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Authentic representation and historical imitation in Prévost’s Mémoires d’un homme de qualité : a… Holdaway, Heather Jeanne 1980

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AUTHENTIC REPRESENTATION AND HISTORICAL IMITATION IN PREVOST'S MEMOI RES D'UN HOMME DE QUALITE: A STUDY OF NARRATIVE TECHNIQUES by HEATHER JEANNE HOLDAWAY B.A.V The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES * (Department o f French) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1980 (c) Heather Jeanne Holdaway, 1980 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of FRENCH The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 August 31, 1980 ii ABSTRACT PAcvoAt'A canty woniz, MemoiAes et ave.ntun.2A d'.un homme de qualite  qui, est fiettAe du monde, hai been to a vexy gn.eat extent Ignored by the. cAitics who have. concentxated almost exclusively on the. walk'a seventh and last tome. Wanon Lescaut; yet these volumes wexe ph.oduc.zd at a txansitional pexiod -in the. de.veZopme.nt oh the, Vn.ench novel. Ai a relatively inexpexienced novelist, ?Aevo&t ob^eAved the. trends oh hii> time, and h^Abished his work with an awta oh reality by means oh various synthetic de.vi.aeA. This thesis attempts to analyse, home. o{ Prevoit'6 narrative techniques ^fiom the. peXdpe.ctA.ve, oh authentic representation and historical imitation. 1 have endeavored to i>how that PrevoAt'a ant oft litexaxy horgery is de.pe.nde.nt upon the. devices commonly associated with the. convention* oh the, memoir-novel ai welt as ceAtain techniques which tie.hle.ct Prevo&t'& skill ai, an innovator. The, hirst chapter presents an analysis oh Prevost's imaginary Editor and Harrator togetheA with an examination oh selected example* oh "claim to veAacity". This is o^-££cwed by a brieh discussion on the hunction oh the quoted letteA, indirect speech, proper names, geogra-phical descriptions and chAonology. The examples quoted h^-om the text give some -indication oh the approach taken by Prevost in the M. H. Q.. whereby Editor and Narrator combinehorces to give an illusion oh extexnal reality to the memoix-novel. The second chaptex comprises two somewhat dihh^-^-^t aspect!) oh Prevost's handling oh matexial borrowed h^om outside sources to authenticate the i i i pAeudo-memotA. The iln&t cat2.gon.tj, dealing with hUtonlcal material, sie.ve.al6 the. Important tote. attnlbuted to Hl&toAy In the ilctlon oft the peAlod. The. &ouAce oi i>ome oi VAevohf i> factual Inionmation AJ> consi-dered ah well as the. Aelatlve meAlts oft Including pAecXse details to -win the. AeadeA'& bellei. PAevoAl'& ioActnatlon with HtstoAy and hit, InteAest tn. the. "ant" oi the. hlstoAian a/ie. cleanly evident and can be. been not only AeAvlng his need to disguise ilctlon bat att>o adding anx.; extAa dimension to an oiheAwise Lengthy novel, oi adventuAe and Aomantlc Intnlgue. The. second category oi this chapteA Investigates matenlal copied, tn borne casei, almost verbatim, iAom the. jouAnatistic 6ouA.au available to Vn.evoi>t. Here I have attempted to 6how how passages iAom the. Gazette, de TAance vouched ioA the. presence oi the. author/narrator and also provided an Important Iniluence directing the course oi Vrevobt'i, plot. This boAnowed matenlal presented tn ChapteA I I Illustrates an aspect oi VrevobV i> narrative technique not commonly aiAoclated with the. authoA oi Manon Lescaut. Without entering completely tnto the. pAoblem oi whether the. eighteenth-century reader accented OA merely tolerated the eHonts oi p&exido-memonlalists, I have provided tkn.ee examples by ceAtain biographers iAom both the eighteenth and nineteenth centuAles, which demonstrate that Prevo&t Was considered somewhat oi an authoAtty. His authenticating techniques, thereioAe, aspects that tend to be. oveAlooked and undervalued by critics, were multiple, conscious, designed to be tAeated seriously and In iact wexe taken beAlously, and, In my view, played a blgnlilcant and .'integral. paAl In hli> cAeatlvlty. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Introduction 1 Notes 6 Chapter I Authentic Representation 8 A. The Editor 13 B. The Author 20 C. Internal Veracity: direct claims and mute 27 testimony D. The Letter 38 E. Direct and Indirect Speech 41 F. Proper Names and Identities 44 G. Geographical and Topographical Details 50 H. Time: calendar, clock and chronology 60 Notes 69 Chapter II Factual Adaptations 76 A. Historical Imitation 77 B. Borrowed Material from French Journals 95 Notes 109 Conclusion 116 Notes 121 Bibliography 122 Appendix 126 -.1 -Six tomes of Prevost's Memoires d'un homme de qualite^ were pub-li s h e d between 1728 and 1731. The seventh and l a s t , the Histoire  du Chevalier des Grieux et de Manon Lescaut, appeared as a continuation in 1731, but soon achieved a quasi-separate existence and by 1756 had been published as an independent text eight times. The success of Manon Lescaut has continued into the twentieth-century which has witnessed the publication of many separate 2 editions. In contrast to the popularity of t h i s single volume, to date r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e attention has been given to the f i r s t s i x tomes of the M.H.Q. For example, there have been only two complete editions of the entire work during the l a s t century and 3 a half. (In 1927 there appeared a c r i t i c a l e d i tion of Tome V 4 of the memoirs prepared by Mysie E.I. Robertson, and in 1958 Joseph Ducarre included a few br i e f extracts in his s e m i - c r i t i c a l e d ition of Manon Lescaut. 5) The t h i r d complete edition was begun in 1978 under the di r e c t i o n of Jean Sgardf and Volume I of the Oeuvres de Prevost, established by Pierre Berthiaume and Jean Sgard, w i l l be the primary text of t h i s thesis. Commentaries and notes for t h i s new edition of the text have yet to be published and w i l l appear in the l a s t volume (VIII) of the Oeuvres. Thus Sgard's Volume I represents the f i r s t complete edition of the seven tomes to emerge since the Leblanc edition in 1810. For the f i r s t time, t h i s text includes the two Lettres de 1'editeur, 7 the Avant-Propos and the Avis de 1'auteur. It uses as i t s base text the editions of 1753 for Manon Lescaut and of 1756 for the f i r s t six tomes, the l a s t editions revised and corrected by Prevost. - 2 -The majority of e a r l i e r c r i t i c a l studies on the M.H.Q. have examined various aspects of Manon Lescaut to the exclusion of the preceding six tomes; however, certain recent scholars, notably Mylnef Monty 9 and Sgard, 1 0 have dealt with most of Prevost's work although emphasis, once again, has often been given to the seventh tome of the M.H.Q. It seems useful therefore to examine more cl o s e l y the f i r s t six tomes and to assess them, i f possible, separately from the more popular f i n a l volume. Although my study w i l l t r y to f i t the story of Manon Lescaut into the framework of the M.H.Q., tome seven w i l l not be analysed in depth. The study of narrative techniques in the works of Prevost has been of great interest to scholars and l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s . While very few c r i t i c s have focused exclusively on techniques of i l l u s i o n , 11 12 Mylne and Stewart have concentrated on t h i s topic and have attempted to define some of the conventions of the memoir-novel. My own study w i l l , as a r e s u l t , r e s t r i c t i t s e l f primarily to an examination of some of the narrative techniques employed by Prevost to perpetrate an i l l u s i o n a r y authenticity on his readers. In my attempt to gather and analyse the necessary background material, the c r i t i c a l and biographical works of Engel, Roddier, 13 Harisse, Sgard and Mylne were consulted, and many a r t i c l e s , e s p e c i a l l y those contained in the Collogue Prevost proved p a r t i -1 4 c u l a r l y useful. As well, two works of Georges May have provided some of the background needed to understand the important influence that h i s t o r i c a l writing had on Prevost's prose f i c t i o n . 1 5 As my study progressed, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of sources i n the text and - 3 -Prevost's use of various journals and newspapers became a major area of int e r e s t , an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n that was somewhat hampered by the i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y of resource material and the d i f f i c u l t y of locating eighteenth-century journals. Many sections of the M.H.Q. have proved too d i f f i c u l t to trace beyond Prevost's text. Tome V has been thoroughly researched by Robertson, and although the reader's attention w i l l be frequently drawn to Robertson's edition of the text, an attempt w i l l be made to add to her findings from the point of view of narrative techniques. A f i n a l source which played an essential role i n shaping my thesis i s the study by Stewart, which examines many of the problems experienced by memoir-novelists in creating an i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y or authenticity in t h e i r f i c t i o n . Although my thesis accepts and makes use of some of the terminology and categories adopted by Stewart, t h e i r s p e c i f i c application to the M.H.Q. w i l l provide, I hope, a fresh perspective. A possible problem a r i s i n g i n t h i s type of technical study l i e s i n i t s r e s t r i c t i v e nature and the consequent " a r t i f i c i a l i t y " of such an approach. Without denying the existence of the many and varied facets of Prevost's art and s t y l e , the focus of my study requires at least a provisional narrowing of perspective that threatens to is o l a t e method from matter, dissecting thereby, the creative process. A further danger l i e s i n the normal tendency of studies of t h i s kind to go beyond objective analysis to speculation, assigning - 4 -interpretations of the author to motives that, in fact, we are necessarily in a poor position to judge. Postulating the intentions of a pa r t i c u l a r author i s a ri s k y pursuit, although the c r i t i c ' s purpose i n doing so might o r i g i n a l l y seem j u s t i f i e d . In the case of Prevost, who was writing his f i r s t novel i n a l i t e r a r y period that was very much influenced by a tendency to disguise f i c t i o n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t not to give some cr e d i t to those motivational factors which surely played a role in determin-ing the structure and narrative techniques that came to shape the M.H.Q. Prevost's views on human behaviour, his descriptions of foreign lands and people, his obsession with the destructive force of passionate love and his preoccupation with the cruelty of fate are a l l contained within a certain framework that was i t s e l f dependent upon the current demands for v e r i s i m i l i t u d e and r e a l i s t i c depiction. By taking note of the techniques to be found in the conventions of the memoir-novel and by analysing Prevost's aim in the l i g h t of the obvious and often crude attempts made to appeal to the b e l i e f of the reader, one can better under-stand the dilemma that he faced; his work seems to r e f l e c t a need for both a conventional and an o r i g i n a l approach, one that would s a t i s f y the basic requirements of the convention and yet allow some measure of freedom of s t y l e . Although both aspects are important to an understanding of Prevost's work, the focus of the thesis w i l l be on the p a r t i c u l a r devices employed primarily for the purpose of lending an a i r of authenticity to the M.H.Q. This i s not to suggest that creating an i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y was for Prevost a prime or major concern; in some instances the inclusion - 5 -of techniques of i l l u s i o n would be l i t t l e more than an auto-matic precaution. As well, i t i s far from certain whether the eighteenth-century reader was genuinely duped or whether he was sophisticated enough to dismiss Prevost's claims to veracity as so much conventional twaddle. While a clear resolution of t h i s problem i s u n l i k e l y , my conclusion w i l l present some evidence suggesting that the eighteenth-century reader was, in fa c t , frequently confused in his attempts to sort out the veracity of t h i s pseudo-memoir from that of a number of similar novels or authentic biographical and hi s t o -r i c a l works written i n the same period. - 6 -NOTES The Memoires d'un homme de quality will hereafter be referred to as the M.H.Q. 2 There are at least eight editions listed in the bibliography of Jean Sgard's Prevost Romancier (Paris: Librairie Jose Corti, 1968) p. 646. 3 L'Abbe PrSvost, Oeuvres Choisies de PrSvost. Avec figures (Paris: de l'imprimerie de Leblanc, 1810-1816, 39 vol. in-8). The Leblanc edition is based on Pierre Bernard d'HSry's Oeuvres Choisies de L'Abbe" Provost published in Amsterdam and Paris 1783-85. 4 L'Abbe Prevost, Memoires et avantures d'un homme de quality qui  s'est retire du monde, Tome V Sejour en Angleterre: Edition critique par Mysie Robertson (Paris: Champion, 1934), The first edition was published in 1927. 5 L'Abbe Prevost, M&moires d'un homme de qualitS (extraits). Manon  Lescaut, Sdition par Joseph Ducarre, Collection du Flambeau (Paris: Hachette, 1958). ^ L' Abbe Pre vos t ', -Memoires et aventures d'un homme de quality qui  s'est retire du monde - Histoire du Chevalier des Grieux et de Manon  Lescaut, ed. Pierre Berthiaume and Jean Sgard, Tome I of Oeuvres de Provost, ed. Jean Sgard (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires, 1977) 7 Neither the Oeuvres Choisies of 1783-1785 nor the Leblanc edition include the Avis de 1'editeur which appeared in the Delaulne edition of 1728. Sgard's edition, which reproduced the letter placed correctly preceding Tome I, heads it Lettre de 1'editeur. As Sgard has based his text on the revised editions of 1753-1756 and has listed the variants to be found from the 1728 Delaulne edition, one must assume that PrSvost changed the t i t l e at the time of making his corrections and alterations. Unfortunately an asterisk (which indicates that a variant exists) has been placed beside the Lettre de 1'editeur in Sgard's edition but the corres-ponding entry in the variantes has been omitted. 8 . . Vivienne Mylne, The Eighteenth-Century French Novel: Techniques of  Illusion (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1965). 9 Jeanne R. Monty, "Les Romans de 1'abbe Prevost" in Studies on Voltaire  and the Eighteenth Century, edited by T. Besterman, Vol. 78. (Geneve: Institut et Musee Voltaire, 1970). - 7 -Sgard, Prevost Romaneier Mylne, The Eighteenth-Century French Novel. 12 Philip Stewart, Imitation and Illusion in the French Memoir- Novel, 1700 to 1750 (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1969). 13 See Bibliography. 14 ^ L'Abbe Prevost - Actes du Collogue, Publications des Annales de la Faculte des Lettres,d'Aix-en-Provence, Nouvelle Serie, No 50 (Aix-en-Provence: Editions Ophrys, 1965). 15 Georges May, Le Dilemme du roman au XVIII Siecle (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press et Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1963). "L'histoire a-t-elle engendre le roman? Aspects frangais de la guestion au seuil du siecle des lumieres" Revue  d'Histoire Litteraire de la France, Vol. LV, (n.p.: n.p., 1955) pp. 155-176. - 8 -Chapter I Authentic Representation It has been frequently acknowledged by many c r i t i c s that the reading of f i c t i o n has not always been considered a worthy pu r s u i t . 1 The reasons for t h i s are complex, and no doubt were cl o s e l y related i n Prevost's day to the role of "true" history i n the authentic autdb:i'ographi'es>, memoirs and chronicles of the seventeenth and very early eighteenth centuries. Scholars have suggested that there was a need for f i c t i o n to be disguised as history for a number of reasons: h i s t o r i c a l works, being f a c t u a l , were seen as capable of the moral e d i f i c a t i o n of the reader; non-historical or "untrue" works, on the other hand, indulged in for mere pleasure or i n t e r e s t , could present the reader with moral dilemmas. This i m p l i c i t censorship on the early eighteenth-century reader i s not widely recognized and i s d i f f i c u l t for modern c r i t i c s to appreciate. P h i l i p Stewart, however, has attempted to analyse t h i s problem: The argument that fiction provides only poisoned pleasure proceeds from the implicit syllogism that fiction, being invented, is untrue; being untrue, it is manifestly the opposite of truth; it therefore has all the moral probity of a lie. The resistance disappears when the story is true -^or thought to be so; the effect would be the same in either case. Rather than stress the moral qualms of the reader, Georges May emphasizes the novelist's need to imitate history, an es t a b l -ished and respected genre. - 9 -L 'habitude, si irritante pour le lecteuv moderne, de faire semblant de cacher I' identite reelle des protagonistes ou les noms de lieu sous des initiates, des points de suspension ou des asterisques, n 'etait qu'un procede entre maints autres dans I 'arsenal quasi-inepuisable des romanciers desireux de faire passer leurs ouvrages pour ae qu'ils n'etaient pas. Tous les bons romanciers de l'epoque Prevost, Crebillon, . . . Laclos, etc., recoururent a des procedes techniques de cet ordre pour liberer le roman de I 'hypotheque poetique et tui conferer I'estampille historique. During the f i r s t h a l f of the eighteenth century, t h i s require-ment that memoir-novels be presented as genuine memoirs seems 4 to have led to removing the word Jioman from the t i t l e s . To consider such precautions as unnecessary, as well as the various techniques of imitation that f i n a l l y emerged, i s to ignore the very p r a c t i c a l problem confronting the authors of the period who were faced with the challenge of making the i r works accept-able to a publisher and to a f a i r l y wide readership. Georges May points out that in France h i s t o r i c a l works were more fr e e l y accepted at the time than were novels. Si Prevost voulut en 1731 se faire passer pour historien, ce ne fut pas seulement, pens ons - nou s pour les raisons de mode littiraire et en vue des avantages commerciaux justement soulignes par H. Roddier; ce fut aussi et peut-etre surtout pour des raisons tactiques et pratiques; les ouvrages historiques pouvaient etre imprimis et publies en France plus librement que les romans.^ A comprehensive examination of the problems surrounding the popularity of f i c t i o n can be studied i n May's Dilemme du Roman. His conclusions point to a r a d i c a l change i n the number of new novels published during the years 1725-30 and 1731-36. During the f i r s t five-year period, which incorporates the years of Prevost's M.H.Q., 51 French novels were published. 6 The second - 10 -half decade, however., produced .129 new novels, but publication 7 i n the years 1737-44 dropped sharply. These trends would suggest that Prevost's M.H.Q. was written at a time when the popularity of the novel, though strengthening, was s t i l l uncer-t a i n . One can further assume that his l a t e r novels appeared during a period that was more tolerant of f i c t i o n . Prevost's h i s t o r i e s , which date roughly between 174 0 and 1745, were again produced i n years considered by May to be problematic for f i c t i o n . Thus i t would not seem unreasonable to suggest that, as a res u l t of public scepticism concerning fraudulent h i s t o r i e s and memoir-novels and the general d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by novelists i n publishing t h e i r works i n France, Prevost himself f e l l victim to the conventions of the day. These demands would c l e a r l y have exercised some influence (and possibly even imposed some form of r e s t r i c t i o n ) on the style of M.H.Q. The use of many of the narrative techniques and devices would have been determined by Prevost's desire to disguise his f i c t i o n . It must also be remembered that much of the M.H.Q. was written i n France before Prevost f i n a l l y was able to work in and be influenced by the more libe r a t e d atmosphere of either England or Holland. The dilemma for the contemporary reader caused by the presumed friv o l o u s nature of f i c t i o n in t h i s period gives r i s e to consid-eration of a second and equally important subject, the reader's b e l i e f . The c r i t i c today refers to the dual processes of l i t e r a l and imaginative b e l i e f , concepts that, when applied to - l i -the M.H.Q., help to explain in concrete terms the reader's unconscious reaction to the work. L i t e r a l b e l i e f i s predomi-nant in our reaction to the presentation of h i s t o r i c a l events and personages, and as readers, we are l i k e l y to believe in the factual truth of such material. Imaginative b e l i e f i s , of course, also present in our reaction to a l l f i c t i o n and operates simultaneously with l i t e r a l b e l i e f to l u l l the reader into a comfortable state of assent. Although i t may appear a r t i f i c i a l and a r b i t r a r y to separate into two parts the b e l i e f that a reader has in the authenticity of the text, i t i s , no doubt, one of the best methods available to us for explaining the develop-ment that we, in retrospect, discern i n the memoir-novel of the eighteenth century. For example, Stewart uses the two types of be l i e f to explain his theory of an evolution i n the memoir-novel. Belief, as defined at the outset of this study, is of two kinds: literal and imaginative. Characteristic of the age of memoir-novels is that the second, while cultivated to be sure, was subordinated to the first by the claim of authenticity. That claim lasted as long as it was needed, then waned:'.. . . "illusion", in other words, was acquiring a new meaning, one no longer dependent upon literal belief, but tending toward a modern defini-tion of imaginative, emphatic, provisional belief. Stewart then proposes that the modern d e f i n i t i o n of i l l u s i o n (that based on imaginative b e l i e f ) i s the one best applied to the works of Diderot and to the l a t e r works of Prevost (e.g. Le Monde Moral, 1760). The type of i l l u s i o n f e l t to correspond most to the period of the M.H.Q., i s the one based on l i t e r a l b e l i e f . 9 Without wishing to pursue further the d e f i n i t i o n and use of such terms as belief, illusion, le vrai, la virite", realism, authenticity and - 12 -imitation i n the works of c r i t i c s other than Stewart, some acknowledgement should nevertheless be given to the study prepared by Mylne, whose appraisal of both the modern and contemporary use of the aforementioned words i s informative and valuable. 1 0 In.her discussion of certain narrative techniques used by memoir-novelists, Mylne supports the empha-si s placed by Stewart on the creation of l i t e r a l b e l i e f . 1 1 Although i t would doubtless be inter e s t i n g to t r y to study i n i s o l a t i o n the techniques of i l l u s i o n based on l i t e r a l b e l i e f , we must recognize that such an approach would depend too heavily on gene r a l i t i e s and would ultimately be too r e s t r i c t i v e in i t s point of view. Thus i n t h i s study, no attempt w i l l be made to dis t i n g u i s h one type of b e l i e f from another. I t w i l l be enough to conclude that many of the narrative techniques found operating i n the M.H.Q. were primarily intended to capture the- reader '.s l i t e r a l , b e l i e f . The following sections each represent or account for a technique or device used by Prevost i n the memoirs. The f i r s t two ( i . e . the Editor and the Narrator), emerge as the most important incorporating as they do the various l e t t e r s , Avant-Propos, foot-notes, introductions and notices to be found i n the M.H.Q. The subsequent sections of t h i s chapter contain examples that have been selected somewhat at random throughout the text and quota-tions exemplifying the p a r t i c u l a r device under discussion w i l l be provided. In t h i s , I have been more in d i c a t i v e than compre-hensive and i t has not been deemed necessary to include a l l examples i n order to substantiate the point being made. The Editor Although the editor of memoir-novels assumed a variety of d i f f e r e n t r o l e s , each was employed to give an external appearance of authenticity to the memoirs. By means of numerous claims to veracity, the editor t r i e d to convince the public from the outset that the memoirs were genuine and belonged to a r e a l i n d i v i d u a l , a l b e i t to an i n d i v i d u a l whose i d e n t i t y conveniently had to be kept secret. His main and most obvious role was to reveal the source of the manuscript that had been received for publication. Often the documents or l e t t e r s were found, sent i n the mail, l e f t on the editor's doorstep or c o l l e c t e d from archives (such as those of the Vatican). As well, since the author was usually anonymous or dead, and therefore unable to explain the manner in which the text reached the public, an editor was needed to present the memoirs to the reader. A secondary role of the editor was to act as c r i t i c , translator or censor. Thus, the use of footnotes i n many memoir-novels was also part of the convention which based i t s form on that of the genuine autobiography where e d i t o r i a l touch-ups, additions, deletions or explanations served as aids to the reader. Prevost's ample use of an editor i n most of his f i c t i o n would suggest that he considered t h i s technique of prime importance. In the M.H.Q., an anonymous editor introduces the reader to the Marquis de * ? t fJ author of the memoirs, who l a t e r takes - 14 -the pseudonym Renoncour. Subsequently, i n his own turn 1 2 Renoncour becomes editor of Cleveland (1731) , Le Doyen de  K i l l e r i n e (1735-40), Memoires de M. de Montcal (1741) and Memoires pour s e r v i r a 1'histoire de Malte (1741). However, in 1745 Prevost reverted to his o r i g i n a l idea of using an anonymous editor (in Memoires d'un honnete homme) and spun a lengthy and highly imaginative tale of discovery. An examination of the M.H.Q.'s two l e t t e r s from the editor and of the footnotes attributed to him sheds a certai n amount of l i g h t on the various uses Prevost made of th i s device. In the f i r s t Lettre de l'editeur, located at the beginning of Tome I, the editor presents the author of the memoirs, thus establishing from the beginning the separate existence of the man of qual i t y . Moreover, circumstances'iof the' meet-b ing of author and editor are not l e f t to coincidence or to chance; the editor, knowing something of the man of quality's reputation, out of c u r i o s i t y seeks him in the abbey where he has chosen to reside. Thus Prevost's author i s neither dead or unknown, though he i s not precisely named, and i n order to substantiate his existence, witnesses are invented: f i r s t , the editor mentions himself, then he c i t e s the abbey fathers and f i n a l l y the many people i n France who had known the man of q u a l i t y for some 35 years. As well as introducing the author to the reader, the editor performs a second function by establishing at t h i s time the i n t e g r i t y and s i n c e r i t y of the man of qua l i t y , which helps to create a pact of tru s t and respect between the author and the reader. Furthermore, - 15 -the author's impeccable reputation q u a l i f i e s him for the task of instructor. This i s an important consideration as Renoncour 1s motives become increasingly d i d a c t i c . For the contemporary reader expecting moral e d i f i c a t i o n , the editor's l e t t e r serves as a written form of character reference. For those seeking entertainment and enjoyment, the l e t t e r also reveals that the author was an illustre aventuriev (M.H.Q. , p. 9); as such his memoirs promised to provide inte r e s t i n g reading. In either case the opinions of the editor are l i k e l y to influence the reader, and thus i t might be argued that the editor has a twofold purpose: f i r s t , to present an impartial or third-person point of view and, secondly, to shape the important f i r s t impressions of his reader and in t h i s way to mould the reader's attitude to both text and author. Using a " l i v e " author presented Prevost with the problem of hiding the id e n t i t y of his man of qual i t y . It i s interesting to note that the author was depicted as a gentleman of means rather than as a person of lesser s o c i a l standing, since the l a t t e r i d e n t i t y , though less i n t r i g u i n g , would have been easier to hide or disguise from the reader. Furthermore, the l e t t e r c a r e f u l l y denies the reader a l l the pertinent d e t a i l s needed for tracing the author; for example, suspension points are used after the word abbaye to disguise the author's retreat, the fathers are c a l l e d upon as witnesses but are not named, the actual location of the monastery i s not given, and f i n a l l y , the editor reveals that the author himself asked to remain - 16 -anonymous, thus o f f e r i n g a plausible explanation for the use of asterisks i n the t i t l e Marquis de ***. indeed, while making a semblance of producing evidence, the l e t t e r , i n r e a l i t y , reveals nothing tangible, thus proving the mere conventionality of the device. A f i n a l use of the editor's f i r s t l e t t e r i s the reference made therein to the style of the memoirs. Much as one might f i n d in the preface to a published manuscript, Prevost's editor observes: Le style est simple et naturel, tel qu'on le doit attentive d'une personne de condition, qui s'attache plus a 1'exactitude de la vevite, qu'aux ovnements du langage. (M.H.Q. , p. 9) Such an observation contributes i n several ways to the authentic appearance of the memoirs: f i r s t , i t excuses any s t y l i s t i c shortcomings i n the narrative s k i l l s of the author, since he i s neither a professional writer nor a novelist; secondly, i t gives the reader the impression that truthfulness and an exact representation of the facts were the author's prime concern. The editor also prepares his reader for some of the unusual events that are reported by the man of quality, claiming that i t i s t h e i r strangeness that renders them worthy of mention - the commonplace does not merit exposure. Here the editor functions as a f i l t e r through which improbable and u n l i k e l y tales of adventure may be passed to the reader. In the second Lettre de l'editeur, located at the beginning of the f i f t h tome, the death of the author i s announced, thereby providing a convenient and l o g i c a l e x i t for the man - 17 -of q u a l i t y . The editor's praise i s thus something of a eulogy. The function of the editor i s s i m i l a r i n both l e t t e r s , the second appearing as an extension of the f i r s t . Those witnesses claiming to have had contact with the author i n the second l e t t e r are the editor himself, who i s now a close f r i e n d , and the members of the public who v i s i t e d the author at the abbey and obliged him to engage i n lengthy 13 and tedious correspondence. We learn that the popularity of the f i r s t part of the memoirs (Tomes I to IV) caused the author to regret his fame and we are thus given a further reason for the concealment of the man of quality's i d e n t i t y as well as a plausible excuse for the delay i n publication 14 of the l a s t part of the memoirs (Tomes V and VI). The author's advancing age no longer permitted the continuation of such public acclaim and therefore the editor was obliged to delay publication of the l a s t tomes u n t i l after h i s death. The editor's comments in the second Lettre de 1'editeur concerning the narrative style of the memoirs are expanded to include a more serious discussion of the author's creative ambitions. The editor exposes the author's inner struggle, which i s caused on the one hand by his desire to record for didactic purposes v i r t u a l l y a l l examples of human weakness, and on the other hand by his fear of being accused of unneces-sary frankness and possible sensationalism. This l a s t i s a s k i l f u l strategem intended to draw the reader not only into the soul of the author (thus closing the distance between the - 18 -two) but also to set up a system of defence for Prevost. The assumption of the role of c r i t i c by the editor allows Prevost to play author against editor in such a way that the author's misgivings, which would l i k e l y echo those of Prevost's r e a l l i f e c r i t i c s , are dismissed as unnecessary by the editor who i s a spokesman for Prevost's personal views. Realizing that the public might fi n d some of his material depicting the destructive force of excessive passions somewhat shocking, Prevost allowed the editor to anticipate his c r i t i c s and launch a campaign i n favour of using e x p l i c i t examples to inst r u c t the naive and unwary public. The e d i t o r i a l footnotes to be found i n the M.H.Q. do not contribute either to the plot or to the reader's understanding of the memoirs. They are external decorations that were conventionally used i n the memoir-novels of other w r i t e r s . 1 6 The f i r s t note, located at the end of Tome II, pretends to o f f e r more insight into the background surrounding the story of the consul and his two wives. The editor explains that the entire adventure was added afte r publication of the f i r s t e d i t ion and, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the point of view of vraiserriblance, after the death of the consul's second wife. The editor also includes in the note information concerning events that occurred aft e r the death of the author. This apparent updating of information shows the editor d u t i f u l l y executing the expected functions of his profession; from the point of view of authenticity, appearances are upheld. The - 19 -second footnote, a near duplication of those commonly found in most editions of authentic memoirs, i s located at the beginning of Tome VII and simply states that certain correc-tions have been made i n order to eliminate some of the many 17 errors that had crept into e a r l i e r editions. Although the two footnotes do not play a major part i n lending an a i r of veracity to the memoirs, they contribute nevertheless to the t o t a l effectiveness of the pseudo-editor. The r e l a t i v e success of subsequent narrative techniques inside the main narrative of the M.H.Q. depends largely on the editor; i t i s his role to shape the reader's f i r s t impressions, and to f u l f i l l the functions of his profession such as editi n g the manuscript or introducing i t to the reader. In the M.H.Q. Prevost has t r i e d to achieve t h i s by making use of l e t t e r s and footnotes. Both devices contribute considerably to Prevost's f i c t i t i o u s mise-en-saene where author and editor both assume the proportions of real individuals collaborating i n the production of memoirs for the e d i f i c a t i o n and pleasure of the reading public. - 20 -The Author The author or narrator i n the memoir-novel shared with the editor an equal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for s o l i c i t i n g the reader's b e l i e f . His reasons for penning the memoirs should correspond i n some degree to the explanation offered by the editor con-cerning the discovery of the manuscript. In pseudo-memoirs, several d i f f e r e n t reasons were generally given for the author's w r i t i n g : a desire to r e l i e v e boredom, a wish to write one's l i f e - s t o r y for a f r i e n d , a need to clear one's name or to prove one's innocence, a desire for vengeance, or a desire to r e l i v e one's misfortunes by w r i t i n g about them. Although the novelist could exercise a certain freedom i n his choice of motivation, i f he was at a l l influenced by the current demands for authentic representation, he had to proceed cautiously. Problems could arise i f he chose a motive that excluded the presence of a reader; for instance, i f a memorialist claimed to be w r i t i n g for his own s a t i s f a c t i o n alone, his r e i t e r a t i o n of authenticity would be nonsensical. A further problem for the author might arise from his "excessively omniscient" point of view. The perspective of the author had to be care-f u l l y thought out i n advance to avoid embarrassing chronologi-c a l or organizational errors. Whenever the author related something he was incapable of knowing, hearing about or reading the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of such a s i t u a t i o n might become apparent to the reader. - 21 -The M.H.Q. reveals the author's motivation i n the opening paragraph of Tome I: Je n'ecvis mes maVheurs que pour ma propre satisfaction: ainsi je serai content si je retire, pour fruit de mon ouvrage, un peu de tranquillite dans les moments que j'ai dessein d'y employer. (M.H.Q. , p. 13) The man of quality's need to record his misfortunes suggests a form of cathartic healing that one might well expect to observe i n a man who sought peace of mind in a monastery. His motives also show him to be as humble, unambitious, and honest as the reader had already been led to expect from the b r i e f indications provided i n the f i r s t Lettre de l'editeur . Such continuity or "collaboration" of ideas i s , of course, an important factor in creating a believable author. Once the reader has placed his trust i n the basic honesty of the author/narrator i t i s only reasonable that his expectations 18 should not be too badly disappointed. The author i s not l i k e a character i n a novel that can withstand analysis or interpre-tation; he i s a narrator and, as such, has a pa r t i c u l a r role to f u l f i l . If the man of quality's f i r s t expressions of purpose are unabashedly understated in the opening paragraph of the M.H.Q., his confidence and ambitions show a marked increase i n the Avant-Propos and the Avis de 1'auteur. The former was placed at the beginning of Tome III and divides the f i r s t four tomes of the M.H.Q. into two parts. Tomes I and II received t h e i r "Privileges i n A p r i l 1728, reaching the public some time in - 22 -August or September of that y e a r . ^ On the other hand Tomes III and IV were approved by Maunoir only on 19 November 1728 and were not available to the public u n t i l 1729. These two l a t t e r tomes were i n i t i a l l y published under the t i t l e "Suite des Memoires et Avantures d'un Homme de Qualite". The Avant- Propos of f e r s an explanation for t h i s apparent gap i n the memoirs. The reader, for example, i s not l e f t to wonder i f the author grew t i r e d and then regained his strength, or temporarily l o s t interest i n his work. We learn that the author was asked to leave h i s retreat and tutor the son o f a c e r t a i n Duke of great d i s t i n c t i o n . Although reluctant to t r a v e l at an advanced age, Renoncour agrees to accompany the young Rosemont on a tour 20 of Spain and England; the memoirs, written during the voyage, are withheld from the public u n t i l a f t e r the death of Renoncour (revealed i n the second Lettre de 1'editeur). Thus, the Avant- Propos provides the reader with a not implausible explanation of the d i f f i c u l t y and consequently helps to solve some of Prevost's structural problems. A secondary role of the narrator in the Avant-Propos i s that of forecaster. Since, at t h i s stage of the memoirs, a major s h i f t of emphasis w i l l occur, i t i s useful to have Renoncour i n d i r e c -t l y prepare the reader. When Rosemont becomes Renoncour's pu p i l , the reader (largely through the ambiguous use of the 21 pronoun vous) becomes an equal r e c i p i e n t of h i s lectures 22 concerning the rewards of virtuous and moral behaviour. However, i f the Avant-Propos has revealed Renoncour i n a new - 23 -r o l e , i t i s not u n t i l the Avis de 1'auteur d i r e c t l y preceding Tome VII that one learns how seriously he took his responsi-b i l i t i e s , and how ambitious his intentions have become. The Seventh Tome of the memoirs was added in 17 31 a f t e r the memoirs had supposedly been d e f i n i t i v e l y terminated. One l i k e l y and quite believable manner in which the story of Des Grieux and Manon Lescaut could be included was for Renoncour to admit openly that he had recorded Des Grieux's story i n the past and that, because of i t s length, he had chosen to insert i t at the conclusion of h i s memoirs. Renoncour reminds his reader of his f i r s t sojourn at the monastery, from where he t r a v e l l e d to v i s i t his daughter. En route he meets Des Grieux and records immediately his version of the story. The Avis de 1'auteur thus serves as Prevost's j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the position of t h i s lengthy ' .histoire^-vrhich otherwise might have seemed an objectionable digression. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , we learn that Renoncour, a f t e r years of writing his memoirs, now concurs with the point of view taken o r i g i n a l l y by the editor: moral behaviour can be taught through the use of examples which depict human weakness. Il ne veste done que 11' exemple qui puisse servir de regie a quantite de personnes dans I'exeroioe de la vertu. C'est preaisement pour oette sorte de lecteurs que des ouvrages tels que celui-oi peuvent etre d'une extreme utilite; du moins lorsqu'ils sont ecrits par une personne d'honneur et de bon sens . . . L 'ouvrage entier est un traite de morale, reduit agreablement en exeroioe. (M.H.Q. , p. 364) - 24 -Des Grieux's edifying story consequently can even provide some form of public service. Outre le plaisir d'une lecture agreable, on y trouvera peu d' evenements qui, ne puissent servir a I 'instruction des moeurs; et c 'est rendre, a mon avis, un service considerable au public, que de I'instruire en I'amusant. (M.H.Q. , p. 363) In view of such ambitions one i s led to compare Renoncour 1s new motives as expressed in the Avis de 1'auteur with those revealed e a r l i e r . Whereas at one time he had chosen to write for his own peace of mind, he now refers to the public as the main beneficiary of his work. O r i g i n a l l y Renoncour had stated that his story would be read si l'on trouve qu'elle merite d'etre lue (M.H.Q., p. 13), but in the Avis de 1'auteur he promises his: reader entertainment. Renoncour began his memoirs with the desire to record f a i t h f u l l y a l l events as they occurred; the complete truth based on objective reporting was assured the reader. The Avis de 1'auteur does not echo such intentions; instead, the emphasis s h i f t s to Renoncour 1s preoccupation with the character portrayal of Des Grieux. Phrases such as tel est le fond du tableau que je presente and j 'ai d peindre un jeune aveugle (M.H.Q., p. 363) suggest the creative novelist at work. Such candid revelations are new in the M.H.Q. and the hand of Prevost i s consequently more di s c e r n i b l e . The techniques which seemed prevalent e a r l i e r i n the M.H.Q., such as the fab r i c a t i o n of an editor, the naming of witnesses to give the author's existence some degree of c r e d i b i l i t y , claims to veracity and h i s t o r i c a l reportage are not repeated in Tome VII, with the exception of a single reference at the - 25 -beginning of the f i r s t part which states: Je dois avertir iei le lecteur que j 'ecris son histoire presque aussitot apres I'avoir entendue, et qu 'on peut s 'assurer par consequent que rien n 'est plus exact et plus fidele que cette narration. (M.H.Q. , p. 367) Obviously, Prevost s t i l l wished to give a certain impression of authenticity to his Seventh Tome but the i n i t i a l gesture, largely symbolic, i s not carried to any great length thereafter. I t i s possible that, having already established Renoncour as a respectable and trustworthy author, Prevost f e l t that he could r e l y upon the exi s t i n g pact between author and reader i n order to exercise his c r e a t i v i t y to a greater degree, for example, i n the develop-ment of areas such as character portrayal, suspense, and dramatic dialogue. I t i s Des Grieux 1s story that i s now being t o l d ; his words, and, most importantly, his personal involvement /with the story, draw the reader into the narrative i n such a way that allowed Prevost to explore areas of narrative techniques not 23 dependent upon the creation of an i l l u s i o n of authenticity. The reader becomes increasingly involved emotionally with Des Grieux, while Renoncour, along with his interruptions and 24 digressions fades into the background. Our b r i e f review of the various uses Prevost made of his author throughout the seven tomes of the M.H.Q. leads us to conclude that i n the f i r s t s i x tomes Prevost exploited many of the techniques commonly used by other memoir-novelists of the day. The idea of using a l i v e author, the inclusion of an Avant-Propos, the timely death of the author, and the Avis de 1'auteur a l l - 26 -indicate an awareness of the need for chronological consistency. Even the manner in which the Seventh Tome was integrated into the M.H.Q. shows that Prevost maintained both concern for appearances and respect for a l i t e r a l v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . However, the Seventh Tome i t s e l f r e f l e c t s a possible maturation of Prevost's s t y l e . I t i s perhaps i r o n i c to observe that Tome VII, with i t s r e l a t i v e lack of authenticating reassurances, has caught the imagination of both the c r i t i c and the public, i n contrast to the heavily documented yet comparatively neglected Tomes I to VI that preceded i t and the somewhat sim i l a r Cleveland 25 that followed. This i l l u s t r a t e s , perhaps, that the i l l u s i o n of authenticity i s not created solely by mechanical means but by the force of the first-person narrator which supercedes the reader's awareness of an enclosing framework. - 27 -C. Internal Veracity: d i r e c t claims and mute testimony Internal veracity i s the term I have chosen to i d e n t i f y the numerous protestations of truth that are to be found within the M.H.Q. Most often they are placed immediately preceding an episode that i n i t s e l f i s a s l i g h t digression from the main flow of the memoirs. At other times, the preamble i s given p r i o r to a major Histoire and then doubles in function as an introduction as well as a promise of truth. Material considered under t h i s rubric seems to f a l l into two groups; the f i r s t comprises overt claims that introduce frankly incredible, im-probable or unl i k e l y events (such as stories concerning were-wolves, clairvoyance, coincidences and the supernatural). The second group incorporates devices scattered throughout the M.H.Q. which bear witness to the truth of the t a l e by implica-t i o n only and;. as such, impinge less d i r e c t l y on the reader's attention. A t y p i c a l example might involve the presence of a named c e l e b r i t y in Renoncour's company at a reception. If such a person i s unknown to the reader, i t matters not; conversely, i f the reader i s f a m i l i a r with the named c e l e b r i t y or i s s u f f i c i e n t l y curious to investigate the d e t a i l s , i t i s l e f t to him to i n f e r that the event related did, i n fact, take place and that Renoncour was present. It i s clear that such devices work rather subtly on a variety of level s and most probably escaped the d i r e c t notice of the average reader of the day. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , whenever premonitions were used i n memoir-novels, an introductory explanation (in the guise of! a claim to veracity) - 28 -was often also given. There are r e l a t i v e l y few premonitions in the M.H.Q., although examples of clairvoyance expressed in the form of dreams can be found. Interestingly enough, Renon-cour's dreams always forecast death, disasters or loss of power, prestige and p o l i t i c a l influence. He dreams of Law's f a l l from royal favour in France (M.H.Q., p. 2 93) and he also foresees the brutal murder of his s i s t e r J u l i e (M.H.Q., pp. 21-22). Renoncour's t h i r d dream, f o r e t e l l i n g the death of Louis XIV, i s introduced with the following comment: Je ne sais si je dois raconter ce qui m'arriva la nuit, parce que nous somrnes dans un siecle delicat, ou I 'on ne cvoit pas les choses extraordinaires; mais comme j 'ecris sans interet, je me satisferai du moins moi-meme, en rapportant fidelement la verite. (M.H.Q. , p. 133) The extraordinary premonition i s c l e a r l y r e a l i z e d when a few pages l a t e r the reader i s t o l d that on the 11th of September a courier arrived in Madrid bearing the news of the King's demise. (M.H.Q., p. 135) In the example c i t e d , Renoncour humbly pleads a desire to remain true to himself despite the opposition he expects to face from an unbelieving public. In addition, he repeatedly makes the claim that he i s writing sans interet, a r e f r a i n that repeated throughout the M.H.Q. presumably leaves the reader i n l i t t l e doubt as to the unbiased and innocent motives of the author. The claim also serves as a warning to the reader, preparing him for the s t a r t l i n g f u l f i l l m e n t of Renoncour's dream. Arming the reader against a possible reaction of surprise or even shock was 27 a conventional device of the memoir-novel, and we have here, possibly, an explanation for Prevost's ample use of forewarnings. - 29 -The foremost coincidence to be found i n the M.H.Q. centres around the reunion between Renoncour and his nephew and niece, whose real i d e n t i t i e s are not disclosed u n t i l Amulem (their father) sees Renoncour and reveals to the children t h e i r true relationship with Renoncour. In view of the exceptional circum-stances surrounding t h i s reunion, Prevost prepares his reader with the following declaration: La foi du public ne manque pas de se revolter contre les evenements extraordinaires. Cette reflexion, qui me navt i c i tout d'un coup, est presque capable d'arreter ma plume, et de m'oter I'envie d'achever cette premiere partie de nos voyages. J'avoue que ce qui me reste a dire est capable de surprendre par sa singularity; mais c'est un fait dont mille personnes peuvent rendre cencore:. temoignage, soit en Eollande oil il est arrive, soit en France oil il a ete connu de la plupart de ceux dont je suis connu moi-meme. (M.H.Q. , pp. 212-213) The shock experienced by Amulem i n finding his brother-in-law after many years of separation, causes him to f a l l into a profound f a i n t , followed by a high fever. In the midst of reporting Amulem's recovery, Renoncour again interrupts his story to declare: Je repete cencare.'. i c i que cette complication d''evenements extraordinaires, la rencontre d'Amulem, sa maladie, sa guerison et le deguisement de sa fille pourront sembler diffidles a croire; mais je ne dois point alterer la verite, pour menager la delicatesse d'un lecteur trop incredule. (M.H.Q., p. 214) It i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain the reasoning behind the second example quoted, which seems extraneous. I t i s possible that Prevost followed the conventional method of supporting such a coincidence with claims of tr u t h , or i t i s possible that he in t e n t i o n a l l y interrupted the recovery scene to prolong his reader's suspense. Assuming, however, that Prevost's predominant concern was with maintaining b e l i e f , i t would seem i n t h i s case - 30 -that he risked betraying to his reader the very problem he strove to solve. Even i f we f e e l that Prevost i s heavy-handed i n his attempt to authenticate the coincidence, there i s no suggestion that b e l i e f i s endangered; Prevost's method of approach i s here merely more evident. A t h i r d and even more u n l i k e l y or impossible series of events involves the supernatural. Stories of magicians, werewolves and supernatural phenomenon would have appealed immensely to the reader whose fascination with such fabrications, paradoxi-c a l l y , probably helped to sustain his b e l i e f i n the memoirs. One p a r t i c u l a r episode involving Renoncour and werewolves demonstrates by i t s numerous claims to veracity the precautions taken by Prevost to avoid disrupting his reader's complacency. The example i s located i n Tome IV; Renoncour and Rosemont are en route to Lisbon. They spend the f i r s t night at a hotel near Plazentia where they meet two Spaniards who entertain them with stories of strange and unnatural happenings that have recently occurred i n the Kingdom of Leon. Before repeating the Spaniard's stories Renoncour cautions the reader: Rien ne me parut plus extraordinaire que ce qu 'ils nous apprirent des magiciens ou .sorciers- dont ce pays est rempli. En rapportant ces sovtes d''histoiress ge n'en gavantis pas la verite: il me suffit d'etre fidele dans la relation que j'en fais3 et d'ecrire les choses telles que je les ai entendues. (M.H.Q. , p. 186) Prevost's strategem i s quite clear. He has shifted the onus for "truth" from Renoncour to the Spaniards. Renoncour's i n t e g r i t y i s a l l the more intact i n that he himself shows 28 scepticism; the author and reader become partners i n doubt. - 31 -The story involves the mysterious transformation of two wolves back into the shape of men, a feat witnessed by one of the Spaniards. In a second paragraph, more t a l e s are t o l d to Renoncour concerning the existence of werewolves and the strange death of the innkeeper's wife. Having duly recorded these s t o r i e s of couleur locale i n his memoirs Renoncour comments: J'ai naturellement un peu d'incredulite pour tous les evenements surnaturels: ainsi, quelque bonne idee que j 'eusse de nos deux Espagnols, je regardais leur recit comme un conte invent^ pour nous divertir, et je ne pus m'empecher de leur en temoigner quelque chose en badinant. Ils continuerent de me protester qu'ils etaient sinceres; mais ils ne m'auraient pas persuade davantage, si je n 'eusse ete force par ce que je vis un moment apres, a croire qu 'il se passe effectivement des.choses etranges dans cette partie de I'Espagne. (M.H.Q. , p. 187) Renoncour, i n fact, does not personally see anything out of the 29 ordinary. He observes the eff e c t s of shock on a young t r a v e l l e r who has just witnessed the slaying of a young woman. It i s on the basis of t h i s man's condition that Renoncour decides the murder must have taken place. Only in a f i n a l paragraph con-cluding the t r a v e l l e r ' s tale does Renoncour admit a readiness to believe in the events t o l d to him. C'est I'unique fois de ma vie que j'ai cru trouver des apparences assez fortes pour me reconcilier un peu avec les idees de magie et de sorciers. (M.H.Q. , p. 188) The adventures in Leon are presented in such a way that neither the s e n s i b i l i t i e s nor the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the reader are under-mined. Renoncour promises a f a i t h f u l report of his sources, but o f f e r s no guarantee of the events themselves. He continu-a l l y expresses doubt and not u n t i l the end admits that strange events seem to have been happening in Spain. Renoncour's p a r t i a l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with ideas concerning magic and sorcery - 32 -i s not over-emphasized. Of course, the extraordinary subject matter depicted i n these episodes required that some promise of truth be made and since Prevost shifted the onus of truth from his trustworthy "author" onto the Spaniards, Renoncour was saved thereby from appearing credulous although, quite possibly, he might have been considered naive or impressionable by the eighteenth century reader. Prevost has thus managed to t a n t a l i z e his reader without destroying the f r a g i l e t i e s that bind the memoirs to a pretense of truth. In contrast with such ways of softening the impact of the fan-t a s t i c , we f i n d a second group of devices each of which contains some form of promise of f a c t u a l i t y . 3 0 The following examples have been chosen to i l l u s t r a t e Prevost's s k i l l i n t h i s area of authentic representation. In f i c t i o n y i f something i s described that i s hard to believe, the narrator can always insinuate that the reader's lack of knowledge i s to blame. When the narrator then furnishes an explanation that enlightens the reader, the s i t u a t i o n i s rendered believable. Although i t might also be a good technique occasionally to leave the reader uninformed (at least he would have to withhold judgement for lack of s u f f i c i e n t information), Prevost usually comes to his reader's rescue. An example of such a stratagem can be found i n the adventures of Tusculum. Having just discovered a new b u r i a l chamber at the s i t e of the ancient ru i n s , Renoncour and two companions (convenient witnesses) leave to report t h e i r success. Renoncour's hair becomes suddenly and mysteriously ig n i t e d , a sight that t e r r i f i e s the onlookers and plunges the three men - 33 -into a deep fear of the unknown. The reader i s t o l d that t h i s adventure, enlarged by exaggerated versions of the story f u r -nished by the l o c a l s , sera longtemps celebre a Frascati (M.H.Q. , p. 95). Although the residents of Fra s c a t i supposedly are l e f t to ponder for many years the mystery at Tusculum, Renoncour furnishes for the reader of the memoirs a plausible explanation of the f i r e : Cependant je suis persuade, en y faisant aujourd'hui reflexion, qu'il n'y eut rien que de naturel dans eet evenement. J'avais un flambeau d la main en remuant les aendres: I'humidite grasse qu'elles oonservaient encore put s 'enflammer aisement; et, par la meme raison, la flamme dut se communiquer facilement a mes cheveux qui etaient fort longs et charges d'essence. (M.H.Q. , p. 95) The passage describing a natural cause of the f i r e i s necessary i f the reader i s to be l e f t free of doubt concerning the super-natural, a stratagem that allows the reader to enjoy both the fascination and mystery of the unknown and yet to be returned safely i n the end to the r a t i o n a l and r e a l i s t i c world of Renoncour 1s memoirs. An even balance i s achieved between the 31 h i s t o r i c a l v a l i d i t y of the Roman tombs and the suggested presence of a supernatural power. The extra information provided by Renoncour i s l i k e a s i l e n t force working on the unwary reader and helps to render the episode believable. Denying the genre of th e i r writing was another curious device favoured by many memorialists. As a procedure, i t i s handled rather c l e v e r l y by Prevost. Well aware that a denial of f i c t i o n could necessarily imply an assertion of the memoir, he i s able in t h i s way to exact a kind of double duty from t h i s technique. - 34 -Furthermore, the r e p e t i t i o n of the very word .'memoirtends to act almost subliminally on the reader u n t i l i t metonymizes to become "true biography". In instances when Renoncour protests that his work i s not f i c t i o n , the intention i s even more obvious. We have already examined in the f i r s t Lettre de  1'editeur the apologies made for Renoncour's s t y l i s t i c short-comings (due to his lack of s k i l l as a professional w r i t e r ) . This vein continues inside the narrative when Renoncour edits some of his own material by declaring what he considers to be appropriate for inclusion, in memoirs. For example, although claiming to be p e r f e c t l y capable of describing his s i s t e r J u l i e , Renoncour re f r a i n s from doing so in the M.H.Q. J'ai encore le portrait de mon aimable Julie si bien grave dans le coeur, depuis plus de trente ans que je I 'ai perdue, que je tracerais i c i sans peine les charmes de son visage, de sa taille et de son esprit, si ces sortes de descriptions ne convenaient plus a un roman qu'a une histoire serieuse. (M.H.Q. , p. 18) In other cases Prevost uses the word roman to d i f f e r e n t advantage. When Renoncour confronts Rosemont with the p o s s i b i l i t y of Nadine 1s retreat to a nunnery, the s a c r i f i c e of freedom made by Nadine i s described as being le dernier effort du coeur humain, un effort qui ne parattrait pas vraisemblable dans un roman. (M.H.Q. , p. 349) A s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n in t h i s type of device can be seen when Renoncour censors his own work, and states that some things are better omitted from the memoirs. Rather than describe the tombs and monuments in a l l the English cathedrals v i s i t e d while touring Southern England, Renoncour declares: ces descriptions seraient ennuyeuses, et par consequent, peu convenables a ces memoires. Je n'ai pas meme dessein d'entrer dans le detail de toutes les villes que nous visitdmes. Il pourrait faire la matiere d'un ouvrage particulier, si le peu de - 35 -temps qui me veste a vivre me pevmet de I'entvepvendve. (M.H.Q., p. 263) 3 2 Throughout the memoirs Renoncour apologizes for digressions in his story, or for tales that might be boring. He frequently omits some of his adventures for fear of offending his reader and in some cases he declares that he i s not at l i b e r t y to reveal certain information. This self-imposed censorship i s supposedly to protect the innocent or to avoid agitating the g u i l t y . Although Renoncour claims to have recorded many stories concerning the private l i v e s of the Prince de Conde, of Christine of Sweden, and of the many nobles at the Spanish court (M.H.Q., p. 138), he elects to withhold such information from the public u n t i l a more favourable period in time. Thus, by d i r e c t i n g the reader's attention to the memoirs and the additions, revisions, and deletions associated with i t , Prevost i s continu-a l l y (although often i n d i r e c t l y ) reminding the reader that he i s not reading a novel. One f i n a l suggestion of authenticity can be seen i n the appear-ance of witnesses and c e l e b r i t i e s i n the M.H.Q. Without having to c a l l d i r e c t l y upon someone to v e r i f y the truth of his story, Renoncour can provide the reader with witnesses i n a variety of subtle ways. For example, informing the reader that his peers already possess certain information i s enough to i n s t i l l in the reader a desire to be equally "knowledgeable", convinced as he i s through his sense of inadequacy and his desire to remedy the s i t u a t i o n . Circumstances are sometimes reversed when the - 36 -reader i s made to f e e l p r i v i l e g e d for being the f i r s t to receive: information. This i s the technique used when the Prince of: Portugal t e l l s Renoncour about the death of Donna Clara. Renoncour passes on to the reader information qui est encore ignore de tout le monde a Lisbonne (M.H.Q. , p. 2 08) . By using to his advantage the public love of scandal and gossip Prevost often inserted just the right amount of "society" p r a t t l e to capture his reader's complete in t e r e s t . Truth i n such matters i s rarely of concern to a lover of gossip. Although, as we have already noted, naming.'.celebrities was a common practice i n memoir-novels, some methods were obviously more subtle than others. Quite often i t can be reduced to a simple matter of name-dropping {le hasard nous fit remontrer a Fontainebleau M. le marquis d ' Antremont, ambassadeur du roi de Sicile. M.H.Q. , p. 2 95) In other cases, Prevost showed more interest i n the presentation of his c e l e b r i t y . Cardinal Janson, for example, plays a major role i n the baptism of Selima, Renoncour's Turkish wife. The circumstances are such that the reader's attention i s directed away from the c e l e b r i t y witness and onto the event i t s e l f , although, i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, despite the presence of Cardinal Janson, Prevost also includes a number of distinguished people to witness the ceremony: Le Cardinal etait d'abord dans le dessein de faire cette ceremonie. de sa propre main, et de la rendre la plus eclatante qu 'il lui serait possible; mais j 'y marquai de la repugnance, et Selima peu d'inclination. Il fut resolu que tout se passerait sans bruit dans I 'eglise d 'un petit couvent de Benedictines, qui n 'etait pas eloigne de notre logement . . . Quelque soin que nous eussions pris pour tenir la ceremonie secrete, nous ne pumes empecher quantite de personnes de distinction-d'y.'assister. (M.H.Q. , p. 88) - 37 -One f i n a l example to be considered indicates the degree of f l e x i b i l i t y to be found in Prevost's use of witnesses and c e l e b r i t i e s . Shortly af t e r a r r i v i n g i n Madrid, Rosemont and Renoncour attend a party at the home of don Antonio de Salcedo, Governor of Madrid. Renoncour describes the event: L'assemblee y etait des plus illustres, et nous y fumes vus avec plaisir. Nous y trouvames entve autves monsieur le Comte de Charni et monsieur le Marquis de Leide, qui nous firent mille civilites. Nous aurions pu aisement nous faire connai-tre d 'eux, en leur apprenant nos v'Sri.tables- noms; ils n'ignoraient ni celui du Marquis ni le mien: Mais je n'y noyais aucune utilite, et j'etais bien aise d'attendre le retour de Monsieur le due de Saint-Aignan, Ambassadeur de France, qui etait absent de Madrid depuis quelques semaines. (M.H.Q., p. 144) The unspoken message of t h i s passage gives witness to veracity; two Spanish gentlemen and the French Ambassador himself vouch s i l e n t l y for Renoncour's attendance. The notion of withholding Renoncour's r e a l i d e n t i t y (which had i t been revealed, would have been immediately recognized) i s a s l i g h t departure from the standard l i n e of reasoning. The t o t a l e f f e c t i s one of convincing realism, suggested rather than boldly claimed. - 38 -D. The Letter One of the most popular authenticating devices used by pseudo-memorialists of the period was the quoted l e t t e r , a technique dependent, however, on several factors. F i r s t , the reader had to allow the author of the memoirs an excellent g i f t of memory. (Verbatim r e c a l l i n memoir-novels was, perhaps, not viewed as c r i t i c a l l y by Prevost's contemporaries as by the modern reader.) Secondly, the omniscient viewpoint of the author became an important factor. The memoir-novelist had to ensure that his author did not quote correspondence he had never seen; thus, when the l e t t e r belonged to a t h i r d person, the author-narrator had to discover some means of viewing the contents. In the M.H.Q., for example, Renoncour, although repelled by his own behaviour, picks Rosemont's pockets i n order to read his 1 4-4- 3 3 l e t t e r s . The advantages to be gained by including correspondence i n memoirs such as the M.H.Q. are many. The reader can bypass the author and share the views of the l e t t e r w r i t e r , thus developing a closer intimacy with him. The l e t t e r can also be used as a tool to influence the reader's point of view, as segments quoted out of context can change the meaning of the l e t t e r and also the reader's opinion of the writer. An extra dimension i s added to the M.H.Q., for example, when we are shown Manon's l e t t e r s ; we are conscious that she i s never given the opportunity to address Renoncour or the reader i n order to explain her point of view. But the quoted l e t t e r i s - 39 -also a form of documentary proof providing the means for winning the reader's b e l i e f . Hasty words penned by Renoncour in a note to King James II aid the monarch i n his successful f l i g h t to safety. Expressions of passionate love i n l e t t e r s between Selima and Renoncour are reproduced intact for the pleasure of the reader. (Remembering the love l e t t e r s written in his past i s part of Renoncour's cathartic healing.) What-ever Renoncour claims to be true can be supported by "objec-t i v e " evidence contained i n a l e t t e r . Occasionally Renoncour does t e l l the reader how he i s able to convey the exact terms of a l e t t e r . In these cases the good f a i t h of the reader i s undoubtedly rewarded. Renoncour, at the monastery where his father chose to r e t i r e , i s denied v i s i t i n g p r i v i l e g e s . Instead he i s given a l e t t e r from his father. The reader i s allowed to discover i t s contents and Renoncour explains: It":m'est aise de Za transovive ici, puisque je la conserve encore. (M.H.Q. , p. 142) The explanation not only protects t h i s p a r t i c u l a r l e t t e r but also the several others belonging to Rosemont that are reported verbatim i n the M.H.Q. Such comments as ta voioi, je n'y change rien (M.H.Q. , p. 3 02) , or je la transcris mot a mot (M.H.Q. , p. 2 75) are to be found frequen-t l y i n the memoirs and although i t would be an overstatement to consider them p a r t i c u l a r l y important in winning b e l i e f , they nevertheless are meant to contribute to the o v e r a l l e f f e c t . One f i n a l point to be raised concerning the use of l e t t e r s in the M.H.Q. i s Prevost's willingness to confront the problem - 40 -of Renoncour 1s verbatim r e c a l l of l e t t e r s to which he no longer has access. Not only i s the following example convincing, i t represents a refreshing change from the more t r a d i t i o n a l approach: It me presenta la lettve qui attaoha effeotivement toute mon attention. Elle n'a pu se conserver dans ma memoire: mais 0 'en fus asses frappe pour me souvenir qu' aprSs. I'aveu d'une vive passion et mille serments de Constance, Madame de C . . . ne laissait pas de se reprocher la faiblesse qu'elle avait eue . . . (M.H.Q., p. 221) By admitting that his memory has f a i l e d him, Renoncour exposes himself as a very human and ordinary author. The reader would not expect the terms of most correspondence to be f a i t h f u l l y 34 r e c a l l e d from the past. Thus l e t t e r s that could not be reported verbatim become as authentic as those that are quoted and both helped to f u l f i l l the necessary requirements for creating believable memoirs. - 41 -Direct and Indirect Speech The use of di r e c t and in d i r e c t speech in memoir-novels varied greatly depending on the degree of concern shown by the novel-i s t for matters of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . It i s beyond the scope of th i s thesis to consider the multiple advantages or disadvant-ages of one pa r t i c u l a r mode of speech over another. However, i f one examines the novelist's choice from the point of view of authenticity, i n d i r e c t speech (used as frequently as possible) would appear to be the most convincing. It corres-ponds most cl o s e l y to our own powers of r e c a l l and r e f l e c t s as well the pattern of speech most commonly used when we 35 relate a conversation from the past. Cl e a r l y , the fact that in r e a l l i f e one does not remember long dialogues held with other people.makes i n d i r e c t i o n a r e a l i s t i c c h o i c e . 5 6 Prevost made ample use of dialogue i n Manon Lescaut by alterna t i n g passages of i n d i r e c t speech with b r i e f conversations reported in the f i r s t person. Although we gain the impression that he used i n d i r e c t i o n more frequently i n Tome VII than he 37 did i n the e a r l i e r tomes of the M.H.Q., examples of both modes of speech can be found i n Tomes I through VI, along with explanatory statements which supposedly account for Renoncour' extraordinary powers of r e c a l l . When di r e c t speech.is quoted in the M.H.Q. some fundamental and preliminary precautions are usually observed. For example some e f f o r t i s usually made to explain how Renoncour came to know the exact words spoken i n - 42 -private between two indi v i d u a l s . In the case of the declara-t i o n of love made by Rosemont to Diana, Renoncour simply eavesdrops. Whether t h i s manner of obtaining information was deemed respectable by the reader i s immaterial at t h i s stage; i t i s ind i c a t i v e of Prevost's awareness of the problems associated with an omniscient author. The frequent use of phrases such as Ce discours fit quelque impression sur moi (M.H.Q. , p. 125) indicates that Prevost followed the conventional approach to passages reported in d i r e c t speech. At other times, however, a s l i g h t l y more elaborate explanation i s offered. The touching, f i n a l words said to Renoncour by his father leave a l a s t i n g impression on the son: II me fit appeler:-dans sa chambre, et me tint oe disaours, qui fit trop d'impression sur mon dme pour qu'il en puisse jamais etre efface. (M.H.Q. , p. 19) Interest Vin the conversation taking place i s often another reason given by Renoncour to explain his capacity for verbatim r e c a l l . When found at the commencement of a lengthy histoire such as the.one t o l d by the Marquis de Rosambert, the ef f e c t on the :'reader would be minimal. Nous nous assumes, et voici ce qu 'il me dit; le sincere interet que j 'y ai toujours \p.ris ne m'a pas permis de I'oublier. (M.H.Q., p. 30) Another approach was to s h i f t the focus of interes t away from Renoncour's reasons for remembering and onto his desire to please the reader by allowing a second narrator to t e l l his own story: Comme ce fut par lui-meme que je me fis raconter cette histoire, je puis la mettre dans sa bouche, pour epargner au lecteur I 'ennui d'un recit trop simple, et denue d'action et de sentiments. (M.H.Q., p. 335) - 43 -This i s probably one of Prevost's most frank admissions i n the M.H.Q. and touches upon a major problem facing the novel i s t . He must choose either the in d i r e c t mode of speech which conforms to r e a l - l i f e standards of expectations concern-ing the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of r e c a l l or the di r e c t mode which of f e r s a more intimate and l i v e l y , i f less believable, style of speech. When Prevost does use i n d i r e c t i o n , i t i s often unobtrusively blended into the surrounding narration. However, he does occasionally admit to using approximations, at which time the reader i s offered an example i n summary. (This device, referred to as the ;d peu pr£s by Stewart, was not used frequently by 38 -other memoir^novelists.) The following example of in d i r e c t speech i s based on the same philosophy of discourse as the one used i n the quoted l e t t e r ; i t admits to an i n a b i l i t y to r e c a l l the words verbatim. Rosemont declares his love for Diana; Renoncour, writing his memoirs years l a t e r , cannot remember what was said: J 'aura-is peine a rapporter son discours, quoique j 'aie toujours eu soin, dans nos voyages, d'ecrire le soir ee qui nous etait arrive d' interessant pendant le jour. Jamais 1 'amour ne s 'exprima avec plus de grace et d 'eloquence, ni d'une maniere plus tendre et plus touchante. (M.H.Q. , p. 15 3) The explanation implied for Renoncour's d i f f i c u l t y in remember-ing Rosemont's exact words, i s the young lover's verbosity. In many circumstances, t h i s excuse would seem quite probable. The additional information concerning the "nightly reports" written by Renoncour would also account for many d i r e c t quotations used throughout the M.H.Q. - 44 -F. Proper Nouns and Identities The number of d i f f e r e n t methods available to memoir-novelists for naming t h e i r characters would suggest that t h i s aspect of the convention received careful attention. The very common practice of using the name of a c e l e b r i t y had the obvious advantage of giving a sense of h i s t o r i c a l f a c t u a l i t y to the memoirs and when the a c t i v i t i e s of Renoncour are shared with some h i s t o r i c a l l y real'person, the reader has a feel i n g of confrontation with a known fact . However, as i t was not always possible to of f e r names to the reader (a wish for anonymity was usually given as a reason), a number of devices were brought into play to suggest or hint at the re a l i d e n t i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . This, indeed, i s the approach taken i n the M.H.Q. when the author requests that his name be withheld from the public and we have already examined i n t h i s respect the editor's l e t t e r s , which not only explain the author's point of view but which, at the same time, provide authenticating wit-nesses who know the author by name. Renoncour gives information in the M.H.Q. about his ancestors and family background that i s so precise that i t a l l but exposes his real i d e n t i t y . Clearly Prevost wished to create the appearance of an authentic genealo-gy to substantiate the author's noble t i t l e . Additional items provide information pertaining to the possible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the author's re a l name. At the beginning of the memoirs, for example, the reader i s t o l d that Renoncour's grandfather, - 45 -who o r i g i n a l l y came from a province voisine de la France (M.H.Q. , p. 13), p r o f i t e d from his lo y a l service to Louis XIV by acquiring land to s e t t l e in the t e r r i t o r y which f e l l under French domination. At t h i s time the t i t l e of Count was estab-lish e d and given to the male heir. Then, after a family disagreement, Renoncour's father (using the honorary t i t l e Marquis de . . .) l e f t his home and se t t l e d across the border, in a town beginning with N Later i n the memoirs,~when the father r e t i r e s to a monastery, we are t o l d i t i s a Carthu-sian house, near N. ... . . Without too much speculation i t i s possible for the reader to deduce that the ancestral home was owned by a count, and was located somewhere i n Flanders or 39 A r t o i s ; the town situated close to a Carthusian monastery was probably Namur. When Renoncour, as a young man, leaves France to t r a v e l to Brussels, he makes the acquaintance of some Spanish-speaking o f f i c e r s : lis connaissaient mon nom, J'avais plus d'un parent qui tenaient un rang distingue dans les armees de leur maxtre. (M.H.Q., p. 52) A further reference to the author's name i s to be found when Renoncour i s captured by the Turks; he i s given the name Salem as i t c l o s e l y resembles the meaning of his French t i t l e . The Avant-Propos then reveals that the author i n fact t r a v e l l e d under an assumed name during his tour of Spain, Portugal and England. Although t h i s pseudonym complicates further the reader's attempts to i d e n t i f y the author, the public of Prevost's day would not have considered i t unusual for a man of qua l i t y to t r a v e l incognito. The names of Renoncour's daughter, his son-in-law and several distant - 46 -r e l a t i v e s are a l l c a r e f u l l y withheld from the reader. While i t i s true that in one episode in which Renoncour i s asked to v i s i t a distant r e l a t i v e , an unusual number of i n i t i a l s and suspension points are used, no doubt to give an extra dimension of r e a l i t y and intrigue to the memoirs (M.H.Q., pp. 334-335), b u t t h i s i s exceptional. In the second editor's l e t t e r the announced death of the author terminates any specula-ti o n concerning Renoncour's name; the reader i s not enlightened and i s not given any reason for further hope. Although the mystery surrounding Renoncour's family name may seem to be unnecessary, i t must be remembered that establishing the re a l existence of the author was an important part of the convention at that time. Therefore Prevost's task, i t would seem, was to give as much r e a l i s t i c background as possible to the author in order to suggest his place among the n o b i l i t y of France. It would have been possible for Prevost simply to t e l l the reader a l l the aforementioned information without engaging him in a form of guessing game. However, t h i s approach would have appealed far less to a reading public quite f a m i l i a r with these practices and accustomed to such i n d i r e c t challenges to i t s powers of deduction. 4 0 The methods used by Prevost for naming characters (other than Renoncour) vary somewhat. For example, f i c t i t i o u s characters are not always named by i n i t i a l s . Some i n i t i a l s belong to h i s t o r i c personnages and were probably easy to decipher by the eighteenth-century reader. Two ladies found i n the company of the Due d'Orleans (the Comtesse de P. and the Marquise de F.) - 47 -might well have been c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d as the Comtesse de ParabSre and the Marquise de Flavacourt. When cryptonyms such as these are intermingled with i n i t i a l s depicting imagi-nary characters, i t i s d i f f i c u l t for the reader to sort out fact from f i c t i o n . Certainly we might legimately expect that his e f f o r t s would be concentrated on the problem of i d e n t i f i c a -41 t i o n and not on the question of authenticity. F i c t i t i o u s names are also used frequently i n the M.H.Q. for minor characters, and an assortment of languages are c a l l e d into play to depict foreign t i t l e s . For instance, Renoncour states he w i l l not use Spanish terms i n his memoirs {Je me sers des noms qui sont en usage en France pour ne pas herisser ma narration de termes espagnols. M.H.Q., p. 131). This, supposedly, i s to appease the reader for the lack of authentic foreign names i n the M.H.Q. Y e t Prevost often combined names, employing, i n some cases, those used by memoir-novelists of an e a r l i e r period, since a var i a t i o n b u i l t around some ex i s t i n g name would be more convin-cing, possibly, than one based on pure invention. Prevost's Comtesse d'Orozuna i s perhaps derived from the names Oropesa 42 and Osuna, both used by Madame d'Aulnoy. As well, there i s a certain resemblance between the names given to the p r i e s t s at the E s c o r i a l , and those belonging to Prevost's friends i n Saint-Germain-des-Pres. 4' 3 Frequently i n the M.H.Q., rather than disguise a name by i n i t i -a l s or invent one, Prevost chose to have i t withheld. This was done not only i n the case of the author, but was used also 48 -as a popular device i n the case of minor characters. Such pleas as Permettez-moi de vous eadhev mon nom . . . (M.H.Q., pp. 37, 192) were e f f e c t i v e as a means of sidestepping problems of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and also as a means, of increasing the mystery and intrigue surrounding the event. The names of victims of pirates, of those involved i n f i n a n c i a l ruin or unhappy love a f f a i r s were usually not revealed, ostensibly to protect the good name of the family involved. In one p a r t i c u l a r instance, Renoncour re f r a i n s from naming a p r i e s t (who becomes romanti-c a l l y involved with a young woman) out of respect for the Catholic Church. This guarantees the truth of his account to the reader, who might legitimately suppose that i f Renoncour wished i n that way to protect the church's reputation, then surely the scandal took place. • . \ A further advantage to be found i n Prevost's use of names derives from the i n c l u s i o n of fa l s e names for the purpose of creating suspense and for the development of the p l o t . A false name i s assumed by the Prince dom Manuel . . . while try i n g to court Donna Clara. The Marquis de Rosambert assumes the name of Ars§ne when he r e t i r e s to a Trappist monastery, a move which momentarily confuses Renoncour and f o r e s t a l l s t h e i r reunion. The most prominent example, perhaps, involves the young Turkish adolescent that Renoncour meets on board ship, c a l l e d Memisces. He i s introduced under t h i s name and becomes a close f r i e n d of the young Rosemont. When i t i s f i n a l l y revealed that the lad i s a young woman named Nadine, and - 49 -furthermore that she i s Renoncour's niece, the relationship once shared with Rosemont i s c l e a r l y not permitted to continue. The lovers t r y to hide the fact that Rosemont has discovered Memisces' secret, a twist which adds considerably to the com-pl i c a t i o n s of Renoncour's l i f e and consequently to the plot of the M.H.Q. The fact that several methods are used i n the M.H.Q. to suggest the r e a l - l i f e names of well-known figures i n society makes the task of sorting fact from f i c t i o n much more d i f f i c u l t . The reader can never be sure i n which cases the unnamed in d i v i d u a l i s r e a l or f i c t i t i o u s ; the i n i t i a l s to be found throughout the M.H.Q. might or might not represent a re a l person and the reader, both contemporary and eighteenth-century, would be none the wiser. - 50 -G. Geographical and Topographical Details Geographical and even topographical descriptions i n memoir-novels had the dual purpose of s a t i s f y i n g the travel-minded reader's c u r i o s i t y and of vouching i n d i r e c t l y for the authentic experience of the writer; such detailed information about foreign countries in p a r t i c u l a r was u n l i k e l y to provoke the reader to v e r i f i c a t i o n , thus allowing the novelist certain l i b e r t i e s that he could not afford to take i n the case of des-c r i p t i v e material about France. The popularity of the t r a v e l genre meant that the reader was at once f a m i l i a r with t h i s form of writing and less l i k e l y to be c r i t i c a l of minor discrepancies or errors. In matters concerning reports of a c u l t u r a l or geographical nature, the avid interest of the reader was, of course, a decided advantage for the memoir-novelist wishing to use t h i s aspect of authentic representation to maintain his reader's b e l i e f . In the M.H.Q., the amount of descriptive material given over to geographical considerations i s unevenly dispersed throughout the si x tomes which, by and large, represent i n turn the various countries v i s i t e d by Renoncour. Tome I, set mainly i n France, provides l i t t l e descriptive material of a geographical nature. Renoncour's f i r s t v i s i t to P a r i s , for example, gives the reader only a vague notion of the c i t y ' s layout or i t s places of intere s t . Regarding his private residence, Renoncour has only the following to say: Le fond de melaneoUe que j e portais sans eesse me f i t ehoisir ma demeure dans une rue eaartee du faubourg Saint-Germain. (M.H.Q. , p. 29) - 51 -The greater degree of realism imparted by the geographical exactitude of Des Grieux's Paris provides a notable contrast, a difference quite possibly linked to a s h i f t of interest on 44 the part of Prevost. The remaining events of Tome I take place i n Brussels, i n various English l o c a l i t i e s , and in Vienna, and are narrated with a d e f i n i t e focus on h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y , even i f the attention given to actual events (predominantly concerning wars) overrides any passing references that might be made to geographical locations. A new emphasis, however, i s apparent i n the second tome. The capture of Renoncour by the Turks and his long trek to Adrinople i s written with an eye to the exotic appeal of foreign lands. F a i r l y precise d e t a i l s are frequently given which would undoubtedly have impressed a reading public largely ignorant of l i f e i n the Turkish Empire. The following description, for example, i s c l e a r l y informative i f not actua l l y educational: Cette ville (Amasie) est la capitate de la province du meme nom. Elle est grande, riche et fort peuplee. Sa situation me parut charmante: r.elle est au milieu d'une plaine de dix lieues de long et large de quatre, entouree d'une chavne de montagnes, qui la defendent des vents du nord et du midi. La riviere de Cusalmach coule dans la plaine, et passe au travers de la ville, oil elle procure mille commodites. (M.H.Q. , p. 67) Renoncour 1s eventual return voyage to France takes him f i r s t to I t a l y , where he se t t l e s temporarily with his wife Selima. The account of his I t a l i a n sojourn i s comparatively free of geographical descriptions and l o c a l color i s depicted mainly through a series of adventures and h i s t o r i e s involving the I t a l i a n n o b i l i t y whose customs, manners and l i f e - s t y l e are - 52 -i n d i r e c t l y related. One exception, however, i s provided by the b r i e f paragraph describing the home of Madame de Sanati: Cette dame avait une maison de aampagne a huit ou neuf milles de Rome, du cote de Frascati....... La maison de Madame de Sanati est situee pves.de la ville d'Aldobrandini, qu'on appelle Belvedere a cause de ta beaute de sa vue. (M.H.Q. , p. 93) The t h i r d and fourth tomes of the memoirs (dealing with Spain and Portugal) reveal Prevost's ever increasing interest in descriptive writing. Despite the opening sentence (Je laisse aux geograph.es , et a ceux qui ne voyagent que par curiosite, le soin de donner au public la description des pays qu'its ont parcourus. (M.H.Q. , p. 119) Renoncour provides his reader with an intere s t i n g account of his trave l s from Bordeaux to Bayonne, on through Bidossa and Iron, Saint-Sebastien, V i t t o r i a (in C a s t i l l e ) , 45 Burgos and f i n a l l y Madrid. The c a p i t a l i s revealed by Renoncour to be well supplied with promenades ( cours)] such as ..the Prado neuvo, y el Prado viejo (M.H.Q. , p. 125) . The t i n y r i v e r Mancanaris i s also mentioned. Such d e t a i l s along with informa-t i v e views concerning the culture and customs of the Spanish people are not uncommon i n the t h i r d and fourth tomes, and t h e i r influence on the reader should not be underestimated. Indeed we need only consider the successful l i t e r a r y forgery of Mme. d'Aulnoy's Voyage d'Espagne to r e a l i z e the potential of such t r a v e l l i t e r a t u r e for duping the public. Foulche-Delbosc, who edited the Voyage d'Espagne i n 192 6 revealed for the f i r s t 46 time that Mme. d'Aulnoy probably never set foot i n Spam. Ir o n i c a l l y ^ i f Prevost did borrow from the Voyage d'Espagne (as:well as from de Brunei), he would have done so under the impression that Mme. d'Aulnoy's material was factual and based on first-hand observations. Tome V of the M.H.Q. i s , i n t h i s respect, unlike any of those preceding i t ; i t i s f a c t u a l , precise and presumably based mainly on Prevost's own first-hand impressions and observations. Renoncour's v i s i t to London and the journey through Southwestern England i s dated from February 9, 1716 to approximately the end of June i n the same year. Although o r a l sources are generally agreed to have furnished much of the material not personally experienced by Prevost, the t r a v e l l i t e r a t u r e of contemporary writers such as John Macky, Guy Miege and Daniel 47 Defoe was available for Prevost's use. Prevost arrived i n London some time i n November 1728 and l e f t under mysterious circumstances late i n 1730. A second v i s i t , which allowed him to star t publication of Le Pour et Contre, lasted u n t i l his second departure i n the autumn of 1734. The f i f t h tome of the M.H.Q. was thus probably roughly put together in note form during his sojourn of 1728-30. Despite i t s large amount of precise and accurate descriptive material, there are also a number of chronological errors suggesting that Renoncour's " e a r l i e r " v i s i t i s modeled on that made by Prevost i n 1728-30. For example, The Provoked Husband supposedly attended by Renoncour i n 1715 did not appear in London u n t i l 1728. Prevost in his enthusiasm to discuss the English theatre and to convey his own c r i t i c a l views, forgot i n t h i s instance the exacting 48 demands of chronology. Interestingly, the time lapse, while i t caused some problems can also be seen as working in Prevost's favour; the period described i s remote enough for the contem-porary reader to have forgotten exact d e t a i l s and yet s u f f i c i -ently recent for Prevost to be able to e n l i s t his reader's acquired knowledge as a point of departure. The reader of the M.H.Q.'s f i f t h tome i s given approximately 34 pages of informa-t i o n about London, the l i f e and customs of i t s people, Tunbridge Wells and the society that frequented the spa. Included are Prevost's observations concerning l o c a l monuments (he gives the height of the monument to the Great F i r e , for example, and comments on the commemorative plaque which blames the Papists), landmarks, parks, squares, shops, churches, streets and places of amusement such as bath-houses, dance h a l l s , theatres and amphitheatres for boxing, wrestling and cudgel-playing. Quite apart from the informative value of t h i s material the reaction of Renoncour/Prevost to English customs i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to the modern reader. For example, when describing the park and gardens surrounding Saint-James Palace, Prevost comments on the curious t i t l e given to M. de Saint-Guremont, "governor of ducks" at Saint-James, a paid o f f i c e which appealed apparently to the sense of humour of King George. Prevost's version awards the humour of t h i s s i t u a t i o n to Saint-Guremont, who not only supposedly approached the King about the governorship, but also offered to pay 100 guineas for the p r i v i l e g e . (M.H.Q., p. 247) Prevost also remarked - 55 -on the strange custom practiced by Englishmen of d i s t i n c t i o n of allowing la plus vile populace (M.H.Q. , p. 247) to mingle f r e e l y with them in the parks, squares and on P a l l Mall. A similar reaction of surprise (and probably censure) i s r e g i s -tered by Prevost when discussing the English theatre's famed actress, Mrs. O l d f i e l d . Despite her open love a f f a i r with one of the C h u r c h i l l s , a r e l a t i v e to the Duke of Marlborough, and the fact that they had an i l l e g i t i m a t e son (in fact Anne O l d f i e l d had a second lover and a second c h i l d as well) the actress, Renoncour informs us, was vue avec plaisiv dans les meilleures compagnies de Londres. Les damesi.de la plus haute distinction se ..fa'isavent- un honneur d'etre en liaison avec elle: et.j'ai vu plusieurs fois des duchesses et d'autres personnes du premier rang I'appeler dans leur loges apres la comedie... . . (M.H.Q. , p. 240) C l e a r l y , the very open and l i b e r a l attitude of the English regarding who could be accepted at s o c i a l gatherings of the genteel must have been a revelation to Prevost (and quite probably to his French reader). An anecdote involving the King (who frequented the masquerades at Haymarket and l a t e r Vauxhall) and a masked lady 49 who addressed him with a toast to the health of the Pretender, provides another example of Prevost's inter e s t i n recording not merely facts and figures, but more importantly, the persona-l i t y of the English monarch and his people (M.H.Q., p. 246). We f i n d , however, curious additions made by Prevost to the memoirs which do not enhance authenticity nor do they appear to be corroborated by any known fa c t s . John James Heydigger, - 56 -the person responsible for organizing successful masquerades at Haymarket, a one-time director of the Opera, and an extremely ugly-looking i n d i v i d u a l , i s accurately portrayed i n the M.H.Q. However, i n the memoirs he i s given a brother, a medeoin du meme nom, dont les remedes ont fait tant de bruit a Paris. (M.H.Q., p. 243) Robertson was unable to v e r i f y the existence of such a brother and one cannot help but wonder to what pur-pose t h i s additional information was intended. Heydigger enjoyed a national reputation i n England and surely did not need a brother whose remedies were famous i n Paris to help him achieve some degree of notoriety. Our l i s t of facts from Tome V concerning not only London's celebrated n o b i l i t y but also the c i t y i t s e l f , could be continued at some length and we can only conclude that for the sake of giving an impression of r e a l i t y to the memoirs, Prevost's section on London goes well beyond the conventional demands for geographical realism favoured by contemporaries. For example, Renoncour's f i r s t impressions of the boxing matches held at the amphitheatres are related i n s u f f i c i e n t d e t a i l to include mention of one p a r t i c u l a r match between James Figg ( p u g i l i s t and cudgel-player) and un sergent irlanddds, arrive reeemment de Gibraltar (M.H.Q. , p. 252) . Such additional informa-t i o n i s int e r e s t i n g because the match must, i n f a c t , have taken place (although Robertson was unable to assign a precise date to the event). Prevost either saw the match, heard about i t from a spectator or found a reference to the event i n a source - 57 -not yet discovered by his modern commentators. In view of the long semi-exotic tales of adventure t o l d only a few tomes e a r l i e r i n the M.H.Q., i t i s surprising that Prevost expended such energies here i n recording r e l a t i v e l y minor occurences in such d e t a i l . The tour of Southwestern England described by Renoncour was quite l i k e l y undertaken by Prevost although there seem to be no records indicating the date or the length of i t . Prevost was employed as tutor to Francis Eyles, son of S i r John Eyles. The family, of Wiltshire o r i g i n , also had r e l a t i v e s i n Somerset and at some stage a v i s i t was made to them by Francis Eyles. We know from Le Pour et Contre that Prevost started on such a journey with a copy of Camden and that in disgust he d i s -carded the book, choosing instead to make his own notes and observations. In the absence of documentary proof, we can only assume that Renoncour 1s c a r e f u l l y recorded observations resemble, at least in part, the notes taken by Prevost and, as we might expect, once again we f i n d chronological errors in Renoncour 1s material betraying the date of Prevost's observations. When discussing the country-seats he v i s i t e d i n 1716, Renoncour talks about oetle de Mylord Leyminton a Down Husband, proche de . . . (M.H.Q. , p. 264). The estate was Down Hurstbourne i n Hampshire which belonged to the Wallop family. Only i n 1720 was the t i t l e created and given to John Wallop, 50 F i r s t Viscount Lymmgton. Cle a r l y Prevost was f a m i l i a r with both the estate and the Viscount. Another chronological - 58 -error, involving the Bishop of Chichester, i s of special interest because of what i s revealed of Prevost's personal views. Renoncour reports dining with Edward Waddington, Bishop of Chichester (he became Bishop only i n 1724) , his wife (who died i n 1728 before Prevost arrived i n England), and t h e i r daughters (the Bishop died i n 1731 without issue). The daughters qui nous pavuvent d'une sagesse et d'une modestie dignes du rang episcopal (M.H.Q. , p. 263) and the wife (whom Prevost- obviously never:: met) help to build up Prevost's under-standably exalted portrayal of the freedom and dignity of the English clergy. One can in t h i s instance understand the reasoning behind Prevost's adjustment of the facts; his feelings of f r u s t r a t i o n with the French clergy overruled his tendency in t h i s tome to be f a c t u a l . Despite the number of years separating the r e a l and the imaginary journey, the M.H.Q. i s amply enriched as well with inte r e s t i n g stories about r u r a l towns, English barrows, Roman cas t l e s , Wheatears (a name probably evolved from the t y p i c a l l y "white-arsed" birds) and t i n mines. Renoncour seems to observe the t i n i e s t d e t a i l s and comments with well-deserved scepticism on some of the sights, for example, King Arthur's round table displayed i n Winchester. To l i s t , along with some c r i t i c s , the great number of places and buildings that are not mentioned by Renoncour seems, how-ever, an exercise i n f u t i l i t y . Prevost was not an avid antiquarian, nor would one expect to f i n d an appreciation of the picturesque nor a love for nature from a man of qu a l i t y i n - 59 -the early eighteenth century. Prevost's Tome V r e f l e c t s the interests of i t s author i n a number of subtle ways allowing the reader to enjoy England through the eyes of one of i t s most candid and eloquent French supporters. Tome VI which concludes the memoirs i s a somewhat confused array of adventures, involving chases, retreats to nunneries, vengeance and drama. There i s no geographical interest in th i s tome which seeks, through a series of prolonged minor histaires, to draw the memoirs to a f i n a l close. The reader notes a tremendous s h i f t of interest and only the quickly moving pace of the l a s t pages helps to prevent a fe e l i n g of confusion. Renoncour's colourful descriptions of l i f e in foreign countries are terminated; the facts,, figures, and impressively r e a l observations are replaced by a narrative s t y l e dependent almost e n t i r e l y on plot and action. - 60 -H. Time: Calendar, Clock, and Chronology References to hours and dates, as well as good chronological organization, contribute much to the reader's sense of r e a l i t y in memoir-novels. While errors of t h i s kind are e a s i l y d i s -covered by the c r i t i c a l reader, there are positive aspects of time references which merit discussion. The l a t e r tomes of the M.H.Q. were supposedly written i n diary form with Renoncour recording each evening the events of the same day. In these circumstances the problem of remembering twenty years afte r an event whether i t took place on a Wednesday or Thurs-day or remembering whether Renoncour arrived for dinner at prec i s e l y six o'clock i s on the whole a minor one i n the M.H.Q. Prevost frequently notes the precise time: le lendemain, qui etait un jour de fete, Scoti vint m'avertir sur les huit heures du matin que le euvieux etait a ma porte (M.H.Q. , p. 2 9) ; Je fus plus suvpvis que je ne le puis dive, lovsque j 'appris le lendemain d mon reveil qu 'il etait parti sur les trois heures du matin pour se rendre a N . . . La Brie entra dans ma chambre a sept heures. (M.H.Q. , p. 27) Renon-cour i s also p a r t i c u l a r l y aware of duration and frequently alludes to the number of days or weeks separating two events. Phrases such as Je I'attendis trois semaines entieres; Il me dit qu'on n 'y avait ete assure de mon evasion que quatre jours apres . . . Il ne raconta que peu de jours apres . . . Je demeurai encore-? quelques jours dans cette ville . . . (M.H.Q., p. 56) indicate an obvious appreci-ation of time and i t s int e r e s t for the author. The example just c i t e d depicts Renoncour at a d i f f i c u l t juncture in his l i f e ; he has escaped from England, awaited impatiently the - 61 -a r r i v a l of his servant, and then decided to leave Cologne for more happy prospects in Vienna. Temporal precision reinforces the f e e l i n g of f r u s t r a t i o n and impatience so obviously f e l t by the young man of qual i t y . A second example found in Tome V, adds to the reader's sense of witnessing history in the making. Renoncour, engaged i n attempts to organize the escape of Mylady R . . . , has not been able to keep abreast of the l o c a l scene. J'avais passe les huit premiers jours avec tant d1 inquiet-ude que j 'avais ete capable de peu d 'attention pour ce qui se faisait a Londres. Il y etait arrive de grands changements. (M.H.Q. , p. 24 0) This example, i n fa c t , also contributes to the chronological organization of the M.H.Q. and along with most of the "dates" gratuitously offered i n the text, enhances the temporal realism of the novel. To achieve t h i s temporal realism, Prevost, r e a l i z i n g f u l l well that the his t o r i a n s ' trade flourishes on s p e c i f i c dates and well-known v e r i f i a b l e events (a fare that i s l a r g e l y ignored by the t r a d i t i o n a l n o v e l i s t ) , has s t r a t e g i -c a l l y sprinkled his narrative with factual o f f e r i n g s . These h i s t o r i c a l t i d b i t s serve him i n two ways: they function on a p r a c t i c a l l e v e l to punctuate and therefore delineate his plo t structure with a rea l temporal focus and more generally, they reinforce and, in fa c t , support his claims for truth because his narrative becomes " h i s t o r i c a l l y accurate". An example of t h i s can be seen in Prevost's shaping of Tome V with dates either given d i r e c t l y or implied through t h e i r association with h i s t o r i c a l l y prominent events. - 62 -Renoncour and Rosemont's a r r i v a l in England coincides with the rebel Scottish c h i e f s ' sentencing, which establishes the temporal s t a r t i n g point of the English sojourn (Prevost does not include the actual date, February 9, 1716, probably because the notoriety of the event was s u f f i c i e n t evidence for his purpose). Once in London, Renoncour casually refers to his V f i r s t eight days", and a number of events, c o r r e c t l y sequenced, are included in his i t i n e r a r y to authenticate t h i s : the Pretender's departure from Scotland (the Diary of Dudley Ryder 5 i indicates that rumours surrounding the Chevalier's f l i g h t from Montrose had been c i r c u l a t i n g i n some London s o c i a l c i r c l e s as early as February 14th), Nithsdale's escape from prison, February 2 3rd, and the execution of Derwentwater and Kenmure, February 24th. Unfortunately Prevost added the dismis-sal of Nottingham and Aylsford, February 28th and 29th, which somewhat stretches a l i t e r a l interpretation of his eight day reference. Later i n Tome V, the Jacobite cause i s again mentioned by Renoncour, t h i s time serving as a temporal marker for his f i r s t appearance at court and his conversation with the King (M.H.Q., 53 p. 241) . As well, on the day of t h i s v i s i t (March 6, 1716) , the Duke of Argyle arrived at court with the written surrender 54 of many rebel c h i e f s . Renoncour also mentions that during the same period the c i t y was preoccupied with the t r i a l of the E a r l of Oxford (M.H.Q., p. 241). In t h i s case, Prevost was probably very precise as the t r i a l , which was ongoing from - 63 -1715-1717, reached a p a r t i c u l a r highpoint when in late February 1716 new evidence was brought forward by the E a r l of Stair 55 (against Oxford). This event i s undoubtedly the cause of the c i t y ' s renewed inter e s t i n the p l i g h t of Oxford, which Prevost inserted into the correct chronological s l o t of the M.H.Q. Renoncour then departs London for a tour of the provinces, re s u l t i n g i n an absence of approximately two months (M.H.Q., p. 268), and upon his return, he reports that the p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s i n London had undergone much change. The debates con-cerning the repeal of the Triennel Act were currently taking place (ca. l a t e April) and Renoncour witnessed the escape of 56 Mackintosh from the Tower on the eve of May 3rd. Thus his two month's absence f i t s almost exactly the period designated by Argyle's a r r i v a l i n London (March 6) and Mackintosh's escape (May 3), revealing c l e a r l y that Prevost respected the demands of chronology. As well Renoncour 1s decision to return to France coincides with the English King's v i s i t to his German holdings (M.H.Q., p. 269), an event announced i n one of his speeches 57 which was recorded i n the London Gazette of June 2 4-20. F i n -a l l y , when Renoncour reveals Nous fixdmes le jour de notre depart au 24 de juin, he circumscribes the sojourn between February 9th and June 24th, a period of about three and one half months, which conveniently matches the pronouncement at the beginning of Tome V that Renoncour expected to remain i n England for three to four months. Considering the multitude of events and a c t i v i t i e s that are woven into Tome V, the chronological arrangement of the - 64 -material seems to be of a f a i r l y high standard. The passage of time (even without a c r i t i c a l confirmation of Renoncour's h i s t o r i c a l references) seems to blend well with the type of a c t i v i t i e s reported and the temporal precision i n t h i s case adds to the general impression of Renoncour 1s involvement i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l London scene. The o v e r a l l chronological arrangement of the M.H.Q. presents some discrepancies which serve as a reminder that f i c t i o n can-not be a r b i t r a r i l y organized i n a li n e a r progression when the author i s attempting a style of narrative based on r e c a l l . Perhaps the problem i s even more d i f f i c u l t than usual i n the M.H.Q. where we are given a f i r s t glimpse of the author after two tomes, and a second look after two more tomes when he has already written part of his l i f e story. The idea of picking up the pen once again i s a challenge to the organizational a b i l i t i e s of any memoir-novelist. Despite such d i f f i c u l t i e s , Prevost has nevertheless attempted to pinpoint p a r t i c u l a r stages i n Renoncour 1s l i f e by giving precise dates and at other times by revealing Renoncour 1s age. Although we are not t o l d the year of Renoncour's birth,(we are encouraged by the information given us to figure i t out), the general chronology i n the M.H.Q. can be b r i e f l y set out as follows. (The underlined numbers repre-sent deduction's _based. on specific. references i n the text to the duration of time.) - 65 -AGE YEAR EVENTS Bi r t h 1661 17 1678 V i s i t to grandfather (M.H.Q. , p. 18) . 18 1678 J u l i e dies, his father returns to the monastery. 18-19 1679 Loss of his inheritance and f i n a l vows are taken by the father. 19 1680 Arrives in Paris in 1680 (M.H.Q., p. 29). 27 1688 Arrives in The Hague vers le mois d'avril de I'annee 1688 (M.H.Q. , p. 52) (As Renoncour goes d i r e c t l y from Paris to the Hague, c l e a r l y eight years have suddenly disap-peared'.) 27 16 8 8 Renoncour arrives in Cologne te jour de Noel de I'annee 1688 (M.H.Q. , p. 56). 28 168 9 He fights in the Austrian army i n 1689 and i s taken prisoner. 39 17 00 The number of years spent i n Turkey are not mentioned. One can only deduce that approximately 10 years elapsed. When Renoncour arrives i n I t a l y he meets Rosamberg who took his vows in 17 00 (M.H.Q., p. 86). The reunion can be dated shortly a f t e r t h i s time. 39 1700 Death of Selima. Concerning her death, Renoncour states, Quatorze ans entiers passes dans la douleur n 'ont pu m'accoutumer a ma perte, qui semble se renouveller tous les jours. (M.H.Q. , p. 96) Thus, at the time of writing t h i s part of his memoirs Renoncour would be 53-54 and Selima's death would have taken place i n 1699-1700. The Avant-Propos reveals that Renoncour had been happy for three years in the monastery (at the age of 53; M.H.Q., p. 115) when he was then encour-aged to leave and t r a v e l with the young Rosemont. They depart after the Treaty of Utrecht (M.H.Q., p. 117) and arri v e in Spain (their f i r s t country) i n 1715. - 66 -AGE YEAR EVENTS 53- 54 1712-15 The period during which the f i r s t two ' tomes were written. 54 1715 They are i n Spain i n September 1715 when Louis XIV dies. (M.H.Q., p. 135) 54- 55 1715-16 Renoncour meets Selima's brother at the Hague and t e l l s him of her death which had taken place 19 to 20 years e a r l i e r (M.H.Q., p. 214). Thus Selima's death, according to t h i s information, occurred in 1697 (which i s f a i r l y close to the date of the death as calculated e a r l i e r by other information from the M.H.Q.). 54 1716 They arrive i n London February 9, 1716, and depart June 24, 1716. (At the beginning of Tome V the second editor's l e t t e r announces the death of the author. Before he describes his v i s i t to England Renoncour states that he i s now 6 0 years old (M.H.Q., p. 22 9) thus approximately six years separate the writing and the experiences i n England.) 6 0 Renoncour claims to be 6 0 at the time he decides to r e t i r e once again to his monastery. Much has taken place since his departure from England, although the duration of six years which i s implied does not seem to f i t the short period suggested by the fast pace of the f i n a l few episodes. - 67 -This b r i e f outline of the chronological arrangement of the M.H.Q. demonstrates Prevost's r e l a t i v e success in t h i s aspect of novel-writing, e s p e c i a l l y when one considers that the work appeared i n various forms between 1728 and 1731, a lengthy period that must to a certain extent correspond : to the period of composition. In the preceding eight sections we have, by means of examples that are reasonably t y p i c a l , attempted to show how Prevost, while publishing anonymously, was at pains to devise a "persona" for his editor as d i s t i n c t from the character of his narrator, not only to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the two i n d i v i d u a l s , but to reinforce the impression of Renoncour's " r e a l i t y " . Prevost's editor remains somewhat shadowy but forms an i n t e r e s t i n g f i l t e r between the c o l o u r f u l narrator and the reader. This distancing would seem useful to a novelist indulging, perhaps, in a l i t e r a r y version of trompe I'oeil. Furthermore there are instancesJin the text where Renoncour i s e s s e n t i a l l y also an editor i n that he i s narrating, or relaying, another's t a l e . We [have seen that t h i s device may well serve to remove Renoncour "from d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for r e l a t i n g the u n l i k e l y . Thus -Renoncour i s permitted to become somewhat avuncular i n his rel a t i o n s h i p with the reader - an e l d e r l y member of a r e l i g i o u s order with memoirs to r e l a t e , quoting from l e t t e r s , describing places, giving exact times and dates, remembering t i t l e s and (names - furnishing, in short, a l l of those elements that combine tcxcreate the image of a r e a l person, held up as r e a l , yet - 68 -shielded from d i r e c t view by the editor's hand. To treat these devices as merely conventional t r i c k s i s to underesti-mate Prevost; admittedly many of them are part of the stock-in-trade of many writers of the early eighteenth century. But Prevost combines them to authenticate both his narrator and his narrator's tales i n ways that we are possibly only beginning to appreciate. - 69 -NOTES Mylne (to mention just one critic) discusses the "humble place" reserved for the novel in the hierarchy of literary forms of the seventeenth century. See Mylne, p. 15. 2 Stewart, p. 25. 3 May, Dilemme du roman, p. 145. 4 A review of the actual numbers of titles that bore the words Histoire and MSmdire as opposed to Roman, can be found in Georges May's Dilemme du roman, pp. 143-144. A complete l i s t has also been compiled and is readily available in S. P. Jones, A List of French Prose Fiction  from 1700-1750. (New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1939), pp. 1-107. 5 Georges May, "Contribution h la vie d'un roman: Manon Lescaut" Collogue Prevost, p. 209. 6 May, Dilemme du roman, p. 75. 7 The actual number works out to 39. For a complete chart see May's Dilemme du roman, p. 93. Q Stewart, p. 307. g Stewart, p. 307. In his Introduction Stewart sets apart the two levels of illusion, designating the "more literal illusion" as the one primarily relevant to the period 1700-1750. See also Stewart, p. 5. ^ Mylne, pp. 3-18. 1 1 On this particular point Mylne states: "Interspersed among these facts, it is common to find some assurances as to the authenticity of the whole work, plus possibly a pointed reminder: that truth is stranger than fiction. Thus the novelists were apparently trying to evoke literal rather than imaginative belief." See Mylne, p. 43. 12 There seems to be some difference of opinion between Mylne and Stewart regarding the identity of Cleveland's editor. The t i t l e page names the translator as "auteur des memoires d'un homme de gualite". Due to the fact that Provost signed the second lettre de 1'editeur in the - 70 -M.H.Q., "D'Exiles", Mylne considers the auteur in Cleveland to be Prevost D'Exiles. Stewart refers to the Preface of Cleveland where the editor states "L'histoire de M. Cleveland m'est venue d'une bonne source: je la tiens de son f i l s . . . XI avait lu mes Memoires . . . Je veux vous faire connaltre, me d i t - i l un jour en me les prSsentant, un homme gui avait le coeur fait a peu pres comme le vdtre, et qui a fait le me"me usage que vous des aventures d'une vie fort malheureuse." Stewart considers that it is Renoncour, author of the forementioned Memoires, that is designated as editor. See Mylne, p. 74 and Stewart, p. 70. 13 These additional details would encourage the reader to conclude that his peers had actually met with the author despite his desire to remain anonymous, thus substantiating the editor's claims. 14 Tomes I to IV were published between 1728-1729. Tomes V and VI did not appear until 1731. 15 Monty discusses the editor's contribution m the M.H.Q. to the reader's belief in the author. She sees a direct correlation between believing in the author and believing in the authenticity of his memoirs. The author's death exemplified Provost's efforts to present a real individual (see Monty, p. 21). Stewart analyses various uses of footnotes and editorial touch ups. Translator's comments, corrections of grammar, intentional minor errors and reorganization of chronological difficulties were some of the devices favoured by memoir-novelists. See Stewart, pp. 73-83. 17 The two footnotes probably date from the period of corrections made by Prevost between 1753-1756. 18 I raise this point at this stage because later in the memoirs Renoncour's actions will seem to render him somewhat of a hypocrite. The first Lettre de 1'editeur expands on Renoncour's strength of character and his steadfastness in the fact of future uncertainties and changing fortunes. The pact between author and reader is based on Renoncour's integrity. Although the personality of a scoundrel or the ever-changing nature of a man of adventure might suit the author of a novel in another literary period, in this case r e l i a b i l i t y and constancy are necessary personality attributes of Prevost's author. If the reader were confronted with an act on the part of the author that was drastically out of character, the very basis of the pact would be undermined. Although Renoncour is a fictitious character in his own right, his function as author seems to dominate his appeal to the reader as an interesting personality. Frequently the reader is only too happy to bypass Renoncour in order to concentrate more completely on the action of the narrative. - 71 -19 Max Brun, "Contribution a la vie d'un roman: Manon Lescaut", Collogue Prevost, pp. 211-212. 20 It is at this time that the man of guality assumes the name "Renoncour" and the young Marguis that of "Rosemont" in order to travel incognito. 21 Renoncour instructs the young Rosemont m the following example which is typical of the many lessons taught. "Vous voila bien instruit du peril. Veillez sur votre coeur, et souvenez-vous surtout de ne perdre jamais de vue 1'honneur et la religion." (M.H.Q., p. 122) 22 Immediately following the Avant-Propos is a passage which reconfirms the didactic role of the memoirs. The fact that Rosemont, :. now a Duke, gives his permission to Renoncour to record their adventures adds a touch of reality to the seguence of events previously outlined in the Avant-Propos concerning Renoncour's new responsibilities and the eventual publication of the memoirs. C'est par suite des memes sentiments, gue dans 1'SlSvation oh il se trouve aujourd'hui par la mort du due son pere, il me permet d'^crire librement les aventures de notre voyage. II consent m£me gue pour le plaisir ou l'utilite' du public, je raconte les fautes oh 1'ardeur de la jeunesse le f i t tomber. (M.H.Q., p. 120) 23 Many separate histoires are to be found in the text before Tome VII. However, although potentially capable of involving the reader to the same degree as occurs in Manon Lescaut, these minor histoires are are not long enough to allow any appreciable development of plot or character. 24 The involvement of the reader with the author/narrator is a factor considered by Stewart to be of prime importance. He considers that Prevost's best works are those based on the presence of an interlocutor. The author continually addresses the reader directly thus encouraging his participation in the action of the narrative. From the point of view of winning belief, the reader's involvement is essential. See Stewart, p. 158. 25 A comparison of Tome VII with those preceding would present an interesting and possibly worthwile study. Certain scholars have briefly touched on some of the differences to be found. For example, the use of indirect speech, the lack of interpolated stories, the brevity of the work, the use of an interlocutor, characterization, and the more balanced ratio between characterization and plot are some of the advantages awarded to Manon Lescaut. A few points of comparison may be found in the following: Monty, pp. 43-47, p. 63; Mylne, pp. 102-103; Stewart, p. 158; Sgard, pp. 227-232. Sgard, despite the attention he has given to a study of - 72 -PrSvost's complete works, refrains from drawing comparisons between Tome I-VI of the M.H.Q. and Tome VII. Although there are many points of comparison available (thematic similarities for example) Sgard has preferred to compare Manon Lescaut with Cleveland. 26 Prevost's ability to foresee the cause of his own death is the subject of speculation by Robertson. She quotes a passage from the Pour  et Contre (1736) in which Prevost expresses his fear of apoplexy; the very cause of death attributed to Prevost by his contemporaries. It is interesting to consider the following epitaph' traditionally attributed to Provost which states: Ci-glt, qui, toujours energique, / IntSressant et path£tique, / Mais toujours sombre et respirant la mort, / Semble, dans ses Merits, avoir pr§vu son sort. See Abb£ PrSvost, Adventures of a Man of Quality, translated with an introduction by Mysie E.I. Robertson, (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1930) pp. 27-28. 27 Stewart suggests that some novelists( rather than burden their memoirs with too many protestations of truth, choose to "do no more than take the edge off the reader's imminent astonishment by warning him that he will have cause for it." See Stewart, p. 181. 2 8 Renoncour does not always show scepticism; 'in some cases he remains noncommittal. For instance while visiting his father at the monastery an incredible tale is told to him by one of the fathers. Not wishing to doubt the word of a priest Renoncour tells the reader: "Le pbre prieur me parut fort persuade de la v§ritS de cette histoire. Je ne la contestai point." (M.H.Q., p. 49) A similar example can be found in Tome V when Renoncour travels to Winchester. The legendary Round-table is reputed to be authentic. Renoncour stresses these are the opinions of the local people, not his own (M.H.Q., p. 264). 29 The .werewolf' tale is discussed by most critics at some stage in their studies. Engel, to quote but one, uses this episode to ridicule the naivety that she presumes to be Prevost's concerning the inclusion of factual details with fiction. "Dans l'homme de Quality, a quelques pages de distance, le heros rencontre le Regent Philippe d'Orleans, puis des loups-garous. Le Regent a existe et, par consequent, il en est de meme des loups-garous, estime Prevost." See C.E. Engel, Le Veritable  Abb& Prevost, p. 238. The line of reasoning which Engel suggests Pr&vost followed is not particularly applicable to the example quoted. The number of pages separating the two episodes is considerable and although Renoncour did speak with the Regent he merely reported hearing strange stories about werewolves from another source. This is an important difference which certainly renders Prevost's supposed line of reasoning less questionable. -73 -Was the eighteenth-century reader conscious of these hints or suggestions? Possibly we cannot even assume that he was interested in the technigues employed to convince him, any more than the average novel reader of our own times is aware of being manipulated by the tricks of contemporary novelists. The technigues and motivation may be different, but the reader is, of course, s t i l l manipulated. One might cite W. Golding's Pincher Martin as a contemporary example of reader manipula^ tion. 31 The relative accuracy of Prevost's information is assessed by Engel, pp. 194-197. 32 The ouvrage particulier referred to by Renoncour in Tome V of the M.H.Q. (1730) becomes a reality for PrSvost. In 1735 the Pour et Contre (volume 6, pp. 242-243) announces Provost's desire to publish'some memoirs which will serve as a replacement for the type of guide book prepared by Camden. While travelling through Southern England Prevost consulted Camden and found the work to be incomplete. Although the memoirs mentioned in the Pour et Contre were never published, it would seem that Provost had by then compiled most of the material. An interesting similarity may be seen in both the M.H.Q. and the Pour et Contre concerning Prevost's gloomy view of the l i t t l e time remain-ing to him. Renoncour's descriptive passages of churches, their tombs and monuments are intended to help furnish "un ouvrage particulier, si le peu de temps gui me reste a vivre me permet de .1'entreprendre. (M.H.Q., p. 263). The ouvrage PrSvost referred to in the Pour et Contre is shadowed by a similar sense of uncertain future: "Mais comme rien n'est si incertain, gue le terns auguel cette faveur du ciel m'est reservSe, je puis d'avance detacher guelgues morceaux de mon Ouvrage. (Pour et Contre, Volume 6, p. 243). 33 The manner chosen for obtaining the letters might well have bothered the reader. Not that he would have been shocked by the act itself (eaves-dropping and letter-snatching were regularly reported in memoir-novels of the period), rather he might have found the behaviour at odds with the noble character portrayal insisted upon time and time again by the editor and Renoncour himself. From the point of view of belief it would seem to be undesirable for the reader to suddenly discover midway through the memoirs that the author is unreliable. 34 Although Renoncour does not always admit he cannot recall the letters verbatim, he does freguently summarize their contents for the benefit of the reader. Such is the case with the letter written by Nadine to Rosemont. Renoncour outlines the essential parts and even comments on her grammatical shortcomings. (M.H.Q., p. 246) 35 See Stewart, pp. 109-110. - 74 -3 6 See Mylne, p. 96. 37 Both Mylne and Stewart raise this point in their discussion of indirection in the M.H,Q. 38 See Stewart, p. 109. 39 ' , Prevost's own family history reveals that his ancestors settled in Artois as early as the fifteenth century. Although Renoncour is supposedly from this region, there is no reason to suggest that there is any substantial autobiographical content in the M.H.Q. 40 The number of readers who beseeched Rousseau to make known the name of Julie in La Nouvelle Helo'ise, suggests that even after 1730 the public remained highly interested in making actual identification. 41 The case of a not so well hidden name involving Provost and the Grand Duke of Florence resulted in a lettre de cachet being issued against PrSvost. The names of not only the Grand Duke but also his brother Jean-Gaston de Medecis were barely disguised behind i n i t i a l s and titles; when the identity of these scandalous individuals portrayed in the M.H.Q. became obvious to all, Prevost had to resort quickly to more subtle means of naming the culprits. Sgard's Variantes (M.H.Q., p. 449) reveal the changes made by Prevost. J. Molino, "L'Espagne Romanesque de Pre'vost", Collogue Provost, Ibid. 42 p. 73. 43 44 It is interesting to speculate along these lines when one considers that Tome V (rich in factual information about England).' and Tome VII, were both written in 1730-31, corresponding perhaps to a stage in Prevost's career that would eventually see an increased emphasis on historical imitation in his writing. 45 This itinerary as well as many of the accompanying descriptions suggest that Prevost's source for the geographical and cultural material on Spain was Antoine de Brunei's Voyage d'Espagne cu.rieux, historique et  politique. Fait en 1'annee 1655. Although Mme. d'Aulnoy's Voyage d'Espagne was also available to Prevost, de Brunei's text shows a closer resemblance. See Molino, Collogue Prevost, pp. 71-72. 46 Madame d'Aulnoy, "Relation du Voyage d'Espagne", edited by Foulche-Delbosc in Revue Hispanique, Vols. LXVII-LXVIII, (New York: n.p., 1926) p. 90. 47 The tour of rural England which was quite probably undertaken by Prevost sometime between 1728 and 1730. - 75 -48 Robertson has pointed out a few of Prevost's chronological errors but at the same time has highlighted some of the pitfalls he managed to avoid, indicating that Prevost did, in fact, pay heed to such details in the M.H.Q. (see Robertson, pp. 30-31). 49 . . A similar account is to be found in Amusements of Old London which includes the King, a masked ball, and a joke played involving a musical salute to the Pretender and there is a fair chance that Prevost's anecdote was based on some version of the affair told to him during his first visit to England. See William Boulten, The Amusements of Old  London, (London: J.C. Nimmo, 1901) pp. 102-104. 50 The Complete Peerage, edited by H.A. Doubleday, O.H. White and Lord Howard de Walden, (London: 1945) vol. 8, p. 297. 5 1 Dudley Ryder, The Diary of Dudley Ryder 1715-1716, edited by William Matthews (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1939) p. 181. 52 When Prevost revised his text m 1756 the few chronological errors or discrepancies that he might have corrected remained untouched. One can but assume that after years of success and public acclaim as an author and translator, Prevost took l i t t l e notice of minor chronological problems in his first novelt written over twenty-five years earlier. 53 One should remember that Renoncour's first encounter with the Spanish monarch and his court also coincided with a special day, the feast day of Saint Francis. 54 -The Jacobites and the Union - Being a Narrative- of the Movements  of 1708, 1715, 1719 by Several Contemporary Hands. Edited by Charles San-ford Terry (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1922) p. 171. 55 Dudley Ryder, p. 182. 5 6 Ibid, pp. 219-220. The escape reported to have been witnessed by Renoncour took place from Newgate and not the Tower. 57 Robertson, p. 195. - 76 -Chapter II Factual Adaptations The following chapter has been divided into two parts, each dealing with a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t aspect of Prevost's use of borrowed material. 'Historic imitation touches upon the events taken from history (largely concerned with wars and conquests) which, although predominantly fa c t u a l , have been interpreted or s l i g h t l y altered to f i t into the context of the memoirs. The material copied from journals which i s discussed in the second part, reveals an unusual aspect of Prevost's technique; here certain passages have been taken d i r e c t l y from other sources and in many cases copied verbatim i n the text. Both of these categories of "borrowed" materials combine to form a v i t a l part of my thesis. They serve as a convention in our discussion of the various devices used to create an i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y . However, due to t h e i r importance and r e l a t i v e s i z e , i t was easier to present these techniques separately. Their contribution to the reader's b e l i e f and to the authentic appearance of the memoirs must not be underestimated. - 77 -A. H i s t o r i c a l Imitation History played a substantial role in influencing the memoir-novel and indeed in providing the memorialist with an int e r e s t i n g and challenging tool for shaping the b e l i e f of his reader. P o l i t i c a l events, current s o c i a l issues of importance, wars, the a c t i v i t i e s of m i l i t a r y leaders and statemen, were a l l woven into the novel for purposes of authenticity. For some no v e l i s t s , e s p e c i a l l y Prevost, merely using h i s t o r i c a l material i n works of f i c t i o n was less s a t i s f y i n g than the more d i f f i c u l t challenge of actually imitating the method of the h i s t o r i a n . Providing evidence to substantiate a p a r t i c u l a r point, r e f e r r i n g to his sources, refuting the opinions of established scholars and historians and l i s t i n g his own q u a l i f i c a t i o n s or credentials as a scholar were popular devices used by Prevost. The pose assumed by Cleveland's e d i t o r / h i s t o r i a n i s a perfect example of Prevost's determination to imitate the hi s t o r i a n ; he enumerates dubious points, substantiating them subsequently by c i t i n g h i s t o r i c a l sources, even inventing authors for authoritative documents that he has studied. 1 In other incidents, he alludes to his own scholarly works (such as his translations and histories) a l l the while admitting that early in his career he had 2 indulged i n works of f i c t i o n . Prevost's success at h i s t o r i -c a l imitation i s attested to by the fact that his Voyages du  Capitaine Robert Lade (1745) was "unmasked" only i n 1936; i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t too that of seven works of f i c t i o n published - 78 -between 1740-1745, two are not catalogued as novels by the 3 Bibliotheque Nationale. I t i s l i t t l e wonder then that Prevost's eighteenth-century readers had d i f f i c u l t y i n accurately assessing the proportions of truth and f i c t i o n i n his various h i s t o r i e s , voyages and translations. What i s most surprising, perhaps, i s the amount of e f f o r t that went into producing these l i t e r a r y forgeries and we may legitimately speculate whether Prevost wished f i n a l l y to be regarded as an h i s t o r i a n rather than as a writer of f i c t i o n or whether, i n f a c t , he enjoyed the greater freedom associated with creating l i t e r a r y forgeries, duping both reader and c r i t i c a l i k e . The evidence suggests that Prevost, i n the M.H.Q., was merely beginning his exploration of techniques dependent on h i s t o r i c a l material. The references, for the most part, are comprised of data pertaining to p o l i t i c a l figures and events. They are generally presented without preamble, are unobtrusive, and subtly woven into the f i c t i o n and, at the same time, are r e l a -t i v e l y accurate, suggesting that Prevost was not simply making casual use of events that were common knowledge. (Occasionally more obscure recent events are c i t e d , widening, to the author's advantage, the gap i n public knowledge, but for many of the incidents described the sources are predictable, i f not actually known.) However, the numerous b a t t l e s , p o l i t i c a l power struggles and current events are incorporated i n the M.H.Q., to form a background structure for Renoncour's adventures, and unlike Prevost's l a t e r works which are often viewed as " r e a l " - 79 -biographies or autobiographies, no h i s t o r i c a l documentation i s offered as evidence to support Renoncour's actual existence. The only evidence we are given i s the testimony of the editor, even though the M.H.Q. i s completely devoted to the l i f e of th i s f i c t i t i o u s "man of the cl o t h " . In order to better our understanding of Prevost's handling of h i s t o r i c a l material in the M.H.Q. therefore, we w i l l consider events separately: the Conquest of 1688, the Austro-Turkish War of 1689 and the Jacobite Rebellion of 1716-17. The Con-quest of 1688 i s reported in Tome I which was written follow-ing Prevost's Les Aventures de Pomponius, Chevalier Romain, ou  1'Histoire de notre terns. The His t o i r e de notre terns was published during Prevost's sojourn at Sees (1724-25) and not only was t h i s his f i r s t major attempt at writing, i t also allowed him to work in an area that was "une des grandes passions de sa v i e : l ' H i s t o i r e " . It i s therefore not s u r p r i -sing to f i n d Prevost, i n 1728, including an h i s t o r i c a l event that not only served to give Renoncour, through his association with well known h i s t o r i c a l personages, a touch of authenticity, but also allowed Prevost to indulge in the interpretation of history from a personal point of view. Prevost by th i s time was s t a r t i n g to f e e l the r e s t r i c t i v e confines of his r e l i g i o u s l i f e - s t y l e and was i n revolt against the censure i n f l i c t e d upon his opinions and freedom of speech. In the text Renoncour becomes an active participant in the s i l e n t invasion of England, serving as both a common sold i e r and also as a special - 80 -envoy for William of Orange. Surprisingly, the hero of the M.H.Q., although a Frenchman and a Catholic, i s apparently not disturbed by the potential threat a glorious revolution posed to the power of a King who was both a fellow Catholic and a French a l l y . Instead Renoncour exhalts the Prince, supports his intentions to save England from r e l i g i o u s tyranny and only c r i t i c i z e s the Prince's methods when i t appears that the defeated monarch's l i f e may be i n danger. This interpretation of the Conquest of 1688 in the M.H.Q. i s not at a l l r e f l e c t e d in the Mercure Galant, the Gazette de  France, or the Nouveau Journal Universel (later the Gazette  d'Amsterdam). Indeed, an examination of the relevant passages in these journals leads us to the conclusion that Prevost's version of the Conquest and his praise of William run counter to the usual French attitude of t h i s time. One could speculate that t h i s difference i s attributable to the author's wish to st r i k e a blow at the establishment he was already i n the pro-cess of rej e c t i n g . Rapin's H i s t o i r e d'Angleterre (based i n part on the impressions of Dr. Burnet who sai l e d with William's fleet) i s r e l a t i v e l y objective (in spite of a s l i g h t Huguenot bias) and contains descriptions of e s s e n t i a l l y the same series of events and manoeuvres as are found again in Renoncour's account. Although Rapin i s considered by Sgard to be the prime source of h i s t o r i c a l information in Cleveland, the same cannot be said for the M.H.Q. For example, Renoncour's report of the Conquest does not r e f l e c t the same tone, carry the same bias, - 81 -nor even include some of the same s t a t i s t i c s that are included in Rapin's history. Prevost often gives s p e c i f i c figures that are not found i n the Histoire d'Angleterre, such as the exact number of Declarations that were di s t r i b u t e d in England. 5 As well, there i s a major discrepancy i n the two accounts of William of Orange's reception by the English people in the Torbay and Exeter regions of the country. Prevost describes the Prince's successful landing and then his immediate acclaim by the majority of noblemen ready to give t h e i r "hearts and arms" to the Protestant cause (M.H.Q., p. 53). Rapin, on the other hand, describes at some length the Prince's discourage-ment and f r u s t r a t i o n at having received no support from the English army and, i n fact, states that the entire campaign was on the brink of disaster when by the tenth day, no help had yet a r r i v e d . 6 Although most of the sources available to Prevost were impossible for me to obtain, at least three eight-eenth-century journals that were consulted indicate William had to wait some time before receiving the support he had so counted on from the moment of landing at Torbay. It i s there-fore in t e r e s t i n g to note that Prevost altered the concensus of several leading contemporary sources and chose instead to portray the Prince as a "saviour" rather than as a conqueror. To balance t h i s subjective outlook, Prevost also ensured that the Conquest episode included a number of well-known fa c t s : the tempest which delayed William of Orange's f l e e t , the a c t i v i t i e s of the three p r i n c i p a l figures who swore t h e i r - 82 -allegiance to the Prince, and the movements of the King (his aborted f i r s t escape and his t r i p to Rochester) are t o l d with s u f f i c i e n t regard for accuracy that, for the reader, Renoncour's actual p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the a f f a i r would seem very r e a l . Thus, although Rapin was not Prevost's prime source, there i s no doubt that he was consulted to some degree. One interesting factor regarding t h i s h i s t o r i c event i s the use Prevost made of the speculations regarding King James II's escape from prison. The King was led to Rochester and confined in his personal chambers u n t i l William could decide upon his eventual fate. When, after being l i g h t l y guarded by a few men, the King was able to q u i e t l y depart for France, rumours arose that William had secretly arranged for his father-in-law's safe escape. Renoncour i s personally involved i n t h i s mysterious drama at Rochester when he i s commissioned by the Prince to perform a special service, and writes to warn the King to fl e e while he i s at Rochester. Renoncour, i n turn, a f r a i d of the consequences of his act of mercy, escapes to the continent. Although the Conquest episode occupies only a few pages i n the te x t , Prevost was able to obtain good mileage from i t . As well as touching upon a fascinating aspect of William's strategy, the account of the Rochester i n t r i g u e , while d i r e c t l y involving his hero (and v i c a r i o u s l y the reader), at the same time pro-vided a convenient means of terminating the episode and arrang-ing for Renoncour's future a c t i v i t i e s i n other countries. This personalized "insider's" view of h i s t o r y , therefore, when used - 83 -in t h i s instance i n f i c t i o n , allowed Prevost to capture both the imaginative and l i t e r a l b e l i e f of the reader. The second h i s t o r i c a l battle i n Tome I i s also witnessed by Renoncour, who plays a considerably more humble role i n the success of the conquering army. The Austro-Turkish war that ended (temporarily) in 1689.with the vi c t o r y of the Imperial Army, i s recorded i n considerable d e t a i l i n the text. The sources for t h i s material are quite possibly the various journals that were available to Prevost, such as the Mercure 9 Galant, Gazette de France and Nouveau Journal Universel. A l l reported the major skirmishes and gave figures for the number of men k i l l e d , wounded, or captured; included also were first-hand reports as recorded in the private correspondence of individual s o l d i e r s . Despite the basic s i m i l a r i t i e s to be found i n these journals, there are few exact duplications in the M.H.Q. pertaining to facts and figures that would suggest Prevost r e l i e d on any single source. Renoncour arrives i n Cologne on Christmas Eve i n 1688 amidst celebrations of the fes t i v e season and i n honour of the new appointment of Clement de Baviere as Archbishop El e c t o r . 1 0 He notes the proclamation by Herman of Baden, on behalf of the Emperor, 1 1 declaring war against France: la Diete de Ratisbonne • avait declare la France et le cardinal de Furstemberg ennemis de I 'Empereur 12 (M.H.Q., p. 56). Not wishing to become d i r e c t l y involved i n a struggle between France and Germany, Renoncour travels to - 84 -Vienna where he meets some i n f l u e n t i a l noblemen who arrange for his entry into the army of Ludwig of Baden, the o f f i c e r 13 i n charge of the Turkish campaign. Renoncour 1s subsequent adventures and m i l i t a r y achievements are described i n the M.H.Q. with considerable precision; he reports, for example, the actual number of cannons captured, the exact time of th e i r attack on Nyssa, and the number of enemy soldiers encountered. J He also reveals the m i l i t a r y strategy of Ludwig of Baden by sharing with the reader the options that were l e f t open to the German commander. References to the f l i g h t of the enemy, the lack of resistance at the taking of Nyssa and the l a t e r p i l l a g i n g of Widin are found i n si m i l a r d e t a i l i n both the M.H.Q. and j o u r n a l i s t i c versions of the campaign. However, one in t e r e s t i n g rumour that was ci r c u l a t e d (only in the Gazette de France) concerning a plot against the l i f e of the 15 Margrave Ludwig was apparently overlooked by Prevost. It i s usually i n situations l i k e t h i s that Prevost chose to intermix hearsay and complete f i c t i o n , drawing the reader more c l o s e l y into the narrative. Although i t i s possible to speculate upon the alterations evident i n Prevost's account of the Conquest of 1688, the mi l i t a r y campaign in Turkey does not r e f l e c t any obvious bias. The Austro-Turkish war as depicted i n the memoirs provides no par t i c u l a r insight into the personality of the hero, or into the character of the German people. There i s no inside story revealed by the hero, nor i s there any dramatic appeal, sus-- 85 -pense or intrigue and, therefore, the episode seems to ex i s t separately from others in the novel, serving mainly as a factual h i s t o r i c base for the f i c t i o n . A t h i r d and d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t approach can be seen i n Prevost's handling of the Jacobite r e b e l l i o n which i s found in Tome V of the M.H.Q. The material which comprises Prevost's f i f t h tome has already been touched upon from the point of view of i t s geographical realism and i t s chronological organization, and since Rober-son's excellent c r i t i c a l edition provides a good assessment of the quantity and quality of Prevost's factual information, my own discussion of such h i s t o r i c a l considerations in t h i s volume w i l l be centred around Prevost's deviations from stand-ard sources. The f i r s t and most essential difference to be noted about Renoncour 1s p o l i t i c a l adventures of 1716 as opposed to those of 1688-89, i s his lack of personal involvement or active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l a t e r events. The author of the memoirs becomes an impersonal observer in a foreign c i t y that i s suffering from internal p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e . Unlike the b r i e f accounts provided of e a r l i e r h i s t o r i c a l events, references to what were s t i l l f a i r l y recent Jacobite a f f a i r s are here i n t e r -spersed throughout the entire tome, and Prevost takes advantage of the proximity of such events by adding to his text exact references and precise d e t a i l s that he knew would be at least 17 vaguely f a m i l i a r , i f not actually known by his reader. - 86 -Renoncour's a r r i v a l i n England, as mentioned e a r l i e r , coincides with the day of sentencing of the Jacobite rebels and t h e i r supporters. London was a l i v e with p o l i t i c a l fervor and Renon-cour soon becomes swept up i n the emotional atmosphere that preceded the execution of two rebel lords. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Prevost's p o r t r a i t of George I i s that of a sympathetic monarch who, fliohi -'par "les ':l~arrrie;si de leurs (les prisonniers) epouses, suspendit I'execution pendant quelques jours, sous pretexte de tirer d'eux un detail plus etendu de leur crime, et des ressorts secrets de la conspiration; (M.H.Q., p. 231). By most accounts the King was resolute i n his determination to execute Lords Derwentwater and Kennure, and was neither moved by, nor interested i n , the tears of t h e i r wives. Lady Derwentwater managed to gain access to the King on February 17, but her pleas and.prayers were disdained and he did not receive her p e t i t i o n . Yet, determined to save her husband, she gained the support of enough Lords to raise a debate i n the House on February 22, at which time i t was decided to read her p e t i t i o n to the King. This he received on February 18 23, and by a l l accounts, was displeased. The execution took place the following day. Thus, the delay was actually caused by the House debates, which were lengthy and very heated; the tears went unnoticed. The pleas of another wife, Lady Niths-dale,(according to a l e t t e r sent to her s i s t e r ) , were also brushed aside; although she approached the monarch on bended knees and clutched at his robes, she was rudely ignored and after being dragged some distance, was f o r c i b l y removed from 19 the room. Prevost's portrayal of Lady Nithsdale's encounter - 87 -with the King does not suggest the f r u s t r a t i o n and humiliation no doubt experienced by the wife; instead, in his portrayal, her exasperation was surpassed only by her determination and, according to Renoncour, she also persisted i n her appeals to the other members of the court, a l l of whom refused t h e i r ser-vices. The account in the M.H.Q. of Nithsdale's escape from prison does not, apparently, correspond to any of the popular or published versions. Moreover, perhaps i n order to give sole c r e d i t to the enterprising young wife, Prevost avoids 20 mentioning two female accomplices. He also barely mentions the guard without whose assistance the escape could not have been accomplished. Thus, Prevost has chosen to expand upon the h i s t o r i c a l event by portraying Lady Nithsdale as a romantic heroine, passionately in love and desperate to save her husband. Renoncour 1s supposed meeting with the t e a r f u l wife at the French Embassy and his willingness to share her gr i e f are d e t a i l s which do not correspond to any h i s t o r i c a l account, but which do contribute to the dramatic impact of the story. An intere s t i n g coincidence i s that Lady Nithsdale r e t i r e d to La Fleche i n 1717, the same year that Prevost i s known to have been there. Although there i s no evidence to prove that they met, i t i s quite possible that Prevost spoke then with Lady Nithsdale, and that she was responsible for 21 shaping some of his ideas a decade l a t e r in the M.H.Q. Another example of the use made by Prevost of known facts i s the romance between Mylady R. and Renoncour. The executed - 88 -Lord Derwentwater was reported in the text to have had a lover 22 whose i d e n t i t y i s given as Lady R. It would seem that Prevost used Derwentwater 1s name and then invented a lover who becomes involved i n a series of adventures; she implores Ren-oncour to help arrange her escape to France, she proposes a romantic involvement with the author, and she l a t e r becomes the well-meaning but i n t e r f e r i n g romantic who causes the death of Nadine 1s husband. Lady R. i s one of the novel's more v i v i d and inte r e s t i n g characters, remaining through her association with 1 Derwentwater, nevertheless c l o s e l y connected with the h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the M.H.Q. Today one s t i l l seeks to v e r i f y her existence and we continue to ponder the degree of truth contained i n Prevost's account. Uncertainty as to where to divide fact from f i c t i o n in Prevost's memoir-novel i s perhaps most c l e a r l y f e l t when we examine the case of S i r Roger Mostyn. Having spent nearly two weeks in London and having reported the execution of the rebel lords, Renoncour updates his memoirs by reviewing some recent develop-ments: the Whigs and Tories were attacking each other over the support given by some lords to the Jacobite cause. As a r e s u l t , Lords Nottingham, Finch and Guernsey, with the E a r l of Aylesford and S i r Roger Mostyn, were dismissed from t h e i r d u t i e s . 2 3 From t h i s h i s t o r i c a l struggle of the Peers as depic-ted by Prevost emerges the story of S i r Roger Mostyn, whose tender attachment to the actress Anne O l d f i e l d led him to depart from London in great despair. We are t o l d that Mostyn - 89 -was Captain of the Fourth Company of Scottish Guards, that he proposed marriage to Anne O l d f i e l d , and that having been turned down (Anne preferred the attentions of Brigadier Chur-c h i l l , brother of Marlborough), S i r Roger r e t i r e d to his estates. Some of t h i s information i s supposedly communicated by Mostyn to Renoncour at a dinner party held at the home of the Duke of Devonshire (M.H.Q., p. 240). Robertson concludes that Prevost's information in t h i s respect i s inaccurate; in 1716 Mostyn was married to the daughter of the Duke of Notting-ham and thus i n no position to o f f e r matrimony to Anne. Furthermore, i n that same year Lord Dundonnel was Captain of 24 the m i l i t a r y company supposedly belonging to Mostyn. As Robertson herself has pointed out, many such precise d e t a i l s given in the text for the year 1716 in fact took place in l a t e r years, years coinciding with Prevost's own visi t , to England. In -contrast, however,-! researched Anne\s early .years .instead, hoping to f i n d a possible l i n k with the account in the M.H.Q., and discovered that,in 1700 Anne O l d f i e l d , S i r Roger Mostyn and George Farquhar were c l o s e l y connected. Farquhar was i n 25 love with Anne and i t appears that she became his mistress. Furthermore, Farquhar's play, The Constant Couple or A Trip to  the Jubilee, which centred around the story of three men who a l l had the same mistress, Lady Lurewell, was dedicated to S i r Roger i n 1699. In the dedication, Farquhar attributed to S i r Roger, "the f i r e of youth, the sedateness of a Senator, the modern gaiety of a fine English gentleman, and the noble s o l i -26 d i t y of the ancient Briton." I f , within t h i s t r i a n g l e of - 90 -youth and passion, Mostyn f e l l i n love with O l d f i e l d , h i s t o r i -27 c a l records do not, apparently, t e l l us. In 1700 Mostyn was unmarried and could, no doubt, have been s u f f i c i e n t l y moved to propose matrimony. The p o s s i b i l i t y exists too that in 1730 Prevost might have heard some of the rumours that were s t i l l c i r c u l a t i n g about the love a f f a i r s of the famed actress, renowned for both her passionate nature and upright character. Although her l i a i s o n s with Mainwaring and Chu r c h i l l were known, even her contemporaries seem to have been unable to discover d e t a i l s of her other lovers and the reason O l d f i e l d never married. What i s of prime importance, however, i s that Pre-vost's contemporaries found t h i s episode of the M.H.Q. to be s u f f i c i e n t l y convincing to use i t as a point of reference'for t h e i r own works. In 1749, for example, W.R. Chetwood, former prompter at Drury Lane, published A General History of the  Stage, including, in a section dedicated to Mrs. O l d f i e l d , the following comment: "You may read i f you please, what a French Author wrote on t h i s inimitable actress, as well as some 28 Touches on our English drama." The section contains an ac-count taken from the M.H.Q. and i s a near t r a n s l a t i o n of 29 Prevost's text (M.H.Q., pp. 240-241). Can we assume that Chetwood's French Author was Prevost or was he re f e r r i n g to the author of the memoirs who met Mostyn? The interpretation of at least one modern biographer suggests that the author was the man who dined with S i r Roger; 3 0 in either case, the French Author's story was regarded as r e l i a b l e . The fact that the - 91 -information about Mostyn's m i l i t a r y career i s incorrect does not seem to have bothered Chetwood or l a t e r scholars. Either Chetwood was w i l l i n g to tr u s t the account of the French Author without questioning his sources, or he knew that the a f f a i r reported i n the M.H.Q. accurately r e f l e c t e d the London gossip of 1730. 3 1 For the modern reader interested i n techniques of i l l u s i o n , h i s t o r i c a l imitation and authenticity in the memoir-novel, t h i s p a r t i c u l a r episode demonstrates that the reader's b e l i e f was sometimes e a s i l y won; history used as a too l to lend veracity to f i c t i o n could be e f f e c t i v e to a degree sur-passing what some authors could have possibly imagined. Although nearly a l l of Prevost's Jacobite information r e l i a b l y r e f l e c t e d the current news and opinions of London, one episode contains a noticeable error: Renoncour witnesses the escape of Brigadier Mackintosh from la tour de Londres, avec un grand nombre d'autres rebelles (M.H.Q. , p. 268). Mackintosh escaped May 4, 1716 from Newgate and Prevost used t h i s escape to f u l l advan-tage, making Renoncour's eye-witness account a further proof of his presence i n London. J'ai dit que nous fumes temoins de cet evenement, parce qu 'ayant ete invites a souper par un de nos amis, qui demeurait pres de Tower-Hill, nous vvmes le combat, des fenetres de sa maison., (M.H.Q., p. 269) Clearly Prevost wished to be precise i n his version of the escape and we note that the M.H.Q. account resembles very c l o s e l y i n s t y l e and substance one written by the h i s t o r i a n Lamberty, suggesting that Lamberty 32 was a possible source. Prevost, l i k e other authors who ~ 92 -tampered with factual material in memoir-novels, occasionally made a careless and obvious error. The remainder of Jacobite references i n the text are of a more general nature, and once again indicate that Prevost was well informed even about the more obscure closing moments of the Scottish r e b e l l i o n . One p a r t i c u l a r passage not discussed by Robertson indicates the fate of some of the rebel c h i e f s : En effet,'-qn regut,, au bout de quelques jours, des avis certains que les comtes Marshall et de Southesk, le Marquis de Tullibardine, le vicomte de Kilsiek et trente autres chefs des rebelles avaient mis pied a terre sur les cotes de France. (M.H.Q. , p. 269) As with a l l of the Jacobite material used i n the M.H.Q., t h i s newsworthy item i s reported to the reader by someone who supposedly was there at the ri g h t time and who bore witness to the reaction of ^Englishmen to the inter n a l unrest. One consideration that should be made in connection with Prevost's use of precise h i s t o r i c a l material concerns the prob-lem that occurs when the twentieth-century c r i t i c t r i e s to assess the impact of such material on the reader of 1730. To what extent, for example, can we assume that such facts did indeed enhance the editor's claims to veracity? How many of Prevost's readers were i n a position to detect i n the text a careless use of facts or an erroneous interpretation of well-known events? Mylne, sensitive to the ef f e c t that "distance in time" has on the reader of f i c t i o n , assesses the problem in the following manner: - 93 -In the majority of cases, the factual detail.which, by its familiarity, might help the eighteenth-century reader to believe in the book, has now lost its force and has acquired instead the remoteness of history. (This is a necessary consequence of systematic 'realism' which all too few writers and critics seem to remember.)34 , When Renoncour t e l l s the exact number of enemy cannons cap-tured, can we applaud Prevost's use of such minor d e t a i l s , assuming that i t was for the sake of authenticity that such precision arose? One could discuss t h i s , or similar examples, from many perspectives, but to do so would require an exten-sive examination of a l l aspects of Prevost's narrative tech-niques, an undertaking beyond the scope of my thesis. We must conclude, I think, that the minor d e t a i l was i n s t r u -mental i n lending an a i r of authenticity to the memoirs, and as well, that the eighteenth-century reader for the most part was capable of responding to these d e t a i l s which he (even more than today's reader) accepted as true. I f , on the other hand, we take the view that the reader of that period was often i n no position to appreciate the r e l a t i v e accuracy of certain minor d e t a i l s , we can s t i l l propose that the mere presence of " t r i v i a " had a po s i t i v e e f f e c t on his unconscious response. This i s not to say that other factors did not also a f f e c t the reader's response; i n fa c t , the very use of the f i r s t person mode., i s an example. However, once again we return to the problem of distance in time. While today's c r i t i c a l reader i s encouraged to examine the form, the inter n a l l o g i c , and the techniques that work within the narrative to give an i l l u s i o n - 94 -of r e a l i t y to the novel, i t must be remembered that t h i s modern approach i s taken by readers who are scholars equipped to analyse Prevost's technique and not by the popular reader, the audience, we can assume, for whom Prevost created his novel. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident when one considers the numerous external trappings that were deemed necessary by the conventions of that period, trappings that today are rather too obvious and can inter f e r e with our appreciation of the work as a whole. - 95 -B. Borrowed Material from French Journals The sixth volume of Le Pour et Contre contains not only Prevost's frank appraisal of the h i s t o r i c value of the M.H.Q., Cleveland and Le Doyen de K i l l e r i n e , but also some comments on the nature of works written by other contemporary authors; authors who prennent ainsi plaisir a oonfondre 3 paroe qu' eorivant pour plaire ils sgavent que la verite seule ne pla'€t pas toujours, et qu 'un reait de pure imagination ne sgauroit satisfaire non plus les personnes de bons sens.35 It would seem that Prevost's concept of a melange de fictions et 36 de veritez involves b a s i c a l l y a question of proportions, deter-mining what degree of truth i s required to s a t i s f y the demands of a discriminating reader. Because he dealt mainly with history (which by i t s very nature i s both factual and arbitrary) Prevost was able to a l t e r events or at least interpret them to suit his p a r t i c u l a r purpose. This i s not so much the case for those sections of the memoirs copied d i r e c t l y from newspapers or journals. Several passages, for example, were transposed almost verbatim from the Gazette de France and the Mercure  Galant. For the most part the borrowed material consists of a few b r i e f sentences describing s o c i a l events such as funerals, celebrations, or the recent a c t i v i t i e s of foreign c e l e b r i t i e s . Seldom does Renoncour become involved d i r e c t l y in the event. Although try i n g to i d e n t i f y such borrowed passages in Prevost's work,can be a d i f f i c u l t , even f u t i l e task, such a study, i f successful, can reveal int e r e s t i n g clues about the author and - 96 -his memoirs. We know that i n 1735, for example, Prevost denounced writers who resorted to copying from other sources. C i t i n g the wealth of o r i g i n a l material from which to draw, Prevost, i n fact, stated that he wished never to f a l l into la neoessite de piller les autres, soit en m' appropriant le fruit de leur travail, soit en leur servant d 'Echo, par de longs extraits de leurs 37 ^ . . . Ouvrages. Obviously Prevost did not place j o u r n a l i s t i c sources in the same category, since d i r e c t newspaper accounts provided him an e f f e c t i v e means for achieving authenticity, and i n some cases one suspects that they actually shaped the di r e c t i o n of the rambling pl o t . Interestingly, nearly a l l of the newspaper sources i d e n t i f i e d so far date from 1729, just p r i o r to Prevost's hasty departure from France. Tome IV, covering Renoncour's sojourn in Spain and Portugal, provides the majority of examples. The departure of the man of quality from his monastic retreat takes place some time aft e r the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht. His f i r s t noteworthy s o c i a l appearance in Madrid i s made at the funeral of a Carmelite nun, the i l l e g i t i m a t e daughter of Cardinal Infant Don Fernand. Perhaps in order to ensure that Renoncour was i n the right place at the right time, or perhaps also to give some chronological shape to t h i s volume, Prevost sought out an event which was not only well attended i n Madrid, but more importantly, was also carried i n the French journals. Although Prevost's narrative i s not an exact duplication of that recorded i n the newspaper, the close - 97 -s i m i l a r i t y leaves l i t t l e doubt as to the connection between 3 8 the two accounts. Vers le commencement de septembre, nous eumes la curiosite d'assister a un spectacle qui attira toute la cour et une partie du peuple de Madrid. Ce fut I'enterrement d'une religieuse carmelite qui etait la fille naturelle du C.J.D.F. Elle s 'appelait soeur Marianne de la croix D. . . .. Elle etait nee a Bruxelles en 1641, et ayant ete amenee a Madrid des I 'age de cinq ans, elle avait ete renfermee dans le monastere des Carmelites dechaussees de cette ville, ou elle avait vecu avec beaucoup de piete jusqu'a I'age de soixante-quinze ans. Tous les grands assisterent a ses funerailles par ordre du roi; et le meme jour, sa majeste donna la grandesse aux abbesses de ce monastere, qui est de fondation royale. (M.H.Q., p. 135) From the Gazette de France appeared the following announcement. De Madrid, le 9 Septembre 1715. Le 3 de ce mois, Soeur Marianne de la Croix et d' Austriche, mourut au Monastere des Religieuses Carmelites Deschaussees de cette Ville, dgee de soixante et quinze ans. Elle estoit fille naturelle du Cardinal Infant Don Fernand, et elle estoit nee a Bruxelles le 26 de Juillet 1641. Elle fut mise dans ce Monastere a I 'age de cinq ans, ou elle prit I 'habit, et elle a vescu tousjours avec une grand, piete. Tous les Grands assisterent a ses funerailles, par^ ordre du Roy; et le meme jour, sa Mayeste donna la Grandesse aux Abbesses de ce Royal Monastere. 3^  There i s nothing p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t about the few a l t e r a -tions made by Prevost; he did disguise (or possibly did not bother to give) Marianne's complete name, choosing instead to adopt the conventional practise of giving only i n i t i a l s . Immediately following t h i s borrowed passage from the Gazette i s another announcement, t h i s time reproduced in almost perfect word order. Le onzieme du meme mois, un courrier depeche de Paris par le prince de Cellamare, ambassadeur d'Espagne a la cour de France, apporta au roi la nouvelle de la mort du roi tres-chretien, son grand-pere. Des le lendemain, on publia ordre d'en porter le grand deuil . . . (M.H.Q. , p. 135) - 98 -The Gazette contained the following: Be Madrid, le 16 Septembre 1715. Le 11 de ce mois, un Courier depesche de Paris par le Prince de Cellamare Ambassadeur d'Espagne a la Cour de France, apporta au Roy la nouvelle de la mort du Roy Tres-Chrestien son grandpere, arrivee le Ier de ce mois, a huit heures et un quart du matin. Le 12, on publia ordre d'en porter le grand deuil . . .  4 0 Although the news about the King's death was instrumental i n completing the sequence involving Renoncour's dream and his g i f t of foresight, i t i s not immediately apparent what other contribution t h i s episode makes to the memoirs. Reasons for Prevost's quasi-plagiarism of t h i s event from the Gazette on grounds Other than convenience, are d i f f i c u l t to imagine. His own version would surely have suf f i c e d . A t h i r d consecutive reference from the Gazette introduces the f i r s t paragraph of Livre Septieme (the sixth book closes with the announcement of Louis XIV's death). In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case, the borrowed material contributes to the narrative i n that Prevost uses the King's attendance at mass as an oppor-tunity for Renoncour to make the acquaintance of the monarch. It was a common practice for the King and his family to attend mass at the church of a p a r t i c u l a r saint on his feast day. Thus on the feast day of Saint Francis of A s s i s i (October 4th), the King made his anticipated appearance. Although not copied verbatim, i t i s possible that Prevost's text again comes from the Gazette de France. J'appris que le jour de Saint Frangois, le roi devait tenir chapelle dans I'eglise de ce saint, et qu'il y serait accompagne de tous les grands. Il faut y paraxtre, dis-je au marquis . . . (M.H.Q., p. 137) - 99 -De Madrid, le 7 Octobre 1715. Le jour de Saint Frangois, le Roy aaaompagne de tous les Grands, tint Chapelle dans I 'Eglise de oe Saint. It i s not improbable that Prevost, wishing to provide a factual base for Renoncour 1 s Spanish sojourn i n 1715, sought his mat-':', e r i a l from the Gazette and then organized his hero's a c t i v i t i e s around the major events reported. Searching through back 'issues of a newspaper i n search of authenticating touch-ups for t h i s tome of the M.H.Q. i s a pursuit not commonly associated with the author of Tome VII. A further example, also found in the fourth tome, i l l u s t r a t e s the use Prevost made of journals in the organization of his novel. The event involves the taking of Majorca in the War of the Spanish Succession. Renoncour, some time around the begin-ning of October, encounters a young Frenchman, Brissant, who has recently arrived i n Madrid. When asked to explain his presence in Spain, Brissant launches into the story of his departure from Paris, his corruption as a r e s u l t of his associ-ation with the pirate Andredi and, f i n a l l y , his unavoidable encounter with the f l e e t of the Chevalier d'Asfeld. Brissant's histoire which; occupies just . over. four, pages in the text, i s lar g e l y taken from the French journals and i t would appear that the various components of his adventure were worked together according to a chronological sequence. For example, Brissant claims that he l e f t France approximately eight months before meeting Renoncour i n the month of October. His departure - 100 -coincided with that of le marquis de Durazzo. Brissant explains: J'appris que le marquis de Durazzo, envoye extraordinaire de la republique de Genes, avait regu d Versailles son audience de conge et qu'il se preparait a partir; cette occasion me parut favorable. (M.H.Q. , p. 156) The Gazette de France reported essentally the same thing. De Versailles, le 4 Janvier 1715 le Marquis Durazzo Envoye Extraordinaire de la Republique de Genes, eut audience de conge de Madame et de Monsieur le Due d'Orleans, conduit par le Chavalier Sainclot, Introducteur des Ambassadeur. If Brissant was i n Madrid in late September-early October and l e f t Paris i n January (the date suggested i n the Gazette), the reference to eight months would f i t into t h i s time period. Furthermore, Brissant indicates that, after the taking of Majorca (July 1715), he spent two to three months i n Cadix before f i n a l l y going to Madrid; again t h i s would put him i n the c a p i t a l c i t y i n late September or early October. It i s understandable that Prevost wished to include b r i e f l y some reference to the War of the Spanish Succession. What i s interes t i n g i s that t h i s material, which seems to have been transposed verbatim from the journals, has been handled by Prevost d i f f e r e n t l y from the "facts and figures" he provided for the m i l i t a r y compaigns used i n Tome I. Clearly, at an early stage i n the M.H.Q., he referred to various newspapers and h i s t o r i c a l chronicles, but l a t e r copied d i r e c t l y from his source. The following textual comparison demonstrates Prevost's dependency on the French journals. - 101 -Notre navigation fut courte et heureuse; mais nous etant avances sans precaution vers Palma, nous tombdmes dans la flotte du chevalier d'Hasfeld, qui etait parti de Barcelone pour aller soumettre cette ville au roi d'Espagne . . . Le chevalier Hasfeld avait dessein d'abord de faire, sa descente sur une plage du cote de Palma, ou les rebell.es s'etaient retranches ; mais le vent etant devenu contraire, on tourna vers le nord, Le comte de Lescherenne, marechal de camp, eut ordre d'aller reconnaxtre la cote' et les haut- . eurs; . . . le debarquement commenga d cinq heures du soir, et fut adheve d dix ou onze heures sans la moindre resistance. Nous marchdmes vers Alcudia . . . c'est une ville assez forte, a I'orient de l'%le, environ a sept lieues de Palma. Le chevalier d'Hasfeld prit le devant, a la tete d'un detachement dont j'etais, pendant que le reste des troupes suivait en diligence . . . Il se trouva dans la place cinquante-deux pieces de canon, et quantite de munitions et de vivres. Nous primes de Id le chemin de la capitale, qui ne fit pas plus de resistance. Milord Forbes et un officier allemand en sortirent pour traiter des conditions . . . On fit avancer I'artillerie, qui avait debarque a la baie de Porras. Lorsqu'on eut tout dispose pour 1'attaque, dom Rubi, colonel espagnol, qui comrnan-dait dans la place, offrit de capituler . . . Dds le soir, dom Rubi fit sortir un officier avec quelques articles de la capitulation qu'il pretendait obtenir . . . Je quittai le regiment de la marine lorsque je vis la guerre presqu 'aussitdt finie que commencde. (M.H.Q. , pp. 159-160) The Gazette de France and the Mercure Galant together con-tained nearly a l l of the above information from the M.H.Q. La flote chargee de vingt-quatre Bataillons sous les ordres du Chevalier d'Hasfelt Lieutenant General,' partit de Barcelone le 10 Juin, et arriva le 14 a la veue de I'Isle. On avait dessein de faire descente en une plage du coste de Palma, ou les Rebelles estoient retranchez: mais le vent estant contraire, on tourna vers Nord . . .45 on depeche une Lance avec le comte de Lecherenne pour reconnoitre ce Port.44 Le debarquement commenga a cinq heures du soir et fut acheve d dix heures avec beaucoup d' ordre, sans bruit et sans resistance . . .  4~* elles marcherent le 17 vers Alcudia. Le Chevalier d'Asfeld- prit les devants avec un detachement pendant que le reste des troupes debarquees suivoit avec toute la diligence possible.46 L'on y a trouve 22 petites pieces de canon de fonte, et 30 de :.f.er, pour 20 jours ,de~vivres et de.poudre . .: .  4 7 .its parurent avoir grande peur, et Milord Forbus en sortit avec un. Colonel Allemand pour aller parlementer avec M. le Chevalier d'Asfeld.48 Le Marquis de Ruby Commandant les troupes de I'Empereur . . .  4 9 - 102 -Renoncour's sojourn i n Portugal represents a small portion :of Tome IV. The main adventure centres around the sudden departure of the Prince Don Manuel from Lisbon. Having convinced Renoncour to s a i l with him to The Hague, the prince selects a few servants, a trusted fr i e n d , and then leaves Lisbon, supposedly to go hunting in the country. A l l of the pa r t i c u l a r d e t a i l s are given i n the M.H.Q., with most of them probably copied from the Gazette de France. Le soir du troisieme de novembre, nous fumes avertis par dom Telles que nous nous mettrions en mer le tendemain. Pour cadher mieux notre depart, le prince fit courir le bruit qu'il irait de grand matin a ta chasse, et qu'il ne voutait etre accompagne que de dom Tellds et de deux domestiques. Il sortit en effete de ta ville en equipage de chasseur; et ayant pris le chemin de Belem, it y trouva une chatoupe qui t'attendait, et sur taquette il se rendit d bord du vaisseau anglais. Nous y etions d§s la pointe du jour. Le vent se trouva favorable, et 1 'on tenait aussitdt les voiles pour nous eloigner promptement. (M.H.Q. , p. 196) The French journal's version i s a near duplicate although not 5(0 reported i n the same word order as Prevost's text. De Madrid, le 25 Novembre 1715 On escrit de Lisbone du 11 de ce mois, que le Prince Don Manuel, frere du Roy, estoit sorti le 4, sous pretexte d'aller d la chasse vers Belem: qu'apres y avoir fait ses devotions, il s'estoit mis dans une chaloupe qu'il avoit fait preparer, et qu'il estoit alle s'embarquer sur un Vaisseau Anglois qui I'attendoit et qui partit aussi-tost, avec un vent favgrable. , Il n'avoit avec luy que Don Manuel Telles de Sylva, fits du Comte de Tarouca et deux domestiques.51 By arranging for Renoncour to board a ship i n Lisbon that s a i l e d from Constantinople, Prevost was able to bring together his hero and the Turkish neice and nephew who play such a major role i n the f i f t h and sixth tomes of the memoirs. Dur-ing the sea voyage, the ship carrying Renoncour i s nearly - 103 -attacked by pirates, not an unusual occurrence i n the works of f i c t i o n of t h i s period. It i s quite l i k e l y , however, that the idea came to Prevost once again from an item i n the Gazette de France of 5 December 1715 which states that I'infant Don Manuel frire du Roy de Portugal, arriva icy par mer de Lisbone le 27 du mois dernier ayant este poursuivi quelque temps par un Corsaire 52 d'Alger. Further confirmation that t h i s announcement may have been read by Prevost i s suggested by the date indicated. The preceding Gazette entry i s dated December 5; i n the M.H.Q. Renoncour states:' Le lendemain de notre arrivee ct La Haye, qui etait si ma memoire est fid§le, le cinquiizme jour de decembre . . . (M.H.Q. , p. 213). It i s probable that Prevost confused the date given in the journal for Don Manuel's a r r i v a l ( i . e . November 27) with the actual date that the news came from La Haye ( i . e . Dec-ember 5) . After his a r r i v a l at The Hague and subsequent reunion with his Turkish brother-in-law Amulem, Renoncour attends several s o c i a l functions. One i n p a r t i c u l a r , to which both men are invi t e d , takes place at the home of le marquis de Chateauneuf, ambassadeur de France (M.H.Q. , p. 214). Here again, a b r i e f entry i n the Gazette de France may have caught the attention of Prevost: De La Haye, le 12 Decembre 1715 Le soir du mesme jour, un Officier Turc envoye par le Capitaine Bacha et qui est icy depuis quelque temps, alia rendre visite au Marquis de Chasteauneuf, Ambassadeur de France.53 - 104 -Not only does the news come from The Hague, but considering that Renoncour remained some two months i n Holland (M.H.Q., p. 215), the s o c i a l engagement quoted from the journal would f i t into the time period of the novel. Later i n the text another gala a f f a i r , the b i r t h of Don Carlos, prince of Portugal, i s reported, t h i s time by Le oomte de Ribeira (M.H.Q., p. 280). The French journals carried a description of the party and, although there i s no close s i m i l a r i t y i n content between the Gazette and Prevost's narrative,, xn th i s instance, i t seems clear that Prevost methodically scanned such old newssheets to fin d actual s o c i a l events that would f i t into Renoncour's busy i t i n e r a r y . Quite apart from the passages that have so far been discussed which suggest that Prevost copied d i r e c t l y from some sources, there i s good reason to believe that many of the Spanish noblemen mentioned i n the M.H.Q. also came from the pages of the Gazette de France. The appointments of many of the more important members of the Spanish court were regularly announced i n the French press. For example, although the governor of Madrid, Don Antonio de Salcedo, might well have been a known figure i n a foreign c a p i t a l c i t y , the manner i n which his name appears i n the M.H.Q. points to the influence of a Gazette a r t i c l e ; both accounts refer to him as Antonio de Salcedo, frere de la Gouvernante du Prince,55 In March 1715, the Gazette announced an exchange of ambassadors between France and Spain - 105 -thus highlighting the importance of the Prince of C e l l a -mare and the Due de Saint-Aignon. At the same time, mention was made of the new position given to the Marquess of Lede. 5 6 The Duke of Montalto, a c e l e b r i t y i n his time, was frequently referred to i n the Gazette as was the Marquess of Gromaldo. The promotion of Don Antonio de V a l l e , a rather minor figure 57 i n Spanish society, was reported i n November 1715. A l l of the aforementioned members of the Spanish aristocracy were befriended by Renoncour along with several other men of supposed d i s t i n c t i o n , whose authenticity, i t would appear, cannot be v e r i f i e d either through journals or peerage l i s t s . Here as elsewhere i n the M.H.Q., Prevost has gathered together a f a i r number of c e l e b r i t y witnesses able to vouch for Renoncour. Fortunately for Prevost, the year 1715 provided not only single events of major importance such as the death of Louis XIV, but witnessed also the continuation of such large scale occurrences as the War of the Spanish Succession. By turning to the French journals of that year, Prevost was able to gather a very r e a l picture of the p o l i t i c a l upheavals and the s o c i a l l i f e i n Spain. In many respects his novel at t h i s stage resembles a documented survey interlaced with imaginary adventures and romantic intrigues. The love a f f a i r between Donna Diana and the young Rosemont, which occupies most of the fourth tome, i s c a r e f u l l y interwoven between passages of actual history copied from various sources. There i s a - 106 -ra d i c a l and obvious change between the two types of material and one often has the impression that the borrowed passages from the Gazette were somewhat indiscriminately scattered throughout the tome. Assessing t h e i r a r t i s t i c e f f e c t i s d i f f i c u l t , but by and large they contribute substantially to the s t r u c t u r a l or organizational harmony of the novel. The chief function throughout of these borrowed materials remains, of course, that of authe n t i f i c a t i o n , i l l u s t r a t i n g Prevost's bid to achieve a melange de fictions et de vevitez. One f i n a l point should perhaps be raised regarding h i s t o r i c a l information given i n the M.H.Q. that appears to be based on the absence, rather than the presence, of material from such published sources. In 1711, there appeared i n France two translations of an I t a l i a n biography (one written by Dom Francesco) on the l i f e of Francois Toussaint de Forbin, nephew of Cardinal Janson. In the M.H.Q., Prevost wrote the H i s t o i r e of a certain marquis de Rosambert, the assumed name 58 of Forbin. A. Coimbra Martins has compared the authentic biography written by Dom Francesco to the one in the text, and comments on Prevost's tendency to provide f i c t i t i o u s information about r e l a t i v e l y unknown periods i n the l i v e s of rea l i n d i v i d u a l s . Martins has been' able to show that the two years of Forbin's l i f e covered by Prevost were the very years when l i t t l e was recorded by the biographer Dom Francisco: - 107 -II faut bien reconnoitre que cela donnait a 1'anecdote avancee, d§s le debut, un semblant de verite, independamment meme de ta vraisemblance de 11'intrigue. Le recit etait a. la bonne place. Il n'etait pas un supplement <l la biographie d'un personnage connu: il en etait I'element manquant, ou une contrefagon qui en tenait lieu et s ' accordait bien, en apparence tout au moins, avec la partie connue de cette biographie qu'il parfaisait.59 Never wishing to expose his hand, however, Prevost c l e v e r l y guides his reader into a position where acceptance of the "facts" becomes inevitable; immediately following the H i s t o i r e de Rosambert, Renoncour t e l l s the reader that the rest of the marquess 1 own story i s available i n another pub-lishe d form and therefore w i l l not be duplicated i n the memoirs. (M.H.Q., p. 47) In other words, Renoncour i s supposedly providing only that information that he has received " f i r s t hand", an approach akin to the c l a s s i c technique of appealing to the reader's c u r i o s i t y and i n t e r e s t by revealing the "never before published truth about . . . " The same t a c t i c i s used i n the case of dom Manuel of Portugal, only here the unknown factor provides the r e a l reason behind the sudden departure from Lisbon. Prevost would have the reader believe that Renoncour was t o l d by the Prince of Portugal about his unhappy love a f f a i r with Donna Clara. Once she had committed suicide the prince could no longer endure his l i f e i n Portugal and decided to ease his sorrow in foreign lands. Although the journals, contemporary writers, historians and c r i t i c s , friends of the prince and members of the household a l l discussed the behaviour of Dom Manuel there was no clear i n d i c a t i o n from any of these sources as to why the prince - 108 -l e f t home. P r e v o s t p r o v i d e d t h e answer which he i n t e r w o v e w i t h t h e a u t h e n t i c announcements from t h e newspapers. The most i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t i s t h a t n o t h i n g " i n c o r r e c t " c o u l d r e a l l y be p o i n t e d o u t , nor c o u l d any f a l s e i n f o r m a t i o n r e a l l y be p r oven. P r e v o s t was thus a b l e t o p r e s e r v e h i s n o v e l ' s i l l u s i o n o f r e a l i t y and a t the same t i m e c r e a t e an a r e a o f i n t e r e s t f o r t h e r e a d e r t h a t was p u r e l y f i c t i o n a l . - 109 -NOTES M L'Abbe Prevost, Le Philosophe anglais ou Histoire de Monsieur  Cleveland, ed. Philip Stewart, Tome II of Oeuvres de Prevost, p. 17. 2 The admission is freely given in the Pour et Contre. Prevost was asked by "1'Auteur de la Bibliothegue Belgigue" to clarify any doubts that might exist (both then and in the future) about three of his works. Prevost immediately replied: Mais gu'il se rassure en apprenant de moi-meme, gue les Memoires d'un Homme de Qualite et leur suite, Cleveland et le Doyen de Killerine, dont je prepare la seconde Partie, sont autant de Livres inutiles pour 1'Histoire, et dont tout le merite est de former une lecture honnete et amusante. (Pour et Contre, VI, pp. 353-354) Although one need not suspect Prevost of setting the stage for later literary forgeries by disarming the public, nevertheless his statement should be interpreted in the light of certain factors; for example, the admission was made in 1735 during a period thought by G. May to have seen an increase in the number of novels published and a momentary lessening of the critical attitude towards "fiction". A second signifi-cant point to consider is the speed with which Prevost produced new literary forgeries after making this admission: as early as 1740, two pseudo-histories had appeared and by 1741 three more were written (see Sgard, Prevost Romaneier, pp. 611-612). One cannot help but feel that Prevost suited his words to the literary climate of the day and then engaged his efforts to create historical forgeries a few years later. 3 May, Dilemme du Roman, p. 160. 4 • \ • Sgard, Prevost Roma'ncier, p. 60. ~* There were also no numerical"references to the Declaration found in the three journals consulted (Gazette de France, Mercure Galant, and Nouveau Journal Universel). I am inclined to consider the existence of another source as inventing the "plus de guinze mille exemplaires" (M.H.Q., p. 53) is inconsistent with Prevost's practices throughout the M.H.Q. 6 Paul Rapin, Histoire d'Angleterre par M. de Rapin Thoyras (La Haye: Rogissart, 1724-1727, 10 vol.) Vol. 10, pp. 130-131. 7 The Gazette de France (du 27 November 1688, pp. 640-641) told of the retreat of the citizens in Torbay and later (du 4 Decembre 1688, pp. 651-653) reported the burning of William's Declaration in the city of Exeter. The Mercure Galant (Novembre 1688) covered the retreat of the citizens, the fear of the peasants and conseguently, their complete loyalty to the King (pp. 321-327). - 110 -The Nouveau Journal Universel i n i t i a l l y reported a favourable reception but soon published a brief retraction stating that the earlier information had been inaccurate. See Nouveau Journal Universel, (Amsterdam) 16 Decembre 1688, pp. 34-35. The retraction appears on p. 41. Q For example, one point in common is the number of troops attri-buted to William. Both accounts specify "de treize ou quatorze mille hommes" (M.H.Q., p. 53). See Rapin, Vol. 10, p. 121. 9 For specific references see Gazette de France, Nouveau Journal, and Mercure Galant, ca. de 22 May - du 10 Decembre 1689. Relations between the Austrian Empire and France were already strained and the Christmas festivities did not slow down early preparations for war. Renoncour's reference to the enthusiasm and joy of the people is not dissimilar to the idea conveyed in one journal of concurrent "Fetes de Noel" and "preparatifs de guerre". See Nouveau Journal Universel, 20 Janvier 1689, p. 74. Herman of Baden was, in fact, the Emperor's spokesman in this affair and gave his decision to the Diet of Ratisbon in February 1689. 12 A similar phrase was found in the Gazette de France; "la France et ses adherans, entre autres le Cardinal de Furstemberg, sont declarez ennemis de 1'Empire. See Gazette de France, du 5 Mars 1689, p. 101. 13 Renoncour's original contact is made during an evening party held by the Count of Caprara, a leading statesman and a military man of renown. Count Vieneratsz (spelt Windischgraetz), also a prominent figure in Vienna, befriends Renoncour and eventually introduces him to his brother, Baron Rosech (the only one whose existence has not been verified). An episode involving Renoncour, the son of Windischgraetz, and a duel fought by the young German, also appears to be the only non-historical digression in Prevost's account of this military episode. 14 Although sources for the report of 60 cannons, 10,000 Turkish soldiers at Jogodin, and 18,000-20,000 Imperial soldiers cannot all be traced, the figure of 40,000 enemy men at Nyssa does appear in both the Gazette de France and the Nouveau Journal Universel. The version in the former journal most closely resembles Prevost's: both mention the 40,000 men, but the Gazette allows 15,000 Imperial soldiers to Prevost's 18,000-20,000; both state the hour at which the battle commenced (see Gazette de France, du 22 Octobre 1689, p. 508; M.H.Q., p. 59). - I l l -Ludwig of Baden was to have been the victim of a plot that demanded his delivery (dead or alive) to the camp of the enemy. See Gazette de France, du 12 Novembre 1689, p. 545. For purposes of easy reference, an appendix has been provided listing the principal figures mentioned in the M.H.Q. in connection with the Jacobite rebellion. 17 It is guite probable that Prevost researched and gathered the Jacobite material while visiting England. Although he was interested in history before 1730 and would have been familiar with certain details pertaining to the uprising, the facts included in the M.H.Q. suggest a more in-depth knowledge. Prevost did not begin to learn English until 1728, therefore most of the published accounts of the Rebellion (such as those of Peter Rae and Robert Patten) were not likely to have been read by him.before 1728. The Gazette de France and the Mercure Galant both were obviously available sources but neither dealt with the events in sufficient detail. Robertson, after examining amongst other possible sources the London journals available to Prevost, concludes that his sources for the Jacobite material were mostly oral. The testimony of witnesses, the gossip that circulated and the opinions of critics provided him with a vivid picture of l i f e in London in 1715-1716. See Robertson, p. 142. It must also be remembered that Prevost, in writing Tome V, was not necessarily thinking in terms of a French reader in France. 18 Dudley Ryder managed to gain access to the House during the sentencing and also witnessed the execution of the Lords. He was in con-stant communication with court lawyers. Whig supporters and House represen-tatives. Ryder portrayed George I throughout the affair as steadfast and firm. The King's displeasure with Lady Derwentwater and her petition is mentioned by Dudley Ryder and Lady Cowper. See The Diary of Dudley Ryder  1715-1716, edited by William Matthews, (London: Methuen, 1939) p. 187; Diary of Mary Countess Cowper (London: John Murray, 1864) p. 85. 19 . The contents of the letter which later appeared in several histori-cal works are guoted by Robertson, p. 143. 20 See Robertson, p. 144. 21 Engel suggests that Lady Nithsdale might be one of the oral sources mentioned by Robertson. In the M.H.Q., the wife fainted upon hearing the news of her husband's condemnation; also there is no information given in the text about the escape to France, two facts cited by Engel in forming her hypothesis: only Lady Nithsdale herself was in a position to know how she reacted to the terrible news (and thus she told Prevost); Lady Nithsdale - 112 -was not in a position to tell Prevost about her husband's escape to France as she had not accompanied him. In view of Prevost's tendency to drama-tize other historical moments, it is not particularly surprising that he chose this heroic deed as one that he could expand on. His ability to create such scenes did not require first hand accounts to stimulate his imagination. Although Pr§vost may well have met Lady Nithsdale at La Fleche, the reasons cited by Engel are not particularly convincing; one need only remember the apparent difference between Lady Nithsdale's own version of her treatment by the King and that recorded in the M.H.Q. to realize that Prevost interpreted history to suit his own requirements for the memoirs. See Engel, Collogue Prevost, p. 103. 22 Robertson was unable to verify any romantic intrigue in connection with Lord Derwentwater and, further, was unable to suggest any name corres-ponding to the i n i t i a l used by Prevost. See Robertson, pp. 145-146. 23 Except for the additional reference made to the dismissal of Lords Portmore and Windsor, and the Earl of Orkney (M.H.Q., p. 240), all the information about Nottingham and the others named is historically correct. See Robertson, pp. 150-151. 24 Robertson, p. 151. 25 One biographer of George Farquhar who examined Farquhar's correspon-dence , concluded that Anne was the Penelope of the playwright's love poems. Although it would appear she was his lover, she in fact did not lose both her head and her heart. The affair would have taken place approximately 1699-1700. See Willard Connely, Young George Farquhar, (London: Cassell and Co. 1949), pp. 113-117. 2 6 Ibid., p. 103. 27 Another romance that occupies a minor place m the M.H.Q. concerns a certain Baron Spalding, a Swedish nobleman who, while visiting England, fell in love with Miss Perry. Very l i t t l e has been discovered about the Spalding affair and Robertson was able to contribute only the name of the Baron's uncle who was Resident in Paris. I found a possibly significant reference to a Baron John Spalding (Spaldincreutz), an Englishman who was ennobled in Sweden in 1678 (see Nobilities of Europe, p. 385). A young Lieutenant Spalding participated in the campaigns of the Swedish King Charles XII in January 27, 1708. If, indeed, a Baron Spalding (son or grandson of John Spalding) existed and met Prevost in 1730, once again history has hidden the fact. The entire romance might well be based on an actual event which has escaped detection for the present. Engel sees a certain similarity between the Spalding affair of the M.H.Q. and a romantic adventure described in Steele's The Conscious Lovers (1723). Perhaps this literary source might also have inspired Prevost (see Engel, Figures et aventures du XVIIIe Siecle, pp. 194-196). - 113 -IV..R. Chetwood, A General History of the Stage (London: W. Owen, 1749), p. 203. 29 Ibid., pp. 203-204. 3 0 Robert Gore-Browne, Gay was the Pit - The l i f e and times of Anne  Oldfield, Actress 1683-1730 (London: Max Reinhardt,1957), pp. 144-145. In attempting to sort- out the truth of Chetwood's references to the Mostyn'/Oldfield affair,' Gore-Browne has guestioned whether the French author was not, in fact, Voltaire; but since the dates did not correspond, the biographer was unable to trace Chetwood's source. Gore-Browne, following the same logic as Robertson, thus guestions the Mostyn connection because of his marriage with Nottingham's daughter. However, the dismissal of Mostyn from his appointment, and the fact that he was a strong Tory, are two matters not recognized by Gore-Browne, who apparently does not know what is to be distinguished as fact or fiction in the French Author's tale. .Another/ scholar, Edward Robins, has repeated Prevost's account, expanding on the dinner scene and the dramatic separation of Mostyn from his beloved. Robins: refers to Mostyn's hopes for an acceptance in the following glowing words: Heroic measures were necessary unless he were to lose the dear charmer forever, and so away he went to the obdurate lady hoping to soften her heart by a proposal of marriage. They should wed at once, and the happy pair could pass their honeymoon on the estates to which an unkind Government had ordered the too talkative baronet. See Edward Robins, Jr., Echoes of the Playhouse (N.Y. and London: G.P. Putnam, 1895), pp. 140-141. 31" Anne died in 1730 and within a day of her burial no less than two authentic memoirs were ready for publication. The Daily Post, and the Daily Journal carried the promises of both authors (one of them William Egerton) to reveal a true portrait of the l i f e and amours of the famed actress. One edition even claimed to have letters which pointed to an intrigue between Mrs. Oldfield and the late D. . . of B. . ., also "an epitaph and a full account of her amour with one Mr. F. . . , gent, form-erly belonging to the receipt of H.M. Customs." The biographer from whom this information came concludes that, "Before the actress had been a month beneath the flagstones of the Abbey, so great.an interest did the public feel'in her lo'velife thai .a f i f t h .edition of .these .revelations was called for..". (See Robert Gore-Browne, p. 14). Little wonder that the name of Anne Oldfield crept into the pages of the M.H.Q.; Prevost's visit in London took place at the height of this London gossip surround-ing the recently deceased actress's rather secretive, private l i f e . - 114 -32 Robertson discusses Lamberty's account and that of the M.H.Q. There is a striking resemblance between the two. Lamberty's work appeared in 1731, barely in time for Prevost to have seen it in print. Robertson suggests that there may have been a third common source that both men used. See Robertson, pp. 193-194 for a textual comparison. 33 The following was found in the Gazette de France and although this journal was not believed by Robertson to be a major source for Tome V, in this case the similarities are quite evident. On adjouste qu'on avait receu avis que les Comtes Marshal, de Seaford et de Southesk, le Marquis de Tullibardine, le Vicomte de Kilsith et d'autres, jusqu'au nombre de trente persons de consideration, s'estoient embarquez dans les Isles de:L'Ouest, pour se retirez aux pais estrangers. (Gazette de France du 6 Juin, 1715, p. 274). 34 Mylne, p. 81. 35 36 37 Pour et Contre•; Vol. VI, p. 353. Ibid. Ibid., p. 360. It is interesting to note that in 1965 Molino referred to the passage in the M.H.Q. describing the funeral of Soeur Marianne in the light of the popular tradition set by Mme. d'Aulnoy and de Brunei of mentioning in their works the illegitimate children of the Spanish royal family. Although Molino is probably correct in pointing out this practice, he seems to have neglected to mention the likely source of Prevost's material. See J. Molino, "L'Espagne Romanesque de Prevost", Collogue  Prevost, pp. 71-74. 39 Gazette de France du 28 Septembre 1715, p. 460. All the passages quoted from the Gazette in this thesis have been reproduced verbatim; omission of accents or agreements are in the original and have not been altered. 40 Gazette de France du 5 Octobre 1715, P- 472. 41 Gazette de France du 28 Octobre 1715, P- 508 42 Gazette de France du 5 Janvier 1715, P- 11. 43 Gazette de France du 6 Juillet 1715, ' P- 324. 44 Mercure Galant, July 1715, p. 141. 45 Gazette de France du 6 Juillet 1715, P- 324. - 115 -46 . , . Gazette- de-France du 6 Juillet 1715, p. 340. 47 Mercure Galant 48 Mercure Galant 49 Mercure Galant In his study on Prevost and Don Manuel, Martins, who is interested in the Prince's love affair, suggests a number of possible sources, amongst others,'the Journal de Verdun and the Quintessence. However, he does not mention Prevost's use of the Gazette de France nor does he examine any of the material taken from the journal which provided a factual base for the romance. See A. Cblmbra Martins, "Prevost et le Prince du Portugal", Collogue Prevost, 'p. 66. 51 Gazette de France du 14 Decembre 1715, p. 593. 52 Gazette de France du 5 Decembre 1715, p. 597. 53 Gazette de France du 21 Decembre 1715, p. 611. 54 Gazette de France du 3 Mai 1715, p. 276. 55 Gazette de France du 28 Octobre 1715, p. 508. 56 Gazette de France du 16 Mars 1715, pp. 124-125 57 Gazette de France du 16 Novembre, p. 544. 58 A. Cb'imbra Martins, "L'Histoire du Marguis de Rosambert par 1'abbe Prevost", Aix Annales, Vol. 34 (Marseilles: Universite d'Aix-Marseilles, 1961), pp. 53-86. 59 Ibid., p. 64. - 116 -The study of narrative techniques presented in the preceding chapters i s related s p e c i f i c a l l y to the l i t e r a r y period of the M.H.Q., when many authors disguised t h e i r f i c t i o n or at least attempted to authenticate i t by basing much of i t on h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t i e s . The s p e c i f i c devices used for appealing to the b e l i e f of the reader became part of a l i t e r a r y conven-t i o n which today may seem somewhat quaint and even s i m p l i s t i c . Certainly to approach modern f i c t i o n from the narrow point of view of authenticity, or more es p e c i a l l y of claims to veracity, would make l i t t l e sense to most sophisticated readers; today one does not take into serious consideration the quantity or, for that matter, the qu a l i t y of "truth" claimed by the author to be contained in his novel. Prevost's M.H.Q., on the other hand, lends i t s e l f well to t h i s type of technical dissection as i t s very foundation i s based on the necessity of being taken seriously. One: p a r t i c u l a r advantage gained by focusing on t h i s one aspect of Prevost's narrative style i s thationly after s i f t i n g through the various devices (both o r i g i n a l and conven-tional) used by Prevost, can we emerge with a clear understand-ing of the structure of the M.H.Q.; the seemingly endless journey made by Renoncour through the various foreign c a p i t a l s of Europe i s very much dependent upon, f i r s t , Prevost's own geographical location at the time of writing,and, secondly, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of resource material such as contemporary h i s t o r i e s and journals. The unusual and c l e a r l y premeditated approach taken i n Tome V to the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and geogra-phical r e a l i t i e s of England i s d i r e c t l y connected to Prevost's - 117 -personal experiences and f i r s t hand observations. In fact, the account of Prevost/Renoncour 1s sojourn in England resembles a diary rearranged to f i t into a d i f f e r e n t time period. In Tome II , the r e l a t i v e lack of d e t a i l s , facts, figures, or claims to veracity, can possibly be explained i n terms of the remoteness of the Turkish Empire where the story takes place. Here an adventure unfolds that r e f l e c t s a l l the dangers, passion and enchantment of an exotic romance vaguely reminiscent of those incorporated into the t a l e s from the Arabian Nights. Although carried away by fantasies of t r a v e l in remote countries i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r tome, Prevost l a t e r refrained from further attempts of t h i s kind. It i s i n t e r e s t -ing to note that Spain and Portugal, probably less foreign to the French reader than some other countries, are the two places that Prevost chose to represent by means of newspaper reports. One has the f e e l i n g that from the moment Renoncour arrived i n Spain u n t i l he disembarked at The Hague, his every step was guided by a r t i c l e s and reports from old copies of the Gazette de France. The use of journals as a possible method for providing the reader with some measure of vevite i s not found extensively elsewhere in the M.H.Q. Thus, i t seems that Prevost's concern with authenticity or creating an i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y fluctuated to some extent throughout the novel, and that each tome represents an experimental phase i n his work. In the discussion of Prevost's authenticating techniques, I have t r i e d to keep i n mind and attempted to assess what might - 118 -have been his requirements i n the matter. In the end, one i s led to believe that the reader of 1730 was r e l a t i v e l y naive and unsophisticated. On the other hand, with so many writers a l l using more or less the same " t r i c k s " i t seems clear that most readers must have been aware of the game and w i l l i n g to indulge the writer's anticipated promises of truth. Even the journals of the period seem to have been obsessed with taking note of only authentic works, and when they were the victims of a clever writer's hoax, they immediately published an erratum for the p u b l i c . 1 Despite such an apparent need to expose fraudulent works, and despite the e f f o r t s made by authors themselves to bring the whole problem to the attention of the public, f i c t i o n was occasionally accepted as hard fac t . In the case of Prevost's M.H.Q., at least three such instances can be c i t e d . The f i r s t and most far-reaching misuse of Prevost's material was made by Chetwood. The romance taken from the M.H.Q. about S i r Roger Mostyn and Anne O l d f i e l d passed from Chetwood's supposed authoritative work into the Dictionary of National 2 Biography. Only very recently has the matter been corrected. A second example, using material about the Prince Dom Manuel, also indicates that Prevost was considered somewhat of an 3 authority. The following i s c i t e d by Martins: En 1937 I 'eminent iconographe Ernesto Soures publia une notice bibUographique sur le prince Manuel-Jose (1697-1766)s frere du roi Jean V du Portugal. On y lisait, parmi les references de documents authentiques et d'ouvrages excessivement .savant's^.- ce-titre inattendu: Memoires et aventures d'un Homme de Qualite qui - 119 -s'est retire du monde. Quelle satisfaction en eut eprouve I 'abbe Prevost, qui justement se pretendait historien et moraliste, et non point romancier. A t h i r d case involves material from Tome V (in f a c t , i t i s surprising that other examples have not been uncovered from t h i s same section of the memoirs). In a biography of George IV published i n 1830, Lloyd described a scene at a masquerade b a l l attended by George I that i s a near t r a n s l a t i o n of an episode from the M.H.Q., and there i s a f a i r chance that Lloyd, at the time of writing his Memoirs of George IV, thought he was 4 borrowing t h i s anecdote from a r e l i a b l e source. It i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine Prevost, author of several popular novels, being quoted as a source, referred to and l i s t e d i n the bibliography of serious scholars. We can assume, i f individual biographers have been led astray by Prevost's arsenal of devices and claims to veracity, that the average reader also f e l l under the same s p e l l . If Georges May,can refer to Mme. 5 d'Aulnoy's tra v e l s through Spain, when in fact there i s now l i t t l e doubt that she ever l e f t home, then i t i s not surpr i s -ing that sorting the r e a l from the imaginary in the f i c t i o n of the period was and s t i l l i s a major problem. We can presume that through the accumulation of minor points, Prevost was able to convince some of his readers at least some of the time. Studying the possible methods used for winning his reader's b e l i e f i n the M.H.Q. has revealed a side of Prevost's c r e a t i -v i t y that w i l l continue to deserve careful consideration. In the end, one senses that his early narrative style r e f l e c t s - 120 -the combined e f f o r t s of a young and inexperienced novelist, an ardent lover of history and a devoted student of current a f f a i r s . However, in Prevost's art of l i t e r a r y forgery i n the f i r s t six tomes of the M.H.Q., there are glimpses of a maturing a r t i s t - one who would become the esteemed author of Manon Lescaut. - 121 -NOTES See, for example, the Mercure Galant, July 1715, pp. 245-246. 2 Joanne Lafleur, a scholar at Berkeley,.is in the process of complet-ing a new biography on the l i f e of Anne Oldfield. She is actively pursuing the original source of the Mostyn/Oldfield affair and will be the first biographer to trace the romance to Prevost. She also is respon-sible for recently informing Edward Langhans, co-editor of the Biographical  Dictionary of Actors, 1660-1800, of the misuse of Prevost's fiction in connection with the Mostyn/Oldfield romance. 3 A. Coimbra Martins, "Prevost et le Prince du Portugal", Collogue  Prevost, p. 63. 4 See Robertson, p. 160. Georges May, "L'Histoire a-t-elle engendre le roman", p. 170. BIBLIOGRAPHY L'Abbe Prevost - Actes du Collogue. 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In Revue d'Histoire  Litteraire de la France. Vol. LV. 1955. Le Mercure Galant. Paris: chez M. Guerout, 1689. Monty, Jeanne R. "Les Roman de l'abb£ Provost." In Studies on Voltaire  and the Eighteenth Century. Ed. Theodore Besterman. Vol. 78. Geneva: Institut et Musee Voltaire, 1970. Mylne, Vivian. The Eighteenth-century French Novel: Technigues of Illusion. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1965. The Nobilities of Europe. Ed. Marguis de Ruvigny. Vol. 2. London: Melville & Co., 1910. Nouveau Journal Universel. Amsterdam, 1689. - 124 -Nouveau Mercure Galant. Paris: chez D. Jollet et J. Lamesle, 1715-16. Prevost, Abbe Antoine-Frangois. Adventures of a Man of Quality. Trans. Mysie E.I. Robertson. London: George Routledge & Sons, 1930. Memoires et aventures d'un homme de gualite; suivi de Manon  Lescaut. Vols. I-III of Oeuvres choisies de Prevost. Avec figures. 39 vols. Paris: Leblanc, 1810-1816. MSmoires et adventures d'un homme de quality gui s'est retire  du monde. 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Vols. IV-VII. Paris: Bibliotheque de la Pleiade, 1953. The Scots Peerage. Vols. I-XVIII. Edinburgh, 1904,- . Sinclair-Stevenson, Christopher. Inglorious Rebellion: The Jacobite Risings  of 1708, 1715 and 1719. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1971. Stewart, Philip. Imitation and Illusion in the French Memoir-Novel, 1700-1750. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1969. - 125 -Thoyras, Paul Rapin de. Histoire d'Angleterre par M. de Rapin Thoyras. Vols. I-X. The Hague: Rogissart, 1724-1727. Voltaire's Correspondence. Ed. Theodore Besterman. Vols. I-II. Geneva: Institut et Musee Voltaire, 1953. - 126 — APPENDIX Argyll Argile (Prevost's spelling) John Campbell, 2nd Duke of Argyll and 1st Duke of Greenwich (1678-1743) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. ix. M.H.Q., p. 241. Atholl Athol John Murray, 2nd Marguess and 1st Duke of Atholl (1660-1724) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 255. M.H.Q., p. 241. Aylesford Ailesfort Heneage Finch, 1st Earl of Aylesford (1647-1719) Ref: DNB,V61, 7, p. 12. M.H.Q., p. 240. Buckingham John Sheffield, 3rd Earl of Mulgrave and 1st Duke of Buckingham and Normandy (1648-1721) Ref: DNBj.Vol. 8, p. 13. M.H.Q., p. 241. Cholmondeley Cholmdley George Cholmondeley, Earl Cholmondeley (Succeeded to t i t l e January 18, 1724/5) (cl666-1733) Ref: DNB,.Vol. 4, p. 271. M.H.Q., p. 269. Derwentwater James Radcliffe, 3rd Earl of Derwentwater (1689-1716) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 256. M.H.Q., p. 240. Devonshire Dewonshire William Cavendish, 2nd Duke of Devonshire (cl673-1729) Ref: The Complete Peerage, Vol. 4, p. 344. M.H.Q., p. 240. Finch Forster Daniel Finch, Lord (Styled 1701-30) (1689-1769) Ref: The Complete Peerage, Vol. 12:2, pp. 786, 787 M.H.Q., p. 240. Thomas Forster, M.P. (1675-1738) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 257. M.H.Q., p. 269. - 127 -Guernsey Heneage Finch, Lord Guernsey (1687-1757) Ref: The Complete Peerage, Vol. 5, p. 365. M.H.Q., p. 240. Kenmure Kilmur William Gordon, 6th Viscount Kenmure ( -1716) Ref: The Complete Peerage, Vol. 7, p. 119. M.H.Q., p. 232. Kilsyth Kilsiek William Livingston, 3rd Viscount Kilsyth (1650-1733) Ref: The Scots Peerage, Vol. 5, pp. 192-4. M.H.Q., p. 269. Mackintosh Mackinstot William Mackintosh of Borlum (Brigadier) (1662-1743) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 260. M.H.Q., pp. 268-269. Marischal Marshal George Keith, 10th Earl Marischal (1694-1778) Ref: DNB, Vol. 10, p. 1209. M.H.Q., pp. 241, 268, 269. Mostyn Mostings Roger Mostyn, (Sir) (1675-1739) Ref: DNB, Vol. 13, p. 1088. M.H.Q., pp. 240-241. Nairn William Murray, 2nd Baron Nairn (Son of Marguess of Atholl) (1664-1726) Ref: The Complete Peerage, Vol. 9, pp. 445-446. M.H.Q., p. 238. Nithsdale Nithisdale William Maxwell, 5th Earl of Nithsdale (1676-1744) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 261. M.H.Q., pp. 231-232. Nottingham Daniel Finch, 2nd Earl of Nottingham and 6th Earl of Winchilsea (1647-1730) Ref: DNB, Vol. 7, pp. 3-4. M.H.Q., p. 240. Orkney George Hamilton, Earl of Orkney (1666-1737) Ref: DNB, Vol. 8, p. 1040. M.H.Q., p. 240. - 128 -Ormonde Ormond James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde (1665-1745) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. x. M.H.Q., p. 268. Oxford Robert Harley, 1st Earl of Oxford (1661^1724) Ref; The Jacobites and the Union, p. 261. M.H.Q., p. 241. Portmore Sir David Colyear, 1st Earl of Portmore (cl656-1730) Ref: The Scots Peerage, Vol. 7, pp. 91-3. M.H.Q., p. 240. Pretender, The James Francis Edward Stewart, Chevalier de St. George (1688-1766) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 258. M.H.Q., pp. 231, 232, 241, 246, 268. Southesk James Carnegie, 5th Earl of Southesk (1692-1740) Ref: The Scots Peerage, Vol. 8, pp. 73-74. M.H.Q., pp. 241, 268, 269. Tullibardine William Murray, Marguess of Tullibardine (1689-1746) Ref: DNB, Vol. 13, p. 1305. M.H.Q., p. 269. Widdrington Widrington William Widdrington, 4th Baron Widdrington (1678-1743) Ref: The Jacobites and the Union, p. 263. M.H.Q., p. 238. Windsor Other Windsor, 2nd Earl of Plymouth and Lord Windsor (1679-1725) Ref: 'The Complete Peerage, Vol. 12, part 2, p. 800. M.H.Q., p. 240. Wintoun Winton George Seton, 5th Earl of Wintoun (1678-1749) Ref: The Scots Peerage, Vol. 8, pp. 602-605. M.H.Q., p. 238. 


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