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Home decoration and the expression of identity Pratt, Geraldine J. 1980

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HOME DECORATION AND THE EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY by GERALDINE J. PRATT B.Sc, The University of Toronto, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ART in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1980 © Geraldine J. Pratt, 1980 i i In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying o f t h i s t h e s i s for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date i i i ABSTRACT Home decoration i s considered as a concrete expression of the r e l a -t i o n s between a person decorating or s u p e r v i s i n g the decoration of her or his home and, i n a general sense, s o c i e t y . A Meadian or Sartrean notion of s e l f and the concept of s o c i a l worlds are introduced to allow f o r a c u l t u r a l l y r e l a t i v e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the house-self r e l a t i o n s h i p . A f i e l d i n v e s t i g a t i o n was conducted - 56 women l i v i n g i n e l i t e housing i n the Shaughnessy/Kerrisdale area or i n West Vancouver were interviewed. Two s o c i a l worlds are i d e n t i f i e d by means of a network a n a l y s i s , and a co n s i d e r a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t value o r i e n t a t i o n s and varying domestic landscapes of the persons interviewed. A s o c i a l world associated w i t h " t r a d i t i o n a l i s m " i s i d e n t i f i e d with the women l i v i n g i n the Shaughnessy/ K e r r i s d a l e area - most of these women and t h e i r husbands have grown up i n the area, belong t o the same s o c i a l clubs and a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the same community and p h i l a n t h r o p i c o r g a n i s a t i o n s . Consequently, t h e i r net-work of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s q u i t e extensive - most of the women interviewed from t h i s s o c i a l world know of each other. In c o n t r a s t , the West Vancouver-i t e s have a more "modern" o r i e n t a t i o n i n the sense t h a t they are i n t e r n a -t i o n a l l y r e c r u i t e d , and lead r e l a t i v e l y i n s u l a r l i v e s with fewer community or o r g a n i s a t i o n a l involvements. The network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s amongst the West Vancouverites i s fragmented and d i f f u s e . The d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l worlds are r e f l e c t e d i n a t t i t u d e s towards t a s t e , the temporal c o n t i n u i t y of f u r n i s h i n g s and the.use of an i n t e r i o r designer. The Shaughnessy women consider good t a s t e to be o b j e c t i v e or s o c i a l l y defined and f e e l that t h e i r own t a s t e has been formed by t h e i r parents but has been r e l a t i v e l y uninfluenced by the media. Th e i r i n h e r i t e d home f u r n i s h i n g s q u i t e l i t e r a l l y o f f e r them t i e s to t h e i r past and t h e i r i v conformity i n current choices bind them to t h e i r s o c i a l group. In extreme c o n t r a s t , West Vancouverites think that good t a s t e i s an i n d i v i d u a l l y defined matter. They consider t h e i r t a s t e t o be uninfluenced by t h e i r parents but r e l y i n s t e a d on the standards and fashions portrayed i n i n t e r -i o r design magazines. They change t h e i r f u r n i t u r e f a i r l y r e g u l a r l y to keep up with the trends so displayed and consider t h a t t h e i r t a s t e a c t u a l l y changes i n concert. In co n t r a s t t o the Shaughnessy women who f e e l t h a t one's home i s a clue t o one's a c t i v i t i e s , the West Vancouver women consider t h e i r home t o be an expression of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y . D i f f e r i n g a t t i -tudes towards what one's home should express about one's s e l f are exempli-f i e d by the extent and type of use of an i n t e r i o r designer. The Shaugh-nessy women tend to make extensive use of i n t e r i o r d e signers, although most use one i n t e r i o r designer who i s a l s o a member of t h e i r s o c i a l world. The idea of the house as an expression of i n d i v i d u a l i t y i s r e l a t i v e l y f o r e i g n t o the Shaughnessy women - one's home should conform to the group canons of good t a s t e . In c o n t r a s t , the West Vancouver women acquire the designers that they do use through the media. In these cases, the designer i s employed i n the cap a c i t y of a r t i s t , to p e r f e c t a p o r t r a i t of the i n d i -v i d u a l ' s s e l f . As a West Vancouver woman stands as an i n d i v i d u a l i n r e l a t i o n to ot h e r s , she tends t o choose an i n t e r i o r designer unique to h e r s e l f . Considered as a group, however, the West Vancouver women make r e l a t i v e l y l e ss use of i n t e r i o r designers than do the Shaughnessy women. Because the home decoration i s f e l t by them to be r e v e a l i n g of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y , the use of an i n t e r i o r designer has some of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of fraud. The d i f f e r e n c e s noted between the two s o c i a l worlds and the con-t r a s t i n g object o r i e n t a t i o n of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n each are then considered i n r e l a t i o n t o varying c u l t u r a l c r i t i q u e s of modern s o c i e t y . V TABLE OF CONTENTS p a g e ABSTRACT i i i LIST OF TABLES v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i LIST OF MAPS v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT i x CHAPTER 1 In t r o d u c t i o n 1 Psych o l o g i s i n g Tendencies 2 An I n t e r a c t i v e Model of Man 6 Footnotes 10 CHAPTER 2 Methodology 13 Grounded Theory 13 Sampling Procedures f o r Homeowners 15 Interview of Homeowner 19 S o c i a l Worlds 21 Interviews of I n t e r i o r Designers 27 Footnotes 30 CHAPTER 3 The Neighbourhood Context And Domestic House Form 31 Neighbourhood I d e n t i f i c a t i o n 31 Shaughnessy 34 West Vancouver 39 Footnotes 48 CHAPTER 4 S o c i a l World P r o f i l e s 51 Footnotes 80 CHAPTER 5 I n t e r i o r Decoration And The Use Of I n t e r i o r Designers 82 Taste 83 Use of an I n t e r i o r Designer 95 Footnotes 117 CHAPTER 6 Discussion and Conclusions 119 The Antinomian A t t i t u d e 119 Group O r i e n t a t i o n and the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver S o c i a l Worlds 127 Footnotes 134 APPENDIX A 136 APPENDIX B 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY 145 v i LIST OF TABLES page Table 3.1 West Vancouver Population S t a t i s t i c s 47 3.2 A comparison of Occupation of Residents on One Short S t r e e t i n West Vancouver -1950 and 1977 47 4.1 Childhood Neighbourhoods 53 4.2 Occupations and Occupational P r e s t i g e 58 4.3 Education - Last Degree Completed 59 4.4 C o n n e c t i v i t y Matrix For Shaughnessy Network 62 4.5 Results of the Network Analyses 64 4.6 C o n n e c t i v i t y Matrix f o r West Vancouver Network 66 4.7 Families C l a s s i f i e d According to the Age of the Youngest C h i l d 69 4.8 Commitments to A s s o c i a t i o n s and S o c i e t i e s 71 4.9 Club Membership f o r Shaughnessy S o c i a l World 75 4.10 Percentages of Close Friendships A t t r i b u t e d to D i f f e r e n t Sources of I n t r o d u c t i o n 75 4.11 Percentages of Members i n Each S o c i a l World Who Acknowledges S o c i a l i s i n g with Persons i n Each Category of R e l a t i o n s h i p 77 4.12 Club Membership f o r the West Vancouver S o c i a l World 77 5.1 Things Which are Revealed by the House 94 5.2 Use of I n t e r i o r Designers 101 5.3 Design Recognition and Use 102 5.4 The Use of D i f f e r e n t Designers and I n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the Shaughnessy S o c i a l Group 103 5.5 Designer House Compared to Non-Designer House 103 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 2.1 Manner In Which Sample Assembled 18 Figure 4.1 Number Of Years. In Present House 56 Figure 4.2 Number Of C i t i e s Lived In Since Marriage 56 Figure 4.3 West Vancouver Network 67 Figure 5.1 I n t e r i o r Views Of Two Shaughnessy Homes 96 Figure 5.2 I n t e r i o r Views Of Two West Vancouver Homes 97 Figure 5.3 Choice Of I n t e r i o r Designers In R e l a t i o n To West Vancouver Network 109 Figure 6.1 Group and Gri d 126 Figure 6.2 Schematic Representation Of Shaughnessy and West Vancouver S o c i a l Organisation 128 v i n LIST OF MAPS Neighbourhoods I d e n t i f i e d With Persons Under Study Location Of Designer T s C l i e n t s ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should l ike f i r s t l y to thank Jim Duncan for his guidance throughout this project and he, Marwyn Samuels and Todd Zdorkowski for their helpful crit icisms of the ear l ier draft. Beyond th i s , the project would have been total ly unexecutable had not Carolyn Morrison, Alison B e l l , Wendy Doberiener, Ellen Petticrew and Ben Moffat provided i n i t i a l contacts and had these contacts not been generous with their own time and concerned enough to provide further contacts. Throughout, the study was dependent upon the openness and good w i l l of the persons interviewed. I am grateful for both - they made the interviewing more a pleasure than work. Thank you also to Irene Hull for her helpful and necessary editing and typing. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The fundamental assumption guiding this empirical study is that housing may be interpreted as a concretisation of values. A house, i ts form and decoration, is intimately bound to the inhabitant's identity or conceptualisation of his self . Given such an assumption, one may approach the issue of housing and identity from different perspectives, largely hinging on different conceptualisations of the sel f . What the house can possibly symbolise about the self is dependent upon what the investigator considers the self to mean. David Canter wrote in 1977 that "The concept of self . . . is an integral aspect of the psychology of place. Unfortunately, few people have explored the relationship between places and self concepts. Those who have, such as Cooper, have confused the issue by pulling in Jungian archetypes."^ At the time of writing her oft -c i ted a r t i c l e , "The House as Symbol of the 2 Sel f , " in which Jungian theory is posited as an explanation for the re la -tionship between man and house, Cooper cautioned that her ar t ic le was "a speculative think piece" which was "deliberately lef t open-ended in the hope that i t [would] motivate the reader, and the author, to think further 3 and more deeply in this area." Heedless of this qua l i f ie r , as Canter notes, several other theorists have adopted unquestioningly the Jungian concepts of the collective unconscious, the archetype and the symbol as appropriate and valid categories through which to view man-house relat ion-2 ships. Presently, attention w i l l be directed to several of the consequences of employing Jungian theory in the consideration of housing and identity. As wel l , vaguely phenomenological perspectives adopted by. others, dealing 2 with home as a type of "place", are equally susceptible to portions of the following critique and w i l l be mentioned where appropriate. Psychologising Tendencies Cooper embraces Jung's belief that there is "a universal or col lec-tive unconscious linking man to his primitive past, and in which are deposited certain basic and timeless nodes of psychic energy, which [are] termed archetypes" (original emphasis). A symbol is the manifestation of the unconscious archetype in "the here and now of space and t ime." 7 The essence of her argument is that the self is the "most basic of arche-o types" and that the house is i ts frequent symbol. As an i n i t i a l reaction, one may concur with J.A.C. Brown that i t is "certainly unorthodox in science to describe the partly known in terms of 9 the wholly unknown." But science is not what Cooper is a l l about, for the reason that "this emphasis on the so-called objective may indeed be a sickness of Western man; for i t enables him to retain his belief in the separateness of the ego from a l l that surrounds i t . G i v e n this rejec-tion of science, i t is interesting that Cooper retains a strongly determinis-t i c mode of argument. Man inherits archetypes, "a kind of 'psychic mesh' with nodal points within the unconscious, a structure which somehow has shaped and organized the myriad contents of the psyche into potential images, emotions, ideas, and patterns of b e h a v i o r . G i v e n this fixed net in the head, man has a natural propensity to symbolise his self through the house. As an example of Cooper's conception of a biological ly determined woman: "The pregnant woman - in a very special psychological and physio-logical state of change - is especially l ike ly to identify with the house, 12 both in dreams and in real i ty . . . . " Human wants and needs are dependent 3 variables, so to speak; they are a function of "natural" physiological and psychological forces. Porteous is perhaps not confusing issues, although he may. be compounding varieties of naturalism, when he ut i l i ses Cooper's Jungian psychoanalytic approach in concert with "the theory of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y [which] suggests that in many animal species, including Homo Sapiens, both individuals and groups tend to assert exclusive jur isdict ion over physical space." Not only is the self numbed when considered as a biological or a transcendental fact, but both the relationship between person and house and the symbolic meaning of the house are completely s t a t i c , having been arbi t rar i ly abstracted from societal events. The passive conception of human nature allows for so l i t t l e variation in what the self might mean that there becomes an uncomfortably close f i t between a person and his home. The s t r i c t identity between house and self is considered to be natural and not a.social ly relative phenomenon. A very specif ic relationship between man and object is presented as a universal fact. In Cooper's terms, i t is natural and inevitable that one's self image as a separate and unique personality should be threatened by l iv ing in a high-rise apartment, "the symbol of a stereotyped, anonymous f i l ing-cabinet collection of 14 selves." An especially controversial aspect of this statement is that the symbolic meaning of the high-rise apartment is not considered by Cooper to be culturally relative but, rather, i t s e l f s tat ic . This is because there "seems to be a universal need for a house form in which the self and 15 family unit can be seen as separate, unique, private, and protected" ( i . e . , the free-standing house). The archetype and the symbol, themselves s ta t i c , are locked into a constant relationship. As Cooper states, " i t is through the medium of the collective unconscious that people are in touch 4 with an a r c h a i c and b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r archetype (the s e l f ) and w i t h a symbol f o r t hat archetype that has changed l i t t l e through space and time (the 1 g house)." This places undue r e s t r i c t i o n s on the v a r i e t y of meanings that the home may have f o r any i n d i v i d u a l . As w e l l , the meaning somehow becomes i n t r i n s i c t o the object that functions as symbol. There i s a d i s t u r b i n g outcome to viewing the house i n t h i s manner. A b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of the marxian notions of o b j e c t i v a t i o n , a l i e n a t i o n and r e i f i c a t i o n , as discussed by Berger and P u l l b e r g j 7 wi 11 be useful i n drawing out these c r i t i c i s m s . O b j e c t i v a t i o n i s considered to be anthro-p o l o g i c a l l y necessary and r e f e r s to the process by which man embodies his s u b j e c t i v i t y i n o b j e c t s . I t i s i n e v i t a b l e that man w i l l i n v e s t objects of h i s making with q u a l i t i e s o f . h i s s e l f and to consider them to be expres-s i v e of himself. A l i e n a t i o n r e f e r s to the process by which man f o r g e t s t h a t he has created the world i n which he l i v e s and allows i t to act back upon him. R e i f i c a t i o n i s l i n k e d t o a l i e n a t i o n , f o r i t i s the process by which man, having fo r g o t t e n the human source of products such as i d e a s , values or concrete o b j e c t s , views them as o b j e c t i v e things and allows them to dominate him. R e i f i c a t i o n occurs when an object i s no longer considered t o be a s p e c i f i c expression of another's or one's own l i f e , but becomes instead a q u a l i t y that serves t o c h a r a c t e r i s e the other or oneself i n a t y p i c a l and anonymous manner. No longer i s the object an expression of the person; the person i s defined as the embodiment of an a b s t r a c t q u a l i t y of which the object i s a symbol. When Cooper w r i t e s that a person's s e l f -image i s threatened by l i v i n g i n a h i g h - r i s e apartment, t h i s suggests that there i s a p a r t i c u l a r q u a l i t y symbolised by the h i g h - r i s e apartment that threatens t h i s person's s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n . The r e i f i e d concept i s then acted upon and i t ' i s p o s s i b l e that dwellers i n h i g h - r i s e housing p r o j e c t s are 5 stig m a t i s e d by t h e i r residences and thus have reason to. f e e l p e r s o n a l l y v i o l a t e d . I t i s another matter f o r Cooper t o incorporate t h i s r e i f i c a t i o n i n t o her t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s u n s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y by suggesting that the h i g h - r i s e i s i n h e r e n t l y d e p e r s o n a l i s i n g . Perhaps i t would be more to the poin t to consider the process by which p a r t i c u l a r house forms become s t i g -matised- than to suggest that there i s a u n i v e r s a l need to l i v e i n a f r e e -standing house. As Berger and P u l l b e r g p o i n t out, T h e o r e t i c a l r e i f i c a t i o n s , expressive of p r e - r e f l e c t i v e and p r e - t h e o r e t i c a l r e i f y i n g consciousness, can them-selves become r e i f i e d , hardening i n t o dogmas and c u t t i n g o f f the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the world as an expressive f a b r i c . In t h i s way, the t h e o r e t i c a l formulations may f i x a t e even more f i r m l y the r e i f y i n g character of the p r e - t h e o r e t i c a l consciousness. 18 The ideology surrounding p r i v a t e ownership of a fr e e - s t a n d i n g house i s presented and r e i n f o r c e d by Cooper as a nat u r a l f a c t . This l i t e r a t u r e i s r i f e with dogmatic statements which support commonly held i d e o l o g i e s . Porteous t e l l s us t h a t , " I d e n t i t y and the  i n d i v i d u a l i s m i t im p l i e s are valued because of the i m p l i c a t i o n of freedom 1Q of s e l f determination." (my emphasis) Relph u n c r i t i c a l l y presents a s t r i k i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of c u l t u r a l s t e r e o t y p i n g . He st a t e s t h a t : S t r i c t l y the term " k i t s c h " r e f e r s to the mediocre, s t y l e l e s s , sweetly s e n t i m e n t a l , m e r e t r i c i o u s objects that are s o l d as souvenirs and g i f t s , and to t h e i r r e l a t e d forms i n household goods. . . . As a set of forms and objects i t i s t o be seen at a l l l e v e l s -from garden gnomes, to Ponderosa Steak Houses with a r t i f i c i a l p l a s t i c c a c t i , to Minuteman Motels with model m i s s i l e s , t o the overindulgences of Baroque d e c o r a t i o n , t o roadside fantasylands and enchanted f o r e s t s . . . k i t s c h i s an a t t i t u d e of i n a u t h e n t i c i t y . . . . 6 Tuan comments th a t "We are what we have."' 1 1 These are statements which present commonly held ideas as absolute f a c t . They have no j u s t i f i c a t i o n beyond a r e f u s a l to take the a n a l y s i s f a r t h e r . An I n t e r a c t i v e Model of Man These "home-is-where-the-self-is" t h e o r i s t s have f a i l e d to give adequate a t t e n t i o n to the p o s s i b i l i t y that s o c i a l psychology i s i n a large 22 part a systematic study of contemporary h i s t o r y . The premise of such a perspective of s o c i a l psychology i s a theory of consciousness which d i s -solves the dichotomy between the s e l f and s o c i e t y . While a conception of the s e l f as an archetype allows Cooper t o consider questions of i d e n t i t y i n i s o l a t i o n from h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i e t a l events, the t h e o r i e s of conscious-23 24 ness o u t l i n e d by G.H. Mead and by S a r t r e d i s a l l o w such an incomplete a n a l y s i s . A r a t h e r bare p o r t r a y a l of the common elements between the analyses of" each t h e o r i s t w i l l serve to o u t l i n e the type of theory of consciousness with which I am i n t e r e s t e d w h i l s t leaving unresolved points of divergence between Mead and S a r t r e . S a r t r e r e j e c t s u t t e r l y any c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n of the s e l f i n which there i s posited inherent psychic f a c u l t i e s or d i s p o s i t i o n s . The existence of the " I " o r , r a t h e r , consciousness as an e n t i t y i s r e j e c t e d . Mead d i v i d e s consciousness i n t o what he terms the " I " , an i n t r i n s i c p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e l f and the "Me", a s e l f defined by e x t r i n s i c r e l a t i o n s . The a n a l y s i s of the " I " , however, i s so underdeveloped, having the "appearance of a defensive 25 device" to m i t i g a t e accusations of s o c i a l determinism, t h a t one may 26 consider the "Me" to be of prime concern. Thus, f o r S a r t r e , and to a large extent f o r Mead, there i s nothing vn consciousness, a person i s conscious of something. One becomes aware of one's s e l f when one r e f l e c t s 7 on one's consciousness as an obj e c t . The e x t e r i o r i t y of the s e l f i s evident i n the f o l l o w i n g question posed by Mead and i n h i s answer: How can an i n d i v i d u a l get outside himself (experien-t i a l l y ) i n such a way as to become an object to him-s e l f ? This i s the e s s e n t i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l problem of selfhood or of s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s ; and i t s s o l u t i o n i s to be found by r e f e r r i n g to the process of s o c i a l conduct or a c t i v i t y i n which the given person or i n d i v i d u a l i s i m p l i c a t e d . The s e l f i s l a r g e l y the product of the opinions and a c t i o n s of others with whom the developing s e l f i n t e r a c t s . The s e l f i s a dynamic c o n s t r u c t i o n -one adjusts one's s e l f image to the opinions of others and changes one's 28 presentation of s e l f i n order t o modify the a t t i t u d e s of others. "The i n d i v i d u a l . e x p e r i e n c e s himself as such, not d i r e c t l y , but only i n d i r e c t l y , from the p a r t i c u l a r standpoints of other i n d i v i d u a l members of the same s o c i a l group or from the g e n e r a l i z e d standpoint of the s o c i a l 29 group as a whole to.which he belongs." This shared p e r s p e c t i v e has been termed a s o c i a l world. I t o f f e r s an unquestioned frame of reference by means of which a person can order his experience. Shibutani has defined a s o c i a l world as: . . . a c u l t u r e area, the boundaries of which are set n e i t h e r by t e r r i t o r y nor formal group member-s h i p , but by the l i m i t s of e f f e c t i v e communication. There are s p e c i a l norms of conduct, a set of v a l u e s , a p r e s t i g e ladder, and a common outlook toward l i f e . . . . S o c i a l worlds vary along a number of dimensions: i n s i z e , the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a n t s , the extent and c l a r i t y of t h e i r boun-d a r i e s , i n t h e i r s o l i d a r i t y and the extent of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f e l t by the p a r t i c i p a n t s . A person may be oriented p r i m a r i l y to one s o c i a l world or 8 may p a r t i c i p a t e i n many d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds. Values and s o c i a l mean-i n g s , i n c l u d i n g conceptions of the s e l f and the symbolic meanings of o b j e c t s , w i l l p o t e n t i a l l y vary across s o c i a l worlds. With Goffman we may suggest t h a t man i s taught, depending on h i s s o c i a l w o r l d , "to have f e e l i n g s attached to s e l f and a s e l f expressed through f a c e , to have p r i d e , honour, 31 d i g n i t y , to have considerateness. . . " and t o consider them as s t a t e s or q u a l i t i e s . The form and degree o f . o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the s e l f or s e l f -consciousness w i l l depend, at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , on one's s o c i a l world. There i s some e m p i r i c a l evidence to suggest that a p o s i t i o n i n c o r -porating the r e l a t i v i t y of s o c i a l worlds i s a usefu l one f o r considering questions of housing and i d e n t i t y . The Duncans have considered housing i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l worlds, f i n d i n g i n , t h e i r study of two e l i t e groups i n Hyderabad, India that the house as an expressive medium was d i f f e r e n -t i a l l y important f o r persons o r i e n t e d to a modern or a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l 32 world. Looking at e x t e r i o r r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d s c a p e s of e l i t e housing i n Bedford, New York, Duncan found landscape t a s t e t o vary across s o c i a l IA 33 worlds. A c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s o c i a l nature of consciousness of s e l f and thus the p o s s i b i l i t y of d i f f e r e n t meanings attached to the house are the s t a r t i n g points of t h i s study. Further, i t i s considered t h a t the use of an i n t e r i o r designer represents a ra t h e r s e l f - c o n s c i o u s manipulation of i d e n t i t y . I t i s thought that the use of a designer might d i f f e r across s o c i a l worlds, both i n extent and type, and thus o f f e r an i n t e r e s t i n g index of s o c i a l worlds. In the next chapter j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r and c l a r i f i c a t i o n of t h i s r e l a t i v e l y vague beginning w i l l be examined, as w i l l more s p e c i f i c issues of the methodology employed. The neighbourhood context of the two s o c i a l 9 worlds i d e n t i f i e d and stu d i e d w i l l be considered i n chapter 3 . In chapter 4 , p r o f i l e s of the actual s o c i a l worlds w i l l be o u t l i n e d . The a t t i t u d e s towards and the actual home decoration of persons o r i e n t e d towards e i t h e r s o c i a l world w i l l b e considered i n the next chapter. A l s o , i n chapter 5 , the r e l a t i v e use of i n t e r i o r designers w i l l be presented. In chapter 6 , l i n k s w i l l be drawn between the sub s t a n t i v e g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s and more general theory. Tentative conclusions w i l l be considered. 10 FOOTNOTES David Canter, The Psychology of Place (The Architectural Press L td . , London, 1977), p. 179. 2 Clare Cooper, "The House as Symbol of the Self" in J . Lang, C. Burnette, W. Moleski and D. Vachon (eds.), Designing for Human Behavior (Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross, Stroudsberg, Pennsylvania, 1974), pp. 130-146. 3 Ib id . , p. 130. 4 For example, Kim Dovey, "Home: An Ordering Principle in Space", Landscape, vol . 22 (1978), p. 29; Olivier Marc, Psychology of the House, translated by Jessie Wood (Thames and Hudson, London, 1977); J . Douglas Porteous, "Home: The Terr i tor ia l Core", Geographical Review, vol . 66 (1976),.pp. 383-390. 5 For an example of a roughly phenomenological perspective: E. Relph, place and placelessness (Pion, London, 1976), or Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia (Prentice-Hall , Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1974) and Space and Place (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977). 6 Cooper, "The House as Symbol of the Sel f , " p. 131. 7 Ibid. Ibid. J.A.C. Brown, Freud and the Post-Freudians (Pelican, Harmondsworth, 1961), pp. 44-45. 1 0 Cooper, "The House as Symbol: of the Sel f , " p. 145. 1 1 Ib id . , p. 131. 2 Ib id . , p. 135. Porteous, "Home: The Terr i tor ial Core:, p. 383. 4 Cooper, "The House as Symbol of the Sel f , " p. 134. 5 Ib id . , pp. 133-134. 6 Ib id . , p. 137. 11 17 Peter Berger and Stanley Pullberg, "Reification and the Sociological Critique of Consciousness", History and Theory, vol . 4 (1964-65), pp. 196-211. 18 19 20 Ib id . , p. 205. Porteous, "Home: The Terr i tor ial Core", p. 384. Relph, place and placelesshess, p. 82. This also seems to be Christopher Smith's point in his review of Relph's book, place and place- lessness: " . . . I found the traditional condescension towards suburbia a l i t t l e tedious." The review appeared in Geographical Review, vol . 68 (1978), p. 117. 21 Tuan, Space and Place, pp. 186-187. 22 Kenneth Gergen, one of the f i r s t social psychologists within academic psychology to offer this cr i t ique, has been a chief instigator of the "c r i s i s " in social psychology. His.main points in the ar t ic le cited were that psychological theorising could have a liberating effect on social behaviour and also that the observed regularities and thus the major social psychological theoretical principles are firmly wedded to histor ical circumstances. "Social Psychology as History", Journal of Personality and  Social Psychology, vol . 26 (1973), pp. 309-320. 23 In, for example, G.H. Mead, On Social Psychology, Selected Papers, Anslem Strauss (ed.), (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1964). 24 J . - P . Sartre, Being and Nothingness, translated by Hazel E. Barnes (Washington Square Press, New York, 1956). 25 Helmer, "The Face of the Man Without Qualit ies", Social Research, vol . 37 (1970), p. 573. It might be suggested that Sartre's philosophy offers a resolution to Mead's quandary over the "I". 27 Mead, On Social Psychology, Selected Papers, p. 202. 28 This is Mead's analysis. In Sartre's analysis of social organisa-tions this would describe the situation for only one form of structure -that of the se r ia l . He posits other poss ib i l i t ies such as group-in-fusion where one is not an object for the group (Sartre, J . - P . , The Philosophy  of Jean-Paul Sartre. R.D. Cumming (ed.) (Vintage Books, New York, 1965)). The differences in the analyses result , at least par t ia l l y , from Sartre's concerns about rei f icat ion and alienation and Mead's relative unconcern. See J .S. Duncan, "The Social Construction of Unreality: An Interactionist 12 Approach to the Tourist's Cognition of Environment" in David Ley and Marwyn Samuels (eds.), Humanistic Geography (Maaroufa Press, Chicago, 1978), pp. 269-282, for an attempt to weld Meadian analysis with the concepts of re i f icat ion and alienation. Mead, On Social Psychology, Selected Papers, p. 202. 30 Shibutani, Tamotsu: "Reference Groups and Social Control" in Arnold, M. Rose(ed.) , Human Behaviour and Social Processes (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1962), pp. 136-137. 31 Erving Goffman, "On Face Work" in Erving Goffman (ed.), Interaction  Ritual (Anchor Books, Garden City, New York, 1967), p. 44. 32 James S. Duncan and Nancy G. Duncan, "Residential Landscapes -and Social Worlds: A Case Study in Hyderabad, Andra Pradesh", in David E. Sopher (ed.) An, Exploration of India (Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1980), pp. 271-286. James S. Duncan, "Landscape Taste as a Symbol of Group Identity", Geographical Review, vol . 63, 1973, pp. 334-355. 13 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY Grounded Theory The method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n was inf l u e n c e d g r e a t l y by Glaser and Strauss's The discovery of grounded t h e o r y J The methodology o u t l i n e d by Glaser and Strauss arose, at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , as a r e a c t i o n to a perceived preoccupation w i t h v e r i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n the s o c i a l sciences. The v e r i f i -c a t i o n i s t ' s tendency t o encounter e m p i r i c a l data as proof or d i s p r o o f of a general theory accounts, according to Glaser and S t r a u s s , f o r both a pa u c i t y of theory and the questionable f i t between much theory and the everyday world. To remedy these problems, Glaser and Strauss advocate an i n d u c t i v e approach to f i e l d w o r k . The approach i s r a d i c a l l y e m p i r i c a l at the outset of the f i e l d w o r k , with the q u a l i f i c a t i o n that the researcher's o b j e c t i v e i n the end i s to develop substantive theory. One enters the f i e l d with a general p e r s p e c t i v e but as few s p e c i f i c preconceptions and hypotheses as po s s i b l e . More important i s one's mental set towards one's own a p r i o n ' s . Hypotheses are held t e n t a t i v e l y , one must be ready to r e l i n q u i s h them i f information c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d suggests other more f r u i t f u l hypotheses. One asks r a t h e r than demands things from the data. In the present case, the general perspective guiding the research was a sympathy f o r a broadly 2 humanistic o r i e n t a t i o n which, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , incorporates an a c t i v e 3 image of man. S u b s t a n t i v e l y , there was an i n t e r e s t i n the use of an expert f o r home decoration by e l i t e homeowners. 14 While c o l l e c t i n g data, the researcher searches to discover r e g u l a r i -t i e s and meaningful t h e o r e t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s by comparing groups which d i f f e r i n some way. In the case of t h i s research p r o j e c t , the d i s t i n c t i o n s between a t r a d i t i o n a l and modern o r i e n t a t i o n and a dense and loose network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s took on more and more importance as org a n i s i n g cate-gories as the f i e l d w o r k progressed. Considered thus, the i n d u c t i v e s t r a t e g y has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r how one might judge the adequacy of a researcher's data c o l l e c t i o n . Glaser and Strauss make a d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e o r e t i c a l and s t a t i s t i c a l sampling, the former considered to be appropriate f o r i n d u c t i v e theory b u i l d i n g , the 4 l a t t e r f o r deductive v e r i f i c a t i o n procedures. When theory b u i l d i n g r a t h e r than v e r i f i c a t i o n i s the g o a l , one samples to discover and " s a t u r a t e " concepts or t h e o r e t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s . S a t u r a t i o n comes when a d d i t i o n a l data co n t r i b u t e s no f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , when s i m i l a r instances are seen over and over again. When deductive v e r i f i c a t i o n i s attempted, one wishes to obtain accurate evidence on d i s t r i b u t i o n s of people among concepts to be used i n d e s c r i p t i o n s or v e r i f i c a t i o n s . As one claims wide g e n e r a l i t y of scope f o r deductive theory, a s t a t i s t i c a l sample must be evaluated on the basis of the techniques of random and s t r a t i f i e d sampling. In t h i s case, the notion of s a t u r a t i o n i s i r r e l e v a n t , a researcher involved with v e r i -f i c a t i o n must continue t o c o l l e c t data long a f t e r i t becomes redundant with t h a t already c o l l e c t e d i n order to obtain the f u l l e s t coverage of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of people f o r a more accurate count. In a s i m i l a r sense, the appropriate techniques of data c o l l e c t i o n w i l l depend on one's ep i s t e m o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n . I f value i s given t o context and i f the t h e o r e t i c a l categories are meant to be derived from the data, as was the case f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r study, i t i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e to enter 15 i n t o the f i e l d w i t h a s o - c a l l e d standardized and o b j e c t i v e q u e s t i o n n a i r e . In a very r e a l sense, one searching to discover grounded theory i s not supposed to know a l l of the appropriate questions before e n t e r i n g the f i e l d . The information c o l l e c t e d suggests what f u r t h e r questions need t o be asked. Sampling Procedures f o r Homeowners The c h i e f c r i t e r i o n that was employed i n d e f i n i n g the type of home-owner I wanted t o i n t e r v i e w was one of economics. When asking f o r r e f e r r a l s I t o l d a person that I wanted t o i n t e r v i e w "people who could a f f o r d to use an i n t e r i o r designer, whether they had chosen to or not." I then s e l e c t e d from the 75 names and addresses off e r e d 69 with addresses obviously i n e l i t e neighbourhoods. The s i x names that f e l l outside of the economic bounds were given a l t e r n a t i v e l y because the suggested person was s a i d to have done "such c r e a t i v e things with such l i t t l e money" or because the respondents wished to d i v e r s i f y and "pep up" the sample. There was a worry on t h e i r part that I would be t a l k i n g t o too many people " j u s t l i k e " them. No s p e c i f i c neighbourhood was i n d i c a t e d as a p r i o r i t y but a l l r e s -pondents l i v e d e i t h e r i n the Shaughnessy/Kerrisdale neighbourhoods or i n the Caulfeild/Dundarave areas of West Vancouver (see Map 1). Considering house p r i c e s o f f e r e d to me by homeowners themselves and l i s t i n g s i n news-papers f o r comparable houses i n the same neighbourhoods, the people I interviewed l i v e d i n homes valued i n September 1979 between $250,000.00 and $500,000.00. A d d i t i o n a l l y , a l l had the economic wherewithal t o t r a v e l f o r a month or two a y e a r , u s u a l l y to Hawaii or Palm S p r i n g s , and/or own another residence - e i t h e r a summer property or s k i condominium i n the province. 16 MAP 1 - NEIGHBOURHOODS I D E N T I F I E D WITH PERSONS UNDER STUDY S o u r c e : t h e a u t h o r 17 The f i r s t r e f e r r a l s came from three graduate students. Their f r i e n d or acquaintance then r e f e r r e d me to f r i e n d s of t h e i r own. A schematic presentation of how the inte r v i e w s were assembled i s shown i n Figure 2.1. In almost every instance the person whom I had interviewed would c a l l her f r i e n d s f i r s t to i n s u r e t h a t t h i s was not an i m p o s i t i o n before g i v i n g t h e i r names to me. Each woman tended to r e f e r me to cl o s e f r i e n d s , people whom she f e l t comfortable a s k i n g , r a t h e r than to someone whom she f e l t had a spect a c u l a r house or a keen i n t e r e s t i n i n t e r i o r design. Often remarks were made such as, " I wish that I could get you i n t o [so and so]'s house" because i t was such a showplace but these o f f e r s would not m a t e r i a l i z e unless 'so and so' was a l s o a cl o s e f r i e n d . This i s probably because of the e f f o r t i nvolved i n contacting the person and the s o c i a l discomfort of asking a 'favour' of someone who was not a c l o s e f r i e n d . I t i s my impression that few people refused. The r e f e r e n t would t y p i c a l l y run through the names of the f r i e n d s she was planning to c a l l i n my presence and these would i n v a r i a b l y be given t o me when I c a l l e d back a few days l a t e r . My impression i s a l s o that many would have refused had I not had the sanction of a f r i e n d - many respondents e x p l i c i t l y s tated t h i s . Of the 69 people contacted, only seven refused to be i n t e r -viewed. Five had not been contacted by t h e i r own f r i e n d f i r s t and excused themselves on the grounds of being short of time. One a l s o seemed concerned that I was c r i t i c a l of her " e l i t e " neighbourhood. When c a l l e d to arrange an i n t e r v i e w she queried me about the type of questions to be asked. Without prompting, she added, "I won't answer questions about why I l i v e i n Shaughnessy. I t ' s c l o s e to downtown and handy to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n -t h a t ' s a l l . " The remaining two r e f u s a l s came from women who were merely acquaintances, through a Church group, of one woman whom I had interviewed. 18 FIGURE 2.1 - MANNER IN WHICH SAMPLE ASSEMBLED. I n i t i a l I Sample f C o n t a c t s . V K z > %-—»© West V a n c o u v e r Network S h a u g h n e s s y N e t w o r k a E a c h d o t r e p r e s e n t s a p e r s o n . The a r r o w s p o i n t i n g away f r o m a d o t i n d i c a t e p e r s o n s recommended. S o u r c e : t h e a u t h o r 19 They had agreed to an i n t e r v i e w when approached by her at a meeting, and i n i t i a l l y allowed me to arrange.an i n t e r v i e w time but then c a n c e l l e d the i n t e r v i e w . Concerns about property, about p u b l i c i t y , about o u t s i d e r s ' motives suggest t h a t the " f r i e n d s suggesting f r i e n d s " method of assembling a sample of upper income homeowners may be one of the most p r a c t i c a b l e . In every case, only the wives were interviewed. There were several reasons f o r t h i s . One was purely pragmatic. Scheduling f o r one person i s e a s i e r than doing so f o r two and, w i t h i n t h i s socio-economic group, the husband's time at home i s . l i m i t e d i n comparison t o th a t of h i s w i f e . A second reason rested on the assumption that the house decoration was p r i n c i p a l l y the wife's concern. At any r a t e , I intended to ask the wif e about the husband's involvement and, i n the end, r e l i e d on her to give his viewpoint. A d d i t i o n a l l y , i n instances when the husband stepped i n f o r a moment during an i n t e r v i e w , the wif e became very constrained and rath e r embarrassed. To have interviewed both simultaneously would have cut down the conversation considerably. Interview of Homeowner The average i n t e r v i e w was approximately two hours i n l e n g t h , although they ranged from f o r t y minutes to f i v e hours. I went to each home and interviewed the respondent there. The i n t e r v i e w was t r e a t e d very much as a s o c i a l v i s i t by the people being i n t e r v i e w e d , although more so by some, as w i l l be discussed l a t e r . Refreshments of some s o r t were i n e v i t a b l y o f f e r e d . The conversation was d i r e c t e d by means of an i n t e r v i e w question-n a i r e which I had constructed (Appendix A) and points were j o t t e d down as the respondent t a l k e d . Parts of the questionnaire were q u i t e s p e c i f i c 20 ( i . e . , How long have you l i v e d i n t h i s house?) and others were very open and q u i t e vague ( i . e . , You hear people t a l k of "good t a s t e " and "bad t a s t e " . Do you t h i n k that there i s any such th i n g as "good t a s t e " and, i f so, what i s i t ? ) . While Glaser and Strauss maintain t h a t a f i e l d worker r e l y i n g on a questionnaire " i s r u n n i n g away from h i s own i d e a s , because of a lack of 5 confidence i n his a b i l i t y t o render his knowledge c r e d i b l e , " i t seemed u s e f u l , e s p e c i a l l y considering the respondents, t o have a framework of questions to which I could add or su b t r a c t depending on how i n t e r e s t i n g I found,the answers to each over time. The respondents, with f i v e excep-t i o n s , were a l l u n i v e r s i t y educated and, i n my o p i n i o n , would have had a great d i s t r u s t of a s o c i a l s c i e n t i f i c study without a qu e s t i o n n a i r e . I t was amusing to hear one o f the respondents e x p l a i n to her husband when he walked i n h a l f way through an i n t e r v i e w that I was "doing a study on l i f e -s t y l e s " when I had not described what I had been doing nearly as s u c c i n c t l y as t h a t . Another woman gave me a d i f f i c u l t time about the " c o n t r o l s " I was using i n t h i s study. Yet another woman had been c o n s t r u c t i n g a questionnaire f o r the P.T.A. and was extremely c r i t i c a l of the vagueness and openness o f my que s t i o n n a i r e . When asked, "Do you e n t e r t a i n o f t e n ? " , she snapped, "What's often?" By the time we got down t o the question about t a s t e described above, she simply r e p l i e d that "I can't answer t h a t . " When l e g i t i m i s a t i o n i s an issue and s c i e n t i f i c techniques are respected by your respondents, a questionnaire seems a help. As w e l l , any points which seemed of i n t e r e s t were pursued and often incorporated i n t o l a t e r i n t e r v i e w s . Indeed, the q u e s t i o n n a i r e , when answered s u c c i n c t l y , took only about f o r t y minutes to complete. The questions tended to s t i m u l a t e f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s which led to more lengthy i n t e r v i e w s . These conversa-21 t i o n s were not discounted as i r r e l e v a n c i e s simply because they could not be coded.but, r a t h e r , were incorporated as a very r i c h form of data. S o c i a l Worlds From the beginning of the i n t e r v i e w i n g , I was i n t e n t upon f i r s t f i n d i n g persons who belonged to d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds and then i n t e r -viewing w i t h i n those worlds. The assumption guiding t h i s approach was that i n d i v i d u a l s across d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds might have d i f f e r e n t a t t i -tudes towards housing and design. I t was for t u n a t e t h a t one of the f i r s t women who I interviewed knew a great v a r i e t y of people. She r e f e r r e d me to f r i e n d s and acquaintances i n what I l a t e r c l a s s i f i e d as two s o c i a l worlds. The s o c i a l worlds have been d i s t i n g u i s h e d on the basis of three c r i t e r i a : 1) a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l networks and the l i m i t e d i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s between, 2) the d i f f e r e n t value systems asso-c i a t e d with each, and 3) t h e i r d i f f e r e n t domestic landscapes. The s o c i a l networks were explored by requesting each respondent t o i n d i c a t e , on a l i s t of names of people who had been interviewed before them, who on the l i s t they would consider to be an acquaintance or a clos e f r i e n d and i n whose home they had been. Because the sample was assembled i n a cumulative f a s h i o n , and names were added to the l i s t as the i n t e r -viewing progressed, the f i r s t people interviewed could not evaluate the l a t e r i n terms of acquaintanceship or f r i e n d s h i p . To c o r r e c t s l i g h t l y f o r the asymmetrical nature of the network da t a , the f i r s t twenty persons interviewed were contacted by l e t t e r and asked to i n d i c a t e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s to a l l the people interviewed. Out of a p o s s i b l e 756 there were 11 instances of asymmetrical r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n which case a person claimed acquaintanceship with another who d i d not r e c i p r o c a t e t h i s acknowledgement. 22 In f a c t , e i g h t d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s claimed to be acquaintances of one of seven i n d i v i d u a l s who, i n t u r n , d i d n ' t perceive a r e l a t i o n s h i p between that person and h e r s e l f . The data was i n i t i a l l y assembled i n t o two networks of twenty-eight persons each on the basis of the three c r i t e r i a o u t l i n e d above. With respect to the l i m i t e d i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s between networks, there were a c t u a l l y t h i r t y - e i g h t l i n k s , out of a p o s s i b l e 378, between the networks. S i x of these were between the woman I have described as the mediator between the two networks and persons i n the network i n which she was not c l a s s i f i e d . The other t h i r t y - t w o l i n k s were of a d i s t a n t s o r t , i n e v i t a b l y between acquaintances and not clos e f r i e n d s . Even the acquaintanceships were not of an a c t i v e s o r t . Perhaps one woman would be recognised from another network as a f e l l o w alumnus of a person's nursing school or the wife of a business a s s o c i a t e of her husband. Twenty-two of the women sampled knew of no person i n the other network. Each network was analysed independently by means of a computer program c a l l e d NODAC which "forced" the data i n t o symmetrical r e l a t i o n -s h i p s . This seemed a minor d i s t o r t i o n given the infrequency of asymmetry. In any case, the compensations were roughly equal across networks. One had f i v e asymmetries and the other s i x . The asymmetries are i n t e r e s t i n g from the perspe c t i v e of a q u a l i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s of the power imbalance between persons involved i n the asymmetrical r e l a t i o n s h i p but, f o r the purposes of examining the de n s i t y of a network, they seemed r e l a t i v e l y unimportant. There i s a l s o a s u s p i c i o n t h a t the asymmetries are based, i n p a r t s . o n a d i f f e r e n t i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the term "acquaintance" ( i . e . , varying from "nodding acquaintance" to a casual f r i e n d s h i p ) and not actua l d i f f e r e n c e s i n knowledge. 23 The networks are represented as symmetrical, b i n a r y , c o n n e c t i v i t y matrices where the presence or absence of a l i n k between persons i s i n d i -cated by p l a c i n g a 1 or a 0 r e s p e c t i v e l y i n the appropriate c e l l of the matrix. The extent to which the persons i n the network are l i n k e d to one another represents the r e l a t i v e p r o l i f e r a t i o n of i n t e r a c t i o n a l t i e s amongst the members of the network. In a d d i t i o n , a s h o r t e s t path matrix was generated f o r each network. This matrix i n d i c a t e s the number of i n d i r e c t l inkages between members of the network. For i n s t a n c e , although person A and person C may not know each other, they may both know person B. One would say that person A i s l i n k e d to person B by the length of one l i n k and to person C by the length of. two l i n k s . Information from a s h o r t e s t path a n a l y s i s can supplement the d e n s i t y data, f o r i n a sense i t gives a c l e a r e r idea of the communicative distance between members i n a network. A f i n a l measure of a s s e s s i b i l i t y was a l s o found and t h i s r e f e r s t o the degree to which any i n d i v i d u a l i s connected to a l l others i n the network. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the data was c o l l e c t e d i n such a way t h a t degrees of r e l a t i o n -ship can be assessed. A c o n n e c t i v i t y matrix was constructed f o r each network i n which 3 represented a cl o s e f r i e n d , 2 an acquaintance whose house had been v i s i t e d , 1 an acquaintance only and 0 a person who was none of these i n r e l a t i o n t o the p a r t i c u l a r person making the r a t i n g s . An informal assessment of f a m i l i a r i t y r e l a t i v e to c o n n e c t i v i t y was assessed by examining the percentage of l i n k s between persons i n a network which f e l l i n t o each of the three o u t l i n e d c a t e g o r i e s . I t i s perhaps worthwhile noting the amount of a b s t r a c t i o n i n v o l v e d i n c l a s s i f y i n g these p a r t i c u l a r networks. The s o c i a l networks per se i n v o l v e very l i t t l e a b s t r a c t i o n . They represent s p e c i f i c i n t e r a c t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s . M i t c h e l l has defined a network as "a s p e c i f i c set of 24 linka g e s among a defined s e t of persons, with the a d d i t i o n a l property that the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these linkages as a whole may be used to i n t e r p r e t g the s o c i a l behaviour of the persons i n v o l v e d . " The f i r s t step towards a b s t r a c t i o n i n v o l v e s severing one network from the'other to create a n a l y t -i c a l l y separate groupings. I f one then a t t r i b u t e s a shared world view to a s o c i a l network, i t i s being t r e a t e d as a category of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The concept of a s o c i a l world comes i n t o play. A network does not imply a s o c i a l world - one can t r a n s a c t with another without being mutually oriented towards a reference group. A s o c i a l world, however, i s dependent on a network of some type. Even so, there i s considerable leeway here i f one considers the media of mass communication. Persons sharing a s o c i a l world may not consider themselves as belonging t o a common group. While the term network or s o c i a l group w i l l be used to r e f e r to the formal organi-s a t i o n of s o c i e t y , the term s o c i a l world w i l l r e f e r to a shared p e r s p e c t i v e . The two s o c i a l worlds that I wish to i d e n t i f y and discuss vary considerably along a number of dimensions. My conception of one s o c i a l world i s based on 28 i n t e r v i e w s , 21 with women aged between 35-45 and seven with women i n t h e i r 50's. For one t o judge the adequacy or appropriate-ness of the small subset of seven women one must consider again the notion of t h e o r e t i c a l sampling. The group of i n t e r e s t was th a t comprising the younger women. In order t o understand t h i s group b e t t e r i t was h e l p f u l to sample s p a r i n g l y the older group of women. The c o n s i s t e n c i e s between the groups were such t h a t the l a t t e r seemed "saturated" r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y i n the process. I have i d e n t i f i e d t h i s s o c i a l world w i t h one p a r t i c u l a r neighbourhood i n Vancouver, that of Shaughnessy, although q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to t h i s neighbourhood i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l be considered when the s o c i a l world i s examined i n d e t a i l . The members are r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous i n 25 terms of a white, anglo-saxon composition, have a w e l l developed sense of the boundaries of the s o c i a l w o rld, and a strong sense of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Several women interviewed e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e d the g r o u p - l i k e nature of t h e i r network and l a b e l l e d t h e i r s o c i a l world as "establishment." One woman compared the interconnectedness of t h i s world t o that of a small town i n Ontario where she grew up. I t i s no great act of a b s t r a c t i o n to consider t h i s c o l l e c t i v i t y of women as a s o c i a l world - they do so themselves. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the other s o c i a l world was not as c l e a r cut. I t i s based.on 28 inter v i e w s of women between the ages of 35 and 45 l i v i n g i n West Vancouver. A sample of older women was not interviewed i n West Vancouver because i t was not thought to have the same t h e o r e t i c a l r e l e -vance. The value systems of the persons involved i n and the d e n s i t i e s of the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver networks d i f f e r e d such t h a t , while an older sample.offered i n s i g h t i n t o the s o c i a l world of the younger Shaugh-nessy women,.it was not thought that i t would do l i k e w i s e i n the case of the West Vancouver s o c i a l world. Although otherwise assembled i n the same way as the Shaughnessy sample, the s o c i a l network i n West Vancouver was much l e s s interconnected. I t was t y p i c a l f o r a woman to belong t o several s o c i a l networks, none of which overlapped. The "way of l i f e i n West Vancouver" was described to me by a West Vancouverite as being completely fragmented: " I t i s common to know someone w e l l only as a member of the Book Club, another only at Keep-Fit c l a s s and to have seen n e i t h e r i n the company of your husband." Within t h i s fragmentation one would come i n t o contact with pockets of mutual f r i e n d s . However, i t i s t h i s fragmentation of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that c h a r a c t e r i s e s t h i s s o c i a l world. The l a b e l " s o c i a l world" i s j u s t i f i e d because, between these d i f f u s e l y s o c i a l l y l i n k e d i n d i v i d u a l s , there seemed several shared a t t i t u d e s or value o r i e n -t a t i o n s . 26 In c o n c e p t u a l i s i n g the two s o c i a l worlds i d e n t i f i e d , use has been made of Weber's notion of the i d e a l t y p e . 7 Any i n d i v i d u a l may be ori e n t e d towards a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l worlds, the combination of which w i l l be unique to him. Thus a member of the "Shaughnessy s o c i a l world" may a l s o belong to a Food and Wine S o c i e t y which o f f e r s a s o c i a l o r i e n t a t i o n s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t t o the other. A person was judged t o be a member of the Shaugh-nessy s o c i a l world i f t h i s reference group seemed to be a primary c o n s t i t -uent of t h e i r outlook on l i f e . In t h i s sense the con s t r u c t "the Shaugh-nessy s o c i a l world", i n i t s e l f i s " l i k e a Utopia [ i n r e l a t i o n to the i n d i v i d u a l ] which has been a r r i v e d at by the a n a l y t i c a l accentuation of Q c e r t a i n elements of r e a l i t y . " The closeness of f i t between the i d e a l type and the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l depend on the i n d i v i d u a l and how wholly he has o r i e n t e d himself towards the perceived reference group. In the case of members of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world many i n d i v i d u a l s recognised t h i s a b s t r a c t i o n and conceptualised t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y i n close r e l a t i o n t o i t . On the l e v e l of the s o c i a l w orld, I w i l l make use of two i d e a l types of even greater a b s t r a c t i o n - those of modern and t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y . These i d e a l types are to be considered as l i m i t i n g cases r a t h e r than as absolutes under which the e m p i r i c a l data presented here can be subsumed. The i d e a l types' " r e l a t i o n s h i p to the e m p i r i c a l data c o n s i s t s s o l e l y i n the f a c t that where . . . r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the type r e f e r r e d to by the ab s t r a c t c o n s t r u c t are discovered or suspected to e x i s t i n r e a l i t y t o some exte n t , we can make the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f eatures of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p prag-matical l y c j e a r and understandable by reference to an. i d e a l type. This procedure can be indispensable f o r h e u r i s t i c as w e l l as e x p o s i t o r y g purposes" [Weber's emphasis). 27 Thus, once the data suggested the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the i d e a l types of Shaughnessy and West Vancouver or modern and t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y , the two l e v e l a p p l i c a t i o n of the i d e a l types guided the a n a l y s i s of the data. The a n a l y s i s of the data then r e f l e c t s back on the i d e a l types. I have l e f t out of the networks s i x people who were interviewed. They seemed to f a l l o utside of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . Four of these people were suggested by four d i f f e r e n t acquaintances of mine and knew none of the other people who I had interviewed nor seemed t o share compatible r e f e r -ence groups. Two others were suggested to me because of t h e i r extremism, on the grounds that they o f f e r e d a r e a l c o n t r a s t to the type of person I had.been i n t e r v i e w i n g ( i . e . , "She's not your t y p i c a l Shaughnessy matron. You should f i n d her i n t e r e s t i n g " ) . Their extremism was i n t e r e s t i n g but d i f f i c u l t to incorporate f o r m a l l y i n t o the a n a l y s i s . Their comments nevertheless o f f e r e d an i n s i g h t i n t o what they thought "the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world" was a l l about. Interviews-of I n t e r i o r Designers During the course of i n t e r v i e w i n g homeowners, several i n t e r i o r designers stood out as being p a r t i c u l a r l y popular. Five i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s , who were used d i f f e r e n t i a l l y by i n d i v i d u a l s oriented towards the two s o c i a l worlds, were interviewed. Among these designers was one who was widely patronized by members of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l w o rld, another who was lauded by p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world and dismissed by others i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o rld, and two others who e x t r a c t e d the opposite a p p r a i s a l . Another designer, who was consulted before the i n t e r v i e w i n g of homeowners was w e l l under way, turned out not t o be used e x t e n s i v e l y by any of the people whom I spoke w i t h , but was nevertheless 28 i n t e r e s t i n g because of her knowledge of the Vancouver i n t e r i o r design business. The i n t e r v i e w s with the designers followed a format cl o s e to what Dexter describes as an " e l i t e " i n t e r v i e w . ^ Although the same general issues were dwelt upon ( i . e . , c l i e n t e l e l o c a t i o n , t h e i r perceptions*of t h e i r c l i e n t s , t h e i r perceptions of t h e i r design s t y l e v i s a v i s the c l i e n t , t h e i r opinions on the i n t e r i o r decoration as an expression of p e r s o n a l i t y theme), an attempt was made to p a r t i c u l a r i s e the issues f o r each designer. While the question: "How would you c h a r a c t e r i s e your design s t y l e ? " met with a c o l d r e j e c t i o n of any p o s s i b l e s t e r e o t y p i n g , the more s p e c i f i c and l e a d i n g : "I've heard numerous homeowners describe your s t y l e as C a l i f o r n i a n . How do you respond to such a c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n ? " led to an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the v a l i d i t y , sources, advantages and d i s a d -vantages of s t e r e o t y p i n g . While the i n t e r i o r designers with whom I spoke were u n w i l l i n g to g e n e r a l i s e about themselves, t h e i r c l i e n t s or t h e i r work, once presented with a g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s p e c i f i c to themselves they took great care to unravel i t . This process g e n e r a l l y was most i n s t r u c t i v e . These interv i e w s went on f o r an hour on the average and took place i n the estab-lishment through which the designer worked. As an example of the themes touched upon with the d e s i g n e r s , a t r a n s c r i p t of one i n t e r v i e w i s included as Appendix B. T h i s , then, was the manner of c o l l e c t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . In what f o l l o w s , the opportunity w i l l be taken to quote e x t e n s i v e l y from the i n t e r v i e w m a t e r i a l . I have chosen not to i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e and, o u t f i t t i n g them each with a pseudonym, to present t h e i r e n t i r e case study. Although t h i s approach bestows an element of wholeness, i n that independent quotations are placed w i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s more complete biography, I have chosen instead to adorn and v a l i d a t e 29 t h e o r e t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s with independent and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e quotations. This of course places more emphasis on the s o c i a l world. Indeed, the d i f f e r e n c e s between two s o c i a l worlds i s what w i l l be considered, with no ul t i m a t e i n t e n t to negate the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the s o c i a l worlds. 30 FOOTNOTES B.G. Glaser and A.L. Strauss, The discovery of grounded theory (Aldine, Chicago, 1967). D. Ley and M. Samuels (eds.), Humanistic Geography (Maaroufa Press, Chicago, 1978). Martin Hoi l i s , Models of Man (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977). ^ See Glaser and Strauss's (The discovery of grounded theory) discussion of substantive and formal theory. 5 Ib id . , p. 228. u J . Clyde Mitchel l , "The concept and use of social networks" in J . Clyde Mitchell (ed.), Social Networks in Urban Situations (University of Manchester Press, Manchester, 1969), pp. 1-50 (p. 2). 7 One i s usually referred to Max Weber's Methodology of the Social  Sciences for his definition of ideal types (translated by E.A. Shils and H.A. Finch [Free Press New York, 1949]). 8 Ib id . , p. 90. 9 Ibid. Lewis Anthony Dexter, E l i te and Specialized^Interviewing (North-western University Press, Evanston, I l l i n o i s , 1970). 31 CHAPTER 3 THE NEIGHBOURHOOD CONTEXT AND DOMESTIC HOUSE FORM Nei ghbourhood Iden t i f i c a t i on I t was a n t i c i p a t e d that two e l i t e s J o r i e n t e d towards d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds, would have va r i e d domestic environments. Although no assumptions were made with regards to neighbourhood segregation, i t was found that members of one s o c i a l world l i v e d p r i n c i p a l l y i n one neighbour-hood and members of the other i n a d i f f e r e n t e l i t e d i s t r i c t i n Vancouver (see Map 1). Of the 28 women i d e n t i f i e d with one s o c i a l w o rld, 21 l i v e d i n Shaughnessy or the immediately adjacent block of K e r r i s d a l e , four l i v e d i n Point Grey and three l i v e d i n West Vancouver. Those who were l i v i n g i n West Vancouver or Point Grey had grown up i n Shaughnessy and most of t h e i r current f r i e n d s a l s o l i v e d i n Shaughnessy. The three women l i v i n g i n West Vancouver pointed.to the economic advantage of l i v i n g on the north shore as the i n i t i a l f a c t o r prompting them to move there. Two of these women were i n t h e i r f i f t i e s and the economic p u l l to the north shore was much.more extreme i n the 1950's, when they purchased t h e i r f i r s t home, than i t i s today. Nevertheless, when asked where t h e i r three c l o s e s t f r i e n d s l i v e d , they responded, "Shaughnessy." One woman o u t l i n e d an i n t e r e s t i n g s p l i t between "personal" f r i e n d s which l i v e d i n Shaughnessy and those she might see s o c i a l l y i n the neighbourhood i n the company of her husband. One woman who had grown up i n Shaughnessy, but who was pr e s e n t l y l i v i n g i n Point Grey, spoke of the pr i v a c y even that small distance from Shaugh-nessy afforded her. She s a i d t h a t , "Shaughnessy people consider where I 32 l i v e to be out i n the s t i c k s . My s i s t e r and mother c a l l before v i s i t i n g because they would hate to make t h i s long t r e k without f i n d i n g me at home" ( i t a c t u a l l y would take about f i f t e e n minutes by c a r ) . West Vancouver " i s another world." She enjoyed her new neighbourhood because of the more d i v e r s i f i e d and "adventurous" neighbours. Her new neighbours w i l l venture down t o the beach, while Shaughnessy f r i e n d s , i n her o p i n i o n , would f i n d the beach too crowded i n the summer and too unusual a prospect during the winter. L o c a t i o n a l l y , she had made t h i s break with Shaughnessy because her husband was not himself from Shaughnessy but, r a t h e r , had grown up i n Point Grey. Nevertheless, her o l d e s t and c l o s e s t f r i e n d s are those from Shaughnessy. She noted that conversational t o p i c s d i f f e r between her-s e l f and her Shaughnessy f r i e n d s and the Poi n t Grey f r i e n d s and h e r s e l f because there i s such, a shared background with the former. The Shaughnessy f r i e n d s h i p s have been e s t a b l i s h e d s i n c e childhood and were forged as next-door neighbours, as co-boarders at a p r i v a t e g i r l s ' school i n the U.S., and as f a m i l y f r i e n d s . The f r i e n d s h i p s made i n the new neighbourhood have been made through the c h i l d r e n and t h e i r school and are focused around t h i s i n t e r e s t . I t i s t h i s type of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , r a t h e r than a c t u a l p h y s i c a l residence w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l boundaries of Shaughnessy that has led me to l a b e l the c o l l e c t i v i t y as p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world. Even considering those l i v i n g i n Shaughnessy, there were enclaves of c l o s e f r i e n d s on c e r t a i n s t r e e t s , but, by and l a r g e , the i n d i v i d u a l s were r e l a t i v e l y s c a t t e r e d across the neighbourhood. Close f r i e n d s h i p s harked back to childhood residences r a t h e r than present abodes (not a l l childhood residences were i n Shaughnessy, i . e . , some were i n e l i t e suburbs i n middle and eastern Canada). Of the contacts given to me by p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world only three were to people who were not childhood f r i e n d s . Most were childhood neighbours although three 33 bonds were formed at a p r i v a t e school at which the i n d i v i d u a l s concerned boarded. Women i n t h e i r l a t e f i f t i e s s t a t e d t h a t t h e i r c l o s e s t current f r i e n d s were childhood neighbours. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the actual t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Shaughnessy seemed grea t e r f o r those who had moved from e l i t e neighbourhoods i n other Canadian c i t i e s . A l l of these people l i v e d i n Shaughnessy. People who had grown up i n Shaughnessy seemed less bound to stay. One woman who had grown up i n Shaughnessy and who had l i v e d there f o r 47 years before moving t o Point Grey e i g h t years ago i n t o a l a r g e r home d i d , however, complain of a t e r r i b l e sense of being uprooted upon moving from Shaughnessy. Her c h i l d r e n apparently f e l t very much a d r i f t even though they hadn't had to move between schools. A f t e r e i g h t years they were adapting t o t h e i r new quarters. A l l t h i s i s to i n d i c a t e t h a t , although not a l l of the i n d i v i d u a l s c l a s s i f i e d as p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world a c t u a l l y l i v e d i n Shaughnessy, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was such that the neighbourhood c l a s s i f i c a t i o n seemed j u s t i f i e d . Considering the West Vancouverites, a l l but s i x l i v e d i n C a u l f e i l d , w i t h i n a mile north or south of Marine Drive. Five l i v e d i n the neighbour-ing d i s t r i c t of Dundarave and one i n the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s . By i d e n t i f y i n g each s o c i a l world with a neighbourhood I make no claims of g e n e r a l i s i n g about each neighbourhood. I t i s not being suggested, f o r i n s t a n c e , that the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world epitomises the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s found i n the neighbourhood. I t i s probable t h a t there are many s o c i a l worlds t o be found i n Shaughnessy. As an example of another approach, 2 Marion Cooper aimed to demonstrate that the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t s of the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s and of Shaughnessy were d i f f e r e n t despite equivalent wealth. The u n i t of a n a l y s i s was the neighbourhood and 34 she d i d , i n f a c t , f i n d that c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as occupation, e t h n i c i t y , r e l i g i o n , r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y and c u l t u r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i f f e r e d r e l a t i v e to the two neighbourhoods. Aggregate s t a t i s t i c s revealed Shaughnessy r e s i d e n t s as being predominantly white, anglo-saxon, a n g l i c a n , c u l t u r a l l y i n v o l v e d , r e s i d e n t i a l l y s t a b l e and, i f employed, not u n l i k e l y involved i n the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n . B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s r e s i d e n t s , g e n e r a l l y , were a r a c i a l , e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s mix, c u l t u r a l l y a p a t h e t i c , r e s i d e n t i a l l y mobile and, c o n s i d e r i n g the males, many were t r a i n e d and employed as engineers. While t h i s data i s supportive of the evidence considered here r e l a t i v e to the two s o c i a l worlds, the u n i t of a n a l y s i s i n t h i s study was not the neighbourhood and the type of sampling procedures employed do no allow me t o g e n e r a l i s e across the neighbourhood, even i f I wanted t o . Given the above q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , I would l i k e to place each s o c i a l world w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r e s i d e n t i a l landscapes by examining b r i e f l y the h i s t o r i c a l development and some of the present c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the two neighbourhoods, Shaughnessy and West Vancouver. Shaughnessy From 1909 to the 1930's Shaughnessy represented the u l t i m a t e i n suburban splendour. Located at the c r e s t of a h i l l j u s t south of the C.B.D., the s u b d i v i s i o n was developed as an e x c l u s i v e r e s i d e n t i a l area by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway on a 250 acre p o r t i o n of i t s 6000 acre land holdings. The f i r s t s u b d i v i s i o n , known as "Old Shaughnessy", la y between King Edward Boulevard and 16th Avenue. The area was subdivided i n t o l o t s t h a t v a r i e d i n s i z e from one f i f t h of an acre to one and a h a l f a c r e s , w i t h the o v e r a l l average l o t s i z e exceeding 18,000 square f e e t . To guarantee a p r e s t i g i o u s standard, the r a i l w a y set $6,000.00 as the minimum 35 p r i c e of any house to be b u i l t and o f f e r e d generous loans to encourage b u i l d i n g . The s u b d i v i s i o n plans were prepared by Mr. Davich, a Danish engineer, and Mr. Todd, a Montreal landscape a r c h i t e c t . By 1911 f o r t y homes had been completed i n Old Shaughnessy. To punctuate the e x c l u s i v i t y of the s u b d i v i s i o n , o f f i c i a l s of C.P.R. were instrumental i n having i t segregated from.the m u n i c i p a l i t y of Poi n t Grey and had passed the Shaugh-nessy Settlement Act i n 1914 to permit only s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s . A p r i v a t e b i l l , the Shaughnessy Heights B u i l d i n g R e s t r i c t i o n s Act, passed i n 1922, p r o h i b i t e d f u r t h e r s u b d i v i s i o n s of Shaughnessy l o t s . In the e a r l y and l a t e 1920's, the second and t h i r d Shaughnessy s u b d i v i s i o n s , located from King Edward to 37th Avenue and from 37th Avenue t o 41st Avenues, r e s p e c t i v e l y , were a l s o developed. Although the s i z e of l o t s and the layout 3 of these l a t e r s u b d i v i s i o n s , as wel l as those of the " s i s t e r community," K e r r i s d a l e , were not as grand, there i s a c e n t r a l image pursued throughout. The theme i s p a s t o r a l , t r e e - l i n e d crescents and boulevards have been l a i d out to take advantage of the natural contours of the land. Shaugh-nessy l o t s have no views of the harbour but "must r e l y f o r t h e i r beauty on more c o n t r i v e d aspects of nature, namely, the nat u r a l f o l i a g e and spacious 4 l o t s which create a p a r k - l i k e s t r e e t s c a p e . " This i s a w e l l c o n t r o l l e d landscape with curbs, sidewalks, roadside w a l l s and hedges, elaborate wrought i r o n s t r e e t f u r n i t u r e and l u x u r i a n t landscaping. The most popular house s t y l e s chosen by the f i r s t r e s i d e n t s made appeals t o an En g l i s h past. " I t s E n g l i s h ancestry and picturesque appearance made the half-timbered Tudor Revival the f a v o u r i t e mode i n 5 Shaughnessy Heights." An a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r Tudor Revival was p a r a l l e l e d with an enthusiasm f o r the " a r t s and c r a f t s " a r c h i t e c t s ' r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the E n g l i s h farmhouse. This a r c h i t e c t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y associated with 36 the E n g l i s h a r c h i t e c t , Voysey, i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by "rough stucco s u r f a c e s , b u t t r e s s l i k e s l o p i n g end w a l l s and exaggerated roof l i n e s . " Much of the more recent concern over new b u i l d i n g i n Shaughnessy has focused on "those development plans which would m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r the s p e c i a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l and h i s t o r i c character of Old Shaughnessy through i n s e n s i t i v e and incom-p a t i b l e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n . " 7 S o - c a l l e d i n s e n s i t i v e design appeared i n the 1950's and 1960's when "vacant l o t s f i l l e d up but t o the dismay of t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , c o n s t r u c t i o n took the form and design of one-storey ra n c h - s t y l e bungalows and s p l i t - l e v e l s which present a less than compatible P appearance to the e x i s t i n g houses." There i s a d e s i r e , amongst c e r t a i n Shaughnessy r e s i d e n t s , to remain f a i t h f u l to the broadly Old E n g l i s h house s t y l e s . Considering the people c l a s s i f i e d , f o r the purposes of t h i s study, as members of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l group, a l l l i v e d i n houses, dating roughly from 50-60 years i n age, that could be s a i d t o conform t o , and i n f a c t help to d e f i n e , the a r c h i t e c t u r a l character of the neighbourhood. Shaughnessy has always been associated with the " e s t a b l i s h e d " of 9 Vancouver's business e l i t e . The s u b d i v i s i o n ' s namesake was Lord Shaugh-nessy, the president of the C.P.R., while many s t r e e t names, Angus, Marpole, Osier, Nanton, and Hosmer as examples, honoured l e s s e r C.P.R. o f f i c i a l s . From the beginning, r e s i d e n t s themselves included "future l i e u t e n a n t -governors, mayors, senators and supreme court j u s t i c e s . " ^ In 1914, out of 243 households e x i s t i n g i n Shaughnessy, 81 percent were l i s t e d i n Vancouver's s o c i a l r e g i s t e r . 1 ^ Holdsworth comments on the s o c i a l f u n c t i o n of the chosen a r c h i t e c t u r e : These houses and t h e i r s e t t i n g s created a sense of a s t a b l e home environment where generations had grown up and where the present occupant would c a r r y the t r a d i t i o n i n t o the f u t u r e ; such an image became more 37 plausible as the CPR's landscape grew up around these instant "old" houses. . . . With several apparent ages of construction - a Jacobean stone archway and smaller wing added to an earl ier Elizabethan house - the appearance [of one such house] belied i t s newness, but provided a soph-isticated and "rooted" setting for a family to ^ enjoy i t s new position in society and the c i ty . The s tab i l i t y of the Shaughnessy environment is today no longer a pretense and remains an important feature to the residents with whom I spoke. The neighbourhood i t s e l f was considered desirable because i t was "an old family neighbourhood." When asked what i t was about the particular house that had appealed, the usual response was that i t was "old" and "t radi t ional" . The Tudor Revival style remains in favour as a "charming" house form, although one pragmatic woman preferred her Georgian house to a Tudor because the "box-like structure means that you don't lose space as the roof peaks." The interesting thing about this discussion was the fact that the Shaughnessy resident provided the categories "Tudor" and "Georgian" herself and discussed the relative advantages and disadvantages as i f they were the only choices. Throughout the interviews constant reference was made to the Br i t ish antecedents of the house forms. One woman found her house particularly appealing because " i t is l ike a Br i t ish cottage with i ts low gabled roof and access to the garden from the ground leve l , with no steps down." It was considered to be a positive feature that a house was "just l ike the house that I was brought up i n . " The generous propor-tions of the homes and the formal aspects of the designs were singled out appreciatively. A huge entrance hall was indicated by one woman as one of the features that she liked best about her home. Another laughed that, although her house was not functional and her husband referred to the l iv ing room as "the bowling a l ley , " she loved i t for exactly these reasons. 38 Shaughnessy has always been marketed as an e x c l u s i v e community. An advertisement placed i n a l o c a l newspaper, the Sun, i n 1922, promised 13 "Recreation clubs to f o s t e r a wholesome community s p i r i t . " The C.P.R. financed the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club, the Vancouver Lawn Bowling Club and the Shaughnessy Heights Golf Club as complements t o the neigh-bourhood. McDonald, i n h i s examination of business leaders i n e a r l y Van-couver (before 1914), has emphasized the importance of s o c i a l clubs as 14 agents of s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n i n the community. In a 1978 communication from the d i r e c t o r s of Shaughnessy Property Owners A s s o c i a t i o n (SHPOA) to the c i t y planning department i t was noted t h a t , although there i s "a lack of p u b l i c community f a c i l i t i e s , " t h i s " i s more than o f f s e t by the h e a v i l y subscribed memberships i n p r i v a t e c l u b s . Families e n t e r i n g the neighbour-hood are g e n e r a l l y pleased at t h e i r easy absorption i n t o the l i f e of the 15 community i f they take advantage of p r i v a t e c l u b s . " The r e l a t i o n of s o c i a l and business clubs t o s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the s o c i a l group sampled w i l l be discussed i n more d e t a i l l a t e r . P r e s e n t l y i t i s simply of i n t e r e s t t o note the extent to which s o c i a l c l u b s , as promoters of "community," were planned i n t o the neighbourhood by the C.P.R. On the other hand, p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s are d e f i n i t e l y under appreciated. One woman whom I interviewed explained how her fa m i l y uses the neighbour's t e n n i s court and swimming p o o l , while the neighbours use t h e i r huge lawn f o r soccer and the l i k e . They r e f e r to t h i s arrangement as "the country c l u b . " Although Shaughnessy o r i g i n a l l y stood as a suburban a l t e r n a t i v e to the West End, a then e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood immediately adjacent to the urban core, i t i s now considered to be h i g h l y a c c e s s i b l e to the c i t y c e n t r e , e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison to such suburbs as West Vancouver. "Being c l o s e to town" was mentioned by everyone interviewed as a r e a l 39 advantage of l i v i n g i n Shaughnessy. The a c t i v e c u l t u r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n 16 noted by Cooper i s p o s s i b l e p a r t i a l l y because of the proximity to the c i t y core. Thus, f o r the purposes of the present d i s c u s s i o n , the f o l l o w i n g q u a l i t i e s of Shaughnessy, as a neighbourhood, have been s t r e s s e d : 1) i t s s e l f - c o n s c i o u s c o n s t r u c t i o n by the C.P.R. as an e l i t e neighbourhood, 2) the image of g e n t i l i t y and rootedness as expressed through roughly Old E n g l i s h house s t y l e s , w e l l groomed boulevards and extensive gardens, 3) i t s a s s o c i a t i o n with Vancouver's wealthy business establishment, 4) the p r o v i s i o n of s o c i a l clubs by the C.P.R. as s o c i a l l y i n t e g r a t i v e agents and 5) i t s proximity to the C.B.D. West Vancouver West Vancouver i s an example of a community whose geography has determined what i t i s and what i t w i l l b e J 7 As s i m p l i s t i c as t h i s statement may be, the natu r a l landscape i s both s p e c t a c u l a r and represents somewhat of an obsession to r e s i d e n t s of West Vancouver, i f the r e s i d e n t s with whom I t a l k e d can be taken as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . West Vancouver has 21 miles of s h o r e l i n e , extending from the Capilano River on the east to Howe Sound on the west. The m u n i c i p a l i t y reaches f i v e steep miles from the s h o r e l i n e 18 up to i t s northern boundary i n the southern margin of the Coast Mountains. Stone, i n h i s A Short H i s t o r y of C a u l f e i l d V i l l a g e , w r i t t e n i n 1939, des-c r i b e s with great exuberance the " l o c a l i t y of dense f o r e s t , [with] i t s picturesque rocky formations, i t s l i c h e n and w i l d r o s e s , i t s bay and sandy 19 beach and i t s wealth and v a r i e t y of nat u r a l beauty." Looking out from West Vancouver one has views of Vancouver and the sweep of water out to Howe Sound. 40 Francis W i l l i a m C a u l f e i l d became one of the f i r s t developers i n West Vancouver when, i n 1899, he purchased the land between Cypress Creek and Point Atkinson. Stone, a personal f r i e n d of C a u l f e i l d , speculates that . . . h i s thoughts must have been, 'Here i s a spot they s h a l l . n o t ' s p o i l . I w i l l plan a v i l l a g e of good design according t o the contours of nature. I w i l l reserve the e n t i r e w a t e r f r o n t as a p u b l i c park f o r the e s t a t e . I w i l l l a y the foundations of a v i l l a g e of beauty with wise 2 n r e s t r i c t i o n s . ' And so he d i d . C a u l f e i l d l a i d out a v i l l a g e of the E n g l i s h type with winding s t r e e t s : I t was Mr. C a u l f e i l d who located the c o r r e c t contours of the ground f o r roads by f o l l o w i n g the t r a i l s of deer or bear or cow. He was wont to say, 'The cow i s always r i g h t . ' 21 Links to r u r a l B r i t a i n were made e x p l i c i t l y by naming the main road 22 P i c a d i l l y and "a charming by-way" C l o v e l l y Walk. A f t e r 1909 the l o t s were put up f o r s a l e and, Stone s t a t e s r a t h e r 23 i n c r e d u l o u s l y , "several were s o l d . " S u r p r i s i n g indeed when one considers t h a t at t h i s time C a u l f e i l d was l i n k e d to North Vancouver only by a wagon t r a i l and to Vancouver by a f e r r y s e r v i c e . The land was e s s e n t i a l l y used f o r summer cottages, most of the m a t e r i a l s f o r which had to be brought by sea. The M u n i c i p a l i t y of West Vancouver was formed i n 1912, Marine Drive opened i n 1915, and e l e c t r i c i t y and telephone s e r v i c e were i n s t a l l e d soon t h e r e a f t e r . In 1926 a Town Planning Act was adopted which designated West Vancouver as an e x c l u s i v e l y r e s i d e n t i a l area. Kalman i n t e r p r e t s t h i s move as an attempt by the c i t y f a t h e r s to make the best of a bad s i t u a t i o n , 24 namely, the i n a b i l i t y of West Vancouver to a t t r a c t i n d u s t r y . At any r a t e , with the advent of the 1926 Planning A c t , i n d u s t r y was banned and 41 b u i l d i n g l o t s were required to be at l e a s t f i f t y f e e t wide i n the eastern s e c t i o n of West Vancouver and sev e n t y - f i v e f e e t wide i n the west. Stone s t a t e s that C a u l f e i l d grew from " f o r e s t to hamlet and from 25 hamlet to v i l l a g e , u n t i l now [1939] i t contains 75 homes." I t was a f t e r 1938, with the opening of the Lion's Gate b r i d g e , that j o i n e d West Vancouver to Vancouver, t h a t the former r e a l l y began to grow i n population. In Table 3.1, the population s t a t i s t i c s f o r West Vancouver from the years 1921 to 1971 are shown. Since 1975 the annual population increase has 26 dropped from a previous f i g u r e of 1000 to 200. Although the small s c a l e development of C a u l f e i l d was augmented by such large developers as B r i t i s h P a c i f i c P r o p e r t i e s L i m i t e d , the planning i d e a l s , at l e a s t west of 26th Avenue and i n the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , seemed to have remained the same. A s i m i l a r r u r a l a t t i t u d e i s e f f e c t e d by s t r e e t s which are winding, narrow and often without sidewalks. The homes are predominantly s i n g l e f a m i l y dwellings placed on wooded l o t s r e s t r i c t e d from the view of neighbours. The r u r a l charm of the area and i t s detachment from Vancouver were r e c u r r i n g themes voiced by the people interviewed. Stone commented i n 1939 27 that " [ t ] h e r e i s a charm about C a u l f e i l d that gets one." One woman whom I interviewed s t a t e d that, what had appealed to her husband and h e r s e l f about t h e i r house was "the q u i e t , the t a l l t r e e s , the 'magic' garden and the charm of the old house." What i s magic i n the garden was d i f f i c u l t to a r t i c u l a t e but has something to do with the rambling and extensive property, h e a v i l y wooded, but d i s s e c t e d by a huge bare rock face on which i s perched a l i t t l e summer cottage s t r u c t u r e i n which the c h i l d r e n play. "Charm, " p r i v a c y " , " l o t s of t r e e s " , "the cottagey f e e l " , "a r u r a l atmos-phere" were d e s c r i p t i o n s t h a t were used again and again by the d i f f e r e n t people interviewed as reasons why they had chosen to l i v e i n West Vancouver. 42 I n d i v i d u a l s described the s t r e e t s on which they l i v e d as i f they were country lanes, uncharted on a c i t y map. T y p i c a l l y , when an i n t e r v i e w was being arranged by telephone, the West Vancouverite would ask whether I knew where t h e i r house was l o c a t e d . I would r e p l y that I had a map and could s u r e l y f i n d the way. I n e v i t a b l y there would f o l l o w a d e s c r i p t i o n such as: I f you're t r a v e l l i n g along Marine D r i v e , go past the Dundarave shopping centre and then past 24th Avenue. At 29th there i s an i n t e r s e c t i o n with a church on the corner. Here you turn r i g h t . Go up the h i l l past Palmerston and then down a very large h i l l u n t i l you pass Gisbee. Y o u ' l l see some ten n i s c o u r t s . Go past these and past a large black fence. . . . I t ' s the white house with the green s h u t t e r s . An a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h i s "country" atmosphere was q u i t e d i s t i n c t l y coupled with anti-urban sentiments. A r c h i t e c t Warnett Kennedy has been quoted as saying: "People here [ i n West Vancouver] can use the c i t y and 28 s t i l l enjoy outdoor l i v i n g " ( h i s emphasis). The d i s i n t e r e s t i n Van-couver expressed by the people interviewed was such t h a t few even bothered to e x p l o i t the c i t y f o r i t s b e n e f i t s . Only e i g h t West Vancouverites interviewed i n d i c a t e d that they crossed the Lion's Gate Bridge r e g u l a r l y and three of these were the West Vancouverites o r i e n t e d towards the Shaughnessy s o c i a l world. One woman, who went i n t o Vancouver on an annual b a s i s , s a i d t h a t : " I t i s such a r e l i e f to get across the bridge. I always f e e l l i k e I'm home a f t e r I have crossed the bridge even though there i s s t i l l another ten or twelve miles before I am a c t u a l l y home." Often West Vancouverites would g r o s s l y overestimate i n guesses as t o how long i t might have taken me to d r i v e to t h e i r house. A guess of f o r t y - f i v e minutes would be o f f e r e d when the ac t u a l t r a v e l l i n g time was c l o s e r to t h i r t y . 43 This r u r a l landscape, which one can t r a c e back to the beginnings of C a u l f e i l d , seems t o have acquired an odd brand of s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n the more recent years. The Mayor of West Vancouver i s recorded as s a y i n g , " I f people want West Vancouver l i k e i t was, j u s t remember t h a t , i n 1948-49, i t was a community of few large houses and mostly very modest houses, 29 smaller than anything b u i l t today." West Vancouver.today i s associated 30 with wealth and has been dubbed "B.C.'s R i v i e r a . " I t ' s a world where the boats are as sensual as Ursula Andress, where many of the lawns are as w e l l manicured as anything y o u ' l l f i n d at S a r d i ' s . I t i s a l s o a world where people l i v e i n m u l t i l e v e l houses t h a t c l i n g l i k e barnacles to massive rocks or stand on slender s t i l t s , j u t t i n g at d i z z y angles over c l i f f s and made,, seemingly of nothing but g l a s s . One of the women whom I i n t e r v i e w e d , and who had l i v e d i n West Vancouver f o r the l a s t 21 years on ocean f r o n t p r o p e r t y , s a i d that she and her husband had o r i g i n a l l y bought i n the area because they had l i k e d the f a c t that i t was mixed economically and i n terms of age. On the same s t r e e t were pensioners and newlyweds, r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - t o - d o and not so w e l l - t o - d o people. This i s no longer the case. A comparison was made of the occupa-t i o n s of the r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g on one short s t r e e t i n West Vancouver, i n 1959 and 1977, the d e t a i l s of which are shown i n Table 3.2. The houses i that have been added t o the s t r e e t since 1950 (those which are odd numbered) are not on ocean.front property and thus are l e s s d e s i r a b l e . Nevertheless, the occupational status of persons l i v i n g i n even these houses exceeds those l i v i n g on the ocean i n 1950. In 1978 i t was estimated 32 that the average house had a value of more than $100,000.00. Municipal p u b l i c forums i n 1978 drew a t t e n t i o n to the exclusiveness of West Vancouver. At t h i s time, West Vancouverites were gibed by a Vancouver newspaper, the 44 Province, for "their desire to keep the peasants off their exclusive c l i f f s . " Typical of the suggestions that prompted this, editor ial snipe was the idea that non-residents, including tour ists , ought to be kept out 34 of West Vancouver parks and beaches. Furthermore, comments were made to me about a new type of person attracted to Caulfeild by another woman who had lived in the neighbourhood for the last 20 years. There are now couples with no children and an homosexual pair on her street. Another West Vancouver resident commented on the "weirdos" who were attracted to West Vancouver - actors, art ists and the l i ke . Michael Hanlon, in his 1966 a r t i c l e , "On B.C.'s Riviera," catalogues the type of neighbour you might find in West Vancouver. You might find "Joe Kapp, the B.C. Lion's quarterback," "a retired nightclub 35 proprietor," or "a mil l ionaire who seldom uses his $250,000.00 estate." The nightclub proprietor is quoted as saying, "Most of the people are new 36 here, . . . they are not settled yet." There is a real unevenness in the domestic architecture of West Vancouver. Old summer homes have been purchased and, depending on their quality, razed or completely renovated. A house originally used as a summer home, fashioned in the style of a Spanish v i l l a , may stand next to one inspired by the International Style. New houses in West Vancouver . have tended to display one of two s t y l i s t i c tendencies: "rect i l inear post-and-beam structures that ref lect in part the reduced architecture of Mies and the International Style; and more irregular compositions that are rooted in particular site conditions l ike the organic houses of Frank 37 Lloyd Wright." Kalman's description of the John Caine house, bui l t in 1971, seems to epitomise the modern West Vancouver house of the latter type: 45 P r e c a r i o u s l y perched on the edge of a rocky promontory, t h i s s e n s i t i v e l y composed house r e f l e c t s a West Coast d e s i r e f o r p r i v a c y and f o r expression of the s i t e . Cedar s i d i n g acknowledges the evergreen f o r e s t ; i t s n a t u r a l s t a i n r e l a t e s t o the colour of the f o l i a g e and rock. The stepped contour p a r a l l e l s the rock massing and a l s o i n d i c a t e s the i n t e r n a l separation of zones f o r d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s . Large s k y l i g h t s admit generous q u a n t i t i e s of l i g h t t hat r e f l e c t o f f white w a l l s and f l o o r s and d r a m a t i c a l l y i l l u m i n a t e the v a r i e d i n t e r i o r spaces. Even amongst the i n d i v i d u a l s associated with the West Vancouver s o c i a l world under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , there i s a great d i v e r s i t y of house forms. However, most had been b u i l t w i t h i n the l a s t f i f t e e n y e a r s , f i v e of them by t h e i r present owners. The newer homes tended to be c l a s s i f i a b l e i n terms of the two s t y l e s o u t l i n e d above and a l l shared the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a maximum of glazed area and an opennes of plan. The few houses which dated over t h i r t y years had been subjected to extensive renovations, by the present or previous owners, with e n t i r e i n t e r i o r w a l l s removed to open up the f l o o r plan and e x t e r i o r w a l l s replaced with glass t o take advantage of views of the ocean or wooded l o t s . The kitchen and breakfast areas of three of the older homes had been completely opened up and the s t e e l and glass c o n s t r u c t i o n used made these rooms look very much l i k e green-houses attached to an older house. In one of these k i t c h e n s , the rock face on which the house perched had l i t e r a l l y been brought indoors -mosses and l i c h e n grew on the surface and a w a t e r f a l l t r i c k l e d down the rock. Technical s o p h i s t i c a t i o n was a p r i d e of these homeowners. A woman l i v i n g i n a S p a n i s h - l i k e v i l l a commented that the part of the house th a t she r e a l l y " i d e n t i f i e d w i t h " was the k i t c h e n . This i s because she and her husband had renovated t h i s area and had moved a w a l l several f e e t i n t o 46 the d i n i n g room when exper ts s a i d t h a t they c o u l d n ' t or s h o u l d n ' t do t h i s f o r s t r u c t u r a l reasons . The renovat ion was something of a t e c h n i c a l f e a t . S i m i l a r l y , another woman f e l t t h a t the s o l a r heat ing system i n her house was p a r t i c u l a r l y " e x p r e s s i v e " of h e r s e l f . The modernity of the heat ing system r e f l e c t e d back on her . The woman w i th the rock garden brought indoors i n t o her k i t c h e n i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h i s was the p a r t of the house of which she was p a r t i c u l a r l y p roud : " I t ' s so n e a t . " The type of house form i n West Vancouver c l e a r l y d i f f e r s from the t y p i c a l Shaughnessy a r c h i t e c t u r e . I f the Shaughnessy a r c h i t e c t u r e harks back to the past and i f conformi ty to these t r a d i t i o n a l forms i s seen as d e s i r a b l e by the Shaughnessy r e s i d e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d , the domestic a r c h i t e c -tu re i n h a b i t e d and sometimes designed by the West Vancouver women may be c h a r a c t e r i s e d by i t s modernity and t e c h n i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n . That the d i f f e r e n c e i n house form i s e x p r e s s i v e of more fundamental d i f f e r e n c e s i n a t t i t u d e s amongst the women in te rv iewed i s suggested by the comment made by one Shaughnessy woman i n the form of an o l d c l i c h e . "I d o n ' t mind v i s i t i n g a very modern home but I c e r t a i n l y wou ldn ' t want to l i v e i n one . " D i f f e r e n c e s i n the s o c i a l wor lds of the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver women w i l l be examined i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r . 47 TABLE 3 . 1 . WEST VANCOUVER POPULATION STATISTICS. P o p u l a t i o n Year 2,434 1921 4,786 1931 7,769 1941 13,990 1951 25,454 1961 36,440 1971 Source : adapted from Chuck Davis ( e d . ) , The Vancouver Book (Evergreen Press Vancouver, 1976), p. 175. TABLE 3 . 2 . A COMPARISON OF OCCUPATIONS IN WEST VANCOUVER - 1950 and OF RESIDENTS ON ONE SHORT STREET 1977. House Number Year 1950 1977 4208 no occupat ion recorded teacher 4212 schoo l teacher w i t h the c i t y manager of company 4220 mechanic T .V . producer 4234 widow s e l f employed ( s p e c u l a t i v e r e a l e s t a t e ho ld ings ) 4258 wi dow no occupat ion recorded 4279 schoo l teacher w i th the c i t y p r e s i d e n t of e n g i n e e r i n g f i r m 4296 d i r e c t o r of h o t e l house removed 4293 car c l e a n e r , C . P . R . p r e s i d e n t of o f f i c e supply company 4215 t r a f f i c manager 4225 b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r 4235 these have been salesmen 4257 b u i l t s i n c e 1950 h. f i l m d i r e c t o r ; w. i l l u s t r a t o r 4271 r e t i r e d 4281 widow Source : The Vancouver & New Westminster C i t y D i r e c t o r y (B .C . D i r e c t o r i e s , Vancouver, B . C . , 1950) ; Vancouver D i r e c t o r y ( B . C . D i r e c t o r i e s , Vancouver, B . C . , 1977). 48 FOOTNOTES Bottomore examines the d e f i n i t i o n of the term " e l i t e " through h i s t o r y . When examining P a r e t o ' s d e f i n i t i o n of e l i t e s , Bottomore draws a d i s t i n c t i o n between, two d e f i n i t i o n s . A more general d e f i n i t i o n p o i n t s to an i n e q u a l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l endowment i n d i f f e r e n t spheres of s o c i a l l i f e , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n a l l y endowed being the e l i t e . A more s p e c i f i c d e f i n i t i o n dwe l l s on the idea o f a governing e l i t e compr is ing i n d i v i d u a l s who d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y p lay a c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t i n government. The term e l i t e i s being used here w i thout c o n s i d e r a t i o n being g iven to the second d e f i n i t i o n of the term. Qui te s i m p l y , i n d i v i d u a l endowment i n terms of weal th i s what i s being c o n s i d e r e d . Al though many of the persons i n t e r v i e w e d had c o n s i d e r a b l e amounts of p o l i t i c a l c l o u t , the not ion of power i s l e f t untouched. T . B . Bottomore, E l i t e s and S o c i e t y (Penguin Books , Eng land , 1964). 2 Marion G . S . Cooper, " R e s i d e n t i a l Segregat ion of E l i t e Groups i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Co lumbia , " Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , Department of Geography, 1971. 3 "Comments of SHPOA membership to r a t i o n a l i z e need f o r a p lann ing study t o be implemented by C i t y P l a n n i n g Department" mimeographed copy , 1978, p. 2 . 4 I b i d . Haro ld Kalman, E x p l o r i n g Vancouver 2 , ( U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia P r e s s , Vancouver, 1978) , p. 150. Deryck W. Ho ldswor th , "House and Home i n Vancouver: Images of West Coast Urbanism, 1886-1929" i n G.A. S t e l t e r & A . F . J . A r t i b u s e ( e d s . ) , The Canadian C i t y (McC le l land and S t e w a r t , To ronto , 1977) , p. 202. 7 "Goals f o r Shaughnessy: The Owner Occupants of P roper ty " mimeo-graphed copy , 1978, p. 3 . Q "Background and R a t i o n a l e f o r Suggested New Zoning Category f o r Old Shaughnessy" mimeographed copy, 1978, p. 1. g Robert McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver Ph.D. D i s s e r -t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , Department of H i s t o r y , 1972; Angus, E. Rober tson , "The P u r s u i t of Power, P r o f i t and P r i v a c y : A Study of Vancouver 's West End E l i t e , 1886 -1914" , Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , Department of Geography, 1972. 1 0 Be t t y Walsh , "Shaughnessy and Adjacent Areas" i n Chuck Davis ( e d . ) , The Vancouver Book, (Evergreen P r e s s , Vancouver, 1976) , p. 102. 49 I b i d . 12 Deryck Holdsworth, "House and Home i n Vancouver , " , p. 201. 13 B e t t y Walsh , "Shaughnessy and Adjacent A r e a s , " , p. 102. 14 McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver ." 15 "The Retent ion of S i n g l e Family Land Use: An A n a l y s i s of P roper ty Owners A t t i t u d e s , " mimeograph prepared by SHPOA, p. 3 . •j c Cooper, " R e s i d e n t i a l Segregat ion of E l i t e Groups i n Vancouver ." ^ 7 L o i s Brymer, "West Vancouver" i n Chuck Davis (ed . ) The Vancouver Book (Evergreen P r e s s , Vancouver, 1976) , p. 114. 18 Rosemary Eng, "West Vancouver ," Vancouver Magazine, v o l . 1 1 , (October 1978) , pp. 2 8 - 3 4 . 1 9 pamphlet , H.A. S tone , A Short H i s t o r y of Caul f i e l d V i l l a g e , 1939, p. 8 . 2 0 I b i d . 2 1 I b i d . , p. 12. 2 2 I b i d . , p. 14. 2 3 I b i d . , p. 13. 24 Kalman, E x p l o r i n g Vancouver 2 , p. 230. 25 S t o n e , A Short H i s t o r y of C a u l f i e l d V i l l a g e , p. 17. Eng, "West Vancouver ," p. 31 . 27 S tone , A Short H i s t o r y of C a u l f i e l d V i l l a g e , p. 17. 28 Michael Han lon , "On B . C . ' s R i v i e r a , " Prov ince (Magazine supplement ) , J u l y 2 3 r d , 1966, 2-7 (p . 5 . ) 29 Eng, "West Vancouver ," p. 31 . 50 J U Hani o n , "On B . C . ' s R i v i e r a , " 3 1 I b i d . , p. 3 . 3 2 Eng, "West Vancouver ," p. 29 . 3 3 I b i d . , p. 28 . 3 4 I b i d . 3 5 Han lon , "On B . C . ' s R i v i e r a , " p. 5 . 3 6 I b i d . , p. 7 . 3 7 Kalman, E x p l o r i n g Vancouver 2 , p. 245. 3 8 I b i d . , p. 247. 51 CHAPTER 4 SOCIAL WORLD PROFILES S o c i a l worlds are s o c i a l contexts w i t h i n which the i n d i v i d u a l d e f i n e s h i m s e l f . Se lves are a r t i c u l a t e d through communicative i n t e r a c t i o n w i th o t h e r s . One's s e l f i s c o n s t r a i n e d , i n f l u e n c e d , shaped, a l though not determined by one's s o c i a l w o r l d . For each s o c i a l wor ld t o be cons idered h e r e , a r a t h e r incomplete p r o f i l e w i l l be p r e s e n t e d , which s l i p s between a d i s c u s s i o n of aggregate tendenc ies and i n d i v i d u a l i n s t a n c e s . When some reasons have been i d e n t i f i e d f o r how and why i n d i v i d u a l s have become i n -vo lved w i th d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l w o r l d s , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n the worlds w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d . When one cons iders e x a c t l y where the i n d i v i d u a l s o r i e n t e d to e i t h e r s o c i a l wor ld grew up, some i n t e r e s t i n g d i s c r e p a n c i e s a r i s e . As shown i n Table 4 . 1 , the m a j o r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s o r i e n t e d towards the Shaughnessy s o c i a l wor ld were r a i s e d i n Shaughnessy or i n Eastern Canadian e l i t e suburbs (of which Rosedale i n Toronto i s one) . Cons ider ing t h a t only two women c la imed to have grown up i n n o n - e l i t e suburbs ( i . e . , North Vancouver ) , one can assume t h a t there has been l i t t l e s o c i a l m o b i l i t y w i t h i n t h i s w o r l d . Al though many respondents were notab ly vague when asked about the occupat ions o f t h e i r ' f a t h e r or f a t h e r - i n - l a w ( i . e . , the terms bus iness man or bank manager can cover a wide range of soc io -economic p o s i t i o n s ) , the i n f o r m a t i o n o f f e r e d cor roborates w i t h the no t ion t h a t t h i s i s a wor ld of low s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . Only two f a t h e r s , those of the women who grew up i n n o n - e l i t e suburbs , had d i s t i n c t l y n o n - p r o f e s s i o n a l , low s t a t u s jobs (a longshoreman and an owner of a smal l meat market ) . ATI o t h e r s , except 52 f o r two m i n i s t e r s , cou ld be c l a s s i f i e d broad ly as bus iness execut i ves or p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Any s o c i a l movement t h a t seemed to have occur red was t h a t from middle t o upper -middle c l a s s . The p r o v i n c i a l o r i g i n s of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l wor ld are h i g h l i g h t e d by the i n t e r n a t i o n a l sources of many of those o r i e n t e d towards the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d . West Vancouver respondents and/or t h e i r spouses have immigrated from such p laces as A r g e n t i n a , Sweden, J a m a i c a , Lebanon, South A f r i c a , Eng land , Greece, A u s t r a l i a , I t a l y , Ho l land and Germany. A l so v a r i a b l e i s the degree of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y exper ienced by i n d i v i d u a l s i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d . As shown i n Table 4 . 1 , the m a j o r i t y of women and men (61% and 65%, r e s p e c t i v e l y ) are not parvenus , i n the sense of having r e c e n t l y r i s e n , because of newly acqu i red w e a l t h , to an unaccustomed s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . The most common category of ch i ldhood res idence f o r the husbands was t h a t of non-North American e l i t e suburb. At l e a s t h a l f were themselves w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d f i n a n c i a l l y before coming t o Vancouver. Th is group does , however, i n c l u d e more s o c i a l l y mobi le i n d i -v i d u a l s than does the Shaughnessy group. The occupat ions of n ine f a t h e r s or f a t h e r s - i n - l a w could be c l a s s i f i e d as low s t a t u s , low income ( i . e . , m iner , smal l s c a l e fa rmer , c a r p e n t e r , longshoreman). An i n t e r e s t i n g t h i n g t o note i s t h a t the extremes i n s o c i a l m o b i l i t y are not r e s t r i c t e d t o a few women "marry ing u p " , as was the case w i t h the Shaughnessy g roup , but apply a l s o to s e v e r a l men. In these ins tances i t was the male who "marr ied u p " , he tended to have mar r ied a woman whose f a t h e r ' s occupat ion can be c l a s s i -f i e d as middle c l a s s or upper middle c l a s s . Wi th in t h i s r e l a t i v e l y heterogeneous group, there are two p a r t i -c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g r e c r u i t s from Shaughnessy. One woman had grown up w i th members of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l group and repor ted moving t o West Vancouver a f t e r marry ing an A r g e n t i n i a n s t u d e n t , who by a l l r e p o r t s , was extremely 53 Table 4 . 1 . Chi ldhood Neighbourhoods Neighbourhoods S o c i a l Worlds Shaughnessy West Vancouver Older Younger w i f e husband Wife husband w i f e husband ELITE Shaughnessy 7 (100%) 5 (71%) 9 (43%) 11 (52%) 3 (11%) 1 (4%) West Vancouver 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (4.8%) 1 (4%) 1 (4%) Elsewhere i n B. C. 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (9.6%) 2 (9.6%) 1 (4%) 1 (4%) Eastern Canada 0 (0%) 2 (29%) 7 (33%) 4 (19.2%) i 6 (21%) 2 (7%) Western Canada 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (4.8%) 2 (9.6%) 1 (4%) 1 (4%) U .S .A. 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) Other 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (035). 1 (4.8%) 5 (17%) 12 (42%) 7 (100%) 7 (100%) 19 (90.4%) 21 (100%) 17 (61%) 18 (65%) NON ELITE Vancouver 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (4.8%) 0 (0%) 4 (14%) 4 (14%) Eastern Canada 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (7%) 2 (7%) Western Canada 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 3 (11%) 4 (14%) U .S .A . 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (4,8%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) Other 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (7%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (9.6%) 0 (0%) 11 (39%) 10 (35%) Source : the author 54 weal thy . A f t e r l e a v i n g the Shaughnessy area to l i v e i n C a u l f e i l d , t h i s woman l e t many of her o ld c o n t a c t s d i e . One Shaughnessy woman who had not been i n communication w i th the now West Vancouver i te f o r over f o u r years (she knew noth ing of an address change t h a t had taken p lace f o u r years before) o u t l i n e d t o me her a t t i t u d e s towards the A r g e n t i n i a n husband. He i s the type to say to h i s w i f e , "Have three more k i d s ! " He supposedly kept h i s w i f e "bare foot and pregnant" and prevented her from deve lop ing her own i n t e r e s t s . "He would be the type to be f u r i o u s i f she wasn ' t home to make h i s d i n n e r . " In the Shaughnessy woman's o p i n i o n , the now West Vancouver i te d i d n ' t even get t o choose her own f r i e n d s - they were her husband's bus iness a s s o c i a t e s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t from these remarks alone t o know whether they are merely the r e s u l t of b i t t e r n e s s from being r e j e c t e d or ignored by a past f r i e n d or whether they are t e l l i n g of a c losed and b iased a t t i t u d e towards " f o r e i g n e r s . " The remarks of another emigre from the Kerr isdale/Shaughnessy area are suggest i ve of the l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In t h i s case the woman and her husband were both K e r r i s d a l e bred and moved t o C a u l f e i l d a f t e r s e v e r a l years of marr iage t o escape a c l i q u e w i t h which they had become i n v o l v e d . The woman s t a t e d tha t s h e , her husband and t h e i r mutual f r i e n d s had grown up i n the a r e a , had been f r i e n d s through s c h o o l , had each marr ied one of the group and had then proceeded t o s e t t l e i n t o houses i n the same neighbourhood to b r i n g up f a m i l i e s . She and her husband d e c i d e d , a f t e r l i v i n g i n t h e i r own house i n K e r r i s d a l e f o r three y e a r s , t h a t " t h i s was not f o r u s . " They f e l t t h e i r s o c i a l hor i zons t o be l i m i t e d and t h e i r p r i v a c y v i o l a t e d ( i . e . , "I c o u l d n ' t ask one f r i e n d over f o r c o f f e e w i thout another f r i e n d or the l a t t e r would f i n d out and f e e l h u r t " ) and so moved to C a u l f e i l d f o r some s o c i a l " b r e a t h i n g s p a c e . " They have remained i n West Vancouver f o r the l a s t s i x years even though her 55 husband has to d r i v e d a i l y t o K e r r i s d a l e where h i s bus iness i s l o c a t e d , a round t r i p which takes approx imate ly one hour and twenty minutes to complete . Although p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld vary i n t h e i r s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and geograph ica l o r i g i n s , i t would be i n a c c u r a t e to suggest t h a t they have been any l e s s s t a b l e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y than the Shaugh-nessy f a m i l i e s , a f t e r they have been m a r r i e d . In F igure 4.1 the f requency d i s t r i b u t i o n of the number of c i t i e s l i v e d i n s i n c e marr iage i s char ted f o r p a r t i c i p a n t s i n each s o c i a l w o r l d . Shaughnessy p a r t i c i p a n t s , on the average ( e x c l u d i n g the smal l sample of seven o l d e r women who are cons idered s e p a r a t e l y ) , have been marr ied f o r 14.5 years and have l i v e d i n two c i t i e s dur ing t h i s p e r i o d . (Many of the Shaughnessy f a m i l i e s have l i v e d i n c i t i e s other than Vancouver dur ing the e a r l i e r years of marr iage i n order t o be educated or as a r e s u l t of employment w i t h la rge c o r p o r a t i o n s . ) On the average the younger Shaughnessy f a m i l i e s have spent the l a s t n ine years i n Vancouver and have l i v e d i n t h e i r present houses f o r 6 . 5 years (see F igure 4 . 2 ) . The o l d e r Shaughnessy women have been mar r ied f o r an average of 30 years' and have l i v e d i n .1.7 c i t i e s dur ing t h i s p e r i o d . On the average they have spent the l a s t 25 years i n Vancouver and have l i v e d i n t h e i r present houses f o r 10.5 y e a r s . The West Vancouver women have, on the average, been marr ied f o r 14 years and have l i v e d i n 1.6 c i t i e s dur ing t h i s t i m e . The l a s t 10.5 years have been s p e n t , on the average , i n Vancouver, s i x of these i n t h e i r present homes. Both West Vancouver and Shaughnessy f a m i l i e s have owned a comparable number of houses e a c h , 2 .0 f o r the West V a n c o u v e r i t e s , 2 .3 f o r the younger Shaughnessy women and 3 .0 f o r the o l d e r Shaughnessy women. Thus the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver f a m i l i e s seem 56 FIGURE 4.1 - NUMBER OF YEARS IN PRESENT HOUSE VA West V a n c o u v e r N e t w o r k ESI S h a u g h n e s s y N e t w o r k Y e a r s i n p r e s e n t h o u s e FIGURE 4.2 - NUMBER OF C I T I E S LIVED IN SINCE MARRIAGE 1 2 3 4 5 6 Number o f c i t i e s l i v e d i n s i n c e m a r r i a g e S o u r c e : t h e a u t h o r 57 comparable i n terms of r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y a f t e r m a r r i a g e . Geographical m o b i l i t y alone w i l l not account f o r the d i f f e r e n c e s i n networks t o be cons idered s h o r t l y . There seems to be a somewhat d i f f e r e n t c o n s t e l l a t i o n of a t t i t u d e s he ld by p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d s , suggested i n d i r e c t l y by d i f f e r e n c e s i n the ca reer o r i e n t a t i o n s and educa-t i o n a l achievement of the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver persons . F i r s t , n o t i c e i n Table 4 .2 t h a t the Shaughnessy males are c l u s t e r e d i n t o fewer occupat iona l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s than are the West Vancouver (9 as opposed to 13) . More i m p o r t a n t l y , 81% o f the younger Shaughnessy males and 100% of the o l d e r may be c l a s s i f i e d as p r o f e s s i o n a l s (the top l e v e l execut i ves are c l a s s i f i e d thus because they have p r o f e s s i o n a l e d u c a t i o n a l d e g r e e s ) , w h i l e only 35.7% of the West Vancouver males can be c l a s s i f i e d i n t h i s manner. I f one examines the p r e s t i g e of the va r ious o c c u p a t i o n s , app ly ing Pineo and P o r t e r ' s rankings where a v a i T a b l e 1 ( i . e . , the p r e s t i g e r a t i n g s of occupat ions such as s tock b r o k e r , or food b r o k e r , were not p r o v i d e d ) , one sees t h a t the Shaughnessy males are employed, on the average , i n somewhat more p r e s t i g i o u s o c c u p a t i o n s . Over one t h i r d (36%) of the West Vancouver men are i n v o l v e d w i t h the c o n s t r u c t i o n bus iness or the exchange of r e a l e s t a t e . The land developers are i n v o l v e d w i t h the c o n s t r u c t i o n of v a r i o u s townhouse communities i n C a u l f e i l d and other suburban areas of Vancouver. The owner of the r e a l e s t a t e f i r m and the doctors are s p e c i f i c a l l y l o c a t e d i n West Vancouver. Compare a l s o the l e v e l of educat ion obtained by members of each s o c i a l w o r l d , as shown i n Table 4 . 3 . Although the educat ion obta ined by the women does not d i f f e r markedly across w o r l d s , the Shaughnessy men, as a group , have rece i ved more formal educat ion than the West Vancouver i tes . 58 Table 4 . 2 . Occupations and Occupat ional P r e s t i g e Respondents 1 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of Husbands' Occupations Pineo and P o r t e r ' s C l a s s i f i c a t i ons' P r e s t i g e Scores No. of Shaughnessy men so emp1oyed n=28 No. of West Van-couver men so employed n=28 doctor academic 1awyer p u b l i c o f f i c i a l top l e v e l e x e c u t i v e w i t h : investment corp . a mfg. c o r p . engineer a d v e r t i s i n g mgr. owner o f . r e a l e s t a t e f i r m personnel mgr. c o n s t r u c t i o n e x e c u t i v e s e l f - e m p l o y e d 0 stock broker food broker lumber broker labour r e l a t i o n s movie producer land developer p h y s i c i a n 87 .5 u n i v e r s i t y p r o f . 86 .1 lawyer 81.6 department head of c i t y government 74 .5 bank manager" 72.1 general manager of mfg. p l a n t 7 0 . 4 c i v i l engineer 72.6 a d v e r t i s i n g exec . 5 9 . 4 manager of r e a l e s t a t e o f f i c e 5 8 . 8 job c o u n s e l l o r 58 .7 b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r 56 .7 2 3 7 4 0 3 one who l i v e s o f f p roper ty ho ld ings 46. wholesa le d i s t r i b u t o r 49, no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n no c l a s s i f i c a t i o n 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 2 0 0 1 2 1 4 a The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are approx imate ly matched. b For i n s t a n c e , t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n obv ious l y represents an u n d e r - e s t i m a t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e . c The s e l f - e m p l o y e d f e l l i n t o one of the two f o l l o w i n g c a t e g o r i e s . Source : The author as w e l l as Peter C. P ineo and John P o r t e r , "Occupat iona l P r e s t i g e i n Canada," i n E.O. Laumann, Paul M. S i e g e ! and R.W. Hodge (eds . ) . , The Logic of S o c i a l H i e r a r c h i e s (Markham P u b l i s h i n g C o . , Ch icago , 1970) , pp. 174-188. 59 Table 4 . 3 . Educat ion - Last Degree Completed DEGREE o l d e r S o c i a l Worlds Shaughnessy West Vancouver younger COMPLETED husband w i f e husband wi f e husband w i f e high school 0 1 1 2 5 7 teach ing c e r t i f i c a t e 0 0 0 2 0 0 B.A. 0 5 2 9 6 9 B .Educat ion 0 0 0 2 0 6 Nurs ing 0 1 0 5 0 6 B.Commerce 0 0 1 0 2 0 B .Eng ineer ing 0 0 2 0 2 0 M.B.A. 0 0 5 0 5 0 M.A. 1 0 0 1 0 0 C.A. 3 0 1 0 1 0 Law 3 0 4 0 3 0 M.A. Law 0 0 1 0 0 0 M.D. 0 0 2 0 4 0 Ph.D. 0 0 2 0 0 0 7 7 21 21 28 28 Source : the author . 60 I t i s t y p i c a l ( i n 78% of the 28 cases) f o r the Shaughnessy male to have two post secondary degrees , the second of which i s p r o f e s s i o n o r i e n t e d . Of the remaining 22%, 18% have one u n i v e r s i t y degree and one i n d i v i d u a l (or 4%) has only a high school d ip loma. In c o n t r a s t , 54% of the West Vancouver males are s i m i l a r l y , i f not l e s s , educated than t h e i r wives i n t h a t they have only a high school diploma (the case f o r 18% of the group) or one u n i v e r s i t y degree (the s i t u a t i o n f o r 36% of the group) . J u s t over h a l f (53%) have a p r o f e s s i o n a l degree. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , f o u r of the f i v e who have r e c e i v e d no u n i v e r s i t y educat ion come from what would be c o n -s i d e r e d economica l l y p r i v i l e g e d backgrounds - they are the sons of p r o f e s -s i o n a l s . Each l e f t u n i v e r s i t y a f t e r one or two years o f an a r t s or p h y s i c a l educat ion programme because, i n t h e i r w i v e s ' words , they "had b e t t e r t h i n g s to do" and were anxious " to get on w i t h t h i n g s . " Cons ider ing t h a t roughly as,many West Vancouver males 1 fa the rs , were p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and thus were f a i r l y w e l l educated themse lves , and t h a t most West Vancouver i tes have e q u a l l y advantaged backgrounds, the extent t o which they chose not t o be educated , i n r e l a t i o n to the Shaughnessy group, i s i n t e r e s t i n g . Th is i s h i g h l i g h t e d f u r t h e r by the f a c t t h a t 5 (or 33%) of the 15 p r o f e s s i o n a l l y educated West Vancouver i te males come from lower middle c l a s s and not middle or upper middle c l a s s backgrounds. I t seems p o s s i b l e t o make the case t h a t the i n f l u x i n t o the p r o f e s -s ions by the Shaughnessy men i s i n d i c a t i v e of t h e i r a s s i m i l a t i o n of some very t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s . In some cases they had " f o l l o w e d i n t h e i r f a t h e r s ' f o o t s t e p s " and had adopted t h e i r f a t h e r s ' p r o f e s s i o n s as t h e i r own. Con-s i d e r i n g the West V a n c o u v e r i t e s , i t seems safe t o assume t h a t , i n the case of the four sons of p r o f e s s i o n a l s who had only h igh school d i p l o m a s , i t was not the parents who devalued educat ion or p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s but r a t h e r 61 the sons who ignored the p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y . With r e f e r e n c e to the upwardly mobi le West V a n c o u v e r i t e s , they may have a s s i m i l a t e d " t r a d i t i o n a l " va lues concerning f i n a n c i a l s u c c e s s , but t h e i r success i s o l a t e s them from t r a d i -2 t i o n i n a f a m i l y - r e l a t e d sense. " T r a d i t i o n a l " versus "modern" va lues are a l s o perhaps ev ident i n the i n e q u a l i t y of educat ion between husband and w i f e i n the case of the average Shaughnessy couple and an absence of such an i n e q u a l i t y f o r the average West Vancouver coup le . While occupat ion and educat ion s t a t i s t i c s lead one to s p e c u l a t e about r e l a t i v e " t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , " the r e s u l t s of the network analyses show r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy and the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d s . The c o n n e c t i v i t y m a t r i x f o r the Shaughnessy s o c i a l group i s shown i n Table 4 . 4 . A number 1 i n a c e l l i n d i c a t e s mutual knowledge between the persons c o n s i d e r e d . Not ice t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l s s i g n i f i e d by numbers 2 2 - 2 8 form a very d i s t i n c t group and know only a few of the other women i n the l a r g e r network. The s m a l l e r group i s made up of the women aged between 50 and 60 . They tended to know members of the younger group who were from " o l d Shaugh-nessy f a m i l i e s " and few of the women, such as those from Eastern c i t i e s , who have moved t o Vancouver at a l a t e r stage i n t h e i r l i v e s . T h i s , I t h i n k , i n d i c a t e s an i n t e r e s t i n g f e a t u r e of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l w o r l d . There i s s t i l l a core of o ld f a m i l i e s i n Shaughnessy. The o ld f a m i l y network i s ev idenced and a l s o mainta ined by such f u n c t i o n s as the annual Christmas B a l l . One woman e x p l a i n e d t h a t the Christmas B a l l was an event o rgan ised by about t h i r t y f a m i l i e s because, p rev ious to i t , there was no formal event t h a t got them a l l t o g e t h e r . C h i l d r e n are a l lowed to at tend when they reach the age of t h i r t e e n and apparent l y they a l l eager l y look forward to t h i s e v e n t , so much so t h a t a f t e r they Table 4 . 4 . C o n n e c t i v i t y Mat r i x f o r Shaughnessy Network. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 5 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 7 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 8 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 11 • 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 1 1 0 0 - 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 16 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 17 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 19 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 21 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 23 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 24 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 25 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 26 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 27 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 28 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 Source : the author . 63 turn t h i r t e e n they no longer w a n t . t o go to Hawaii f o r Chr i s tmas . However, one i s reminded of Zorbaugh's d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s i d e n t s of Ch icago 's Gold Coast : There are remnants of the o l d n e i g h b o u r l i n e s s based on l o c a l res idence [but ] those t h i n g s are i n t e r e s t i n g only because they are remnants . . . We have seen t h a t " s o c i e t y " of today i s a t h i n g of se ts and c l i q u e s . And the l i f e of the Gold Coast r e s o l v e s i t s e l f l a r g e l y i n t o t h a t of these s m a l l e r groups , w h i l e these groups are based upon common ages , or whims, or pass ing i n t e r e s t s r a t h e r , than upon common r e s i d e n c e . There are enough newcomers to the s o c i a l wor ld of the younger Shaughnessy women t h a t the c r o s s - g e n e r a t i o n a l networks of the o l d e r and younger women do not over lap c o m p l e t e l y . The o l d e r women seemed to have withdrawn from the o r g a n i s a t i o n s t h a t they had e a r l i e r been a c t i v e i n and thus had not met many of the younger women who had e s s e n t i a l l y taken t h e i r p l a c e . The younger group of women have been exposed to women who had grown up o u t s i d e of Shaughnessy through mutual involvement i n the same i n s t i t u t i o n s and , i n some c a s e s , have made c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p s w i th women who f a l l o u t s i d e of the very l o c a l and venerable e l i t e . Higher r a t e s of geograph ica l m o b i l i t y seem to have made the s o c i a l network of the younger women some-what more permeable than t h a t of the o l d e r . Because the o l d e r and younger Shaughnessy women seemed somewhat s o c i a l l y d i s c o n n e c t e d , the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the younger women were analysed s e p a r a t e l y . In Table 4 . 5 , f i g u r e s from a l l analyses are compared. On the average, a person r e c o g n i s e d , out of a p o s s i b l e 2 0 , 10.76 names. The d e n s i t y of connect ions i n t h i s network i s 54%. In other words , out of a l l of the p o s s i b l e i n t e r a c t i o n a l t i e s among members of t h i s network, 54% of these a c t u a l l y e x i s t e d . Of the e x i s t i n g t i e s , 58% of those were between people who merely cons idered each other to be a c q u a i n t a n c e s , 15% 64 between people who cons idered each other t o be acquaintances but who had v i s i t e d i n each o t h e r ' s home, and 27% of those were between c l o s e f r i e n d s . The s h o r t e s t path a n a l y s i s showed t h a t , except f o r the case of one woman (numbered one on the c o n n e c t i v i t y m a t r i x ) , i f two people d i d n ' t know one another they at l e a s t had a mutual f r i e n d ( i . e . , the maximum s h o r t e s t path was two l i n k s ) . P i c t o r a l l y , the most d isconnected s t a t e between persons A and B, f o r i n s t a n c e , cou ld be represented as f o l l o w s : . mutual f r i e n d Thus, even though the sampling was m u l t i l i n e a r o r , r a t h e r , the l a t e r i n d i v i d u a l s ' names, were obta ined f r o m a number of d i f f e r e n t p e r s o n s , most of the people concerned are i n communcation w i t h each o ther . The members of any one person 's network tend t o be i n touch w i t h each other indepen -d e n t l y of t h a t person . Table 4 . 5 . Resu l t s of the Network Analyses S t a t i s t i c s S o c i a l Worlds Shaughnessy West Vancouver Older n=7 Younger n=21 n=28  Average no. of persons known 6.00 10.76 5 .00 Dens i ty of connect ions 100% 54% 18% Maximum s h o r t e s t path 1 3 6 Source : the author 65 This o f f e r s q u i t e a c o n t r a s t t o the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -sh ips found i n West Vancouver. Consider f i r s t l y the c o n n e c t i v i t y m a t r i x f o r the West Vancouver network, shown i n Table 4 . 6 . A l l of these women were roughly i n the same age b r a c k e t , between 35 and 4 5 , and were l i v i n g i n r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e p r o x i m i t y . Yet the average person knew on ly f i v e of . the 27 other women i n the network. The d e n s i t y of connect ions i n 18% compared to the 54% of the Shaughnessy group. Although the number of p o t e n t i a l involvements i s much s m a l l e r , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of personal involvements i s s i m i l a r to t h a t of the Shaughnessy women. Of the person r e c o g n i s e d , 54% are cons idered t o a c q u a i n t a n c e s , 14% are acquaintances whose homes have been v i s i t e d and 32% are c l o s e f r i e n d s . The maximum s h o r t e s t path was s i x l e n g t h s , meaning t h a t some people would have to go through f i v e people t o get to one another . Thus the communication d i s t a n c e was much g r e a t e r between c e r t a i n members of the West Vancouver network than f o r any i n the Shaughnessy network. G lanc ing at F igure 4 . 3 , one gets an idea of the type of s i t u a t i o n found i n the.West Vancouver network. F i r s t l y , n o t i c e the r e l a t i o n s found between persons. 2 7 , 26 , 7 or 7 , 8 , 2 7 , or 14, 1 5 , 11 or 5 , 1 0 , 25. These are ins tances of a s i t u a t i o n where two people who share a mutual c l o s e f r i e n d have never even heard of each o t h e r . Th is type of s i t u a t i o n was unheard of w i t h i n the Shaughnessy group and demonstrates a tendency amongst those i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld t o know d i f f e r e n t se ts of people i n d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t y f i e l d s . The person represented by the number 2 7 , f o r i n s t a n c e , knows of person 26 through her husband's work, and person 7 through her own. Person 12 knows of persons 17 and 13 as p a r t of a group of B r i t i s h immigrants , person 28 and 11 through a community o r g a n i s a t i o n of which she i s a member and person 21 through her c h i l d r e n ' s f r i e n d s . These groups of persons a r e , f o r the most p a r t , s e p a r a t e . Table 4 . 6 . C o n n e c t i v i t y M a t r i x f o r West Vancouver Network. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Source : the author . 67 FIGURE 5 . 3 - CHOICE OF INTERIOR DESIGNERS IN RELATION TO WEST VANCOUVER NETWORK a a Numbers i n d i c a t e d e s i g n e r s as s p e c i f i e d i n T a b l e 5 . 3 . S o u r c e : t h e a u t h o r 68 Although the data c o l l e c t e d do not a l l o w one to make d e f i n i t i v e statements concern ing the s i z e of each network, there were i n d i c a t i o n s to suggest t h a t the Shaughnessy group was q u i t e l a r g e . At the complet ion of the f i e l d survey I had twelve more names of Shaughnessy r e s i d e n t s t h a t I cou ld have contacted had I w ished . The West Vancouver wor ld was a l s o e x p a n s i v e , a l though the c l u s t e r s of f r i e n d s w i t h i n were very s m a l l . Persons 1 and 17 i n F igure 4.3 s p e c i f i c a l l y s t a t e d t h a t they cou ld t h i n k of no names t o suggest t o me because I had l i t e r a l l y i n t e r v i e w e d a l l of the f r i e n d s whom they would f e e l c l o s e enough to suggest . On the who le , the West Vancouver women seemed l e s s concerned t o take my concerns as t h e i r own. They were , g e n e r a l l y , more r e l u c t a n t to suggest f r i e n d s to be i n t e r v i e w e d and/or d i d not bother to c a l l the f r i e n d , u l t i m a t e l y encouraging a h igher r e f u s a l r a t e . I t was a l s o amongst the West Vancouver i tes t h a t there occur red two i n s t a n c e s of c a n c e l l e d a p p o i n t -ments because of expressed f e a r s over p roper ty t h e f t . Both had agreed to an i n t e r v i e w a f t e r having been asked by a f r i e n d , had made arrangements f o r an i n t e r v i e w when I c a l l e d , but then c a n c e l l e d . One e x p l a i n e d t h a t , "My husband came home and I t o l d him about your study . . . and w e l l . . . we have a l o t of a n t i q u e s . " The other merely commented t e r s e l y t h a t , "We d o n ' t want anyone coming around to the house . " The i n t r o d u c t i o n through t h e i r f r i e n d was not enough. Th is i s suggest i ve of an i n s e c u r i t y , a d i s t r u s t of s t r a n g e r s , and even perhaps of t h e i r f r i e n d . Th is may r e s u l t from the p a r t i a l knowledge they have of t h i s f r i e n d . As B e n i t a Luckmann comments w i t h respec t t o the fragmented e x i s t e n c e of modern man, "the smal l l i f e - w o r l d s never c l a i m the t o t a l i n d i v i d u a l . " 4 I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t the West Vancouver i tes ' r e l a t i v e dear th of c h a r i t y f o r my p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t r e f l e c t e d a more genera l absence of 69 p u b l i c o b l i g a t i o n . Members of the Shaughnessy group are more s o c i a l l y a c t i v e than those i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d . In a rough sense t h i s i s suggested by the f a c t t h a t Shaughnessy women, on the average , are s imply out of t h e i r houses more. (They es t imated s i x hours a day as opposed to the 4.6 es t imated by the West Vancouver group and 2 .5 n i g h t s a week as.opposed to 1 . 6 . ) One may cons ide r b r i e f l y the s i z e s and the ages of the f a m i l i e s of the women a s s o c i a t e d w i th the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d s . With re fe rence to the Shaughnessy women, the younger have an average of 2 .5 c h i l d r e n , the o l d e r an average of 3 . 3 . Two of the younger couples d i d not have any c h i l d r e n . For the West Vancouver women, the average i s 2 . 9 . F a m i l i e s were c l a s s i f i e d accord ing to the age of the youngest c h i l d , as shown i n Table 4 . 7 . The West Vancouver women c l e a r l y have younger fami T i e s . Th is may p a r t i a l l y r e f l e c t the f a c t t h a t they have s l i g h t l y l a r g e r f a m i l i e s as w e l l . In any c a s e , s i x of the women w i th the young f a m i l i e s a l s o have au p a i r g i r l s , so there i s no reason f o r them to be any more house-bound than the women whose c h i l d r e n are of school age. Table 4 . 7 . F a m i l i e s C l a s s i f i e d Accord ing To The Age of the Youngest C h i l d Age of the Youngest C h i l d S o c i a l Shaughnessy Older Younger* Worlds West Vancouver* 0 - 5 0 (0%) 4 (19%) 13 (46.5%) 6 - 1 3 0 (0%) 9 (43%) 9 (32%) 13 - l e a v i n g home 4 (.57%) 6 (29%) 4 (14.5%) l e f t home . 3 (43%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) * two couples i n each have no c h i l d r e n Source : the author 70 A l l of the women were asked about t h e i r involvements o u t s i d e of the home i n terms of commitments to a s s o c i a t i o n s or s o c i e t i e s , and c h a r i -t a b l e or remunerat ive employment. My emphasis was on commitment to work-l i k e a c t i v i t i e s . For i n s t a n c e , p lann ing and execut ing a programme f o r h o r t i t h e r a p y through the Garden Club seems a much d i f f e r e n t type of a c t i v i t y i n terms of commitment than t a k i n g cooking c l a s s e s or r e g u l a r e x e r c i s e at a s o c i a l c l u b . The d i f f e r e n c e seems t o be between community work and personal r e c r e a t i o n . My i n t e r e s t was i n the former type of a c t i v i t y . In Table 4 . 8 i s shown the comparat ive responses to t h i s query f o r the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver women. Of the 28 West Vancouver women i n t e r v i e w e d , 39% s t a t e d t h a t they had no commitments ou ts ide the home. In the words of one: Do you remember what i t was l i k e as a k i d t o be s i c k and i n s i d e and to hear a l l of your f r i e n d s o u t s i d e p l a y i n g on the s t r e e t ? And do you remember tha t you were r e a l l y never m i s s i n g a n y t h i n g , t h a t there r e a l l y wasn ' t anyth ing very i n t r i g u i n g going on o u t s i d e ? W e l l , I t h i n k t h a t some people never grow out of t h i s c h i l d i s h c u r i o s i t y i n what i s going on o u t s i d e . There r e a l l y i s n ' t anyth ing happening. Maybe being on the ocean makes a d i f f e r e n c e because I can see what i s going on. I can see t h a t Vancouver i s n ' t burn ing down. T h a t ' s enough. Whi le d i s i n t e r e s t d i d not overwhelm a l l of the West Vancouver women, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note the p a t t e r n of involvements f o r Shaughnessy and West Vancouver women. The imbalance f a v o u r i n g c h a r i t a b l e over remunerat ive employment i s not as g reat f o r the West Vancouver women. Th is perhaps demonstrates a more "modern" o r i e n t a t i o n . A l s o , a l though the q u e s t i o n concern ing involvements was open-ended, and each woman was asked to name as many commitments of which she cou ld t h i n k , on ly two West Vancouver i tes named two, r a t h e r than one, such commitments. In a d d i t i o n , on ly f o u r of the 28 women spontaneously mentioned v o l u n t e e r a c t i v i t i e s w i t h which t h e i r husbands are i n v o l v e d . 71 Table 4 . 8 . Commitments t o A s s o c i a t i o n s and S o c i e t i e s Commitments 3 Shaugh Older S o c i a l Worlds nessy West Younger Vancouver No commitments 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 11 (39%) Remunerative Employment: Teaching 0 (0%) 2 (9.5%) 2 (7%) S e c r e t a r i a l . 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (7%) Nurs ing 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (3.6%) Independent bus iness ( r e t a i l , cooking c l a s s e s ) 1 (14%) 1 (4.7%) 2 (7%) 1 (14%) 3 (14.2%) 7 (24.6%) Vo lunteer Work: schoo ls 0 (0%) 3 (14%) 5 (18%) c u l t u r a l assoc ia t ions* 3 and s o c i a l c lubs 7 (100%) 14 (67%) 5 (18%) n o n - p r e s t i g e s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ( i . e . , c r i s i s c l i n i c ) 3 (43%) 8 (38%) 1 (3.6%) church 2 (28%) 2 (9.5%) 1 (3.6%) 12 (171%) 27 (128.5%) 12 (43.2%) a Each woman could i n d i c a t e as many a c t i v i t i e s as she wished . b Involvements of the Shaughnessy women are a c t u a l l y min imised because many belonged to s e v e r a l s o c i a l c lubs or a s s o c i a t i o n s . Source : the author I t i s p a r t i a l l y through the Shaughnessy women's commitments to the "community" t h a t the e x t e n s i v e personal networks were c reated and m a i n t a i n e d . Wi th in the Shaughnessy group two women had gone back t o work as teachers and 72 another was o r g a n i s i n g a cooking s c h o o l . Other members of the s o c i a l group were wont to o u t l i n e i n g reat d e t a i l t h e i r commitments t o "the community." T h e i r involvement and hence i n f l u e n c e d i d span across a wide v a r i e t y of spheres . One woman, who was not at a l l a t y p i c a l , was on the Board of a nearby B o t a n i c a l Gardens, a member of the J u n i o r League, had p r e v i o u s l y been on committees at the A r t G a l l e r y , and had r e c e n t l y been i n v o l v e d w i th c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t o r y p lann ing of a downtown area under redevelopment. With respec t to her husband, "name an a s s o c i a t i o n , he 's a member." I t was t y p i c a l f o r the husbands to have v o l u n t e e r execut i ve p o s i t i o n s at t h e i r c l u b s , w i th d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ( i . e . , opera , t h e a t r e , symphony), w i th va r ious s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and i n l o c a l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s . A g a i n , one t h i n k s back to Zorbaugh's d i s c u s s i o n of the Gold Coast , pub l i shed i n 1929. "But p o l i t i c a l and c i v i c movements are not always f a d s . Not a l l c h a r i t i e s are ' p e t ' c h a r i t i e s . There i s a genuine and s e r i o u s s i d e t o the l i f e of the Gold C o a s t . " One of Zorbaugh's in formants w r i t e s t h a t : "And many s o c i a l leaders are r e a l l y busy women; nor i s i t j u s t a matter of t e a s . S o c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g l y secured through p o l i t i c a l , c i v i c , and p h i l a n t h r o p i c work . " Severa l women whom I t a l k e d w i t h took the oppor tun i t y t o p o i n t out t h a t the J u n i o r League, an a s s o c i a t i o n which perhaps c a l l s f o r t h images of e l i t i s m , s o c i a b i l i t y and a f te rnoon t e a s , i s noth ing of the k i n d . "Those ga l s r e a l l y work, and I mean work . " "The purpose of the J u n i o r League i s e x c l u s i v e l y e d u c a t i o n a l and c h a r i t a b l e , and i s to promote v o l u n t a r i s m , t o develop the p o t e n t i a l of i t s members f o r v o l u n t a r y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a f f a i r s , and to demonstrate the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t r a i n e d v o l u n t e e r s . . . . In i t s f o r t y - e i g h t year h i s t o r y [ i n Vancouver ] , i t has donated more than $820,000.00 and 1,193,000 v o l u n -t a r y hours to the communi ty . " 7 73 N e v e r t h e l e s s , there i s a s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n of a c t i v i t i e s which serves to c o n s o l i d a t e group membership: the J u n i o r League, the symphony, the a r t g a l l e r y , the b o t a n i c a l gardens , and the aquarium are o r g a n i s a t i o n s towards which most Shaughnessy women put t h e i r e n e r g i e s . One woman groaned, "You ' re going to d i e when you hear" before she o u t l i n e d the a s s o c i a t i o n s t o which she belonged because she knew so w e l l t h a t they conformed to the s tandard p a t t e r n of a c t i v i t i e s of members i n her s o c i a l m i l i e u . Rec rea -t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s and c lubs were a l s o somewhat s t a n d a r d i z e d . When asked about her r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s , one woman l a u g h i n g l y r e p l i e d , "No, I d o n ' t p lay t e n n i s . Are you s u r p r i s e d ? " Indeed, when one examines the membership of the 28 Shaughnessy women f o r j u s t four c l u b s , the Vancouver C l u b , the U n i v e r s i t y C l u b , the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club and the J u n i o r League, one f i n d s t h a t a l l but three of the f a m i l i e s i n t e r v i e w e d belong to at l e a s t one. In Table 4 .9 c lub membership i s shown, w i t h an attempt made to show m u l t i p l e memberships. For i n s t a n c e , s i x women belonged on ly to the J u n i o r League, four to both the J u n i o r League and to the Vancouver Lawn Tennis C l u b , e t c . While the memberships to the men's c lubs are perhaps t a n g e n t i a l to the w i v e s ' c l u b memberships, they are i n t e r e s t i n g nonetheless because the Vancouver C l u b , a t l e a s t , i s cons idered t o be Vancouver 's most p r e s t i g i o u s men's c lub and thus g i ves a general index o of the husband's s o c i a l s t a n d i n g . The p r e s t i g e of the Vancouver Club i s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d by McDonald, w i t h re fe rence t o e a r l y Vancouver Q (pre 1914). The power of the c l u b ' s members, "whose s e l f - a p p o i n t e d task [ i s ] to run the c i t y " i s noted by G u t s t e i n f o r contemporary V a n c o u v e r . ^ Of the f a m i l i e s i n d i c a t e d as members s o l e l y of the Vancouver C l u b , the wives are i n v o l v e d i n the s o c i a l community through the A r t G a l l e r y or the Shaugh-nessy Go l f and Country C lub . Of the o l d e r women, three had been members 74 of the J u n i o r League b u t , as r e t i r e m e n t from a c t i v e involvement w i t h the League occurs at age f o r t y , t h e i r s o c i a l energ ies are now d i r e c t e d e l s e -where. Two are members of the Georgian C l u b , another i s i n the Rowing C l u b , both of which are o ld e l i t e c lubs mentioned by M c D o n a l d , ^ and another i s i n v o l v e d w i th the Garden C lub . I t should be mentioned t h a t t h i s i n d i c a t i o n of c l u b membership i s probably low. Many women seemed l e s s eager to d i s c u s s matters r e l a t e d t o p r i v a t e c lubs than they d i d to d i s c u s s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c a s s o c i a t i o n s . ( I t seemed t h a t many were wary of my exact p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . ) That the c lubs perform an i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n , f o r the younger women at l e a s t , i s suggested by the responses t o the q u e s t i o n , "How d i d you get to know your c l o s e s t f r i e n d s V " As shown i n Table 4 . 1 0 , c lubs and a s s o c i a t i o n s f i g u r e p rominent l y . The d i f f e r e n t i a l importance of s o c i a l c lubs f o r f r i e n d s h i p fo rmat ion f o r the o l d e r and younger women r e f l e c t s 12 the somewhat l e s s p r o v i n c i a l nature of the l a t t e r and r e f l e c t s d i r e c t l y on the p a r t i a l segregat ion of the s o c i a l wor lds of the younger and o l d e r women noted i n the d i s c u s s i o n of s o c i a l networks. The o l d e r women s t a t e d t h a t c lub membership was c o i n c i d e n t w i t h ch i ldhood f r i e n d s h i p s , and t h a t c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p s were u l t i m a t e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the f a c t t h a t they had grown up together as c h i l d r e n . The r a t h e r s t a t i c nature of the f r i e n d -sh ips amongst the o l d e r group of women i s suggested by a comment made by one woman w i t h re fe rence to a f r i e n d who had l e f t f o r ten y e a r s , but who had e v e n t u a l l y re turned to Vancouver. "She re turned t o e x a c t l y the spot t h a t she had l e f t . I t was as i f there was a gap j u s t w a i t i n g f o r her to f i l l . " When asked to c l a s s i f y the people w i t h whom they g e n e r a l l y s o c i a l i s e d i n terms of being c l u b - r e l a t e d a s s o c i a t e s , school f r i e n d s , neighbours or bus iness a s s o c i a t e s , c l u b r e l a t e d a s s o c i a t i o n s f i g u r e d prominent ly f o r the 75 Table 4 . 9 . Club Membership f o r the Shaughnessy S o c i a l World n=28 Juni or League Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club Vancouver U n i v e r s i t y Club Club J u n i o r League 6 4 3 1 Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club 5 2 0 Vancouver Club 3 0 U n i v e r s i t y Club 1 14 11 8 2 Source : the author . Table 4 . 1 0 . Percentages of C lose F r i e n d s h i p s A t t r i b u t e d to D i f f e r e n t Sources of I n t r o d u c t i o n * MEDIUM THROUGH WHICH CLOSE FRIENDSHIPS HAVE BEEN FORMED S o c i a l Shaughnessy o l d e r younger Worlds West Vancouver grew up w i t h 100% 37% 7% s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n 0% 37% 11% c h i l d r e n 0% 10% 25% husband's work 0% 10% 28% neighbourhood 14% 16% 29% u n i v e r s i t y 0% 10% 25% w i f e ' s work 0% 10% 11% * a person could and d i d i n d i c a t e a number of d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s . Source : the author . 76 o l d e r Shaughnessy women a l s o , as i s shown i n Table 4 . 1 1 . At the same t i m e , s e v e r a l women mentioned the a r t i f i c i a l i t y of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between school f r i e n d s , c l u b - r e l a t e d a s s o c i a t e s and ne ighbours , f o r the c a t e g o r i e s ove r -lapped . There i s a c o n t i n u i t y between spheres of s o c i a l l i f e f o r the Shaughnessy women r e l a t i v e to the West Vancouver i tes t h a t s o c i o l o g i s t s 13 t y p i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e w i th t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l w o r l d s . F u r t h e r , c l u b membership serves t o i n t e g r a t e g e n e r a t i o n s . Severa l women had belonged to the Tennis Club s i n c e they were c h i l d r e n . Now they no longer use i t but the membership i s mainta ined f o r the c h i l d r e n ' s use. There i s v i r t u a l l y no over lap between the c lubs t o which the Shaughnessy and the West Vancouver people be long . The only except ions seem to be one p r o v i s i o n a l member of the J u n i o r League among the West Vancouver women and the members of the U n i v e r s i t y Club w i t h i n each w o r l d . None of the West Vancouver men belonged to the Vancouver Club but belonged i n s t e a d to the l e s s p r e s t i g i o u s men's c l u b s : the Terminal C i t y C l u b , the Eng ineers ' C l u b , or the U n i v e r s i t y Club ( a g a i n , I r e f e r to McDonald f o r t h i s assessment of the Terminal C i t y C l u b . ^ ) Considered as a whole , bus iness c lub membership seemed somewhat l e s s important t o the West Vancouver men than to those i n the Shaughnessy group, w i t h only f i v e of the former 28 15 be longing to a men's c lub as opposed to 11 of the l a t t e r 28. Al though 13 of the f a m i l i e s belonged to none, of the West Vancouver i tes who d i d belong to s o c i a l c l u b s , memberships were to one of two country c lubs l o c a t e d i n West Vancouver and/or one of two yach t c l u b s , as shown i n Table 4 . 1 2 . The s o c i a l c lubs tended to be used f o r t h e i r f a c i l i t i e s , such as moorage or t e n n i s c o u r t s , r a t h e r than f o r s o c i a l i s i n g . The ex tent to which c lubs do not act as v e h i c l e s through which f r i e n d s h i p s are formed or as p laces where s o c i a l i s i n g occurs f o r the West Vancouver i tes r e l a t i v e to the women o r i e n t e d t o the Shaughnessy s o c i a l wor ld i s shown i n Tables 77 Table 4 . 1 1 . Percentages of Members In Each S o c i a l World Who Acknowledged S o c i a l i s i n g With Persons In Each Category Of R e l a t i o n s h i p * CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS S o c i a l Shaughnessy o l d e r younger World West Vancouver c lub r e l a t e d 57% 79% 21% school f r i e n d 100% 53% 32% neighbour 29% 47% 50% bus iness r e l a t e d 14% 32% 50% * Each person cou ld i n d i c a t e as many c a t e g o r i e s as seemed r e l e v a n t . Source : the author . Table 4 . 1 2 . Club Membership For The West Vancouver S o c i a l World 1 1 1 4 5 6 7 8 1 6 0 0 2 0 0 0 < 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 4 1 0 0 0 0 5 2 0 0 0 6 1 0 0 7 - 0 0 8 2 1 2 3 4 Ho l l yburn Country Club Capi lano Go l f and Country Club West Vancouver Yacht Club Royal Vancouver Yacht Club 5 6 7 8 l o c a l a t h l e t i c c l u b s Eng ineers ' Club U n i v e r s i t y Club Terminal C i t y Club Source : the author . 78 4.10 and 4 . 1 1 . Only 21% of the West Vancouver i tes mentioned c l u b - r e l a t e d a s s o c i a t e s as persons w i t h whom they a s s o c i a t e d r e g u l a r l y and only 11% s t a t e d t h a t a c l o s e f r i e n d s h i p had been formed through such a medium. F r i e n d s h i p s had deve loped , i n s t e a d , through the c h i l d r e n and t h e i r s c h o o l s , through the husband's work, the neighbourhood, or through u n i v e r s i t y . S o c i a l i s i n g g e n e r a l l y occurs w i t h the husband's bus iness a s s o c i a t e s , ne ighbours , or u n i v e r s i t y f r i e n d s . Thus, q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t p r o f i l e emerges f o r the Shaughnessy and the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d s . The Shaughnessy wor ld i s q u i t e p r o v i n c i a l , i n the sense t h a t many members grew up i n the neighbourhood and have mainta ined f r i e n d s h i p s over a l i f e t i m e . The husbands are p r o f e s s i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d , an i n d i c a t i o n , perhaps , of a t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n . Both the men and women are community minded, v o l u n t e e r i n g g reat amounts of t ime and energy f o r community or p h i l a n t h r o p i c work. Three or four c lubs or o r g a n i s a t i o n s serve t o i n t e g r a t e the s o c i a l community so t h a t a g reat many i n d i v i d u a l s share mutual networks of f r i e n d s and acqua in tances . The West Vancouver i tes ' p r o f i l e d i f f e r s i n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s have been i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y r e c r u i t e d (a l though they are not p a r t i c u l a r l y " j e t - s e t t e r s " t o d a y ) . Most have l e f t behind t h e i r ch i ldhood r e s i d e n c e s . They are r e l e a s e d from geo-g r a p h i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y . Both the husbands and the wives lead r a t h e r i n s u l a r l i v e s compared to those i n v o l v e d w i th the Shaughnessy w o r l d . The f a m i l y i s the focus of the West Vancouver women's w o r l d . The idea of be longing t o a c o l l e c t i v i t y and a c t i n g i n concer t w i t h others i s f o r e i g n to them. The network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i s fragmented and d i f f u s e . I t i s suggested t h a t these two s o c i a l wor lds o f f e r i n t e r e s t i n g c o n -t r a s t s between i n d i v i d u a l s absorbed i n a group and those who are c o n s c i o u s l y l e s s i n v o l v e d . Th is comparison i s not one between abso lu tes i n s o c i a l 79 environments but r a t h e r a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of r e l a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s . I f one's i d e n t i t y i s a r t i c u l a t e d through communicative i n t e r a c t i o n with others and i s t h e r e f o r e r e l a t i v e to one's s o c i a l world, then one would expect a some-what d i f f e r e n t view of the s e l f and the house as an expressive medium f o r persons involved i n these d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds. A t t i t u d e s towards home decoration w i l l be examined as an index of the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l worlds. 80 FOOTNOTES Peter C. P ineo and John P o r t e r , "Occupat ional P r e s t i g e i n Canada" i n E.O. Laumann, P a u l , M. S i e g e l and R.W. Hodge ( e d s . ) , The Logic of S o c i a l  H i e r a r c h i e s (Markham P u b l i s h i n g C o . , Ch icago , 1970) , 174-188. 2 Th is i s suggested a l s o by R .P . S t u c k e r t ' s ev idence t h a t o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y i s a s s o c i a t e d w i th l e s s f a m i l y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , l e s s use of the f a m i l y as a re fe rence group and l e s s concern f o r the u n i t y of the extended f a m i l y : "Occupat iona l M o b i l i t y and Family R e l a t i o n s h i p s " i n Normal W. B e l l and Ezra F. Vogel ( e d s . ) , A Modern I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Family (The Free P r e s s , New Y o r k , 1968) , pp. 160-168. 3 H. Zorbaugh, The Gold Coast and the Slum ( U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , Ch icago , 1929) , p. 65 . n B e n i t a Luckmann, "The Small L i f e - w o r l d s of Modern Man," S o c i a l  Research , v o l . 37 (1970) , p. 590. 5 Zorbaugh, The Gold Coast and the S lum, p. 6 1 . 6 I b i d . pamphlet from the Designer Home ' 7 9 , p. 5 . g Two lawyers belonged to the U n i v e r s i t y Club r a t h e r than the Vancouver C lub . One o f the wives i n d i c a t e d t h a t her husband belonged t o the former c l u b because of the e x p l i c i t l y a n t i - S e m i t i c p o l i c y of the Vancouver C lub . Peter Newman has also.commented on t h i s p o l i c y of the Vancouver C l u b : " . . . the t h i n l y d i s g u i s e d a n t i - S e m i t i s m of the Vancouver Club . . . " i n h i s book The Canadian Es tab l i shment (McC le l land and S t e w a r t , To ronto , 1975) , p. 235. g Robert McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver" , Ph .D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , Department of H i s t o r y , 1972. ^ D. G u t s t e i n , "The Deve loper ' s TEAM: Vancouver 's ' r e f o r m ' par t y i n power", C i t y Magazine, v o l . 1 (Dec. 1974- Jan . 1975) , p. 14. ^ McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver ." 12 The p r o v i n c i a l nature of the o l d e r women's group was r e a l l y q u i t e extreme. One woman, knowing t h a t I had l i v e d i n Vancouver f o r the l a s t two years as a graduate s t u d e n t , wished me a p l e a s a n t v i s i t . 81 G.D. Berreman: " S c a l e and S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s : Thoughtsand Three Examples ," i n F. Bar th ( e d . ) , Sca le and S o c i a l O r g a n i s a t i o n ( U n i v e r s i t e t s -f o r l a g e t , O s l o , 1978) , pp. 4 1 - 7 7 . 14 McDonald, "Bus iness Leaders i n E a r l y Vancouver ." 15 Another Shaughnessy male belonged t o the F a c u l t y Club - hence the f i g u r e 10 i n Table 4 . 9 and the f i g u r e 11 i n the t e x t . 82 CHAPTER 5 INTERIOR DECORATION AND THE USE OF INTERIOR DESIGNERS The s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n t i m a t e d by i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n are q u i t e g e n e r a l l y r e c o g n i s e d . They; have been s p e c i f i e d , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n a l o c a l Vancouver magazine by B i l l S w i t z e r , a Vancouver i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r : "Happiness i s dependent on t a s t e , not on th ings t h e m s e l v e s . " 1 L e f t unstated i s the assumption t h a t what i s cons idered to be t a s t e f u l i s dependent on one's s o c i a l w o r l d . "The possess ion of t a s t e , " w r i t e s Mumford, " i s an important i n - g r o u p c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and one which i s s u b t l y d i f f e r e n -2 3 t i a t i n g . " I f "our home i s our corner of the w o r l d " i t , l i k e our own i d e n t i t y , does not e x i s t i n i s o l a t i o n from the r e s t . I f d e c o r a t i o n means, q u i t e l i t e r a l l y , t o f u r n i s h or adorn a house w i t h something t h a t i s becoming or o rnamenta l , and i f what i s cons idered to be becoming or o r n a -mental i s r e l a t i v e t o one 's s o c i a l w o r l d , then the i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n can serve t o document d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l w o r l d s . B u t , as Peter C a r l s e r p o i n t s o u t , " c o l l e c t i n g i s a mature a c t i v i t y . The necessary v i r t u e s - p a t i e n c e , a keen sense of va lue and p r o p o r t i o n , a 4 knowledge of o n e s e l f - a l l seem t o be the marks of age and exper ience" and , i t may be added, vary by s o c i a l w o r l d . Documentation of one's s o c i a l i d e n t i t y can r e q u i r e the use of a p r o f e s s i o n a l . An i n t e r i o r des igner i s an exper t c r e a t o r of " t a s t e f u l " env i ronments . The use of an i n t e r i o r des igner demands at l e a s t a l i t t l e s e l f consciousness about the p r e s e n t a b i l i t y of one 's house. The des igner one chooses w i l l depend on what one wishes to present and to whom. 83 I t thus seemed t h a t matters of t a s t e , the use of i n t e r i o r des igners and the cho ice of p a r t i c u l a r des igners might act as u s e f u l markers of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l w o r l d s . These i n d i c e s w i l l be cons idered w i t h regard to the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d s . Taste The words t a s t e and s t y l e are o f ten used synonymously, but I t h i n k they d e s c r i b e very d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t i e s . Taste i s , at l e a s t i n p a r t , the a b i l i t y to d i s c e r n among many th ings t h a t are o f f e r e d and then choose the b e s t . Taste can be acqu i red through c a r e f u l l y f o l l o w i n g examples or learned through c o n n o i s s e u r s h i p . I f presented w i th a c o l l e c t i o n of p a i n t i n g s , f o r example, the person of t a s t e w i l l immediately recogn ize the one w i th the best execut ion and b lend ing of c o l o u r s . S t y l e , on the other hand, i s much more a c t i v e . . . A person of s t y l e , presented w i th t h a t same c o l l e c t i o n of p a i n t i n g s , might see how s e v e r a l of them could be enhanced by being grouped i n a c e r t a i n way, or might see beauty i n a p a i n t i n g others have passed by. When asked t h e i r pe rcept ions of how t h e i r t a s t e had been deve loped , 71% of the younger and 86% of the o l d e r Shaughnessy women f e l t t h a t i t had been formed by t h e i r p a r e n t s . The assumed c o n t i n u i t y of t a s t e between generat ions i s captured by the f o l l o w i n g remark, made by one of the o l d e r Shaughnessy women: "Before you marry someone, you want to see how they l i v e and, b e t t e r y e t , how t h e i r parents l i v e to see what . they expect and what t h e y ' r e comfortable w i t h . " Of those i n t h i s s o c i a l wor ld who f e l t t h a t t h e i r t a s t e d iverged from t h a t of t h e i r p a r e n t s , most s a i d they f e l t t h a t they p r e f e r r e d t h i n g s which were l e s s formal and l e s s o r n a t e . For example, "My p a r e n t s ' home was very formal. . I t had a p a r l o u r . I always loved my f r i e n d s ' homes because they were so comfortable - a l l c h i n t z and s t u f f ! " 84 The West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld p a r t i c i p a n t s were not as w i l l i n g t o a s c r i b e t h e i r t a s t e t o t r a d i t i o n and seemed more a t t e n t i v e to cu r ren t f a s h i o n t r e n d s . They seemed to be more i n t e r e s t e d i n what was o u t l i n e d above as s t y l e than i n t a s t e . In any c a s e , 78% f e l t tha t t h e i r t a s t e was un in f luenced by and complete ly d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r parents' . Examples of the comments i n c l u d e : "My mother has i n f l u e n c e d my t a s t e to the ex tent t h a t I have o f t e n reac ted i n the oppos i te d i r e c t i o n . " " I n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n was not a moving i n t e r e s t f o r my mother and f a t h e r . T h e i r house was d u l l and what they d i d was not i n n o v a t i v e . " "Oh n o , my t a s t e d e f i n i t e l y wasn ' t i n f l u e n c e d by my p a r e n t s . They had o ld t h i n g s . " "Eve ry th ing t h a t my mother has i s drab - a l l beiges and browns." Rather , they f e l t t h a t t h e i r t a s t e had been i n f l u e n c e d by peers and by magazines. One a l s o mentioned t h a t "Because of my husband's job [as a deve loper ] we've been exposed t o a r c h i t e c t s and d e s i g n e r s . Th is has probably prompted me t o take a g r e a t e r i n t e r e s t / i n des ign and cu r ren t t r e n d s . " There d i d seem t o be a g r e a t e r r e l i a n c e on popular magazines amongst the West Vancouver i tes . One woman d e s c r i b e d two popular des ign magazines as her " b i b l e s " through which she looked f o r ideas on c o l o u r and how to "put th ings t o g e t h e r . " While ten of the younger Shaughnessy women (48%) and f o u r of the o l d e r (57%) s t a t e d tha t they never g lanced at t h i s type of magazine, on ly three of the West Vancouver people (11%) made t h i s k ind of s tatement . The a c t u a l magazines subsc r ibed t o , when there was an i n t e r e s t , d i f f e r e d s l i g h t l y across s o c i a l w o r l d s . Whi le A r c h i t e c t u r a l Digest and House and Garden, two American i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n magaz ines , were mentioned by people from both w o r l d s , 32% of the West Vancouver magazine s u b s c r i b e r s mentioned a d d i t i o n a l magazines which are t h e i r own persona l f a v o u r i t e s . When asked about magazine c h o i c e , one West Vancouver woman suggested t h a t 85 I would not have heard of her f a v o u r i t e s , Southern L i v i n g and Sunset . What i s of i n t e r e s t here i s her own suggest ion of i n d i v i d u a l i t y through her s e l e c t i o n of p u b l i c media i tems . Another woman subsc r ibed t o a French i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n magazine, her f r i e n d t o B r i t i s h and Canadian ones , and another f r i e n d to Swedish magazines. Severa l women mainta ined an a l l e g i a n c e t o the f a s h i o n s of t h e i r homeland by s u b s c r i b i n g t o overseas magazines. The Shaughnessy women were notab ly vague as to what they f e l t they got out of these magazines. The magazines are u s e f u l f o r g i v i n g one a " f e e l " but one " i s not a s l a v e t o them" and " c e r t a i n l y wou ldn ' t copy any-t h i n g out of one . " One gets " ideas about t h i n g s which are a v a i l a b l e f o r the k i t c h e n and bathroom," notab ly s e r v i c e o r i e n t e d rooms. In sharp c o n t r a s t , many West Vancouver women mentioned q u i t e s p e c i f i c usage. F i ve mentioned the e d u c a t i o n a l use of these magazines. For i n s t a n c e , "I look to see what the des igners have done. A f t e r a w h i l e you can see why they have done what they have done." "They keep me up to date i n my t h i n k i n g about i n t e r i o r d e s i g n . " "I look at A r c h i t e c t u r a l D igest f o r i n f o r m a t i o n on ant iques and on a r t i s t s and works of a r t . " Another f i v e mentioned the a c t u a l implementat ion of i n t e r i o r s c i t e d i n magazines. As examples, "A room t h a t I saw i n A r c h i t e c t u r a l D igest prompted me to do mine w i t h two wing-backed c h a i r s and a r o l l - b a c k couch . " "My f a v o u r i t e room i n A r c h i - t e c t u r a l D igest was Candice Bergen 's house; I would love t o achieve t h i s f e e l i n my own house although I would never s a y , ' t h a t ' s a p iece I l i k e ' and look f o r i t . " "We copied our l i v i n g room [the design f o r the hear th ] from an i s s u e of House B e a u t i f u l ; I loved t h a t i s s u e - i t ' s probably s t i l l a r o u n d . " Another f o u r mentioned the use fu lness of magazines f o r consumer i n f o r m a t i o n regard ing f u r n i t u r e . Thus, w h i l e Shaughnessy women " i n h e r i t e d " t h e i r t a s t e , West Vancouver i tes acqu i red t h e i r t a s t e through the media . 86 Shaughnessy women f e l t put upon t o e x p l a i n t h a t they were r e l a t i v e l y unaf -f e c t e d by these magazines w h i l e West Vancouver i tes openly acknowledged t h e i r i n f l u e n c e . When asked to c o n s i d e r whether there was something o b j e c t i v e about good t a s t e , 38% of the younger and 57% of the o l d e r Shaughnessy women f e l t t h a t there was. D i f f e r e n t responses i n c l u d e d f o u r of the f o l l o w i n g : I c a n ' t t e l l you what good t a s t e i s . I t has to do w i t h the des ign and c o l o u r - i t ' s not g a r i s h i f i t ' s i n good t a s t e . I t ' s d i f f i c u l t to a r t i c u l a t e but I cou ld take you i n t o a f u r n i t u r e s t o r e and t e l l you what i s i n good t a s t e and what i s i n bad . . . I can g i ve you an example. When the g r o u t i n g was being redone around the f i r e p l a c e , I came home and found t h a t the f e l l o w had done i t so t h a t one h a l f i n c h of the g r o u t i n g was showing between every t i l e . I t o l d him t h a t i t looked very o rd inary and i n s i s t e d t h a t he redo i t . W e l l , I t h i n k t h a t he thought t h a t I was very snooty . But i t looked l i k e what y o u ' d f i n d i n any d e v e l o p -ment house. "A house i n g o o d . t a s t e i s very subdued - you walk o u t , not remembering anyth ing i n p a r t i c u l a r . " "Good t a s t e has a f r e s h n e s s , an o r i g i n a l i t y w i thout extremes. There i s a c l a s s i c i s m to the l i n e s . There must be something o b j e c t i v e to i t because some des ign i s t i m e l e s s . " Good t a s t e depends on one's l e v e l of e d u c a t i o n . I f you go i n t o the homes o f : p e o p l e who have only a pr imary school e d u c a t i o n , the d e c o r a t i o n i s horrendous. And you see people buying s t u f f i n s t o r e s which i s h o r r i b l e , g a r i s h and cheap. I t h i n k t h a t a f t e r people get beyond a c e r t a i n l e v e l of educat ion there i s a c e r t a i n amount of v a r i e t y which i s s t i l l i n the realm of good t a s t e . For i n s t a n c e , a l though I have a very t r a d i t i o n a l home, I can go i n t o a very modern one and t h i n k t h a t i t i s smash ing . " Another 43% of the .younger and 29% of the o l d e r Shaughnessy women r e f e r r e d to a r e l a t i v i t y of t a s t e depending on one 's s o c i a l m i l i e u . For example, " I t depends on what y o u ' r e used t o . " " I t i s a matter of op in ion and 87 f a s h i o n . " " I t depends on what a u t h o r i t y you pay a t t e n t i o n t o . " Very few women i n d i c a t e d tha t t a s t e was a matter of i n d i v i d u a l p r e f e r e n c e . I t i s a s o c i a l phenomenon, one's t a s t e i s dependent upon one's s o c i a l w o r l d . The West Vancouver i tes were not as w i l l i n g to c o n s i d e r t a s t e as an o b j e c t i v e or s o c i a l f a c t . Only 29% thought t h a t there was such a t h i n g as good t a s t e . For these i n d i v i d u a l s the Shaughnessy women's formula of good t a s t e - s u b t l e and s imple - and bad t a s t e - g a r i s h - d i d not a p p l y . R a t h e r , " g e n e r a l l y the people w i t h good t a s t e have been more i n t e r e s t e d and aware of the w o r l d . They know more than t h e i r 300 yards around them." Good t a s t e i s a s s o c i a t e d w i th a cosmopol i tan o u t l o o k . I t i s " i n t e r e s t i n g f u r n i s h i n g s and p a i n t i n g s . " Bad t a s t e i s "anyth ing tha t i s too b l a n d , " "a s t o r e window look tha t has no p e r s o n a l i t y , " " t h a t which no thought has been put i n t o . " The others were l i k e l y to d e s c r i b e good t a s t e as "what I l i k e " or as t h a t w i th which one f e e l s c o m f o r t a b l e . Th is i s presented as a very " p e r s o n a l " t h i n g . Although the West Vancouver women were e v i d e n t l y responding t o a media conveyed d e f i n i t i o n of t a s t e , they presented t h e i r own t a s t e as an i n d i v i d u a l phenomenon. Not one mentioned t h a t one's personal p re ferences might be shaped by one's s o c i a l m i l i e u . N e i t h e r , f o r women o r i e n t e d to what has been termed the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d , i s one's t a s t e f i x e d through t i m e . F o r t y - f o u r percent of these women mentioned marked s h i f t s i n l i k e s and d i s l i k e s of s t y l e s of i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n . One d e s c r i b e d h e r s e l f as having gone through an oak phase. During the f l u s h she had c o l l e c t e d q u i t e a l o t of oak but would now l i k e to get r i d of i t because she d o e s n ' t " t h i n k t h a t i t i s so g reat anymore." Another mentioned t h a t th ings , t h a t she loved ten years ago may not appeal t o her now. She used, to have a penchant f o r teak but now f i n d s i t c o l d and s t a r k . Another woman had shipped a l l of her f u r n i t u r e from her homeland 88 but was now s e l l i n g i t , her only r e g r e t being t h a t i t was t a k i n g some t ime to f i n d a buyer f o r her s o l i d mahogany d i n i n g room s u i t e . She and her husband had c o n s c i o u s l y decided to buy l e s s e x p e n s i v e , more " t rendy" t h i n g s w i th an eye to f u t u r e change. With both her c l o t h e s and home f u r n i s h i n g s she would p r e f e r to buy cheaper and more f a d d i s h t h i n g s and not be "s tuck w i th them" a f t e r w a r d s . She has a d i s d a i n f o r " c l a s s i c l i n e s " and cons iders them to be "dowdy." The i n t e r i o r des igner who designed t h i s woman's house mentioned her negat ive a t t i t u d e s towards permanence as a p r i n c i p l e around which the des ign was o r g a n i s e d . "The house was b u i l t s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r these people and they wanted i t to be p e r f e c t when they went i n t o i t . There was more or l e s s an open ended budget. Even s o , you can walk i n t o i t and f e e l 'How long are these people going to be i n t h i s house?' You know t h a t they w i l l change the whole house i n f i v e to ten years and there w i l l be new e v e r y t h i n g . Because of t h i s , the rugs are not Pe rs ians but are c o p i e s . They are not i n t e r e s t e d i n them as investment p i e c e s . " Another d e s c r i b e d her house as being i n perpetua l mot ion . "For i n s t a n c e , I'm going t o s e l l t h i s c o f f e e t a b l e and the lamps change a l l of the t i m e . The on ly t h i n g t h a t I ' l l keep u n t i l I d i e i s the p i a n o . I t cost $ 1 6 , 0 0 0 . 0 0 . " Not a l l of the West Vancouver women cou ld be cons idered f a d d i s h (most would probably p r e f e r the term " s t y l i s h " ) . Severa l of the women a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the s o - c a l l e d West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld d i d mention sent imenta l attachments to o b j e c t s , a l though i t was not as a l l - p e r v a s i v e as i n the Shaughnessy w o r l d . G e n e r a l l y , there was l e s s compunction about t u r n i n g over b e l o n g i n g s . Sent imenta l attachments were o f ten f o r ob jec ts t h a t the women and t h e i r husbands had bought together and "had meaning" because they harked back to an occas ion t h a t the two had shared . For 89 i n s t a n c e , one woman desc r ibed how attached, she was t o a p i e c e of Mexican s c u l p t u r e of two c rea tu res danc ing . She had bought i t the day t h a t her husband had acqu i red a new j o b . In her words, " I t was too expensive and we c o u l d n ' t a f f o r d i t but i t spoke of the two of us . I t ep i tomised the happiness and freedom t h a t t h a t new job meant ." In f a c t , f a m i l y hei r looms were not always greeted w i t h enthus iasm. One woman expressed r e s e r v a t i o n s about i n h e r i t i n g f u r n i t u r e . Her husband's f a m i l y had g iven them a l a r g e g randfa ther c l o c k which was now s i t t i n g i n the l i v i n g room. She f e l t t h a t i t d i d not f i t i n w i th the design of the room and resented the f a c t t h a t i t got i n the way of' a baby grand p iano t h a t she had envisaged f o r the space. The Shaughnessy women, on the other hand, were very l i k e l y t o mention sent imenta l attachments to f a m i l y h e i r l o o m s . With r e f e r e n c e t o a d e s c r i p t i o n of a person who d i d change h i s or her be longings on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , the t y p i c a l response was " t h a t ' s not me." Th is person was cons idered t o be " r o o t l e s s and c o m p u l s i v e , " " s u p e r f i c i a l , " " s h a l l o w " and even " s i n f u l . " Th is was " m a t e r i a l i s m at i t s h e i g h t . " Indeed, many Shaughnessy women had never r e a l l y bought much f u r n i t u r e i n comparison to the West Vancouver women. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t t h i s d i f f e r e n c e r e f l e c t s three or f o u r genera -t i o n s o f s t a t u s s t a b i l i t y f o r Shaughnessy persons as opposed t o two f o r the West V a n c o u v e r i t e s . For i n s t a n c e , some of the Shaughnessy i n h e r i t a n c e was from the e s t a t e s of grandmothers and great aunts and not from mothers and f a t h e r s who were o f ten s t i l l l i v i n g . Th is l i n e of reasoning i s , however, pu re l y s p e c u l a t i v e . Al though West Vancouver i tes r a r e l y mentioned i n h e r i t -ing f u r n i t u r e from grandfathers and grandmothers t h i s may r e f l e c t t h e i r i n t e r n a t i o n a l rec ru i tment or t h e i r "modern" o r i e n t a t i o n r a t h e r than a less " e s t a b l i s h e d " background. In any c a s e , when asked how and when they had 90 acqu i red t h e i r f u r n i t u r e , most Shaughnessy women mentioned t h a t a t l e a s t some came through the f a m i l y . A t y p i c a l r e p l y was "most of i t has been g iven to us by the two f a m i l i e s . We've only had to buy the c h e s t e r f i e l d and the two easy c h a i r s . My mother always t o l d me t h a t I would come to t r e a s u r e her a n t i q u e s . " Or , A l o t has been handed down. When we were f i r s t mar r ied we were g iven the l a r g e blue Indian wool rug i n the l i v i n g room and we have had t o decorate around t h a t ever s i n c e . . . A l o t of the a r t has a l s o been i n h e r i t e d . My husband's g reat g rand -mother was one of the f i r s t B r i t i s h w a t e r e d o u r i s t s and most of the p a i n t i n g s are h e r s . Although most of these people had a l s o bought a c e r t a i n amount of f u r n i t u r e themselves , i t was s t r e s s e d t h a t t h i s had been done " s l o w l y , " b i t by b i t " , "over t ime" or "over the l a s t 17 y e a r s . " L i v i n g w i th a room f u r n i s h e d a l l at once would " f e e l l i k e being i n a c a p s u l e . " In one i n s t a n c e , an o lder Shaughnessy woman had r e c e n t l y ordered E n g l i s h l i n e n to r e p l a c e a prev ious E n g l i s h l i n e n which had covered her l i v i n g room f u r n i t u r e f o r 22 y e a r s . The woman s t a t e d t h a t , had she been a b l e , she would a c t u a l l y have l i k e d to order the o r i g i n a l f a b r i c again - she was so at tached t o i t . Although the Shaughnessy women t r a v e l l e d e x t e n s i v e l y , most f u r n i s h -ings were purchased i n Vancouver. In c o n t r a s t , 40% of the women i n the West Vancouver group spontaneously mentioned t h e . d i f f i c u l t i e s of f u r n i s h i n g one's house i n Vancouver. I t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r one t o f i n d "neat" f u r n i t u r e i n Vancouver. Neat f u r n i t u r e i s f u r n i t u r e which other people d o n ' t have and which i s d i f f e r e n t from the f u r n i t u r e t h a t t h i s woman a l ready has . For one who i s f o l l o w i n g t r e n d s , the Vancouver market i s cons idered t o be l i m i t e d . Magazines are used as windows onto the des ign wor ld and f u r n i t u r e i s sometimes ordered through them. One woman had ordered most of her 91 f u r n i t u r e from M o n t r e a l ; she owned ob jec ts t h a t she had l o c a t e d by l o o k i n g through magazines. I n t e r i o r : des igners are used f o r the same reason because they are i n touch w i th a wider wor ld of f a s h i o n . In the words of one, "You have to use one i n Vancouver. Things j u s t a r e n ' t a v a i l a b l e . Vancouver i s behind the t i m e s . I'm r e a l l y q u i t e c o n s e r v a t i v e and i t c a n ' t even s a t i s f y me." The perce ived and apparent i n d i v i d u a l i t y of home f u r n i s h i n g s d i f f e r e d r e l a t i v e to the s o c i a l w o r l d . When asked whether t h e i r homes d i f f e r e d , i n terms of f u r n i s h i n g s , from those of t h e i r f r i e n d s , 78% of the West Vancouver women i n d i c a t e d t h a t they d i d . "Few people decorate l i k e t h i s - i t i s so w i l d , " exc la imed one woman. The bare wooden f l o o r s a r e , she f e l t , d i s t i n c t i v e or a t l e a s t were f i v e years ago when they f i r s t decorated ( t h i s put her i n the p o s i t i o n of being a f a s h i o n l e a d e r ) . A la rge totem pole i n the l i v i n g room i s a l s o not o rd ina ry p a r l o u r f a r e . Another woman f e l t t h a t her home was d i f f e r e n t because she favoured o l d e r th ings w h i l e most f r i e n d s had cedar and g l a s s houses , thought e v e r y t h i n g good was new and t h a t she was " d a f t . " Despi te her o r i e n t a t i o n towards o l d e r . t h i n g s , t h i s woman was desc r ibed by a f r i e n d as a " t rend f o l l o w e r ; " ant iques had s imp ly been the l a t e s t i n a long l i n e of t r e n d s . In o ther West Vancouver examples, one woman thought her house to be " b u s i e r and g a u d i e r , " another to be "more f o r m a l " and another to be " l e s s c o m p l e t e . " Another s t a t e d t h a t , as her f a m i l y ' s way of l i f e and i t s members' p e r s o n -a l i t i e s d i f f e r e d from those of f r i e n d s , so does t h e i r sense of c o l o u r . One West Vancouver woman commented t h a t , " y e s , our house d i f f e r s . Our f r i e n d s are. so mixed. Canada as a m e l t i n g pot i s r e f l e c t e d i n our f r i e n d -s h i p s . I t would be bo r ing i f your f r i e n d s a l l l i v e d i n s i m i l a r c i r c u m -s t a n c e s . " I n t e r e s t i n g l y , one woman po in ted to the uniqueness of the houses 92 as a b ind ing f a c t o r between her f r i e n d s and h e r s e l f : "No, our house i s n ' t p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f e r e n t from our f r i e n d s ' . They a l l tend to have a view or something unique about them - maybe t h e y ' r e on a dead end s t r e e t . " Some of the women's t a s t e s i n t h i s wor ld cou ld be s a i d to be very c l o s e to those of the Shaughnessy women; the t a s t e s of others would be c o n -s i d e r e d to be the he ight of bad t a s t e by Shaughnessy women. Indeed, there i s a d i v e r s i t y of t a s t e s w i t h i n the contemporary o r i e n t a t i o n of the West Vancouver i tes . When i n d i v i d u a l s o r i e n t e d to the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld d i d p o i n t t o reasons why t h e i r homes were s i m i l a r i t was because they as persons have " s i m i l a r p e r s o n a l i t i e s " or are " a l l f a m i l y o r i e n t e d " and not because they belong i n a s i m i l a r s o c i a l mi l i e u . The " p e r s o n a l " nature of t a s t e f o r West Vancouver i tes i s suggested by the f a c t t h a t t a s t e and personal c r e a t i v i t y were cons idered t o be the most important t h i n g s t h a t the house might revea l about a person . A l l respondents were asked what they f e l t was revea led about a person by t h e i r house. T h e i r v a r i e d responses, were then c l a s s i f i e d under a number of c a t e g o r i e s , as shown i n Table 5 . 1 . For i n s t a n c e , a statement such as "The k inds of f u r n i s h i n g s and pa t te rns t e l l you whether a person i s f l a m -boyant or d r a m a t i c . They t e l l you how o r i g i n a l the person i s " was c l a s s i -f i e d under the heading ' I n d i v i d u a l C r e a t i v i t y ' . Another such a s , "You can t e l l i f they have an organised or s c a t t e r e d mind from the c l u t t e r " was c l a s s i f i e d under ' O r g a n i s a t i o n ' . Another l i k e , "You can t e l l i f the person i s too r i g i d or a p e r f e c t i o n i s t i f the house i s always p e r f e c t , " was c l a s s i f i e d as ' R i g i d i t y ' . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y was spontaneously mentioned by West Vancouver i tes as the most important t h i n g t h a t a house might r e v e a l . They a l s o o f f e r e d the most extreme statements equat ing c h a r a c t e r and p a r t i c u l a r d e c o r a t i n g s t y l e s . 93 For i n s t a n c e , "She was an a r t i f i c i a l lady and she had an a r t i f i c i a l house. She had dyed blond h a i r and wore s y n t h e t i c s and her house was new and cheap . . . there were p l a s t i c f l owers everywhere. There was a b s o l u t e l y no way t h a t I cou ld l i k e h e r . " , "I d o n ' t care f o r French P r o v i n c i a l f u r n i t u r e -i t ' s too f r i l l y . People who decorate t h i s way would not become good f r i e n d s of mine. I have found t h i s i n the p a s t . " , "B lue s i g n i f i e s l o y a l t y , green expresses t o l e r a n c e . . . . " , "People who have nudes and m i r r o r s around are e g o t i s t i c a l . " Th is type of p h r e n o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c h a r a c t e r on the b a s i s of s t y l i s t i c v a r i a t i o n was l e s s common f o r the Shaughnessy women. I n s t e a d , neatness and i n t e r e s t s , as revea led by spor ts equipment, a r t , and books , were th ings tha t Shaughnessy r e s i d e n t s mentioned more o f ten as t h a t which can be read from a person ' s house. Perhaps i t i s not t h a t the Shaughnessy women do not use these s te reotypes b u t , r a t h e r , t h a t a conformi ty i n t a s t e i s taken f o r granted and i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y as expressed through the house i s not of prime importance. In f a c t , 72% of the Shaughnessy group f e l t t h a t t h e i r homes were s i m i l a r to those of t h e i r f r i e n d s . " I n s i d e of our houses y o u ' l l f i n d very much the same th ings - the same c h a i r s , the same c h e s t e r f i e l d s , the same lamps, the same books and music . G e n e r a l l y they are very n i c e homes to be i n . " Another responded by s a y i n g : G e n e r a l l y there i s no d i f f e r e n c e between our houses. We l i v e the same way, we a l l went to a few s c h o o l s , g e n e r a l l y our houses are the same. You cou ld take my c h e s t e r f i e l d and drop i t i n t o a f r i e n d ' s l i v i n g room and i t would f i t . The people who t r i e d to be d i f f e r e n t when we were a l l f i r s t mar r ied have changed back to look the same. 94 Table 5 . 1 . Things Which Are Revealed By The House THINGS REVEALED S o c i a l Shaughnessy n=28 Worlds West Vancouver n=28 Organ isa t ion 50% 39% R i g i d i t y 38% 21% Home v s . Showplace 24% 25% Taste 18% 25% I n d i v i d u a l C r e a t i v i t y 14% 43% I n t e r e s t s and A c t i v i t i e s 43% 14% Not Reveal ing of Anything 29% 7% Source : the author . Another woman s a i d , " S u r e , there i s a l o t of u n i f o r m i t y - i t ' s d i f f i c u l t to avo id . . . We a l l have P e r s i a n carpets and l o t s o f p l a n t s . " And another , "No, we a l l have t r a d i t i o n a l f u r n i t u r e . " Onewoman d e s c r i b e d how she had been.unable to make d e c i s i o n s about d e c o r a t i n g her new house when a l i e n a t e d from her group of f r i e n d s through a move between c i t i e s . She found , however, t h a t "once y o u . e s t a b l i s h f r i e n d s again who you can d i s c u s s th ings w i t h , you f i n d your i d e n t i t y a g a i n " and the d e c o r a t i n g problems are r e s o l v e d . Another f e l t the r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s of t h i s group-ness . She noted the pressures to conform as she got o l d e r . "The b r i c k and wood s h e l v i n g and the w icker f u r n i t u r e i s no longer a c c e p t a b l e . You have to have t r a d i t i o n a l f u r n i t u r e . " One of her s o c i a l cohor ts cou ld have been address ing her d i r e c t l y : " S u r e , we a l l conform p r e t t y much to an upper middle c l a s s s t e r e o t y p e . But you know, you have to come to terms w i t h your l i f e s t y l e and not worry about t r y i n g t o be d i f f e r e n t through your house. The house d e c o r a t i o n i s r e a l l y not the i s s u e . " 95 To summarise the e m p i r i c a l f i n d i n g s thus f a r , the Shaughnessy s o c i a l wor ld i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a t r a d i t i o n a l i s m a s s o c i a t e d w i th a s t rong -g roup f o c u s . Th is i s h i g h l y ev ident i n the realm of commodity consumption (see F igure 5 .1 ) . The Shaughnessy women's t a s t e i s cons idered by them to be o b j e c t i v e or s o c i a l l y de f ined and to have been formed by t h e i r p a r e n t s . They r e l y on the group standards of t a s t e r a t h e r than on i n f o r m a t i o n obta ined v i a the media. T h e i r i n h e r i t e d home f u r n i s h i n g s q u i t e l i t e r a l l y o f f e r them t i e s to t h e i r p a s t , and the conformi ty i n these and t h e i r c u r r e n t cho ices bind them to the group. In extreme c o n t r a s t , the West Vancouver i tes t h i n k t a s t e t o be an i n d i v i d u a l l y d e f i n e d m a t t e r . They c o n s i d e r t h e i r t a s t e to be un in f luenced by t h e i r parents but r e l y i n s t e a d on the standards and f a s h i o n s por t rayed i n i n t e r i o r des ign magazines (see F igure 5 . 2 ) . F u r n i t u r e i s changed r e g u l a r l y to keep up w i t h the t rends so d i s p l a y e d and they con -s i d e r t h a t t h e i r t a s t e a c t u a l l y changes i n c o n c e r t . The home i s cons idered to be an express ion of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y . Use of an. I n t e r i o r Designer I f the pa t te rns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are so d i f f e r e n t between each of the s o c i a l wor lds s t u d i e d and these pa t te rns have an i n f l u e n c e on matters of t a s t e , i t i s not unexpected t h a t the use of a p r o f e s s i o n a l a r b i -t r a t o r of t a s t e and the meaning of t h a t use w i l l d i f f e r across w o r l d s . The case of the i n t e r i o r des igner i s an i n t e r e s t i n g one. A person w i t h the economic means t o do s o , and the necessary i n t e r e s t , makes the i n i t i a l cho ice of employing a person who w i l l then serve t o l i m i t and guide one's f u r t h e r c h o i c e s ; "My business i s t o preach t o you the beauty of s u i t a b i l i t y . S u i t a b i T i t y ' . S u i t a b i 1 i t y 1 SUITABILITY!" 6 The homeowner dec ides who i s s u i t a b l e and then t h a t person preaches on matters of s u i t a b i l i t y . The 96 F I G U R E 5.1 - I N T E R I O R V I E W S O F T W O S H A U G H N E S S Y H O M E S 97 FIGURE 5 . 2 - INTERIOR VIEWS OF TWO WEST VANCOUVER HOMES 98 des igners judged to be s u i t a b l e and t h e i r manners of preaching d i f f e r e d across s o c i a l wor lds and o f f e r an i n t e r e s t i n g index o f d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . What group more steeped i n t h e i r s e n s i b i l i t y of s u i t a b i l i t y than the Shaughnessy s o c i a l group? And y e t , as shown i n Table 5 . 2 , 12 of the 21 (57%) of the younger women i n t e r v i e w e d and 5 of the 7 o l d e r (71%) had made e x t e n s i v e use of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . Another 9% of the younger women had merely ordered f a b r i c o r : a p iece of f u r n i t u r e and thus had made s l i g h t use of an i n t e r i o r des igner and her c o o r d i n a t i n g a b i l i t i e s . One of the younger women had c a l l e d i n an i n t e r i o r des igner f o r c o n s u l t a t i o n but had not proceeded from t h a t p o i n t to order f u r n i t u r e , f a b r i c s and/or c a r p e t i n g through the d e s i g n e r . Not one of the younger Shaughnessy women s t a t e d t h a t , on p r i n c i p l e , she would not use a d e s i g n e r . Most who hadn ' t used an i n t e r i o r des igner cou ld see themselves doing so and u s u a l l y knew s p e c i -f i c a l l y w i th whom they would c o n s u l t . Th is i s a group phenomenon. When the younger women were asked.how many of t h e i r f r i e n d s had used a d e s i g n e r , the es t imates ranged from 25% to 100%, a l though the wide range i s m i s l e a d -i n g . On the average, the es t imate was 62% and t h i s , each woman s a i d , was based on e x p l i c i t knowledge of "who used who" r a t h e r than an i n t i m a t i o n of des igner use on her p a r t . The o l d e r women, on the average , es t imated t h a t 71% of t h e i r f r i e n d s used d e s i g n e r s , a f i g u r e t h a t n i c e l y c o i n c i d e s w i t h t h a t i n Table 5 . 2 . The i n t e r i o r des igner i s l e g i t i m i s e d by one of the key s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of t h i s s o c i a l w o r l d . "Two years ago [ i n 1977] the I . D . I . [ I n t e r i o r Designers I n s t i t u t e ] j o i n e d f o r c e s w i t h the J u n i o r League of Vancouver to present the very s u c c e s s f u l Designer Home ' 7 7 . 1 , 7 A Shaugh-nessy house was chosen f o r the Designer Home and each room was decorated 99 and f u r n i s h e d by a d i f f e r e n t des igner or des ign group. The house was opened to the p u b l i c f o r the p r i c e of admiss ion and proceeds went both to the I . D . I , s c h o l a r s h i p fund and t o a c h a r i t y sponsored by the J u n i o r League. Th is was repeated i n 1979. Once i n s i d e the Designer Home ' 7 9 , one cou ld hear a panel d i s c u s s i o n on "The Advantages of Using an I n t e r i o r Designer" or a l e c t u r e on "Design f o r Today," both i n v o l v i n g Vancouver 's top i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s . The J u n i o r League committees f o r the Designer o Home '79 took up the energ ies of 83 women. As w e l l , most o ther members were r e q u i r e d to stand guard i n the house f o r a c e r t a i n amount of t i m e . Three of the women who were i n t e r v i e w e d were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d w i t h commit-tees f o r the Designer Home and the others who were i n the League spent t ime i n va r ious rooms i n the house keeping watch. A l l except two of the r e s t had v i s i t e d the Designer Home. Through the Designer Home, t h e n , most had an exposure t o the major Vancouver i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s . Others had committed a great deal o f t h e i r t ime and energy t o t h i s venture . Beyond the i n s t i t u t i o n a l bond, the wholesa le endorsement of the i n t e r -i o r des ign p r o f e s s i o n i s sanct ioned by t r a d i t i o n . The use of an i n t e r i o r des igner by p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l wor ld i s not a new t r e n d . The women i n t h e i r l a t e f i f t i e s have used them ever s i n c e they have been mar r ied and they learned t h i s p r a c t i c e from t h e i r mothers . As one woman i n her l a t e f i f t i e s remarked: "When I was f i r s t m a r r i e d , as a g i f t , mother sent her deco r a to r over w i th some crewel work f a b r i c t o u p h o l s t e r my c h a i r s . I d o n ' t even remember having a c h o i c e . " Al though the Shaughnessy women whom I i n t e r v i e w e d had been exposed to a wide range of i n t e r i o r des igners through the Designer Homes (22 a t the l a t e s t ) , they d i d not take advantage of t h i s d i v e r s i t y . In Table 5 . 3 i s shown the r e l a t i v e r e c o g n i t i o n of twenty -seven V a n c o u v e r . i n t e r i o r d e s i g n -100 ers by the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver, women. The twenty -seven des igners were chosen because they seemed to be the best known: most took p a r t i n the Designer Home ' 7 9 , and/or they were mentioned spontaneously by the women i n t e r v i e w e d . The ex tent t o which the f r i e n d s of any of these women or they themselves employed each of these i n t e r i o r des igners i s i n d i c a t e d as w e l l . Not i ce the degree to which des igner 1 i s p a t r o n i z e d by members Q of the Shaughnessy s o c i a l group. As one woman who had used des igner 1 s a i d , "For a w h i l e everyone I knew who was having t h e i r p l a c e done was having i t done by [des igner 1 ] . Now.I have heard of one or two other i n t e r i o r des igners being u s e d . " Another woman, who had a l s o used des igner 1 , suggested a f r i e n d f o r me to i n t e r v i e w but then r e c o n s i d e r e d , "Oh, you wou ldn ' t want to t a l k w i t h h e r , s h e ' s j u s t another one of us who has used [des igner 1 ] . " Two women who had used des igner 2 and des igner 7 , i n s t e a d of des igner 1 , were s e l f consc ious about t h e i r nonconformity . In the words of one, "So many of my f r i e n d s c a n ' t get past o f f - w h i t e w a l l s . " I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h i s regard to r e c o n s i d e r b r i e f l y the network a n a l y s e s . In Table 5 . 4 the number of people each woman knows i n the network, as an index of involvement i n the group, i s shown f o r users of des igner 1 and users of other d e s i g n e r s . Users of des igner 1 do.seem to be more f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the s o c i a l group. Designer 1 i s so popular amongst members of t h i s s o c i a l wor ld because she h e r s e l f i s a member of the w o r l d . ^ One woman d e s c r i b e d the s i t u a t i o n r a t h e r c l e a r l y : "I use [des igner 1] because we are personal f r i e n d s , she knows me and I know her . Th is i s f o r s e l f i s h r e a s o n s , i t ' s not out of the goodness of my h e a r t . I would never j u s t phone someone up who I knew was good . " Designer 1 , whose i n t e r v i e w i s i n c l u d e d as Appendix B, grew up i n Vancouver, went t o school w i t h many of her c l i e n t s , l i v e s i n Shaughnessy, i s marr ied to a top l e v e l e x e c u t i v e , and belongs to the Vancouver Lawn 101 Table 5 . 2 . Use of I n t e r i o r Designers S o c i a l Worlds EXTENT OF Shaughnessy West Vancouver USE OF Older women Younger women INTERIOR DESIGNER (n=7) (n=21) (n=28) E x t e n s i v e 9 5 12 5 S m a l l - s c a l e 5 0 2 8 C o n s u l t a t i o n O n l y c 0 1 2 Would Consider Using 1 6 6 Would D e f i n i t e l y Not Use 1 0 7 A person was cons idered to have made e x t e n s i v e use of an i n t e r i o r des igner i f she had bought f u r n i t u r e , f a b r i c , c a r p e t i n g , e t c . , from the des igner and used the des igner f o r the o v e r a l l c o o r d i n a t i o n of the room. S m a l l - s c a l e use r e f e r s t o . t h e purchase of one i tem through the des igner wi thout the r e l i a n c e on the d e s i g n e r ' s general c o o r d i n a t i n g and " d e s i g n " a b i l i t i e s . In t h i s case one pays a f l a t fee of roughly $50.00 per hour , depending on the d e s i g n e r . I f one goes on t o purchase goods through the i n t e r i o r des igner the i n i t i a l c o n s u l t a t i o n i s " f r e e " . b Source : the author . 102 Table 5.3. Designer Recognition and Use DESIGNERS Social Worlds Shaughnessy Older (n=7) Younger (n=21) West Vancouver (n=28) RN FIT RU Ed Ce CUf RN FU RU E C CU RN FU RU E C CU 1 4 4 19 19 6 89 1 0 2 6 1 18 10 1 14 1 3 2 0 18 11 9 5 l-i 4 6 2 13 9 o Z 0 5 1 0 11 8 4 2 1 l-i 6 3 0 16 7 5 4 7 0 0 8 6 1 3 2 r— 1 h 8 4 3 3 12 .9 1 0 9 6 6 .2, 2 0 0 0 10 6 6 U] 1 1 1 0 11 5 5 L2-l 0 0 1 1 12 3 0 6 2 1 4 1 13 7 1 20 5 25 8 1, 1 .2 14 6 0 16 6 24 13 4^  j 15 1 0 11 7 4 1 1 1 10 16 3 _ 2 16 1 0 5 12 t! 2-1 3 17 7 1 20 14 24 10 1 -1 18 7 0 15 3 21 5 19 0 0 3 2 4 2 1 -1 20 0 0 1 0 3 1 21 0 0 1 0 1 1 22 0 0 1 0 3 2 — 1 23 2 0 7 0 3 2 -2 24 0 0 3 0 1 1 1 25 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 26 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 27 0 0 0 0 1 1 ,1 a Recognised the designer's name. b Knew a friend who had used the designer. c The respondent had used the designer herself. d Had used the designer extensively. e Had made small-scale use or merely consulted with the designer. f Would consider using this designer if she were to choose one. g This figure does not agree with that in Table 5.2. This is because it includes women who had used a designer in the past who was either not on the list or was located in another city, h The lines connecting designers indicate that one person has used a number of designers (i.e., one line represents one person). Source: the author. 103 Table 5 . 4 . The Use of D i f f e r e n t Designers and I n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the Shaughnessy S o c i a l Group PERSONS Number of Other Persons i n Group Known Designer 1 Users 1 17 2 19 3 19 4 15 5 18 6 J 5 X = 17 Users of Other Designers 1 4 2 15 3 10 4 5 5 11 6 9 Source : the a u t h o r . Table 5 . 5 . Designer House Compared to Non-Designer House DESIGNER HOUSE AS S o c i a l Worlds COMPARED TO NON- Shaughnessy West Vancouver DESIGNER HOUSE o l d e r younger n=7 n=21 n=28 d i f f e r e n t and b e t t e r 29% 38% 26% d i f f e r e n t but worse 14% 4% 63% not d i f f e r e n t 57% 58% 11% 100% 100% 100% Source : the author . 104 Tennis C lub . Designer 1 l i t e r a l l y s t a r t e d out by doing her f r i e n d s ' houses and even now, a f t e r seven years of work, s t i l l ca te rs p r i n c i p a l l y to Shaugh-nessy r e s i d e n t s (see map i n Appendix B ) . She does not r e l a t e to her c l i e n t s as a d i s t a n t p r o f e s s i o n a l b u t , r a t h e r , l i t e r a l l y as the f r i e n d o f f e r i n g a i d . She summarised her p o s i t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g manner: I d o n ' t cons ide r myse l f t o be a heavy handed d e s i g n e r . I t r y to make the c l i e n t s work so they d o n ' t f e e l t h a t t h e i r house had been "done . " B a s i c a l l y , my c l i e n t s want a des igner who leaves the house l o o k i n g l i k e a des igner h a s n ' t been there - they do not want a d e s i g n e r ' s s i g n a t u r e . On the i n i t i a l card t h a t I sent around I a d v e r t i s e d mysel f as " l e g s . " I do not t e l l c l i e n t s to get r i d of t h i s and t h i s and t h i s . I t r y t o do t h i n g s more s u b t l y over t i m e . One Shaughnessy woman complained, of another i n t e r i o r des igner whom she had asked to come to her home f o r a c o n s u l t a t i o n , a t a t ime when des igner 1 was not y e t i n b u s i n e s s . He "went through my house and t o l d me t o get r i d of t h i s and get r i d of tha t and then presented me w i t h a whopping b i l l f o r t h i s s o - c a l l e d ' c o n s u l t a t i o n ' . I never asked him back - he was t e r r i b l e . . . and. so bossy . " A woman, who a c t u a l l y used des igner 7 , bragged tha t she knew so s p e c i f i c a l l y what she wanted t h a t there was not much c r e a t i v i t y l e f t to the i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . I t was p r e c i s e l y because the des igner was w i l l i n g to take " the back seat " but make sure t h a t t h i n g s were " t i e d together " t h a t the d e s i g n e r - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p was a happy one. Designer 1 was not as p ass i ve - t h i s i s perhaps a t r i b u t e to her s u b t l y over t i m e . She saw her r o l e as one of urg ing her c l i e n t s beyond the " p e d e s t r i a n " . During an i n t e r v i e w w i t h one of the Shaughnessy women, des igner 1 happened to c a l l and I overheard a "nudging" s e s s i o n . The woman whom I was i n t e r v i e w i n g was somewhat taken aback by the a p r i c o t 105 c o l o u r tha t her e n t i r e l i v i n g room had r e c e n t l y been pa in ted and was f u l l of t r e p i d a t i o n about t h i s c o l o u r being c a r r i e d out i n t o the two s to rey f r o n t h a l l w a y , as was the p l a n . The woman p r i v a t e l y s t a t e d to me t h a t she would never have pa in ted her l i v i n g room t h a t c o l o u r h e r s e l f - " I t i s n ' t me!" When the des igner c a l l e d , the c l i e n t a s k e d , "Do you r e a l l y f e e l s t r o n g l y about the c o l o u r i n the h a l l - i f you d o n ' t I 'd r e a l l y p r e f e r i t to be w h i t e . " The des igner d i d . "My house i s n ' t going to look l i k e a magazine photograph i s i t ? " The h a l l was pa in ted a p r i c o t and the i n t e r i o r des igner repor ted t h a t , a f t e r only two weeks, the c l i e n t f e l t tha t she had always l i v e d w i t h t h i s c o l o u r . Designer l ' s impact on her c l i e n t s ' t a s t e was s t a t e d e x p l i c i t l y by one of them: "My t a s t e can be i n f l u e n c e d by someone whom.I t r u s t - l i k e [des igner 1 ] . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , des igner 1 was lauded again and again f o r her v e r s a t i l i t y , the f a c t t h a t she w i l l accommodate h e r s e l f to anyth ing and, most i m p o r t a n t l y , t h a t one never walks i n t o one of her rooms and says i n w a r d l y , "This was done by [des igner 1 ] . " Shaughnessy women who used, a des igner g e n e r a l l y d i d not want t h e i r houses to look l i k e an i n t e r i o r des igner had swept through. The i n t e r i o r des igner should " b r i n g out the best of your own t a s t e , " but should add " f i n e s s e s " . One woman d e s c r i b e d why she used des igner 1. "I wanted some-t h i n g d i f f e r e n t from the standard Shaughnessy house which i s f u l l of c h i n t z but I d i d n ' t want something u l t r a modern. I wanted a compromise." The rooms t h a t des igner 1 had designed t h a t I had the oppor tun i t y see were c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a c l e a n - n e s s of l i n e and a s imple but bo ld use of c o l o u r . A s o l i d whi te carpet i n - t h e l i v i n g room was t y p i c a l , as was the use of two f a b r i c s i n the rooms. Of the f a b r i c s , one was a p r i n t i n whi te and a r a t h e r s t rong c o l o u r , a g r e y i s h - t o r q u o i s e y b lue or a p r i c o t , f o r i n s t a n c e . 106 The other was a s o l i d l i n e n or coord inated p r i n t . The w a l l s were e i t h e r whi te or the s t rong co lour dominat ing i n the u p h o l s t e r y f a b r i c . One woman i n t e r v i e w e d r e f e r r e d t o her des ign as " c r i s p , " another as "very c l a s s y , expensive and homey." I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t the o l d e r Shaughnessy women f o l l o w e d much the same p a t t e r n as the younger . One or two des igners were favoured -the " e v e r y o n e - u s e s - s o - a n d - s o " phenomenon was e q u a l l y p r e v a l e n t . Designers 9 , 10, and 11 were des igners who had been used i n the p a s t , and who were now f a i r l y d e c r e p i t ( i . e . , one was i n her l a t e 7 0 1 s and had d i f f i c u l t y g e t t i n g around a l though she was s t i l l a v a i l a b l e f o r shopping c o n s u l t a t i o n s i f the c l i e n t would p i ck her up and chauf feur her home). At the present t i m e , the des igner used by most of the o l d e r Shaugh-nessy women.is des igner 8 who a c t u a l l y works out of the same e s t a b l i s h m e n t as des igner 1. He i s o l d e r than des igner 1 and thus more i n l i n e w i th h i s c l i e n t s ' age, but i s a l s o from an " e s t a b l i s h m e n t " background. The Shaughnessy women cont ras ted q u a l i t i e s he ld by des igners 1 and 8 w i th those he ld by des igners who were used by few Shaughnessy but by s e v e r a l West Vancouver women. The " d e t a i l e d " and " p e r s o n a l " approach of des igners 1 and 8 i s c o n t r a s t e d to the impersonal and commercial q u a l i t i e s of des igners 2 , 13 , 14, 17 , 18 and 23 . These l a t t e r des igners a d v e r t i s e e x t e n s i v e l y through the med ia , and/or are a s s o c i a t e d w i th l a r g e r e t a i l o u t l e t s and/or are known f o r t h e i r e x t e n s i v e i n s t i t u t i o n a l des ign work, thus earn ing the l a b e l s , "commerc ia l " and " i m p e r s o n a l . " The e x t e n s i v e use of a d v e r t i s i n g i s why so many Shaughnessy women recognised many of t h e i r names. N o t i c e , however, tha t only one had a c t u a l l y used them and r e l a t i v e l y few had f r i e n d s who had so done. These des igners are l a b e l l e d " i m p e r s o n a l " because the means of c l i e n t r e c r u i t m e n t are cons idered to be s o . They are 107 a s s o c i a t e d , w i t h mass a p p e a l s , even though the products c a r r i e d are no l e s s expens i ve . The d i f f e r e n t i a l manner of h i r i n g an i n t e r i o r des igner somehow ep i tomises the d i s t i n c t i o n s between members of the West Vancouver and Shaughnessy groups. Shaughnessy members h i r e d des igner -1 not only i n c i d e n -t a l l y because she i s a f r i e n d and a member of t h e i r network - "had she not been a f r i e n d I would have been l e s s i n c l i n e d to h i r e an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . " West Vancouver i tes were not t y p i c a l l y f r i e n d s w i t h t h e i r p r o s p e c t i v e des igners and, on ly i n seven of the 30 cases where an i n t e r i o r des igner was used or cons idered f o r u s e , had they even seen t h e i r work i n the homes of f r i e n d s . Rather , they had come i n contac t w i t h the des igners through r e t a i l o u t l e t s , admired t h e i r work at the Designer Home, or viewed i t i n p u b l i c p laces such as r e s t a u r a n t s . An i n t e r e s t i n g form of i n t r o d u c t i o n which was mentioned by three d i f f e r e n t West Vancouver women was through the contacts e s t a b l i s h e d by t h e i r developer husbands. I n t e r i o r des igners who had decorated "show homes" f o r t h e i r husbands were then used by the wives i n t h e i r own homes. The brag here i s t h a t o f ten th ings are obta ined wholesa le and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , t h a t des igner 2 2 , f o r i n s t a n c e , " d o e s n ' t do r e s i d e n t i a l work o r d i n a r i l y . " I t i s the business contact r a t h e r than the s o c i a l contact which i s grounds, f o r t h i s e l i t i s m . The more p r o f e s s i o n a l nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i th the des igners among West Vancouver women i s a l s o suggested i n Table 5 . 3 by the number of i n t e r i o r des igners t h a t the members of each s o c i a l wor ld use. F i ve of the 15 West Vancouver i tes who had used des igners had used s e v e r a l i n a one year t ime span. S i x of the other 15 were contemplat ing c a l l i n g i n a d i f f e r e n t d e s i g n e r . There was thus much s w i t c h i n g about between i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s . Th is i s not t y p i c a l l y found to be the case amongst Shaughnessy women who tend t o t h i n k of one i n t e r i o r des igner as " the" i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . 108 There i s an a d d i t i o n a l , r a t h e r i n t r i g u i n g tendency f o r the West Vancouver i tes not to f o l l o w t h e i r f r i e n d s i n the cho ice of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . The 21 women who used or would cons ide r us ing an i n t e r i o r des igner p a t r o n i s e d or would cons ider p a t r o n i s i n g 15 d i f f e r e n t d e s i g n e r s . Compare t h i s to the use or p r o j e c t e d use of s i x des igners amongst the younger Shaughnessy women. As i n d i c a t e d i n Table 5 . 3 , i n only s i x i ns tances d i d a t l e a s t two people o r i e n t e d to the West Vancouver wor ld use the same des igner and i n on ly th ree of these cases was the f r i e n d s h i p c l o s e enough t h a t one could b e l i e v e tha t one woman had i n f l u e n c e d the o t h e r . The i n t e r i o r des igners t h a t each woman had used or would u s e , were she going to h i r e a d e s i g n e r , are shown i n F igure 5 . 3 i n r e l a t i o n to the network of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s amongst the West Vancouver women. Each "node" or b lack dot represents an i n d i v i d u a l and the number l o c a t e d next to i t s i g n i f i e s the p r e f e r r e d i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . The independence e x h i b i t e d i n choosing an i n t e r i o r des igner may r e f l e c t the West Vancouver women's tendency to cons ide r t h e i r t a s t e t o be pure l y " p e r s o n a l " and p s y c h o l o g i c a l r a t h e r than a s o c i a l m a t t e r . F u r t h e r , i f one's house i s a document to one's i n d i v i d u a l i t y and c r e a t i v i t y , one might not want to employ a des igner used commonly by f r i e n d s . A l s o , there was q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t e v a l u a t i o n of v a r y i n g i n t e r i o r des igners among them which can perhaps be r e l a t e d t o the r e l a t i v i t y i n t a s t e mentioned above. Of two f r i e n d s who used des igner 16 , one, who consu l ted o n l y , thought t h a t he was "hor rendous , . . . he had no s e n s i t i v i t y , . . . h i s suggest ions were t e r r i b l e " w h i l e a c l o s e f r i e n d thought t h a t he was "very s e n s i t i v e . " Designer 13 was v a r i o u s l y cons idered to be " c a s u a l and e l e g a n t , " " j a z z y and American" ( t h i s was cons idered to be a p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n ) , " h o r r i b l e , " "the epitomy of bad t a s t e , " and " g a r i s h . . . a l l m i r r o r s and brass - too much sh iny s t u f f . " Designer 17 's work was 109 FIGURE 5.3 - CHOICE OF INTERIOR DESIGNERS IN RELATION TO WEST VANCOUVER NETWORK, a ^ a c q u a i n t a n c e s *4<* c l o s e f r i e n d s a Numbers i n d i c a t e d e s i g n e r s as S p e c i f i e d i n T a b l e 5.3. S o u r c e : t h e a u t h o r n o a l t e r n a t i v e l y eva luated as " e c l e c t i c and i n good t a s t e , " " c o l d , p e r f e c t , t h e r e ' s no p e r s o n a l i t y , " " t h i n g s d o n ' t go t o g e t h e r " . Another , at l e a s t p a r t i a l reason f o r the independent cho ice of des igners might be a s s o c i a t e d w i th the bus iness r e l a t e d aspect of the cho ice f o r the women whose husbands were land developers by o c c u p a t i o n . The developers are i n p o t e n t i a l compet i t i on w i t h each other and the tendency t o use d i f f e r e n t i n t e r i o r des igners might r e f l e c t t h i s c o m p e t i t i v e a s p e c t . I f the wives b r i n g t h e i r husbands' bus iness contac ts i n t o the domestic r e a l m , d i f f e r e n t d e v e l o p e r s ' wives are obv ious l y going to use d i f f e r e n t des igners even though there are f r i e n d s h i p s between them. Not only do the West Vancouver i tes d i f f e r from the Shaughnessy women i n t h a t the h i r i n g of an i n t e r i o r des igner tends to be a s t r i c t l y p r o f e s s i o n a l and s o l i t a r y a f f a i r , but they a l s o tend to h i r e des igners who were s i n g l e d out by the Shaughnessy women as being o s t e n t a t i o u s l y i n v o l v e d w i th the a r t i s t r y of i n t e r i o r d e s i g n . Such d e s i g n e r s , of which 2 , 13 , 15, 1 7 , and 19 are examples , are a l s o termed " s i g n a t u r e " des igners because they are thought to put together rooms tha t are unmistakably of t h e i r own d o i n g . Comments of Shaughnessy women i n re fe rence t o these des igners i n c l u d e d : "Someone who uses [des igner 17] d e f i n i t e l y wou ldn ' t use [des igner 1]1" "He [des igner 17] i s used by s u r f a c e p e o p l e . " When asked to comment on these remarks , des igner 1 s a i d , I admire [des igner 17 ] ' s work. I am much more c o n s e r v a t i v e . He i s a glamorous d e s i g n e r , I am not . . . a l though I hope t h a t my rooms have p i z a z z . My i n t e r i o r s are comfor tab le p l a c e s . [Designer 17] demands an u n l i m i t e d budget and of ten the husbands get fed up w i th t h i s . He can a l s o be overpowering and t h i s i s not my s t y l e . I l l The sent iments of some West Vancouver i tes seemed to be t h a t , i f one were going to use an i n t e r i o r des igner a t a l l , and not a l l wanted to use one, one might as w e l l aim f o r a s p e c t a c u l a r house. A des igner i s u s e f u l , not so much as l e g s , but as a c r e a t i v e b e i n g . In the words of one West Vancouver-i t e , "The decora to r s h o u l d n ' t j u s t a s s i m i l a t e your i d e a s . They are there to make your house s p e c i a l . " Three of the West Vancouver i tes s t a t e d t h a t they had not been t o the Designer Home '79 but they had heard t h a t i t was "very d i s a p p o i n t i n g " because the rooms were r a t h e r o r d i n a r y . One woman who used des igner 7 o f f e r s an e x c e l l e n t c o n t r a s t t o the Shaughnessy woman who exc la imed over des igner 7 ' s p l i a b i l i t y . The West Vancouver i te t e r m i n -ated her bus iness r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h des igner 7 a f t e r f o u r months because she cons idered her to be un imaginat i ve and c o n s e r v a t i v e . She thought t h a t des igner 7 ' s room i n the Designer Home was b o r i n g . In her words , "I d o n ' t t h i n k t h a t she has very much go ing f o r he r . She had no i d e a s . She on ly implemented my own i d e a s . In tha t c a s e , why d i d I need a des igner? She i s a very n i c e person but h a s n ' t had very much exposure . " Complaints of a " l a c k of c r e a t i v i t y " and an e x c e s s i v e t r a d i t i o n a l i s m were a l s o l e v e l l e d by both women who had consu l ted w i t h des igner 2 3 , one woman who had used des igner 13 and another who had used des igner 14. I t i s perhaps t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n of the i n t e r i o r des igner as a c r e a t i v e a r t i s t which e v e n t u a l l y led fewer West Vancouver women, as compared to the Shaughnessy women, to make e x t e n s i v e use of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , as shown i n Table 5 . 2 . Whi le f i f t e e n of the women a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld had at l e a s t consu l ted w i t h an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , on ly f i v e cou ld be cons idered to have made e x t e n s i v e use of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . Seven of the women s a i d t h a t they d e f i n i t e l y would never make use of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . Est imates of the number of f r i e n d s who had 112 used an i n t e r i o r des igner ranged from 0% to 100%, w i t h the average es t imate being 15%. Moreover, when asked whether there was anyth ing t h a t d i s t i n -guishes a des igner home from a home i n which a des igner has not been used , the West V a n c o u v e r i t e s , as a group, tended t o t h i n k t h a t there was, and to be l e s s f a v o u r a b l y d isposed to t h i s image than the Shaughnessy women p r e c i s e l y because t h e i r image i n c o r p o r a t e d the idea of a s i g n a t u r e d show-p l a c e . Responses t o the ques t ion were c l a s s i f i e d accord ing to whether the respondent r e f e r r e d t o the designed home as d i f f e r e n t but b e t t e r , d i f f e r e n t and worse or no d i f f e r e n t from a non-designed house and are shown i n Table 5 . 5 . S i x t y - t h r e e percent of the West Vancouver women had a very negat i ve s te reotype o f the home f o r which the i n t e r i o r des igner had been consu l ted compared w i t h only 7% of the Shaughnessy women. Thus, even Shaughnessy women who had not used an i n t e r i o r des igner themselves were p o s i t i v e , and t r i e d to emulate t h i s l o o k . The Shaughnessy women saw the home f o r which a des igner had been consu l ted as "neater and t i d i e r and more c o o r d i n a t e d " ; "There i s a u n i t y , the nondecorated can be a hodge-podge. The des igner makes you look a t your t h i n g s c r i t i c a l l y . " Even the remarks which i n d i c a t e d tha t there i s no d i f f e r e n c e between homes f o r which a des igner has been used and homes f o r which one has not p laced the designed house i n a f a v o u r -ab le l i g h t . Such remarks i n c l u d e d : " I t r e a l l y depends on the t a l e n t of the homeowner and how t a l e n t e d she i s h e r s e l f . " , "I have a f r i e n d who i s not a decorato r but who can do b e a u t i f u l t h i n g s . " The type of p r o f e s s i o n a l d e c o r a t i o n was a l s o s p e c i f i e d : "There s h o u l d n ' t be a d i f f e r e n c e - not i f i t i s done p r o p e r l y . " The n e u t r a l to p o s i t i v e s te reotype of the designed house he ld by the Shaughnessy women r e v e a l s the type of i n t e r i o r des igner w i th whom they c o n s u l t : the type of des igner who has c o n s e r v a t i v e t a s t e and accommodates h e r s e l f to the c l i e n t . The West Vancouver i tes ' negat ive 113 s te reotype a l s o r e f l e c t s the type of p r o f e s s i o n a l d e c o r a t i o n to which they have been exposed. To the s o - c a l l e d West V a n c o u v e r i t e , the p r o f e s s i o n a l l y decorated house " l o o k s l i k e i t i s out of a magaz ine , " i t i s " f a d d i s h " and " too p e r f e c t - there i s noth ing of the s e l f . " Other comments inc luded the f o l l o w i n g : " I t d o e s n ' t look l i k e i t has been l i v e d i n " , or A decora to r home i s s l i c k and p e r f e c t . I have a f r i e n d who has used [des igner 1 7 ] . She has a c o f f e e t a b l e on which i s po ised a coord inated book which she has probably never read and which means noth ing to he r . In the l i v i n g room i s a frame w i t h no p i c t u r e i n i t . The decorato r p i cked up the frame but she has noth ing to put i n i t . Me . . . I have m i l l i o n s of th ings to frame but no f rames. About the d e s i g n e r , one woman had the f o l l o w i n g to s a y , "An i n t e r i o r des igner i s an a r t i s t and deserves some freedom. T h a t ' s why I wou ldn ' t use one. I 'd be a f r a i d t h a t I 'd end up w i t h th ings t h a t I d i d n ' t l i k e . " And, i n d e e d , the type of i n t e r i o r des igners t h a t f r i e n d s have used are g e n e r a l l y s u p p o r t i v e of these s t e r e o t y p e s . There i s a common v a l u a t i o n he ld by the West Vancouver women who r e j e c t u t t e r l y the use of an i n t e r i o r des igner and those who h i r e the a r t i s t i c v i r t u o s o . The house should be a c r e a t i v e s tatement . Th is idea becomes m a n i f e s t i n two extreme and c o n t r a d i c t o r y stances towards the i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . E i t h e r one r e j e c t s the use of an i n t e r i o r des igner or reaches f o r an extreme us ing the i n t e r i o r des igner as a means to i t . When asked whether they f e l t t h a t d e c o r a t i n g was a pr imary v e h i c l e f o r s e l f e x p r e s s i o n , 64% of the s o - c a l l e d West Vancouver i tes agreed t h a t i t w a s . 1 1 In compar ison, 90% of the Shaughnessy women s t a t e d t h a t i t was not . T y p i c a l comments by Shaughnessy respondents were , "There has got t o be more. H o p e f u l l y i t i s j u s t a background and you go from t h e r e . " Or "No and i t 114 never w i l l be. S e l f exp ress ion i s what you d o . " One Shaughnessy woman took me q u i t e l i t e r a l l y and o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g : " W e l l , I guess t h a t my house i s a v e h i c l e f o r s e l f exp ress ion because I have so many meetings here . But then my Board meetings are probably more e x p r e s s i v e and they d o n ' t happen h e r e . " But f o r the women i d e n t i f i e d w i t h what has been termed the West Vancouver s o c i a l w o r l d , who are not e s p e c i a l l y a c t i v e ou ts ide of t h e i r homes, the i n t e r i o r decora t ion o f f e r s an avenue through which t o c r e a t e . When asked about the house as an e x p r e s s i v e medium, s e v e r a l Shaugh-nessy women spoke out a g a i n s t the "me" g e n e r a t i o n . One mentioned t h a t she was "so busy l i v i n g " t h a t she had no t ime f o r t h i s k ind of i n t r o s p e c -t i o n . She f e l t tha t i t was only a very smal l segment of s o c i e t y t h a t was obsessed w i th s e l f e x p r e s s i o n . In c o n t r a s t , the West Vancouver i tes shared a common admi ra t ion f o r the a r t i s t and e x p r e s s i v e l y c r e a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s . Constant mention was made of f r i e n d s who were a r t i s t s , i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s , j o u r n a l i s t s and the l i k e . When ment ioning how few of her f r i e n d s had used i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s , one West Vancouver woman added, "My f r i e n d s are very a r t i s t i c . " That t h i s c u l t i v a t i o n of the a r t i s t and the a r t i s t i c e x i s t s as an a t t i t u d i n a l p e r s p e c t i v e r a t h e r than an a c t u a l commitment to the a r t s i s suggested by the f a c t t h a t the West Vancouver i tes were a c t u a l l y l e s s educated i n the a r t s ( i . e . , 36% had a r t t r a i n i n g of some s o r t as compared to 54% of the Shaughnessy women), and were l e s s i n v o l v e d w i t h the a c t u a l p roduct ion of a r t ( i . e . , 21% mentioned t h a t they pa in ted or had an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n h a n d i c r a f t w h i l e 39% of the Shaughnessy women mentioned such invo l vements ) . The West Vancouver i tes 1 r e l a t i o n to the a r t s seems w e l l summed up by one such woman's remark: "I have always been, on the f r i n g e s of a r t s . I am a s e m i - c r e a t i v e p e r s o n . " 115 The b e l i e f t h a t the home ought to be s e l f e x p r e s s i v e led West Vancouver i tes who were non -des igner users: t o underplay t h e i r f r i e n d s ' involvement w i th i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s . One woman c la imed t h a t a f r i e n d who had used a des igner e x t e n s i v e l y had done so because she had been ab le to obta in goods wholesa le when t h i s s imply was not the c a s e , i f the woman who a c t u a l l y used the des igner i s to be b e l i e v e d . Even more extreme, there were two i n s t a n c e s , of which I am aware, of West Vancouver women h i d i n g t h e i r own use of an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . In these c a s e s , the women t o l d me t h a t they had not used a des igner and spoke out f i r m l y about the super -f i c i a l i t y of us ing one. L a t e r , numerous f r i e n d s c la imed t h a t these women had i n f a c t employed i n t e r i o r des igners themselves . Another West Vancouver woman, who was contemplat ing us ing an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , s t a t e d t h a t , " I f I used an i n t e r i o r des igner I probably wou ldn ' t t e l l . . . w e l l , un less someone a s k e d . " Thus the r e l a t i v e use of i n t e r i o r des igners i s extremely r e v e a l i n g of what the Shaughnessy and West Vancouver women wish to present through t h e i r houses. B i l l y B a l d w i n , a w e l l p u b l i c i z e d New York i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , 12 has l i k e n e d h i s r o l e to t h a t of a p o r t r a i t p a i n t e r . In the case of the Shaughnessy women, one can speak of a group p o r t r a i t w i t h the p a i n t e r seen more as craftsman than as a r t i s t . Not only was an i n t e r i o r des igner used by most , but the same one was used by almost a l l . One must c o r r e c t Goffman i n h i s b l a n k e t statement t h a t i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s , as a " c u r a t o r g roup , " are " r e c r u i t e d from c l a s s e s which have much l e s s p r e s t i g e than 13 the c l a s s to which such s e r v i c e s are s o l d . " In the case of the Shaugh-nessy s o c i a l group the i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , as a guardian of group t a s t e , was r e c r u i t e d from w i t h i n . The image of the i n t e r i o r des igner as exper t or p r o f e s s i o n a l was not emphasized. I n s t e a d , the " p e r s o n a l " nature of the 116 r e l a t i o n s h i p and the idea of mutual respec t between des igner and c l i e n t was commented upon. The idea of the house as an express ion of s e l f was f o r e i g n to the Shaughnessy women. One's home should conform to the group canons of good t a s t e - t h a t i s enough. Such was not the case f o r the West Vancouver women. As t h e i r t a s t e was acqu i red through the mass m e d i a , so was t h e i r i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , i f they chose to use one. In these c a s e s , the des igner was employed i n the c a p a c i t y of a r t i s t to p e r f e c t a p o r t r a i t of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f . As one stands as an i n d i v i d u a l i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r s , one chooses a n i n t e r i o r des igner unique to o n e s e l f . But because the home d e c o r a t i o n i s cons idered to be r e v e a l i n g of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y , the use of the i n t e r i o r des igner had some of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of f r a u d . I t i s " i n bad t a s t e " not to show one's s e l f through the house, and i n t e r i o r des igners were cons idered by many West Vancouver i tes to be c o n s p i r a t o r s i n t h i s c o v e r - u p . Whether one chooses t o view one's house d e c o r a t i o n as a c r e a t i v e a c t i v i t y and whether one d e s i r e s to make an e x h i b i t i o n of s e l f through one's home seems t o be dependent on one's s o c i a l w o r l d . U l t i m a t e l y , the type of va lues t h a t one p laces i n t o one's home and what one i s w i l l i n g to e x t r a c t from a n o t h e r ' s i s a s o c i a l l y r e l a t i v e t h i n g . A p h r e n o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the house has a l l of the r e l a t i v i t y of s o c i a l w o r l d s . 117 FOOTNOTES Mike G l u s s , "Pes i gners ' . I n t e r i o r s , " Vancouver, v o l . 13 (February , 1980) , p. 57. Lewis Mumford, The Cu l tu re of C i t i e s ( H a r c o u r t , Brace & C o . , New Y o r k , 1938) , p. 22 . 3 6. B a c h e l a r d , The P o e t i c s of Space (Beacon P r e s s , B o s t o n , : 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 4 . 4 Peter C a r l s e r , "The Eloquent L i n e " , A r c h i t e c t u r a l D i g e s t , v o l . 35 (December, 1978) , p. 56. c Paige Reuse, "People Are The I s s u e " , A r c h i t e c t u r a l D i g e s t , v o l . 36 ( Ju l y/August , 1979) , p. 14. c So s a i t h E l s i e de W o l f e , working i n the e a r l y 20th r century as one of New Y o r k ' s e a r l i e s t i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s . Quoted from R u s s e l l Lynes , The Tastemakers (Grosset and Dunlap, New Y o r k , 1949) , p. 185. 7 Designer Home '79 pamphlet , p. 4. Q I b i d . , p. 5 . I f one compares Table 5 .2 to Table 5 . 3 there may be some c o n f u s i o n . In Table 5 .2 i t i s shown t h a t 12 Shaughnessy women made e x t e n s i v e use of i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r s , another three merely consu l ted w i th des igners and another s i x might be termed as h y p o t h e t i c a l u s e r s . In Table 5 .2 only 10 e x t e n s i v e users are l i s t e d , as w e l l as two f o r c o n s u l t a t i o n only and e i g h t h y p o t h e t i c a l s . Two of the e x t e n s i v e users are l i s t e d as h y p o t h e t i c a l s because t h e i r use of the des igner was some.time i n the p a s t , i n one case i n another c i t y , i n another w i t h a Vancouver des igner whose name the user c o u l d n ' t remember. Were these two women t o use a des igner today , they would use des igner 1. 1 0 That she was so popular i s t e s t i f i e d by the f a c t t h a t , i n mid -October 1979, she was u n w i l l i n g t o take any new c l i e n t s u n t i l February 1980. 1 1 I n c i d e n t a l l y , the ones who had made e x t e n s i v e use of an i n t e r i o r des igner f e l t tha t d e c o r a t i n g was s e l f e x p r e s s i v e . The ones c l a s s i f i e d w i t h i n the West Vancouver wor ld who d i d not f e e l t h a t t h e i r house was s e l f e x p r e s s i v e s t a t e d t h a t they would never use a d e s i g n e r . 1 p B i l l y B a l d w i n , B i l l y Baldwin Decorates ( H o l t , R i n e h a r t , and Wins ton , New Y o r k , 1972). 118 E rv ing Goffman, "Symbols of C lass S t a t u s , " B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of S o c i o l - ogy, v o l . 2 (1951) , p. 303. 119 CHAPTER 6 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS I t has been demonstrated t h a t the express ion of one's s e l f as an unique p e r s o n a l i t y through one's i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n i s not a u n i v e r s a l need. I t i s a p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e , both towards the s e l f and the home and ob jec ts more g e n e r a l l y , which has been i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n d i v i d u a l and , b road ly s p e a k i n g , s o c i e t y . The nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o cons ider i n the l i g h t of arguments t h a t have been presented by var ious c r i t i c s of c u l t u r e suggest -ing t h a t the vaguely Western concept o f s e l f has undergone s u b s t a n t i a l change through h i s t o r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h i n the l a s t two c e n t u r i e s . 1 These arguments are presented a f t e r an examinat ion of the data t o convey the sense i n which they r e l a t e to the e m p i r i c a l f i n d i n g s . They perhaps e n l i g h t e n the d a t a ; the data were not pursued w i t h the idea of t e s t i n g these t h e o r i e s regard ing p e r s o n a l i t y and c u l t u r e . The Antinomian A t t i t u d e T h e o r i s t s concerning themselves w i t h s h i f t s i n the nature of the Western concept ion of s e l f a l t e r n a t i v e l y focus t h e i r analyses of the s e l f at the l e v e l of ideo logy or w i t h i n the human psyche. Danie l B e l l ' s a n a l y s i s of the c u l t u r e a s s o c i a t e d w i th p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i s i l l u s t r a -t i v e of an examinat ion of the modern awareness of s e l f as a f a c e t of 2 contemporary i d e o l o g y . B e l l a s s o c i a t e s i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y w i t h the i d e -3 ology i d e n t i f i e d by Weber as the P r o t e s t a n t e t h i c . C h a r a c t e r i s i n g t h i s ideo logy i s an acceptance of delayed g r a t i f i c a t i o n , a compuls ive commitment 120 to work, an admi ra t ion f o r f r u g a l i t y and s o b r i e t y , a l l of which were s a n c t i -f i e d by the m o r a l i t y of s e r v i c e t o God. In c o n t r a s t , the c u l t u r e of p o s t -i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e c h a r a c t e r i s e d by i n t e l l e c t u a l t e c h n o l o g y , i s r o o t e d , i n B e l l ' s words , " i n the ant inomian j u s t i f i c a t i o n 4 of the enhancement of the s e l f . " The ant inomian a t t i t u d e , the r e l e a s e from any moral o r d e r , r e s u l t s i n the " r a d i c a l ' I ' a s s e r t i n g i t s i m p e r i s h -5 able s u r v i v a l a g a i n s t impervious f a t e . " This i n d i v i d u a l i s m i n m o r a l s , t h i s " p s y c h o l o g i c a l s o l i p s i s m " i s viewed by B e l l as the r e s u l t of mass p roduct ion and, most p a r t i c u l a r l y , mass consumption, by which c a p i t a l i s m as a system became j u s t i f i e d by the consumption of m a t e r i a l goods and the promotion of p l e a s u r e . R ichard Sennett a l s o records a s h i f t i n the exper ience of s e l f , w i th the equat ion of the s e l f and a unique p e r s o n a l i t y , the mesh of the p r i v a t e and the i n d i v i d u a l , t a k i n g p l a c e sometime i n the n ine teenth c e n t u r y . 7 Before t h i s t i m e , f e e l i n g s were cons idered t o be ordered by n a t u r a l , u n i v e r s a l human " s y m p a t h i e s . " The f a m i l y and the p r i v a t e realm were a s s o c i a t e d w i th n a t u r e , the p u b l i c realm w i t h c u l t u r e . Personal express ion took p lace i n the p u b l i c sphere of l i f e and was guided by a se t of impersonal convent ions which e s t a b l i s h e d c i v i l i s e d boundaries between o people and promoted cosmopol i tanism and c i v i l i t y . S o c i a b i l i t y d i d not depend on i n t i m a c y but on a common fund of p u b l i c s i g n s . During the n i n e -teenth century through t o the t w e n t i e t h the concept of s e l f has become p r i v a t i s e d and the p u b l i c realm has d e c l i n e d as a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s have become a s s o c i a t e d w i th s e l f - r e v e l a t i o n . There were three f a c e t s to t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the s e l f and p u b l i c l i f e , accord ing t o Sennet t . I n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m i s doubly i n v o l v e d , 9 through p r i v a t i s a t i o n and the m y s t i f i c a t i o n of m a t e r i a l goods by means 121 of mass p roduct ion and mass merchand is ing . The former l e d to a r e t r e a t i n t o and g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the f a m i l y w i t h the r e s u l t a n t d e c l i n e i n p u b l i c l i f e . The l a t t e r , p a r t i c u l a r l y a d v e r t i s i n g , endowed p h y s i c a l goods w i t h human q u a l i t i e s . B u t , asks S e n n e t t , "What a f t e r a l l prompted people to b e l i e v e these p h y s i c a l goods, so u n i f o r m , could have p s y c h o l o g i c a l a s s o c i a -t i o n s ? " 1 ^ His answer concerns the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of s e c u l a r knowledge dur ing the n ineteenth century from t ranscendenta l knowledge, a b e l i e f i n the order of Natu re , to immanent knowledge, a b e l i e f i n the immediately sensate un f i xed i n a p r e - e x i s t i n g scheme. I t i s a weakness of S e n n e t t 1 s argument t h a t the reasons f o r t h i s s h i f t i n ideo logy are not drawn out more c a r e f u l l y . R e g a r d l e s s , t h i s s h i f t i n b e l i e f meant t h a t th ings had meaning i n themselves , t h a t one's p u b l i c p h y s i c a l appearance gave c l u e s , even i n v o l u n t a r i l y , to one's psychology . Appearance i s no longer at a d i s t a n c e from the s e l f . R e l a t i o n s i n p u b l i c are conceived of as s e l f - r e v e l a t o r y . The d i f f e r e n c e i n the l a s t century and the present l i e s i n the u t t e r d i s s o l u t i o n of p u b l i c l i f e i n the p r e s e n t . As w e l l , t h i s s o c i e t y , i n S e n n e t t ' s v i e w , i s organised around a p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n a l i t y o r g a n i s a t i o n , tha t of n a r c i s s i s m . Both R ichard Sennett and C h r i s t o p h e r L a s c h 1 1 have ventured t o pene-t r a t e the human psyche and present a c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n of t h i s modal p e r s o n -a l i t y by way of a r e l a t i v e l y i n f o r m a l use of p s y c h o a n a l y t i c c l i n i c a l d a t a . These authors are o b v i o u s l y i n t r i g u e d by the r e p o r t s of psychoana lys ts t h a t the forms of neuroses which have been observed w i t h i n the l a s t t w e n t y - f i v e years have s h i f t e d from t h a t of h y s t e r i a and obsess iona l neuros i s to n a r c i s s i s t i c c h a r a c t e r d i s o r d e r s . I t i s important to note t h a t both authors b e l i e v e t h a t : 122 Th is p s y c h i c s t a t e i s not c reated by a c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n ; i t i s a p o s s i b i l i t y of c h a r a c t e r f o r any human b e i n g . But n a r c i s s i s m may be encour -aged by c u l t u r a l developments and can vary i n exp ress ion from era to e r a , so tha t i n some c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t may seem t i r e s o m e , i n o t h e r s , p a t h e t i c , i n o t h e r s , an a f f l i c t i o n shared i n ^ common. In S e n n e t t ' s c a s e , t h i s i s a p e c u l i a r s o r t of statement from someone who has spent the b e t t e r p a r t of a book d e s c r i b i n g an h i s t o r i c a l change i n the concept of s e l f . One must assume that Sennett i m p l i e s a r e l a t i v i t y i n s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s but an a h i s t o r i c a l s t a b i l i t y i n p e r s o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e . N a r c i s s i s m , as c l i n i c a l l y d e f i n e d , i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by "vague, d i f f u s e d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s wi th l i f e , " " s u b t l y exper ienced y e t pe rvas i ve f e e l i n g s of emptiness and depress ion" and " v i o l e n t o s c i l l a t i o n s of s e l f -13 es teem." These f e e l i n g s are the r e s u l t of a s e l f - a b s o r p t i o n which d i s a l l o w s an understanding of the boundaries of the s e l f , the s e p a r a t i o n between the s e l f and s e l f - g r a t i f i c a t i o n and t h a t which belongs o u t s i d e of the s e l f . Objects become a m i r r o r of the s e l f . Th is merging of the s e l f and o ther means t h a t noth ing o ther en te rs the s e l f , one sees o n e s e l f i n the o t h e r . In other words , one views th ings or other people on ly i n terms of o n e s e l f . Because one views ob jec ts as ex tens ions of one's s u b j e c -t i v i t y , there i s no ob jec t f o r the s u b j e c t and one's own s u b j e c t i v i t y e v e n t u a l l y becomes meaning less . Th is prompts a c o n t i n u a l search f o r s e l f -d e f i n i t i o n , f o r " a u t h e n t i c " exper ience i n which t o f i n d an e x p r e s s i o n or r e f l e c t i o n of o n e s e l f . The n a r c i s s i s t exper iences impover ished i n t e r -personal r e l a t i o n s because of h i s b a s i c d e v a l u a t i o n of other peop le . The n a r c i s s i s t l acks any r e a l i n t e l l e c t u a l , e t h i c a l , or s o c i a l commitments and i s t h e r e f o r e dependent upon others f o r s e l f a p p r o v a i . B a s i c deprecat ion of the other and a f e a r of dependencies make these r e l a t i o n s s h o r t - l i v e d , 123 leads t o a r e s t l e s s search f o r ins tantaneous i n t i m a c y . There i s a f a s c i n a -t i o n w i t h e x t e r n a l omnipotent powers w h i c h , i f a s s o c i a t e d w i t h , might lend a f i n a l v a l u a t i o n to the s e l f : t h i s i s mani fes ted i n a c u l t of c e l e b r i t y . Cloaked i n p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r y , the s e l f , i n f a c t the p e r s o n a l i t y o r g a n i s a t i o n of n a r c i s s i s m , i s an e n t i t y , on ly "encouraged," as some v i r u s , by envi ronmental f a c t o r s . B u t , as o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 1 , we are here c o n s i d e r i n g the s e l f , not as an e n t i t y but as an outcome of s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s h i p s , a manner of r e l a t i n g to o t h e r s . I t i s p o s s i b l e to cons ide r the c l i n i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of n a r c i s s i s m as a p o r t r a y a l of the s u b j e c t i v e exper ience of B e l l ' s ant inomian a t t i t u d e . Both authors appear to be d i s c u s s i n g the same phenomenon w i th a d i f f e r e n t emphasis . For i n s t a n c e , 14 i n B e l l ' s te rms , "now a l l exper ience i s t o be turned i n t o a r t , " i n L a s c h ' s , " L i f e becomes a work of a r t , w h i l e ' the f i r s t a r t work i n an a r t i s t , ' i n Norman M a i l e r ' s pronouncement, ' i s the shaping of h i s own 15 p e r s o n a l i t y ! " The c r i t i c a l dimension of the ant inomian a t t i t u d e , caught i n B e l l ' s a n a l y s i s and suggested i n S e n n e t t ' s , i s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n to a group and group convent ions o r , r a t h e r , a l i m i t e d o b l i g a t i o n to a common moral o rder . S e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s i s an e x p r e s s i o n of a v a r i a t i o n i n a pe rson ' s r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l order w h i c h , i n t u r n , may be i n f l u e n c e d by c e r t a i n h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . F u r t h e r , the exaggerated a l i e n a t i o n of the s e l f , i n the form of extreme s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , has been t i e d t o heightened o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the s e l f through m a t e r i a l goods. I t i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the ant inomian a t t i t u d e t h a t ob jec ts become a m i r r o r f o r and a d e f i n i t i o n of the s e l f . L e i s s has commented on the modern phenomenon by w h i c h : The sphere of m a t e r i a l exchange i s not t ranscended , but r a t h e r i s extended ever more deeply i n t o the ' p s y c h o l o g i c a l ' domains. The needs f o r s e l f - e s t e e m 124 and s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n are expressed and pursued through the purchase of commodit ies , which are not s imply m a t e r i a l ob jec ts but t h i n g s t h a t have a complex s e t of meanings or 'messages' a s s o c i a t e d w i th them . . . s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n or ' i n d i v i d u a l i t y ' is^ the goal of consumption, and t h a t i n d i v i d u a l i t y i s obta ined by l f i assembl ing a unique c o l l e c t i o n of commodit ies. I t i s not so much t h a t commodities are s o c i a l l y and p e r s o n a l l y meaningful 17 which i s of impor tance , but r a t h e r the p a r t i c u l a r meanings t h a t are so a t t a c h e d . The house, as commodity, has more r e c e n t l y been most ly e x p r e s s l y t i e d t o not ions of i n d i v i d u a l i t y and s e l f - a c t u a l i s a t i o n i n the media. As an example of t h i s , a car toon fea tu red i n a 1978 New Yorker 18 magazine shows a man and a woman seated i n a d imly i l l u m i n a t e d bar . The man, o u t f i t t e d i n a s u i t , but w i th t r e n d i s h l y long h a i r , impresses upon the woman t h a t : " I ' v e t r i e d to express myse l f c l e a r l y , but f o r a t r u l y d e f i n i t i v e statement of me you 'd have to see my new l i v i n g room." A q u i t e recent i s s u e of A r c h i t e c t u r a l D i g e s t , a popular American des ign magazine, o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g : Wait . . . c o n s i d e r the a l t e r n a t i v e to the end less scramble f o r o s t e n t a t i o n . Here i t i s . No compulsion from s t a t e , s o c i e t y or f a s h i o n can f o r c e a l i v i n g sou l to be other than h i m s e l f i n s i d e the one toeho ld he has on t h i s p l a n e t - h i s home. But i n equ ipp ing a house, every i n d i v i d u a l c h o i c e , r e g a r d l e s s of money or e f f o r t , w i l l r evea l complete ly the l i k e n e s s of the i n h a b i t a n t s . Do, f o r God's s a k e , s top q u a k i n g . Th is a l 1 - r e v e a l i n g f a c t o r cannot be evaded, cheated or bought o f f by o s t e n t a t i o n . Fashionable and p e r i o d i m i t a t i o n s only revea l t h a t the i n h a b i t a n t s are p r e t e n t i o u s , addlepated and devoid of i m a g i n a t i o n , which they hope to c o n c e a l . There now. Do we face t h i s r e a l i t y , abide by i t , make our household image t r u e and worthy of ourse lves - or r i g i t up w i th a mask of m i s b e l i e f and f u t i l e evas ion? What do we do? . . . W i l l homemakers d r i v e n to madness b u r s t out of l i v i n g rooms w i t h banners a l o f t : -jg S e l f image, Come Home? ( o r i g i n a l emphasis . ) 125 Note the characterisation of the individual as unbound to state or society or fashion and the equation of consumption and the consumer's character. One fears the uncontrollable revelation of characteristics through the interior decoration of the home. Douglas and Isherwood offer a c lassi f icat ion scheme'useful for the consideration of the di f ferent ial relation to commodities for an individual who identif ies with and'is obviously controlled by a group and one who 20 does not identify with any one social group. In understanding the possible relations they have adapted Basil Bernstein's c lassi f icat ion schema of group and grid to consumption behaviour. The group and grid represent two separate axes, the term grid refers to the degree of restrictiveness placed on social and economic transactions, the term group refers to an individual's identif ication with a group. Traditional society is c lassi f ied as a strong-group, strong-grid system. Members both identify with a group and subject themselves to restr ict ive rules of transaction such as those associated with ascription. Consumption is controlled by the group. Industrial society, associated with the Protestant ethic , is c lassif ied as a weak-group, moderate-grid society. By this i t is meant that, although indiv id -ualism is the prominent ideology and thus any individual's identif ication with a social group is l imited, there are common rules of commerce based on honesty, industry and solvency which attest to a shared moral order. Inappropriate spending would ref lect on one's allegiance to the moral order. Post-industrial society is characterised by a weak-grid, weak-group situation. The weak-grid condition is synonymous with strong individualism, one's transactions are not limited by ascriptive rules. The weak-group c lassi f icat ion signif ies a lack of identif ication and commitment to a social group. There are few checks on spending, one's consumption is a personal 126 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and governs the r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s . Inappro-p r i a t e spending r e f l e c t s on the c h a r a c t e r of the i n d i v i d u a l . Represented g r a p h i c a l l y i n F igure 6 . 1 . , these three a n a l y t i c a l l y i d e a l type s o c i e t i e s would be l o c a t e d v a r i o u s l y along the g r o u p - g r i d axes . The use fu lness of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system f o r the present purposes i s the focus on the group, an emphasis suggested a l s o by d i s c u s s i o n s of the ant inomian a t t i -tude . F igure 6 . 1 . Group and Gr id t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y weak group s t rong group Source : Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods ( B a s i c Books , New Y o r k , 1979). However, the Douglas and Isherwood c l a s s i f i c a t i o n scheme may, depending on one's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , o f f e r a somewhat m i s l e a d i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , f o r i t p o t e n t i a l l y conceals the f a c t t h a t members of such a s o c i e t y may share a common i d e o l o g y . Given the i n t e r -a c t i v e model of man o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 1 , i t i s nonsens i ca l t o cons ider s t rong g r i d weak g r i d 127 i n d i v i d u a l s unaf fec ted by g r i d or g roup , f o r i n d i v i d u a l i s m i t s e l f expresses r e l a t i o n s h i p s to s o c i e t y . The ant inomian a t t i t u d e , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l i s m i n m o r a l s , may be commonly shared . An a n a l y t i c d i s t i n c t i o n between the concepts of s o c i a l group and s o c i a l wor ld i s u s e f u l i n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n . Whi le the term s o c i a l group i s used t o r e f e r to formal member-sh ip and the a c t u a l network of a s s o c i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s , the term s o c i a l wor ld r e f e r s to a shared p e r s p e c t i v e based on e f f e c t i v e communica-t i o n . A s o c i a l wor ld may be common to i n d i v i d u a l s i n weak-group, weak-g r i d s o c i e t y . I t may, f o r example, be shared through a p u b l i c media w o r l d , c o n d i t i o n e d by a p o l i t i c a l economy i n which a l l of the supposedly separate i n d i v i d u a l s are i n v o l v e d . Thus, i t i s p o s s i b l e to cons ide r a c o l l e c t i v i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s as a s o c i a l wor ld even i f they are not mutua l l y o r i e n t e d to each o t h e r . In t h i s sense , group o r i e n t a t i o n and g r i d o b l i g a t i o n may be cons idered as dimensions of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a s o c i a l w o r l d . A s t rong group o r i e n t a t i o n i n some way s i g n i f i e s a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a shared p u b l i c rea lm. Group O r i e n t a t i o n and the.Shaughnessy and West Vancouver S o c i a l Worlds Th is d i s c u s s i o n of group o r i e n t a t i o n , and most p a r t i c u l a r l y the ant inomian a t t i t u d e , which expresses a disengagement from a group or common moral o r d e r , i s extremely suggest i ve i n r e l a t i o n t o the West Vancouver and Shaughnessy s o c i a l w o r l d s . In terms of Douglas and Isherwood's schema, i t seems p o s s i b l e t o represent them as shown- in F igure 6 . 2 . One of the major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the Shaughnessy from the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld was an i n t e r e s t and an a c t i v e commitment to an immediately i n v o l v i n g group amongst the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the former as compared to an i n t e r e s t i n a c o s m o p o l i t a n , p u b l i c media wor ld amongst the l a t t e r . Th is was r e f l e c t e d i n the s o c i a l networks : the personal n e t -128 F igure 6 . 2 . Schematic Representat ion of Shaughnessy and West Vancouver S o c i a l O r g a n i s a t i o n s t rong g r i d weak g r i d Shaughnessy West Vancouver weak group s t rong group Source : the author . works of the Shaughnessy women were in te rconnec ted so as to form the s o c i a l network of a group, those of the West Vancouver women were l e s s i n t e r c o n n e c -t e d , were fragmented to the ex tent t h a t each woman's c o l l e c t i o n of f r i e n d s were r e l a t i v e l y unique to h e r s e l f . The Shaughnessy women and men were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d w i th community a c t i v i t i e s , as w e l l as be longing to many of the same i n s t i t u t i o n s . In c o n t r a s t , the West Vancouver women were r e l a t i v e l y un invo lved w i t h a c t i v i t i e s ou ts ide of the home. I f they were, i t was l i k e l y t o be i n p u r s u i t of p r i v a t e ga in r a t h e r than w i t h community or p h i l a n t h r o p i c work. The d i f f e r e n t i a l a f f i l i a t i o n to a group or r a t h e r , involvements i n a p u b l i c r e a l m , were expressed i n v a r y i n g a t t i t u d e s towards t a s t e , the home and. the ob jec ts t h e r e i n . The Shaughnessy women i n d i c a t e d the s o c i a l and hence group o r i g i n s of t h e i r t a s t e w h i l e the West Vancouver women f e l t t h a t t h e i r t a s t e was i n d i v i d u a l l y d e f i n e d . The Shaughnessy women 129 g e n e r a l l y h i r e d the same i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , the West Vancouver women sought out d i f f e r e n t d e s i g n e r s . Th is i s perhaps because the Shaughnessy women f e l t t h a t t h e i r homes were s i m i l a r t o those of t h e i r f r i e n d s and seemed to f e e l comfor tab le w i th t h i s assessment w h i l e the West Vancouver i tes i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i r homes d i f f e r e d across i n d i v i d u a l s . When West Van-c o u v e r i t e s d i d p e r c e i v e a s i m i l a r i t y between homes, t h i s was based on a s i m i l a r i t y between p e r s o n a l i t i e s and not a shared s o c i a l w o r l d . One t h i n k s of S e n n e t t ' s a n a l y s i s of the c u l t of i n t i m a c y w i th re fe rence to community. He main ta ins t h a t the nature of community has become d i s t o r t e d i n the twent ie th c e n t u r y ; s o c i a l bonds have become dependent upon p s y c h o l o g i c a l openness. Community as a s e t of customs and a t t i t u d e s has been embe l l i shed w i th the no t ion o f a shared sense of the s e l f . S o c i a l l i f e i s thought of 21 i n terms of p e r s o n a l i t y s t a t e s and personal symbols . Cent ra l t o the ana lyses o f B e l l , Lasch and Sennett i s the n o t i o n t h a t mass consumption, encouraged through mass m e r c h a n d i s i n g , i s i n some way i n f l u e n t i a l i n the fo rmat ion of the ant inomian a t t i t u d e . I t was found t h a t West Vancouver i tes were much.more a t t e n t i v e t o the media f o r d i r e c -t i o n i n d e f i n i n g t h e i r t a s t e and i n d e c o r a t i n g t h e i r homes. The i r cho ice of i n t e r i o r des igners was a l s o a r r i v e d at through t h i s medium. In c o n t r a s t , the Shaughnessy women looked to members of t h e i r s o c i a l wor ld f o r t a s t e d e f i n i t i o n and an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . D i f f e r e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a p u b l i c realm i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s towards the permanence of t a s t e and the o b j e c t s w i th which one surrounds o n e s e l f . The West Vancouver i tes d i d not i n h e r i t t h e i r t a s t e from t h e i r p a r e n t s , and t h e i r own changed through time w i t h f a s h i o n t r e n d s . The ob jec ts w i t h i n t h e i r houses changed i n c o n c e r t . In c o n t r a s t , the Shaughnessy women took on t h e i r p a r e n t s ' t a s t e , as w e l l as 130 much of t h e i r f u r n i t u r e , and mainta ined both through t i m e . Lasch has i d e n t i f i e d the loss of h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y as a d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of modern, i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i e t y : " . . . above a l l the severance of the sense of h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y [has] t ransformed the P r o t e s t a n t e t h i c w h i l e c a r r y i n g the u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e s of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y t o t h e i r 22 l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n " so tha t " the only r e a l i t y i s the i d e n t i t y t h a t he [the n a r c i s s i s t ] can c o n s t r u c t out of m a t e r i a l s f u r n i s h e d by a d v e r t i s i n g and mass c u l t u r e , themes of popular f i l m and f i c t i o n , and fragments t o r n from a vast range of c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s , a l l of them e q u a l l y contempor-23 aneous to the contemporary m i n d . " Hannah Arendt has remarked t h a t , "There i s perhaps no c l e a r e r test imony t o the loss of the p u b l i c realm i n the modern age than the almost complete l o s s o f a u t h e n t i c concern w i t h immor-t a l i t y , a l o s s somewhat overshadowed by the s imultaneous loss of the 24 metaphys ica l concern w i t h e t e r n i t y . " I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the ant inomian a t t i t u d e t h a t p h y s i c a l goods are g iven a human q u a l i t y ; they become m i r r o r s of the s e l f . The houses of the West Vancouver i tes were cons idered by them to be e x p r e s s i v e of t h e i r s e l v e s . The West Vancouver i tes o f f e r e d extreme statements equat ing d e c o r -a t i n g s t y l e s and the c h a r a c t e r s of persons who might use them. In c o n t r a s t , the Shaughnessy women mentioned a r e v e l a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s and i n t e r e s t s through the ob jec ts found i n one's house and p r e f e r r e d to view s e l f -e x p r e s s i o n as something achieved through a c t i v i t i e s performed i n the p u b l i c rea lm. The West Vancouver i tes 1 concern w i t h s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n i s seen i n t h e i r assessment of each i n d i v i d u a l ' s home i n terms of c r e a t i v i t y . As w e l l , t h e i r cho ice of i n t e r i o r des igners known f o r t h e i r a r t i s t r y and t h e i r general c u l t i v a t i o n of the a r t i s t and the a r t i s t i c i s immensely suggest i ve 131 when cons idered i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the ana lyses of B e l l , Lasch and Sennett i n which the i d o l a t r y of the a r t i s t , a symbol of s e l f - e x p r e s s i v e n e s s , i s cons idered as another m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the c e l e b r a t i o n of s e l f and a u t h e n t i c e x p e r i e n c e . Drawing these l i n k s between the e m p i r i c a l study and these more general t h e o r i e s , the p e r s p e c t i v e s of the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the West Vancouver s o c i a l wor ld seem to stand as e m p i r i c a l i n s t a n c e s of the ant inomian a t t i -t u d e , i n s t a n c e s which are drawn, not from p s y c h i a t r i c case s t u d i e s or the outpour ings of popular c u l t u r e , but from d e s c r i p t i o n s of everyday personal involvements and s e l f e x p r e s s i v e a c t i v i t i e s o f suburban women. A c o n s i d e r -a t i o n of the e m p i r i c a l data i n such a l i g h t may stand as a c o r r e c t i v e to the p s y c h o l o g i s i n g tendencies of c e r t a i n t h e o r i s t s because i t d i s a l l o w s a neg lec t f o r such h i s t o r i c a l a c t u a l i t i e s as i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , mass m e r c h a n d i s i n g , the promotion of p leasure and i d e o l o g i c a l s h i f t s i n the meaning of s e c u l a r knowledge. At the same t i m e , the r e l a t i v e c o n t r a s t between the West Vancouver and Shaughnessy women suggests t h a t i t i s not the e x i s t e n c e of i n d u s t r i a l -i s a t i o n and g e n e r a l i s e d market exchange which leads i n e v i t a b l y to an ideo logy i d e n t i f i e d by the ant inomian a t t i t u d e . Goode suggests t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w i l l have a d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t on the extended f a m i l y depending on : the c o n t r o l by e l d e r s of the new o p p o r t u n i t i e s under i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n . . . . A c r u c i a l d i f f e r -ence between upper - and l o w e r - c l a s s e l d e r s l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t the new o p p o r t u n i t i e s are t y p i c a l l y c reated and developed by u p p e r - c l a s s e l d e r s , who can thus c o n t r o l t h e i r own sons and women and m a i n t a i n t h e i r l i n e s of a u t h o r i t y long a f t e r these have begun to d i s i n t e g r a t e 25 among l o w e r - s t r a t a f a m i l i e s . 132 There was a suggest ion t h a t p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y was a s t rong f o r c e f o r c e r t a i n p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Shaughnessy s o c i a l w o r l d . There were s e v e r a l reasons f o r t h i s . . F i r s t l y , so many of the parents of the Shaugh-nessy women and men l i v e d i n Vancouver. As w e l l , i n l i n e w i t h Goode's argument, severa l women mentioned t h a t t h e i r parents had prov ided the down-payments on t h e i r homes or t h a t t h e i r husbands had o r i g i n a l l y s t a r t e d i n t h e i r own f a t h e r s ' companies. The s o c i a l l y mobi le West Vancouver i tes would be exempt from p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y based on the c o n t r o l of o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Even the West Vancouver women and/or men whose parents had c o n s i d e r a b l e weal th seemed f r e e of t h i s c o n t r o l because of geograph ica l m o b i l i t y . They had moved to Vancouver, o f t e n because of the p o l i t i c a l or economic c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n t h e i r country of o r i g i n , and had consequent ly d i s r u p t e d t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e extended f a m i l i e s . Even when the e n t i r e extended f a m i l y had moved t o Vancouver t o g e t h e r , one would imagine t h a t the l i n e s o f a u t h -o r i t y would be somewhat weakened. In a d d i t i o n to the d i f f e r e n t i a l r o l e of the f a m i l y , i n p a r t i c u l a r the c o n t r o l by p a r e n t s , the i n d i v i d u a l s . a s s o c i a t e d w i th Shaughnessy were i n v o l v e d w i th a group and group va lues by means of c lubs and a s s o c i a t i o n s . The s t rong i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n of the Shaughnessy group assured the easy a s s i m i l a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s who had moved to Vancouver from other Canadian c i t i e s . However, i t i s not on ly t h a t these i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t e d , f o r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t e d i n West Vancouver a l s o , but t h a t the Shaughnessy women i n t e r v i e w e d chose to j o i n them and p a r t i c i p a t e i n them i n the way t h a t they d i d . T h e i r a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a f f a i r s can be a s s o c i a t e d not only w i t h the development of a group a f f i l i a -t i o n and a l e s s e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the s e l f - a s - u n i q u e - p e r s o n a l i t y , r e l a t i v e to the West Vancouver women, but a l s o w i t h a d e n i g r a t i o n of m a t e r i a l 133 goods, the house i n c l u d e d , as d e f i n i t i o n a l markers of the s e l f . The s e l f was expressed through a c t i o n . The c o n s t e l l a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s , group o r i e n t a t i o n , community o b l i g a t i o n and deprecat ion of the house as an e x p r e s s i v e medium are an i n t r i g u i n g combinat ion . The r e l a t i v e importance of the extended f a m i l y and a p r o v i n c i a l background f o r the development of a group o r i e n t a t i o n and a sense o f p u b l i c o b l i g a t i o n cannot be assessed from the data p resented . However, i t suggested t h a t the mutual p e r c e p t i o n of a s o c i a l r a t h e r than a p s y c h o l o g i c a l bond between the Shaughnessy persons might have had an i n f l u e n c e on t h e i r commitment to the p u b l i c realm and t h e i r concept ions of s e l f . These, i n t u r n , were r e f l e c t e d i n a t t i t u d e s towards the house. One's house should be i n good t a s t e , as de f ined by the s o c i a l group. The West Vancouver i tes 1 i n d i v i d u a l i s o l a t i o n from a common s o c i a l group i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of t h e i r home as a vesse l f o r the d i s p l a y of i n d i v i d u a l i s i n g c r e a t i v i t y . In Douglas and Isherwood's te rms , the house and the goods w i t h i n are a " v i s i b l e b i t of the i c e b e r g which i s the 26 whole s o c i a l p r o c e s s . " 134 FOOTNOTES 1 For example, Danie l B e l l , The Coming of P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y ( B a s i c Books, New Y o r k , 1973) ; Danie l B e l l , The C u l t u r a l C o n t r a d i c t i o n s of  C a p i t a l i s m ( B a s i c Books, New York , 1976) ; Ch r i s topher L a s c h , The Cu l tu re  of Narc iss ism. (W.W. Nor ton , New Y o r k , 1978) ; R ichard S e n n e t t , The F a l l of  P u b l i c Man (V intage Books , New York , 1974) . 2 B e l l , The Coming of P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y and The C u l t u r a l C o n t r a - d i c t i o n s of C a p i t a l i s m . 3 Max Weber, The P r o t e s t a n t . E t h i c and The S p i r i t of C a p i t a l i s m , t r a n s l a t e d by T a l c o t t . P a r s o n s (Char les S c r i b n e r ' s Sons , New Y o r k , 1958). 4 B e l l , The Coming of P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y , p. 477. 5 I b i d . , p. 478. 6 I b i d . ' S e n n e t t , The Fal1 of P u b l i c Man. o Hannah Arendt draws out a s i m i l a r type of argument i n her book, The Human Cond i t ion (The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , Ch icago , 1958) , pp. 2 2 - 7 8 . g A r thur B r i t t a n expands the p r i v a t i s a t i o n t h e s i s i n h i s book, The  p r i v a t i s e d wor ld (Routledge and Kegan P a u l , London, 1978) . He cons ide rs p r i v a t i s a t i o n t o be the r e s u l t of an i n v a s i o n of consc iousness by i n s t r u -ments of t e c h n o l o g i c a l and b u r e a u c r a t i c r a t i o n a l i t y . 1 0 S e n n e t t , The F a l l of P u b l i c Man, p. 20. 1 1 C h r i s t o p h e r L a s c h , The C u l t u r e of N a r c i s s i s m . 1 2 S e n n e t t , The F a l l of P u b l i c Man, p. 220. 13 L a s c h , The C u l t u r e o f N a r c i s s i s m , p. 3 7 . 14 B e l l , The Coming of P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y , p. 478. Lasch , The C u l t u r e of N a r c i s s i s m , p. 91 . 135 1 c W i l l i a m L e i s s , The L i m i t s to S a t i s f a c t i o n : An essay on the problem  of needs and commodities ( U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , To ron to , 1976) , p. 57. 1 7 One may go so f a r as t o say t h a t a l l ob jec ts are meaningful i n t h i s way. Th is was c e r t a i n l y T h o r s t e i n Veb len 's p o i n t i n The Theory of the  Le i su re C lass (New American L i b r a r y , New Y o r k , 1953) . John Digg ins had more r e c e n t l y taken up Veb len 's p o i n t t o emphasize the s o c i a l l y i n t e g r a t i v e f u n c t i o n of commodity consumption: " R e i f i c a t i o n and the C u l t u r a l Hegemony of C a p i t a l i s m : The P e r s p e c t i v e s of Marx and V e b l e n " , S o c i a l Research , v o l . 44 (1977) , pp. 354 -383 . Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood have made a s i m i l a r case i n t h e i r book, The World of Goods ( B a s i c Books , New Y o r k , 1979) . 1 8 New Y o r k e r , 17 A p r i l 1978, p. 35. 19 T . H . Robs john -G ibb ings , "A Masque of O s t e n t a t i o n , " A r c h i t e c t u r a l  D i g e s t , v o l . 33 (August/Ju ly 1976) , pp. 2 0 - 2 2 . Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, A World of Goods. S e n n e t t , The F a l l of P u b l i c Man. L a s c h , The C u l t u r e of N a r c i s s i s m , pp. 6 8 - 6 9 . I b i d . , p. 91 . A r e n d t , The Human C o n d i t i o n , p. 55 . 20 21 22 23 24 W i l l i a m J . Goode, " I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and Family S t r u c t u r e , " i n Norman W. B e l l and Ezra F.. Vogel ( e d s . ) , A Modern I n t r o d u c t i o n t o the Family (The Free P r e s s , New Y o r k , 1968) , p. 117. Douglas & Isherwood, The World of Goods, p. 74. 136 APPENDIX A - QUESTIONNAIRE Housing H i s t o r y 1. Were you and your husband both born i n Vancouver? 2 . I f s o , what neighbourhoods? 3. Where d i d you each l i v e w h i l e growing up? 4. Could you o u t l i n e the res idences t h a t you have l i v e d i n dur ing your marr ied l i f e ? 5 . I f you had a complete ly f r e e c h o i c e , what area of Vancouver would you l i k e t o l i v e i n ? 6 . Would you say tha t there has been any general s i m i l a r i t y between a l l of the houses t h a t you have l i v e d i n ? 7. How long have you l i v e d i n your present house? 8 . What was i t about t h i s p a r t i c u l a r house t h a t appealed t o you? The neighbourhood? The e x t e r i o r ? The i n t e r i o r ? 9 . When you f i r s t moved i n t o t h i s house was i t i n need of a l t e r a t i o n s beyond r e d e c o r a t i n g ? S o c i o l o g i c a l Data 1. Do you have r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n Vancouver? Does your husband? 2. Are they l i v i n g i n your r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood? 3 . Where do your three c l o s e s t f r i e n d s l i v e ? 4. How d i d you get to know your c l o s e s t f r i e n d s . ? 5 . What p r o p o r t i o n of the people w i th whom you exchange r e g u l a r v i s i t s a r e : members of your c lubs and a s s o c i a t i o n s ? school f r i e n d s ? neighbours? business r e l a t e d ? 6 . What i s your husband's occupat ion? 7. What was your f a t h e r ' s occupat ion? F a t h e r - i n - l a w ' s ? 8 . Are you or have you been engaged i n some s o r t of work y o u r s e l f , c h a r i t a b l e or o therwise? 9. For both your husband and y o u r s e l f , what i s the h i g h e s t degree completed? 10. How of ten do you e n t e r t a i n f o r m a l l y i n your house? I n f o r m a l l y or spontaneously? What i s the d i f f e r e n c e between i n f o r m a l and formal enter ta inment? 11. I f you were t o d i s t r i b u t e percentages between the types of people f o r whom you e n t e r t a i n , how would the f o l l o w i n g break down? Fami l y , c l o s e f r i e n d s , a c q u a i n t a n c e s , b u s i n e s s . 12. What s p e c i f i c rooms o f the house are used f o r each o f the above types of e n t e r t a i n i n g ? 13. When s o c i a l i s i n g w i t h f r i e n d s (and here you are not n e c e s s a r i l y e n t e r t a i n i n g y o u r s e l f ) what percentage of such occas ions occur i n each of the f o l l o w i n g : p r i v a t e homes p r i v a t e c lubs p u b l i c p laces ( s p e c i f y ) . 14. Of which s o c i a l c lubs are you a member? 15. How many years have you been a member of these c l u b s ? 137 16. Do you take an a c t i v e par t i n these s o c i a l c l u b s ? 17. What s o c i e t i e s or a s s o c i a t i o n s are you a member o f? 18. On the average , how many n i g h t s a week are you out s o c i a l l y ? Use of House 1. On a d a y - t o - d a y b a s i s , which rooms do you cent re your a c t i v i t i e s i n ? What rooms does your husband use? What rooms do your c h i l d r e n use? What are t h e i r ages? 2 . Would you c o n s i d e r your l i v i n g room t o be a formal or a m u l t i -purpose room? Do you use your d i n i n g room f o r m a l l y or d a i l y ? 3 . Are your r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s cent red around the house? What are the a c t i v i t i e s , i n e i t h e r case? 4. How many hours a day do you spend i n your home on the average? I n t e r i o r Decorat ion 1. What have been the g r e a t e s t i n f l u e n c e s i n the development of your sense of t a s t e ? 2 . Do you have any a r t - r e l a t e d educat ion? Do you enjoy doing any h a n d i c r a f t ? 3 . What i s good t a s t e ? What i s bad t a s t e ? Is t h i s s u b j e c t i v e or i s the re something o b j e c t i v e about good t a s t e ? 4. Could you i n d i c a t e any i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n magazines t h a t you might g lance at on a r e g u l a r b a s i s ? Do you have a s u b s c r i p t i o n to these magazines? 5 . What do you f e e l t h a t you get out of these magazines? 6 . Do you enjoy window shopping or do.you keep up w i t h the merchandise i n p a r t i c u l a r s t o r e s ? Which s t o r e s ? 7. Are there p a r t i c u l a r f r i e n d s w i t h whom you d i s c u s s matters of i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n ? What d i s t i n g u i s h e s them? 8. I f a c l o s e f r i e n d mentioned t h a t she d i s l i k e d something about your decor would you cons ider changing i t ? 9 . When and how have you acqu i red most of your f u r n i t u r e , a c c e s s o r i e s and artwork? 10. What are the th ings t h a t you p a r t i c u l a r l y l i k e about your f u r n i s h i n g s ? 11. What do you t h i n k about the f o l l o w i n g quote? "I love b e a u t i f u l th ings but I d o n ' t develop at tachments . For i n s t a n c e , I d o n ' t even have a b o o k s h e l f , and I read l i k e a f i e n d . The same w i t h o b j e c t s . I g i ve them away. T h a t ' s my way of keeping t h i n g s going and a c q u i r i n g new m a t e r i a l a t the same t i m e . " 12. I f a photographer from a n a t i o n a l home d e c o r a t i o n magazine wanted to photograph your home, what do you t h i n k t h a t your r e a c t i o n s would be? What pa r t s of i t would you l e t him photograph? 13. Do you enjoy the process of d e c o r a t i n g your home? Does your husband ? 14. Do you t h i n k t h a t the d e c o r a t i o n of the home should p rov ide i n t e r e s t and perhaps ac t as a s t i m u l a n t to c o n v e r s a t i o n or merely ac t as a backdrop? 15. Cons ider ing your d i s p o s a b l e income, how would you rank the f o l l o w i n g i n terms of p r i o r i t y ? Home d e c o r a t i o n , s p o r t s , t r a v e l , e n t e r t a i n m e n t , c l u b s . 138 Use of an I n t e r i o r Designer 1. Have you ever sought the adv ice of an i n t e r i o r des igner or decora to r? 2 . I f s o , when have you employed a decora to r and over what p e r i o d of t ime d i d the c o n s u l t a t i o n l a s t ? I f n o t , would you c o n s i d e r us ing a des igner? 3 . What prompted you (or would prompt you) t o employ an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r ? 4. Was your (would your) husband (be) i n v o l v e d i n the d e c i s i o n to employ a decora to r? 5 . Who d i d (would) you employ f o r d e c o r a t i n g c o n s u l t a t i o n ? 6 . How d i d you decide on t h i s p a r t i c u l a r des igner? 7. Are you aware of anyone e l s e who uses t h i s p a r t i c u l a r deco ra to r or des igner? 8 . In your e s t i m a t i o n , what percentage of your f r i e n d s have used a decora to r or des igner? Is t h i s e s t i m a t i o n based on e x p l i c i t know-ledge or i n f e r e n c e ? 9 . Could you p lease i n d i c a t e (on a l i s t of des igners prov ided) which you r e c o g n i s e , which have been used by f r i e n d s and which you have used? 10. Do you t h i n k t h a t d i f f e r e n t decorators or des igners have d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s or d i f f e r e n t c l i e n t e l e s ? 11. What s o r t s of e x p e r t i s e do you t h i n k t h a t a decora to r has t h a t you d o n ' t have? 12. Do you t h i n k t h a t there i s anyth ing t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e s a house f o r which a decorato r has been consu l ted from one f o r which one has not? 13. What rooms d i d (would) you use a decora to r f o r ? Why these p a r t i c u l a r rooms? 14. For what aspects of the d e c o r a t i o n d i d (would) you seek c o n s u l t a t i o n ? 15. Are there s p e c i f i c aspects of the d e c o r a t i o n of the home t h a t f a l l o u t s i d e the d e s i g n e r s ' p r o v i n c e ? 16. In d e c o r a t i n g each room of your house, do you have any p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n . o f what the room should look l i k e ? How do you go about beginning to decorate a room? 17. I t i s p o p u l a r , i n the c u r r e n t des ign l i t e r a t u r e , t o speak of the des igner as an i n t e r p r e t e r o f the c l i e n t s ' p e r s o n a l i t i e s , as a psychoanalys t a lmost . What are your views on t h i s i s s u e ? 18. How much of the d e s i g n e r ' s p e r s o n a l i t y should be i n v o l v e d ? 19. IF A DESIGNER HAD BEEN USED - Were there any areas of c o n f l i c t between the des igner and y o u r s e l f ? 20. IF A DESIGNER HAD BEEN USED - Did the r e s t of the f a m i l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n d e c i s i o n s regard ing the d e s i g n e r ' s suggest ions? IF A DESIGNER HAD NOT BEEN USED - Do the r e s t of the f a m i l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n d e c i s i o n s regard ing the i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n of your home? 2 1 . Is the i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n o f your home of equal importance t o your husband and y o u r s e l f ? 22 . How o f t e n do you change aspects of the d e c o r a t i o n ? What k ind of changes do you make? 2 3 . How o f ten do you t h i n k t h a t a major change i n i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n i s necessary? The House as an Express i ve Medium 1. Do you f i n d t h a t being i n a p e r s o n ' s house can be r e v e a l i n g of t h a t p a r t i c u l a r person? What s o r t s of t h i n g s are revea led? 139 2 . Are the t h i n g s which are revea led by the house h e l p f u l i n g e t t i n g to know a person? 3 . Do you t h i n k t h a t the impress ions formed on the b a s i s of the p e r s o n ' s house a f f e c t your f u r t h e r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h t h a t person? 4. Would you say t h a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r house i s e x p r e s s i v e of an aspect of y o u r s e l f , your f a m i l y or anyth ing i n p a r t i c u l a r ? 5 . What s p e c i f i c aspects of the house are e x p r e s s i v e of ? 6 . Do you cons ider your house to be a pr imary v e h i c l e f o r s e l f exp ress ion? I f n o t , what i s ? 7. Do you t h i n k t h a t your home d i f f e r s s u b s t a n t i a l l y from those of your f r i e n d s ? 8 . IF THE PERSON HAD USED A DESIGNER - Would the house have been as e x p r e s s i v e of y o u r s e l f had you not had the d e c o r a t o r ' s he lp? 9 . I would l i k e your comments on the f o l l o w i n g quote : "The f a c t t h a t the d e c o r a t i o n of the house i n t e r i o r o f t e n symbol izes i n h a b i t a n t s ' f e e l i n g s about s e l f i s one t h a t has long been r e c o g n i z e d . I t has even been suggested t h a t the r i s e i n p o p u l a r i t y of the p r o f e s s i o n of i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n i s i n some way r e l a t e d t o p e o p l e ' s i n a b i l i t y t o make these d e c i s i o n s f o r themselves , s i n c e t h e y ' r e not sure what t h e i r s e l f r e a l l y i s . " 140 APPENDIX B - TRANSCRIPT OF INTERVIEW WITH DESIGNER 1 In te rv iewer (I.): Could you b r i e f l y o u t l i n e your persona l h i s t o r y i n r e l a t i o n to your career i n i n t e r i o r des ign? Designer ( D . ) : A l r i g h t . I grew up i n Vancouver but went t o New York f o r one year and took a design course t h e r e . When I came back to Vancouver I worked f o r [a major department s t o r e ] f o r two y e a r s . That was a much d i f f e r e n t type of des ign work because the c o n s u l t a t i o n s e r v i c e was f r e e so you were e s s e n t i a l l y sent out to t e l l customers what c o l o u r t o p a i n t w a l l s t h a t they would then p a i n t themselves . These people were blue c o l l a r workers and you had to s e l l them f u r n i t u r e t h a t was on s a l e . . . A f t e r two years I got mar r ied and stopped working f o r twelve y e a r s . I.: Is your husband a l s o a Vancouver i te? D. : Yes . . . Anyways, I came back to work i n the s p r i n g of 1973 w i th [ the f i r m w i t h which she i s p r e s e n t l y employed] . I.: Is a l l of your cur rent work res ident ia l ) ? D.: Most. I 've done the odd p r i v a t e o f f i c e but t h i s i s an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r -ent b u s i n e s s . O f f i c e work i s very t e c h n i c a l . You have t o do a l o t of d r a f t i n g , and worry about paper f low and t r a f f i c f low i n s t e a d of f a m i l y f l o w . I.: Would you mind marking the d i s t r i b u t i o n of your c l i e n t e l e amongst Vancouver neighbourhoods on t h i s map? (She d i d not mind and the map i s a t t a c h e d . ) D. : What i s the ex tent of your des ign s e r v i c e s u s u a l l y ? I.: I u s u a l l y go i n and prov ide a t o t a l p lan: - the c o l o u r s , the f a b r i c and the f u r n i t u r e , . . . the brass lamp, . . . and n ine out of ten c a s e s , even i f the c l i e n t and I are both search ing f o r [ a c c e s s o r i e s ] , I w i l l f i n d the brass lamp. I t i s r e a l l y fun i f the c l i e n t has a c o l l e c t i o n but someone can have a n i c e house even i f they d o n ' t have a c o l l e c t i o n . I t can be warm and i n v i t i n g even i f i t d o e s n ' t have something memorable which causes you t o s a y , 'Wow, d i d you see so and s o ' s c o l l e c t i o n o f . . . . ' I.: Do you buy artwork f o r a c l i e n t ? D. : No, a l though I'm happy to d i r e c t them to an a r t i s t or a g a l l e r y i f I t h i n k t h a t they w i l l l i k e t h e i r a r t or i f the c l i e n t has no c o l l e c -t i o n or artwork themselves . Even i f someone does have artwork I w i l l go through the c o l l e c t i o n and choose what s u i t s the room. For i n s t a n c e , A (a woman we both knew of ) got out a l l of her p r i n t s and I s e l e c t e d the ones which could go i n the l i v i n g room. A s a i d , 'What w i l l I do w i t h these o t h e r s . " and I s a i d 'Put them somewhere e l s e . ' A then went out and got them framed h e r s e l f - she obv ious l y had some p lace t h a t she cou ld get them done more cheaply which i s okay. But I s p e c i f i e d t h a t she get them framed w i t h whi te mat and g o l d f rames. I'm going over to hang them next week. I.: Are there t y p i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s t h a t are p laced on you? D.: There i s sometimes a l i m i t i n g f a c t o r - maybe f a m i l y ant iques or a carpet or another room t h a t must be c o n s i d e r e d . I a c t u a l l y p r e f e r not to do th ings from s c r a t c h . I have done a few houses t o t a l l y and i t can take f o r e v e r , i f you d o n ' t have a d e c i s i v e c l i e n t . 141 I.: You seem t o be des ign ing from w i t h i n your s o c i a l m i l i e u i n a way. Is t h i s an accurate a p p r a i s a l and how t y p i c a l i s t h i s amongst des igners? D. : Yes , I t h i n k t h a t I am c l o s e r t o my s o c i a l environment than most d e s i g n e r s . [The owner of the business f o r which she works] runs w i th an o ld es tab l i shment i n . . . . The only des igner t h a t I have ever seen s o c i a l l y i s . . . and t h a t i s because we have a mutual f r i e n d . I t h i n k t h a t a l o t of them run i n younger crowds. I.: Are most of your c l i e n t s f i r s t l y f r i e n d s ? D. : At f i r s t a l l o f my c l i e n t s were f r i e n d s but now I am branching out and the a s s o c i a t i o n s are somewhat more removed. I.: How do you r e c o n c i l e your p r o f e s s i o n a l r o l e w i t h t h a t of a personal f r i e n d s h i p or s o c i a l acqua in tancesh ip? D. : My c l i e n t s are very good at s e p a r a t i n g the two. At a r a r e c o c k t a i l pa r t y someone w i l l whisper 'When are my c h a i r s go ing t o be r e a d y ? ' , but t h i s i s r a r e . I can a l s o thank my husband. When I came back to work he i n s i s t e d t h a t there would be no bus iness c a l l s a f t e r 6 :00 and no work i n the even ings . Th is can present a problem i f c l i e n t s ' husbands want to p a r t i c i p a t e but t h i s only happens about 10 - 15% of the t i m e . In these cases we can u s u a l l y arrange a noon-t ime meeting or one at 4 :00 or 5 : 0 0 . Most of them are t o p - l e v e l execu t i ves and can a c t u a l l y leave the o f f i c e when they w i s h . I.: Do husbands u s u a l l y take no i n t e r e s t ? D. : Most husbands are shown the samples by t h e i r wives but do not wish to a c t u a l l y get together w i t h the d e s i g n e r . They u s u a l l y d o n ' t present a problem. I f a n y t h i n g , the husband w i l l i n v a r i a b l y go f o r the best q u a l i t y and i t i s the w i f e who i s more l i k e l y to be s c r i m p i n g . I f the cho ice i s between g e t t i n g the $800.00 carpet i n s t e a d of the a l l -wool one, the husband w i l l u s u a l l y go. f o r the wool and the w i f e f o r the cheaper. I.: Is i t somehow h e l p f u l to work w i t h a c l i e n t who i s not a s t r a n g e r ? D. : I f a n y t h i n g , i t w i l l be h e l p f u l because the c l i e n t w i l l be more r e l a x e d about t e l l i n g you what they d o n ' t l i k e . A l s o I have more of an idea about t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . Otherwise I s imply have to b r ing samples and ask the person to t e l l me what they l i k e and d o n ' t l i k e - the l a t t e r can be j u s t as i n s t r u c t i v e . I.: I t i s popular i n the c u r r e n t des ign l i t e r a t u r e to p o r t r a y the des igner as an i n t e r p r e t e r o f a c l i e n t s ' p e r s o n a l i t y . What i s your p o s i t i o n on t h i s i s s u e ? D. : I t i s t rue to a degree. For i n s t a n c e , v i v i d co lours are a p p r o p r i a t e f o r some types and not f o r o t h e r s . I was des ign ing o f f i c e s f o r the chairman and general manager of a f i r m . The general manager looked l i k e [a type o f c a r p e t ] because he looked d o w n - t o - e a r t h . A l s o he was i n contac t w i th the p u b l i c and oughtn ' t be i n t i m i d a t i n g . The cha i rman , on the other hand, was more s o p h i s t i c a t e d l o o k i n g and i n a more p r e s -t i g i o u s p o s i t i o n , so I brought him samples of shag. When he saw the other type of carpet he immediately wanted t h a t so I misjudged i n t h a t case . I.: What are the s p e c i f i c elements o f i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n which are t i e d c l o s e l y to a pe rson ' s p e r s o n a l i t y ? D.: Colour i s very impor tant . One c l i e n t i s a ' b l u e ' person . She t r i e d to avo id t h i s and looked f o r a year at f a b r i c s before f i n a l l y r e a l i s i n g t h a t she was a l l b l u e . Family hei r looms and th ings t h a t have been acqu i red w h i l e t r a v e l l i n g can h e l p . I f a person d o e s n ' t have any of these t h i n g s , they can s t i l l have a s o f t , warm and i n v i t i n g room and I t r y t o guide them to a c c e s s o r i e s . 142 I.: How much of your s e l f i s i n v o l v e d i n your des ign? D. : I d o n ' t cons ide r myse l f t o be a heavy-handed d e s i g n e r . I t r y t o make the c l i e n t s work so they d o n ' t f e e l t h a t t h e i r house had been ' d o n e . ' B a s i c a l l y my c l i e n t s want a des igner who leaves the house l o o k i n g l i k e a des igner h a s n ' t been t h e r e . They do not want a d e s i g n e r ' s s i g n a t u r e . On the i n i t i a l card t h a t I sent around, I a d v e r t i s e d myse l f as ' l e g s . ' I do not t e l l c l i e n t s to get r i d of t h i s and t h i s and t h i s . I t r y to do th ings more s u b t l y over t i m e . I f there i s something i n a room which i s a r e a l m o n s t r o s i t y but my c l i e n t i s r e a l l y at tached t o i t , t h e n . i t has t o s tay and I r e c o n c i l e myse l f by say ing t h a t i t w i l l add c h a r a c t e r . I.: What happens i f your t a s t e c lashes w i th your c l i e n t ' s ? ' D. : W e l l , f o r i n s t a n c e , when I brought A the o r i g i n a l samples f o r the l i v i n g room I had t o urge her t o go f o r something t h a t wasn ' t pedes-t r i a n . The o r i g i n a l t h i n g s t h a t I recommended, she d i d n ' t l i k e and when A found something t h a t she l i k e d , I hated i t . We had to cont inue t o look u n t i l we found something t h a t we both l i k e d . I w i l l not l e t a c l i e n t choose something t h a t I cannot put my sea l of approval on. I have only had two c l i e n t s t o whom I suggested t h a t I was not the des igner f o r them because of i n c o m p a t i b l e t a s t e . When your t a s t e i s i n c o m p a t i b l e , you have to r e l y on y o u r s e l f . I go ahead and design the room as i f i t were mine. I.: How do your c l i e n t s r e a c t ? D.: In the one case where I 've done t h i s , the people accepted the d e s i g n . They d i d n ' t a c t u a l l y know what they wanted. I.: When i n t e r v i e w i n g people who use des igners I have asked them whether they t h i n k t h a t d i f f e r e n t des igners have d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s or c l i e n -t e l e s . Your c l i e n t s t y p i c a l l y say t h a t the type of person who could c o n s u l t w i t h you would be u n l i k e l y t o c a l l [ d e s i g n e r 1 7 ] . Do you agree w i t h t h e i r a n a l y s i s ? D.: I admire [des igner 17] ' s work. I t h i n k t h a t he i s a tremendous d e s i g n e r . I am more c o n s e r v a t i v e . He i s a glamorous d e s i g n e r , I am not . . . a l though I hope t h a t my rooms have p i z a z z . My i n t e r i o r s are comfor tab le p laces to be i n . [Designer 17] demands an u n l i m i t e d budget and o f ten the husbands get fed up w i t h t h i s . He can a l s o be overpowering and t h i s i s not my s t y l e . I.: Your work has been desc r ibed as ' C a l i f o r n i a n . ' How do you r e a c t to t h i s t y p i f i c a t i o n of your work? D. : Oh, t h i s r e f e r s to the work I have done i n b r i g h t green and w h i t e . For every room t h a t I do which i s C a l i f o r n i a n , I do one which i s n o t . Often people ask f o r coTours which are i n vogue and ask f o r a C a l i -f o r n i a n room because they have seen one of them. I d o n ' t b e l i e v e i n us ing anyth ing s imply because i t i s supposedly i n vogue or not us ing something t h a t i s supposedly out of vogue. I.: What i s i t about your des ign tha t i s so popu lar? D.: The p o p u l a r i t y of my des ign i s based on two t h i n g s . One, I g i ve them what they want w i t h i n bounds. I have made them work a l l along and they have thought th ings through w i t h me - there are no s u r p r i s e s . I o f ten make someone l i v e w i t h a f a b r i c f o r a week or so before I l e t them order i t j u s t to make sure t h a t i t i s what they want. Second ly , we g i ve very p r e c i s e es t imates and s t i c k t o the quote . 143 I.: A s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t has made the f o l l o w i n g comment. I 'd l i k e your i m p r e s s i o n s . 'The f a c t t h a t the d e c o r a t i o n of the house i n t e r i o r o f ten symbol ises i n h a b i t a n t s ' f e e l i n g s about s e l f i s one t h a t has long been r e c o g n i s e d . I t has even been suggested t h a t the r i s e . i n p o p u l a r i t y of the p r o f e s s i o n o f i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n i s i n some way r e l a t e d to p e o p l e ' s i n a b i l i t y to make these d e c i s i o n s f o r themselves s i n c e t h e y ' r e not sure what t h e i r s e l f r e a l l y i s . ' D. : My c l i e n t s h i r e me because they are busy and i n v o l v e d and haven ' t the time t o d e c o r a t e . They do not want a des igner who overpowers them. My c l i e n t s are not the type to lack i n c o n f i d e n c e . They know what they l i k e and d i s l i k e . Unless you are an amateur i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r , you are a f o o l not to use an i n t e r i o r d e s i g n e r . They have so many resources and are i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n to f i n d what you want. 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