a n g - h u a i d i d not.  106 After  about  the  completely  changed,  "we  not  should  that  regulate  commerce  1830  over total of  (chiefly  the  business  after  shortfalls  in  at  that  required.  Perhaps  meaning  that  growing open  number  Metzger system petence reform  in  errs after at  in  by  not  1840.  the  program,  court the  types  himself of of  salt  the  that  word  a l l the the  secret  salt  close  con-  societies,  administration which  of  admits  the  sells  the  most  bankruptcy  other  a l l was  countryside,  the  the  maintains  by  and  forced  declare  government  to  thercourt's  a mockery  of  amounting  had  half  state  contributed  eventually  broke  1853.  by  to  The  than  enter  salt  effectively  date.  Metzger  alarming  that  problems  intoduced  or  that  monopoly",  to  debt  either  makes  i n the  the  revenue  supplied  the  the  admitting  pointing  salt  smuggling  failures  Metzger  possible, system  most  rebellion  of  century,  This  salt  unrest  While  to  time  means  that  situation  maintains  ability  enormous  merchants).  between  a  This  the  of  i n ' a l l , , more  head  nection  into  taels  merchants  "monopoly", which  to  state's  merchants),  smugglers  consumed.  decline  small  (the  Liang-huai  the  Metzger  remained  income.  transport  however,  though  Ch'ing  million  annual  the  that  the  reported  fifty  even  1800,  exaggerate  implying  by  year  the  salt  first that  administration decades  successful  short-term  Although would ticket  the  T'ao  have  was  nineteenth were  the  ticket  However,  of  the  ticket  corruption  and  incom-  created  system  of  Chu.  progress  growing  the  reforms  success  governor-general considering  of  faced  problems  especially  for  any  vulnerable,  107 since be  i t was  maintained  Eventually of  based  Metzger, to  consider  Dependence created  for  some  table sure  no  presenting dilemma  on a s i n g l e  the growth must  been  to abolish  longer  the revival  not  o f the system  high  much  useful  f o r enormous  price  further  taxes  of salt.  of the late an e n e r g y  possessed.  Ch'ing  trade.  situation.  Unfortunately,  revenue  which any  the only  solution  monopoly  was  of  revenue  too profi-  t h e upward  pres-  i n the chaotic  a massive  and d e t e r m i n a t i o n  of  Although  kinds  so as t o t a k e  such  failed  product,  research,  (the s a l t  has  amounts  f o r that  of the i l l e g a l await  data,  o f t h e monopoly  product  altogether),  o f f the price  required  could  demands f o r r e v e n u e .  a s u b s t i t u t i o n of other  of the salt  conditions have  while  the basic  t o have  that  monopolies.  conclusion  seems  of taxation  o f growing  situation forced  an a r t i f i c i a l l y  stimulated firm  i n the face  this  hereditary  on a low r a t e  reform  that  would  the country  108 Footnotes 1. Ray H u a n g . " F i s c a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n During the Ming D y n a s t y " , i n C h a r l e s 0. H u c k e r e d . C h i n e s e G o v e r n m e n t i n Ming Times: Seven S t u d i e s . New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969, p. 94. 2. The works i n C h i n e s e s u r v e y e d f o r t h i s paper are Ho Wei-ning. C h u n g - k u o y e n - c h e n g s h i h (A h i s t o r y o f the Chinese s a l t administration). T a i p e i , 1966. Hereafter HWN, and T s e n g Y a n g - f e n g . Chung-kuo yen-cheng s h i h (A h i s t o r y of the Chinese s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) . Shanghai, 1937. Hereafter TYF,. 3. 5-^  Saeki  Tomi JEJ^  "i£  1& ST?  -|  .  Shindai (The  ensei  salt  no  kenkyu  administration  under the Ch'ing Dynasty). Kyoto, 1956. 4. Ho P i n g - t i . "The S a l t M e r c h a n t s o f Y a n g - c h o u : A Study of Commercial C a p i t a l i s m i n Eighteenth Century China", Harvard Journal of A s i a t i c Studies, V o l . 17 (1954), p. 130-68. 5. D r . M e t z g e r ' s two a r t i c l e s a r e " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m of the H u a i p e i S a l t Monopoly (1831-1833)", Harvard Papers o n C h i n a , V o l . 16 ( 1 9 6 2 ) , p . 1-39, a n d "The Organizational C a p a b i l i t i e s o f t h e C h ' i n g S t a t e i n t h e F i e l d o f Commerce: The L i a n g - H u a i S a l t M o n o p o l y , 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 4 0 " , i n W.E. Willmott ed. Economic O r g a n i z a t i o n i n C h i n e s e S o c i e t y . Stanford: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972, p. 10-45. 6. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 10. 7. P r o m i n e n t among t h e s e s o u r c e s a r e t h e t h r e e Liang-huai s a l t g a z e t t e e r s o f 1693, 1806, and 1904. 8. F o r example, the t i c k e t system gained wide p o p u l a r i t y a f t e r i t was instituted i n Liang-huai. See L i u Chun. "Tao-kuang ch'ao l i a n g - h u a i f e i - y i n k a i - p ' i a o shih-mo" (A c o m p l e t e a c c o u n t o f t h e c h a n g e f r o m t h e s y s t e m o f hered i t a r y monopolies to the t i c k e t system i n Liang-huai during the Tao-kuang r e i g n ) , Chung-kuo s h e - h u i c h i n g - c h i s h i h chi-k'an ( C o l l e c t e d r e s e a r c h a r t i c l e s on C h i n e s e s o c i a l and e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y ) , V o l . 1, n o . 2 (May 1933), p. 186-8. 9. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 10. 10. Ibid. J i 11. I b i d . , p. 11. 12 . I b i d . , p . 18 . 13. I b i d . , p. 42. 14. E d m u n d H. W o r t h y . "Regional C o n t r o l i n the Southern Sung S a l t A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " , i n John W i n t h r o p Haeger ed. C r i s i s and P r o s p e r i t y i n Sung C h i n a . Tucson: University o f A r i z o n a P r e s s , 1975, p. 135. 15. I b i d . , p. 137. 16. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 141-2. 17. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 18, 31. 18. See, f o r example, the f i g u r e s f o r s a l e s o f s a l t o f f e r e d by N a - e r h - c h i n g - o i n C h ' i n g s h i h - l u c h i n g - c h i t z u - l i a o chi-yao (Important economic m a t e r i a l s taken from the Ch'ing  109 veritable records). C o m p i l e d by t h e h i s t o r y d e p a r t m e n t o f Nankai U n i v e r s i t y . P e k i n g , 1959, p. 851. H e r e a f t e r SLCY. 19. Chiang Tao-chang. " S a l t Consumption i n Ch'ing China", N a n y a n g U n i v e r s i t y J o u r n a l , V o l s . 8 & 9 ( 1 9 7 4 / 5 ) , p . 67. 20. Worthy, " R e g i o n a l C o n t r o l " , p. 138-9. 21. T Y F , p . 4. 22. HWN, p . 32. 23. T Y F , p . 9, 2 1 . 24. W o r t h y , " R e g i o n a l C o n t r o l " , p . 102. 25. HWN, p . 114. 26. I b i d . , p. 223. 27. M e t z g e r , " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m " , p . 2. 28. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 19. 29. T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e s a l t monopoly i s found i n Ho, " S a l t M e r c h a n t s " , p . 1 3 3 - 4 9 , M e t z g e r , "Organizational C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 1 1 - 1 6 , M e t z g e r , " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m " , '" p. 2-9, and L i u Chun " T a o - k u a n g " , p . 1 2 9 - 3 1 . 30. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 129. 31. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 10. 32. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 131-3. 33. SLCY, p . 832. 34. Ho, " S a l t M e r c h a n t s " , p . 1 5 0 . 35. I b i d . , p . 154. 36. I b i d . , p. 156-61. 37. I b i d . , p. 165. 38. Chu S h i h ixt • "Ch'ing t i n g yen-fa shu"  (A m e m o r i a l r e q u e s t i n g t h a t s a l t l a w s b e e s t a b l i s h e d ) , i n Ch'ing-ch'ao c h i n g - s h i h wen-pien ( C o l l e c t e d statecraft essays of the Ch'ing Dynasty). E d . Ho C h ' a n g - l i n g . 8 vols. T a i p e i , 1973. chuan % 50, p . l l b - 1 3 . Hereafter WP. 39. 40. 41. 42. (On 43.  SLCY, p . 813. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 139. SLCY, p . 784. C h e n g T s u - c h e n t§> p %g_ £ j£ • changing L u Hsun  the salt -i H  "Keng y e n - f a "  ^  £ f | «±  l a w s ) , i n WP, c h . 4 9 , p . 3 b - 4 . . "Shang-yen c h i a - y i n c h i e n -  nn.  chia  shu  p^j  h  a  ^1  ^  (A m e m o r i a l  requesting  t h a t t h e w e i g h t o f t h e y i n be i n c r e a s e d w h i l e t h e p r i c e o f t h e m e r c h a n t s ' s a l t i s r e d u c e d ) , i n WP, c h . 4 9 , p . 9-9b. 44Ch'ing-shih (History of the Ch'ing Dynasty). Ed. Kuo-fang yen-chiu yuan (National Defense Research I n s t i tute) . 8 vols. T a i p e i , 1 9 7 1 , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 7. H e r e a f t e r CS. 45. L i u Chun, " T a o - k u a n g " , p. 150. 46. C S , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 7. 47. Ta-ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu (Veritable records of the successive reigns of the Ch'ing Dynasty). Hsuan-tsung ch'eng huang-ti s h i h - l u ( V e r i t a b l e records of the Tao-kuang  110 reign). T o k y o , 1937, c h . 134, p . 15b-16. H e r e a f t e r CSL. 48. T'ao Chu. T ' a o w e n - i - k u n g (Chu) c h i ( C o l l e c t e d w r i t i n g s o f T'ao C h u ) . 8 vols. T a i p e i , 1974, c h . 18, p . 64. H e r e a f t e r TC. 49. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 41. 50. M e t z g e r , " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m " , p . 9. 51. Pao S h i h - c h ' e n . An-wu s s u - c h u n g (Four types o f essays concerning the p a c i f i c a t i o n of the Yangtze v a l l e y ) . T a i p e i , W e n - h a i P u b l i s h i n g C o . r e p r i n t o f a n 1872 edition. C h . 5, p . 1 4 b . Hereafter PSC. 52. TC, c h . 15, p. 38b. 53. Shen C h ' i - y u a n i ^ f c ^2. fL. . "Shang t u ~ y u a n l u n c h i a n g - h s i yen~wu shu" . --f.^ ^JS --r P& kfo  a (A l e t t e r matters),  -t  to the governor-general d i s c u s s i n g Kiangsi salt and "Shang t u - y u a n chao-kung l u n h u a i - y e n shu"  £  f £  &  &  i  *  (A l e t t e r t o g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l C h a o d i s c u s s i n g L i a n g - h u a i s a l t ) , i n WP, c h . 50, p . 20, 21b. 54. SLCY, p. 845. Also L i n Tse-hsu. L i n wen-chung-kung cheng-shu ( P o l i t i c a l w r i t i n g s o f L i n Tse-hsu) . 2 'vols.'..' Changsha, 1939. Hu-kuang t s o u - k a o j|| £  ( M e m o r i a l s w r i t t e n as g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l o f Hunan and H u p e h ) , c h . 1, p . 1 - l b . H e r e a f t e r LTH (HK) . 55. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 11. 56. I b i d . , p. 39-40. 57. SLCY, p. 830. 58. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . 2. 59. Yu T e - y u a n . . >'"' C h e n g h o o u - k e n g !  shih" 1 ^ ^ (A l e t t e r t o M a s t e r H o ) , i n C h ' i n g - c h ' a o c h i n g - s h i h wen-hsu p i e n ( A d d i t i o n a l s t a t e c r a f t essays of the Ch'ing Dynasty). E d . Ko S h i h - c h u n . V o l s . 9-13 in a series. T a i p e i , 1973, c h . 42, p . 12. Hereafter WHP. 60. TC, c h . 13, p. 23-23b. 61. PSC, c h . 7 s h a n g J^r;. . ( f i r s t p a r t ) , p . 40. 62. O m i t t e d by m i s t a k e . 63. T'u Wen-chun 32L • " C h i n g - c h ' en t'ung-ch'ou  Hit?  %  huai-ts'o  chi-pi  shu"  %i_  fjt 1%  jj$  ; |i v  111  £|  ^  ^JL  (A m e m o r i a l c o n c e r n i n g t h e h a n d l i n g o f a b u s e s i n L i a n g - h u a i s a l t a f f a i r s ) , i n Tao-hsien-t'ung-kuang ssu-ch'ao t s o u - i (Memorials o f the four r e i g n s o f Tao-kuang, H s i e n - f e n g , T ' u n g - c h i h , and Kuang-hsu). E d . Wang Y u n - w u . Taipei, 1970, p . 752. Hereafter TI. 64. 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P S C , c h . 5, p. 16. 100 HWN, p . 4 0 4 . EE 19. A l s o Ho H s i - l i n g 101 T C ,, c h . 1 8 ,. p " C h ' i n g p i e n - t ' u n g l i a n g - h u a i yen-wu s h u " n  t  | itfe  m'm  *| iH-  (A m e m o r i a l r e q u e s t i n g t h a t L i a n g - h u a i s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n be r e f o r m e d ) , i n T I , p. 495. 102. CSL, c h . 1 6 5 , p. 8b-9. 103. M e t z g e r , " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m " , p . 8. 104. Ho H s i - l i n g , " C h ' i n g p i e n - t ' u n g " , T I p . 4 9 4 . 105. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 142.  112 106. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 41. 107. TC, c h . 14, p. 14b. 108. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 31. 109. I b i d . , p. 41. 110. P S C , c h . 5, p . 2 0 . 111. CSL, c h . 182, p. 15. 112. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . 2. 113. Wei Y u a n . 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I b i d . , p. 41. 126. Hsu, M o d e r n C h i n a , p . 83. 127. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . l b . 128. I b i d . , c h . 3, p . 1 - l b . 129. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 17. 130. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . l b . < fi& 131. Pao S h i h - c h ' e n . "Huai-yen s a n - t s ' e " j | ~ ^ (Three p o l i c i e s f o r the L i a n g - h u a i s a l t administration), i n WP, c h . 49, p . 4b. 132. TC, c h . 18, p. 66b. 133. Hsu, Modern C h i n a , p. 169. 134. Yu T e - y u a n . " S h a n g ho o u - g e n g c h i h - f u s h u "  ±_ %  3vJ  |  (A l e t t e r t o G o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l H o ) , i n WHP, c h . 42, p . 135. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . l b . 136. Chang Hsin-pao. Commissioner L i n and t h e Opium Cambridge: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1964, p . 122. 137. L i n T s e - h s u op. c i t . C h i a n g - s u t s o u - k a o  ( M e m o r i a l s w r i t t e n as g o v e r n o r H e r e a f t e r LTH (KS). c h . 2, P- 5. Ibid. i 138. c h . Ibid. r 2, p . 4. 139. c h . Ibid. i 140. 2, P- 5. I b i d . c h . 2, P- 5 b . 141. t c h . 142. Ibid. i 3, P- 1-2. c h . Ibid. t 143. 3, P- l b . c h . Ibid. t 144. 3, p . 2.  of  Kiangsu), ch.  2,  p.  13. War.  3-3b.  113 145.  TC,  146.  Chiang  ts'o  ch.  chi-pi  11,  p.  6.  Hung-sheng shu"  ^  > x. ^  i  , .  ^  1  £  . " ^  * |  " C h i n g - c h ' en  huai-  i f e  (A m e m o r i a l c o n c e r n i n g a b u s e s i n L i a n g - h u a i ) , i n T I , p'. 6 9 3 - 4 . 147. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 14. 148. Worthy, " R e g i o n a l C o n t r o l " , p. 136. 149. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 13. 150. SLCY, p. 801. 151. C S , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 4. 152. TC, c h . 15, p. 41. 153. T'u Wen-chun, " C h i n g - c h ' e n t u n g - c h ' o u " , T I , p. 753. 154. TC, c h . 18, p . 18b. PSC, c h . 7 s h a n g , p . 4b-5. 155. SLCY, p. 731-2. 156. P S C , c h . 7 s h a n g , p . 4. 157. W o r t h y , " R e g i o n a l C o n t r o l " , p . 12 7. 158. SLCY, p. 842. 159. HWN, p. 372-3. 160. WY, c h . 7, p . 1 8 . 161. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 25-6. 162. T C , c h . 14, p . 39b. P S C , c h . 5, p . 1 9 . 163. CSL, c h . 163, p . 31. 164. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 137. 165. P a o S h i h - c h e n , " H u a i - y e n " , WP, c h . 4 9 , p . 5. 166. Sun T i n g - c h ' e n }-£ j^d j£ . "Lun y e n e r h " 1  (A s e c o n d d i s c u s s i o n a b o u t s a l t ) , i n WHP, c h . 43, p . 7b. 167. L i u C h u n , " T a o - k u a n g " , p . 14 8. 168. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 34. 169. TC, c h . 11, p. 19. 170. I b i d . , c h . 11, p. 18b. 171. P S C , c h . 5, p . 17b. 172. SLCY, p. 789. 173. WY, c h . 7, p . 21b. 174. TC, c h . 18, p . 19. 175. C h i a n g Hung-sheng, "Ching-ch'en h u a i - t s ' o " , T I , p. 176. Chiang Yu-t' ien . "Ch'ou-i c h i - s s u chang-ch'eng shu" sfl ^ f (A d i s c u s s i o n o f r e g u l a t i o n s f o r managing s m u g g l i n g ) , i n T I , p. 220. A l s o L u K'un ^ t i . "Cheng-tun ts'o-wu chang-ch'eng shu" *^ H fet H f U (A m e m o r i a l c o n c e r n i n g a d j u s t i n g t h e s a l t administration r e g u l a t i o n s ) , i n T I , p. 233. 1 7 7 . . P a o S h i h - c h ' e n , " H u a i - y e n " , WP, c h . 4 9 , p . 5. 178. TC, c h . 11, p. 14b. 179. I b i d . , c h . 11, p. 14b-15. 180. L i Hsing-yuan ^ |[ . "Cho-i huai-nan yen£  tffc 5&  &  wu c h a n g - c h ' e n g s h u " <B * *£_ f ^ (A m e m o r i a l d i s c u s s i n g t h e H u a i - n a n s a l t r e g u l a t i o n s ) , i n T I , p. 802. 181. L u K'un, "Cheng-tun", T I , p. 233. 182. P S C , c h . 5, p . 1 8 .  69 3.  114 183. T ' u W e n - c h u n , " C h i n g - c h ' e n t u n g - c h ' cm" , T I , p . 754 184. TC, c h . 11, p . 19b. 185. HWN, p . 1 2 2 . 186. I b i d . , p . 72. 187. T Y F , p . 16. 188. Teng Ssu-yu. T h e N i e n Army a n d T h e i r G u e r r i l l a Warfare. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1961, p . 19-22. 189. Fang Yii-lan 7j £ ; ^ • "Hsing-lieh jih-chi 1  hui-yao" 1. ^ sE jp_ ^ (Important items from the H s i n g - l i e h D i a r y ) , i n Nien-chun (The N i e n A r m y ) . E d . F a n W e n - I a n e t . a l . P e k i n g , 1 9 5 7 . V o l . 6, p . 3 0 9 . 190. SLCY, p . 830. 191. T e n g , N i e n Army, p . 41. 192. C S L , c h . 1 3 , p . 7. 193. Siang-tseh Chiang. The N i e n R e b e l l i o n . Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n P r e s s , 1954, p . 14. 194. L T H ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . 3. 195. C S L , c h . 101, p . 40. 196. I b i d . , c h . 125, p. 25-6. 197. TC, c h . 13, p . 27b. 198. I b i d . , c h . 13, p. 27-30b. 199. T e n g , N i e n Army, p . 4 1 . 200. TC, c h . 13, p . 27. 201. C S L , c h . 1 3 , p . 7. 202. P a o S h i h - c h ' e n , " H u a i - y e n " , WP, c h . 4 9 , p . 4 b . A l s o Wang T s e n g - f a n g 5. ^efr . "Ching-ch en 1  yen-wu ching<-chiu c h i h - f a i, X~ i £ £3iL  shu" (  A  P J L ^Jl memorial c o n c e r n i n g  l o n g - s t a n d i n g methods i n t h e s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) , i n T I , p . 214. 203. T h i s a c c o u n t o f Huang's c a r e e r i s f o u n d i n Metger, " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 33. Teng, N i e n A r m y , p . 5 3 - 4 n o t e 3 1 . C S L , c h . 168 p . 3 - 5 ,  ch. 204. 205. 206. 207.  169 p . 25b-27,  c h . 174 p . 3 1 - 3 2 b ,  Pao S h i h - c h ' e n , "Huai-yen", Hsu, Modern C h i n a , p. 309. C S L , c h . 180, p. 20-20b. Y a n g S h i h - t a fc^L -t-  WP,  .  c h . 1.77 p . 22b-24. c h . 49, p . 4b.  " Y i i wang y u - s h i h l u n  huai-yen t i - i shu" ^ £ ' i & £ & 1 I ( T h e f i r s t l e t t e r t o C e n s o r Wang d i s c u s s i n g L i a n g - h u a i s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) , i n WHP, c h . 4 3 , p . 4 b . 208. Winston Hsieh. " T r i a d s , S a l t Smugglers and L o c a l U p r i s i n g s : O b s e r v a t i o n s on t h e S o c i a l and Economic Backg r o u n d o f t h e Waichow R e v o l u t i o n o f 1911", i n J e a n C h e s neaux e d . P o p u l a r Movements a n d S e c r e t S o c i e t i e s i n C h i n a 1840-1950. Stanford: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972, p. 158. 209;. 210. 211.  I b i d . , p . 148. I b i d . , p . 160-64. C S , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 3.  115 212. LTH ( K S ) , c h . 4 , p . 5. 213. T C , c h . 1 5 , p . 5. 214. Teng T ing-chen ^-P £ | liang-ch'uan c h i a - s s u chang-ch'eng  . shu"  1  |  t  ^  ^1  |  ^  $A  |  "Ch'ou-i  ch' a-chin  i l l  (A m e m o r i a l d i s c u s s i n g r e g u l a t i o n s f o r b i d d i n g s m u g g l i n g by g r a i n b o a t s ) , i n T I , p. 237-8. 215. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 33. TC, c h . 15, p . 1-6. 216. T C , c h . 1 5 , p . 2. 217. SLCY, p. 854-5. 218. T C , c h . 13 p . 2, c h . 15 p . l b . 219. Teng T ' i n g - c h e n , "Ch'ou-i c h ' a - c h i n " , T I , p. 237. 220. I b i d . , p. 236. A l s o Pao S h i h - c h ' e n , " H u a i - y e n " , WP, c h . 49, p . 4b. 221. C S L , c h . 83, p . 8-9. 222. I b i d . , c h . 80, p . 2 8 b - 2 9 . 223. Kung-chuan H s i a o . Rural China: Imperial Control i n the N i n e t e e n t h Century. Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P r e s s , 1967, p. 232. 224. C S L , c h . 80, p . 29b. 225. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p. 11. 226. Ibid. 227. CSL, c h . 105, p . 24-24b. 228. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 2, p . 2b-3. 229. I b i d . , c h . 3, p . 2b-3. 230. I b i d . , c h . 1, p . 1. 231. I b i d . , c h . 3, p . 2 b . 232. Chang H s i n - p a o , C o m m i s s i o n e r L i n , p. 122-4. 233. Kung-chuan H s i a o , R u r a l C o n t r o l , p. 74-5. 234. A c c o u n t s o f c o r r u p t i o n among t h e s o l d i e r s a r e f o u n d i n PSC, c h . 7 s h a n g , p . 39. L i u C h u n , "Tao-kuang"', p. 145. -;SLCY, p . 839 . C h i a n g Hung-sheng, "Ching-ch'en h u a i - t s ' o " , T I , p. 692. 235. T s ' a o L u - t ' a i |jf ^ $~ . "Ching-ch'en h u a i t s ' o c h i ~ p i c h i - i cheng-tun shu"  "fo- p£  i t  * |  v  &  k .  %  t  ^  (A m e m o r i a l s u g g e s t i n g how t o i m m e d i a t e l y c o r r e c t a b u s e s i n Liang-huai s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) , i n T I , p. 670-1. 2 36. WY, c h . 7, p . 1 6 . 237. I b i d . , c h . 7, p . 1 6 - 2 3 . 238. SLCY, p. 792-4. 239. LTH ( H K ) , c h . 3, p . 3b. 240. WY, c h . 7, p . l b . 241. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 150-1. 242. Wang T s e n g - f a n g , " C h i n g - c h ' e n y e n - w u " , T I , p . 215. 243. C S , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 7. 244. M e t z g e r , " T ' a o C h u ' s R e f o r m " , p . 5. 245. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 169. 246. This general d e s c r i p t i o n of the t i c k e t system i s found i n M e t z g e r , "T'ao Chu's Reform", p. 13-31. 247. M e t z g e r , " O r g a n i z a t i o n a l C a p a b i l i t i e s " , p . 42. 248. C S , c h . 1 2 4 , p . 8.  116 249. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang" , p. 183-5. 250. I b i d . , p. 186-8. 251. Metzger, "T'ao Chu's Reform", p. 29. 252. Ho H s i - l i n g , "Ch'ing p i e n - t ' u n g " , T I , p. 496. A l s o Pi-ch'ang fij *| . "Li-ch'en t'ung-ch'ou h u a i t s ' o chang-ch'eng shu' $J*j£ F$. * ^ $ ^ % (A d e t a i l e d memorial r e g a r d i n g L i a n g - h u a i s a l t r e g u l a t i o n s ) , i n T I , p. 758. Ufa 253. Ts'ao L u - t ' a i , "Ching-ch'en h u a i - t s ' o " , T I , p. 668. 254. Metzger, "T'ao Chu's Reform", p. 29-30. 255. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 161. 256. The l a t e r h i s t o r y of the t i c k e t system i s found i n L i u Chun. Hsien-feng i-hou l i a n g - h u a i chih p ' i a o - f a " (The t i c k e t system i n L i a n g - h u a i a f t e r the K s i e n - f e n g r e i g n ) , Chung-kuo she-hui c h i n g - c h i s h i h chi-k'an ( C o l l e c ted a r t i c l e s on Chinese s o c i a l and economic h i s t o r y ) , V o l . 2, no. 1 (November 1933), p. 142-165. 257. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 155. 258. Hsu, Modern China, p. 166, 368. 259. I b i d . , p. 166, p. 409. 260. I b i d . , p. 517. 261. Hsieh, " T r i a d s " , p. 162-4. 262. Hsu, Modern China, p. 518. 263. Hsieh, " T r i a d s " , p. 159. 264. TYF, p. 10-11. A l s o Denis T w i t c h e t t . Financial A d m i n i s t r a t i o n under the T'ang Dynasty. London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970, p. 55. 265. HWN, p. 99, 114-5. 266. I b i d . , p. 101-2. 26 7. T w i t c h e t t , F i n a n c i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , p. 56. 268. I b i d . , p. 56-7. 269. HWN, p. 118. 270. T w i t c h e t t , F i n a n c i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , p. 55-6, 58. 271. Worthy, "Regional C o n t r o l " , p. 104-5, 134. 272. I b i d . , p. 123-4. 273. I b i d . , p. 119, 128. 274. I b i d . , p. 125. 275. I b i d . , p. 138 . 276. TYF, p. 18. HWN, p. 220, 222. 278. Ray Huang, " F i s c a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " , p. 96. HWN, p. 218. 279. Huang op. c i t . , p. 96-7. TYF, p. 18-19. 280. Huang op. c i t . , p. 97-8. 2 7 7. HWN, p." 2 2 2 . 281. L i u Chun, "Tao-kuang", p. 149. 282. CS, ch. 124, p. 7. 283. I b i d . , ch. 124, p. 8-9. 284. 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T'ao wen-i-kung (Chu) c h i ^  ( C o l l e c t e d w r i t i n g s of T'ao 23. Teng Ssu-yu. The Nien f a r e . The Hague: Mouton & 24. Tseng Yang-feng tg -jCp  X.  <5|*>  j|  Chu). 8 vols. T a i p e i , 1974. Army and T h e i r G u e r r i l l a WarCo., 1 9 6 1 . '^ • Chung-kuo yen-cheng s h i h L  J  (A h i s t o r y of the Chinese s a l t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) .  Shanghai,  1937.  25. Denis T w i t c h e t t . F i n a n c i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n under the T'ang Dynasty. London: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , second e d i t i o n 1970. 26. Wei Yuan * • Ku-wei t'ang nei-wai c h i (Collected writings 1969  from the  * little  f rtl ancient h a l l ) .  Taipei,  .  27. Edmund H. Worthy. "Regional C o n t r o l i n the Southern Sung S a l t A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " , i n John Winthrop Kaeger ed. C r i s i s and P r o s p e r i t y i n Sung China. Tucson: University of A r i z o n a P r e s s , 1 9 7 5 , p. 1 0 1 - 1 4 1 .  121 Glossary Certain Chinese  w o r d s a n d names w h i c h a r e f a m i l i a r h i s t o r y have been o m i t t e d . ?-|L  Chang  Lo-hsing  Chang  Shih-ch'eng  Chang  T'ang  ch'ang  ±  ^ «  -j^  ch'ang-shang  chling-p'i  chen-p'iao  Chi-ch ing  %  ;  I E 'Jii. ^_g_  £  ^  /||  n  Hung-sheng  Chiang  Yu-t'ien  chien-chia  :  9f  x  #|  ^ £  1  Kuo-chen  Fang  Yu-lan  j j :§  7=5  3L  feng-k'o  J i ^  J  5 f|f  J  Feng-yang  JTff^  j*jjL  -.'i  f  ? ||  ^  chang-t'ou  u  J^j  5  Fu-chu-lung-a  5 %  ')•]•)  lip Z  Ying-lin  f i  i]  Hai-chou  ti-ssu  ^1  fa  *£  ta-hu  chin-shih Chin  JSj  fou-fei  Chiang  ch'ih  ^  Fang  '•!?-  ch'ia  Chien-ch'ang  /fo^  p i , c h i p i ch'eng l i  T; *  chiao-fei  ^  fen-ssu  7(5^  h s i ch'eng  ^>  chu-shang  Tsu-ch'en ^  %^ ^ . ^ t  chu-jen  r  J  ch'eng-pen  Shih  chung-pao  ^  c  cheng-tsa-k'o  ^  Chu  ;  £  cheng-shui  c h u - c h ' ang  j|  Chen-hai  j|  ^  jjr l p  general  ')•)'}  c h i u - c h ' a n g  v  ± s  Chen-chiang  * I  1 ^  yg-  ch' ang-p' i n g f a  chi  Ching-chou  '  B  Ch'ang-lu  Cheng  '\f  from  Heng-chou  7  -±Aii  ^  |f  Ho-fei  6  Ho-shen  ^  *(£T $ i  ')')') G f  ^  122 Ho-tung  :q  *  likin  hu-t'u  ^  Huai-nan  > Ii  Huai-pei  yfc  j|]  L  |[ ^  eif 3L  ^  ^  t£ 5ZL  lin-ssu 111  |^  ^  L i n Tse-hsu fcfc. g'j  |f  L i u Chun  Hsiang-yang j | hsin-an  ^  pijL  ^ •  y  £  I-liang  .p-A  M  | £  K'o-chien  ^  4,. |2]  ming  ^  ^  ^  £  t u t  ^  &n  kung-jan s h e - l i chang-ch'eng |p jj=£, j t ,  lao-an  »' ^  1 J  FjT^ ^  ^  nien-tzu  ^ ^ , ^: i x . IL |p  pan-kung p' an-an  g"  a  &  Na-erh-ching--o o  kuan-yun kuan-hsiao  ^-  £ |  Mu Jung-ch' ang  '|r  Kuo Ch'i-yuan  (  Mu F e n g - l i n jg^  Kuan Chung  ;  Jj 5_j|  mao-ch'uan  Ku Yen-wu  lao-kuan  /J  ma-t'ou  ken-wo  kuan-yun  a  £<L  pig  a  Lu Hsun  kang-an kang-fa  lo -kue.i  §& i£  *  ^  !J  Lu C h i e n - y i n g  hsun-huan p ' i a o - f a \J% £ ^  I-cheng  ^  lo-tsu  /J: ^  I-ch'ang  -S-  L i u Yen _  ^  ^  L i u San-mao  = *f  hsu-ku  ^  L i a n g - h u a i ^3 >'\JL  Hung-hu f e i  Hsu  Ta-pen  l  Huang-ch'ao c h i n g - s h i h wen-pien  hsia  | ^  Liang-che Gfo  ^  Huang Y u - l i n  £  li-sou  ^  Huang Ch' ao  &  pao-chia  ^i.  %f)% jig ^  *f  f,  123  Pao-ch'ing  jk,  pao-hsiao  Ti-wu Ch * i  % H ^ £l  Pao Hsing  ^,  i _ A  T i e n - t a o hui !  £M  ^  T ' i e n ~ t i hui  :^  4 ^  BEI  a Pao Shih-ch'en  ^  t' ing  f  p'eng-shou pi  ^  t ' u-kun  i ,  Pi-ch'ang  T s  p'iao-fa  '  Ch'ien  a i  tsao-hu  P'ing-p'p  £j£  ^  Ts'ao  po  T  i |  s|  san-shang  s  '  a  £, ^  ^  Waichow  shang-huo shang-ssu ^  pj]  f  ^  |k ^Jg  i ,  ^  >)•)-)  '  W a n  9  9  T i n  §  ,).).)  shu-shou  £ a  s_  ^  pA,  wu-pen t'ang  ftfe  Ik.  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