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Piero di Cosimo’s Visitation altarpiece (with an appendix on the handclasp gesture) Sexsmith, Dennis Watson 1980

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PIERO DI COSIMO'S VISITATION ALTARPIECE (WITH AN APPENDIX ON THE HANDCLASP GESTURE) by DENNIS WATSON SEXSMITH B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n . THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine A r t s ) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1980 (T) Dennis Watson Sexsmith, 1980 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Fine Arts The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 14 October 1980 - i i -ABSTRACT P i e r o d i Cosimo's Santo S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n i s examined i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s c o n t e x t , and the e x t e n t to which a s p e c i f i c s i g n g e s t u r e c o n t r i b u t e s to the meaning of the work i s d e t e r m i n e d . The f i r s t c h a p t e r o u t l i n e s the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the f e a s t and c o n s i d e r s d o c t r i n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the V i s i t a t i o n . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a survey of the v i s u a l i c o nography of the theme i n E a r l y C h r i s t i a n , m e d i e v a l , and e a r l y R e n a i s s a n c e a r t . A h i s t o r y o f the h a n d c l a s p i s c o n t a i n e d i n a s e p a r a t e appendix. T h i s f o l l o w s the g e s t u r e from the dextrarum i u n c t i o o f Rome, through m e d i e v a l uses r e f l e c t e d i n v i s u a l s o u r c e s , to the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of uses i n f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y a r t . A t t e n t i o n i s g i v e n to d i s t i n c t i o n s o f meaning i n C h r i s t i a n and humanist imagery, as d e t e r m i n e d through t e x t u a l and v i s u a l e v i d e n c e . The meaning of P i e r o d i Cosimo's Santo S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n i s p r e s e n t e d i n the f i n a l c h a p t e r . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n c o v e r s r e a s o n s f o r the importance of F l o r e n c e i n the emergence of the autonomous V i s i t a t i o n a l t a r p i e c e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the work to the theme's r o l e as an i n s t r u m e n t o f c h u r c h u n i t y , the f u n c t i o n of the p a i n t i n g as a p e r s o n a l d o n a t i o n of the Capponi f a m i l y , and the s p e c i f i c p a r t p l a y e d by the theme of r e b i r t h and renewal i n t h i s work. The f i g u r e s o f Mary and E l i z a b e t h mark the commencement of the m e s s i a n i c e r a by a h a n d c l a s p which r e p r e s e n t s the renewed u n i o n between god and man. A b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of the p o s t - P i e r o d i Cosimo use o f t h e h a n d c l a s p V i s i t a t i o n f o l l o w s . A f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of P i e r o d i Cosimo's r e l i g i o u s i c o nography i s c o n t a i n e d i n the f i r s t appendix. - i i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT -X CHAPTER I . THE VISITATION 1 The E s t a b l i s h i n g of the Feast of the V i s i t a t i o n : R e l i g i o u s and A r t i s t i c Background The D o c t r i n a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the V i s i t a t i o n V i s u a l Representations i n the E a r l y C h r i s t i a n , Medieval and E a r l y Renaissance Periods CHAPTER I I . PIERO DI COSIMO'S S. SPIRITO VISITATION ALTARPIECE 24 Career and Reputation of P i e r o d i Cosimo The S. S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n P o s t - P i e r o Use of the Handclasp V i s i t a t i o n FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTERS 66 BIBLIOGRAPHY 103 ILLUSTRATIONS 109 APPENDIX I . FOUR ADDITIONAL PIERO DI COSIMO ALTARPIECES 171 APPENDIX I I . A HISTORY OF THE HANDCLASP GESTURE 181 FOOTNOTES TO APPENDICES 219 -iv-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1 Visitation, 6th C, Parenzo, Basilica Eufrasiana. 109 2 Scenes from the "Life of the Virgin," silver ampulla, 6th C, Monza, Duomo. 110 3 Scenes from the "Life of the Virgin," gold pendant, 6th C, Istanbul, Archaeological Museum. I l l 4 Annunciation and Visitation, ivory book cover, 8th C, Brussels, Musees royaux d'Art et d'Histoire. 112 5 Giotto, Visitation, fresco, Padua, Arena Chapel. 113 6 Umbrian School, Madonna and Child with scenes from the "Life of Christ," winged altar-piece, c. 1280, Perugia, Pinacoteca. 114 7 Visitation, detail of fig. 6. 115 8 Lorenzo Maitani, Visitation, marble relief, c. 1310-30, Orvieto, Duomo facade. 116 9 Visitation, fresco, 11th C, Saint-Pierre-les-Eglises. 117 10 Visitation, marble relief, 12th C, Fano, Episcopal Palace. 118 11 Visitation, stained glass, 1216-30, Chartres, Notre-Dame, axial window of apse. 119 12 "Portail de la Vierge," Chartres, N6tre-Dame, west facade, south portal. 120 13 Visitation, detail of fig. 12. 121 14 Nicola Pisano, scenes from the "Life of the Virgin," marble pulpit, 1268, Siena, Duomo. 122 15 Visitation, detail of fig. 14. 123 16 Fra Guglielmo, Visitation, marble pulpit, Pistoia, S. Giovanni Fuorcivitas. 124 17 Visitation from Katharinenthal, painted and gilded wood, c. 1310-20, New York, Metropolitan Museum. 125 18 Christ and John the Evangelist from Sigmaringen, painted and gilded wood, c. 1320, Berlin-Dahlem. 126 19 Cologne School, Visitation, c. 1410-15, Stockholm, Nationalmuseum. 127 20 Bohemian School, Madonna and Child with Scenes from the "Life of Christ and the Virgin," Royal Collection. 128 -v-Figure Page 21 Bohemian School, V i s i t a t i o n , Prague, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y . 129 22 Master of the B e r l i n P a ssion, V i s i t a t i o n , coloured engraving. 130 23 Swabian School, V i s i t a t i o n , Sigmaringen, Hohenzollern Museum. 131 24 Master of the L i f e of the V i r g i n , V i s i t a t i o n , panel of an a l t a r p i e c e , 1463, Munich, A l t e Pinakothek. 132 25 Antonio Veneziano, V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , c. 1385-90, P i s a , San Martino. 133 26 Thomas Patch, V i s i t a t i o n , engraving a f t e r destroyed f r e s c o formerly i n Florence, Carmine, Manetti Chapel. 134 27 P i e r o d i Cosimo, V i s i t a t i o n , c. 1489-90, Washington, D.C., N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of A r t . 135 28 Domenico Ghir l a n d a i o and A s s i s t a n t s , V i s i t a t i o n , 1491-94, P a r i s , Musee du Louvre. 136 29 A t t r i b u t e d to G i l de S i l o e , Tomb of Alonso de Cartagena, Burgos, Cathedral, Chapel of the V i s i t a t i o n . 137 30 V i s i t a t i o n , d e t a i l of f i g . 29. 138 31 A t t r i b u t e d to Andrea d e l l a Robbia, V i s i t a t i o n , glazed t e r r a c o t t a , P i s t o i a , S. Giovanni F u o r c i v i t a s . 139 32 School of Fra F i l i p p o L i p p i , Meeting of C h r i s t and John i n the Desert, B e r l i n , Gemaldegalerie. 140 33 I I Pastura, V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , O r v i e t o , Duomo. 141 34 M a r i o t t o A l b e r t i n e l l i , V i s i t a t i o n , 1503, Florence, G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . 142 35 Jacopo Pontormo, V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , 1514-16, Florence, SS. Annunziata. 143 36 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , Saint L o u i s , C i t y A r t Museum. 144 37 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , Florence, Spedale d e g l i I n n o c e n t i . 145 38 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Adoration of the Shepherds, destroyed, formerly B e r l i n , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h Museum. 146 39 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Immaculate Conception, Florence, G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . 147 - v i -48 Figure Page 40 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Study f o r an "Immaculate Conception," pen and i n k on paper, destroyed, formerly Bremen, K u n s t h a l l e . 148 41 Concordia, Roman denarius, 42 B.C. 149 42 Fides Exercitvm, Roman denarius of V i t e l l i u s , A.D. 69. 150 43 General's sarcophagus, Florence, G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . 151 44 " C h r i s t u s Pronubus," golden marriage b e l t , Washington, D.C, Dumbarton Oaks. 152 45 Marriage of David and M i c h a l , Munich, Cod. g a l l . Monac. 16, f o l . 35v. 153 46 G i o t t o , Marriage of the V i r g i n , f r e s c o , Padua, Arena Chapel. 154 47 Jean Fouquet, Marriage of the V i r g i n , i n "Hours of Etienne C h e v a l i e r , " C h a n t i l l y , Musee Condi. 155 Michael Pacher, Marriage of the V i r g i n , fragment of an a l t a r wing, Vienna, Museum M i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e r O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e r Kunst. 156 49 "Mercy and Truth are met together," i n a "M i s s e l de P a r i s , " P a r i s , B i b l i o t h e q u e . Mazarine. 157 50 Rhenish Master ( ? ) , Meeting a t the Golden  Gate and Scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n , " ( d e t a i l ) , B r u s s e l s , Musees royaux d'Art dt d ' H i s t o i r e . 158 51 Upper German, P a i r of Lovers, pen and bl a c k i n k on paper, Erlangen, U n i v e r s i t a t s b i b l i o t h e k . 159 52 Master MZ, P a i r of Lovers, engraving. 160 53 "In fidem uxoriam," i n Andrea A l c i a t i , Emblematum L i b e r , P a r i s , 1534. 161 54 C h r i s t washing the D i s c i p l e s ' f e e t , c a p i t a l , Barcelona, S. Maria d e l Estany. 162 55 Alemanic or Swiss Master, Saint F r i d o l i n and  Ursus, D i j o n , Musee des Beaux-Arts. 163 56 Michelozzo, Monument of Bartolommeo A r a g a z z i , Marble r e l i e f , Montepulciano, Duomo. 164 57 Lombard S c u l p t o r , Epitaph of Stefano and Maddalena S a t r i , Rome, S. Omobono. 165 58 Augustan Grave Stone, V a t i c a n , G a l l e r i a L a p i d a r i a . 166 - v i i -F i gure Page 59 F i l a r e t e ( ? ) , Faustina and Antonius P i u s , medal. 167 60 C r i s t o f o r o d i Geremia, "Concordia Avgg(ustorum) , " on a medal of Constantine. 168 61 Matteo C i v i t a l i , F r i e z e from a tomb monument, marble, London, V i c t o r i a and A l b e r t Museum. 169 62 Marcantonio Raimondi, R e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Minerva and Cupid, engraving. 170 Sources F i g . 1: A. Stubbe, La Madone dans l ' A r t ( B r u s s e l s : E l s e v i e r , 1958). F i g s . 2, 3 , 6 , 54: G. S c h i l l e r , Iconography Of C h r i s t i a n A r t , v o l s . 1-2 (Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic S o c i e t y , 1971-72). F i g . 4: W. Volbach, E l f e n b e i r i a r b e i t e n (Mainz: Zabern, 1976). F i g s . 5, 46: C. Gnudi, G i o t t o ( M i l a n : M a r t e l l o , 1959). F i g s . 7, 16, 21: H. Evers, "Yber das Gepyrg," Das Munster 26 (1973): 257-81. F i g s . 8, 33: E. C a r l i , I I Duomo d i Orvieto (Rome: I s t i t u t o P o l i g r a f i c o d e l l o Stato, 1965). F i g . 9: P. Deschamps and M. Thibout, La P e i n t u r e murale en  France ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e P l on, 1951). F i g . 10: A. V e n t u r i , La Maddrie ( P a r i s : G a u l t i e r , Magnier et C i e . , 1902). F i g . 11: V. Beyer, Stained Glass Windows (Edinburgh: O l i v e r & Boyd, 1964) . F i g . 12: E. Male, Notre-Dame de Chartres ( P a r i s : P. Hartmann, 1948). F i g . 13: Alan P r i e s t , "The Masters of the West Facade of Cha r t r e s , " A r t Studies 1 (1923) : 28-44. F i g . 14: M. Reymond, La Sculpture F l o r e n t i n e , v o l . 1 (Florence: A l i n a r i F r e r e s , 1897). F i g . 15: E. C a r l i , S c u l t u r a I t a l i a n a , v o l . 2 (Milan: E l e c t a , 1967). F i g . 17: P a r i s , Louvre, L'Europe Gothique, (1968). F i g . 18: W. Pinder, Die Deutsche P l a s t i k des Viefzehnten Jahrhunderts (Munich: Kurt Wolff V e r l a g , 1925). F i g . 19: Cologne, W a l l r a f - R i c h a r t z Museum, Vor Stefan Lochner (1974) . F i g . 20: W. Ames, P r i n c e A l b e r t arid V i c t o r i a n Taste (New York: V i k i n g Press, 1968). - v i i i -F i g . 22: F. W. H. H o l l s t e i n , Dutch and Flemish. Etchings, Engravings  and Woodcuts, c a . 1450-1700, v o l . 12 (Amsterdam: M. Hertzberger, n.d.). F i g . 23: A. Stange, Deutsche M a l e r e i der Gotik, v o l . 8 (Nendln: Kraus R e p r i n t , 1969). F i g . 24: C. G i l b e r t , H i s t o r y of Renaissance A r t throughout Europe (Englewood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1973). F i g . 25: M. B o s k o v i t s , P i t t u r a F i o r e n t i n a a l i a v i g i l i a d e l  Rinascimento, 1370-1400 (Florence: Edam, 1975). F i g . 26: V a l e r i e Sutherland, "Thomas Patch and the M a n e t t i Chapel Frescoes" (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978). F i g s . 27, 36, 37: Mina B a c c i , L'bpera completa d i P i e r o d i Cosimo ( M i l a n : R i z z o l i E d i t o r e , 1976). F i g s . 28, 38: B. Berenson, I t a l i a n P i c t u r e s of the Renaissance: F l o r e n t i n e School, v o l . 2 (London and New York: Phaidon Press, 1963). F i g s . 29, 30: H. Wethey, G i l de S i l o e and h i s School (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1936). F i g . 31: W. Paatz, The A r t s of the I t a l i a n Renaissance (New York: Abrams, 1974). F i g . 32: M a r i l y n A. L a v i n , "Giovannino B a t t i s t a : A Study i n Renaissance R e l i g i o u s Symbolism," A r t B u l l e t i n 37 (1955) : 85-101. F i g . 34: Hans T i e t z e , Treasures of the Great N a t i o n a l G a l l e r i e s (London: Phaidon P r e s s , 1954). F i g . 35: F. H a r t t , H i s t o r y of I t a l i a n Renaissance A r t (Englewood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1969). F i g . 39: D i z i o n a r i o e n c i c l o p e d i c o B o l a f f i d e i p i t t o r i e d e g l i  i n c i s o r i i t a l i a n i , s.v. "Piero d i Cosimo." -F i g . 40: B. Berenson, Drawings of the F l o r e n t i n e P a i n t e r s , v o l . 3 (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1938). F i g . 41: Stefan Weinstock, Divus J u l i u s (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971) . F i g . 42: Anne S. Robertson, Roman Imp e r i a l Coins i n the Hunter Coin  Cabinet, U n i v e r s i t y of Glasgow, v o l . 1 (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1962). F i g s . 43, 57: Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, n.d.) F i g . 44: E n c i c l o p e d i a d e l l ' a r t e a n t i c a , c l a s s i c a e o r i e n t a l e , s.v. "Dextrarum i u n c t i o . " F i g . 45: E. Kantorowicz, "On the Golden Marriage B e l t and the Marriage Rings of the Dumbarton Oaks C o l l e c t i o n , " Dumbarton Oaks Papers 14 (1960): 1-16. F i g . 47: C. S t e r l i n g and C. Schaefer, The Hours of Etienne Che v a l i e r  by Jean Fouquet (New York: G. B r a z i l l e r , 1971). F i g . 48: A. Stange, Deutsche Spatgotische M a l e r e i , 1430-1500 (K o n i g s t e i n im Taunus: Langewiesche, 1965). F i g . 49: M. Vloberg, La V i e de Marie, Mere de Dieu ( P a r i s : Bloud et Gay, 1949). - i x -F i g . 50: K. Birkmeyer, "The Arch Motif i n Nethe r l a n d i s h P a i n t i n g of the F i f t e e n t h Century," A r t B u l l e t i n 43 (1961): 1-20, 99-112. F i g . 51: Munich, S t a a t l i c h e Graphische Sammlung, Altdeutsche  Zeichnungen aus der U n i v e r s i t a t s b i b l i o t h e k Erlangen (1974). F i g . 52: Max Lehrs, "The Master MZ," P r i n t C o l l e c t o r ' s Q u a r t e r l y 16 (1929) : 205-50. F i g . 53: Theodore Reff, "The Meaning of T i t i a n ' s Venus of Urbino," Pantheon 21 (1963) : 359-65. F i g . 55: L. Reau, "Les P r i m i t i f s de l a C o l l e c t i o n Dard au Musee de D i j o n , " Gazette des Beaux-Arts, s. 6, v. 2 (1929) : 335-56. F i g . 56: C. Seymour, J r . , Sculpture i n I t a l y : 1400 to 1500 (Harmonds-worth: Penguin Books, 1966). F i g . 58: P h y l l i s L. W i l l i a m s [Lehmann], "Two Roman R e l i e f s i n Renaissance D i s g u i s e , " Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  I n s t i t u t e s 4 (1941): 47-66. F i g . 59: G. F. H i l l and G. P o l l a r d , Renaissance Medals from the  Samuel H. Kress C o l l e c t i o n at the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of A r t (London: Phaidon Press, 1967). F i g . 60: G. F. H i l l , " C l a s s i c a l I n f l u e n c e on the I t a l i a n Medal," B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 18 (1910-11): 259-68. F i g . 61: J . Pope-Hennessy, Catalogue of I t a l i a n Sculpture i n the  V i c t o r i a and A l b e r t Museum, v o l . 1 (London: Her Majesty's S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , 1964). F i g ; 62: R. Wittkower, A l l e g o r y and the M i g r a t i o n of Symbols (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977). -X-ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Over a period of years I have benef i t e d from the generous a s s i s t a n c e of my research s u p e r v i s o r , Dr. Debra Pincus, whose guidance I wish to acknowledge w i t h my s i n c e r e thanks. 1 CHAPTER I : THE VISITATION The e s t a b l i s h i n g of the Feast of the V i s i t a t i o n : R e l i g i o u s and A r t i s t i c  Background The s t o r y o f the V i s i t a t i o n of Mary comes from S t . Luke (1:39-55), who wrote the text i n A.D. 61-62.''" I t immediately f o l l o w s h i s gospel account of the Annunciation to Mary (1:26-38). While the i s o l a t i o n and a m p l i f i c a t i o n of the l a t t e r s t o r y was a f e a t u r e of e a r l y C h r i s t i a n and medieval a r t , i t was not so of the V i s i t a t i o n . From the s i x t h through t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s there was no separate f e a s t day set a s i d e f o r the V i s i t a t i o n and the image of the event always took i t s p l a c e i n a sequence of images. These sequences were i n i t i a l l y of the e a r l y l i f e of C h r i s t and l a t e r a l s o of the l i f e of the V i r g i n or John the B a p t i s t . This measure of neglect i s s u r p r i s i n g i n view of the profound c i r -cumstances of the event i t s e l f . As the f i r s t time that C h r i s t i s recog-n i z e d by a mortal (when the B a p t i s t leaps i n h i s mother's womb and i s f i l l e d w i t h the holy s p i r i t ) , the V i s i t a t i o n marks the beginning of the 2 messianic era. Moreover, i t i s an event i n which the greater comes to 3 the l e s s e r , a r e l a t i o n s h i p which found expression i n the many p a i r i n g s of the V i s i t a t i o n w i t h the Annunication, from the s i x t h century onward. In the f i r s t image, the word of God i s d e l i v e r e d by a d i v i n e being • v (archangel G a b r i e l ) to an immaculate being (Mary), u s u a l l y w i t h the archangel on Mary's honoured r i g h t s i d e (our l e f t , f a c i n g the image). Mary then u s u a l l y changes sides to assume the s u p e r i o r p o s i t i o n (our l e f t ) and greets her mortal cousin ( E l i z a b e t h ) J* In such p a i r i n g s God was seen,to come to man, through the semi-divine person of the V i r g i n -2-Mary. A long-standing t r a d i t i o n has c r e d i t e d the Franciscan general chapter of 1263 at P i s a w i t h the f i r s t formal r e c o g n i t i o n of the V i s i t a t i o n . This stems from an e r r o r of Luke Wadding, as was demons-t r a t e d some time ago by G o l u b o v i c h . I n h i s Franciscan h i s t o r y , published between 1625 and 1648, Wadding maintained that St. Bonaventure had recommended the establishment of f e a s t s f o r the V i s i t a t i o n , the Immaculate Conception, St. Anne, and St. Martha at that time. But the f e a s t d i d not appear i n Franciscan or any other I t a l i a n s e r v i c e books u n t i l 1389. The l a t t e r date marked the decree of Pope Boniface IX who completed the process s t a r t e d e a r l i e r that year by h i s predecessor, Urban VI. The b u l l , "Superni b e n i g n i t a s c o n d i t o r i s " invoked the i n t e r -c e s s i o n of Mary to heal the western Schism (1378-1417). The f e a s t was to have a v i g i l and octave, and be observed on J u l y second. The o f f i c e s , hymns and sequences were composed by Adam Easton, the bishop of L i n c o l n . ^ Other r h y t h m i c a l o f f i c e s f o r the V i s i t a t i o n were already i n e x i s t e n c e as John of J e n s t e i n had been observing a f e a s t of the V i s i t a t i o n on A p r i l g 28th s i n c e 1386. John, who was archbishop of Prague, c h a n c e l l o r of Bohemia, and a staunch supporter of Urban VI, had urged adoption of the f e a s t on Urban and Boniface. 9 The Franciscans f o r m a l l y adopted the f e a s t i n 1390, as d i d one branch of the Carthusians. The Carmelites adopted i t i n 1393. The other orders f a i l e d to introduce the new f e a s t and, i n f a c t , the only areas i n which i t appears to have been adopted w i t h committment were c e r t a i n p a r t s of Germany and Bohemia."^ By 1400, the Roman c u r i a was not observing the f e a s t , so that Boniface's b u l l was reproclaimed i n 1 4 0 1 . ^ -3-The Schism was nominally brought to an end i n 1417 w i t h the e l i m i n -a t i o n of m u l t i p l e popes by the C o u n c i l of Constance. Between the stronger p o n t i f i c a t e s of M a r t i n V and Nicholas V, the problem of u n i t y re-emerged as a c r i t i c a l i s s u e during that of Eugenius IV (1431-1447). A v i r u l e n t c o n c i l i a r movement i n the west was demanding papal reform, and the Ottoman m i l i t a r y presence was overrunning the C h r i s t i a n east. R e l a t i o n s between p r e l a t e s i n the west d e t e r i o r a t e d a f t e r the pope t r a n s l a t e d the C o u n c i l meeting i n Basel to F e r r a r a (September 1437) and then Florence (from January 1439). At f i r s t , many northern delegates refused to obey the pope, though as the months passed, the t i d e began to swing back toward papal support. Countries l i k e France p u l l e d t h e i r d e l e g a t i o n s out of Basel even i f they d i d not r e d i r e c t them to Florence. While Basel continued to meet, i n defiance of the pope, a decree proclaiming the V i s i t a t i o n as a u n i v e r s a l f e a s t was issued i n 1441 at the f o r t y - t h i r d s e s s i o n . This had the e f f e c t of i n c r e a s i n g observance of the V i s i t a t i o n i n those same south German and Bohemian dioceses where i t s greatest s t r e n g t h already r e s i d e d . Even so, i t was the most i n f l u e n t i a l stimulus s i n c e the b u l l of 1389, and although e x e r c i s e d wholly i n the n o r t h , i n c l u d i n g i n t h i s sense p a r t s of Spain, must be considered one of the major milestones i n the dis s e m i n a t i o n of the creed. A f t e r 1441 the f e a s t began to appear i n French s e r v i c e books. In German-speaking areas the V i s i t a t i o n was becoming one of the most popular f e a s t s of the V i r g i n , over h a l f a century before t h i s would be the case i n I t a l y . The wording of the 1441 proclamation, e n t i t l e d " I n t e r assiduas m i l i t a n t i s e c c l e s i e t u r b a c i o n e s , " d e c r i e s the schism and advocates the -4-u n i t y of the church. I t c a l l s upon Mary to bestow peace and u n i t y on the f a i t h f u l , r e c o n c i l i n g them by her i n t e r c e s s i o n ("sua i n t e r c e s s i o n e  c o u n c i l i a n s pacem et unitatem f i d e l i b u s l a r g i a t u r " ) .""""*" The orthodoxy of t h i s message i s s t r i k i n g , and i n f a c t does not d i f f e r i n tone from the papal pronouncements i n favour of the V i s i t a t i o n i n 1389, o r , subsequently, 1475. The reason f o r t h i s i s simple enough. Everyone b e l i e v e d i n 'u n i t y , ' as long as u n i t y meant adherance to the b e l i e f s of the pro c l a i m i n g a u t h o r i t y . Meanwhile i n Florence, the l e g i t i m a t e Council had concluded the most notable achievement of Eugenius IV's r e i g n , when on 6 J u l y 1439, 13 i t was able to proclaim the Union of the Greek and L a t i n churches. Here again, u n i t y was the foremost concern of the two e c c l e s i a s t i c a l groups, who had fought b i t t e r l y over whose creed should be declared the more orthodox. P o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s e v e n t u a l l y forced the Greeks to concede to Rome i n order to r e c e i v e m i l i t a r y a s s i s t a n c e i n t h e i r c r i t i c a l s t r u g g l e w i t h the Turks. The a r t developed i n response to the Basel decree and F l o r e n t i n e b u l l s tressed the e q u a l i t y of the two halves i n the former and the 14 submission of one i n the l a t t e r , as w i l l be seen. Both B a s e l and Rome considered the V i s i t a t i o n an orthodox symbol of t h e i r own e c c l e s i a s t i c a l outlook. The 1441 proclamation does not mention the 1389 b u l l . Rome, f o r i t s p a r t , went on to reconfi r m the f e a s t , when the 1389 b u l l was reproclaimed on 7 A p r i l 1451 by pope Nicholas V, Eugenius' successor."'""' In i t , no mention i s made of the 1441 decree. The e f f e c t i v e spread of the c u l t to the remaining p a r t s of Europe -5-d i d not a c t u a l l y begin u n t i l the r e i g n of S i x t u s IV (1471-1484), a pope w i t h a s p e c i a l committment to the enhancement of Marian devotion. As a small part of the c e l e b r a t i o n s f o r the J u b i l e e Year i n 1475, S i x t u s issued a new b u l l and arranged f o r the composition of a new o f f i c e of 16 the V i s i t a t i o n . This " v i r t u a l l y r e - e s t a b l i s h e d the f e a s t " and l e d to i t s observance i n areas, such as England, where i t had been a l l but non-existent."^ This time the Turks provided the immediate t h r e a t 18 against which Mary's i n t e r c e s s i o n and v i s i t a t i o n were sought. The 1475 b u l l does not appear to have survived although Raynaldus 19 gives excerpts of i t . V a r i a n t s of the lessons to be read during the f e a s t do not always mention the Turks. In f a c t there are lessons 20 which continue to r e f e r to the schism ("virus pestiferum s c i s m a t i s " ) . I f there was confusion or at l e a s t a l a c k of consistency i n the p e r i l a gainst which the V i s i t a t i o n was enjoined, there was consistency i n the q u a l i t i e s which the event was considered to epitomize: the u n i t y and peace of Christendom; concord among the f a i t h f u l i n C h r i s t . From 1475 and through the 1480's the V i s i t a t i o n was adopted by the most s u b s t a n t i a l part of the church. Momentum gathered sl o w l y i n 21 the impact which the f e a s t had on a r t . The V i s i t a t i o n a l ready e x i s t e d i n s e v e r a l v i s u a l forms, which the S i s t i n e b u l l d i d nothing to a l t e r . Each of these forms continued to be used as we w i l l see. Churches began to be dedicated to the V i s i t a t i o n , commencing w i t h 22 S i x t u s 1 own church of Santa Maria d e l l a Pace i n Rome (begun a f t e r 1478, completed by 1 4 8 3 ) . 2 3 - 6 -The D o c t r i n a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the V i s i t a t i o n The V i s i t a t i o n was not an important e x e g e t i c a l event u n t i l the idea of Mary as an i n t e r c e s s o r developed i n the high and l a t e middle ages as a c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c u l t of the V i r g i n . Prayers to the V i s i t a t i o n were to invoke Mary's i n t e r c e s s i o n to hea l the schismatic d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the church, according to the proclamations of 1389, 1441 and 1475. The p o l i t i c a l emphasis of these papal and c o n c i l i a r i n i t i a t i v e s d i d not preclude a more personal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the V i s i t a t i o n i n other commentaries. Mary i s cast as Mercy and C h r i s t as J u s t i c e i n Jean Gerson's long t r e a t i s e on the M a g n i f i c a t , Mary's hymn of p r a i s e at the 24 end of the V i s i t a t i o n account i n Luke. Northern books of hours customarily placed the V i s i t a t i o n at the head of the O f f i c e of Lauds or 3:00 A.M., the second hour of the V i r g i n , where i t began w i t h the i n v o c a t i o n , "Oh God, come to my he l p " . The r e u n i t i n g power of Mary's i n t e r c e s s i o n f o r the s a l v a t i o n of the soul of the dying, emerged as an important element i n the c r e a t i o n of autonomous V i s i t a t i o n images l a t e r 25 i n the f i f t e e n t h century. -7-V l s u a l Representations i n the E a r l y C h r i s t i a n , Medieval and E a r l y Renaissance Periods The f i r s t v i s u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the V i s i t a t i o n occurred at 2 6 l e a s t nine c e n t u r i e s before the S i s t i n e b u l l of 1475. These e a r l y images are u s u a l l y and c o r r e c t l y d i v i d e d i n t o two groups: those i n which Mary and E l i z a b e t h stand apart and those i n which they embrace The e a r l y images have not been l i n k e d to any sudden l i t u r g i c a l i n t e r e s t ; they f o l l o w the trend to g i v e v i s u a l form to the most f a m i l i a r and important events of the gospels. U n t i l as l a t e as the f i f t e e n t h century, images of the V i s i t a t i o n remained i n p a i r s (with the Annunciation) or sequences (as i n s e r i e s of the I n c a r n a t i o n of C h r i s t ) . "Speaking Hands" Mary and E l i z a b e t h greet each other v e r b a l l y i n those V i s i t a t i o n s i n which they stand apart. The e a r l i e s t examples of t h i s type are without i n s c r i p t i o n s but the v e r b a l element can be read from the gestures 27 of the hands which are r a i s e d or outstretched i n v e r b a l d i s c o u r s e . C l e a r l y and simply these i l l u s t r a t e the gospel account w i t h i t s emphasis on the g r e e t i n g ( s a l u t a t i o n ) aspect: "And [Mary] entered i n t o the house of Zacharias, and s a l u t e d E l i s a b e t h " (Luke 1:40). Luke f e l t t h a t the s a l u t a t i o n would have been v e r b a l : "When E l i s a b e t h heard [ a u d i v i t ] the s a l u t a t i o n of Mary, the babe leaped i n her womb" (Luke 1:41). E a r l y C h r i s t i a n examples of V i s i t a t i o n s where the f i g u r e s stand apart and converse w i t h t h e i r hands i n c l u d e the s i x t h century mosaic at Parenzo, I s t r i a ( f i g . l ) ; a s i x t h century i v o r y at Leningrad; the s i x t h century i v o r y bookcover of the Evangeliary of St. L i p i c i n ( P a r i s , B i b l i o t h e q u e N a t i o n a l e ) ; and an enameled r e l i q u a r y c r oss from the Lateran -8-of 817-24 i n the Va t i c a n Museum. Medieval examples form a l a r g e group, i n c l u d i n g the f o l l o w i n g : the te n t h century Codex Guelf 16 from Corvey at W o l f e n b i l t t e l ; t w e l f t h century r e l i e f s at Vezelay and Moissac, Treviso and Verona, S. Giovanni i n Fonte; on the mid-twelfth century bronze doors of Benevento c a t h e d r a l ; on Nicholas of Verdun's Chasse N6tre-Dame of 1205 i n Tournai c a t h e d r a l ; i n the great west window of Chartres; i n the Goslar Evangeliary of about 1240; and i n the imposing s e r i e s of jamb statues ( a l b e i t w i t h damaged hands) at Chartres North, Amiens, and Reims ( a l l probably from around the l a t e 1220's). Rare a f t e r the h i g h middle ages, the standing apart type continues 28 to show the women speaking w i t h t h e i r hands when i t r e c u r s . S u r v i v i n g V i s i t a t i o n s of the standing apart type without speaking hands are very r a r e : the n i n t h century copy of the f i f t h century Werden i v o r y casket i n the V i c t o r i a and A l b e r t Museum; the monumental V i s i t a t i o n group i n Bamberg c a t h e d r a l of c. 1235 (here again damaged hands preclude a d e f i n i t i v e r e a d i n g ) . The Embrace The other e a r l y type of V i s i t a t i o n portrayed the women embracing. As w i t h the standing apart type, the very f i r s t examples have probably not s u r v i v e d . E a r l y v e s t i g e s i n c l u d e the s i x t h century f r e s c o i n St. Sergius, Gaza and a missing i v o r y plaque from the throne of Maximian 29 (545-53) known from drawings. The type o r i g i n a t e d i n the east where a l l e a r l y examples o r i g i n a t e ( i n c l u d i n g Maximian's th r o n e ) . The p r i n c i p l e v a r i a t i o n s w i t h i n the embracing type can be i l l u s t r a t e d i n a p a i r of l a t e s i x t h century metal r e l i e f s : a P a l e s t i n i a n s i l v e r ampulla now at Monza represents the women pres s i n g c l o s e to exchange -9-a k i s s ( f i g . 2 ) ; and a gold pendant found at Adana, Turkey and now at I s t a n b u l , represents the women embracing w i t h solemnity, at arm's l e n g t h , and gazing i n t o each other's eyes ( f i g . 3 ) . The k i s s i t s e l f i n the former example d e r i v e s from the L a t i n r i t e of the osculum p a c i s or ' k i s s of peace' which was exchanged between f a m i l y and c l o s e f r i e n d s i n 30 g r e e t i n g or between others as a symbolic expression of amity. The k i s s derived i t s sense of importance from the Roman b e l i e f that the breath contained the s o u l , so that a k i s s meant no l e s s than the f u s i o n of s o u l s . The absence of the k i s s i n V i s i t a t i o n s w i t h an embrace at arms le n g t h was u s u a l l y compensated by the f i x e d gaze of the women, maint a i n -ing a l e v e l of i n t e n s i t y i n the encounter. A k i s s or c l o s e embrace presented the e a r l y a r t i s t s w i t h d i f f i c u l t i e s which they d i d not always master. A l l o w i n g f o r a c e r t a i n awkwardness i n the l e n g t h of arms, angle of fa c e s , and so on, i t i s s t i l l c l e a r that the k i s s i n g or c l o s e l y embracing type was predominant u n t i l a t l e a s t 31 the t w e l f t h century. One of the f i r s t embracing V i s i t a t i o n s w i t h an i n s c r i p t i o n i s found on the back of a C a r o l i n g i a n i v o r y book cover i n the B r u s s e l s Musee§-royaux d'Art et d ' H i s t o i r e ( f i g . 4 ) . This book cover, from the church at Genoels-Elderen near Tongeren, shows C h r i s t i n majesty on the f r o n t . The i n s c r i p t i o n s on the back read "(V) b l Ga b r i h e l v e n i t ad Mariam" (Where G a b r i e l came to Mary) over the Annunciation, and "Vbi Maria  s a l v t a v i t E l i s a b e t h " (Where Mary saluted E l i z a b e t h ) over the V i s i t a t i o n . As i n many e a r l y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s the women are almost i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e although an attendant angel wearing a dalmatic on the l e f t may correspond w i t h Mary and a servant woman on the r i g h t w i t h E l i z a b e t h . The haloed -10-women embrace and k i s s w h i le t h e i r swaying poses i n d i c a t e the climax of the movement toward one another. E l i z a b e t h ' s v i s i b l e arm r e s t s on Mary's womb, an appropriate but otherwise uncommon fe a t u r e u n t i l much l a t e r times. The Genoels-Elderen i n s c r i p t i o n simply r e f e r s to t h e i r g r e e t i n g , 32 yet there were sacred undertones i n the k i s s i n g embrace i t s e l f . From 33 the time of Paul there are references to the "holy k i s s " . Comments by the eastern church f a t h e r s l i n k the embrace and k i s s very c l o s e l y -they might almost be interchangeable: "When we exchange the k i s s as a symbol of love w i t h our neighbours the Lord wants our souls to k i s s and our hearts to embrace" ( S t . John Chrysotom). S i m i l a r l y : "Embrace ye one another and l e t us s a l u t e each other...This k i s s i s the s i g n that our souls are u n i t e d and that we banish a l l remembrance of i n j u r y " ( S t . 35 C y r i l of Jerusalem). V i s i t a t i o n s showing an embrace at arm's l e n g t h were l e s s common to begin w i t h , i n f a c t they must have been r e l a t i v e l y r a r e u n t i l the t w e l t h or t h i r t e e n t h century when the reassessments of iconography which c h a r a c t e r i z e the Gothic s t y l e found a congenial solemnity i n the format of t h i s type. Even though the women's f i g u r e s were understood to be i n d i r e c t c o n f r o n t a t i o n , a r t i s t s continued to po r t r a y t h e i r bodies as i f angled toward the viewer. This allowed more d e f i n i t i o n to be given to the h e a v i l y draped f i g u r e s . In some, the faces a l i g n w i t h the bodies so that they engage the viewer (south p o r t a l , west facade, NStre-Dame-de-Paris). In other examples the faces are turned back i n t o the plane i n order that the women may gaze d i r e c t l y a t each other (Padua, San G i u s t i n a ) . The next development i n the embrace a t arm's le n g t h took place i n the l a t e f o u r t e e n t h century, from which time the f i g u r e s tended to be placed i n a more c e n t r a l i z e d and dominant p o s i t i o n w i t h i n t h e i r frame or s e t t i n g . Both of Giusto de'Menabuoi's V i s i t a t i o n s i l l u s t r a t e t h i s 3 6 change. On the frescoed w a l l of the Padua b a p t i s t r y (1376) a painted frame d e f i n e s the area of encounter and w i t h i n i t the mountainous o u t l i n e of the two women c a r r i e s a new f o r c e . In h i s polyptych w i t h scenes from the l i f e of John the B a p t i s t i n the same l o c a t i o n , Giusto achieves a comparable monumental f e e l i n g even though supplementary 37 f i g u r e s are again included to one s i d e . The standing apart type of V i s i t a t i o n ceased to be common a f t e r the e a r l y t h i r t e e n t h century. The embrace at arm's l e n g t h d i d not assume importance u n t i l the l a t e f o u r t e e n t h century. While the c l o s e embrace remained the most common format f o r northern and southern Europe, a new type became i n c r e a s i n g l y common i n I t a l y between these dates. I t combined the embrace w i t h a stoop of h u m i l i t y by E l i z a b e t h . This was a form of encounter which d i d not a f f e c t northern d e p i c t i o n s of the scene, r e -maining c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y I t a l i a n . The most renowned e a r l y example of t h i s new type was G i o t t o ' s V i s i t a t i o n i n the Arena Chapel, Padua ( f i g . 5 ) . E l i z a b e t h ' s face i s dark and s t r a i n e d w i t h age, another f e a t u r e of the type. Eye contact i s maintained between the women; without i t , E l i z a b e t h ' s stoop would l o s e meaning. E l i z a b e t h ' s servant looks on from i n f r o n t of her house. Two of Mary's servants anchor the l e f t s i d e of the composition. The e a r l i e s t s u r v i v i n g example showing E l i z a b e t h stooping yet s t i l l -12-embracing, i s on an anonymous Umbrian t r i p t y c h of about 1280, now i n the Perugia pinacoteca ( f i g s . 6 - 7 ) . The s t i l l planes and f r o z e n poses of the G i o t t o c o n t r a s t w i t h the shaky rhythms of t h i s p i e c e : Mary s t i l l i n motion from the l e f t , and the sharp angles of the drapery f o l d s rendered i n the 'maniera byzantina.' The Umbrian work and the G i o t t o make Lorenzo M a i t a n i ' s r e l i e f on the facade of Orvieto c a t h e d r a l look q u i t e c l a s s i c a l ( f i g . 8 ) . From sometime between 1310 and 1330, the M a i t a n i nevertheless agrees i n e s s e n t i a l s w i t h the other two works i n the way i n which the encounter between Mary and E l i z a b e t h i s presented. Without q u i t e the exaggerated stoop of the other two, the M a i t a n i shows Mary reaching out and l o o k i n g down to E l i z a b e t h whose face and f i g u r e r e t u r n the gaze and gesture. A servant c a r r i e s a sack of Mary's luggage on the l e f t ; another holds open the c u r t a i n of E l i z a b e t h ' s doorway on the r i g h t . I t i s o f t e n s a i d that the G i o t t o i n f l u e n c e d many of the Trecento v e r s i o n s of the V i s i t a t i o n that were to f o l l o w , yet i t may be more accurate to see the G i o t t o and others i n which E l i z a b e t h ' s stoop i s very marked (Taddeo Gaddi's i n S. Croce, Florence) as stemming from a l i n g e r i n g Byzantine impulse. In a more c l a s s i c a l and decorous v e i n 38 39 are the M a i t a n i , Andrea d i Jacopo d'Ognabene, and Andrea Pisano, where the stoop i s much l e s s marked. Touching of Womb The l a s t medieval type to consider i s the V i s i t a t i o n i n which one 40 or both women touch the womb or breast of the other. The o l d e s t s u r v i v i n g example i s an eleventh century w a l l f r e s c o at S a i n t - P i e r r e --13-l e s - E g l i s e s , f o r t y k i l o m e t r e s east of P o i t i e r s ( f i g . 9 ) . The o l d e s t example i n I t a l y i s an e a r l y t w e l t h century r e l i e f on the facade of the e p i s c o p a l palace at Fano i n the Marches ( f i g . 1 0 ) . The f r e s c o shows E l i z a b e t h reaching out to touch the womb i t s e l f , w h i l e the marble bas-r e l i e f shows the younger woman touching E l i z a b e t h , " m a r v e l l i n g to f e e l 41 her s w e l l i n g b r e a s t s . " Subsequent examples are d i v i d e d between these two c o n f i g u r a t i o n s . Medieval examples tend to favour touching the br e a s t s . The predominance swings h e a v i l y toward touching the womb from s h o r t l y before the t u r n of the f i f t e e n t h century, onward. The most prominent example of the womb touching type appears i n the de d i c a t i o n windows high i n the c e n t r a l a x i a l window of the apse a t Chartres ( f i g . 1 1 ) . The r a d i a n t f i g u r e s of Mary and E l i z a b e t h stand between the Enthroned Madonna i n the pointed arch at the top and the equ a l l y monumental f i g u r e s of the Annunciation below. E l i z a b e t h ' s hand r e s t s on Mary's shoulder and Mary reaches out to touch E l i z a b e t h ' s b r e a s t . Dating from 1216-30, very e a r l y r e p o r t s r e f e r to them as the most important 42 of the h i g h windows. The reason f o r t h i s type of p r e s e n t a t i o n i s of course very s t r a i g h t forward. The womb touching act overcomes the fundamental d i f f i c u l t y of drawing a t t e n t i o n to the i n v i s i b l e p r o t a g o n i s t s . This type of V i s i t a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to dispense w i t h a l l other i n d i c a t i o n s of s e t t i n g and n a r r a t i v e , and f i n d s i t s p l a c e i n those media which tended to reduce d e t a i l to a minimum. Fourteenth century examples are numerous i n i v o r y , enamel and metal work. Most of these examples show l i t t l e more than the two women and the touching motion. From its popularity in fourteenth century France, the womb touching type carried into the ars nova of Flemish fifteenth century art as the 43 preferred and a l l but exclusive form of Visitation. It appears in an unbroken succession of works by Broederlam (Dijon), the Boucicaut Master (Jacquemart-Andre), the Boucicaut shop (numerous examples), Daret (Berlin), 44 Roger van der Weyden (Leipzig), Bouts (Granada), and in versions by 45 Simon Marmion and other Roger followers. A few Italian Visitations also use the womb touching format although 4 these tend to be late in date, few in number, and provincial in execution. Kneeling Elizabeth Two new types of Visitation were coined at the turn of the fifteenth century: those in which Elizabeth knelt low to the ground and those in which the women clasped right hands. The kneeling type of Visitation was an attempt to combine two forms of reverent greeting: the embrace and the bow. Today the bend from the waist is the most common form of bow in western societies, but it was not in the late middle ages. The bow or curtsy then was usually performed by bending the knees - the closer to 47 the ground, the stronger the demonstration of respect. This being the case, a Visitation which sought to illustrate the humility of Elizabeth in Luke 1:43 could simply show Elizabeth bowing close to the ground. It was this type which eventually earned the endorsation of the Council of Trent. The idea of the kneeling Elizabeth was "part of the late and post-49 medieval cult of the Virgin". The form grew out of the stooping embrace which we have considered. In Italy, even when Elizabeth's bow was very -15-low, the arms of the women remained l i n k e d . The awkwardness of r e t a i n i n g an embrace was l a r g e l y dispensed w i t h i n the numerous Franco-Flemish miniatures of the k n e e l i n g type."*^ A r t h i s t o r i a n s have placed the i n -auguration of the kne e l i n g type a t the beginning of the f i f t e e n t h century ( S c h i l l e r , Reau, Lechner) i n the m i l i e u of Lorenzo Monaco"'"'" and the Franco-Flemish school of manuscript i l l u m i n a t i o n . E a r l i e r examples can 52 be found i n the l a t e F l o r e n t i n e Trecento however; the t r a n s i t i o n from embracing to kn e e l i n g was not abrupt. The Handclasp V i s i t a t i o n The o l d e s t example of a V i s i t a t i o n i n which Mary and E l i z a b e t h greet each other by j o i n i n g hands i s found above the south p o r t a l of the west facade of Chartres c a t h e d r a l ( f i g s . 1 2 - 1 3 ) . Though small i n s c a l e , the sub t l e t i e s of p a r t s of t h i s program have been demonstrated. In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case, the crowned f i g u r e of Mary stands on the viewer's r i g h t , r a i s e s her (broken) r i g h t hand, and extends her outer or l e f t hand. E l i z a b e t h e n c i r c l e s Marcy w i t h her l e f t and takes hold of the o f f e r e d w r i s t w i t h her r i g h t . From t h e i r angled bodies, the gaze of each woman crosses the other, as they l o o k out toward the viewer. One Chartres f e a t u r e i s unique. Mary's crown, the s i g n of her f u t u r e s t a t u s as Queen of Heaven, i s a p r o l e p t i c device drawing a t -53 t e n t i o n to the V i s i t a t i o n as her f i r s t act of i n t e r c e s s i o n . The s i m i l a r r e l i e f at La C h a r i t e - s u r - L o i r e confirms the form of the hand r a i s e d i n a pledge of f a i t h f u l n e s s ( f i d e s l e v a t a ) , a gesture 54 extant i n courts to t h i s day. Only S c h i l l e r among a r t h i s t o r i a n s has recognized the element of gree t i n g which was introduced i n the Chartres V i s i t a t i o n . U r b a c h , -16-w h l l e saying more about the symbolic i m p l i c a t i o n s of the handclasp i n 56 l a t e r V i s i t a t i o n s , does not di s c u s s i t s dimension as a gesture of g r e e t i n g . The Chartres example fu r n i s h e d the model f o r other t w e l f t h century V i s i t a t i o n s . At a number of l o c a t i o n s i n Tuscany and r e l a t e d areas, the women were shown shoulder to shoulder, one s l i g h t l y o l d e r , draped 57 i n c l a s s i c a l robes, and w i t h t h e i r outer hands j o i n e d . The o c c a s i o n a l example showed the women d i r e c t l y c o n f r o n t i n g so that a l l f o u r hands 58 j o i n e d i n f r o n t of them. E l i z a b e t h r e v e r t e d to her normal, more humble p o s i t i o n on Mary's l e f t i n these and most l a t e r works. E l i z a b e t h ' s p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n a t Chartres and La Ch a r i t e remains unexplained. The handclasp of g r e e t i n g was v i r t u a l l y unknown i n the e a r l y f e u d a l era. While the gesture maintained i t s d i g n i t y as the bindin g a c t of 59 marriage and pledges, a s l i g h t l y more casu a l form of handholding began to be used as a n a t u r a l expression of g r e e t i n g from the time of the t w e l f t h century. One f i g u r e might take the r i g h t hand of another i n both of h i s or her own. A l l four hands might j o i n . Such handclasps were more spontaneous and n a t u r a l than the symbolic handclasps. A r t i s t s would sometimes show c o n f r o n t i n g f i g u r e s whose outer hands were j o i n e d (the r i g h t of one t a k i n g the l e f t of the o t h e r ) . This may have been a r e s u l t of the medieval a r t i s t ' s s i m p l i f y i n g of a c t i o n s i n depth and does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean i n every case that such awkward combinations were as common i n l i f e as i n the more two-dimensional world of a r t . During the t w e l f t h through f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s the n a t u r a l g r e e t i n g handclasp was introduced to c e r t a i n forms of r e l i g i o u s encounter scene. -17-The stricter right-hands-only form became an important element in a s t i l l wider variety of encounter scenes during the fifteenth century.^ The Visitation led the way in the inroads which a handclasp form of greeting made in visual art, being already widespread before the Trecento. The first greeting handclasp Visitation to take a step beyond Chartres was Nicola Pisano's pulpit relief of 1268 for Siena cathedral (figs.14-15). The hands are rendered in careful detail and the women's faces are particularized to an unprecedented degree: Elizabeth old, her facial muscles sagging; Mary flushed and full-cheeked. Their open mouths recite the Lucan greeting. Their gaze meets. Each one's servant looks on, adding balance to her mistress's side of the scene. There is character in the hands as well as in the faces. Elizabeth holds both of her hands in front of her, delicately cupping the extended right hand of Mary. Mary's other arm reaches around the older woman to half embrace her. Nicola's searching realism gives to Elizabeth a certain aged stoop, well before Giotto and the accenting of this particular feature. On the other hand, the symmetrical placement of the facade of Elizabeth's house behind Mary and her, remains medieval in that i t is not offset to Elizabeth's side, nor is the scale in proportion to either of the pairs of women. In this and other Pisan pulpits the joining hands take a variety of forms, depending on the overall degree of particularization. Fra Guglielmo's^ completely omits the aged face and stoop of Elizabeth, while the solid half-embrace/half-handclasp runs the outer pair of arms together like sections of pipe (fig.16). Only one early Visitation is known to have used a pure right to right -18-handclasp. It is an exceptional piece in several ways, being as well the first fully independent image of a Visitation. This Visitation is a wooden statuette, painted and gilded, standing 59 centimetres high 62 (fig.17). It comes from the Dominican nunnery of Katharinenthal in 63 southern Germany and is now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York. 64 The piece is generally dated to the decade circa 1310-1320. No attempt has been made to make Elizabeth look old in the Katharinenthal Visitation piece. We identify Elizabeth by the inscrip-tion on the scroll which she holds "Unde hoc michi veniat ut Mater" (Luke 1:43).^ Elizabeth is given the singular honour of a diadem while Mary wears a Schapel, the chaplet of flowers worn by virgins. The breast of each woman is inset with an oval of rock crystal, although these were probably not part of the original piece when it was made in the early fourteenth century.^ The gesture is the most distinguishing feature of many in the Katharinenthal piece. Not so much a handclasp as laying one palm on another, Mary's right hand rests upon Elizabeth's.*^ Yet the intention is unmistakable: the women are not simply greeting each other, they are expressing the special bond between them. 68 Enigmatic as a unique piece, the Katharinenthal Visitation should be seen in the context of the closely related devotional image of Christ with John the Evangelist resting at his breast (fig.18), an 69 image extracted^from the story of the Last Supper (John 13:23-25). The oldest of these statues is also from Katharinenthal,^ although examples were made at numerous monasteries in the Lake Constance region -19-throughout the f i r s t t h i r d of the fo u r t e e n t h century. Taking t h e i r theme from a t r a d i t i o n a l n a r r a t i v e framework and condensing i t , the two-figure pieces served as chapel images f o r i n t e n s e l y personal devotions. Before such images monks underwent extremes of b o d i l y m o r t i f i c a t i o n and extended v i g i l s of prayer aimed at e s t a b l i s h i n g a m y s t i c a l l i n k between the monk and the d i v i n e . The best known of these monks, Henry Suso (c.1295-1366), was a n a t i v e of Constance and grew up i n j u s t t h i s atmosphere of i n t e n s i f i e d r e l i g i o s i t y , p r a c t i s i n g h i s most extreme a c t s of p i e t y i n h i s e a r l y years. I n a given John/Christ group, C h r i s t s i t s u p r i g h t f a c i n g the viewer. John s i t s a t C h r i s t ' s l e f t and leans h i s head on C h r i s t ' s shoulder or breast. John's eyes are c l o s e d . C h r i s t ' s l e f t hand r e s t s l i g h t l y on John's f a r shoulder. With t h e i r r i g h t hands - and t h i s always - the f i g u r e s j o i n hands. The a c t u a l handclasp resembles that i n the Kat h a r i n e n t h a l V i s i t a t i o n : the palms are l a i d f l u s h to each other; there i s no g r i p or motion i n d i c a t e d . The solemn f a c t of hand contact i s too important to obscure by f o r e s h o r t e n i n g . The s i z e of the r i g h t hands i s exaggerated as w e l l , to b r i n g them more f o r c e f u l l y to the viewer's a t t e n t i o n . The hands u n i t e these v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t beings. The obvious reason f o r the c r e a t i o n of the independent John/Christ motif was that the i n c i d e n t was an example of C h r i s t ' s l o v e f o r a mort a l man which could be v i s u a l l y represented on the b a s i s of an u n a s s a i l a b l e a u t h o r i t y (John 19:26). For the monk d e s i r i n g to tr a n s p o r t himself i n t o an e c s t a t i c s t a t e of oneness w i t h god, the example of C h r i s t and John o f f e r e d an i n d e l i b l e reassurance. -20-Two themes are shared by the K a t h a r i n e n t h a l V i s i t a t i o n and John/ C h r i s t groups. Each p a i r i n g shares i n a miraculous mystery, and i n a rapprochement between the mortal and the d i v i n e . The miraculous mysteries are the pregnancies and the e x a l t a t i o n which John i s p r i v i l e g e d to experience.^"'" Both types of work b r i n g the mortal and d i v i n e together on an equal b a s i s , using the handclasp to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s union of opp o s i t e s . The pure r i g h t - t o - r i g h t handclasp (dexteras) becomes p a r t of a con-tinuous t r a d i t i o n In V i s i t a t i o n imagery from the outset of the f i f t e e n t h 73 century. One of the o l d e s t s u r v i v i n g examples w i t h i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n 74 i s a s m all panel of the Cologne school of about 1410-1415 ( f i g . 1 9 ) . The V i r g i n stands p i l l a r - s t r a i g h t on our l e f t . E l i z a b e t h stands stooping s l i g h t l y on the r i g h t . Mary's f r e e hand t e n d e r l y touches E l i z a b e t h ' s shoulder, w h i l e E l i z a b e t h ' s f r e e hand i s h e l d out i n a h o r i z o n t a l v a r i a t i o n of the swearing gesture used i n van Eyck's A r n o l f i n i  Wedding P o r t r a i t . This fragmentary scene, now i n the Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, makes no c l a i m to be the very f i r s t dexteras V i s i t a t i o n but appears to be one of the o l d e s t that has s u r v i v e d . The l a r g e area and speed w i t h which the type spread i n the Germanic c u l t u r a l areas i n d i c a t e s that no s i n g l e l o c a t i o n l e d i n the promotion of the type. Bohemia, w i t h s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n the theme, was q u i c k l y part of the trend ( f i g s . 2 0 - 2 1 ) b u t i t a l s o occurs i n Saxony,^ and A u s t r i a , ^ as w e l l as the Rhineland. The dexteras V i s i t a t i o n was a l s o a favoured form f o r the e a r l y engravers, such as the Master of the 78 79 Gardens of Love, and the Master of the B e r l i n Passion ( f i g . 2 2 ) . -21-The Rhenish and Bohemian examples date from before 1420, the Saxon and A u s t r i a n ones from around 1440, and the p r i n t s somewhat l a t e r . The p o p u l a r i t y of V i s i t a t i o n scenes i n f i f t e e n t h century Germany and Bohemia corresponded w i t h widespread use of the handclasp format. The scene d i d not appear as an independent subject and so these examples tend to i s s u e from workshop hands, and modify l a r g e r works commemorating C h r i s t , Mary, or l o c a l patron s a i n t s . The p r i n c i p a l development a f t e r mid-century was merely a s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of s e t t i n g , which l a i d out a landscape v i s t a beyond Mary and a path l e a d i n g back to her house behind E l i z a b e t h (fig.23).8° During t h i s p e r i o d the V i s i t a t i o n was o f t e n chosen as the scene i n which to i n c l u d e an image of the pious donor. This followed from the emphasis on human contact which Mary and C h r i s t had gone out of t h e i r way to e s t a b l i s h , according to the standard i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the legend A f u l l y developed example shows burgomaster Johann von H i r t z of Cologne, i n the work painted by the Master of the L i f e of the V i r g i n i n 1463 81 ( f i g . 2 4 ) . I d e n t i f i e d by h i s arms, von H i r t z kneels i n the lower l e f t corner of the V i s i t a t i o n panel. Mary and E l i z a b e t h meet at the centre of the p i c t u r e , e q u i d i s t a n t from Mary's route and E l i z a b e t h ' s house. Zacharias s i t s a t the doorway to the house, angels are overhead, and a maidservant holds E l i z a b e t h ' s p a t t e r n s , i n d i c a t i n g that they stand on holy ground. The dexteras gesture i s the culminating a c t i o n u n i t i n g man and god and confirming the b l e s s i n g of one on the other. The hand-cl a s p s i n t h i s and the Meeting a t the Golden Gate which i n i t i a t e s the sequence were an e f f e c t i v e way of showing the viewer that the prophesies -22-these scenes f u l f i l l are consummated at these very moments. The gesture emphasizes the exact moment of contact, drawing on the r i t u a l sense of the c l e a r - c u t gesture as an expression of "Treueverbindung" 83 ( t r u t h b i n d i n g ) . I t a l s o e n t a i l s the sense of union between d i s p a r a t e partners which was found i n the V e s p e r b i l d images of f o u r t e e n t h century mysticism, so that the type of the K a t h a r i n e n t h a l V i s i t a t i o n i s now e s t a b l i s h e d as the standard German format. Through t h e i r j o i n t a c t i o n the women demonstrate the establishment of the messianic e r a , as C h r i s t i s accepted by a mortal human f o r the f i r s t time, and the f i r s t m i r a c l e of C h r i s t occurs, as John the B a p t i s t i s f i l l e d w i t h the holy s p i r i t . The a b i l i t y of the gesture to focus t h i s sense of profound meaning was p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r i n Germanic c o u n t r i e s where the s i g n handclasp permeated 84 l e g a l and secular r i t u a l . Meanwhile i n I t a l y the n a t u r a l form of g r e e t i n g using s e v e r a l hands touching, continued to be used i n the l a t e middle ages f o r scenes of the 85 Meeting at the Golden Gate as w e l l as of the V i s i t a t i o n of Mary. The multi-handed handclasp occurs i n a remarkable p a i r of V i s i t a t i o n f r e s c o e s , one of which i s i n P i s a ( f i g . 2 5 ) and the other of which was i n the Carmine i n Florence u n t i l i t was destroyed by f i r e . The l a t t e r work has been preserved i n an engraving by the eighteenth century a r t i s t and a n t i q u a r i a n , Thomas Patch ( f i g . 2 6 ) . The s i m i l a r i t i e s between these two works are so s t r i k i n g that a common source i s s t r o n g l y suggested, or one may have been a copy of the other. The s u r v i v i n g scenes at P i s a , San Martino were painted by Antonio Veneziano about 1385-90. Now that twelve fragments of the Carmine work have been i d e n t i f i e d , a date of -23-about 1390 and an a t t r i b u t i o n to S p i n e l l o A r e t i n o , are g e n e r a l l y - 86 accepted. In the two works, the f i g u r e s of Mary and E l i z a b e t h are extremely s i m i l a r . Standing before her house on the r i g h t , E l i z a b e t h holds the f o l d s of her dress i n her l e f t hand and extends her r i g h t hand toward Mary who has j u s t a r r i v e d on the l e f t . Mary takes E l i z a b e t h ' s hand i n both of her own, t h e i r eyes meet, and the d i s t a n c e between them creates a s t r i k i n g s i l h o u e t t e . The handclasps that we see i n these works d e r i v e not from any northern i n f l u e n c e nor from the c l a s s i c a l r e v i v a l of the dextrarum  i u n c t i o gesture, but from the o l d C h a r t r e s - N i c o l a Pisano t r a d i t i o n which came to I t a l y i n the l a t e t w e l f t h century. The handclasp V i s i t a t i o n s common to that t r a d i t i o n eschewed the r i g h t to r i g h t form of the Roman and German handclasp f o r the multi-handed form of Trecento scenes of g r e e t i n g and departure. The symbolic str e n g t h of such handclasps i s problematic. No docu-ments support i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as a c l e a r c u t s i g n yet i t f i l l s a gap between a pu r e l y v e r b a l s a l u t a t i o n and the recognized r e l i g i o u s s t a t e -ments of an embrace, k i s s (osculum), or right-handed handclasp ( d e x t e r a s ) . Inasmuch as the encounter scenes are no l e s s intense when the m u l t i -handed gesture i s used, and the gesture i s never hidden but q u i t e prominently shown, the symbolic sense i s probably intended, even i f we cannot p i n down i t s exact meaning or nomenclature i n such cases. -24-CHAPTER I I : PIERO DI COSIMO'S S. SPIRITO VISITATION ALTARPIECE Career and Reputation of P i e r o d i Cosimo 87 P i e r o d i Cosimo was born i n Florence i n 1461 or 1462, the son of a goldsmith, Lorenzo d i P i e r o d'Antonio. By the age of eighteen he was working as an unpaid apprentice i n the s t u d i o of the p a i n t e r Cosimo R o s s e l l i i n Santa Maria i n Campo. Having been r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r as 'Piero d i Lorenzo' he took h i s master's name as part of h i s own, and from t h i s time was known as 'Piero d i Cosimo.' When the l e a d i n g p a i n t e r s of c e n t r a l I t a l y were summoned to Rome i n 1481 to decorate Pope S i x t u s IV's chapel i n the V a t i c a n , P i e r o went as part of R o s s e l l i ' s bottega. There R o s s e l l i was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r four major f r e s c o e s : the Crossing of the Red Sea, Moses r e c e i v i n g the Law, gg the Sermon on the Mount, and the Last Supper. V a s a r i p r a i s e s the "paese b e l i s s i m o " ( b e a u t i f u l landscape) i n the background of the Sermon 89 on the Mount which he a t t r i b u t e s to P i e r o . V a s a r i combined t r u e admiration f o r P i e r o ' s a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y w i t h an unusual sympathy f o r the character of the man, whose i d i o s y n c r a s i e s 90 he recognized as the s i g n of a person deeply committed to h i s work. 91 V a s a r i r e l a t e s how P i e r o ' s r e t i r i n g nature and r u s t i c h a b i t s offended those who d i d not know him w e l l , and gave the a r t i s t an unwarrented r e p u t a t i o n as a madman (pazzo). This i n s t e a d of the great man and mind 9 2 which he was ( " i l grand ingegno"). V a s a r i w r i t e s t h i r t y years a f t e r P i e r o ' s death and f i f t y years a f t e r the best works were done, yet h i s account i s s t a r t l i n g l y v i v i d . 9 3 -25-P r a i s i n g P i e r o ' s t a l e n t f o r the b i z a r r e , he c i t e s numerous examples: the e a r l y h i s t o r y of man c y c l e f o r Francesco d e l P u g l i e s e , the l a t e Perseus and Andromeda f o r the el d e r F i l i p p o S t r o z z i , a ( l o s t ) book of monster drawings, a ( l o s t ) p r e d e l l a to the S e r v i t e Immaculate Conception showing S t . Margaret emerging from the b e l l y of the dragon, a marine monster f o r G i u l i a n o de'Medici. The longest passage of t h i s s o r t describes the triumphal Car of Death f o r the c a r n i v a l p r o c e s s i o n of 94 1507. Sponsored by the younger F i l i p p o S t r o z z i and b u i l t to P i e r o ' s design i n s t r i c t e s t secrecy, the c h a r i o t or f l o a t t r a n s f i x e d observers w i t h i t s macabre components and o r c h e s t r a t i o n . I t was drawn by bl a c k b u f f a l o e s ( b u f o l i ) w i t h white skeletons and crosses painted on them. Tombs covered the c a r , presided over by the f i g u r e of death h o l d i n g the scythe. At a l l stops, b l a c k f i g u r e s w i t h bones painted i n white emerged from the tombs. Torch l i g h t e f f e c t i v e l y l i t these f i g u r e s to the sound of muffled trumpets. Further dead f i g u r e s f o l l o w e d , mounted on an e x t r a o r d i n a r y c o l l e c t i o n of emaciated horses. The whole provided a f r i g h t e n i n g experience f o r onlookers, which was s t i l l the object of conversation years l a t e r . In many of P i e r o ' s works V a s a r i f i n d s outstanding beauty. Of the Perseus, "Piero never made a more l o v e l y or more h i g h l y f i n i s h e d 95 p i c t u r e than t h i s one." V a s a r i himself i s the proud owner of the ( B e r l i n ) Venus and Mars, one of the l a r g e s t a l l e g o r i c a l works. Today we may be i n c l i n e d to see the l a t t e r as a p a s t i c h e on the London B o t t i c e l l i , one knock-kneed w i t h an element of humour, the other s v e l t e and b e a u t i f u l . Beauty too might not be the f i r s t word we would use to des c r i b e the Perseus and Andromeda, w i t h i t s green s u r f , hideous -26-red-eared monster and f a n c i f u l o r i e n t a l r e t i n u e . 96 P i e r o ' s s k i l l i n o i l media i s i s o l a t e d f o r p a r t i c u l a r p r a i s e . According to V a s a r i , P i e r o was moved to adopt o i l because of admiration f o r c e r t a i n works by Leonardo which, were s t i l l i n Florence. Leonardo l e f t Florence f o r M i l a n i n 1481 or 1482 and Pi e r o returned from Rome i n 1482 but a l l of h i s works are i n tempera u n t i l about 1490, a f t e r 97 which they are without exception i n o i l . Now that we are aware of the e a r l y date (c. 1489-90) f o r the Santo S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n , we see V a s a r i c i t i n g the r e a l i s t i c d e t a i l s i n t h i s work to i l l u s t r a t e how q u i c k l y P i e r o mastered the new medium, r a t h e r than the common assumption that he i s saying these are the most n a t u r a l i s t i c passages i n a l l of P i e r o ' s work. For a l l h i s s i n c e r i t y V a s a r i ' s p i c t u r e of P i e r o d i Cosimo's accom-plishment i s uneven, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of P i e r o ' s a l t a r p i e c e s . Of these there were a t l e a s t f i v e outstanding examples painted p r i o r to the d e c l i n e of the a r t i s t ' s power i n h i s l a t e years. None i s signed but an undisputed t r a d i t i o n connects each to P i e r o . At l e a s t three of these p r i n c i p a l works c o n t a i n remarkable iconographic innovations and i t i s t h i s as much as the outstanding q u a l i t y of t h e i r execution which has never r e c e i v e d due a t t e n t i o n i n the a r t h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . V a s a r i d i d not focus on the q u a l i t i e s of iconographic i n n o v a t i o n which we may now be i n c l i n e d to f i n d p a r t i c u l a r l y impressive. The V i s i t a t i o n i s viewed as a showpiece of p a i n t i n g s k i l l i n P i e r o ' s e a r l y m a t u r i t y . The Innoc e n t i p a l a i s the object of an anecdote designed to i l l u s t r a t e a q u i r k of the a r t i s t ' s treatment of the patron. There i s no -27-mention of e i t h e r the remarkable e x - B e r l i n Adoration Of the Shepherds (destroyed 1945) or the P u g l i e s e Madonna and S a i n t s i n S a i n t L o u i s . V a s a r i p r a i s e s the S e r v i t e Immaculate Conception and i t s ( l o s t ) p r e d e l l a panels i n terms of t h e i r beauty and s k i l l . His only mention of unusual iconography i n these f i v e works i s of the s t r a n g e l y t r o p i c a l landscape i n the Immaculata: "un paese b i z z a r o e per g l i a l b e r i s t r a n i e per alcune g r o t t e " ("a landscape that i s very b i z a r r e , what w i t h the strange t r e e s 99 and c e r t a i n g r o t t o e s " ) . Two of these works are indeed very conservative i n composition, f o r reasons which may owe more to the patron than the a r t i s t , y e t any of the other three can amply demonstrate the imagination at P i e r o ' s command. None of these Is dated, i n f a c t , none of P i e r o ' s p a i n t i n g s are signed, dated or documented p r i o r to V a s a r i ' s 'Vite."*"^" In s p i t e of t h i s , and 102 the a r t i s t ' s use of d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s f o r d i f f e r e n t kinds of works, the 103 o u t l i n e s of a c h r o n o l o g i c a l concensus have emerged i n recent years. In c e r t a i n ways, P i e r o ' s major a l t a r p i e c e s may be dated w i t h more assurance than the m y t h o l o g i c a l works, whose s t y l e has not been shown to change as g r e a t l y over time. The f i v e major a l t a r p i e c e s now known a r e : the Saint Louis Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , the Washington V i s i t a t i o n from S. S p i r i t o , the Spedale d e g l i Innocent! Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , the destroyed Adoration of the Shepherds formerly at B e r l i n , and the l a r g e Immaculate Conception from SS. Annunziata now i n the 104 U f f i z i . The P i e r o who emerges from the a l t a r p i e c e s f i t s w e l l along-s i d e Fra Bartolommeo and Mariotto A l b e r t i n e l l i i n the R o s s e l l i shop, and leads more c l e a r l y to h i s own p u p i l Andrea d e l Sarto and Andrea's p u p i l , -28-the young Pontormo. L i k e W h i s t l e r , the sheer seriousness of a great d e a l of P i e r o ' s a r t has been l o s t behind the high p r o f i l e of h i s per-sonal i d i o s y n c r a s i e s . The extent to which P i e r o d i Cosimo's e c c e n t r i c i t i e s o f f e r a c o n t r a s t to our p i c t u r e of most Quattrocento or Cinquecento a r t i s t s has proven too tempting f o r most authors s i n c e V a s a r i to r e s i s t . P i e r o i s a p a i n t e r of the b i z a r r e to F l l i b i e n (1666), B a l d i n u c c i (1681-1728), and O r l a n d i (1704).""^"' The f i r s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n of P i e r o ' s formal q u a l i t i e s emerges i n L a n z i (1789) and Seroux d'Agincourt (1811-23). Nineteenth century poets and n o v e l i s t s found i n P i e r o a type of the possessed a r t i s t (W.H. Wackenroder i n 1789, George E l i o t i n Romola 1863, G a b r i e l e d'Annunzio i n I I p i a c e r e 1889) even though P i e r o d i d not p r o j e c t these aspects of h i s character i n the way t h a t , f o r i n s t a n c e , S a l v a t o r Rosa honestly d i d . New and a l t e r e d a t t r i b u t i o n s flowed from the connoisseurship of the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century: G. F r i z z b n i i n a r t i c l e s of 1870 and 1879 was p a r t i c u l a r l y acute on P i e r o , and there were c o n t r i b u t i o n s by M o r e l l i , von Bode, Berenson, and Crowe and C a v a l c a s e l l e . The f i r s t books on P i e r o came from Hermann Ulmann i n 1896, F r i t z Knapp i n 1899 and Hugo Haberfeld i n 1 9 0 0 . 1 0 6 In the 1930's c e r t a i n authors (A. Breton, G. Pudelko) declared P i e r o the f i r s t s u r r e a l i s t a r t i s t . ' ^ ' ' Modern c r i t i c i s m has continued to concentrate on the m y t h o l o g i c a l s i d e of the oeuvre, sometimes b r i n g i n g ingenious i n s i g h t and reasoning to bear (Panofsky on the e a r l y h i s t o r y of man c y c l e i n 1937). -29-The modern c r i t i c s who take a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n a l l of P i e r o ! s work are Paola M o r s e l l i , Federico Z e r i , L u i g i G r a s s i , and p a r t i c u l a r l y 108 Mina B a c c i w i t h her two books i n 1966 and 1976. M o r s e l l i c o n t r i -buted an o u t l i n e catalogue raisonne i n 1958. Z e r i o f f e r s widely d i f f e r i n g d a t i n g from the general consensus that has been slowly developing, and G r a s s i i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n t r a c i n g s t y l i s t i c i n f l u e n c e s 109 r e c e i v e d by P i e r o . The most comprehensive and r e l i a b l e accounts are c e r t a i n l y B a c c i ' s . Her approach i s balanced and does not put s p e c i a l emphasis on r e l i g i o u s iconography. In f a c t the d i s c u s s i o n to date of the iconography of the V i s i t a t i o n , Adoration of the Shepherds and Immaculata leaves room f o r c o n s i d e r a b l e f u r t h e r e x p l i c a t i o n . -30-The S. S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n P i e r o d i Cosimo's s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to r e l i g i o u s iconography i s revealed by a d e t a i l e d examination of the a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n , one of the f i r s t f u l l y independent l a r g e - s c a l e p a i n t i n g s to be devoted to the subject of the V i s i t a t i o n i n any country, i f not the very f i T s t . ^ " This and other works of the same theme i n Florence, end a delay of over a decade from the time of the second b u l l promulgating the Feast of the V i s i t a t i o n as a u n i v e r s a l observance. 112 The V i s i t a t i o n i n Washington (fig.27) was painted as the a l t a r p i e c e 113 f o r the chapel endowed by Gino d i N e r i Capponi (1423-1487), the N 114 Cappella San N i c c o l o i n Santo S p i r i t o , Florence. Gino Capponi, one of Florence's r i c h e s t men, came from a c l o t h manufacturing f a m i l y which he had s u c c e s s f u l l y r e d i r e c t e d i n t o an emphasis on b a n k i n g . T h e Capponi were strong Guelph a l l i e s of the M e d i c i and a l e a d i n g f a m i l y of the Santo S p i r i t o q u a r t e r , south of the Amo R i v e r . Gino purchased the chapel i n 1 4 5 9 ^ ^ but numerous delays h e l d up 117 c o n s t r u c t i o n of the church. In 1481 he paid f o r the p l a i n g l a s s 118 window. He claims i n h i s w i l l of 1485 to have spent 500 f l o r i n s 119 on the chapel during h i s l i f e t i m e . Two other dates are known from documents r e f e r r i n g to the chapel or p a i n t i n g . In 1488, the year a f t e r Gino's death, h i s grandson N i c c o l o d i P i e r o Capponi, was given permission to break the w a l l of the chapel. This was i n order to i n s t a l l the bronze g r i l l through 120 which the tomb of Gino's own f a t h e r , N e r i Capponi, i s s t i l l v i s i b l e . Then i n 1489 a payment f o r the carved frame of P i e r o d i Cosimo's p a i n t i n g i s recorded i n an account book which had once belonged to Gino Capponi. """"" The tomb of N e r i Capponi (d.1457) had probably been carved "soon 122 a f t e r h i s death" by Antonio R o s s e l l i n o . The date of i t s presumed removal from the o l d t o the new church of S. S p i r i t o i s an open question, i n which the document d a t i n g the g r i l l i s the only c e r t a i n t y . Inasmuch as P i e r o d i Cosimo's p a i n t i n g i s undated, t h i s a c t i v i t y may be a c l u e that the f a m i l y was b r i n g i n g the d e c o r a t i o n of the chapel to completion at t h i s time. The other document, d a t i n g the payment f o r the frame to 13 October 123 1489 has g e n e r a l l y been taken to mean that the p a i n t i n g i t s e l f would 124 have immediately followed t h i s date. That i s i f the customary f i f t e e n t h century p r a c t i c e of commissioning the frame before the p a i n t i n g 125 was f o l l o w e d . A date of c. 1489-90, long suspected, i s thus the most l i k e l y date f o r P i e r o ' s V i s i t a t i o n . The Capponi a l t a r p i e c e presents a l a r g e and almost square format (184 by 189 c e n t i m e t r e s ) . Figures of Mary and E l i z a b e t h stand to e i t h e r s i d e of the centre of the p i c t u r e , w i t h t h e i r r i g h t hands solemnly j o i n e d i n the gesture that i s the focus of t h i s t h e s i s . Mary i s r i c h l y dressed i n a blue mantle and red gown which are both trimmed w i t h h o l d . A transparent v e i l e n c i r c l e s her head and f a l l s onto her shoulder. E l i z a b e t h i s dressed i n a coarse brown dress and f r o c k , w i t h a p l a i n white l i n e n k e r c h i e f over her head and knotted i n f r o n t of her. E l i z a b e t h ' 126 l e f t hand i s r a i s e d i n a gesture of r e c o g n i t i o n . Mary's l e f t hand r e s t on E l i z a b e t h ' s shoulder to comfort and reassure her. The women gaze deeply i n t o each other's eyes. E l i z a b e t h ' s neck and body bend i n the s u b t l e -32-suggestion of a bow. They stand on a smooth rose-coloured surface w i t h shadows f a l l i n g to the r i g h t . In the foreground and a c t i n g as an i n t r o d u c t o r y zone to the f i g u r e s of the c e n t r a l scene are the l a r g e seated f i g u r e s of S a i n t s Nicholas and Anthony. Each i s seated i n a low p o s i t i o n , angled toward the c e n t r e . With lowered eyes Anthony concentrates on a l e t t e r which he i s w r i t i n g and Nicholas reads from the Wisdom of Solomon, open to verse 1:1-6. Nicholas i s bare-headed and wears a c l o s e - f i t t i n g a l b over which i s a cloak, red on one s i d e and y e l l o w underneath. This i s trimmed w i t h gold and fastened w i t h a l a r g e gold morse. Two s h i n i n g golden b a l l s are on the step which separates the s a i n t s from E l i z a b e t h and Mary, and another i s on the smooth f l o o r of the foreground zone. Anthony i s a l s o bare-headed and h i s s i l v e r y h a i r i s somewhat t h i n n e r and more unkept. His beard i s longer and a p a i r of s p e c t a c l e s appear on h i s nose. He i s w r i t i n g a l e t t e r u s i n g the back of a book f o r support. Another parchment-bound book s i t s on the low step beside him along w i t h h i s foreshortened cane which leads the eye i n that d i r e c t i o n . Anthony's p i g roams i n the middle d i s t a n c e and h i s b e l l i s a t h i s f e e t . H is costume combines a rough b l a c k cassock w i t h a dark cope trimmed w i t h gold and l i n e d w i t h red. S a i n t s are embroidered on the orphrey of the cope. A v i o l e t flower w i t h f i v e blooms and two white buds appears d i r e c t l y 127 i n the centre of the foreground: a columbine. The smooth foreground zone continues behind the s a i n t s i n v e r t i c a l s t r i p s of brown which run the height of the p a i n t i n g at e i t h e r s i d e . Beyond the c l e a r l y demarked holy ground of the f i r s t two zones l i e s - 3 3 -a n a t u r a l i s t i c outdoor s e t t i n g d i v i d e d i n t o halves corresponding to Mary and to E l i z a b e t h . On Mary's s i d e four b u i l d i n g s stand i n shadow. The ho l y f a m i l y and the shepherds adore the C h r i s t c h i l d on a stone p l a t f o r m i n f r o n t i s o f the b u i l d i n g s . A l a r g e t r e e covered i n green leaves r i s e s beside the scene and i n the background the Magi journey down a mountainside toward the c h i l d . On the si d e corresponding to E l i z a b e t h the same four b u i l d i n g s appear 128 w i t h very s l i g h t a l t e r a t i o n s . Seven heads appear-in v a r i o u s windows from which d r a p e r i e s a l s o hang. The f i g u r e s look down i n t e n t l y and one al s o p o i n t s to the Massacre of the Innocents, the slaughter of two year o l d boys i n Bethlehem. Two t a l l t r e e s w i t h withered leaves r i s e beside the houses. In the d i s t a n c e there i s a v i l l a g e and a s e r i e s of h i l l s beyond. An Annunciation scene i s painted on the w a l l of a b a s i l i c a c l o s e to the scene of slau g h t e r . The sky i s blue overhead, c l e a r to the l e f t and cloudy to the r i g h t . A sea l i e s i n the centre d i r e c t l y between the two women. The b u i l d i n g s of the v i l l a g e may extend a l l the way across the p i c t u r e i n the near d i s t a n c e , although Mary and E l i z a b e t h b lock the view. A wasteland of d i r t and rock separates the l a r g e f i g u r e s of the two foreground zones from the small f i g u r e s of the middle d i s t a n c e . A s t r i p of grass runs along the f r o n t edge of t h i s y e l l o w patch of ground. To the l e f t , between Nicholas and Mary i t i s green. Between Mary and E l i z a b e t h i t i s pa l e brown. Between E l i z a b e t h and Anthony i t i s yellowed and worn away. The s t y l e of t h i s work has strong s i m i l a r i t i e s w i t h the P u g l i e s e 129 panels i n S t . Louis and the Spedale d e g l i I n n o c e n t i . I t d i f f e r s -34-p r i n c i p a l l y i n i t s greater r e l i a n c e on northern models, and i n i t s complex composition, which f u l f i l l s more d e t a i l e d iconographic purposes. S p e c i f i c 130 m o t i f s are taken from h i s o l d e r contemporaries, G h i r l a n d a i o , and 131 F i l i p p i n o L i p p i , however i t i s the impact of northern i n f l u e n c e s which c o n t r i b u t e to the work's s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r . Foremost of these 132 i n f l u e n c e s was the P o r t i h a r i A l t a r p i e c e by Hugo van der Goes which 133 had a r r i v e d i n Florence i n the s p r i n g of 1483 and stood on the high 134 a l t a r of the P o r t i n a r i h o s p i t a l church of Sant'Egidio. P i e r o ' s mastery of an o i l medium i n h i s f i r s t attempt i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident 135 i n the foreground f i g u r e s which owe most to Hugo's example. P i e r o ' s a f f i n i t y f o r the n o r t h , expressed i n iconographic as w e l l 13 6 as formal borrowings, has long been recognized, and represents an 137 outlook i n search of i n n o v a t i v e e f f e c t s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of P i e r o d i Cosimo's work as a l a r g e V i s i t a t i o n a l t a r p i e c e of about 1490 has not been f u l l y a ppreciated. Northern 138 i n i t i a t i v e s i n favour of the theme as an instrument of church u n i t y had yet to cause a new t r a d i t i o n of independent works, even though the a u t h o r i t y of t h i s message had been s t r o n g l y augmented i n 1475 by the 139 new b u l l . Neither the d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the church nor the T u r k i s h t h r e a t to the west had l e d to the promotion of the theme to an independent st a t u s i n v i s u a l a r t . The emergence of independent a l t a r p i e c e s i n the e a r l y 1490's i n Florence i s not a c c i d e n t a l . The v e n e r a t i o n of John the B a p t i s t as the major patron s a i n t of the c i t y had already l e d to the prominent 140 use of the theme i n s e r i e s i l l u s t r a t i n g the " L i f e of the B a p t i s t ; " t h i s F l o r e n t i n e p r e d i s p o s i t i o n toward subjects honouring the B a p t i s t i s -35-w e l l known, and i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the new t r a d i t i o n begins here. The proud bearing of E l i z a b e t h i n e a r l i e r F l o r e n t i n e V i s i t a t i o n s i s a s i g n of the s p e c i a l v e n e r a t i o n f o r John. Therefore i t was a smaller step to take i n Florence than elsewhere to see the p o t e n t i a l of the V i s i t a t i o n as an autonomous theme. F l o r e n t i n e f a m i l i e s i n the p u b l i c eye a l s o knew the value of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h r e l i g i o u s themes which the people found favour i n , as Tr e x l e r has shown i n the case of the M e d i c i 141 a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the company of the Magi. The Tornabuoni f r e s c o i n Santa Maria N o v e l l a , g i v i n g a prominent pl a c e to the V i s i t a t i o n i n a sequence of the " L i f e of the B a p t i s t , " was followed i n 1491 by Domenico G h i r l a n d a i o 1 s l a r g e a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n f o r Lorenzo Tornabuoni's p r i v a t e chapel i n Santa Maria 142 Maddalena d i C e s t e l l o ( f i g . 2 8 ) , which i s now i n the Louvre. Gapponi and Tornabuoni i n t e r e s t i n the new theme suggests a M e d i c i connection, however no e a r l y commission f o r an autonomous a l t a r p i e c e 143 i s known. Instead i t i s known that Lorenzo de'Medici endowed pro-perty to the opera of San Giovanni and to the Calimala g u i l d i n memory of h i s mother, L u c r e z i a Tornabuoni, soon a f t e r her death on 25 March 144 1482. An o f f i c e was to be held on the f i r s t Wednesday a f t e r the N a t i v i t y of Mary (September 8) and a f e a s t was to be c e l e b r a t e d on the day of the V i s i t a t i o n ( J u l y 2 ) . The Capponi and Tornabuoni were strong Guelph supporters of the M e d i c i through s e v e r a l generations. Bonds of common i n t e r e s t as the banking e l i t e of the c i t y were f u r t h e r forged by i n t e r m a r r i a g e , and P i e r o Capponi was a c l o s e f r i e n d of Lorenzo de'Medici. Their grand-f a t h e r s had f o r many years e x e r c i s e d a form of j o i n t c o n t r o l i n -36-the city. From 1434 to 1453 Cosimo de'Medici and Neri Capponi as the "two chiefs of the Republic" worked together to assemble the Parliament on six occasions to make a balia for the purpose of exiling their rivals 145 and nominating their own supporters to electoral positions. The family friendship is reflected in Neri Capponi1s role as one of two proctors for the large group of past and present elected officials who acted as godfathers at the elaborate baptism of Piero de'Medici's son, Lorenzo, on 6 January 1449. The Tornabuoni, a more ancient family than the Medici, having descended from feudal nobility, were in some ways more closely linked. They were unwavering in their support at the time of the Pazzi crisis in 1478, and one of their most memorable members was the woman who inculcated in Lorenzo de'Medici his special respect for the doctrines of the church, his mother, Lucrezia Tornabuoni. The pope during this period, Innocent VIII, had also become an ally of Lorenzo de'Medici, who was bent on correcting the error of 147 having antagonized the previous pope. The period from the marital alliance with the papacy to the death of both Lorenzo and Innocent, 1488 to 1492, is in fact the period of the first large altar paintings of the Visitation in Florence. Piero di Cosimo's Visitation may have its own papal component. The pointed division between a regal and a humble side may draw on the decree of 1441 where David is identified as the founder of the line of 148 Mary, and Aaron of that of Elizabeth. The decree speaks of the duality of king and priest, and the superiority of the first over the second. 149 Christ is the new king, while John is the last of the Jewish priests -37-and prophets. Aaron had been used as'a type of the pope, i n the frescoes painted f o r Innocent's predecessor, S i x t u s IV, i n the S i s t i n e Chapel. He wears the t i a r a i n R o s s e l l i ' s segment of the Worshipping of the Golden  C a l f and i n B o t t i c e l l i ' s Punishment of Corah and the Sons of Aaron."*"~*^ I f P i e r o ' s E l i z a b e t h i s Aaron, and Aaron i s the pope,"''"'"'' then the bond af f i r m e d w i t h Mary/David i s made w i t h C h r i s t . Thus C h r i s t the supreme r u l e r a f f i r m s the pope as the supreme p r i e s t . I t i s remarkable that none of the e a r l y autonomous V i s i t a t i o n s i s Franciscan, e i t h e r i n the l a t e Quattrocento or e a r l y Cinquecento. I t had been as a f e a s t already observed by h i s former order that S i x t u s IV had promulgated the u n i v e r s a l observance. Yet even the pope himself never commissioned an a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n . Again t h i s p o i n t s to reasons n a t i v e to Florence f o r i t s appearance t h e r e . Personal as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l reasons were prominent i n the choice of the V i s i t a t i o n as a subject f o r i n d i v i d u a l a l t a r p i e c e s . The V i s i t a t i o n 152 was Mary's f i r s t act of i n t e r c e s s i o n , and o f f e r e d a pointed opportunity to emphasize a mortal f i g u r e i n d i r e c t contact w i t h the mercy of the d i v i n e . These personal aspects r e l a t i n g to s a l v a t i o n and the redemption of s i n now became the focus of i n d i v i d u a l appeals, and the theme began 153 to make an impact as a devotion f o r the dying. The f e a s t endowed byLorenzo de'Medici was intended to d i r e c t l y a i d i n the s a l v a t i o n of h i s mother's s o u l . The a l t a r p i e c e s f o r Gino Capponi and Lorenzo Tornabuoni were r e a l i z e d f o r s i m i l a r purposes. In other cases the context i s l o s t and there are no documents to e x p l a i n how a 154 V i i t a i o n was intended o f u n c t i o n . -38-The foreground zone of P i e r o ' s p a i n t i n g i s another device w i t h personal meaning. This 'frame' through which the women subjects are seen, i s intended to act as a t r a n s i t i o n zone where symbols of donor and viewer prepare us f o r the events b e y o n d . N i c h o l a s and Anthony s i t i n a b o x - l i k e f o r e c o u r t w i t h only a few personal a r t i c l e s on the step to create a l i n k w i t h the h o l i e r zone behind them.''""^ St. Nicholas i s the patron s a i n t of the Capponi f a m i l y . The p a i n t i n g presents him as the holy r u l e r , c o n t r a s t i n g w i t h Anthony as mendicant preacher, echoing the r u l e r - p r i e s t c o n t r a s t between the unborn C h r i s t 157 and John. Nicholas reads a passage from King Solomon (Wisdom 1:1,4,5) 158 i n p r a i s e of the j u s t r u l e r , w h i l e the golden b a l l s and r i c h garments r e c a l l h i s noble B.irth"'""^ r a t h e r than h i s h i s t o r i c a l r o l e as bishop. The personal a t t e n t i o n given to the f a m i l y chapel by Gino's grandson, N i c c o l o d i P i e r o Capponi, may suggest another reason f o r the use of the St . Nicholas f i g u r e . N i c c o l o l a t e r assumed a l e a d i n g p o l i t i c a l r o l e i n Florence, when he became head of t h i s branch of the f a m i l y . In so doing he not only repeated a p a t t e r n set by h i s f a t h e r and great grandfather, but a l i g n e d himself w i t h the popular r e v i v a l of aspects of Savonarola's s p i r i t . The p o s s i b l e p a r a l l e l s between the o r i g i n a l message of Savonarola and elements i n P i e r o d i Cosimo's p a i n t i n g which w i l l be examined s h o r t l y , may stem from the personal requirements of a patron whose namesake St. Nicholas i s . ^ " ^ St. Anthony may represent the monks of S. S p i r i t o , to whom the Augu-s t i n i a n s held a p a r t i c u l a r reverence, the f i r s t hermit having i n s p i r e d Augustine's conversion. Anthony's f u n c t i o n as p r i e s t i s emphasized by h i s cope, although t h i s creates an h i s t o r i c a l anachronism s i n c e he was -39-an abbot, not a bishop. C l e r i c a l too are the references to him as the 162 163 "doctor h u m i l i t a t i s " i n h i s w r i t i n g , books and s p e c t a c l e s . The columbine i n t h i s zone r e f e r s to the Seven Sorrows of the V i r g i n and i s the "closest object to the viewer: an i n v i t a t i o n to reach out and 164 accept C h r i s t ' s P a s s ion. The p a r t i c u l a r format of the V i s i t a t i o n theme i n P i e r o d i Cosimo's a l t a r chooses a form r a r e i n I t a l y : the handclasp V i s i t a t i o n . This V i s i t a t i o n type, which had appeared e a r l i e r i n Germany, inc o r p o r a t e s a gesture w i t h a continuous h i s t o r y from a n t i q u i t y through the middle 165 ages. 166 The gesture has p a r t i c u l a r meaning as a c o n t r a c t gesture. The gesture expresses mutual consent and a f f i r m a t i o n through the use of the r i g h t hand i n i t s f u n c t i o n as the c o r p o r a l agent of the expression of t r u t h . The g r i p , or i n some r i t e s , the touch of the p a l m s , i n d i c a t e s the s e a l i n g or b i n d i n g of the o b l i g a t i o n to uphold the undertaken com-mitment. The o f f e r and acceptance i n a c o n t r a c t or pledge are t r a n s -formed i n t o a bond of mutual t r u s t . P a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r i t s use i n the V i s i t a t i o n i s i t s f u n c t i o n as a c o n t r a c t gesture that creates e q u a l i t y between unequal p a r t n e r s . A handclasp by i t s nature r e q u i r e s the equal p a r t i c i p a t i o n of both partners. When partners who are not equal consent to c l a s p hands, t h e i r i n e q u a l i t y ceases. This momentary c r e a t i o n , of e q u a l i t y demonstrates the fundamental 168 d o c t r i n a l aspect of the V i s i t a t i o n , the greater coming to the l e s s e r . In the P i e r o V i s i t a t i o n the d i v i n e and the mortal meet and become equals i n a shared bond. -40-S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the gesture f i r s t enters I t a l i a n n a r r a t i v e a r t i n 169 Florence i n a John the B a p t i s t panel ( f i g . 32). I t i s used i n the Meeting of C h r i s t and John i n the Desert i n the same way as i n the P i e r o , the handclasp e l i m i n a t i n g the inherent s u p e r i o r i t y of the d i v i n e f i g u r e on the more e x a l t e d s i d e of the painting.^® I t has a b r i e f h i s t o r y i n I t a l y i n V i s i t a t i o n s p r i o r to P i e r o , and appears now on a l a r g e s c a l e , o . 171 m the Capponi a l t a r . Mary and E l i z a b e t h meet and c l a s p hands i n a bond which marks the 172 commencement of the messianic e r a . A new union i s forged between god and man, estranged s i n c e the F a l l . The a r t i s t uses the metaphor of r e -b i r t h to amplify the message. In the background the r e b i r t h of the Church and the r e b i r t h of the c i t y are demonstrated i n p a i r e d elements. The massive outcrop of rock r i s i n g on C h r i s t ' s s i d e i s the Rock of 173 the Church (Matthew 16:18). I t c o n t r a s t s w i t h a round church on John's s i d e which i s surmounted by a s p i r e c a r r i e d on a hexagonal second s t o r y : the Temple. In the par t of the c i t y that stands l i k e a stage set at e i t h e r s i d e , the same c i t y i s reborn, as the n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l b u i l d i n g s look down on the N a t i v i t y and the Massacre of the Innocents. The Innocents 174 are the f i r s t martyrs f o r C h r i s t . Their death confers baptismal i n -175 nocence on the two year o l d s , p u r i f y i n g them of o r i g i n a l s i n . The N a t i v i t y a l s o "took place to enable men to o b t a i n pardon f o r t h e i r s i n s . " ^ ^ ^ I t s purpose was to p u r i f y man's impure b i r t h , c o r r e c t man's corrupt l i f e , and destroy man's p e r i l of death, i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given by the Golden L e g e n d . P i e r o ' s background v i s u a l i z e s many aspects of Voragine's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Animate o b j e c t s such as the t r e e s -41-are seen to bloom. One c l a s s above the t r e e s , the animals attend to C h r i s t i n the form of the ox and ass. Above the animals are men, who come 178 to worship the c h i l d i n the form of the shepherds, each c a r r y i n g a lamb. Voragine can a l s o e x p l a i n what at f i r s t appears to be an anomaly i n the appearance of the houses which overlook the two scenes. He explained that the Jews ignored the coming of C h r i s t and that the G e n t i l e s heeded 179 the message. We see the houses above the N a t i v i t y deserted and i n darkness. Above the Massacre heads peer out, banners are arrayed, and the l i g h t of god shines. The l i g h t streaming i n low and from the l e f t 180 emanates from the exact area of the h i g h ' a l t a r . This c l e a n s i n g and b l e s s i n g l i g h t f l o o d s a l l of the mortal and c o r r u p t i b l e elements on the r i g h t s i d e of the image: E l i z a b e t h , Anthony, the Innocents, and what may be the donor's house. The houses themselves may be based on the Palazzo Capponi i n the V i a 181 de' B a r d i . There are only two p r i n c i p l e d i f f e r e n c e s between the e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g and the r e f l e c t e d p a i r that are c l o s e s t to the viewer i n the P i e r o . The lower s t o r y of the a c t u a l b u i l d i n g i s r u s t i c a t e d , and the painted b u i l d i n g s terminate i n stepped gables which are Flemish 182 i n i n s p i r a t i o n , and, as such, almost c e r t a i n l y a fantasy of the a r t i s t . The i n c l u s i o n of the donor's d w e l l i n g i s found i n other r e l a t e d 184 p a i n t i n g s . These other works i n c l u d e p o r t r a i t l i k e n e s s e s of the donors or members of the donors' f a m i l i e s . The d i f f e r e n t banners i n f r o n t of each of the s i x men l o o k i n g out of the f i r s t palazzo on the r i g h t i n d i c a t e t h a t i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s are Intended, whether of the c i t y p r i o r s , or i n l i g h t of t h e i r ages and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the -42-„. J t 185 house, Gino Capponi s sons. The column of mothers, babies and s o l d i e r s i s s u e from the gap between b u i l d i n g s on the r i g h t . Several weeping women c l u t c h i n g t h e i r babies, s p i l l out of the doorway of Gino's house, i n t e n s i f y i n g the donor's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the martyrs. A lamb runs down the ramp at the f r o n t of the pl a t f o r m r e c a l l i n g the a l l u s i o n to lambs i n both 186 the N a t i v i t y and Massacre of the Innocents. The grass and f o l i a g e c o n t r i b u t e to the c o n t r a s t of c i t i e s . A l u x u r i a n t t r e e w i t h dark green leaves stands beside the N a t i v i t y . A p a i r of t a l l t r e e s w i t h o n l y a few r u s t y leaves r i s e s beside the Massacre. The grass behind E l i z a b e t h and Mary v a r i e s between green on the l e f t , burnt brown i n the middle and completely worn away on the r i g h t . These m o d i f i c a t i o n s do not f u n c t i o n as signs of the seasons nor 187 as simple touches of r e a l i s m . The Massacre took place on December 188 28, two years a f t e r the N a t i v i t y (December 25), i n the same season. Water and drought act as another form of renewal. As w e l l as the withered t r e e on John's s i d e the ground between the two stone platforms i s a scorched wasteland. The means of redemption which John w i l l o f f e r w i l l be the water of baptism. The sea which l i e s on the ho r i z o n between the two women r e f e r s to Mary though. The f i n e l i n e s of a s t a r on her r i g h t shoulder are a t r a d i t i o n a l mark of Mary as the "Star of the Sea 189 and Port of Our S a l v a t i o n . " The small Annunciation painted on a v i l l a g e church i n the di s t a n c e on the r i g h t has never been r e l a t e d to the imagery of the r e s t of the p a i n t i n g . In f a c t , i t s p o s i t i o n i s p r o b l e m a t i c a l , s i n c e P i e r o ' s back-grounds i n other cases are set i n c h r o n o l o g i c a l order from events i n the d i s t a n t l e f t , to ones i n the d i s t a n t r i g h t . T h e y would be i n t h i s p a i n t i n g except f o r t h i s scene: Journey of the Magi, Adoration of the C h i l d , Massacre of the Innocents, and t h i s scene. I t a l s o appears to c o n t r a d i c t the elaborate d i v i s i o n between the joyous and the chastening on e i t h e r s i d e of the work. Looking more c l o s e l y , i t appears that t h i s scene may not be an Annunciation of C h r i s t at a l l , but an Annunciation of the Death of the V i r g i n . I t conforms to the p r e s c r i p t i o n provided by the Golden Legend 191 under the entry f o r the "Assumption of Mary." In t h i s , the e l d e r l y Mary, aged s i x t y - f i v e , i s confronted by a r a d i a n t angel who greets her and o f f e r s her "a branch of the palm of P a r a d i s e ! " saying "This thou. must cause to be c a r r i e d before thy b i e r ; f o r three days hence thou s h a l t be c a l l e d f o r t h from the body, because thy son awaits thee, H i s 192 venerable mother!" In the p a i n t i n g , the angel, dressed i n glowing pink, r a i s e s h i s r i g h t hand i n a h a i l i n g gesture and holds a l a r g e frond before him i n h i s l e f t . Mary i s dressed i n bla c k , although t h i s may be the r e s u l t of time darkening a deep shade of blue;. She kneels on both knees, bows her head, and crosses her w r i s t s i n a gesture of submission. This part of the p a i n t i n g i s q u i t e small but the bulk of her form and the way i n which her mantle covers her head suggests the matron, not the teenage g i r l , as seen i n the foreground. The Annunciation of the Death of the V i r g i n i s not an e n t i r e l y unhappy event, yet the sense of l o s s f e l t by the apo s t l e s i s noted i n Voragine and the scene i s not a joyous one, as i s the Annunciation of C h r i s t . -44-Anthony's p i g i s placed i n the background wasteland r a t h e r than c l o s e to h i s s i d e . As the symbol of l i f e ' s coarseness and u n c l e a n l i n e s s which h i s example overcame, i t i s p o s i t i o n e d to comment on i t s surround-i n g s . The Massacre of the Innocents shares w i t h John i n the V i s i t a t i o n the theme of redemption from s i n a f f o r d e d by the coming of C h r i s t . The 193 N a t i v i t y shares w i t h Mary i n the V i s i t a t i o n the theme of god's h u m i l i t y i n coming to man. The ideas of the renovatio e c c l e s i a e and r e b i r t h of the temporal c i t y are not e x c l u s i v e to a s i n g l e source. One of these i s the b u l l of 1475 which c a l l s on the V i r g i n to heed prayers to the V i s i t a t i o n and 194 i n t e r c e d e to renew the Church ( " E c c l e s i a m . . . i n s t a u r a v i t " ) , which god 195 himself had destroyed. Another may be Fra Girolamo Savonarola, who, upon r e c a l l to Florence i n 1490 by Lorenzo de'Medici, proceeded to expound on h i s prophecy that "God, through a new union, would renew His 196 Church." The s p i r i t u a l renewal of the c i t y of Florence was to become 197 a prime focus of Savonarola's program although i t s pointed presence i n P i e r o ' s p a i n t i n g may be evidence of a common source. I t i s known th a t the Capponi supported Savonarola from the time of 198 the French i n v a s i o n of 1494, however t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to that 199 date has not been c l a r i f i e d . P i e r o Capponi p r a i s e d the e f f e c t s Savonarola's preaching had had on the c i t y and "advised h i s colleagues to do everything they could to see that he continued to preach". P i e r o ' s son N i c c o l o Capponi was unquestionably committed to the f r a t e , as he demonstrated when a new r e p u b l i c was declared i n 1527 and he was 201 e l e c t e  i t  f i r s t Gonfalonier d i G i u s t i z i a . In speeches a c t s he -45-c o n s c i o u s l y r e v i v e d the words and sentiments of the executed prophet. The people whom he governed a l s o i d e n t i f i e d themselves as pi a g n o n i . In other respects N i c c o l o ' s character and p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n show a c l o s e conformity w i t h those of h i s f a t h e r , so that a sense of the new r e l i g i o s i t y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the f r a t e would not be i n a p p r o p r i a t e i n 202 r e l i g i o u s commissions of the 1490's f o r t h i s f a t h e r or son. As much as P i e r o ' s panel suggests Savonarola's emphasis on the reform of a s p e c i f i c a l l y " F l o r e n t i n e Church" which would b a p t i s e the "Turks 203 and I n f i d e l s " and transform Florence i n t o a new Jerusalem, h i s prophecy of the c e n t r a l r o l e of Florence i n the Chiesa renbvata does 204 not date before 1494, as Weinstein demonstrates. The s p i r i t u a l l y renewed c i t y i n the Capponi a l t a r appears t h e r e f o r e to d e r i v e from more t r a d i t i o n a l concepts of repentance and renewal such as are present i n Voragine's account of the N a t i v i t y , updated i n the c l i m a t e of renewal 205 prophecy which was current i n Florence during the 1480's. P i e r o d i Cosimo's a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n i s a s i g n i f i c a n t work i n terms o f - i t s r e l i g i o u s iconography. I t has been p r a i s e d s i n c e V a s a r i p r i m a r i l y f o r the accomplishments of i t s l a t e Quattrocento s t y l e . Yet the a r t i s t has taken a subject without a v i s u a l t r a d i t i o n as an independent theme and created a work which i s both complex and t i g h t l y focused. Use of the V i s i t a t i o n as a subject f o r l a r g e - s c a l e a l t a r p i e c e s o r i g i n a t e s i n Florence i n the e a r l y 1490's, and b u i l d s on the enhanced meaning which the subject already held f o r the c i t y dedicated to the B a p t i s t . Formats used i n subsequent developments f o l l o w t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s , w i t h the notable a d d i t i o n of the type p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n Germany -46 -and now given prominence i n Florence by P i e r o d i Cosimo. The spread and development of t h i s handclasping type stems from P i e r o ' s panel 206 f o r the c a p p e l l a S. N i c c o l o i n S. S p i r i t o . I t s innovations c l e a r l y demonstrate the a b i l i t y of an a r t i s t who should not be considered a pioneer i n the f i e l d of m y t h o l o g i c a l subjects alone. -47-P o s t - P i e r o Use of the Handclasp V i s i t a t i o n P i e r o ' s s t r i k i n g departure i n the manner of p r e s e n t a t i o n of the V i s i t a t i o n must be seen as a t i m e l y attempt to b r i n g out the f u l l meaning of the exegesis through a novel approach. As much as t h i s i n v o l v e s the s p i r i t of the S i s t i n e observance, i t departs from the form which Roman V i s i t a t i o n s were t a k i n g , and p a r t i c u l a r l y the most S i s t i n e of these. The ' S i s t i n e ' type of V i s i t a t i o n however i s a problem. Because of extensive a l t e r a t i o n s to the b u i l d i n g during the seventeenth century, no o r i g i n a l a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n has come down to us from the church of Santa Maria d e l l a Pace i n Rome. The main p a i n t i n g of the V i s i t a t i o n i n the church now i s that of Carlo Maratta (1625-1713), and the o l d e s t t r a c e a b l e one i s the u n f i n i s h e d mural p r o j e c t of Sebastiano d e l Piombo. S i x t u s IV b u i l t the church of Santa Maria d e l l a Pace as a templum pa c i s to honour the V i r g i n , asking f o r her i n t e r c e s s i o n to r e s t o r e 207 "Pacis et Concordiae." H i s personal v o t i v e church, i t was b u i l t a f t e r 208 1478 and completed by 1483. S i x t u s extended the d e d i c a t i o n to i n c l u d e 209 the 'mistero d e l l a V i s i t a z i d n e ' before h i s death i n 1484. The f i r s t 210 high a l t a r had not been erected by the time of h i s death. The Sebastiano d e l Piombo V i s i t a t i o n shares enough i n common w i t h the e a r l y s t y l e of V i s i t a t i o n i n the d e l l a Rovere hometown of Savona to p o s i t a ' S i s t i n e type' although i t appears to be so i n a memorial sense. L i k e the P i e r o d i Cosimo, these works deemphasize the n a t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y of the V i r g i n , shown embracing w i t h her head bowed. The c h o i r mural i n o i l on stone technique by Sebastiano e x i s t s only 211 i n fragmentary form, but i t shares the humble Mary w i t h the a r t i s t ' s -48-212 b e t t e r known Louvre v e r s i o n and the Savona V i s i t a t i o n a t t r i b u t e d 213 to A l b e r t i n o P i a z z a . These show a very humble Mary, w i t h head bowed and eyes lowered, l i g h t l y embracing E l i z a b e t h . Mary i s on the dexter, E l i z a b e t h on the s i n i s t e r s i d e . E l i z a b e t h ' s f i g u r e i s made to appear at l e a s t as prominent as Mary's and even s l i g h t l y l a r g e r i n a l l three works. The r e d u c t i o n of Mary's s u p e r i o r i t y i s another way of e l e v a t i n g E l i z a b e t h to equal s t a t u s , so that man's peace w i t h god i s achieved w i t h d i g n i t y . In the Sebastiano panel v e r s i o n , Mary even places her l e f t hand on her chest i n a n a t u r a l gesture of admonition, to i n s i s t on her own s i n c e r i t y . The dream-like, swaying poses and lowered eyes c a r r y through the works, b r i n g i n g an appropriate but r a r e l y seen quietude to a subject advocating peace. V i s i t a t i o n s w i t h a handclasp or a s e l f - e f f a c i n g , embracing V i r g i n create an equal r e l a t i o n s h i p capable of i l l u s t r a t i n g god's benign o f f e r of peace to man. Those w i t h an abject E l i z a b e t h emphasize the V i s i t a t i o n as an act of mercy and i n t e r c e s s i o n . Any of these three approaches can be taken from the S i s t i n e b u l l , and i t i s probably no coincidence t h a t none of these types i s common i n I t a l y u n t i l a f t e r 1475. These are a l s o the types which account f o r s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of independent p a i n t i n g s of the V i s i t a t i o n . Examples i n sequences, l e s s l i k e l y to be v e h i c l e s of p a r t i c u l a r i z e d meaning, tend to r e t a i n the most conventional format, the simple embrace. Even V i s i t a t i o n s produced f o r papal commissions and by a r t i s t s c l o s e to the papal court d i s p l a y t h i s l a c k of p a r t i c u l a r i z a t i o n when -49-r e a l i z e d as p a r t s of l a r g e r programs. The embrace i s the c o n t i n u i n g 214 normative form. Both of P i n t o r i c c h i o ' s V i s i t a t i o n s use i t : the fr e s c o l u n e t t e among f i v e scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n " f o r C a r d i n a l Domenico d e l l a Rovere i n Santa Maria d e l Popolo of a f t e r 1489; and the f r e s c o i n the Sala d e i S a n t i , one of s i x rooms i n the Va t i c a n 216 palace remodeled as Alexander VI's p r i v a t e apartment i n 1492-95. Both of these works show the women embracing i n such a way that t h e i r f a r t h e r hands l a y upon the other's shoulder, and t h e i r nearer hands 217 meet. A v e r y conventional embrace i s used by Guillaume M a r c i l l a t i n h i s s t a i n e d g l a s s window f o r J u l i u s I I i n the c h o i r of S. Maria d e l Popolo. The handclasp type of V i s i t a t i o n became one of the most common Cinquecento forms but not as a r e s u l t of P i e r o d i Cosimo's d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e . In f a c t P i e r o ' s i n n o v a t i o n remained an i s o l a t e d and pre-cocious step u n t i l the years immediately p r i o r to the t u r n of the century. Nor are s u r v i v i n g l a t e 1490's v e r s i o n s e a s e l p a i n t i n g s or a l l from Florence i t s e l f . I n 1497 Pastura used the handclasp form to f i n i s h the V i s i t a t i o n on the upper w a l l of the c h o i r i n the Duomo at Orvieto ( f i g . 3 3 ) . The conservativeness of the r e s t of the composition, w i t h Joseph and Zacharias, two handmaidens, a combined house/city w a l l on E l i z a b e t h ' s s i d e , and a d i s t a n t view on Mary's, was presumably d i c t a t e d by the e x i s t i n g but incomplete Trecento design which Pastura was req u i r e d i «-• 2 1 9 to complete. A Lucchese f o l l o w e r of Ghirl a n d a i o and F i l i p p i n o known as the 220 Master of the Lathrop Tondo i s considered to have painted the -50-221 massive V i s i t a t i o n i n S. Frediano, Lucca. In t h i s f r e s c o the hand-c l a s p i n g women and a d d i t i o n a l f i g u r e s found i n the Pastura are j o i n e d by Peter and P a u l , so that the work i s presented as the coming of the word to both groups, Jews and g e n t i l e s . I t i s hard to t e l l i f these works resemble P i e r o ' s by accident or design. The shared d i s p o s i t i o n of the women and s i l h o u e t t i n g of the handclasp may represent i d e n t i c a l s o l u t i o n s to an i d e n t i c a l problem. However, as the gesture appears to have come to Tuscan V i s i t a t i o n s d i r e c t l y from the ready-made German prototype, P i e r o ' s i n f l u e n c e on these works i s more l i k e l y than not. The next example of a handclasp V i s i t a t i o n comes from Florence and i s the work of another Cosimo R o s s e l l i student, Fra Bartolommeo. I t i s a c t u a l l y a s e r i e s of s t u d i e s i n i n k on paper, which Borgo a t t r i b u t e s to the Frate i n 1498 or 1499, immediately p r i o r to h i s r e -222 n u n c i a t i o n of p a i n t i n g to j o i n the Dominicans of San Marco. They are j u s t l y considered to form the b a s i s f o r Marlotto A l b e r t i n e l l i ' s monumental p a i n t i n g of the V i s i t a t i o n ( f i g . 3 4 ) , a dated work of 1503 which was to be one of the most i n f l u e n t i a l V i s i t a t i o n s of the p e r i o d . In the drawings, contemporary costumes are abandoned f o r the ge n e r a l i z e d d r a p e r i e s favoured by Bartolommeo. He turns E l i z a b e t h ' s t o r s o to d i r e c t l y face Mary, and i n the drawing (Borgo 161) chosen by A l b e r t i n e l l i as the b a s i s f o r h i s p a i n t i n g , E l i z a b e t h reaches out w i t h her l e f t hand to hold Mary's shoulder. Fra Bartolommeo i s committed to 223 the handclasp throughout the s e r i e s , experimenting mainly w i t h the 224 headcoverings of the women. He a l t e r s the form of Mary's headdress from P i e r o ' s compact v e i l i n an e a r l y drawing (159) to A l b e r t i n e l l i ' s -51-heavy drapery i n a l a t e r one (161). A l b e r t i n e l l i ' s l i f e - s i z e o i l of the V i s i t a t i o n was painted f o r the 225 high a l t a r of the church of the Congregazione d e i P r e t i d i San Martino 226 and i s dated 1503. Mary's imposing f i g u r e stands i n p r o f i l e on our l e f t , swathed i n a robe of pure u l t r a m a r i n e . With her r i g h t hand she c l a s p s E l i z a b e t h ' s near the median of the p i c t u r e . Her l e f t hand i s humbly placed above her heart on her chest. E l i z a b e t h i n p r o f i l e from our r i g h t i s dressed i n b r i l l i a n t orange and green, w i t h a k e r c h i e f of pure white l i n e n . She reaches to Mary's outer shoulder w i t h her l e f t hand i n a p a r t i a l embrace, as her face bends c l o s e to Mary's to exchange a k i s s . They stand on a carpet of buds and grass. The top of the p i c t u r e i s f i l l e d w i t h a g r o i n v a u l t e d p a v i l i o n o u t l i n e d i n p i e t r a serena which enhances the importance of the event. I t provides a frame f o r the 227 f i g u r e s who are s i l h o u e t t e d a gainst the blue sky. Taken from P i e r o are the housewife's l i n e n k e r c h i e f and the way i n which l i g h t from the l e f t f a i l s to completely darken Mary's f a c e . Her own face c a s t s a deep shadow on the o l d but noble face of E l i z a b e t h . P i e r o ' s handclasp i s tr a n s m i t t e d through Fra Bartolommeo's drawing, 228 which i t s e l f provides the d i r e c t c o n f r o n t a t i o n of the f i g u r e s , the hand on Mary's shoulder, the l a c k of haloes, most of E l i z a b e t h ' s and a l l of Mary's costume..; The a r c h i t e c t u r e i s taken from Perugino and r e -presents one of the fundamental c o n t r i b u t i o n s of M a r i o t t o to the High Renaissance s t y l e , demonstrating the p o t e n t i a l f o r blending Perugino's s o b r i e t y and r e l i a n c e on the e s s e n t i a l w i t h t h e ' f i g u r a l dynamism of 229 Leonardo and Fra Bartolommeo. -52-The i n f l u e n c e of A l b e r t i n e l l i 1 s chef-d'oeuvre on F l o r e n t i n e and e x t r a - F l o r e n t i n e a r t derived p r i m a r i l y from the power of i t s new s t y l e . In Borgo's words, "The V i s i t a t i o n i s without doubt the most c o n s i s t e n t example of the new s t y l e i n p a i n t i n g t h a t , w i t h the exception of Leonardo's works, was produced i n Florence during the opening years of 230 the new century." V a s a r i p r a i s e d i t as a work of unusual o r i g i n a l i t y f o r an a r t i s t w i t h so marked a tendency to i m i t a t e Bartolommeo. Modern c r i t i c s have tended to undervalue and malign M a r i o t t o , s e i z i n g upon h i s argumentative p e r s o n a l i t y and V a s a r i ' s anecdote which claims that he gave up p a i n t i n g to manage a ta v e r n f o r s e v e r a l months because he 231 could not cope w i t h the competition. Few c r i t i c s make a point of mentioning the l i n k a g e s to P i e r o d i 232 Cosimo. Even Borgo completely omits mentioning P i e r o ' s V i s i t a t i o n as a source once removed. One reason why t h i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g i s because the handclasp gesture means nothing to the w r i t e r . I t i s never mentioned i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the drawings or the p a i n t i n g , nor f o r t h a t matter i s there any serious d i s c u s s i o n of the i c o n o g r a p h i c a l meaning of the 233 p a i n t i n g . I t i s i n terms of "an urgent exchange of emotions" i n the drawings, and "an episode of s t o i c calm and serene human warmth" 234 i n the p a i n t i n g that Borgo sees the works, although i n so doing he 235 conforms w i t h c r i t i c a l precedent. In f a c t the church of S. Martino was rededicated i n 1517 to become 236 the Chiesa d e l l a V i s i t a z i o n e or Santa E l i s a b e t t a . This was done by the pope - Leo X - as a way of emphasizing h i s r o l e as the " u n i v e r s a l peacemaker who would r e u n i t e the Church, and end the t u r m o i l of J u l i u s 237 238 I I ' s p o n t i f i c a t e " and "Rex p a c i f i c u s . " A t e r r a c o t t a V i s i t a t i o n -53-239 b e l i e v e d to have been added to the facade i n 1517 has not s u r v i v e d . Giovanni d e l l a Robbia i s the a r t i s t to whom the commission i s l i n k e d and Leo X the p o s s i b l e patron. Whatever form t h i s a d d i t i o n a l image may have taken, and we may suspect a handclasp on the b a s i s of h i s 240 s u r v i v i n g V i s i t a t i o n , the p a i n t i n g on the h i g h a l t a r already con-tained two symbols of peace: the k i s s and the handclasp. I t s painted a r c h i t e c t u r e enhances more than a l i t e r a l meeting of emotionally charged cousins, becoming i t s e l f a tabernacle of the mystery of the I n c a r n a t i o n 241 of the o r i g i n a l b r i n g e r of peace, C h r i s t . We do not know who or what caused t h i s f i r s t h igh a l t a r V i s i t a t i o n to be commissioned. V a s a r i ' s statement that i t was painted f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r church i s our only i n f o r m a t i o n . One of the events i t might be connected w i t h i s the e l e c t i o n of G i u l i a n o d e l l a Rovere as the new pope, J u l i u s I I . In t h i s l i g h t the work would be a F l o r e n t i n e way of i n v i t i n g cooperation, a f t e r the h o s t i l i t i e s of the Cesare Borgia years. Exegesis emphasizes c o n f l i c t i n need of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n when invoking the V i s i t a t i o n , and i n 1503 the S i s t i n e / d e l l a Rovere a s s o c i a t i o n s of the theme would have been v i v i d enough to recommend t h i s theme, t r e a t e d i n t h i s way, as a compliment to G i u l i a n o . The '1503' dates on the p i l a s t e r s would i n d i c a t e a commission 242 r a t h e r than completion date i n such a case, s i n c e the e l e c t i o n d i d not take p l a c e u n t i l October (31 October) and the coronation u n t i l 243 November (26 November). The absence of any o b j e c t s which would i n d i c a t e a donor suggests that the f r a t i of the church commissioned the work. -54-One more important development takes place i n the F l o r e n t i n e l i n e of p a i n t e r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h P i e r o d i Cosimo: Jacopo Pontormo's un-precedented combination of the handclasp type s i g n i f y i n g peace, u n i t y and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , w i t h the obeisant E l i z a b e t h , s i g n i f y i n g mortal penance and Marian mercy. Pontormo's f r e s c o of the V i s i t a t i o n i n the atrium of SS. Annunziata ( f i g . 3 5 ) i s the f i r s t of many to combine these h i t h e r t o incompatible types, and i s a more o r i g i n a l work i n other ways as w e l l . Mary and E l i z a b e t h meet at the centre of the image, Mary on our l e f t , E l i z a b e t h on our r i g h t . In v i v i d coloured robes reminiscent of the A l b e r t i n e l l i , E l i z a b e t h kneels and c l a s p s Mary's r i g h t hand. Mary's other hand reaches down to E l i z a b e t h ' s shoulder. Reversing r o l e s , E l i z a b e t h appears to have j u s t mounted a f l i g h t of s t a i r s which lead up from the viewer to a pl a t f o r m i n f r o n t of an excedra, a backdrop which at f i r s t s i g h t appears to be even more unexpected than the s t r u c t u r e 244 used by A l b e r t i n e l l i . In the h a l f dome at the top of t h i s a p s i d i a l space the S a c r i f i c e of Isaac appears between p u t t i w i t h flaming urns. Abraham's head i s r a i s e d and turned to hear the angel. Appearing on Mary's s i d e below are a c h i l d , an o l d woman, and s e v e r a l young women; and on E l i z a b e t h ' s , a c h i l d , 245 a young man, and s e v e r a l o l d e r men. A kneelin g man p o i n t s to the V i s i t a t i o n and speaks to another standing who c a l l s a t t e n t i o n to the scene above. A l l of the women's eyes are averted save f o r one seated on the lower s t e p s , who breaks i n t o the viewer's space, f i x i n g her sad. eyes upon us. The naked boy on the corresponding step to the r i g h t sends - 5 5 -our eye curving upward, through E l i z a b e t h to Mary and Abraham. The two groups of onlookers have u s u a l l y s t r u c k a r t h i s t o r i a n s as 246 a meaningless crowd scene, i n which the t r a d i t i o n a l woman c a r r y i n g Mary's baggage has even been taken as a si g n that the encounter occurs i n a marketplace. The d e l i b e r a t e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the groups by sex and a t t e n t i v e n e s s , women not yet aware, men t a k i n g note and commenting, suggests otherwise; i t was t r a d i t i o n a l to add a l l e g o r i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Jews and g e n t i l e s on e i t h e r s i d e of the V i s i t a t i o n , to mark the watershed of the In c a r n a t i o n . Pontormo has taken and developed t h i s i d e a . The unaware women 247 represent the g e n t i l e s who w i l l come to accept C h r i s t . The men are the Jews who p r e d i c t the coming of C h r i s t only to r e j e c t h i s person. The F l o r e n t i n e s t a t e of a f f a i r s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the area which we are s e n s i t i v e to as a donor or viewer's zone, where the woman solemnly and knowingly communes w i t h us but the l i t t l e boy i s completely unaware of events around him. The o l d men p o i n t i n g to the two s a c r i f i c i a l v i c t i m s might be i d e n t i f i e d as Luke, p o i n t i n g to the V i s i t a t i o n , and the even 248 older man as I s a i a h , p o i n t i n g to the S a c r i f i c e of Isaac. In f a c t the whole work makes sense as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of I s a i a h ' s prophecy (49:1-6) of a sa v i o u r , a new Jacob, sent to the people of I s r a e l , as w e l l as "a l i g h t to the G e n t i l e s , that thou mayest be my s a l v a t i o n 249 unto the end of the e a r t h . " Pontormo f o l l o w s P i e r o d i Cosimo's example i n p l a c i n g the Jewish reference on the r i g h t and the g e n t i l e s on the l e f t . This echoes the movement of the gospel i n the Mass from the r i g h t s i d e of the a l t a r to the l e f t to symbolize i t s preaching f i r s t 250 to Jew and then to g e n t i l e . The naked l i t t l e boy i s probably -56-251 i d e n t i f i a b l e as w e l l s i n c e he occurs again i n the Sodoma V i s i t a t i o n 252 which i s a f r e e copy of Pontormo's f r e s c o . The a r c h i t e c t u r a l space i s an a l t a r space i n which the a l t a r and host are replaced by the p r e n a t a l meeting of C h r i s t and John. The S a c r i f i c e of Isaac p r e f i g u r e s the s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t and c a l l s a t t e n t i o n to t h i s V i s i t a t i o n as a prelude to that event. The s a c r i f i c i a l groups are l i n k e d by the p o i n t i n g men and by the a x i a l p o s i t i o n i n g of the k n i f e and handclasp. The i n s c r i p t i o n on the arch s t a t e s that the w i l l of god w i l l be f u l f i l l e d and the k n e e l i n g f i g u r e s of Isaac and E l i z a b e t h i l l u s t r a t e the i d e a l mortal a t t i t u d e toward that w i l l . Abraham and Mary act out i t s d i v i n e c o r o l l a r y . The groups along the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s evoke the two p o s s i b l e human responses to the r e l i g i o u s exemplars along the v e r t i c a l a x i s . These i n t e r s e c t at the handclasp, which i s l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y the p o i n t of contact between god and man. 253 A halfway po i n t between h i s teacher's a l t a r p i e c e of the V i s i t a t i o n and h i s own f r e s c o i s shown i n Pontormo's small panel i n o i l of the 254 V i s i t a t i o n d a t i n g from the time of the f e a s t of S t . John of e i t h e r 255 1514 or 1515. The panel from the Carro d i San Giovanni takes A l b e r t i n e l l i ' s model f a i r l y l i t e r a l l y , f o cusing on the handclasp, k i s s and p a r t i a l embrace. The more equal heights and haloes may go back to P i e r o d i Cosimo. L i t t l e of the care and d e t a i l which c h a r a c t e r i z e s h i s considered works i s evident i n t h i s ephemeral d e c o r a t i o n , which i s the more i n s t r u c t i v e as an expression of the teenage a r t i s t ' s iconographic s t a r t i n g p o i n t . The small o i l a f f o r d s a c o n t r a s t which;heightens the sense that an important r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l event l i e s behind the -57-bold iconography of the fresco. 256 In the fresco the most original part of Pontormo's iconography is not the architectural space, nor the two groups of onlookers, nor even the juxtaposition of Visitation and Sacrifice of Isaac. It is the combination of the handclasp with the kneel, using the form of obsequium in a Visitation for the first time. Based on secular diplomatic ceremony, the handclasp with one knee bent of obsequium had not been used between two wholly religious figures. During the Quattrocento it had become common between mixed combinations of religious 257 and secular figures, but i t had come close to portraying two Christian figures only in images of the Meeting of Solomon and Sheba. The iconography of Solomon and Sheba had taken on a strong 258 Guelph tone at the time of the Council of Florence in 1439-41. Sheba was shown in Obsequium before Solomon as a sign of the Greek church capitulating to the superior wisdom and orthodoxy of the Latin church. The effectiveness of this treatment had inspired a notable series of images in a variety of media which adapted the symbolic sense 259 to many different purposes. The highly politicized nature of this iconography offered an ideal format to adapt to the Visitation in order to express the relationship which Pontormo and the Servite brothers now wished to infer. The extreme sensitivity of the Servites of SS. Annunziata to the election of Cardinal Giovanni de'Medici as Pope Leo X indicates the 2 60 political and religious event which!inspired Pontormo's new iconography. Mary as the Church represents Leo X. Elizabeth through John the Baptist -58-represents Florence, and tier obsequlum i s the homage of Florence to the new pope. E l i z a b e t h kneels on one knee i n the conventional d i p l o m a t i c manner. The p r o s p e r i t y and peace of the past which were to r e t u r n to Florence under M e d i c i r u l e are heralded by the chastened f i g u r e of E l i z a b e t h , whose a t t i t u d e i s an accurate symbolic d e p i c t i o n of the r e t u r n of Guelph sentiment to Florence. Pontormo has made h i s image r e f l e c t the f u l l p o l i t i c a l sense of the moment. The r o l e s of the two women provide symbols of c i t y and papacy as e f f e c t i v e as Solomon and Sheba had been to i n d i c a t e Eugenius and the o r i e n t a l C h r i s t i a n s of 1439. The connection between Leo X and Florence has been made by at l e a s t one s c h o l a r , on the b a s i s of Pontormo's a c t i v i t i e s f o r the M e d i c i and 2 61 the undeniable i m p l i c a t i o n s of the way the women are posed without, however, p e r c e i v i n g the added l a y e r s of meaning i n the a l t a r space and progression from Jew to g e n t i l e , both of which po i n t to the message of peace which i s focussed i n the handclasp. The a l t a r space r e f e r s to 2 62 the peace promised i n the mass, the handclasp to the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of man and god, and V i s i t a t i o n s themselves had stood f o r peace i n every 263 attempt to promote the theme as an independent subject to date. Although i t would be n a t u r a l to assume that a V i s i t a t i o n would be 264 included i n any Marian c y c l e by t h i s date, the iconographic format of the p r e s e n t a t i o n and the chosen a r t i s t suggest a s p e c i f i c d e s i r e to 265 f l a t t e r the pope. The V i s i t a t i o n i s furthermore the only Marian sub-j e c t i n which John the B a p t i s t appears i n any way, and thus the only Marian scene p r o v i d i n g a n a t u r a l c i v i c reference to Florence. Even so, -59-the chastened f i g u r e of E l i z a b e t h i s i n marked c o n t r a s t to the t r a d i -t i o n a l l y proud and d i g n i f i e d f i g u r e , which i s found, without exception, i n previous Marian c y c l e V i s i t a t i o n s commissioned f o r the B a p t i s t r y , 266 seat of F l o r e n t i n e devotion to John. Taking stock, Leo X can be as s o c i a t e d w i t h Pontormo's S e r v i t e V i s i t a t i o n of 1514-16, the r e d e d i c a t i o n of S. Michele d e l l e Trombe to the V i s i t a t i o n i n 1517, t h a t church's l o s t facade V i s i t a t i o n a t t r i b u t e d to the workshop of Giovanni d e l l a Robbia, and h i s f a m i l y ' s V i s i t a t i o n r e l i e f by Giovanni d e l l a Robbia at the Ospedale d e l Ceppo, P i s t o i a of 1514. There may be a connection w i t h Sebastiano d e l Piombo's f i r s t p r o j e c t f o r the V i s i t a t i o n on the w a l l above the high a l t a r i n S. Maria 2 67 d e l l a Pace around 1520, and w i t h Perino d e l Vaga's F a i t h and C h a r i t y , and V i s i t a t i o n i n SS. T r i n i t a d e l Monti, a l s o i n Rome. There are compelling reasons f o r Leo X's connection w i t h the V i s i t a t i o n . As a r e l a t i v e l y new and unexploited symbol of peace, u n i t y and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , i t was a n a t u r a l theme f o r a pope i n t e n t upon r e -c o g n i t i o n as the ' u n i v e r s a l peacemaker who would r e u n i t e the church.' The F l o r e n t i n e e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h i s aspect of Leo's d i v e r s e iconography 268 i s s t i l l i n need of c l a r i f i c a t i o n . In h i s Roman iconography there are e x p l i c i t references to the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Leo and Florence as part of h i s l a r g e r scheme of peace. In at l e a s t part of t h i s iconography a humanist understanding informs the use of the dextrarum i u n c t i o gesture between Leo and a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Florence. In the S i s t i n e Chapel t a p e s t r y borders designed by Raphael i n 1515 we see the mounted C a r d i n a l Giovanni -60-de'Medici solemnly clasping right hands with a citizen representing the 269 city, on the occasion of Leo's Entry into Florence of 14 September 1512. That humanists in the Rome of Leo's day were interpreting the dextrarum  iunctip in a Christianized sense, as 'Pax' rather than 'Concordia,' may be inferred from the Cinquecento interpretation of Raimondi's Minerva en-graving. This engraving after a lost drawing by Raphael is considered 270 to be the Reconciliation of Minerva and Cupid, but Vasari referred 271 to this work simply as "una Pace." The final reason connecting Leo with the Visitation has also been overlooked: Leo was born Giovanni. This would account for a reverence for John the Baptist shared by the city of Florence. His father's devotion to St. Lawrence shows how important such connections could be for a member of this family. Medici family interest in the Visitation preceded Leo's connection with the SS. Annunziata fresco. The family interest can be traced as far as Lorenzo i l Magnifico's endowment of a mass in memory of his mother on its feast day. This was followed by important altar paintings commissioned by the sons of men in Lorenzo's circle, for personal chapels: Piero di Cosimo's by Piero Capponi for his father, Gino: Ghirlandaio's by Lorenzo Tornabuoni for himself. Preceding the Pontormo fresco and Leo's rededication of S. Elisabetta, was the Medici Visitation on the facade of the Ospedale del Ceppo, Pistoia. The most interesting correlation between the Medici and the Visitation is the virtual absence of the subject in Florence during the period of their expulsion from the city (9 November 1494 to 16 -61-272 September 1512). The l a c k of examples from t h i s p e r i o d stands out sharply from the growing i n t e r e s t before 1494, and i n t e r e s t a f t e r 1512, which b u i l d s s l o w l y a t f i r s t but has a f a r - r a n g i n g impact a f t e r 1517. The immediate sources of that d i s s e m i n a t i o n a l l share a d i r e c t Medicean r e l a t i o n s h i p : the 1516 Pontormo u n v e i l i n g and January 1517 cons e c r a t i o n of SS. Annunziata; and 1517 d e d i c a t i o n of the Chiesa d e l l a V i s i t a z i o n e . The prominence given to the V i s i t a t i o n during t h i s l a t e r p eriod allowed the theme to shake o f f i t s s u b s i d i a r y medieval s t a t u s and begin to e s t a b l i s h an independent i d e n t i t y . The M e d i c i use enhanced i t s p r e s t i g e and heightened i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as an act of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . Entrenched knowledge of the s t o r y a l s o caused patrons responding to the theme i n other centres to apply i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s emphasizing peace, u n i t y or r e c o n c i l i a t i o n i n ways which lacked a d i r e c t reference to the M e d i c i , or to Florence. The growing i n t e r e s t i n t h e . V i s i t a t i o n was not r e s t r i c t e d to churches or groups dedicated to John although these p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s growth. The a r t i s t s r e t a i n e d to complete such works came from the group 273 to which Pontormo belonged, evidence again of a Leonine impact. The Pontormo f r e s c o represents a watershed. I t s strong c i v i c references to Florence, papal references to Leo, and p o s t u r a l and g e s t u r a l p r e s e n t a t i o n i n d i c a t i n g submission and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , bear on an immediate p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . The M e d i c i i n t e r e s t i n the theme provided the S e r v i t e s w i t h a b a s i c subject which was then modified to make I t as f l a t t e r i n g to Leo as p o s s i b l e . The unusual departures i n the w o r k — t h e a l t a r space, obsequium, two groups of onlookers, and S a c r i f i c e of I s a a c — a l l p o i n t to a concerted e f f o r t to give s p e c i a l meaning to the image. The i l l u s i o n t hat t h i s i s a simple p i c t u r e i s caused by the naturalness w i t h which these elements are i n t e g r a t e d , and demonstrates the p o t e n t i a l of the s t i l l very young a r t i s t . A l a r g e number of V i s i t a t i o n s a f t e r 1517 take t h e i r cue from Pontormo's f r e s c o . I t i s copied by two groups of a r t i s t s . The f i r s t , adhering c l o s e l y to h i s model, show Mary and E l i z a b e t h c l a s p i n g r i g h t hands w h i l e E l i z a b e t h bows very low. This group i n c l u d e s Sodoma's V i s i t a t i o n of 1518 at Siena; L a p p o l i ' s of about 1524 at Arezzb; and Maso 274 da San Friano's massive chef-d'oeuvre from S. P i e r Maggiore, Florence. None of these use the exact obsequium form w i t h one knee bent c l o s e to the ground because none i s meant to represent Florence doing homage to Leo X. Instead, i n the Sodoma, E l i z a b e t h kneels s l i g h t l y l e s s , 275 and i n the others she kneels s l i g h t l y more. When a kn e e l i n g type 276 of V i s i t a t i o n was advocated by the Council of Trent, l a t e r i n the century, 277 t h i s handclasping v a r i e t y of the type was a c t u a l l y re-exported to Germany. The second group f o l l o w i n g Pontormo i n c l u d e s those i n Rome, and shows E l i z a b e t h stooped only s l i g h t l y as the women hurry toward each other and cl a s p hands. In Rome t h i s group i n c l u d e s Perino d e l Vaga's a l t a r w a l l N 278 fr e s c o i n the Cappella P u c c i , SS. T r i n i t a d e i Monti; Francesco S a l v i a t i ' s f r e s c o dated 1538 i n the Oratory of S. Giovanni D e c o l l a t o ; S i c o l a n t e da Sermoneta's f r e s c o of about 1549 i n the Cappella Fugger, S. Maria dell'Anima; and Federico B a r o c c i ' s canvas of 1583-86 i n the Chapel of the V i s i t a t i o n i n 279-the Oratory of the Chiesa Nuova. This type appears l a t e r i n Lucca (Girolamo Massei) and P i s a ( P i e t r o F r a n c a v i l l a ) . - 6 3 -These two groups may be s a i d to represent the i n f l u e n c e of the F l o r e n t i n e type on a r t i s t s i n the more p r o g r e s s i v e centres. A more con s e r v a t i v e response, s t i l l adopting the F l o r e n t i n e handclasping type, f o l l o w s the example of A l b e r t i n e l l i . This i s seen p a r t i c u l a r l y i n 280 Siena (Pacchia, P a c c h i a r o t t o ) , and Bologna (Bagnacavallo), as w e l l as i n the more d e r i v a t i v e kind of n a t i v e a r t i s t ( S o g l i a n i , Andrea n • \ 281 Boscolx) . Very few F l o r e n t i n e handclasp V i s i t a t i o n s essay a format which i s not c l e a r l y d e r i v e d from e i t h e r the Pontormo or the A l b e r t i n e l l i . P a r t s of both are found i n Andrea d e l Sarto's damaged monochrome f r e s c o f o r S. Giovanni B a t t i s t a a l i o Scalzo of 1524. Andrea's women are c e n t r a l i z e d but turned at an angle so that they overlap s l i g h t l y as they c l a s p hands. E l i z a b e t h ' s outstretched armrand the heads moving together to k i s s , r e v i v e ideas i n the Fra Bartolommeo drawings as much as i n the A l b e r t i n e l l i p a i n t i n g . Pontormo's arrangement i s paraphrased i n the steps, w a l l and f i g u r e s . E l i z a b e t h ' s unusual height i s the s p e c i a l s i g n t h a t t h i s scene appears i n a F l o r e n t i n e church dedicated to John, hence h i s mother's added s t a t u r e . The downcast faces of Zacharias and E l i z a b e t h ' s servant f l a n k i n g the tomb-like door, combine w i t h E l i z a b e t h ' s own tr o u b l e d expression to impart an unusual g r a v i t y to the scene. Here the handclasp s i g n i f i e s the r e c o g n i t i o n and acceptance of the s u f f e r i n g and death of John's m i s s i o n . This i s a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t sense from V i s i t a t i o n s seen i n most Marian c y c l e s . The t i m i n g of the appearance of handclasp V i s i t a t i o n s i n Venice -64 -a l s o i n d i c a t e s a F l o r e n t i n e s t i m u l u s , although t r a d i t i o n a l compositional 282 formats l i m i t the extent of formal i n f l u e n c e . Examples tend to r e t a i n the old-fashioned f l a n k i n g f i g u r e s of Zacharias and e i t h e r Joseph or a t r a v e l l i n g handmaiden. The f i g u r e s a l s o tend to remain a l i g n e d w i t h the plane of the p i c t u r e t i l l v i r t u a l l y mid-century. One of the f i r s t Venetian handclasp V i s i t a t i o n s i s the very l a r g e Palma Vecchio (d. 1528) now i n Vienna, a l a t e work, from about probably 1525. A l a t e Meeting of Jacob and Rachel now i n Leningrad, shares the format and approaches the dimensions of t h i s work. The s i g n handclasp i n both works i s the c l u e to a p o s s i b l e p a i r e d r e l a t i o n s h i p which scholars have sensed but h e s i t a t e d to i n s i s t on, perhaps f i n d i n g the themes i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y incongruous. The handclasp i s the pact handclasp i n d i c a t i n g the founding of the races of the two chosen peoples: the founding of the twelve t r i b e s of I s r a e l i n the Old Testament scene (Genesis 29: 10-12), and the founding 283 of the messianic era i n the New Testament scene. Palma understands the gesture and makes as f u l l use of i t as any German p a i n t e r had i n the preceding century. The i n v e n t i v e breadth of t h i s achievement marks the f u l l r e p a t r i a t i o n of a s i g n gesture which had played only a small part i n I t a l i a n l i f e s i n c e the end of the Roman empire. Palma may intend the handclasp to r e f e r to the subsequent marriage of Jacob and Rachel from which t h e i r race w i l l s p r i n g , as w e l l as the profound sense of oneness which Genesis recorded as a k i s s and i s here 284 shown r e i n f o r c e d by the handclasp. I f t h i s i s the case, a humanist patron's understanding probably informs the use of t h i s gesture as w e l l . - 6 5 -This iconographic r i c h n e s s complements the f u l l impact of the works' Venetian High Renaissance s t y l e . From l a t e Quattrocento o r i g i n s i n Florence, the autonomous V i s i t a t i o n a l t a r p i e c e spread throughout the I t a l i a n p eninsula i n the e a r l y Cinquecento. The F l o r e n t i n e handclasp type was prominent among works re p r e s e n t i n g t h i s d i s s e m i n a t i o n . P i e r o d i Cosimo's S. S p i r i t o V i s i t a t i o n was one of the f i r s t of these l a r g e a l t a r p i e c e s and had a fa r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t through the examples by A l b e r t i n e l l i and Pontormo. Widely copied, these V i s i t a t i o n s used i t s gesture to develop a new emphasis on the theme as the moment of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between man and god. -66-1. There are now ser i o u s doubts about the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the V i s i t a t i o n . There are only two supposedly aut h e n t i c contemporary accounts of the i n -c a r n a t i o n and infancy of C h r i s t , chapters one and two of the gospels of Luke and Matthew. Only one of these contains the s t o r y of the V i s i t a t i o n . The i n c r e a s i n g view of b i b l i c a l s c h o l a r s i s that both accounts may a c t u a l l y have been a d d i t i o n s " w r i t t e n more than e i g h t y years a f t e r the events they d e s c r i b e took p l a c e " and a f t e r the l i f e t i m e of e i t h e r e v a n g e l i s t . The extent to which events and t h e i r wording are drawn from the p r e d i c t i o n s of the prophets stands out s t a r k l y from the remaining parts of the n a r r a -t i v e s , making the infancy chapters p a r t i c u l a r l y suspect. The reason f o r such a d d i t i o n s i s apparent; As the worship of C h r i s t passed from eye-witnesses to a new generation, a need to demonstrate the d i v i n i t y of C h r i s t c o i n c i d e d w i t h a l a c k of inf o r m a t i o n about h i s conception and e a r l y l i f e . The remedy s u p e r n a t u r a l i z e d these events on the b a s i s of many Old Testament c l u e s . Even something which became as w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d and b e l i e v e d as C h r i s t ' s mother's name developed as a co n s t r u c t of t h i s l a t e second generation of C h r i s t i a n s , who are thought to have been centred on St. John i n Ephesus. Mary's name a c t u a l l y appears no-where e l s e i n the gospels other than chapters one and two of Luke and Matthew. Recent l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s remarkable question i s given i n Marina Warner, Alone  of a l l her sex; the Myth and the Cult of the V i r g i n Mary (New Year: A l f r e d A. Knopf Inc., 1976), pp.4,7-8. 2. New C a t h o l i c Encyclopedia, s.v. " V i s i t a t i o n of Mary" by M. E. Mclver. 3. On t h i s aspect, see e s p e c i a l l y , Joseph D i l l e r s b e r g e r , The Gospel of  Saint Luke (Cork: Mercier Press,1958): pp.80ff. 4. S a l u t a t i o n was i t s e l f a s i g n of approbation i n the e a r l y church ( D i l l e r s b e r g e r , Gospel of Saint Luke, p.17) and the i n s c r i p t i o n c a r r i e d by one such p a i r i n g could simply read, "Vbi Ga b r i h e l v e n i t ad Mariam" (Where G a b r i e l came to Mary) and "Vbi Maria s a l v t a v i t E l i s a b e t h " (Where Mary saluted E l i s a b e t h ) . 5. H. Golubovich, " S t a t u t a L i t u r g i c a G l i s C a p i t u l i 0. Min. 1263," Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 4 (1911): 66. See a l s o S. Van D i j k , The O r i g i n s of the Modern Roman L i t u r g y ; The L i t u r g y of the Papal Court  and the Franciscan Order i n the T h i r t e e n t h Century (London: Darton, Long-man & Todd, 1960), pp.375-6, and R. W. P f a f f New L i t u r g i c a l Feasts i n Later Medieval England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), pp. 41-2. Among a r t h i s t o r i a n s who s t i l l l i s t Bonaventure or the Franciscans of 1263 are Ma r t i n Lechner (Lexikon der C h r i s t l i c h e n Ikonographie, s.v. "Heimsuchung Mariens"), and Susan Urbach ('"Die Heimsuchung Maria", e i n T a f e l b i l d des Meisters M S,' Acta H i s t o r i a e Artium 10 (1964): 69-123, 299-320, esp. p. 78). 6. "Ut Dei Mater v i s i t a r e t et s a n c t i f i c a r e t Ecclesiam p e r n i c i o s o  schismate laceratam". See F. G. Holweck Calendarium L i t u r g i c u m Festorum  Dei et Dei M a t r i s Mariae ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : The Dolphin Press, 1925), p. 213. The f u l l t e x t of the b u l l i s given i n Bullarum DipTomatum et P r i v i l e g i o r u m  Sanctorum Romanorum Pon t i f i c u m T a u r i n e n s i s . . ., 25 V o l s . ( T u r i n , 1859), 4:602-4. -67-7. Among these, see his hymn, "...Ad unitatem fidei", reproduced as number 193 in G. Dreves and C. Blume Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi vol. 54 (Leipzig: 0. R. Reisland, 1915). 8. See Urbach, "Die Heimsuchung Maria," p. 78, and Pfaff, New Liturgies  Feasts, p. 42. 9. Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts, p. 42, as well as for the following dates. 10. Urbach, "Die Heimsuchung Maria," p. 78. 11. See Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts, pp. 42-3. 12. Monumenta Conciliorum Gerieraliiim seculi decimi quiiiti, 4 vols. (Vienna: Typis Adolphi Holzhausen, 1857-85), vol. 3:3, pp. 959-61, esp. p. 961. 13. The bull, "Letentur coeli et exultet terra" is printed in Bullarum, Privilegiorum ac Diplomatum romanorum pontificum amplissima collectio, 14 vols. (Rome: S. Michaelis, 1733), vol. 3:3, pp. 25-6; and Carl Mirbt, Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des Romischen Katholizismus, 6th ed. (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1967), pp. 482-4, The wording calls for the reestablishment of peace and concord between the western and eastern churches. Much of the text is taken up by a statement concerning the Trinity, known as the Filioque, which had been the central issue of contention. The more recent interpretation of Rome, that the holy spirit proceeds equally from God the Father and from Christ, is here laid out as the universally accepted doctrine. 14. The northern types of Visitation are discussed later in Chapter One. An iconography of the Meeting of Solomon and Sheba with direct overtones of the relationship between Rome and Constantinople is discussed in Appendix Two. 15. The short text of "Romanorum gesta Pontificum" is given in Bullarum, Privilegiorum ac Diplomatum, vol. 3:3, pp. 67-8. The text of the bull is dated April 7th, not March 26th, as Enciclopedia Cattolica, s.v. "Visitazione." 16. Enciclopedia Cattolica, s.v. "Visitazione." 17. Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts, p. 45-6. 18. Ibid., p. 45. 19. Cesare Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici accedunt iibtae chronologicae, criticae etc., 34 vols., vols. 20-34 by OdoricoRaynaldus, (Lucca, 1738-59), item 34 to 1475. (See Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts, p. 52.) Many other Sistine bulls and decrees dealing with donations or actions -68-that would combat the Turks and ranging from f e a s t s to l o c a l indulgences are l i s t e d i n the B r i t i s h Museum C e n t r a l Catalogue of P r i n t e d Books, v o l . 206. 20. P f a f f , New L i t u r g i c a l Feasts, pp. 52-3, 55. 21. In t h i s slow development, the V i s i t a t i o n resembled another Marian f e a s t decreed by S i x t u s i n 1476, that of the Immaculate Conception. In t h i s case, an e n t i r e l y new iconography had to be coined f o r an o l d tenet of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l dogma. The Immaculata met s t i f f r e s i s t a n c e from the Dominicans and i n order to c o o l d i s s e n t i o n among the orders, S i x t u s was forced to make the f e a s t o p t i o n a l i n 1477. (On t h i s debate there now e x i s t s a considerable l i t e r a t u r e . For a b i b l i o g r a p h y see Lexikon der C h r i s t l i c h e n Ikonographie, s.v. "Immaculata conceptio".) The new iconography borrowed the image of the hovering Mary from the p a t t e r n f o r the Assumption;of Mary, and was e s t a b l i s h e d by Luca S i g n o r e l l i (1521, Cortona) a f t e r important i n i t i a l steps by Carlo C r i v e l l i (1492, now N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London), P i e r o d i Cosimo (c. 1504-6, U f f i z i from the S e r v i ) , and F r a n c i a (1511, Lucca). 22. E n c i c l o p e d i a C a t t o l i c a , s.v. " V i s i t a z i o n e , " and P f a f f , New L i t u r g i c a l  F e asts, p. 45, n. 5. 23. L. Heydenreich and W. L o t z , A r c h i t e c t u r e i n I t a l y 1400 to 1600, (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 59. 24. H i l d a Graefe, Mary, the H i s t o r y of Doctrine and Devotion, 2 v o l s . (London: Sheed and Ward, 1963), 1:313. 25. For the cases of works by G i l de S i l o e , P i e r o d i Cosimo and Domenico G h i r l a n d a i o , i n honour o f , r e s p e c t i v e l y , Alonso de Cartagena, Gino Capponi and Lorenzo Tornabuoni, see Chapter Two. 26. The most comprehensive study on the iconography of the V i s i t a t i o n i s that of Dr. Susan (Zsuzsa) Urbach of Budapest. Her a r t i c l e , based on her d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n a t Lorand EotvSs U n i v e r s i t y , Budapest, i s e n t i t l e d "Die Heimsuchung Maria, E i n T a f e l b i l d des M e i s t e r s M S (B e i t r a g e zur m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Entwicklungsgeschichte des Heimsuchungs-themas)," Acta H i s t o r i a e Artium 10 (1964): 69-123, 299-320. Urbach presents each of the major types w i t h a r i c h i c o n o g r a p h i c a l d i s c u s s i o n . Her primary concern i s the e x p l i c a t i o n of a painted Hungarian V i s i t a t i o n at Budapest by the Master M.S., dated 1506, which owes much of i t s s t y l e to South German p a i n t i n g , and contains the r a r e motif of E l i z a b e t h k i s s i n g Mary's hand. Her observation (p.116, n . l l ) i s w e l l founded that h i s t o r i c a l r esearch i n t o the V i s i t a t i o n theme i n a l l i t s f a c e t s i s fragmented and incomplete. The most extensive account of the V i s i t a t i o n i n an iconographic d i c t i o n a r y i s now that of M a r t i n Lechner (Lexikon der C h r i s t l i c h e n Ikonographie, s.v. "Heimsuchung Mariens".) Lechner provides a great d e a l o f i n f o r m a t i o n on e a r l y examples of each type of V i s i t a t i o n image, on the l i t u r g y , and on b i b l i o g r a p h y . Lechner -69-however considers the handclasp Visitation to be a Late Gothic variant of the standing apart (Begrussung in Distanz) type. Left at that, the implication is that the handclasp is no more than another form of greeting. Gertrud Schiller's discussion of the Visitation in her volume on the l i f e of Christ is very useful, although scholars interested in the iconography of the Virgin will be much aided when her volume on the Virgin is published. Her only mention of a handclasp Visitation is of the Chartres Incarnation tympanum. Schiller sees the hand "shake" (sic) as adding the aspect of "greeting" to the undefined act of embracing, which as we will see, supplemented the kiss as the standard medieval form of greeting. The most useful dictionary account prior to Lechner is that of Louis Reau (Iconographie de l'art chretien, v. 2:2 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1957), pp. 195-210.) Guldan, MaTe, and other earlier sources will be cited in due course. 27. The standard iconographical works (Reau, Schiller, Lechner, and others) a l l recognize the "standing apart" type as a distinct grouping, although of these only Schiller notes the role given to the hands: how they "go through the same gestures of speech" (vol. 1, p. 55). None comments on the appropriateness of gestures of speech to the Lucan account. On gestures of speech see E.H. Gombrich, "Ritualized gesture and ex-pression in art," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of  London, series B, no. 772, vol. 251 (1966): 393-401; and H. P. L'Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World (Oslo: Aschehoug, 1953), pp. 139ff.; The gesture with the first two fingers extended indicated "speech" in early Christian and medieval times. This gesture died out as a sign of speech in the late middle ages although the form itself was then adopted as the western Christian blessing gesture, which it has remained to this day. Concentrating on the double l i f e of this gesture is the study by Bruno Paradisi, "Rito e Retorica in un Gesto della Mano," Raccolta di scr i t t i in onore di Arturo Carlo Jemelo (Milan: Giuffre, 1962): 331-60. 28. The "speaking hands" type constitutes a minor but not insignificant grouping in fifteenth century Germany. 29. Reau, Iconographie, vol. 2:2, p. 198, and Emile Male, L'art religieux  du Xlle siecle (Paris: A. Colin, 1922), p.59, apparently felt that the Cappodocian frescoes were quite early, although i t is now known that most date from the tenth century. See M. Restle, Byzantine Painting in Asia  Minor, 3 vols. (Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1967) on, for instance, Goreme Chapels 7, 11, 9, and 1 (Toqale Kilisse, St. Eustace, Theotokos, and El Nazar, respectively). 30. On the kiss of peace: Carl S i t t l , Die Gebarden der Griechen und  Romer (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1890), p. 39; F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, Dictionnaire d'archeOlogie, s.v. "Baiser"; Nicolas J. Perella, The Kiss  Sacred and Profane; an interpretive history of kiss symbolism and related  religio-erotic themes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), pp. 12ff esp. pp. 13-8, 23-9 and n. 27 top. 23 on pp. 278-9; J. Wise, -70-The Body at L i t u r g y ( C i n c i n n a t i : North American L i t u r g y Resources, 1972), p. 99; Benjamin Walker, Encyclopedia of E s o t e r i c Man (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1977), pp. 142-5; F. Bauml and B. Bauml, A D i c t i o n a r y of Gestures (Metuchen, N. J . : Scarecrow Press, 1975), s.v. " L i p . " 31. Among other e a r l y k i s s i n g or c l o s e l y embracing V i s i t a t i o n s are the f o l l o w i n g : on the e i g h t h century a l t a r of Ratch i s a t C i v i d a l e ; on a n i n t h century i v o r y book cover of the Metz group i n the Fr a n k f u r t l i b r a r y ; on the n i n t h century Chludoff P s a l t e r i n P a r i s ; s e v e r a l more of the t e n t h and eleventh century from Cappodocia; on an i v o r y r e l i e f of 962-73 at Munich; on another from the eleventh century a t Bologna; i n the i l l u s t r -ated Book of Homilies of the monk Jacob i n P a r i s ; on a t w e l f t h century Byzantine soapstone d i p t y c h a t B e r l i n ; on the embossed s i l v e r antependium of 1143-4 given by Pope C e l e s t i n e I I to the former c a t h e d r a l of C i t t a d i C a s t e l l o ; on the bronze doors of Novgorod c a t h e d r a l of 1152-4 now at Magdeburg; on the painted c e i l i n g i n the Grisons church of Z i l l i s ; on a c a p i t a l i n the c l o i s t e r of Monreale c a t h e d r a l ; as part of a stone f r i e z e at Verona, San Zeno; s i m i l a r l y on a p o r t a l a r c h i t r a v e at Piacenza c a t h e d r a l ; and on Bonanno Pisano's bronze doors of 1180 at P i s a c a t h e d r a l . 32. See P e r e l l a , The K i s s Sacred and Profane, pp. 12-50 f o r a u s e f u l summary of the sources and a concerted attempt to f i n d the k i s s s e r v i n g i n i t s widest r e l i g i o u s c o n t e x t s . The s p e c i a l r e l i g i o u s q u a l i t i e s of a c l o s e or k i s s i n g embrace emerge from a wider s o c i a l convention. The embrace was the standard form of g r e e t i n g i n the s o c i e t i e s f o r which these images were made. (See S i t t l , Die Gebarden der Griechen und Romer, pp. 31-2; Bauml and Bauml, D i c t i o n a r y of Gesture, s.v. "Arm"; Joan Wildeblood, The P o l i t e World; a guide to the deportment of the E n g l i s h  i n former times (London: Davis-Poynter, 1973,pp. 4 2 f f . ) While the bow served as the conventional form of g r e e t i n g between persons of unequal s t a t u s , the embrace, w i t h or without a k i s s , was used between persons of r e l a t i v e l y equal s t a t u s . We f i n d that the i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e on the V i s i t a t i o n has overlooked the r e l i g i o u s and conventional s i g n i -f i c a n c e of the embrace. Instead, accounts g i v e a simple emotional reading to such embraces. We a r e t o l d of the "tendresse" (Male), of how they " s ' e t r e i g n e n t tendrement" (Reau), a "tender embrace" or one maintaining an "awestruck d i s t a n c e " (both S c h i l l e r ) . 33. Rom. 16:16; 1 Cor. 16:20; 2 Cor. 13:12; compare 1 Peter 5:14. 34. St. John Chrysotom, On Compunction, 1:3 ( i n Migne, P a t r o l o g i a e  Graeca, 47:398) i n the words of P e r e l l a , K i s s , p. 26. 35. St. C y r i l of Jerusalem C a t e c h e t i c a l l e c t u r e 23:3 ( i n Migne, P a t r o l o - giae Graeca, 33 :1112). 36. A view of the whole w a l l i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n B. Berenson, C e n t r a l  I t a l i a n and North I t a l i a n Schools, 3 v o l s . (London and New York: -71-Phaidon Press, 1968), vol. 2, no. 234. 37. Overall and detailed illustrations are available in Padua, Palazzo della Ragione, Da Giotto al Mantegna, (1974), no. 55; o f . G. Kaftal, Saints in Italian Art, vol. 3; Iconography O f the Saints in the Painting  of North East Italy (Florence: Sansoni, 1978), fig. 643. 38. On the silver retable in Pistoia cathedral of 1316. Illustrated in A. Venturi, La Madone; representations de la Vierge dans l'art italien (Paris: Gaultier, Magnier et Cie, 1902), p. 201. 39. On the southern bronze doors of the Florence baptistry, 1330-36. A large illustration is given in Das Munster 28 (1975): 229. 40. The Carolingian ivory book cover from Genoels-Elderen already mentioned, appears to be an isolated earlier case in which this gesture is amalgamated to an osculum or kissing Visitation. In any case i t would be hazardous to read too strict a realism into the exact locations of hands in such works. 41. Emile Male, The Gothic Image (New York: Harper & Row, Icon Editions, 1972), p. 230. 42. Victor Beyer, Stained Glass Windows (Edinburgh and London: Oliver & Boyd, 1964), p. 34. 43. In an age when a distended abdomen tended to be consciously avoided as a sign of pregnancy, for reasons of decorum, touching the womb posed a graphic alternative. See Anne Hollander, Seeing through Clothes (New York: Viking Press, 1978), pp. 109-10. 44. Roger retains this type in the Visitations that appear as voussoir elements above main scenes in the Miraflores Altarpiece and John the  Baptist triptych (both Berlin) and above the l i t t l e Thyssen Madonna at Lugano. 45. Among whom are included the Master of the St. Ursula Legend (Detroit), and the Master of the St. Barbara Legend (Cologne). It is interesting to note the compromise gestures in a Visitation by the Master of the Life of the Virgin now at Rotterdam (illustrated in A. Stange, Deutsche  Malerei der Gotik, v.5: Koln in der Zeit von 1450 bis 1515 (Nendln: Kraus Reprint, 1969), fig. 55 as former Crombez collection, Paris.) This German artist produced another Visitation with the standard German handclasp (Munich) but in this work, the overall configuration is based much more closely on Roger van der Weyden's prototype. Mary's left hand touches Elizabeth's womb as in the Roger, but Elizabeth's outstretched hand is met and gripped by Mary's right hand so that both types of gesture appear together in a single work which fails to re-concile the disunity of its sources. -72-46. A Bicci di Lorenzo of 1434 at Velletri, south of Rome, shows the Virgin as a very pretty young blonde. An independant Visitation flanked by Franciscan saints at Molfetta (Bari) has recently been attributed to Tuccio d'Andria (second half of the fifteenth century). The large frescoes of about 1465 in the Duomo at Atri (Teramo) by Andrea Delitio are typical of the later fifteenth century in that by this time the womb touching type is presented in a scene of considerable narrative detail, reversing the earlier approach. 47. Wildeblood, The Polite World, pp. 46-7, 48-9, 81-6; Bauml and Bauml, Dictionary of Gesture, s.v. "Hand, Knee". 48. Reau, Icoriographie vol. 2:2, p. 199; cf. Schiller, Iconography of  Christian Art, vol. 1, p. 56. 49. Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, vol. 1, p. 56; cf. Reau, Iconographie, vol. 2:2, p. 199. 50. See, for instance, the Visitations by: the Parement Master in Bibliotheque Nationale, nouv. acq. Lat. 3093, p. 28; Jacquemart de Hesdin in Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 18014, fol. 32v; Pol de Limbourg in the Tres Riches Heures, fol. 38v; the Rohan Master in the Heures de  Rohan, fol. 70; and by the Master of Claude, Queen of France in the Prayer Book of Claude de France, fol. 19r. 51. For an illustration see D. Kelder, Pageant of the Renaissance (New York: F. A. Praeger, 1969), p. 22. 52. See the Giovanni del Biondo (active 1356-99) illustrated in R. Fremantle, Florentine Gothic Painters from Giotto to Masaccio (London: Seeker and Warburg, 1975), no. 502. The Taddeo Gaddi in S. Croce already cited in relation to the stooping Giotto, may be another example. The anatomy of Elizabeth under her gown is too unclear to warrant cer-tainty although her stoop;lappears to owe more to the knees than to the waist or neck. Illustrated in H. W. van Os. Marias DemUt und  Verherrlichung in der Sienesichen Malerei, 1300-1450 ('s-Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij, 1969), fig. 45. 53. I wish to thank Joe Pincus for this observation. 54. In minor details the Chartres and La Charite works differ. At La Charite, Mary raises her left rather than right hand. Only at Chartres is Mary crowned, and there she grasps Elizabeth's free wrist rather than Elizabeth grasping her's. 55. Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, vol.1, pp. 55-6. 56. Urbach, "Heimsuchung Maria," pp. 308, 319. 57. For instance, those at San Leonardo al Frigido attributed to Master Biduino, c. 1175, and now in the Metropolitan Museum; on the Gaeta cathedral candlestick; and on the Pistoia cathedral pulpit fragment. -73-58. As on the Guglielmo pulpit for Pisa cathedral of 1159-62 now in Cagliari cathedral, Sardinia. 59. The symbolic variations of meaning are given in a very concise form in Ernst Grohne, "Gruss und Gebarden," Handbuch der deutschen  Volkskunde 1 (1936): 315-24, esp. pp. 319-20. See also Appendix Two: "A History of the Handclasp Gesture." 60. See Appendix 2 for the introduction of the formal handclasp to the iconography of the Meeting at the Golden Gate, the Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, Christ taking leave of his Mother, the Departure of the Apostles, and other scenes of religious meeting or leavetaking. 61. Fra Guglielmo's Visitation on his pulpit in San Giovanni Fuorcivitas, Pistoia is a simplified but nonetheless direct reflection of Nicola Pisano's. The elaborate facade of Elizabeth's house is omitted and the four figures stand level with one another. 62. The Dominican nunnery of Katharinenthal was adjacent to the Rhine, midway between Lake Constance and Schaffhausen in the bishopric of Constance. The piece remained in the nunnery until its suppression in 1869. From the St. Gall art market i t went first to Zurich and then to the Paris art market where i t was purchased by Pierpont Morgan. He gave the piece to the Metropolitan Museum in 1914. 63. The Katharinenthal Visitation group is discussed in the following works: Use Futterer, "Altschweizerische Kunst im Ausland," Weltchronik 22 (June 1929) : 1-3 and Idem, Gotische Bildwerke der deutschen Schweiz, 1220-1440 (Augsburg :Filser, 1930), pp. 60-3, 131, fig. 76, 281; Waldemar Deonna, La sculpture suisse desorigines a la fin du XIVe siecle, (Basle: Birkhauser, 1946), p. 64; Joseph Gantner, Kunstgeschichte der Schweiz (Frauenfeld: von Huber & Co., 1947), 2:271; A. Feulner and T. Mtiller, Geschichte der deutschen Plastik (Munich: Bruckmann, 1953): 163-4, fig. 129; Paul Ganz, Geschichte der Kunst in der Schweiz (Basle: B. Schwabe, 1960): 184; Paris, Musee du Louvre, L'Europe Gothique; XII e- XIVe siecles, (1968), pp. 66-7, f i g . 41. I wish to thank Charles Little, Associate Curator in the Department of Medieval Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and Rebecca Martin, Museum Intern, for their assistance with regard to the Katharinenthal group. 64. Futterer, c. 1320; Louvre (1968), c. 1320; Little, c. 1310. 65. And whence is this to me, that the mother of my Lord should come to me? (Luke 1:43). 66. Futterer, Gotische Bildwerke, p. 173. The idea of the visible womb because particularly popular in the following century in Germany. The unborn John and Christ were shown as baby boys superimposed on the figures in numerous paintings and a smaller number of statues. The quality of characteristic works that include this motif indicates a -74-relatively provincial taste. Even the illiterate could not f a i l to recognize the Visitation when John and Christ were made visible in this way. The visible womb appears in combination with every type of Visitation and is exclusive to none. 67. With their other hands, Elizabeth holds her scroll to her heart and Mary touches Elizabeth's shoulder. 68. No evidence for a pendent Annunciation has ever been found. The Katharinenthal Visitation appears to stand as a unique and independent piece. 69. See Reiner Haussherr, "Uber die Christus-Johannes-Gruppen zum Problem "Andachtsbilder" und deutsche Mystik," in Festschrift fur  Hans Wentzel (Berlin: Mann, 1975), pp. 79-103; Hans Wentzel, Die  Christus-Johannes Gruppen (Stuttgart: Ed. Reclam., 1944); and Reallexikon  zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, s.v. "Andachtsbild" by Dorothee Klein, and "Christus-Johannesgruppe" by Hans Wentzel. Speaking of the fifteenth century, Huizinga recounts the formal institution by which a prince demonstrated his sentimental friendship for the minion (his closest friend) on state occasions by leaning on the man's shoulder (The  Waning of the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, Peregrine Books, 1965), p. 52). 70. Attributed to Henry of Constance, c. 1300-10, now in the Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp. See Roberto Salvini, Medieval Sculpture (Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1969), p. 351, no. 294. 71. As Futterer, Gotische Bildwerke, p. 131, n. 32j puts i t : "...die  besondere Verbindung durch ein gemeinsames "Geheimnis", das Johannes an  Jesu Herzen erfahren darf." (...the special bond through a mutually experienced "mystery," that John lying on Jesus' heart is allowed to experience.) 72. The handclasp is the sign of something in which both figures have an equal share. Futterer (p. 131, n. 32) gives this aspect the name Freundschaftsverhaltnis (friendship relationship). 73. For the context of changes within which this forms part, see Appendix Two. 74. Cologne, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Vor Stefan Lochner; Die Kolner  Maler von 1300 bis 1430 (1974), pp. 100-1. 75. The dating of works in this style is now generally placed before 1520. See Cologne, Kunsthalle, Die Parler und der Scheme S t i l , 1350- 1400, 3 vols. (1978), 2:772. The first illustrated Bohemian example is part of a frame surrounding a pre-1400 image of the Madonna and  Child. The Schwamberg votive panel, the second example, is one of the earliest surviving autonomous images of a Visitation in any media, and may be the oldest known version in paint. -75-76. W. Hentschel, Denkmale sachsischer Kunst; Die Verluste des zwelten Weltkrieges (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1973), no. 374, pi. CLX, altar wing from Gundorf near Leipzig of c. 1440-50, with scenes from the "Infancy of Christ" in a crude provincial style. 77. Master of the Albrechtsaltar, Scenes from the "Life of the Virgin" including dexteras Visitation and Meeting at the Golden Gate, 1438-40. Klosterneuburg, Stiftsmuseum. Both illustrated in colour in Kindlers Malerei Lexikon, s.v. "Albrechtsaltar, Meister von." 78. F. W. H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and  Woodcuts, ca. 1450-1700, vol. 12: Masters and Monogrammists of the  15th Century (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger,n.d.), p. 168. 79. Ibid., p. 83. 80. These Visitation backgrounds illustrate a point of etiquette which generally goes unrecognized. Elizabeth's house is often seen behind her on the right, while the encounter tends to take place in the fore-ground. A servant often looks on from the vicinity of the doorway and one or more persons given to Mary's party may be seen on the left. The background behind Mary is often left blank before the'late middle ages and the rise of landscape traditions. Nevertheless even before rolling hi l l s behind Mary demonstrated the fact of her journey, the distance between Elizabeth and her house was meant to show that the older woman had responded to the approach of Mary by coming forward to greet her visitor. This was an act of respect to a visitor, as well as allowing the artist more freedom to centralize the encounter. The distance travelled by a host - the degree to which he or she inconvenienced themself - was a yardstick of respect, and could be considerable. On these patterns of ritual behaviour see Desmond Morris, Manwatching; the  Meaning of Human Gestures (London: Jonathan Cape, 1977), pp. 79-80. Both this work (American edition subtitle: a Field Guide to Human Behavior) and the author's subsequent Gestures, their Origins and Distribution (London: Jonathan Cape, 1979) co-written by Peter Collett, Peter Marsh, and Marie 0'Shaughnessy, a group of Oxford psychologists, suffer from a tendency to blur historical and cultural distinctions in the attempt to relate their data to contemporary readers. Clues to the meaning of a given hand configuration in one society at a given historical moment are often crudely juxtaposed with interpretations from another. The outstanding merit of the first book is found in passages concerned with the more primitive forms of body language, such as of prostration signi-fying abject submission, or conventions of greeting involving equally broad physical actions. The excellent collection of sources in the bibliography of the second is not well served by the man-in-the-street survey method used in the main body of the work. This tends to introduce a considerable amount of misinformation and interfere with the clarity of meaning where strict historical sign gestures are concerned. -76-81. Munich, Alte Pinacothek, Katalog II Altdeutsche Malerei (1963), s.v. "Meister des Marienlebens," pp. 132-7. The Visitation segment is no. WAF 623; the Meeting at the Golden Gate is no. WAF 618. For the identification of the donor, see how Hans Martin Schmidt, Der Meister  des Marienlebens und sein Kreis (Dusseldorf: Verlag Schwann, 1978), pp. 38, 124, 183. 82. The messiah's arrival and the Virgin's conception. 83. The unbroken tradition of the handclasp as a sign gesture from-antiquity to the early Renaissance period is the subject of Appendix Two. 84. Ibid. 85. One of the earliest of these is the fresco of the Meeting at the  Golden Gate by Ugolino d'llario at Orvieto of 1370-7(Illustrated in E. Carli, I l Duomo di Orvieto (Rome: 1stituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1965), fig. 116.) Anna uses both hands to clasp Joachim's right hand. The large figures dominate their schematic setting and attention centres on their gesture. The fresco of the same subject at Castelfiorentino by Benozzo Gozzoli (illustrated in R. von Marie, The Development of the  Italian Schools of Painting (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1929), 11:214) is a directdescendent of the Ugolino although i t also draws from the Tuscan Visitations we will see in a moment. The scale and appearance of the figures shows an increased realism as do the fields and city in the background. In the Gozzoli, Joachim extends both hands to interlock with both of Anna's. The Meeting at the Golden Gate which occurs in the upper right segment of Fra Filippo Lippi's P i t t i tondo Madonna and  Child stands much more on its own. Here Joachim ascends a staircase, his hands extending ahead of him, while Anna leans over at the top of the steps to grasp his cupped hands. This configuration is slightly unusual and the setting provides none of the customary details. (A detail is illustrated in G. Marchini, Filippo Lippi (Milan: Electa Editrice, 1975), fig. 68). 86. H. W. van Os and Marian Prakken, The Florentine Paintings in  Holland, 1300-1500 (Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1974), pp. 103-4, no. 63. The attribution, first made by Vitzthum in 1906, has been supported by Longhi (1960) and Bellosi (1965). The fragments are dispersed between Pisa (six), London, Pavia, Liverpool (two), New York and Rotterdam. See also Valerie Sutherland, "Thomas Patch and the Manetti Chapel Frescoes" (M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978). 87. According to ages declared on his father's catasti of 1469 (as eight, eldest of four) and 1480 (as eighteen). In 1469 the family residence was given as a-house In the Via della Scala. -77-88. The reputation of Cosimo Rosselli (b.1439 Florence-d.1507 Florence) was running high in 1476 upon completion of his frescoed "History of St. Filippo Benizi" for the Servites of SS. Annunziata, and he was one of the commissioners for the restoration of the facade of the Duomo in 1491. But Rosselli is remembered as the only senior member of the Sistine commission whose reputation has not remained high ("a minor Florentine painter responsible for the worst frescoes in the Sistine Chapel"— Hartt). Vasari reports that Rosselli was conscious of his inadequacy and sought to camoflage i t by using brighter colours and more gold. This is not borne out by the works which indicate a steady, workman-like approach. His average work has a great deal of unassuming charm (St. Catherjneof Siena as Spiritual Mother of the Second and Third Orders of  •St.Dominic, National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh, illustrated in Kaftal, Tuscan Saints, vol. 1, fig. 281.) Rosselli's roots were also toward the mundane, first as a student of Neri di Bicci in 1453, and then as an assistant to Benozzo Gozzoli in 1456. He is seen at his best in the high'altar for Santa Maria Maddalena di Cestello (now dei Pazzi), Florence, painted in 1505 just two years before his death (Coronation of the Virgin  with Saints, Prophets and Angels, now in a chapel of the church). It reflects a late response to almost contemporary trends, particularly the Botticelli of the S. Marco Coronation of the Virgin. Always old-fashioned, Rosselli was unable to respond to the Flemish impact which the younger generation of Filippino and Ghirlandaio, as well as Piero di Cosimo, handled to their advantage. It is certainly true to say that he was surpassed by the pupil who took his name, though i t is less certain whether the training he provided Piero di Cosimo should be viewed as a handicap, since Piero managed to assimilate a great deal from others, (particularly Filippino but also Ghirlandaio and Hugo van der Goes, and after the turn of the century, Leonardo). What Rosselli, and through him Piero, may owe to Verrocchio is an interesting question which may be clarified when the work to reestablish the painted oeuvre of Verrocchio is more advanced (Konrad Oberhilber has recently reattributed a Louvre Madonna from Piero di Cosimo to Verrocchio, see "Le probleme des premieres oeuvres de Verrocchio," Revue de l'Art 42 (1978): 63-76, fig. 19). 89. The presumed portraits of Piero and Rosselli appear among the by-standers at the extreme left of the fresco; detail illustrated in Mina Bacci, L'opera completa di Piero di Cosimo (Milan: Rizzbli Editore, 1976), p. 83. 90. Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite de' piu eccellenti pittori, scultori ed  architetti italiani..., ed. Gaetano Milanesi, 9 vols. (Florence: G. C. Sansoni, 1878-85), 4:131-44 (hereafter cited as Vasari-Milanesi, Vite); and in translation as Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors and Architects, ed. Gaston Du C. de Vere, 10 vols. (London: Philip Lee Warner, Publisher to the Medici Society, 1912-15), 4: 125-34 (hereafter cited as Vasari-de Vere, Lives). 91. A short l i s t of those provided by Vasari might include: prolonged - 7 8 -bouts of silence, an inordinate love of animals, fear,of fire, his wildly overgrown garden, fear of thunder and lightning, his total disinterest in normal meals. "He could not bear the crying of children, the coughing of men, the sound of bells, and the chanting of friars..." (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, p. 133). Piero had an amusing way of talking and his attention wandered when others were telling the story. His friend, the director of the Spedale degli Innocenti, he drove to distraction refusing to let him see the painting as i t progressed and threatening to destroy i t if seen before It was finished. In the end senility began to make him unable to paint and more eccentric in mind, but he refused a l l help from friends or doctors. 92. Some other characterizations of Piero by Vasari: "the strangeness of his brain [stranezza del suo cervello], and his constant seeking after difficulties", "his uncouth ways [la bestialita]", "the great genius [ingegno] of Piero", "a certain subtlety in the investigation of some of the deepest and most subtle secrets of Nature", Vasari-de Vere, Lives, pp. 126, 127, 133, 133. 93. The teenage Vasari had learned much of his information from the firsthand accounts of Andrea del Sarto, Piero's pupil. 94. Now dated by Stephanie J. Craven, "Three dates for Piero di Cosimo," Burlington Magazine 117 (1975): 572-6, esp. p. 575, 95. Vasari-de Vere, Lives, p. 131 ("perche non fecie mai Piero la piu  vaga pittura ne la meglio finita di questa" Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, p. 139.) 96. "E certament che Piero pOssedeva grandemente 11 colorire a olio" ("for i t is certain that Piero was a great master of colouring in oils") Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, 4:138, cf. p. 134, and Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:130, cf. p. 127. 97. Piero was one of the first Italian artists to use o i l , although s t i l l on panel, throughout his maturity. Only the small number of works from the 1480's are in tempera. 98. Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:126: "...from which even by that time men could perceive the strangeness of his brain, and his constant seeking after difficulties." Emphasis mine. 99. Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, 4:138, and Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:130, respectively. Modern critics have been quick to attribute these passages to the probable influence of Leonardo. 100. The old-fashioned appearance of both Pugliese pale may manifest a desire on the part of the patron to avoid ostentatious display, in accordance with precepts advanced by Girolamo Savonarola. -79-101. Jan Bialostocki, ed., Spatmittelalter und Beginnende NeUzeit, Propylaen Kunstgeschichte, no. 7 (Berlin: Propylaen Verlag, 1972), p. 237: "Nicht ein einziges uberliefertes Werk des Piero di Cosimo ist  signiert, datiert oder urkundlich belegt." (Not one single surviving work of Piero di Cosimo is signed, dated or documented.) 102. Even if Vasari exaggerates in the statement "It may be said, in truth, that he changed his manner almost for every work that he executed." (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:127.) 103. This is conveniently reflected in the work of one scholar, Mina Bacci, whose two books are entitled Piero di Cosimo (Milan: Bramante, 1966) , (hereafter cited as Bacci, Piero di Cosimo) and Idem, L'Opera  completa di Piero di Cosimo, Classic! dell'Arte, no. 88 (Milan: Rizzoli Editore, 1976), (hereafter cited as Bacci, L'opera completa). The second work updates the first but the opinions expressed are very close in spirit. Bacci tends toward caution, often avoiding taking a hard line on disputed points, although her ability to extract and second worthwhile speculations from other more erratic authors, such as Zeri, is a hidden strength. In the view of Bacci and others, a more or less steady improvement characterizes Piero's work until some time after 1510. Whatever may be said of the rather abrupt arrival at the first mature style (Saint Louis pala), the pattern from the late 1480's shows a logically developing technical facility, elevated further by contact with Leonardo in the first decade of the sixteenth century. The only serious question about the late decline is its point of initiation, on which opinions s t i l l vary widely. 104. For these works see Appendix One: "Four Additional Piero di Cosimo Altarpieces." 105. A useful summary of these and the assessments that follow is given in Bacci, L'opera completa, pp. 5-14, 82. 106. Of particular note: G. Frizzoni, "Saggio critico intorno a l l opere di pittura del Rinascimento esistenti nella Galleria di Berlino," Jahrbiicher fur Kunstwissenschaft 3 (1870): 81ff; Idem, "L'arte italiana nella Galleria Nazionale di Londra," Archivio Storico Italiano 4 (1879): 246ff; and Fritz Knapp, Piero di Cosimo, ein Ubergansmeister von  Florentiner Quattrocento zum Cinquecento (Halle, 1899) . 107. Wittkower (in Born Under Saturn (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963), pp. 68-70) draws a more sensitive parallel between Piero and Pontormo, solitary and troubled, finding creative exaltation in the world of their art. -80-108. In addition to the works already cited by Bacci, the essential works are: Paola Morselli, "Saggio di uncatalogo delle opere di Piero di Cosimo," L'Arte 23 (1958): 67-92; Federico Zeri, "Rivedendo Piero di Cosimo," Paragone 115 (July 1959) : 36-50; and Luigi Grassi, Piero di Cosimo e i l problema della conversione al Cinquecento riella pittura  fiorentina ed emiliana (Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1963). The eighty-two year old R. Langton Douglas published the first modern monograph (Piero di Cosimo (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946).) In his catalogue the author provides an excellent listing of the modern literature to that date. The work is flawed however by a tendency to disagree with previous opinions and insist on new datings and interpretations without firm evidence. The general chronology is erratic and the canon of works given to Piero is stretched in several unlikely directions. Among those who have taken issue with Douglas are E.K. Waterhouse in his review of the book for the Burlington Magazine 89 (1947) : 229-30, and Erwin Panofsky in a letter to the editor of the Art Bulletin 28 (1946): 286-9. 109. Including worthwhile observations about Pollaiuolo and Pintoricchio. Grassi's dating is not particularly useful. 110. For the further discussion of Piero's religious iconography see Appendix One: "Four Additional Piero di Cosimo Altarpieces." 111. Minor independent paintings of the Visitation which predate the Piero include a small Bohemian example, the Schwamberg votive panel of the early fifteenth century, now in the National Gallery, Prague, and a crude triptych with flanking Franciscan saints attributed to Tuccio d'Andria of Genoa but found in Molfetta (Bari). These works are illustrated respectively in H. G. Evers, "Yber das Gepyrg; Lautenbach, Heimsuchung, Felsgesicht, Purer," Minister 86 (1973) : 257-81, fig. 6 on p. 261; and Dizionario Enciclopedico Bolaffi dei Pittori e degli Incisori  Italian! dall'XI al XX secolo, s.v. "Tuccio d'Andria" (hereafter cited as Dizionario Bolaffi). The outlines of an independent Visitation tradition are first found in certain large German statues: the monumental early thirteenth century figures in Bamberg cathedral, the early fourteenth century Katherinenthal Vesperbild, and the monumental freestanding early fifteenth century statue from Schwabisch-Gmund, now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nurnberg. 112. Oil on wood, 184 x 189 cm., National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C, no. 454, good condition with some inpainting on Virgin's blue mantle, sky, and bottom edge of the painting. 113. Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, 4:133: "e nella chiesa di Santo Spirito di Fiorenza lavoro alia cappella di Girio Capponi una tavola, che v i e dentro  una Visitazione di Nostra Donna con Sari Nicolo e tin Sant'Antonio..." (And for the Chapel of Gino Capponi, in the Church of S. Spirito at Florence, he painted a panel wherein is the Visitation of our Lady, with St. Nicholas, and a St. Anthony....) -81-114. The painting remained in the Capponi chapel until 1713, when it was replaced by the present Marriage of the Virgin by Giovanni Sagrestani. It was removed to the Capponi v i l l a at Legnaia outside of Florence. In the early nineteenth century i t was acquired from the Capponi family by the grandmother of Col. W. Cornwallis-West, the Hon. Mrs. Frederick West. From Col. Cornwallis-West's estate it passed first to Agnew's in 1919 and then to DuveenTs in New York. Samuel H. Kress bought i t in 1937 and presented i t to the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., in 1941. The basic literature is listed by Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, p. 71 and Fern Rusk Shapley, Paintings from the  Samuel H. Kress Collection, vol. 1: Italian Schools XV-XVI Century (New York: Phaidon Press, 1968), p. 118. To works mentioned may be added the short notice written by Tancred Borenius when the work emerged on the art market in London (The Salutation by Piero di Cosimo (London: Thos. Agnew and Sons, 1919).) Borenius clarifies the English provenance but does not otherwise add to the known information. 115. On the Capponi see particularly Francis William Kent, Household and  Lineage in Renaissance Florence: the Family Life of the Capponi, Ginori, and Rucellai (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977). See also Richard A. Goldthwaite, Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence; a Study  of Four Families (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), pp. 187-233. Other branches and members of the family endowed other chapels in Santo Spirito and Santa Felicita. 116. Archivio di Stato, Florence, Carte Strozziane, Series II, Vol. 93, f. 13v. 117. These delays were caused by the death of the architect, Brunelleschi in 1446, and disagreement about the style in which the building should be completed. This situation was further confused by the fire of 1471 which destroyed the old church of S. Spirito adjoining the left transept. After attempts to restore the older building failed, the new building was brought to a preliminary state of completion in 1482 with the closing of the dome over the transept crossing. Mass was held in the new building from this date and the decoration and occupation of private chapels was able to proceed. See Walter and Elizabeth Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz, 6 vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1943-54), 5:117-208, esp. pp. 119-21. 118. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Archivio Capponi, No. 140, f. 149 right. 119. A. S. F., Patrimonio Vecchio, Cassetta 67, busta 2, f. 14r. 120. A. S. F., Conventi soppressi 122, filza 128, f o l . 96r, dated 12 September 1488. Published in Anne Markham Schulz, The Sculpture of  Bernardo Rossellino arid his Workshop (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), p. 166. -82-121. B. N. F., Archivio Capponi, No. 140, ff . 179 right and 190 right. Published in Stephanie J. Craven, "Three dates for Piero di Cosimo," Burlington Magazine 117 (1975): 572-6, esp. p. 572. 122. Schulz, ROssellino, p. 69. 123. The.entry names Clemente del Tasso, a popular woodworker, at a fee of six florins. 124. With the notable exception of Bacci, L'opera completa, p. 88 who takes the date as a terminus ante quern. 125. Comprehensive data is lacking, although most evidence suggests that frames came before paintings during the fifteenth century. Notable cases include Giuliano da Sangallo's frame for Botticelli's Bardi  Altarpiece of 1485; Ghiberti's marble frame of 1432 for Fra Angelico's 1433 Madonna of the LinaiuOli; the gothic frame for Jan van Eyck's Ghent Altarpiece consecreated in 1432; and the frame for Hugo van der Goes' Edinburgh Trinity panels of about 1475. See, in addition to Craven, Lotte Brand Philip, The Ghent Altarpiece arid the Art of Jan van  Eyck (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p. 47 and Monika Cammerer, Die Rahmungen der toskanischen Altarbilder im Trecento (Strasbourg, 1966). 126. Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century  Italy; A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), pp. 67-70. Cf. J. Bulwer, Chirologia...  Chironomia, ed. J. W. Cleary (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1974), pp. 47-8; E. Panofsky, "Jan van Eyck's 'Arnolfini' Portrait," Burlington Magazine 64 (1934): 117-27, esp. p. 125; and G. Kaftal, Saints in Italian Art (Florence: Sansoni, 1978), 3:1198-9. 127. Mirella Levi D'Ancona, The Garden of the Renaissance. Botanical  Symbolism in Italian Painting (Florence: Olschki, 1977), p. 402 identifies it as a wallflower, symbol of earthly and divine love, according to a legend of Nicander of Colophon. Wallflowers however are yellow as well as burgundy and there is no yellow on these blooms. The seven blooms of the columbine on the other hand may symbolize either the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit (Isaiah 11:2 and Revelations 5:12), or the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin (see E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), 1:416 and S. N. Blum, Early Netherlandish  Triptychs (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 142). As the former it might appear in the donor zone to allude to qualities of the man: power, riches, wisdom, might, honour, glory, and blessing. As the latter it might l i e on the median to introduce a reference to the sacrifice of Mary's son, which is one of her seven sorrows, and which is itself echoed by the sacrifice of Elizabeth's. 128. The shed on top of the centre structure has a slightly different roof. The number of setbacks on the roof of the foremost building is three on -83-the right and four on the left. Metal railings have been added to two buildings on the right. The largest house on both sides of the picture has very simple pale attached to the.corners at the second s i l l level. 129. See Appendix One: "Four Additional Piero di Cosimo Altarpieces." 130. Piero has modelled his Massacre of the Innocents on the similar passage in the background of Ghirlandaio's 1488 Adoration of the Magi for the high altar of Sta. Maria degli Innocenti. See Everett Fahy, Some Italian Followers of Domeriico Ghirlandaio (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1976), p. 140, no. 37. 131. Piero's preliminary pen drawing of Mary and Elizabeth (Uffizi no. 286E r) indicates that Piero*s Madonna derives from the Virgin in Filippino's Vision of St. Bernard of c. 1486. First noted by Zeri, "Rivedendo," p. 45. There is also a close relationship between the background depiction of the donor's house In Filippino's Tanai dei Nerli  Altarpiece and those in the Piero. Tentatively identified as Tanai's house and dated to c. 1488 by L. Berti and U. Baldini, Filippino Lippi (Florence: Arnaud, 1957), pp. 36, 85. 132. The extraordinary detail of Piero's massive foreground saints is directly attributable to Hugo's example. The head and beard of his Anthony are a slightly more brittle version of Hugo's. Anthony's flesh shows the active, transparent form which Hugo uses for his rougher figures, the shepherds, Joseph, and Anthony. Some of the wonder Hugo evoked in Florentine eyes informs Vasari's admiration for the most trompe l'oeil parts of Piero's painting: the spectacles, parchment book, and golden balls (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:126). 133. Bianca Hatfield Strens, "L'arrivo del Trittico Portinari a Firenze," Commentari 19 (1968): 315-9. 134. An influence recognized since Knapp, Piero di Cosimo, pp. 55-6. See also Idem, "Hugo van der Goes' Portinari-Altar und sein Einfluss auf Lionardo da Vinci, Botticelli, Filippino Lippi, Piero di Cosimo u.a.," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 2 (1912-17): 194-210, and Zeri, "Rivedendo," pp. 45-6. 135. Vasari states that Piero took up the o i l medium out of admiration for works of Leonardo which remained in Florence (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:127). The chronological and visual evidence lends no support to the supposition, an invention which does however serve Vasari's desire to promote Leonardo. The influence of Leonardo was profound, but not until after his return to Florence in 1500. Whether i t is this mis-information or prejudice,of another.sort, Piero has remained con-spicuously absent from a literature which grants a pioneering role to a considerable number of younger artists (such as Fra Bartolommeo, Albertinelli, Ridblfo Ghirlandaio, Granacci, Bugiardini, and Raphael). His relationship with the real pioneers such as Antonio Pollaiuolo, Verrocchio, and Perugino, is totally unexplored. Piero di Cosimo is -84-not discussed in Sir CharlesEastlake's seminal study, yet considerable space is devoted to Lorenzo di Credi and Francesco Francia (Methods and  Materials Of Painting of the Great Schools and Masters, 2 vols. (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1960), 2:1-208). 136. Northern sources often serve.to stimulate Piero*s own inventivenes, as Irving Lavin demonstrates with sympathetic sensitivity in the case of Piero's unusual Death of Procris, now in London, and its relationship with a late Gothic miniature tradition ("Cephalus and Procris; Trans-formations of an Ovidian Myth, "Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Institutes 17 (1954): 260-87, esp. p. 271). 137. Vasari singles out the most Flemish details of the Visitation to preface his observation that "even by that time men could perceive the strangeness of his brain, and his constant seeking after difficulties" (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:126). 138. The central thrust of the 1441 decree expresses the desire for peace and unity which the Virgin's reconciliation is capable of bestowing: QUE CONSIDERANS HEC SANCTA SYNODUS CUM IN HOC TEMPORE TOTA, PROCH DOLOR, CHRISTIANITAS IN LABORIBUS ET ANGUSTIIS CONSTITUTA CERNATUR, CUMQUE FERE VBIQUE DIUISIONES ET BELLA PER HUMANI GENERIS HOSTEM INTRODUCTA VIGEANT, ET IPSA ECIAM ECCLESIA MILITANS NON MEDIOCRIBUS AGITETUR PROCELLIS, DIGNUM ESSE IUDICAUIT, SOLENNITATEM HANC, QUE CONGRUE VISITACIO BEATISSIME VIRGINIS APPELLATOR, IN SINGULIS CHRISTIANORUM ECCLESIIS CELEBRARI, VT HONORATA IN HAC CELEBRITATE PER PIAS AC DEUOTAS FIDELIUM MENTES MATER GRACIE ET OMNIS CONSOLACIONIS SACERRIMA VIRGO MARIA BENEDICTUM FILIUM SUUM I AM MULTIS HOMINUM PECCATIS OFFENSUM SUA INTER-CESS IONE CONCILIANS PACEM ET VNITATEM FIDELIBUS LARGIATUR. (In view of the distress and anguish of Christianity at this time, when everywhere division and wars flourish, introduced by the enemy, and when even the Church Militant herself suffers extraordinary onslaughts, this holy synod judges i t worthy that this solemn feast known as the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin, should be celebrated by every Christian church so that through the pious devotions of the faithful the most holy Virgin Mary, mother of grace and every consolation, whose blessed son suffered for the sins of man, might bestow peace and unity on the faithful, re-conciling them by her intercession.) Monumenta Conciliorum Generalium, vol. 3:3, p. 961. I wish to thank Joan Richardson for assistance with translations from the Latin. 139. The threat posed by the military advance of the Ottoman Empire was cited in the Jubilee year bull as the reason requiring a l l parts of the western church to cease struggling among themselves and confirm their common cause against non-believers. 140. These tend to be concentrated in the baptistry, seat of devotion to John, and include the following works: the fourteenth century dome mosaic; the southern bronze doors begun by Andrea Pisano in 1330; the vestment embroidery of 1469-80 designed by Antonio Pollaiuolo and -85-preserved in the Museo.dell'Opera del Duomo; and in Bernardo Cennini's segment of the silver altar dossal of 1477-80, also in the.Museo dell' Opera. The important fresco in the choir of Santa Maria Novella, painted by Domenico Ghirlandaio between 1485 and 1490, should be added to these. A sequence of this size is virtually unknown outside of baptistries or churches dedicated to John. Giovanna degli Albizzi, the donatrice, appears in the Visitation fresco of the seven scenes from the "Life of the Baptist," making a direct connection with her name saint. The man who paid for the choir decorations, her father-in-law, Giovanni Tornabuoni, was also named for the Baptist. In a l l of these examples Elizabeth is conceived in terms of equality or near equality with Mary, a feature rarely met in the much more common Visitations in sequences of the "Life of the Virgin." 141. Richard C.,Trexler, "Lorenzo de'Medici and Savonarola, Martyrs for Florence," Renaissance Quarterly 31 (1978): 293-308, with further references on pp. 293-4. 142. Tempera on panel, 172 x 165 cm., the panel shows Elizabeth kneeling low on one knee before the Virgin, who places her hands on Elizabeth's shoulders. Mary Jacob! and Mary Salome are identified by inscriptions on the stone arch behind them and through which a seaport is seen behind Elizabeth and Mary. Mary Jacobi, who doubted the virgin birth, looks away; Mary Salome, who did not, turns toward the pair with hands in prayer. It was commissioned and dated 1491 but only finished by Domenico's sons in 1494, the year of Domenico's premature death from the plague. It hung in the chapel of Lorenzo's patron saint, Lawrence, in Santa Maria Maddalena di Cestello (now dei Pazzi), until removed to Paris in 1812. The chapel was built in 1490 by Giuliano di Sangallo who was engaged in rebuilding or finishing both this Augustinian convent and the one of S. Spirito between 1480 and 1500. Sculpture from the burned church of S. Spirito was relocated in the church on the Via della Colonna in 1484. As well as the Ghirlandaio and two panels by Rosselli (1492, 1505), this church was also the original site of Perugino's Vision of St. Bernard (1489/90, now Munich) and a Botticelli Annunciation (1488/90, now Uffizi). See Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz, 4: 96-104, esp. pp. 103-4. 143. No autonomous painting of the Visitation. There is however the mysterious Botticelli tondo known as the Madonna of the Magnificat which bears the words of the Virgin's hymn of praise from the gospel account of the Visitation (Luke 1:46-55), and whose original patron is unknown. The subject is most unusual and may be unique. Generally thought to have been painted around 1481 or 1482, the tondo in the Uffizi shows the child seated on the lap of the Virgin who has just written the Magnificat and the Song of Zacharias (Luke 1;76-79) in a hymnal held by two angels. Another angel looks on over their shoulders and two more hold Maryrs crown as Queen of Heaven, above her head. Christ holds a pomegranate, a symbol of unity. Lorenzo de'Medici's endowment in 1482 for a feast on the day of the Visitation for his -86-deceased mother (see following footnote) throws the work into a new light, i f only in terms of the coincident dates. Tondos were tradition-ally commissioned in honour of births, not so far as we know, of deaths, although the unusual choice of subject indicates a private devotion of a special nature. The humility expressed by the speaker, and the verses alternating in praise of god's mercy and strength, would not be in-appropriate to the pious Lucrezia Tornabuoni. The element of thanksgiving in the feast also corresponds with the unmistakable sense of this painting, Whether or not Botticelli's Magnificat has a Medici link, i t remains a precocious reference to the independent theme of the Visitation in Florentine art. 144. Trexler, "Lorenzo de'Medici and Savonarola," p. 298. The revenues are endowed to the opera of John's sanctuary, the Baptistry, yet the feast chosen is that of the Visitation. This may be the first sign of a new attitude which sees the Visitation as a new approach to John. More-over, Lucrezia Tornabuoni held a personal devotion toward the young St. John. (See Lavin, "Giovannino Battista," p. 95.) That this crossover should occur in Florence is significant. 145. According to Sismondi, cited in S. Bainton, The Golden Age of the  Medici (Cosimo, Piero, Lorenzo de'Medici) 1434-1494 (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1925), p. 92. 146. Trexler, "Lorenzo de'Medici and Savonarola," pp. 294-7, 306, esp. p. 297. As a grown man, Lorenzo had the support of Piero Capponi, however Piero was later to break the pattern when the French invasion of 1494 led him to take a leading role when Florence rejected the ineffectual leadership of Lorenzo's son, Piero II. 147. From 1488 when Lorenzo's efforts achieved the marriage of his third daughter, Maddalena, to Francesco Cibo, the openly admitted son of the pope, his relationship was rewarded. In 1489 pressure on Innocent VIII won the concession to allow Lorenzo's second son, Giovanni, stand for the college of cardinals. The only stipulation to this being that the boy, who was s t i l l only fourteen years of age, should wait three years before his elevation. This boy was later to play an important role in the promotion of the Visitation in Florence after becoming the pope himself, as Leo X in 1513. For an account of these events written from a position of admiration for Lorenzo, see Ferdinand Schevill, History of Florence from the Founding of the City through  the Renaissance (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1936), pp. 404-5. For an account more sympathetic to Innocent, see Pastor, History of the Popes, 5: 265-70. 148. "Cum igitur excellentissima de stirpe David Maria et veneranda inter f i l i a s Aaron Elizabeth inuicem colloquuntur,..." Monumenta  Conciliorum Generalium, vol. 3:3, p. 960. The unfertilized rod of Aaron bore fruit as a sign that he was chosen by god for his role as high priest of the Jews in the wilderness. The birth of John from a barren mother was likewise a sign of divine intervention and special sacerdotal responsibilities. -87-149. In the Breviary it is St. Nicholas who salutes Mary as Queen of Heaven: "Salve regina mundi." 150. Painted between 1481 and 1483. See L. D. Ettlinger, The Sistine  Chapel before Michelangelo; Religious'Imagery and Papal Primacy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 65-70, pis. 4-5. 151. Aaron is also identified with bells to ring in order to drive off the devil, who is frequently depicted as a pig. Anthony's bell and pig as well as Anthony himself as a reference to the monks of S. Spirito may add their meaning to a sacerdotal emphasis on John's side of the painting. See J. Hall, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in  Art (New York: Harper & Row, Icon Editions, 1979), s.v. "Aaron." 152. Only now did this take on a personal application. The intercession of Mary was a central theme in every proclamation of the feast from 1389 to 1475, although the bulls tend to emphasize the need for Mary's inter-vention to strengthen and reunite the institution of the church. See Chapter One. 153. See the alabaster tomb of Alonso de Cartagena, bishop of Burgos (d. 1456) in the chapel of the Visitation which the bishop added to Burgos cathedral (fig. 29). Harold Wethey, Gil de Slloe and his School; A Study of Late Gothic Sculpture in Burgos (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), pp. 56-61, believes Gil de Siloe carved the tomb about 1475 as a more fitting memorial commissioned by the bishop's brother Pedro (d. 1478). Alonso was a humanist scholar (he translated Seneca) and a delegate to the Council of Basel. The end of the tumba tomb under the head of the effigy shows a relief Visitation with Elizabeth reaching to touch Mary's womb (fig. 30). They stand on a carved socle reading "la Visitasion". Whether other senior delegates to the Council of Basel carried out similar projects is unknown. Some probably did. Alonso's chapel of the Visitation would not then seem quite so excep-tional. The design of the Visitation relief follows the Flemish pattern, probably transmitted through a manuscript illumination. 154. Such a case is the early independent Tuscan Visitation of almost life-size (155 centimetres high) glazed terracotta attributed to Andrea della Robbia in San Giovanni Fuorcivitas, Pistoia (fig. 31). Having been broken and reassembled, even visual analysis of this piece must be cautious. 155. Other altarpieces from S. Spirito do this by showing portrait likenesses of the donors (Filippino Lippi Tanai dei Nerli Altarpiece) or namesake saints of the donor (Botticelli Bardi Altarpiece). 156. See the discussion of the -proscenium stage* area just within the frame in Sven Sandstrom, Levels of Unreality; Studies in Structure  and Construction in Italian Mural Painting during the Renaissance (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell, 1963), pp. 15-88. Sandstrbm recognizes -88-in Pintoricchio an important link to northern sources. He suggests (p.54) that the connection "seems to have come primarily by way of Umbrian art and from influences from the Marches via Justus and Carlo Crivelli." Pintoricchio's renowned lost views of various cities 'after the Flemish fashion* (Vasari—to whom Durer was a *Fleming') point to more extensive contact with northern sources than present research can adequately explain. On these decorations for Innocent VIII (1484-92)*s Belvedere palace, see Pastor, History of the Popes, 5:325-6. Much of the broad northern impact is felt in artists who were involved as masters or assistants in the Sistine Chapel from 1481 to 1482/3. Certainly there were more northern fifteenth century works to be seen in the Vatican then than have survived, such as Fouquet*s works for Eugenius IV and probably works by Jan van Eyck and Roger van der Weyden. 157. Wisdom of Solomon 1:1,4,5: "Love Justice, you rulers of the earth; set your mind upon the Lord, as is your duty, and seek him in simplicity of heart. Wisdom will not enter a shifty soul, nor make her home in a body which is mortgaged to sin. This holy spirit of discipline will have nothing to do with falsehood; she cannot stay in the presence of unreason, and will throw up her case at the approach of injustice. Wisdom..." The Latin is given in Shapley, Kress, 2:118. 158. The reflection on the front gold ball on the step has never been deciphered although Vasari identified the markings as reflections and praised their realism. It appears to be a representation of the Charity  of Saint Nicholas. Nicholas and another figure appear in a window at the left whose shutters open inward. The golden balls are thrust into the room where the shadowy figures of a father and his three dowryless daughters sleep. A chimneypiece looms to the right and the whole is seen as if through a window on the near side whose s i l l is visible along the bottom in front of the viewer. 159. Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 17. 160. He is shown without mitre or crozier, wearing only the alb and morse. 161. The relationship between personal members of the Capponi family and the family altar in the old church of S. Spirito is unexplored. The work, painted by Bama, reproduced the Legend of St. James and  St. Marinus and stood on the "Nikolaus-Altar der Capponi" until des-troyed in either the fire of 1471 or the demolition of 1481. See Paatz, Kirchen, 5:152. 162. i Kaftal, Tuscan Saints, 1:64. 163. For the use of spectacles as attributes of learning see Vincent Ilardi, "Eyeglasses and concave lenses in Fifteenth-Century Florence and Milan: New Documents,'"'Renaissance Quarterly 29 (1976): 341-60, esp. pp. 357-8 on Piero's Visitation. -89-164. The painted crucified Christ in the centre foreground of the Bardi  Altarpiece uses the same location to introduce its Passion reference. For a similar placement of the Christ child himself in Piero di Cosimo's destroyed Adoration of the Magi, see.Appendix One. 165. See Appendix Two: "A History of the Handclasp Gesture." 166. For its role in the rite of contract closing ("Vertragsschlusses") see Urbach, "Heimsuchung," p. 308. 167. Amira, "Sachsenspiegels," pp. 239-42. 168. Luke 1:42. See Dillersberger, Gospel of Saint Luke, pp. 80ff. 169. School of Fra Filippo Lippi, The Meeting of Christ and John in the  Desert, Berlin, Gemaldegalerie, c. 1470's. Discussed in Appendix Two. 170. John's laver and baptismal water indicate his mission and the reason for the promise Christ makes to return to the Jordan. This little-known subject and Piero's Visitation both provide opportunities for the develop-ment of new forms of iconography serving the Florentine interest in John. 171. The strict right-to-right hand form is not achieved among such works until the silver altar dossal of Bernardo Cennini also in the 1470's. The gesture probably acquired additional value in the Lippi, Cennini, and Piero by its use as part of the antique revival, which now consolidated, was beginning to influence Christian art quite removed from works of exclusively antique meaning. 172. New Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Visitation of Mary." 173. I wish to thank Peter Blackman for discussions regarding the symbolism of elements in the background and the relationship of zones in Piero's painting. 174. Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Holy Innocents" by Frederick G. Holweck; New Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Innocents, Holy" by E. J. Joyce; Schiller, Iconography, 1:114-7; Voragine, Golden Legend, pp. 64-8. 175. Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 64. 176. Ibid., p. 51. 177. Ibid. 178. Voragine lists a fourth class of 'creature,' angels, who are not shown in the Piero. Ghirlandaio's closely related Adoration of the Magi of 1488 includes the three classes shown by Piero, as well as the "multitude of angels singing 'Glory to God in the highest'." - 9 0 -179. : Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 47. 180. The altar area in the seventh chapel of the south (actually east as much or more than south) transept of Santo Spirito lies at an angle between 150 and 160 degrees from the high altar. Mary's shadow is approxi-mately 160 degrees from the horizontal plane of the picture. Anthony's cane however throws a shadow closer to 150 degreees, so that although the light a l l comes from the very far left, this slight convergence be-trays the additive nature of the picture's composition and execution. That the artist intends to use his light for didactic rather than naturalistic purposes is demonstrated by the way in which light from the rear is not allowed to obscure any important part of the picture with darkness: Mary's face, the handclasp, Nicholas' book. Such areas, on the contrary, gleam with added light. 181. Now Palazzo da Uzzano, number 26 in the Via de' Bardi. See G. Fanelli, Firenze, Architettura e Citta, 2 vols. (Florence: Vallecchi, 1973), vol. 2, p. 51, no. 67. 182. Venturi, Storia, vol. 7:1, p. 706. Railings of the sort seen on the houses on the right side of the painting, s t i l l survive on a few Florentine houses. See the late fifteenth century casa illustrated as fig. 197 in Fanelli, Firenze. The meaning of the small animal on the higher bar in the painting is not apparent. 183. The circular lookouts and fanciful gables on the Florentine palazzi at either side may also be intended to suggest the oriental locale of Bethlehem, site of both the Nativity and the Massacre. The bull of 1475 makes repeated reference to the 'tyranny' of the 'infidel' Turks, while in the painting the assassins' swords have short curved blades, unlike the longer straight ones in the scene of the same subject in the background of Ghirlandaio1s 1488 Adoration of the Magi. 184. Two chapels away, Filippino Lippi's pala for Tanai de Nerli not only uses the donor's house, but a naturalistic view of the city extending to the Porta S. Frediano. Ghirlandaio places the Palazzo Spini-Ferroni, Ponte a Sta. Trinita, and the facade of Sta. Trinita in the background of the Resurrection of the Spin! Child in Sta. Trinita. 185. His six sons ranged in age from thirty-one to forty-four in 1490. The apparent age split among the visible heads would also work. The four who are bearded and look older could be Cappone, Neri, Tommaso and Piero (aged 37, 38, .43 and 44), the two who look younger, Girolamo and ATlessandro (31 and 32). 186. The woman and child fleeing alongside the lamb may represent Elizabeth and John (see Hall, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols , s.v. "Massacre of the Innocents") although this woman does not look particularly aged. The lamb is doubtless the escaping Christ. -91-187. Realism is contradicted by the luxuriant green tree beyond the lower trunks of the two withered trees'; and by further deciduous trees in bloom in the distance on the right. 188. The feast days of Nicholas (December 6) and Anthony (January 17) are also in mid-winter. The date of the Visitation (July 2) however does not f i t a seasonal pattern. 189. For this iconographic motif of the 1480*s in Florence see F. Hartt, History of Italian Renaissance Art (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1973), p. 298. Piero used the star and sea again in his Spedaie degli Innocenti Madonna and Child with Saints. 190. As in the ex-Berlin Adoration Of the Shepherds and Uffizi Immaculate  Conception. 191. Voragine, Golden Legend, pp. 449-50. 192. Ibid., p. 450. 193. Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 51: Saint Augustine is the basis for giving this example of Christ's humility a threefold purpose: to teach us to humble ourselves, to deliver us from the bonds of sin, and to heal the tumour of our vain pride. 194. Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici, item 34 of 1475. 195. Ibid. (The devil) "seeks to destory the vineyard of the master [god], but the vineyard is the church herself, which the right hand of the highest destroyed over the son of god made man." 196. In the words of Donald Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence; Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 95. 197. Ibid., Chapters 3 and 4. 198. Savonarola was included in the five man embassy to negotiate with Charles VIII on Piero Capponi's personal initiative. Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, p. 131. 199. Certainly by Lent of 1491 the preacher's audience had grown so much that i t was necessary for him to move to the pulpit of the Duomo from San Marco. 200. In a pratica of the Signoria of March 1496. Weinstein, Savonarola  and Florence, p. 277. 201. Ferdinand Schevill, History of Florence from the Founding of the  City through the Renaissance (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1936), pp. 483-90, and for what follows. - 9 2 -202. It is also notable that one and possibly two of Piero di Cosimo's other early pale were for Francesco del.Pugliese, a staunch piagnone who was at the same time an extremely wealthy man. The inventiveness of format and presentation of the St. Louis and Innocenti pale is severely limited, suggesting the literal application of Savonarola's injunction against ostentation, rather than as a sign of the immature artist. Savonarola's impact on visual art is not generally considered to predate 1490, so this would tend to put the date of the St. Louis painting later than i t is usually placed and closer to the Innocent! pala. For a dis-cussion of these works and the question of whether the first donor is Francesco del Pugliese or his uncle, see Appendix One. 203. Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, p. 144. 204. Ibid., pp. 112-58. 205. As in Giovanni Mercurio of Correggio "urging repentance before the coming renovatio" in Florence during the 1480's. Weinstein, Savonarola  and Florence, p. 89. 206. See the following part of Chapter Two. 207. Erich Frantz, Sixtus IV. und die Republik Florenz, (Regensburg: Georg Joseph Manz, 1880), p. 406. 208. L. Heydenreich and W. Lotz, Architecture in Italy 1400 to 1600, (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 59. The small building was "his favourite church" (Kuhner). 209. Enciclopedia Cattolica, s.v. "Visitazione". See also Pfaff, New  Liturgical Feasts, p. 45. This was not the first alteration of the dedication because until 1482 the church was not dedicated to Santa Maria della Pace but to Santa Maria della Virtu. See Gunter Urban, "Die Kirchenbaukunst des Quattrocento in Rom," Romisches Jahrbuch fur  Kunstgeschichte 9/10 (1961/62): 176-219, esp. pp. 176ff. 210. Sixtus built the church to honour a miraculous image of the Madonna whose intervention was believed to have saved Italy from war at the time of the murder of Giuliano de'Medici in 1478. A suitable base for the older image was not provided until his successor, Innocent VIII, commissioned Pasquale da Caravaggio in 1484. The final payment for this marble tabernacle was made on 1 December 1490. See Urban, "Kirchenbaukunst," pp. 177-8. 211. The three fragments in the collection of the Duke of Northumberland, Alnwick Castle are reproduced in L. Dussler, Sebastiano del Piombo (Basel: Holbein-Verlag, 1942), figs. 70, 72, 73, with an engraved view as i t was in c. 1530 as fig. 71. 212. Transferred-from panel to canvas. Painted for and sent to Francis I, i t is signed and dated 1521. Illustrated in Dussler, Sebastiano del Piombo, fig. 47. -93-213. See Bruno Barbero, "Albertino Piazza e alcuni aspetti di protoclassi-cismo a Savona," Arte Loriibarda n.s., v. 47/48 (1977) : 81-8, fig. 1, since 1936 in the Nassauisches Landesmuseum^  Wiesbaden. 214. All early Roman Visitations are embraces. The Penni ("Raphael") handclasp Visitation finished in 1520 for Aquila (now in the Prado) is the awkward exception, a refugee from both Roman and Florentine schools. Taking its style from neither, its iconography borrows the dominating Elizabeth (even promoted to the dexter side) and self-effacing Virgin from the Sistine type, and the joining of hands from the Florentine type, to create a singularly unhappy work. 215. E. Carli, II Pintoricchio (Milan: Electa Editrice, 1960), pp. 35-6. 216. Of a l l the late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento Visitations this is the only one which can s t i l l be associated with the anti-Ottoman concerns elaborated in the Sistine bull and very much the foreign political question of the day. The St. Catherine Of Alexandria before  Maxentius on the adjoining wall bears a portrait likeness of Prince Djem. Djem was the sultan's brother and was being held a not-unwilling captive in- Rome awaiting an opportunity for the Christians to install him as puppet ruler of the Ottoman Empire, an opportunity which never arose. The subject of the fresco dramatizes the church in mortal peril from pagans in the east. 217. This form may owe something to Antonio Pollaiuolo, whose earlier design for a vestment embroidery i t closely resembles, and who was present in Rome from 1484. See L. D. Ettlinger, Antonio and Piero  Pollaiuolo; Complete Edition (Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1978), pp. 156-9. 218. Guillaume Marcillat, stained glass window with "Scenes from the Life of the Virgin" and papal arms of Julius II, 1509, S. Maria del Popolo, Rome. Illustrated in V. Golzio and G. Zander, Le Chiese di  Roma; dall'XI al XVI secolo (Bologna: Licinio Cappelli, 1963), facing p. 313. 219. By Ugolino d'llario in 1370-77. See U. Thieme and F. Becker, eds., Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Kunstler von der Aritike bis zur  Gegenwart, s.v. "Ugolino di Prete Ilario," by,Hans Dietrich Gronau, (hereafter cited as Thieme-Becker, Kunstlerlexikon) . The handclasping figures of Mary and Elizabeth in Luca Signorelli's small tondo Meeting of the Holy Families at Berlin may also derive from Piero's altarpiece. With the laver in his right hand, the infant John baptises the infant Christ on the other side of the picture, while their left hands meet. The tondo, illustrated in L. Pussier, Signorelli; Pes Meisters Gemalde (Berlin and Leipzig: Peutsche-Verlags-Anstalt Stuttgart, 1927) on p. 81 is dated by style to c. 1498 by this author, and to c. 1505 by M. Salmi, Luca Signorelli (Munich: W. Goldmann, 1955), p. 83, fig. 66a. The handclasping women may indicate transmission of the recent Florentine idea -94-through Pastura at Orvieto, where Signorelli was engaged:from 1499. 220. A name coined by Berenson for an artist active at Lucca within the last decade of the fifteenth and first decade of the sixteenth century, possibly the documented artist Antonio Corsi. The namesake tondo, formerly in the Francis Lathrop collection, has recently entered the Getty collection. For a discussion of the artist and a bibliography see the Catalogue of the Paintings of the J. Paul Getty Museum (1972), pp. 21-2. 221. Illustrated in Bolletino d'Arte 53 (1968): 38. 222. Ludovico Borgo, The Works of Mariotto Albertinelli (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1976), pp. 24-6, 277-82, esp. p. 24, figs. 159-63. Borgo does not rule out the possibility (p. 24) that the drawings may have been done ad hoc in 1503 as an unrecorded act of friendship by Fra Bartolommeo toward Albertinelli. 223. Borgo drawing 160 also shows a young woman standing alone, but this part of the drawing appears to be a study for an Annunciate Virgin, not a Virgin of the Visitation placed to the sinister side. 224. Both figures are modeled by a young person. None of the summarily rendered faces resemble the aged Elizabeth of either Piero's or Mariotto's painting. 225. Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:169: "and for the Church of the Congregation of the Priests of S. Martino, he painted a picture on panel of the Visitation, which is much extolled." Another work described in the same place has disappeared: "For S. Pancrazio, in Florence, Mariotto painted a semicircular picture of the Visitation of Our Lady." 226. Uffizi 1587, o i l on panel, 232 x 146 cm., predella: Circumcision, Adoration of the Child, Annunciation. The church was suppressed in 1785 and the painting entered the Accademia in March 1786; one month later i t was transferred to the Uffizi. 227. The relief decoration on the pilasters may refer to the qualities of Love (Charity) and Abundance: flaming winged hearts, vases of blossoming flowers resting on putti, birds feeding their young. 228. In fact her stance s t i l l faces the viewer but her upper body is revolved toward Mary. This increases the amount of twist in the Piero and derives from Fra Bartolommeo's drawings. 229. Borgo, Albertinelli, pp. 27-8. 230. Borgo, Albertinelli, p. 23. Freedberg and Borgo subscribe to Bodmer's 1929 reassessment of Albertinelli as an individual in his own right in the development of the High Renaissance style, pointing to the Uffizi Visitation and Accademia Annunciation as "two of the most significant land-marks in the evolution of the classical style in Florence" (Borgo p. 9). -95-Vasari set the seal on the carnal nature of the painter. However, much of his biographical data was provided by a monk of San Marco whose information appears reliable on Fra Bartolommeo but who may have had difficulty being objective about Mariotto. Vasari ignores works by Mariotto which do not reinforce the debt to the Frate. 231. Borgo, Albertinelli, pp. 17-9 gives a spirited defence of the artist's integrity in a convincing explanation that sees Mariotto looking to his investments in a time,of financial uncertainty, 1512, the year Prato was sacked. See Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, 4: 222-3. Some twentieth century critics have ignored Vasari's statement that Mariotto had resumed painting by March 1513, to maintain that he never painted again until his death in 1515. 232. Filippo Rossi, Art Treasures of the Uffizi and P i t t i (New York: Abrams, n.d.), no. 64, credits the intense colour of the work to Piero's influence. 233. The stylistic focus of Borgo's dissertation shares the orientation of Sydney Freedberg, his advisor at Harvard where the research was completed in 1968. 234. Borgo, Albertinelli, p. 26. 235. Fritz Knapp in Thieme-Becker, Kunstlerlexikon, s.v. "Albertinelli, Mariotto di Bigio di Bindo" saw the painted encounter in the same simple terms, as an emotional event: "Sehr durchempfunden 1st die Auffassung der  Frauen in ihrer feinen Gegeniiberstellung, bei Elisabeth die starke  Verbeugung und das beschattete Profil mit der ausdrucksvollen Gebarde der  Linken, bei Maria das hoheitsvoll ergebene leichte Sich-Verneigen." (The interpretation of the women in their delicate confrontation is very emotionally charged: in Elizabeth the deep obeisance and shaded profile with the expressive gesture of the left hand; in Mary the majestically submissive slight bow.) 236. For the history of the bilding see Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz, s.v. "S. Elisabetta," 2: 18-23, esp..pp. 18-9. One of the oldest parish churches in Florence, i t had been dedicated to S. Michelle delle Trombe. In 1517 Leo X added the dedication as the 'Chiesa della Visitazione' or 'S. Elisabetta.' Vasari refers to the church as the 'Chiesa della Congregazlone dei Preti di S. Martino.' Suppressed in 1785, the building was converted to dwellings, now numbers 2 and 3 on Piazza S. Elisabetta. 237. Graham Smith, "Rosso Fiorentino's Sposalizio in San Lorenzo," Pantheon 34 (1976): 24-30, esp. p. 28. 238. John Shearman, Raphael's Cartoons- (London: Phaidon Press, 1972), pp. 14-20, 87-9. -96-239. Paatz,: Kirchen vori Florenz, 2;20, 22. See G. Rlcha, Notlzie Istorische delle Chiese fiorentine, 10 vols. (Florence; P. G. Vivlani, 1754-62),8:268. We do not know how the large della Robbia terracotta Visitation in Pistoia (fig. 31) relates to this commission. With an uncertain attribution to Andrea della Robbia (c. 1505) and a rejected attribution to Luca della Robbia (c. 1445!) the possibility certainly exists that the work derives from Giovanni della Robbia (1469-after 1529), Andrea's son. The fact that the undocumented work shows a totally obeisant Elizabeth is the greatest impediment to seeing the work as a symbol of Leonine peace acceptable to both Florentine and papal pretentions. 240. Giovanni della Robbia's surviving Visitation uses a handclasp and general presentation derived from the Albertinelli. The 1514 facade portico relief on the Ospedale del Ceppo in Pistoia modifies Albertinelli's figures and gestures with Piero di Cosimo's haloes and equal heights. Looking on from either side are Ghirlandaio's Mary Jacobi with hand to heart and Mary Salome with hands in prayer. The Medici arms appear on another medallion in the program. Illustrated in J. Cavallucci and E. Molinier, Les Delia Robbia, Leur Vie et Leur  OEuvre (Paris: J. Rouam, 1884), p. 127. 241. Two corporal tabernacles once flanked the high altar. Their constitution of flowers and fruit and their pairing suggest the previous existence of a central tabernacle. The terracotta pair are attributed to Andrea or Giovanni della Robbia. See Paatz, Kirchen  von Florenz, 2: 20, 23. 242. The date (MCCCCLXXXXI) on Ghirlandaio's Louvre Visitation is, for example, the date of the commission (1491) not the completion (1494) . 243. Should Albertinelli's Visitation have been painted in 1504, the interesting possibility opens up that Fra Bartolommeo could have provided the drawings on the spot, at the point at which he resumed painting. Pressed for time he starts with the idea established by Piero di Cosimo. This is then altered to break up the static Quattrocento quality according to his own and Leonardo's ideas concerning dynamic figures. The final painting, further enhanced by Albertinelli's architectural borrowing from Perugino, combines elegant simplicity with striking colours and an underlying movement of subtle force. The simplicity of the painting is precocious even in 1504 but the assistance of a Fra Bartolommeo fully reengaged in the heady artistic events of the day would help to explain how this work manages to so far surpass most of Albertinelli's other works, and at only the midpoint of his career. 244. The shape of this structure has been the cause of unnecessary confusion. A simple semicircular recess or apse capped by a half dome, the space has puzzled art historians because of the compressed view which cuts off the outer edges, particularly at the top. For an identical -97-space seen from a point distant enough.to enable a positive identi-fication of each part, see Siciolante da Sermoneta's Baptism of Clovis illustrated in S.J. Freedberg, Painting in Italy 1500 to 1600 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1975), fig. 216. Nothing new, a similar space occurs in various earlier works, including Ghirlandaio's Annunciation to Zacharias in Santa Maria Novella and Giovanni Bellini's S. Giobbe and S. Zaccaria altarpieces. This type of exedra is not always shown in a church and occurs as an apse in the saint's room in Carpaccio's St. Augustine in his Study; The slightly exaggerated height of Abraham's figure with its upturned head and halo has been the most misleading detail in the Pontormo. 245. The restoration in 1958 reestablished the male sex of the figure fourth from the right. Compare the illustrations in Freedberg, Painting  in Italy, fig. 39 (before) and Hartt, Italian Renaissance Art, fig. 608 (after). 246. Lechner, "Heimsuchung Mariens," col. 234 is one example among many. Earlier Visitations had sometimes shown a substantial number of observers but these figures were always readily identifiable, as are the servants and family members in the Ghirlandaio fresco, and their presentation In space was never so compressed. 247. In the story of the blessing of Jacob in Genesis, the gentiles are prefigured by the younger of Joseph's two children, who is to be second blessed. Making the younger group female emphasizes the gulf between groups in the painting since women were s t i l l distinctly second class citizens in early Renaissance Italy. 248. Vestigal haloes are faintly visible on these two men and on Mary, Elizabeth and Abraham. See the post-restoration photograph illustrated in Hartt, Italian Renaissance Art, fig. 608. 249. "And he said, it is a light thing that thou shouldest be my servant to raise up the tribes of Jacob, and to restore the preserved of Israel: I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou mayest be my salvation unto the end of the earth." (Isaiah 49:6). 250. W. Tegg, Meetings and Greetings: the Salutations, Obeisances, and  Courtesies of Nations (London: William Tegg & Co., 1877), pp. 18ff. 251. Not as Hartt, Italian Renaissance Art, p. 501: "Nothing, however, is likely to account for Pontormo's inclusion of the l i t t l e , naked, unconcerned boy." 252. II Sodoma, Visitation, in a series of frescoed scenes from the "Life of the Virgin," Siena, Oratorio of San Bernardino, 1518-19. Illustrated in Andree Hayum, Giovanni Antonio B a z z i — n SOdOma (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1976), fig. 53. The l i t t l e boy is perhaps one of the Innocents since he is naked and looks away in both instances. He also occurs in the Perino del Vaga and Francesco Salviati -98-Visitations in Rome which are based on the Pontormo. In the latter he is suckled by a partially naked woman who is pouring sacramental (?) wine into a chalice. 253. Vasari tells us that the young<Pontormo was initially placed with Leonardo, then Albertinelli, and then Piero di Cosimo, a l l during 1507 (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 7:148). Piero became increasingly inaccessible from the time of the death that year of his own teacher, Rosselli, to whom he was particularly devoted. Pontormo's serious apprenticeship appears to have been served under Albertinelli from about 1508 to 1510. The young painter's period assistingiAndrea del Sarto, Piero di Cosimo's bona fide pupil, was towards 1512. Piero di Cosimo is nevertheless the individual who links a l l of these artists and Fra Bartolommeo as well, in the expanding accomplishments which are so difficult to reconcile with an inception in the work or teaching of Cosimo Rosselli. For Pontormo's relationship to Albertinelli and Andrea del Sarto see Freedberg, Painting in Italy, p. 102. 254. Pontormo, Visitation, o i l on panel, 69 x 45 cm., from the Carro di  San Giovanni with scenes from the l i f e of John the Baptist, owned by the Corporazione della Zecca, now preserved in the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Illustrated in L. Berti, Pontormo (Florence: Edizioni D'Arte i l Fiorino, 1966), pi. 13. 255. The date is uncertain. Different sources indicate that the set of panels may have been for the feast in any of the years from 1513 to 1516. Only 1514 or 1515 is likely however. The earlier year is suggested by the crude execution and the close reliance on Albertinelli, however Vasari says he did them to raise money to support himself during the larger enterprise, which would mean 1515. See John Shearman, "Pontormo and Andrea del Sarto, 1513," Burlington Magazine 104 (1962): 478-83, esp. p. 479. 256. The essential formal components of Pontormo's fresco, the figures of Mary and Elizabeth, are freely adapted from Albertinelli and Ghirlandaio, respectively. 257. Found in religious settings, the holy figure inevitably receives the homage. A typical recent example would have been Luca Signorelli's fresco of St. Benedict receiving the barbarian Totila of 1497-1501 at Monte Oliveto Maggiore. 258. See Appendix Two. 259. At the political extreme there was Filarete's Emperor John VIII Paleologos in obsequium before Pope Eugenius IV on the Porta Argentea, St. Peter's, Rome. At the opposite extreme i t could be applied to domestic 'politics.' An interesting cassone panel from the workshop of Apollonio di Giovanni now in the British Museum shows the wife of Darius iii obsequium before Alexander the Great. She is wearing the characteris-tic hat of John Paleologos but in this context the arrangement takes on -99-the sense of a wife's duty to submit to her husband. 260. The Servite fathers of SS. Annunziata placed a commission for the Medici arms to be sculpted in stone over the main door of the facade and this to be flanked by frescoes of the Faith and Charity of Leo X by Pontormo, on the day after news of Leo's election (11 March 1513) reached Florence. See John Shearman, "Rosso, Pontormo, Bandinelli, and others at SS. Annunziata," Burlington Magazine 102 (1960): 152-6, esp. p. 156. It was Pontormo who painted the Sti .Veronica fresco for the Papal chapel of Leo X in S. Maria Novella in 1515. i n fact, our knowledge of Pontormo's career coincides with the Initial undertakings after the formal rein-statement of the Medici in Florence in September 1512. It was he who was given five floats to decorate for the trionfo of Lorenzo de'Medici on 6 February 1513 and three for that of Giuliano de'Medici on 8 February 1513. The "belllssime storie" painted by Pontormo for the Entry of Leo X into Florence on 30 November 1515, have hot survived, although Vasari preserved in his house a panel of Pallas Athena and Apollo. Pontormo continued to work for the family in his maturity, decorating three different Medici villas to the order of Leo X, and, later, Clement VII, and the choir of S. Lorenzo for Cosimo de'Medici. For his part, i t was Leo X who in 1516 formally sanctioned the cult of S. Filippo Benizi, whom the Servites had venerated for some time. See New Catholic  Encyclopedia, s.v. "Philip Benizi, St." 261. Hartt, Italian Renaissance Art, p. 501. The doctrinal association between the Visitation and schism suggests another topical link to Leo, since Leo's immediate pacification of the schismatic Council of Pisa was considered to have reunited the Church and been one of his greatest achievements. The intensity of this identification and numerous panegyrics of 1513 by and about Leo and his desire for "the peace and unity of the whole Christian people" are outlined in Shearman, Raphael's  Cartoons, p. 15. 262. Tegg, Meetings and Greetings, pp. 18ff. 263. This was true even in those works which emphasized the self-abasement of the mortal figure, such as the Louvre Ghirlandaio and the large Della Robbia terracotta at Pistoia. 264. That this was not the.case even in Florence in pre-Sistine days may be seenin a project such as Lorenzo Monaco's fresco cycle in the cappella Bartolini, S. Trinita which ran to ten Marian subjects, in-cluding the altarpiece Annunciation, but included no Visitation. The damaged condition and subjects of the paintings are outlined in G. Kauffmann, Florence; Art Treasures and Buildings (London: Phaidon Press, 1971), pp. 313-4. 265. It is an interesting coincidence that while other Marian subjects were started and taken to completion, we do not hear of the subject or artist of the Pontormo Visitation until payment entries in the Camarlingo accounts of December 1514. -100-266. The figure of Elizabeth is on an equal footing with.Mary in a l l of the following examples: the fourteenth century dome mosaic; the southern bronze doors begun by Andrea Pisano in 1330; the vestment em-broidery of 1469-80 designed by Antonio Pollaiuolo and preserved in the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo; and in Bernardo Cennini's segment of the silver altar dossal of 1477-80, also in the Museo dell'Opera. 267. The difficulties surrounding this commission have been explored by Michael Hirst in his article, "A Late Work of Sebastiano del Piombo," Burlington Magazine 107 (1965): 176-85. Hirst believes that the o i l mural may have been commissioned around 1520, although he dates the executed fragments to the late 1530's. The same intermediary patron, Filippo Sergardi of Siena, appears to have been responsible for the commission at both times. Hirst feels that the work once occupied the choir area where Carlo Maratta's Visitation is today, but notes that "a comprehensive description of the interior of S. Maria della Pace prior to the major renovations of the mid-seventeenth century does not exist" (p. 181). The f u l l thirteen or fourteen foot mural is known now only through a painted copy and Cort's engraving. Yet the close simi-larity of its iconography to that of the panel Visitation which Sebastiano completed for Francis I in 1521 increases the possibility that the design of the mural was also determined around 1520. The fact that the French king wanted his first painting of the Visitation from a Roman artist during Leo's pontificate is itself interesting. 268. Graham Smith, "Rosso Fiorentino's Sposalizio in San Lorenzo," Pantheon 34 (1976): 24-30, esp. p. 28 finds an ambiguous peace reference in Rosso's Betrothal of the Virgin painted for the chapel of Carlo Ginori in S. Lorenzo. The date, 1523, implicates Clement VII, rather than Leo, but Smith argues for a commission in 1520 and an awkward modification of the picture before Its installation in 1523 to accomo-date an unforeseen reference to Clement. Clement (Giulio de'Medici, cousin of Leo X) made a similar commitment to peace in his personal iconography, which his choice of name reflects (Smith, p. 30, n. 27). 269. Shearman, Raphael's Cartoons, pp. 85, 88, fig. 17. See Appendix Two. 270. See Appendix Two for this work which shows a semi-draped woman clasp-ing hands with a winged, naked child holding an olive branch and standing in front of an olive tree. The Wittkower analysis of 1938 remains the best, and has won support more often (Tervarent 1958, Gibbons 1968) than not (Schaefer 1978). 271. Vasari-Milanesi, Vite, 5: 413. 272. The notable exception is Albertinelli's painting of 1503 which is undocumented until Vasari, and whose early history is completely unknown. Its apparent presence on the high altar of a church dedicated to S. Michele delle Trombe or S. Martino is problematical, and may -101-indicate that i t was originally in some other location before the renaming of the church in 1517. The church no longer exists to aid investigation. Although long considered this artist's signal achievement, the discussion to date, even in Borgo, has sought to define the painting's significance largely in terms of style alone. 273. Pontormo on the Carro di San Giovanni; Andrea del Sarto in S. Giovanni Battista alio Scalzo; Pontormo again in the Pieve di S. Giovanni Battista, Carmignano; Salviati in the Oratory of S. Giovanni Decollato, Rome. Pontormo's third version of the Visitation, the o i l painting at Carmignano, poses several interesting questions. Its embrace shows that a handclasp was not an automatic response by the artist. Vasari does not mention the work. Its recorded presence in the Pieve di S. Giovanni Battista goes back to 1677, but i t is in a chapel rather than on the high altar, suggesting a family benefaction. The nearest family of note around 1530 were the Medici at Poggio a Caiano, five kilometres to the east. Attempts have been made to see the work as a Medici com-mission, notably by Goldschmidt (1920) who placed i t at Careggi (1536). A very mature date is suggested by the style which, as has often been noted, blends and transforms a Durer woodcut (B. 84), and a Durer en-graving (B. 75) on the basis of figure pairs taken from both Ghirlandaio Visitations. This style may correspond in time with Pontormo's renewed Poggio project for Clement VII (1532/34). Earlier dates have also been suggested (Berti: 1530-32, Forster: 1528). 274. In the Oratory of San Bernardino; the Badia di Sante Flora e Lucilla; and the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, respectively. No longer extant, S. Pier Maggiore was also the burial palce of Piero di Cosimo (d. 1521) . 275. This slight difference may reflect the fact that the Sodoma is part of a Marian set while the other two are independent Visitations. 276. Reau, Iconographie, vol. 2:2, p. 199. 277. As in Adam Elsheimer's Marian house altar of about 1597-98, now in Berlin; and Peter Candid1s Visitation of c. 1626 in Freising Dom, the religious seat of Bavaria, catholic stronghold of Germany. The kneel of obsequium is exact in these works, indicating the continuing strength of a custom which by this time was somewhat archaic in Italy. 278. Perino also painted figures of Faith and Charity on a smaller lunette, the whole grouping clearly inspired by Pontormo's works at SS. Annunziata. The date depends on whether Pontormo's designs influenced Perino while the latter was s t i l l in Rome (until 1522) or if the works follow his return from Florence (in 1524). 279. With the relaxation of Elizabeth's posture there is also sometimes a relaxation of the handclasp. In the Perino and Salviati a l l four hands are held. - 1 0 2 -280. Both are l a r g e independent V i s i t a t i o n s . The Pacchia of 1518 s i l h o u e t t e s the handclasping couple at the c e n t r e , d i r e c t l y under the v a u l t , w h i l e the f i g u r e s of the Annunication f i l l the foreground corners. Both s u b j e c t s are taken d i r e c t l y from A l b e r t i n e l l i . The Pacchiaro t t o makes the background arch a Roman triumphal a r c h and adds s i x s a i n t s to make the work a sacra conversazione. The handclasp i n t h i s work l i n k s E l i z a b e t h ' s r i g h t to Mary's l e f t w h i l e Mary r e s t s her r i g h t hand on her own s w e l l i n g womb. Both works i s o l a t e the stooped foreground p a i r s from the standing f i g u r e s by a step, suggesting the pro g r e s s i o n of zones from viewer to subject used by Pi e r o d i Cosimo. The Pa c c h i a r o t t o a l s o includes a p o r t s i d e quay beyond the arch i n the centre of the p a i n t i n g . 281. The S o g l i a n i i n S. N i c c o l d a l Ceppo; the work a t t r i b u t e d to B o s c o l i now i n the Walters Art G a l l e r y , Baltimore. This type i s a l s o used by the engraver Giovanni Animuccia on the f r o n t i s p i e c e f o r the t e x t and music of a " M a g n i f i c a t " p r i n t e d i n Rome i n 1568. f i e n n T T 1 ^ ?*OTtaa' a r t l s t s i n c l u d e t h o ^ by Palma Vecchio a t V : L e n ? a ' „ C \ 1 5 2 5 ; L o r e n z o L o t t o ^ J e s i , c. 1530; a t t r i b u t e d to Veronese 282, Viei . IOJU; a t t r i b u t e d to Vere a t the Barber I n s t i t u t e , Birmingham; and Palma Giovane i n S. Maria Zobenigo, Venice; as w e l l as examples by more d e r i v a t i v e a r t i s t s . 283. New C a t h o l i c Encyclopedia, s.v. " V i s i t a t i o n of Mary," by M. E. Mclver. 284. And, at the simplest l e v e l , g r e e t i n g . Both couples k i s s as w e l l as j o i n hands, or are about t o , and thus r e i n f o r c e the symbolic charge of t h e i r encounter. The k i s s between Jacob and Rachel f o l l o w s Genesis 29: 11, "And Jacob k i s s e d Rachel, and l i f t e d up h i s v o i c e , and wept". The handclasp represents a more modern means of expressing the same bond, as may be seen i n the trend to replace the former by the l a t t e r i n numerous northern iconographies of the f i f t e e n t h century. See Appendix Two. -103-BIBLIOGRAPHY Amira, K a r l von. Kordgermanisch.es O b l i g a t i o n e n r e c h t . 2 v o l s . L e i p z i g : Verlag von V e i t & Comp., 1882-95. B a c c i , Mina. L'opera completa d i Pi e r o d i Cosimo. 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Household and Lineage in Renaissance Florence: the Family Life of the Capponi, Ginori, and Rucellai. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977. Knapp, Fritz. Piero di Cosimo, ein Ubergansmeister vori Florentiner  Quattrocento zum Cinquento. Halle, 1899. Lavin, Marilyn Aronberg. "Giovannino Battista: A Study in Renaissance Religious Symbolism," Art Bulletin 37 (1955): 85-101. Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie. S.v. "Heimsuchung Mariens," by Martin Lechner. Mirbt, D. Carl. Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des  Romischen Katholizismus. 6th ed. Edited by Kurt Aland. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1967. Monumenta Conciliorum Generalium seculi decimi quinti. 4 vols. Vienna: Adolphi Holzhausen, 1857-85. Morselli, Paola. "Saggio di un catalogo delle opere di Piero di Cosimo." L'Arte 23 (1958): 67-92. Neumann, Gerhard. Gesteri und Gebarden in der griechischeh Kunst. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1965. -106-New Catholic Encyclopedia. S.v. "Visitation of Mary," by M. E. Mclver. Paatz, Walter and Paatz, Elisabeth. Die Kirchen von Florehz. 6 vols. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1943-54. Panofsky, Erwin. "Jan van Eyck's 'Arnolfini' Portrait." Burlington Magazine 64 (1934): 117-27. Pastor, Ludwig von. The History of the Popes from the Close of the  Middle Ages. 40 vols. Translated by Frederick Antrobus. London: J. Hodges, 1891-0.953.' Perella, Nicolas James. The Kiss Sacred and Profane ; An interpretive  History of Kiss Symbolism arid Related Religio-erotic Themes. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969. Pfaff, R. W. New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England. Oxford Theological Monographs. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970. Piganiol, A. "Fides et mains de bronze." In Melanges Henri Levy-Bruhl: Droits de l'Antiquite et sociologie juridique, pp. 471-3. Paris: Institut de droit romain de l'Universite de Paris, 1959. Rathbone, P. T. "The Madonna enthroned with Saints by Piero di Cosimo." 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Paragone 115 (1959): 36-50. - 1 1 0 -F i g . 2 Scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n , " s i l v e r a m p u l l a , 6th C, Monza, Duomo. - I l l -F i g . 3 Scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n , " g o l d pendant, 6 t h C, I s t a n b u l , A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Museum. -113-F i g . 5 G i o t t o , V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , Padua, Arena C h a p e l . -114-F i g . 6 Umbrian School, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h Scenes from the " L i f e of C h r i s t , " winged a l t a r p i e c e , c. 1280, Perugia, Pinacoteca. -115-F i g . 7 V i s i t a t i o n , d e t a i l of f i g . 6. -116-F i g . 8 Lorenzo M a i t a n i , V i s i t a t i o n , marble r e l i e f , c. 1310-30, Orvieto, Duomo facade. -117-F i g - 9 V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , 11th C, S a i n t - P i e r r e - l e s - E g l i s e s . F i g . 10 V i s i t a t i o n , marble r e l i e f , 1 2 t h C, Fano, Episcopal Palace. -119-( 'li .n II.N tin' I IIIK.II il F i g . 11 V i s i t a t i o n , stained g l a s s , 1216-30, Chartres, Notre-Dame, a x i a l window of apse. -120-F i g . 12 " P o r t a i l de l a V i e r g e , " C h a r t r e s , Notre-Dame, west f a c a d e , south p o r t a l . -121-83 F i g . 13 V i s i t a t i o n , d e t a i l of f i g . 12. -122-F i g . 14 N i c o l a Pisano, Scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n , " marble p u l p i t , 1268, Siena, Duomo. F i g . 15 V i s i t a t i o n , d e t a i l of f i g . 14. -124-mrj i t b<v. <:'it / / i - r ' l n n r l u r c h d a s T r . ' i u m w n r l e i n o s F n n o k Fig. 16 Fra Guglielmo, Visitation, marble pulpit, Pistoia, S. Giovanni Fuorcivitas. -125-Fig. 17 Visitation from Katharinenthal, painted and gilded wood, c. 1310-20, New York, Metropolitan Museum. -126-F i g . 18 C h r i s t and John the E v a n g e l i s t from Sigmaringen, painted and g i l d e d wood, c. 1320 Berlin-Dahlem. -127-F i g . 19 Cologne School, V i s i t a t i o n , c. 1410-15, Stockholm, Nationalmuseum. F i g . 20 Bohemian School, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h Scenes from the " L i f e of C h r i s t and the V i r g i n , " Royal C o l l e c t i o n . -129-F i g . 21 Bohemian School, V i s i t a t i o n , Pragu N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y . -130 F i g . 22 Master of the B e r l i n P a s s i o n , V i s i t a t i o n , c o l o u r ed engrav i n g . F i g . 23 Swabian S c h o o l , V i s i t a t i o n , S i g m aringen, H o h e n z o l l e r n Museum. -132-F i g . 24 Master of the L i f e of the V i r g i n , V i s i t a t i o n , panel of an a l t a r p i e c e , 1463, Munich, A l t e Pinakothek. -133-F i g . 25 Antonio Veneziano, V i s i t a t i o n , Fresco, c. 1385-90, P i s a , San Martino. -134-F i g . 26 Thomas P a t c h , V i s i t a t i o n , e n g r a v i n g a f t e r d e s t r o y e d f r e s c o f o r m e r l y i n F l o r e n c e , Carmine, M a n e t t i C h a p e l . -135-F i g . 27 P i e r o d i Cosimo, V i s i t a t i o n , c. 1489-90, Washington, D.C., N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of A r t . -136-DO NOT COPY F i g . 28 Domenico Gh i r l a n d a i o and A s s i s t a n t s , V i s i t a t i o n , 1491-94, P a r i s , Musle du Louvre. - 1 3 7 -I F i g . 29 A t t r i b u t e d t o G i l de S i l o e , Tomb of A l o n s o de Cartagena, Burgos, C a t h e d r a l , Chapel of the V i s i t a t i o n . -138-I F i g . 30 V i s i t a t i o n , d e t a i l of f i g . 29. -139-F l g . 31 A t t r i b u t e d to Andrea d e l l a Robbia, V i s i t a t i o n , g l a z e d t e r r a c o t t a , P i s t o i a , S. G i o v a n n i F u o r c i v i t a s . -140-F i g . 32 S c h o o l of F r a F i l i p p o L i p p i , M eeting of C h r i s t and  John i n t h e D e s e r t , B e r l i n , G e m a l d e g a l e r i e . -141-F i g . 33 II Pastura, V i s i t a t i o n , fresco, Orvieto, Duomo. F i g . 34 Mariotto A l b e r t i n e l l i , V i s i t a t i o n , 1503, Florence, G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . F i g . 35 Jacopo Pontormo, V i s i t a t i o n , f r e s c o , 1514-16, Florence, SS. Annunziata. -144-F i g . 36 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , S a i n t L o u i s , C i t y A r t Museum. -145-F i g . 37 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s , F l o r e n c e , S p e d a l e d e g l i Innocent!. -146-DO NOT COPY F i g . 38 P i e r o d i Cosimo, A d o r a t i o n o f the Shepherds, d e s t r o y e d , f o r m e r l y B e r l i n , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h Museum. - 1 4 7 -F l g . 39 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Immaculate C o n c e p t i o n , F l o r e n c e , G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . -148-F i g . 40 P i e r o d i Cosimo, Study f o r an "Immaculate C o n c e p t i o n , " pen and i n k on paper, d e s t r o y e d , f o r m e r l y Bremen, K u n s t h a l l e . -149-F i g . 41 Concordia, Roman denarius, 42 B.C. -150-GALBA: LYONS O OTHO: ROI V I T P I 111 K * E Fig. 42 Fides Exercitvm, Roman denarius o Vitellius, A.D. 69. - 1 5 1 -F i g . 43 G e n e r a l ' s sarcophagus, F l o r e n c e , G a l l e r i a d e g l i U f f i z i . -152-F i g . 44 " C h r i s t u s Pronubus," g o l d e n m a r r i a g e b e l t , Washington, D.C, Dumbarton Oaks. -153-37. Munich. Cod. gall. Monac. 16, fol. 35 v : Saul Marrying Michal to David (see note 57) Fig. 45 Marriage of David and Michal, Munich, Cod. gall. Monac. 16, fol. 35v. -154-F i g . 46 G i o t t o , Marriage of the V i r g i n , f r e s c o , Padua, Arena Chapel. -155-F i g . 47 Jean Fouquet, M a r r i a g e of t h e V i r g i n , i n "Hours of E t i e n n e C h e v a l i e r , " C h a n t i l l y , Musee Conde. -156-F i g . 48 M i c h a e l Pacher, M a r r i a g e of the V i r g i n , fragment of an a l t a r wing, V i e n n a , Museum M i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e r O s t e r r e i c h i s c h e r Kunst. Fig. 49 "Mercy and Truth are met together," in a "Missel de Paris," Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine. -158-F i g . 50 Rhenish Master ( ? ) , Meeting at the Golden Gate and Scenes from the " L i f e of the V i r g i n , " ( d e t a i l ) , B r u s s e l s , Musees royaux d'Art et d ' H i s t o i r e . -159-Fig. 51 Upper German, Pair of Lovers, pen and black ink on paper, Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek. -160-52 Master MZ, P a i r of L o v e r s , e n g r a v i n g . -161-F i g . 53 "In fidem uxoriam," i n Andrea A l c i a t i , Emblematum L i b e r , P a r i s , 1534. -162-F i g . 54 C h r i s t washing the D i s c i p l e s ' f e e t , c a p i t a l , B a r c e l o n a , S. M a r i a d e l E s t a n y . -163-F i g . 56 M i c h e l o z z o , Monument of Bartolommeo Aragaz marble r e l i e f , M o n t e p u l c i a n o , Duomo. -165-F i g . 57 Lombard S c u l p t o r , E p i t a p h of S t e f a n o and Maddalena S a t r i , Rome, S. Omobono. -166-F i g . 58 Augustan Grave Stone, V a t i c a n , G a l l e r i a L a p i d a r i a . -167-PIG. 5 9 F i l a r e t e ( ? ) , F a u s t i n a and A n t o n i u s P i u s , medal NOT FILMED BECAUSE OF COPYRIGHT - 1 6 7 -DO NOT COPY Fig. 59 Filarete (?), Faustina and Antonius Pius, medal. -168-F i g . 60 C r i s t o f o r o d i Geremia, "Concordia  Avgg(ustorum)," on a medal of Constantine. -169-F i g . 61 Matteo C i v i t a l i , F r i e z e from a tomb monument, marble, London, V i c t o r i a and A l b e r t Museum. - 1 7 0 -F i g . 62 Marcantonio Raimondi, R e c o n c i l i a t i o n o f  M i n e r v a and Cupid, e n g r a v i n g . -171-APPENDIX I FOUR ADDITIONAL PIERO DI COSIMO ALTARPIECES Four major altarpieces are known:by Piero di Cosimo in addition to his S. Spirito Visitation. As a group; these works demonstrate several stages in the development of Piero's religious style, and in at least two cases, iconographic programs comparable in complexity to that of the Visitation. A brief examination of each.will help to place the achieve-ment of the Visitation in a perspective.beyond that of the artist as a strictly mythological painter. The works consist of the Madonna and  Child with Saints (Pala Pugliese) at Saint Louis; the Madonna and Child  with Saints in the Spedale degli Innocehti, Florence; the Adoration of  the Shepherds formerly at Berlin (destroyed); and the Immaculate Conception from SS. Annunziata, now in the Uffizi. The Madonna and Child with Saints in the City Art Museum of Saint Louis (fig. 36)^ " is probably the earliest of Piero di Cosimo's major religious altarpieces. It is the only large altarpiece by Piero in 2 tempera, other than the very early Montevettolini pala. Many parts 3 of the painting are impressive and light is handled with assurance, 4 though certain details of the execution lack integration. The con-servative composition is the most traditional of any of Piero's altar-pieces, and shows Saints Dominic and Nicholas kneeling before the enthroned Madonna and child, who are flanked by standing figures of Saints Peter and the adult John the Baptist. -172-Two clues point to the identity.of the patron. The arms of the del Pugliese family appear in the lower corners of the original frame, and the shaven-headed figure,of St. Nicholas has the striking appearance of a portrait.~* Further, the saint resembles the donor portrait in Filippino Lippi's Vision of St. Bernard, another altarpiece of the mid to late 1480's.^ Vasari identified Filippino's figure as Francesco del Pugliese (1458-1519), a piagnbne'who was also named as the patron of several works by Piero di Cosimo.^ The difficulty of reconciling the elderly head in both works with a patron aged thirty or less, has been explored by Herbert Home, who concludes that Vasari is in error and has on several occasions confused Francesco with his uncle, Piero del Pugliese (d. 1498). While most scholars have adopted Home's revisions, a few continue to accept Vasari. 9 Similarities in form, colour and lighting relate the Saint Louis pala closely to the S. Spirito Visitation, the date of which has recently been narrowed down to c. 1489-90."^ Uneven passages in the former, suggest a date which is earlier but not distant, perhaps c. 1488-89."^ Piero's style by the late 1480's had left both its origins in Roselli and the 12 following period of heavy reliance on Filippino, to approach the more realistic proportions, brighter colours, and palpable drapery folds of 13 Domenico Ghirlandaio. The second major altarpiece of Piero's early maturity is the Washington Visitation from the Capponi chapel in S. Spirito, discussed in Chapter Two. The early religious paintings in o i l recreate Ghirlandaio's -173-tempera style in a new medium, more than they resemble the carefully built up depths of colour and form in Hugo van der Goes. The planar organization of a l l of Piero's early pale is consistent with Ghirlandaio 14 and general Florentine practice. Piero's third major altarpiece is generally considered to be the panel for the cappella del Pugliese in the church of the Spedale degli Innocenti, showing the Madonna and Child with Saints Peter, John the Evangelist, Rosa da Viterbo arid Catherine (fig. 37)."''"' A terminus post quern of 1488 is given by the installation of Ghirlandaio's Adoration of the Magi on the high altar and the redecoration of the church from 16 that time. The picture combines kneeling female figures which are quite 17 accomplished, with standing male figures no more advanced than the standing figures in the Saint Louis pala. The ciborium and candlestick holders which rise above the Virgin's throne evoke the style of Benedetto 18 da Maiano (1442-1497), and lend the composition an archaic air. The broad forms of the remainder of the work were originally echoed by an enamelled terracotta lunette by Andrea della Robbia, which was designed 19 in conjunction with, and surmounted, the altar. A date in the early 1490's would place the Innocenti pala close enough to the Saint Louis and S. Spirito pale, while providing for the 20 modest advance shown in the figures of the Virgin and St. Catherine. The simple iconography of both Pugliese pale stands in marked contrast to that of the S. Spirito Visitation; This may reflect the intention of the patron rather than the artist, if either or both works reflect the sober spirit of the fundamentalist Dominican friar, Girolamo Savonarola, -174-who Francesco del Pugliese is known to have avidly supported. Piero's fourth major altarpiece, the Berlin Adoration of the 21 Shepherds (fig. 38), was in poor condition before its destruction by 22 fire in 1945. Knapp noted that the work was in mediocre condition 23 in 1899, having been crudely restored, altering the head of the child. 24 The work shows Mary and Joseph kneeling on both knees to adore 25 the Christ child. The naked child is the focus of attention, placed close to the bottom edge of the painting, almost precariously perched on the steep stable floor, without any barrier or transition between him and the viewer. He sits on his dark, seamless garment which is trimmed with gold, his back propped against a sack. With his right hand he points to his robe and with his left hand he blesses his mother. A man holding a lamb kneels on one knee and doffs a straw hat, at the extreme left. Another man stands somewhere behind Joseph, presumably within the four sides which define the manger space. This structure rises by an unhewn tree and a pillar of stone blocks along the vertical edges, to a braced roof of straw, seen precisely in the plane of the picture. These rustic elements contrast with the extraordinary smoothness of the stable floor. Through this four-sided opening we see a landscape in softer focus, with the Annunciation to the Shepherds on a h i l l at the far left. Moving closer is an archangel leading a well dressed young boynby the hand. The latter carries a fish, identi-fying the pair as Raphael and Tobias. On the right the ox rests and the saddled ass stands. Beyond them, an open-sided shed appears before a bulging haystack and the gnarled stump of a dead tree. In the centre at the greatest distance from the -175-viewer, is a town with many people in the street. A sturdy stone bridge rises from the town on the left to reach halfway across a river which bisects the painting. A few wooden planks lead down from the crown of the bridge to the right side shore. The box shape of. the foreground space is arranged to resemble the "mansions" of mystery plays, in which the actors appear in a 26 room-like space with the wall nearest the audience removed. The popularity of the Adoration of the Shepherds (Luke 2:7-20) in late medieval theatrical performances for Christmastime, is noted by Karl 27 Young. Young describes a mass celebrated by St. Francis in a stable space which was erected and provided with a live ox and ass, for this purpose. According to a thirteenth century account, a church was built, at Greccio, with its altar on the spot where the baby portraying the Christ child became suddenly animated in this dramatic enactment. The way Christ is positioned in Piero's Adoration, suggests an altar-manger transposition conceived in the same dramatic terms. Audience participation extends to the donors who appear to be re-presented in the picture. Both shepherds are highly individualized. The kneeling one's f u l l dark head of hair has a fashionable cut and his firm jaw gives him the look of a powerful individual. The standing one is quite another character, with his soft pale skin, receeding fore-head, tufts of hair, and double chin. These are not the barbarous 23 illiterates fashionable since the POrtinari Altarpiece, but portraits 29 of living men. The men's cloaks and slippers are made of fine material and open 30 into hoods behind the neck. These are lay costumes which suggest -176-members of a confraternity, perhaps, in view of the Tobias reference, the silk weavers guild which was responsible for the orphanage of the 31 Spedale degli Innocenti. The rich iconography of Piero's Adoration of the Shepherds, no less than the S. Spirito Visitation, deserves 32 further study, in spite of the destruction of the original work. The dating of Piero's Adoration of the Shepherds is complicated by the loss of the original, the limited quality of photographs taken prior to World War II, and the already poor condition of the painting. Most scholars place it either in the late 1490's or early 1500's, de-pending on whether its innovations are perceived as reflections of Leonardo. Certainly the landscape and haystack already evoke the Immaculate Conception of a few years later. Mary's eyebrowless profile and shabby fringe of hair, suggest the late Piero. The apparent lack of 33 haloes is also late. The trompe l'oeil straw hat could date from several periods. Other facets of the picture tend to retain an appearance which contact with Leonardo would eliminate permanently. These include the broad treatment of drapery and the manner of lighting. Joseph's garment could have been painted in the late 1480's, its folds are so predictable and highlights so flat. The back-lighting of figures on the left—the source throws some shadows forward toward the viewer—is unusual, but not necessarily Leonardesque. The zonal layout and sacred floor space have more in common with the earlier Visitation than the later Immaculate Conception. The boldness of the asymmetrical placement of the 'shepherd-donors,' and the finesse with which most of the picture is painted, indicate the mature artist in fu l l command of his innovatory powers. The northern -177-borrowings help to create an image of much greater variety than the Innocenti Madonna and Saints of the early 1490's. For these reasons a mature date, but prior to Leonardo's return, is most likely for Piero's Adoration of the Shepherds; probably the late 1490's. The fi f t h great altarpiece by Piero di Cosimo, the so^-called 34 Immaculate Conception (fig. 39), has been considered his finest work. Bernard Berenson surpassed even the level of Vasari's praise, to say, "All in a l l this Conception is one of the great pictures of a l l schools, and times, but in the Florentines its rival for out and out beauty, and 35 colour would be hard to find." Briefly, the work shows Mary standing on a pedestal at the moment 36 of the conception of Christ. She touches her womb with her right hand and raises her left in recognition of the holy dove, which descends from above. Saints Catherine and Margaret kneel before her at either side of the pedestal. On the left stand John the Evangelist and San Filippo Benizi. On the right, Sant'Antonino of Florence and St. Peter. The land rises along the edges in the background where the Adoration of the 37 Shepherds appears on the left and the Flight into Egypt on the right. 38 The Annunication is shown as a bas-relief on the pedestal. The dove is the only light source, as Vasari noted, the artist achieving quite remarkable foreshortening in the dark shadows spreading beneath the figures. Vasari informs us that the Conception was painted for the Tedaldi 39 family chapel in Santissima Annunziata del Servi. Their chapel was 40 originally dedicated to John the Evangelist and stands in the left -178-transept, to the left, and a few steps before the high altar. The painting remained there until requested by Cardinal Leopoldo de'Medici (1617-1675) for his private collection in 1670, since which time It has been kept in 41 either the Uffizi or the P i t t i . The date of the Conception can only be approximated, as with most of Piero's works. The arrangement of the three saints on the right of Fra Bartolommeo's Vision of St. Bernard has been suggested as a terminus post 42 quern (begun 1504) for the Piero, however the similarity may only be co-incidental. More definitely related is the relief-sculpted pedestal supporting the Virgin in Albertinelli's Madonna and Child with Saints 43 Jerome and Zenobius. If, as is normally the case, Piero influences 44 Mariotto, then its date of 1506 provides a terminus ante quem. A tentative date of c. 1504-6 does not disagree with other stylistic con-siderations . In any case, the Conception shows Piero coming to terms with certain High Renaissance concepts. One of these is shown by the rearrangement of the composition to multiply the levels on which we are meant to read 45 the saints. A preparatory drawing, formerly at Bremen (fig. 40), shows the early stage of Piero's design. The painting regroups the four men as a set, and scales their ages to create an arrangement which clearly re-46 47 presents both the four ages of man and the four temperaments. The isosceles triangle formed by the three young women neatly divides the isocephalic row of men. Its upward thrust combines with the central circle of five upturned faces to lead our eye to where the holy spirit 48 is descending on a stream of white light. The outside figures of John -179-and Peter serve as festaiuolo, looking out to the viewers and pointing to the miraculous event. Piero's continuing experiments with lighting reach a new level in this work. In the Visitation his light from the high altar had been ,49 adventurous, yet not without anomalies. The partial backlighting in the Adoration of the Shepherds enhanced the qualties to which the o i l medium gave him access. In the Conception the light is significantly richer, and the bravura with which i t unifies and calls attention to every one of the seven foreground figures, indicates an intention as ambitious as i t is successful. This level of sophistication and breadth of conception coincide with the period of Cosimo Rosselli's most ambitious work and in both artists may reflect the stimulus of Leonardo's presence, from 1500, along with the reactivation of Fra Bartolommeo, from 1504."^ Leonardo was apparently engaged between 1501 and 1504 to paint the altarpiece for the high altar of SS. Annunziata, the space between the Tedaldi chapel and another in 51 the right transept which contained an earlier work by Cosimo Rosselli. It is interesting that Piero and Rosselli should have painted their finest 52 works simultaneously at this time. Piero's 'portrait' treatment of the two monastic saints is an out-standing part of the Conception, particularly his arresting profile of San Filippo Benizi. The Servites relied on artists in Piero's immediate circle for three generations when commissioning works in honour of their 53 patron saint. The 'likeness' in this work is inevitably chosen when scholars cite the most ver1stic examples from a l l periods of Piero's work. -180-Like the Portrait of Giuliano da Sarigallo from the same period, its forcefulness evokes the north, yet its degree of simplication and the profile are closer to the o i l Portrait of Pom Balthasar^ Abbot of 54 Vallombrosa which Perugino probably painted around 1500. A modest place belongs to Piero di Cosimo in the transition from the Quattrocento to the Cinquecento in Florence. If his mythological works had not survived, and their reputation was consequently less meaningful, that place might be more apparent to more observers. As a link between the older traditions of Cosimo Rosselli and the achievements of Andrea del Sarto, Albertinelli, and Pontormo, his larger religious works make a substantial contribution. His religious iconography is both more subtle and more innovative than traditional studies have shown. Even the special northern apparatus which Piero assimilated without leaving Florence, has been undervalued. Piero's diversity allows him to be different things for different people, and, in some ways, i t is as Berenson has observed: The real patriarch, however, of the Florentine painters belonging to the so-called Golden Age was not Cosimo Rosselli himself, but his pupil Piero di Cosimo....55 -181-APPENDIX II A HISTORY OF THE HANDCLASP GESTURE The history of the handclasp as a symbolic western European gesture can be traced to the civilization of republican Rome. Material evidence of its presence in northern Europe is meagre,though some form of the gesture is found in a l l of the major pre-Roman civilizations of the eastern Mediterranean, particularly in the Greek and Hebraic traditions.^ It was present as a part of social behaviour in older civilizations in Mesopotamia, and, oldest of a l l among formal cultures, 58 in that of the Indus Valley. In republican Rome the handclasp was known by the name dextrarum iunctio, literally 'right hand junction,' or, as would now be said, 'the 59 joining of right hands.' Four enduring Roman definitions developed during this period: Concordia (concord, agreement), Fides (faith, fidelity), Pax (peace), and the conjugal bond (union, oneness). The handclasp was not used as a form of greeting or farewell in Roman l i f e . ^ As Concordia,^ the image of clasped hands often appears in con-junction with an image of the minor goddess of Concordia herself. A denarius of 42 B.C. shows the veiled head of the goddess on the obverse, with the legend "Concordia," while the reverse shows a pair of clasped hands, a caduceus, and the name of the moneyer, "L. Mussidius Longus" (fig. 41). 6 2 A pair of clasped hands, independent of bodies, was developed from -182-63 earlier cultures as a Roman symbol of Fides. Examples denote secular fidelity of the person or group, and had no influence on imagery which was developed later to express the Christian concept of Faith. A denarius of Emperor Vitellius of A.D. 69 shows a typical form 64 of clasped hand Fides (fig. 42). The emperor's profile appears on the obverse; clasped hands with the legend, "Fides Exercitum" (faith of the army) appear on the reverse.^ The fact that the fingers extend rather than grasp is probably an attempt to increase visual clarity by the artist. This also has the effect of enhancing the iconic nature of the image. Concordia, as a pair of hands or a pair of fu l l figures clasping hands, is represented on numerous media, from coins to monumental sculpture. Fides is restricted to small media since i t is normally re-presented by hands alone. The less frequent representations of the clasped hands of Pax appear on a variety of coins. An early example from the mint at Rome is the quinarius of 44 B.C. showing the head of an allegorical figure of Peace with the legend "Paxs" on the obverse. Clasped hands 66 and the moneyer's name, "L. Aemilius Buca I l l l v i r " appear on the reverse. Of these three types it is the first which has the only significant role in monumental sculpture. The relief from the southern face of the tetrapylon arch at Leptis Magna, c. 204, shows emperor Septimius Severus with his right arm straight out, solemnly clasping hands with Caracalla, his eighteen year old son and co-ruler. Behind and between the two augusti stands the younger son, Geta. The empress, Julia Domna stands behind Caracalla, and there are three smaller-scaled representations of -183-Hercules, Concordia and Dionysus in the field behind the three men. The entire relief commemorates the Concord of the imperial family which was expressed when they visited their native city in 203, after 67 suppressing a rebellion in Tripolitania. The marriage handclasp had equal significance with the kiss in the confarreatio, or patrician marriage ceremony. The handclasp symbolized the physical union, while the kiss insured the union of souls, the Romans believing that the soul was transmitted on the 68 breath. Both the handclasp and the kiss were legally binding in-struments of the union. Imagery is found on painted glass and on different varieties of tomb sculpture. The earlier sculpture presents husbands and wives in half-length portraits with hands clasped.^9 A trend to sarcophagi took place as inhumation replaced cremation around A.D. 100. The scene of marriage was a frequent part of these tombs from the late second century onward. An example in the Uffizi (fig. 43)-shows idealized scenes from the interred general's l i f e , as illustrations of his virtues. On the far left we see his Virtus in the hunt, then his Clementia toward captives; in the centre his Pietas as he sacrifices before the temple; and on the right the handclasp of his marriage.^ The bride and groom are brought together by the pronubus, a married friend of the bride, who 71 plays the role of Juno, the goddess of marriage. The joining of hands was also a sign that the bride was delivered 72 into the manus ("hand") or absolute power of the groom. : Manus derives from the prehistoric sense of the right hand as the part of the body which -184-73 properly expresses the power and goodness of the person. Lastly, the Romans used the handclasp in certain forms of treaty and contract. The handclasp signified the bona fide (good faith) of 74 the two parties. Only one of these Roman traditions moved with ful l strength into the art of early Christian Europe. This was the form of the confarreatio, which was adopted with very few changes, as the Christian marriage ceremony.^ Images depict the bride and groom clasping hands in front of a patriarchal figure who supplants the pronubus.^ This is generally the figure of a priest, but can also be that of the secular ruler. In time, the figure of Christ himself was introduced as the "unifier and solemnizer who places his hands over those of the couple clasping hands.""^ A golden marriage belt of the late sixth or seventh century from Syria and now at Dumbarton Oaks, shows such a scene, encircled by the 78 Greek legend, "Concord deriving from God" (fig. 44). The unifying sense is in this way Christianized without losing its fundamental Roman meaning. The use of the iconic figure of Christ was common until the 79 late eighth or ninth century. In northern Europe the marriage ceremony never ceased to use the joining of hands, and this is the form used in art. In Italy, a ring ceremony gradually replaced the hand bonding ceremony during the late 80 middle ages, and i t was this newer form that was used to represent 81 historical Christian marriages. The contrasting forms of marriage can be illustrated by an illuminated i n i t i a l depicting the Marriage of David to Saulfs daughter -185-go Michal (fig. 45) in an English Psalter of about 1310, and the con-temporary Maxrjjy|e^^ by Giotto in the Arena Chapel, Padua (fig. 46). In the i n i t i a l , David stands on Michal's right. They join right hands. David raises his free hand in a pledge of faithfulness g-j (fides levata). The father of the bride holds her left wrist, an 84 ancient sign of possession. In the Giotto, Joseph reaches to place the ring on a finger of Mary's right hand while Abiathar holds her hand 85 in position. The setting is designated as the space immediately in front of the church. Most marriage scenes which include the setting 86 do likewise, copying medieval custom. 87 The ring is the sign of the groom's faithfulness. It was a pledge to ratify the promise of the betrothal. The ring exercised its own fascination in Italy, where in the case of the marriage of the 88 Virgin, the very ring itself was "discovered" and venerated at Perugia. Most medieval marriage images are actually of betrothals (sponsalia) rather than marriages proper. An old Roman distinction adopted by Christianity, the betrothal or preliminary agreement was the occasion for the exchange of a physical pledge: the ring or handclasp. The nuptials proper followed in time and were accomplished by spoken vows. Marriage scenes with such a high component of narrative detail were a new development. A more traditional approach to marriage icono-graphy is seen in the imagery of illuminated bibles from the thirteenth to the early fifteenth century. These show figures who are more alle-gorical than real, and marriages which are metaphors of spiritual oneness rather than literal fact. A late thirteenth century illuminated -186-89 in i t i a l from the Book of Ho sea shows Gomer and God. Hosea was the Old Testament writer who first used the analogy of marriage to express man's special relationship to god. Seated on adjoining thrones, a Christ-like figure of god and a maidenlike Gomer join right hands. God points upward to the heavenly cloud while Gomer inclines her head and places her left hand over her heart. Gomer, Hosea tells us, stands for the children of Israel, who god will betroth unto him for ever in faithfulness, righteousness, judgment, lovingkindness and mercies (Hosea 2:19-20). The most popular of these iconic marriage scenes were those between Christ and Ecclesia. Ecclesia would appear on Christ's left, wearing a crown, robes of state and a halo. The clasped hands would be raised between the figures, Christ more or less encircling Ecclesia's out-stretched fingers. Variants of this type show the wedding of Ecclesia 90 91 and the Apostles, of a bishop to his church (Ecclesia), and of Ruth 92 to Boaz. The accompanying texts directly equate the union to that which Christ was said to have struck with the Church while s t i l l in 93 his mother's womb. It is not surprising that the marriage of Adam and Eve was a popular subject throughout the late medieval period. As an ancestral image of the foundation line of man, i t easily prefigured the avowals of Mary and Joseph, Ruth and Boaz, or Jacob and Rachel. The standard format of the Franco-Flemish marriage of Adam and Eve showed God the Father joining the hands of the naked man and woman surrounded by the flowers and beasts of paradise. Texts and typology show that the marriage of Adam and Eve stood for the marriage of Christ and the -187-94 Church. The image of one was commonly juxtaposed with the image of the other.9^ Highly formalized, the handclasps we see in fourteenth century marriage imagery look every bit as solemn and conscious as the real act must have been. In its most iconic and non-narrative sense the handclasp appears in a group of secular tombs during this period. These stone 96 reliefs and brass plates are most common in England. They show l i f e -size effigies of knights alongside their wives. The knight is armed and dressed in armour. The lady fingers her rosary with her left hand. The right to right handclasp is a sign of their married state not of 97 the betrothal ceremony of their youth. Tombs of this sort date from the mid-fourteenth to early fifteenth century. None is found south of the Alps. The generalization of the constituent parts encompasses the appearance of the figures as well as the timeless gesture. They are always shown in the prime of l i f e . The handclasp looks strangely narrative despite its iconic function in many late medieval marriage images. A strongly narrative or corporal image catered to the changing outlook of the fifteenth century. This is seen in the north in examples of the handclasp 98 Marriage of the Virgin (fig. 47). Images of the Marriage of the Virgin abound, and nowhere are handclasps more common in fifteenth century art. Even German handclasp Visitations do not outnumber them, that body of works sometimes using alternate forms. The form of the Marriage of the Virgin remained remarkably con-sistent throughout the fifteenth century. The solemn joining of hands, -188-aged Joseph, young Virgin, and exotic high priest, varied l i t t l e . Backgrounds depict the church portal. There are often bridesmaids behind Mary and disappointed suitors behind Joseph. The naturalism of these images is confirmed by the similarity of others depicting courtly or historical secular marriages, common in the Flemish orbit. Images of the Marriage of the Virgin were rare until the schis-99 matic era. Interpreted as a type of the founding of the Church i t took on a new topicality. A feast of the Marriage of the Virgin was introduced by the Franciscans toward the end of the fourteenth century. The Dominicans adopted the observance soon after and a northern office was composed by Jean Gerson (d. 1429) in 1400."^^ At the Council of Florence in 1439, Eugenius IV clarified the sacraments as seven in number, officially recognizing Matrimony as one of them for the first time."'"^ ' This had the effect of moving the setting 102 of many images of the Marriage of the Virgin indoors (fig. 48). Late medieval marriage images give concrete form to recurring ideas about the typology of marriage to god. The sacred marriage was a paradigm of the love of god for man and for the church. Christ's love for the Church (Ecclesia) moves him to marry her in Paul (Ephesians 5: 103 25-33) as in Hosea. God's wedding to mankind was the patristic interpretation of the Song of Songs. The northern mystics considered 104 themselves wed to Christ. The sacred marriages are unequal partnerships linked by the equal sign of the handclasp. Both aspects of this tradition were Roman in-heritances, since the male partner had higher status in.Roman society -189-and the bride in marriage was literally given to the man. The Virgin Mary was the superior figure in the Marriage of the Virgin.no less than in the Visitation, yet the reversal of sex roles notwithstanding, one figure remained superior to the other.^"^ In an age of strict social protocol, the critical factor was the willingness of the greater to accept the lesser on an equal footing; Mary's meekness is part of the narrative, but i t disguises her inherent :superiority."*"^ The frequent Pauline and gospel use of the marriage metaphor is treated by Batey, who finds that "at an early period marriage symbolism was transformed fronr- a fe r t i l i t y symbol into an image of the creative union of opposites-—a uniting symbol." And "It is this latter signi-107 ficance which presents a leitmotiv for the biblical usage." Christian dogma adopted earlier ideas about the incompleteness of man or woman alone, and having set up the image of wholeness achieved by marriage, tapped i t to provide an analogy of Christ's love for the church. The Church is not so much his wife as his own Body (Eph. 5: 28-30). Husband and 108 wife together constitute "one flesh". In sum then, late medieval sacred marriages were seen as examples of unity on the first level ("and they shall be one flesh" - Gen. 2: 24; "and they two shall be one flesh" - Eph. 5: 31), and as foundation acts of the church or of a line of the chosen people on the second level (events of particular importance to an age in search of its spiritual roots). This whether the symbol used was the ring or the handclasp. Although the north kept the Roman dextrarum iunctio tradition alive, this was less ironic than archaic, as Italy, developing(new forms more -190-rapidly, turned to the ring centuries before the north. While the Roman dextrarum iunctio underwent these transformations as the bonding act of European marriage ceremonies, the symbolic hand-clasp was an active part,of early and high medieval culture In northern Europe, particularly among the Teutonic peoples. Old German texts like the Sachsenspiegel (Mirror of Saxony) have provided folk historians since Grimm with proof that this was the gesture of contracts and agree-ments.^^ Early illustrated copies of such texts corroborate this fact."*"^ High medieval visual examples encompass the knight Beringen von Horheim swearing to serve his Lady, Truth; Judas agreeing to the con-spirators' price; Esau selling his birthright; and Herod acceding to Salome's demand.^ "^  Friendship (Vera Amicitia) is paralleled with the joining of hands by the Three Graces in a late manuscript of the 112 Fulgentius Metaforalis. Dressed as German princesses, a l l three young women join their right hands. One other form of joining hands peculiar to the feudal period should be mentioned.. The vassal pledged homage (commendatio) to his lord by kneeling and placing his hands, palm to palm, between those of the lord. This gesture was known as immixtio manuum and indicated the 113 vassal's surrender to the lord. Then the vassal stood and made the verbal oath of fealty (sacramentum fidei) "which bound him to the ob-ligations he had assumed in homage." The lord made the final response by presenting some object representing the fief (investitura). In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the handclasp began to spread to wider parts of social l i f e . It replaced immixtio manuum as -191-the pledge of homage, i t became the e x c l u s i v e form of c o n t r a c t i n g a t r e a t y , and i t began to be used as a form of g r e e t i n g . With the impact of changing customs, the handclasp (dexteras) a l s o began to supplant the holy embrace or k i s s (osculum p a c i s ) i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l symbolism. Remarkably, t h i s change began to take place before the impact of humanist s t u d i e s added i t s own dimension to the growing use of the gesture. 114 There are many examples of the handclasp of homage (obsequium) s t i l l to be seen i n f i f t e e n t h century a r t . The m a j o r i t y represent the r e c e i p t of ambassadors by f o r e i g n r u l e r s or v a r i a t i o n s on the theme. In the new format the man making the pledge bends only one knee and o f f e r s only one hand.^"^ This form of homage i s l e s s demeaning to the modern eye than the ceremony of immixtio manuum which i t supersedes and as such forms part of a l a r g e r trend toward a more relaxed standard of s oc i a 1 behav i o u r . The handclasp and kneel of obsequium took on F l o r e n t i n e and papal meaning from the time of the Council of Florence i n 1439, when i t was i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the theme of the Meeting of Solomon and Sheba to express western a t t i t u d e s toward the newly forged union of churches. The queen of Sheba, representing the Greek church, kneels before Solomon, r e -presenting the L a t i n church, and the f i g u r e s c l a s p h a n d s I t was not 118 unprecedented to show Sheba doing homage to Solomon however t h i s manner of p r e s e n t a t i o n became the most common form i n Florence and i t s 119 environs a f t e r the C o u n c i l . The Meeting a l s o took on enhanced i n -t e r e s t as a marriage theme, painted on marriage s a l v e r s and cassone, -192-where Sheba generally stands and the couple join hands as equals. The handclasp became common as the sealing act of treaty, truce, and diplomatic reconciliation in the course of the fifteenth century. Wildeblood describes a typical example drawn from the account of an anonymous chronicler: During negotiations for a truce in 1396, Richard II of England and Charles VI of France met at the tented camp prepared for the occasion. Here 400 French and 400 English knights were drawn up, brilliant in their shining armour 'with swords in hand'. Passing between their ranks the two kings met, bareheaded, and, having saluted, took each other by the hand, 'whereupon the eight hundred knights " f e l l on their knees and wept for joy 1" .120 We note in passing how the salute, probably verbal, is distinct from the handclasp, which demonstrates their accord. In cases mediated by a notable cleric, this figure assumes the position established by the 'pronubus' in marriage imagery, head-on to the viewer between the confronting adversaries. A cardinal draws the hands of Philip V of France and Louis I, count of Flanders, to-gether in an illuminated chronicle which presents the 1320 event in the costumes of 1435, as i f they were Charles VII and Philip the 121 Good. The handclasp signifies the reconciliation, their raised hands signify that they swear to abide by the truce. The date from which the handclasp began to be used as a form of simple greeting is no longer clear-. The evidence of visual sources suggests that a multi-handed form was already common in the fourteenth century, in southern as well as northern Europe. The right to right form appears at the beginning of the fifteenth century in northern Europe. -193-Turn of the century examples show Fromons greeted by Girart in a tapestry now at Padua (Arras c. 1400) and Marco Polo leaving Venice for China in 122 an illuminated chronicle (Paris c. 1410). We encounter the greeting handclasp in a fairly wide range of situations occurring in Parisian book illumination of the first quarter of the fifteenth century. It 123 is most prevalent when secular figures of equal status meet. The welcoming of pilgrims was one of the most common situations requiring a simple secular greeting in early Renaissance art. Such scenes had never been visualized in':terms of osculum and allow us to gauge how the greeting handclasp was itself transformed during this period. The welcome which the pilgrim receives at the doorway of the residence or monastery illustrates one of the Seven Works of Mercy decreed by Christ (Matt. 25:35-36). In the Trecento the pilgrim uses both hands to clasp that of the greeting monk (for instance, in a work 124 by Lentate sul Seveso). In the Quattrocento the Italian manner 125 retains a multiple-handed grasp (Fra Angelico). Numerous German examples from the late fifteenth century onward, use the right to 12 6 right form. From Cristiani in 1370 to Gozzoli in 1465, to Solario 127 in 1494, Italian greetings show several hands. The shift to right-128 hands-only does not occur until the very last years of the Quattrocento. The verbal greeting developed as a complement to the physical act. 129 The Greek word 'to greet' was aspasmos (embrace) and so appears in many places in the Greek text of the Bible. The romance languages derived their words for greeting from Latin. Greeting is salve (hail) from -194-130 salvere (be well). Farewell is vale (farewell) from valere (be strong). 131 These are the words which replace the Greek in the Vulgate. The corresponding words are salve (hail) in Italian, salut (hail) in French, and saludo (hail) in Spanish. In English and German, the original word for greeting derived from old Norse heill (health); in German heil (hail), in English " h a i l . " 1 3 2 The general sentiment shared by these greetings is of a mildly impersonal good will. Stronger intentions are frequently expressed by the ritual physical behaviour of greeting, whether the charged kiss or the charged handclasp. Indeed the verbal greeting may be distinct from the physical act in meaning as well as form, one connoting recognition, the other a personal blessing or vow. The greeting or farewell handclasp was also used in fifteenth cen-tury images of the adult Christ taking leave of his Mother and in The  appearance of Christ to his Mother after the Resurrection. Pseudo-Bonaventure gave this physical description of the first incident: And the Master of humility knelt, asking for her blessing. She also knelt and, in tears, embraced him tenderly, saying, "My blessed Son, go with your father's and my blessing...x^3 Italian images followed this description. In the north the story was 134 popularized in a Life of Mary by Philip the Carthusian. There the 135 handclasp appeared from about 1400. The configuration of hands took a variety of forms because Christ was also shown blessing his mother at the same time. A few northern images of Christ appearing to his Mother also use the handclasp. In either case the handclasp of greeting or farewell -195-occurs in a highly charged setting and contributes an essential part of the story. Most fifteenth century scenes of greeting or farewell do not use a handclasp, but in those that do, there is a strong tendency to retain a symbolic overlay. Such is the case with handclasps and kisses exchanged in Late Gothic paintings of the Divislo Apostolorura or Separation of the Apostles, as demonstrated in such textual evidence as the wording of hymns, Here the stress is upon the union of spirit which the men express before 137 leaving each other to undertake their dangerous journeys. These paintings were apparently popular in centres of pilgrimage- and at altars 138 139 dedicated to St. Martin, a patron of pious travellers. An important demonstration of the sign nature of the handclasp is given in those images illustrating Psalm 85:10 which pair and sometimes alternate the kiss of peace with the handclasp of union. The text reads "Mercy and Truth are met together; Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other." Figure pairs representing the concepts alternatively clasp 140 hands, and kiss, in most examples (fig. 49). Occasionally the pair which is said to 'kiss' is shown clasping hands, oyer the 'kissing' 141 inscription. These images appear in copies of the Golden Legend 142 illuminated during the late fifteenth century at Paris and on at least 143 one Venetian medal of the early sixteenth century. -196-The pure right-to-right handclasp (dexteras) enters strictly ecclesi-astical art in the first years of the fifteenth century, in Germany. In 144 its old secular role as an act of "Treueverbiridung" (truth binding) the handclasp appears simultaneously in images of the Meeting at the Golden Gate and of the Visitation from the Rhine to Vienna, Bohemia and Saxony, as discussed in Chapter One. We have seen a variety of vows which the gesture stood for in German late medieval secular practice. Now it focuses the viewer's awareness on the Meeting at the Golden Gate as 145 the moment of the Virgin's conception, and the Visitation as the 146 moment of the founding of the messianic era. The particular reason for the adaptation of dexteras to religious iconography is unclear. The simple answer appears to be that i t is a part of the long, slow deterioration of hierarchical distinctions that increasingly allowed physical contact between persons of slightly differing social standing. One of the earliest dexteras images of the Meeting at the Golden Gate appears on a panel of about 1400 in Brussels. It shows Scenes of the Life of the Virgin and is disputed between a Rhenish or Brabantine 147 origin (fig. 50). The in i t i a l scene on the left shows the standing haloed figures of Joachim and Anna joining right hands. Anna holds a sacred book and has a very slight inclination of the neck as part of her 'International Gothic sway'. Its medieval German inscription, 148 Cologne school style music-making angels, facial types and totally 149 un-Flemish dexteras gesture argue for the Rhenish alternative. Among subsequent handclasp images of the Meeting at the Golden Gate are a number in which the ouple do not simply grasp, but intertwine -197-thelr hands and wrists. This was known as "Haiidtriuwebratze" (= "Handtreuebrosche," literally, 'hand-truth-brooch') .""""^  The hands may intertwine so that the wrists themselves are gripped. The form is 161 also found in many German Visitations. The dexteras gesture began to appear in Italian religious imagery with regularity, at some time in the third quarter of the fifteenth century. Before this, as we have seen, a multi-handed form of hand-holding was sometimes used instead of the traditional kissing embrace (osculum). The latter two forms of contact are the only ones used in numerous mid-century images of the Meeting of Saints Francis and Dominic. Both orders drew upon Jacobus de Voraginers 'Legend of the Three Lances' 152 for the imaginary meeting and his account provides the correct interpretation of their encounter: He [Dominic] ran to him [Francis] and greeted him with pious kisses and embraces, saying: 'Thou art my companion, thou shalt run with me step for step! Let us stand together, and no adversary shall prevail against us! Then he recounted to him the vision [of the three lances] that he had seen; and from that moment they had but one  heart and one soul in the Lord, and enjoined upon their followers to live always in the same sp i r i t . 1 " Voragine literally prescribes the holy kiss and embrace, and he indicates that their unity of purpose should inspire unity between their (sometimes jealous) orders. A majority of images do use the holy kiss: the predella by Fra Angelico from a Dominican cycle in the Museo Diocesano at Cortona; Benozzo Gozzoli's in the fresco cycle at the former Franciscan church at Montefalco south of Assisi; a tempera panel attributed to Pesellino -198-now at Chambery which is interesting for the way in which i t pairs the Meeting of Francis and Dominic with an embracing Visitation of very 154 similar form; Andrea della Robbia's terracotta from the Loggia di San Paolo in Florence; and Fra Bartolommeo*s fresco for the Dominican convent of the Magdalene in Florence, these last two bringing the type to the end of the century and beyond. The images of the Meeting of Francis and Dominic which use a multi-handed form of handclasp are a l l associated with Fra Angelico or his shop: the central kneeling figures on a tempera panel in the Galleria Nazionale, Parma; the outdoor standing figures with lowered arms in a Franciscan predella at Berlin; and the indoor standing figures with outstretched arms at the de Young Museum in San Francisco. Since works of both types stem from the Fra Angelico shop, i t is a l l the more likely that there is no real distinction to be drawn between these two forms of contact. A true charged dexteras gesture appears for the first time in Italian art in a painting of the Meeting of Christ and John in the  Desert from the school of Fra Filippo Lippi (fig. 3 2 ) . T h e story is taken from a "Life of St. John the Baptist" written between 1320-1342 by Fra Domenico Cavalca, a Dominican monk.^ "^  After a meeting in which the infant Baptist is taken to Bethlehem to see Christ, Cavalca sketches John's l i f e of increasing austerity. At the age of seven, now fully committed to his l i f e in the desert, a second meeting occurs. On their way back from Egypt, the holy family encounters the young John at his glade in the desert. This is the moment depicted in the meeting scenes. -199-It is a moment of revelation and prophecy, as Christ reveals his intention to return to the Jordan in order that John may baptise . . 157 him. In the Lippi, Christ stands s t i l l , with one hand on his heart. John strides forward, dressed in skins, already carrying a proleptic cross. A laver rests at his feet beside the stream, references to his mission as Baptist. Their encounter and handclasp dominate the forest scene, as Mary and Joseph wait very quietly in the background. Flanking pairs of deer and the verdant setting are signs of the peace and abundance which the prophecy will bring. In a German picture of 1460, the handclasp would unquestionably translate the vow, as well as the greeting. The hand to heart and other reverent details, indicate that the vow is meant to be expressed here as well, bringing a new dimension to Italian iconography. It is unfortunate that we cannot clearly identify the author of this first vowing Italian dexteras image. There is another small Florentine panel of the Meeting of Christ and John in the Desert, also at Berlin, that closely parallels the Lippi in its essential components, except that its style is closer to that of Verrocchio or Domenico Ghirlandaio."''^ In both, the small size, about twelve by twenty-one inches, and slightly awkward execution, suggest that they may have been predella panels. If this is the case, they might have f i t under larger scenes of the Baptist by the master of the shop. This master would probably have been Lippi himself in the case of the first panel and might have been Verrocchio, 159 the young Ghirlandaio, or any of a number of good secondary artists in the case of the second. As far as dating is concerned, the Lippi -200-accords well with that master's 1460's style, the late style initiated by his Camoldoli Adoration of the Child for Lucrezia Tornabuoni."""^ In fact, on the strength of the forest, the predella might be a work of the master, but the figures are lacking in comparable authority.1^""" If the second is a derivative of Ghirlandaio, i t would have to be at least ten and probably fifteen or twenty years later, but if i t is a derivative of Verrocchio, i t would not have to be much later than the Lippi, if at a l l . The very similarity of the panels argues against an attribution 162 to Ghirlandaio and such a large gap in time. Similar signs of tranquility and fecundity appear in the putative Ghirlandaio even though the glade in the desert is not quite as verdant: a pair of deer, dove of peace, and an abundance of flowers and trees in bloom. The symbolic actions of the figures are actually-slightly more pointed than in the Lippi. John is shown bowing in a curtsy of respect. Mary stands erect, watching the encounter. Her hand raised in solemn witness, is observed by the distinguished figure of Joseph. The meaning in both works is therefore clear. The future missions of both seven year olds are revealed and their formal handclasp pinpoints their solemn affirmation of those responsibilities. The whole is set according to Cavalca's description, elaborated from the oriental legend first recorded in the west in the Meditations on the Life of Christ, 163 attributed to Saint Bonaventure. There is no trend to a handclasp form of the Meeting of Christ and John in the Desert. The most popular form remains the embrace and kiss of peace, found in Filippino L i p p i , P i e r o di Cosimo,Franciabigio,"""^ and other Florentine artists. - 2 0 1 -So f a r we have seen s i g n handclasps i n northern images of the Meeting at the Golden Gate and V i s i t a t i o n , multi-handed handclasps i n southern images of these s u b j e c t s , and of the Meeting of F r a n c i s and Dominic, and the tru e vowing dexteras gesture i n I t a l i a n images of the Meeting of C h r i s t and John i n the Desert. These are not the only themes that used the handclasp but they i l l u s t r a t e the movement toward the s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y of the s i g n handclasp f o r the holy k i s s , even before the humanist r e v i v a l of the dextrarum i u n c t i o gesture had any s i g n i -f i c a n t e f f e c t i n I t a l y . Use of the s i g n handclasp was j u s t beginning to reemerge i n the f i f t e e n t h century i n I t a l y . As use and understanding of i t s meaning spread, i t i n c r e a s i n g l y came to supplant the holy k i s s i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l imagery. Yet the two forms are e s s e n t i a l l y equal, i f d i f f e r e n t . The k i s s i t s e l f i s o f t e n not shown i n a r t , only the embrace that goes w i t h i t , the k i s s being understood by the viewer of the day. The d i f f i c u l t i e s we encounter i n reading the meaning of handclasps and k i s s e s i n f i f t e e n t h century imagery can be a t t r i b u t e d to a number of f a c t o r s . Both are complex and operate on a number of l e v e l s of meaning. They are l a r g e l y a c t s which are p r a c t i s e d r a t h e r than w r i t t e n down, and they are subject to a constant development i n which new gradations of 168 meaning a r i s e w h i l e others atrophy. The d i v e r s e meanings embodied i n d i f f e r e n t s o r t s of formal k i s s e s need not concern us. The k i s s remains an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l subject i n i t s more complex m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . I t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s l a i d down i n the church's own l i t e r a t u r e and commentary on the meaning and execution of 169 the mass and other r i t e s . The handclasp on the other hand, d e r i v e s the greater part of i t s meaning from secular and l e g a l sources, and -202-especially those of antique Rome and medieval Germany. Italian ecclesi-astical art of the later fifteenth century found an increasing number of ways in which to adapt the sign handclasp, yet this was by no means a process of secular degeneration. On the contrary, i t enriched its meaning with a symbol whose potent force was s t i l l intact and s t i l l four centuries away from the time when i t would have become l i t t l e more than the everyday form of greeting. The handclasp was an important symbol in an increasingly wide range of northern imagery in the fifteenth century, beyond that of charged greeting and of the types of pledges which we have examined so far. A brief examination of these further variations, will provide perspective for our understanding of the gesture as i t is used in Visitation imagery. A type of Trinity image in which God the Father and God the Son 170 touched palms was common in France throughout the Schismatic period. Their hands do not grip but merely touch, palm to palm. All of the early images incorporate the dove of the holy spirit in a position directly between the enthroned figures, who sit side by side facing the viewer. The tip of the dove's beak touches the top side of the meeting hands at the same time as its wing tips touch the mouth of each figure. The mouths are made to appear as i f the wings emanate upon the breath of the First and Second Persons of the Trinity. The Latin dogma of the procession of the holy spirit equally from both, is expressed by this curious looking arrangement.1^1 Such are the examples from the last part of the fourteenth 172 and first part of the fifteenth century. Later the unnatural position of the dove was modified so that although its wing, tips s t i l l 173 came from the mouths, the beak did not touch the hands. -203-No gestures symbolize unity as completely and unequivocally as those in this series of Trinity images. The Trinity symbolizes an immutable unity by definition. This part of the concept is visualized in these small illustrations and the right hand is used to do i t . The gesture is a pure sign in this manifestation, owing only the scantest consideration to narrative events or corporeal realism. Images of the Trinity owe their prominence at this time to the stresses of the Schism, which produced a number of variations on the 174 theme of unity and disunity. The sign handclasp was also used to express the special quality of trust existing between two lovers. In different manifestations, this is the aspect of the gesture which appears in the art of courtly love in the fourteenth century; among popular images of Liebespaare (lovers) in Germany, toward the end of the fifteenth century; and in the emblem tradition of the sixteenth century. The handclasp between star-crossed lovers is a fairly common feature of those courtly love scenes which appear on intimate objects such as ivory caskets and counterpanes"'"''"' during the fourteenth century. These are usually from France, or occasionally from Germany. The dis-cussion of these works among art historians s t i l l tends to cling to stylistic, rather than iconographic analysis, but their meaning is clear enough when the dramatis personae are Tristan and Ysolt, or the Chatelaine of Vergy and her knight. There are many variations on the theme of young Liebespaar (lovers) in German Late Gothic art from the waning years of the fifteenth century. -204-Prints and drawings showing a well-dressed young couple joining hands, form a distinctive sub-group of this tradition (fig. 51) Unfor-tunately the handclasp has tended to confuse modern scholars whose tendency has been to give works like this, names like Die Begrussung (The Greeting). A case in point is the small and rare print by the Master MZ from about 1501 (fig.52). Unknown to Bartsch, i t was identi-i y g fied by Passavant, who gave i t the name, Die Begrussung. This is quite incorrect, for the work is a concentrated image of Liebestreue, Lovers constancy. Greeting lovers bow and curtsy, they do not clasp hands. Except for the costumes and curiously uninscribed banderole, the Master MZ engraving presents l i t t l e more than the directly facing figures and the joining of hands. So many images of lovers busy the backgrounds with decorative landscapes or bravura interiors that this economy is striking. Attention is concentrated on the pledge of faith which the young couple is making, and this moral dimension of Liebestreue constitutes the meaning of the work. There are other ways to show the amorous side of the lovers' relationship but i t is themes of constancy and fidelity that dominate the imagery of Liebespaare. Although engagement portraits might have used the handclasp, they did not. These usually show the couple prof-fering small blossoms from one of the plants, such as eryngium or 180 abrotanum, designating fidelity in love. Sixteenth century emblem books repeat the general type of imagery that we have seen in courtly ivories and Late Gothic prints, but with -205-the important addition of accompanying texts. In the Emblematum Liber 181 of Andrea Alciati published.at Paris in 1534, there is on page 61 an image entitled "In fidem uxoriam" (Regarding faithfulness of a wife) (fig. 53). The image shows a young man and woman seated on a bench beneath an apple tree. They are joining right hands and a small dog lies at the lady's feet. The text below the picture describes the scene: "Ecce puella uiro quae dextra iungitiir..." (Behold the g i r l who is joined to the man with her right hand...), and explains that: "Haec fidei est species" (She is the picture of loyalty). The apples are the fruit of 182 love, the apples of Venus, not Eve. The handclasp is the central sign of the emblem, representing faithfulness, loyalty, constancy. It is complimented by the sense of love (Venus' applies) and reinforced by the l i t t l e dog (fidelity). In his lengthy study of marriage portraits, Hinz interprets the Alciati handclasp as an abstract symbol of "dauernde Zuneigung, Freundshaft und 183 Treue" (everlasting affection, amity and constancy). The tradition upon which the Alciati and similar marriage emblems draw, is the one of re-presenting the truth or trust aspect of a marriage relationship by the sign handclasp. This of course, was a feature of certain medieval tombs, and differs l i t t l e from^the use of the same motif in the Liebespaar and courtly love images. Before considering the restoration of the antique dextrarum iunctio, there is one other medieval-cum-fifteenth century form.to note. This is the visionary type: handclasps expressing blessing, resurrection, divine affirmation, or divine communication. -206-To start with a typical German example, the miraculous handclasp is used in the Vision of St. Ulrich painted by the Master of the Legend of 184 St. Ulrich for the church of Saints Ulrich and Afra in Augsburg. St. Afra appears to St. Ulrich in a dream. Taking him by the right hand as he sleeps, she makes him aware of St. Peter and the heavenly synod out-side his window. This indication of their approval, prefigures his ordeal and triumph in the remaining segments of the painting. The gesture between the crowned, standing woman and the recumbent, mitred man, integrates affirmation, communication, and the miraculous. This sense of the gesture was a medieval holdover. We might compare it to a mid-twelfth century Romanesque capital at S. Maria del Estany, Barcelona, showing Christ washing the Disciples' feet (fig. 54). Christ, identified by his crossed halo, is shown with a towel tucked around his 185 waist, kneeling over the wash basin. He uses his left hand to wash Peter's shin and his right hand to grasp Peter's right hand. Peter's eyes are closed and his head rests against his left hand. Several other disciples look on from behind these two figures. The Washing of the Disciples's feet was a popular theme in the area 186 of southern French Romanesque iconography at this time but no other example shows Christ and Peter clasping hands or Peter experiencing the event in a dream or vision. The actions in this piece are complex and closely interrelated, but certain distinctions can be made. The kneeling, as well as the intent to wash their feet, expresses Christ's humility. The washing itself refers to the cleansing of sin which is sometimes 187 understood as the baptism of the disciples. The handclasp expresses -207-C h r i s t ' s love and the promise of s a l v a t i o n (John 13:36). This promise 188 i s l i t by the candle held d i r e c t l y above the clasped hands. Peter, i n h i s confusion and embarrassment (John 13:6,8) experiences the event 189 at one remove, as i f i n a v i s i o n . The handclasp on the Barcelona c a p i -t a l t h e r e f o r e represents the same sense of d i v i n e approbation and r e -v e l a t i o n which attaches to the gesture i n the f i f t e e n t h century V i s i o n  of S t . U l r i c h . Other German examples combine the miraculous aspect w i t h one of the t r a d i t i o n a l senses of the handclasp such as that of c o n t r a c t . St. F r i d o l i n c l a s p s the r i g h t hand of a wasted body which has a s k u l l head and a shroud draped over one shoulder, i n an anonymous p a i n t i n g of the 190 l a s t quarter of the f i f t e e n t h century ( f i g . 55). The body i s that of a c e r t a i n Ursus who has responded to F r i d o l i n ' s prayer and r i s e n from the grave to confirm h i s bequest to the Sackingen monastery, contested by h i s brother. The gesture does not r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y to the r e s u r -r e c t i o n of the dead man but to the a f f i r m a t i o n of h i s e a r l i e r commitment. In t h i s sense, the stage of the body a t t e s t s to the m i r a c l e and the handclasp a t t e s t s to the sense of c o n t r a c t between the deceased and the s a i n t . I t a l i a n v i s i o n a r y handclasps are f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h scenes of f i n a l respect before death, as i n the Death of Joseph, where the grown C h r i s t w i l l take the hand of Joseph on h i s deathbed. Apostles bidding f a r e w e l l to the V i r g i n w i l l do the same to her. One of the best examples of the v i s i o n a r y handclasp i n I t a l y i s found i n an anonymous f r e s c o at Montefalco, San Francesco. I t d e p i c t s the V i s i o n  of San Bernardino of Siena which he experienced one day before h i s death on -208-May 20, 1444. According to the vision, San Bernardino was resting from his dying steps when he was'approached by an old man wearing a white hermit's gown and a felt hat' in the form of a tiara. He recognized Celestine V, the thirteenth century Franciscan hermit who had judged himself unfit and relinquished the papal throne to spend his final years in a cave In these same Abruzzi mountains. Silently the figure 191 embraced Fra Bernardino and gave him his blessing before disappearing. The fresco shows Celestine in his white robe and a substantial tiara. Fra Bernardino supports himself with his crutch and instead of embracing, the men solemnly clasp hands. The artist has chosen to signify the blessing through a handclasp rather than an embrace or kiss of peace. These and other examples are antecedent to the use of the handclasp in Italy as the sign of a clearly delineated vow. The examples cited have usually passed without comment on the iconography of the handclasp, while the assumption has been that these are to be understood in the modern sense as the simple handshake of farewell. In fact they f a l l between the extremes of a pure sign and a casual farewell, and illustrate the abstract sense of trust or approval between one holy entity and another. This medieval use of the gesture is rare in Italian art of the Quattrocento but becomes more common again in the sixteenth century as part of a general social revival of the handclasp. The dextrarum iunctio pledging handclasp of antique Rome was revived in the Quattrocento. It was consciously repeated on tombs, medals and emblems with Increasing veracity to the style of its models as well as -209-with increasing frequency, toward the end of the century. The earliest occurances of the gesture can be associated with patrons and artists who were particularly attracted to matters antique. We will look briefly at each of these media, starting with tombs. The first humanist tomb known to include a sign handclasp is the monument of Bartolommeo Aragazzi (d. 1429) for the pieve of Montepulciano. Commissioned from Michelozzo and Donatello in 1427, i t was completed by 192 Michelozzo alone, in 1438. Aragazzi was a renowned humanist scholar, who spent the last decade of his l i f e serving Pope Martin V as apostolic secretary. The tomb was dismembered in the early seventeenth century when the old church was demolished and used to complete the new Duomo. Several pieces were excavated in the choir of the Duomo in 1815, on the site of the old pieve, including two narrative reliefs with portrait figures 193 of the donor. One shows Aragazzi solemnly clasping hands with a matron figure (fig. 56) and the other shows him kneeling in the presence of the Virgin and child. Several other figures stand in the first and kneel in the second scene. The unique iconography of these two scenes has always presented difficulties. The most recent study has identified the matron figure who clasps 194 Aragazzi's hand, as his dead mother, and the whole scene as a 195 welcoming to heaven, in the manner of certain antique tomb monuments. The recreation of the form of an antique scene with the deceased clasping hands, would prove to be an isolated revival, since the Aragazzi was not the basis of other known works. Other tombs based directly on antique funerary monuments using the dextrarum iunctio are not known until toward the end of the century. The -210-196 147 Satri tomb in Rome (fig. 57) and Martinengo tomb in Brescia probably date from the 1480's. These tombs are faithful copies of Roman stele or coins which have the motif of husband and wife linked by an eternal^ 8 handclasp. The actual stele on which the Satri may have been based, s t i l l 199 exists and has a number of Latin words inscribed on it (fig. 58). In her study of the antique piece, Phyllis Lehmann shows that the inscriptions are probably a humanist forgery which overlook or mis-interpret the marital symbolism of the g e s t u r e . S o o n after the stele provided the model for the sculptor of.the Satri tomb, i t appears to have been damaged and restored. The 'restoration' put right a damaged himation by cutting i t away to leave the wife with a pointed coiffure. At the same or nearly same time, four pieces of inscription were added. In Quattro-cento lettering, the man became "Honour" (Honour), the woman "Veritas" (Truth), the son "Amor" (Love) and the whole, a "Fidei Simulacrum" (Image of Faith). In this corrupt form, the piece had a reputation as a valuable antique artifact during the sixteenth century. Treatises and illustrated books used the work to demonstrate principles of Roman religious thought. Although this is a l l quite incorrect, the scholar or collector who invented the wording probably did so with the purest intentions, in an effort to bring out the symbolism which he felt was contained within the piece, but difficult to see. In any case the inscription was con-vincing enough to be accepted as genuinely antique throughout the remainder of the sixteenth century. The funerary nature of the stone was not re-established until Montfaucon in the eighteenth century, and the fact that -211-the inscriptions are Renaissance additions, was not detected until the nineteenth. Lehmann demonstrates the pressure exerted by the sixteenth century appetite for historical information about Roman society. In the period with which we are concerned, up to the turn of the sixteenth century, patrons and artists approached the antique sources with more modest in-tentions. The evidence of these few tombs indicates a visual approach which did not feel the need-to expand on the simplicity of the original models. However the late Quattrocento evidence provided by humanist tombs lacks the written back up which would allow us to determine, with certainty, what they and the Roman monuments were understood to mean. Some of the information lacking in respect to tombs is more readily accessible regarding humanist medals, which also help to f i l l in the awkward chronological gap found with tombs. At least two periods in the establishment of the dextrarum iunctio on medals can be determined. In the first, running to about the turn of the sixteenth century, the image and inscriptions are copied or adapted from antique models on Roman coinage with a certain open-ended lack of understanding. Inscriptions in particular are suspect, with misspellings, inaccurate constructions and occasional attempts to invent legends which may be accurate, but which are now very ambiguous. In the same way, Roman minting and senate abbreviations give the works an antique flavour, without giving them the thorough-going meaning native to their models. The second stage emerges in the first decades of the sixteenth century, when both form and content recapitulate antique precedents with clarity and cogency. The style, meaning and gesture a l l work together. -212-The earliest conscious attempt to reproduce the antique dextrarum iunctio gesture on fifteenth century medals now appears to be those on the reverses of a pair of similar Diva Faustina medals, by the artist long known as the Medallist of the Roman Emperors, and recently identi-201 fied as Filarete (fig. 59). If the five medals of this closely re-lated stylistic group are by Filarete, they probably date from close to and just after his doors for St. Peter's in Rome. That is, between 1445 and 1449, making them contemporary with Pisanello's—the earliest dated Renaissance medals. The Faustina Elder reverses show the empress and her husband, Antoninus Pius, seated on stools angled toward each other. They clasp right hands and Faustina rests her left hand on Antoninus' lower right arm. The figures are identified by the inscription-which also includes the "S(enatus) C(onsulto)" of coins issued by the Roman Senate. There are two closely related versions of the medal. The very minor difference is an improved spelling on the second version. The obverse portraits are taken from well known Roman denarii but the reverses are unlike 202 any specific Roman coin. Filarete has tried to manufacture a new design 'in the manner o f the antique sources, rather than duplicate an existing model. Throughout the medals of the group, errors in the legends set these medals apart from attempts at forgery or literal repetition. The interpretation of the reverses is not certain, although Seymour has given a reading which could stand for the gesture on them: "a moving 203 evocation of conjugal love as well as a statement of political unity." The subject matter indicates th  familiarity of the unknown patron with -213-Roman history. The Diva Faustina medals antedate others utilizing the dextrarum iurictio by somewhat more than a decade, although they are not as precocious in this respect as was the Aragazzi monument among humanist tombs. In the 1460's the dextrarum iurictio occurs at Venice in the work of Marco Guidizzani and at Rome in that of Cristoforo di Geremia. The earliest of these is probably Guidizzani's medal of Doge Pasquale 204 Malipiero (1457-62). It is a large but clumsy effort with rudimentary Latin and modelling. The obverse carries a bust of the Doge and the reverse shows two female figures clasping right hands. One holds a palm branch, the other an olive branch. The inscription on this side reads "Concordia Augusta Consulti Verietiq Senatus" and i t is signed.with artist's f u l l name in the exergue. It is uncertain whether the happy event on the reverse refers to Malipiero's election in 1457 or to Pius II's League of Christian rulers. The inscription may refer to the concord of the Privy Council and the Venetian Senate whose joint action removed the preceding incumbent, leaving the way open for the election of Malipiero. The Roman expression, "Concordia Augusta," imperial concord, becomes 'concord of the state' when applied to Venice, and is later used in the same way by other states as well. The inscription favours the first alternative, though in either case the united figures probably represent Victory and Peace. Cristoforo di Geremia used the dextrarum iunctio in three very similar bronze designs. One Is a large medal of a Roman emperor thought to represent Constantine, which was probably cast for the visit which Pope Paul II received at Rome from Emperor Frederick III in 1468 (fig. 60). -214-Male and female figures clasp hands and hold a caduceus and cornucopia, respectively, on the reverse. The legend reads "Concordia Avgg(ustorum)". Pollard identifies the bearer of the winged caduceus, which is 206 labelled "Pax," as Constantine, and the woman as the Church. The medal stands for the concord of church and state which actually was strong between Paul II and Frederick III. A bronze plaquette which may 207 have been part of an inkstand repeats the design. The final redaction appears on the reverse of a medal of Sixtus IV (1471-1484) from the last 2 08 years of Cristoforo's l i f e (d. 1476). Some influence of Cristoforo is found in the medal of the French 209 ambassador to Innocent VIII, cast at Rome in 1489. A figure of the Church like those just seen, clasps hands with a figure of Mercury, on the reverse. A pair of clasped hands appears on the obverse, beneath the profile bust of Guillaume de Poitiers. Like the earlier diplomatic medals, these handclasps probably refer to the relationship sought by the papacy with the foreign power. The tentative nature of these Quattrocento medals is superseded in the early Cinquecentoby more ambitious and accomplished ones. The medal of Leo X's coronation year, 1513, is one such example. He is presented as a Renaissance prince dressed in the antique style on the obverse, 210 while 'Virtue gives her right hand to Fortune' on the reverse. Other examples use the dextrarum iunctio to illustrate Psalm 85:10: "Ivstitia 211 et Pax oscvlate svnt" (Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other), 212 or "Concordia Fratrvm" (Brotherly Concord). These clearly indicate the new assurance with which the dextrarum iunctio is handled and -215-understood. The image of an isolated pair of hands as an emblem or personal de-vice also began in the Quattrocento, as a humanist invention. Antique Rome provided the direct inspiration, as it had with the dextrarum  iunctio on tombs and medals. One of the earliest and most striking examples of the clasped hand device appears on a marble frieze believed to be part of a dismembered tomb from the Duomo at Lucca, now in the Victoria and Albert Museum 213 (fig. 61). The frieze presents a profile bust portrait of the unidentified donor flanked by four flaming candelabra and two pairs of clasped hands. The hands emerge from clouds and are encircled by scrolls which hold fronds of palm and olive. The artist is believed to 214 be Matteo Civitali of Lucca (1436-1501), while the style evokes the strong suggestion"of Bernardo and Antonio Rossellino which is to be 215 expected in this artist. The date of the piece is problematical but analogies with the rest of his oeuvre suggest the 1470's. The matched palm and olive symbolize the complementary qualities of Victory and Peace, which in turn are based on the qualities of honour and love, in the traditional interpretation. The handclasp itself may represent the Concord of alliance, in view of the references to war and peace. The Roman prototype was the symbolic act recorded in Tacitus and the Thesaurus, of an exchange of bronze clasped hands as an invitation 216 to peace or alliance between belligerent forces. Cruder Renaissance examples show the origin of their design in Roman imperial coinage, however the foreshortening of a firm grip, such as we see in the Civitali, is a reinterpretation of these models, which on a l l Roman coins of isolated -216-clasped hands show the fingers fully extended. That this was a device to maintain visual clarity, rather than evidence that the act was simply palm-touching, is seen in coins showing ful l figures, in which the hands are always firmly gripped. The Civitali is an impressive example with extremely lifelike hands in high relief. Very few clasped hand images display a verlsm this effective or a grip this firm for a matter of as much as two succeeding generations. The early variety in styles among imprese painted portraits, and on other private objects, was eventually standardized through the impact of publication in emblem books. The clasped hand image was given back to the north when humanists of the following generation began to adopt the dextrarum iunctio as a personal device. This may be seen in works of Cranach's Vienna and 217 Wittenberg periods and of Bernard van Orley at Brussels. The thorough blending of Christian and humanist meaning and form, takes place during the pontificate of Leo X (1513-1521) and can be ob-served in narrative and allegorical images. The gesture's usefulness as a sign of reconciliation was particularly appropriate to the iconography of the "universal peacemaker." In Raphael's tapestry designs commissioned by Leo for the Sistine Chapel, the dextrarum iunctio occurs in two crucial reconciliation scenes on the 'relief' borders. Paul and Judas Barsabas clasp hands on a border at one end of the 218 series, in the pledge of the Mission to the Gentiles. At the end of the alternative sequence the mounted figure of Cardinal Giovanni de'Medici clasps hands with the leader of the group of citizens welcoming the 219 cardinal back to Florence. These scenes are contrasted with scenes -217-of persecution, and represent, respectively, the reunion of Paul and the Church, and the reconciliation of the Medici (Leo X) with Florence. The scenes f u l f i l l a larger concern with the restoration of Medici fortune, 220 seen as a rebirth of the Church itself. The gesture is the key to the spiritual accord at Jerusalem,'and temporal accord at Florence, from which the Church of the Holy See is born and reborn. Leonine overtones of peace are also present in the handclasp en-graving of the Reconciliation Of Minerva and Cupid by Marcantonio 221 Raimondi (fig. 62) thought to derive from a lost drawing by Raphael. The engraving shows Minerva Pacifica clasping right hands with Cupid, who holds up an olive branch in his other hand. The design is probably the one identified by Vasari as "Peace [una Pace] to whom Cupid offers a branch of o l i v e . " 2 2 2 Immobile, solemn handclasps are a frequent device in emblem book 223 literature of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth, centuries. Written evidence for the trend to shaking rather than clasping is sub-stantial from the early seventeenth century onward. The information on the handclasp contained in the gesture opus of John Bulwer-r-the 224 Chirologia...ChironOmia, 1644—deserves a final word, particularly in view of the unusually misleading entry under which most of his data is given regarding this gesture. This does not concern the six pages devoted to the gesture under the heading "Reconcilio [I reconcile]" so much as the twelve pages devoted to i t under the heading "Data fide  promitto [I pledge my faith]." In the latter, the generally reliable Bulwer indicates that this gesture is and had always been executed as a -218-slap of hands, rather than a shake or clasp of hands. In this case, his tendency to relate examples.as directly as psosible to contemporary practice In England (commented on by the editor, Cleary, on pages xxxv-xxxvi) distorts the use he makes of written historical evidence. Certainly the handslap was an ancient form of sealing a contract dealing 225 with the exchange of goods. It was common in the London of Bulwer's 226 day among horse dealers and other traders, and continues to this day, among rural livestock traders in England and Holland. Nevertheless the contention that a l l antique examples of pledging faith by hand contact involved a slap rather than a clasp is in error, and this can even be proven from Bulwer's own text. In more than ten places he quotes wordings such as "joined hand with hand," "take his hand," "clasp hands," "embracing 227 his right hand," and "take hold of his right hand." The action apart, Bulwer's entries confirm the broad range of meanings which the joining of hands held for antiquity, in the Old and New Testaments, and in later . , . 228 historical times. -219-1. Madonna and Child with Saints Peter, John the Baptist, Dominic  and Nichblas, tempera on panel, 166.5 x 113 cm. (main panel), predella: St. Dominic burning the Albigensian books, the Meeting of Christ and  John in the Desert, St. Nicholas ordering the destruction of a tree  sacred to Diana, in original frame. Former collections of the Duke of Newcastle, and Earl of Lincoln, sold at Christie's in 1937, from 1940 in the City Art Museum of Saint Louis (Missouri), accession no. 1.40. 2. Madonna and Child with Lazarus and St. Sebastian, tempera on panel, 165 x 123 cm., Pieve del Santi Michele e Lorenzo, Montevettolini (Pistoia), illustrated in Bacci, Pierb di Cosimo, pi. 1. The elongated figures reminiscent of Cosimo Rosselli, and dark cast of the work, place i t at the starting point of Piero's career. Possibly his oldest in-dependent work of reasonable size, i t would have been painted soon after his return from the Sistine Chapel commission (1482-83) and before the impact of the Portinari Altarpiece (arrived in Florence 28 May 1483) had helped to brighten his palette, perhaps c. 1483-84. It is unlikely that this or any other Piero dates from before the Sistine trip (as Bacci, c. 1480 for this work) when Piero was s t i l l an unpaid teenage apprentice in the Rosselli shop. Bacci also accepts a more accomplished work in the style of Lorenzo di Credi which bears a questionable signature and date (1480), in a Swiss private collection (Bacci, L'opera completa, no. 8, Madonna  and Child with Saints Onuphrius and Augustine). 3 The garments of Nicholas and Dominic, and lighting in the lower half of the painting are as crisp and confident as any part of the S. Spirito Visitation. 4 The relationship of the profile head of St. Nicholas to the three-quarter angled body exceeds possibility. The figures of Peter and John are somewhat crude, and the character of Piero's later Madonnas is lacking in this work. 5 The portrait character of this head is reinforced by being in pure profile, semiotically inferior to the frontal Madonna and child, and the standing saints in three-quarter angle. St. Nicholas was a protector of the Dominican order, and is shown offering his wealth, while the Virgin and Child face and bless St. Dominic. 6 Painted for the chapel of St. Bernard founded by Piero del Pugliese (d. 1498) in the Benedictine monastery of Le Campora outside of Florence. During the siege of 1529 the painting was moved for safety to the Badia, the monks' mother church in Florence. Le Campora being sacked and the immediate branch of Piero's family being extinct,'the altarpiece has remained in the Badia to this day. 7 Vasari speaks of a series of scenes from fables decorating a room in the Casa del Pugliese in Via dei Serragli, constructed in 1488, and a pala for the Ospedale degli Innocenti which will be considered shortly. The identity of works in the first group has centred on those depicting the -220-story of primitive man, a l l of which are discussed in E. Panofsky, "The Early History of Man in a Cycle of Paintings by Piero di Cosimo," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 1 (1937-38): 12-30. 8 Herbert P. Home, "The Last Communion of St. Jerome by Sandro Botticelli," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 10 (1915) : 39, 52-6, 72-5, 101-5. The greater part of the last half of Home's article deals with the question of the confused identities of Piero and Francesco del Pugliese, both of whom were notable patrons and collectors, owning Flemish as well as Florentine works. 9 Among those accepting the Filippino as Piero are Berenson, Berti and Baldini, and Bacci; Hartt and Panofsky favour Francesco. Vasari's identification of Francesco del Pugliese as the patron of Piero di Cosimo's camera decorations is not disputed. With the Saint Louis pala however the question is more difficult. P.T. Rathbone implies that the portrait is of Francesco del Pugliese in the notice published on the occasion of the work's acquisition by St. Louis ("The Madonna Enthroned with Saints by Piero di Cosimo," Bulletin of the City Art Museum of Saint Louis 25 (1940): 42-7, esp. p. 46). Rathbone incorrectly identifies the medium as o i l , and dates the work to c. 1501 by analogy with the S. Spirito Visitation (now known to be 1489 or 1490), the Discovery of Honey and Discovery of Wine for Guidantonio Vespucci (probably between 1505 and 1507), and Botticelli's Mystic Nativity (1501). We have shown how common the embracing motif found in the last work and in the Saint Louis predella is, making this less helpful as a dating tool. Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, p. 70 summarizes the stylistic reasons for rejecting Rathbone's dating, places the work immediately before the S. Spirito Visitation, and notes simply that scholars are not unanimous on the identification of the portrait head ("per alcuni Piero, per a l t r i Francesco"). We would agree in the main with Bacci's analysis, but identify the donor as Piero del Pugliese. 10 See Chapter Two. 11 This is in accord with Mina Bacci, who dated the latter work to 'not after 1490' even prior to the publication of Craven's supporting evidence. Her second book confirms her earlier conclusions (see Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, nos. 7 and 8; and Idem, L'opera completa, nos. 9 and 13). 12 If the Montevettolini pala and Metropolitan Museum Young St. John can be taken as authentic early works by Piero. 13 The format of Piero's Saint Louis pala also derives from works such as Ghirlandaio's tempera Madonna and Child with Saints DiOnysius the  Areopagite, Thomas Acquinas, Dominic and Clement in the Uffizi. 14 The sobriety and control of Piero's religious style in the 1490's contrasts with that of his mythological oeuvre, where a debt to Antonio Pollaiuolo and Luca Signorelli is apparent, and where forms and figures are more mobile. -221-15 Oil on panel, 203 x 197 cm., now in the Pinacoteca of the Spedale. Which del Pugliese is not specified by Vasari, although the sharing of adjoining parts of the new. Casa del Pugliese by Piero and his nephew Francesco should not rule out the possibility of a shared chapel. Vasari indicates that the painting was done to the express wishes of the hospital director, a personal friend of the artist's. This man was not spared the artist's mischief, which involved secrecy from observation while Piero "brought it to completion at his leisure." Implored on the"occasions of payments to allow his friend to see i t , the artist threatened to destroy everything that had been done, including even the day of the final payment, which had to be made before Piero would make arrangements to bring the work for installation (Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:132). 16 Bacci, L'opera completa, pp. 83, 90. 17 The delicacy of the St. Catherine in particular surpasses that of the Virgin in the Visitation, in her limpid profile, linear sense, and the transparency of her veil. The Innocenti Madonna should be contrasted with the similar figure in the Saint Louis pala. Every aspect shows improvement: the painting of the face, hair, and halo; of garments; and in giving cor-poral feeling to the whole body beneath the drapery. 18 Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, p. 80. 19 John Pope-Hennessy, "Thoughts on Andrea della Robbia," Apollo, n.s., vol. 109 (1979): 179-97, esp. p. 191. 20 There is almost unanimous agreement on the 1490's, even the early 1490's (Bacci, Grassi, A. Venturi), although Zeri and Freedberg suggest the early 1500's. This last idea however is incompatible with the absence of enhanced lighting effects which Piero achieved after Leonardo's return. 21 Oil on panel, 132 x 147 cm., formerly in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin, no. 204, destroyed by fire in May 1945. A replica in tondo form in a Florentine private collection (Bacci, L'opera completa, no. 41) eliminates the shepherds, archangel and Tobias, roof-supports and roof. The provenance of the lost original can be traced only as far as the Solly collection, from which i t was sold to the Berlin museum in 1821. Edward Solly, an English entrepreneur based in Berlin, acquired many paintings from Italy during the upheavals of the Napoleonic wars. A certain immunity was granted to Florentine churches and private collections by the Napoleonic forces, so we may suspect that Solly purchased the Berlin painting from a Florentine family collection, rather than that the altarpiece was s t i l l in a church location. The Washington Visitation was another Piero di Cosimo which was removed from a family chapel to a v i l l a in the eighteenth century, and sold to an English collector in the early nineteenth century. -222-22, Christopher Norris, "The Disaster at Flakturiii Friedrichshain; a Chronicle and List of Paintings," Burlington Magazine 94 (1952); 337-47, esp. p. 344, and fig. 6. 23 Knapp, Piero di Cosimo, pp. 66ff. 24 It is Joseph, not a third shepherd (as D. E. Colnaghi, A Dictionary of Florentine Painters from the thirteenth to the seventeenth  Centuries (London: John Lane The Bodley Head Ltd., 1928), s.v. "Piero di Cosimo".) This is confirmed by the tondo replica in the Florentine collection, which eliminates the two shepherds, and by Albertinelli's Adoration of the Child in the Courtauld Institute Galleries, London, which is heavily influenced by the Piero (illustrated in Borgo, Albertinelli, pi. 19). 25 Mary's fingertips touch in the gesture of prayer (oro). Joseph's are raised in the gesture of 'admiration' or wonderment (admiror). These late medieval gestures remained stable through the eighteenth century and are well described in Bulwer, Chirologia, pp. 21-34, esp. pp. 23-32 and 33-4. Bulwer's discussion of four standard praying gestures neglects a fifth, the crossed wrists of humble submission. See also Ladner, "Gestures of Prayer," pp. 245-75. 26 On this form of presentation see the examples and discussion in Vera K. Ostoia, "A Tapestry Altar Frontal with Scenes from the l i f e of the Virgin," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 24 (1966): 286-303, esp. p. 293. The form is essentially northern and is found in prints as well as stationary media. See, for instance, Martin Schongauer's Nativity engraving (B. 5). The northern look of Piero's painting led to its a t t r i -bution to Gaudenzio Ferrari, which was corrected in 1870 by Frizzoni. His reattribution is now universally accepted. 27 Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), 2: 24-8, esp. pp. 27-8. 28 Nor like the 'real' shepherds in the background of this work, whose rough clothes and staffs correspond to those of shepherds in the backgrounds of Piero's Visitation and Immaculate Conception. 29 Who, no doubt, participated in a dramatic enactment of the event seen here. The Christmas star is just visible within the straw overhead. In the Albertinelli pastiche in the Courtauld, the star is suspended in the centre of the sky. The interior scene reflected in the Piero might have been transported in one of the popular Florentine religious parades. Tableaux of this kind were seen on floats in the pageants and processions referred to in Rab Hatfield, Botticelli's Uffizi "Adoration"; A Study in  Pictorial Content (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 50-1, 52, 58. -223-30. The weave looks finer and the texture smoother than that of Joseph's garment, in the grain of light and shadow. 31 The lamb which they bring is also a symbol of the innocent. The Servites of SS. Annunziata were also involved in the welfare of children but the cloaks worn by their secular tertiaries were probably more like the black habit of the friars. 32 The sack and saddled ass are a proleptic reference to the Flight into Egypt. The haystack may refer to the 'heaping up of good things on earth by god' (Gibson, Hieronymus BOsch, p. 70), in contrast to the tree of death and deprivation of those without Christ (Reallexikon zur  Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, s.v. "Baum"). The bridge and river probably have an iconographic explanation as well. For discussion of the ruinous stones of the Old Testament temple on the right, supporting the wooden shed of the New Testament church on the left, in Botticelli's related Adoration of the Magi for Guasparre dal Lama (d. 1481), see Hartt, Italian Renaissance Art, p. 282 and Hatfield, Botticelli's "Adoration", pp. 56-66. 33 Federico Zeri, "Rivedendo," p. 45 dates the Piero to c. 1485 by analogy with certain Filippino Lippi Madonnas, a most unlikely proposition. 34 Oil on panel, 206 x 172 cm., Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. The lost predella contained scenes from the lives of the saints above, including one of Margaret emerging from the belly of the dragon which Vasari particularly praised for its execution and imagination. 35 Letter to Mary Costelloe, Florence, 4 December 1890, cited in Hanna Kiel, Looking at Pictures with Bernard Berenson (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1974), p. 276. 36 It is thus one of the first paintings to show this event, previously represented only by the Annunciation. The Immaculate Conception proper refers to the conception of Mary by St. Anne, a dogma not given papal assent until 1476 and 1477 by Sixtus IV. The reluctance of the Dominicans to accept this Franciscan idea forced the pope to make observance of the new feast voluntary. In any case, a new painted iconography of the Virgin conceiving Christ originates in the 1490's and early examples include works by Crivelli (1492, London), the Master of Moulins (1498, Moulins cathedral), Piero di Cosimo (c. 1504-6, Uffizi), Francia (1511, S. Frediano, Lucca), and Fra Cotignola (1513, Fori!), before Signorelli (1521, Cortona). Signorelli establishes the type that would become very popular during the Counter Reformation, with an airborne figure of Mary, taken from Assumption imagery, shown beneath a figure of God the Father. Definitions of which works represent the Immaculate Conception vary from writer to writer. For the present, these questions may be examined in the following works: Mirella Levi d'Ancona, The Iconography of the Immaculate Conception in the  Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (New York: College Art Association, 1957); Reau, Iconographie, s.v. "L*Iconographie de la Vierge: L'Immaculee -224-Conception;" Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie, s.v. "Immaculata Conception;" and Pigler, Barockthemen, s.v. "Die unbefleckte Empfangnis." For further bibliography see Guldan^ Eva und Maria, pp; 333-4. 37 A wooden frame at the left side abuts a partial, but now quite classical, stone ruin to its right, in this Adoration of the Shepherds. 38 Piero di Cosimo also painted.an altarpiece of the Immaculate  Conception of Mary for the Franciscans of Fiesole (Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, no. 53) which is s t i l l iii situ. Generally dated to his late decline, i t bears a false signature and date ("Pier di Cosimo 1480"). It shows an Anna of indeterminate age kneeling before God the Father, while angels above and saints below display texts justifying the concept. 39 Vasari-de Vere, Lives, 4:130. It also contained relics of Benizi. 40 Odoardo Giglioli, "La cappella Tedaldi nella chiesa della SS. Annunziata e la tavola di Piero di Cosimo, oggi nella Galleria degli Uffizi," L'TJllustratore fioreiitino (1910)': 113-7, esp. p. 113. It was later dedicated to San Filippo Beriizi. 41 Its removal was permitted by the brothers, Lorenzo and Pier Francesco Tedaldi. 42 Borgo, Albertinelli, pp. 99, 117, and Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, pp. 84-5. 43 Borgo, Albertinelli, Cat. 1.11, on deposit at Toulouse, Musee des Augustins, from the Louvre. 44 For the relationships between these three works see Borgo, Albertinelli, pp. 98-9, 117. 45 Formerly Bremen Kunsthalle, destroyed during World War II. John and Peter are old and.bearded. The women stand to either side of Mary, and it is the less exalted and more nearly contemporary Florentine prelates who kneel in the foreground. Benizi, the Servite prior general, was honoured in this, his mother church, although he was not formally canonized until 1671. Other symbols in SS. Annunziata make civic reference to Florence and the large five-blossomed l i l y which Benizi supports in the painting, may do so too, in addition to referring to the Virgin Mary and the four virgin martyrs who are present. 46 Left to right: Youth, Prime, Middle Age, Old Age. 47 John is sanguine. Benizi has the classic choleric look, bristling, almost a caricature of intensity. Archbishop Antonius has the slightly distant, worried expression which a hypochondriac or a phlegmatic might have. Peter is pensive, lost in reflection, a melancholic. -225-48 Hardly, as Berenson, Drawings Florentine, 2:256: "The finished work is more vertical and more monumental, more archaic,.in short." 49 The angle of shadow thrown by the book and part of the cane that rest on the step, is too steep for the general pattern of lighting. No second source illuminates the rooftops on the right to justify these shadows, which are probably introduced simply to emphasize the plasticity of the objects. 50 The single painting which shows Leonardo's influence most forcefully, is the Madonna and Child with Angels in the Fondacione Cini, Venice, which was rediscovered by Zeri and published in 1959 ("Rivedendo," pp. 36-50, esp. pp. 36-41). Here the skein of landscape disolves and the face of the angel playing the viol is mobile and strange. The compression of figures and darkness of Mary's robe derive from Leonardo, yet forms in the light are brilliantly crisp, taking Leonardo's example on a tangent which leads away from sfumato. This aspect is characterized well by Freedberg, Painting in Italy, p. 98, who concurs with Zeri's date of c. 1507. There is an excellent colour reproduction in Bacci, Piero di  Cosimo, cat. no. 34. 51 See, for instance, Paatz, Kirchen, 1:127. The cartoon of 1501 has disappeared. Its recorded theme was not unrelated to the Piero since it showed the Madonna and Child with St. Anne. The Tedaldi may have chosen their subject to harmonize with that selected by the Servites for their own centrepiece. Leonardo's unfinished painting of the Madonna and  Child and St. Anne in the Louvre, is thought to be a slightly later version. 52 Piero for the Tedaldi and Rosselli for the Giglio family in Santa Maria Maddalena di Cestello (now dei Pazzi), a Coronation of the  Virgin, c. 1505. Piero's personal devotion to his teacher was apparently unfaltering throughout Rosselli's lifetime, which ended in 1507. 53 Cosimo Rosselli's Vision and Investiture of S. Filippo Benizi and Triumph of Chastity came before Piero's Conception, and Andrea del Sarto's five Miracles of S. Filippo Benizi came after i t . See Kauffmann, Florence, pp. 82-93, esp. pp. 82-3. The Servites also gave extensive work to Pontormo, and several other commissions to Andrea del Sarto. The fewest works by any of the four artists mentioned derive from Piero di Cosimo himself, which may be an indication that some of his lost or homeless pictures were originally in SS. Annunziata. 54 Perugino's influence on Piero di Cosimo, particularly during the 1490's, has not received the attention it merits. 55 Berenson, Drawings Florentine, 1:150. -226-56 Little is known of the custom of exchanging clasped hands made of bronze, as a sign of alliance, which was practised by a number of pre-literate tribes beyond the borders of republican Rome, from Gaul to Syria. On the evidence transmitted by Tacitus (c. 55-120) see Pierre Boyance, "La main de Fides," in M. Renard and R. Schilling, eds., Hommages a Jean Bayet (Brussels-Berchem: Latromus, 1964), pp. 101-13, esp. pp. 112-3. 57 Most of the formal functions which the handclasp had in classical Greece are reflected in one or another Latin antecedent. A summary of these uses is provided in Gerhard Neumann, Gesten und  Gebarden in der griechischen Kunst (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1965), pp. 49-58. Uniquely Greek though, was the use of the handclasp as a special sign of farewell or greeting between family members, in eschatological art. Christoph Clairmont, Gravestone and Epigram, Greek  memorials from the archaic and classical periods (Mainz: P.V. Zabern, 1970), pp. 58-9, shows that this 'dexiosis' gesture on classical gravestones and white-ground lekythoi, is generally a gesture of farewell between a living and a deceased family member. His study also points out the extent to which previous errors have confused our understanding of this significant class of gestures. The handclasp was not however an everyday form of greeting or farewell. That gesture was the raised open palm of the right hand, a point clearly made by Neumann, Gesten und Gebarden, pp. 41-8, in his discussion of "Grussgesten." 58 The handclasp was the central act of the initiation ceremony in Vedic India, during the second millenium before Christ. The child was accepted into the brahmanical community upon reciting the necessary commitments and receiving this confirmation. 59 For the Roman dextrarum iunctio see: Reallexikon fur Antike  und Christentum, s.v. "Dextrarum iunctio," by B. KBtting; Enciclopedia  dell'arte antica, classica e orientale, s.v. "Dextrarum iunctio," by L. Reekmans; L. Reekmans, "La 'dextrarum iunctio' dans 1'iconographie romaine et paleochretienne," Bulletin de l'lnstitut Historique Beige de  Rome, 31 (1958): 23-95; Inez Scott Ryberg, "Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art," Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, 22 (1955): 1-227; Per Gustaf Hamberg, Studies in Roman Imperial Art, (Copenhagen: Ejmar Munksgaard, 1945), pp. 18-23; Richard Brilliant, "Gesture and Rank in Roman Art," Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 14 (1963): 18-21, 88, 90-2, 158-9, 201, 215-6, and passim; Carl S i t t l , Die Gebarden der Griechen und Romer (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1890), pp. 27-30, 135-8, 276, 283, 310-5, 336, 368. 60 As Boyance, "Le main de Fides," p. 107 notes: "Les Anciens  n'avaient pas l'habitude, quand l i s se reconttaient et se saluaient, de  se serrer la main. La dexterarum [sic] iunctio ne doit jamais fetre consideree comme un salut pur et simple." Nor was the handclasp a -227-gesture of greeting in Homeric Greece: "Begriissung durch handedruck im  heutigen sinn existierte auch nicht." (Klara Stroebe, "Altgermanische Grussformen," Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutscher Sprache und Literatur 37 (1912): "173-212, esp. p. 212.). 61 For the Roman handclasp as Concordia see: W. Roscher, Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie, s.v. , "Concordia," by R. Peter; A. F. v. Paulys and G. Wissowa, Real- Encyclopadie der Classichen Altertumswissenschaft, s.v. "Concordia," by E. Aust; C. V. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites  grecques et romaines d'apres les texts et les monuments, s.v. "Concordia," by P. Mingazzini; and Gerhart Rodenwaldt, "Uber den Stilwandel in der antoninischen Kunst," Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der  Wissenschaften (Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1935), pp. 1-27. 62 Michael H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), no. 494/41, with further references. The caduceus, or herald's staff is often combined with Roman handclasp imagery, and in such cases usually represents Felicitas (good fortune) or peace. 63 For the Roman handclasp as Fides see: P. Boyance, "La main de Fides," pp. 101-13; A. Piganiol, "Fides et mains de bronze," in Melanges Henri Levy-Bruhl: "Droits de l'Antiquite et sociologie juridique" (Paris: Institut de droit romain de 1'University de Paris, 1959), pp. 471-3; R. Heinze, "Fides," Hermes 64 (1929): 140-66; Paulys-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie, s.v. "Fides," by W. F. Otto; Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, s.v. "Fides," by C. Becker; Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire, s.v. "Fides," by J. A. Hild; Enciclopedia dell'arte antica, s.v. "Fides," by A, Comotti; Axel Hagerstro'm, Der romische Obligationsbegriff im Lichte  der allgemeinen romischen Rechtsanschauung (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells, and Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1941), 2: 148-73; and Salomon Reinach, Cultes Mytheset Religions, 5 vols. (Paris: E. Laroux, 1905-23), 1: 308. 64 Anne S. Robertson, Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin  Cabinet, University of Glasgow, 4 vols., (London, Glasgow and New York: Oxford University Press, 1962-78), 1:175. 65 Related manifestations include coins promoting the concepts of Fides Praetorianorum (faith of the praetorian guard), Fides Publica (faith of the people), and so on. 66 "Pax, the rout-noun of the verb pacisci did not originally mean 'peace' but a 'pact' which ended a war and led to submission, friendship, or alliance." (Stefan Weinstock, "Pax and the 'Ara Pacis'," Journal of  Roman Studies 50 (1960): 44-58, esp. p. 45. For the context placing the above coin within Julius Caesar's campaign to be identified with -228-Alexander as a peacemaker, see the preceding, p. 46, and Idem, Divus  Julius (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 267-9, esp. p. 269. 67 Prescott W. Townsend, "The Significance of the Arch of the Severi at Lepcis," American Journal of Archaeology 42 (1938): 512-24, esp. pp. 517-21., The dextrarum iunctio of Concord is ironic in view of the violence between the brothers after the death of Septimius in 211. 68 Nathan T. Steinlauf, "The Kiss in Roman Law," Classical  Journal 41/8 (May 1946) : 24, 37. 69 Diana E. E. Kleiner, Roman Group Portraiture: The Funerary  Reliefs of the Late Republic and Early Empire (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1977). 70 If the last is also intended as one of the Roman cardinal virtues (Clementia, Pietas, Concordia, Virtus), it may represent Concordia here. See Ryberg, "Rites of the State Religion," pp. 163-7. 71 For Juno Pronubus see Paulys-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie, s.v. "Iuga." The pronubus may also be the goddess Concordia herself. 72 On the concept of manus, see: Brilliant, Gesture and Rank, "Appendix: 'Manus'," pp. 215-6; Daremberg-Saglio, Dietionnaire, s.v. "Manus," S i t t l , Gebarden der Griechen und Romer, pp. 129, 135. 73 The corresponding ignominy of the left hand has an equally ancient history. On this see the important discussion in J. Gonda, "The Significance of the Right Hand and the Right Side in Vedic Ritual," Religion, a journal of religion and religions 2 (1972) : 1-23, with cross-cultural bibliography. 74 Hagerstrom, "Oligationsbegriff," pp. 153-73. 75 Daremberg-Saglio, Dietionnaire, s.v. "Matrimonium," and Paulys-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie, s.v. "Confarreatio." 76 On the use of the handclasp in early Christian marriage imagery, see: Ernst H. Kantorowicz, "On the Golden Marriage Belt and the Marriage Rings of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," Dumbarton  Oaks Papers 14 (1960): 1-16, figs. 1-37; Bovini, Giuseppe, "Le scene della 'Dextrarum Iunctio' nell'arte cristiana," Rome, Commissione Archeologica Comunale, Bollettlno 72 (1946/48): 103-17; Idem, "Marriage Scenes in Roman and Early Christian Art," Classical Folia: Studies in  the Christian;.Perpetuation of the Classics 5 (1951); 5-14; Fernand Cabrol and Henri Leclercq, eds., Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de  liturgie, s.v. "Mariage;" and Reekmans, "Paleochretienne," pp. 23-95. 77 Kantorowicz, "Marriage Belt," p. 10. -229-78 This work and the changes which effected the portrayal of the handclasp in early Christian marriage imagery is dealt with in the article by Ernst Kantorowicz, just cited. 79 Bovini, "Marriage Scenes," p. 14. 80 Edward Westermarck, The History of Human"-' Marriage, 3 vols. (New York: The Allerton Book Company, 1922), 2:443-4; and New Catholic  Encyclopedia, s.v. "Mary, Blessed Virgin, Iconography of." 81 It is an over-simplification to suggest that each type became exclusive in its respective geographic region in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as Reau (Iconographie, vol. 2:2, pp. 170-2) does in his discussion of the Marriage of the Virgin. 82 Munich Cod. gall. Monac. 16, fol. 35v. Kanterowicz (1960): c. 1310; Panofsky (1934): c. 1323. 83 E. Panofsky, "Jan van Eyck's 'Arnolfini' Portrait," Burlington  Magazine 44 (1934): 125. Compare Bulwer, Chirologia, s.v. "Juro[I swear]." 84 This is evidence of the Roman concept of nanus, possession expressed in terms of the hand, in its dying days. 85 Abiathar's hand makes i t hard to see which finger Mary is extending. The designated ring hand varied during this period and so did the ring finger. In Giotto's time the index or middle finger of the right hand was favoured. 86 The modernization'of the marriage ceremony, moving i t indoors and formalizing the participation of the priest, did not take place until the Council of Trent (1665). 87 See Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Marriage, Ritual of"; Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951): 108; and Bauml and Bauml, Dictionary  of Gesture, s.v. "Finger". 88 See Paris, Orangerie des Tuileries, De Giotto a. Bellini; Primitifs italiens dans les musees de France (1956), no. 105, Perugino Sposalizio Caen Museum, painted for the altar above the relic in the chapel of the confraternity of St. Joseph, in Perugia, San Lorenzo (cathedral), between 1499 and 1504. The altarpiece which Perugino supplied had first been requested during the preceding pontificate (1491) from Pintoricchio. 89 Illustrated in R. Branner, Manuscript Painting during the Reign of Saint Louis; A Study of Styles (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), no. 329. -230-90 Ibid. no. 27. 91 Illustrated in Kantorowicz, "Marriage Belt," no. 36. 92 See Ursula Mielke, "Zum Programm der Paradiesestur," Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 34 (1971): 123. 93 Ibid., pp. 122-3: Boaz, who Ruth weds, "significat Iesum Christum  qui per unionem in utero uirginis sibi eccleiam sanctam copulauit. Booz  qui genuit filium de ruth significat Iesum Christum..." 94 See A. Hermann, "Die Hochzeit von Adam and Eva im Paradies nebst einigen andern Hochzeitsbildern," Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch 37 (1975)j^_15^ "Hoc quod deus fecit matrimonium inter adam et evam signi- ficat jesum cristum qui in utero beata virginis sibi sanctam ecclesiam  matrimonaliter copulavit." 95 See for example the pairings in figs. 2 to 5 in Heimann, dating from c. 1220 to c. 1402. 96 Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting,p. 439 accepts the assessment of Rosenau ("Some English Influences on Jan van Eyck. With special reference to the Arnolfini Portrait," Burlington Magazine 34 (1942): 126) that these are "extremely rare" outside of England, although continental examples may not have been as scarce as she suggests (see K. Bauch, Das Mittelalterliche Grabbild (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1976), p. 116). For illustrations of further examples see Rosenau (fig. IV) and Bauch (fig. 181-3). 97 In this respect the tomb couples resemble the Adam and Eve on a tympanum at Strasbourg cathedral (c. 1280). Christ leads the naked couple out of Limbo. The handclasp shows that they are married, not that they are just becoming so. 98 This is seen in the south in examples of the ring Marriage of St. Catherine, in the corporality of figures if not of course in the plausibility of the actual encounter. 99 Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, p. 136. See also Graham Smith, "The Betrothal of the Virgin by the Master of Flemalle," Pantheon 30 (1972): 115-32, esp. pp. 116, 128. 100 Gerson was among those most concerned to have Joseph recog-nized as a saint of the highest rank, and the elevation of the 'Espousals of Joseph and Mary' served to enhance both of the betrothed. Like the feast of the Visitation, the feast of St. Joseph was not introduced into the Roman calendar until the pontificate of Sixtus IV (1471-84). Inno-cent VIII (1484-92) raised the rank of the feast. See Catholic  Encyclopedia, s.v. "Joseph." -231-101 This took place at the Council of Florence, not the "Council of Constance" as J . J . P e l i k a n i n Encyclopaedia B r i t a n r i i c a , s.v. "Sacrament". See A. von Harnack, H i s t o r y of Dogma, 7 v o l s . (London: W i l l i a m s & Norgate, 1893-99), v o l . 6/7, p. 274. 102 This dogma, r e p l e t e w i t h an indoor marriage scene, i s apparently f i r s t seen i n Roger van der Weyden's A l t a r of the Seven  Sacraments commissioned by Jean Chevrot, bishop of Tournai, f o r h i s e p i s c o p a l seat. The f r i e n d s h i p of Chevrot and P h i l i p the Good, as w e l l as P h i l i p ' s strong support of Eugenius TV, would suggest a l i n k of some d i r e c t n e s s , which Panofsky ( E a r l y Netherlandish P a i n t i n g , pp. 282-5, and A r t B u l l e t i n 33 (1951): 33-40) d i d not explore i n h i s eagerness to make the p i c t u r e T a t e enough (1453ff) f o r P i e r r e de Ranchicourt to appear i n . 103 Compare Ephesians 5: 31 w i t h Genesis 2: 24. 104 St. Mechthild of Magdeburg (d. 1283): "God...is...my Bridge- -groom through l o v e , and I am His f o r e v e r " . See A l i c e Kemp-Welch, Of S i x  Medieval Women (London: MacMillan and Co., 1913), p. 82. 105 This displacement of a more general r u l e — t h e supposed i n f e r i o r i t y of women—was one more aspect of the " d i s j u n c t i v e p r i n -c i p l e , " Mary being the e x c e p t i o n a l case of e x c e p t i o n a l cases i n C h r i s t i a n i t y . On the question of the misogyny of. the Roman C a t h o l i c church see now Marina Warner, AlOne of a l l her sex; The Myth and the  Cult of the V i r g i n Mary (London and New York: Knopf, 1976), Epilogue, pp. 333-9. 106 S i m i l a r l y 'new' was the f o u r t e e n t h century i n v e n t i o n of the 'Madonna of H u m i l i t y ' , p l a c i n g a sacred person humbly on the ground. Meiss (Art B u l l e t i n 18 (1936): 464) considers t h i s " f o r e i g n to the Middle Ages and without analogy i n a n t i q u i t y " when he t r a c e s i t s o r i g i n s to the ambiente of Simone M a r t i n i . 107 R. Batey, New Testament N u p t i a l Imagery (Leiden: E. J . B r i l l , 1971), pp. 1-2. 108 I b i d . , pp. 30-5, esp. pp. 30-1. 109 Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterturner, 2 v o l s . ( L e i p z i g : Andreas Heusler und Rudolf Hubner, 1899; r e p r i n t ed., Darmstadt: W i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e Buch G e s e l l s c h a f t , 1965), 1:191-6, 2:147ff; and H e i n r i c h S i e g e l , "Der Handschlag und Eid nebst den verwandten S i c h e r h e i t e n f u r e i n Versprechen im deutschen Rechtsleben," S i t z u n g s b e r i c h t e der P h i l o s p h i s c h e n - H i s t O r i s c h e n Classe des K a i s e r l i c h e n Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna) 130 (1894): 1-122. S i e g e l , p. 16, notes that the handclasp was considered more important than the v e r b a l part of an oath i n t h i r t e e n t h and f o u r t e e n t h century Germany. -232-110 For the discussion and illustration of early German historical narratives and legal documents, see the two works by Karl von Amira, Nordgermanisches Oligationenrecht, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag von Veit & Comp., 1882-95), 1:290-4, 2:305-19; and Idem, "Die Handgeba'rden in den Bildhandschriften des Sachsenspiegels," Abhandlungen der Philosbphisch-Philologischen Klasse der Koniglich  Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Munich) 23 (1909): 161-263. Compare Helen Rosenau, "Some English Influences on Jan van Eyck," Apollo 34 (1942): 125-8, esp. p. 125. 111 Amira, "Handgebarden," p. 240. 112 Fifteenth century manuscript of Fulgentius Metaforalis, Rome, Vatican Library, MS. Palat. 1066, fol. 236 r. See Mab van Lohuizen-Mulder, Raphael's Images of Justice—Humanity—Friendship; A Mirror of Princes for Scipione Borghese (Wassenaar: Mirananda, 1977), p. 94, fig. 68. 113 Out of the vassal's gesture came the modern gesture of Christian prayer. The early Christians had prayed standing up with their arms spread (orans) . Although later kneeling, the arms them-selves were s t i l l raised. (See Palladius in his Lautiac History, cited in Butler's Lives of the Saints, s.v. "Anthony Abbot.") The new praying gesture was introduced around 1200, and there is a possibility that St. Francis had a direct influence on Pope Gregory IX in that introduction. (See Gerhart Ladner, "The Gestures of Prayer in Papal Iconography of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries," in Didascaliae: Studies in Honor of A. Albareda (New York: Rosenthal, 1961), pp. 245-75. Cf. Bulwer, Chirologia, s.v. "Pro [I pray]".) 114 Also termed manus offere. See Klara Stroebe, "Altgermanische Grussformen," Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutscher Sprache und Literatur 37 (1912): 173-212, esp. p. 198. 115 See for example the consistent examples in the illustrated Froissart: George G. Coulton, The Chronicler of European Chivalry (London: The Studio, Ltd., 1930). 116 Among the varied examples: St. William of York in exile is received by the King of Sicily in a stained glass window of 1422 at York Minster; Joseph recognizes Mary's miraculous pregnancy in a panel at Hoogstraten from the circle of Jacques Daret; Pope Eugenius IV receives the Greek emperor, John VIII Paleologos on the silver doors of Old St. Peter's by Filarete, of before 1445; St. Bertin is received by the abbot of Therouane, and in turn accepts the nobleman's parcel of land, in two segments of Simon Marmion's high altar from St. Omer (1454-59, now Berlin); St. Peter receives naked souls at the heavenly gate in the Last Judgment altarpiece disputed between Memling and Bouts (Gdansk); the Lover pledges himself to the God of Love in a late -233-fifteenth century illuminated Roman de la Rose where the fingertips of the Lover just touch the open palm of the God (reproduced in D. Owen, Noble Lovers (London: Phaidon Press, 1975), no. 37); a western ambassador is received by the sultan on a predella by Cima (Schrafl coll., Zurich); the English prince Ethereus takes leave of his father, is received by St. Ursula, and meets her Christian parents in three segments of Carpaccio's story of St. Ursula in the Scuola di Sant'Orsola, dated 1495 (Venice); and St. Benedict receives Totila in the frescoes at Monte Oliveto Maggiore by Luca Signorelli from 1497 to 1501. 117 Several authors explore the political impact of the Council on the Florentine iconography of Solomon and Sheba, and recognize, to varying degrees, the role of the handclasp within i t . See Ursula Mielke, "Zum Programm der Paradiesestur," Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 34 (1971): 115-34, esp. pp. 121-4; Eloise M. Angiola, "'Gates of Paradise' and the Florentine Baptistery," Art Bulletin 60 (1978): 242-8, esp. pp. 246-8; Richard Krautheimer and Trude Krautheimer-Hess, Lorenzo Ghiberti, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 1: 182-8; Andre Chastel, "La Rencontre de Salomon et de la Reine de Saba dans 1'iconographie medievale," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, s. 6, v. 35 (1949): 99-114, esp. pp. 110-2; and contributions to James Bennett Pritchard, ed., Solomon & Sheba (London: Phaidon Press, 1974). For a contrasting iconography, elevating Sheba, see the altar painted by Conrad Witz for the bishop of Geneva, a delegate to the Council of Basel, signed and dated in 1444 (Molly Teasdale Smith, "Conrad Witz's Miraculous Draught  of Fishes and the Council of Basel," Art Bulletin 52 (1970): 150-6). See also Marie Tanner, "Concordia in Piero della Francesca's Baptism of Christ," Art Quarterly 35 (1972): 1-21, esp. pp. 13, 19. 118 An illuminated page by the Master of 1402 shows the obsequium of Sheba to Solomon in a Bible Historiale in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. fr.' 159, illustrated in Emma Pirani, Gothic Illuminated  Manuscripts (London: Hamlyn, 1970), p.133. 119 The iconography shaped to these events shows, in addition to Sheba pledging homage to Solomon (as In Piero della Franceso's fresco at San Francesco, Arezzo), the obsequium of Emperor John VIII Paleologos to Pope Eugenius IV (on Filarete's Porta Argenita, St. Peter's, Rome), and the wife of Darius in obsequium before Alexander the Great (as in a cassone panel from the workshop of Apollonio di Giovanni now in the British Museum in which the wife of Darius wears the characteristic hat of John Paleologos). 120 Joan Wildeblood, The Polite World, rev. ed. (London: Davis-Poynter, 1973), p. 52. 121 Illustrated in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 13 vols. (Utrecht: V. de Haan, 1949-56), vol. 3, pi. 3. -234-122 Illustrated in Connaissance des Arts 300 (Feb. 1977): supp. p.l and D. Johnson, The Making of the Modern World, vol. 1: Europe Discovers  the World (London: Benn. 1971), fig. 36, respectively. 123 Allegorical figures also use the greeting handclasp. See two versions of Richesse welcomed to the Chateau of Fortune by Eur, of 1403-4 and shortly after 1410, illustrated in M. Meiss, French  Painting in the time of Jean de Berry, vol. 6: The Limbourgs and their  contemporaries (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), figs. 14 and 15. 124 Illustrated in Arte Lombarda 36 (1972): 47. 125 Illustrated in Bargellini, Convent of San Marco, fig. 10. 126 These are numerous in episodes set at monastery portals in the Legend of St. Ursula, particularly, and from those of Saints Gertrude, Bruno, Benedict, Florian, and others. For a representative illustration see the scene from the Legend of St. Gertrude in Stange, Deutsche Malerei  der Gotik, vol. 6, fig. 192. Sixteenth century examples often use the handclasp for those visiting prisoners in j a i l (Matt. 25:36) as well as those taking in pilgrims (Matt. 25:35). See, for instance, the scenes surrounding the allegorical figure of Charitas in Bruegel's print of 1559. 127 Illustrated in, respectively, Fremantle, Florentine Gothic  Painters, fig. 530; Kaftal, Saints in Italian Art, vol. 1, figs. 103 and 106; and Hersey, Alfonso II and the Artistic Renewal of Naples, fig. 123. 128 Miniature of 1496-98 showing the Meeting of Maximilian Sforza  and Emperor Maximilian from the Libro del Jesus, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Milan, illustrated in Storia d'ltalia, 2:166. 129 See Robert Young, Analytical Concordance to t h e Bible (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1936), s.v. "Greet, to" and "Salute, to", and Louis Reau, Iconographie de l'art C h r e t i e n , vol. 2:2, p. 198, n. 2. 130 See Wildeblood, The Polite World, p. 40, and Encyclopaedia  Brittanica, s.v. "Salutations". 131 As in Luke 1:40: aspasmos becomes salutavit (saluted). 132 Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. "Hail": "To salute with 'hail!', to salute, greet; to receive with expressions of gladness, to welcome." In modern times use of this word has receded to the poetic or rhetorical. Our word "hello," a variant of the shout "hallo" or "halloa," is modern, developing in the nineteenth century. 133 Isa Ragusa and R. B. Green, eds. Meditations on the Life of  Christ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961): 103. The cor-responding illustration is no. 92. -235-134 Lexikon der Marienkunde, s.v. "Abschied Jesu." 135 A good example from about 1425-30 in Cologne is illustrated as part of a Passion Altar in Cologne, wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Vor  Stefan Lochner, Die Kfllner Maler von 1300 bis 1430 (1974), no. 39. 136 An early Rhenish example at Cologne shows Mary taking Christ's left hand in her right as he blesses her with his right. In the woodcut by Jacob Cornelisz. van Oostsanen they join right hands, but in the painting by Jan van Coninxloo they join left hands while Christ blesses and Mary places hers on her breast in a standard gesture of sincerity. 137 A. Katzenellenbogen, "The Separation of the Apostles," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, s. 6, v. 35 (1949): 81-98, esp. pp. 88-9, 92. 138 See Munich, Stadtmuseum, Bayern, Kunst und Kultur (1972), cat. no. 361, fig. 62, a Separation of the Apostles by a Bamberg Master of 1483, from the church of St. Martin, now in the Historisches Museum der Stadt, Bamberg. 139 Other examples include works by the workshop of Michael Wolgemut (Munich), Jorg Breu the Elder (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett and Augsburg), Jfirg Ratgeb (Stuttgart), Altdorfer (Berlin), and Cranach (Stockholm). 140 The Parisian illuminator of the late fifteenth century borrowed the handclasping Visitation type of two very simply dressed women for the pair labelled 'Miseracordia' and 'Veritas.' The bare-headed figure of Miseracordia corresponds to Mary, the older veiled figure of Veritas to Elizabeth. Signorelli made a transposition of exactly the same kind when he took Piero di Cosimo's Visitation type for his Visit of  the Holy Families tondo (Berlin no. 79BO), itself sometimes mistaken for a Visitation (as Dussler, Signorelli, p. 81). The illumination confirms the same lesson as Piero's Visitation. It is an illustration of a reconciliation which will redeem the sin of man (Psalm 85:1-13). The allegorical pairs below the descending Christ child show the resolution of contradictory forces in that moment. 141 Medal of Doge Antonio Grimani with the legend "Ivstitia et Pax  oscvlate svnt," 1521-23, illustrated in H i l l and Pollard, Kress Medals, no. 164 rev. 142 Vulgate 84:11. Miniature from'a late fifteenth century 'Missel de Paris,' Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine. Another version in the late fifteenth century manuscript of the Golden Legend, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Franc. 244, fo l . 107 (illustrated in part in Perella, Kiss, Sacred and Profane, fig. 9). -236-143 H i l l and Pollard, Kress Medals, p. 34, no. 164. 144 Ernst Grohne, "Gruss und Gebarden," Handbuch der deutschen  Volkskunde 1 (1936): 315-24,.esp. p. 319. Compare Berthold Hinz, "Studien zur Geschichte des Ehepaarbildnisses," Marburger Jahrbuch  fur Kunstwisserischaft 19 (1974): 139-218, esp. p. 192. 145 See Warner, Alone of a l l her sex, pp. 25-33, esp. p. 25. Compare Perella, The Kiss Sacred and Profane, p. 73. Male, Gothic  Image, p. 241 notes the opposition of the fathers of the church to this popular belief. 146 See M. E. Mclver in New Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Visitation of Mary". Compare F. G. Holweck in Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary." John is the first person to recognize Christ ("And i t came to pass, that, when Elizabeth heard the salutation of Mary, the babe leaped in her wOmb; and Elizabeth was filled with the Holy Ghost"—Luke 1:41). Elizabeth is the first to recognize Mary ("And she spake out with a loud voice, and said, Blessed  art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb."—Luke 1:42). Emphases mine. 147 Karl M. Birkmeyer, "The Arch Motif in Netherlandish Painting of the Fifteenth Century," Art Bulletin 43 (1961): 1-20, esp. p. 9 and fig. 9, see also Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, 1:96 and n.2. 148 A type adapted from the Westphalian school and quite alien to Flanders. 149 Throughout the remainder of the fifteenth century version of the Visitation directly inspired by the Roger van der Weyden/Jacques Daret type proliferate in Flanders and Germany. In the Flemish versions the figures touch the womb, in the German ones they clasp hands. In a l l other respects the images belong to the same family. One result of the dissemination of the handclasp Visitation type, established in Florence at the end of the fifteenth century, and discussed in Chapter Two, is the subsequent adaptation there of a pure handclasp form of Meeting at the Golden Gate. 150 Grohne, "Gruss und Gebarden," p. 319. 151 Examples include the four engraved Visitations of Master E. S., and paintings by the Master of the Housebook, Michael and Hans Pacher, Thomas Burgkmair, Hans Holbein the Elder, and others. 152 Voragine puts the event at the time of Dominic's presence in Rome for the recognition of the Dominican order, which would be 1216. F. G. Holweck, Biographical Dictionary Of Saints, s.v, "Francis of Assisi" however, puts the putative meeting in 1215 and the recognition of the Dominican order in 1216/7 (s.v. "Dominic Guzman"). -237-153 Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans. G. Ryan and H. Ripperger (New York: Arno Press, 1969), s.v. "Saint Dominic," pp. 417-8, emphases mine. 154 The women are dressed as equals and the embrace is a sign of unity here as well. The pictorial sequence begins with god's announce-ment of the plan of salvation in the Annunciation; its communication to man in the Visitation where both women demonstrate their desire to accept the will of god; and its resolution in Christ's Passion. The embracing founders of the mendicant orders associate the sponsors of this altarpiece with the divine plan, and shows their desire to cooperate with the cor-responding order in the work of god. Illustrated in Paris, Orangerie, De Giotto a Bellini, (1956), fig. 108. 155 I wish to thank Dr. Erich Schleier, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, for his generous assistance in providing reproductions. 156 Marilyn Aronberg Lavin, "Giovannino Battista: a study in Renaissance religious symbolism," Art Bulletin 37 (1955): 85-101, esp. p. 87. 157 Ibid., p. 94. 158 Ibid., fig. 20. Berlin, Gemaldegalerie, no. 93, 33 x 50.7 em., panel. 159 Fiorenzo di Lorenzo or Jacopo del Sellaio for instance; artists who might maintain a latent taste of Gozzoli in a manner probably formed under Verrocchio. 160 Berlin, Gemaldegalerie, no. 69, 129.5 x 118.5 cm., panel. Commissioned c. 1459. 161 As "Schule Fra Filippo Lippi" in Berlin, Gemaldegalerie, Katalog der ausgestellten Gemalde des 13.-18. Jahrhunderts, (1975), p. 232, no. 94. The picture was traditionally given to Lippi until Bode (1882) demoted i t to a follower of Lippi. Mackowsky (1899) saw it as an early work of Jacopo del Sellaio under the influence of his teacher, Lippi. Berenson consistently (1909 to 1963) gave it to Sellaio. 162 Traditionally given to Piero di Cosimo, then to the workshop of Verrocchio (Bode 1882). In the 1891 Berlin Catalogue as 'probably... an early work of Domenico Ghirlandaio under the influence of Verrocchio.' This opinion repeated by Ulmann (1896), Mackowsky (1899) and Berenson (1932, 1936, 1963). See Berlin, Gemaldegalerie, Katalog (1975), p. 169, no. 93. The style would be advanced for the 1460's. It would be beginning to be slightly old-fashioned for the 1480's. I would date i t to the 1470's. 163 Lavin, "Giovannino Battista," p. 87, n.13. -238-164 Drawing in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. Illustrated in the Selective Guide to the Collection, (1959), p. 43. 165 Central predella to the Pugliese Madonna arid Child with Saints in Saint Louis. Illustrated in Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, pi. 7c. 166 Monochrome fresco in the Chiostro dello Scalzo, Florence, 1518/9. Illustrated in B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance. Florentine School (London: Phaidon Press, 1963), vol. 2, no. 1369. 167 One of the most elusive questions: to what extent does either of these forms express greeting and to what extent a vow in any given fifteenth century example. 168 This process is never-ending and is not essentially different from the development pattern of formal written and spoken languages. The greatest difference is that gesture language is taught by example— non-verbally, and so the quite particular meanings which many gestures have, shade off more rapidly into grey areas of interpretation and understanding. This said, i t is important ,to bear in mind that our gesture vocabulary today is much more impoverished than in earlier times. Many systems of meaning such as oratorical gestures and clerical gestures have ceased to be a part of normal education. These examples represent aspects of the cultural contributions made by classical antiquity and Christianity. The fund of gestures in western use was of course parti-cularly reliant on these sources, and their decline has not meant least in this area. Physical communication in a l l its aspects has a reduced role in highly verbalized and mechanized society. The study of sign gestures in art has certain aspects of a search for a lost language. A language that was diverse and healthy until the eighteenth century, shrinking in the nineteenth, and emaciated and vulgarized in the twentieth. The poverty of many of the new books on gesture stems from this ignorance. 169 For literature on the kiss see Chapter One. The literature on the Catholic mass is vast. The standard work remains Josef Andreas Jungmann, 1889-1975, The Mass of the Roman Rite, Its Origins and  Development, 2 vols, translated from the German by Francis A. Brunner (New York: Benziger, 1951-55). A step by step description is given in Adrian Fortescue and J. B. O'Connell, The Ceremonies of the Roman Rite  Described (London: Burn Oates & Washbourne Ltd., 1958). 170 See for example, the Trinity by the Humility Master illustrated in Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, vol. 2, fig. 271. 171 Don Denny, "The Trinity in Enguerrand Quarton's Coronation of the Virgin," Art Bulletin 45 (1963): 48-52, esp. p. 51. -239-172 In addition to the example just mentioned, see the Trinity by the Trinity Master in the Petites Heures of Jean, Due de Berry, at Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 18014,. fol. 137v, (illustrated in M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, 5 vols. (London: Thames and Hudson, 1967-74), vol. 2 fig. 127. 173 See the Trinity in Les Heures de Marguerite d'Orleans of c. 1426, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 1156 B, fol. 163a (illustrated in G. Henderson, Gothic (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967), fig. 73). In this image only the tips of the fingers meet. 174 For instance that of The Pope and Antipope in the Chateau de  Fortune in which two almost identical men in red cassocks sit side by side in discussion at the head of a synod. (For examples of this type see Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry vol. 5, figs. 27-8.) 175 For some of the other forms which these tokens took besides that of "Minnekastchen" (love chests), see Alfred Langer, Liebespaare  in der Kunst (Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1966), pp. 8-9. 176 See for example the three handclasp scenes illustrating the story of the Chatelaine of Vergy on a fourteenth century ivory casket in the Louvre (illustrated in D. D. R. Owen, Noble Lovers, (London: Phaidon Press, 1975), fig. 67. 177 For the work illustrated, see Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Altdeutsche Zeichnungen aus der Uriiversitatsbibliothek Erlangen, (1974) by Dieter Kuhrmann, no. 26. The drawing was given to the House-book Master or his immediate circle until Lehrs (1932) set i t apart. Kuhrmann calls i t Upper German of about 1470/80. 178 Max Lehrs has published the most thorough discussion of Master MZ (South German, towards the end of the fifteenth century, dated works in 1500, 1501, 1503.) For this particular work see Max Lehrs, "The Master MZ," Print Collector's Quarterly 16 (1929): 205-50, esp. p. 224; and Idem, Geschichte und Kritischer Katalog des Deutscheri, Niederlandischen  und Franzosischen Kupferstichs im XV. Jahrhundert, vol. 8 (Vienna: Gesellschaft fur Vervielfaltigende Kunst, 1932), pp. 330-78, esp. pp. 361-2. 179 Compare the remarks made by Berthold Hinz, "Studien zur Geschichte des Ehepaarbildnisses," Marburger Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft 19 (1974): 139-218, esp. p. 192 where he deals with the Alciati emblem we will see momentarily. 180 On engagement portrait flowers see M. Stahlhelm, "Das Liebeskraut Eryngium auf den Bildern Albert Diirers," Nurnberger Hefte 1/7 (1949). -240-181 The first edition, published at Augsburg in 1531, showed the pair embracing rather than joining hands. 182 On the Alciati emblem see Hinz, "Ehepaarbildnisses," p. 192, fig. 63, and Theodore Reff, "The Meaning of Titian's Venus of Urbino," Pantheon 21 (1963): 359-65, esp. pp. 360^2, fig. 2. 183 Hinz, "Ehepaarbildnisses," p. 192. 184 Schwabian Master of the Legend of St. Ulrich, Scenes from the  Life of St. Ulrich, third quarter of the fifteenth century, 104.5 x 182.5 cm., Church of Saints Ulrich and Afra, Augsburg. Illustrated in Munich, Stadtmuseum, Bayern: Kunst und Kultur, (1972), pi. 11, cat. no. 218. 185 Not as a physician examiningPeter's leg in the role of Christus  Medicus (Schiller, vol. 2, p. 47). This is an unwarranted and unnecessary complication to read into this piece. Peter's hem is raised, both of his feet are in the basin, and another disciple holds a water jug. To read "physician" into the place on Peter's leg where Christ's hand rests, is to impute to Romanesque sculpture greater narrative realism than it in fact possesses. Even most Carolingian and early medieval versions of this scene make Peter look older and white-haired. Such differentiation is totally absent in this relief. 186 Reau, Iconographie, vol. 2:2, pp. 406-9, esp. pp. 408-9, lists nine other examples. 187 E. Kantorowicz, "The Baptism of the Apostles," Dumbarton Oaks  Papers 9/10 (1956): 203-51. 188 Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, 2:47 does not identify the obj ect. 189 Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, 2:47, does not interpret the handclasp although she does describe i t . Elsewhere (1:56) she considers another twelfth century handclasp a sign only of greeting. She appears therefore, to be unaware of its symbolic content. Schiller also tries to suggest that the hand to Peter's head is a gesture of reflection and distress due to Peter's denial. Since Peter's denial has not yet taken place when Christ washes his feet, this explanation presents difficulties. 190 Swiss or South German, now in the Musee des Beaux-Arts, Dijon. The painting may date from the period just after 1480 when the publication of a Vita Fridolini by the monks at Saint Gall led to renewed interest in the sixth century Apostle of the Alemans, especially at Sackingen, east of Basel, where the saint had founded his monastery. See Reau, Iconographie, s.v. "Fridolin de Sackingen," vol. 3:1, pp. 545-7, esp. p. 546, and Idem, "Les Primitifs de la collection Dard au Musee de Dijon," Gazette des Beaux- Arts, s. 6, v. 2 (1929): 335-56, esp. pp. 354-5. -241-191 Iris Origo, The World of Sari Bernardino (London: Jonathan Cape, 1963), p. 238 and pi. 29. 192 Most of the work was done between 1427 and 1430, in fact, largely before Aragazzi's death. Michelozzo ceased work due to lack of payment, but after a seven year l u l l agreed to complete the tomb for Aragazzi's heirs and the priors of the church. On the Aragazzi tomb, see Harriet McNeal Caplow, Michelozzo, 2 vols. (New York: Garland Publishing, 1977), 1:210-345; John Pope-Hennessy, Catalogue of  Italian Sculpture in the Victoria arid Albert Museum, vol. 1: Eighth to  Fifteenth Century (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1964), pp. 100-3; and R. W. Lightbown, Dohatello & Michelozzo; An Artistic Partnership  and its Patrons in the Early Renaissance, 2 vols. (London: Harvey Miller, 1980), pp. 187, 215-22. 193 According to Leonardo Bruni whose famous rude letter regarding the tomb is printed in part in Caplow, Michelozzo, 1:228-30. 194 Lightbown, Donatello & Michelozzo, 1:215. 195 Ibid., 1:187. 196 Unknown Lombard sculptor, epitaph tomb of Stefano and Maddalena Satri, c. late 1480's, S. Omobono, Rome. See Phyllis L. Williams [Lehmann], "Two Roman Reliefs in Renaissance Disguise," Journal of the Warburg and  Courtauld Institutes 4 (1941): 47-66, esp. pp. 54-5, 65, with further bibliography. On the mid-fifteenth century revival of Roman tombstones see Ulrich Middeldorf, Review of A. Griesbach, Romische Portratbusten der  Gegenreformation in Art Bulletin 20 (1938): 111-7. 197 Maffeo Olivieri, Tomb of Marc Antonio Martinengo, c. 1480's(?), Museo Civico dell'Eta Cristiana, Brescia, from S. Giulia, Brescia. See Francesco Rossi, "Maffeo Olivier! e la bronzista bresciana del'500," Arte Lombarda 47/48 (1977): 115-34. 198 Hinz, "Ehepaarbildnisses," p. 186. 199 Augustan gravestone of a husband and wife, 75 cm. high by 96 cm. wide, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, originally belonging to the Brothers of Sta. Croce in Rome. See Diana Kleiner, Roman Group  Portraiture; The Funerary Reliefs of the Late Republic and Early Empire (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1977), no. 68; cf. nos. 18, 28, 31, 34, 60, 80, 81, 85, 87, 92, etc. 200 Williams [Lehmann]; "Two Roman Reliefs," pp. 52-66. 201 John R. Spencer, "Filarete, the Medallist of the Roman Emperors," Art Bulletin' 61 (1979): 550-61, esp. pp. 552-7; and Charles Seymour, Jr., "Some Reflections on Filarete's Use of Antique Visual Sources," Arte -242-Lombarda 38/39 (1973): 36-47, esp. p. 47; see also George F. Hi l l and Graham Pollard, Renaissance Medals from the Samuel H. Kress Collection  at the National Gallery*.of Art (London: Phaidon Press, 1967), no. 204, p. 40 (hereafter cited as Hi l l and Pollard, Kress Medals). 202 In style, their greatest affinity is, in fact, to the Roman emperor figures on Filarete's doors for St. Peter's. 203 Seymour, "Some Reflections," p. 47. 204 Max Rosenheim and G. F. H i l l , "Notes on some Italian Medals," Burlington Magazine 12 (1907): 141-54, esp. p. 148, pi. I l l , 2. 205 G. F. H i l l , "Classical Influence on the Italian Medal," Burlington Magazine 18 (1910-11): 259-68, esp. p. 267; and Hi l l and Pollard, Kress Medals, no. 211, pp. 41-2. 206 H i l l and Pollard, Kress Medals, p. 42. 207 John Pope-Hennessy, Renaissance Bronzes from the Samuel H. Kress Collection: Reliefs, Plaquettes, Statuettes, Utensils and Mortars (London: Phaidon Press, 1965), pp. 19-20, no. 54. 208 G. F. H i l l , A Corpus of the Italian Medals of the Renaissance  before Cellini, 2 vols. (London: British Museum, 1930), no. 753. 209 H i l l and Pollard, Kress Medals, p. 46, no. 237. 210 Ibid., pp. 31-2, no. 154. 211 Ibid., p. 34, no. 164, medal of Doge Antonio Grimani, 1521-23. See the discussion of fig. 49 for this transposition of the handclasp for the kiss (oscvlate). 212 Ibid., p. 77, no. 414, medal of Antonio Mula, Duke of Crete, 1538. 213 I wish to thank Gerald Evans for bringing this work to my attention. 214 On the Civitali piece see John Pope-Hennessy assisted by Ronald Lightbown, Catalogue of Italian Sculpture in the Victoria and Albert  Museum, 3 vols. (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1964), 1:274-6, no. 288. 215 The portrait evokes that of the deceased on the tomb of Neri Capponi (d. 1457) by Antonio Rossellino in S. Spirito, Florence. The tripartite arrangement divided by flaming candelabra recalls the base of Antonio Rossellinors tomb of the Cardinal of Portugal at S. Miniato al Monte, Florence, 1461-66. -243-216 Tacitus H i s t o r i a e I, 54, I I , 8, and Annales I I , 58, and Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, s.v. "Dexter." See Boyance, "Le main de Fides," pp. 112-3. 217 See Cranach's P o r t r a i t of Hieronimous Tedenhamer, burgess of  Vienna, 1503, at Vienna, and h i s Holy Kinship a l t a r p i e c e of about 1510, Vienna, Akademie; Bernard van Orley, P o r t r a i t of Dr. George Z e l l e , physician to Charles V, 1519, Brussels. 218 Galatians 2:9; Acts 15:22. Border of the S a c r i f i c e at L y s t r a , the event which i t follows. See John Shearman, Raphael's Cartoons i n  the C o l l e c t i o n of Her Majesty the Queen and the Tapestries f or the  S i s t i n e Chapel (London: Phaidon Press, 1972), pp. 37, 88-9, f i g . 24. Shearman i s a rare a r t h i s t o r i a n aware of the c l a s s i c a l o r i g i n and meaning of the gesture. He sees the gestures as symbols of Unitas, and notes the s i m i l a r i t y to those representing Concordia on Roman coins. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that Shearman sees these scenes i n a context of Leonine imagery shared in p a r t i c u l a r with the Lateran procession of 1513. In the two i n s c r i p t i o n s to t h i s , Leo acclaims himself as the restorer of the Unity of the Church ("Unionem Ecclesiasticam Instaurandi"), and of Peace ("Pacis R e s t i t u t o r i F e l i c i s s i m o " ) . 219 Shearman, Raphael's Cartoons, p. 85, 88, f i g . 17, border of the Death of Ananias. Raphael executed another scene of the giving of r i g h t hands for Leo on the c e i l i n g of the Stanza d'Eliodoro i n 1514. 220 I b i d . , p. 88. 221 Rudolf Wittkower, "Transformations of Minerva i n Renaissance Imagery," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s 2 (1938-39): 199-202, p i . 37a, b; Guy de Tervarent, A t t r i b u t s et Symboles dans l ' a r t  Profane, 1450-1600, Dictionnaire d'un langage perdu (Geneva: E. Droz, 1958), s.v. "Amour, I I I , R e c o n c i l i a t i o n de l'Amour et de Venus;" and Felton Gibbons, Dosso and B a t t i s t a Dossi, Court Painters at Ferrara (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), pp. 218-9. The dissenting opinion of Scott Schaeffer, " B a t t i s t a Dossi's Venus and Cupid," P h i l a -delphia Museum of Art B u l l e t i n 74 (Mar. 1978): 12-24, does not understand the gesture ("Venus [ s i c ] , by holding Cupid's hand, i s apparently pre-venting him from carrying out h i s assigned duties " r e f e r r i n g to the Dossi painting based on the p r i n t , p. 19). 222 Vasari-Milanesi, V i t e , 5:413. 223 A. Henkel and A. Schone, Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst  des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967, supp. 1976), l i s t or i l l u s t r a t e sixteen examples i n columns 1013-4, 1016-9, 1568. The i l l u s t r a t e d A l c i a t i Emblemata of 1622 printed by P l a n t i n at Antwerp uses i t for "Concordia" between two warriors, and "Fideisymbolum" between Honos and Veritas brought together by Amor, as well as f o r m a r i t a l f i d e l i t y ("In fidem uxoriam"). The 1611 Padua e d i t i o n of Cesare Ripa's Iconologia c i t e s , but does not i l l u s t r a t e i t f o r "Concordia Exercitvvm." In h i s discussion of a handclasping image of "Concordia" from A l c i a t i , -244-the previous lack of a study focusing on the meaning of the handclasp gesture is lamented by James F.O'Gorman, "More about Velazquez and Alciati," Zeitscfrrift fur Kunstgeschichte 28 (1965): 225-8, esp. p. 225. 224 John Bulwer, ChirolOgia: or the Natural Language Of the Hand  and Chironomia: or the Art Of Manual Rhetoric, ed. James W. Cleary (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1974), s.v. "Data fide promitto [I pledge my faith]," pp.77-88, "Recbncilio [I reconcile]," pp. 88-93, and "Injurias remitto [I forgive injuries]," pp. 93-5. 225 Job 17:3; Proverbs 6:1; 17:18; see also Grohne, "Gruss und Gebarde," p. 319 for this form of the gesture in medieval Germany. 226 Bulwer, Chirologia...Chironomia, p. 85: "But he that would see the vigor of this gesture in puris naturalibus, must repair to the horse Cirque or sheep pens in Smithfield, where those crafty Olympic merchants who need the hand of no broker to speed the course of their affairs will take you for no chapman, unless you strike them good luck and smite them earnest in the palm." 227 Ibid., pp. 77-81, 83. 228 Neither Bulwer nor the emblem book authors consider the hand-shake as a gesture of simple greeting. The ancient gesture underwent the reduction to its modern level of meaning during the eighteenth century and became the common form of greeting by the early nineteenth century. I wish to thank Robert Baldwin, doctoral candidate at Harvard, and author of the forthcoming bibliography on symbolic aspects of the human body for Greenwood Press (Westport, Conn.), for his interest and support, including the opportunity to consult his material prior to publication. 

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