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A comparative analysis of corporatism in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy Kardam, Nukhet 1980

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A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CORPORATISM IN NAZI GERMANY AND FASCIST ITALY '.  by NUKHET B.A., I s t a n b u l  KARDAM U n i v e r s i t y , 1976  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in  THE  FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  Department o f P o l i t i c a l  Science  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  THE  standard  UNIVERSITY OF. BRITISH COLUMBIA April  1980  Nukhet Kardam  In presenting this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It  is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  . . . . . .  Department of  ?o  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5  Date  Abstract  T h i s study i s a comparative  a n a l y s i s of c o r p o r a t i s m as expressed  the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y i n Germany i n i t s 1920 I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m as f o r m u l a t e d by  Program and  by of  the F a s c i s t government i n the  mid-1920's.  The main q u e s t i o n of the study  is:  Why  d i d the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t  P a r t y d i s c a r d the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s i n i t s 1920 c o r p o r a t i s m i n I t a l y became an important  Program, w h i l e  f a c e t of the F a s c i s t s t a t e  ideology?  In the f i r s t  c h a p t e r , the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s of the NSDAP are  examined, s t r e s s i n g the f o l l o w i n g problems: p r o p o s a l s i n c l u d e d i n the 1920  Program?  Why  To what e x t e n t were they  implemented? I f they were not implemented, why chapter,  not?  In the second  the same i s s u e s a r e examined, t h i s time i n the  of I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m .  The  t i v e a n a l y s i s of German and  On  were c o r p o r a t i s t  l a s t chapter i s devoted Italian  the b a s i s of the a n a l y s i s and  context  to a compara-  corporatism.  evidence  p r o v i d e d , I suggest  F a s c i s t c o r p o r a t i s m s e r v e d as a u n i f y i n g myth to c r e a t e the  that  illusion  iii.  t h a t both c l a s s c o n f l i c t and n a t i o n a l economic p o v e r t y had been overcome.  A t the same time, t h i s i d e o l o g y  into corporations  integrated  the working c l a s s  which were designed and c o n t r o l l e d by the s t a t e .  In c o n t r a s t ,  the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s o f the 1920 NSDAP Program  contradicted  the goals  of the German s t a t e because the r e g r e s s i v e ,  U t o p i a n c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s o f the e a r l y P a r t y s e r v e the goals power.  Program d i d not  o f the N a z i s t a t e which were rearmament  and  external  iv.  T a b l e o f Contents  T i t l e Page Abstract T a b l e o f Contents  i i i i  Acknowledgements  v  v  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER I  5  CHAPTER I I  3  6  CHAPTER I I I  6  0  Footnotes  71  Bibliography  76  V.  Acknowledgements  I would l i k e to thank P r o f e s s o r s P h i l i p intellectual  Resnick and Janos Bak whose  support and a d v i c e enabled me to prepare and o r g a n i z e  the m a t e r i a l i n t h i s  study.  I would a l s o l i k e to thank P r o f e s s o r David Haglund f o r h i s v a l u a b l e comments and P r o f e s s o r Mark W. Zacher f o r h i s moral support and understanding.  1.  INTRODUCTION  2.  The purpose o f t h i s study  i s a comparative  a n a l y s i s o f the c o r p o r a t i s t  p r o p o s a l s o f the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y i n Germany as expressed i n its  1920 Program and o f I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m as f o r m u l a t e d by the  F a s c i s t government i n mid-1920's.  The main q u e s t i o n t h a t t h i s study addresses  itself  to i s : Why d i d  the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y d i s c a r d the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s i n i t s 1920 Program, w h i l e c o r p o r a t i s m i n I t a l y became an important of  the F a s c i s t s t a t e i d e o l o g y ?  Our t h e s i s i s t h a t F a s c i s t  part  corporatism  s e r v e d to f u r t h e r the aims o f the I t a l i a n s t a t e by f u n c t i o n i n g as a u n i f y i n g myth to promote s o c i a l harmony  and n a t i o n a l u n i t y whereas  the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s o f the 1920 NSDAP Program c o n t r a d i c t e d the goals o f the German s t a t e .  In the f i r s t  chapter,  the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s o f the NSDAP a r e exa-  mined, s t a r t i n g w i t h a b r i e f survey tist  of the o r i g i n s of German c o r p o r a -  theory, w i t h s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e to those t h e o r i e s t h a t i n f l u e n c e d  the N a z i w r i t e r s .  Then, t h e f o l l o w i n g problems a r e addressed:  were c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s i n c l u d e d i n the 1920 Program? s o c i a l groups d i d they a p p e a l mented by the N a z i government? were the reasons  to?  Why  Which  To what extent were they  imple-  I f they were not implemented, what  f o r their elimination?  3.  In the second chapter, I t a l i a n corporatism.  the same method o f a n a l y s i s i s d i r e c t e d a t S t a r t i n g with a d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s o r i g i n s  t h a t l e d up to the f o r m u l a t i o n of c o r p o r a t i s m as p a r t o f the F a s c i s t d o c t r i n e , the e n q u i r y  then moves to the examination o f  whether o r not c o r p o r a t i s m as s t a t e d i n the laws was r e a l i z e d . As the evidence  turns out to be n e g a t i v e , we then address the  problem o f why i t was not r e a l i z e d .  S i n c e c o r p o r a t i o n s were  a c t u a l l y implemented, even though they d i d not serve t h e i r s t a t e d purposes and s i n c e c o r p o r a t i s t p r i n c i p l e s c o n t i n u e d it  i s important  to be s t r e s s e d ,  to f i n d out what the ' a c t u a l ' f u n c t i o n s o f corpo-  r a t i s m were.  The  t h i r d chapter i s devoted  to a comparative  German and I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m s ,  i n terms o f both  theory and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to s o c i e t y .  c o u n t r i e s , the s o c i a l groups i t appealed  corporatist  The a n a l y s i s i n c l u d e s  a comparison o f the o r i g i n s o f c o r p o r a t i s t  economic s t r u c t u r e o f each  a n a l y s i s o f both  theory i n both  to and the s o c i o -  country.  As i t i s r e v e a l e d a t the end o f the study, i n I t a l y , w i t h the e x i s t e n c e o f s t a r k c l a s s and r e g i o n a l d i v i s i o n s , a p o w e r f u l r e v o l u t i o n a r y s y n d i c a l i s t movement  and a low l e v e l o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ,  corporatism  4.  s e r v e d as a u n i f y i n g myth to c r e a t e the i l l u s i o n  t h a t b o t h .class  c o n f l i c t and n a t i o n a l economic poverty had been overcome, a t the same time i n t e g r a t i n g the working c l a s s i n t o c o r p o r a t i o n s and  c o n t r o l l e d by the s t a t e .  designed  Thus, c o r p o r a t i s m , as advocated  by  the I t a l i a n s t a t e , c o i n c i d e d w i t h i t s goals of a c h i e v i n g n a t i o n a l u n i t y and r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n to b r i n g I t a l y  to an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y  powerful s t a t u s .  In Germany, on the o t h e r hand, the r e g r e s s i v e , U t o p i a n  corporatist  p r o p o s a l s o f the 1920 Program of the NSDAP had no chance of  life  because they d i d not serve the goals of the N a z i s t a t e , which were rearmament  and e x t e r n a l power. B e s i d e s , by 1933, Germany was a  f u l l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r y ; employers o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o n t r o l l e d the l a b o r market; t r u s t s , combines and c a r t e l s covered  the whole  economy w i t h a network of a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Thus, the b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s were a l s o p o w e r f u l mentation  enough to impede the imple-  of the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s , w h i l e they supported  goals of the N a z i  state.  the  5.  CHAPTER I  6.  The 1920 Program of the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t P a r t y demanded the c r e a t i o n of  e s t a t e and o c c u p a t i o n a l chambers  f o r the e x e c u t i o n o f s t a t u t e s enacted  by l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t i e s i n o r d e r to implement the p r i n c i p l e t h a t p u b l i c interest of  comes b e f o r e s e l f - i n t e r e s t . " ' '  I t a l s o proposed the i n s t i t u t i o n  s e l f - g o v e r n i n g g u i l d s f o r trade and s m a l l b u s i n e s s .  2  A b r i e f survey o f the German c o r p o r a t i s t t r a d i t i o n would serve to c l a r i f y the l i n k s o f the Nazi c o r p o r a t i s m w i t h and thus add to our u n d e r s t a n d i n g  the German c o r p o r a t i s t  tradition  o f the above p r o p o s a l s .  C o r p o r a t i s m made i t s appearance i n Germany as a d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l and economical  'Weltanschauung' a t the b e g i n n i n g o f the n i n e t e e n t h  century.  I t was an e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n s e r v a t i v e and n a t i o n a l i s t a n t i p a t h y to the p h i l o s o p h y and p r a c t i c e o f the French R e v o l u t i o n , i t s f i r s t t i o n s h a v i n g been l a r g e l y  the products  o f a d e s i r e to defend  t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s - the e s t a t e s a n c i e n regime.  3  manifestaGermany's  and c o r p o r a t i o n s  4  o f the  C o r p o r a t i s t i d e a s a r e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the  German romantic movement which r e p r e s e n t e d  the f i r s t p r o t e s t a g a i n s t  c a p i t a l i s m and p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m , as w e l l as t e n d i n g to safeguard the t r a d i t i o n a l German i n s t i t u t i o n s .  In the f i r s t h a l f o f the nineteenth, century., the emphasis was on the r e s t o r a t i o n and maintenance o f these i n s t i t u t i o n s , which l a t e r  gave  way to the p r o p o s a l s o f a c o r p o r a t i v e e l e c t o r a l system and the c r e a t i o n of  a f u n c t i o n a l parliament.  In o t h e r words,  the emphasis p r i o r to the  /  7.  r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 to  a new  on the s t a t u s quo  f o r the h e r e d i t a r y e s t a t e s  emphasis on o c c u p a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n although  point i s d i f f i c u l t  to f i n d .  The  a clear dividing  reasons f o r t h i s change i n emphasis must  be sought i n the socio-economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s Germany.  which took p l a c e i n  S i n c e the broad masses of the p o p u l a t i o n enjoyed few  r i g h t s i n the f i r s t  shifted  h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h  century,  political  the main f o r c e s  o p e r a t i v e d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were the h e r e d i t a r y e s t a t e s which were anxious to r e t a i n t h e i r p r i v e l e g e s . modern p a r t y l i f e  and  However, when the i n f l u e n c e of  the emerging c l a s s e s c r e a t e d by  industrialization  began to cut a c r o s s s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s , o c c u p a t i o n a l became an important gonisms.  Besides  a l t e r n a t i v e to overcoming economic and  wanted a r e t u r n to the c o r p o r a t i v e economy o r g a n i z e d the M i d d l e Age  because they were threatened  the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n . status.  social  the h e r e d i t a r y e s t a t e s , the a r t i s a n s , craftsmen  r e t a i l merchants opted f o r o c c u p a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n .  in  representation  by  along  and  latter  g u i l d s , as  the consequences of  They were r a p i d l y s i n k i n g to  In s h o r t , c o r p o r a t i s m  The  anta-  working-class  f o r both of the above groups was  a  way  of accomodating the newly emerging c l a s s e s , as w e l l as r e t a i n i n g t h e i r own  status.  The  t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r adopting  to  new  circumstances  nineteenth f a v o r of an  century.  was  the c o r p o r a t i s m  p r o v i d e d by  of the M i d d l e  German Romantic t h e o r i s t s of  They r e j e c t e d i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and  'organic'"^ h i e r a r c h y of e s t a t e s .  Age the  equality i n  An o r g a n i c s t a t e r e s t i n g  8,  upon e s t a t e s was thought to p r o v i d e freedom and growth w i t h  a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l  s o c i a l harmony and s t a b i l i t y .  were p r a i s e d f o r t h e i r i n t e r m e d i a r y  In short,  estates  f u n c t i o n between the i n d i v i d u a l and  the s t a t e ; the i n d i v i d u a l f a c i n g the s t a t e alone  c o u l d only  produce  chaos.  The  intermediary  presented  f u n c t i o n assigned  difficulties  t o e s t a t e s and c o r p o r a t i o n s , however,  f o r p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n mainly because the  attempts to adopt m e d i e v a l c o r p o r a t i s m s t a t e o f the n i n e t e e n t h e s t a t e s were a l l o w e d were allowed  century  to the c e n t r a l i z e d n a t i o n a l  proved to be u n r e a l i s t i c .  I f the  too much autonomy and t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s  to come to the f o r e , then s o c i a l harmony would not be p r o v i d e d  f o r and the s t a t e would f a c e the danger of l o s i n g i t s u n i t y . o t h e r hand, i f the e s t a t e s were s u b j e c t then they f a c e d  On the  to the a u t h o r i t y o f the s t a t e ,  the danger o f l o s i n g t h e i r i n t e r m e d i a r y  f u n c t i o n and  becoming organs o f the s t a t e .  Adam M i l l l e r was probably nineteenth  century  organization.  the f i r s t  German t h e o r i s t a t the s t a r t of the  to p o s t u l a t e e s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n a g a i n s t c l a s s  He f e a r e d t h a t Germany would s p l i t  i n t o two c l a s s e s and  sought to p r e v e n t the r e s u l t i n g antagonism by an e s t a t e system composed of an a r i s t o c r a c y , c l e r g y , i n d u s t r y and merchants which would i n t e g r a t e the i n d u s t r i a l i n t o the p o l i t i c a l system.  A t the same time, he i n s i s t e d  on a s t r o n g c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e which absorbed " t h e t o t a l i t y o f human a f f a i r s " .  9,  Understandably, he d i d not p r o v i d e  any  c l e a r g u i d e l i n e as  to how  such  a s t a t e , which absorbed the t o t a l i t y of human a f f a i r s , would l e t the estates function.  Like Muller, F i c h t e also assigned  of c o n t r o l over the e s t a t e s , but s t a t e laws which e l i m i n a t e d  I t was  Hegel who  provided  the s t a t e the duty  the e s t a t e s d e r i v e d t h e i r v a l i d i t y  t h e i r intermediary  from  function.  a t h e o r e t i c a l s o l u t i o n to the problem of  how  the e s t a t e s would f u n c t i o n as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between the i n d i v i d u a l and the s t a t e .  For him,  the o n l y way  the economic, p o l i t i c a l and  an i n d i v i d u a l c o u l d be brought i n t o  e t h i c a l o r d e r was  a c o r p o r a t i o n where, a t the same time, he  by making him  i s educated to see beyond  p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s of h i s c o r p o r a t i o n to c o n s i d e r whole p u b l i c sphere.  As  r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r autonomy by  The  corporations  existence  T h i s s y n t h e s i s , however, remained on a p h i l o s o p h i c a l l e v e l .  Philosophy  of R i g h t :  Hegel  rational.  As  portray  expressed  " T h i s book, then,  i n g as i t does the s c i e n c e of the s t a t e , i s to be n o t h i n g endeavor to apprehend and  other  than  the s t a t e as something i n h e r e n t l y  a work of p h i l o s o p h y ,  i t must be p o l e s a p a r t from an i  attempt to c o n s t r u c t a s t a t e as i t ought to  In  the s t a t e .  d i d not i n t e n d i t to have p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n s , as he  i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to The  the  to the r e c o g n i t i o n of each  c o r p o r a t i o n t h a t i t s p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s are m a i n t a i n e d by  it  need  the  and  some h i g h e r body, i . e . the s t a t e .  t u r n , the s t a t e owes i t s power and  the  the i n t e r e s t s of  f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the c o r p o r a t i o n s  the s t a t e , they form a u n i t y of o p p o s i t e s .  himself  a member of  ,  be.  ,,8  containthe  10.  In the wake of the r e v o l u t i o n of 1848, l a t e d an e s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n based on designed  K a r l Mario W i n k e l b l e c h 'economic f e d e r a l i s m ' .  postuIt  was  to p r e s e r v e many f e a t u r e s of the g u i l d o r g a n i z a t i o n crowned by 9  a " s o c i a l parliament the m i s g i v i n g s coexistence  of o c c u p a t i o n a l e s t a t e s " .  of a r t i s a n s and  craftsmen.  of an o c c u p a t i o n a l and  movement who  K a r l Mario advocated  of a p o l i t i c a l  d i n a t i o n of the former to the l a t t e r .  T h i s program r e f l e c t e d  chamber, and  T h i s i d e a was  s o c i a l theory.  s e i z e d by  subor-  the r e a c t i o n a r y suppressing  i n s t i t u t i o n s , as f o r i n s t a n c e i n Bismarck's p o l i t i c a l Bismarck d e p i c t e d h i s i d e a l p o l i t i c a l scheme as one  a s t r o n g monarchy, r e s t r i c t e d by a system of c o r p o r a t e Bismarck's scheme p o s s i b l y r e p r e s e n t e d As mentioned e a r l i e r , the a r i s t o c r a c y and  c o r p o r a t i s m was  the a r t i s a n s , who  K a r l Mario W i n k e l b l e c h ' s of a p o l i t i c a l  l a t t e r was  the  used o c c u p a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f o r the purpose of  parliamentary  and  the  the m i s g i v i n g s  of  representation. of the a r i s t o c r a c y .  most f a v o r a b l e to those wanted to p r e s e r v e  demand of the c o e x i s t e n c e of an  chamber and  and  two  their status.  occupational  the s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the former to  l a t e r f u l f i l l e d under the Weimar R e p u b l i c .  groups:  the  The p r o v i s i o n a l  economic c o u n c i l composed of i n d u s t r y , l a b o r , consumers, f r e e p r o f e s s i o n s and  experts  t h a t was  formed d i d not f u n c t i o n , however.  achievements to boast  of and  were p a r t l y dispensed  with during  P o s s i b l y the most important stimulus  i t s l e g i s l a t i v e power and the g r e a t  I t had  no  advisory  functions  depression.  c o r p o r a t i s t t r a d i t i o n t h a t served  as a  to N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t w r i t e r s i s the V o l k i s h Movement.  11.  I d e o l o g i c a l l y , V o l k i s h thought  i s a p r o d u c t o f the Romanticism o f the  n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t i t was combined w i t h elements unique W i t h i n the Romantic Movement,  the l o n g i n g f o r s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a  r e a c t i o n t o the socio-economic c o n t r a d i c t o r y urge to belong  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f Europe, l e d to a  to something g r e a t e r than o n e s e l f , to f i n d  a u n i v e r s a l i d e n t i t y , by b e i n g i n harmony w i t h the Cosmos. the quest  to Germany.  In Germany,  f o r ' c o s m o l o g i c a l i d e n t i t y ' was found i n the form o f 'Volk'.  The i n d i v i d u a l , by b e l o n g i n g t o the V o l k , c o u l d a c h i e v e u n i t y w i t h  'higher  reality'.  nature  Belonging  to the V o l k a l s o meant l i v i n g  and e n t a i l e d a condemnation o f urban l i f e brought  i n harmony w i t h  about by i n d u s t r i a l i z a -  t i o n as u n n a t u r a l .  The s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t h a t the V o l k i s h i d e o l o g y envisaged was put forward by Wilhelm  H e i n r i c h R i e h l , one o f i t s important p r o t a g o n i s t s .  Starting  w i t h the i d e a l o f n a t u r e , R i e h l h e l d up the u n s p o i l e d c o u n t r y s i d e as a model f o r the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e he d e s i r e d .  He saw i n the c o n t r a s t i n  n a t u r e , a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r p r e s e r v i n g the e q u a l l y n a t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e between s o c i a l e s t a t e s .  H i s s o c i e t y was t o be h i e r a r c h i c a l i n n a t u r e  and p a t t e r n e d a f t e r the medieval  estates.  n o b i l i t y as the two e s t a t e s which s t i l l customs.  He viewed peasantry and  l i v e d a c c o r d i n g to p r e s c r i b e d  However, the e s t a t e s t h a t came i n t o b e i n g a f t e r the M i d d l e Age,  namely the b o u r g e o i s i e and the workers had to be accomodated as w e l l . The s o l u t i o n was to f i n d the b o u r g e o i s i e a p l a c e w i t h i n the Volk as i n h a b i t a n t s o f the s m a l l town, which had been p a r t o f the h i s t o r i c a l landscape  for centuries.  The workers, on the other hand, were regarded  12.  as a genuine e s t a t e by R i e h l . to a c t i n c o n c e r t , g a i n t h e i r own cooperative  This d i s t i n c t i o n permitted  since h i s t o r i c a l l y ,  ends.  e s t a t e s had  a c t e d as a u n i t to  In t h i s v e i n , R i e h l p r a i s e d the f i r s t of Germany's  e f f o r t s on the p a r t of the workers as analogous to the medieval  g u i l d s i n which master, journeyman and monious  a p p r e n t i c e were p a r t s of an h a r -  order.  A f t e r the u n i f i c a t i o n of Germany i n 1871, Romanticism' combined Romanticism and  another t r e n d c a l l e d  V o l k i s h ideas  form of s o c i e t y t h a t i t proposed was  to e s t a t e s or c o r p o r a t i o n s ,  a hierarchy established  crowned by a chamber of c o r p o r a t i o n s .  The  lay  as the  to both l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s m and M a r x i s t  ' T h i r d Way',  nately called  'German S o c i a l i s m ' by M o e l l e r van  was  as a " s o c i a l o r d e r  described  corporatism  and  forged  and  o r i g i n a l i t y of New  socialism.  to  industrialization.  composed of p r o f e s s i o n s , s k i l l s  i n i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n of c o r p o r a t i s m  'New  i n an attempt  f i n d a s o l u t i o n to the socio-economic consequences of The  the workers  The  according trades,  Romanticism  an a l t e r n a t i v e  ' T h i r d Way',  den Bruck, who  alter-  coined i t ,  from the u n i o n of a m e d i e v a l  the c u l t u r a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the German V o l k " . F i r s t ,  the b o u r g e o i s s o c i a l order would be d i s s o l v e d ; Germany would somehow r e v e r t back to the M i d d l e Age, of the Modern Age relatively  How  was  the  with  allowance f o r c e r t a i n requirements  - such as i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e ,  tariffs,  taxes and  a  l a r g e amount of p u b l i c spending.  ' T h i r d Way'  i t would be a c h i e v e d  going  to be achieved?  According  to van  by a ' s p i r i t u a l r e v o l u t i o n ' , whereby the  den  Bruck,  general  13.  i n t e r e s t o f the community would come b e f o r e i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s and the antagonisms o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y would thus be r e c o n c i l e d .  The V o l k i s h and New Romantic v e r s i o n o f c o r p o r a t i s m which imposes the medieval  o r d e r upon i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t y by way of a s p i r i t u a l r e v o l u -  t i o n i s o f s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r our u n d e r s t a n d i n g r a t i s t proposals.  o f the N a z i  These i d e a s were embraced by s m a l l businessmen,  sans and craftsmen who comprised T h e r e f o r e , i t i s n o t unreasonable  corpoarti-  the i n i t i a l membership o f the NSDAP. to assume t h a t N a z i c o r p o r a t i s t propo-  s a l s f o l l o w e d the V o l k i s h t r a d i t i o n i n o r d e r to a p p e a l to the above groups who f e a r e d , o r a c t u a l l y s u f f e r e d the s o c i a l and economic a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the emergence o f modern i n d u s t r i a l  displacement  society.  A second source o f N a z i c o r p o r a t i s m i s Othmar Spann's e s t a t e theory. Othmar Spann and h i s s c h o o l worked out a r a d i c a l - e s t a t e theory on the b a s i s of a u n i v e r s a l i s t d o c t r i n e .  Spann's c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y r e s t e d  on h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between ' i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ' and ' u n i v e r s a l i s t i c ' conceptions.  R e j e c t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c  concept, which  accepts  s o c i e t y as a 'summation o f independent i n v i d u a l s who a r e s e l f - d e t e r m i n e d , he found  the ' i n t r i n s i c essence'  of the i n d i v i d u a l to e x i s t i n 'the 12  mental o r s p i r i t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n among the many'.  This u n i v e r s a l i s t i c  c o n c e p t i o n i m p l i e d the complete precedence of s o c i e t y over  individuals  who were n o t even p e r m i t t e d t o have any immediate r e l a t i o n s h i p through  the m e d i a t i o n o f s o c i e t y .  except  14.  The or  s o c i a l o r d e r proposed by Spann was  a s e r i e s of  'partial  ' e s t a t e s ' arranged i n an a s c e n d i n g order of rank and  s t a t e which i s both the most g e n e r a l  e s t a t e of a l l the  totalities'  crowned by  the  'the l e a d e r  and  13 judge of a l l o t h e r e s t a t e s ' . autonomous w i t h i n i t s e l f , corresponding  Economic l i f e ,  a subordinate  estate  i s f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o p a r t i a l e s t a t e s , each  to a s i n g l e o c c u p a t i o n .  employers, where workers are c a l l e d  The  economic e s t a t e i s l e d by  ' f o l l o w e r s ' and  employers  'leaders'.  T h i s d i v i s i o n i s j u s t i f i e d by c a l l i n g c a p i t a l the f u n c t i o n of a order  i n the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y .  i s to a t t e n d  a f f a i r s , while  employers l e a d the economic e s t a t e .  Spann's theory  presented  d i f f i c u l t i e s regarding  On  i s i n t e r p r e t e d as a l l o w i n g  to s t a t e  other  too much autonomy f o r  the o t h e r hand, i f h i s u n i v e r s a l i s m and  the precedence  of the whole over the p a r t s are emphasized, then the s t a t e might i n t e r p r e t e d as an a b s o l u t i s t , d i c t a t o r i a l s t a t e . are a g a i n the s t a t e .  faced with  the  i t s interpretation.  I f the s t a t e i s seen as an e s t a t e , even though i t i s above  the e s t a t e s .  higher  For Spann, the s t a t e i s r u l e d by  e s t a t e of r u l e r s (Herrenstand) whose b u s i n e s s  e s t a t e s , h i s theory  but  In other words,  be we  the problem of the r e l a t i o n of e s t a t e s v i s - a - v i s  In s p i t e of t h i s problem, Spann's w r i t i n g s were g i v e n wide  c i r c u l a t i o n a f t e r 1932, f u r Standewesen' was  and  s e t up  i n 1933,  an o r g a n i z a t i o n c a l l e d  to t r a i n f u t u r e l e a d e r s based on  ideas.  H i s ideas were a l s o used to j u s t i f y  t r y and  business  l e a d e r s by  'Institut Spann's  the economic power of  i n t e r p r e t i n g corporatism  as s t a t e  indus-  being  15.  d i v o r c e d from f u n c t i o n s b e l o n g i n g power and self-government  to the economy, thus j u s t i f y i n g the  o f i n d u s t r y under t h e name o f c o r p o r a t i s m .  Spann's i d e a s were n e v e r t h e l e s s r e j e c t e d when c o r p o r a t i s m was g i v e n up i n 1934.  A t h i r d source o f N a z i c o r p o r a t i s m i s the O c c u p a t i o n a l E s t a t e s S c h o o l . The  g e n e r a l aim o f t h i s s c h o o l was to b r i n g about a 'community o f l a b o r '  i n which s o c i a l harmony c o u l d be r e a l i z e d .  To t h i s end employers,  super-  v i s o r s and workers were to be o r g a n i z e d i n a h i e r a r c h y o f ' f a c t o r y communities'  (Arbeitsgemeinshaften).  A l l e n t e r p r i s e s engaged i n the same k i n d  of p r o d u c t i o n were to be o r g a n i z e d by d i s t r i c t and then u n i t e d i n n a t i o n a l groupings.  A f u n c t i o n a l p a r l i a m e n t would then c o o r d i n a t e these o c c u p a t i o n a l  e s t a t e s and a c t as a b u f f e r to prevent p o l i t i c a l encroachment on economic a f f a i r s as w e l l as undue i n t e r f e r e n c e by economic groups i n the a f f a i r s o f the s t a t e .  F o r our purposes,  f a c t t h a t the concept  t h i s s h o o l ' s importance l i e s i n the  of f a c t o r y communities was l a t e r adopted i n the  T h i r d R e i c h and was g i v e n a c e n t r a l p l a c e i n the Labor L e g i s l a t i o n of 1934.  The  t h e o r i e s t h a t s e r v e d as a s t i m u l u s to N a z i w r i t e r s had the f o l l o w i n g  p o i n t s i n common: 1) an o p p o s i t i o n to a p a r l i a m e n t a r y system r e s t i n g on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . 2) a h i e r a r c h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y and a r e f u s a l to r e c o g n i z e equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . 3) an acceptance  o f an o r g a n i c con-  c e p t i o n o f s o c i e t y 4) a n t i - l i b e r a l i s m . 5) a r e j e c t i o n o f Marxism and i t s e x p l a n a t i o n o f the n e c e s s i t y o f c l a s s  conflict.  16.  A f t e r t h i s b r i e f survey o f the German c o r p o r a t i s t t r a d i t i o n , we w i l l now t u r n to the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t c o r p o r a t i s t proposals  t h e o r i s t s of corporatism  i n the 1920 and 1926 P a r t y  and the  Programs.  In the 1920's, the main N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t  t h e o r i s t s on economic i s s u e s  were G o t t f r i e d Feder and Gregor S t r a s s e r .  They r e p r e s e n t e d  f a c t i o n w i t h i n the NSDAP. pervasive  the r a d i c a l  Feder's w r i t i n g s on economic i s s u e s had a  i n f l u e n c e on the P a r t y ' s  approach, and i n f a c t he was  appointed  'supreme a r b i t e r ' by H i t l e r on debates a r i s i n g from the economic i s s u e s o f the P a r t y Program.  Feder proposed the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  o f a form o f govern-  ment which i s d e m o c r a t i c , h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d and c o r p o r a t i s t i n h i s book, 14 The  S o c i a l State ,  with  The new s t a t e , f o r him, had to make a r a d i c a l break  a l l the p r i n c i p l e s o f l i b e r a l democracy.  liamentary  p a r t i e s , b u t , above a l l ,  economic and p o l i t i c a l system.  represented  types o f popular  be  a s e p a r a t i o n between  chamber was to r e p r e s e n t the C e n t r a l  Council  the economic i n t e r e s t s o f the working p o p u l a t i o n and was  employer and one employee. the c o n t r o l o f p r o d u c t i o n  'socially'  par-  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n by a two-chamber  i n t e r e s t s o f the whole p e o p l e , w h i l e  supposed to be a c o r p o r a t i s t body. one  i t had to p r o v i d e  The House o f the People as the f i r s t  the p o l i t i c a l  I t had to break w i t h  Each o c c u p a t i o n  was r e p r e s e n t e d by  The work o f t h i s C o u n c i l was planned to  and d i s t r i b u t i o n .  I t a l s o was to f u n c t i o n  to prevent the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s o f  the i n d i v i d u a l o c c u p a t i o n a l  groups and to encourage t h e i r b e t t e r i n c o r -  p o r a t i o n i n t o the whole.  Gregor S t r a s s e r d i f f e r e d from Feder i n h i s emphasis on s o c i a l i s t i c  17.  elements.  His  ' s o c i a l i s t ' p r o p o s a l s i n c l u d e d the " f a r - r e a c h i n g t r a n s -  f e r of the ownership of the means of p r o d u c t i o n to the g e n e r a l w i t h r e g a r d f o r the sense of property"."'""' and p r o p e r t y s h o u l d be a p p o r t i o n e d h o l d the r i g h t s 49%.  to 10%,  He suggested  the f o l l o w i n g way:  that c a p i t a l  the workers should  the s t a t e 41% and p r i v a t e owners the  P r o f i t s , meanwhile, s h o u l d go 49%  public,  to the workers and  remaining  51%  to the  16 owners and  r e s p e c t f o r p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y should be m a i n t a i n e d .  S t r a s s e r meant by  'German S o c i a l i s m " becomes c l e a r e r i n h i s  What statement  below: "We  are s o c i a l i s t s , a r e enemies of the p r e s e n t  capitalistic  system w i t h i t s e x p l o i t a t i o n of the e c o n o m i c a l l y weak, w i t h its  i n j u s t i c e i n wages, w i t h i t s immoral e v a l u a t i o n of i n -  d i v i d u a l s a c c o r d i n g to wealth sibility  and achievement and we  t h i s system! r e p l a c e one all  and money i n s t e a d of  to a b o l i s h  Yet i t i s not enough to change a system, to economic system w i t h another - necessary  i s a change of s p i r i t !  economy of a p e o p l e , important  are determined  respon-  We  above  have to l e a r n t h a t i n the  i t i s not p r o f i t , not g a i n which are  - but o n l y s a t i s f y i n g  the needs of the members  of the people'.'"'"^ As mentioned a t the b e g i n n i n g of t h i s c h a p t e r , the 1920  Program of  the NSDAP demanded the c r e a t i o n of e s t a t e and o c c u p a t i o n a l chambers f o r the e x e c u t i o n of s t a t u t e s enacted by l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t i e s i n order to implement the p r i n c i p l e t h a t p u b l i c i n t e r e s t comes b e f o r e self-interest.  I t a l s o proposed the i n s t i t u t i o n of s e l f - g o v e r n i n g  g u i l d s f o r t r a d e and s m a l l b u s i n e s s .  In 1926,  Gregor S t r a s s e r and  18.  Joseph Goebbels prepared one.  The  a more d e t a i l e d program based on the p r e v i o u s  c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s i n t h i s program were:  "Trade and  Small B u s i n e s s  1. Those b u s i n e s s e s  Policy:  o r i n d i v i d u a l s employing fewer than  people are to be grouped by law i n compulsory 2. T a x a t i o n of these s e l f - g o v e r n i n g b o d i e s w i l l of a lump sum  twenty  guilds. take the form  which the g u i l d s themselves w i l l d i v i d e and  l e v y on i n d i v i d u a l members.... S t r u c t u r e and  C h a r a c t e r of C o r p o r a t i o n s :  1. The v a r i o u s p r i n c i p a l o c c u p a t i o n a l groups are to be i n r e g i o n a l , s t a t e and R e i c h 2. The  combined  chambers...  f o l l o w i n g chambers a r e to be  formed:  a. Chamber of A g r i c u l t u r e b. Chamber of I n d u s t r y and  Trade  c. Chamber of Labor d. Chamber of C i v i l  S e r v i c e and  employees  e. Chamber of the Free P r o f e s s i o n s  Conclusion: On  the domestic  c e n t r a l i s m and nically  federalism with  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of an  orga-  s t r u c t u r e d system of c o r p o r a t i o n s i n the p l a c e of  an a r t i f i c i a l On  problem: the d i v i s i o n of a u t h o r i t y between  parliamentarism.  the economic problem:  the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the  rights  of the g e n e r a l p u b l i c w i t h the p e r s o n a l egoism which i s j . , ,,18 r o o t e d i n human n a t u r e .  The  c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s of the P a r t y Program and  and  S t r a s s e r s e r v e to i n d i c a t e the f o l l o w i n g main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  Nazi corporatism.  First,  i t i s a n t i - l i b e r a l and  those of  Feder  anti-Marxist.  Second,  19.  it  i s Utopian.  The r a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t s  o f economics a r e r e f u s e d i n  f a v o r o f s p i r i t u a l v a l u e s which would h e l p  to a c h i e v e s o c i a l and economic  harmony of i n t e r e s t . T h i r d , i t advocates c o r p o r a t i o n s organizations  within a c e n t r a l i z e d state with unlimited  F o u r t h , i t proposes the c r e a t i o n o f s e l f - g o v e r n i n g and  as  intermediary authority.  guilds f o r artisans  s m a l l businessmen, s i m i l a r to the g u i l d s o f the M i d d l e Age.  What f u n c t i o n s  d i d these c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s serve?  The lower middle  c l a s s e s of a r t i s a n s , c r a f t s m e n and s m a l l businessmen who s u f f e r e d the s o c i a l and economic displacement a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the emergence o f modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y were most r e c e p t i v e Utopian corporatism  t o the a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t ,  o f the NSDAP.  A r t h u r S c h w e i t z e r i n B i g B u s i n e s s i n the T h i r d R e i c h d i v i d e s the 19 German middle c l a s s o f the 1920's i n t o the f o l l o w i n g 1.  S a l a r i e d employees i n i n d u s t r y  2. The m a r g i n a l independents  groups:  and government.  ( q u a s i - p r o l e t a r i a n s ) who o p e r a t e d  shops o r s t o r e s on t h e i r own account, c u l t i v a t e d a few acres of l a n d o r s o l d t h e i r l a b o r as s e r v i c e s 3. A r t i s a n s , d e a l e r s Politically,  to customers.  i n goods and s e r v i c e s and most o f peasants.  a l l groups h e l d some form o f m i d d l e - c l a s s  o u t l o o k on l i f e .  They took a u n i f i e d stand, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the d e t e r i o r a t i n g economic s i t u a t i o n threatened t h e i r existence  a g a i n s t both c a p i t a l and l a b o r .  E c o n o m i c a l l y , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s were so d i v e r s e  t h a t a common c l a s s i n t e r e s t  20.  d i d not develop.  However, the a r t i s a n s and s m a l l businessmen d i d develop  t h e i r own program demanding a c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n , program t h a t was mainly adopted by the NSDAP.  and i t was t h i s  I t should  be noted, though,  t h a t the ' M i t t e l s t a n d ' as a whole was sympathetic to c o r p o r a t i s m i t o f f e r e d an a l t e r n a t i v e to l i b e r a l democracy and M a r x i s t both o f which were regarded u n f a v o r a b l y  The  s p e c i f i c c o r p o r a t i s t proposals  because  socialism,  by them.  o f the a r t i s a n s and s m a l l  business-  men, mostly i n f l u e n c e d by the V o l k i s h Romantic i d e a s , a r e o u t l i n e d 20 below i n order  to p r o v i d e  a comparison w i t h the NSDAP  proposals:  1. A n t i - c a p i t a l i s m - A r t i s a n s and s m a l l businessmen asked f o r the c l o s i n g of a l l department s t o r e s and c h a i n s t o r e s . A l l p u b l i c l y owned e n t e r p r i s e s would be d i s s o l v e d and p u b l i c orders  would be f i l l e d by a r t i s a n shops.  B i g b u s i n e s s would  be r e p l a c e d by s m a l l b u s i n e s s and modern l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s would be transformed i n t o a p r i m a r i l y h a n d i c r a f t economy. 2. Self-government o f g u i l d s - A l l a r t i s a n s would b e l o n g to a d i s t i n c t economic o r g a n i z a t i o n , membership i n which would be  compulsory.  These o r g a n i z a t i o n s  f i x p r i c e s and r e g u l a t e 3. Economic c o r p o r a t i v i s m  would have the r i g h t to  the markets. - The a r t i s a n s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s  govern t h e i r economic a f f a i r s by e i t h e r forming  would  estates,  guilds or corporatives.  A comparison of the NSDAP Program w i t h the above demands suggests that the p r o p o s a l s  of the s m a l l businessmen and a r t i s a n s were taken i n t o  21.  account. and  On  Program i n c l u d e d  the  creation  maintenance of a sound middle c l a s s , immediate communalization of  the g r e a t low  a n t i - c a p i t a l i s m , the Party  department s t o r e s and  r e n t s ; most f a v o r a b l e  t h e i r l e a s i n g to s m a l l businessmen a t  c o n s i d e r a t i o n to s m a l l b u s i n e s s e s  and  21 breaking had  the bondage of i n t e r e s t .  On  the o r g a n i z a t i o n of g u i l d s , i t  the f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s : Those b u s i n e s s e s or i n d i v i d u a l s who  fewer than twenty are  to be  grouped i n compulsory g u i l d s ; t a x a t i o n of  these s e l f - g o v e r n i n g b o d i e s w i l l g u i l d s themselves w i l l  take the form of a lump sum  d i v i d e and  l e v y on  These p o i n t s on a n t i - c a p i t a l i s m and  the P a r t y  the f o r m a t i o n  groups.  craftsmen to suggest t h a t one  Program i n c l u d e d And  of  ranks of the  party.  was  the 22  self-governing to the demands  of the main reasons  c o r p o r a t i s t proposals  indeed, when t h e i r program was  which  t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l members.  g u i l d s i n the NSDAP Program i n d i c a t e a c l o s e s i m i l a r i t y of a r t i s a n s and  employ  why  to a p p e a l to those  adopted, they f i l l e d  the  23  A second p o s s i b l e f u n c t i o n of N a z i  corporatism  o f f e r e d to both l i b e r a l democracy and M a r x i s t r o l e of c o r p o r a t i o n s  within  i s the a l t e r n a t i v e i t socialism.  the s t a t e i s not w e l l d e f i n e d  Because  i n corporatist  theory,  the NSDAP c o u l d propose the f o r m a t i o n  subject  to the u n l i m i t e d a u t h o r i t y of the c e n t r a l p a r l i a m e n t  of a chamber of  corporations and  r u l e out p a r l i a m e n t a r y  democracy i n f a v o r of a d i c t a t o r i a l s t a t e .  Similarly,  concept of c o r p o r a t i s m ,  the o r g a n i c  the  thus  favoring i n e q u a l i t y  among men may have appealed to the p a r t y l e a d e r s , because I t opposed equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s .  The h i e r a r c h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n  adopted by H i t l e r t o e n f o r c e  of s o c i e t y was  the p a r t y h i e r a r c h y and the a b s o l u t e  obedience to the 'Fuhrer'.  The concept o f the 'common good  i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t ' helped  to j u s t i f y a b s o l u t e  'Fuhrer'  a u t h o r i t y s i n c e the  knew the common i n t e r e s t s o f the people b e s t .  Feder e x p l a i n e d :  "The good o f the p e o p l e i s the h i g h e s t  As G o t t f r i e d law....there  can be no q u e s t i o n o f s e t t i n g up g u i d e l i n e s f o r the h i g h e s t the s t a t e ; h i s g u i d e l i n e i s c o n t a i n e d  before  i n the above-mentioned  l e a d e r of principle."  F i n a l l y , i t should be remembered t h a t c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s were made by  the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n w i t h i n the NSDAP.  Therefore  the power s t r u g g l e s  withiflthe p a r t y might have n e c e s s i t a t e d a compromise w i t h f a c t i o n to i n c l u d e t h e i r p r o p o s a l s  i n the P a r t y Program.  the r a d i c a l Konrad Heiden  i n H i s t o r y o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m p o i n t s out t h a t H i t l e r h i m s e l f was not an e n t h u s i a s t i c s u p p o r t e r the p a r t y i t s e l f although  o f c o r p o r a t i s t i d e a s but t h a t s t r u g g l e s w i t h i n  f o r c e d him to d e c l a r e the 1920 Program u n a l t e r a b l e ,  he h i m s e l f was d o u b t f u l about many o f i t s statements and had 25  expressed  these doubts openly  i n h i s book.  Corporatist  proposals  o r i g i n a t e d from a f a c t i o n w i t h i n the p a r t y who had to be accomodated i n order  t o keep the p a r t y u n i f i e d when i t was s t i l l  may be a r e a s o n a b l e  i n opposition.  This  assumption s i n c e c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s were e l i m i n a -  ted once the power o f the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n was reduced a f t e r the NSDAP came to power.  In s h o r t , the f o u r main f u n c t i o n s o f the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s 1920  i n the  NSDAP Program can be c i t e d as the f o l l o w i n g : 1) They appealed  23.  to the middle  class, specially  the a r t i s a n s and s m a l l businessmen.  2) C o r p o r a t i s m p r o v i d e d an a l t e r n a t i v e to l i b e r a l democracy and M a r x i s t s o c i a l i s m as a ' T h i r d Way'.3) C o r p o r a t i s t concepts  such as o r g a n i c i s m ,  s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y and the common good b e f o r e i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s to r e i n f o r c e the NSDAP's l e a d e r s h i p - o r i e n t e d i d e o l o g y . f a c t i o n w i t h i n the p a r t y who advocated  served  4) The r a d i c a l  c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s was accomo-  dated and thus the u n i t y o f the p a r t y was m a i n t a i n e d .  The  c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s , however, were not put i n t o e f f e c t a f t e r the  NSDAP came to power i n 1933. as e a r l y as 1930.  I n f a c t , they were abandoned by H i t l e r  In May 1930, i n the course of a debate i n B e r l i n  w i t h Otto S t r a s s e r , then l e a d e r o f the l e f t - w i n g o f the p a r t y , H i t l e r d i s c l a i m e d any i n t e n t i o n experiments'  of conducting  'dangerous f i n a n c i a l o r economic  t h a t would d i s t u r b b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s i n the event o f h i s 26  s e c u r i n g power.  In 1934, W a l t e r H e i n r i c h , a member of the Spann s c h o o l headed an o r g a n i z a tion called leaders.  ' I n s t i t u t f u r Standewesen' i n D u s s e l d o r f to t r a i n f u t u r e  In the same y e a r .  the P a r t y and the Labor 1935,  however, both  'Bureaus f o r C o r p o r a t i v e O r g a n i z a t i o n o f  F r o n t ' were founded  Spann-Heinrich  by Max F r a u e n d o r f e r .  p r o p o s a l s and F r a u e n d o r f e r ' s  By ideas  were c a s t a s i d e and the i n s t i t u t i o n s  t h a t were s e t up were a b o l i s h e d .  The Labor  i n t e n d e d to o r g a n i z e a l l employers  F r o n t which had o r i g i n a l l y  and employees as a c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n d i d not succeed,  either.  24.  Its i n i t i a l  f u n c t i o n was  to i n s u r e  i n t e r e s t s o f employers and the employees. subordinates was  first  to be  The  Labor F r o n t o r g a n i z e d  s e r v i c e and  employees, but  Robert Ley,  to go s l o w l y  ' s o c i a l harmony' by r e c o n c i l i n g the i n f a c t i t could only  the head of the Labor F r o n t ,  i n o r g a n i z i n g employers.  introduced  i n the p l a n t s and  built  The  instructed his corporative  a l l g a i n f u l l y employed persons o u t s i d e  comprised a l l blue-and-white c o l l a r workers.  The  employers.  leaders Thus^ i t  I t s f u n c t i o n became to promote a  p o l i c y ' , meaning the s u p e r v i s i o n and  p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l of  but  to r e f r a i n from engaging i n the f o r m u l a t i o n  The  l a t t e r f u n c t i o n was  g i v e n to b u s i n e s s  that Feder's dream of s e t t i n g up an y e r s and  The  civil  as a dependent p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n which dominated l a b o r  c o u l d not o r g a n i z e  of any  Labor F r o n t as equal p a r t n e r s was  employees,  economic p o l i c y .  'Economic C o u n c i l ' comprising  to o r g a n i z e due  business  but  'social  o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Thus, we  employees which would c o n t r o l p r o d u c t i o n was  f a i l u r e of the e f f o r t s  order  from the bottom upwards.  of the Labor F r o n t were s e l e c t e d from among p a r t y o f f i c i a l s . served  organize  not  see emplo-  fulfilled.  organizations  to the r e s i s t a n c e of the  and  the  former,  27 as evidenced by agreement was  the 1935  to p r o v i d e  f u n c t i o n s between the two of l a b o r was  devised  mutual problems.  Yet  L e i p z i g Agreement.  The  f o r mutual c o o p e r a t i o n organizations.  A new  and  purpose of  f o r a d i v i s i o n of  system of chambers  i n which both o r g a n i z a t i o n s were to the b u s i n e s s  organizations  this  discuss  never p a r t i c i p a t e d  25.  i n these chambers which became a mere appendage of the Labor  Turning see  to the  ' e s t a t e s ' (Stande) c r e a t e d i n the T h i r d R e i c h , we  that corporative proposals  remembered t h a t a r t i s a n s and  o n l y remained on paper.  affairs,  They a l s o demanded the r i g h t  the markets.  When the N a z i s  as the l e a d e r s of the g u i l d s .  It will  again be  craftsmen s p e c i f i c a l l y asked f o r the  mation of g u i l d s to govern t h e i r own handicraft.  Front.  for-  topped by an e s t a t e of  to f i x p r i c e s and  assumed power, they appointed  regulate party  men  By m o n o p o l i z i n g the l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s ,  they transformed the g u i l d s i n t o a f f i l i a t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s  of the  party.  Furthermore, the self-government of g u i l d s , i n terms of r e g u l a t i n g markets and  f i x i n g p r i c e s d i d not  May  1934  the M i n i s t e r s of Labor and  and  chambers to s e t minimum p r i c e s on e s s e n t i a l consumer goods w i t h o u t  by  permission.  take p l a c e .  In the same y e a r , when Schacht became the M i n i s t e r of  p a r t y over the E s t a t e of H a n d i c r a f t was under the c o n t r o l of b i g  other  estates  lessened.  Organization  and  Gradually,  the  i t came  business.  organizations.  The  formed under the c o n t r o l of the P a r t y and organizations  concerns, the power of  that were formed were e i t h e r under the c o n t r o l of  the P a r t y or b u s i n e s s  E s t a t e was  issued i n  Economics, f o r b i d d i n g g u i l d s  Economics, as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of b i g b u s i n e s s  The  A decree was  the  trade.  N a t i o n a l Food E s t a t e  was  included a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l  Taylor Cole i n h i s a r t i c l e  "Corporative  i n the T h i r d R e i c h " s t a t e s t h a t " . . . i n r e a l i t y  an enormous s t a t e c a r t e l which c o n t r o l l e d the  the Food  transmission  of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s from the producer through the p r o c e s s o r  and  26.  retailer  to the consumer."'"  c o n t r o l l e d by was  the P a r t y .  c o n t r o l l e d by  c o n t r o l l e d by during  the M i n i s t r y of Economic A f f a i r s , which i n t u r n  Schacht who  was  the p e r i o d 1933-1936.,  concerned w i t h  was  o f f i c i a l l y abandoned.)  T h i r d Reich June 1933,  the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of b i g b u s i n e s s  the p e r i o d a f t e r 1936,  comprising  of German I n d u s t r y .  The  because i n 1936  f o u r t h and  A p r e l i m i n a r y law  are  corporatism  T h i s e s t a t e was  established i n  the Reich  f o r the b u s i n e s s  Association  associations  the p r i n c i p l e s of compulsory membership, of  u n i t y of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and a c t i v i t y were put  interests  l a s t e s t a t e formed i n the  Employer A s s o c i a t i o n s and  introduced  was  (For the purposes of t h i s study, we  i s the E s t a t e of I n d u s t r y .  i n February 1934  also  A t h i r d e s t a t e , the N a t i o n a l Economic Chamber  not  mic  The N a t i o n a l Chamber of C u l t u r e was  of appointed  i n t o separate  leadership.  organizations  A l l forms of econo-  t h a t broke down the  f o r m e r l y u n i t e d i n d u s t r y i n t o seven c r a f t - l i k e u n i t e s .  However, a f t e r  Schacht became the M i n i s t e r of Economics, t h i s move to impose a g u i l d o r g a n i z a t i o n on b i g b u s i n e s s  was  halted.  t i o n of the economy i n November 1934 organize its  g u i l d s i n i n d u s t r y and  economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s  nizations.  H i s decree on  c a l l e d a stop  trade.  independently  the  to a l l attempts  Thus, b i g b u s i n e s s of any  organiza-  maintained  compulsory p a r t y  I t i s c l e a r from the above f a c t s t h a t the e s t a t e s  formed were e s s e n t i a l l y s t a t e - c o n t r o l l e d agencies which had t i v e f u n c t i o n s , r a t h e r than p o l i c y - d e t e r m i n i n g  to  orga-  t h a t were  administra-  f u n c t i o n s , i f they ever  functioned.  In 1934,  the o l i g a r c h i c c l i q u e of the P a r t y r e i n t e r p r e t e d i t s stand  on c o r p o r a t i s m .  Point  25 of the P a r t y Program on c o r p o r a t i s m ,  i t was  s a i d , had to be understood of 1920.  i n the l i g h t o f the p r e v a i l i n g  situation  In the T h i r d R e i c h , the Fuhrer had d e c i d e d t h a t the c o r p o r a -  t i v e o r d e r c o u l d come o n l y a f t e r an e x t e n s i v e e d u c a t i o n o f the German people.  In 1936, c o r p o r a t i s m was completely  abandoned when the o f f i c e s  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o r p o r a t i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n were o f f i c i a l l y superfluous.  I t i s also significant  t h a t the p a r t y l e a d e r s who wrote  on c o r p o r a t i s m d i d not remain i n power a f t e r 1933. broke w i t h H i t l e r a f t e r 1932 and G o t t f r i e d Feder's s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduced  i n 1931.  d i s s o l v e d as  Gregor S t r a s s e r a c t i v i t i e s were  The l a t t e r was powerless  Why was c o r p o r a t i s m abandoned i n the T h i r d Reich?  a f t e r 1934.  If corporatist  p r o p o s a l s appeared i n the o r i g i n a l P a r t y Program and were promised to be p u t i n t o e f f e c t if/when  the NSDAP came t o power, the reasons  must be sought why they were denounced.  In my view, one o f the weaknesses of c o r p o r a t i s t theory l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t i t does n o t p r o v i d e an adequate i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the r o l e of c o r p o r a t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e and the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the c o r p o r a t i o n s and the s t a t e . difficult,  T h i s renders  i f not i m p o s s i b l e .  mediary i n s t i t u t i o n s ,  the a p p l i c a t i o n o f c o r p o r a t i s m v e r y  I t i s given that corporations are i n t e r -  t h a t t h e i r primary  f u n c t i o n i s to mediate between  the p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s of i n d i v i d u a l s and the 'common good' o f the people  i n o r d e r to a c h i e v e s o c i a l harmony.  w i t h i n t h i s scheme i s v e r y p r e c a r i o u s .  However, the s t a t e ' s r o l e  The s t a t e may e a s i l y  absorb  the c o r p o r a t i o n s and make them i t s organs under the g u i s e of 'super-  28.  vising'  them, as i t happened i n the T h i r d R e i c h .  to t h i s problem would be porations  the one  t h a t was  A theoretical solution  o f f e r e d by H e g e l .  would need the r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r autonomy by  body, i . e . the s t a t e . existence  In t u r n , the s t a t e would owe  to the r e c o g n i t i o n of each c o r p o r a t i o n  i n t e r e s t s are m a i n t a i n e d by  the s t a t e .  p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n cannot be i s that corporatism  cor-  some h i g h e r  i t s power  and  that i t s p a r t i c u l a r  Whether t h i s can a l s o be  d e a l t w i t h here.  The  a  problem t h a t remains  can be deemed a p p l i c a b l e w i t h i n an a b s o l u t i s t s t a t e ,  as w e l l as a f e d e r a l i s t s t a t e , depending on r o l e of the c o r p o r a t i o n s .  My  contention  pose a c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n r i t y between c e n t r a l i s m and w i t h u n l i m i t e d power due  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  i s t h a t the NSDAP c o u l d  t h a t would p r o v i d e  federalism,  a d i v i s i o n of autho-  as w e l l as a c e n t r a l  parliament But  c o u l d not be a p p l i e d to r e a l i t y w i t h i n  the c o r p o r a t i o n s  the pro-  to t h i s weakness of c o r p o r a t i s t theory.  a corporative organization a b s o l u t i s t s t a t e and  The  an  were bound to become organs of  the s t a t e .  We was  might examine the Romantic V o l k i s h theory  to see how  d e a l t w i t h i n t h e o r i e s t h a t appealed to the NSDAP.  this  shortcoming  Volkish  demanded a c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s i d e by s i d e w i t h a s t r o n g leader.  What they d i d not  might wipe out  r e a l i z e was  was  national  t h a t the w i l l of a s t r o n g  the autonomy of the c o r p o r a t i o n s .  V o l k i s h t h i n k e r s saw  thinkers  The  leader  danger t h a t  i n the d i v e r s i t y of c o r p o r a t i o n s  which  the  could  l e a d to the d i s u n i t y of the n a t i o n , whereas a s t r o n g l e a d e r would  bridge  29.  t h i s d i v e r s i t y and  u n i t e the n a t i o n by v i r t u e of h i s c h a r i s m a t i c  ship.  However, they d i d not see  render  the c o r p o r a t i o n s  leader-  that the w i l l of s t r o n g l e a d e r would  f u t i l e by o v e r r i d i n g t h e i r norms.  In  other  words, i f a s t r o n g l e a d e r c o u l d u n i t e the p e o p l e by h i s charisma  and  s h a r i n g o f V o l k i s h v a l u e s and  the  people, and  can demand a b s o l u t e obedience from  then t h e r e i s no need f o r any m e d i a t i o n  the s t a t e , which i s now  symbolized  by  A second weakness of c o r p o r a t i s t theory,  between the people  the l e a d e r .  s p e c i a l l y o f those  the NSDAP, i s i t s l a c k of concern w i t h economic i s s u e s . dox  because c o r p o r a t i s t theory,  r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y . ratist  theory  i s ' s o c i a l harmony', economic i n e f f i c i e n c i e s were Instead,  concrete proposals ' s p i r i t u a l and  corpo-  preserved  c o r p o r a t i s t t h e o r i s t s sought  s p i r i t u a l l e v e l and  c o u l d not  offer  f o r economic r e o r g a n i z a t i o n as they b a s i c a l l y a t t i t u d i n a l change' to a c h i e v e  This i s e s p e c i a l l y  ad-  s o c i a l harmony  and  stability.  and  Othmar Spann's theory which i n f l u e n c e d NSDAP t h e o r i s t s .  it  para-  economic  However, s i n c e the primary concern of  to r e c o n c i l e c o n f l i c t s on a moral and  vocated  This i s a  a t the same time,^proposes an  i n the I n t e r e s t of s o c i a l harmony.  any  that i n f l u e n c e d  t r u e of the Romantic V o l k i s h  theory  Therefore,  i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t N a z i c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s were i n a p p l i c a b l e  on a c o n c r e t e , economic l e v e l .  T h i s l a c k of economic g u i d e l i n e s understandably c o n f u s i o n f o r those N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s who  caused  considerable  were i n f a v o r of a  corpo-  30.  rative organization.  The  f a c t that a competition  degree of c o n f u s i o n  was  organized  i s demonstrated by  the  f o r the best work w r i t t e n  on  II  'What are e s t a t e s ? '  (Was  o r g a n i z a t i o n would be  s i n d Stande?).  O p i n i o n s on how  s e t up v a r i e d w i d e l y .  a  corporative  Feder envisaged a  'true  c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n ' based i n i t i a l l y upon the n e c e s s i t i e s of  food,  c l o t h i n g and  shelter.  of  Industry  Commerce viewed the Chambers of I n d u s t r y  and  Dr. von  R e n t e l n , the P r e s i d e n t  }  of the D i e t and  Commerce as  the c e n t r a l agencies of the coming c o r p o r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n . ment a l o n g  the l i n e s of I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m  advocated, but p r i o r i t y was  claimed  was  Develop-  also occasionally  f o r the German c o r p o r a t i s t i d e a s .  In s h o r t , as Sombart suggested, an e s t a t e c o u l d be  formed based  on  c l a s s membership, based on membership i n a branch of the economy or based on a l l who  produce, from the peasants on,  banks, to the conserve and 29 Estate.  within  organization,  the s t a t e and  regarding  the a c t u a l s e t t i n g up  i t s t h i r d weak p o i n t  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s by  the r o l e of of a  diverse  C o r p o r a t i s m was  proposed  f o r keeping the t r a d i t i o n a l  groups i n t a c t w i t h i n an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t y which threatened  Age  cor-  corporative  i s i t s v u l n e r a b i l i t y to  d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups.  as a remedy f o r c l a s s c o n f l i c t and  status.  and  sausage manufacturers such as i n the Food  B e s i d e s the vagueness of c o r p o r a t i s t theory porations  through d e a l e r s  social their  Some proposed to r e t u r n to the s o c i a l system of the Middle  by b r i n g i n g back the g u i l d s and  estates.  The  Volkish  thinkers,  31.  f o r example, proposed to b r i n g back medieval medieval  corporatism  . i . e . the  g u i l d system, w h i l e the a r i s t o c r a c y , such as Von Papen  and  Edgar Jung, demanded the r e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of i t s powers based on h e r e d i t y , t r a d i t i o n and system.  c u l t u r e , i n o t h e r words, the r e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the e s t a t e  Others,  such as Othmar Spann, were more concerned  with preser-  v i n g the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order and p r e v e n t i n g c l a s s c o n f l i c t by b r i n g i n g employers and  employees t o g e t h e r i n c o r p o r a t i o n s where they would work  harmoniously.  A f t e r t h i s examination  of the n a t u r e of c o r p o r a t i s t theory, a f u r t h e r  f a c t o r to be c o n s i d e r e d i n e x p l a i n i n g why  c o r p o r a t i s m was  the T h i r d R e i c h i s the s t a t e of the German economy and b i g business  concerns.  By 1933,  Germany was  country; employers o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o n t r o l l e d  a fully  dropped i n  the power of  industrialized  the l a b o r market, and b i g  b u s i n e s s l o b b i e s aimed a t p l a c i n g the l e g i s l a t i v e , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and j u d i c i a l machinery a t the s e r v i c e of monopoly c a p i t a l , s t a n c e s , i t was  In these  c l e a r t h a t a g u i l d - l i k e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the economy  or the s h a r i n g of the c o n t r o l of p r o d u c t i o n by employers and yees were going to be very d i f f i c u l t ,  up  i n f l a t i o n of the e a r l y 1920's had  concerns.  permitted entrepreneurs  g i a n t economic empires a t the expense of the middle  classes.  F o r e i g n loans t h a t flowed  emplo-  i f not i m p o s s i b l e , because both  were a g a i n s t the i n t e r e s t s of b i g b u s i n e s s  The  circum-  to b u i l d  and working  i n t o Germany a f t e r 1924  gave  German i n d u s t r y the l i q u i d their plants.  c a p i t a l needed to r a t i o n a l i z e and  Trusts,Jcombines  and  c a r t e l s covered  w i t h a network o f a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s . of the  ' M i t t e l s t a n d ' was  these o r g a n i z a t i o n s . R e i c h notes  enlarge  the whole economy  Thus, the c o r p o r a t i s m  dropped as the NSDAP needed the support  A r t h u r Schweitzer  t h a t as the middle  i n B i g Business  i n the  of  Third  c l a s s e s became more N a z i f i e d , the P a r t y  l e a d e r s became more property-minded  and  friendlier  to 'German' c a p i t a l  30 ism.  'German c a p i t a l ' was  deemed good because i t was  whereas f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l which was to be  'rapacious'.  'creative',  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Jews was  T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n made c l e a r t h a t the N a z i s  had  no i n t e n t i o n of d e s t r o y i n g the c a p i t a l i s t o r d e r and s e t t i n g up a economic system o r g a n i z e d a l o n g In 1932,  new  guilds.  even b e f o r e the NSDAP came to power, the economic p o l i c y of  the P a r t y was  revised  to accomodate the wishes of the b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s  Thus, the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s i n the 1920 b e f o r e H i t l e r a c q u i r e d power. 1932  said  The new  were: 1) the e l i m i n a t i o n of unions  employers w i t h i n concerns.  Program were doomed even  p o i n t s t h a t were i n c l u d e d i n and m a n a g e r i a l  freedom of  2) a program of p u b l i c works and  which would l e a d to r e c o v e r y and many o r d e r s f o r b u s i n e s s 3) the e n t r u s t i n g to the l e a d e r s of b i g b u s i n e s s the economy through  and p o l i t i c a l  concerns.  the t a s k o f  the economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s under t h e i r  In r e t u r n f o r these promises,  rearmament  directing  control.  the P a r t y r e c e i v e d the f i n a n c i a l a i d  support o f many b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s . T.W.  Mason i n h i s  31  33.  a r t i c l e "The Socialist  Primacy of P o l i t i c s - P o l i t i c s and  Economics i n N a t i o n a l  Germany" observes t h a t the s e i z u r e of power by  the  National  S o c i a l i s t s would h a r d l y have been p o s s i b l e without the support of  con-  32 s i d e r a b l e c i r c l e s i n heavy i n d u s t r y d u r i n g T h i s view i s seconded by F.L. F a s c i s m " who  the y e a r s of  Schuman i n "The  wrote t h a t " I n May  1930,  Political  crisis. Theory of  i n the course of a debate i n  B e r l i n w i t h Otto S t r a s s e r , then l e a d e r of the l e f t - w i n g of the H i t l e r disclaimed  any  i n t e n t i o n of d i s t u r b i n g b u s i n e s s i n the 33  of h i s s e c u r i n g power.". economic p r o p o s a l s terpreted  Schuman a l s o remarks t h a t the  of the o r i g i n a l program have r e p e a t e d l y  to a s s u r e the b u s i n e s s w o r l d t h a t no  economic experiments were to be  ted from a p p l y i n g  leaders.  The  against  been r e i n -  government.  or 34  preven-  to r e a l i t y  by  i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n with business  l a t t e r fought to p r e s e r v e t h e i r power and  business organizations  radical  l e f t - w i n g of the p a r t y was  the o r i g i n a l c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s  the o l i g a r c h i c c l i q u e of the P a r t y  event  dangerous f i n a n c i a l  a n t i c i p a t e d from-a N a z i  When H i t l e r d i d come to power, the  Party,  the p a r t y - c o n t r o l l e d  independent  'estates'.  As  a  r e s u l t of the S c h m i t t - H i t l e r Agreement, they succeeded i n s e c u r i n g c o n t r o l of the m i n i s t r i e s of economics, f i n a n c e and business leaders as w e l l as Front  and  labor.  In  r e s i s t e d the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the economy a l o n g  the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s thus kept t h e i r economic power and  within  independence.  short, guilds,  the Labor As  S.J.  Woolf remarks i n h i s a r t i c l e "Did a F a s c i s t Economic System E x i s t ? " :  34.  "The  existence  c o u l d o n l y be  of l a r g e p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i a l challenged  complexes  by massive d i r e c t s t a t e i n -  t e r v e n t i o n i n the economy, and  then a t  considerable  r i s k of upheaval and  l o s s of s k i l l e d p e r s o n n e l .  despite  p r o t e s t s of the f a s c i s t l e f t  the s p o r a d i c  the regimes r a p i d l y abandoned any  attempt to  Thus, wings,  radically  change the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e of economic power,  and  endeavored i n s t e a d  ser-  to t u r n t h i s s t r u c t u r e to the 35 v i c e o f p o l i t i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d economic aims."  T h i s seems to be a t r u e assessment of the s i t u a t i o n i n Germany a l s o b r i n g s us  to the l a s t r e a s o n why  because i t c o n t r a d i c t e d  the  corporatism  was  and  dropped, namely  ' p o l i t i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d economic aims' of  the o l i g a r c h i c c l i q u e .  I t i s c l e a r t h a t H i t l e r h i m s e l f was evidenced by  not  i n t e r e s t e d i n corporatism,  the purge of l e f t - w i n g l e a d e r s , as w e l l as h i s  as  following  words: " I had idea. had  to l e t the p a r t y I had  experiment w i t h the  to prove e x p e r i m e n t a l l y  gone and whether t h e r e was  there.  You  how  anything  can understand that I had  something to do.  far  Well,  things  to a c h i e v e  to g i v e people  They were f u l l of f i r e ,  o f f e r them something.  corporate  I had  l e t them have a  to  crack  at i t . A f t e r a l l , not Hitler's other  the c o r p o r a t i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n i s 36 so important t h a t i t c o u l d do much damage."  goals were to a t t a i n m i l i t a r y and  European n a t i o n s  and  political  equality with  rearmament which e n t a i l e d the  availability  of a l l the s o u r c e s of the n a t i o n f o r an a c t i v e m i l i t a r y p o l i c y .  35.  These aims c o i n c i d e d w i t h the i n t e r e s t s o f m i l i t a r y and b u s i n e s s and  contradicted  corporatism.  the i n t e r e s t s o f a r t i s a n s and craftsmen who wanted  Although the NSDAP p a i d l i p - s e r v i c e t o the p r o t e c t i o n  of the ' l i t t l e man', the v a r i o u s measures f o r recovery n e c e s s a r i l y favored  and rearmament  the f i r m s which c o u l d operate on a l a r g e s c a l e .  Consequently, i t seems t h a t c o r p o r a t i s m not  lead  was dropped because i t d i d  promote the o v e r a l l NSDAP p o l i c y of economic s t r e n g t h , m i l i t a r y  power and independence i n the w o r l d .  36.  CHAPTER  II  I t a l i a n corporatism  o r i g i n a t e d from the ideas of the r a d i c a l  N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y which was G a b r i e l e D'Annunzio, and i n f l u e n c e d by of  formed i n 1910  by E n r i c o C o r r a d i n i and  the r e v o l u t i o n a r y s y n d i c a l i s t s who  Georges S o r e l .  right  were mainly  These ideas were merged under the name  ' n a t i o n a l s y n d i c a l i s m ' which formed the b a s i s of the  'Italian  corpo-  r a t e s t a t e ' under Fascism.  Both the n a t i o n a l i s t s and of the e l i t i s t "The  r e v o l u t i o n a r y s y n d i c a l i s t s shared  t h e o r i s t s , Pareto  r u l i n g c l a s s or those who  always be a m i n o r i t y and v i d u a l s who  Italy  h o l d and  subordinate  never, i n any  merelyvsubmit to i t . " " ' "  and M i c h e l s .  Pareto b e l i e v e d t h a t :  a d m i n i s t e r p u b l i c power w i l l  to them are the m u l t i t u d e  T h i s view was  numerically  r e i n f o r c e d by  Italy's  indi-  situation.  under the l e a d e r s h i p of a  s m a l l middle c l a s s who  appeared  weak to r u l e . Thus, the m a j o r i t y of I t a l i a n s construed a t b e s t the e x e c u t i v e  of  r e a l sense, p a r t i c i p a t e i n a government but  had become a u n i f i e d n a t i o n i n 1870  newly emergent and  the views  too  the s t a t e to  committee of the b o u r g e o i s i e , or a t worst a  be,  self-  2 serving  'camarilla'.  The m a n i f e s t  c o r r u p t i o n i n the I t a l i a n  ment a l s o r e i n f o r c e d the view t h a t the agencies serve  the g e n e r a l i n t e r e s t .  of the s t a t e d i d not  Consequently, the c e n t r a l  government never succeeded i n g a i n i n g the c o n f i d e n c e m a j o r i t y of the  Pareto one  conceived  elite  govern-  parliamentary  of the v a s t  population.  of h i s t o r y as an endless  supplants  another.  t r a n s i t i o n of e l i t e s where  This conception  appealed to both  38.  n a t i o n a l i s t s and the c r y of  revolutionary syndicalists.  'popular  r u l e ' was  They both maintained  a p i e c e of p o l i t i c a l f i c t i o n  which a m i n o r i t y sought to l e g i t i m i z e i t s r u l e . had  entered  support  i n s i s t e d on  the  They s t r e s s e d the concept of a 'myth' to m o b i l i z e  by making s t r a t e g i c appeal  to 'moral sentiments'  g a i n t a c t i c a l advantage i n a p o l i t i c a l  N a t i o n a l i s t s agreed w i t h Pareto to use  through  Both agreed t h a t s o c i e t y  a p e r i o d of r e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a n s i t i o n and  v i r t u e of s t r u g g l e .  that  struggle.  i n order  to  3  t h a t "Humanitarianism and  reluctance  f o r c e were the sure s i g n s of an e l i t e i n d e c l i n e ; what was  needed  was  a new  r u l i n g c l a s s , a r e v i v e d , s t r o n g b o u r g e o i s i e which would r e s -  cue  I t a l y from G i o l i t t i a n s t a g n a t i o n and would succeed i n i n t e g r a t i n g 4  the masses i n the s t a t e where e a r l i e r e l i t e s had p o s s i b l e reasons f o r the above c o n c e p t i o n at the T r e a t y and  peace c o n f e r e n c e s ,  failed."  The  are the f o l l o w i n g .  President Wilson  two  First,  set himself  a liberal,  I t a l y l o s t some of what i t claimed. I t a l y ' s l o s s was  t r e a s o n of l i b e r a l s , w i t h  used as evidence  regard  to the  Because Orlando  f o r the bankruptcy  and was  and  'sacred cause of the n a t i o n ' .  Second, the r e v o l u t i o n a r y d i r e c t i o n of the growing S o c i a l i s t movement provoked a r i g h t i s t r e a c t i o n among the e s t a b l i s h m e n t . S o c i a l i s t s became the l a r g e s t p a r l i a m e n t a r y began to d i s i n t e g r a t e .  party.  In 1919,  the  The m i d d l e groups  Thus, the N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y , supported  by  the  army and heavy i n d u s t r y , proposed a s t r o n g b o u r g e o i s i e which would succeed i n i n t e g r a t i n g the masses i n the s t a t e .  In o r d e r  1918,  against  Orlando's c l a i m s as to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t e r r i t o r y between I t a l y Yugoslavia.  in  to i n t e g r a t e  39.  the masses i n the s t a t e , i t was n e c e s s a r y to e l i m i n a t e The it  n a t i o n a l i s t s proposed to e l i m i n a t e  class  c l a s s s t r u g g l e by t r a n s f e r r i n g  to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p l a n e , p e r c e i v i n g a c o n f l i c t between  t a r i a n ' and ' i m p e r i a l i s t ' n a t i o n s . of the n a t i o n w i t h i t s b o u r g e o i s i e p r o l e t a r i a t c o u l d be i n t e g r a t e d s t r u g g l e was to be e l i m i n a t e d ,  c a l i s m ' , whereby s y n d i c a t e s  'prole-  I n t h i s way, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n c o u l d be wiped out and the I t a l i a n  i n t o the n a t i o n a l community. making the ' n a t i o n '  i t was a l s o necessary to r e p l a c e  struggle.  class syndicalism  I f class  the c e n t r a l concept, with  'national  syndi  would be made to work f o r the ' n a t i o n a l  i n t e r e s t ' instead of 'class i n t e r e s t ' .  Revolutionary  s y n d i c a l i s t s , on the o t h e r hand, supported P a r e t o ' s  d e t e s t a t i o n o f p a r l i a m e n t and h i s c o n v i c t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c a l cannot be measured by c r i t e r i a o f o b j e c t i v e greater For  or lesser effectiveness  S o r e l , the main p r o t a g o n i s t  ideologies  t r u t h b^Vonly by t h e i r  i n moving men to a c t i o n by way o f 'myth of r e v o l u t i o n a r y  syndicalism,  a revolu-  t i o n a r y s o c i a l element c o u l d o n l y accede to dominance i f o r g a n i z e d and d i r e c t e d by an e l i t e which e f f e c t i v e l y m o b i l i z e d sentiment through a comp e l l i n g s o c i a l myth o r a u n i f y i n g p o l i t i c a l was  n o t t r u e i n any c o g n i t i v e sense.  formula which, i n i t s e l f ,  I n o t h e r words, the d e s c r i p t i v e  content of the myth was n o t s i g n i f i c a n t i n i t s e l f , but i n s o f a r as i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n was governed by i t as i f i t were an o b j e c tive possibility.^  S i n c e S o r e l ' s myth c o u l d  d e l i v e r a sense of s o l i -  d a r i t y and c o n v i c t i o n to a s p e c i f i c s e c t , s o c i a l stratum, c l a s s or  40.  n a t i o n , endowing them w i t h cation' , i t followed  a 'sublime sense of commitment and  t h a t any  contending s o c i a l element which advocated  an a l t e r n a t e view of the f u t u r e c o u l d adopt i t . Not all  dedi-  only a c l a s s ,  c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y r e q u i r e d an o r g a n i z i n g myth.  but  Sorel applied  h i s a n a l y s i s to the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the p r o l e t a r i a t because he  conceived  the p r o l e t a r i a t as possessed of elemental  his  d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t with  s y n d i c a l i s m l e d him  energy.  the way  easily  by  We  see  that S o r e l  for national syndicates,  i n s t e a d of c l a s s  'corporative' order  s t a t e was  to o r g a n i z e  formulated  N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y and  The  Alfredo  ' n a t i o n a l s y n d i c a l i s m ' of  It i s the  different  at the N a t i o n a l Congress of  the  1921.  n a t i o n a l i s t s thought t h a t s o c i a l i s m was  developed c o u n t r i e s l i k e I t a l y .  maladapted f o r under-  I t a l y d i d not r e q u i r e i n t e r n a l c l a s s  w a r f a r e which c o u l d only undermine her f u r t h e r , as  opening  proposed a  t h a t of the F a s c i s t P a r t y were q u i t e  they adopted the same stand in  by  the f o r c e s of p r o d u c t i o n .  important to note, however, t h a t the  F a s c i s t Party  himself  syndicates.  Rocco, the c h i e f n a t i o n a l i s t spokesman on economics, who  before  with  from r e v o l u t i o n a r y s y n d i c a l i s m to n a t i o n a l i s m ,  The b a s i s of the F a s c i s t c o r p o r a t e  new  1910,  to a s s o c i a t e h i m s e l f  the n a t i o n a l i s t s of the A c t i o n F r a n c a i s e . switched  But  international position s t i l l  the i n t e r n a t i o n a l setbacks t h a t I t a l y had  of the i n e f f e c t i v e p a r l i a m e n t a r y  regime and  s u f f e r e d because  i t s underdeveloped  status  41.  a l r e a d y put h e r i n t o a weak p o s i t i o n .  Therefore,  c o u l d o n l y be to t u r n I t a l y i n t o an e c o n o m i c a l l y f u l nation.  T h i s c o u l d be a c h i e v e d  the n a t i o n a l g o a l and p o l i t i c a l l y power-  by n a t i o n a l s y n d i c a l i s m , i . e . by the  c o l l a b o r a t i o n o f a l l c l a s s e s w i t h i n the n a t i o n who would work to i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n  and t u r n I t a l y i n t o a f u l l y  A l f r e d o Rocco, the c h i e f n a t i o n a l i s t spokesman t h a t s y n d i c a t e s were e s s e n t i a l but i n s i s t e d  together  industrialized  on economics,  nation.  recognized  that they be p l a c e d under  the c o n t r o l o f the s t a t e , which must l a y down t h e i r p r e c i s e f u n c t i o n s i n order  to a c h i e v e  n a t i o n a l aims.  The o r i g i n a l economic program o f the F a s c i s t P a r t y b e f o r e  i t came to  power was q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from A l f r e d o Rocco's p r o p o s a l s . both n a t i o n a l i s t and s y n d i c a l i s t elements, a p p e a l i n g workers, war v e t e r a n s , trialists  I t contained  to unemployed  l a n d l e s s peasants as w e l l as landowners, i n d u s -  and i m p e r i a l i s t s .  As M u s s o l i n i s a i d : "We a r e r e a c t i o n a r i e s  and r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , a r i s t o c r a t s and democrats, c o n s e r v a t i v e s and progressives."  When he spoke o f c o r p o r a t i s m ,  i t was only w i t h a  vague i d e a of ' a s s o c i a t i o n s i n which i n d u s t r y and l a b o r would borate'  and the ' r i g h t of such a s s o c i a t i o n s to p o l i t i c a l  colla-  representation'.  In other words, the f i r s t program of the p a r t y sought to accomodate both l e f t i s t  and r i g h t i s t elements and d i d n o t show any i n d i c a t i o n  of s u b o r d i n a t i n g  syndicates  to the c o n t r o l o f the s t a t e and s u p r e s s i n g  the working c l a s s , as was l a t e r done i n the F a s c i s t s t a t e .  42.  A f t e r 1921, the l e f t i s t g i v e n up.  elements o f the e a r l y F a s c i s t Program were  A t the N a t i o n a l Congress of the F a s c i s t P a r t y ,  spoke o f h i s support  Mussolini  f o r the army, landowners, monarchy, i n d u s t r y ,  n a t i o n a l i s m and the s a n c t i t y o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y .  A f t e r the march on  Rome i n 1922, the p e r i o d of 1922-1925 denotes the f i r s t  s t a g e o f corpo-  r a t i s m or ' i n t e g r a l s y n d i c a l i s m ' when the P a r t y attempted to e r a d i c a t e a l l non-Fascist  unions and s u b j e c t both workers' unions and employers'  a s s o c i a t i o n s to government c o n t r o l . formation  The f o l l o w i n g stage denoted the  o f ' c o r p o r a t i o n s ' comprised of employers and workers who  would together  c o n t r o l production.  The task o f f o r m u l a t i n g  the l e g i s -  l a t i v e b a s i s o f the new c o r p o r a t i v e order was c o n f e r r e d on Rocco, by Mussolini.  The  name ' c o r p o r a t i o n ' , as i t appeared i n the 1926 s y n d i c a l laws  mulated by Rocco, d e s i g n a t e d as  the c o n n e c t i n g  nizations.  a c e n t r a l government agency e s t a b l i s h e d  l i n k between employers' and workers' s y n d i c a l  orga-  I t would be a board o r c o u n c i l formed by the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  of the h i g h e r major f i e l d s to e n f o r c e  for-  employer and employee o r g a n i z a t i o n s of n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n ;  e x i s t i n g w i t h i n the  as such i t was to be a u t h o r i z e d  r e g u l a t i o n s on c o l l e c t i v e l a b o r r e l a t i o n s and on the coorg  d i n a t i o n of production. Rocco came i n t o e x i s t e n c e . presented.  Up to 1930, no c o r p o r a t i o n as d e f i n e d by N o n e t h e l e s s , the laws were p r e p a r e d and  The law of 1926 c r e a t e d  of l e g a l l y r e c o g n i z e d  thirteen national  confederations  syndical associations: s i x representing  employers,  43.  an equal number r e p r e s e n t i n g the workers, and f e s s i o n a l men linked  The  and  artists.  one  representing pro-  However, there were no  'corporations' that  them.  obvious  i n e f f i c i e n c y of the proposed c o r p o r a t i v e o r d e r prompted  the drawing up o f a C h a r t e r o f Labor, which was unions e a g e r l y .  I t was  taken up by workers'  hoped t h a t the C h a r t e r would e s t a b l i s h guaran-  tees of the workers' r i g h t s e n f o r c e a b l e by law.  However, i t was  not  i s s u e d as a decree-law or as the d r a f t of an a c t of P a r l i a m e n t ,  but  as  binding  'a statement of i n t e n t ' a f f i r m i n g c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s without  force.  For our purposes, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t as the d e s c r i p t i o n of  'intended'  The  the  corporate s t a t e .  C h a r t e r s t a t e s that:"The  corporative s t a t e considers p r i v a t e  i n i t i a t i v e i n the f i e l d of p r o d u c t i o n as the most e f f i c a c i o u s most u s e f u l instrument  i n the i n t e r e s t of the N a t i o n .  Since  p r i v a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n i s a f u n c t i o n of n a t i o n a l  and the concern,  the o r g a n i z e r of the e n t e r p r i s e i s r e s p o n s i b l e to the s t a t e f o r the 9 d i r e c t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n . "  I t was  a l s o added t h a t the i n t e r v e n t i o n  of the s t a t e i n economic p r o d u c t i o n occurs  o n l y when p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e  i s l a c k i n g or i s i n s u f f i c i e n t or when the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s of s t a t e are at stake. was  Because of the vagueness of these statements,  u n c l e a r where the power of p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e ended and  t r o l of the s t a t e over p r o d u c t i o n began.  the it  the con-  44.  The  Charter  Instead called  e x a l t e d l a b o r w i t h o u t g i v i n g any a c t u a l power to i t .  of being  c a l l e d the C h a r t e r  the C h a r t e r  of N a t i o n ,  o f Labor, i t c o u l d probably  be  s t a t e d i n vague, grand words such as  the f o l l o w i n g : "The I t a l i a n n a t i o n i s an organism endowed w i t h purposed, a l i f e and means of a c t i o n t r a n s c e n d i n g duration,  those o f the s e p a r a t e  which compose i t .  1930.  and economic u n i t y which  i n the F a s c i s t s t a t e .  I t has been mentioned e a r l i e r until  i n d i v i d u a l s o r groups o f i n d i v i d u a l s  I t i s a moral, p o l i t i c a l  r e a l i z e s i t s e l f completely  i n power and  t h a t no c o r p o r a t i o n s  came i n t o  I n 1930, a N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f C o r p o r a t i o n s  existence  was s e t up,  made up o f seven s e c t i o n s , s i x of them composed o f the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of s i x p a i r s o f c o n f e d e r a t i o n s  of F a s c i s t employers' and workers'  a s s o c i a t i o n s and the seventh of the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s confederation  o f p r o f e s s i o n a l men and a r t i s t s .  ten m i n i s t e r s and u n d e r s e c r e t a r i e s , 'experts'  confederations  The C o u n c i l  included  about f o u r t y h i g h o f f i c i a l s , t e n  chosen by the M i n i s t e r o f C o r p o r a t i o n s  members d e s i g n a t e d  o f the t h i r t e e n t h  and about a hundred  by the n a t i o n a l d i r e c t o r a t e s o f the t h i r t e e n  according  to F a s c i s t procedure, i . e . the p r e s i d e n t  chooses and announces the names and the d i r e c t o r a t e a g r e e s .  The  C o u n c i l was to p e r f o r m the f o l l o w i n g f u n c t i o n s : 1 ) C o n c i l i a t e c o n t r o v e r s i e s a r i s i n g among a f f i l i a t e d and  o r g a n i z a t i o n s . 2) Promote, encourage  s u b s i d i z e a l l e f f o r t s aiming a t the c o o r d i n a t i o n and improvement  of production."'""''  A general  assembly of the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of  45.  Corporations  was  empowered to formulate  b i n d i n g r u l e s f o r the c o o r d i -  n a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s of the v a r i o u s branches of n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n and  thus, i n e f f e c t , r e g u l a t e the economic plans and  the assembly would work out and were i n agreement. to  be,  programs which  approve i f a l l a s s o c i a t i o n s concerned  The N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of C o r p o r a t i o n s  as M u s s o l i n i put  i t , "the g e n e r a l s t a f f ,  was  destined  the supreme r e g u l a t o r  of the I t a l i a n economy, the h i g h e s t economic a u t h o r i t y which would be ready and life".  The  1  a b l e to a c t on the major problems of the n a t i o n ' s  economic  2  C o u n c i l d i d not  fulfill  i t s intended  duties.  Its a c t i v i t i e s  c o n s i s t e d s o l e l y i n g i v i n g a d v i s o r y o p i n i o n s which the government not o b l i g e d to seek or f o l l o w when o f f e r e d . the Axe  of Fascism  provides  G.  Salvemini  the f o l l o w i n g evidence  on the  i n Under activities  of the C o u n c i l : "Only once i n November 1931  was  the C o u n c i l asked to  express an o p i n i o n on a q u e s t i o n of v i t a l the problem of exports  and  imports.  The  importance Council  discussed  the s u b j e c t w i t h  t h e r e was  a c l a s h between the f r e e trade group  the p r o t e c t i o n i s t group. c u s s i o n by  great s o l e m n i t y ,  declaring himself  p r o t e c t i o n i s t regime.  Naturally,  M u s s o l i n i ended the  and dis-  to be i n f a v o r of  the  T h i s d i s c u s s i o n took p l a c e  two  months a f t e r a r o y a l decree of September 24,  had  imposed a duty of 15%  commodities. have any  The  d i s c u s s i o n therefore could  p r a c t i c a l importance whatsoever.  merely M u s s o l i n i ' s one  1931  ad v a l o r e m on a l l imported  of l i t t l e  jests."  It 13  not was  was  46.  The f a c t t h a t the C o u n c i l had only an a d v i s o r y  f u n c t i o n was even w i t -  nessed by the s t r o n g l y p r o - F a s c i s t Rome correspondent of the New  York  14 Times.  On November 19, 1933, he wrote: " H i t h e r t o , the N a t i o n a l  C o u n c i l of C o r p o r a t i o n s being advisory.  I t s transformation  body w i l l r e p r e s e n t corporate  has had no l e g i s l a t i v e power, i t s f u n c t i o n s i n t o the p r i n c i p a l  legislative  a g r e a t s t e p toward the r e a l i z a t i o n of the  s t a t e , which has always been among the F a s c i s t s ' a s p i r a t i o n s  Up to 1934, no c o r p o r a t i o n s as such had come i n t o b e i n g , a l t h o u g h there was a C o u n c i l of C o r p o r a t i o n s . finally  The c o r p o r a t i o n s  t h a t were  e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1934 were composed of an equal number of  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of workers' and employers' s y n d i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , a s m a l l number of t e c h n i c a l experts Party.  and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the F a s c i s t  The c o r p o r a t i o n s were o r g a n i z e d  vertically  including repre-  s e n t a t i v e s of a l l economic a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v e d i n a complete product i o n c y c l e , b e g i n n i n g w i t h the p r o c e s s i n g of the raw m a t e r i a l to the m a r k e t i n g of the f i n i s h e d p r o d u c t .  The twenty c o r p o r a t i o n s  were formed were d i v i d e d i n t o three groups: 1) c o r p o r a t i o n s  that  represent-  i n g ^branches of economic a c t i v i t y which i n v o l v e a g r i c u l t u r a l ,  indus-  t r i a l and commercial o p e r a t i o n . 2) c o r p o r a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g  economic  a c t i v i t e s i n v o l v i n g i n d u s t r i a l and commercial o p e r a t i o n s  o n l y . 3) c o r -  p o r a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g e n t e r p r i s e s e s t a b l i s h e d f o r the performance of services.  The law of 1934 empowered  the c o r p o r a t i o n s  to e l a b o r a t e r u l e s f o r  the c o l l e c t i v e r e g u l a t i o n o f economic c o n d i t i o n s and f o r the u n i t a r y  47.  d i s c i p l i n e of p r o d u c t i o n .  According  to the government, t h i s power  made of the C o r p o r a t i o n the instrument of  the economic a c t i v i t i e s ;  i t marked the d e f i n i t i v e p a s s i n g beyond  the system of economic l i b e r a l i s m  The powers granted  of a u t o - d i s c i p l i n e and c o n t r o l  to t h a t of c o r p o r a t i v e economy.  to c o r p o r a t i o n s were never e x e r c i s e d .  Welk i n F a s c i s t Economic P o l i c y p o i n t s out:  "Despite  16  As W i l l i a m  the independent  normative powers c o n f e r r e d upon the c o r p o r a t i o n s by law,  they  are,  i n a c t u a l f a c t , l i t t l e more than a d v i s o r y organs, whose recommendat i o n may all  or may  not be accepted  f i n a l decisions rest.  f i n a l d e c i s i o n s were not He remarks i n The  by a c e n t r a l government w i t h which  According  1 1  taken  to A d r i a n L y t t e l t o n ,  independently  S e i z u r e of Power - Fascism  gal  c o r p o r a t i o n never had  was  a t t r i b u t e d to i t by  by  those  the government e i t h e r .  in Italy  t h a t : "The l e -  the p r a c t i c a l importance i n p l a n n i n g which  theory and propaganda, but  a s s o c i a t i o n s , whose monopoly had  the employers'  been g i v e n s a n c t i o n by  Fascism  18 remained genuine c e n t e r s of power."  Why  was  c o r p o r a t i s m not  never had  implemented i n the sense t h a t c o r p o r a t i o n s  the power a t t r i b u t e d to them?  Here, i t i s u s e f u l to con-  s i d e r the i n h e r e n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n c o r p o r a t i s t the d i s t i n c t i o n between f a s c i s m and  A l f r e d Stepan i n S t a t e and  corporatism.  S o c i e t y - Peru i n Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e  e x p l a i n s the c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n c o r p o r a t i s t manner:  theory, as w e l l as  theory i n the f o l l o w i n g  48.  "Organic s t a t i s m may r e p r e s e n t the  two p o l e s  o f c l a s s i c l i b e r a l i s m and command s o c i a l i s m ,  i n a c t u a l i t y , i t too c o n t a i n s model.  a d e s i r a b l e b a l a n c e between  inherent  predicaments as a  On the one hand, the s t a t i s t component of the  model i m p l i e s a s t r o n g  r o l e f o r the s t a t e i n s t r u c t u r i n g  s o c i e t y so t h a t i t conforms w i t h the model's assumption o f f u n c t i o n a l parts  that are p e r f e c t l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a s o l i -  d a r i s t i c whole.  On the o t h e r hand, each o f the p a r t s i s  t h e o r e t i c a l l y s e l f - m a n a g i n g , so t h a t there of p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n s t a t e - c h a r t e r e d The in  i s a high  organic  degree  structures.  p r e d i c t a b l e d i s t o r t i n g t e n s i o n i n the model i s t h a t the i n i t i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the system from above, the  s t a t e , i n order such s t r o n g  to ensure i n t e g r a t i o n and c o n t r o l , b u i l d s  c o n t r o l mechanisms i n t o the new  state-chartered  f u n c t i o n a l groups t h a t the m e a n i n g f u l p a r t i c i p a t i o n p o s i t e d by  The  the model never becomes a r e a l i t y . "  d i s t o r t i n g t e n s i o n i n the o r g a n i c  i s o b s e r v a b l e i n I t a l y ' s case.  19  s t a t i s t model mentioned above  I t a l y ' s c o r p o r a t i s t s t r u c t u r e was  imposed from above by the F a s c i s t s t a t e i n order  t o ensure  inte-  g r a t i o n and c o n t r o l which, i n t u r n , s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d autonomy and p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  The  d i s t i n c t i o n s between f a s c i s m and c o r p o r a t i s m  e x p l a i n why the power of c o r p o r a t i o n s  a l s o serve to  remained on paper.  For  Stepan, o r g a n i c  and  command s o c i a l i s m and has f r e q u e n t l y p r o v i d e d  and  r a t i o n a l e to c o r p o r a t i s t p o l i c i e s .  s t a t i s m i s a model l i k e c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m  s t a t i s m can be used i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e has  The s t a t e  been done throughout t h i s  with  study.  the guidance  For our purposes,  organic  ' c o r p o r a t i s t theory' as  49.  i n f a s c i s m i s presented  as b e i n g without  M u s s o l i n i ' s f o l l o w i n g words: "The  checks, as evidenced  foundation  of Fascism  c e p t i o n of the S t a t e , i t s c h a r a c t e r , i t s duty and conceives  of the S t a t e as an a b s o l u t e ,  i s the con-  i t s aim.  i n b r i n g i n g about an i n t e g r a t e d s o c i e t y , but i n which the component p a r t s a r e accorded not be e l i m i n a t e d .  g i v e n a major r o l e  this society i s  t h e i r own  spheres of  the source  the p o i n t of r e f e r e n c e f o r a l l v a l u e s w i t h  of c o r p o r a t i s m which o r i g i n a l l y had  one  Fascism, on the o t h e r hand,  u n i t e d the d o c t r i n e of the omnipotent s t a t e as law and  of i n t h e i r  .,20  In c o r p o r a t i s t w r i t i n g , the s t a t e i s of course  a c t i o n t h a t should  Fascism  i n comparison w i t h which a l l  i n d i v i d u a l s or groups are r e l a t i v e , only to be conceived r e l a t i o n to the s t a t e .  by  evolved  of a l l  the d o c t r i n e s  out of the r e s i s t a n c e 21  to the growth of modern c e n t r a l i z e d government. c o r p o r a t i o n s or g u i l d s had  Originally,the  been i d e a l i z e d not o n l y as an  instru-  ment of s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e but a l s o because they p r o t e c t e d d u a l r i g h t s and p r i v e l e g e s a g a i n s t state.  the o v e r r i d i n g power of  For A l f r e d o Rocco, however, the c o r p o r a t i o n was  ment i n e n s u r i n g  the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u b o r d i n a t i o n  ' c o l l e c t i v i t y ' and  s t a t e i n Fascism, then,  the  'collectivity'  instruThe  subjected  to the s t a t e .  d i d not e x i s t i n o r d e r  p r o t e c t i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s or r i g h t s , but  an  the  to the s t a t e .  c o r p o r a t i v e p r i n c i p l e meant t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l must be to the  indivi-  The  to r e c o n c i l e or  conceded the  f a c t i o n of the l a t t e r o n l y as a means of r e a l i z i n g i t s own  satisends,  sa,  d e f i n e d as e x t e r n a l power.  Another d i s t i n c t i o n between c o r p o r a t i s m has  a 'leader p r i n c i p l e ' .  As A d r i a n  and  fascism i s that  L y t t e l t o n p o i n t s out:  fascism "Alfredo  Rocco's whole framework of l e g a l i n s t i t u t i o n s were designed to a single p o l i t i c a l w i l l .  In h i s i n s i s t e n c e t h a t the power of  s t a t e s h o u l d be u n f e t t e r e d , he  failed  the w i l l of the d i c t a t o r would, by  to p e r c e i v e  serve the  the danger t h a t  overriding a l l particular i n s t i t u -  22 t i o n s , d i s o r g a n i z e them." porations authorized and  In the I t a l i a n F a s c i s t s t a t e , the  c o u l d not d i s c u s s any  measure u n l e s s  to do so by M u s s o l i n i .  they were p r e v i o u s l y  Mussolini himself  f i x e d the  s u b j e c t matter of the d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h i n c o r p o r a t i o n s ,  ded whether t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s were to be kept s e c r e t or to  deci-  be  press.  In s h o r t , i t i s c l e a r t h a t c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h i n c o r p o r a t i s t as w e l l as  time  formu-  l a t e d t h e i r d e c i s i o n s , determined t h e i r method of v o t i n g and  communicated to the  cor-  the d i s t i n c t i o n s between f a s c i s m and  the a p p l i c a t i o n of c o r p o r a t i s m  as s t a t e d i n the  A f u r t h e r problem that I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m  corporatism  theory, impeded  laws.  f a c e d was  the  tension  c r e a t e d between the p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s of i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s and  the F a s c i s t s t a t e which aimed to t u r n them i n t o o b e d i e n t  i n s t r u m e n t s of the regime by The  i n t e g r a t i n g them i n t o the  dilemma of the F a s c i s t s t a t e was  t h a t i t had  corporations.  committed  itself  51.  to a ' c o r p o r a t i s t economy' t h a t was ' n e i t h e r c a p i t a l i s t nor communist' by r e p l a c i n g p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e w i t h o v e r a l l p u b l i c r e g u l a t i o n through corporations ketplace  i n economic l i f e ,  but a t the same time r e t a i n e d the mar-  as the b a s i c mechanism f o r d i s t r i b u t i n g goods and s e r v i c e s .  Thus the F a s c i s t s t a t e r e t a i n e d a system t h a t was h e a v i l y on e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l  i n i t i a t i v e and market flows which made the i n t e -  g r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' associations into corporations difficult,  The  dependent  very  i f not i m p o s s i b l e .  attempt o f the F a s c i s t Party  to implement c o r p o r a t i s m  and the  o p p o s i t i o n o f the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e evidenced by the f o l l o w i n g events.  I n 1923, the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  workers' and employers' o r g a n i z a t i o n s  of the F a s c i s t  were c a l l e d  to a meeting a t  the C h i g i P a l a c e i n Rome, where they agreed t h a t , h e n c e f o r t h t i o n s o f l a b o r should  be s e t t l e d through p e a c e f u l n e g o t i a t i o n  than through the t r a d i t i o n a l methods of c l a s s s t r u g g l e . T h e organizations i n order  condi-  would a l s o be i n t e n s i f i e d and made more  rather  syndical  cooperative  to a s s u r e t h a t both l a b o r and c a p i t a l would have the "best  possible conditions  f o r the development o f t h e i r f u n c t i o n s  and the  23 most e q u i t a b l e compensation f o r t h e i r work".  T h i s agreement  r e s u l t e d i n the consent of the C o n f i n d u s t r i a  (Confederation of  I n d u s t r y ) to r e c o g n i z e  the F a s c i s t u n i o n s .  t r i a l i s t s were r e a s s u r e d  against  In r e t u r n , the i n d u s -  the dangers o f u n i o n m i l i t a n c y by  the promise t h a t unions would c o n t i n u e to be d i r e c t e d from above by  t h e i r s e c r e t a r i e s , who would be s e l e c t e d by the P a r t y .  52.  By  1925,  non-Fascist  unions were e r a d i c a t e d and  F a s c i s t u n i o n s , l e a v i n g the l a t t e r as workers.  By  trialists  recognized  return, as  the Palazzo  the  the s o l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  V i d o n i Act i n the same y e a r ,  the  the F a s c i s t workers' unions r e c o g n i z e d  the  In  Confindustria  However, t h i s d i d not  t h a t a l l problems r e l a t i n g to i n d u s t r y and  o r g a n i z a t i o n were s o l v e d .  of  indus-  the F a s c i s t u n i o n s ' c l a i m to monopoly.  the s o l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of i n d u s t r y .  signify  absorbed by  C o n f i n d u s t r i a was  corporative  still  left  outside  the sphere of government c o n t r o l , whereas the c o r p o r a t i v e program e n v i s a g e d both i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' and workers' a s s o c i a t i o n s to subordinated  to a s i n g l e , u n i f i e d system of c o n t r o l .  as F a s c i s t s y n d i c a l i s t s p o i n t e d out, between the p o l i t i c a l of independently lities  The  of  Otherwise,  the workers' u n i o n s , caught  needs of the government and  organized  the  resistance  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s would have no p o s s i b i -  life.  C o n f i n d u s t r i a , backed by  the m a j o r i t y  of  industrialists,  remained f i r m l y opposed to e n t e r i n g a s i n g l e o r g a n i z a t i o n with  be  the F a s c i s t u n i o n s .  The  Palazzo  V i d o n i A c t had  t o r y f o r the C o n f i n d u s t r i a , because i t b a r r e d a r b i t r a t i o n of l a b o r d i s p u t e s Labor M a g i s t r a c y .  together  been a v i c -  s t r i k e s and made the  compulsory, to be undertaken by  Thus, F a s c i s t unions c o u l d no l o n g e r  c o l l e c t i v e agreements or conduct s t r i k e s , w h i l e  the  a  conclude  Confindustria's  53.  power was s t r e n g t h e n e d because i t became the s o l e of i n d u s t r y i n i t s d e a l i n g s w i t h  representative  the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t  p r e v e n t e d the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e r e g u l a t i o n which had g i v e n the Labor M a g i s t r a c y  the r i g h t  to make e n q u i r i e s i n t o the c o s t s and  methods o f i n d i v i d u a l f i r m s . was  In t h i s way, the M a g i s t r a c y  shorn o f i t s most e s s e n t i a l p r e r o g a t i v e .  accept  the employers' p l e a s o f p o v e r t y  duction a t t h e i r face value  and  I t was f o r c e d to  and the n e c e s s i t i e s o f p r o -  and t o make i t s judgments i n the dark.  In s h o r t , the C o n f i n d u s t r i a r e s i s t e d b e i n g porations.  of Labor  integrated within  Most i n d u s t r i a l i s t s were s u s p i c i o u s o f s t a t e  guidance o f the economy.  planning  Centralized state planning  and the  o v e r a l l p u b l i c r e g u l a t i o n of economic l i f e was c o n s i d e r e d  'socialistic',  and w i t h o u t a r e v o l u t i o n a r y shake-up, i t would be extremely given  cor-  ineffective,  the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f the p u b l i c bureaucracy compared w i t h the  much more e f f i c i e n t and h i g h l y p a i d s t a f f of the i n d u s t r i a l a s s o c i ations.  As S.J. Woolf commented i n h i s a r t i c l e ,  "Did a F a s c i s t  Economic System e x i s t ? " : "The  e x i s t e n c e o f l a r g e p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i a l complexes  only by c h a l l e n g e d in  could  by massive d i r e c t s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n  the economy, and then a t the r i s k o f c o n s i d e r a b l e up-  heaval  and l o s s of s k i l l e d p e r s o n n e l .  c l o s e connections trial  Even then, the  between the commercial banks and i n d u s -  complexes would have made i t d i f f i c u l t  effectively 24 to combat the predominant i n f l u e n c e of the complexes."  54.  The  above q u o t a t i o n  i n d i c a t e s that w i t h i n  s t r u c t u r e of I t a l y ,  the i n t e n d e d  have been i m p o s s i b l e of the c o r p o r a t e ment and  by  to r e a l i z e .  the e x i s t i n g economic  corporative In f a c t ,  o r g a n i z a t i o n would  the formal  mechanisms  s t a t e were bypassed both by M u s s o l i n i ' s  govern-  the i n f o r m a l agreements among i n d u s t r i a l groups.  power of the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s i n impeding the r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n was  admitted by M u s s o l i n i h i m s e l f  wrote t h a t : "Twenty y e a r s of e x p e r i e n c e had the s t a t e c o u l d not  limit  itself  The  corpo-  i n 1944.  taught F a s c i s t s t h a t  to the f u n c t i o n s of m e d i a t i o n  between c l a s s e s because the s u b s t a n t i a l l y g r e a t e r  f o r c e the  talist  inoperative  c l a s s e s were c a p a b l e of d e p l o y i n g  rendered  the j u r i d i c a l e q u a l i t y upon which p a r i t y was superior force permitted t u r n to t h e i r own  the c a p i t a l i s t  A f i n a l problem t h a t I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i s m  mented.  The  of what i t was  The  how  the s t a t e " .  f a c e d was i t was  o f f i c i a l view h e l d by M u s s o l i n i was  ' a t t i t u d i n a l change', l e a d i n g man'.  and  predicated;  c o r p o r a t i v e man  f o r the h i g h e r  the power of the s t a t e .  was  going to be  25  to  imple-  introduce 'corporative  going to be endowed w i t h a f e e l i n g  that p r i v a t e property  the egoism of the p r o p r i e t o r , but and  and  going to be  i n t e r e s t s of the n a t i o n a l c o l l e c t i v i t y .  p o r a t i v e s o c i e t y would see  this  the l a c k of a  to the c r e a t i o n of the  was  capi-  c l a s s e s to dominate,  advantage, every a c t i o n by  u n i f i e d perception  He  the w e l l - b e i n g  cor-  should  serve,  of the  community  The motive f o r c e of the  'public i n t e r e s t ' rather  The  not  society  than ' p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t ' .  26  55.  A second view of c o r p o r a t i s m h e l d by more r a d i c a l members of F a s c i s t P a r t y c o n t a i n e d s o c i a l i s t and According  antibourgeois  elements.  to t h i s view, the c o r p o r a t e s t a t e meant complete s t a t e  c o n t r o l of p r o d u c t i o n and  d i s t r i b u t i o n , through the medium of c o r -  p o r a t i o n s , c o n s i s t i n g of employers and own  the  employed, who  would  the c a p i t a l of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r branch of p r o d u c t i o n .  p l o y e r would then be  transformed  together The  em-  i n t o the s a l a r i e d d i r e c t o r a t  the  head of the p r o d u c t i v e pyramid.  The  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s ' associations held a s t i l l  corporatism. quiries,  They maintained  d i f f e r e n t view of  t h a t the c o r p o r a t i o n s c o u l d make i n -  c o l l e c t s t a t i s t i c s , o r g a n i z e the employment bureaus  s o c i a l w e l f a r e , but  they were not supposed to i n t e r f e r e w i t h  individual enterprise. v i s i o n and  I f they were to have any  power of  and the  super-  c o o r d i n a t i o n ' i n the i n t e r e s t s of p r o d u c t i o n ' , a l o n g -  d i s t a n c e c o n t r o l was  p r e f e r r e d , and  the l o n g e r the d i s t a n c e ,  the  27 better. "The  As E r i c Tannenbaum i n The  r u l i n g economic c l a s s d i d not  F a s c i s t Experience  remarks:  c o n s i d e r the c o r p o r a t i o n s  as  i n n o v a t i n g f o r c e s but r a t h e r as d e c o r a t i v e l e g a l props f o r e x i s t i n g . -, . ,,28 c a p i t a l i s t arrangements .  The  r e s u l t s we  can draw from the p r e c e d i n g  a n a l y s i s as to why  c o r p o r a t i o n s remained powerless are i n l i n e w i t h A l f r e d  the  Stepan's  56.  following  observation:  " P a r t l y because of the i n h e r e n t t e n s i o n s i n the a b s t r a c t model of o r g a n i c s t a t i s m , i n most c o n c r e t e cases of regimes t h a t initially  announce o r g a n i c - s t a t i s t p r i n c i p l e s ,  political  tendency to move toward g r e a t e r c o n t r o l over  v i a manipulative  corporatist politics  there i s a groups  ( e s p e c i a l l y with  regard  to working c l a s s groups) than i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y p o s i t e d i n the model, and  t h e r e i s a tendency i n economic p o l i c y  to a l l o w  g r e a t e r e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l freedom f o r c a p i t a l i s m than i s p o s i t e d 29 i n the model." In the case of I t a l y ,  ' o r g a n i c - s t a t i s t ' p r i n c i p l e s such as  harmony', ' u n i t y ' and  ' c l a s s c o l l a b o r a t i o n ' were u t i l i z e d  'social f o r the  purpose of smashing the power of the working c l a s s and i n t e g r a t i n g them w i t h i n c o r p o r a t i o n s .  In other words, these p r i n c i p l e s  the f u n c t i o n of a 'myth' to s o l v e the problems of c l a s s and  n a t i o n a l economic p o v e r t y ,  f o r a more o r g a n i z e d  The  and p r o v i d e d  performed  conflict  the i d e o l o g i c a l r a t i o n a l e  form of c a p i t a l i s m .  I t a l i a n F a s c i s t s t a t e ' s attempt of i n s t a l l i n g c o r p o r a t i s m  be c l a s s i f i e d as s i o n a r y and  'exclusionary'.  to A l f r e d Stepan,  inclu-  e x c l u s i o n a r y c o r p o r a t i s m are e l i t e responses to p e r c e p t i o n s  of c r i s e s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and power  According  could  c o n t r o l , and both  o f the s t a t e apparatus to f o r g e a new  endeavor to use  the  state-society equilib-  30 rium.  I n c l u s i o n a r y attempts are most l i k e l y when o l i g a r c h i c a l  domination i s b e g i n n i n g  to erode under the p r e s s u r e s of e a r l y  d e r n i z a t i o n , where p o l i t i c a l m o b i l i z a t i o n , although  mo-  increasing, i s  still  r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d and  u n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , and  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i s s t i l l a t an  where  early state.  An  the  exclusionary 31  attempt, however, i s most l i k e l y under the f o l l o w i n g 1.  P o l i t i c a l mobilization rentiated elite  and  ideologically diffe-  than that which precedes i n c l u s i o n a r y attempts.  The  t h a t assumes c o n t r o l of the s t a t e apparatus, f e a r i n g a  c r i s i s of intense scope, p e n e t r a t i o n so as  i s more i n t e n s e  conditions:  i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t , attempts to expand and  to impose a new  coercive o r d e r on  capacity  the  of the s t a t e apparatus  the p o l i t i c a l  system.  The  state  e l i t e attempts to exclude from the p o l i t i c a l arena a v a r i e t y r e l a t i v e l y autonomous, l a r g e l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s based, structures  ganizations 2.  institutional  capable of r e s i s t i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l d e s i g n , and  seeks to r e i n t e g r a t e  the excluded groups i n t o a s s o c i a t i o n a l  designed and  In a c o n t e x t of i n t e n s e  c o n t r o l l e d by  the  c o n t r o l of the s t a t e c o e r c i v e  and  by  the  or-  'crisis'  the e l i t e s who  p l a n n i n g apparatus  m a l l y by  t h e i r private . sector  national  development — e s p e c i a l l y p u b l i c and  ment p l a n n i n g - r e q u i r e s  then  state.  p o l i t i c a l mobilization,  of f u r t h e r development i s p e r c e i v e d  of  a l l i e s ) as one  assume (and  i n which private  nor-  further  invest-  the expansion of the scope and  subsequent  c o n t r o l l e d r e i n t e g r a t i o n of the workers r e f e r r e d to above so as  to lower the  t a t i o n of the  capacity  to make demands to impede the  state's politico-economic  implemen-  development d e s i g n .  58.  The  above two  I t a l y ' s case.  c o n d i t i o n s seem to a l a r g e e x t e n t Clearly, exclusionary  w i t h i n a f a s c i s t regime.  But  to be p r e s e n t  corporatism  i s not  attempts of e x c l u s i o n a r y  found  and  solely  corporatism  w i t h i n a f a s c i s t s t a t e i s p o s s i b l e i f the above c o n d i t i o n s In o t h e r words, the s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of I t a l i a n  in  exist.  Fascism  the c o n d i t i o n s r e q u i r e d to i n s t a l l an e x c l u s i o n a r y c o r p o r a t i s t  regime are not m u t u a l l y  exclusive.  I t a l y i n the 1920's was  i n the process  begun i n the decade b e f o r e World War  of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n which  I.  The  a s p i r a t i o n s of  had  the  F a s c i s t s t a t e , f o r an i n d u s t r i a l l y underdeveloped country  like  to a c h i e v e  realized  by  i n t e r n a t i o n a l power and  increased n a t i o n a l production,  p r e s t i g e c o u l d only be  Italy,  i . e . rapid industrialization.  However,  r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , w i t h i n an atmosphere of i n t e n s e i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f l i c t such as I t a l y was e l i t e s t r u c t u r e unless  i n , was  d i f f i c u l t . t o r e a l i z e under the same  the scope, p e n e t r a t i o n  of the s t a t e apparatus i s expanded so as  and  coercive  capacity  to exclude from the  political  arena a v a r i e t y of r e l a t i v e l y autonomous, l a r g e l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s i n s t i t u t i o n a l structures. g e o i s i e i n the'1920's was  In I t a l y ,  and  the t r a d i t i o n a l I t a l i a n bour-  i s o l a t e d , fragmented and was  with powerful labor unions. economic p o s i t i o n a g a i n s t  I t was  based  unable to d e a l  a l s o anxious to r e t a i n i t s s o c i a l  the r e s t of s o c i e t y .  I t conceived  of  59.  itself of the  as both r i g h t f u l l y  i n f l u e n t i a l and v e r y t h r e a t e n e d by the advent  s o c i a l i s m , but i t c o u l d not seek p r i v i l e g e o r p r o t e c t i o n o l d p o l i t i c a l mechanisms.  through  Thus c o r p o r a t i s m remedied a d e f e c t i v e  o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the middle c l a s s and e l i t e elements, by e x c l u d i n g independent l a b o r unions and r e i n t e g r a t i n g designed and c o n t r o l l e d by the s t a t e .  them i n t o  corporations  CHAPTER  III  61.  Our h y p o t h e s i s  i s t h a t c o r p o r a t i s m i n I t a l y s e r v e d v a r i o u s purposes  i n f u r t h e r i n g t h e g o a l s o f the F a s c i s t s t a t e , whereas i t c o n t r a d i c t e d w i t h t h e N a z i goals and t h e r e f o r e was d i s c a r d e d . Before attempting to verify  t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , i t i s u s e f u l to d e s c r i b e t h e common elements  t h a t the two v e r s i o n s o f c o r p o r a t i s m shared.  Then, we can examine  t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s i n terms o f t h e i r o r i g i n s and the purposes  they  s e r v e d i n o r d e r to prove the above p r o p o s i t i o n .  The b a s i c i d e a s o f c o r p o r a t i s t  theory t h a t p r o v i d e a common denomi-  n a t o r f o r I t a l i a n and German v e r s i o n s of c o r p o r a t i s m a r e the f o l l o w i n g : First,  corporatism holds  important  t h a t economic i n t e r e s t s a r e among the most  f o r most people and t h e r e f o r e s o c i e t y s h o u l d be o r g a n i z e d  a l o n g economic, i . e . o c c u p a t i o n a l l i n e s .  Second, i t a c c e p t s the  p r i n c i p l e o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and f a r from a d m i t t i n g a c l a s s s t r u g g l e between owners and workers, i n s i s t s on the n a t u r a l n e s s as w e l l as the n e c e s s i t y o f c l a s s c o l l a b o r a t i o n .  Third, i t proclaims  the o r g a n i c  and h i e r a r c h i c a l nature of s o c i e t y and c l a i m s as i t s j u s t i f i c a t i o n a h i g h e r measure of s o c i a l e q u i t y and harmony.  F o u r t h , i t opposes  both c l a s s i c a l c a p i t a l i s m and M a r x i s t s o c i a l i s m on the b a s i s t h a t they have f a i l e d  to p r o v i d e s o c i a l harmony.  S t a r t i n g from these b a s i c t e n e t s o f c o r p o r a t i s t theory, we can p o i n t out to some common c o r p o r a t i s t elements i n both Nazism and Fascism. Both emerged as a r e a c t i o n to c l a s s i c a l c a p i t a l i s m and M a r x i s t s o c i a l i s m ;  both c o n t i n u a l l y r e i t e r a t e d t h e i r d e t e r m i n a t i o n to r e p l a c e  class  c o n f l i c t by  Both p r o -  c l a s s c o l l a b o r a t i o n i n the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t .  posed c o r p o r a t i s m  i n terms of o c c u p a t i o n a l  a l t e r n a t i v e to l i b e r a l democracy and they both a c c e p t e d the b a s i c p r i v a t e property,  but  tenet  representation  Marxist  socialism.  as  Finallly,  of c a p i t a l i s m , the p r i n c i p l e of  rejected c a p i t a l i s t  ideology.  I t i s a l s o important to note t h a t c o r p o r a t i s t views were put as a s o l u t i o n by  the n a t i o n a l i s t s i n both I t a l y and  of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the n a t i o n a l i s t s , such as  and  C o r r a d i n i i n I t a l y and  P a u l de Lagarde and  Moeller  i n Germany, p r e s e n t e d c o r p o r a t i s m  as a way  u n i t y and  class divisions.  possibly acquired both c o u n t r i e s systems.  the i n e f f i c i e n c y of t h e i r l i b e r a l  i n t e g r a t i o n was  Bruck  national  Their  arguments  democratic with  l i m i t e d to p s e u d o - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m .  the o l i g a r c h i c a l s u f f r a g e  laws, the l a c k of a p a r t y the c o r r u p t i o n  meant t h a t the n a t i o n a l p a r l i a m e n t had brokerage s e r v i c e f o r the s o c i e t y .  failed  to f u n c t i o n mainly on b e h a l f  of  In  system  politicians  to p r o v i d e  political  In Germany, the B i s m a r c k i a n c o n s t i -  t u t i o n denied r e a l power to the N a t i o n a l  national policy.  den  I, the e x p e r i e n c e of both c o u n t r i e s  r e f l e c t i v e of the p o p u l a r w i l l and  it  the  d'Annunzio  van  of a c h i e v i n g  At  more s a l i e n c e because of the l a t e u n i f i c a t i o n of  P r i o r to World War  pluralistic Italy,  and  forward  Germany.  end  overcoming r e g i o n a l and  an  P a r l i a m e n t and  thus encouraged  of i n t e r e s t groups i n s t e a d of  In t h i s s t a t e of a f f a i r s ,  corporatism  deciding  provided  a  means to overcome both the i n e f f e c t i v e p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy, as w e l l as harmony.  the  t h r e a t of Marxism i n f a v o r of n a t i o n a l u n i t y and  social  63.  In s p i t e o f these s i m i l a r i t i e s , however, German and I t a l i a n n a t i o n a l i s t s differed  s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n of the a p p l i c a t i o n o f  corporatist insight  theory t o s o c i e t y .  These d i f f e r e n c e s  to our u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the c o r p o r a t i s t p r o p o s a l s o f the N a z i  and  Fascist  The  German c o r p o r a t i s t  the  e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y as a c o n s e r v a t i v e r e a c t i o n  lution.  parties.  structure  t r a d i t i o n s t a r t e d as e a r l y as the b e g i n n i n g o f  I t was a p l e a on one hand, to r e s t o r e  system o f e s t a t e s  den  p r o v i d e an important  the t i g h t o r g a n i c  and on the o t h e r hand, to b r i n g back the medieval  of self-governing  guilds.  Bruck thought, the r e t u r n  required  As the German N a t i o n a l i s t van  to the medieval c o r p o r a t i v e  basically  order  the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the b o u r g e o i s s o c i a l and economic o r d e r .  C o r p o r a t i s m was to reap f o r Germany the b e n e f i t s benefits  to the French Revo-  of a communal  society,  which the b o u r g e o i s i e had not been a b l e to p r o v i d e . I t was this regressive,  pseudo-socialistic  U t o p i a n view of c o r p o r a t i s m , mixed w i t h  elements that was reproduced i n the 1920 NSDAP  Program.  Nazi corporatism originated  from the a n t i c a p i t a l i s t i c ,  i d e o l o g y o f the German ' m i t t e l s t a n d ' , tradsmen. and  the a r t i s a n s , shopkeepers and  These groups proposed a r e t r e a t  medieval g u i l d s ;  romantic  to a p r e - i n d u s t r i a l age  they sought to h a l t the growth of modern  industry  64.  and  u l t i m a t e l y to d i s m a n t l e i t .  and  perhaps i n o b t a i n a b l e  In s h o r t ,  s o c i a l and  they sought an  irrational  economic harmony of i n t e r e s t  t h a t would b r i n g back the communal s o c i e t y of the M i d d l e Ages. the c o r p o r a t i v e order repeated.  As  of the M i d d l e Age  the M e d i e v a l p o l i t i c a l  was  unique and  thought h e l d ,  However,  c o u l d not  the  be  corporations  were p a r t of the Whole as w e l l as Wholes i n themselves: "Medieval p o l i t i c a l  thought s t a r t e d from the Whole but  a s c r i b e d an i n t r i n s i c v a l u e to and  to every P a r t i a l Whole down  i n c l u d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l .  Whole b e f o r e  the P a r t s or the P a r t s b e f o r e  I t s p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was verse  I t d i d not  as one  t h a t i t saw  a r t i c u l a t e d Whole and  the  the Whole. the  Uni-  every Being whether  a j o i n t - B e i n g (community) or a s i n g l e - B e i n g a p a r t and  set  as  both  a Whole." ^  In other words, i n a s o c i a l organism, the Whole i s independent of the  changes i n i t s p a r t s , but  l i v e s and  comes to l i g h t  c l e a r l y permitted  on  the other  i n i t s members.  the c o r p o r a t i o n s  be p a r t of the Whole.  s i d e , the Whole o n l y This f e d e r a l i s t  structure  to be autonomous, as w e l l  as  But w i t h the advent of the c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e ,  s t a t e power became opposed to the medieval thought of a harmoniously a r t i c u l a t e d U n i v e r s a l community whose s t r u c t u r e from top was  of a f e d e r a l i s t i c k i n d .  corporatism  had  s h i p of the  corporations  The  difficulty  Therefore,  the l a t e r f o r m u l a t i o n s  a r t i c u l a t i n g a formula f o r the  to the  to bottom  relation-  state.  demands of the a r t i s a n s , shopkeepers and  of  s m a l l businessmen  65.  lost  t h e i r f u n c t i o n and a p p e a l i n the p r o c e s s of the NSDAP's t r a n -  s i t i o n from a s m a l l c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y s e c t w i t h ideas fundament a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the s o c i e t y i n which they e x i s t e d to becoming a mass p o l i t i c a l movement l i v i n g i n a r e a l p o l i t i c a l w o r l d l i z i n g a wide range of support  i n that world.  In o t h e r words, when  the N a z i movement became a mass movement, the romantic i d e a s of the middle  c l a s s decreased  U t o p i a n nature of the p r o p o s a l s and date more powerful cooperate w i t h  to both  was  a fully  opposed to the 1920  the  the need of the NSDAP to accomowere i n a p o s i t i o n to  the N a z i s t a t e i n f u r t h e r i n g the l a t t e r ' s  o r g a n i z e d i n t e r e s t groups who  capitalism.  corporatist  i n s i g n i f i c a n c e due  groups i n the s o c i e t y who  B e s i d e s , Germany by 1933  and mobi-  goals.  i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nation with  were completely  and not  surprisingly  economic program of c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y a n t i -  To H i t l e r ,  c o r p o r a t i s m was  mainly  a propaganda d e v i c e  to keep c e r t a i n i n t e l l e c t u a l s l o y a l to the movement u n t i l he came to power.  The aims of the N a z i government were rearmament and  s i o n of p o l i t i c a l and  economical  power which r e q u i r e d the  expan-  cooperation  of i n d u s t r y i n s t e a d of i t s d e s t r u c t i o n .  I t might be suggested  t h a t the Labor F r o n t f u n c t i o n e d as a c o r p o r a t i s t  o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the sense t h a t i t c o n t r o l l e d  the workers, l i k e  corporations did i n Fascist I t a l y .  In my  a d i s t o r t e d a d o p t i o n of c o r p o r a t i s t  theory to r e a l i t y ;  P a r t y Program d i d not envisage  0  view, the Labor F r o n t the  such an o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t i s  the was  original important  66.  to note t h a t the o r i g i n a l c o r p o r a t i s m to do w i t h what was  of the 1920  l a t e r d e f i n e d as c o r p o r a t i s m  d e s c r i b e f a s c i s t economies.  T h i s new  Program had  nothing  i n the 1930's to  d e f i n i t i o n of c o r p o r a t i s m  the c o n t r o l of the economy through r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s  entailed of  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s or c a r t e l s , whose e x i s t i n g powers were r e i n f o r c e d by legislation.  T h i s was  t y p i c a l of both f a s c i s t and  anti-fascist  econo-  mies .  Guillermo p o i n t s out  A.Ofjonnell i n "Corporatism  and  the Q u e s t i o n of the  to the f o l l o w i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s shared by  Germany r e g a r d i n g  the emergence and  transformation  Italy  State", and  of c a p i t a l i s m i n  both c o u n t r i e s : 1.  the more dynamic and v i s i b l e r o l e of the s t a t e i n comparison with  2.  the Anglo-Saxon c o u n t r i e s  the d i f f i c u l t i e s of growth experienced  by  the n a t i o n a l bour-  g e o i s i e w i t h o u t the a c t i v e t u t e l a g e of a s t a t e t h a t c a r r i e s out  e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t e i s and  i s " i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t " to a  degree unknown i n the c l a s s i c cases of c a p i t a l i s t 3.  the tendency toward the appearance of h i g h l y and  4.  expansive p a t t e r n s of p o l i t i c a l  the " s t a t i s t " content o r g a n i z a t i o n and  5.  development  bureaucratized  authoritarianism  of dominant i d e o l o g i e s of  societal  economic growth  the tendency to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e mechanisms of c o n t r o l of  the  67,  popular  s e c t o r , i n c l u d i n g a t some p o i n t the s t a t i z i n g c o r p o r a t i z a t i o n  of i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  In s p i t e of the above s i m i l a r i t i e s ,  t h e r e a r e c l e a r l y important  differen-  ces i n terms o f the f u n c t i o n s of c o r p o r a t i s m between the two c o u n t r i e s . In I t a l y , c o r p o r a t i o n s were formed, whether they performed the i n i t i a l functions assigned  to them o r n o t .  c o n s t i t u t e d an important  And o r g a n i c - s t a t i s t p r i n c i p l e s  p a r t o f the F a s c i s t s t a t e i d e o l o g y .  I t seems  t h a t these p r i n c i p l e s were u s e f u l because the I t a l i a n b o u r g e o i s i e needed to r e s t o r e ' s o c i a l peace' and overcome 1  ment i n a c o n t e x t time m a i n t a i n i n g  the ' c r i s i s ' o f f u r t h e r  develop-  o f i n t e n s e p o l i t i c a l m o b i l i z a t i o n , w h i l e a t the same a s u r f a c e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of ' c l a s s c o l l a b o r a t i o n ' .  The goals o f the I t a l i a n b o u r g e o i s i e aimed a t economic growth so t h a t I t a l y c o u l d a t t a i n an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y powerful  status.  Economic growth  meant r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , but r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n an unchanged e l i t e s t r u c t u r e , c o u l d only be a c h i e v e d t a t i o n of c l a s s c o l l a b o r a t i o n .  by a s u r f a c e m a n i f e s -  I n s o f a r as f a s c i s m r e p r e s e n t e d  an attempt  to a r r e s t the dynamic of economic development and the s o c i a l changes t h a t brought w i t h  i t by s u p p r e s s i n g  l a b o r unions to keep the t r a d i -  t i o n a l e l i t e s t r u c t u r e i n t a c t , o t h e r p r i o r i t i e s had to be v a l u e d as to make t h a t dynamic i r r e l e v a n t .  T h i s i s p r e c i s e l y how  f u n c t i o n e d ; i t pushed socio-economic r e a l i t i e s by f o c u s i n g on ' a t t i t u d i n a l change'. the f u n c t i o n o f a 'myth'  higher  corporatism  i n t o the background  In o t h e r words, i t performed  to s o l v e the problems of c l a s s c o n f l i c t and  68.  n a t i o n a l economic  Corporatism  poverty.  was a d v e r t i s e d as having  combined the b e n e f i t s o f the me-  d i e v a l c o r p o r a t i o n s which had harmonized the i n t e r e s t s of workers and employers i n a common p r o d u c t i v e  e f f o r t with  efficient  c o n t r o l and  r e g u l a t i o n i n the i n t e r e s t o f the s o c i e t y as a whole which the modern t o t a l i t a r i a n s t a t e alone had  n o t been the case.  could provide.  I t d i d not matter t h a t  this  As S o r e l s a i d , the d e s c r i p t i v e content  of a  myth was n o t s i g n i f i c a n t i n i t s e l f but o n l y i n s o f a r as the i n d i v i d u a l and  c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n was governed as i f i t were an o b j e c t i v e and 4  accurate  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f some o b j e c t i v e p o s s i b i l i t y .  corporatism productive rest'.  created  In this vein,  the i l l u s i o n t h a t c l a s s harmony e x i s t e d , t h a t a l l  f o r c e s o f the n a t i o n were made to serve  the ' n a t i o n a l i n t e -  The ' l i b e r a l man' who was greedy, s e l f i s h and i s o l a t e d was  supposed to have been r e p l a c e d by the ' c o r p o r a t i v e man' who was f r e e from m a t e r i a l d e s i r e s , was h e r o i c , n o b l e and comradely.^  As not  the F a s c i s t s y n d i c a l i s t l e a d e r R o s s o n i remarked: " C o r p o r a t i o n i s to be d e f i n e d i n l e g a l terms; i t i s - a s t a t e of mind, i t i s one b i g  f a m i l y " . ^ In the same l i n e , P a u l E i n z i g i n The Economic Foundations of Fascism wrote: "What m a t t e r s from an economic p o i n t o f view i s t h a t w i t h i n the framework of the c o r p o r a t i v e system, a f e e l i n g o f s o l i d a r i t y between the a p p a r e n t l y  c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s of various  groups has developed.  o f s o l i d a r i t y and c o o p e r a t i o n  The s p i r i t  created  69.  by  the c o r p o r a t e system has not c o n f i n e d i t s e l f w i t h i n the l i m i t s o f  t r a d e s and p r o f e s s i o n s i n c l u d e d i n the p a r t i c u l a r i t has become nationwide..."^ The P h i l o s o p h y  of Fascism,  And a c c o r d i n g  c o r p o r a t i o n , but  to Mario P a l m i e r i i n  the c o r p o r a t i v e ideas was i n f a c t the  p r i n c i p l e o f F a s c i s t e t h i c s t r a n s l a t e d and a p p l i e d t o the realm o f economics.  According  to the F a s c i s t  t o g e t h e r a l l the people  e t h i c s , an i n v i s i b l e  o f the n a t i o n .  t i e binds  I f t h i s i s t r u e , then i t i s  a l s o t r u e t h a t the terms o f wealthy and pauper, c a p i t a l i s t and worker, landowner and farmer,  employer and employee l o s e t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t i c  meaning a l t o g e t h e r and remain to s i g n i f y b r e t h r e n i n s p i r i t  i f not  i n f l e s h , engaged from d i f f e r e n t a n g l e s , on d i f f e r e n t planes ardous t a s k of b u i l d i n g up a n a t i o n ' s  By  life.  i n the  g  c r e a t i n g the u n i f y i n g myth of ' c o l l a b o r a t i o n i n the name o f n a t i o n a l  i n t e r e s t ' , corporatism  also served  to h o l d the d i v e r g e n t f o r c e s w i t h i n  the F a s c i s t P a r t y and w i t h i n the country F a s c i s t corporatism  to operate  together.  as a t a c t i c  T h i s f u n c t i o n allowed  that could vary  according  to the needs o f the movement; the l a b e l was used to cover a whole s e r i e s o f j u r i d i c a l and de f a c t o arrangements d u r i n g the l a t e 1920's and  1930's.  The name c o r p o r a t i s m was l o o s e l y used to d e s c r i b e a l l  the government's economic p o l i c i e s d u r i n g the 1930's, thus  confusing  the j u r i d i c a l s t r u c t u r e w i t h day-to-day adjustments to the w o r l d ation.  situ-  The adjustments were accepted by l o y a l F a s c i s t s as l o n g as  the magic l a b e l was p r e s e r v e d .  70.  Furthermore, c o r p o r a t i s m s e r v e d to improve the p r e s t i g e o f the F a s c i s t s t a t e i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l arena because i t c r e a t e d the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t c o r p o r a t i s m had transcended  both l i b e r a l i s m and s o c i a l i s m by  c r e a t i n g a new s y n t h e s i s .  In c o n c l u s i o n , i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t c o r p o r a t i s m i n I t a l y was implemented i n o r d e r to serve as a myth, a t t e m p t i n g class c o n f l i c t  t o mask the r e a l i t i e s o f  i n a rapidly industrializing society.  In Germany,  on the o t h e r hand, the goals o f the NSDAP l e a d e r s h i p i n power were not c o n s i s t e n t w i t h  those o f c o r p o r a t i s m .  71. FOOTNOTES  CHAPTER I  1.  B.M.  Lane and  L . J . Rupp, N a z i  Ideology B e f o r e  ( A u s t i n : U n i v e r s i t y of Texas P r e s s . 1978), 2.  I b i d . , p.  3.  The  term e s t a t e  p.43.  ( t r a n s l a t e d as "Stand" i n German) has  commonly r e f e r s to one tocracy clergy, etc.  (French)  and  Guilds i n  were formed so t h a t a l l i n d i v i d u a l s and i n t e r e s t s 'geld' together,  i . e . submit to j o i n t  G u i l d s a l s o possessed monopoly of the l o c a l t r a d e ,  p r i c e s , f i x e d wages and The  may  E n g l i s h as a l o a n  ( I t a l i a n ) are the u s u a l terms f o r g u i l d .  i n a trade of a town s h o u l d  5.  Estate  guild.  word from the Romance languages, where c o r p o r a t i o n  taxation.  organic  conception  community.  of the s t a t e d e r i v e s from the  assumption a  I t i s h e l d t h a t i n the s o c i a l body, as i n  a l i v i n g organism, the demands of the whole must come b e f o r e of the p a r t s .  s o c i a l c a p a c i t y and  to the whole, so men  Ralph Bowen, German T h e o r i e s McGraw H i l l ,  1947),  p.34  the  a hierarchical  o r g a n i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y t h a t corresponds to the to the  J u s t as  a c t i v i t i e s of a human  so the s t a t e must have a s i n g l e head and  of lower b o d i l y f u n c t i o n s  are  are unequal i n  hence, unequal i n s o c i a l worth.  b r a i n or w i l l p r e s i d e over the conscious  6.  those  Furthermore, j u s t as a l l the p a r t s of the body  not e q u a l l y i n d i s p e n s a b l e  being,  set  hours.  t h a t v a l i d comparisons can be made between a l i v i n g body and political  aris-  or c l a s s e s  s h a r i n g government.  term of c o r p o r a t i o n appears to have e n t e r e d  the M i d d l e Age  general  i n h i s t o r i c a l usage, i t  E s t a t e s i n t h i s form are o r d e r s  a l s o mean c o r p o r a t i o n or  corporazione  the  of the e s t a t e s i n the o l d regime, e.g.  forming p a r t of body p o l i t i c and  The  A Documentation  44.  meaning of s t a t u s , rank or s t a t i o n , but  4.  1933:  subordination  higher.  of the C o r p o r a t i v e  State,  (New  York:  72.  7.  I b i d . , p.  8.  Hegel's P h i l o s o p h y of R i g h t , p.  35. (Oxford: Oxford  Ralph Bowen, op . c i t . , p.  10.  George Mosse, The  11. I b i d . , p.  19.  C r i s i s of German Ideology,  Dunlap, 1976), pp.  York: Grosset  T o t a l i t a r i a n Economics of Othmar Spann", J o u r n a l p.  432.  T a y l o r C o l e , " C o r p o r a t i v e O r g a n i z a t i o n i n the T h i r d R e i c h " , Review o f P o l i t i c s , May  1940,  14. Lane and Rupp, o p . c i t . , pp. I b i d . , pp.88-94.  16.  George Mosse, o p . c i t . , p.101.  17. Lane and Rupp, o p . c i t . , p.  89.  B i g Business  Indiana U n i v e r s i t y  i n the T h i r d R e i c h ,  P r e s s , 1964), p.  (Bloomington:  63.  114-117.  21. Lane and Rupp, o p . c i t . , p. 22. I b i d . , p.  441.  43-44.  19. A r t h u r Schweitzer,  I b i d . , pp.  p.  The  33-40.  15.  I b i d . , pp.  and  281.  of S o c i a l P h i l o s o p h y , A p r i l 1936,  20.  (New  19-23.  12. Andree Emery, "The  18.  P r e s s , 1973),  11.  9.  13.  University  88.  88.  23. A r t h u r S c h w e i t z e r ,  o p . c i t . , p.  116.  24. Lane and Rupp, o p . c i t . , p.  34.  25. Konrad Heiden, The H i s t o r y  of N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , (London; Methuen  and 26.  F.L.  Co. L t d . , 1934). p. Schuman, "The  35.  P o l i t i c a l Theory of Fascism" American P o l i t i c a l  S c i e n c e Review, A p r i l  1937,  p.222  73.  27. A r t h u r S c h w e i t z e r , o p . c i t . , p. 92. 28. T a y l o r C o l e , o p . c i t . , p. 452. 29. I b i d . , p. 457. 30. A r t h u r S c h w e i t z e r , o p . c i t . , p. 87. 31. I b i d . , p. 100. 32. T.W.  Mason, "The Primacy o f P o l i t i c s - P o l i t i c s and Economics i n  N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t Germany" i n Nature o f Fascism, ed. S.J. Woolf, (London: W e i d e n f e l d and N i c h o l s o n , 1968), p. 178. 33. F.L. Schuman, o p . c i t . , p. 222. 34. I b i d . , p.222. 35. S.J. 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Gaetano S a l v e m i n i , Under the Axe of Fascism, (New York: The P r e s s , 1936), p. 13. I b i d . , p.  105.  14. I b i d . , p.  105.  Viking  312.  15. I b i d . , p. 98. 16. Herman F i n e r ,  o p . c i t . , p.  520.  17. W i l l i a m Welk, o p . c i t . , p.  145.  18. A d r i a n L y t t e l t o n ,  The S e i z u r e of Power: F a s c i s m i n I t a l y ,  (London:  W e i d e n f e l d and N i c h o l s o n , 1973), p. 87. 19. A l f r e d Stepan, S t a t e and S o c i e t y : Peru i n Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e , (New  Jersey: Princeton University  P r e s s , 1978), pp. 42-43.  20. I b i d . , p. 48. 21. I t a l i a n Fascisms from P a r e t o  to G e n t i l e ,  ed. A d r i a n  Lyttelton,  (London: Jonathan Cape, 1973), p. 33. 22. A d r i a n L y t t e l t o n ,  The S e i z u r e of Power, o p . c i t . , p. 115..  23. W i l l i a m Welk, o p . c i t . , p. 50. 24. S.J. Woolf, " D i d a F a s c i s t Economic 25. A. 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