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Kootenay-Salishan linguistic comparison : a preliminary study Morgan, Lawrence R. 1980

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KOOTENAY-SALISHAN LINGUISTIC COMPARISON: A PRELIMINARY STUDY by LAWRENCE R. MORGAN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of L i n g u i s t i c s ) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1980 © Lawrence Richard Morgan, 1980 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requ i rement s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I a g ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d tha t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thou t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Linguistics The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2 0 7 5 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V 6 T 1W5 M a r c h 2 8 , 1930 i i T h is t h e s i s presents evidence t h a t the Kootenay language i s g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o the S a l i s h a n f a m i l y of languages. The evidence c o n s i s t s of 129 probable cognate sets which i n c l u d e a word or morpheme i n Kootenay compared t o a resemblant word or morpheme i n one or more S a l i s h a n languages. These cognate se t s show th a t a network of sound correspondences e x i s t s between Kootenay and the S a l i s h a n languages which cannot be explained as e n t i r e l y the r e s u l t o f l i n g u i s t i c d i f f u s i o n . A number of the sound correspondences c o u l d o n l y have come about i f there had e x i s t e d a common ancestor language f o r Kootenay and the S a l i s h a n languages. The main body o f the t h e s i s c o n s i s t s of b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n s of: the hypothesis o f a ge n e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kootenay and S a l i s h a n , the Kootenay-Salishan sound correspondences, P r o t o - S a l i s h a n phonology, the t r a n s c r i p t i o n of S a l i s h a n items i n the t h e s i s , Kootenay phonology, the S a l i s h a n languages and t h e i r subgroupings, and Kootenay-Salishan grammatical resemblances, f o l l o w e d by the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the cognate s e t s . The cognate se t s from 1 through 120 serve as the evidence f o r the consonant correspondences. A f t e r the p r e s e n t a t i o n o f these sets there i s a d i s c u s s i o n of the vowel correspondences where one cognate set already presented i s r e c a s t t o b e t t e r show the vowel correspondences t h a t i t represents and one new cognate set i s given. E i g h t new cognate se t s are introduced i n a s e c t i o n on a d d i t i o n a l ( p o s s i b l e ) consonant correspon-dences. There f o l l o w s a p r e s e n t a t i o n of 21 sets which are ca s t i n the same general format as the cognate sets but appear to i n v o l v e word borrowing r a t h e r than cognacy. These cases o f probable borrowing are i i i not merely the l e f t o v e r s of Kootenay-Salishan comparative work but are part of the evidence f o r an apparently long standing d i f f u s i o n a l connection between Kootenay and I n t e r i o r Salishan languages. This d i f f u s i o n a l connection seems to have gone beyond word borrowing into the realm of grammatical borrowings and i n t e r i n f l u e n c e s . Although working out the d e t a i l s of such i n t e r i n f l u e n c e s i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s , there are points of evidence i n the cognate sets as well as i n the section on borrowings which suggest that Okanagan-C o l v i l l e may have had the c l o s e s t and perhaps longest d i f f u s i o n a l connection with Kootenay of any of the I n t e r i o r Salishan languages. Since t r a d i t i o n a l Okanagan-Colville (and Lakes) t e r r i t o r y l i e s between Kootenay t e r r i t o r y and the probable homeland of the speakers of Proto-Salishan somewhere around the Fraser River Delta, i t appears l i k e l y that Proto-Kootenay-Salishan was probably spoken e i t h e r around the Fraser Delta or somewhere between there and the present homeland of the Kootenay some three hundred miles to the east. The genetic r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kootenay and Salishan i s not close enough to warrant c l a s s i f y i n g Kootenay as a Salishan language. Kootenay i s a s i n g l e member language family which i s coordinately r e l a t e d to the Salishan family i n a language stock which can be c a l l e d Kootenay-Salishan. Although Kootenay should no longer be considered a language i s o l a t e i n the absolute sense i t i s s t i l l an i s o l a t e w i t h i n the Kootenay-Salishan language stock. i v < TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i Table of Contents i v L i s t of Figures and I l l u s t r a t i o n s • v i Acknowledgement v i i A b b r e v i a t i o n s 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 5 S a l i s h a n Phonology and T r a n s c r i p t i o n s 14 Kootenay Phonology and T r a n s c r i p t i o n 19 The S a l i s h a n Languages 21 Kootenay-Salishan Grammatical Resemblances 24 P r e s e n t a t i o n o f the Cognate Sets 26 Examples of the Sound Correspondences 29 Kootenay c t o S a l i s h a n 1 29 c M " # 35 " m/n M 11 * n w 37 " w " " * n w 43 t " " c 47 t? " M c 48 " y " " s , 49 y " " *Y 52 x " " ^ 53 " m " " n 54 " c " " c 56 V Kootenay c t o S a l i s h a n c 57 h k k k' k' 1 1 m n P q q > q > q s t t' w X X X X y h k k w k' k'w 1 1 m n P q q w q q'w s t t' ;v x x w X x w y ? . 58 . 60 . 65 . 69 • 7 1 . 75 . 79 . 84 . 87 . 88 . 90 . 94 . 98 100 104 109 111 112 114 116 117 120 121 122 v i Vowel Correspondences 124 Ablaut Examples 127 Minor Vowel Correspondences 134 A d d i t i o n a l P o s s i b l e Consonant Correspondences 136 A d d i t i o n a l Pronominal Probable Cognate Sets 140 Word Borrowing and Related Phenomena 143 Conclusion 156 Footnotes 158 B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l Notes 161 B i b l i o g r a p h y 163 LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS S a l i s h a n Family Tree Diagram 22 Map of the S a l i s h a n Languages and Kootenay 23 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This study would not have been p o s s i b l e without the help o f two groups o f people: the Kootenay people who have worked w i t h me and helped me i n my general research on the Kootenay language s i n c e 1968, and the sch o l a r s o f S a l i s h a n languages who have shared t h e i r data w i t h me. A l t o g e t h e r , t h i s i n c l u d e s some f i f t y people who I would l i k e t o c o l l e c -t i v e l y thank here. I would a l s o l i k e t o thank my t h e s i s committee f o r t h e i r help and p a t i e n c e , e s p e c i a l l y Dr. M. Dale Kinkade, my t h e s i s a d v i s o r , who has been h e l p f u l t o an extent which has gone f a r beyond the c a l l of duty and whose importance f o r t h i s study goes beyond the importance of the sources c i t e d under h i s name i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y . 1 ABBREVIATIONS Languages and Language S u b d i v i s i o n s Be B e l l a Coola Ch Upper Chehalis Ck C h i l l i w a c k CI C l a l l a m Cm Columbian Cr Coeur d'Alene Cv C o l v i l l e Cw Cowichan Cx Comox Cz C o w l i t z F l Flathead HI Halkomelem Ka K a l i s p e l Ld Lushootseed = Puget S a l i s h L i L i l l o o e t Lm Lummi Lo Lower Chehalis Me Methow Ms Musqueam Nk Nooksack NLd Northern Lushootseed 2 NSh Northern Shuswap NSt Northern S t r a i t s Ok Okanagan PEIS Proto-Eastern-Interior-Salishan PIS Proto-Interior-Salishan PS Proto-Salishan Pt Pentlatch Qn Quinault Se Sechelt Sg Songish Sh Shuswap SLd Southern Lushootseed Sm Samish Sn Saanich So Sooke Sp Spokane Sq Squamish SSh Southern Shuswap St S t r a i t s Th Thompson T i Tillamook Tw Twana 3 Author Abbreviations Ao Aoki Bd Bouchard Bt Beaumont Dr Drachman Dv Davis Ed Edel E l Elmendorf Gb Gibson Hk Hukari Hr Harris Hs Hess Jh Johnson Kd Kinkade Kp Kuipers KT Kinkade and Thompson KS Kinkade and Sloat Mi M i t c h e l l Mg Morgan Nt Nater Rd Reichard Rf Raffo SD Saunders and Davis Sno Snow 4 Sw Swoboda Sy Snyder Tm Timmers TTK Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade TTE Thompson, Thompson, and E f r a t 5 The purpose of t h i s work i s t o present evidence o f a g e n e t i c r e l a -t i o n s h i p between the Kootenay^ language and the S a l i s h a n f a m i l y of languages. The evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n must neces-s a r i l y have had a common ancestor language which, f o r l a c k of a b e t t e r name, can be c a l l e d Proto-Kootenay-Salishan. One of the s i g n i f i c a n t t h i n g s about t h i s present study i s t h a t the existence of t h i s proto-language can be e s t a b l i s h e d , but o n l y given P r o t o - S a l i s h a n reconstruc-t i o n s . This makes Proto-Kootenay-Salishan a protolanguage of the second order, f o l l o w i n g the terminology set f o r t h by Haas (1969, p.60). A l s o presented i n t h i s work i s a small body of evidence of a d i f f u s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kootenay and I n t e r i o r S a l i s h a n languages. The f a c t t h a t there has been a d i f f u s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kootenay and some S a l i s h a n languages makes i t somewhat more d i f f i c u l t to prove th a t Kootenay a l s o has a g e n e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h S a l i s h a n as a whole. U l t i m a t e l y , however, c a r e f u l study of the d e t a i l s of t h i s d i f f u s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p c o u l d add as much to our understanding of the p r e h i s t o r y of the Kootenay and S a l i s h a n peoples as can be added simply by knowing t h a t Kootenay and the S a l i s h a n languages are g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d . I t i s there-f o r e doubly important t o d i s t i n g u i s h between Kootenay-Salishan borrow-ings and cognates. This i s an on-going process, the f i r s t step of which must be t o e s t a b l i s h f o r the f i r s t time t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are, i n f a c t , g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d , and t h a t a l l resemblances between Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are not due e n t i r e l y t o long e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n s of l i n g u i s t i c d i f f u s i o n . I am not the f i r s t person to suggest t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are 6 g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d . S a p i r (1929) suggested i t by i n c l u d i n g Kootenay i n h i s proposed Algonquian-Wakashan superstock. S a p i r assumed t h a t the Wakashan, Chimakuan, and S a l i s h a n language f a m i l i e s were g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d i n a group c a l l e d Mosan, proposed by Frachtenberg (1920). S a p i r ' s Algonquian-Wakashan proposal i s undercut by the f a c t t h a t Mosan has not turned out to be a v e r i f i a b l e g e n e t i c grouping. What i s c l e a r today i s t h a t Wakashan, Chimakuan, and S a l i s h a n have much i n common, but t h a t many of the s i m i l a r i t i e s between S a l i s h a n and the two other Mosan language f a m i l i e s may w e l l be due t o d i f f u s i o n . The q u e s t i o n of the g e n e t i c a f f i l i a t i o n s of Kootenay was not taken up again u n t i l Haas (1965) compared Kootenay w i t h Algonquian, S a l i s h a n , Wakashan, and Chimakuan. Haas was p r i m a r i l y comparing Kootenay w i t h Proto-Algonquian. The r e s u l t s were i n t e r e s t i n g but not compelling, and c e r t a i n l y do not c o n s t i t u t e proof of a g e n e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p . In f a c t , a few of the suggested p o s s i b l e cognates between Kootenay and Proto-Algonquian must now be dismissed as q u i t e improbable, given more and b e t t e r data on Kootenay than were a v a i l a b l e to Haas i n 1965. Comparing Kootenay and Proto-Algonquian myself more r e c e n t l y , I could f i n d only one a d d i t i o n a l l i k e l y cognate. Haas d i d d i s c o v e r some i n t e r e s t i n g resemblances between Kootenay and S a l i s h a n . She d i v i d e d these i n t o l i k e l y borrowings (between Kootenay and neighbouring I n t e r i o r S a l i s h a n languages) and l i k e l y cognates. The number of the resemblances was too s m a l l , however, t o be anything more than suggestive of a g e n e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p . Given the s m a l l number of resemblances found between Kootenay and Algonquian and between Kootenay 7 and S a l i s h a n by Haas (1965) and Haas's r e p u t a t i o n f o r f i n d i n g evidence of remote l i n g u i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i t was not unreasonable to assume i n 1965 t h a t any r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kootenay and Algonquian might remain unprovable w h i l e d i f f u s i o n might l a r g e l y or e n t i r e l y account f o r the resemblances between Kootenay and S a l i s h a n . The matter of the g e n e t i c a f f i l i a t i o n s of Kootenay remained almost as much an open qu e s t i o n a f t e r Haas's paper i n 1965 as i t had been a f t e r S a p i r ' s paper i n 1929. One of the s a l i e n t p o i n t s of Haas (1965) was t h a t Kootenay stands as a language i s o l a t e without c l o s e r e l a t i v e s . This means t h a t one must compare Kootenay w i t h r e c o n s t r u c t e d protolanguages such as Proto-Algonquian or P r o t o - S a l i s h a n i n order t o be able t o f i n d c onvincing proof of the language's g e n e t i c a f f i l i a t i o n s . I f I am able to prove here t o the s a t i s f a c t i o n o f anyone t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d , i t w i l l o n l y be w i t h the help of the r a t h e r recent comparative S a l i s h a n work of Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade (unpublished comparative notebooks), and Kuipers (1970) and (1976). I t would be extremely d i f f i c u l t or perhaps impossible t o prove t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d without doing comparative work and r e c o n s t r u c t i n g P r o t o - S a l i s h a n elements. There i s s t i l l a great d e a l of work as y e t t o be done on the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n and as a r e s u l t there i s a great d e a l of comparative Kootenay-Salishan work which w i l l have t o be put o f f u n t i l some time i n the f u t u r e . B a s i c d e s c r i p t i v e work i s s t i l l being done f o r s e v e r a l S a l i s h a n languages and f o r Kootenay. I t should perhaps be pointed out t h a t Kootenay and S a l i s h a n are i n many ways v e r y s i m i l a r and would, no doubt, have been t e n t a t i v e l y 8 accepted as r e l a t e d long ago, i f extensive enough d e s c r i p t i v e m a t e r i a l s had been a v a i l a b l e f o r Kootenay and f o r S a l i s h a n languages not neighbour-in g Kootenay. There has been a n a t u r a l tendency to discount evident s i m i l a r i t i e s between Kootenay and neighbouring S a l i s h a n languages as due to d i f f u s i o n . Many of the more s t r i k i n g resemblances were simply not n o t i c e d because the d e s c r i p t i v e m a t e r i a l s on Kootenay i n p r i n t d i d not even mention the r e l e v a n t morphological elements. The evidence I w i l l present below i s not the t o t a l body of resem-blances between Kootenay and the S a l i s h a n languages. I d i v i d e the t o t a l number of resemblant forms which I have found i n t o three main c a t e g o r i e s : p o s s i b l e cognates, probable cognates, and probable borrowings. Only the probable cognates and the probable borrowings i n v o l v i n g S a l i s h a n languages are given below. There are only a handful of probable borrow-ings but they are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t because they i n d i c a t e l i n g u i s t i c contact between the Kootenay and d i f f e r e n t I n t e r i o r S a l i s h a n groups perhaps at d i f f e r e n t times i n the past. C a r e f u l study of Kootenay-S a l i s h a n borrowings may e v e n t u a l l y y i e l d i n f o r m a t i o n f o r s t u d i e s of r e g i o n a l p r e h i s t o r y . For t h i s reason, forms w i l l u l t i m a t e l y have t o be proven as borrowings j u s t as forms must u l t i m a t e l y be proven as cognates. I n theory, borrowings and cognates should be d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e on the b a s i s of the network of sound correspondences which apply t o the cognates but not to the borrowings. I n p r a c t i c e , many items i n v o l v e o nly i d e n t i c a l sound correspondences such as / s / t o / s / or c o n t r a s t i v e l y e quivalent sound correspondences which could be due t o cognacy or to recent borrow-i n g . There are ( a t l e a s t ) nine such c o n t r a s t i v e l y e quivalent sound 9 correspondences due to the f a c t t h a t Kootenay l a c k s c e r t a i n phonemes which are common i n S a l i s h a n and probably occurred i n P r o t o - S a l i s h a n . The f o l l o w i n g correspondences are i n t h i s category: Kootenay S a l i s h a n 1 1 x = [x ] x a a k k w k' k'w q q w q q ' w x x w x x w The case f o r a g e n e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p i s h e a v i l y dependent on those probable cognate s e t s which i n v o l v e what I c a l l ' s p e c i a l sound c o r r e s -pondences'. These are correspondences which could not be the r e s u l t of borrowing between Modern Kootenay and the Modern S a l i s h a n languages. Most of these correspondences are l i s t e d below as a group: Kootenay c > c m/n S a l i s h a n 1 *r) w 10 Kootenay S a l i s h a n w t c t' > c y X ? m n y s u 9 Some s p e c i a l sound correspondences are more s p e c i a l than others. There are two correspondences which could h a r d l y be due to anything but a sound s h i f t t a k i n g p l a c e before the development of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n . These are Kootenay / c / t o S a l i s h a n /!/ and Kootenay / c / t o S a l i s h a n /#/. Recent borrowing can be s p e c i f i c a l l y r u l e d out as an exp l a n a t i o n f o r these correspondences, because Kootenay would c e r t a i n l y borrow S a l i s h a n ,/!/ as /!/'» and S a l i s h a n would c e r t a i n l y borrow Kootenay / c / as / c / . In one example, Kootenay has a c t u a l l y borrowed an ins t a n c e o f S a l i s h a n as (see the Kootenay word / x a 7 l c i n / 'dog' i n the s e c t i o n on borrow-i n g s ) . S a l i s h a n would, of course, borrow Kootenay / c / as / c / . In order t o f i n d a s a t i s f y i n g e x p l a n a t i o n f o r these two s p e c i a l correspondences, i t i s necessary t o assume th a t Proto-Kootenay-Salishan had */k/ and */*'/• I n Kootenay, which today l a c k s e i t h e r of these sounds, they became / c / and /c'/, r e s p e c t i v e l y , w h i l e i n S a l i s h a n they became /!/ and /*'/, r e s p e c t i v e l y . P r o t o - S a l i s h a n apparently lacked /X/, which i s conspicuous by i t s absence 11 from the otherwise v e r y balanced and symmetrical charts of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n phonemes which have been r e c o n s t r u c t e d r e c e n t l y . Only one S a l i s h a n language, Comox, has IXI as a phoneme; and there d i f f u s i o n from neigh-bouring Wakashan could account f o r i t s presence. There are two s p e c i a l sound correspondences which must go back at l e a s t t o the P r o t o - S a l i s h a n l e v e l . These are Kootenay /w/ t o S a l i s h a n * / n w / and Kootenay /m/n/ t o S a l i s h a n */n w/- In the f i r s t p l a c e , the S a l i s h a n phoneme i n v o l v e d i n these correspondences i s one which occurs only as a P r o t o - S a l i s h a n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l S a l i s h a n languages have r e f l e x e s of /m/, /b/, / r j / , and /w/. Only two Coast S a l i s h a n languages, Lushootseed and Twana, have /b/ (which i s a development from /m/). Only Tillamook i n Oregon has /w/ (which i s a l s o a development from /m/, i t would seem, but apparently i n a l l environments). Kootenay /w/ corresponding t o S a l i s h a n */nw/> on the other hand, occurs only word i n i t i a l l y and i n one example d i r e c t l y a f t e r a stop consonant. Examples of Kootenay /m/ or /n/ corresponding t o S a l i s h a n * / n w / are almost e x c l u s i v e l y ones where the Kootenay segment i s word medial and g e n e r a l l y i n t e r v o c a l i c . The p e c u l i a r a l t e r n a t i o n between /m/ and /n/ i n c e r t a i n morphemes i n Kootenay c r i e s out f o r some s o r t of e x p l a n a t i o n or an i n t e r n a l l y recon-s t r u c t e d phoneme having both n a s a l and l a b i a l p r o p e r t i e s , but which i s d i s t i n c t from /m/. The t o t a l l a c k of -[n] i n any form i n Kootenay phono-l o g y and the i n t e r n a l l y evident l i k e l i h o o d t h a t an e a r l i e r form of Kootenay had l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r and u v u l a r consonant phonemes make * / n w / a candidate f o r such an i n t e r n a l l y r e c o n s t r u c t e d phoneme, even without reference t o r e c o n s t r u c t e d S a l i s h a n phonology. 12 The correspondences between Kootenay v e l a r and uvular consonants and Salishan l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r and uvular consonants are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t but only because they provide the environment f o r cases where Kootenay /u/ corresponds to Salishan /o/ adjacent to a l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r or uvular. In e f f e c t , Kootenay /u/ i s a r e f l e x of Salishan l a b i a l i z a t i o n of a v e l a r or uvular adjacent to /o/. In any case, these examples are l i s t e d under the correspondence of Kootenay /u/ to Salishan /o/. Also of i n t e r e s t i n t h i s regard are examples of Kootenay /a/ corresponding to Salishan /a/ adjacent to a l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r or uvular consonant. These are cases where Kootenay f a i l s to show a r e f l e x of Salishan l a b i a l i z a t i o n where i t might be expected to. There appear to have been a d d i t i o n a l phonological conditioning f a c t o r s at work to have produced these examples. The other v o c a l i c correspondences exemplified i n t h i s work which are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t as evidence of a genetic r e l a t i o n s h i p are those inv o l v i n g Salishan ablaut. They appear to show a r e l a t i o n s h i p between Salishan ablaut and Kootenay vowels which probably cannot be explained without some assumptions about Proto-Kootenay-Salishan phonology. In Proto-Kootenay-Salishan some phonemes, no doubt, must have been more common than others. We can therefore expect that some Kootenay-Salishan sound correspondences may be represented today by quite a few examples, while others may be represented by only one or two examples. For t h i s reason I have set up c e r t a i n sound correspondences even where there i s only one example. I have been s e l e c t i v e i n t h i s , however, rather than purely mechanical. Some possible sound correspondences have simply been ignored f o r the time being. For example, the g l o t t a l i z a t i o n of 13 S a l i s h a n resonants has been ignored i n the s e t t i n g up of sound correspon-dences i n t h i s work. One such p o s s i b l e sound correspondence would be where Kootenay / I / corresponds t o S a l i s h a n / l ' / along w i t h instances o f S a l i s h a n / l / . Another such correspondence would be where Kootenay /m'/ corresponds t o /m( ?)/, /m?/,./m/, /n/, and /b/ i n v a r i o u s S a l i s h a n languages. On the other hand, even though there are o n l y the t h i n n e s t threads of evidence supporting the correspondence of Kootenay /y/ t o S a l i s h a n */Y/ and- Kootenay /x/ to S a l i s h a n / ? / these correspondences are set up, i f only as a way of keeping t r a c k of the l i m i t e d evidence supporting them. There are two s p e c i a l Kootenay-Salishan sound correspondences which are a l s o p o o r l y e x e m p l i f i e d but probably not because of the r a r i t y of the Proto-Kootenay-Salishan phonemes they may represent. These are: Kootenay /y/ t o S a l i s h a n / s / and Kootenay /m/ t o S a l i s h a n /n/. I f these correspondences represent anything at a l l , they represent Proto-Kootenay-S a l i s h a n phonemes which have i n Kootenay or i n P r e - P r o t o - S a l i s h a n under-gone sound s h i f t s i n very s p e c i f i c and probably r a r e p h o n o l o g i c a l environments. In the case of /y/ t o / s / , Proto-Kootenay-Salishan probably had */s/ which became /y/ i n Kootenay i n a very s p e c i f i c environment q u i t e l i k e c e r t a i n instances of Modern Kootenay u n d e r l y i n g //s - n // becoming /y/. In the case of Kootenay /m/ t o S a l i s h a n /n/, what has probably happened i s t h a t i n at l e a s t one example Proto-Kootenay-Salishan */m/ has become */n/ i n P r o t o - S a l i s h a n adjacent t o the l a t e r a l consonant /!/• 14 In t h i s work P r o t o - S a l i s h a n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s are drawn from Kuipers (1970), and (1976), and from the comparative S a l i s h a n notebooks of Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade (n.d.)- Kuipers (1976) s u p p l i e s a char t of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n phonemes which i s quoted below. Under i t here i s a chart of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n phonemes as given by Kinkade (personal communica-t i o n , 1976) which can be taken as the system o f the Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade comparative S a l i s h a n notebooks. Kuipers (1976) p c t k k w q q w 7 P c t A' k' 5 q q'w s 1 X x w X x w m n 1 y g 9 h > m n 1' y g i u Feature of 'darkening' / V ( f o r vowels) a S t r e s s /"/ a 15 Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade p t c k k w q P t' > c K k' k'w q q V s 1 X x w X x w m n r 1 y Y w n w ? ?« m » n > r f > y w r ) w ? i u S t r e s s /"/ s a Both Kuipers and Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade r e c o n s t r u c t a system of ablaut f o r P r o t o - S a l i s h a n . The only d i f f e r e n c e between the phoneme i n v e n t o r i e s which appears t o be s i g n i f i c a n t f o r Kootenay-Salishan comparative work, as i t stands now, i s the absence of * / n w / i n the Kuipers system. The Kootenay-Salishan sound correspondences suggest t h a t Proto-Kootenay-Salishan probably had such a phoneme. There i s a l s o evidence of a corresponding g l o t t a l i z e d */nw/> although a separate sound correspondence has not, as y e t , been s e t up. The s o l e example would be the probable cognate set i n v o l v i n g Kootenay /-kam/ ' b e l t ' t o be found under the correspondence /m/n/ t o */n w/. The q u e s t i o n of Kuipers' darkening f e a t u r e /"/ and the reco n s t r u c -t i o n of P r o t o - S a l i s h a n * / r / and * / r / by Thompson, Thompson, and Kinkade are i n t e r r e l a t e d matters which b a r e l y a f f e c t the Kootenay-Salishan 16 sound correspondences and probable cognate sets as they are now formulated. There i s one probable cognate set which involves what would be Proto-Salishan * / r / . This i s the one with Kootenay /-Iwiy/ 'heart' matching Proto-Interior-Salishan */-arwa.s/ 'insi d e ; f e e l i n g s ' l i s t e d under the correspondence /y/ to /s/. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the Salishan element may w e l l be segmentable.into a connecting s u f f i x */-ar-/ and a l e x i c a l s u f f i x proper */-was/. There i s already some evidence that the Kootenay element /-Iwiy/ may also be segmentable, and that there may be several examples of Kootenay / - I - / as a f o s s i l i z e d connecting element f o r Kootenay l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s . This matter i s complicated i n several ways and w i l l have to wait f o r discussion i n a l a t e r stage of Kootenay-Salishan work. Even then, Kootenay-Salishan comparative work may have l i t t l e to say about the necessity of reconstructing Proto-Salishan */r/. In order to make f o r greater comparability of the Salishan forms quoted i n t h i s work, a number of r e t r a n s c r i p t i o n s have been made. These are s p e c i f i e d below. The f i r s t group of r e t r a n s c r i p t i o n s are those involving Squamish, Shuswap, Sechelt, and B e l l a Coola forms from Kuipers and h i s students Timmers and Nater. k° i f o q q o X X i s converted to k w k'« q« q* x w 17 x° i s converted t o x w X " " " 1 A' 1 1 " " i Squamish /u/ has been converted to /w/ and Squamish / i / has been converted t o /y/. Kuipers has, h i m s e l f , begun t o use /m'/ t o represent what was /m?/ and /n/ t o represent what was / n 7 / i n Kuipers (1967). In t h i s work Squamish g l o t t a l i z e d n a s a l s can be found t r a n s c r i b e d e i t h e r way. The f o l l o w i n g vowel t r a n s c r i p t i o n s have been changed as i n d i c a t e d : a i s converted t o e i n Coeur d'Alene from Reichard •£P'i it il it g? il it il il li a " " " e i n L i l l o o e t from Swoboda i i n Twana from Drachman and i n Comox from Davis i i n Cowichan, Musqueam, and C h i l l i w a c k from ELmendorf and S u t t l e s and from Galloway it I I 18 The f o l l o w i n g consonant t r a n s c r i p t i o n s have been changed as i n d i c a t e d : t c t s qw' ng X x w i m k i s converted t o c i n Coeur d'Alene from Reichard M I I 9'w it I I it it q'w i n Songish from M i t c h e l l ^ it it it it x i n Lushootseed from Hess II II If II f i n K a l i s p e l from Vogt m " 11 k' " ? it I I I I it I I it I I I I One morpheme boundary symbol /./ from Lushootseed (Hess) has been r e t r a n s c r i b e d as /-/. 19 The Kootenay forms i n t h i s work are i n a t r a n s c r i p t i o n which i s phonemic, but not e n t i r e l y innocent of f a c t s r e v e a l e d by a t e n t a t i v e generative phonology of the language. A phoneme char t i s given below: Kootenay Phonemes p t c k q ? p t c k q s i x h m n m n y w i u I t should be noted t h a t /k, k', q, q',/ and fx/ are r e a l i z e d q u i t e n o t i c e a b l y as [ k w , k'w, q w , q'w] and [ x w ] , r e s p e c t i v e l y , between a preceding /u/ and a f o l l o w i n g /a/ or / i / . S t r e s s i n Kootenay i s p r e d i c t a b l y penultimate. The u n i t s of s t r e s s assignment are the word and the stress-group. The stress-group can be def i n e d s y n t a c t i c a l l y and the assignment of s t r e s s can be des c r i b e d as applying c y c l i c a l l y , f i r s t to the words i n a stress-group, and then t o the stress-group as a whole. I n t h i s way, the examples of ' d i s t i n c t i v e secondary s t r e s s ' of Garvin (1948, page 38) can be n e a t l y p r e d i c t e d . G a r v i n (1948) d i d not recognize g l o t t a l i z e d consonant phonemes f o r 20 Kootenay. I t i s a f a c t that many instances of phon e t i c a l l y g l o t t a l i z e d consonants i n Kootenay are the product of c l u s t e r s of consonant plus g l o t t a l stop. For stop consonants the r u l e i s that any c l u s t e r of stop consonant followed by g l o t t a l stop w i l l r e s u l t i n a g l o t t a l i c e j e c t i v e anywhere within a stress-group. Treating a l l g l o t t a l i z e d consonants as underlying c l u s t e r s would be a v a l i d enough s o l u t i o n orthographically, except f o r the f a c t that g l o t t a l i z e d consonants do e x i s t i n the under-l y i n g forms of many Kootenay morphemes. For example, i t i s necessary to count many morpheme i n i t i a l instances of g l o t t a l i z e d consonants as un i t a r y segments and not as c l u s t e r s at the l e v e l of the underlying forms i n order f o r c e r t a i n vowel i n s e r t i o n r u l e s to apply c o r r e c t l y . Vowel inser-t i o n must take place before stress can be c o r r e c t l y assigned. In the Kootenay t r a n s c r i p t i o n used i n t h i s work, a s u f f i x can be i d e n t i f i e d as a s u f f i x by the presence of a hyphen i n f r o n t of i t . I f the s u f f i x can occur word f i n a l l y i t w i l l not be followed by a hyphen. Kootenay root elements occur word i n i t i a l l y and may be either morpholo-g i c a l l y bound or fr e e . A root element followed by a hyphen i s one which i s morphologically bound and always occurs followed by a s u f f i x . Segments found i n parentheses i n the t r a n s c r i p t i o n of Kootenay forms i n t h i s work are segments which are subject to de l e t i o n . 21 There are some twenty-three modern Salishan languages and several reconstructable Salishan protolanguages. In t h i s work I quote forms from some t h i r t y - t h r e e Salishan speech d i v i s i o n s and a number of the p o t e n t i a l -l y reconstructable protolanguages. In the following chart of the S a l i s h -an family, adapted from Kinkade (1976a), the twenty-three d i s t i n c t languages are l i s t e d down the r i g h t hand side of the page with t h e i r subdivisions e i t h e r indicated i n parentheses or as parts of a hyphenated name. In the presentation of the cognate sets, Salishan forms are u s u a l l y l i s t e d under the headings: I n t e r i o r , B e l l a Coola, Coast, and Tsamosan (formerly known as Olympic). I d i s t i n g u i s h Tsamosan from Coast Salishan, although Tsamosan i s reckoned to be more c l o s e l y l i n k e d to Coast Salishan than to any other branch of the family. In t h i s work Tillamook i s taken as a member of the Coast Salishan branch. What i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r Kootenay-Salishan work, at t h i s point, i s that B e l l a Coola, Coast Salishan, and Tsamosan are a l l geographically c o a s t a l and do not neigh-bour Kootenay. I t i s also s i g n i f i c a n t that there i s as much l i n g u i s t i c d i v e r s i t y i n the family on the Coast as there i s . Columbian Coeur d'Alene Spokane-Kalispel-Flathead Okanagan-Colville-Methow Shuswap Thompson L i l l o o e t B e l l a Coola Comox Pentlatch Sechelt Squamish Nooksack Halkomelem (Chilliwack-Musqueam- Cowichan) Northern S t r a i t s (Saanich-Songish-Sooke-Samish-Lummi) Clallam Lushootseed Twana Tillamook Cowlitz Upper Chehalis Lower Chehalis Quinault Adapted from S u t t l e s and Elmendorf (1963) 24 There are many general s i m i l a r i t i e s between Kootenay and Salishan grammar and there are many resemblant grammatical items. For the time being, however, I have l e f t something l i k e h a l f of the resemblant grammatical items i n the category of po s s i b l e cognates and such items are not exemplified i n t h i s work. The p r i o r i t y here i s to show that Kootenay and Salishan are g e n e t i c a l l y r e l a t e d . Many of the po s s i b l e grammatical cognates consist of only one or two segments, thereby making i t d i f f i c u l t to r u l e out chance as an explanation f o r whatever resem-blance there may be i n any given case. Often d e s c r i p t i v e labels are tentative or lacking f o r an item i n several of the languages where i t occurs. Before i t w i l l be possible to f u l l y explore the s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between Kootenay and Salishan grammar, the grammars of several languages including Kootenay w i l l have to be thoroughly des-cribed and Proto-Salishan grammar w i l l have to be reconstructed. Even at t h i s stage of research, however, some i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t s i n the f i e l d of Kootenay-Salishan comparative grammar have already emerged. There are some f o r t y - s i x examples of Kootenay l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s i n the probable cognate sets i n t h i s work. Of these, t h i r t y - f o u r are apparently cognate to Salishan root elements. There i s some evidence that Kootenay has turned what were o r i g i n a l l y root elements i n t o s u f f i x e s . L e x i c a l s u f f i x e s are, i n any event, much more p l e n t i f u l i n Kootenay than i n any Salishan language. Reduplication i s r e c o n s t r u c t i b l e f o r Proto-Salishan but there i s no trace of r e d u p l i c a t i o n ever having been a part of Kootenay grammar. One would expect at l e a s t some r e l i c forms of r e d u p l i c a t i o n i n the l e x i c o n 25 i f r e d u p l i c a t i o n had existed at some e a r l i e r stage i n Kootenay. As i t i s , the few possible examples of r e d u p l i c a t i o n that e x i s t i n Kootenay are eith e r onomatopoetic or are almost c e r t a i n l y borrowings from Salishan. The v a l i d i t y of a noun-verb d i s t i n c t i o n i s questionable f o r both Kootenay and Salishan. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, not a l l of the same argu-ments apply on the matter i n Kootenay as i n Salishan. For example, Kootenay has frequently occurring words t r a n s l a t a b l e i n English as 'to be' and 'to e x i s t ' . In Salishan languages, i n contrast, words t r a n s l a t -able as 'to be' and 'to e x i s t 1 are lacking i n normal usage, while words tra n s l a t a b l e into E n g l i s h as nouns carry t h e i r own p r e d i c a t i o n of e x i s t -ence or i d e n t i t y . In Kootenay, a word t r a n s l a t a b l e as a noun i n English does not carry i t s own pr e d i c a t i o n of existence or i d e n t i t y any more than an English noun does. P a r t l y because of t h i s , i t i s not easy to argue that Kootenay has no nouns. On the other hand, i f one i s forced to analyze Kootenay as having nouns as d i s t i n c t from verbs, i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to avoid the necessity of using such terms as ' t r a n s i t i v e noun' and ' r e f l e x i v e noun'. One thing that Kootenay and Salishan do have i n common on t h i s matter i s that some of the very elements which can be s a i d to be nominalizers can also be argued to be u l t i m a t e l y aspectual markers. This i s c e r t a i n l y a matter f o r f u r t h e r study, given the are a l and t h e o r e t i c a l implications. 26 The probable cognate sets are exemplified below according to sound correspondence. The order of the sound correspondences i s such that those s p e c i a l correspondences which are most important as evidence f o r a genetic r e l a t i o n s h i p are l i s t e d f i r s t . The exception to t h i s i s that the vowel correspondences are given l a s t as a group, although a l l of the vowel correspondences exemplified by cognate sets here are those which are s p e c i a l sound correspondences. Exemplification of a given probable cognate set can be found under the most important or i n t e r e s t i n g conso-nant correspondence involved i n the set. In some cases, the l o c a t i o n of the exemplification of a given cognate set may seem a r b i t r a r y . For example, the set invo l v i n g Kootenay / ?an/ 'more' and Sooke / ?an/ 'very, too much' w i l l be found under the correspondence /n/ to /n/. The l o g i c here i s that examples of the correspondence /n/ to /n/ are ra r e r than examples of the correspondence / ? / to / ? / and are therefore of greater i n t e r e s t . Within the exemplification of the i n d i v i d u a l sound correspond-ences the order of the cognate sets i s l a r g e l y a r b i t r a r y . The order of the sound correspondences i s as follows: Special Correspondences Kootenay Salishan c to 1 c to t m/n to * r j w w to * n w Special but Problematic or Poorly Supported Correspondences Kootenay Salishan t to c i to 9 c y to s y to *Y X to ? m to n Expected and I d e n t i c a l Correspondences Kootenay Salishan c to c 9 c to 9 C h to h k to k k to k w k' to k' k' to 1 to 1 1 to 1 m to m n to n P to P q to q q to q w 28 (Expected and I d e n t i c a l Correspondences) Kootenay Salishan J q to > q 9 q to q~ s to s t to t tf to t' w to w X to X X to x w X to X X to x w y to y ? to ? Vowel Correspondences Kootenay Salishan i to i a to a u to u a to 9 u to 9 minor vowel correspondences and those inv o l v i n g ablaut 29 Kootenay c Salishan 1 Set 1 cik'- ' s p l i t ' I n t e r i o r Ik^ep 'broken (e.g. rope), dead' Sh le c ' s t r i n g breaks' Cr Coast lac-ton 'knife' Se l i e 'be cut' Sq l a c - t n 'knife' Sq lec-to1 'knife' Ck l i c o t 'cut' Ms, Cw l i e 'to cut' Ld Set 2 c ( p r e p a r t i c l e ) 'future' Coast 1- 'future p a r t i c l e ' (Dr) Tw Tsamosan 1 'future marker' Ch Set 3 pac- 'scatter, d i s t r i b u t e ' I n t e r i o r pac-kin 'to s c a t t e r things p i l 'scatter' (see Kuipers (1974) p. 134 by hand, to take some- f o r disc u s s i o n of / l / f o r thing apart, to deal t h i s item)2 Sh (cards)' p i l 'to d i s t r i b u t e ' Cm 30 pac-xam-kc-ik 'they s c a t t e r e d C a l l running away i n d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s ) ' Set 3 (continued) p i l 'be s c a t t e r e d ' Cr Coast p i l - a n ' s c a t t e r (ordered t h i n g s ) , erase' Sq p a l 'to separate or devide* (Sy) Ld p a l ' f l e e , run away out of f r i g h t , make s e l f scarce because you are t o l d t o ' (Hs) Ld Kootenay c ma ?c 'negative imperative', a l s o r a r e l y 'negative' i n a general sense Set 4 S a l i s h a n 1 Tsamosan m i l t a 'negative' m i l t a 'no, not' m i l t 'not* Ch Cz Lo Set 5 que- ' i t c h , t i c k l e , s c r a t c h Tsamosan an i t c h ' q ' w i l i - , q ' w i l - ' i t c h ' Ch q ' w i l i - ' i t c h ' , q ' w i l i - ' s c r a t c h ( r e f l e x i v e ) ' Cz B e l l a Coola q'il-cut 'to s c r a t c h o n e s e l f (Nt) Nater a l s o has H e i l t s u k q' wl-a and Kwakiutl q'.wEl (quoted from Boas). 31 Set 5 (continued) This suggests to me the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t these Wakashan languages may have borrowed the B e l l a Coola r o o t element when i t was * q w i l or some such form w i t h l a b i a l i z a t i o n . I do have one example where B e l l a Coola has q'w f o r q'w elsewhere i n S a l i s h a n but I understand t h a t there are some anomalies w i t h B e l l a Coola l a b i a l i z a t i o n i n the context of Comparative S a l i s h a n work (Kinkade, personal communication). Kootenay c c i n - 'grab, be caught' Set 6 S a l i s h a n 1 Coast l i n 'be caught' l i d ( i ) ' t i e ' Tsamosan l a n 'button' Ian-Ac 'cin c h ' Ac ' b e l l y ' Sq Ld Ch Ch Ch n i c t a h a l 'boy, young man' Set 7 Tsamosan nultalmos 'person' (Sno) nulta^lmosu? 'teenage boy' (Sno) Lo Lo 32 Kootenay c cuk(u)- 'take up food o f f ground' Salishan 1 Set 8 B e l l a Coola l k w 'pick up' (SD) In t e r i o r l k w 'to lap up' Ka cum- 'be used to, be accustomed to' Set 9 I n t e r i o r lem 'apologize' (Rd) Cr Coast li m 'be accepted, be approved' Sq cu- ' s t i c k i n ' cu-ku - t - i y - a l 'spear' Set 10 I n t e r i o r / / l u t y / 'stab' l u ? 'to poke, stab, s t i n g ' l u ? 'jab, stab, poke' Th Sh Sp iuP 'to s t i n g , wound with a pointed instrument' Ka The Salishan element lu? or l u ? u seems to have been borrowed in t o Kootenay i n recent times. Note Kootenay Jtu?u 'awl' and lu^-nana 'needle'. For some further d e t a i l s , see the se c t i o n on borrowings. 33 Kootenay c S a l i s h a n 1 Set 11 wicwic ' k i l l d e e r ' I n t e r i o r kawic 'semipalmated p l o v e r ' w i l (as in) wiwl-wol 'snipe' Sh w'il (as in) wwilw'il 'sandpiper' Cm This item may best be taken as onomatopoetic given the f o l l o w i n g forms: I n t e r i o r walowal 'long b i l l e d curlew' F l Coast wlQ-iye ' ( l a r g e or small) snipe' Ck W 9 0 W 3 0 'snipe ( i n one d i a l e c t ) Ck C e r t a i n l y t h i s item i s problematic, but i t i s not the only case where an apparently onomatopoetic word appears i n Kootenay i n a form n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l t o a form i n a Coast S a l i s h a n language w h i l e some I n t e r i o r S a l i s h a n languages have r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t forms. See Kootenay p'iq ' 'nighthawk' i n the s e c t i o n on onomatopoetic words. The /Q/ i n C h i l l i w a c k should go back t o an e a r l i e r / c / according t o r e g u l a r Coast S a l i s h a n sound correspondences. The Kootenay word /wicwic/ i s very n e a r l y the only word i n the language which could be s a i d to be r e d u p l i -cated, which i n i t s e l f suggests onomatopoeia. Even w i t h a l l t h i s , there i s s t i l l the f a c t t h a t the E n g l i s h word ' k i l l d e e r ' i s supposedly i t s e l f onomatopoetic but does not resemble any of the Kootenay or S a l i s h a n words above. 34 Kootenay c Salishan 1 Set 12 qucac 'chipmunk' *q'wac-w- 'chipmunk' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r qacwewye ( r e d u p l i c a t i o n of) qacw-eye 'chipmunk' Sh q^acow-ayV7 'chipmunk' Cm q^q^c-w-eye7 'chipmunk' Sp Coast sqwa£fel ' s q u i r r e l ' Ck sq'wac'al ' s q u i r r e l * (El) Tw s-dx w-q' wacal ' s q u i r r e l ' (Dr) Tw Tsamosan sq' wacal 'chipmunk' Cz, Ch s q , w a ? c e ? l ' l i t t l e chipmunk' Ch 35 Kootenay c S a l i s h a n A' Set 13 c'i- ' f a s t , r a p i d ' B e l l a Coola A i ' f a s t ' (Nt) Coast A'i-A'i ' r a p i d l y ' Cx A'i-gol 'speedboat', - g o l 'boat* Cx A'i-A'i ' f a s t ( r a p i d ) ' Se Note a l s o : I n t e r i o r Aox ' f a s t , s w i f t ' Cm A'ax ' f a s t , s w i f t ' Ka Tsamosan A'ax ' f a s t , hurry' Cz, Ch Set 14 ip- ' c l o s e ' Coast c u p - i n - a q l i l 'to c l o s e A'ip-awica 'undergarments' Se one's eyes* (s)Aop-iwan ' s h i r t , chemise' Se cup-in-ka-luma 'to c l o s e Aap 'cover, c l o t h i n g ' Sq one's mouth* Aop- 'to cover' Sn Tsamosan A'ip- 'cover' Ch A'ip : A'ipsi- 'cover' Cz Note, however: c'ip'-us-m 'shut the eyes' Sq 36 Kootenay c Salishan X' Set 15 mac- 'dirty' Interior ma2c' 'soft ground, muddy ground' Cm Coast maX', mo*' 'be dirty' Sq Note the following possible ablaut forms: Interior miA' 'paint' Cm miA' 'rub, paint' Cv mix* 'cover with a liquid like paint' Sp Coast cmiA' 'dirty' Ck c- 'a prefix for colour terms, a prefix for deriving verbs' Ck 37 Kootenay m/n -nana 'diminutive s u f f i x , the young of a species' -mna 'diminutive s u f f i x occurring a f t e r a few stems otherwise ending i n an underlying g l o t t a l stop which i s anomalously not r e a l i z e d as g l o t t a l -i z a t i o n on the m* -una '(probably) a diminutive s u f f i x (occur-r i n g i n two examples, once a f t e r -qat ' t a i l ' and once a f t e r -qnuk 'lake')' Salishan * n w Set 16 *n wana? ' c h i l d , o f f s p r i n g ' (TTK) PS B e l l a Coola mna ' c h i l d ' (TTK) Coast mana ' c h i l d ( o f f s p r i n g ) ' Se man?a ' c h i l d ' (TTK) Cw nana 7 ' o f f s p r i n g ' So nana 7 ' o f f s p r i n g ' Lm nana? ' c h i l d ' CI nana ' c h i l d , o f f s p r i n g ' (Mi) Sg nana? ' c h i l d ' (TTK) Sg bada ? ' o f f s p r i n g , (one's own) c h i l d ' NLd bada ? ' o f f s p r i n g , (one's own) c h i l d ' SLd bada ' c h i l d ' (TTK) Tw wana ' c h i l d ' (TTK) T i Tsamosan man ' c h i l d ' Ch 38 Kootenay m/n Salishan * n w Set 17 This cognate set may represent a separate sound correspondence, Kootenay m to Salishan *r f w . -kam (the only l e x i c a l Coast element i n the word cam( ?) 'close; come together, be ?a-kam-t) 'bel t ' folded, doubled up' Sq com ?o-tn 'shoulder strap of basket, packstrap' Sq coma1 ton ' tump 1 ine' Nk com'?3t9n 'packstrap' (TTK) Ms, Cw comotal 'packstrap' (TTK) Ck cana ?ton 'tumpline' CI sorjSton 'tumpline' Lm coba( ?)-tod 'tumpline' Ld 39 Kootenay m/n -m-, -n- 'middle v o i c e s u f f i x , ( o r perhaps b e t t e r ) personal involvement s u f f i x ' The f a c t o r s which c o n d i t i o n the occurrence of -m- versus -n- are not f u l l y worked out, however? a p a t t e r n i s evident. This s u f f i x occurs w i t h - a l to form a s u f f i x group -mai, - n a l 'co m i t a t i v e ' . The general r u l e i s t h a t -mai occurs word f i n a l l y w h i l e - n a l occurs before a d d i t i o n a l s u f f i x e s . S a l i s h a n * n w Set 18 I n t e r i o r //omo// 'middle (voice) s u f f i x ' Th //-m// 'middle s u f f i x which i n d i c a t e s some involvement on the p a r t of the primary r e f e r e n t , a l s o occurs as -om' Cv //-m// 'middle ( v o i c e ) ' Sp -m 'middle ( v o i c e ) ' Cm Coast -m- 'middle v o i c e ' Cx -or) ( a l s o -rj and -om) 'medio-p a s s i v e s u f f i x ' (Rf) Sg -n ( a l s o -m) ' a f f e c t e d ' So -(0)rj ' i n v o l v e d , a f f e c t e d ' CI -m 'medio-passive' (Hk) Cw -b ( a l s o -ob) 'middle v o i c e ' Ld Tsamosan -m /-mit- 'middle ( v o i c e ) ' Ch -m /-mit- 'middle ( v o i c e ) ' Cz 40 Kootenay m/n S a l i s h a n mat 'to leave something behind, t o abandon something, t o dispose of something' -ma ?t (as i n ) ha-ma 7t-kic 'to g i v e something t o someone' ha- 'have' - k i c 'benefactive' Set 19 I n t e r i o r mt-es, c-mt-st-es 'to feed' Sh s-mt-em 'food provided' Sh 7 am 'to feed' (as i n ) c- ?am-s-t-im-alx 'they are given i t to eat' (a c t - f e e d - c a u s - t r a n - i n d e f - p l ) Cv ?am- 'feed' Cm ?amtam 'feed someone' Cm ?amtan 'I f e d him' Cm Coast ?anat 'to g i v e ' (Rf) Sg ?an- (root) 'give' (Rf) Sg net- (as i n ) netan 'to d i s t r i b u t e w e a l t h , g i v e r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s t o a name' (Mi) Sg n e t x w 'to cause to be given' (Mi) Sg ? a n a s t 'to g i v e ' (Mi) Sg ? a n a t , ^ana^t; ? u n a s t , ''a^nust 'make a g i f t ' CI ?anac 'give i t t o me' (TTE) CI ? a n a ? s 'give i t t o me' (TTE) Lm, So Kootenay m/n tamuxu 'to be dark out, to be dark i n a place' 41 Set 19 (continued) Coas t (continued) ?ona?s 'give i t to me' (TTE) batax w 'give (e.g. food) (Kd) Tsamosan m a t i l - 'give food, feed' Set 20 Salishan * n w Coast tanon 'evening' te'non 'evening, night' (Mi) 42 Kootenay m/n -minna 'mountain' ?a-k'a-minna 'mountain pass' -ka- 'hole' Salishan *n,w Set 21 *s-rj wan 'mountain' (TTK) PS B e l l a Coola smt 'mountain' (SD) smt, smnt 'mountain' (TTK) Coast smaanit 'mountain' (TTK) Se sma'nit 'mountain' (TTK) Pt s-manit 'mountain' Sq sment 'stone, rock, mountain' Ms, Cw smelt 'stone, mountain' Ck srjenot 'stone' (TTK) Sg snanot 'stone' CI srjeent 'rock, mountain' Lm s-badit 'mountain' Ld s-b a d i l 'mountain' Ld sbadit 'mountain' (Kd) Tw Tsamosan smanici 'mountain' Ch smaTiac 'mountain' Lo smanicu 'mountain' Qn Kootenay w -qwi '(to) swallow' 43 Salishan * n w Set 22 *q'anwa- 'swallow' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r q'm- '(to) swallow' Sh q'm(i) 'to swallow' Sp q'am 'swallow' Ka q'em ' swallow' Cr Coast qam-n ' swallow' Sq maq'-at 'swallow i t ' Ck rjaq'- 'to swallow' (Rf) Sg naqat, rjaq't 'swallow' CI baq' 'put i n mouth, swallow' Ld Tsamosan maq'w 'swallow' Ch Kootenay w waqa 'heron' probably waqaC7) 44 Salishan * n w Set 23 *s-n w9q' wa? 'heron' (TTK) PS In t e r i o r smuq'wa? 'crane; heron 1 Cm somoq^e? 'crane' (TTK) Ka som6q we ? 'great blue heron' F l Coast smoq'we 'crane' Ck smoq'wa? 'great blue heron' (TTK) HI srjOq'wa? 'heron' (TTK) Sg srjoq' wa( ?) 'heron' Lm s-b9q' wa ? 'heron' Ld awaqa, *waq'wa? (TTK) T i 45 Kootenay w wu- ( q u i t e p o s s i b l y once) 'four' S a l i s h a n * Q W Set 24 V u s 'four' (Kd) (TTK) I n t e r i o r mus 'four' musos 'four' mus 'four' mus 'four' mus 'four' mus 'four' mus 'four' B e l l a Coola mus 'four' (Nt) Coast nas 'four' nos 'four' (Mi) buus 'four' Tsamosan mus 'four' PS Sh Cm Sp Ka F l Cv Cr So Sg Ld Ch Kootenay /wu-xa'ca/ means ' e i g h t ' , but /xa'ca/ 'four' may be r e l a t e d t o / x a c i n - / 'both' and /xanc-/ 'both'. In a d d i t i o n , Kootenay has a decade marker /-wu/ o c c u r r i n g i n such forms as: /qalsa-n-wu/ ' t h i r t y ' / q a l s a / 'three' 46 Set 24 (continued) /yi'ku-n-wu/ ' f i f t y ' /yi'ku/ ' f i v e ' The Kootenay word f o r 'ten' i s / ?it'-wu/ probably l i t e r a l l y ' f i l l ( e d ) up ten'. I t i s probable, or at l e a s t p o s s i b l e , that a sound s h i f t of word i n i t i a l * n w to w i n an e a r l i e r form of Kootenay y i e l d e d /wu-/ 'four' alongside /wu/ 'ten'. This could have r e s u l t e d i n the coinage of / ? i t w u / f o r 'ten' and the use of /xa'ca/ as 'four', although j u s t how /xa'ca/ became 'four' i s not c l e a r . For furth e r information on /xa'ca/ see cognate set 115 under the correspondence x to x. Kootenay w Salishan * n w Set 25 wu- 'touch' I n t e r i o r mus- ' f e e l , grope' Cm mus-m ' f e e l ' Sh mus- ' f e e l about* Cr B e l l a Coola mus-a ' f e e l , touch' (Nt) As there are no cognates i n S t r a i t s S a l i s h f o r t h i s root, i t i s possi b l e that t h i s could be e i t h e r *mus or *n wus i n Proto-Salishan. 47 Kootenay t Salishan c Set 26 matqul 'seagull' I n t e r i o r macq'wul' 'pelican' Cm The Kootenay item above looks su s p i c i o u s l y l i k e a borrowing from Salishan but i t f a i l s to q u a l i f y as a c l e a r borrowing f o r at l e a s t two phonological reasons. I f Modern Kootenay were to borrow the Columbian term i t would be borrowed as */macqu ?l/. There i s at l e a s t one example i n Kootenay of a word which has been pronounced by some i n d i v i d u a l s with /c/ where others have / t / . This suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y that an e a r l i e r form of Kootenay may have had instances of /c/ which became / t / . This i s only one p o s s i b i l i t y , however. At l e a s t recent borrowing can be r u l e d out. For one other p o s s i b l e example of Kootenay ft/ corresponding to Salishan /c/, see cognate set 92 inv o l v i n g Kootenay /- q u t a l / ' f a t ' under the correspondence /q'/ to /q'w/> The d i f f i c u l t y with that example i s that while Kootenay has / - q u t a l / , one Salishan language, Shuswap, has both /q'wuc/ ' f a t , stout' and / q w t e l / 'grease'. 48 Kootenay t' Salishan c Set 27 s i t ' 'blanket' * s - ? i c - 'blanket' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r s i d n 'blanket' Th sicm 'blanket' Sh sicam 'blanket' Cm sicbm 'blanket* Ka s i c 'be blanketed, be blanket' Cr Coast s?ic'am 'clothes, c l o t h i n g ' Se Set 28 taqmila 'deerfly' Coast cb-cbq' wals 'small black f l i e s ' , Sq Both of the examples of /t'/ to /c'/ above look s u s p i c i o u s l y l i k e they are the r e s u l t of word borrowing at some time i n the past. Haas (1965) suggested that the example involving Kootenay / s i t ' / might be i n that category. At l e a s t with these two examples, borrowing between Modern Kootenay and the modern Salishan languages indicated above can be r u l e d out. 49 Kootenay y -Iwiy 'heart, mind, f e e l i n g s ' ? a - k - i t w i y 'heart' saan-ilwiy 'to be angry' saan- »bad» The / i / of the form / - i l w i y / which appears i n i t i a l l y on t h i s morpheme i s inserted automatically by r u l e a f t e r a consonant. Salishan s Set 29 In t e r i o r *-arwas 'insi d e ; f e e l i n g s ' (KT) PIS -alawas 'chest, stomach, seat of mind or i n t e l l i g e n c e ' Cm -lwas ' f e e l i n g s 1 Cm -elas 'chest, character' Sh - i l g w e s 'heart, stomach' Cr Coast - i d 9 g w a s 'upper part of torso, mind, mental a t t i t u d e ' Ld -e'lwas, -awas ' i n the stomach' Ck -1'las 'of the chest' Ck -aligas 1 'breast' (Ed) T i yanawas 'heart' CI yadwas 'heart' Skagit Ld Tsamosan -inuwas 'stomach' Cz, Ch 50 Kootenay y -Ch)iy 'hand' ? a - k - i y 'hand' I f the o r i g i n a l form of t h i s s u f f i x had been * / - k i y / the Modern Kootenay word f o r hand would s t i l l be / ? a k i y / , but i t would be *// ?a-k-kiy// i n i t s under-l y i n g form. The extra /k/ would be deleted by r u l e . Salishan s Set 30 * - a k i s t or *-akis 'hand' (TTK) I n t e r i o r -eks(t) 'hand, lower arm* -aks(on), -ks(on) 'hand, arm' -akst, -kst 'hand, arm, f i n g e r ' - i s k s ( t ) , - ( i ) k s ( t ) 'hand' Coast -aci? 'hand, lower arm' -cos 'hand' PS Sh Cm Cm Cv Ld Sn There i s one other Kootenay element which may be cognate to the Salishan forms l i s t e d above. See cognate set 40 involving Kootenay /-ak/ 'limb of body' and B e l l a Coola /-ak/ 'appendage' l i s t e d under the correspondence /k/ to /k/. 51 Kootenay y Salishan s Set 31 -ly ' r e f l e x i v e s u f f i x ' I n t e r i o r - i s t ' r e f l e x i v e s u f f i x f o r middle This s u f f i x i s most voice Sp commonly found a f t e r the - i ( s t ) 'forms r e f l e x i v e verbs' middle voice s u f f i x -m-, -n-. wekum 'he hides something' wek wi(st) 'he hides h i m s e l f I t should be noted that i i i Kootenay there i s a r u l e which converts underlying //...s-n...// i n t o /y/ i n c e r t a i n constructions which are, no doubt, of some a n t i q u i t y i n the language. This sound change was noted by Boas (1926). ? a s 'two' ?ay-wu 'twenty' qalsa 'three' qalsa-n-wu ' t h i r t y ' xa'ca 'four' xa'ca-n-wu ' f o r t y ' (also) -mist (om-ist) Ka 52 Kootenay y yamasin- 'bent back on i t s e l f , double back' yamasin-ku( ?) 'to hem' -kuC 7) 'by means of a pointed object' yamasin-kin 'to p u l l something back on i t s e l f -kin 'by hand' yamasin-xam 'to turn around i n a very t i g h t space and go back' -xam 'by body motion' Salishan *y Set 32 In t e r i o r yam 'pin' Cm djem 'pin, brace' Cr (Reichard has 'djam') Coast yab- ?yabat' ' t i e d round' (Kd) Tw According to ten t a t i v e consonant and vowel correspondences supplied by Kinkade, the Proto-Interior Salishan reconstruction indicated by the Columbian and Coeur d'Alene forms would be *yam. 53 Kootenay x Salishan ? Set 33 -yax(a) 'to go and get *ya?- 'gather' (TTK) PS something, to I n t e r i o r f e t c h something' yaS 'gather' Cm ya? 'gather(ed)' Cv ya? 'gather(ed)' Cv y a 7 (ya?) 'gather, accumulate' Sp There i s one other set of forms from I n t e r i o r Salishan languages which could p o s s i b l y be cognate to the Kootenay l e x i c a l s u f f i x above. yxen 'to chase f i s h into f i s h trap' Sh yax 'drive, herd' Cm yx-" Cm dax 'drive, round up' (TTK) Cr de-x 'round up' (TTK) Cr 54 Kootenay m -l(u)ma 'throat, mouth' (Upper Kootenay) -l(i)ma 'throat, mouth' (Lower Kootenay) Salishan n Set 34 Coast - l . n - 'throat ?' (as in) -l.n-ay 'inside of throat' Sq - a ? l d o l ~ - ? a ? l d o l 'parts of the mouth' Ld Tsamosan -In-al 'mouth' (also) -ln-1 Cz, Ch - l ? n l (as in) c a p l ^ n l 'cough' Lo The segmentation of the Upper Chehalis forms (and Cowlitz forms) i s supplied i n order to bring out the s i m i l a r i t y of them to the Squamish forms. Note that some instances of Squamish /y/ come from e a r l i e r / l / . What may very l i k e l y have happened with t h i s s i n g l e example of Kootenay /m/ corresponding to Salishan /n/ i s that Pre-Proto-Salishan may have s h i f t e d an o r i g i n a l */m/ i n the morpheme i n question to /n/ under the influence of an adjacent / I / . There i s some i n d i c a t i o n from the Squamish form that Proto-Salishan may not have had a schwa separat-ing the / I / and the /n/. Kuipers uses the symbol /./ to in d i c a t e that a schwa would be expected but does not occur (see Kuipers 1967 pages 22 and 23). In contrast the parenthesized vowels of the Upper and Lower Kootenay forms suggest that an e a r l i e r stage of Kootenay d i d have an epenthetic vowel of neutral q u a l i t y between the / I / and /m/. This vowel has become a phonemic segment i n Modern Kootenay where i t i s penultimate 55 i n a word and hence stressed. In forms where i t would not be penultimate and thus unstressed i t generally f a i l s to occur. Thus one gets'. ?a-k'a-luma 'mouth' pak'aluma] -ka- 'hole' but also: ?a-k'a-lma- ?is ' h i s , her, i t s mouth', 't h e i r mouth(s)' - ? i s 'general t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' [ ?aka3ma ?is] 56 Kootenay c ca- 'small' Salishan c Set 35 *cam 'small' (TTK) I n t e r i o r com ' c h i l d r e n ' com 'children' (TTK) ccoma? cm, cam 'small' cm *cim 'small ( p l u r a l ) ' sccamel't ~ scca ?mel't 'children' cicem'-e? 'are small' PS Th Sh Cm Cv Sp Ka F l Cr For other examples of Kootenay /c/ corresponding to Salishan /c/, see: Set 53 (Kootenay k a c i ( ? ) ) Set 73 (Kootenay pic-) Set 44 (Kootenay cukat) Set 79 (Kootenay -qac) under k' to k' under p to p under k to k w under q to q Kootenay c wicu- 'wing out, r i n s e out by wringing' 57 Salishan c Set 36 Coast ?ucu- 'wring' (TTK) Tw s-uci- 'wipe dry' (TTK) T i Tsamosan wuc-n 'wring out ( t r a n s i t i v e ) ' Ch wuc-1 'wring out' Ch Kootenay h hu- ' f i n i s h , complete' huya ' A l l r i g h t , (I w i l l ) ; Okay, ( l e t ' s ) ' This form i s used i n the context of f i r s t or second person. The form /huya-s/ i s used i n the context of t h i r d person. The word /huya/ has i t s own b u i l t - i n t h i r d person subject. The / - s / s u f f i x marks a subsidiary t h i r d person and i s only c a l l e d f o r when a sentence has two t h i r d person e n t i t i e s . Therefore, we can suppose that the word /huya/ has an underlying s e n t e n t i a l meaning such as ' i t i s f i n i s h e d ' , 'that i s that', or something of t h i s nature. 58 Salishan h Set 37 *huy ' f i n i s h ' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r huy ' f i n i s h ' Cv hoy ' f i n i s h ' Sp hoi 'to q u i t doing something' Ka hoy 'cease' (Rd) Cr Coast hoy 'done, f i n i s h e d ' Cx huy ' f i n i s h ' Se huy 'be f i n i s h e d ' Sq hay? 'to f i n i s h ' (Rf) Sg huy- ' f i n i s h ' CI hoy ' f i n i s h * (Dr) Tw huy(u) 'make, do, f i n i s h ; be thus' Ld Als o note". I n t e r i o r huy ( t r a n s l a t e d i n a text as) 'that was that' Cv Coast huy ?-s ' l e t us!' Sq huya? * depart' Sq huya ' Let's *, ' Come on ' Se 59 Set 37 (continued) Coast (continued) hoye? 'go' (TTK) HI huy ? 'good-bye' CI h i y a ? 'depart' CI huy ? 'good-bye' (Dr) Tw hoy ? / huyu 'good-bye*, f i n i s h ' (Kd)Tw huy( ?) 'good-bye' Ld Tsamosan huy 'then; good-bye' Ch 60 Kootenay k -kup, -ku( ?) ' f i r e , heat' ( i n t r a n s i t i v e stems only) -ku, -k ' f i r e , l i g h t up' ( t r a n s i t i v e stems only) -kup, -ku( ?) 'wood' Note t h a t t h i s s u f f i x means 'wood' independently of the i d e a of 'firewood'. For example: ^a-qu-kuC 7) ' l o g across creek; b r i d g e ' ?a-qu-qu-ku( ?) ' r a f t ' -qu ' i n the water, by the water' S a l i s h a n k Set 38 *-kup ' f i r e ' (TTK) PS *-kup ' f i r e (wood)' (Kp) PS I n t e r i o r -okp (as in) x w u l - a k p 'match' Sh x w u l 'rub f i r e ' Sh - a t k w p , -k wp ' f i r e ' Cm -atk wup ' f i r e ' Cm -kup ' f i r e , f u e l ' ( unretranscribed) (Rd) Cr Coast -cp (as in) y a q w l c p 'put wood on f i r e ' Sq -ik"up ' f i r e 1 Sq -cup ' f i r e , firewood' Ld -ku 'to l i g h t ' (Ed) T i Tsamosan -k wup (as in) mak wup- ' f i r e ' Cz -cap (as i n ) macap ' f i r e ' Lo -cap 'wood' (as i n words f o r : 'pole, axe, s p l i t wood') Lo 6 1 Kootenay k k a ? a 'where?' ka? 'where, which, what, how' Salishan k Set 39 I n t e r i o r ke ?(e) 'which?; whatever, whichever, any; i t i s that' Th k a ? 'where' Cm cen 'where, how' Ka Coast noca. 'where?' Se cad 'where' Ld c a l 'how, why' Ld doca? 'where?' (Kd) Tw doca ?d, ~ docad? 'where' (Dr) Tw Tsamosan ca* 'where' Ch Set 40 -ak 'limb of body* B e l l a Coola -ak 'appendage, hand' (SD) Coast -ac 'hand' Sq - a c i ? 'hand, lower arm' Ld Some or a l l of the Salishan forms here are taken as support f o r Proto-Salishan * - a k i s t or *-ak i s . See set 30 under the correspondence lyl to / s / . 62 Kootenay k ka 'my' kan 'my' The form /kan/ occurs only w i t h the word / x a l i ( ? ) / 'son* and the r e l a t e d / x a l i n a l i l / 'nephew', i n Modern Kootenay. Boas (1918), however, recorded [kan] i n -stead of [ka] i n what i s now /ka t i t q a t m a l / 'my f e l l o w man', an expression used as an i n t r o d u c t i o n t o a challenge to f i g h t . S a l i s h a n k Set 41 I n t e r i o r kan ' I ' kn »I« kn »I' cn ' I ' kan ' I ' Coast con ' I , my' c-n ' I ' (The c- i n Squamish which Kuipers i d e n t i f i e s as a component of t h i s pronoun can a l s o be seen i n cognate s e t 43) cad ' I ' can » T I (Hk) Cm Sh Th Sp Cv Se Sq Ld Cw san ' f i r s t person s i n g u l a r pronominal p a r t i c l e ' (Pvf) Sg can ' f i r s t person s i n g u l a r e n c l i t i c ' CI can ' f i r s t person s i n g u l a r e n c l i t i c ' Sm Tsamosan cn ' I ' Ch kn ' I ' Cz 63 Kootenay k -kin,-kn 'by hand' This element i s one of a set of instrumental l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s . Salishan k Set 42 I n t e r i o r k i n , kn 'to touch' Sh * c i n 'to catch, grab' (occurs as con-i n Vogt's examples) Ka *conx w 'to touch with f i n g e r s ' (occurs as conx w- i n an example. The starred forms are Vogt's) Ka cen 'take hold of large object' Cr Set k- 'to do, to be' -k 'dummy root element to c-which l o c a t i v e p r e f i x e s are a f f i x e d to form independent l o c a t i v e words' 43 Coast 'to be, to act as' Sq See Kuipers (1967, pages 89, 155, 156, and 157) The function of Kootenay /k-/ above i s e s s e n t i a l l y that of a semantically empty root to which l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s are attached to form eit h e r verb stems or, with the p r e f i x /^a-/, to form what could be c a l l e d 'nouns'. The p r e f i x / ? a - / i s aspectual (roughly ' s t a t i v e ' ) . This p r e f i x also has a place i n purely verbal morphology where i t s aspectual r o l e i s more obvious. 64 Set 43 Ccontinued) Examples of the Kootenay root element /k-/: -qac 'walk, go' k-qac 'to walk, to go' s-qac 'to be i n the act of walking or going' -lat' 'arm' ? a - k - l a t ' 'arm' suk-lat ,-xu ?-mik 'to have a good throwing or h i t t i n g arm, to have a good aim' suk- 'good' -xu? ' t r a n s i t i v e l y by whole body action' -mik 'middle voice r e f l e x i v e ' For an a d d i t i o n a l example of Kootenay /k/ corresponding to Salishan see: Set 17 (Kootenay -kam) under m/n to * n w 65 Kootenay k cuka-t 'to take 1 Salishan k w Set 44 I n t e r i o r cak w ' p u l l ' //cok w// ' p u l l ' ck w-um 'to p u l l ' cok w ' p u l l , drag' c k w ' p u l l ' ckw(u) ' p u l l ' c k w 'to drag' cok w 'drag, p u l l ' Coast cok w ' p u l l ' cok w-n 'tug, p u l l ' L i Th Sh Cm Cv Sp Ka Cr Sq Sq ?uk- ' a l l ' Also recorded as: ?u-k-Set 45 I n t e r i o r uk w 'swarm, crowd 1 Coast 7awk'w ' a l l ' ?uk'w 'everything, a l l * (Tm) 7u*k'w 'to be a l l gone' (Hr) Cr Cx Se Ck 66 Kootenay k -nuk- 'haul, drag along; give someone a r i d e ' Salishan k w Set 46 I n t e r i o r ?uk w- 'haul, take, bring' Cm ?uk w 'take, bring' Cv ?uk w, huk w 'bring' Sp ? u k w 'to bring, to take someone someplace' Ka ?uk w 'carry, bring* Cr Tsamosan ? i k : w - 'go a f t e r ' Ch -uk, -k 'water' Set 47 I n t e r i o r -k w 'water' -k w 'water' -k w 'water' Coast -k w '(a s u f f i x used i n a number of words) connected with the sea' -ak w (as in) s i d a k w 'sea' (El) c f . s i n - k w 'ocean, s a l t water' Cm c f . sin-qu 'ocean' Se c f . -qu 'water* Se Cm Sp Ka Sq Tw 67 Kootenay k -ku 'water 1 The Kootenay form i n t h i s set may be the same morpheme as the Kootenay forms i n the set immediate-l y above. Metathesis i s a regular process i n Kootenay morphology. Salishan k w Set 48 In t e r i o r -k we 'water, lake, r i v e r , creek' Sh - k w e ? 'water, l i q u i d ' Cr Tsamosan - c i 'water' Ch -k wu 'water' Cz -muk (as in) ?a-k-muk-nam 'someone's forehead' [Lower Kootenay) -mu(?) 'hump, humpy, mound' Set 49 In t e r i o r mukw 'bulge' mukw 'mounds, lumps' Coast mokw 'to be lumpy' Cm Cv Sq -nuk 'crawl' Set 50 In t e r i o r u k w - t 'crawl' Cr Kootenay k -lu ?k 'word, language, sound' -likyaxCa) 'turn of phrase, verbal expression' -nuk 'rock, stone' nu 7kiy 'rock, stone' cuk(u) 'take up food off ground' 68 Salishan k w Set 51 Coast l i k w a - ' t a l k to' (Kd) Tw l e f t " - ' t a l k ' (Kd) Tw l e k w a - 'speak' (Dr) Tw Set 52 Coast s-duuk w 'knife, i r o n ' Ld Set 8 B e l l a Coola l k w 'pick up' (SD) I n t e r i o r l k w 'to lap up' Ka 69 Kootenay k' kaciC 7) 'to be skinny' Salishan k' Set 53 Tsamosan ke-c- ' l i t t l e ' ke-ci? ' l i t t l e ' k V c ' l i t t l e ' k V c i ' l i t t l e ' Ch Ch Cz Cz -k'am 'importance, meaning, sense to i t , substance' ha-k'am 'to matter, to be important' ha- 'have' lit-k'am 'to not matter, to be of no importance' l i t - 'without* Set 54 I n t e r i o r km 'a root occurring with various p r e f i x e s and s u f f i x e s i n a large number of words mainly r e f e r r i n g to parts, esp. to parts of the body' Sh Kuipers l i s t s 59 words containing t h i s root involving the use of only four d i f f e r e n t p r e f i x e s but many l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s , cem 'word stem occurring with f i e l d s u f f i x e s i n a great number of words, expressing parts of the body, parts of the house, and i n a few others' Ka an 'general word stem' Sp 70 Kootenay k' kan- (as in) kan-wac 'dive' -wac 'swim under water' Salishan k' Set 55 I n t e r i o r kan 'up against' Cm (also) kan- (as in) k'an-qin 'pillow' (-qln 'head') Cm For an a d d i t i o n a l example of Kootenay /k'/ corresponding to Salishan /k'/ see: Set 1 (Kootenay cik'-) under c to 1 Kootenay k' ?uki(7) 'one, f o r there t o be one ( o f some-thing) ' ?uk'- 'one, same' A l s o note: ?ak'-la-na ' d i f f e r e n t ' 7ak'-la-k 'other' l a - k 'or' A l s o note: -nik' ' parent ( s ) ' - nik'-na ( 7 ) mu ( ? ) ' r e l a t i v e ( s ) ' -nik' '(such and such) one', '(such and such) ones', '(such and such) t r i b e , people' examples: wup-nik' 'something new' wup- 'new' ?aq'am-nik' 'St. Marys person or people' ?aqam 'St. Marys Paver' 71 S a l i s h a n k'w a l s o k' Set 56 *nk'-u? / nk'w 'one' (Kp) PS *nak' 'one, other; t o change' (Kp) PS The above items are crossreferenced by Kuipers. I n t e r i o r nok' w-u ?, nak'w- 'one, other' Sh nok'w-usam 'party, f a m i l y ' Sh nek' 'to change' Sh nok'w- 'one' Cm nk'w- 'one' Cv nek'we? 'one' „ Cr n k H i 7 'one' Ka nik' w 'be t r i b e ' Cr Coast n a c - a l i 'one person' Se - a l i 'people s u f f i x ' Se n c - u ? 'one' Sq nac- 'change, d i f f e r ' Sq nc-a.y?uw?am 'f a m i l y ' Sq nee ' d i f f e r e n t ' Sn noc'a? 'one' Cw nec ' d i f f e r e n t ' (Mg) Cw l o c o , loc'e 'one' Ck 72 Set 56 (continued) Coast l e c , l o c 'one' Ck docu 7 'one' NLd docu ? one SLd dacu- 'one* (Kd) Tw Tsamosan nac-aw-: 'one' Ch nak'-aw- 'one' Cz There may be an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the l a c k of i n i t i a l /n/ i n the Kootenay r o o t s i n t h i s s e t . I n Kootenay there i s a p r e d i c a t i z i n g p r e f i x /n-/ which i s r e a l i z e d as /n/ before words w i t h i n i t i a l g l o t t a l stop and as /n/ ( w i t h l o s s of /h/) before words w i t h i n i t i a l /h/. Before words w i t h any other i n i t i a l consonant the /n-/ p r e f i x i s not r e a l i z e d . No Kootenay word begins w i t h a vowel. As i t i s , v e r y few Kootenay r o o t elements which c o u l d be p r e d i c a t i z e d begin w i t h /n/. The Kootenay element /-nikV, which does have /n/ t o match the /n/ i n the S a l i s h a n r o o t s , i s a l e x i c a l s u f f i x never o c c u r r i n g word i n i t i a l l y . 73 Kootenay k' Salishan k'1 Set 57 ?iskax-mit 'to lose some- I n t e r i o r thing, something to elude ?isk' wl-n 'throw ( p l u r a l objects)* Cm one' ? i s k ' w l 'scatter' Sp -mit 'throw' ? i s k ' w l - n 'I scattered i t ' Sp ? i s k ' w o l 'to throw away' Ka ?isk-xu( ?) 'to h i t some- Coast thing by throwing' ? i k ' w o t 'throw ( i t ) away' (Hk) Cw -xu(?) 'by ac t i o n of ? i k ' w - ' l o s t ' Ck one's body' ? i k ' w - o t 'throw i t away, di s c a r d i t ' Ck ? i s k v a - 'throw' (Kd) Tw ?isku(?) 'to h i t a target ?isk' was 'throw i t away' (Kd) Tw with a b u l l e t or arrow, to guess r i g h t i n the s t i c k game' -ku( ?) 'by a c t i o n of pointed object ( i n c l u d -ing fingers) This i s r e a l l y an example of Kootenay /k/ to Salishan /k'w/, and as such one of a number of pos s i b l e cognate examples (not exemplified i n t h i s work) of Salishan g l o t t a l i z e d consonants corresponding to u n g l o t t a l -ized consonants i n Kootenay. The only Kootenay form i n the probable cognate set above with /k'/ i s one where the g l o t t a l i z a t i o n can be 74 Set 57 (continued) construed to be from the suffix /-ku('?)/ with the underlying root as / ? i s k - / . The loss of /k/ is not, however, automatic but idiosyncratic here. The somewhat obscured history of the stem /" ?isku(' ?)/ may have been a factor in the apparent loss of glottalization with the stems /^iskax-mit/ and /^isk-xuC 7)/. 75 Kootenay 1 l u ( ? ) 'be none, be absent' l u - 'remove' Salishan 1 Set 58.1 . I n t e r i o r Iwel-n-s 'to leave somebody alone, take o f f and disc a r d Cclothing)' Sh (s- ) l w e l '(person) l e f t alone, l e f t behind' Sh low 'leave' Cv Coast law' 'to leave' Cx law? 'recover, run away (about a captive)' Sq lowal 'leave behind' (Kd) Tw l o g w l , l o g w o l - 'leave, leave behind' Ld Tsamosan lawal- 'leave' Ch lawa.1- 'leave' Cz Kootenay 1 lu-q'-lam-xu 'head h a i r to f a l l out' lu-q'-lam-kin 'to p u l l some-one's head h a i r out' -lam 'head' -xu 'by a c t i o n of the whole body of some-one or something' -kin 'by act i o n of the hands' 76 Salishan 1 Set 58.2 In t e r i o r luq' w (as in) c-x-luq'w-ws-qn 'bald' Sh loq' w 'bald headed' Ka loq' w 'be bald, bare' Cr laq' w 'skin, p u l l o f f Cr Coast luq', loq' w 'come o f f (of skin, bark)' Sq laq' w-an 'peel bark' Sq laq'won 'to get undressed' (Mi) Sg 77 Kootenay 1 Salishan 1 Set 58.3 l u - 'remove' Coast lu- q l a n t 'to undress some- la^gitc'a 'naked' Cx one' luic'a 2m ( i n t r a n s i t i v e ) 'undress' Sq -qlant 'clothes' luyag wyo- 'undress' (Kd) Tw l u - q l a n t - i l - i k 'to undress Tsamosan o n e s e l f l i w 'take o f f Ch liw-1 'come o f f Ch liw-itamn ? 'undress' Ch ^itamn 7 'clothing' Ch liw 'come o f f Cz liw- 'take o f f Cz li ' w 'take o f f Qn l i " w x w 'take out' Qn Of s p e c i a l relevance to cognate set 58 are Kuipers' comments on the Squamish root /law?/ (quoted here i n cognate set 58.1). Kuipers suggests a 'zero form' / l u - / f o r t h i s root and four other probably r e l a t e d Squamish items with the o r i g i n a l meaning of the root as 'be removed'. See Kuipers (1967) pages 329 and 330. 78 Kootenay 1 S a l i s h a n 1 Set 59 - ( h ) a l 'grass, p l a n t ' B e l l a Coola - l p ' p l a n t , t r e e ' (Nt) I n t e r i o r -elp ' t r e e , bush, p l a n t ' Sh - a l p , - l p ' t r e e , p l a n t ' Cm - i l p ' p l a n t , t r e e ' Cv -el p Sp Coast -1c ' t r e e , p l a n t ' Sn - i l c ' t r e e ' (Rf) Sg For other examples of Kootenay / I / corresponding to S a l i s h a n / I / see: Set 34 (Kootenay -l(u)ma) under m to n Set 90 (Kootenay - q ' l i l ) under q' to q'w 79 Kootenay 1 Salishan 1 Set 60 ? i ? l a , ? i l a 'cry, weep' I n t e r i o r ? i l e l 'cry, weep' L i Coast ? l l e l 'cry, weep' Nk ? i l a l 'cry, weep' (Dr) (TTK) Tw ? i l a 'hurt' Ld Note also: ? i l - a l 'sing' (reduplicated) (Dr) Tw ? i l ( i ) 'sing, repeat, i n t e r p r e t ' Ld l u (a tag f o r questions) ' i s i t not so?' ' i s n ' t that r i g h t ? ' Note also: l u l a ? t 'to deny something' l i s t 'to be without some-thing' l i t - (plus l e x i c a l s u f f i x ) 'to be without' Set 61 In t e r i o r * l u t l u t ' i t i s not' l u t 'no, not' l u t 'negative' l u t , l u 'negative' l u t (when used as an independent stem) 'refuse, deny, be mischievous' (Kd) PIS Ok Cv Cm Cr Cr Kootenay 1 7 a l a k ( i ) t 'to s t a l k ' - q a l t ' c h i l d ' 80 Salishan 1 Set 62 Tsamosan ? a l a l - 'sneak up on' Cz Set 63 I n t e r i o r - e l t ' o f f s p r i n g ' - i f t ' c h i l d , young, egg' - a l t , - a f t , - a l t ' c h i l d ' - l i t 'stomach, c h i l d ' - e l t ' c h i l d ' - i l t (-alt,-al't) ' o f f s p r i n g , c h i l d ' See also set 80 (Kootenay / - q a l t / probably cognate (?) to C o l v i l l e / q a ? l / ) under the correspondence /q/ to /q/. Sh Sh Cm Cv Ka Cr 81 Kootenay 1 - l a ( ? ) ' f i t t e d covering, blanket' Note e s p e c i a l l y : yu-kxa-laC?) 'tongue of shoe or moccasin' yu- 'on top surface' -kxa- 'from' Salishan 1 Set 64 In t e r i o r l i ? * . 'draw on' t-l?w » s n 0 e tongue' l o ? " 'draw on' l i ^ w ' f i t ' l o ^ w 'draw together, make f i t ' Sh Sh Cm Cv Cr -la ?-mal 'blanket' -mai 'with' lat'-laC 7) 'sleeve' -lat' 'arm' 82 Kootenay 1 Salishan 1 Set 65 l a ( p r o c l i t i c ) 'again, I n t e r i o r back' 1 ~ 7 a l 'translocative' Cm l a qawxaxi. 'He went Note the following Columbian data: back there.' ?al-naw'-olx 'He ran back' Cm qawxaxi. 'He went there.' naw'-olx 'He ran' Cm ? a l - w i k l 'see again' Cm l a q a k i ? n i . 'He s a i d i t ?al-Xuwon 'put out again' Cm again.' ? a l - k w a n 'take back' Cm q a k i ? n i . 'He s a i d i t . ' Also note e s p e c i a l l y : xoXxoX't ? a l naqs 'eleven' Cm ?itwu-m l a ^uk'ip) 'eleven' xoXxoX't 'ten' Cm ? i t w u 'ten' naqs 'one' Cm ? u k i ( ? ) 'one' e l (a preverb) 'back, again' Ka xa*ca-n-wu-m l a ? u k i ( ? ) elcun 'I say to him again over' Ka 'forty-one' cun 'I say to him' Ka x a - c a 'four' e l x u i 'He goes back* Ka xa*ca-n-wu 'fo r t y ' x u i 'He goes' Ka u l (a p r e f i x ) 'again' (Jh) Cr 1- 'again' Ok 1- 'back' Ok 1- ( d i r e c t i o n a l p r e f i x ) 'back' Cv Kootenay 1 83 S a l i s h a n 1 For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay / I / corresponding to S a l i s h a n /!/ see: Set 77 (Kootenay - ( a ) q l i l ) under q - q Set 85 (Kootenay - q l u y i t ) under q - q w Set 28 (Kootenay t'aq'mila) under t' - 5 C Set 29 (Kootenay -Iwiy) under y - s Set 107 (Kootenay w a l i k ) under w - w Set 89 (Kootenay -ql- ) under J q - q'w Set 51 (Kootenay -lu?k) under k - k w 84 Kootenay m -min, -mn- Cas in) ka-min 'me, myself, my' ka-mn-ala( ?) 'us, our-s e l v e s , our' ka 'my' - a l a ( ? ) ' f i r s t person p l u r a l ' S a l i s h a n m Set 66 Coast mn 'a c l i t i c which i n i t s emphatic forms (m a n i l , manil) forms c e r t a i n a p p o s i t i v e s such as: / t a m a n i l / 'he h i m s e l f Sq / ? a l i m a n i l / 'she h e r s e l f Sq See Kuipers' Squamish grammar (Ku i p e r s , 1967) V o l . I pages 144-145, then 209-211. Note i n the f o l l o w i n g example the way th a t /mn/ f o l l o w s d i r e c t l y a f t e r /c-n/ ' I ' which i s probably cognate to Kootenay /ka, kan/ 'my' (cognate s e t 41) / ? i c-n mn nchcuV 'Here I am a l l by m y s e l f Sq 85 Kootenay m Salishan m Set 67 -am ' i n d e f i n i t e person I n t e r i o r s u f f i x ' //-(i)m// ' t h i r d i n d e f i n i t e r e c i p i e n t s u f f i x ' Cv (as in) //wik w-s-t-(i)m// /wik wstom/ 'something was hidden by someone' Cv -am ' i n d e f i n i t e object' Ok Coast Hess (1967) distinguishes between -(a)b 'medio-passive' and a d i f f e r e n t -(a)b which also might be described as a passive marker or p o s s i b l y even as an i n d e f i n i t e person marker. For example: k w9da-t-ob 'He was grabbed' Ld k wodat-ob c o l 'We were grabbed' Ld k wodad cat 'We grabbed i t ' Ld 36 Kootenay m S a l i s h a n m For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /m/ corresponding to S a l i s h a n /m/ see: Set 26 (Kootenay matqul) under t - c Set 4 (Kootenay maPc) under c - 1 Set 9 (Kootenay cum-) under c - 1 Set 15 (Kootenay mac-) under c - K Set 49 (Kootenay -muk) under k - k w Set 54 (Kootenay -k'am) under k' -k' Set 113 (Kootenay -xma) under x - X Set 32 (Kootenay yamasin-) under y -87 Kootenay n ?an 'more' Salishan n Set 68 Coast ? a n 'be or act to a high degree; very, too (excessively)* Sq n^an 'very, too (much)' (Mg) Cw ? a n 'very, too much' So nam 'go' -na--n-•go' •go' Set 69 Coast nam7, nam 'to go' nem? 'go' (Mg) Sq Cw Set 70 -nuqka 'sun' Coast nuq w 'noon' Sq For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /n/ corresponding to Salishan /n/ see: Set 6 (Kootenay cin-) under c - 1 Set 7 (Kootenay nictahal) under c - 1 Set 16 (Kootenay -nana) under m/n - *r/ Set 21 (Kootenay -minna) under m/n - *n Set 66 (Kootenay -min, -mn-) under m - m Set 41 (Kootenay ka, kan) under k - k Set 110 (Kootenay wan-) under w - w 88 Kootenay p paq- (probably) 'white' This root occurs i n a word f o r a white-barked v a r i e t y of / ?aklumak/ ('cottonwood, poplar, or aspen*) which has heart shaped leaves. The word seems to be known only to a few Lower Kootenay people Salishan p Set 71 I n t e r i o r p i q 'white' Sh peq 'white' Sh A c t u a l l y occumng Shuswap forms include: pq- and paq payq 'white' Cm p i q - 'white' Cm p i q 'white' Sp p i q 'white' Ka and we are not yet absolutely paq, pa ?aq 'fade, get white' Ka c e r t a i n of the corr e c t trans- papqlce? 'weasel, ermine* ' Ka c r i p t i o n of the word. p i q 'white' Cv Present t r a n s c r i p t i o n s of the paq 'be whitened' Cr word include: /paqla, paqlat, peq 'be white, bleached' Cr p a q l a ? t / and i n a separate Coast interview /paqlak/. The f i r s t paq'im 'white' Se three forms would be l i t e r a l l y p'aq' 'white' Sq '(having) white f i t t e d cover- p'oq' 'white' Cw ing' while the l a s t would be paq 'white' Cx Kinkade and Sloat (1972) have Columbian, Coeur d'Alene, and K a l i s p e l each r e f l e c t i n g Proto-Eastern-Interior-camas* "Salishan * i - a ablaut f o r t h i s root. 'white backed' Also of po s s i b l e relevance i s the word /puqulnana/ 'white 89 Kootenay p ?upxa 'to know, to f i n d out", to see* c f . ^uCfrJu 'to know (a person)' Salishan p Set 72 In t e r i o r pax 'smart* pax, -pxa- 1 think' pax 'smart, advise' pax 'to think, d e l i b e r a t e ' pax 'be wise, think, r e f l e c t ' Cm Cv Sp Ka Cr p i c - 'cut o f f a length of something, shorten' Set 73 Coast poc 'be bent, folded, double up' Sq For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /p/ corresponding to Salishan /p/ see: Set 32 CKootenay -kup) under k - k Set 105 (Kootenay ?upt'-) under t' - i Set 14 (Kootenay cup-) under > c -Set 3 (Kootenay pac-) under c - i Set 86 (Kootenay qap-) under q - > q 90 Kootenay q -qsala( ?) 'snout' Salishan q Set 74 B e l l a Coola - l x s , - l l x s 'nose' (Nt) -xs (as in) maaxsa 'nose' I n t e r i o r -eqs 'nose, point-shaped object, promontory, end of something' Sh - ( s l ) q s 'nose, point' Cm -aqs 'nose, road' Sp -aqs, -qs 'nose' Ka -alqs 'end' Cr Coast -qs 'nose' Sq -qs- (as in) maqson 'nose' Se -qs- (as in) moqsan 'nose' Cw, Ms -qs- (as in) msqsal 'nose' Ck ro(l)qs9l, -o(l)qs 'nose' Ck -qs 'nose' So -qs 'a pointed shape' Sn -qs 'nose, point' Ld Tsamosan -qs 'nose' Ch 91 Kootenay q -q 'water ( l o c a t i v e l y ) ' S a l i s h a n q Set 75 Tsamosan - i y q 'water' Ch -quwa ?t ' f u r ' Set 76 I n t e r i o r qewtn ' h a i r ' qewtn ' h a i r (on head)' Th Sh - ( a ) q l i l 'eye' Set 77 B e l l a Coola qluq's 'eye' Coast qolum 'eye' qlum 'eye' qolom 'eye' qalom 'eye' qolam 'eye' q a l a n 7 'eye' (Mi) qolorj 'eye' (Rf) qoyon 7 'eye' qolub 'eye' q a ? l u b 'eye' Se Sq Cw Ms Ck Sg Sg CI Ld Ld 92 Salishan q Set 78 Coast qol'am 'stormy' Ck qolb ' r a i n ' Ld Set 79 I n t e r i o r q i c 'to run' (also) qc / qac (as in) qa-qc-olx ' t r o t ' Cv qec (as in) qec-Is 'he ran' Sp qec (as in) q e c i l s 'run (mostly s i n g u l a r ) ' Ka According to I n t e r i o r Salishan vowel correspondence charts to be found i n Kinkade and Thompson (1974), the Proto-I n t e r i o r Salishan reconstruction of t h i s element should be *qac. 93 Salishan q Set 80 I n t e r i o r q a ? l 'children, c h i l d ' Cv Note also: qoIrain 'parent' Sh -min (-min) 'implement, means' Sh Perhaps also of some relevance are: q w a y l ' c h i l d ' Ch qe ?eqpal 'children' (Kd) Tw qAhal 'children' (Ed) T i I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that i t i s neighbouring C o l v i l l e which has two apparent cognates to t h i s one Kootenay l e x i c a l s u f f i x . See set 63 ( C o l v i l l e / - i l t / ' c h i l d ' matching Kootenay / - q a l t / 'child') under the correspondence / I / to / l / . For an a d d i t i o n a l example of Kootenay /q/ corresponding to Salishan /q/ see: Set 71 (Kootenay paq-) under p - p Kootenay q -qal t ' c h i l d ' 94 K o o t e n a y q S a l i s h a n q w S e t 81 - q u ' w a t e r ( l o c a t i v e l y ) • C o a s t - q u ' q ' w a t e r ( l o c a t i v e l y ) ' q w u ' w a t e r ' q « u ? ' w a t e r ' q W ^ ? q w a ? ' d r i n k ' q w u ? ' f r e s h w a t e r ' qa* ' w a t e r ' q a ' q a ' d r i n k ' q w 6 ? ' w a t e r ' ( D r ) - q u ' w a t e r ' Tsamosan qw 3-? ' d r i n k ' s q w 6 ? ' d r i n k ' q w o ? ' d r i n k ' S e t 82 - q u i ' w a t e r , b y w a t e r ' B e l l a C o o l a - q l a - ' w a t e r ' (SD) C o a s t q w u l ( a r o o t ) ' w a t e r ' Tsamosan q a ' ? ' w a t e r , r i v e r ' q a l ? ' w a t e r , r i v e r ' q a l ? ' w a t e r ' 95 Set 82 (continued) Tsamosan qa l 'water, r i v e r ' Qn qal' 'water' Qn Cognate set 82 could j u s t as w e l l be taken ( i n whole or i n part) as an example of Kootenay /q/ corresponding to Salishan /q/. Set 83 -qal- 'story' I n t e r i o r q w e l 'to speak, t a l k ' Sh q w i l ' t a l k ' Cv q w e l ' t a l k , speak' Sp q w e l 'speak, t a l k ' Ka q w a ? q w e ? l 'speak, t a l k ' Cr Coast q w a l - 'talk' Se q w a l , q w a l 'think, mind, speak' Sq q w o l - q w l 'talk excessively' Sq n - q w o l - t n 'voice' Sq q w a l 'say, speak' Cw s q w 9 l t a n 'voice' Cv; q w o y l 'say, speak' Ms 96 Kootenay q -nuq ' p r a i r i e ' Salishan q w Set 84 Tsamosan - ( a ) q w ' p r a i r i e ' Ch Note also: *maq wa-n w 'swamp' (TTK) PS (based on words found i n Sq, Cw, Ms, Ck, Lm, Ld, but note e s p e c i a l l y , however:) baq wab ' f i e l d ' (Dr) Tw maqwam ' p r a i r i e , v a l l e y * Ch, Cz Note the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l e x i c a l s u f f i x f o r * f i r e ' and the root elements meaning ' f i r e ' i n c e r t a i n languages: *-kup ' f i r e ' (TTK) (Kp) PS -k wup (as in) makwup- ' f i r e ' Cz -cap (as in) macap ' f i r e ' Lo Note also the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Salishan l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s f o r 'nose' (generally -qs) and such forms as: maaxsa 'nose' Be maqsan 'nose' Cw Kootenay q - q l u y i t 'green, blue' -nuqka 'sun' 97 Salishan q w Set 85 B e l l a Coola q w l i 'green, yellow' (Nt) Set 70 Coast nuq w 'noon' Sq 98 Kootenay q Salishan q' Set 86 q'ap- ' a l l 1 Coast qaprt 'group, put together, include' Cx q'ap 'to gather or c o l l e c t (of people) Ck qop 'to gather' (Mi) Sg qop- 'to be together' So q'(o)p 'assemble' Lm q'op 'gather' Ld Set 87 q'a- 'break, sever a l i n e a r I n t e r i o r object, cut o f f flow' q'iw, qw 'to break' Sh qow'-" ' break ( i n two)' Cm q'aw'-'' ' s p l i t ' Cm qow-am 'crack' Cm qW(u) 'broken' Sp qa ?u 'break' Ka q'ew' 'break s t i f f object' Cr Coast q a l 'obstruct passage' Sq q'aA' 'be stopped' Sq 99 Kootenay q Salishan q' Set 88 -q'yu 'edge' Coast q'iw? 'go around, round a comer' Sq q'iw^-it-sut 'move around a promontory* Sq q'iw ?-ica 'to s t r i n g up wool on a loom' Sq For another example of Kootenay /q'/ corresponding to Salishan /q'/ See: Set 22 (Kootenay -qwi) under w - * n w 100 Kootenay q -q'l- 'berry, f r u i t ; grain' - q ' l i l 'mark' Salishan q'w Set 89 I n t e r i o r q'wlew-m 'to pick b e r r i e s ' Sh q' wl 'gather ( b e r r i e s ) ' Ok q'wlew 'to pick b e r r i e s ' Sp q' wole ?u 'to pick b e r r i e s ' Ka q' woliw 'bear picks b e r r i e s ' Cr Coast sq'wlam 'berry (generic)' Sq sq'wolm'?xw 'black berry' Sq sq'woluma ' f r u i t , berry (generic)' Se Tsamosan s-q'wol-na'mc 'berry' Ch -name 'body' Ch Set 90 Tsamosan q' wole- 'mark, write, brand, vote' Cz q' wal 'a brand, mark' Cz q' wale'-ml 'write' Ch q' wol-ml 'write' Ch q>w9hlm9l 'write' (Sno) Lo 101 Kootenay q Salishan q'w Set 91 qumi( ?) 'the larger v a r i e t y I n t e r i o r of suckerfish' q,womus 'suckerfish' Cm . coq'wm-us ' suckerfish' Sh Coast sq wub' ' sucker f i sh' Ld Set 92 -qutal ' f a t ' *q'wuc- ' f a t ' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r q'wuc-t ' f a t , stout' Sh q'wuc- ' f a t , grease' Cm q'wuc 'be f a t ' Ka q'wuc 'be f a t ' Cr Coast q vuc 'be f a t ' Sq But note the following forms: I n t e r i o r q w t e l ' f a t ' (TTK) L i q w t e l 'grease' (Kp) NSh q w o t e l ' l a r d ' (Gb) SSh Coast k w t a l 'elk f a t ' (Dr) Tw 102 Kootenay q -qu- ' d i r t ' (as i n ) -qu-mal ' d i r t ' -mai 'with' ( a l s o probably in) -qu-qu-kul 'black' (which occurs i n two stems as) -qu-kul S a l i s h a n q'w Set 93 I n t e r i o r q' wiy, q'wey 'black' q way- 1 b l a c k 1 Sh Cm Cm Sp Ka Me Cr Cr q' wiy 'black' q'way 'black' q' wai 'black' q'way 'black' q w i d 'blacken' (KS) q w£d 'black' (KS) B e l l a Coola q'way 'to blacken' Coast qeyx 'black' Ck q ' w i x w 'blue, dark green' Ld s q ' w i x w 'Negro' Ld no-q' wix w 'black* Lm The f o l l o w i n g forms are a l s o given by Reichard f o r Coeur d'Alene: q'wud (as in) qu-q'wud (not r e t r a n s c r i b e d ) 'black horse' Cr q' wih 'be b l a c k ( i n d e s c r i b i n g people)' Cr 103 Set 93 (continued) Perhaps also r e l a t e d to the forms above i n some convoluted way are the Kootenay and I n t e r i o r Salishan forms below: -qui 'excrement' I n t e r i o r -qui 'sores, a sore' q' wol 'smoke coloured' Cm q*"ol 'dark brown' Ok q'wul 'dusty, gray, darkened' Sp For a d d i t i o n a l data on the vowel correspondences exemplified above see the correspondence /u/ to /a/. For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /q"/ corresponding to Salishan /qV see: Set 12 (Kootenay qucac) under c - 1 Set 5 (Kootenay que) under c - 1 Set 26 (Kootenay matqul) under t - c Set 28 (Kootenay taqmila) under i - > c Set 23 (Kootenay waqa) under w -104 Kootenay s Salishan s Set 94 'to be i n the act of doing Tsamosan something, to be i n the condition of being a c e r t a i n way' 'continuative' Cz, Ch Cognates no doubt e x i s t i n other Salishan languages. Several Salishan languages have a p r e f i x s- described as a nominalizer. See the d i s c u s s i o n on page 25. Note the following usage i n Kootenay with an apparently nominal l e x i c a l s u f f i x (-qat ' t a i l ' ) : 'Mermaid' s-qat-ni kyakxu^s. S-qat-ni x a ? l c i n . S-qat-ni x a ? l c i n - s . 'Mermaids have f i s h t a i l s . ' 'That's a dog's t a i l . ' 'He's got a dog's t a i l , (such as a freak wolf might have)' - n i kyakxuC?) x a ? l c i n 'declarative verbal e n c l i t i c ' ' f i s h ' 'dog' 'subsidiary t h i r d person (subject) s u f f i x ' See cognate set 96. 1 0 5 Kootenay s Salishan s Set 95 - ? i s ' t h i r d person possessive I n t e r i o r s u f f i x ' -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Th -s ' h i s , her, i t s , t h e i r ' Sh -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Sp -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Ok Coast -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' (Rf) Sg -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Se -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Sq -as ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ( also -s) (Dr) Tw -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Ld -s ' t h i r d person possessive' (Ed) T i Tsamosan -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Ch -s ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Cz - i ' t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ' Cz Kootenay s -s 'subsidiary t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Given that the primary or f i r s t mentioned t h i r d person i s unmarked, the s u f f i x / - s / acts as an obviative marker. - i s 'subsidiary t h i r d person s u f f i x ( a f t e r i n d e f i n i t e person s u f f i x or t h i r d person possessive s u f f i x ) ' 106 Salishan s Set 96 I n t e r i o r - ( e ) s 'general t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Th -s/-es ' t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Sh -s ' t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Ok -s 'general t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Sp Coast -as 'it/he/she, t h i r d singular secondary pronominal s u f f i x (subject)' Se -as ' t h i r d person subject s u f f i x ' Sq -s ' t h i r d person subject' So -as 'he, him, she, her, i t , they, them' Ld 107 Kootenay s ? a s 'two, f o r there to be two (of something)' Salishan s Set 97 I n t e r i o r sosele 'two' s a l - 'two' (bound form) ? e s e l 'two' ? a s i l 'two' ? e s e l 'two' Coast ' ?osali(h) 'two' (Dr) s a l i ? 'two' Sh Cm Sp Cv Cr Tw Ld sahan 'to be bad' saan-, san- 'bad' Set 98 Coast sa? 'bad' NLd 108 Kootenay s -s- 'causative' Salishan s Set 99 I n t e r i o r - s t - 'causative' / / - s - / / 'causative' / / - s - / / 'causative' -s- 'causative' Coast -s 'causative' -stox w 'causative' - s t o x w 'causative' (Hk) Tsamosan Sh Th Cv Sp Sq Se Cw stw- 'causative' Ch For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /s/ corresponding to Salishan / s / see: Set 57 (Kootenay ? i s k a x - ) under k' - k'w Set 27 (Kootenay sitO under t' - c Set 74 (Kootenay -qsalaC 7)) under q - q 109 Kootenay t S a l i s h a n t Set 100 - t ' t r a n s i t i v e ' I n t e r i o r - t - ' t r a n s i t i v e ' Sh ? a p i s i ( 7 ) 'to be s t r a i g h t ' / / - t - / / ' t r a n s i t i v e ' Th 7 a p i s i ' ? - t 'to s t r a i g h t e n / / - t / / ' t r a n s i t i v e s u f f i x ' Cv something' ( a l s o other I n t e r i o r languages) Coast - ( v ) t ' t r a n s i t i v e s u f f i x ' Se - t ' v o l i t i o n a l t r a n s i t i v e s u f f i x ' (Rf) Sg - t ' d i r e c t e d t r a n s i t i v e ' So ( a l s o other Coast languages) Set 101 t a ( ? ) - 'know how t o , be Coast able t o ' t o l ( ? ) 'acquire knowledge, l e a r n , t a - ( ? ) l (Adverb) 'able study' Sq to do' t o l - ' l e a r n ' Ck t o l ^ n o x " ' f i n d ( i t ) out' (Hk) Cw Tsamosan t a l x 'something one i s able t o do' Ch ? a c - t a l x 'dependable, able to take care o f Ch 110 Kootenay t Salishan t Set 102 t a ? - ' r a i n hard' I n t e r i o r taw- 'rain* Cm Set 103 7 i ( ? ) t - 'make, do, cause Coast something to be ? i t 'be f i n i s h e d , done* Sq (as s p e c i f i e d by Tsamosan a following l e x i c a l ? i t x - k w 'do with* Cz s u f f i x ) , become (as s p e c i f i e d by a following l e x i c a l s u f f i x ) ' For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay / t / corresponding to Salishan ft/ see: Set 117 (Kootenay tuwxa) under x - x w Set 20 (Kootenay tamuxu) under m/n - * n w Set 7 (Kootenay nictahal) under c - 1 Set 63 (Kootenay -qalt) under 1 - 1 Set 19 (Kootenay -mat) under m/n - * n w I l l Kootenay t' ? i t ' i - ' stretch' Salishan t' Set 104 I n t e r i o r sut' 'stretch' su^t' 'stretch' (TTK) Coast ''ut'-un? 'lengthen, extend, s t r e t c h ' 7at' 'to s t r e t c h ' ?at' 'to s t r e t c h ' (Rf) ?ut' 'stretch' Cm Cr Sq Ck Sg CI Set 105 ?upt'- 'twist' I n t e r i o r tup- 'twist' Th tup- 'spin, twist, wring' Sh tup- 'to twist into a thread, rope' Ka For another example of Kootenay /t'/ corresponding to Salishan /t'/ see: Set 109 (Kootenay wit'-) under w - w 112 Kootenay w -wick- 'see, watch, look a f t e r ' Salishan w Set 106 *wik 'see' (TTK) In t e r i o r wik wik wik 'see' 'see' 'see' (TTK) wik- 'see' wic- 'to see, f i n d , discover' g w i c - 'see' PS Th Sh Ok Cm Ka Cr walik 'to ask f o r something' Set 107 Coast wal- 'ask' w i l i q w ( i ) 'ask a question' Se Ld -wac 'swim underwater' Set 108 Coast wacal 'swim' (Kd) Tw g w a c i l 'wade or stand i n shallow water' Ld 113 Kootenay w wit'- 'steep sided, brush side o f Salishan w Set 109 Tsamosan wit'i- 'climb' Cz wan- 'move' Set 110 Tsamosan wan-aca-n-m 'move hands and arms ( f o r sign language)' Ch -aca- 'hand' Ch For a d d i t i o n a l examples of Kootenay /w/ corresponding to Salishan /w/ see: Set 36 (Kootenay wicu-) under c - c Set 11 (Kootenay wicwic) under c - 1 Set 29 (Kootenay -Iwiy) under y - s 114 Kootenay x Salishan x It should be noted that the Kootenay phoneme /x/ i s ph o n e t i c a l l y uvular [x] and i s therefore not i d e n t i c a l to the Salishan phoneme /x/ which i s ph o n e t i c a l l y a f r o n t [x]. This does not make any di f f e r e n c e , however, i n terms of the sound correspondences, as both Salishan /x/ and /x/ would be expected to appear as /x/ i n Kootenay even i n a borrowed word. -x(a) ' d i r e c t i v e s u f f i x * This s u f f i x indicates a l o c a t i v e goal, k'an-wac 'to dive' kan-wac-xa 'to dive at something' Often the goal i s lo c a t i v e only f i g u r a t i v e l y as i n 'make something f o r someone'. -xax(a) 'malefactive s u f f i x ' , 'to do something against the i n t e r e s t s of Set 111 In t e r i o r - x ( i ) t ' r e f e r i n g to a secondary human obj ect ( u s u a l l y benefactive)' Sh / / - x i / / ' i n d i r e c t i v e ' Th / / - x ( i ) - / / 'benefactive'; ' s u f f i x e d to any base, to indic a t e a c t i o n on behalf of (even i f the action i s d i r e c t e d against or to the detriment of) the r e c i p i e n t . I t i s a so r t of 'dative of i n t e r e s t ' Cv - x i - ' i n d i r e c t i v e ' ( t ranslates as 'for' as i n 'buy f o r ' , 'haul for') (also see the Columbian examples l i s t e d below of /xix/ and /xax/) Cm 115 someone' cukat 'to take something' cukat-xaxa 'to take some-thing away from someone' ? i k 'to eat (something)' ?ik-xaxa 'to eat someone else's share' Set 111 (continued) -s, ' i n the s u f f i x stressed verbs' - s i s - , 'expresses that the ac t i o n takes place f o r someone' Ka - s i t 'as a favor to', - s i s (-sos, -sEs ( t h i s l a s t vowel not retranscribed)) 'something f o r someone' (Rd) Cr Coast - s i t '(a complex t r a n s i t i v i z e r ) r e f e r s to the destinee of the ac t i o n (do f o r , give to, take from; i n a l l examples the destinee i s human)' Sq Tsamosan - s i - ' i n d i r e c t i v e ' Ch q' wale*-ml 'write' Ch q^ale^-s-n 'write to' Ch Note e s p e c i a l l y the following Columbian examples: k wan-xax 'take something away from someone* Cm pan-xix-m-on 'I a c c i d e n t a l l y bent something not belonging to me' Cm xos-xix-m-an 'We l o s t i t f o r them (not d e l i b e r a t e l y ) ' Cm Kootenay x -nuxu?-nuk 'creek, stream' -nuk 'rock' 116 Salishan x w Set 112 Tsamosan nox w- ' r i v e r , creek 1 But see also set 118 with: B e l l a Coola -anuxwum ' r i v e r ' (SD) 117 Kootenay x -xma 'weight, heaviness' Salishan x Set 113 *xam 'heavy* (TTK) I n t e r i o r xemt 'heavy' Coast xam 'heavy' xab 'heavy' xam, xam 'heavy' Tsamosan xam 'heavy' -xax (quite p o s s i b l y once) 'house* (found only in) kaxax ' t u r t l e ' (which could be) //k-ha-xax//,/kaxax/ ( l i t : 'that which has a house) Set 114 Tsamosan xax 'house' xas 'house' -ulxs 'house' xas 'house' 118 Kootenay x xa'ca 'four' wu-xa'ca 'eight' wu- This element may have o r i g i n a l l y meant 'four' while /xa'ca/ may have o r i g i n a l l y meant 'two' or 'both'. c f . xacin- 'both' xanca- 'both' Also see set 24 xa ( ? ) 'uncle' Boas (1919) has: 'father's brother -brother's c h i l d ' For some Kootenay speakers today / x a ( ? ) / means 'stepfather'. Salishan x Set 115 In t e r i o r ? xec 'be companion, always together' Cr Coast xa ?ucn 'four objects* Sq xa ?a0on 'four 1 Cw xo?a'0ol 'four' Ck xo0-9lsx^e 'f o r t y ' Ck Set 116 In t e r i o r x a ? (as in) s-xa^-xa? 'father-in-law' Cv x e ? (as in) s-xa^xe? 'father-in-law' Sp Coast sxaxa? 'spouse's father - c h i l d ' s husband' (El) Tw 119 Kootenay x Salishan x For an a d d i t i o n a l example of t h i s correspondence see: Set 72 (Kootenay ?upxa) under p - p Kootenay x tuwxa ' r e a l l y , t r u l y ' tuxa ' almost' 120 Salishan x w Set 117 Coast t u x w 'merely' tux w-ux w 'not much' t o ? x w ' j u s t ' (Rf) t u V 'just' Note, however: taxta ' l a t e r ' Coast qanta ' f i n a l l y , eventually' t a x w - ' l a t e r ' -nuxu '(to) f l y ' This s u f f i x also occurs as a c e n t r a l l e x i c a l element i n stems r e l a t i n g to f a s t g a i t s of horses and i n the following stem: ha-l-nuxu-naq-nam 'to race against one another' Note also set 112 with: -nuxu7-nuk 'creek' -nuk 'rock' Set 118 In t e r i o r -nux w 'to gallop, to run (also of water)' B e l l a Coola -anuxwum ' r i v e r ' (SD) 121 Kootenay y Salishan y Set 119 ?ay 'to s t e a l 1 * ? a y 'to exchange, barter, pay' (Kp) PS *?ay( 7) 'change' (TTK) PS I n t e r i o r ? e z - 'pay, buy' Th ?ey- 'exchange, give i n return, meet' Sh ? a y ? s 'trade' Cm ? i d 'exchange, barter' Cr B e l l a Coola ?ay-aw- 'change something' (TTK) Coast ?ayiw-at 'change something' Se nox w- ?ay 'exchange' Sq ? a y 'change' Ld ?a.ytx w 'trade i t , exchange i t ' Ld Tsamosan ?ay?si- 'trade' Ch ?ay?si- 'trade' Cz ? a y ( s i ) - 'change' Cz For another example of Kootenay /y/ corresponding to Salishan /y/ see*. Set 33 (Kootenay -yax(a)) under x - ? Kootenay ? - i ( ? ) a s u f f i x which forms verb stems out of bound verb roots. The r e s u l t i n g verb stems most often t r a n s l a t e i n t o E n g l i s h as an adjective with the copula 'to be' waq- 'thick' waq-i( ?) 'to be t h i c k ' mac- ' d i r t y ' mac-iC?) 'to be d i r t y ' Although the g l o t t a l stop of t h i s element i s subject to d e l e t i o n t h i s i s a completely regular phonological process. 122 Salishan 7 Set 120 Coast - i ? seldom - i and (stressed) -oy 'become, assume a state', sometimes 'be i n a state' (verbalizer) Sq pac 'hot' Sq p a c - i ? 'become hot' Sq t'iq w 'cold' Sq t ' i q w - i ? 'become cold' Sq 123 Kootenay ? Salishan ? For other examples of Kootenay / ? / corresponding to Salishan /?/ see: Set 39 (Kootenay ka?a) under k - k Set 45 (Kootenay ?uk- ' a l l ' ) under k - k w Set 57 (Kootenay ? i s k a x - ) under k' - kV Set 60 (Kootenay ? i l a ) under 1 - 1 Set 62 (Kootenay ? a l a k ( i ) t ) under 1 - 1 Set 68 (Kootenay ?an) under n - n Set 97 (Kootenay ?as) under s - s Set 101 (Kootenay t a ( ? ) - 'know' under t - t Set 103 (Kootenay ? i ( ? ) t - ) under t - t Set 104 (Kootenay ?it'i-) under i - t? Set 116 (Kootenay xa(?)) under x - X Set 119 (Kootenay ?ay) under y - y 124 There are f i v e main Kootenay-Salishan vowel correspondences f o r which there are a large number of examples. These are l i s t e d below with the numbers of the cognate sets where the correspondences occur. There are u n c e r t a i n t i e s about some of the i n t e r n a l Salishan vowel correspon-dences, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the Coast. The sets below which involve ablaut are simply those cases where there i s evidence f o r at l e a s t two d i f f e r e n t vowels on the Proto-Salishan l e v e l , one of which corresponds to the Kootenay vowel. Kootenay i Salishan i Sets: 11, 13, 27, 30, 31, 51, 53, 57, 60, 95, 103, 106, 109, 120 Sets involving ablaut: 1, 6 Kootenay a Salishan a Sets: 7, 16, 19, 20, 23, 26, 33, 37, 39, 40, 53, 59, 60, 62, 68, 69, 72, 79, 92, 98, 102, 110, 114, 116, 119 Sets involving ablaut: 3, 15, 56, 87, 107, 111 Kootenay u Salishan u Sets: 10, 24, 25, 26, 37, 38, 45, 52, 58.2, 61, 70, 81, 92, 105, 118 Sets in v o l v i n g ablaut: 36, 46, 48, 49, 91, 117 125 Kootenay a S a l i s h a n a Sets: 17, 23, 28, 32, 35, 41, 44, 54, 57, 67, 78, 80, 108, 117 Sets i n v o l v i n g ablaut: 64, 71 Kootenay u S a l i s h a n 9 Sets: ( 8 ) , 12, 44, 47, 112 Sets i n v o l v i n g ablaut: 9, 14, 49, 56, 91, 93, 117 I t would c e r t a i n l y seem t h a t Proto-Kootenay-Salishan must have had the f o l l o w i n g vowels: * i *u * 9 *a There are a l s o a number of minor correspondences such as: Kootenay S a l i s h a n Examples i a (21, 28, 29, 96) i a (73) i u (7, 36, 104) a i C4) u (a) (84) These minor correspondences do not seem t o c a l l f o r the reconstruc-126 t i o n of any a d d i t i o n a l Proto-Kootenay-Salishan vowels. The f a i r l y large number of examples ;vhich involve or apparently involve Salishan ablaut, however, seem to form a pattern which suggests to me that Proto-Kootenay-Salishan may have had i t s own system of ablaut. The pattern that the ablaut examples form i s one where Salishan ablaut seems to r e l a t e to Kootenay vowels i n e s s e n t i a l l y the same way that Salishan schwa r e l a t e s to Kootenay vowels. Relevant examples apparently i n v o l v i n g Salishan ablaut are l i s t e d below: 127 Kootenay Type of ablaut indicated f o r Proto-Salishan Set 1 Set 6 cik'-c i n -* i - a - 9 * i - a Set 15 Set 87 mac-5 qa-* i - a - o * i - a - o Set 3 pac-Set 107 walik Set 111 -xax(a) ? i -5 i -* i Set 64 Set 71 -la(?) paq-s i - 9 adjacent to PS * ? w fei - 9 ( f o r PEIS) Set 9 Set 14 cum-c u p -51 - 9 * i - a before before PS *m PS *p Set 49 Set 91 Set 112 Set 117 -muk qumiC?) -nuxuC7) tuxa ^u "u - 9 9 ni - 9 adjacent to PS *k w PS *q'w or *q v PS *x w PS *x w it it n II II it Sets (46, 82), (36, 48), and (83, 93) also have or may have ablaut on the Proto-Salishan l e v e l . 128 Most of the examples involving Salishan ablaut seem also to involve schwa on the Proto-Salishan l e v e l . Perhaps on the Proto-Kootenay-Salishan (PKS) l e v e l a l l of the roots and s u f f i x e s i n question had schwa or had schwa a l t e r n a t i n g i n some way with a f u l l vowel. In a l l of these cases the Kootenay vowel can be at l e a s t t e n t a t i v e l y explained with the assumption that PKS had schwa which developed into /a/, / i / , or /u/ i n Kootenay depending on consonantal environment. The cases inv o l v i n g Kootenay /a/ would presumably be those where PKS *o was not influenced by an adjacent l a b i a l i z e d v e l a r or uvular consonant or a following l a b i a l consonant to become /u/ i n Kootenay. There are cases with or without ablaut where such a l a b i a l environment would presumably have existed i n PKS but where Kootenay has /a/. See sets 17, 23, 32, 54, 64, and 83. I t i s not c l e a r i n these cases why Kootenay does not have /u/ but cognate set 56 i s very i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h i s regard. It involves a correspondence of Kootenay /u/ to Salishan schwa i n a l a -b i a l environment as well as Kootenay /a/ to Salishan /a/ i n a non-labial environment. I t also shows Kootenay / i / corresponding to Salishan schwa i n a l a b i a l environment where one language, Coeur d'Alene, has / i / . In t h i s set, which i s recast below according to i t s apparent vowel corres-pondences, Coeur d'Alene indicates * i - o ablaut on at l e a s t the Proto-Eastern-Interior Salishan l e v e l where Kootenay shows what amounts to i - u ablaut. Recasting t h i s set into three sections by vowel correspon-dence also has the e f f e c t of straightening out the confused consonant correspondences of set 56 as given under the correspondence k' to k'w. I may not have succeeded i n every case i n my attempt to include only 129 s t r i c t l y cognate Salishan items i n each subset. Kootenay u Salishan o Set 56a ?uk'i(?) 'one 1, 'for there to %ik'-uVnk'w 'one' (Kp) be one (of something)' I n t e r i o r ?uk'- 'one, some' n9k'w-u?, nok'" 'one, other' n9k'w- 'one' nk'w- 'one' nek' we ? 'one' nkMi 7 'one' Coast nc-u ? ' one' n9ca ? 'one' 19C9, lace 'one' doou? 'one' dScu 7 'one' daoi- 'one' (Kd) PS Sh Cm Cv Cr Ka Sq Cw Ck NLd SLd Tw Kootenay a ?ak'-la-na- ' d i f f e r e n t ' ^ak'-la-k 'other' Salishan a Set 56b *nak' 'one, other; change' (Kp) I n t e r i o r nek' 'to change' Coast PS Sh 130 Set 56b (continued) nac- 'change, d i f f e r ' Sq nec ' d i f f e r e n t ' Sn nec ' d i f f e r e n t ' (Mg) Cw lee, l o c 'one' Ck Tsamosan nac- 'one' Ch nak'-aw- 'one' Cz Set 56c Kootenay i Salishan 9 also i -nik' 'parent(s)' I n t e r i o r -nik'-na?mu(?) ' r e l a t i v e ( s ) ' n9k'w-us9m 'party, family' -nik' '(such and such) one(s)', nik' w 'be t r i b e ' '(such and such) t r i b e , Coast people' nc-ay^w^am 'family' x wn9calw9m 'family' n9C9wm9x w 'people, t r i b e ' d9ca(' ?)k wmix w 'from a d i f f e r e n t t r i b e , group, c l a s s ' The Coeur d'Alene element /nik' w/ i s given by Kinkade and Sloat (1972) as an ablaut partner to the Coeur d'Alene form /nek* we ?/ 'one'. Sh Cr Sq Cw Cw Ld 131 Set 51 may also be an example of what amounts to i - u ablaut i n Kootenay and ablaut i n a Salishan language. The two Kootenay s u f f i x e s i n that set, /-lu?k/ 'word, language, sound' and / - l i k y a x ( a ) / 'turn of phrase, verbal expression' can only be r e l a t e d with some uncertainty, however. There i s , f o r example, another Kootenay s u f f i x /-kyax(a)/ ' t e l l about what someone d i d ' . Another apparent example of Kootenay ablaut i s provided by combin-ing set 71 with the now newly introduced set 121. Kootenay paq- '(probably) white' Set 71 (abbreviated) Salishan I n t e r i o r * p i q 'white' (KS) *poq 'white' (KS) Coast poq 'white' PEIS PEIS Cx puqul-nana 'white camas' -nana 'diminutive' Set 121 Coast q w l u ? i ? 'camas' (TTE) q w l 6 ? o l ( ? ) " q w l a ? o l ( ? ) " q w l a ? o l ? " •» q w l o ? i ? " " CI Lm Sn Sg So 132 There are a few cases, sets 1, 6, and 56c, where Kootenay has / i / corresponding to Salishan ablaut and there i s a case, set 73, where Kootenay / i / corresponds to schwa i n a lone Squamish form. These cases do not r e a l l y cry out f o r explanation, since i n sets 1, 6, and 56c there are instances of / i / i n one or more Salishan language i n each set. On the other hand, the adjacency of the dental consonants /c/ and /n/ to the vowel i n question may be a f a c t o r i n the occurrence of / i / . This does not, however, explain why i n set 3 Kootenay has /pac-/ while Salishan languages have / p i l / , / p i l / , or / p a l / . Whatever explanatory power the adjacency of one or more dental consonants may or may not have f o r the Kootenay vowels i n sets 1, 6, 56c, and 73, such a consonantal environment i s also involved i n sets 42, 66, and 34. These three sets, which are sketched out below, are a l l examples of / i / i n Kootenay which delete i n c e r t a i n unstressed environments. In e f f e c t , they are examples of i - 0 ablaut i n Kootenay. Sets 42 and 66 also involve ablaut i n Salishan languages. Kootenay Salishan Set 42 -kin, -kn- i/0 (Sh), i/o (Ka) Set 66 -mm, -mn- a/0 (Sq) Set 34 -lima, -Ima- (Lower Kootenay) 0 (Sq, Ld Ch, Cz, Lo) -luma, -Ima- (Upper Kootenay) A d d i t i o n a l relevant information on these sets can be found by looking them up under the consonant correspondences, k - k f o r set 42, m - m f o r s e t 66, and m - n f o r s e t 34. The behavior of the vowels i n the Kootenay s u f f i x e s i n sets 42, 66, and 34 suggest t h a t i n these cases an e a r l i e r form of Kootenay may v e r y w e l l have had an epenthetic vowel of n e u t r a l q u a l i t y which c o u l d be de l e t e d when unstressed. There are three other examples which p o i n t to the p o s s i b l e e x i s t e n c e of schwa i n an e a r l i e r form of Kootenay. These are sets 77, 89, and 90 w i t h s e t 85 p o s s i b l y of some relevance. In these set s e a r l i e r Kootenay schwa i s i m p l i e d o nly v e ry i n d i r e c t l y by the absence of any vowel on the Kootenay s i d e where i n sets 77, 89, and 90 some S a l i s h -an languages have schwa. On the Kootenay s i d e i n these set s the m i s s i n g vowel i s between /q/ or /q'/ and a f o l l o w i n g /!/. I t i s probably s i g n i f i -cant t h a t these examples i n v o l v e s u f f i x e s i n Kootenay. 134 There are f i f t e e n cognate s e t s , 4, 7, 21, 28, 29, 36, 58.1, 58.3, 73, 76, 84, 88, 96, 104 and 115 which are g r i s t f o r the m i l l of f u t u r e work on Kootenay-Salishan vowel correspondences. These set s y i e l d some seven i n c i p i e n t vowel correspondences. Some of these i n c i p i e n t correspon-dences, such as Kootenay /a/ t o Tsamosan / i / ( s e t 4 ) , may simply be examples of S a l i s h a n ablaut where an ablaut partner w i t h a r e g u l a r l y corresponding vowel i s not known or no longer e x i s t s . Some i n c i p i e n t correspondences may be explained as the r e s u l t of minor sound changes i n the development o f Kootenay or s p e c i f i c S a l i s h a n languages. Sets 58.1, 58.3, 76, and 88, whatever e l s e they may i n v o l v e , show Kootenay /u/ matching S a l i s h a n /w/. Set 88 a l s o has Kootenay /y/ matching Squamish / i / . This i s i n keeping w i t h the c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between vowels and semivowels i n Kootenay and i n S a l i s h a n . For a statement on t h i s matter, see Kuipers (1976). Set 28 has Kootenay / i / corresponding t o /a/ i n Squamish. In t h i s case, the ex p l a n a t i o n may be t h a t the Kootenay word and the Squamish word are not cognate. Kootenay has / t a q m i l a / ' d e e r f l y ' w h i l e Squamish has /co-coq' wals/ 'small b l a c k f l i e s * . The /m/ of the Kootenay word does not correspond r e g u l a r l y to anything i n the Squamish word, w h i l e the correspondence of Kootenay / t ' / to S a l i s h a n / c / i s supported only by one other example, s e t 27, which looks s u s p i c i o u s l y l i k e an example o f borrowing as was a c t u a l l y suggested by Haas (1965). Perhaps the most i n t e r e s t i n g minor vowel correspondence i s t h a t of Kootenay /a*/ corresponding t o / a ? u / i n Squamish i n s e t 115. The Squamish form may be c l o s e t o what one would expect i n P r o t o - S a l i s h a n 135 f o r t h i s word, given the vowel correspondences observable i n sets 81 and 104. Set 115 i s p a r t i a l l y reproduced below: Set 115 Kootenay Salishan xa'ca 'four' Coast xa ?ucn 'four objects' Sq xa ?a0on 'four' Cw xo^a'Gol 'four' Ck xoG-olsx^e 'f o r t y ' Ck What i s so i n t e r e s t i n g i s that the long /a'/ i n the Kootenay word i s one of a very small number of long vowels i n Kootenay which are not pred i c t a b l e . Most long vowels i n Kootenay are quite p r e d i c t a b l e , although vowel length may be f o r any one of a number of reasons, such as compensatory lengthening (with s p e c i f i c types of consonant deletion) and the coalescence of two vowels on e i t h e r side of a deleted laryngeal. Cognate set 115 o f f e r s the hope that the other few instances of unpre-d i c t a b l e vowel length i n Kootenay may be explained with a d d i t i o n a l Kootenay-Salishan comparative work. 136 A d d i t i o n a l Consonant Correspondences The probable cognate sets presented i n t h i s work include the Kootenay items: / ? u k i ( ? ) / 'one', /?uk'-/ 'one', / ? a s / 'two', /wu-/ '(quite p o s s i b l y once) four', and /xa*ca/ 'four' with the probably r e l a t e d elements /xacin-/ 'both' and /xanca-/ 'both*. The Kootenay word /qalsa/ 'three' also appears to have cognates i n Salishan. The matching Salishan words f o r 'three', however, have /k/ where Kootenay has /q/. This i s not a regular sound correspondence but could be due to a s h i f t of o r i g i n a l /k/ to /q/ i n Kootenay under the influence of the uvular /x/ [x] of the word /xa -ca/ 'four' when the two words were spoken one a f t e r the other i n counting. This same sort of thing has happened i n Indo-European where E n g l i s h 'four* and ' f i v e * both have i n i t i a l [ f ] and L a t i n quattuor 'four' and quinque ' f i v e ' both have i n i t i a l qu. [kw]. By regular sound s h i f t s E n g l i s h [ f ] i n these words would have come from Proto-Indo-European *p while L a t i n [kw] would have come from Proto-Indo-European *k w. What Proto-Indo-European had, however, was *k wetwo:res 'four' and *penk we ' f i v e ' which means that i r r e g u l a r or analogic sound s h i f t s occurred separately i n two branches of the family. Bloomfield (1933, chapter 23, pp. 422-423) gives t h i s and two other examples of analogic change with Indo-European numerals. I f we can explain the correspondence of Kootenay /q/ to Salishan /k/ i n t h i s way the following set can be counted as an a d d i t i o n a l probable cognate s e t : 137 Kootenay Salishan Set 122 qalsa 'three', 'for there to I n t e r i o r be three (of something)' k e ? l e s 'three' Th koles 'three' Sh k a 7 l a s 'three' Cm k a ? I i s 'three' Cv c e ? l e s 'three' Sp c e ? l e s 'three' Ka c e ? l e s , c e ? l e 'three'' F l c i ? l e s 'three' Cr Coast calas 'three* Se 138 In the probable cognate sets already presented there are only a few pronominal elements. There are, i n f a c t , a d d i t i o n a l pronominal elements which are probably cognate and s t i l l others which are p o s s i b l y cognate. Some of these elements, however, appear to have been influenced by Kootenay-Interior Salishan b i l i n g u a l i s m or to have been reshaped under the influence of other elements i n the paradigms of i n d i v i d u a l languages. I t was thought best not to use such pronominal elements i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the sound correspondences. None the l e s s , one i n t e r e s t i n g sound corres-pondence can be drawn using a pronominal element as a primary example. The sound correspondence i s between Kootenay /h/ and Salishan /?/• I t i s drawn on the basis of forms from Newman (1976). The f i r s t three sets below are the evidence f o r the correspondence. The f o r t h set i s of independent i n t e r e s t but also has some relevance to the t h i r d , s e t below. Kootenay Salishan Set 123 hi n 'you.1 *?on- 'thy' (Newman) PS Set 124 his 'feed' * ? i s - 'eat' (Newman) PS ? i s - 'eat, drink, gather' (Newman) Be ? i i s - 'eat, eater' " T i 139 Kootenay S a l i s h a n Set 125 ha- 'have' * ? a s - 'have' (Newman) PS ? a s - 'have' " Be ? a s - 'have, owner o f " T i Set 126 -1- ' c a r r y ' *1- 'have' (Newman) PS ( x ) l - 'have' " Be k ' i l - 'have not, l a c k ' " Be k'axw, ? a x w 'no, not' " Be e p l - 'have, there i s ' " Ka ? e p l 'have, there i s ' " Cr Newman bases h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the pronominal element * ? s n -on t h a t of Hoard (1971). A d d i t i o n a l r e l e v a n t data bearing on t h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n are gi v e n below along w i t h a few other pronominal elements t e n t a t i v e l y s et up i n the form o f cognate s e t s . 140 Kootenay hin 'second person pro-nominal p r o c l i t i c ' - i n 'imperative s u f f i x ' Salishan Set 123 *?an 'thy' I n t e r i o r (h)e?-?., e ? -?i n -?ah- 'your' an-han-an-i n -Coast n?-ITO-'I 'your' han ? 'your' ad- (Hs) ?ad- 'your (sg.)' -ad ' s u f f i x marking second following -(u)bul thus -(u)bulad 'you ( p i . ) ' ? i ( s ) -? i s -Tsamosan (Newman) PS (Newman) Th Sh Cm Cv (Newman) Ok Sp Ka Cr (Newman) Sq CI (Rf) Sg So (Newman) Ld (Hs) Ld person (Hs) Ld (Newman) Tw " T i 141 Set 123 (continued) (Tsamosan) (Newman) Ch hu ' f i r s t person pro-nominal p r o c l i t i c ' -u ' f i r s t person object Set 127 I n t e r i o r k w u 'me', 'we' k wo '1st sg. and 1st p i . object' s u f f i x i n the imperative' k wu- '1st sg. object' k w u 'me' Cv Ok Ka Sp •is 'second person pro-nominal object s u f f i x ' , 'second person possessive s u f f i x ' Set 128 I n t e r i o r / / - s i - / / 'second person singular object s u f f i x ' Sp 142 Kootenay -ala ' f i r s t person p l u r a l subject and possessive s u f f i x ' Salishan Set 129 *-at, - a l '1st person p l u r a l possessive and subject' (Kp) PS * - u l / l '1st person p l u r a l object' (Kp)PS B e l l a Coola - ( i ) l 'our, we' Coast c o l 'we, us' cod ' I, me' (Newman) cox w t you' • a l i 'we, us' Ld Ld Ld Ld 143 The following twenty-one sets are almost c e r t a i n l y the r e s u l t of word borrowing, or are onomatopoetic, i m i t a t i v e , or echoic words influenced by Kootenay-Salishan b i l i n g u a l i s m . The f i r s t two sets are the ones most l i k e l y to be the r e s u l t of borrowing from Kootenay into Salishan. The next fourteen sets are most probably the r e s u l t of borrow-ing from Salishan languages i n t o Kootenay, although some of these sets appear at the same time to be i n the category of i m i t a t i v e words. The l a s t f i v e sets are more securely i n the category of i m i t a t i v e and echoic items, but even with them i t i s d i f f i c u l t or impossible to r u l e out cognacy, on the basis of present data. I t i s also d i f f i c u l t or impossible, on the basis of present data, to determine the most probable donor language i n some of the cases where borrowing from Salishan seems l i k e l y . 144 Kootenay Salishan Set B l palkiC 7) 'woman' pelplk' wi ? 'women' Ka This set was f i r s t noted as an example of probable borrowing from Kootenay i n t o a Salishan language by Haas (1965). Presumably, the K a l i s p e l form would be a r e d u p l i c a t i o n of something l i k e the Kootenay form. Set B2 nanka 'orphan' I n t e r i o r s-nen-eke? 'orphan' Th s-nenen-eke 7 'orphans' Th s-nenke 'orphan' Sh s-noknenke 'orphans' Sh The Kootenay item above has been suggested by Kuipers (1970) as a possible borrowing from Shuswap. I t could not, however, have been from the v a r i e t y of Shuswap recorded by Kuipers. There would need to have been a form i n Shuswap something l i k e *nenke. Laurence Thompson (personal communication) notes that a number of words i n Thompson designating people have vocative forms without the s- p r e f i x . For example, s-nuk^e 7 ' f r i e n d , r e l a t i v e ' with the vocative form nuk' we ?. 145 Kootenay stalam 'dug-out canoe 1 Salishan Set B3 //s-talm// stalom 'It's a boat' s t i l o m 'boat' s t i l o m 'boat' s - t i l - m 'a boat' s-telom 'boat' s-tolom 'boat' luk' 'wood, firewood' Set B4 luk' w 'wood' luk' w 'wood, s t i c k of wood' luk' w ' s t i c k of wood' x a ? l c i n 'dog' kqallaxa^lcin 'horse' ka x a ? l c i n 'my horse, my dog' kqallaxa ?lcin i s said to be a contracted form of kilqalliC?) 'bull elk' plus xa^lcin 'dog'. Set B5 In t e r i o r xTc-cin 'horse' xA'Ci), (xeA'(i)) 'to chew, to eat' xoA'-cin 'horse' xxoft'-cin 'dog* Coast d x w s - x A a l i k w ' b i t e r * ( i . e . v i c i o u s xoA' 'b i t e ' Tsamosan xoA' 'dog smell' Kootenay swa ? 'cougar, mountain l i o n ' 146 Salishan Set B6 I n t e r i o r s ^ a ? 'cougar' (KS) s-wa? 'cougar' (KS) s ^ a ^ a 7 ' cougar' Cv Cr Cm Notably, Shuswap and Flathead have quite d i f f e r e n t words*. sk wtisomiye 'cougar* F l s-muwe7 'cougar' Sh Coast (n-)s-wu'?-wu 'cougar, mountain l i o n ' Sq swowa? 'cougar' Ld Tsamosan swa'wa? 'cougar' Ch swawa7 'cougar' Cz cwa ?a ? 'cougar' Qn l u ? u 'awl' lu^-nana 'needle' - nana ' diminut i v e ' Set B7 I n t e r i o r l u ? ( u ) 'to stab, to pie r c e ' Sp lu ?-min 'a spear' Sp lu ?-mn 'a spear' Sp l u ? 'to s t i n g , wound with a pointed instrument' Ka 147 Set B7 Ccontinued) l u ? 'to poke, stab, s t i n g ' Sh / / l u t y / 'stab' Th It i s not very l i k e l y that the Kootenay word / l u ? u / i s cognate to the Salishan roots of l i k e form above, as those roots are probably cognate to the Kootenay root /cu-/ ' s t i c k i n ' . See cognate set 10 under the correspondence /c/ to / I / . I t appears l i k e l y that the word /±u?u/ may have been borrowed i n t o Kootenay before the word /swa ?/. The word /swa 7/ stands out i n Kootenay because of i t s word f i n a l g l o t t a l stop, which i s never deleted since i t i s always preceded by a f u l l y stressed vowel. Other Kootenay words which are monosyllabic and end i n g l o t t a l stop include only the p a r t i c l e s / n i ? / (which f o r the moment can be labelled) 'demonstrative' and /ka ?/ 'where'. These forms of these words only occur as the f i r s t element i n a stress-group, i n other words, phrase i n i t i a l l y . When these words occur indepentently forming one-word stress-groups on t h e i r own, they occur as / n i ? i / and /ka ?a/. According to information i n T e i t (1930), the now ext i n c t P l a i n s Kootenay d i a l e c t seems to have had the following monosyllabic words ending i n g l o t t a l stop. The extant v a r i e t i e s of Kootenay have forms with a f u l l y phonemic vowel a f t e r the g l o t t a l stop. The modern Kootenay forms are l i s t e d below under the heading 'Mountain Kootenay': 148 P l a i n s Kootenay Mountain Kootenay ku? 'abondoned camp s i t e ' /ku?u/ wu? 'water' /wu?u/ lu? 'awl' /lu?u/ T e i t ' s t r a n s c r i p t i o n leaves much to be desired but i t does appear that T e i t heard forms ending i n g l o t t a l stop, with or without a s l i g h t echo vowel. Part of the evidence f o r t h i s i s that he was being given a l i s t of the Plain s Kootenay words which could be remembered which d i f f e r e d i n some way from Modern or Mountain Kootenay usage. Since the Plains Kootenay words above are i d e n t i c a l i n meaning to s i m i l a r Modern Kootenay words they must have d i f f e r e d i n pronunciation. I t would appear from these Plains Kootenay forms, whatever t h e i r true pronunciation, and from the behavior of the words / n i ? , n i ? i / and /ka?, ka?a/ that Mountain Kootenay experienced a sound s h i f t which transformed phonetic echo vowels i n t o f u l l y phonemic vowels. The word / l u ? u / 'awl' and i t s partner /lu ?nana/ 'needle' seem to have come into use before or during the time when t h i s sound s h i f t occurred. The word /swa^, on the other hand, probably entered the language a f t e r the s h i f t was completed. 149 Kootenay saptin 'Nez Perce Indian(s) Also recorded as: saptin k u l i l u , k ululu ' b u t t e r f l y ' The l ' s i n t h i s word are voiced. A l l other words with voiced 1 i n Kootenay are e i t h e r i m i t a t i v e or are from French perhaps by way of Chinook Jargon. ququskiC 7) 'blue jay' (i.e. S t e l l e r ' s jay) The Kootenay word must be Salishan language. Salishan Set B8 s a ? a p t n i 'Nez perce Indians' Sp [shaptanox w] 'Nez Perce Indians* Cm Set B9 I n t e r i o r k M - u l e 7 ' b u t t e r f l y ' Sp k' welu ' b u t t e r f l y ' F l Coast k i l a l a ' b u t t e r f l y ' (Bt) Se k i l a l a ' b u t t e r f l y ' (Im) Se k i l a l a ' b u t t e r f l y ' Sq Set BIO In t e r i o r q w a s q i ? 'blue jay' Cv q wasq wey 'blue jay' Sp q w a s q i 'blue jay' Ka q w a s q w i ' S t e l l e r ' s jay' F l q wa.sq way ? 'blue jay' Cm from a reduplicated form of the word i n a 150 Kootenay Salishan Set B l l sya?va 'a v a r i e t y of service I n t e r i o r berry' ( i . e . saskatoon siya? 'saskatoon b e r r i e s ' (Bd) b e r r y ) s-yeye ? 'a kind of s a r v i s berry' s-yaya? 'service berry' Cv Sp Cm Set B12 sxayik' 'an onion-like plant' sxayk'w 'onion' Cm There i s another Kootenay word which r e f e r s to w i l d and domestic onions, and s t i l l another word which r e f e r s to a kind of poisonous onion. 7an?an 'magpie' Set B13 I n t e r i o r ann 'American magpie' ?anii 'magpie' ? w 9 n 9 w a p S 'magpie' Coast ? e l o l 'magpie' Tsamosan ?ana ?ana 'magpie' ?ana?an ? 'magpie' F l Sp Cm Ck Ch Cz 151 Kootenay Salishan Set B14 sinxumana 'Spokane Indian(s)' s9nxwomeno?i 'people of the Steelhead r i v e r ( L i t t l e Spokane River)' which means the 'Middle Spokanes' Sp Set B15 s k i c u ? k 'Coeur d'Alene s k i c o ? u x w 'Coeur d'Alene' Cm Indian(s)' s-cicu ?ums 'Coeur d'Alene' (KS) Cr 152 Kootenay suyapi 'white person, white people' Salishan Set B16 I n t e r i o r suyapi 'whiteman' suyapi 'whiteman' suyapi 'whiteman' suyepoms 'whiteman* (KS) suyapanux" 'whiteman' F l Ka Sp Cr Cm Cm Sh Me swiyaponux™ 'whiteman' swyep-mx 'white person, Frenchman' suyapix™ 'whiteman' A probable source f o r the Salishan forms i s e i t h e r Nez Perce or Sahaptin. Note: Sahaptian so'ya'po' 'whiteman' Nez Perce -po*, -pu' ' s u f f i x f o r t r i b a l names' Nez Perce suyapu 'whiteman' Sahaptin See Aoki (1970) f o r speculation on the ultimate source of the Sahaptian words. Kootenay cucu ' f i s h hawk' p'iq 'nighthawk' Also recorded as: p i q 153 Salishan Set B17 In t e r i o r c ' i x w c i x w ' f i s h hawk' c i x w c u x w ' f i s h hawk' (KS) Coast c'ix wc'ix w ' f i s h hawk' cixc'ix ' f i s h hawk' c'ix 9b cixb 'what f i s h hawk says i n a story' Tsamosan c i x w ' f i s h hawk' Set B18 In t e r i o r s -piq' w ' nighthawk' Sh p'is 'nighthawk' Cm pVste? 'nighthawk' (KS) Cr pas 'nighthawk' Me spas 'nighthawk' Sp p's-p'^as 'nighthawk* Cv Coast piq' 'nighthawk' Sq piq' 'nighthawk' Cw p i • q' ' nighthawk' Ck Cm Cr Ld Ld Ld Ch 154 Set B18 (continued) Tsamosan piw? 1nighthawk' Set B19 xa'xa" 'crow' (Upper Kootenay) I n t e r i o r Lower Kootenay has: xa^xa? 'crow' nana ?ki 'crow' k i n 'pika' Set B20 I n t e r i o r s-k'in 'pika' s-cim 'pika' (KS) s - k i l ' 'pika' s c i n 'pika' Kootenay t'a- The base of verb stems f o r : 'to explode, rock to s p l i t from heat, to shoot, animal to make i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c sound, to slap' 155 Salishan Set B21 In t e r i o r t 9 k w p '(to) explode' Cm t'iq w - 'explode, shoot, go o f f Cm t e q w 'explode, go o f f Cr tap 'shoot' Cr t'ekw ' p i . cry out, make noise l i k e a c o l t ' Cr t o q w 'slap' Cm t a q w 'slap' (KS) Cr t q w - 'slap' Ka 156 Given the evidence presented i n t h i s work, i t can hardly be denied that Kootenay and the Salishan languages are r e l a t e d . Some of the evidence i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of a genetic r e l a t i o n s h i p , while other evidence i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of recent l i n g u i s t i c d i f f u s i o n . The r e s t of the evidence i s of an indeterminate nature and, without f u r t h e r f a c t s , could be seen as due to e i t h e r genetic inheritance or to older l i n g u i s t i c d i f f u s i o n . A d d i t i o n a l f a c t s , however, can be expected to come to l i g h t as more d e s c r i p t i v e work i s done on Kootenay and the Salishan languages, and as Proto-Salishan and the intermediate Salishan protolanguages are reconstructed i n greater and greater d e t a i l . I t should eventually be p o s s i b l e to sort out most of the d i f f u s e d elements from the cognates with a high degree of c e r t a i n t y . Even at the present stage of research, we can be sure that there once was a common ancestor language, which can be known as Proto-Kootenay-Salishan. We also know that there has been l i n g u i s t i c d i f f u s i o n between Kootenay and c e r t a i n I n t e r i o r Salishan languages. I t may be p o s s i b l e to determine which I n t e r i o r Salishan groups had the greatest l i n g u i s t i c contact with the Kootenay and roughly when t h i s contact took place i n the development and spread of I n t e r i o r Salishan languages from Proto-Interior Salishan. There may, i n f a c t , have been l i n g u i s t i c contact between the ancestors of the Kootenay and Salishan speaking people almost continuously since the time when Proto-Salishan was spoken. S a l i s h a n i s t s seem to be i n general agreement on the probable l o c a t i o n of the Proto-Salishan homeland. Suttles and Elmendorf (1963) place i t on the Coast between the southern end of Puget Sound and the 157 Fraser Delta, while Kinkade (1976a) suggests s p e c i f i c a l l y the Fraser Delta. I t i s only natural to suppose that Proto-Kootenay-Salishan was spoken at an e a r l i e r time e i t h e r there or somewhere between that l o c a t i o n and the present homeland of the Kootenay some three hundred miles to the east. Most of the t e r r i t o r y i n between i s occupied by a si n g l e language, Okanagan-Colville, which may we l l have had the most intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p with Kootenay of any Salishan language, not only r e c e n t l y but perhaps f o r some time i n the past. No matter how securely Kootenay and Salishan may be shown to be r e l a t e d by the evidence presented here or i n the future, the r e l a t i o n -ship i s not close enough to j u s t i f y c l a s s i f y i n g Kootenay as an ou t l y i n g Salishan language. I t would even be misleading to speak of Kootenay as a part of a new Macro-Salishan grouping. The Salishan languages are very-much more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to each other than they are to Kootenay. Many g e n e r a l i t i e s which can be made about Salishan languages do not apply to Kootenay. I t would be best to consider Kootenay as a s i n g l e member language family which i s coordinately r e l a t e d to the Salishan family i n a language stock which can, at l e a s t f o r the present, be known as Kootenay-Salishan. 158 FOOTNOTES 1. The name 'Kootenay' has been s p e l l e d some f o r t y d i f f e r e n t ways i n p r i n t since 1820. The s p e l l i n g of the name used i n t h i s work i s standard i n Canada. In the United States the s p e l l i n g 'Kootenai' i s standard, while the s p e l l i n g 'Kutenai' has been common i n anthropological and l i n g u i s t i c l i t e r a t u r e . My Kootenay l i n g u i s t i c research was supported f o r several years beginning i n 1968 by grants from the National Museum of Man i n Ottawa. More r e c e n t l y I have worked f o r the Kootenay Indian Area Council on the Kootenay Language Project. This present study would not have been possible without the i n t e r e s t and support of these organizations. 2. This i s one of a number of cases i n Salishan where there are doublets in v o l v i n g an a l t e r n a t i o n of / I / and / l / . The following a d d i t i o n a l forms are provided by Kuipers (1979): I n t e r i o r p a l - 'to smear, smudge' Sh Coast poy-it 'scatter' Cx p i l - i t 'scatter' Se There are also cases of Salishan doublets in v o l v i n g / I / and /n/. 159 A good example i s the Salishan root element i n set 1 where Squamish has / l i e / 'be cut' along with / l a c - t n / 'knife'. The following forms with /n/ also occur: I n t e r i o r //nik'// 'cut' nik' 'cut' n i c 'cut with blade' n i c 'to cut, saw' Notice that both Shuswap and Coeur d'Alene provide a form with /n/ and a form with / I / . 3. For example, both /a/ i n Upper Chehalis and Cowlitz (set 114) and /e-/ i n Upper Chehalis and Cowlitz (set 53) seem to correspond to Kootenay /a/. I do not know whether one of these Tsamosan vowels comes from Proto-Salishan *a. Nor do I know the h i s t o r y of Upper Chehalis / i / i n set 46 which appears to have an ablaut r e l a t i o n s h i p with /u/ i n several I n t e r i o r languages. It does appear that some instances of Twana /a/ can be equated with Proto-Salishan *a on the basis of sets 12, 47, 56, 57, 58, 84, 95, and 108. This and a number of other assumptions about Coast Salishan vowel correspondences are based only on the items which have found t h e i r way i n t o the Kootenay-Salishan probable cognate sets. For the I n t e r i o r languages i t i s p o s s i b l e to r e l y on the vowel correspondence charts of Th Sh Cr Ka 160 Kinkade and Thompson (1974) and Kinkade and Sloat (1972). 161 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Kootenay forms quoted i n t h i s work are from my own f i e l d n o t e s or are from the d i c t i o n a r y f i l e s of the Kootenay Language Project. One a d d i t i o n a l source i s Boas (1918) which provides evidence f o r one archaic pronunciation which has not survived i n t o the most recent state of the language. Another a d d i t i o n a l source i s an a r t i c l e by James T e i t (1930) edited by Boas. This a r t i c l e presents the r e s u l t s of an interview between T e i t and a Kootenay woman named /kyunal ? u p i l / , who seems to have been the l a s t person to remember anything of P l a i n s Kootenay speech. The Kootenay Language Project has c o l l e c t e d a d d i t i o n a l biographical information on her from those who knew her. When unspecified by author abbreviations Salishan forms are a t t r i b u t a b l e to authors as follows: Columbian Coeur d'Alene Flathead K a l i s p e l Spokane C o l v i l l e Methow Kinkade Reichard Krueger Vogt Carlson Mattina Kinkade and Sloat 162 Okanagan Shuswap Thompson L i l l o o e t B e l l a Coola Comox Pentlatch Sechelt Squamish Nooksack Halkomelem Chilliwack Musqueam Cowichan Saanich Sooke Samish Lummi Clallam Lushootseed Cowlitz Upper Chehalis Lower Chehalis Quinault Watkins Kuipers (generally Northern Shuswap) Thompson Swoboda Nater Davis Thompson, Thompson and Kinkade Beaumont Kuipers Thompson, Thompson and Kinkade (when not s p e c i f i e d as: Ck, Ms, or Cw) Thompson, Thompson and Kinkade Galloway Elmendorf and Suttles Elmendorf and Suttles Pidgeon E f r a t Thompson, Thompson and E f r a t Thompson, Thompson and E f r a t Thompson and Thompson Hess Kinkade Kinkade Kinkade Gibson 163 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations used i n Bibliography: ICSL International Conference on S a l i s h Languages IJAL International Journal of American L i n g u i s t i c s Aoki, Haruo. 1970. North Plateau L i n g u i s t i c D i f f u s i o n Area. Paper presented at the 5th ICSL, Spokane. Also: 1975. The East Plateau L i n g u i s t i c D i f f u s s i o n Area. IJAL 41.183-199. Beaumont, Ronald C. 1973. Sechelt Statives. Canadian Journal of L i n g u i s t i c s 18:2. . undated. Sechelt l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. New York. Boas, Franz. 1918. Kutenai Tales. Bureau of American Ethnology -B u l l e t i n 59. 1919. Kinship Terms of the Kutenai Indians. American Anthropologist, V o l . 21, pp. 98-101. . 1926. A d d i t i o n a l Notes on the Kutenai language. IJAL 4.85-104. Bouchard, Randy and Dorothy I.D. Kennedy. 1975. U t i l i z a t i o n of F i s h by the C o l v i l l e Okanagan Indian People. C a r l s o n , B a r r y F . 1 9 7 2 . A Grammar o f S p o k a n e . ( P h . D . d i s s e r t a t i o n i n L i n g u i s t i c s , U n i v e r s i t y o f H a w a i i ) . U n i v e r s i t y o f H a w a i i W o r k i n g P a p e r s i n L i n g u i s t i c s 4 : 4 . H o n o l u l u . . u n d a t e d . S p o k a n e - E n g l i s h D i c t i o n a r y . D a v i s , J o h n H . 1 9 6 8 . . Some P h o n o l o g i c a l R u l e s i n M a i n l a n d Comox. M . A . t h e s i s i n L i n g u i s t i c s , U n i v e r s i t y o f V i c t o r i a . 1 9 7 0 . N o t e s o n M a i n l a n d Comox P h o n o l o g y . P a p e r P r e s e n t e d a t t h e 5 t h I C S L , S p o k a n e . D r a c h m a n , G a b e r e l l . 1 9 6 9 . Twana P h o n o l o g y . O h i o S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y W o r k i n g P a p e r s i n L i n g u i s t i c s 5 . E d e l , May M. 1 9 3 9 . The T i l l a m o o k l a n g u a g e . I J A L 1 0 : 1 - 5 7 . E f r a t , B a r b a r a S . 1 9 6 9 . A Grammar o f N o n - P a r t i c l e s i n S o o k e , a D i a l e c t o f S t r a i t s C o a s t S a l i s h . P h . D . d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n i a . E l m e n d o r f , W i l l i a m W. 1 9 4 6 . Twana K i n s h i p T e r m i n o l o g y . S o u t h w e s t J o u r n a l o f A n t h r o p o l o g y 2 . 4 2 0 - 3 2 . . 1 9 6 0 . The S t r u c t u r e o f Twana C u l t u r e . W a s h i n g t o n S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y R e s e a r c h S t u d i e s , M o n o g r a p h i c S u p p l e m e n t 2 . P u l l m a n , W a s h i n g t o n . E l m e n d o r f , W i l l i a m W . , and Wayne S u t t l e s . 1 9 6 0 . P a t t e r n a n d Change i n H a l k o m e l e m S a l i s h D i a l e c t s . A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s 2 : 7 . 1 - 3 2 . F r a c h t e n b e r g , L e o J . 1 9 2 0 . A b n o r m a l T y p e s o f S p e e c h i n Q u i l e u t e . I J A L 1 . 2 9 5 - 9 . G a l l o w a y , B r e n t D. u n d a t e d . C h i l l i w a c k H a l k o m e l e m l e x i c a l f i l e s . ( c o n s u l t e d 1 9 7 6 ) . 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P l u r a l i z a t i o n i n Upper Chehalis. Paper presented at the 10th ICSL, Elensburg. (Un i v e r s i t y of L o u i s v i l l e p r e p r i n t , 1-55). 1976a. The Salishan Languages. Paper presented at the North-west Coast Studies Conference, Burnaby, B.C. : Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y . . 1976b. Columbian P a r a l l e l s to Thompson / / - x i / / and Spokane / / - s i / / . Paper presented at the 11th ICSL, S e a t t l e . 1976c. The Copula and Negatives i n Inland Olympic S a l i s h . UAL 42. 17-23. 1976d. I n t e r i o r Salishan P a r t i c l e s . Paper presented at the 11th ICSL, Sea t t l e . ( U n i v e r s i t y of Washington p r e p r i n t , 120-47). . undated. Columbian l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). . undated. Cowlitz Dictionary (manuscript), (consulted 1976). . undated. Lower Chehalis l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). . undated. Quinault l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). . undated. Twana l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). . undated. Upper Chehalis l e x i c a l f i l e s , (consulted 1976). Kinkade, M. Dale and Clarence D. Sloat. 1972. Proto-Eastern I n t e r i o r S a l i s h Vowels. IJAL 38. 26-48. Kinkade, M. Dale and Laurence C. Thompson. 1974. Proto-Salish * r . IJAL 40. 22-28.. Krueger, John R. 1960. Miscellanea S e l i c a I: a Flathead Supplement to Vogt's Salishan Studies. Anthropological L i n g u i s t i c s 2:7.33-8. . 1961a. Miscellanea S e l i c a I I : Some Kinship Terms of the Flathead S a l i s h . Anthropological L i n g u i s t i c s 3:2.11-8. 1961b. Miscellanea S e l i c a I I I : Flathead Animal Names and Anatomical Terms. Anthropological L i n g u i s t i c s 3:9.43-52. Kuipers, Aert H. 1967. The Squamish Language. (Janua Linguarum, Series P r a c t i c a 73). The Hague: Mouton. 1969. The Squamish Language, I I . (Janua Linguarum, Series P r a c t i c a 73/2). The Hague: Mouton. 1970. Towards a S a l i s h Etymological Dictionary. 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