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Sukeroku’s double identity : a study in Kabuki dramatic structure Thornbury, Barbara Ellen 1979

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SUKEROKU'S DOUBLE IDENTITY: A STUDY IN KABUKI DRAMATIC STRUCTURE Barbara E l l e n Thornbury A.B., Smith College, 1971 ,A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OP GRADUATE STUDIES i n the Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1979 ® Barbara Ellen Thornbury, 1979 In present ing t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree tha t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r re fe rence and s tudy. I f u r t h e r agree tha t permiss ion f o r ex tens ive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the. Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s en t a t i v e s . I t i s understood tha t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed wi thout my w r i t t e n pe rm iss i on . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P lace Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date :-6 B P 7S-S 1 1 E Abstract Using the seemingly i l l o g i c a l , double i d e n t i t y of the townsman, Sukeroku, and the samurai, Soga Goro, i n the play Sukeroku as the f o c a l point, t h i s thesis shows that the drama t i c structure of Edo kabuki was based on an annual play cycle The cycle consisted of several production periods, beginning with the kao-mise, or "face-showing," production i n the eleventh month of the lunar year and ending with the o-nagori or "farewell," production i n the ninth month. Each period lasted f o r a month or more and was repeated annually through-out the Tokugawa period. To show how the annual cycle functioned as the framework of kabuki dramatic structure and what Sukeroku's double iden-t i t y s i g n i f i e s , the thesis i s divided into two parts. Part One, "The Structure of Edo Kabuki," has two chapters. The f i r s t , which i s based mainly on writings of the Tokugawa period, outlines the annual play cycle and the dramatic struc ture i t contained. The second then analyzes the concepts of sekai ("tradition") and shuko ("innovation"), which were the underlying p r i n c i p l e s of that structure. In sum, kabuki was the product of material that had become a f a m i l i a r part of Japanese culture by repeated use and dramatization over long periods of time ( s t a r t i n g even before kabuki began) and mater i a l that was r e l a t i v e l y new and was used to transform the o l d e r , s e t m a t e r i a l . The double i d e n t i t y i n Sukeroku came about as a r e s u l t of t h i s i n t e r p l a y w i t h i n the annual c y c l e of what was r e c e i v e d by way of t r a d i t i o n a l s e k a i and what was added by way of i n n o v a t i v e shuko. Part Two, "The S i g n i f i c a n c e of Sukeroku's Double I d e n t i t y , a l s o has two chapters. The f i r s t t r a c e s the development of the Soga s e k a i which gave r i s e t o Sukeroku's' samurai i d e n t i t y , from i t s o r i g i n s i n the e a r l y dramatic forms of no, kowaka, and k o - j o r u r i , t o the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Soga Goro i n kabuki by Ichikawa Danjuro I. The second then lo o k s at the shuko which transformed Soga Goro i n t o Sukeroku by d i s c u s s i n g the o r i g i n s of Sukeroku'and i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n t o Edo kabuki by Ichikawa- Danjuro I I . The c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t w i t h i n the an-nual c y c l e Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y gave Edo audiences a hero, who was an i d e a l i z a t i o n of the contemporary Tokugawa townsman and at the same time a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of a samurai god-hero of the past. In Part Two, the d i s c u s s i o n s on kabuki are l i m i t e d to Ichikawa Danjuro I and h i s son, Danjuro I I , s i n c e t h e i r work was the b a s i s of a l l l a t e r developments. Table of Contents L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s v i Prefatory Note v i i Acknowledgments v i i i Introduction 1 PART ONE: THE STRUCTURE OF EDO KABUKI 7 Chapter I. The Annual Play Cycle 8 The Idea of an Annual Cycle, i n Japanese Culture 8 The Annual Cycle of Kabuki 17 Chapter I I . Sekai and Shuko: The Pr i n c i p l e s of Edo Kabuki.40 Origins of the Multi-part Structure of Kabuki 40 The J i d a i and Sewa Link i n the Multi-part Structure of Kabuki 45 The P r i n c i p l e s of Sekai and Shuko -^9 The Annual Play Cycle and Gthe P r i n c i p l e s of Sekai and' Shuko 62 PART TWO: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SUKEROKU'S DOUBLE IDENTITY...65 Chapter I I I . Sukeroku as Soga Goro, a God-hero of the Nation: The Development of the Soga Sekai 67 The Soga Brothers' Revenge 68 The Origins of the Soga Sekai i n No, Kowaka, and Ko-joruri 72 Ichikawa Danjuro I and the Representation of Soga Goro i n Kabuki 85 Chapter IV. Sukeroku, Flower of Edo: The Transformation of Soga Goro into Sukeroku 102 A Summary of Sukeroku 103 The Origins of the Sukeroku Innovation 109 Ichikawa Danjuro II and the Introduction of the Sukeroku Innovation to Edo Kabuki. I l l Sukeroku: Flower of Edo 123 Conclusion • 133 Postscript: Reconstructing Kabuki f o r Performance 136 Notes 1^0 Select Bibliography 163 Appendix I: Kabuki Source Materials of the Tokugawa Period 173 Appendix I I : L i s t of Japanese Terms, Names, and T i t l e s . . . . 175 v i L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s Shiki Sambaso 20 Shichi-fuku.jin 21 Sekai sadame 53 Sakata no Kintoki .88 Ichikawa Danjuro I as Soga Goro and Ichikawa Euzo as Fudo 98 Ichikawa Danjuro I as Soga Goro • 100 Scene from f i r s t Sukeroku 113 Ichikawa Danjuro II as Sukeroku 122 Actors (who played Sukeroku and Agemaki) greeting patrons 132 P r e f a t o r y Note An assumption I made i n w r i t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t the study of kabuki i n the West has come of age. I t i s no l o n g e r necessary t o s t a r t out by s u r v e y i n g the h i s t o r y of kabuki, or to d e f i n e j o r u r i and aragoto, or to i d e n t i f y Chikamatsu Monzaemon and Ichikawa Danjuro. For these purposes, works such as the H a l f o r d s ' Kabuki Handbook and G u n j i Masakatsu's Kabuki ( i n E n g l i s h ) serve w e l l . On the other hand, although much progress has been made s i n c e Zoe K i n c a i d wrote Kabuki:  The Popular Stage of Japan i n 1925. which was' the f i r s t major work on the s u b j e c t p u b l i s h e d i n E n g l i s h , t h e r e i s no common vocabulary f o r d i s c u s s i n g many aspects of the a r t form. T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e i n the a r e a of dramatic c r i t i c i s m . In t h i s t h e s i s , t h e r e f o r e , I have i n t r o d u c e d s e v e r a l new words and concepts. In doing so I t r i e d t o a v o i d borrowing too many Japanese terms o u t r i g h t , but t h e r e were cases where r e t a i n i n g the o r i g i n a l was p r e f e r a b l e t o u s i n g a cumbersome or p o s s i b l y m i s l e a d i n g t r a n s l a t i o n . A major purpose of the t h e s i s , i n f a c t , i s to e l u c i d a t e the meaning of c e r t a i n key words t h a t r e p r e s e n t fundamental concepts i n kabuki. Because such words o f t e n have both a l i t e r a l and f i g u r a t i v e s i g n i f i -cance, simple t r a n s l a t i o n s do not s u f f i c e . Notes f o l l o w the body of the text.- A l i s t of Japanese terms, names, and t i t l e s used i n the t h e s i s w i l l be found i n Appendix I I . Acknowledgments I would l i k e to thank the Japan Foundation f o r the d i s s e r t a t i o n f e l l o w s h i p which enabled me to spend a year of study and r e s e a r c h i n Japan. My thanks go e s p e c i a l l y t o P r o f e s s o r G u n j i Masakatsu of Waseda U n i v e r s i t y and H a t t o r i Yukio of the N a t i o n a l Theatre f o r t a k i n g the time t o answer my many q u e s t i o n s . As w i l l become c l e a r i n the pages t h a t f o l l o w , t h e i r work was i n d i s p e n s a b l e to my own. I•am a l s o g r a t e f u l t o Sato E r i of Waseda U n i v e r s i t y f o r i n s t r u c t i n g me so tho r o u g h l y i n the techniques and m a t e r i a l s of kabuki s t u d i e s , and to Sakuma F.ayumi. of Ochanomizu Women's Univer-s i t y , whose l i n g u i s t i c e x p e r t i s e helped g r e a t l y i n my un-de r s t a n d i n g of the Soga monogatari. I would a l s o l i k e to express my a p p r e c i a t i o n t o the Canada C o u n c i l f o r a f e l l o w s h i p which supported the w r i t i n g of the t h e s i s and an a d d i t i o n a l p e r i o d of study i n Japan. My deepest g r a t i t u d e goes t o P r o f e s s o r s Leon Zolbrod, Matsuo Soga, and Andrew P a r k i n of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. As always, they have been generous i n t h e i r advice and encouragement. P r o f e s s o r Zolbrod, e s p e c i a l l y , as p r i n c i p a l a d v i s e r , spent many hours r e a d i n g and c r i t i -c i z i n g the d r a f t s of the t h e s i s . F i n a l l y , I would l i k e t o thank Don Thornbury, Karen Brock, and my other f r i e n d s at P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y f o r t h e i r kindness and help. 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s t h e s i s i s a s t u d y i n k a b u k i d r a m a t i c s t r u c t u r e . I t s aim i s t o show t h a t t h e s e e m i n g l y i l l o g i c a l , double i d e n t i t y o f t h e townsman, Sukeroku, and t h e s a m u r a i , Soga Goro, i n the p l a y Sukeroku i s a c t u a l l y a s u r v i v i n g element o f what was once a com-p l e x and c o h e r e n t s t r u c t u r e based on an a n n u a l p l a y c y c l e . K a b u k i was t h e p r i n c i p a l d r a m a t i c form and a m a i n s t a y o f urban p o p u l a r c u l t u r e d u r i n g t h e Tokugawa p e r i o d (1603-1868). A l a r g e number of t h e p r a c t i c e s w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e d k a b u k i dur-i n g t h a t t ime are s t i l l c a r r i e d on today. Many, however, were abandoned i n the l a s t h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , when Japan was opened t o t h e West and began r e j e c t i n g t h e ways o f t h e p a s t i n t h e c o u r s e o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . Perhaps t h e most i m p o r t a n t p r a c t i c e t o be l e f t b e h i n d was t h a t o f t h e a n n u a l p l a y c y c l e , o r s h i b a i n e n j u - g y o j i • The c y -c l e c o n s i s t e d o f s e v e r a l p r o d u c t i o n p e r i o d s , b e g i n n i n g w i t h t h e kao-mise, o r " f a c e - s h o w i n g , " p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e e l e v e n t h month of the l u n a r y e a r and e n d i n g w i t h t h e o - n a g o r i , o r " f a r e w e l l , " p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e n i n t h month. Each p r o d u c t i o n ' p e r i o d l a s t e d f o r a month or more and was r e p e a t e d a n n u a l l y t h r o u g h o u t t h e Tokugawa p e r i o d . A l t h o u g h the a n n u a l p l a y c y c l e was b a s i c a l l y t h e same i n b o t h Edo (Tokyo) and Kamigata (Kyoto and Osaka) k a -b u k i , t h e r e were some i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e d r a m a t i c con-v e n t i o n s o f t h e two r e g i o n s . The f o c u s o f t h i s work w i l l be on 2 Edo, which came to be the center of culture i n the Tokugawa period. I t i s also the place that i s associated with Sukeroku• The cycle was es p e c i a l l y important i n that i t provided the framework f o r the dramatic structure of kabuki. Kabuki was com-posed of a series of r e l a t i v e l y short plays which were arranged and even rearranged during each production period according to the dictates of dramatic convention (especially those connected with seasonal change) and audience response. The structure of kabuki during the Tokugawa period was not simply that of any single play as such, but rather, i t was the way i n which plays were arranged within the framework of the annual cycle as a whole. The cycle was so c r u c i a l that unless i t s role i s under-stood aspects of cert a i n plays that survive i n the present-day repertory, such as the double i d e n t i t y i n Sukeroku, do not make sense. Sukeroku i s s a r . primary and representative work of kabuki. Other plays can be used to study, kabuki dramatic structure, but few are i t s equal i n h i s t o r i c a l importance. Performed for the f i r s t time i n 1713 by Ichikawa Danjuro II, Sukeroku s t i l l f l o u r -ishes today as one of the juhachi-ban, or "eighteen f a v o r i t e s , " the best-known group of kabuki plays. Thus, the hi s t o r y of the play spans more than two hundred and f i f t y years, beginning when kabuki was just emerging as a major dramatic art form and con-tinui n g u n t i l now when kabuki i s being kept a l i v e by Japanese awareness of and reverence for great art forms of the past. In a play of such scope, a matter such as the double i d e n t i t y of the hero, which has been part of the play since i t began, i s naturally of great i n t e r e s t . 3 To show how the annual cycle worked and what Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y s i g n i f i e s , the thesis i s divided into two parts. Part One has two chapters- that treat of the structure of Edo kabuki. The f i r s t chapter, based mainly on writings of the Tokugawa period, outlines the annual play cycle,and the drama-t i c structure i t contained. The second chapter then analyzes the concepts of sekai, " t r a d i t i o n , " and shuko, "innovation," which were the underlying p r i n c i p l e s of that structure. These p r i n c i p l e s represent an ongoing process that determined the way i n which the annual cycle functioned as the framework of kabuki. In sum, kabuki was the product of material that had become a f a m i l i a r part of Japanese culture by repeated use and dramatization over long periods of time ( s t a r t i n g even before kabuki began) and material that was r e l a t i v e l y new and was used to transform the older, set material. The double i d e n t i t y i n Sukeroku came about as a r e s u l t of t h i s interplay within the annual cycle of what was received by way of t r a d i t i o n a l sekai and what was added by way of innovative shuko. Part Two, which also has two chapters, then considers the significance of the double i d e n t i t y by analyzing i t i n terms • of sekai and shuko. The conclusion i s that Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y gave Edo audiences a hero who was an i d e a l i z a t i o n of the contemporary Tokugawa townsman and at the same time a trans-formation of a samurai god-hero of the past. To reach t h i s conclusion, the f i r s t chapter of Part Two traces the develop-ment of the Soga sekai which gave r i s e to Sukeroku's samurai i d e n t i t y , from i t s origins i n the early dramatic forms of no, 4 kowaka, and k o - j o r u r i , t o the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Soga Goro i n kabuki by Ichikawa Danjuro I. The second then l o o k s at the shuko which transformed Soga Goro i n t o Sukeroku by d i s c u s s i n g the o r i g i n s of Sukeroku and i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n to'Edo kabuki by Ichikawa Danjuro I I . In Part Two, the d i s c u s s i o n s of kabuki are l i m i t e d t o Ichikawa Danjuro I and h i s son, Danjuro I I , s i n c e t h e i r work was the b a s i s of a l l l a t e r developments. * * * My d e c i s i o n to approach Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y as a s u r v i v i n g element of a dramatic s t r u c t u r e t h a t was based on an annual p l a y c y c l e came about i n the f o l l o w i n g way. I began s t u d y i n g the double i d e n t i t y w i t h the i d e a t h a t my r e s e a r c h would be based almost s o l e l y on e a r l y t e x t s of Sukeroku. Knowing t h a t the p l a y has been performed s i n c e 1713 i by which time Japan had an a c t i v e p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y , I ex-pected to be able t o l o c a t e a number of them. I was t h e r e f o r e s u r p r i s e d t o d i s c o v e r t h a t although much primary source m a t e r i a l on kabuki i s a v a i l a b l e i n other forms, t h e r e i s a conspicuous l a c k of e a r l y t e x t s . We have i n abundance c h r o n o l o g i e s , p l a y -b i l l s , c r i t i q u e s of a c t o r s and performances, screens, p r i n t s , and a v a r i e t y of essay-type w r i t i n g s . But a s i d e from the i l -l u s t r a t e d p l a y books ( e - i r i kyogen-bon) p u b l i s h e d d u r i n g the Genroku e r a (l688 - 1 7 0 3 ) i which are not complete-texts and which, n e v e r t h e l e s s , pre-date Sukeroku, t h e r e are almost no s u r v i v i n g 2 kabuki t e x t s u n t i l the end of the e i g h t e e n t h century. T h i s i s almost two hundred years a f t e r kabuki began and w e l l a f t e r 5 Sukeroku and many other p l a y s had become e s t a b l i s h e d i n the dramatic r e p e r t o r y . In a d d i t i o n to t h i s l a c k of t e x t s , I found t h a t an i n v e s -t i g a t i o n i n t o the double i d e n t i t y was a l s o f r u s t r a t e d by the f a c t t h a t Japanese s c h o l a r s view i t e i t h e r as an i n s t a n c e of a g e n e r a l l a c k of l o g i c i n kabuki^ or as n o t h i n g more than a device used to d e l i g h t "commoner" (shomin) audiences by pre-s e n t i n g a wide range of kabuki r o l e types. There seems to'be agreement w i t h those f o r e i g n s tudents of Japanese drama, who, b a s i n g t h e i r i d e a s of dramatic form on European and American s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l realism,-' have concluded t h a t by compari-son kabuki p l a y s are not w e l l - c o n s t r u c t e d . Some have gone so f a r as t o say t h a t the Japanese people have succeeded i n de-v i s i n g a r t forms t h a t are r e l a t i v e l y short and r e s t r i c t e d (such as the t h i r t y - o n e s y l l a b l e waka and the seventeen s y l l a b l e h a i -ku) , but when i t comes to l o n g e r works of a r t , such as p l a y s , they have not produced a n y t h i n g o u t s t a n d i n g . As one American w r i t e r on kabuki has s a i d , "The Japanese have never evolved extended, i n t e r n a l l y coherent forms of a r t i s t i c e x p r e s s i o n . " F e e l i n g t h a t such c o n c l u s i o n s are the r e s u l t of not l o o k i n g at kabuki s u f f i c i e n t l y i n i t s own terms, I was determined to c a r r y out a study of Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y even i f i t meant doing so without what I thought were important t e x t s and without p r i o r treatments of the t o p i c t o be guided by. I t was, however, d i f f i c u l t to know where to begin, and my r e s e a r c h might have been i m p o s s i b l e , had I not come across s e v e r a l newly r e p r i n t e d works of the Tokugawa p e r i o d which o u t l i n e the annual p l a y c y c l e . 6 It i s well known that such a cycle existed, hut the re-lat i o n s h i p "between i t and the dramatic structure of kabuki has never been f u l l y explored. With the help of the suggestive, though b r i e f , discussions of the topic i n Kabuki no hasso by Gunji Masakatsu, Kabuki no kozo by Hattori Yukio, and "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho" by At sum i Seitaro,''7 I came to see the play cycle as the key to understanding kabuki dramatic structure--and Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y . What began as a textual study of a single play evolved into a work which required taking into account a broad range of material. Even had the early texts of Sukeroku been a v a i l -able, my experience has shown me that to have studied the play without reference to the annual play cycle would have been another case of the proverbial frog i n the well. I would have been seeing only a very small part of the whole picture. 7 PART ONE: THE STRUCTURE OF EDO KABUKI 8 Chapter I. The Annual Play Cycle , ' The Idea of an Annual Cycle i n Japanese Culture 1 In spring i t i s the dawn that i s most "beautiful. ~ S e i ShSnagon, The Pillow Book (ca. 1000) In every culture certain practices define and celebrate the natural cycle of the year. What form these practices take depends on the p a r t i c u l a r culture. They range from r e l i g i o u s r i t e s and seasonal f e s t i v a l s to highly sophisticated poetry and drama. Japan i s no exception to t h i s r u l e ; indeed, the way i n which Japanese culture, e s p e c i a l l y the practice of the arts, has been linked to the flow of time i s extraordinary. The purpose of t h i s chapter, and a p r i n c i p a l aim of the thesis as a whole, i s to show that kabuki dramatic structure was based on a seasonal cycle. Before proceeding, however, a few words about the idea of an annual cycle i n Japanese culture and the close connection between season and a r t i s t i c structure i n Japan w i l l help make the concept of the annual cycle of ka-buki more meaningful. The term annual cycle (nenju-gyoji) was f i r s t used i n the Heian period to describe the yearly ceremonials c a r r i e d out by members of the imperial court. Although the imperial nenju-gyoji was the prototypical cycle, i n time the word came to be applied to the annual observances - of any group within society as a whole. 9 S c h o l a r s b e l i e v e t h a t the e a r l i e s t annual c y c l e s i n Japan developed i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the r i c e - g r o w i n g p r o c e s s . Every year there were s p e c i a l times when f i e l d s had to be prepared, when young shoots had to be p l a n t e d , and so on, u n t i l the r i p e g r a i n was harvested. Because farmers had to r e l y on n a t u r a l elements t h a t were beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l (sunshine, r a i n f a l l , temperature), c e r t a i n days were set a s i d e t o pray t h a t a l l would go w e l l and t h a t the crop would be b o u n t i f u l . And, of course, when the crop was i n , days would be set a s i d e f o r prayers of t h a n k s g i v i n g . In Japan prayer o f t e n took the form o f community f e s t i v a l s which became the f o c a l p o i n t s of the annual c y c l e . The annual c y c l e o r i g i n a t e d i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e , but from the Heian p e r i o d on d i f f e r e n t kinds of c y c l e s evolved, r e -f l e c t i n g a c t i v i t i e s which had no d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the r i c e - g r o w i n g process. Outside o f s t r i c t l y r e l i g i o u s c y c l e s (which were d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s of every temple and s h r i n e ) , some of the best examples of these are found i n po e t r y , prose, music, t e a ceremony and i t s complement, f l o w e r a r r a n g i n g , and, of course, drama. In each of these a r t s , composition and pre-s e n t a t i o n o f t e n were, and i n many cases s t i l l are, s e a s o n a l l y arranged and motivated. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between season and a r t i s t i c s t r u c t u r e i n Japanese p o e t r y has a l o n g h i s t o r y which can be t r a c e d back t o the Kokinshu (ca. 9 0 5 ) . "the f i r s t of the twenty-one i m p e r i a l 2 a n t h o l o g i e s . There, as i n the l a t e r a n t h o l o g i e s , poems were d i v i d e d i n t o v a r i o u s books, among which those devoted t o the f o u r seasons occupied a major p l a c e . What i s of s p e c i a l i n -t e r e s t , though, i s how poems.- were arranged w i t h i n the season hooks themselves. As K o n i s h i J i n ' i c h i has shown, poems i n the a n t h o l o g i e s were i n t e g r a t e d through the p r i n c i p l e s of a s s o c i a -t i o n and p r o g r e s s i o n . Seasonal poems were "given t h e i r p l a c e . . . on the b a s i s of the p r o g r e s s i o n of a season from the f i r s t f a i n t s i g n s of i t s a r r i v a l t o i t s c l o s e . I n other words, the s t r u c t u r i n g of the hooks was not a r b i t r a r y but was c l e a r l y made to accord w i t h the f l o w of time. Another aspect of poet;ic r arrangement based on seasonal f l o w was the n e c e s s i t y of t a k i n g i n t o account the t r a d i t i o n a l nen.ju-gyo.ji • K o n i s h i p o i n t s out t h a t " r e g a r d l e s s of the weather, the ceremonial c a l e n d a r of a n c i e n t Japan demanded t h a t c e r t a i n a c t s be performed by men and women on c e r t a i n days of the year" --and t h a t these a c t s be r e f l e c t e d i n poetry. The example he uses i s t h a t of the annual e x c u r s i o n to p i c k young shoots which took p l a c e on the day of the r a t i n the f i r s t month. 1 Poems w r i t t e n on the s u b j e c t pf t h i s and s i m i l a r ceremonials "were i n v a r i a b l y i n c l u d e d i n t h e i r a p p r o p r i a t e p l a c e i n the p r o g r e s s i o n of seasonal poems i n the anthologies."-^ Season played a major r o l e i n the i m p e r i a l a n t h o l o g i e s , but i t was not u n t i l the renga, or l i n k e d poetry, o f the Muro-machi p e r i o d that the p r a c t i c e of composing poems w i t h an o b l i g a -t o r y r e f e r e n c e to season began. The season word (kigo) was an e x p r e s s i o n of the time of the year t h a t the poem was w r i t t e n . ^ A n a t u r a l source f o r such a word was the name of the f l o w e r 7 d i s p l a y e d i n the room where the poets of the renga sequence met. T h i s p r a c t i c e of i n c l u d i n g season words i n each p o e t i c composi-t i o n found i t s most complete e x p r e s s i o n i n what came to be known as the haiku of the Tokugawa p e r i o d . Haiku without a season word i s almost u n t h i n k a b l e . I would l i k e to suggest, i n f a c t , t h a t haiku be defined' as poetry of season. Although the meaning of a haiku may t r a n s c e n d i t s n a t u r a l imagery (the crow on the withered bough e x p r e s s i n g more than j u s t a b i r d i n a t r e e ! ) , such poetry i s r o o t e d i n a keen awareness of the annual c y c l e and the passage of time w i t h i n i t . The v e r y e x i s t e n c e of volumes of haiku season words, l i s t i n g l i t e r a l l y thousands of those words (many of which had been used i n poetry s i n c e the Heian p e r i o d ) , the season they r e p r e s e n t , and t h e i r meaning, shows how important season was g to p o e t i c s t r u c t u r e . From the hana ( c h e r r y blossoms) and kasumi (mists) of s p r i n g , to the hotaru ( f i r e f l i e s ) of summer, t s u k i (moon) of autumn, and k a r e - a s h i (dry reeds) of winter, the e n t i r e year was d e f i n e d i n p o e t i c terms and the year i t s e l f d e f i n e d the poetry. In prose as w e l l season was very important. One need onl y t h i n k of the seasonal p a t t e r n s out of which the s t r u c t u r e of the G e n j i monogatari (The T a l e of G e n j i ; ca. 1000) was so i n t r i c a t e l y woven. Perhaps the best s i n g l e d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s i s the n i n e t e e n t h passage of the Tsurezuregusa (Essays i n I d l e -ness ; ca. 1332), where Yoshida Kenko ( 1283-1350) enumerates some of the aspects of the seasonal flow t h a t have p l a y e d a r o l e i n the imagery and s t r u c t u r e of the great prose works of the Heian period--and i n Kenko's own work as w e l l . T h i s passage i s such a p e r f e c t e x p r e s s i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between season and t r a -12 d i t i o n a l Japanese a r t i s t i c s e n s i b i l i t y t h a t i t deserves to be quoted at l e n g t h . The changing of the seasons i s deeply moving i n i t s every m a n i f e s t a t i o n . People seem to agree t h a t autumn i s the b e s t season to a p p r e c i a t e the beauty of t h i n g s . That may w e l l be t r u e , but the s i g h t s of s p r i n g are even more e x h i l a r a t i n g . The c r i e s of the b i r d s g r a d u a l l y take on a p e c u l i a r -l y s p r i n g l i k e q u a l i t y , and-in the g e n t l e s u n l i g h t the bushes b e g i n to sprout along the f e n c e s . Then, as , s p r i n g deepens, m i s t s spread over the landscape and the c h e r r y blossoms seem ready to open, only f o r steady r a i n s and winds to cause them to s c a t t e r p r e -c i p i t o u s l y . The h e a r t i s s u b j e c t to i n c e s s a n t pangs of emotion as the young l e a v e s are growing out. Orange blossoms are famous f o r evoking memories, but the f r a g r a n c e of plum blossoms above a l l makes us r e t u r n to the past and remember n o s t a l g i c a l l y long-ago events. Nor can we overlook the c l e a n l o v e l i n e s s of the yamabuki or the u n c e r t a i n beauty of w i s t e r i a , and so many other c o m p e l l i n g s i g h t s . Someone once remarked, "In summer, when the Feast of A n o i n t i n g the Buddha and the Kamo F e s t i v a l come around, and the young l e a v e s on the t r e e t o p s grow t h i c k and c o o l , our s e n s i t i v i t y t o the t o u c h i n g beauty of the world and our l o n g i n g f o r absent f r i e n d s grow s t r o n g e r . " Indeed, t h i s i s so. When, i n the f i f t h month, the i r i s e s bloom and the r i c e s e e d l i n g s are t r a n s p l a n t e d , can anyone remain un-t r o u b l e d by the drumming of the water r a i l s ? Then, i n the s i x t h month, you can see the whiteness of moonflowers glowing over wretched h o v e l s , and the smouldering .of...mosquito incense i s a f f e c t i n g too.^ The p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t e s of the s i x t h month are a l s o engrossing. The c e l e b r a t i o n of Tanabata i s charming. Then, as the n i g h t s g r a d u a l l y become c o l d and the w i l d geese c r y , the under l e a v e s of the hagi t u r n yellow, and men harvest and dry the f i r s t crop of r i c e . So many moving s i g h t s come tog e t h e r , i n autumn e s p e c i a l l y . And how u n f o r g e t t a b l e i s the morning a f t e r an equinoc-t a l storm!--As I go on I r e a l i z e t h a t these s i g h t s have l o n g s i n c e been enumerated i n The T a l e of G e n j i and The P i l l o w Book, but I make no pretense of t r y i n g to a v o i d s a y i n g the same t h i n g s again. . . . Winter decay i s h a r d l y l e s s b e a u t i f u l than autumn. Crimson l e a v e s l i e s c a t t e r e d on the grass beside the ponds, and how d e l i g h t f u l i t i s on a morning when the f r o s t i s very white to see the vapor r i s e from a garden stream. At the end of the year i t i s i n d e s c r i b a b l y moving to see everyone h u r r y i n g about on errands. There i s something f o r l o r n about the waning win t e r moon, s h i n i n g c o l d and c l e a r i n the sky, unwatched because i t i s s a i d t o be d e p r e s s i n g . The I n v o c a t i o n o f t h e B uddha Names a n d t h e d e p a r t u r e o f t h e m e s s e n g e r s w i t h t h e i m p e r i a l o f f e r i n g s a r e m o v i n g a n d i n s p i r i n g . How i m p r e s s i v e i t i s t h a t so many p a l a c e c e r e m o n i a l s a r e p e r f o r m e d " b e s i d e s a l l t h e p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r t h e New Y e a r ! I t i s s t r i k i n g t h a t t h e W o r s h i p o f t h e F o u r D i r e c t i o n s f o l l o w s d i r e c t l y on t h e E x p u l s i o n o f t h e Demons. On t h e l a s t n i g h t o f t h e y e a r , when i t i s e x -t r e m e l y d a r k , p e o p l e l i g h t p i n e t o r c h e s a n d go r u s h -i n g a b o u t , p o u n d i n g on t h e g a t e s o f s t r a n g e r s u n t i l w e l l a f t e r m i d n i g h t . I w o n der what i t s i g n i f i e s . A f t e r t h e y h a v e done w i t h t h e i r e x a g g e r a t e d s h o u t i n g a n d r u n n i n g so f u r i o u s l y t h a t t h e i r f e e t h a r d l y t o u c h t h e g r o u n d , t h e n o i s e a t l a s t f a d e s away w i t h t h e c o m i n g o f t h e dawn, l e a v i n g a l o n e l y f e e l i n g o f r e g r e t o v e r t h e d e p a r t i n g o l d y e a r . The c u s t o m o f p a y i n g homage t o t h e d e a d , i n t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e y r e t u r n t h a t n i g h t , h a s l a t e l y d i s a p p e a r e d f r o m t h e c a p i t a l , b u t I was d e e p l y moved t o d i s c o v e r t h a t i t was s t i l l p e r f o r m e d i n t h e E a s t . As t h e day t h u s b r e a k s on t h e New Y e a r t h e s k y seems no d i f -f e r e n t f r o m what i t was t h e day b e f o r e , b u t one f e e l s somehow c h a n g e d a n d r e n e w e d . The m a i n t h o r o u g h -f a r e s , d e c o r a t e d t h e i r f u l l l e n g t h w i t h p i n e b o u g h s , seem c h e e r f u l a n d f e s t i v e , a nd t h i s t o o i s p r o f o u n d -l y a f f e c t i n g . 9 The T s u r e z u r e g u s a i s i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e i t s e t s down many o f t h e e l e m e n t s t h a t a r e now c o n s i d e r e d e s s e n t i a l t o t r a d i t i o n a l J a p a n e s e t a s t e - - t h e p r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e i m p e r f e c t o v e r t h e p e r -f e c t , f o r t h e d a r k a n d s u b d u e d o v e r t h e b r i g h t a n d d a z z l i n g , a n d , e s p e c i a l l y , f o r t h e i m p e r m a n e n t o v e r t h e p e r m a n e n t . The f a l l i n g o f s p r i n g f l o w e r p e t a l s , t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e warm d a y s o f summer i n t o t h e c h i l l d a y s o f a u t u m n - - t h e s e were s e e n a s c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n s o f t h e t r a n s i e n c e o f a l l t h i n g s . B u t i t was n o t j u s t t h e p a s s i n g away, t h e d y i n g , t h a t m a t t e r e d . I t was a l s o c r u c i a l t o know t h a t s p r i n g f l o w e r s w o u l d b l o o m a g a i n , t h a t t h e warm d a y s o f summer w o u l d come o n c e more. G i v i n g e x p r e s s i o n t o t h i s a n n u a l c y c l e was f o r t h e J a p a n e s e a m a j o r p o i n t o f therE.rarte-Bdnd.irif e . 14 I n t h e Tokugawa p e r i o d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between season and p r o s e t o o k on an added d i m e n s i o n i n the w r i t i n g o f I h a r a S a i k a k u (1642-93). Almost a l l o f t h e s t o r i e s i n Seken munezan'yo ( W o r l d l y M e n t a l C a l c u l a t i o n s ; 1692), f o r example, a r e about t h e r e c k o n i n g up o f t h e y e a r ' s expenses j u s t b e f o r e b e g i n n i n g t h e new y e a r . The passage o f time i s e x p r e s s e d i n terms o f items once bought and now f o r g o t t e n . I t may seem i n s i g n i f i c a n t a t t h e t i m e , but when one c a l c u l a t e s h i s expenses f o r t h e y e a r he w i l l f i n d t h a t much o f h i s p u r c h a s e s have found t h e i r way t o t h e t r a s h p i l e : t h e New Year a r c h e r y s e t , t h e mass of r a v e l e d t h r e a d t h a t was once a b a l l , t h e s h a t t e r e d m o r t a r from t h e D o l l ' s F e s t i v a l , t h e sword of t a r n i s h e d f o i l from t h e Boy's F e s t i v a l , t h e b r o k e n d a n c i n g drum, t h e d i s c a r d e d t o y s p a r r o w t i e d t o a s p r a y o f Job's t e a r s t h a t was used f o r t h e f e s t i v a l on t h e f i r s t day o f t h e E i g h t h Month. There i s a l s o , t h e o u t l a y f o r t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of r i c e cakes t o c e l e b r a t e M i d d l e Boar Day, t h e dump-l i n g s f o r t h e p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t e a t t h e s h r i n e o f t h e G u a r d i a n God, t h e c e l e b r a t i o n on t h e f i r s t day o f t h e l a s t month, t h e e x o r c i s m c o i n s wrapped i n paper on t h e Eve o f S p r i n g , and t h e charms bought t o d i s p e l bad dreams.10 E v e r y p e r s o n who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s c y c l e c o u l d empathize w i t h t h i s v i e w o f the p a s s i n g o f t h e y e a r . S a i k a k u ' s most e f f e c t i v e use o f season, however, was as a s o u r c e o f humor i n c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n . I n Koshoku g o n i n onna ( F i v e Women Who Loved Love; 1686) , f o r example, when Onatsu i s consumed w i t h l o v e f o r S e i j u r o , S a i k a k u says t h a t she "was un-aware o f t h e season, whether i t was New Y e a r ' s or t h e t i m e f o r 11 t h e midsummer f e s t i v a l o f 0-Bon." I n a n o t h e r s t o r y m t h e same n o v e l even an almanac maker can be b l i n d " t o t h e f l o w e r - f r a g r a n t 12 n i g h t s o f s p r i n g and t o t h e r i s i n g o f t h e autumn moon" be-cause o f h i s overwhelming a f f e c t i o n f o r a woman. S a i k a k u was 15 a master o f s a t i r e , and i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n a c h a r a c t e r ' s a t t e n -t i o n t o t h e s e a s o n a l c y c l e were used as a humorous way o f de-p i c t i n g t h e f o l l i e s o f t h a t c h a r a c t e r . Even i n t h e modern n o v e l , s e a s o n a l rhythm s t i l l has a major f u n c t i o n . I n U t s u k u s h i s a t o k a n a s h i m i t o ( B e a u t y and  Sadness; I96I) by Kawabata Y a s u n a r i (1899-1972), t h e e n t i r e work i s based on t h e a n n u a l c y c l e o f n a t u r e . The f i r s t chap-t e r opens w i t h a c h a r a c t e r ' s j o u r n e y t o Kyoto t o hear t h e tem-p l e b e l l s a t New Y e a r ' s and from t h e r e t h e s t o r y f o l l o w s the p r o g r e s s i o n o f t h e seasons. U t s u k u s h i s a t o k a n a s h i m i t o i s i n many ways about t h e p a s t and p r e s e n t o f t h e c h a r a c t e r s ' l i v e s and t h e r e i s no b e t t e r way t o p r e s e n t t h i s t h a n i n terms of t h e y e a r l y c y c l e . The a r t s o f music, t e a ceremony, and f l o w e r a r r a n g i n g are a l s o c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e seasons. I n gagaku, s a i d t o be t h e o l d e s t c o n t i n u o u s m u s i c a l t r a d i t i o n i n t h e w o r l d , t h e 1 3 t u n i n g o f t h e i n s t r u m e n t s d i f f e r s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s e a s o n , J and i n t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese music i n g e n e r a l , t h e s e l e c t i o n of p i e c e s f o r a performance i s made i n k e e p i n g w i t h t h e season. I n t h e t e a ceremony t h e v e r y shape o f a t e a bowl i s a m a t t e r o f season; wide-mouthed bowls a r e used i n summer, small-mouthed bowls i n w i n t e r . W h i l e t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n shape has a p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n - - t e a i n a wide-mouthed bowl w i l l c o o l o f f more q u i c k l y (which i s d e s i r a b l e i n summer) and t e a i n a small-mouthed bowl w i l l s t a y warm l o n g e r ( w h i c h i s d e s i r a b l e i n w i n t e r ) - - t h e i m p o r t a n t p o i n t i s t h a t t h e shape of t h e bowl i s a v i s u a l symbol o f t h e season. The most obvious 16 i n d i c a t i o n of the season, however, i s the f l o w e r arrangement, which i s found i n the t e a room every time the t e a ceremony i s c a r r i e d out. As i n poetry, the f l o w e r s express the s t r u c t u r e of the year, while the year i t s e l f g i v e s s t r u c t u r e to the a r t of the t e a ceremony through the medium of the d i f f e r e n t f l o w e r s that are used. The examples g i v e n above are by no means exh a u s t i v e and are only meant to suggest the p e r v a s i v e n e s s of season i n Japanese a r t . I must emphasize t h a t the s e a s o n a l or, r a t h e r , c y c l i c a l element went beyond the o c c a s i o n a l use of nature imagery: i t determined the very s t r u c t u r e of the a r t form i n which i t was used. In what f o l l o w s , I have t r i e d t o c l a r i -f y the r o l e of season i n Edo kabuki. 17 The Annual Cycle of Kabuki The annual c y c l e of kabuki comprised a l t o g e t h e r about Ik . . . two hundred days of performance time. I t was d i v i d e d i n t o s i x p r o d u c t i o n p e r i o d s , the t r a d i t i o n a l names and s t a r t i n g 1 S dates of which are shown below. p r o d u c t i o n s t a r t i n g date kao-mise ("face-showing") 1 1 t h month, 1 s t day s p r i n g (haru or hatsu-haru) 1 s t month, 1 5 t h day third-month (y a y o i ) 3 r d month, 3 r d day f i f t h - m o n t h ( s a t s u k i ) 5 t h month, 5"th day bon ( r e f e r s t o bon f e s t i v a l ) 7"th month, 1 5 t h day f a r e w e l l (o-nagori) 9 t h month, 9 t h day The t h i r d - and f i f t h - m o n t h p r o d u c t i o n s may be t r e a t e d s e p a r a t e l y , but i n the Tokugawa p e r i o d they were o f t e n p a r t of the s p r i n g p r o d u c t i o n and w i l l be regarded as such here. A l s o , s t a r t i n g dates are g i v e n a c c o r d i n g t o the l u n a r c a l e n d a r , which was used i n Japan u n t i l January 1, 1 8 7 3 , when the Western c a l e n d a r t h a t i s i n use today was adopted. Dates g i v e n a c c o r d i n g t o the l u n a r c a l e n d a r would f a l l up to a month or more l a t e r on the present calendar."'" 0 The p r o d u c t i o n p e r i o d s s t a r t e d at approximately two-month i n t e r v a l s . Among them, the kao-mise and s p r i n g p r o d u c t i o n s c o n s t i t u t e d the main p o r t i o n of the annual c y c l e and t h e i r s t r u c t u r e s were most f u l l y d e f i n e d . They w i l l t h e r e f o r e be o u t l i n e d i n g r e a t e s t d e t a i l . 1 8 The Beginning of the C y c l e : The Kao-mise P r o d u c t i o n The c y c l e began wi t h the kao-mise p r o d u c t i o n , which s t a r t e d 17 on the f i r s t day of the e l e v e n t h month. A c t o r s of the Toku-gawa p e r i o d h e l d one-year c o n t r a c t s with l i c e n s e d t h e a t r e s , and the kao-mise was the f i r s t p r o d u c t i o n a f t e r the s e t t l i n g 18 of new c o n t r a c t s . As the word i m p l i e s , t h i s was the time f o r members of a newly organized company t o "show t h e i r f a c e s " so that audiences c o u l d assess t h e i r p o t e n t i a l f o r the coming year. A c c o r d i n g l y , the p r o d u c t i o n was designed to d i s p l a y the company to i t s best advantage, and to ensure t h a t t h i s was done the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e dramatic program was planned, 19 making the kao-mise p r o d u c t i o n "the s o u l of kabuki." Before p r e s e n t i n g the p l a y t h a t was to be f e a t u r e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d of kao-mise, i t was customary i n each of the t h e a t r e s to perform t r a d i t i o n a l c o n g r a t u l a t o r y and ceremonial dance-dramas d u r i n g the f i r s t three days of the new t h e a t r e year. — 20 One such p i e c e was S h i k i Sambaso ( a l s o c a l l e d Okina w a t a s h i ) . Customarily, the head of a t h e a t r e took the r o l e of Okina, ac-companied by h i s h e i r presumptive as S e n z a i , and a r e l a t i v e — 21 or one of h i s a p p r e n t i c e s as Sambaso. T a k i n g these r o l e s was the t h e a t r e management's way of demonstrating i t s a c t i v e sup-po r t of a new company. S h i k i Sambaso i s a v a r i a t i o n of Okina, an a n c i e n t drama — 22 t h a t predates no. The c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r , Okina, i s r e p r e -sented as a very o l d man, who i s thought to be a god i n human 23 form. ^ He i s a symbol of l o n g e v i t y , and h i s importance i s such that he was invoked at the a c c e s s i o n of a new emperor. This was to ensure successful rice-growing cycles during the 2k -coming reign. In the Tokugawa period, when no was made the o f f i c i a l ceremonial entertainment of the samurai cla s s , a day's performance was arranged according to a pattern of " f i v e steps plus Okina" (Okina-tsuki go-ban-date), meaning that one play from each'of the f i v e dramatic categories of ,no was per-2 *5 formed, preceded by Okina. J In p r i n c i p l e , t h i s arrangement was not unlike that of kabuki. Shiki Sambaso was followed on the program by a waki-kyogen, 26 an auspicious "god" play. Because each theatre had i t s own sp e c i a l waki-kyogen, producing them was an expression of the 27 — pride of a p a r t i c u l a r theatre. ' Both S h i k i Sambaso and waki- kyogen were reserved f o r only the most spe c i a l occasions, such as kao-mise, New Year's, and the opening or reopening of a theatre .building. Since no had a considerable influence on the early devel-opment of kabuki, i t i s natural to f i n d features of resem-blance i n the two ar t s . Moreover, by preserving Okina ( i n the form of Shiki Sambaso), f o r example, kabuki, which was viewed by the samurai (e s p e c i a l l y those who considered them-selves proper Confucian scholars) as a rather undesirable a c t i -v i t y of the commoners, could create a symbolic association with recognised and accepted conventions. After s t a r t i n g the new theatre year with Shiki Sambaso and waki-kyogen, the main portion of kao-mise was presented. It was composed of two major sections, generally known as the f i r s t play (ichi-bamme kyogen) and the second play ( n i -q a m h - o k i n a and S e n z a i i n S h i k i Sambaso. Costumes and s e t t i n g a r e r i c h l y deco-rated w i t h &ne,bamboo, t o r t o i s e , and c r a n e , s y m b o l i c o f good f o r t u n e and l o n g e v i t y I l l u s t r a t i o n from K-hon s h i b a i nen.iu-kagami. S h i c h i - f u k u . j i n , a waki-kyogen o f the I c h i m u r a - z a . The s h i c h i - f u k u . j i n a r e t h e seven gods of good f o r t u n e . I l l u s t r a t i o n f r o m E-hon s h i o a i nen.ju-kagami. 22 .end (o-zume)^ "bamme kyogen) , both of which i n turn could be sub-divided 28 into the following parts: Shik i Sambaso  waki-kyogen I. f i r s t play (ichi-bamme kyogen) a. opening ( jo - b i r a k i ) b. second step (futa-tateme) c. t h i r d step (mi-tateme) d. fourth step (yo-taterne) e. f i f t h , step ( itsu-tateme) f. s i x t h step (mu-tateme)-— 30 I I . second play (ni-bamme kyogen) g. sewa scene (sewa-ba) h. grand f i n a l e ( o - g i r i ) In b. . . . f. the word "step" (tate) i s the same as that used to describe the arrangement of no. (In Okina-tsuki go-ban-date, -date i s a phonetic v a r i a t i o n of tate.) In f a c t , with the exception of g., the structure i s described simply i n terms of consecutive steps. In Japanese "to compose a play" i s kyogen o tateru (tate being the nominative form of the verb tateru), i n the sense of building something step by step. The opening and second step sections of the f i r s t play were staged early i n the morning as warm-up exercises, and therefore they commanded the l e a s t share of the audience's attention. They were composed by low-ranking playwrights and, 31 likewise, were performed by low-ranking actors. The opening 23 was often comic, featuring unusual characters, such as animals 32 and. other-worldly beings. The second step would often be a dance piece (shosagoto) and the plot might concern the unmasking 33 of conspirators or rebels. Following the opening and the second step, the featured portion of the program began with the t h i r d step, which, during kao-mise, t r a d i t i o n a l l y entailed a performance of the play Shibaraku• This play, l i k e Sukeroku, i s one of the ,iuhaehi- ban, "the eighteen f a v o r i t e s " of kabuki. Its presentation during kao-mise was started by Ichikawa Danjuro II i n 1 7 1 4 . J What i s now considered the established text of the play, how-ever, dates only from 1 8 9 5 - P r i o r to that, Shibaraku was newly written every year, a f a c t which i l l u s t r a t e s an im-portant feature of kabuki dramatic practice: the exact same play was not performed twice. The basic s i t u a t i o n remained fixed, but the i d e n t i t i e s of the characters and c e r t a i n ele-ments of plot were changed. As the day progressed and the size of the audience i n -creased, i n general the work of higher-ranking playwrights and actors was performed. For both the leading playwright and actors, and the audience as well, the focus of the kao-mise was the second play, usually a work on a t o p i c a l theme. This was i n contrast to the f i r s t play, which was generally about a long-established theme. The plays of kabuki, as 37 well as those of the puppet theatre, are t y p i c a l l y c l a s s i -f i e d as either jidai-mono (works on long-established themes) or sewa-mono (works on t o p i c a l themes) and i t i s signficant 24 that the f i r s t production of the annual play cycle embodied "both categories. A s t r u c t u r a l requirement of Edo kabuki was that the f i r s t play and second play be linked together, even though i n s t y l e and substance they were very d i f f e r e n t from each other. To achieve t h i s l i n k an important convention of the dramatic structure was that i n the course of the second play one or more characters revealed that they were r e a l l y characters from the f i r s t play who had undergone a transformation of i d e n t i t y . Moreover, the requirement of l i n k i n g was also observed among the sections within the f i r s t and second plays themselves. Thus, despite s t y l i s t i c differences between dance-dramas and "straight" dramas, every section had somehow to be i n t e g r a l l y • . 39 joined to the work as a whole. The day's production ended with the grand f i n a l e , which brought the performance to a splendid conclusion. Dance-40 dramas were often staged. The curtain was f i n a l l y drawn at dusk (the performance having started at sunrise), with the announcement "That's a l l f o r today" (Mazu konnichi wa 4 l kore-giri) .. This sentence seems to imply that i f there were more hours i n a day the work would have gone on longer. A work, i n f a c t , did not end so much as i t was cut off ( o - g i r i , which I have translated as grand f i n a l e , l i t e r a l l y means . 42 "great cuttmg-of f" ) . This i s quite d i f f e r e n t from the " l o g i c a l " conclusion we have come to expect i n Western drama. The kao-mise production continued u n t i l the tenth day of the twelfth month, about a month and a half a f t e r i t started. Just as the play began i n a congratulatory and ceremonial way, so too did i t end that way with mai-osame (the " f i n a l dance"). Mai-osame entailed the presentation of Senshuraku, a dance with a chanted accompaniment, which was o r i g i n a l l y derived from the ancient art of gagaku. Most often used i n the form i t i s given at the end of the no play Takasago, Senshuraku i s s t i l l used on various f e l i c i t o u s occasions, and i n the case of kabuki i t was l i k e a service of thanksgiving f o r a successful beginning to the theatre year. The rest of the twelfth month was oc-cupied with preparations f o r New Year's and the s t a r t of the spring production. Kao-mise: the representative structure of kabuki The kao-mise production outlined above represents kabuki structure i n general. The spring (including the t h i r d - and fifth-month productions), bon, and farewell productions differed' from that of kao-mise only i n the degree to which they were patterned a f t e r i t . J Kao-mise structure reveals two outstanding features of Edo kabuki. These are 1) a multi-part, step-by-step arrange-ment, and 2) the l i n k i n g of the parts, which were c l a s s i f i e d as either j i d a i - or sewa-mono. A discussion of these features w i l l constitute part of the next chapter. Meanwhile, i t i s necessary to keep them i n mind as we continue t h i s considera-t i o n of kabuki within the framework of the annual play cycle. 26 The Long-run Spri n g Production Just as kao-mise was important "because i t began a new play c y c l e , the s p r i n g production served as the t h e a t r e s ' g r e e t i n g f o r a new calendar year. According to the l u n a r calendar, the f i r s t month of the year was a l s o the f i r s t month of s p r i n g . Thus i t f o l l o w s t h a t the production which began i n the f i r s t month was c a l l e d the s p r i n g production. Pre-sumably the companies had found t h e i r audience during the previous two months and now t h e i r energies could be devoted mostly to a r t i s t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . The s p r i n g production began w i t h a two-part i n t r o d u c t o r y 46 —47 ceremony that c o n s i s t e d of S h i k i Sambaso and maki-bure, a formal announcement which e n t a i l e d the reading of a s c r o l l by the head a c t o r of a company. The s c r o l l gave the main t i t l e (o-nadai) and s u b t i t l e s (ko-nadai) of the upcoming work, as w e l l as the names of those who would be t a k i n g the 48 v a r i o u s r o l e s . F o l l o w i n g the ceremony, younger members of 49 the company performed c o l o r f u l dances. The s p r i n g production and the Soga sek a i In 1709 a play connected, w i t h the famous s t o r y of the Soga brothers' revenge was performed as the s p r i n g production i n each of the p r i n c i p a l t h e a t r e s of Edo.-^ These productions were so s u c c e s s f u l that from then u n t i l the end of the Tokugawa pe r i o d , Soga.plays dominated the s p r i n g productions there. The concept of s e k a i , which i s t h i s repeated use of c e r t a i n s t o r i e s and thematic m a t e r i a l i n the composition of plays f o r kabuki, w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter and the Soga sekai i n p a r t i c u l a r w i l l be dealt with i n Chapter I I I . The structure of the spring production, however, cannot be under-stood without some reference to the role of Soga plays, and, moreover, without f i r s t discussing the implications of the terms "main t i t l e " and " s u b t i t l e s " mentioned above. Unlike other periods i n the annual play cycle, the spring production was designed to have a long run, l a s t i n g up to half a year, through the time of the t h i r d - and fifth-month productions, and u n t i l the star t of the bon production period.-^ This did not mean, however, that the dramatic content of the spring production remained exactly the same throughout t h i s period. In f a c t , kabuki structure was such that as time went on certain parts of the production could be modified or taken out altogether and new parts could be added. The production was given a single o v e r a l l t i t l e , which was the main t i t l e (o-nadai l i t e r a l l y means "great t i t l e " ) . Because the spring production was invariably a Soga play, the main t i t l e could be expected to include the word "Soga" i n i t s f o r example, S h i k i -r e i yawaragi Soga (Nakamura-za, 1716) ,. Otoko-moji Soga mono-gat a r i (Nakamura-za, 17^9), and Edo murasaki kongen Soga (Ichimura-za, 1 7 6 1 ) . Subtitle s (ko-nadai l i t e r a l l y means "small t i t l e s " ) desig-nated various changes made i n the spring production. They were neither substitutions for the main t i t l e nor true play t i t l e s i n themselves, even though what they stood f o r may have been f u l l y wrought dramas. Sukeroku yukari no Edo-zakura, f o r example, was simply the name of the third-month portion of Edo murasaki kongen Soga. Many d i f f i c u l t i e s arise i n t r y i n g to i d e n t i f y the plays of kabuki because of the s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between main t i t l e , s u b t i t l e s , and what they represent. As a r e s u l t , one play i s often referred to i n S3 several ways. The question then i s , what determined the manner and ex-tent to which changes were made i n the spring production? The answer involves two sets of related factors, one seasonal and t r a d i t i o n a l , the' other f i n a n c i a l . Among the seasonal factors was the approach of the summer s o l s t i c e , which meant that as the hours of daylight increased more material could be presented and the production was accordingly lengthened. Also, t r a d i t i o n dictated that plays somehow r e f l e c t the changing seasons. As New Year's gave way to the season of cherry blossoms and as that gave way to the heat of summer, modifications were made i n both dramatic content and t h e a t r i c a l presentation. Financial factors were also of great concern to the theatre management. Theatres had to obtain a c e r t a i n amount of backing i n order to begin a production. The success of a production was then measured i n terms of box o f f i c e re-ceipts. No matter how much i t cost to open a production, i t might close shortly a f t e r i t began i f audience response was i n s u f f i c i e n t . But unlike the practice i n most commercial theatres today, i f a kabuki play was not doing well and change was necessary, the actor was secure i n his position because he had. a year-long contract. It was the play i t s e l f that somehow had to he changed. In sum, a structure was required that could accomodate 1) expansions i n performance time, 2) dramatic t r a d i t i o n s associated with seasonal change, and 3) "the vagaries of box o f f i c e success. Each of these requirements could "be met be-cause the unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of kabuki was that It had what may be c a l l e d a multi-part structure. This structure was a model of f l e x i b i l i t y . When performance time became longer, more parts could be added. When a new season or lack of success required change, t h i s could be done as well. Be-cause many variables were involved, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to general-ize about the structure, p a r t i c u l a r l y from the time of the spring production u n t i l the end of the entire cycle. In my opinion, i t i s precisely t h i s d i f f i c u l t y i n generalization, a r i s i n g from i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f l e x i b i l i t y , that has caused some people to conclude that kabuki structure i s i l l o g i c a l and incoherent. The following description of the spring production w i l l assume optimum audience response and f i n a n c i a l conditions. It must be noted, however, that factors--such as the death of an actor, a f i r e , governmental repression--could prevent a production from continuing or even opening "on time," i n the sense of beginning on the t r a d i t i o n a l s t a r t i n g date. In such cases, the order of the annual play cycle was s t i l l ad-hered to as clos e l y as possible, even i f i t meant some re-arrangement of the schedule. For example, i n the year 1713 30 both the Yamamura-za and the Morita-za began kao-mise pro-ductions during the f i r s t month as well as during the eleventh month. The Kabuki nempyo, the standard chronology of productions, reveals that i n 1712 neither theatre had a kao-mise production (the Nakamura-za's began on the f i f t e e n t h day of the twelfth month). -5-5 The reason f o r the delay i s not clear, but i t i s evidence of how things might be rearranged. Although i t ap-pears that the Morita-za continued with i t s belated kao-mise production through the spring,-5° the Yamamura-za went into a spring/third-month production i n the t h i r d or fourth month ( i t i s not cert a i n which) with the play Hana-yakata Aigo-zakura, which contained the f i r s t Sukeroku. 57 The f i r s t and second months of the spring production During the time a l l o t t e d f o r the spring production i n the f i r s t month of the year (a period of about two weeks, because the production began on the f i f t e e n t h day of the month, the " l i t t l e New Year" (ko-shogatsu)), only the f i r s t play was produced. After introductory presentations, the main portion of the f i r s t play began with the t h i r d step, as i n the case of the kao-mise production, and continued through the fourth step, the f i f t h step, and an end step. The precise content of the t h i r d , fourth, and f i f t h steps d i f f e r e d depending on the play, but the story generally con-cerned the l o y a l t y of Onio Shinzaemon, his brother Dozaburo, and Onio's wife toward the Soga brothers, and t h e i r e f f o r t s to help the brothers carry out t h e i r revenge on Kudo Suketsune. This was followed, by Taimen ( l i t e r a l l y , "coming face to face"), which brought the f i r s t month of the spring production to a climactic conclusion. Taimen i s the dramatization of the Soga brothers' f i r s t meeting with Suketsune. In f a c t , a probable reason why the spring production began on the f i f t e e n t h day of the f i r s t month i s that i t i s the anniversary of the 59 actual taimen. Taimen was generally done as a dance piece, featuring f a n t a s t i c aragoto poses (mie), which wordlessly express the clash of the foes. An example of a surviving f i r s t play which contains a l l these parts i s Nenriki yatate no  sugi, performed f o r the f i r s t time i n the f i r s t month of 1806 at the Nakamura-za.-At the end of Taimen i n the text of Nenriki yatate no  sugi, Sukenari (Soga Turo) says: "Now the second" play begins" (Kore y o r i ni-bamme hajimari), i n d i c a t i n g that i t was time to proceed to the next section of the spring production. This l i n e was inserted on the f i r s t day of the horse (hatsu-uma) i n the second month, which also corresponded to the beginning of the I n a r i shrine f e s t i v a l "on the c i v i l calendar. It was appropriate that theatres s p e c i a l l y mark t h i s day since the Inari shrine was, and s t i l l i s , where business people, among others, go to pray f o r prosperity. I f things went well at the box o f f i c e , the spring production could be extended con-siderably beyond the second month. Consequently, a change i n program would have been part of a theatre's celebration of the f e s t i v a l . 6 1 Whereas the f i r s t play of the spring production had been presented i n the f i r s t month, the second month was the time 32 to add the second play.through the practice of " i n s e r t i n g what 62 follows" (ato o dasu). The second play was added to a modi-f i e d f i r s t play--something on the order of one "old" part being exchanged fo r two "new" ones.. Which "old" one, however, was unspecified; i t depended on the r e l a t i v e success of each i n -dividual section. Once the second play had been added, then the basic f i r s t (.jidai) and second (sewa) play structure was revealed, so that the structure was very s i m i l a r to that of the kao-mise production. As i n the case of kao-mise, the second play of the spring production had to be linked to the f i r s t play. Characters of the second play disclosed who they had been i n the f i r s t play. Thus, i n the Soga sekai, Ume no Yoshibei (a second play char-acter) i s revealed to be Onio Shinzaemon (a f i r s t play charac-t e r ) , Yaoya Oshichi (a second play character) i s revealed to be Miura no Katakai (a f i r s t play character), and, of course, Sukeroku (a second play character) i s revealed to be Soga Goro (a f i r s t play character). The third-month production: the t h i r d and fourth months of the spring production The t h i r d and fourth months of the spring production cor-responded to what may be c a l l e d the "third-month" production. (Yayoi i s the word f o r t h i r d month i n the lunar calendar.) Just as the f i r s t and second months of the spring production began on a s p e c i a l day, the third-month production started on the sekku (a s pecial f e s t i v a l day), which, i n the t h i r d month, f e l l on the t h i r d day. 33 There were f i v e major sekku i n a year: the seventh day of the f i r s t month, the t h i r d day of the t h i r d month, the f i f t h day of the f i f t h month, the seventh day of the seventh month, and the ninth day of the ninth month. J Each sekku had s p e c i a l celebrations and f e s t i v i t i e s associated with i t . Because each marked an important event on the c i v i l calendar, theatres did well to take s p e c i a l notice of such holidays, and larger audiences than usual could be expected to attend plays at such times. Assuming that the spring production was successful-enough to be continued, the third-month production would encompass the t h i r d and (assuming i t went into the fourth month) fourth t r a n s i t i o n points--that i s , the t h i r d and fourth times f o r ad-6k justing the contents of the play. In the t h i r d month the production was adjusted by dropping a l l that remained of the f i r s t play, leaving only the Taimen section. This was f i r s t on the program, followed by the second play (which had been added i n the second month) and which at t h i s time was embellished or had parts replaced. Because the t h i r d month was the season of cherry blossoms, at t h i s time the production was l i k e l y to have some connection with these flowers i n contents and desig-nation of s u b t i t l e . .The theatre, moreover, was decorated ap-propriately i n scenery and costumes. The play s t i l l being within the Soga sekai, the Soga connection had to be main-tained: Soga Goro as Sukeroku was often done at t h i s time, 66 i f i t had not already been played i n the second month. The t h i r d month was also when servants i n the residences of the daimyo i n Edo had a three to ten-day holiday (yado-sagari), and the theatres could count on t h e i r attendance. To appeal to t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , plays on the theme of feudal family r i v a l r y , such as Kagarni-yama and Sendai-hagi, were 68 worked into the Soga play. From the fourth to the s i x t h months the structure of the spring production became l e s s d e f i n i t e , r e f l e c t i n g the fact that, as summer approached and temperatures rose, audi-69 ences dwindled. One expedient f o r drawing a crowd was to produce "one-night pickles" (ichiya-zuke), which were instant dramatizations of current events, p a r t i c u l a r l y love-suicides. Because these "one-night p i c k l e s " were h a s t i l y composed, most were not of high q u a l i t y and t h e i r popularity was short-l i v e d . "One-night p i c k l e s " or works that were already popular, such as Kagekiyo, constituted the fourth adjustment of the spring production. What remained of the f i r s t play ( i . e . Taimen) was eliminated e n t i r e l y , and the production began with the second play. Thus, by the fourth month, the production was, f o r the most part, a sewa-mono, though s t i l l within the framework of a Soga play. I f box o f f i c e receipts were suf-f i c i e n t to carry the spring production through the fourth month, i t could be extended into the f i f t h and s i x t h months with appropriate changes. The fifth-month production: the f i f t h and s i x t h months of the spring production The fifth-month production (satsuki i s the word fo r f i f t h month i n the lunar calendar) was generally the time to 35 conclude the spring production. There was a symbolic reason for bringing a Soga play to a close at t h i s time: the anniver-sary of the Soga brothers' revenge was the twenty-eighth day of the f i f t h month. By then the formal structure had been abandoned altogether, and s t a r t i n g on the sekku, the f i f t h day of the f i f t h month, the fifth-month production was ca r r i e d out i n the form of a Soga f e s t i v a l (Soga matsuri). Dances and comic routines were featured. Day af t e r day the program would 70 change, always keeping a comic and informal atmosphere. The spring production was formally brought to an end on 71 the seventh day of the six t h month.' Theatres then recessed for summer, u n t i l the start of the bon production. During t h i s recess period top-ranking actors went to summer resorts 72 to escape the heat of the c i t y , which was worst at t h i s time. Second-rank actors toured the provinces as players i n road shows, both i n order to be out of the c i t y and to supplement 73 t h e i r incomes. ^ During t h i s period, too, necessary repairs were carried out on theatre buildings. Theatres were also used by younger The 75 74 or lower-ranking actors who remained behind i n Edo. They performed "summer plays," mainly practice performances Large audiences were not expected to come, and t i c k e t prices were cheaper than usual. Younger actors thus got an opportunity to take leading r o l e s , which they would not normally have. It also gave observers a chance to assess the a b i l i t y of up-76 coming stars.' 36 Summary of Spring Production (Including Third- and Fifth-month Productions) f i r s t month f i r s t play, ending with Taimen second month modified f i r s t play (including Taimen) + second play t h i r d month  Taimen + modified second play fourth month second play f i f t h month Soga f e s t i v a l s i x t h month end of spring production summer recess Winding Down the Cycle: The Bon and Farewell Productions After the kao-mise and spring productions, the major portion of the annual cycle'was over. The "bon production, which began the winding down of the cycle, was important more because i t coincided with a major celebration on the c i v i l calendar than because of the dramas presented at that time. The season of bon i s when s p i r i t s of the dead are said to v i s i t the world of the l i v i n g and when prayers and ceremonies are carried out i n t h e i r honor. Unlike the spring production, whic had a f i x e d s t a r t i n g point (the f i f t e e n t h day of the f i r s t month), the scheduling of the bon production was not so pre-cise. Ideally, i t began on the f i f t e e n t h day of the seventh month. Lingering summer heat, however, often discouraged top-ranking actors and audience members from returning to theatres at that time--a condition which would have obviated the necessi ty for making any elaborate plans f o r the production. Summer 77 plays were frequently continued well into the eighth month. If new material were needed, plays adapted from the puppet theatre were often used. After the end of the eighteenth cen-7 Pi tury, the practice of staging newly written pieces began. In the eighth month decisions were made on changes i n the company for the following season. This was done so that departing actors could plan t h e i r farewells f o r the following month's production, and also so that preparations f o r the dramas f o r the following theatre year could begin. In order to compose plays, dramatists had to know which actors would be playing the parts. 38 Farewell production F i n a l l y , the farewell production, which began on the ninth day of the ninth month, brought the annual cycle to a close and gave the company one l a s t chance to perform together before changes i n personnel were made. Plays given at t h i s time featured departing actors, e s p e c i a l l y those returning to troupes i n the Kamigata area, and what was presented d i f f e r e d 79 depending on the year and the theatre. y The farewell pro-gi duction continued u n t i l the f i f t e e n t h day of the tenth month. * * * By o u t l i n i n g kabuki i n terms of the annual play cycle, we can see that the cycle gave the dramatic structure a ready-made framework and rhythm. The framework was the calen-dar year, and the rhythm was the regular passage of the sea-sons, months, and days within the year. As the seasons passed, plays were made to s u i t the con-ventions of each time of the year. S i m i l a r l y , within the seasons the succession of months--especially during the long period of the spring production—provided l o g i c a l points f o r adjusting the contents of plays. Moreover, the days defined each single production. Plays were made to f i t the length of the day, and the play changed as the length of the day changed. This was appropriate, since a day at the theatre was meant to be a day wholly given over to relaxa t i o n and en-joyment. Ordinary time was replaced by dramatic time, and the entire day, or whatever portion of i t a person spent at the theatre, doubtlessly passed very quickly indeed. Chapter I I . Sekai and Shuko: The P r i n c i p l e s of Edo Kabuki The annual play cycle, as outlined i n the preceding chapter, defined ordinary calendar time i n special dramatic terms. By so doing, i t provided the basis f o r an a r t i s t i c structure that could preserve long-standing c u l t u r a l t r a d i -tions, while also renewing and updating them by means of i n -novation. In t h i s chapter I w i l l consider the p r i n c i p l e s - -sekai and shuko--which represent the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n t e r -weaving of t r a d i t i o n a l and innovative material i n Edo kabuki I w i l l proceed by looking f i r s t at the origins of kabuki's multi-part structure and at the j i d a i and sewa l i n k , which are essential to the functioning of sekai and shuko, and then by looking at the two p r i n c i p l e s themselves. Origins of the Multi-part Structure of Kabuki The multi-part structure, which gave kabuki the great f l e x i b i l i t y that was noted i n the preceding chapter, had i t s beginnings i n the dances and comic sketches of early kabuki. These dances and comic sketches are usually categorized as hanare-kyogen, or "separate plays."... This distinguishes them from the l a t e r tsuzuki-kyogen, or "continued plays." Tsu-zuki-kyogen appeared a f t e r the authorities suppressed kabuki and closed a l l theatres i n 1652 f o r v i o l a t i o n s of laws pro-h i b i t i n g homosexual p r o s t i t u t i o n . (Up to that time kabuki had been l a r g e l y a prostitutes' art.) Theatres were allowed to reopen only on the condition that various changes i n staging 2 and m dramatic form and content be made. One of the results of t h i s r u l i n g was that i t stimulated the development of kabuki dramatic structure, leading eventually to the appearance of the sophisticated, multi-part tsuzuki-kyogen form. The f i r s t plays with a multi-part structure of which we 4 have any record were performed m 1664. One i s Hinin no  kataki-uchi, attributed to the actor-playwright Fukui Yagozae-mon ( f l . 1660-90), and performed i n Osaka at the Araki Y o j i b e i -za. The other i s Imagawa shinobi-guruma, attributed to the actor-playwright Miyako Dennai (dates unknown), and per-formed i n Edo at the Ichimura-za. It i s noteworthy that the form appeared i n the same year i n both major centers of kabuki. Without extant texts i t i s d i f f i c u l t to know what these plays were l i k e . ^ What interests us here, though, i s that they were both labeled as either two or three-part plays ( n i - or san-ban tsuzuki-kyogen), depending on the source of information. It i s tempting to use the terminology of Western drama and simply define a two-part play, f o r example, as a work i n two "acts" or two "scenes," but t h i s can be misleading. A part of a kabuki play was neither an act nor a scene i n the sense that acts and scenes are di v i s i o n s of a play that usually cannot stand independently apart from the play as a whole. The parts of a kabuki play might i n themselves be complete and po t e n t i a l l y independent dramas. By the Genroku era the t h r e e - p a r t p l a y s t r u c t u r e had become standard i n the Kamigata area, and the f o u r - or f i v e - ; 7 p a r t s t r u c t u r e standard i n Edo. T h i s does not mean, however, t h a t t h e r e c o u l d not he more, or even fewer, than t h r e e , f o u r , or f i v e p a r t s i n a p l a y . Much v a r i a t i o n was p o s s i b l e . In f a c t , as the p o t e n t i a l of t h i s m u l t i - p a r t s t r u c t u r e was de-veloped, the l a b e l s " t h r e e - p a r t p l a y , " " f o u r - p a r t p l a y , " and " f i v e - p a r t p l a y " were kept on l y to r e t a i n a sense of t r a -Q d i t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the advertisement of p r o d u c t i o n s . They were not l i t e r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the a c t u a l number of p a r t s i n a work and, as we saw i n the l a s t chapter, the word "step" ( t a t e ) e v e n t u a l l y became the way g e n e r a l l y to d e s c r i b e these p a r t s . The development of the m u l t i - p a r t s t r u c t u r e depended on the f a c t t h a t the b a s i c hanare-kyogen type of s t r u c t u r e was r e t a i n e d ; the d i f f e r e n c e was t h a t t h i s s t r u c t u r e was m u l t i p l i e d , or, as we have d e f i n e d the term, "continued." — 9 — A hanare-kyogen was a one-part p l a y , and a tsuzuki-kyogen was a p l a y of two or more p a r t s . T h i s i s the same as s a y i n g t h a t a tsuzuki-kyogen was two or more hanare-kyogen j o i n e d t o g e t h e r . Viewed i n t h i s way, the s t r u c t u r e of kabuki was s i m i l a r to t h a t of renga or h a i k a i - - e x t e n d e d verse forms made up of r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t and s e l f - c o n t a i n e d u n i t s t h a t were l i n k e d t o g e t h e r . The concept of b r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r semi-independent u n i t s of composition and making them i n t o a s i n g l e a r t i s t i c s t r u c -t u r e i s a c e n t r a l one i n Japanese a e s t h e t i c s , and one t h a t must be recognized, i n order to appreciate forms such as ka-buki. The case has already been made for a linked verse 10 type of structure i n Saikaku's novels. I think an even stronger case can be made for kabuki. Although t h i s i s a t o p i c deserving of much f u l l e r treatment, I have i s o l a t e d below some of the s t r i k i n g elements common to the multi-part structures of both linked verse ( p a r t i c u l a r l y haikai) and kabuki. 1. Composition by more than one a r t i s t . Both linked verse and kabuki were characterized by the fact that more than one a r t i s t contributed to the composi-t i o n of a single work. In linked verse, commonly two, three, or more poets gathered and took turns making l i n k s i n a poetic sequence. In kabuki a team of playwrights was usually respon-s i b l e f o r the making of a play. 2. Composition controlled by rules of structure. Having several people work on one composition might have resulted i n chaos were i t not f o r the fa c t that the structures of both linked verse and kabuki were controlled by certain rules. This i s e s p e c i a l l y apparent i n linked verse, 11 for which a number of rule books survive. The rules of kabuki were not as obviously stringent nor as apparent to outsiders, but they existed nevertheless. The most important one was the matter of l i n k i n g the parts of a play, which w i l l be looked at more clos e l y i n the next section of t h i s chapter. 3- Seasonal structure. As has already been pointed out, both linked verse and kabuki were defined by seasonal structures. 4. Lack of l o g i c a l conclusion. In kabuki, what most bothers those who expect plays to be based on p r i n c i p l e s of l o g i c a l causality i s the lack of l o g i c a l conclusions. This i s true as well i n linked verse, 12 which E a r l Miner c a l l s " p l o t l e s s narrative." I t i s a fa c t , of course, that a r t i s t i c structures may be based on p r i n c i p l e s other than l o g i c a l causality. As linked verse and kabuki show well, they may be based instead on seasonal p r i n c i p l e s and on — 13 pr i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko. y 5• Strong element of wit. A distinguishing feature of the haikai form of linked verse, as opposed to renga, was a strong element of wit. Wit included parodies of well-known works, r i d d l e s , puns, and "unexpected associative leaps." S i m i l a r l y , wit was an im-portant feature of kabuki. Kabuki r e l i e d heavily on clever references to contemporary society and on the innovative use of works that had been produced i n the past. 6. Necessity of audience f a m i l i a r i t y with established rules and conventions. In connection with the use of wit--but going beyond i t , too--was the fact that both linked verse and kabuki de-pended on audience f a m i l i a r i t y with the rules and conventions of t h e i r art forms. An audience's appreciation of a poetic sequence or a play depended greatly on i t s perception of how the composition was made to accord with established p r i n c i p l e s of structure. In the nineteenth century, when the world i n which haikai and kabuki had developed and flo u r i s h e d changed 45 so d r a s t i c a l l y (with the opening of Japan to the West and the end of Tokugawa r u l e ) , audiences were no longer such active participants i n these art forms. The continued practice of haikai and kabuki was more a matter of preservation than one of healthy s u r v i v a l . The l i s t could be continued, but I think that what i s given above c l e a r l y shows that many features of kabuki were not i s o l a t e d phenomena, but were part of a broader trend carried on e s p e c i a l l y i n poetry. To make successful multi-part structures, i t was necessary to have a group of a r t i s t s working together, to have certain rules and conventions to determine the type of composition, and to have an audience that was knowledgeable about the practices. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , many, i f not most, kabuki playwrights and actors were also 1 5 p r a c t i c i n g haikai poets. Poetry was an i n t e g r a l part of the c u l t u r a l l i f e of the Tokugawa period and also part of 16 the o v e r a l l t r a i n i n g an a r t i s t i n the theatre received. Although most of t h e i r poetry was not memorable enough to preserve, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the p r a c t i t i o n e r s of kabuki composed i t and that they knew i t s rules and conventions. The J i d a i and Sewa Link i n the Multi-part Structure of Kabuki The multi-part structure was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of both Kamigata and Edo kabuki, but i t was the l i n k between the .jidai and sewa parts of a play which distinguished Edo kabuki. Up u n t i l now, works c l a s s i f i e d as ,jidai-mono have usually 17 been defined as follows: 14-6 1. Jidai-mono concern characters and events of past ages and not of the present age. 2. Not just any characters and events of the past w i l l do; they must he drawn mainly from history or legend. (Ex-amples of such characters are Yoshitsune, Sakata no Kintoki, and the Soga brothers; examples of such events are the Gem-pei wars and the Soga brothers' revenge.) 3- However, characters and events do not necessarily have to be taken from history and legend i f they concern the upper s t r a t a of society, such as the houses of the shogun, daimyo, and other high-ranking samurai. Kabuki audiences were predominantly commoners and when they saw plays concerning a d i f f e r e n t class of society the effect was thought to be the same as that of a play with a h i s t o r i c a l s e t t i n g . Works c l a s s i f i e d as sewa-mono are then defined, predicta-19 bly, i n the following way: 1. Sewa-mono concern characters and events of the present age, not of the past. 2. However, the characters and events do not have to be of the present age i f they are "unknown," that i s , not taken from history or legend. 3- Again, i t does not matter whether the se t t i n g i s present or past as long as the characters and events do not concern the upper s t r a t a of society, but rather commoners 20 and t h e i r a f f a i r s . In sum, jidai-mono are said to be " h i s t o r i c a l " because they concern characters and events that are "known," and sewa-mono are "contemporary" because they concern characters and events that are as yet "unknown." Moreover, .jidai-mono treat of "upper-class" (that i s , samurai) society, and sewa-21 mono treat of "lower-class" (that i s , commoner) society. Such d e f i n i t i o n s , however, break down f o r two reasons. F i r s t , they t r y to distinguish the concepts both i n terms of time categories ("past, h i s t o r i c a l " and "present, contemporary") and i n terms of s o c i a l class categories ("upper, samurai" and "lower, commoner"), as i f , i n kabuki, these categories were mutually, exclusive (which they are not). Second, they t r y to i s o l a t e the concepts from the dramatic structure instead of viewing them as the a r t i s t i c categories that they are. To avoid t h i s breakdown, I propose instead that the terms be looked at as r e l a t i v e to each other and that j i d a i - mono be defined as "plays of the old order" and sewa-mono as "plays of the new order." This seems to match most c l o s e l y the actual dramatic structure of kabuki, which was intimately bound up with the s o c i a l structure of Japan during the Toku-22 23 gawa period. For the commoners, v at whom kabuki was aimed, the old order was that, which was established p r i o r to t h e i r own emergence as the new order. Since the idea of old order includes s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and a r t i s t i c elements, the samurai class may be thought of as the old order i n r e l a t i o n to the new order of the commoner ( i n p a r t i c u l a r , the townsman), and the l i t e r a t u r e p r i o r to the Tokugawa period as the old order i n r e l a t i o n to works composed during that period. This also takes into account changes that occurred during the Tokugawa period. As kabuki developed and as the commoner 48 rose i n the c u l t u r a l and economic hierarchy, the new order i t s e l f became old. The ultimate expression of t h i s i s seen i n the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko. Support f o r t h i s r e l a t i v e view of .jidai and sewa comes from Gunji Masakatsu's approach to these concepts. Following 24 suggestions f i r s t made by Origuchi Shinobu, Gunji brought the whole of the Japanese performing arts t r a d i t i o n to bear on the question, not just categorizing i t as a phenomenon of the Tokugawa period. By doing so he has been able to shed l i g h t not only on kabuki, but on pre-Tokugawa period dramatic structures as well. Gunji found the antecedents of jidai-mono and sewa-mono i n the contrast between the r i t u a l i z e d , archetypal forms of ancient Japanese f e s t i v a l s and performing arts (as old as kagura) and "modernized" variations of them. He sees t h i s 2 5 contrast as one which i s found throughout Japanese culture. To Gunji, r i t u a l i z e d , archetypal forms--he uses the made-up term omo-tadashii-mono--are found i n drama, poetry, and r e l i g i o u s ceremony. Over a period of time they have 2 6 c r y s t a l l i z e d and been made to represent the i d e a l practice. In time, they are given new interpretations, c a l l e d modoki--a term which commonly means "modification," "imitation," even "parody." The r i v a l r y of Sukeroku and Ikyu f o r the atten-t i o n of Agemaki, f o r example, may be seen as a modoki of t h e i r enmity i n the context of the Soga sekai, which i s 27 the r i t u a l i z e d form. A feature of kabuki structure was that i t contained both f i x e d and variable elements. 49 The l i n k between jidai-mono and sewa-mono was the l o g i c a l f i n a l step i n the development of the multi-part structure of kabuki. It was i n the nature of a transformation: the old order--that which was f i x e d and idealized--was renewed and regenerated through the new order--that which was newly de-veloped and not yet perfected. As i n the case of Sukeroku, the transformation was best accomplished by means of the tech-nique of double i d e n t i t y . Part Two of t h i s thesis w i l l show the significance of bringing together Soga Goro and Sukeroku and of thus achieving a l i n k between a .jidai-mono and a sewa- mono . The P r i n c i p l e s of Sekai and Shuko Shortly a f t e r the st a r t of the l a s t production of the annual play cycle, attention was directed to the next theatre year. Work on the program for the coming year o f f i c i a l l y began on the evening of the twelfth day of the ninth month at a meeting c a l l e d the kao-mise sekai sadame, "deciding the sekai of the kao-mise production." This meeting was the most important point i n the play cycle. It was, i n short, where the cycle ended and where i t began again. The heads of the theatre, the head actors, and the head playwright gathered to decide the sekai that determined the dramas for the coming year. It was then up to the playwrights, i n conjunction with the actors, to work out the shuko f o r those sekai. The crux of kabuki dramatic structure i n the context of the annual play cycle lay i n the process represented by the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko. The importance of these p r i n c i p l e s was f i r s t made clear i n a b r i e f passage c a l l e d "Matters concerning v e r t i c a l and horizontal plots" (Tate-suji yoko-su.ji no koto) found i n the Kezairoku (1801), a manual f o r 28 writers of plays and novels. In effect the e a r l i e s t at-tempt to define kabuki dramatic structure, i t says that the plot of a kabuki play i s a product of the in t e r a c t i o n of two kinds of plots, the " v e r t i c a l " and the "horizontal." These represent, respectively, sekai and shuko. The purpose of sekai, as represented by the v e r t i c a l plot, was to provide the general outline of a play by using characters and events of f a m i l i a r works of drama and other forms of f i c t i o n . A sekai, which l i t e r a l l y means "world," was a kind of t r a d i t i o n or t r a d i t i o n a l framework within the drama. The role of shuko, as represented by the horizontal plot, was to transform t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l material into some-thing new. A shuko was an innovation. While the qu a l i t y of newness i s essential to the effectiveness of any kind of drama, the newness of a kabuki play was not so much a departure from past practice as i t was a reworking of already established practice. The perfect expression of t h i s i s , of course, i n the annual play cycle where every year new plays were per-formed but i n subject matter and structure they were a con-tinuation of the plays of the past. But why c a l l sekai the v e r t i c a l plot and shuko the h o r i -zontal plot? It appears that the words v e r t i c a l and horizon-t a l were used as graphic expressions of dimensions i n time, thus making i t clear that kabuki had a dual temporal struc-ture. The v e r t i c a l represented the past i n i t s complete and unchanging form and the horizontal represented the present i n i t s unfolding and ever-changing form. Although the so-ca l l e d v e r t i c a l plot gave primary d e f i n i t i o n to a play, the horizontal plot was' needed to bring a work out of the past and into the present. Sekai and shuko represented the dynamics of kabuki drama-t i c structure. In defining .jidai and sewa, which underlie sekai and shuko, as the old order and the new order, the process that took place was referred to as one of transfor-mation. The old was transformed into the new and the new i n turn became old. It was a cycle that might have continued forever. Sekai: The use of t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks The passage from the Kezairoku showed that the concept of sekai was central to kabuki. Its o r i g i n as a device i n — 29 drama, however, was i n j o r u r i . Some have suggested that l a t e i n the seventeenth century kabuki playwrights turned to j o r u r i as a source of material. It was then that works that had been dramatized f o r j o r u r i were made into new works for kabuki. In terms of sekai, kabuki'took over those t r a d i t i o n a l — 30 frameworks that had o r i g i n a l l y been "made f o r " j o r u r i . It i s further suggested that kabuki became derivative of j o r u r i . Rather than invent completely new characters and situations, a f t e r a l l , kabuki r e l i e d instead on those which had. already been t r i e d and proven i n j o r u r i . Such a view, however, does not take into account" a "fundamental feature of the arts i n Japan. Japanese dramatic arts, from no and kowaka to kabuki and j o r u r i , are not mutually exclusive, but a l l have borrowed or have been borrowed from at one time or another. J o r u r i playwrights themselves from the beginning used much material that had been developed and dramatized long before the Tokugawa period. T r a d i t i o n and continuity are e s s e n t i a l elements i n Japanese aesthetics, and for one art form to use the materials of an older, established one i s not only good but i s desirable. By so doing, new forms and approaches can be developed, and at the same time a certain c u l t u r a l cohesive-ness i s maintained. This i s p r e c i s e l y the thought pattern underlying sekai and shuko i n kabuki. As mentioned above, on the twelfth day of the ninth month of the year, the managers, head-actors, and head-playwright of the theatres gathered for the event known as the kao-mise sekai sadame. Depending on which actors had been contracted for a company, plays with a c e r t a i n d i s t r i b u -t i o n of roles were needed. The function of a sekai was to supply these r o l e requirements by providing the basic plot and character c o n s t e l l a t i o n of a play. In choosing a sekai, the heads of the theatres were aided by works such as the Sekai komoku, which was probably 31 compiled m the l a t e eighteenth century. It l i s t s one hundred and f i f t y sekai, giving the names of the characters i n them, as well as the j o r u r i and l i t e r a r y or h i s t o r i c a l S e k a i sadame. The l e a d i n g a c t o r s of male and female r o l e s (the two f i g u r e s orTt r i g h t ) , the heads of the t h e a t r e , and the head p l a y w r i g h t (with brush and paper) are gathered to decide the types of p l a y s t h a t w i l l be performed i n the coming year. I l l u s t r a t i o n from E-ho n s h i b a i nen.iu-kagami. works which were t h e i r sources and to which playwrights could r e f e r f o r more information. The most s t r i k i n g feature of the Sekai komoku i s that, i t i s a rough outline of the history of Japanese l i t e r a t u r e . The t i t l e s of the sekai are works of f i c t i o n or the names of characters and events which represent such works. The works of f i c t i o n cover a wide spectrum beginning with the e a r l i e s t myths and legends, such as those found i n the K o j i k i (712) and Nihon shoki ( 7 2 0 ) , and extending to works of j o r u r i and kabuki i n the Tokugawa period. While i t i s true that the Sekai komoku drew on many of the most famous works i n the history of Japanese l i t e r a t u r e , i t was not comprehensive. Only materials which had already been dramatized, mainly i n the form of no, kowaka, j o r u r i , and kabuki were included. Iizuka Tomoichiro has pointed out that by the l a s t decades of the Tokugawa period choosing the sekai f o r the kao-mise production had changed from what was probably a true discussion meeting to a merely perfunctory and cere-32 monial a f f a i r . The reason was that i n time kabuki became c l a s s i c i z e d , as i s shown by the contents of the Sekai komoku i t s e l f . The Sekai komoku analyzed the entire contemporary repertory of kabuki according to t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks, and 3 3 i s a predecessor of Iizuka's own Kabuki saiken (1926) The Kabuki saiken i s e s s e n t i a l l y an updated version of the Sekai komoku. By simply comparing the number of entries i n each work i t i s easy to see that sekai and shuko did i n -deed represent a process i n which new material was constantly added to the kabuki repertory. Whereas the Sekai komoku l i s t s one hundred and f i f t y sekai, the Kabuki saiken, published over a century l a t e r , contains two hundred and seventy-five. How are the entries i n the Sekai komoku c l a s s i f i e d ? Not sur p r i s i n g l y , they are mainly, divided into j i d a i and sewa• There was some ambiguity about how to categorize plays based on struggles f o r power within the houses of feudal lords (o-ie kyogen). Although these plays concerned the samurai class, the s t o r i e s of r i v a l r i e s were timely subjects i n the Tokugawa period and therefore f a l l between j i d a i and sewa. Another problematic category was r e l i g i o u s plays, whose time-les s quality made i t d i f f i c u l t to c l a s s i f y as either j i d a i 34 or sewa• In the entry f o r each sekai were names of i t s characters and t i t l e s of related works. The G i k e i k i sekai i s t y p i c a l . It contains the names of f o r t y - s i x characters, including Yoshitsune, Benkei, and Tadanobu, with the note that there are many more and that the reader should consult l i s t i n g s under the Heike monogatari and Izu n i k k i , among others, for more of them. The entry also contains the names of char-acters from that part of the G i k e i k i that concerns J o r u r i Gozen (Princess J o r u r i ) , which by i t s e l f forms a small sub-sekai. Following the characters there i s a l i s t of sources for the G i k e i k i sekai. The Azuma kagami,(ca. 1270), which i s the h i s t o r i c a l chronicle of the Kamakura bakufu, i s an example This i n turn i s followed by a l i s t of approximately t h i r t y j o r u r i t i t l e s i n that sekai, ranging from the very f a m i l i a r Yoshitsune sembon-zakura to the l e s s f a m i l i a r Tadanobu mi-gawari monogatari and Kumasaka monogatari. This pattern of giving the names of characters, l i t e r a r y or h i s t o r i c a l sources or both, and j o r u r i works i s followed to a greater or l e s s e r degree i n each entry. Each t r a d i t i o n a l framework of course was not equal i n importance to every other—importance being determined by how frequently a framework was used i n the construction of kabuki plays. Among a l l the sekai that are l i s t e d three- stand out as being used f a r more than any of the others. These are the G i k e i k i , Soga, and, to a s l i g h t l y l e s s e r degree, the 35 Heike sekai. Speculation as to why these three were so important raises some i n t e r e s t i n g issues about Japanese l i t e r a t u r e i n general. One of the most stimulating of the works along these l i n e s i s Barbara Ruch's a r t i c l e , "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a National L i t e r a t u r e " - - i n p a r t i c u l a r the section e n t i t l e d "A National L i t e r a t u r e . " Ruch argues that the Muro-machi period saw the development of a national l i t e r a t u r e , which she defines as: a c e r t a i n core of l i t e r a r y works the content of which i s well known and held dear by the majority of people across a l l class and professional l i n e s , a l i t e r a t u r e that i s a r e f l e c t i o n of a national outlook. Such l i t e r a t u r e never shocks or revolu-t i o n i z e s ; i t i s constituted of f a v o r i t e themes that recur again and again of which people never t i r e . . This national l i t e r a t u r e may, indeed must, cross genre l i n e s . She further points out that as a r e s u l t of the development of t h i s national l i t e r a t u r e "for the f i r s t time Japan . . . came 37 to share one body of heroes and heroines." And the three "works" she c i t e s as examples of such a l i t e r a t u r e are, not unexpectedly, the G i k e i k i , Soga monogatari, and Heike mono-, . 38 gat a n . The sekai of kabuki are, to me, part of t h i s national l i t e r a t u r e . Moreover, I think the fact that Ruch has iden-t i f i e d such a phenomenon from a perspective d i f f e r e n t from that of kabuki underscores i t s importance i n Japanese l i t e r -ature as a whole. As I have t r i e d to emphasize, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sekai and shuko was by no means s t a t i c ; i n f a c t , i t worked because i t was not. Time was the c r u c i a l element. Shuzui Kenji has shown that what are considered t r a d i t i o n a l frame-works d i f f e r depending on the h i s t o r i c a l period under con-39 sideration. For a work of f i c t i o n to be a sekai, i t had to be sanctioned by repeated dramatization over time. It was then f a m i l i a r to audiences and became, e s s e n t i a l l y , a frame of reference that the playwright could presume the audi-ence possessed. By the time the Sekai komoku was compiled a considerable number of such frames were already available. Of course, t h i s does not mean that a l l of the items l i s t e d i n the Sekai komoku were always sekai. Sekai of sewa plays i n p a r t i c u l a r needed time to develop and to gain a permanent place i n the repertory. To give an example of the importance of time i n the making o f sekai, i n the t h i r d month of 1708 the story of Yaoya Oshichi (the lady who burned down Edo so she could be near her lover) was used as a shuko i n a play based on the sekai of Ghujo Hime (a very devout Buddhist 58 princess of ancient times who represented the archetypal step-daughter). The play was Chujo Hime Kyo-hina, performed at the Nakamura-za. In time the story of Yaoya Oshichi gained the status of a sekai and came to be found i n the Sekai Ko-, 40 -moku. Taking Gunji's analogy one step further,.we may say that .traditional frameworks are i d e a l i z a t i o n s (omb-tadashii- mono), i n contrast to which shuko work as counterpoints (modoki). This means, of course, that by the end of the eighteenth century, when the Sekai komoku was compiled, plays c l a s s i f i e d as .jidai and those c l a s s i f i e d as sewa were both i d e a l i z a t i o n s . " And t h i s i s exactly the case. Around that time the kabuki repertory ceased' to grow, i n effect becoming en-t i r e l y t r a d i t i o n a l . One way to renew the t r a d i t i o n a l mater-i a l was to combine two or more sekai i n a single work. Tr a d i t i o n a l frameworks and the law One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g features of the use of t r a -d i t i o n a l frameworks i n kabuki was the way playwrights em-ployed them to. circumvent certain r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by government regulations. The government had st i p u l a t e d "that matters concerning [ i t ] must not be published, that the names of contemporary members of the samurai class and above must not be mentioned, nor any incidents involving samurai occurring 41 a f t e r 1600." These orders were issued before 1.700, but i n 1703 when the incident of the forty-seven masterless samurai was f i r s t dramatized, i t was further decreed that "unusual events of the times or action resembling them must not be 42 acted out." These laws were ac t u a l l y bans on direct re-presentation, rather than on representation i t s e l f , which could be accomplished i n other ways. Taking the case of the forty-seven samurai as an example, even though direct repre-sentation of the character Asano of Ako was not permitted, i t was acceptable to have En'ya Hangan from the T a i h e i k i  sekai substituted for him. ^ Putting what was to become popularly known as Chushingura into the framework of the T a i h e i k i was quite d i f f e r e n t from giving a l l the characters f i c t i t i o u s names, a transparent device that would probably have been banned immediately. By using the T a i h e i k i , i f the authorities asked they could just be t o l d that the theatre was putting on another T a i h e i k i play which, of course, had the sanction of long use and, at any rate, concerned events before 1600. Using the framework of the T a i h e i k i i n t h i s way was i n i t s e l f dramatically e f f e c t i v e . Audiences were f a m i l i a r with the work and could e a s i l y make the mental leap from T a i h e i k i to Chushingura. The play as we know i t today contains ana-chronisms, such as references to samisens and gay quarters, which did not exist at the time of the T a i h e i k i . These d i r e c t l y underscore the fact that the play was not just about those characters and events of the T a i h e i k i . Even i n the West some playwrights have found t h i s type of i n d i r e c t representa-t i o n more desirable than direct representation, e s p e c i a l l y when speaking of current events that are p a r t i c u l a r l y shocking to the community. One i s e s p e c i a l l y reminded of Arthur M i l l e r ' s The Crucible, where M i l l e r used the framework of the Salem witch t r i a l s to write about McCarthyism i n the 1950's, and s i m i l a r l y Jean Anouilh's Antigone, where he used a frame-work from ancient Greek drama to write about Nazism. In Western drama such examples are r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d ones i n comparison with kabuki, which was a dramatic form whose founda-t i o n l a y i n the use of t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks. Shuko: Three types of innovation Compared with sekai, shuko was, of course, f a r l e s s fixed. While t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks may be labeled and compiled i n a work l i k e the Sekai komoku, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to do the same i n the case of innovations. This i s because the p r i n c i p l e of innovation necessarily implies a state of constant change. Though innovations could i n time become t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks, they started out as counterpoints to exi s t i n g ones. Shuko i s an important p r i n c i p l e i n Japanese aesthetics i n general but i t acquired p a r t i c u l a r importance i n the Tokugawa period, e s p e c i a l l y i n the new arts of haikai, ukiyo-e. (woodblock p r i n t s ) , and kabuki, each of which was an art of 44 innovation. It may even be said that innovation i s the 45 defining element of Tokugawa l i t e r a t u r e . ^ Innovation makes something new out of something old. As the Kezairoku suggests, i n kabuki sekai are old. It then follows that to understand shuko, i t i s necessary to analyze the ways i n which they made sekai new. There appear to have been three ways i n which t h i s could be done. The f i r s t encompasses those changes that were made within a t r a d i t i o n a l framework and involves the technique of kakikae, or the rewriting of plays. Shibaraku and Taimen are two excellent representatives of t h i s type. Although both works may be regarded as part of larger frameworks, each possessed i t s own character c o n s t e l l a t i o n and plot outline. The practice was to perform Shibaraku i n the eleventh month of every year and Taimen i n the f i r s t month. But every year these plays were rewritten. While keeping the same basic framework certa i n changes i n character and s i t u a t i o n were made. The most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of t h i s type of innovation was the lack of f i x e d texts, even though a play might have been produced many times. Only since the M e i j i era have such plays as Shibaraku and Taimen acquired set texts. The second type of innovation takes place when a play that was previously unknown or unused i n kabuki was added to a sekai, as Sukeroku was to a Soga play. It was usual i n t h i s case f o r the new work to be a sewa-mono and f o r i t to be joined to a jidai-mono• The joining was done by means of a transformation of character, accomplished by the technique of 46 double i d e n t i t y . Besides Sukeroku, other innovations that were added to the Soga sekai i n the same way were the s t o r i e s of Ume no Yoshibei, Osome and Hisamatsu, and Sankatsu and 47 Hanshichi. The t h i r d type of innovation occurs when two or more sekai were joined. This i s commonly c a l l e d naimaze (which l i t e r a l l y means to twist--as i n making a rope--and to mix). Naimaze i s a very misunderstood technique, often confused with the second type of innovation. Although naimaze simply means putting two or more sekai together, the confusion res u l t s from i t s often being thought of as equal to the joining of a j i d a i - and sewa-mono•' Though t h i s c e r t a i n l y underlies the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko i n general, i t i s not naimaze.. As Urayama Masao has shown, the d i f f e r e n t sekai do not r e t a i n t h e i r separate natures as.such but are 48 brought together to form an e n t i r e l y new work. Naimaze was the l a s t type of innovation to develop, and i t marked the end of kabuki's growth as a dramatic art form. The technique began to be employed near the end of the eighteenth century, when kabuki was already s t a r t i n g to look upon i t s e l f as a c l a s s i c form. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the formulation of the juhachi-ban, the writing of the Kezairoku, the compilation of the Sekai komoku, and i n the publication of kabuki texts. Naimaze was a popular technique f o r several decades, esp e c i a l l y as used by the playwrights Tsuruya Namboku (1755-1829) and Kawatake Mokuami (1816-93)--who i s considered to be the l a s t major playwright of kabuki. The Annual Play Cycle and the P r i n c i p l e s of Sekai and Shuko To close t h i s chapter, I return to the annual play cycle and the concepts of j i d a i - and sewa-mono to consider how kabuki dramatic structure as a whole may be looked at i n terms of sekai and shuko. The spring production (including, i f conditions were favorable, the t h i r d - and fifth-month productions) was domi-nated by the Soga sekai. In the f i r s t month the spring pro-duction was a .jidai-mono. As the months went by, however, and the play was altered, i t became more of a sewa-mono, though always within the framework of a jidai-mono• Let us now look at the rest of the year i n terms of sekai and .jidai-and sewa-mono. The kao-mise production was not dominated <by any single sekai, although c e r t a i n ones were more popular than others for use at that time. This i s seen i n the work of Sakurada Jisuke (1734-1806), the foremost playwright of Edo kabuki during the l a t t e r part of the eighteenth century. The sekai that Jisuke used can be divided into three categories: sekai of kao-mise productions, sekai of Soga ( i . e . spring) produc-4-9 tions, and sekai of "miscellaneous" productions. The naming of these categories derives from the fact that the kao-mise and spring productions were most structured, while the other productions of the annual play cycle were les s c e r t a i n both i n s t a r t i n g dates and structure. As shown by Jisuke's use of sekai, the kao-mise pro-duction was, on ."the whole, a .jidai-mono. It was complemented by a sewa-mono which, however, was not as independent as i n the spring production. The preferred type of innovation f o r kao-mise was that, where changes were.made within the sekai. Jisuke also wrote plays f o r Soga productions. In these .jidai- mono were predominant. Sewa-mono. however, evolved as more independent pieces i n contrast to t h e i r l e s s independent status during kao-mise. Within the' group of miscellaneous plays, the largest single group of sekai was those of the revenge-play type (a sub-category of plays dealing with strug-gles f o r power within samurai households). This i s p a r t i -c u l a r l y noteworthy since they are thought of as f a l l i n g some-where between .jidai- and sewa-mono, with the emphasis on the l a t t e r . In sum, from the kao-mise production to the end of the annual play cycle there was a gradual s h i f t from .jidai-mono to sewa-mono and indeed the year i t s e l f may be divided into .jidai and sewa. Each i n d i v i d u a l production was .jidai or sewa to a greater or l e s s e r degree, and the way i n which the production manifested these elements was a function of the position and role of a production within the annual cycle as a whole. Kabuki dramatic structure, therefore, must be considered f i r s t i n terms of an annual cycle and then i n terms of the ind i v i d u a l parts or productions which made up that cycle and whose component parts changed during the course of i t . More-over, the cycle and i t s i n d i v i d u a l parts, l i k e any one of the productions and i t s own component parts, were held t o g e t h e r -some might say u n i f i e d — b y the j i d a i and sewa l i n k and were ruled o v e r a l l by sekai and shuko. These p r i n c i p l e s , while enabling a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s to be maintained, at the same time brought about a renewal of the drama every time the cycle was repeated. PART TWO: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SUKEROKU'S DOUBLE IDENTITY In Part Two that follows, I challenge the notion that Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y was i l l o g i c a l and without meaning I propose, instead, that i t s i g n i f i e d an important and, i n -deed, l o g i c a l transformation of a hero of the past into a hero of the present through the workings of the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko• In the f i r s t chapter I trace the devel-opment of the Soga sekai and show the significance of Soga Goro as a god-hero of the nation. Then, i n the second, I look at the shuko that transformed Soga Goro into Sukeroku, and show the significance of Sukeroku as the "flower of Edo" that i s , as an i d e a l i z a t i o n of the Edo townsman. Although Sukeroku i s no longer performed as part of the Soga sekai because of the demise of the annual cycle and t r a d i t i o n a l kabuki structure, i t was the Goro i d e n t i t y which helped make Sukeroku into a central figure of kabuki. Chapter I I I . Sukeroku as Soga Goro, a God-hero of the Nation: The Development of the Soga Sekai To analyze the significance of Sukeroku's double iden-t i t y , the f i r s t step i s to elucidate the symbolism of the character Soga Goro as portrayed by Ichikawa Danjuro I (1660-1704) ,. the great actor and playwright who determined many of the...lasting features of Edo kabuki. This w i l l be done by tracing the evolution of the Soga sekai from i t s origins i n no, kowaka, and ko-joruri to i t s appearance i n Edo kabuki. No and kowaka are dramatic forms that began before the Toku-gawa period. Ko-joruri, or "old" j o r u r i , f l o urished during the early Tokugawa period. An h i s t o r i c a l approach was chosen because the p r i n c i p l e of sekai i n kabuki i s based on the existence of characters and themes accumulated over a period of time, many of which antedated the b i r t h of kabuki. Danjuro's portrayal of Soga Goro i n Edo kabuki depended on Goro's having been established as a central figure among the dramatis personae of e a r l i e r dramatic forms. Representations of Soga Goro before Danjuro I established the character i n the minds of the Japanese people as a strong and awesome being. Danjuro's great achievement was to use the t r a d i t i o n a l framework that had b u i l t up around Goro, i n combination with acting techniques inspired by Kimpira j o r u r i (a short-lived and very violent form of seven-teenth-century Edo puppet and r e c i t a t i v e theatre). In so doing he created the aragoto s t y l e of Edo kabuki and brought Goro to the highest possible l e v e l i n the hierarchy of drama-t i c characterization: as a l i v i n g god-hero f o r the people of Edo. The Soga Brothers' Revenge The story of the Soga brothers' revenge i s one of the most popular and enduring st o r i e s i n Japan. Supposedly based on an actual event which occurred during the Kamakura period, i t i s a heroic t a l e of how two brothers, Soga no Juro Sukenari and Soga no Goro Tokimune, devoted t h e i r young l i v e s to avenging the murder of th e i r . f a t h e r . The devotion that enabled them to endure eighteen d i f f i c u l t years of waiting before they were f i n a l l y able to carry out the revenge, and the fact that the revenge cost them t h e i r own l i v e s , have combined to make the brothers i d e a l examples of f i l i a l piety and samurai honor. The enemy of the brothers was Kudo Suketsune. Angered at the father of Kawazu no Saburo Sukeshige over a matter involving what- he believed to be his r i g h t f u l inheritance, he had Sukeshige k i l l e d . Sukeshige was his own cousin and the father of the Soga brothers, who were small children at the time. Even though Suketsune's dispute with Sukeshige's father was not unjust, his resolution of the problem was. And the only thing the brothers could think of as they were growing up was revenge--to console t h e i r mother and to restore family honor. The revenge was f i n a l l y c a r r i e d out on the twenty-eighth day of the f i f t h month of 1193, eighteen years aft e r Sukeshige was k i l l e d . After several unsuccessful attempts, Juro and Goro trapped Suketsune at a hunt arranged "by Minamoto no Yoritomo (114-7-99), the de facto r u l e r of Japan at that time, at the foot of Mt. F u j i . Juro was k i l l e d i n the ensuing f i g h t that broke out with Suketsune's retainers. Goro es-caped, but was eventually captured. He was forced to die even though Yoritomo admired his bravery. In conformity with t r a d i t i o n a l practice i n cases of outstanding acts of heroism and s a c r i f i c e , Yoritomo ordered temples erected and prayers said f o r the Soga brothers. The story of the Soga brothers' revenge had a number of features which contributed to i t s popularity, with character, theme, and geographical appeal predominating. The leading characters were, of course, the brothers themselves. With t h e i r contrasting natures--Juro tended to be cool and calm while Goro was hot-blooded and quick to act--which became more pronounced the more the story was t o l d and dramatized,' the brothers stood f o r a kind of heroic Japanese Everyman. In Japan the t r a d i t i o n a l view of human nature i s that i t i s made up of two sides, one calm and one v i o l e n t , which balance • i each other. The two brothers p e r f e c t l y represented these two sides. The story's theme of vendetta was an important one i n Japanese thought and l i t e r a t u r e . Japanese society placed high value on "face" and honor, and revenge was seen as a necessary course of action when the scales of honor were 2 — somehow unbalanced. In contrast to the vendetta i n Chu-shingura, which was carried out by almost f i f t y samurai, the Soga brothers' revenge was accomplished with very l i t t l e help. This of course put even more emphasis on the phenome-nal and heroic determination of Juro and Goro. The character of the brothers and t h e i r vendetta had universal i n t e r e s t , but the story's setting i n the eastern part of Japan gave i t s p e c i a l geographical a p p e a l — p a r t i c u -l a r l y i n the Tokugawa period when Edo was the c a p i t a l of the shogun and a c i t y of the samurai. Soga plays were performed i n Kamigata kabuki, but they never occupied the position of 3 importance they did m Edo. The Soga monogatari, l i t e r a l l y "Soga Tale," i s the re-presentative written work of the Soga brothers' revenge. It began as a work rec i t e d by s t o r y t e l l e r s . Some of them were goze (blind women) who told--possibly chanted or sang--the t a l e , accompanying themselves by beating on a drurn.-^ In time the story developed a well-established character con-s t e l l a t i o n and general plot o u t l i n e - - i n short, a sekai--that could be used over and over again as suited the art and purposes of di f f e r e n t s t o r y t e l l e r s . Once the sekai had been created, the s t o r y t e l l e r , i n order to s a t i s f y the audience's desire f o r something new and d i f f e r e n t , found i t necessary to invent incidents, episodes--what we have c a l l e d shuko--and f i t them into the f a m i l i a r framework. In turn, these shuko, i f they could survive the test of time, c r y s t a l l i z e d and became part of the sekai; more shuko could be made i n counterpoint to them. In the case of the Soga sekai, the s t o r y t e l l e r was just one of the "performers" of the story, as i n a more l i t e r a l sense were the players of no and kowaka, and l a t e r those of k o - j o r u r i , j o r u r i , and kabuki. The question of how the written text f i t s into t h i s performance process i s an i n t e r e s t i n g one, although beyond the scope of t h i s thesis. Suffice i t to say, however, that after the story had' been developed to a degree as an oral t a l e , i t was written down, probably by a monk, using a kind of modified Chinese (hentai kambun) writing system.^ This f i r s t Soga monogatari, the so-called shinji-bon, dates from the Muromachi period and i s i n ten volumes. Later written versions d i f f e r e d more i n writing system than i n actual con-t e n t s — u n t i l the twelve volume rufu-bon (popular edition) 7 was published i n the Tokugawa period.' The rufu-bon has two more volumes than previous texts because i t contains a number of incidents not found i n the e a r l i e r editions. These i n -cidents are by and large the innovations that had become part of the Soga t r a d i t i o n a l framework through t h e i r dramatiza-g t i o n i n no and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n kowaka. The Soga sekai was'developed i n the course of dramatic performance, and t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the textual development of the Soga o monogatari• Moreover, Yanagita Kunio hypothesized that the characters Tora Gozen and Tora no Shosho, the lovers of, respectively, Juro and Goro, were actually introduced by the goze who f i r s t t o l d the Soga story. Whether t h i s i s true or not i s d i f f i c u l t to prove, but i t does at least sug-gest one possible kind of connection between performances 10 of the story and i t s textual development. The Origins of the Soga Sekai i n No, Kowaka, and Ko-joruri The f i r s t entry i n the Kabuki nempyo suggests that Soga plays, along with those based on the G i k e i k i (the story of the hero Yoshitsune), were already popular and being per-formed early i n the history of kabuki. The entry i s f o r the year 1559 and says that "Okuni and others performed [plays based on] the G i k e i k i and the Soga Revenge i n front of the — 11 Shogun [Ashikaga] Yoshiteru." Although the information i s c l e a r l y anachronistic (Okuni i s usually thought to have f i r s t performed kabuki some f o r t y years l a t e r ) , i t does point out that kabuki made use of established t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks right from the beginning and among the f i r s t chosen were those of the Soga monogatari and G i k e i k i . How were Soga and other sekai that became popular i n kabuki established even before Okuni did her f i r s t play? They were formulated i n the repertories of other dramatic forms. Before discussing the -Soga 'sekai i n r e l a t i o n to Danjuro I, i t i s necessary f i r s t to look at i t as i t had — — — 12 developed up to his time, i n no, kowaka, and k o - j o r u r i . Brief summaries of plays and repertories, such as those given below, cannot do justice to the evolution of a major drama-t i c t r a d i t i o n , but they w i l l at l e a s t give some idea of the nature of the material on which Danjuro "built his Soga drama-t i z a t i o n s . The Soga Sekai of No and Kowaka Among the approximately two hundred and f o r t y works i n the current no repertory, there are f i v e Soga plays: Ghobuku Soga, Gembuku. Soga, Ko-sode Soga, Yo-uchi Soga, and Zenji Soga. In the t o t a l known repertory of more than two thousand t i t l e s , there are perhaps ten additional Soga works that are no longer 13 performed--or perhaps never were'performed. ^ Among the f i f t y surviving texts of kowaka (the mai no hon), seven are Soga plays. These are Ichiman Hakoo, Gempuku Soga (note: i n no the t i t l e i s Gembuku, i n kowaka i t i s Gempuku), Wada saka-mori, Ko-sode Soga, Tsurugi sandan, Yo-uchi Soga, and Juban-. . 14 g i r i . The Soga plays of no The authorship and dates of composition of the Soga plays of both no and kowaka are not known with certainty. In the case of no, however, i t i s thought that Miyamasu 1 ^  may have composed the f i v e works that are extant. ^ Very l i t t l e i s known about Miyamasu. He i s thought to have l i v e d s l i g h t l y l a t e r than the playwrights Mot omasa (ea. 1394-14-32) and Zenchiku (1405- ca. 1470) and to have toured the eastern 16 provinces of Japan as a member of a sarugaku troupe. In the eastern provinces, where the Soga story was set, Miyamasu may have transformed the already popular t a l e into the no form. Among the f i v e works, Chobuku Soga i s not only the most d i s t i n c t i v e , hut i t i s also related i n the most inter e s t ing way to Danjuro I's.kabuki Soga plays. It i s the e a r l i e s t Taimen play, that i s , a work t r e a t i n g of the f i r s t confronta-t i o n between the Soga brothers and t h e i r enemy Kudo Suketsune In t h i s case, however, the encounter does not involve Juro; i t i s only between Goro and Suketsune. In f a c t , i n Chobuku  Soga, Goro i s not yet Goro; he i s s t i l l a c h i l d named Hakoo l i v i n g i n the Hakone temple where his mother l e f t him to t r a i n f o r the priesthood so that he could devote his l i f e to praying f o r the repose of his father's soul. As every-one knows, however, Hakoo i s not destined to become a p r i e s t . He w i l l leave the temple i n order to carry out the revenge. The crux of the play l i e s i n the contrast between a t e r r i b l y strong-willed, but as yet powerless boy and his seemingly unassailable enemy, who arrives at the Hakone temple one day as a samurai retainer i n the entourage of no less a figure of power and authority than Yoritomo. Because of the tremendous f r u s t r a t i o n that Hakoo experiences i n t h i s momentous meeting, the p r i e s t of the temple performs a cho-buku (curse) f o r him, the outcome of which i s the highly symbolic appearance of the guardian diety Fudo Myoo who as-sures a l l watching that one day the revenge w i l l indeed be done. Chobuku Soga i s i n two parts. It opens with the a r r i -val of Kudo Suketsune and Minamoto no Yoritomo at the temple i n the Hakone mountains. They meet the chief p r i e s t of the temple and Hakoo. The l a t t e r questions the p r i e s t about the i d e n t i t y of the v i s i t o r s , only to learn that Kudo Suke-tsune (whom Hakoo had never seen before) i s among those accompanying Yoritomo. Suketsune audaciously addresses H a k o O ' ; o o n the subject of his father Sukeshige' s death, though he has no idea of the powerful emotions that he i s s t i r r i n g up i n the boy. Hakoo i s readynto carry out the revenge on the spot, but the p r i e s t holds him back. In the second part of the play Fudo appears. According to popular b e l i e f , Fudo Myoo i s a Buddha who has been changed into a being of t e r r i b l e and frightening appearance i n order s to act as a guardian of men i n a world f i l l e d with e v i l s p i r i t s Though never so horrendous i n appearance as the Tibetan angry d e i t i e s , the face of Fudo i s never-theless s t a r t l i n g . . . . One eye glares downwards, the other squints divergently upwards. With one upper tooth grasping his upper l i p , his mouth i s twisted into a peculiar s n a r l . His long hair hangs i n a c o i l over his l e f t shoulder. His right hand grasps a sword and his l e f t a rope, and he stands not on a lotus or an animal mount as do many Buddhist d i v i n i t i e s , but on an immovable rock, which r i s e s sometimes from c u r l i n g waves. Always he i s ringed round with fire.18 The climax of Chobuku Soga comes when Fudo destroys an e f f i g y (katashiro) of Suketsune and brings the play to a close with the words: "In the end, [by the power of t h i s curse] Hakoo w i l l succeed [ i n avenging his father's murder]." The play i s a masterpiece of irony and contrast. Great forces gather amidst the serenity of a mountain temple. Suke-tsune believes that the boy Hakoo cannot do him any harm, but i n the end he w i l l be proved wrong. The point i s b r i l l i a n t l y underscored when Suketsune i s "transformed" ( t h e a t r i c a l l y , by using the same actor--the shite) into Fudo, who, as we have seen, makes certa i n of Suketsune's ultimate destruction. At the same time, i t can be said that Hakoo i s also transformed into Fudo. After a l l , neither Suketsune nor Hakoo appear as such i n the second part of the play. As the audience knew, Hakoo must wait f o r a long time to carry out his revenge, and i t i s his s p i r i t of resolve through those long years that makes him such a tremendous and even superhuman figure i n the Soga sekai. In a broad sense, Hakoo as Fudo represents a determination to r i d the world of the a l l too powerful and therefore e v i l forces (repre-sented by Suketsune) that would overwhelm the le s s powerful forces (represented by Hakoo), and to restore the world to i t s proper balance. Danjuro I's use of the Soga sekai, and his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Soga Goro i n p a r t i c u l a r , came close to a Goro manifested as Fudo. In f a c t , Danjuro consciously — i o adopted Fudo as the symbolic model, of his aragoto art. The other four no plays i n the Soga sekai, while im-portant, do not have'quite the same power as Chobuku Soga. Gembuku Soga concerns Hakoo's leaving the Hakone temple and undergoing the coming-of-age r i t e s (gembuku) so that he may f i n a l l y carry out his revenge as a man. In the play Juro goes to Hakone to take Hakoo from the temple, but before Hakoo can be released, Juro must get permission from the head p r i e s t . Although i t means going against t h e i r mother's wishes--eventually leading her to disown Hakoo--the p r i e s t , who i s sympathetic to the brothers' cause, allows Hakoo to go. When the brothers set out, he comes a f t e r them with a long sword to present to Hakoo i n honor of his coming of age, the ceremony of which has been performed by Juro on the road. It i s t h i s sword, which i s said to be a g i f t from Yoshitsune, that figures so c e n t r a l l y i n Sukeroku. Ko-sode Soga contains the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Goro and his mother, which i s also the farewell meeting of mother and sons before the revenge i s carried out. As a resu l t of the action depicted i n Gembuku Soga (namely, leaving the temple where the mother had intended her younger son remain), Hakoo (now Goro) had been disowned. A r e c o n c i l i a t i o n takes place, and although Juro and Goro r e j o i c e , expressing t h e i r happi-ness i n music and dance (which are the focus of the play), t h i s i s soon supplanted by lamentation at the thought of im-minent separation from t h e i r mother. 20 Yo-uchi Soga • i s concerned with the revenge i t s e l f . The strength of the play l i e s i n the emotional contrast be-tween the necessity of carrying out the revenge i n order to restore family honor and the strong attachment Goro and Juro have toward t h e i r mother and toward t h e i r two retainers, Onio and Dozaburo, who are prepared to (but do not): join t h e i r masters i n death.' The story of Zenji Soga, the l a s t play of the f i v e , opens with Onio and Dozaburo's v i s i t to the Soga mother to "bring her some of her sons' personal ..effects to keep as mementos. While lamenting the deaths of Goro and Juro, she i s at the same time concerned about the safety of her surviving son, Kugami no Zenji. He i s at Kugami Temple, where she sends Onio and Dozaburo to look a f t e r him, but before they can get there he has been captured and sent o f f to Kamakura on the orders of Yoritomo. This can only upset the balance that had been restored when Goro and Juro car r i e d out t h e i r revenge on Suketsune, and contributes to the b e l i e f that the Soga brothers' struggle continued even aft e r they were dead. The Soga plays of kowaka Unlike no, which i s well known and performed by amateurs and professionals a l i k e i n many areas of Japan, kowaka i s not well known and survives today only i n the V i l l a g e .of Oe i n Fukuoka Prefecture (Kyushu). It has been performed there for the past four centuries, since l a t e i n the sixteenth cen-tury, when a kowaka master came to teach the art to the sa-murai retainers of Kamachi Hyogo-no-kami Akimune, l o r d of a , — 21 castle town near present-day Oe. While the t r a d i t i o n s of kowaka continued to be trans-mitted f a i t h f u l l y from generation to generation i n the out-l y i n g d i s t r i c t of Oe, kowaka was dying i n Edo. There, kowaka masters enjoyed the prestige of samurai status and seemed to have spent much energy-trying to dissociate themselves from the class of entertainers by ridding t h e i r performance of i t s dance elements, and reducing i t f i n a l l y to "simply singing to a beat produced by the slapping of a fan." These are the words of Takizawa Bakin, a noted writer of the nine-teenth century, who also observed i n the same entry of Ni-maze no k i (1811) that kowaka--with the dance i n t a c t - - s t i l l survived i n Oe v i l l a g e , "although most people of Edo do not 22 know i t • " The s u r v i v a l of kowaka remained p r a c t i c a l l y a secret u n t i l almost a'century a f t e r Nimaze no k i was written, when Takano Tatsuyuki, a scholar who died i n 1948, read the entry and went to Oe. ( i n 1907) to see i f the art of kowaka had i n -deed survived there. What he saw i n the performances, as well as i n the h i s t o r i c a l and genealogical records.'of the performers, was the subject of many of his pioneering studies. Takano's research must have been stimulated also by the r e p r i n t i n g i n 1900 of Mai no hon, which James Araki i n The Ballad Drama of Medieval Japan translates as "Texts for Kowaka Dances,"-and describes as "an anthology of t h i r t y -six standard kowaka compiled i n the early seventeenth century 24 and published as prose t a l e s to be enjoyed i n reading." Ueda Kazutoshi, editor of t h i s work, said i n the preface that kowaka, which had long since become a v i r t u a l l y f o r -gotten dramatic art form, was "the equal of the no drama i n 2 5 i t s importance to the culture;of medieval Japan." ^ An i n d i c a t i o n of the importance of kowaka i s that i t s material was based on two major works of pre-Tokugawa Japan, the Heike monogatari and the Soga monogatari. Kowaka helped popularize and establish the t r a d i t i o n s of these works. Kowaka are " l i v e l y t ales which extol the virtuous warrior, exalt valorous and honorable death, and f i n d pleasurable, charm i n the pathos of tragedy. Loyalty, f i l i a l piety, 26 fa i t h f u l n e s s , courage, and chivalry are g l o r i f i e d . " They are s i g n i f i c a n t precursors of kabuki. Summaries of the seven Soga works of kowaka are included 27 . i n Araki's book. ' In the matter of story l i n e , the s i m i l a r i -t i e s between no and kowaka Soga plays can be r e a d i l y seen. Differences are found mainly i n what I c a l l the " d i s t r i b u -t i o n " of the story. The kowaka Gempuku Soga, f o r example, contains Hakoo's meeting with Kudo Suketsune at the Hakone temple. This, as we have seen, was treated i n the no Cho-buku Soga, which, i n my view, makes more e f f e c t i v e use of the meeting between Hakoo and Suketsune, and Hakoo's subse-quent f r u s t r a t i o n . Another example of a difference i n "di s -t r i b u t i o n " i s found i n Tsurugi sandan. In kowaka t h i s con-tains the episode where the p r i e s t gave Goro and Juro a sword which has special value. In no t h i s episode i s found i n Gembuku Soga. Yet another example of such a difference i s found i n the no and kowaka Yo-uchi Soga. Whereas the no version con-tains the scene of the revenge on Suketsune and ends with Juro's death and Goro's capture, the kowaka version stops just before the revenge i s carried out, the point being that f i n a l l y the revenge can be car r i e d out. The revenge i t s e l f , the ensuing f i g h t between the brothers and Suketsune's re-tainers, Juro 1s death and Goro's capture are then a l l covered i n the kowaka Juban-giri. Soga plays of kabuki generally stop before the actual carrying out of the revenge. Before summarizing the Soga sekai as seen i n the works of no and kowaka, I would l i k e to discuss one kowaka piece i n some d e t a i l . Just as Chobuku Soga i s of spec i a l i n t e r e s t among the Soga plays of no, so too i s Wada sakamori outstand-ing among those of kowaka. And l i k e Chobuku Soga, Wada saka-mori displays an in t e r e s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p with Danjuro's Soga works. The story of Wada sakamori i s about Juro 1s farewell to his lady-love, the courtesan Oiso no Tora (elsewhere referred to as Tora Gozen). A r r i v i n g at her house, he encounters Wada Yoshimori, who had previously helped the brothers i n an unsuccessful attempt to carry out the revenge. Friendship notwithstanding, Yoshimori and Juro are ready to quarrel over the lady. Goro, whose brotherly i n s t i n c t s t e l l him that Juro i s about to need his help, arrives on the scene. (He had been at home sharpening arrowheads i n preparation f o r the revenge. ) Goro .is poised outside the s l i d i n g paper door of the room his brother i s i n , and just as he i s about to attack, Yoshimori's son, the strongman Yoshihide (who, as Asahina, comes to play a major role i n 'the kabuki Soga sekai) sees Goro's image through the door. Yoshihide lunges at Goro and t r i e s to drag him by his armor into the room. But Yoshihide, f o r a l l his strength, cannot budge Goro. The part of the armor that he was p u l l i n g at f i n a l l y gives way and he tumbles backward into the room. The episode ends with Goro having the s i t u a t i o n well i n hand. 82 The importance of Wada sakamori i s that i t i s the f i r s t play i n which Goro i s c l e a r l y established as a being of great, even superhuman, strength. This scene of his encounter with Yoshihide i s reminiscent of Yoshitsune's famous encounter with Benkei on the bridge. Although Yoshitsune and Goro are i n other respects quite d i f f e r e n t , i n both cases a youth encounters someone whose strength i s legendary and who should i n ordinary circumstances be the v i c t o r . In t h i s Goro-Yoshi-hide encounter, we see the beginnings of the s t y l e that gave 29 r i s e to Danjuro's aragoto art. y In summarizing the Soga sekai as i t i s found i n works of no and kowaka, i t can be said f i r s t of a l l that the basic character c o n s t e l l a t i o n and plot outlines that were used i n l a t e r Soga dramatizations have been established. The main characters are Soga Goro and his brother Juro, t h e i r mother, t h e i r two l o y a l retainers Onio and Dozaburo, the courtesan Oiso no Tora, and f i n a l l y , Kudo Suketsune. The plot re-volves around preparations f o r the revenge, carrying i t out, and to a degree, what happens after the deed was done. The focus of the story i s the c o n f l i c t between the larger forces of the state, as represented somewhat abstractly and d i s -t a n t l y by Yoritomo, and personally and c l o s e l y by Suketsune, and the two brothers who struggle to assert t h e i r r i g h t s against these forces. It i s not simply a struggle between e v i l and good, but between the more powerful and the l e s s powerful. It i s a c o n f l i c t between the forces of society--the kind of theme that was so important i n c l a s s i c a l Japanese drama i n general. What made the Soga sekai of no and kowaka s p e c i a l , how-ever, was the way i n which the character of Goro was treated. In plays l i k e Chobuku Soga and Wada sakamori, we see the f i r s t steps toward the representation of Goro as a superman, a god-hero, symbolically connected with Fudo. As Goro i n -creased i n stature and strength through repeated dramatiza-tions, the contrast between him and Juro was f i r m l y estab-l i s h e d . Unlike the aragoto Goro, Juro came to be depicted as a rather feminine type, a character e s p e c i a l l y suited to a softer, wagoto st y l e of kabuki. The Soga Sekai of Ko-joruri Ko-joruri, or old j o r u r i , i s the term that i s applied to j o r u r i p r i o r to the partnership of Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1724) and Takemoto Gidayu (1651-1714), and p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r joint work on the play Shusse kagekiyo, performed i n 1685- Just as the term hanare -kyogen was no do jib t conceived after the idea of tsuzuki-kyogen was developed, the term ko-j o r u r i was used once the "new" j o r u r i of Chikamatsu and Take-moto Gidayu was developed. In cases of t h i s kind, of course, the various terms describe trends and tendencies rather than clear-cut d i v i s i o n s that irrevocably divide one group from another. In h i s t o r i c a l terms, a consideration of the Soga plays — — — 31 of ko-joruri follows that of no and kowaka. In a r t i s t i c terms, however, the Soga sekai was not a c t u a l l y developed any further i n k o - j o r u r i . The contribution of k o - j o r u r i to the Soga sekai was to bring i t , i n many cases using kowaka texts, into the Tokugawa period. Although kowaka f o r the most part declined a r t i s t i c a l l y soon afte r the beginning of the Tokugawa period, at the same time i t was "reborn" by being metamorphosed into the j o r u r i of that period. At the same time as the popular edition (rufu-bon) of the Soga monogatari was being published i n the early seven-teenth century, ko-joruri Soga playbooks (shohon) were also 32 being printed. The e a r l i e s t known examples of these are Ko-sode Soga, used by Satsuma Dayu (or Joun) (1595-1672), and thought to have been printed some time before 1650, and Wada sakamori, also used by Satsuma Dayu, and dated the f i r s t month of 1664. According to Takano Masami, these texts are almost exactly the same as the kowaka texts of the same 33 names. Another ko-joruri Soga play i s O-Soga F u j i k a r i , per-formed by Inoue Harima-nb-Jo (1632-85). and which i s a com-posite of the kowaka Yo-uchi Soga and Juban-giri• The j o r u r i r e c i t e r U j i Kaga-no-Jo (1635-1711) also performed Soga works, but u n t i l Chikamatsu began writing f o r him, his Soga works are said to be almost duplicates of those of Harima-no-Jo, although U j i Kaga-no-Jo did change the t i t l e s of the works 34 he adopted as his own. Takano concludes that neither Harima-no-Jo nor Kaga-no-Jo progressed beyond the Soga works of kowaka. They simply l i f t e d sections from the popular edi-t i o n of the Soga monogatari, which, i n any case, was probably clos e l y related to the Soga plays of kowaka. A f i n a l noteworthy feature of the Soga sekai of ko-joruri i s the existence of a cycle of seven Soga works which are said to be among the best examples of ko- j o r u r i . D Their dates and authorship are unclear, although Watsuji Tetsuro makes the case that the author i s Inoue Harima-no-Jo, which, i f so, would then make him the p r i n c i p a l "author" of Soga ko-.- . 36 j o r u r i . Ichikawa Danjuro I and the Representation of Soga Goro i n Kabuki Ichikawa Danjuro I made Soga Goro into a god-hero f o r the people of Edo. To do t h i s he used the t r a d i t i o n that had b u i l t up behind Goro i n other dramatic forms and combined i t with acting techniques inspired by Kimpira j o r u r i , a form of ko-joruri which flourished i n Edo i n the mid-seventeenth century. Danjuro's achievement may be summarized i n the word aragoto--for he was the founder of that "rough" s t y l e of kabuki, which not only made Edo kabuki d i s t i n c t i v e from the wagoto, or "gentle" s t y l e , of Kamigata kabuki, but also helped make kabuki as a whole a d i s t i n c t i v e form of world drama. Aragoto, which was i n large part based on and represented — 37 by the Soga sekai, p a r t i c u l a r l y the character Soga Goro, ' was characterized by "the exaggerated movement and bombastic language appropriate to the superhuman prowess of warrior heroes" such as Goro. In kabuki today the exaggerated movement and bombastic language s t i l l survive, but audi-ences no longer r e a l l y believe i n the superhuman prowess of warrior heroes, which once made f a n t a s t i c action and s t y l e of speech necessary and appropriate. My purpose i n the re-mainder of t h i s chapter i s to complete the picture of Soga Goro as god-hero of the nation by i n t e r p r e t i n g the Soga sekai i n terms of Japanese popular b e l i e f which, during the Tokugawa period, gave credence to aragoto god-heroes. I w i l l begin by looking at what Danjuro gained from Kimpira j o r u r i . Interpreting the Soga Sekai: The Aragoto Hero as God-hero Kimpira j o r u r i and aragoto Danjuro I performed the role of Soga Goro i n the play Kachidoki homare Soga (1675) when he was only sixteen years old. His stage career, however, had actually begun two years e a r l i e r , when, according to the Kabuki nendaiki, he performed the r o l e of the legendary strongman and monster-slayer, — 39 Sakata no Kintoki, i n the play Shitenno osanadachi. A l -though the text of the work does not survive, t h i s perfor-mance i s commonly viewed as the beginning of the aragoto style of kabuki. As the t i t l e indicates, Shitenno osanadachi was part of the Shitenno sekai. This sekai provided the basis and a good deal of the material f o r Kimpira j o r u r i , which was brought to Edo from Kyoto by Sugiyama Shichirozaemon (dates unknown)', Satsuma Dayu, and other j o r u r i r e c i t e r s . Kimpira j o r u r i was given i t s d i s t i n c t i v e features by Satsuma Dayu's pupil Izumi Tayu (dates unknown), who i n 1662 took the rather imposing name Sakurai Tamba no Shojo T a i r a no Masanobu, and his son, Izumi Tayu I I . In drama the Shitenno sekai can be traced to such no plays as Shut en Doji and Oeyama, which dramatize how Minamoto - 4l no Raiko, together with the shitenno, Watanabe no Tsuna, Sakata no Kintoki, Usui no Sadamitsu, and Urabe no Suetake, along with the warrior H i r a i Yasumasa, went to Mount Oe where they subdued the monster Shuten Doj i . U n t i l the Toku-gawa period the popularity of the Shitenno sekai came close 42 to that of the Soga and G i k e i k i sekai« Kimpira j o r u r i , using t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l framework, made the exploits of Sakata no Kintoki's son, Kimpira, one of i t s featured innovations, which i n time assumed the propor-tions of a sekai i n i t s own r i g h t . Like Kintoki, Kimpira was brave^ and strong, but i t was to the point of being reck-l e s s . He was portrayed as being short-tempered and i n c l i n e d to plunge into situations with his eyes closed. Kimpira j o r u r i was a v i o l e n t type of dramatic presentation, both i n the rough s t y l e of j o r u r i delivery and i n the way puppets were made to enact great b a t t l e scenes culminating i n houses being tossed up i n the a i r , trees being torn out by the roots, and enemies having t h e i r heads and various limbs ripped from their-bodies. Danjuro, who was a youth when Kimpira j o r u r i was at the height of i t s popularity, was reportedly influenced by what he saw and l a t e r adapted some of i t s techniques to kabuki. When Danjuro appeared on stage f o r the f i r s t time as Kintoki, i t i s said that his s t y l e of acting and make-up were - 43 at least m part derived from Kimpira j o r u r i . ^ He did a 8 8 Sakata no Kintoki subduing a tengu. I l l u s t r a t i o n by T o r i i Kiyo-nobu from Masters of the Japanese Print; Moronobu to Utamaro. f i g h t scene (tachi-mawari) wielding an ax i n one hand, and painted his whole "body red with crimson and black l i n e s de-44 corating his face --thereby beginning the s t y l e of make-up that came to be known as kumadori and which i s now one of the distinguishing features of aragoto. From the outset these techniques (and others that were to follow) appealed greatly to Edo audiences. Their e f f e c t was powerful and shocking--and just what the residents of the samurai c i t y wanted to see. Danjuro, however, needed something more than what Kimpira j o r u r i provided i n order to esta b l i s h the s t y l e that would determine the course of kabuki. What he needed was found i n the Soga sekai, which, as we have already seen, had by the early Tokugawa period given much material to other dramatic forms. Soga Goro as god-hero Soga Goro was the aragoto hero par excellence. But the display of physical strength and the bold presentation coming from Kimpira j o r u r i were not the most important elements i n the power he had when represented on stage by Danjuro. His power came from the b e l i e f audiences had that he was a god-hero. To understand t h i s , we must look at the role of the hito-garni, "man god," i n kabuki. Yanagita Kunio f i r s t suggested the importance of a con-nection between hito-garni and kabuki when he said that the name Goro, which i s used f o r several aragoto kabuki heroes (such as Soga Goro and Kamakura Gongoro), a c t u a l l y stands f o r goryo. . As defined by Hori Ichiro, O r i g i n a l l y , the goryo were the malevolent s p i r i t s of noble persons who died i n p o l i t i c a l i ntrigues. They were associated with disasters, epidemics_, and wars. . . . O r i g i n a l l y , the b e l i e f i n goryo was also influenced by the Chinese idea that i f the s p i r i t s of the dead did not have memorial services performed by t h e i r descendants, they would becomes e v i l s p i r i t s or demons. . . . The b e l i e f i n goryo was also influenced by the Buddhist idea that every human being has Buddha nature within him and thus has the p o s s i b i l i t y , of becoming a Buddha. Later, the idea of goryo was gradually expanded through the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that even an ordinary person could become a goryo or goryo-shin (goryo deity) by his own w i l l power, ardent wish on the verge of death, or accidental death under unusual circumstances. B e l i e f i n goryo . . . has . . . survived i n f o l k b e l i e f s , r i t u a l s , and customs as well as i n f o l k arts, dancing, and music. Even the most refined c l a s s i c a l dramas or plays are_thought to have o r i g i nated from the b e l i e f i n goryo or the hito-garni complex . 4 6 The b e l i e f that a person has the potential to become a god or acquire god-like power i s what underlies the concepts - 4 7 of goryo and hito-garni. Knowledge of these b e l i e f s , which were s t i l l important and i n f l u e n t i a l during the Tokugawa period, has helped scholars take a new look at aragoto and 4 8 i t s heroes. The most'famous hito-garni or goryo i n history was Sugawara no Michizane ( 8 4 5 - 9 0 3 ) , a nobleman who died i n ex-i l e a f t e r being accused of p l o t t i n g against the emperor"." Some twenty years a f t e r he died--a period i n which many disas ters'struck Kyoto that were said to be due to Sugawara's vengeful spirit--Sugawara was enshrined at Kitano Shrine i n Kyoto and worshipped as a god throughout the country. It was presumed that such worship would appease the angry s p i r i t Sugawara was a nobleman, but samurai and commoners could also become superhuman beings. Soga Goro i s perhaps the most famous example of such a being without nobie lineage He and his brother-spent eighteen-years p l o t t i n g and f i n a l l y carrying out t h e i r revenge, only to die.- themselves. In Japanese b e l i e f , the great' s p i r i t they showed during t h e i r l i f e t i m e s and t h e i r untimely deaths combined to make god-heroes of them.' Like Sugawara, the Soga brothers are wor-shipped at cert a i n shrines, p a r t i c u l a r l y at Hakone. The b e l i e f in- goryo required that the s p i r i t be ap-peased through worship. It i s very in t e r e s t i n g , however, that worship of the s p i r i t s of the departed did not just take the form of enshrinement, but could also take the form of dramatic performances based on the l i v e s of the god-heroes. Dramatic performances include the t e l l i n g of oral tales i n the Muromachi period, which, as we have seen, were l a r g e l y concerned with the story of the Soga brothers. Ruch has said that "Muromachi vocal l i t e r a t u r e was more than entertainment or diversion; i t was a magico-religious and psychotherapeutic ceremony for a r t i s t and audience. Something sim i l a r may be said- of kabuki i n the Tokugawa period. In the world of pre-modern Japan t e l l i n g s t o r i e s and performing dramas about heroes were viewed both as ways to entertain audiences and at the same time as ways to worship those heroes and acknowledge t h e i r powers. Dan-juro -I-.brought together both of - these -aspects on the kabuki-stage. This special way of viewing dramatic character also helps i n understanding the nature of the p r i n c i p l e of sekai and the continuity i n Japanese culture that underlies i t . In short, Soga Goro's story had to he t o l d and at the same time because i t was t o l d i t began to acquire a kind of momentum that would carry i t through various transformations from oral narrative, to no and kowaka, and on to ko-joruri (and j o r u r i ) , and kabuki forms. It might even be said that Soga Goro acquired importance and, by extension, god-like-ness simply because his story was repeatedly t o l d . It thus became'so central to the culture that i t formed part of what Ruch has c a l l e d the national l i t e r a t u r e . It was mentioned e a r l i e r that the f i r s t entry i n the Kabuki nempyo refers to Okuni performing Soga plays. It i s thought that Okuni began kabuki by doing nembutsu (a prayer to Amida Buddha) songs and dances. Hori has pointed out that: the practice of Nenbutsu . . . and the b e l i e f i n Amida-butsu to whom Nenbutsu was offered as a prayer appeared i n about the ninth century and flourished i n the tenth and eleventh centuries;' they_were connected' with the r i s i n g b e l i e f i n goryo. Many magical Nenbutsu dances and dramas s t i l l exist i n r u r a l v i l l a g e s . They have the function of dr i v i n g off e v i l s p i r i t s of the dead . [ i n time] popular Nenbutsu b e l i e f s and practices degenerated into magico-artistic entertainments and l o s t t h e i r r e l i g i o u s character.51 Even though the r e l i g i o u s character may have been l o s t -just as the a g r i c u l t u r a l connection was l o s t i n the case of the annual play cycle—some entertainments did st a r t as "magic against the goryo. It can he supposed that kahuki at least i n part had t h i s magical function when Okuni per-formed .' This heing the case,' we can then understand why Okuni may have performed Soga plays, even i f the fact cannot ac-t u a l l y he proven. She'would have done them as part of a nembutsu r i t u a l , a l b e i t secularized and carr i e d out mainly for entertainment purposes. But i s that not how drama has generally s t a r t e d — w i t h the carrying out of some r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l which i n time moved out of the realm of r e l i g i o n and into the realm of "pure" drama? Just as goryo i s linked with Goro (according to Yana-g i t a ) , the word ara-hito-garni may be linked with aragoto. Although the ara i n both words i s usually interpreted as "violent," "angry," or simply "rough," there i s another way to read i t s meaning and that i s i n the sense of "exis-53 • . . . tence" or "appearance." Despite the seeming d i s p a r i t y of these interpretations, I think i t i s very important that both be considered together. The l a t t e r t e l l s us that a being, namely the god-hero, exists and that he can ap-pear before us i n human form. The implication of t h i s f o r the drama i s that t h i s being may be represented by a human actor on a stage. The former then gives us an idea of the being's nature, which i s that' he i s strong and prone to violent displays of strength. Of course, a great source of that strength i s anger. To appreciate how t h i s works, i t must be remembered that s p e c i a l anger-producing circum-stances were required f o r figures such as Sugawara no Michi-zane and Soga Goro to gain the supernatural powers that were believed to be the source of calamity i n the world df men. Thus, we have i n the aragoto hero a representation of a superhuman being--or god-hero--in human form. In his portrayals of Soga Goro, Kimpira, Kintoki, Kamakura Gongoro.and others, Danjuro I brought t h i s kind of being to the kabuki stage.. The kumadori make-up and the mie poses were not accidental developments. They were Dan-juro 's way of giving'himself a f i e r c e and awe-inspiring presence' l i k e that of F,udo or l i k e the statues that guard Buddhist temples, whose aggressive stance and violent expressions are often compared'to those of the aragoto hero. Danjuro's characters may have been f i c t i o n a l , but his portrayals of them were r e a l and from the beginning • audiences responded e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y to them. Having f i r s t seen the technical p o s s i b i l i t y of bringing "ara" characters to the stage i n Kimpira j o r u r i , Danjuro then brought them to the kabuki stage. He did t h i s by means of the Soga sekai and the popular b e l i e f s that lay behind i t , thus creating the god-hero Goro who could'be continually trans-54 formed and renewed by l a t e r generations of Danjuro's. The Soga Sekai and the Annual Play Cycle Our discussion of Danjuro's use of the Soga sekai must' take into account the place of that sekai i n the an-nual play cycle. Records show that Danjuro's f i r s t Soga play, Kachi-doki homare Soga, was produced "beginning i n the f i f t h month of 1675•"^  In f a c t , with one e x c e p t i o n , ^ plays which featured Danjuro as Soga Goro began i n the f i f t h month of the year. Although the t r a d i t i o n a l s t a r t i n g date for the bon production period came to be i n the middle of the seventh month, i n the Genroku era—when Danjuro I was active—productions beginning i n the f i f t h month were thought of as bon productions. This i s shown by an entry i n the Yakusha mannenreki, a c r i t i q u e published i n 1700,' which says that every year Soga plays were per-formed during the bon ( i . e . beginning in-the f i f t h CO month) production period. From about 1703 (a year be-fore Danjuro I was k i l l e d on stage by a fellow actor), Soga plays began to be used f o r spring productions, and i n 1709 a l l theatres i n Edo featured Soga plays as spring KQ " ' ' ' . productions. From that time on spring productions i n Edo were based on the Soga sekai. Why Soga plays were f i r s t used f o r bon productions and then used f o r spring productions i s not e n t i r e l y clear. There i s no doubt, however, that either season was appropriate. As the entry i n the Yakusha mannenreki also said, the purpose of Soga plays was to worship (matsu-ru) the souls of the dead b r o t h e r s . 0 0 In Japan the two spec i a l seasons of the year f o r honoring departed s p i r i t s are New Year's ( i . e . spring) and bon. Portraying the Soga brothers i n drama was one way of honoring them. Moreover, since the brothers carried out t h e i r revenge between the seasons of spring and bon, i t was l o g i c a l to have plays which concerned the revenge either begin or end at those times. Whether produced at the time of bon, as they were at f i r s t , or whether produced during the spring, as they came to be, Soga plays were a fix e d part of the yearly cy-cle . An Example of Danjuro I's Representation of Soga Goroi Tsuwamono kongen Soga For several reasons, Tsuwamono kongen Soga provides a good example of Danjuro I's representation of Soga Goro. F i r s t , i t i s one of the major plays i n which Danjuro I portrayed Soga Goro. Second, i t survives as an e - i r i kyo-gen-bon, an i l l u s t r a t e d playbook of the Genroku era, and among the i l l u s t r a t i o n s are several excellent ones which show Danjuro as the archetypal aragoto Soga Goro. Third, an incident associated with i t reveals the god-hero nature of Danjuro's Soga Goro. And fourth, i t i s the play i n which Danjuro I I , who w i l l be discussed i n the next chap-ter , made his stage debut. Danjuro as Goro was t r u l y an aragoto figure, as the i l l u s t r a t i o n oh the following page shows. He has the upper part of his kimono pulled down and the lower part tucked up. In terms of the action that was taking place, t h i s allowed him freedom of movement. More important, however, i t conveyed the sense of Goro's physical strength hy l e t -t i n g the audience get a good view of the actor's body. He i s also shown with protruding eyes, a turned-down, tooth-baring mouth, and a stance with one leg aggressively thrust forward. A l l of these are unmistakable features of the aragoto hero. The kind of transformation that Danjuro car r i e d out i n the Soga sekai i s best seen'in that part of Tsuwamono  kongen Soga which t e l l s the same story as i n the no Chobuku  Soga. After Goro has met his enemy Kudo Suketsune f o r the f i r s t time, his only thought i s to carry out the revenge as soon as possible. But the time i s not right and he must wait. In the no the p r i e s t takes over at t h i s point and prays to Fudo on behalf of Goro. This r e s u l t s i n the ap-pearance of Fudo who assures everyone that i n time Goro w i l l be granted the strength to carry out the deed. In Tsuwamono  kongen Soga, however, Fudo's intentions are more graphically shown. Goro undergoes thirty-seven days of r e l i g i o u s aus-t e r i t i e s (aragyo, l i t e r a l l y "rough action;" notice the ara which i s the same as that i n aragoto and ara-hito-gami). He acquires f a n t a s t i c strength and, as the next fig u r e i l -l u s t r a t e s , as proof of t h i s he p u l l s out a large bamboo by i t s roots. (This famous scene i s c a l l e d Takenuki Soga, the bamboo-pulling Soga.) As i n the case of Chobuku Soga, Fudo also makes his appearance here (as shown i n the figure above). What i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g i s that Danjuro's son, Kuzo, who l a t e r became Danjuro II, played the role of ^2 Fudo. The close t i e between Goro and Fudo was thus heightened by the underlying family r e l a t i o n s h i p of Dan-juro and his son. 'Undoubtedly, t h i s i n t e n s i f i e d the ef-feet of the play. D In f a c t , when Tsuwamono kongen Soga was being performed people flocked to the theatre from Narita ( i n present-day Chiba Prefecture) with money they 64 had col l e c t e d to present to Danjuro. It was as i f they viewed Danjuro and his son themselves as god-heroes--as actual manifestations of Goro and Fudo. Following t h i s zealous display, the actors l e d a procession out to Shin-sh o j i temple i n Narita (where Fudo i s worshipped) and i n 6 K turn contributed money there. It i s said that from that time the Danjuro l i n e of actors began to be referred to as "Narita-ya" (House of N a r i t a ) . ^ Later on Fudo l o s t his immediate association with Goro, but i n the beginning at l e a s t , that association helped b u i l d up the power of Goro as a god-hero of the nation. * * * In the world of modern-day Japan i t i s perhaps hard to conceive that people once believed i n god-heroes. It i s 100 even more d i f f i c u l t to go back into history and discover what a god-hero such as Soga Goro once symbolized. As a society changes i t s heroes change, and what I have t r i e d to suggest i n t h i s chapter i s that the significance of Soga Goro as portrayed by Ichikawa Danjuro I must be under-stood both i n terms of accumulated dramatic t r a d i t i o n and contemporary popular b e l i e f - - i n s o f a r as i t sheds l i g h t on the meaning of that t r a d i t i o n . It remains now to show how Soga Goro underwent further change, by becoming Sukeroku. Chapter IV. Sukeroku, Flower of Edo: The Transformation of Soga Goro into Sukeroku Among the plays that survive i n the present-day reper-tory, Sukeroku offers one of the' "best examples of kabuki dramatic structure at the peak of i t s development. This state was reached i n the early eighteenth century when Ichikawa Danjuro II .(1688-1758) combined a jidai-mono and a sewa-mono into a single work within the framework of the annual play cycle, thereby giving Edo kabuki a u n i f i e d structure. In the case of Sukeroku (a sewa-mono) t h i s meant making i t part of a spring production Soga play (a jidai-mono) through the technique of double i d e n t i t y . Chapter III began the discussion of the si g n i f i c a n c e of Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y by showing that Soga Goro as portrayed by Ichikawa Danjuro I symbolized a god-hero to the people of Edo. The present chapter w i l l examine the symbolism of the character Sukeroku. With the image of Goro behind him, Sukeroku as portrayed by Ichikawa Danjuro II was perceived by Edo audiences as i d e a l i z i n g two of the most c o l o r f u l townsman types of his- day: the otokodate, or chivalrous commoner, and the- fudasashi, or wealthy rice-broker. As such, Sukeroku was the quintessen-t i a l f igure of Edo kabuki--the flower of Edo. A Summary of Sukeroku 1 . Sukeroku i s set i n front of the Miura-ya, i n the Yoshiwara gay quarters of Edo. There Sukeroku confronts Ikyu when both arrive expecting to meet Agemaki, a grand courtesan of the quarters. Although Ikyu i s a powerful, a l b e i t blustery, samurai with a retinue of underlings to do his bidding, Agemaki i s enamoured of the townsman, Sukeroku. In one of the most famous speeches of the play, she says of the two men: "Compare Sukeroku and Ikyu, side by side. Here i s the one, a young stag, here i s the other, an old crab. White and black, l i k e snow and ink. One the broad ocean, one a mire of mud; one deep, one shallow, as the courtesan's beloved and the p r o s t i -2 tute's customer." The confrontation between Sukeroku and Ikyu could be seen simply as the r i v a l r y of two men from d i f f e r e n t classes of society over the affections of the same woman, were i t not f o r the revelation that Sukeroku i s r e a l l y the samurai Soga Goro. The play, i n f a c t , i s not about class r i v a l r y as much as i t i s about matters of i d e n t i t y and revenge. Goro has come into the gay quarters i n the i d e n t i t y of Sukeroku to search f o r the stolen sword that he must have to carry out the revenge. The sword he i s looking f o r i s Tomokirimaru, which was a g i f t from Yoshi-tsune. Goro's aim i s to provoke samurai passing through the quarters to draw t h e i r weapons so that he can check to see whether they have the one he i s looking f o r . As Sukeroku he can do t h i s without r a i s i n g suspicion about the revenge. His confrontation with Ikyu, who i s ac t u a l l y the Heike general Iga Heinai Zaemon and who i n the end proves to-have the sword, may start out looking as though i t i s about matters of love but i t i s r e a l l y about' matters of revenge. Once Agemaki, her f r i e n d Shiratama, and the other courtesans of the Miura-ya, and Ikyu and his men have been introduced, Sukeroku enters by performing his famous dance on the hanamichi. The chorus sings i n accompaniment: Hear the shamisen sounding bright Sugagakij Arousing our memories i n the gay quarter . . . Impregnated kimono crest of Five Seasons; Symbol of year's waiting, steeped deeply i n love . Do not hurry, do not rush; The world i s transient, a wheel that turns; Time passes by day by day as expected . . • You are charming! You are marvelous!3 Sukeroku's coming had been eagerly awaited by a l l the cour-tesans. Each welcomes him by o f f e r i n g him a pipe to smoke. In contrast, Ikyu, who i s s i t t i n g nearby, receives nothing. And when he protests, Sukeroku i n s u l t s him by "handing" him a pipe stuck between the toes of his foot. The pipe scene i s followed by an amusing scene i n -volving a noodle vendor, Sukeroku, Kampera Mombei (a samurai retainer of Ikyu), and Mombei's servant, Asagao Sembei. When Mombei comes out of the Miura-ya drunk and out of sorts because no courtesan came to serve him i n the bath, a noodle vendor accidentally bumps into him. Mombei re-acts by preparing to s t r i k e him. It i s a c l a s s i c case of samurai versus commoner. Sukeroku, however, steps i n on behalf of the vendor and t e l l s Mombei to forgive him. Since Sukeroku to a l l appearances i s not a samurai, he has no r i g h t to t e l l Mombei what to do. An argument then breaks out between them and ends when Sukeroku dumps a bowl of noodles on Mombei's head. Mombei i s shown for a f o o l when, thinking that the noodles are actual-l y his brains, c r i e s out that he has been mortally wounded. Once the s i t u a t i o n i s made clear he orders his gang to attack Sukeroku. Sukeroku, however, turns out to be so imposing that they s l i n k away without touching him. Even when Sembei t r i e s to attack Sukeroku, he i s ea s i l y driven back. Neither Sembei nor Mombei can understand who Suke-roku i s . In contrast' to the samurai st y l e Mombei uses to i d e n t i f y himself i n the heat of his confrontation with Sukeroku ("Taking the Kan of my name from Kan'u, the Chinese general of the Three Kingdoms whose flowing Cloud Beard reminds us of Lord Ikyu, and the Mon of my name s i g n i f y i n g a treasured temple gate, I am the sa-lt, murai Kampera Mombei, wealthy powerful Kampera Mombei!" ), Sukeroku takes his time before he f i n a l l y t e l l s everyone i n his c h a r a c t e r i s t i c akutai ("insult") styles No one but an ass sets foot i n Yoshiwara not knowing my name. So hear i t well. A headband of purple, the pride of Edo, dyed i n Edo, binds my hair, the strands of which as you look through them frame a face which, i f i t graced an ukiyoe(-p r i n t , would make that picture famous i n Japan! Who does not know t h i s dragon i n the water, growing stronger as his enemies increase? From the carousers at the pleasure houses of the Golden Dragon Mountain to the grim image of the ferocious god Fudo i n Meguro, a l l Edo's eight-hundred-and-eight d i s t r i c t s do not hide the man who does not know t h i s wearer of the crest of peonies, t h i s dweller among the cherry blossoms of Yoshiwara, t h i s youthful Sukeroku, Agemaki's Sukeroku! Scum! Bow before t h i s face! Worship i t ! -5 Sukeroku i s the man of Edo par excellence. Words are his best weapon. He has manipulated Sembei and Mombei by his actions and extravagant introduction of himself. Fright-ened, they do exactly as Sukeroku wanted them to do. They draw t h e i r swords, which he has a chance to inspect be-fore chasing them away. Sukeroku's i d e n t i t y as Soga Goro i s c l e a r l y revealed to the audience i n a scene with his brother, Juro, who also has another identity--that of the sake peddler, Shimbei. In the effeminate and un-samurai-like Shimbei, we see a parody of the wagoto Juro. Shimbei upbraids Suke-roku: Every day mother and I heard st o r i e s of your f i g h t i n g i n Yoshiwara . . . The day the crow's don't caw i s the day Sukeroku doesn't f i g h t i n Yoshiwara, they say. She could not believe _ t h i s wastrel c a l l e d Sukeroku was her son, Goro. So she sent me to the quarter to see. . . . For eighteen years we have waited to avenge father's murder at Hakone Mountain, but now that the time has come, you disgrace yourself with quarreling and debauchery. Honor your parents i s the f i r s t precept of morality, honor your elder brother i s the second. You esteem neither. The bond between us is,broken. You are no longer my brother Goro. But Sukeroku r e p l i e s that he only f i g h t s out of his f i l i a l duty, for the purpose of f i n d i n g the stolen sword. Shim-bei (Juro) i s convinced and decides' to j o i n his brother i n his search. The play continues with two comic scenes i n which the brothers encounter f i r s t two country samurai and then a gay quarters dandy. Both the samurai bumpkins and the dandy l e t Sukeroku and Shimbei get the best of them--the former because they are ignorant i n the ways of the c i t y and the l a t t e r because he i s overly clever and eff e t e . A more serious chord i s then struck when the brothers' are discovered by t h e i r mother, who has come into the Yoshiwara disguised as a samurai. Thinking that both of her sons are now engaged i n questionable behavior i n the gay quarters, she admonishes them: "Virtuous sons would be taking vengeance on t h e i r father's slayer. My sons 7 take aliase s and brawl i n public places.V The mother i s f i n a l l y appeased when she hears t h e i r explanation. The play ends with a l a s t encounter between Sukeroku and Ikyu. Ikyu, who has somehow discovered that Sukeroku i s Soga Goro, draws his'sword i n a moment of emotion, and Sukeroku sees that he has Tomokirimaru. Ikyu swears that he w i l l never part with the sword. (As a Heike general he plans to use the sword that once belonged to Minamoto no Yoshitsune to destroy the Minamoto clan.) He attacks Sukeroku, who k i l l s him and takes possession of the sword. The play closes with Sukeroku and Agemaki waiting f o r n i g h t f a l l i n order to escape from the Yoshiwara and to go on to f i n d the brother s1 enemy, Suketsune. In terms of plot very l i t t l e happens i n Sukeroku. But the point of the play i s not i n action. It i s i n the revelation of character i d e n t i t y . Only when the play i s considered i n i t s proper • context—that i s , within the Soga s e k a i — i s the f u l l meaning of the various i d e n t i t i e s made clear. The Origins of the Sukeroku Innovation When Sukeroku was performed f o r the f i r s t time'"by Ichikawa Danjuro II i n 1713» the play was new to the Edo kabuki stage, thus- f u l f i l l i n g a primary requirement of an innovation. However, the play was not completely new. Previously, the story of Sukeroku and Agemaki had been an established theme of Kamigata kabuki and, especial-g l y , j o r u r i . In creating his own Sukeroku, Danjuro're-moved the love suicide element, and put the focus instead on Sukeroku as a pure Edo character. The importance of the Kamigata origins of Sukeroku i s threefold. F i r s t , they reaffirm a point about the creative processes of Japanese dramatic arts that was made e a r l i e r i n t h i s t h e s i s : that what i s "new" i n one art form may be based on themes and characters that are already known i n another art form. Second, they are reminders that i n the early eighteenth century the Kami-gata area was s t i l l the center of Japanese culture, but just as Sukeroku sh i f t e d to Edo, so was the center of c u l -ture moving there-as well. And t h i r d , they show the divergent interest of Kamigata and Edo audiences: where-as the former wanted t h e i r Sukeroku to be a t r a g i c lover, the l a t t e r wanted t h e i r s to be a triumphant hero. The story of Sukeroku and Agemaki began to be drama-t i z e d i n the Kamigata area as early as I 6 7 8 i n the play Yorozuya Sukeroku shinju, t h i r t y - f i v e years before the — — 9 f i r s t production of Sukeroku i n Edo by Danjuro I I . Yorozuya Sukeroku shinju was followed by a number of other works, including Kyo Sukeroku shinju ( 1 7 0 7 ) , Semi 1 Q no nukegara ( 1 7 0 7 ) , and Sennichi-dera shinju ( 1 7 0 9 ) • How Danjuro II became acquainted with the Kamigata Sukeroku i s a question that i s s t i l l being debated. Most scholars believe, however, that the j o r u r i r e c i t e r Miyako Itchu journeyed from the Kamigata area to Edo i n 1712 and performed one or more of the works mentioned above, which Danjuro II heard and then had made into a 11 work f o r himself. Mention should also be made of a theory that there was act u a l l y someone named Sukeroku l i v i n g i n Edo, who — — 12 was the model f o r Danjuro. Stories about a r e a l Sukeroku, however, sound more l i k e versions of l a t e r kabuki plays than actual h i s t o r i c a l accounts. Ichikawa Danjuro II and the Introduction of the Sukeroku In-novation to Edo Kahuki In his l i f e t i m e Danjuro II performed the role of Suke-roku three times. The f i r s t was i n 1713. as part of the play Haha-yakata Aigo-zakura. The second was i n 1716 i n S h i k i r e i yawaragi Soga. And the t h i r d was i n 17^9> as 13 part of Otoko-moji Soga monogatari. ^ For his f i r s t Suke-roku Danjuro was twenty-five; f o r his l a s t - - h i s so-called i c h i d a i i s s e i performance--he was sixty-one. In studying the three productions which constitute Danjuro II's introduction of the Sukeroku innovation to Edo kahuki, one i s also following the development of Dan-juro II's career, as he grew from a young man who had just begun to show his potential to a f u l l y mature man at the top of his profession. What makes these three productions even more signifcant i s that they also p a r a l l e l the de-velopment of what came to be thought of as the characteris-t i c culture of Edo--that i s , the culture of the so-called Edokko, or " c h i l d of Edo." The word Edokko was an expression of pride. It was not only pride i n growing up and l i v i n g i n the c i t y of Edo (for regardless of place of b i r t h only the townsman-commoner, the chonin, could be an Edokko), but also pride i n a cer-t a i n manner and s t y l e of l i v i n g . Such pride was repre-14 sented by Danjuro II m his portrayals of Sukeroku. Danjuro II's F i r s t Sukeroku: Before the Soga Connection Records show that Danjuro II f i r s t performed Sukeroku i n the t h i r d month of 1713 at the Yamamura-za. At that time he wore a kimono of hlack pongee and a headband of reddish-yellow cotton. He also carried a long sword, which showed his samurai nature since samurai were permitted to carry two swords, a long and a short one, while townsmen could only carry a short one. The s e t t i n g was i n the Yoshiwara gay quarters and the action focussed on a great roof-top f i g h t scene between Sukeroku and Ikyu and his — . . 15 men, with Ikyu getting k i l l e d m'the end. ^ The clearest image of t h i s f i r s t Sukeroku comes from an excellent i l l u s t r a t i o n that i s found i n Sukeroku kyogen-1 ko by Santo Kyoden (1761-1816). Kyoden attributes the picture to the a r t i s t Kondo Sukegoro Kiyoharu ( f l . early eighteenth century), and the only reason i t survives i s because Kyoden included i t i n his own work. Sukeroku has his.kimono top pulled down, leaving the upper part of his body bare. His muscles are bulging and his legs are thrust out. The pose i s unmistakably one of the aragoto hero. This Sukeroku seems somewhat out of place i n the gay- quarters; we can see the s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y between him and Soga Goro i n Tsuwamono kongen Soga. Sukeroku, however, was not a " t o t a l l y aragoto figure. An entry i n the Yakusha irokeizu, a c r i t i q u e published i n L. to r., Hige no Ikyu, Kantera Mombei, Keisei Kisegawa, Agemaki, Sake-uri Shimbei, Otokodate Sukeroku, two onlookers, and a_gay quarters' v i s i t o r who i s f i g h t i n g with Sukeroku. I l l u s t r a t i o n from Sukeroku kyogen-ko. the second month of 1714, says that he was an aragoto satte 17 nuregoto gakari otokodate. This means that the aragoto s t y l e , which normally characterized representations of otokodate, was dispensed with and Sukeroku was instead an otokodate i n the nuregoto s t y l e . Nuregoto, which i s re-lated to, but not the same as, the wagoto, or "gentle" s t y l e , of kabuki, i s an erotic type of presentation—as-sociated with lovers, not heroes. In time Sukeroku came to be represented as a phy s i c a l l y a t t r a c t i v e character as well as an awe-inspiring one. This was the re s u l t of refinements made by Danjuro II i n his father's aragoto art . It i s important to r e a l i z e , however, that from the beginning the style of production ( i f we use the i l l u s t r a -t i o n as evidence) was very much i n the heroic t r a d i t i o n and despite outward changes that s t y l e always remained a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the play. Surely i t i s not a coincidence that Soga Goro, the f i r s t Sukeroku, and Dan-juro's l a t e r Sukeroku's are a l l shown i n exactly the same way--with one l e g thrust forward, attacking the enemy or appearing ready to attack, and with a determined ex-pression on the face. The god-hero nature i s consistent-l y present i n a l l of these depictions. The s i m i l a r i t y between Soga Goro and the f i r s t Suke-roku has been suggested, but Sukeroku was not yet part of the Soga sekai. As the t i t l e Hana-yakata Aigo-zakura i n -dicates, the play was based on the Aigo sekai. Although we know the Aigo sekai treated of themes of feudal family r i v a l r y , there i s no extant play which uses t h i s sekai and therefore i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to know anything about either the play or how the sekai was used. Despite t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , we can ask why Sukeroku was f i r s t made part of a play not i n the Soga sekai--especially since records show that the play was performed i n the t h i r d month of the year and should therefore be expected to be part of the theatre's spring production, which was usually i n the Soga sekai. There are two ways to answer t h i s . F i r s t , as was pointed out above, the Yamamura-za did not have a proper spring production i n 1713- Its kao-mise production had started i n the f i r s t month of the new year--two months late--and i t was not u n t i l the t h i r d month (or possibly l a t e r , according to some accounts) that the spring produc-t i o n a ctually began. Second, kabuki structure at that time was just emerging from i t s formative period and a l -though theatre managers were generally i n c l i n e d to pro-duce Soga plays i n the spring, exceptions could be made. Also, plays based on the Aigo sekai seem to have been popular just at that time; i n the following year, 1714, i g Danjuro again did an Aigo play at the Morita-za. Despite the lack of a Soga connection i n 1713, the structure of the play was such that Sukeroku had a double id e n t i t y . Sukeroku's other i d e n t i t y was that of the samurai Daidoji Tahatanosuke, and Shirazake-uri Shimbei (who was l a t e r Juro) was a samurai named Araki Saemon. Aside from Sukeroku and Shimhei, who were to continue as major characters i n l a t e r Sukeroku plays, the other characters who also appeared i n t h i s f i r s t Sukeroku were: Agemaki, Ikyu, Sukeroku-1 s mother (sometimes known as Manko) , Sembei, K e i s e i Kisegawa (the courtesan Kisegawa, who l a t e r became Shiratama), and Kantera Mombei ( l a t e r , Kampera Mom-bei) . The importance of t h i s f i r s t Sukeroku i s that i t brought the Sukeroku innovation to the Edo kabuki stage and established the s e t t i n g and general character con-s t e l l a t i o n f o r a l l l a t e r Sukeroku plays. Moreover, i n terms of dramatic structure, i t was one of the pioneering plays i n which the j i d a i and sewa. sections of a long play were linked together, as i s evidenced by Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y as otokodate and samurai. In costume, acting s t y l e , and, no doubt, contents, the f i r s t Sukeroku was very;; d i f f e r e n t from -the way i t i s now. What i s important about i t , however, i s that i t passed the c r u c i a l test of i t s f i r s t production. I f i t did not have potential as a good play, i t would never have been heard of again. instead, i t was taken out of the Aigo sekai and made part of a Soga play. Danjuro II's Second Sukeroku: The Soga Connection Danjuro II performed Sukeroku f o r the second time i n the second month of 1716 at the Nakamura-za. Scholars agree that t h i s was the turning point i n the production of the play and that many elements of the staging and cos-tumes that are s t i l l associated with Sukeroku, including the connection with the Soga sekai, were formulated at 19 t h i s time. ' This second Sukeroku also helped preserve an event which happened i n Edo: cherry trees were planted i n the Yoshiwara gay quarters. They were immediately made part of the s e t t i n g of the play, and not only irrevocably f i x e d the seasonal association of Sukeroku but they also underscored the intimate connection between kabuki i n 20 general and the gay quarters. In t h i s second Sukeroku Danjuro used the snake's eye 21 umbrella that i s now one of Sukeroku's trademarks. He also had a shakuhachi (bamboo f l u t e ) tucked into the back of his obi,._which i s s t i l l used. Other changes that be-came, standard f o r Sukeroku are the purple headband, which replaced the reddish-yellow one of the f i r s t production, and the black, short-sleeved kimono, which replaced the 22 one made of black., pongee. A t t i r e d i n a more l a v i s h costume, Sukeroku was becoming elegant. The most symbolic change i n costume fo r the second production was the reported replacement of the long samurai sword with a short one, the only sword a commoner could carry. J There i s a l o g i c a l explanation f o r t h i s change. When Sukeroku became Soga Goro, as he did i n thi s produc-ti o n , his reason for coming into the gay quarters and f i g h t i n g with others there was that he was searching f o r the sword that he needed to carry out the revenge. The sword he was looking f o r was, of course, a long samurai sword, and i t was natural then that he be carrying only a short one. There i s , however, another possible reason for his having only a short sword--that i t was part of the pro-cess of softening Sukeroku, of making him les s l i k e the warrior he appeared to be i n the f i r s t production. Such an observation requires some mention of the difference i n the aragoto art ( p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to the re-presentation of Soga Goro) of Danjuro I and Danjuro I I . Danjuro II had made his stage debut i n the play Tsu-wamono kongen Soga. In that work, as we have seen, Dan-juro I played a strongly aragoto Soga Goro. Goro was also a role that Danjuro II made famous; i n fa c t , i t was the pr i n c i p a l role of his acting career. Danjuro II did a l -most f o r t y Soga plays i n his l i f e t i m e and many had extra-24 o r d i n a r i l y long performance runs. The Goro that Danjuro II made famous was not, however, the same Goro that his father had done. Danjuro II began with his father's aragoto s t y l e and reworked i t with ele-ments of the wagoto sty l e that Sakata Tojuro had developed so s u c c e s s f u l l y i n the Kamigata area. Beginning i n 1711 (two years before the f i r s t Sukeroku), i n the play Yunzei yome-iri Soga, i n s t e a d of the red-faced Goro of Danjuro I , 25 he used white make-up wit h red l i n e s around the eyes. This s i g n i f i e d a new approach to the r o l e . Whereas Soga Goro had been t o t a l l y f i e r c e and a w e - i n s p i r i n g , w i t h Dan-juro I I he began to acquire a s o f t e r , more sensuous nature. From t h i s beginning, Danjuro I I took the idea to i t s f u l -l e s t extent f i v e years l a t e r i n the yawaragi Soga, or "gentle" Soga, of the play S h i k i r e i yawaragi Soga (1716), which contained the second Sukeroku. Although we are again f r u s t r a t e d i n our attempt to know the f u l l d e t a i l s of the play because of the l a c k of a t e x t , contemporary ob-servers i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s p l a y was a complete departure from Danjuro I's Soga plays (even the t i t l e , w i t h the use 26 of the word "gentle," i n d i c a t e s as much). A great deal of the importance of t h i s p l a y, of course, can be accounted f o r by the f a c t that i t was the f i r s t time that the Suke-roku i n n o v a t i o n was j o i n e d to a Soga play. In 1716 the main p o r t i o n of'Sukeroku opened, as i t does now, w i t h Sukeroku's dance-entrance on the hanamichi. In that year, i t was done to the accompaniment of Edo Han-dayu Bushi, although other forms of j o r u r i , e s p e c i a l l y Kato Bushi, were l a t e r used. The characters that were introduce i n the 1713 production are a l s o i n the 1716 production, though i n s t e a d of being i d e n t i f i e d as a sake s e l l e r , Shimbe "became an o i l s e l l e r (Abura-uri Shimbei) . More important, though, i s that Shimbei became i d e n t i f i e d as Soga Juro, brother of Sukeroku/Goro. Moreover, Agemaki here was — — — 2' said to be Tora no Shosho (Goro's lover i n the Soga sekai). Agemaki's double i d e n t i t y did not l a s t , however. The sig n i f i c a n c e of Danjuro II's second Sukeroku i s the use of the Sukeroku innovation i n a Soga play and the softer approach to both Sukeroku and.the Soga sekai i n general. Both of these aspects were continued i n Danjuro II's t h i r d and l a s t Sukeroku. Danjuro II's Third Sukeroku Whereas the f i r s t and second times that Danjuro II did Sukeroku were the f i r s t and second times i t had ever . been done, by the t h i r d time, three other-factors had t a -ken the leading r o l e . A l l of the actors performed at the Ichimura-za, where Danjuro had not done Sukeroku. The f i r s t was Ichimura Takenojo (dates unclear), who ap-peared as Sukeroku i n the t h i r d month of 1733 i n the play 2 g Hanafusa bunshin Soga, the second was Ichikawa Danjuro III who performed Sukeroku i n the t h i r d month of 1739 i n the 29 play Hatsumotoyui kayoi Soga, and the t h i r d was Onoe Kikugoro I (1717-83), who portrayed Sukeroku i n the t h i r d month of 17^ -6 i n the play Kikeba mukashi Soga monogatari. 1 With each production, the play became more developed and established, paving the way f o r the Sukeroku shuko to be-come the Sukeroku sekai. The t i t l e of the play i n which Danjuro II performed his t h i r d and f i n a l Sukeroku was Otoko-moji Soga monoga-t a r i , performed i n the t h i r d month of 17^ -9 at the Naka-mura-za. It seems f a i r l y c e r t a i n that the playwright i n t h i s case was Fujimoto Tobun, and indeed, Kawatake Shigetoshi c a l l s the play one of Tobun's representative 31 works. Judging by the i l l u s t r a t i o n of .Sukeroku•that sur-vives from t h i s production, and by what has been written about i t , Danjuro II's t h i r d Sukeroku was ima no Sukeroku-an "up-to-date" Sukeroku, one who had changed with the 32 times. One major source of change was the close asso-c i a t i o n i n the mid-eighteenth century between Danjuro II (who was at the height of his career) and the wealthy Edo r i c e brokers (who were f l o u r i s h i n g at that time). Not only i s Sukeroku said to be modeled on Oguchiya Gyou, a r i c e broker, but a change i n the t h i r d production was the use of Kato Bushi to provide the j o r u r i accompaniment for Sukeroku's entrance. Kato Bushi were drawn from the ranks of the wealthy merchants who were the main patrons of kabuki. When Danjuro performs Sukeroku today, des-cendants of these Kato Bushi musicians provide the accom-paniment . 122 Ichikawa Danjuro II as Sukeroku, t h i r d month 17^-9 • I l l u s t r a -t i o n by Okumura Masanobu. Sukeroku: Flower of Edo As the "flower of Edo," Sukeroku was an Edo townsman 33 m his most id e a l i z e d form. ^ In the context of t r a d i t i o n -a l Japanese culture, flower i s a very evocative image. While i t c e r t a i n l y denotes natural beauty--as expressed i n the youth and physical attractiveness of Sukeroku--i t means much more. Most obvious i s the image of the cherry blossom, the Japanese flower of flowers, which not only represented the season of spring when Sukeroku 34 was performed, but m the Tokugawa period was also the single, general symbol for the world of the theatres and gay quarters. These comprised the so-called ukiyo, or f l o a t i n g world, and were p e r f e c t l y brought together i n Sukeroku. Not quite so obvious, however, are the flowers, which, manifested i n Sukeroku, represented (1) the s p i r i t of resistance of the Edo townsman--what I c a l l Sukeroku as otokodate, and (2) the Edo towns-man's attainment by virtu e of wealth, of the most i n f l u -e n t i a l p o s i t i o n i n the c u l t u r a l order of Tokugawa Japan--what I c a l l Sukeroku as fudasashi. J Sukeroku as Otokodate: The S p i r i t of Resistance In Edo art and l i t e r a t u r e the otokodate- was a cham-pion of the people, a hero, one who, as the characters for otoko and date s i g n i f y , evoked the model image of a man. He was a Robinhood figure who helped defend the weak against the strong. He was a,man of honor, chivalrous, dedicated--37 and he had s t y l e . He was Sukeroku. The r e a l - l i f e counterpart of the otokodate was the machi-yakko. Machi-yakko were groups of commoners who banded together i n opposition to the samurai hatamoto-yakko (bannerman "fellows") i n the c i t y of Edo. While clashes between machi-yakko and hatamoto-yakko may at times have had overtones of class c o n f l i c t , many of the machi-yakko O Q were o r i g i n a l l y low-ranking samurai. Unlike those hata-moto i n the service of the shogun, however, these samurai found jobs as shopkeepers, artisans, and other types of businessmen i n the ra p i d l y developing commercial sec-to r of the c i t y . The hatamoto, who survived on handouts i n the form of r i c e stipends from the shogun, were under-paid, underworked (there were no wars i n which they could exercise t h e i r samurai s k i l l s ) and, as a r e s u l t , they formed t h e i r yakko groups which went looking f o r trouble i n the busy streets of the c i t y . We must be very careful, of course, about t r y i n g to i n f e r the significance of the f i c t i o n a l otokodate from the h i s t o r i c a l evidence concerning the machi-yakko. Such an attempt may lead to the following type of conclusion: For what reason i t i s not quite clear, the [machi-] yakko are credited i n romantic l i t e r a t u r e with re-markable vir t u e s . They are depicted as patterns of chivalry, and styl e d Otokodate. . . . It i s true that some of the bands of [machi-]yakko were governed by severe codes of l o y a l t y among them-selves, and no doubt from time to time they per-formed quixotic acts; but . . . they seem to have been disorderly rogues and to owe t h e i r reputation c h i e f l y to the eighteenth-century stage plays i n which they figure as heroes. It i s indeed a curious fact that the theatre i n Japan owed i t s development to i t s portrayal of [these people] and t h e i r exploits.39 The problem here i s that the writer t r i e d to make a r t i s t i c works f i t a l i m i t e d set of h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , a not en-t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y method of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m . More-over, the writer seems to have t r i e d to understand Japan-ese culture from the point of view of his own culture and naturally, therefore, what he saw was quite " c u r i o u s . n : I f , however, we take Japan's culture as the given--and we must do this--and study the a r t i s t i c works i n t h e i r proper context, we f i n d that there were good reasons why, f o r example, Sukeroku as otokodate became a major hero i n the drama. The proper context f o r understanding the significance of Sukeroku as otokodate i s the Soga sekai. Unless we keep i n mind the fact that Sukeroku i s Soga Goro, Sukeroku's actions have no meaning. Sukeroku i s an otokodate pre-c i s e l y because he i s Soga Goro. To make t h i s clearer, l e t us look at the f i r s t encounter between Sukeroku and Ikyu. As we have seen, when Sukeroku enters the stage the courtesans a l l offer him a pipe. Ikyu, who i s s i t t i n g near-by, does not receive a single one'. When he protests, Suke-roku boldly offers him one with his foot. Ikyu i s incensed and proceeds to lecture Sukeroku on what i t means to be an otokodate. According to Ikyu there are f i v e q u a l i t i e s that d i s t i n g u i s h a true otokodate: righteousness, morality, 40 courtesy, reasonableness, and a s p i r i t of honor and pride. His implication i s that Sukeroku, who has achieved n o t o r i -al ety by f i g h t i n g with a l l and sundry i n the gay quarters and behaves i n such an i n s u l t i n g way toward him, i s not an otokodate. Sukeroku's reply i s i n character with the role he has assumed. He says that f o r him the pride of an otoko-date i s simply i n drawing his sword on any man bold enough to r e s i s t him. And he ends by saying, "Who do you think I 42 -am? Fool!" At t h i s point Ikyu does not know who Sukeroku i s and that he i s a c t u a l l y t a l k i n g to Soga Goro. What Soga Goro as Sukeroku i s doing i s a l l c a r e f u l l y planned and with purpose. The f i g h t i n g and the i n s u l t s are t r u l y manifestations of righteousness and other otokodate q u a l i -t i e s , for he i s using them as ways to f i n d the sword that w i l l enable him to carry out the revenge. In sum, Sukeroku i s an otokodate i f one understands the motivation of his actions i n terms of his i d e n t i t y as Soga Goro. < This aspect of Sukeroku r e c a l l s the I c h i r i k i teahouse scene i n Chushingura, where Yuranosuke i s spending his time i n apparent d i s s i p a t i o n i n the gay quarters instead of working toward carrying out the revenge on Moronao. ^ Like Soga Goro, who as Sukeroku seems to be wasting his time i n the gay quarters, Yuranosuke only wants to put his enemies off t h e i r guard. The key question i n both Sukeroku and Chushingura i s , as Sukeroku asks Ikyu, Dare da to omou? 44 -"Who do you think I am?" Ikyu does not know, and even Sukeroku's own mother and brother are fooled. Given Sukeroku's i d e n t i t y as Soga Goro, then, the s p i r i t of resistance that Sukeroku as otokodate symbol-ized can be understood. In terms of the Soga sekai, i t was resistance f i r s t of a l l against Kudo Suketsune and the powerful forces (represented by Yoritomo) that made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r Goro and Juro to carry out t h e i r just revenge. Going further, i t was generalized resistance against a l l destructive and overwhelming forces. Soga Goro was associated with the guardian deity Fudo, and was himself a god-hero--becoming so by means of the 45 aragoto art of Danjuro I. ^ Sukeroku was a hero i n the same t r a d i t i o n as Soga Goro. Sukeroku, however, was of the new order (sewa) while Soga Goro was of the old order ( j i d a i ) . Sukeroku was a pure Edo f i g u r e — i n essence, a contemporary manifesta-t i o n of Soga Goro. The forces he represented resistance against included not only the p o l i t i c a l forces of the Toku-gawa period, but also e v i l "forces" such as f i r e , earth-quake, business u n c e r t a i n t y — a l l of them contemporary problems. L i f e i n the Tokugawa period was uncertain. Earth-46 quake and f i r e were constantly threatening and frequent-l y destructive, and business, which was just developing on a f u l l scale i n Edo was often r i s k y . Just as t h e i r forefathers did, the people of the Tokugawa period turned to t h e i r heroes, t h e i r gods, to protect them against the uncertainties and to give them the power and strength 47 that they themselves did not otherwise have. What are the elements that are evidence of the s p i r i t of resistance of Sukeroku as otokodate? They may he divided into three categories: ( l ) action, (2) costume and make-up, and (3) speech. Sukeroku's actions are those of the aragoto hero, but they are actions appro-priate to a hero of the modern c i t y of Edo--not to a warrior from a previous age l i k e Soga Goro. Sukeroku's posture i s always assertive, yet elegant. His dance entrance on the hanamichi, which i s a series of assertive poses done with the assistance of his snake's eye um-b r e l l a , i s a good example of t h i s . In the course of the play, Sukeroku engages i n a number of f i g h t scenes with Ikyu and his men, and always emerges calmly as the winner. Sukeroku's costume and make-up are also those of an aggressive hero. Most outstanding are the kenka no  hachimaki ("fight headband") and the kumadori make-up. Not only does the headband i d e n t i f y i t s wearer as an ara-goto hero, but i t s purple color also s i g n i f i e s "abiding 48 t i e s " --the t i e s of love (toward Agemaki) and the t i e s 129 of duty to his family and to the revenge. Sukeroku's mu-kimi style of kumadori, which i s the p r i n c i p a l v i s u a l feature of the aragoto hero, i s espe c i a l l y noteworthy — 49 since i t i s the same as that of Soga Goro. Thus, the make-up makes clear the association between the two characters. F i n a l l y , Sukeroku's speech provides the f i n e s t ex-amples of his s p i r i t of resistance. The s t y l e of speech i s c a l l e d akutai, and i s characterized by barrages of i n s u l t s delivered i n a r a p i d - f i r e manner. The best i n -stance i s Sukeroku's introduction of himself, quoted e a r l i e r i n the summary of the play. Other instances are when Sukeroku says: reason with a wise man, but kick a mule i n the ass. I deflate the pompous braggard with a touch of my clog.51 52 Blockhead! Beanpaste brain! Outhouse a s s ! J There are even times when Sukeroku w i l l use meaningless s y l l a b l e s just because they sound menacing. "Yattoko, totcha" i s a good example. y In a l l , Sukeroku's actions, costume, make-up, and speech established him as the ultimate Edokko--that special class of Edo townsman, born and bred i n Edo, and, most im-portant of a l l , characterized by i k i and h a r i — t h e s p i r i t 54 of resistance. Scholars do not seem to be able to say enough about Sukeroku and the idea of resistance. T o i t a Yasuji sums i t up by simply l a b e l i n g Sukeroku "the champion of the Edokko."-^ Sukeroku as Fudasashi s A Change i n the View of Sukeroku as Otokodate As the career of Danjuro II matured and as the posi-t i o n of the townsman i n Edo became more stable and secure, the image of Sukeroku as otokodate was modified to one of Sukeroku as fudasashi. This was not so much a break with past practice as i t was a refinement of i t . Sukeroku as otokodate had been a hero of resistance; Sukeroku as fuda-sashi was s t i l l a hero of resistance, but one who had reached the pinnacle 6f success. By the mid-eighteenth century, the economic success of the townsmen of Edo had enabled them to establish themselves as the c u l t u r a l leaders of t h e i r age. The samurai may have occupied f i r s t place i n the o f f i c i a l hierarchy, but the wealthy merchants, and especially the fudasashi, had the r e a l power and i n f l u -ence i n "popular" society. Proof of t h i s modified view of Sukeroku i s that at the time of Danjuro II's t h i r d Sukeroku, Sukeroku was modeled on Oguchiya Gyou, a leading Edo fudasashi, one of the so-called daihachi daitsu--the eight great townsman-merchant Edokko. Moreover, by t h i s time Kato Bushi musicians, who were fudasashi by occupation, were providing the accompaniment f o r Sukeroku !s impor-57 tant dance entrance. In kabuki, where there i s usu-a l l y no place f o r non-professional performers, the presence of the amateur Kato Bushi was evidence of the close association between Sukeroku and the fudasashi. Since the fudasashi were major patrons of kabuki, Suke-roku as fudasashi may be viewed not only as a statement of townsman success, but also as-the theatre's way of thanking these townsmen fo r t h e i r patronage and support. This can be seen i n the s e l e c t i o n of Oguchiya Gyou as the model for Danjuro II's t h i r d Sukeroku. Other evidence i s a drawing by Utagawa Toyokuni i n E-hon shibai nenju-kagami showing the actors who played the roles of Sukeroku and Agemaki, accompanied by the teahouse managers whose business de-pended on the theatres, making formal rounds of greetings to t h e i r patrons. In sum, Sukeroku as fudasashi was an exaltation of the townsmen of the kabuki audience. Edo kabuki was a mirror of the success that the Edo townsmen had achieved and Danjuro's portrayal of Sukeroku was the image they saw i n that mirror. In works such as Edo murasaki h i i k i no  hachimaki (1810), [Hana no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki (the t i t l e s of which are e x p l i c i t references to Danjuro and Sukeroku), and i n assorted p r i n t s , we see testimonies to Edo i t s e l f . The kabuki theatre, af t e r a l l , was where so many of the energies of Edo converged. Sukeroku as fudasashi was the f i n a l step i n the evo-l u t i o n of the Sukeroku innovation within the Soga t r a d i t i o n a l framework. Except f o r parodies i n the nineteenth century, t o t h i s view of Sukeroku has remained the same. 7' A c t o r s who p l a y e d t h e r o l e s o f S u k e r o k u and Agemaki making f o r m a l ^ o u n d s l ) f g r e e t i n g s t o t h e i r p a t r o n s . I l l u s t r a t i o n f r o m E-hon s h i h l i nenjJkaS. Conclusion By studying kabuki dramatic structure within the framework of the annual play cycle and i n terms of the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko, we have been able to ascer-t a i n the significance of Sukeroku's double i d e n t i t y . As we have seen, Soga Goro, the samurai god-hero who was presented i n t h e ' f i r s t months of the spring pro-duction, was transformed into Sukeroku, the townsman who appeared i n the l a t t e r months of the production. This change within the cycle was a movement from the realm of the .jidai-mono (works of the "old order") to the realm of the sewa-mono (works of the "new order"). The double i d e n t i t y served as a s t r u c t u r a l l i n k between the two realms. Even to appreciate what remains of kabuki today, we must understand the structure of kabuki during the Tokugawa period. It was a complex structure, based p r i -marily on a c y c l i c a l pattern. As I have shown, t h i s pattern was an outgrowth of the s i n g u l a r l y intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p i n Japanese culture between' a r t i s t i c struc-ture generally and the perception of seasonal rhythms. Even long a f t e r major urban centers had been established and people were generations removed from the actual ex-perience of growing r i c e (which had given r i s e to the prototypical c y c l e ) , novels, poems, and plays were s t i l l "being made according to a pattern of seasonal movement. At the same time, the structure accomodated a non-cyclical or l i n e a r time. This represented the accumulation of tradition--which plays an important role not only i n kabuki, but i n a l l Japanese c l a s s i c a l art forms. We have seen that the t r a d i t i o n of Soga plays was established i n the early dramatic forms of no, kowaka, and ko-joruri and that i t came to occupy a major place i n kabuki. To keep t r a d i t i o n s a l i v e , playwrights used various types of innovations, an example of which i s the joining of Sukeroku to the Soga framework. Once kabuki i s understood i n terms of the annual cycle and the p r i n c i p l e s of sekai and shuko, the meaning of "a play" i n kabuki becomes clear. "A play" such as Sukeroku was not a single work, complete unto i t s e l f , but one section of the cycle as a whole. Moreover, "a play" i n kabuki was not a f i n i s h e d product but part of a continuing process wherein every production d i f f e r e d from, but r e c a l l e d , e a r l i e r productions. Thus, i t was not u n t i l l a t e i n the history of kabuki ( s t a r t i n g around the end of the eighteenth century) that " d e f i n i t i v e " texts were preserved, which thereby removed a work from the process of change. It i s at that point that we begin to refer to kabuki as a c l a s s i c . By looking at kabuki structure from the perspective of the annual play cycle, we can see that i t was neither i l l o g i c a l nor incoherent, as some have suggested. Rather, i t was an extended, i n t r i c a t e l y hound structure b u i l t on the rhythms of the changing year. Take away that idea of cycle and the structure becomes fragmented, u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . The very l o g i c of kabuki i s p e r f e c t l y revealed i n the double i d e n t i t y of Soga Goro and Sukeroku. It was the na-ture of kabuki to s t r i k e a harmonious balance between time present and time past. When audiences saw Danjuro as Sukeroku, they saw the present i n i t s most v i t a l form, as the spring-time, as the flower of Edo. At the same time they saw Danjuro as Soga Goro, who represented the power and weight of the past. In Japanese culture, the past l i v e s on i n the present; Soga Goro was a god-hero and the l o g i c of kabuki enabled Sukeroku, the courtesan's i d o l , to appear as his contemporary manifestation. Postscript Reconstructing Kabuki For Performance To understand the significance of the Sukeroku and Soga Goro double i d e n t i t y , i t was necessary to reconstruct the An-nual play cycle of the Tokugawa period and the dramatic struc ture i t contained. As a postscript to t h i s t h e s is, I would l i k e to say a few words about the attempt by Japan's National Theatre, the Kokuritsu Gekijo, to reconstruct kabuki f o r actu presentation on stage. The National Theatre opened i n November 1966 with the aim of providing a center f o r the study and performance of t r a d i t i o n a l arts, e s p e c i a l l y kabuki and the puppet theatre of bunraku, or ningyo-joruri. As supporters of the project saw i t , the most exciting undertaking of the new theatre, and the feature that promised to make i t unique among e x i s t i n theatres, was the production of kabuki i n i t s " o r i g i n a l c l a s -— — 1 s i c a l form," as reconstructed toshi-kyogen. The f i r s t undertaking of the new theatre was the t o s h i - kyogen version of Sugawara denju tenarai kagami, which i s regarded as one of the three most popular plays i n the ka-buki repertory (along with Yoshitsune sembon-zakura,and Chu-shingura) . Because the length of time required to do the whole work was around twelve hours, and because modern audi-ences do not have the time nor the desire to spend an entire day at the theatre, i t was decided to produce only the f i r s t half one month and to do the rest the following month. After that the practice of di v i d i n g extremely long works into two parts and presenting them i n consecutive months became usual i n National Theatre productions. When Sugawara was produced i n November and December 1966, audiences were able to see sections of the play that had not been performed i n decades--such as the dai,jo, or prologue — along with sections that are done quite often, such as Kuruma-biki and Terakoya. In January 1967. when Narukami Fudo Kitayama-zakura was produced as the second work of the new theatre, the Kenuki, Narukami, and Fudo sections were given i n the same production as they had two hundred and 2 twenty-five years before. Although the practice of recon-st r u c t i n g plays became well established at the National Theatre, i t has not been accepted without c r i t i c i s m by theatregoers and actors a l i k e . A review of the opening of the very f i r s t production i s representative. The c r i t i c found that although the pro-duction was " f a i t h f u l to the o r i g i n a l " (koten n i chu.jitsu) , the "kabuki f e e l i n g " was somehow lacking. The tremendous amount of research that went into the reconstruction of plays made the production of kabuki at the National Theatre seem pedantic. Later, some commentators suggested that a solution l a y i n investing more time, money and talent into each production. This had the r e s u l t of making kabuki at the National Theatre extraordinarily l a v i s h , both s c e n i c a l l y and i n amount of h i s t o r i c a l d e t a i l , but i t s t i l l l e f t many d i s s a t i s f i e d . As Onoe Baiko, ,a top actor who has frequently played leading roles i n National Theatre productions, said about the reconstruction of kabuki •: " I f , over a long period of time, our predecessors dropped c e r t a i n plays and sec-tions of plays from the repertory, they had t h e i r reasons.""' Their reasons, of course, derived from the way- kabuki was structured during the Tokugawa period, which was not s u f f i c i e n t l y taken into account i n the new productions.. On the one hand, the National Theatre had assumed that the parts of plays which had been produced independently f o r decades, even centuries, could and, moreover, should be returned to some sort of o r i g i n a l context. And, on the other hand, i t had been thought that plays from which parts had been taken could be. e a s i l y reconstructed5 i t was only a matter of research and reworking to put things back together. But, as we have seen, kabuki structure was based on r e l a t i v e l y short, p o t e n t i a l l y independent dramatic units that could be' moved from context to context or taken out of the repertory altogether. Because of t h i s the problem of balance i n the plays was naturally the most d i f f i c u l t obstacle to overcome. Some sections had become so s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t from performance "out of context" that they r e s i s t e d being put back i n with other sections that had been long neglected.. This could have an adverse ef f e c t on "both actors and audience when i t was f e l t that parts of a play had to be gotten through just f o r the sake of the idea that everything should be done. Another assumption that was made was that the concept of reconstructing a play could be applied to a l l works i n the repertory. In practice, however, as Gunji has pointed out, t h i s concept applies f o r the most part to joruri-derived kabuki and kabuki i n a s i m i l a r s t r u c t u r a l t r a d i t i o n (mainly Kamigata kabuki), and not to Edo kabuki--that i s , kabuki — 6 i n the t r a d i t i o n of Danjuro, which includes Sukeroku. Gunji observes that, looking back over the years that the National Theatre has been i n operation, the emphasis has been on plays such as Sugawara denju tenarai kagami, Yoshitsune sembon-zakura, and Chushingura—all derived from the j o r u r i theatre. He argues that the structure of these plays appears "modern" and " l o g i c a l , " while the structure of Edo kabuki embodies features--such as double i d e n t i t i e s - -that today's society w i l l only f i n d i l l o g i c a l . Of course, Edo kabuki was not i l l o g i c a l but was based on an annual play cycle which provided the c o n t r o l l i n g context f o r each play that was produced i n the course of i t . And t h i s leaves us r i g h t at the point where the thesis began. 140 Notes Introduction x See Appendix I for a summary of kabuki source-materials of the Tokugawa period. 2 — Twenty-four examples of Edo e - i n kyogen-bon are pub-l i s h e d i n Genroku kabuki kessaku shu, ed. Takano Tatsuyuki and Kuroki Kanzo (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppan-bu), I. The lack of surviving kabuki texts i s related to the practices of the annual play cycle. ^ In Kawatake Shigetoshi, Nihon engeki zenshi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959). p- 39_k2_ the double i d e n t i t y phenomenon i s referred to as absurd (koto-mukei) and incoherent ( s h i r i - metsuretsu). k _ _ ' See Gunji Masakatsu, Kabuki no hasso (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1959), pp. 69-70. For an in t e r e s t i n g discussion of how the t r a d i t i o n of social-psychological realism has affected our view of dramatic form i n general, see the essay by Robert Brustein, "Drama i n the Age of Ei n s t e i n , " New York Times, 7 Aug. 1977, Sec. 2, pp. 1, 22. Earle Ernst, The Kabuki Theatre (1956; rpt. Honolulu: The Univ. Press of Hawaii, 1974), pp. 221-22. ^ Gunji, Kabuki no hasso; Hattori Yukio, Kabuki no kozo (Tokyo: Chuo Koron_Sha, 1970); and Atsumi Seitaro, "Soga kyo"gen no hensen to kansho," Engeki-kai, 8, No. 2 (1950), 11-19- For s p e c i f i c references, see Part One. Chapter I x Sei Shonagon, The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon, trans, and ed. Ivan Morris (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1971), P- 21. 2 _ There were references to season i n the poems of the Man'yoshu (compiled ca. 760), the e a r l i e s t anthology of Japanese poetry, but the poems were not arranged on a sea-sonal basis. See Konishi J i n ' i c h i , "Association and Pro-gression: P r i n c i p l e s of Integration i n Anthologies and Se-quences of Japanese Court Poetry, A.D. 900-1350," trans, and 141 adapt, by Robert H. Brower and E a r l Miner, Harvard Journal of A s i a t i c Studies, 21 (1958), 106. 3 Ibid. , 7 4 . 4 Ibid., 77-5 Ibid. 6 In Azuma mondo (?146?), the poet Sogi (1421-1502) says that the nun Abutsu ( ? - 1283), also a poet, emphasized the necessity of making poems correspond to the actual season of composition. Howard S. Hibbett, "The Japanese Comic Linked-Verse T r a d i t i o n , " Harvard Journal of A s i a t i c Studies, 23 (1960-61), 83, note 10. ' See Haikai and Haiku, ed. Ichikawa Sanki, .et. a l . (Tokyo: Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 195&), p. 173-Q An example of such a book i s Daigo Yoshiyasu, Kigo , j i -ten (Tokyo: Tokyodo, I968). 9 — _ Yoshida Kenko, Essays i n Idleness: The Tsurezuregusa of Kenko, trans. Donald Keene (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, i W T , PP- 18-21. 10 Ihara Saikaku, Worldly Mental Calculations: An Annota-ted Translation of Ihara Saikaku's Seken munezan'yo, trans. Ben Befu (Berkeley: Univ. of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1976), pp. 33-.34. 11 Ihara Saikaku, Five Women Who Loved Love, trans. Wm. Theodore deBary (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. T u t t l e , 1956), p. 51-1 2 Ibid., p. 128. 13 — J Togi Masataro, Gagaku: Court Music and Dance, trans. Don Kenny (New York: Walker/Weatherhill, 1971), p. 72. 14 — — Hattori, Kabuki no genzo (Tokyo: Asuka Shobo, 1974), P- 153-1 5 Information on names and s t a r t i n g dates based on Takamura Chikuri, E-hon shibai nen.ju-kagami (1803; rpt. i n Shlbai-nen.ju^gyo j i shu; Tokyof' Kokuritsu Gekijo, 1976), p. 190. 16 Because translations seem inappropriate, the kao-mise and bon productions w i l l be referred to by t h e i r Japanese names. In the Kamigata area the spring production was c a l l e d the "second production change" (ni no kawari kyogen) and the third-month production was c a l l e d the " t h i r d production change" (san no  kawari kyogen). Such designations stress the annual cycle nature of kabuki structure. 142 17 The question of why the annual cycle of kabuki began i n the eleventh month i s an open one. Although we w i l l probably never have a d e f i n i t e answer, my guess i s that i t goes back to ancient practices i n drama which were related to the r i c e -harvest cycle. According to the Heian period Engi s h i k i , f o r example, the eleventh month was the time to of f e r new r i c e to Amaterasu-o-mikami and other heavenly d e i t i e s . See Engi-Shiki s  Procedures of the Engi Era, trans. F e l i c i a G ressitt Bock (Tokyo: Sophia Univ., 1970), I, p. 97- In Japan, as elsewhere, the mythological beginnings of drama are i n offerings to the gods. 18 In Edo, from 1714 u n t i l the end of the Tokugawa period, the licensed theatres which were empowered to make one-year contracts with actors were the Nakamura-za, Ichimura-za, and Morita-za. Together they comprised Edo no sanza, "the three theatres of Edo." The practice df kao-mise began around the Manji and Kambun eras (ca. 1660-70") and las t e d u n t i l the end of the Tokugawa period. Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan, Engeki  hyakka d a i j i t e n (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 196'6) , I, p. 533-19 — — . kabuki no seimei. Hattori, Kabuki no kozo, p. 161. The importance of t h i s production i n the annual play cycle i s indicated by the fact that i t was on a kao-mise p l a y b i l l i n 1680 that Tominaga Heibei had his name inscribed as "play-wright" (kyogen-tsukuri), thus becoming the f i r s t person to be so recognized. Prior to that there had been no sp e c i a l recognition of those who had contributed to the composition of kabuki plays. In Tominaga Heibei's time i t was usual f o r kabuki actors (such as Heibei himself) to compose t h e i r own plays. As time went on, playwrighting became a f u l l - t i m e occupation f o r professionals. See Ted Takaya, "An Inquiry into the Role of the T r a d i t i o n a l Kabuki Playwright," Diss. Columbia 1969. 20 — — — -Mimasuya N i s o j i , Sakusha nen.ju-gyo.ii (1852; rpt. i n Kabuki, v o l . VI of Ninon shomin bunka shiryo shusei, Tokyo: San'ichi Shobo, 1973), P- 695. 2 1 Shokado Hajo, Shibai nenju-gyoji (1777; rpt. i n Kyogen  sakusha shiryo-shu (1): Sekai komoku, Shibai nenju-gyoji, Tokyo: Kokuritsu Gekijo, 1974), p. 94. In Edo, the head of a theatre was also the hereditary holder df the theatre license. Their names were Nakamura Kanzaburo (Nakamura-za), Ichimura Hanzaemon (Ichimura-za) x and Morita Kan'ya (Morita-za). See Hattori, Kabuki no genzo, p. 152. It appears that at times other than kao-mise and New Year's Shiki Sambaso was performed by low-ranking actors (ban-dachi). See Gunji, Kabuki, trans. John Bester (Palo Alto: Kodansha, 1969), p. 52. 143 77 - 1 An entry i n the Kadensho (ca. 1400) by Zeami (13'64-l443) says that the predecessor of Okina (or Shiki Samba) goes back to the tenth century. Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan, Engeki hyakka dai.jiten, I, p. 421. 23 J Inoura Yoshinobu, A History of Japanese Theater, I: Up to Noh and Kyogen (Tokyo: Kokusai Bunka Shinkokai, 1971), p. 17-24 See Ibid., p. 50. 2-5 Gondo Yoshikazu, No no mikata (Kyoto: Toyo Bunka Sha, 1975), PP- 53-54. The f i v e categories of no plays are gener-a l l y given as works concerning gods, warriors, women, mad persons, and concluding works. A waki play i s the f i r s t of the f i v e "steps" of no. Though kabuki waki-kyogen were d i f f e r e n t , i t i s p_robable that the concept and terminology were borrowed from no. Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan, Engeki hyakka dai.jiten, VI, p. 63. 27 ' Such pride i s a function of the fact that m Edo--unlike Kyoto and 0saka--the system of hereditary ownership of the theatres was strong. Nishiyama Matsunosuke and Takeuchi Makoto, Edo, Vol. I I , Vol. V of Edo j i d a i zushi (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 19761, p. 151. _ _ According to Shokado, Shibai nen ju-gyo,ji, p. 94, examples of waki-kyogen of the p r i n c i p a l Edo theatres are: Nakamura-za Shut en Do.ji Ichimura-za : Sh i c h i - f uku.jin Morita-za Fukujin-asobi For more on kabuki waki-kyogen, see Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon (Tokyo: Tokai Shobo, 1949), pp. 124-25, Takamura, E-hon  shibai nenju-kagami, pp. 22-7-28, and Hattori, "Waki-kyogen no k e i s e i , " i n his Kabuki s e i r i t s u no kenkyu (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1968), pp. 501-30. 2g Based on Hattori's a n a l y s i s _ i n Kabuki no kozo, pp. 193-94, and Takamura, E-hon .shibai nenju-kagami, pp. 228-29-29 _ Depending on the work, the end of the f i r s t play (the o-zume) might come after the fourth step (and thus be equivalent to a f i f t h step) or af t e r the f i f t h step (and thus be equivalent to a s i x t h step). 30 In the Kamigata area the f i r s t play was c a l l e d the "beginning" play (mae-kyogen) and the second play was ca l l e d the "end" play (kiri-kyogen). Unlike Edo kabuki structure, however, the Kamigata "beginning" and _^end" plays were unre-la t e d to each other. Gunji, Kabuki nyumon, new ed. (Tokyo: Shakai Shiso Kenkyukai Shuppan-bu, 1962), p. 139-31 — Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami ," p. 228. There was a s t r i c t hierarchy among actors and playwrights. In the case of the l a t t e r , for example, each theatre had a playwrighting "team" presided over by the head playwright (tate-sakusha). Each play was a collaborative e f f o r t between the head playwright and lower-ranking members of the team. 32 Hattori, Kabuki no kozo, p. 193» and Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, pp. 228-29. 3 3 Ibid: 34 -Takamura, E-hon shibai nen.ju-kagami, p. 229. 35 — — Previously, Danjuro I had performed Shibaraku some-times i n the f i r s t month and sometimes i n the f i f t h month of the year. Kabuki .juhachi-ban shu, ed. Gunji, Nihon koten  bungaku t a i k e i " 98 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965)1 P- 30. 3 ^ Kawatake, Kabuki-shi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1943). p. 442. 37 .— In Japanese, ningyo-joruri, or now, more commonly, bunraku. 0 0 Kabuki kyakuhon shu, ed. Urayama Masao and Matsuzaki Hitoshi, Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , 54 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1961), p.~4T 39 — 1 J ' See Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon, p. 147. Consult Chapter II for a f u l l e r treatment of th i s subject. 40 — Kabuki kyakuhon shu, p. 513' 4l K o r e - g i r i (not k i r i ) i s the proper reading. See Kabuki juhachi-ban shu, ed. Gunji, p. 133-42 Plays continued f o r about th i r t e e n hours each day. For information on time r e s t r i c t i o n s , see Hattori, Kabuki no  genzo, p. 6. It was not u n t i l the M e i j i period (at the end of the nineteenth century) that performances of kabuki were permitted at night. See Gunji, Kabuki to Yoshiwara (Tokyo: Awaji Shobo, 1956), p. 49. 43 -Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 230. 44 -Senshuraku was also used at the end of the entire play cycle, and the word became equated with the l a s t day of the cycle. See Gunji, Kabuki, trans. Bester, p. 35. 45 Hattori, Kabuki no kozo, p. 193. and Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, pp. 228-29. 1 4 5 46 This ceremony was c a l l e d shizome, which l i t e r a l l y means "opening." 47 Performed f o r three_days, from the f i r s t to the t h i r d day of the f i r s t month. Shokado, Shihai nenju-gyoji, p. 87-48 — — -For a description of Ichikawa Danjuro's shizome, see Toi t a Yasuji, Kabuki juhachi-ban (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha, 1969)1 pp. 19-20. 49 — 7 Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 189-5° The three theatres and,the Soga plays performed i n 1709 were: Morita-za, Fukubiki Soga; Ichimura-za, Meiseki Soga; Yamamura-za, Aizen Soga. Ihara Toshiro, Kabuki nempyo (Tokyo; Iwanami Shoten, 1956), I, P- 379-Tachikawa Emba, [Hana no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki (1815; rpt. Tokyo: Otori Shuppan, 1976), p. 35-52 — — J• Atsumi, "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho," 17-53 This m u l t i p l i c i t y of t i t l e s i s also related to the fact that when plays were re-written they were given new t i t l e s . Atsumi, "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho," 16. Also, see note 42 above. 55 ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, pp. 408-10. 5° Matsuzaki Hitoshi, ^Kabuki kyogen no kozo," Kokubungaku  kaishaku to kyozai no kenkyu, 20, No. 8 (June 1975)1 P- 52. 57 The f ollowmg_material i s based l a r g e l y on . the work of Atsumi i n "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho," lt)-19. ' It i s also based_on the same author's explanatory notes to the plays i n Soga kyogen gappei-shu, Vol. XIV of Nihon gikyoku zenshu (Tokyo: Shun'yodo, 1929), pp. 805-11. C" Q Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon, p. 123. 5^ Gunji, Namari to suigin (Tokyo: Nishizawa Shoten, 1975). p. 15. 60 Text of play i n Soga kyogen gappei-shu, pp. 1-140. £^ Shokado, Shibai nenju-gyoji, p. 88. £2 Takamura, E-hon shibai. nenju-kagami, p. 202. /To J The names of the f i v e major sekku are j i n j i t s u , joshi, tango, tanabata, and choyo. 146 64 As the practice of long-run spring productions was abandoned toward the end of the Tokugawa period, the idea of separate and independent t h i r d - and fifth-month productions developed. Atsumi, "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho," 17-Ibid. See also Mimasuya, Sakusha nenju-gyoji, p. 6 7 8 . £z See Mimasuya, Sakusha nen.ju-gyo.ji, p. 6 7 8 . Kokugeki yoran, ed. Engeki Hakubutsukan (Tokyo: Azusa Shobo, 1 9 3 2 ) , P- 2 2 7 . See also Gunji, Kabuki to Yoshiwara, p. 55-68 69 70 71 72 See Atsumi, "Soga kyogen no hensen to kansho," 1 6 - 1 7 . Mimasuya, Sakusha nenju-gyoji, p. 679-Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 209-Ibid., p. 2 1 0 . _ The word f o r summer recess i n Japanese i s doyo-yasumi  doyo r e f e r r i n g to the hottest period of the summer (and yasumi meaning rece,ss) . A popular place f o r actors to go was the baths ( t o j i ) i n Hakone. Hat t o r i , Kabuki no genzo, p. 18. 73 — ^ Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 212. Thanks to these road shows, people l i v i n g i n the country had the opportunity to see professional kabuki actors per-form. There i s a passage i n Fukuzawa Yukichi's Autobiography where he describes the welcome that samurai gave to t r a v e l i n g players: In the summer time . . . there would sometimes be a series of plays l a s t i n g seven days together when the t r a v e l i n g actors set up t h e i r temporary stage i n the Sumiyoshi temple-yard. Then there would a l -ways be a proclamation that the samurai of our clan should not attend the plays or even go beyond the stone wall of the temple. Though the proclama-t i o n sounded very s t r i c t , i t amounted to a mere formality. Many of- the l e s s scrupulous samurai would go to the plays with t h e i r faces wrapped i n towels, wearing only the shorter of the two swords which a l l samurai wore--thus making themselves appear l i k e common people. These disguised samurai broke over the bamboo fence of the theater, whereas the r e a l common people paid t h e i r fees. When the management t r i e d to stop the intruders, they would utter a menacing roar and go s t r i d i n g on to take the best seats. Fukuzawa Yukichi, The Autobiography of Fukuzawa Yukichi, rev. trans, by E i i c h i Kty°oka (New York: Shocken Books, I 9 6 6 ) , pp. 4-5.. Although Fukuzawa said that he did not join the "less scrupu-lous samurai" at those times, he l a t e r became a regular patron of kabuki. 7k ' During the summer about half of the members of a com-pany stayed behind i n the c i t y . Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon, p. 138. 7 c . ( J Miyamasu, Sakusha nenju-gyoji, p. 6 8 0 . Summer plays were variously known as doyo-shibai, natsu-shibai, and natsu- kyogen. 7 6 Ibid. 77 Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 214. 7 o ' Special summer plays were not written u n t i l Tsuruya Namboku IV (1755-18291 composed his ghost plays (kaidan-mono). See Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon, p. 138. In general, i t was considered undesirable f o r kabuki playwrights to adapt plays from the puppet theatre, but i n times of poor attendance at the theatre (such as i n the l a t e summer and early autumn months), t h i s type of adaptation was done. See Atsumi, Kabuki nyumon, p. 138. After the M e i j i restoration, t h i s type of play became an important part of the repertory. 79 — 7 Takamura, E-hon shibai nenju-kagami, p. 215, l i s t s several plays that were performed at t h i s time. These i n -clude Shichi-henge, a spectacular dance-drama, which, as the t i t l e suggests, requires the performer to make seven changes of costume—and character. This would have provided an ex-cellen t opportunity for an actor to display his t a l e n t s . Variations of the work have been performed often throughout the history of kabuki. gQ Yamamoto J i r o , Kikuchi Akira, and Hayashi Kyohei, Kabuki j i t e n (Tokyo: Jitsugyo no Nihon Sha, 1972), p. 206. Chapter II Early kabuki includes the periods of women's (anna), young men's (wakashu), and the f i r s t decade of mature men's (yaro) kabuki. Women's kabuki flourished during the f i r s t quarter of the seventeenth century, u n t i l women were banned from the stage i n 1629. Young men's kabuki started during the time of women's kabuki. It es p e c i a l l y f l o u r i s h e d during the adminis-t r a t i o n of the t h i r d shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu i n the mid-seven-teenth century. This period of kabuki' ended when young men were banned from the stage. Mature men's kabuki followed and continues to the present day. 2 — It was ruled that kabuki had to become monomane kyogen zukushi, which means something l i k e "a more f u l l y developed representational dramatic art form." See Kawatake_j_ Nihon engeki zenshi, p. 290• In his Kabuki-shi no kenkyu, Kawatake c a l l s the development of kabuki rebyu-shiki no buyo kara sha-,jitsu-teki na serifu-geki e ([a movement] from revue-type dance drama to r e a l i s t i c drama), p. 383-After 1652 (when young men were banned from the stage) kabuki became known as kyogen. Kyogen, of course, o r i g i n a l l y referred to the contemporary-set, often comic plays that were part of the t r a d i t i o n a l no program. C a l l i n g kabuki kyogen was symbolic of the fact that kabuki was being forced to become more acceptable i n the eyes of the a u t h o r i t i e s — a n d society at large. Today the word kyogen generally refers.to any type of play. 3 Hattori argues that even without the stimulation of governmental edicts, kabuki would have developed a more sophisticated structure as a matter of course. Hattori, "Kabuki: kozo no k e i s e i , " i n Kabuki, Vol. VIII of Nihon no  koten geino, ed. Geino-shi:'Kenkyukai (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1971). p. 45. 4 A l l evidence, unfortunately, dates from a f t e r the Genroku era. Ibid., p. 47. 5 Watsuji Tetsuro has t r i e d to reconstruct these works by basing his e f f o r t s on l a t e r adaptations. Watsuji, Nihon  geijutsu-shi'kenkyu: kabuki to a y a t s u r i - j o r u r i (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971), p. 469. ^ Hattori, "Kabuki: kozo no k e i s e i , " p. 47-7 — Gunji, Kabuki, i n Iwanami koza: Nihon bungaku-shi, Vol. VIII, Kinsei (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958), p. 28. The four-part play and fiv e - p a r t play were introduced i n l696_by_ Ichikawa Danjuro I._ Nishiyama Matsunosuke, Ichikawa Danjuro (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, i960) , p. 35. g This can be seen even today on the t r a d i t i o n a l - s t y l e kabuki bil l b o a r d s (kamban) displayed i n front of theatres. 9 Hattori, Kabuki no kozo, p. 177- . 10 See "Haikai p r i n c i p l e s i n 'Nippon E i t a i - g u r a ' " i n G.W. Sargent's introduction to Ihara Saikaku, The Japanese  Family Storehouse, trans. G.W. Sargent (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1959). PP- xxix-xxxix. 11 For example, Gosan....(1651) of Matsunaga Teitoku (1571-1653)- Hibbett, "The Japanese Comic Linked-Verse Tr a d i t i o n , " 86. 12 E a r l Miner, Japanese Linked Poetry, An Account with  Translations of Renga and Haikai Sequences (Princeton: Prince-ton Univ. Press, 1979), p. x. 13 J In "The Japanese Comic Linked-Verse T r a d i t i o n , " 81, Hibbett echoes sekai and.shuko when he speaks of the p r i n c i p l e s of "change and continuity" i n linked verse. l U f Ibid. , 78, 83-15 — — v Ichikawa-Danjuro I, f o r example, on a t r i p to Kyoto i n l 6 9 k , joined the haikai group of Shiinomoto no Saimaro, and took the name Saigyu. Nishiyama, Ichikawa Danjuro, pp. 36-37-1 6 Ibid., p. 37-17 — — — _ _ Ihara Toshiro, "Sewa-kyogen no kosatsu," i n his Danjuro no shibai (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppan-bu, 193^), pp. 308-9-18 Of course, there were laws against the representation of c e r t a i n contemporary people and events. (See below) 19 — — 7 Ihara, "Sewa-kyogen no kosatsu," pp. 308-9-20 As i n the case of jidai-mono, there were r e s t r i c t i o n s on the presentation of some types of material ( p a r t i c u l a r l y love s u i c i d e s ) , although v i o l a t i o n s of these r e s t r i c t i o n s were common. 21 Sometimes i t i s also said that jidai-mono are "non-r e a l i s t ic/romantic" and sewa-mono are " r e a l i s t i c . " S t r i c t l y speaking, however, the terms "romantic" and " r e a l i s t i c " do not have much relevance to kabuki. 22 The s o c i a l structure of Japan during the Tokugawa period was represented by a f o u r - t i e r class hierarchy. Sa-murai were at the top, followed by the commoners: farmers, artisans, and merchants. Jidai-mono, which came f i r s t on a kabuki program, were samurai-related, and sewa-mono, which came second, were commoner-related. 23 ^ The term "commoner" i n r e l a t i o n to kabuki mainly refers to the artisans and merchants who l i v e d i n the c i t i e s where kabuki was performed. Farmers, because they did not l i v e i n the c i t i e s , did not a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n kabuki (either as audience members--except i n the summer—or as characters represented i n the dramas). _Artisans and merchants made up the newly-emergent townsman (chonin) class of the Tokugawa period. 150 24 Hattori, Kabuki no kozo, p. 178. 25 — ^ Gunji, Kabuki no hasso, pp. 71-72. 2 6 Gunji, l i k e others before him, sees Japanese c u l t u r a l history as a process whereby past practice becomes id e a l i z e d and current practice i n contrast i s regarded as imperfect and corrupt. An excellent, older expression of such an attitude i s Yoshida Kenko 1s Tsurezuregusa (Essays i n Idleness) (see Chapter I ) . For Kenko, the i d e a l was the age of the Heian court. 27 — Another example i s Sambaso, which i s a modoki of Okina. Inoura, A History of Japanese Theater Is Up to Noh and Kyogen, p. 27. 28 Complete! i n 1801, the Kezairoku was transmitted i n manuscript form u n t i l 1908, when i t was published f o r the f i r s t time. There i s some uncertainty about who wrote the Kezairoku: the only clue to the author's i d e n t i t y i s the pen name-palindrome, Nyugatei Ganyu. While i t i s generally accepted that t h i s i s the signature of the minor playwright Namiki Shozo II ( ? - 1807) and that i t was he who i s re-sponsible for the work i n i t s present form, i t i s l i k e l y that the contents r e f l e c t the teachings of Namiki Shozo I (1730-73), Nagawa Kamesuke ( f l . ca. 1765-90), Namiki Gohei I (1747-1808), and other major playwrights of Shozo_II's day. The Kezairoku i s reprinted i n Kinsei geido-ron, ed. Nishiyama Matsunosuke, et. a l . , Nihon shiso t a i k e i , 6l (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1972), pp. 493-532. The passage referred to i s on pp. 511-12. 29 — Shuzui_Kenji, Kabuki-geki gikyoku kozo no kenkyu (Tokyo: Hokuryukan, 1947), p. 37. 30 — — — Shuzui, Kinsei gikyoku kenkyu (Tokyo: Chukokan, 1932) p. 33-31 — The authorship of the Sekai komoku i s uncertain, but l i k e the Kezairoku several playwrights probably contributed t o _ i t . _ It was most recently reprinted_in Kyogen sakusha s h i -ryo-shu (1): Sekai komoku, Shibai nenju-gyoji, pp. 7-84. See also section e n t i t l e d "Sekai komoku no s e i r i t s u nendai"_in the a r t i c l e "Naimaze to_sekai^ by Urayama Masao i n Geino no kagaku, Vol._V of Geino ronko II, ed. Tokyo Kokuritsu Bunkazai Kenkyujo Geinobu (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1974), pp. 103-20. 32 — Iizuka Tomoichiro, Kabuki gairon (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1928), pp. 495-97. 3 3 Iizuka, Kabuki saiken (Tokyo: D a i i c h i Shobo, 1927). 34 Urayama, "Naimaze to sekai," pp. 108-10. 35 According to Atsumi, "Seikai to tojo^jimbutsu," i n Kabuki zensho, ed. Toita Yasuji (Tokyo: Sogensha, 1956), I I , 78, the Soga sekai has the greatest number;of plays as-sociated with i t . ?6 Barbara Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a National L i t e r a t u r e , " i n Japan i n the Muromachi Age, ed. John Whitney H a l l and Toyoda Takeshi (Berkeley: Univ. of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1977). PP- 291-92. 3 7 Ibid., p. 293. 3 8 Ibid., p. 292. 39 — — — ^ y Shuzui, Kabuki-geki gikyoku kozo no kenkyu, pp. 36-37-40 Okazaki Yoshie refers to innovations as being "frag-mentary" (dampen-teki) at f i r s t and gives the Yaoya Oshichi shuko i n the Chujo Hime sekai as a p a r t i c u l a r example. Okazaki Yoshie, "Genroku kabuki no sekai kozo," i n his Nihon bungeigaku (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1935), P- 336. 41 Donald H. Shively, "Bakufu versus Kabuki," Harvard  Journal of A s i a t i c Studies, 18 (1955), 351-42 Ibid., 352. 43 On the same page c i t e d i n note 42 above, Shively mentions some of the conventions associated with name sub s t i -tution. The incident of the forty-seven masterless samurai was f i r s t dramatized as part of the Soga sekai, but i t was banned immediately. See Chushingura (The Treasury of Loyal Retainers), trans. Donald Keene (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1971), pp- 3-4. 44 Gunji, Kabuki no bigaku (Tokyo: Engeki Shuppansha, 1975), P- 74. 45 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Modes of Expression i n a H i s t o r i -c a l Context," Acta A s i a t i c a , 28(1975), 8-10. 46 This second type of innovation i s sometimes referred to i n Japanese as yatsushi, "disguising." 47 Urayama, "Naimaze to sekai," p. 107. 152 Ibid. 49 For a breakdown of Jisuke's use of sekai, see Ibid, pp. 113-14, Chapter III As Anesaki Masaharu put i t , "The soul was believed to be composed of two parts, one mild, refined, and happy, the other rough,' brutal, and raging (the mild, nigi-mitama, and the rough, ara-mitama). The former cares for i t s pos-sessor's health and prosperity, while the l a t t e r performs adventurous tasks or even malicious deeds." Anesaki, History  of Japanese Religion (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1930), p. 40. 2 — Okakura Yoshisaburo found a connection between re-venge and Japanese love of puri t y : Many of the so-called mental p e c u l i a r i t i e s of 'the"" Japanese owe t h e i r o r i g i n to the love of purity and i t s complementary hatred of d e f i l e -ment. But, pray, how could i t be otherwise, being trained, as we actually are, to look upon s l i g h t s i n f l i c t e d , either on our family honour or on the national pride, as so many defilements and wounds that would not be clean and heal up again, unless by a thorough washing through v i n -dication? You may consider the cases of ven-detta so often met with i n the public and p r i -vate l i f e of Japan, merely as a kind of morning tub which a people take with whom love of cleanliness has grown into a passion. Quoted by Ruth Benedict i n The Chrysanthemum and the Sword,  Patterns of Japanese Culture (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1946), pp. 161-62. 3 Soga plays were performed i n Kamigata kabuki by the great actor Sakata Tojuro (1647-1709). See Gunji, Namari to suigin, p. 16. Unlike Ichikawa Danjuro I, Tojuro did not have a male heir or capable pupil to continue his work, which may be one reason why_ Soga plays l o s t popularity i n the Kamigata area a f t e r Tojuro died. 4 Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a Nation-a l L i t e r a t u r e , " p. 295. Soga monogatari, ed. Ichiko T e i j i and Oshima Tatehiko Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , 88 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966), pp. 5-6._ Among the o r i g i n a l sources of the information are Shichi-.ju-ichi-ban uta-awase (dating from the early 1500's) and the no play Mochizuki, i n which a_woman becomes a bli n d s t o r y t e l l e r and tells how Ichiman Hakoo (Soga Goro) avenged his father's murder. Soga monogatari, p. 7« 7 Among the various editions, the rufu-bon i s of most interest both to students of drama and_to readers i n general. See Gunji, "Soga monogatari to Soga kyogen," Engeki-kai, 8, No. 2 (1950), 5-With the b i r t h of the publishing trade and the devel-opment of a widespread reading public i n the early seventeenth century, the Soga monogatari became a b e s t - s e l l e r i n i t s rufu-bon edi t i o n . By the Genroku period, i t had gone through at least s i x printings. The e a r l i e s t known one was i n the Kan'ei era (1624-41). Its popularity i s t e s t i f i e d to i n an anecdote which relates that even courtesans kept copies of i t i n the toko-no-ma of t h e i r rooms. Ibid. Q The r e l a t i o n s h i p between kowaka--as preserved i n mai no hon texts--and the texts of the Soga monogatari has been of interest to scholars. It has been said that kowaka are the l i n k between the shin,ji-bon and rufu-bon versions and are perhaps,_in fact, the dire c t source of the rufu-bon. _ Muroki Yataro, Katarimono (mai, sekkyo, ko-.joruri) no kenkyu (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1970), p. 163. 9 See Kobayashi Shizuo, "Soga monogatari to kusemai,_|l Koten kenkyu, 6, No. 4 (1941), 2.6-101, and Sakamoto Setcho, "Soga monogatari to yokyoku," Nogaku, 2, No. 6 (1951), 2-12, and No. 7, 2-13. 10 — — Soga monogatari, p. 10. For more information on Shosho and Tora Gozen as s t o r y t e l l e r s , see Gunji, "Soga monogatari to Soga kyogen," 5- This also suggests a possible source of the e r o t i c , "womanly" innovations i n the Soga sekai. See Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a National L i t e r -ature," p. 301. 11 — Ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, p. 3. Yoshiteru (1536-65) was' the thirteenth Ashikaga shogun. The o r i g i n a l source of the information i s the Kabuki  j i s h i ^ reprinted i n Kabuki, Vol. VI of Nihon shomin bunka  shiryo shusei, 87-133, relevant passage on pp. 93-94. The Kabuki j i s h i i s an in t e r e s t i n g though, unfortunately, not wholly r e l i a b l e work on various aspects of kabuki history and performance. It was written by Tamenaga Itcho and published i n 1762. 154 12 — — Before the time of Danjuro I, the only dramatic art forms to treat the Soga sekai i n an important way were no, kowaka, and ko-jo r u r i . 13 ^ Plays f o r which there i s no record of performance may have been used only f o r chanting purposes, according to Tanaka Makoto. Moreover,_it i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the number of Soga plays of no using only the t i t l e s of plays because some plays with d i f f e r e n t t i t l e s had the same contents. See Tanaka, "Yokypku no haikyoku," i n Nogaku zensho, ed. Nogami Toyoichiro (Tokyo: Sogensha, 1942), I I I , 337-80. 14 See James T. Araki, The Ballad Drama of' Medieval  Japan (Berkeley: Univ. of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1964), pp. 133-39- 15 — — J Tanaka, "Soga-mono yokyoku n i t s u i t e , " Hosei, 19, No. 11 (1943), 73-j i ^  Gondo, No no mikata, p. 52. 17 — ' Chobuku Soga has been translated by Laurence Bresler i n Monumenta Nipponica, 29, No. 1 (1974), 69-81. 18 Carmen Blacker, The Catalpa Bow: A Study of Shamanistic Practices i n Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975)> p. 175. 19 — — 7 See Nishiyama, Ichikawa Danjuro, pp. 17-18. 20 Yo-uchi Soga has been translated, by Laurence Kominz i n Monumenta Nipponica, 33, No. 4 (1978), 441-59. 21 Araki, The Ballad Drama of Medieval Japan, p. 80. 22 Nimaze no k i i s translated by Araki as "Potpurri of Records." The relevant passage i s on Ibid., p. 6. 23 See,_for example, Takano Tatsuyuki, Nihon engeki-shi, Vol .11, (Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1948), pp. 89-132. 24 Araki, The Ballad Drama of Medieval Japan, p. 4. 2 5 Ibid. 2 6 Ibid., p. 13. 2 7 Ibid., pp. 136-39. 2Q This scene i s the forerunner of the play Ya no ne Goro. 155 29 — Shimazu Hisamoto, "Kowaka no Soga-mono," Kokugo to koku-bungaku, 10, No. 4 (1933), 465. "Without waiting f o r Kimpira j o r u r i , without waiting f o r Danjuro I, aragoto had already begun." 30 — y The Sekai komoku l i s t s about seventy characters m the Soga sekai. 31 _ Even before Chikamatsu began working with Takemoto Gidayu, he had already influencelthe development of j o r u r i by means of a work on the_subject of the Soga brothers' re-venge. His f i r s t known j o r u r i piece i s Yotsugi Soga. Be-cause t h i s came afte r Danjuro I's Soga plays had already reached the kabuki stage, i t i s not necessary to consider Chikamatsu's Soga plays here. This i s not to deny, however, that_his treatment of the Soga sekai i s an important topic i n j o r u r i studies and i n drama studies i n general. Evidence of i t s importance i s the number of studies devoted to i t . See, f o r example, the extensive treatment of the_top_ic i n Takano Masami, Kinsei engeki no kenkyu (Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1941). 32 — Unlike kabuki, the s c r i p t s of j o r u r i were published f o r the use of the general public. 30 Takano Masami, Kinsei engeki no kenkyu, p. 36. 3 k Ibid., p. 39-35 — — — J Ko-joruri shohon shu, ed. Yokoyama Shigeru (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1964), II, 490. _ J Watsuji, Nihon geijutsu-shi kenkyu: kabuki to ayatsuri- j o r u r i , p. 528. _ _ _ The cycle i s reprinted i n Ko-joruri shohon shu and i s based mainly on editions from the Meireki era (mid-seventeenth century), although two works are based on reprints from the Genroku era. _Watsuji views t h i s cycle as an attempt at as-setting Soga j o r u r i i n the face of the growing popularity of Kimpira j o r u r i i n the seventeenth century. The cycle i s divided into seven plays so that one play may be performed on each of seven days. 37 _ See:Gunji; "Aragoto no s e i r i t s u , " i n his Kabuki: yoshiki to densho (Tokyo: Gakugei Shorin, 1969), p! 16, for a reference to Soga Goro as the aragoto hero par excel-lence . James R. Brandon, William P. Malm, and Donald H. Shively, Studies i n Kabuki: Its Acting, Music, and H i s t o r i c a l Context (Hawaii: The Univ. Press of Hawaii, 1978), p. 40. 156 39 Tachikawa, [Hana no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki, p. 15-40 — Ibid. See Suwa Haruo, Genroku kabuki no kenkyu (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1967)1 p. 363, f o r an entry s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from that i n the Nendaiki. 2j,i — . —. . . The word shitenno (the four tenno) o r i g i n a l l y re-ferred to the Buddhist d e i t i e s who guarded each of the four directions. In Japanese culture the-word came to be applied generally to any_group of four outstanding personages. Minamoto no Raiko's four tenno are perhaps the most famous shitenno. ; See Kawatake, Nihon engeki zenshi, p. kkO. 43 _•_ ^ In "Aragoto no s e i r i t s u , " p. 15. Gunji_says that Dan-juro I got a "hint" f o r aragoto from Kimpira j o r u r i . Tachikawa, l.Haria. no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki, p. 15-^5 According to Gunji, "Aragoto no s e i r i t s u , " p ._l8, t h i s was f i r s t suggested by Yanagita i n his essay "Imoto no chikara." 46 • Hori Ichiro, Folk Religion i n Japan: Continuity and Change, ed. Joseph M.'. Kitagawa and Alan L. M i l l e r (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968) , pp.. 43-44. 47 -For our purposes here, goryo and hito-garni stand f o r e s s e n t i a l l y the same concept. 48 Particularly.Gungi. Mention should also be made here of a n ^ a r t i c l e by Umehara Takeshi c a l l e d "The Genealogy of Avenging.Spirits," trans. Susanna Contini, Diogenes, no. 84 (1974), 17-30, the thesis of which i s that the concept of avenging s p i r i t s forms the basis of Japanese c i v i l i z a t i o n . It i s a general summary of the ideas of Origuchi Shinobu and his d i s c i p l e s . 49 The b e l i e f that a man could somehow become a god i s a universal phenomenon: Even i n the conscious period there was the t r a d i -t i o n that gods were men of a previous age who had died. Hesiod speaks of a golden race of men who preceded his own generation and became the "holy demons upon the earth, beneficent, averters of i l l s , guardians of mortal men." Similar references can be found up to four centuries l a t e r , as when Plato refers to heroes who after death become the demons that t e l l people what to do. Jul i a n Jaynes, The Origin of Consciousness i n the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1977) , p. 164. 51 Hon, Folk Religion i n Japan! Continuity and Change, 5 2 Ibid., p. 74. •5° Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a Nation-a l L i t e r a t u r e , " p. 306. P- 73 53 This alternative reading was suggested to me m a conversation with Gunji. The analysis that follows, however, i s mine. 54 J Speaking of renewal, i t may also be noted that a t h i r d possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of ara i s "new." Ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, p. 123. D The exception was Kokon kyodai tsuwamono Soga, which was produced i n the t h i r d month. 57 -Jl Two examples are Tsuwamono kongen Soga, produced m I697, and Dainihon tekkai sennin, produced i n 1700. Yakusha mannenreki, i n Kabuki hyobanki shusei, ed. Kabuki Hyobanki Kenkyukai (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973)1 II> 518. 59 J 7 See Chapter I, note 50. ^ Yakusha mannenreki, 518. ^ Tsuwamono kongen"Soga i s included i n Genroku kabuki  kessaku shu, pp. 55-91. Playbooks are not complete texts. Instead, they are recapitulations of plays using a narrative format, though con-ta i n i n g many l i n e s of what seems to be actual dialogue. I l -l u s t r a t i o n s , of course, are important parts of these works. For twenty pages of ;text s i n Tsuwamono kongen Soga, there are twelve pages of i l l u s t r a t i o n s showing scenes from the play. More than words, these pictures communicate the s p i r i t of ac-tu a l performance. 62 — Kuzo f i r s t appeared in_the play i n the r o l e of the mountain p r i e s t (yamabushi) Tsurikibo, who, at the end of the t h i r d part of the play, i s transformed into Fudo. Ibid., p. 56 _ An i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of the i l l u s t r a t i o n of Goro and Fudo i s i t s resemblance to honji-suijaku-type Shinto paintings, which depict a Buddhist deity and his Shinto_counterpart. I f we look at the i l l u s t r a t i o n i n t h i s way, Fudo and Goro can be interpreted as one and the same. This further strengthens the argument that has been put forward thus f a r . For discussions ) 158 of the theory of honji-suijaku and i t s application to Shinto painting, see A l i c i a Matsunaga, The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation; The H i s t o r i c a l Development, of the Hon.ji-Sui.jaku  Theory (Rutland, Vt.s Charles E. Tutt l e , 1969), and Kageyama Haruki, The Arts of Shinto, trans, and adapt, hy Christine Guth (New Yorks Weatherhill, 1973)-64 . . . Nishiyama, Ichikawa Danjuro, p. 18. 6 5 Ibid. 6 6 Ibid. Chapter IV 1 — — The Miura-ya was an ageya (Kabuki juhachi-ban shu, ed. Gunji, p. 7 8 ) , a place where courtesans entertained t h e i r guests. Courtesans did not l i v e i n ageya. 2 "Sukeroku: Flower of Edo," i n Kabuki: Five C l a s s i c  Plays, trans.. James R.. Brandon (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1975), P- 61. 3 Ibid., pp. 62-63-^ Ibid., p. 69. Ibid., pp. 71-72. Ibid., p. 75. Ibid., p. 81. 5 6 7 8 Danjuro II doubtlessly worked with one or more play-wrights, but t h e i r i d e n t i t y i s the subject of much controversy. Many suggest Tsuuchi J i h e i II (1679-1760). ° Atsumi, "Sukeroku no yurai,^_ Engei gaho, March 1925, pp. 26-54; rpt. in,[Kokuritsu Gekijo] Joen shiryo shu, No. 134 (Jan. 1977) , P.'- 33;' • 1 0 Ibid . 1 1 Ibid., p. 36. 12 See Tachikawa, [Hana no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki, p. 38, which says that there was a grave of someone by the name of Hanakawado no Sukeroku (which i s the same as Sukeroku 1s f u l l name i n the play) i n the Shintorigoe l'gyo-in (temple) i n Edo. \ 13 — ^ The three play t i t l e s given here are o-nadai. In 17^ 9 the Sukeroku section was performed under the t i t l e Suke-roku kuruwa no ie-zakura, which i s ac t u a l l y the t i t l e of the j o r u r i piece used as the accompaniment for Sukeroku's dance entrance. _ There i s some dispute about the o-nadai t i t l e of the play that was produced i n 1713- Kawatake, Nihon engeki  zenshi, p. 513» c a l l s i t Hana-yakata Aigo no waka. 14 The term Edokko i s vague and wide-ranging, and i t appears that the best way to appreciate the f l a v o r o f _ i t i s to study Sukeroku. As the M e i j i writer Sasagawa Rimpu said, "Those who do not understand Sukeroku do not_understand the s p i r i t of Edo." Quoted i n Nishiyama, Edo chonin no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1973). I I , 14. 1 5 Atsumi, "Sukeroku no yurai , " p. 37. .4 / Santo Kyoden, Sukeroku kyogen-ko, i n Kinsei kiseki-ko (1804; rpt. i n Nihon zuihitsu zenshu, Tokyo: Kokumin Tosho, 1929, XI., 125-28.) 17 — — ' Yakusha irokeizu, m Kabuki hyobanki shusei, ed. Kabuki Hyobanki Kenkyukai (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1974), V, 409. Ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, p. 435-19 1 Kawatake, Nihon engeki zenshi, p. 514. 20 For more on the connection between kabuki and the gay quarters, see Gunji, Kabuki to Yoshiwara. 21 — Ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, p. 463-22 Atsumi, "Sukeroku no yurai," pp. 38-39-2 3 Ibid. 24 — — In Ichikawa Danjuro, pp. 54-56, Nishiyama provides a chart of Danjuro II's Soga plays. 25 Atsumi, "Sukeroku no yurai , " pp. 38-39-26 — Ihara, Kabuki nempyo, I, pp. 463-64. 2 7 Ibid. 2 g Ihara., Kabuki nempyo, II , p. 186. When Takenojo did Sukeroku_in 1733. Danjuro II played Shirazake-uri Shimbei/ Soga Juro i n the same production. 160 29 30 I h a r a , K a b u k i nempyo, I I , p. 304, I b i d . , pp. 511-12. 31 Kawatake, Nihon e n g e k i z e n s h i , p. 563 32 33 N i s h i y a m a , I c h i k a w a D a n j u r o , p. 69-"Flower o f Edo" a p p l i e s t o b o t h Sukeroku and D a n j u r o . G u n j i , K a b u k i t o Y o s h i w a r a , p. 65-34 When the Sukeroku s e c t i o n o f a l o n g p l a y was i d e n t i -f i e d by a s e p a r a t e t i t l e , i t u s u a l l y c o n t a i n e d a word i n d i c a -t i n g f l o w e r . F o r example, t h e t i t l e of Sukeroku i n t h e I c h i -kawa f a m i l y ' s j u h a c h i - b a n i s Sukeroku y u k a r i no Edo-zakura. Zakura ( o r s a k u r a i n i t s u n v o i c e d form) means c h e r r y blossom. 35 The u k i y o was the w o r l d of beauty and impermanence, and t h e c h e r r y blossom was i t s symbol. C h e r r y blossoms come e v e r y s p r i n g , but almost as soon as the l o n g - a w a i t e d f l o w e r s . b e g i n t o bloom the p e t a l s drop t o t h e ground. F l o w e r (hana) i n t h e case of t h e o t o k o d a t e was p r i -m a r i l y a metaphor f o r t h e f i g h t s t h a t he engaged i n . These f i g h t s were, of c o u r s e , t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f h i s r e s i s t a n c e . I n t h e case of the f u d a s a s h i , f l o w e r does not have so o b v i o u s a meaning, but i f t h e f u d a s a s h i were t h e most s u c c e s s f u l merchant-townsmen, t h e n f l o w e r , w h i c h i s o f t e n used t o connote c o m p l e t e n e s s , i s a p p r o p r i a t e here. 37 Otokodate cannot be e x p l a i n e d w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e t o Sukeroku._ D i c t i o n a r i e s such as Maeda Isamu, Edogo d a i j i t e n (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974), p. 200, r e f e r ' t o Sukeroku i n o r d e r t o d e f i n e o t o k o d a t e • O Q O r i g u c h i S h inobu, " A k u t a i no g e i j u t s u , " i n Tomita Tetsunosuke, "Sukeroku y u k a r i no Edo-zakura: S a i k e n , " K i k a n l e x s u n o s u k e , bukeroku y u k a r i  k a b u k i , No. 1 (1969) , 142-43. 3 ^ George Sansom, A H i s t o r y of Japan, 1615-1867 ( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v . P r e s s , 1963), p. 60. 40 — — Ka b u k i nuhachi-ban shu, ed. G u n j i , p. 95-41 There was a p r o v e r b a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Sukeroku w h i c h went: A i t e kawaredo, shu kawarazu ("Though the opponent changed, t h e p r i n c i p a l was t h e same"), meaning t h a t Sukeroku was always f i g h t i n g , though w i t h d i f f e r e n t p e o p l e . I b i d . , p. 86 42 I b i d . , p. 95-43 -Chushingura (The Treasury of L o y a l R e t a i n e r s ) , pp. lOk-W. 44 _ _ Kabuki juhachi-ban shu, ed. G u n j i , p. 9 5 -45 Aragoto was i n i t s e l f an expression of r e s i s t a n c e . Tomita, "Sukeroku y u k a r i no Edo-zakura: Saiken," 133* 46 r There was, f o r example, the M e i r e k i f i r e of 1657, i n which more than h a l f of Edo was destroyed. See Sansom, A H i s t o r y of Japan, 1615-1867, pp. 61-62. 47 Nishiyama and Takeuchi, Edo, p. 32. 48 ^ "Sukeroku: Flower of Edo," p. 63- The chorus s i n g s : "A headband such as t h i s one i n times l o n g ago; Spoke through i t s purple c o l o r of a b i d i n g t i e s . " 49 — . y T o i t a , Kabuki juhachi-ban, p. 114. _ 5® T o i t a emphasizes t h a t s i n c e Sukeroku was r e a l l y Soga Goro, i t was only n a t u r a l that t h e i r s t y l e of make-up be the same. I b i d . , p. 115-51 "Sukeroku: Flower of Edo," p. 66. 5 2 I b i d . , p. 72. 5 3 I b i d . 54 ^ Edo, ed. Kasai Harunobu (Tokyo: Yomiuri Shimbun Sha, 1978), pp. 129-30. 55 T o i t a , Kabuki juhachi-ban, ' Jp. 119-56 Kawatake, Nihon engeki zenshi, p. 515-5? T o i t a , Kabuki juhachi-ban, pp. 104, 118. Tachikawa Emba, Edo murasaki h i i k i no hachimaki. Manuscript owned by Waseda U n i v e r s i t y ' s Engeki Hakubutsukan. Murasaki (purple) and hachimaki (headband_)_ r e f e r , of course, to Sukeroku's purple headband (which Danjuro wore i n the r o l e ) . Hana no Edo ("Edo the flower") i n Tachikawa, :Q.Hana no Edo]  Kabuki nendaiki means both Sukeroku and Danjuro. 59 An example i s Kurodegumi kuruwa no t a t e h i k i by Kawa-take Mokuami. 162 P o s t s c r i p t Teranaka Sakuo, "Operation and p r o j e c t s of the N a t i o n a l Theatre," i n N a t i o n a l Theatre of Japan, t r a n s . Kimura Kimi and Karashima Atsumi (Tokyo: K o k u r i t s u G e k i j o , 1970), p. 12. 2 See Kabuki: F i v e C l a s s i c P l a y s , pp. 95-97. 3 — — Akiyama Yasusaburo, "Koten n i c h u j i t s u da ga ' u s u a j i , ' " Asahi Shimbun, Yukan, 12 Nov. 1966, p. 12. 4 _ _ • _ "Toshi-kyogen n i g e n k a i - s e t s u , " Asahi Shimbun, Yukan, 26 Nov. 1970, p. 9. 5 I b i d . G u n j i , Namari to s u i g i n , p. 95. 163 Select Bibliography Akiba Y o s h i m i ^ v ^ ^ R . "Keihan no Sukeroku kogyo nempyo" t }H *)&)f^ 'rt . Engei gekkan •£ fl *1 Feb. 1930, pp. 1-7-Akiyama Yasusaburo fc& <U \% =- &} . 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Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, I 9 6 3 . Santo Kyoden & <* ^  L Sukeroku kyogen-ko". 0rt$lt3iJ% ,r /: In K i n s e i k i s e k i - k o HL 1£ £ f c f r y f / ~^ 1804; r p t . i n i u - 0 Nihon z u i h i t s u zenshu 0 Tokyo: Kokumin: Tosho, 1929, XI, 125-28. Se i Shonagon. The P i l l o w Book of S e i Shonagon. Trans, and ed. Ivan M o r r i s . Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1971. Sekai komoku.jg; % £g| # ;• ; :•; ; Rpt-.\ i n Kyogen sakusha shiryo-shu" (1) :  Sekai komoku, S h i b a i nenju-gyo j i jfc•£ jftg. (-)1 c J f i &g) @ "St&^Ft^Tj • Tokyo: K o k u r i t s u G e k i j o , 1974, pp. 7-84. Shimazu Hisamoto %>*i%^'£. . "Kowaka no Soga-mono" ^  % . Kokugo to kokubungaku g) |* t 10, No. 4 (1933), 111-22. S h i v e l y , Donald H. "Bakufu versus Kabuki." Harvard J o u r n a l  of A s i a t i c S t u d ies , 18 (1955), 326-56. Shokado Hajo . S h i b a i n e n j u - g y o j i X^^Hlf 1777; r p t . i n Kyogen sakusha shiryo-shu (1): Sekai komoku, S h i b a i n e n j u - g y o j i , pp. 85-96. 170 Shuzui K e n j i -j" ymj%, . KabUki-geki gikyoku kozo no kenkyu • Tokyo: Hoku-ryukan, 194-7. " K i n s e i engeki g a i s e t Kokugo t o kokubungaku ig ii t (|3 ± °£ , No. 4l4, (Oct. 1958), pp. 1-15. K i n s e i gikyoku kenkyu i f i i*t JL dft -5ft ^ Tokyo: Chukokan, 1932. and Akiba Yoshimi Kabuki zusetsu Ift^^SJtfcj • Tokyo: Chubunkan Shoten, 1932-33-Soga kyogen gappei-shu Ed. Atsumi S e i t a r o . V o l ^ XIV of Nihon gikyoku zenshu fcM. ffil^ % Tokyo: Shun'yodo, 1929-Soga monogatari t ^ i l . Ed. I c h i k o T e i j i ^ & # and Dshima Ta t e h i k o ;£.jvj^ ,jf - Nihon koten bun-gaku t a i k e i , 88. Tokyo: Iwanami ShoterTj 1966. "Sukeroku: Flower of Edo." In Kabuki: F i v e C l a s s i c P l a y s , pp. 49-92. Sukeroku kenkyu s h i r y o $j\ j\toJ\ijL'£ ffi . Tokyo: Zenshin-za, 1958. Suwa Haruo Genroku kabuki no kenkyu fh^ftoZJH^ • Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1967. Suzuki E i s u k e ^ > . "Wakashu kabuki no monomane kyogen" £ % *> *0 $fi t . I n E n g e k i - s h i ken-kyu v $ *'J & £ l f * . • Ed. Tokyo T e i d a i E n g e k i -s h i Gakkai i f j f ' l l t ^ f c . Tokyo: D a i i c h i Shobo, 1932. I I , 124-30. Tachikawa Emba i l '') J^3) . Edo murasaki h i i k i no h a c h i -maki \1f fr^S* IM*** ) . 1810. Manuscript owned by Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan. . [Hana no Edo] Kabuki n e n d a i k i ( f t & j f l J%A%4$^4t'& 1815; r p t . Tokyo: O t o r i Shuppan, 1976. Takamura C h i k u r i % E-hon s h i b a i nenju-ka-gami & . 1803; r p t . i n S h i b a i nenju-gyo ,i i shu •£ /g 5f t # »• , Tokyo: K o k u r i t s u Geki j o , 1976, pp. 185-241. Takano Masami lh L. . K i n s e i engeki no kenkyu ^ iJH O • Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1941 T akano T a t s uyuki_fr_!K & . Nihon e n g e k i - s h i 0 %• \% fe\ &. Tokyo: Tokyodo, 1948. V o l . I I . l*n "i? 7 Takaoka Nobuyuki. tfl lw S A , . "Soga no tai m e n zakkan" • E n g e k i - k a i , 1 6 , No. 1 (19 58), 29-32. Takaya; Ted. "An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e R o l e of the T r a d i t i o n a l K a b u k i P l a y w r i g h t . " D i s s . Columbia I969. Tamenaga I t c h o & — ££• . K a b u k i . j i s h i Jfc-gj4£ ^ *¥o . 1762; r p t . i n K a b u k i , V o l . VI o f Nihon shomin bunka s h i r y o  s h u s e i , pp. 87-133. Tanaka Makotc> ® xt /u» . "Soga-mono yokyoku n i t s u i t e " . $-ft^Sf. © l-~>W • . H o s e i , 19, No. 11 (1943), 69-73. - -. . "Yokyoku no h a i k y o k u " i t n - f i t ^ . j_ I n No-gaku z ens ho ,. $1'% '• Ed. Nogami T o y o i c h i r o f f ± W-*£$ Tokyo: Sogensha, 1942, I I I , 33 .7-80. ? Teranaka Sakuo. " O p e r a t i o n and p r o j e c t s o f t h e N a t i o n a l T h e a t r e . " I n N a t i o n a l T h e a t r e o f Japan. T r a n s . Kimura K i m i and Karashima A t s u m i . Tokyo: K o k u r i t s u G e k i j o , 1970. T o g i Masataro.. Gagaku: Court Music and Dance. T r a n s . Don Kenny. New York: W a l k e r / W e a t h e r h i l l , 1971. T o i t a Y a s u j i . K a b u k i j u h a c h i - b a n Iff '&ki? • Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha, 1969-. "Soga__kyogen" . I n h i s K a b u k i d a i j e s u t o jffi 'ah\ Th Vx-* . Tokyo: K u r a s h i no Techo Sha, 1934, pp. 109-24. "Toshi-kyogen n i g e n k a i - s e t s u " l l L t 3i I I- . A s a h i Shim bun, Yukan, 26 Nov. 1970, p. 9. Umehara T a k e s h i . "The Genealogy of Avenging S p i r i t s . " T r a n s . Susanna C o n t i n i . D iogenes, No. 84 (1974), 17-30. Urayama Masao ihjPSC^ "Naimaze t o s e k a i " tptfc I n Geino no kagaku 1£ %TL <n jf\ % . V o l V o f Geino ronko •g!fflL*'S# , , I I . Ed. Tokyo K o k u r i t s u B u n k a z a i Kenkyujo Gein<5bu % f^iL^f^mff^ • Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1974, pp. 103-20. Waseda Daigaku E n g e k i Hakubutsukan ^  ffl^^-V^ /*) "t<f"^ % E n g e k i 1 hyakka d a i j i t en . 6 v o l s . Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1966. 172 Watsuji Tetsuro Nihon g e i . j u t s u - s h i kenkyu: Kabuki to a y a t s u r i - . j o r u r i 0 * - £ s£ ( ^ ^ ^ i 1 $ ) Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971. Yakusha i r o k e i z u In Kabuki hyobanki s h u s e i 3*k% 4fctf ¥'1 tZ. • E d - Kabuki Hyobanki Kenkyukai 3z?I«ts¥*l,fc£$fl'fc& • Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1974. V, 353-465-Yakusha mannenreki ^£ * * * * In Kabuki hyobanki  s h u s e i . I I , 471-592. Yamaguchi Go ^ ^ j^J'}_ . , "Sukeroku no s e i r i t s u to sono henkei" && K *) I "in % . Kabuki kenkyu j f t ft £fl 1% , Part i i No. 7 (1926), pp. 146-59; Part I I : No. 8 (1926), pp. 222-40. Yamamoto J i r o Jj_^ - , K i k u c h i A k i r a "$9 I t $0. , and Hayashi Kyohei_;fc# %^ . Kabuki ,j i t en ffi ^ | ffi Tokyo: J i t s u g y o no Nihon Sha, 1972. Yoshida Kenko. Essays i n I d l e n e s s : The Tsurezuregusa of Kenko. Trans..Donald Keene. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1967. Yoshida T e r u j i £ ffl & — . "Gashu Sukeroku" & f\ Kikan kabuki bessatsu, No. 1 (Sept. 1969), 188-95. Appendix I Kabuki Source Materials of the Tokugawa Period For the puposes of my study, the most important types of kabuki source materials of the Tokugawa period were c r i -tiques of actors and performances (hyobanki), chronologies (nendaikiy.and nempyo) , p l a y b i l l s (banzuke) , and writings on t h e a t r i c a l matters (gekisho). Critiques of kabuki actors and performances i n the c i t i e s - o f Edo, Kyoto, and Osaka were published annually from the middle of the seventeenth century to the end of the Tokugawa period. Although they focus on acting tech-nique rather than on the dramatic content of the plays, they were useful (e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of Danjuro II's Sukeroku) for f i n d i n g information 1 onrthe;..productions. Chronologies are invaluable year-by-year l i s t i n g s of what was produced i n each major theatre throughout the Tokugawa period. The most useful ones where Tachikawa Emba [Hana no Edo] Kabuki nendaiki, which, i n addition to i t s annual l i s t i n g s , also contains useful i l l u s t r a t i o n s and occasional comments on plays and players, and Ihara Toshiro Kabuki nempyo, which was compiled from material contained i n works dating from the Tokugawa period. P l a y b i l l s either advertised plays i n advance of t h e i r opening or were handed out at theatres, teahouses, and book shops at the time of performance. Their function was the same as that of posters, handbills, and theatre programs today. Because texts are not available f o r many plays of the Tokugawa period, c e r t a i n p l a y b i l l s ( e s p e c i a l l y those of the e-hon, or "picture book," variety, which contain sum-maries of plays) were helpful i n assessing the contents and dramatic form of plays. Many p l a y b i l l s have been repro-duced by Shuzui Kenji i n Kabuki zusetsu. Writings on t h e a t r i c a l matters cover a variety of topics and range i n style from h i s t o r i c a l to t h e o r e t i c a l . The most useful ones f o r my purposes were the Kezairoku, the Sekai komoku, and the works on the annual play cycle. I also used a number of items included i n the s i x t h volume (Kabuki) of Nihon shomin bunka shiryo shusei, which i s a c o l l e c t i o n of reprints of writings on t h e a t r i c a l matters. In l i s t i n g the kabuki source materials of the Tokugawa period which I employed, I cannot omit to mention p r i n t s , several of which are reproduced i n the thesis. Some are the work of prominent a r t i s t s , who made them either to i l l u s t r a t e writings of the sort that are mentioned above, or made them as independent works of art. Kabuki p r i n t s , which s t i l l remain to be systematically studied, are an important part of the c u l t u r a l heritage of Tokugawa Japan. 175 Appendix II L i s t of Japanese Terms, Names, and T i t l e s The l i s t excludes authors and t i t l e s already i n the bibliography. Abura-uri Shimbei $ ^ Jfr & Iff Agemaki ageya \% If Aigo ^ t l Aizen Soga & v.> €'A. 1 akutai *<>, aragoto ^ aragyo 7ru 11 ara-hito-garni 7 r u ^  ?t Araki Saemon %„ # £ 'iff PI Araki Yojibei-za "fu £ £ ivC & 'l$f/fe. ara-mitama 1j£P A/L Asagao Sembei f ^ ^ U f Asahina ft i t $ Asano ?f ato o dasu $ L £ ;£ t Azuma kagami ^ ^ $50 bandachi ^ IL. banzuke % fa It Benkei ^ bon inz^  Chikamatsu Monzaemon i£ f£ ^1|f W Chobuku Soga "1^ 1 2fy chonin A Chujo Hime vt ^ flL Chujo Hime kyo-hina f >||' %%i_ Chushingura % D a i d o j i Tahatanosuke Aj£ 3f S? X® d a i h a c h i d a i t s u X ) V T^ifl, d a i jo D ainihon t e k k a i sennin % Q ^ % ^ > L . dampen-teki doyo i - ^ doyo-yasumi Dozaburo (5! ^ Edo Handayu Bushi It f 3f 7\7\^ Edo murasaki kongen Soga It it % Edo no sanza It f <n 3-fii_ e - i r i kyogen-bon JsSi X ^ % En'ya Hangan 12 la t f u d a s a s h i ^ ^_ Fudo Myoo ^ ^ 8ft £ . Fujimoto Tobun ^ -^ j- ^ F u k u b i k i Soga ^ | ?| ^ 4C Fukui Yagozaemon ^ | ft^JL^^j Fuku.jin-asobi ^ futa-tateme — jl_ % gekisho % gembuku 7u Mil Gembuku Soga 7C, #l£ ¥ Gempeigun %• Gempuku Soga (see Gembuku Soga) Gi k e i k i % j& H goryo 'jgf Gosan goze % Hanafusa bunshin Soga ^ 73 ^ # Hanakawado no Sukeroku -ft-hanare-kyogen Hana-yakata Aigo no waka "^t, ^  ^ tit Hana-yakata Aigo-zakura ^ |1 Hanshichi har i 36- ^ haru kyogen ^ jl£ t hatamoto-yakko hatsu-haru kyogen Hatsumotoyui kayoi Soga ty) "t| ^ hatsu-uma ^ / ; f Heike monogatari ^f" 'lc % t# hentai kambun fa X Hinin no kataki-uchi H i r a i Yasumasa ^ Q Hisamatsu ' ^  ^ hito-garni ^ f f honji-suijaku fe^ii^. hyobanki ^ %*\ %l ichi-bamme kyogen — % B it f i c h i d a i i s s e i — 4V — Ichikawa Danjuro ^ n\ 3) "T~ ffi Ichikawa Kuzo ^ M A. jt£ Ichiman Hakoo ~ %a ~£~ Ichimura Hanzaemon ^ /ft tf\ If J PI Ichimura Takenojo $ %^^Z,jk_ Ichimura-za ^ /ft £ . ichiya-zuke ~~ %K it Iga Heinai Zaemon if f? 1*1 ^ i k i 5ft Ikyu /v (Hige no Ikyu ft ^ & A Imagawa shinobi-guruma ^ I' I A?. tA" ^ ima no Sukeroku ^ <n £fl 7\ Inoue Harima-no-Jo $ ±1 ^ /|f Itchu Bushi ^ <t j$ itsu-tateme 3L i. 8 Izumi Tayu £fl & ^ 7v Izu n i k k i \f f. 9 I L j i d a i 03 ft' jidai-mono % j o - b i r a k i ft}, t J o r u r i Gozen # I§ I * 1£? Joun # f Juban-giri "f % f^f 179 juhachi-ban ~Y / v % Kabuki j i s h i % \\ # i% kabuki no seimei $X % ^% ^ Kachidoki homare Soga 1# \%\ % % ft Kagami-yama ^0 f| { l lU Kagekiyo |; kai dan-mono ^ kakikae ^ ^ i_ Kamachi Hyogo-no-kami Akimune * t £ i l l i | t Kamakura Gongoro kamban Kampera Mombei 4 PI £ Iff kao-mise Jf|l ^ u kao-mise sekai sadame $S !?L Ht t£ ?f katashiro ^ ft Kato Bushi V*i ^  IS Kawatake Mokuami V*i ?*j & Kawazu no Saburo Sukeshige \*\ $ - & Keisei Kisegawa tt V 1 "t- «• 1 * -t l» \ kenka no hachimaki ®t 0- tyf^ Kenuki \> \fy kigo jfp | f Kikeba mukashi Soga monogatari i¥ ^ 4 ft % Kimpira j o r u r i (i)'A f i f £Q kiri-kyogen <1\ \i- \ ko-joruri % \% Kokon kyodai tsuwamono Soga ^ ?u % a ft Kokuritsu Geki jo lS jl ^ ko-nadai >\- %* Kondo Sukegoro Kiyoharu ft W £ ftf $ 4-ko-shogatsu i t ft Ko-sode Soga '1- H f ^ koten n i chujitsu £ $ II koto-mukei ^ J § ^ kowaka "7" ^7 Kudo Suketsune X |$. ^ fi ^ Kugami no Zenji ^ _L ^ ^ kumadori j^ f<_ ^  '1 Kumasaka monogatari ^ g% Kurodegumi kuruwa no t a t e h i k i S ^ $ ^ ^ 1^ Kuruma-biki Kusazuri-biki % Q kyogen . ^ kyogen o tateru fe £ t i - n kyogen-tsukuri Kyo Sukeroku shinju % Bfi 7^ / u > machi-yakko mae-kyogen a mai no hon mai-osame ^ ^(^I maki-bure ^ ^ Manko \% >I-Matsunaga Teitoku ^ /^ ^ matsuru ^ 5 181 Meiseki Soga ^ To t A£ mie /u 13 Minamoto no Raiko ^ ^ Minamoto no Yoritomo v mi-taterne it 9 Miura no Katakai £• ° # ft Miyako Dennai ^ j 5 ^  ft Miyako Itchu #f — % Miyamasu a -fcfl a Mochizuki 21 ™ modoki "i £' * mono-mane kyogen-zukushi & 'tH Morita Kan'ya ## © ifl Morita-za jjsfc ® /4 Moronao Mot omasa mukimi t" - ?f mu-tateme l\ JL ^ Nagawa Karnesuke % \*\ naimaze "t Nakamura Kanzaburo Nakamura-za Namiki Gohei 5jL ^ 3L Tf^ Namiki Shozo %_ jf j£ Narita-ya ^£ if. if Narukami Fudo Kitayama-zakura ^ ? f f |# ;|t LU ffi nembutsu nempyo % nendaiki % il nenju-gyoji ^ " r M f ^ Nenriki yatate no sugi ^ ^ i ni-bamme kyogen — %. fi I ni-ban tsuzuki-kyogen -^ % iff. %. nigi-mitama "^0 £^p ^ Nimaze no k i 7NIL ^  St. n i no kawari kyogen ') 3 l j nuregoto ;fj ^ Nyugatei Ganyu Oe A >1 Oeyama o - g i r i Oguchiya Gyou ^ 0 yf. 0& o-ie kyogen ^ ^ \ Oiso no Tora ^ «oy^ Okina Okina-tsuki go-ban-date 7\h £ |j Okina watshi y/t L Okumura Masanobu ^ fcf j££ i a Okuni fc- if) omo-tadashii-mono ^ • t j L L ^ ^ t o o-nadai % ?a o-nagori ^ »| Onio Shinzaemon %, £ Jff 7i 'if I onna kabuki Onoe Baiko ^ J l ^  ^ 183 Onoe Kikugoro /t, ^ ^ L  O-Soga F u j i k a r i ^ f 1 tf$ Osome f>- JjfL otokodate % jjj^  Otoko-moji Soga monogatari ^ jc 3" W ^ ^ o-zume &n rufu-bon ^ u ^ ^ baigyu Sakata no Kintoki ill ifl ( £ ) fit Sakata To juro fl* # fljji. ft? Sakurada Jisuke Sakurai Tamba no Shojo Taira no Masanobu samban tsuzuki-kyogen — g? 3i- a Sambaso — §j j£ Sankatsu san no kawari kyogen — ^ »3 '1 3±- 5 Santo Kyoden Sasagawa Rimpu ''I ^ « lU satsuki 5L £) (4 fl) Satsuma Dayu 7^ sekai A-'T / - i sekku g^-p 9 j j i n j i t s u joshi _L_ tango jTi^ tanabata choyo i f * 184 Semi no nukegara J^p <o H" V h Sendai-hagi %, \\> ^ j c Sennichi-dera shin.ju 4" £ ^ Senshuraku Senzai T /^ L sewa t sewa-ba £ i § sewa-mono ^ shibai nenju-gyoji Shibaraku ^ g7 Shichi-fuku.iin -t f § f t Shichi-henge -L £ Shichi-.ju-ichi-ban shokunin uta-awase -t + — § Ijf £ A Shiinomoto no Saimaro % ^ S h i k i r e i yawaragi Soga Shiki Sambaso" A." 4 Shimbei | f f £ #7 shinji-bon Shinshoji Jff f#.f Shintorigoe Igyo-in f<C\ % % 17 f t Shiratama f3 3v Shirazake-uri Shimbei 6 ^ 'TL iff & 4f T shiri-metsurets u I It # t shite hi i Shitenno <27 % £ Shitenno osanadachi ® ?v £ i l shizome shohon j h shomin J»» & shosagoto shuko Shusse Kagekiyo & • £ | r ^ Shut en Do.ji JjSj £ J ^ Soga mat sur i % % Soga monogatari %i i% Soga no Goro Tokimune ^ 4 £ :£ 0^ Soga no Juro Sukenari ^ -fa -f t} \t? Sugawara den.ju tenarai kagami ^ if- ^ -^ ^  ' f ^ Sugawara no Michizane ^ / f - I ^ , ^ Sugiyama Shichirozaemon ^ ^ -t, itf 7t p6] Sukeroku jW f\ Sukeroku kuruwa no ie-zakura r> /ff ^ ^ Sukeroku yukari no Edo-zakura ^" ^ ' ^ tachi-mawari JL £]HJ, ') Tadanohu Tadanobu mi-gawari monogatari j£. k% ^ Taimen 00 Takasago \5) /fa'jf Takemoto Gidayu Y] fa ^ jkK Takenuki^Soga TT f/fc f # Takizawa Bakin ^ >X •§ tate i 7 tate-sakusha tf* % Tate-su.ji yoko-suji no koto % ffi Terako-ya If \ fe t o j i ?§• -A Tokugawa I emit su J«\ "fe 7L. Tominaga Heibei *J f)c £ <)f7 Tomokirimaru jk t7) fl Tora Gozen £ 4^ ft Tora no Shosho o ,J,-toshi-kyogen J J L I a Tsurikibo Tsurugi sandan '^1 t^f" t'k Tsuruya Namboku t | 1 rfi -It Tsuuchi J i h e i $ tf la £ Iff Tsuwammno kongen Soga f u tsuzuki-kyogen U j i Kaga-no-Jo ^ 1! & ukiyo i t Ume no Yoshibei $ih " ^ Urabe no Suetake ^ % $C Usui no Sadamitsu Utagawa Toy okuni "1 % Ifl Wada sakamori )J] ^ Wada Yoshimori £,j ffl j | ^ wagoto ^qa ^ wakashu kabuki ^ if ,y * waki-kyogen Watanabe no Tsuna vJ* ^ ^ yado-sagari V§ ^ ') yamabushi LU Yamamura-za uU Yanagita Kunio ftfl & ID $ Ya no ne Goro £ o £ ft? Yaoya Oshichi j \ § ^ fc. -fc yaro kabuki • ^ ^ ft? ^  -3" * yatsushi I yayoi Yorozuya Sukeroku shinju /f. &j) f\ >e. Yoshihide ^ ^ Yoshitsune ^1. Yoshitsune sembon-zakura ^ yo-tateme @ t § Yo-tsugi Soga "t£ fclfc ^  # Yo-uchi Soga H $ % Yunzei yome-iri Soga ^ ^ ^ ¥ ^ Yuranosuke za-gashira /ijL ;£i& zatsu-kyogen £lt jfl. t Zenchiku J|- YT Zenji Soga ^ # 

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