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He Cheng and his Illustrations to the Homecoming ode Hall, Hugh Dickson 1980

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CHENG AND HIS ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE \ :  © by HUGH DICKSON HALL B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS / i i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( Department of Fine Arts ) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SEPTEMBER 19 80 (c) Hugh Dickson H a l l , 1980 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of Brit ish Columbia 2 0 7 5 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V 6 T 1 W S ABSTRACT: He Cheng and his I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode are newly rediscovered additions to the short l i s t of painters and paintings of the Yuan dynasty court from the beginning of the fourteenth century. A r t i s t s and paintings from t h i s category have received l i t t l e attention from t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese connoisseurs or modern art hi s t o r i a n s . This oversight has led to an overly s i m p l i f i e d view of the period as one i n which the scholar-amateur painter innovatively created a new d i r e c t i o n for Chinese painting while court and professional a r t i s t s continued to paint conservative imitations of past s t y l e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those of the Southern Song. He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode reveals a more complicated s i t u a t i o n i n which court and professional a r t i s t s partook of and contributed to th i s new d i r e c t i o n , sharing many ideas and techniques. Chapter one of t h i s essay i s an examination of the biographical sources concerning He Cheng's l i f e . This information, i n some cases contradictory, has been assessed and a date given for the a r t i s t ' s b i r t h , period of known a c t i v i t y and death. The t i t l e s and dates of assignment of He Cheng's various o f f i c i a l positions are also noted. Information concerning He Cheng's painting of figures, horses and a r c h i t e c t u r a l studies i s presented with assessments by his contemporaries and l a t e r connoisseurs of his a r t i s t i c achievements. These are recorded to understand reasons for his popularity while a l i v e and subsequent decline into anonymity. Chapter two i s a discussion of the painting I l l u s t r a t i o n s I l l to the Homecoming Ode. This section consists of an examination of the painting's relationship to the poem by Tao Qian, compositional and s t y l i s t i c analysis and a discussion of the painting's r e l a t i o n -ship to various other paintings based on the same l i t e r a r y theme. He Cheng's painting i s judged to be p i c t o r i a l l y , s t y l i s t i c a l l y and emotionally related to the Northern Song l i t e r a t i painter and muse of the Yuan dynasty scholar-amateur, L i Gonglin, and his t r a d i t i o n . The t h i r d chapter i s an examination of l i t e r a r y evidence for pre-Yuan dynasty paintings based on the Homecoming Ode. This evidence indicates that L i Gonglin was an important figure who contributed to the popularity of t h i s theme and confirms that He Cheng, i n his I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode, was following the t r a d i t i o n of L i Gonglin. Chapter four i s a discussion of two further works attributed to He Cheng: The Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water and a painting of Samantabhadra s i t t i n g on an elephant. The t r a d i t i o n s and styles of these paintings are discussed as well as reasons for accepting or r e j e c t i n g them as paintings by He Cheng. An Appendix of three parts i s included. Part one i s a discussion of the i n s c r i p t i o n found at the end of the painting of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. Part two of the Appendix i s an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the seals of co l l e c t o r s and connoisseurs on the painting and colophon sections of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode. This part includes a discussion of the o r i g i n a l format of the handscroll and various l a t e r additions. Part three i s translations of the most important colophons from the I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode, one important colophon from the Taoist IV D i v i n i t y of Water, and a tr a n s l a t i o n of the most important l i t e r a r y source concerning He Cheng: Cheng Qufu 1s postscript to Three  Verses on the 'Jie Hua' of He Cheng. V Abstract I I Table of Contents V L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s VI Acknowledgement VIII Introduction 1. Chapter 1 - He Cheng: Yuan Dynasty Court Painter 6. Chapter 2 - I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode 25. Chapter 3 - L i t e r a r y Evidence for Pre-Yuan Dynasty Paintings of the Homecoming Ode 54. Chapter 4 - T aoist D i v i n i t y of Water and S amantabhadra 67. Conclusion 75. Notes: Introduction 76. Chapter 1 77. Chapter 2 83. Chapter 3 93. Chapter 4 99. Bibliography 102. Appendix: Part I 109. Part I I 113. Part I I I 126. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS: VI Figure 1. A to N. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. c. 1312-1315. Painted by He Cheng (c. 1222-1315). Ink on paper, 723.8 cm. by 41 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the i, J i l i n P r o v i n c i a l Museum. Figure 2. A to C. The Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water. Attributed to He Cheng. Ink on paper, 263.5 cm. by 49.9 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Figure 3. A to D. Samantabhadra S i t t i n g on an Elephant. Attributed to He Cheng. Ink on s i l k , dimensions unknown. Col l e c t i o n of L i Chu-tsing, Lawrence, Kansas. Figure 4. A to.H. Tao Yuan-ming Returning to Seclusion. Anonymous, Ming Dynasty. Ink and colour on s i l k , 518.5 cm. by 37.0 cm. Colle c t i o n of the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Figure 5. An i l l u s t r a t i o n to the Homecoming Ode of Tao Qian. Yuan dynasty or l a t e r . Ink on s i l k , dimensions unknown. Once attributed to L i u Songnian. C o l l e c t i o n of Ding Chengru. Figure 6. Home Again. Painted by Qian Xuan (c. 1235 af t e r 1300) . Ink and colour on paper, 106.7 cm. by 26 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Figure 7. An i l l u s t r a t i o n to the Homecoming Ode of Tao Qian. Attributed to Qaan Xuan.Ink and colour, dimensions unknown. Co l l e c t i o n of Guan Mianjun. VII Figure 8. Whiling Away the Summer. Painted by L i u Guandao ; (late 13th century). Ink and colour on s i l k , 71.1 cm. by 30.5 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Nelson Gallery, Kansas C i t y . Figure 9. Wind and Snow i n the F i r - P i n e s . Painted by L i Shan (act. 13th century). Ink and colour on s i l k . C o l l e c t i o n of the Freer Gallery of Art. 79.2 cm. by 29.7 cm. Figure 10. Herb Gathering at the C l i f f s of the Immortals. Attributed to L i Tang (c. 1049-1130). Ink and colour on s i l k , album l e a f . C o l l e c t i o n of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan. Figure 11. Marquis Wen-kung of Chin Recovering His State. Painted by L i Tang. Ink and colour on s i l k , 114.9 cm. by 45.2 cm. Co l l e c t i o n of the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Figure 12. The Odes of Bin. Anonymous, 13th century. Ink on paper, Co l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . , New York. Figure 13. A to J . Colophons to He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n to the  Homecoming Ode. Figure 14. Colophon to the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water. Written by Zhang Zhongshou. VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENT; I would l i k e to acknowledge the i n s p i r a t i o n and assistance of Dr. James Caswell and Dr. Moritaka Matsumoto during the w r i t i n g of th i s thesis and during the time of my studies i n the Department. I would also l i k e to acknowledge the support of the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada who, with the federal government, administer the exchange scholarship which allowed me to study i n the Peoples Republic of China for three years. Professors J i n Weinuo and Bo Songnian of the Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Arts and Xu Bangda of the Painting Research Bureau of the Palace Museum i n Peking were very generous i n giving of t h e i r time and wide experience. Xue Yongnian, formerly of the J i l i n P r o v i n c i a l Museum, and Zheng Guo, assistant curator of that i n s t i t u t i o n , were both very kind i n helping me to read the colophons on He Cheng's painting. Christine Moore organized, edited and helped with the trans-l i t e r a t i o n , a formidable task. This thesis i s dedicated to Zhong Ming, a painter l i k e He Cheng, able to transcend the aesthetic l i m i t s imposed by others. 111 INTRODUCTION: "For the Chinese people, the Yuan was an age of economic decline, physical hardship, and s p i r i t u a l anguish. I t was also, however, a period of intense c u l t u r a l c r e a t i v i t y i n several of the arts, e s p e c i a l l y drama, calligraphy, and painting. Painting, i n p a r t i c u l a r , underwent a major revolution, the most decisive i n a l l of i t s history; post-Yuan painting was never to resemble very clo s e l y , except through deliberate imitation, anything done before the year 1300. 1 , 1 In the history of Chinese painting, the Yuan dynasty i s considered a period of revolution. The causes of t h i s revolution were many-faceted, ranging from the socio-economic to the p o l i t i c a l . The whole of China was dominated by a foreign power, the Mongols, who humiliated the Chinese with an overt p o l i c y of r a c i a l discrimination. Society at a l l levels, was i n upheaval. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true for the scholar class who were denied access to t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l role as o f f i c i a l s i n government service. This class retreated into the a r t i s t i c world as a means of s e l f - a s s e r t i o n and painting became a favourite means of expression. Important to the painting revolution was the loss of widespread patronage of the arts and the dispersal of the Imperial Painting Academy at the collapse of the Southern Song. There was no longer an all-encompassing system of patronage, both royal and private, supporting large numbers of acknowledged professional and court masters who painted i n o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned s t y l e s . In contrast to the homogeneity and orthodoxy of Southern - 2 -Song a r t , painting during the Yuan became a medium of i n d i v i d u a l expression for a new group of painters-the scholar amateur or l i t e r a t i . The r i s e to a r t i s t i c domination by the l i t e r a t i "with a l l the attendant adjustments i n taste, s t y l e , and preferred 2 subject matter" was central to the painting revolution. That there was a revolution a f f e c t i n g the course of painting history ever after i s undeniable, but a question for debate i s the actual scope and extent of t h i s revolution at the time of i t s occurrence. Did t h i s revolution, as i s usually believed, e x i s t only amongst the l i t e r a t i ? Were the ideas and techniques promulgated by the l i t e r a t i so exclusive that they do not appear i n the art of the court and professional painters? Did the n o n - l i t e r a t i painters p a r t i c i p a t e and contribute to the revolution at i t s inception and during i t s early years? These questions, due to a paucity of l i t e r a r y and v i s u a l information, are not easy to answer. The t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese c o l l e c t o r and connoisseur, himself a part of the l i t e r a t i t r a d i t i o n , was subjective and selective i n his approach to painting h i s t o r y . The paintings, biographies, l i t e r a r y works and other records of the n o n - l i t e r a t i painters were never preserved with the seriousness of a purpose reserved for the r e l i c s of the true l i t e r a t i , many of whom were enshrined i n legend, or elevated to the status of myth. To understand the complicated s i t u a t i o n e x i s t i n g at the beginning of the fourteenth century, an examination should be made of the surviving materials concerning some of the n o n - l i t e r a t i painters. An analysis of t h i s material w i l l confirm the opinion of at least one authority who wrote: - 3 -"Extending and i n t e r p r e t i n g the stated attitudes of a limited group of Soochow i n t e l l e c t u a l ( i . e . the l i t e r a t i leaders of the revolution) into a general condition... d i s t o r t s a great amount of material that l i e s outside the o r i g i n a l context 3 and even, perhaps, much that would l i e within i t . " Alongside the true l i t e r a t i a r t i s t s were many painters of substance, some of whom were minor o f f i c i a l s at court appointed for t h e i r a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y . These a r t i s t s worked i n an e c l e c t i c variety of styles and t r a d i t i o n s i n order to s u i t the tastes and demands of commercial buyers and the limited patronage of the court. They used a wide variety of subject matter i n t h e i r a r t . They painted landscapes, a r c h i t e c t u r a l studies, flowers and birds, horses, and figure paintings of Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist types. Although many worked i n conservative t r a d i t i o n s long associated with professional painters, many a r t i s t s , affected by the new trends of the burgeoning revolution, adapted to the changing circumstances of the a r t i s t i c world and produced works of art that both r e f l e c t e d and contributed to the hew a r t i s t i c attitude that would eventually come to be recognized and c a l l e d l i t e r a t i paint-ing (wen ren hua 5<C l|SJ ) The publication i n 19 73 of a painting by He Cheng, the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode, with an a r t i c l e i d e n t i f y i n g the a r t i s t , o u t l i n i n g his period of a c t i v i t y and discussing the importance of this painting i n the context of the painting history of c i r c a 1300, introduced an important n o n - l i t e r a t i a r t i s t of the 4 early Yuan period. A second a r t i c l e , published i n 19 78, presented further material for the study of He Cheng's l i f e and - 4 -5 painting. The v i s u a l information provided by the I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode and the biographical evidence unearthed i n the two Chinese studies made clear the necessity of preparing a summary and interpretation of the known biographical facts and an analysis of his painting. This was f e l t to be p a r t i c u l a r l y important as the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode ce r t a i n l y partakes of a t r a d i t i o n , techniques and ideas considered to f a l l within the realm of the l i t e r a t i , and his biography indicates that he was, at the leas t , acquainted with many of the leading l i t e r a t i exponents of the Yuan dynasty painting revolution. - 6 -CHAPTER 1: The information available on He Cheng i ^ f fjt and his a rt i s vague and often contradictory. Nevertheless i t does provide an outline of his active period, the subjects he painted, his d i f f e r e n t styles of painting and his contemporaries' assess-ments of his work. The corroborating but li m i t e d v i s u a l evidence, along with what l i t t l e i s known of n o n - l i t e r a t i painting i n the north of China during the early Yuan ^ period (1279-1368) provides i n t e r e s t i n g insights on He Cheng's l i f e and painting. This v i s u a l material i s also useful for the understanding of long ignored paintings credited to mere "professional painters" of the early Yuan. To determine the approximate dates of the b i r t h and death of He Cheng, his period of a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y and the ascertainable d e t a i l s of his o f f i c i a l career, i t i s necessary to c o l l a t e the information available i n various sources. This information i s found i n the o f f i c i a l history of the Yuan dynasty, the Yuan Shi i i n the personal writings of various of He Cheng's contemporaries and i n colophons on paintings which are associated with He Cheng. The most detailed records concerning He Cheng are found i n the Xue Lou J i , written by the Yuan dynasty o f f i c i a l Cheng Qufu ft ^5-^ (1249-1318) . 1 In Poems Written  at the Emperor's Request, there are four praising paintings by He Cheng which were kept i n the Yuan dynasty Imperial c o l l e c t i o n . The postscript to the f i r s t three poems states that they were written i n the second month of the f i r s t year of the Huang Qing reign era (1312): - 7 > ^ The Da xue shi ^\ -"j ""^  (grand secretary) of the Zhao wen Guan 0 ^ . 5C of the r i g h t , Zhongfeng i i f u f Daif T '^ p- -z"^ - (commissioner-in-charge) was ninety years of age when he presented these paintings 2 to the Emperor." I f i t were to be assumed that these paintings were presented to the Emperor at the same time Cheng Qufu wrote his poems (1312), He Cheng would have been born ninety years previously i n approximately 1222. C o l l a t e r a l evidence for t h i s approximate date of He Cheng's b i r t h i s provided by Zhang Zhongshou (1252-1324) . Zhang Zhongshou was a member of the Hanlin Academy and a noted calligrapher. He wrote a colophon on the Taoist  D i v i n i t y of Water, a painting attributed to He Cheng now i n the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. The colophon, written i n the autumn of 1310, states the painting i s from: "the brush of Gentleman He, Taizhong Daifu (Master Scribe) He i s now eighty seven years o l d . He walks without a cane, s i t s without slouching and eats l i k e a man of f i f t y or s i x t y . Subtracting He Cheng's age of eighty-seven from the date of 1310, substantiates the a r t i s t ' s birthdate at approximately 122 3. To estimate the date of He Cheng's death i s a more d i f f i c u l t matter. In a colophon written by the noted scholar o f f i c i a l Yu J i JJL (1272-1348) i n 1325, i t i s stated: "The Da xue shi of the Zhao wen Guan was over ninety when he died." ^ - 8 -Yu J i ' s comment proves that He Cheng l i v e d to a great age, and that he died p r i o r to 1 3 2 5 . Furthermore we can ascertain from the colophon written by Zhao Mengfu J^ R. ( 1 2 5 4 - 1 3 2 2 ) on the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode by He Cheng, that he must have died between 1 3 1 5 and 1 3 2 5 . The colophon i s dated the seventh day of the ninth month of 1 3 1 5 , and states: "The general administrator of paintings, He Cheng, a man of Yan (Peking), painted t h i s s c r o l l when he was 5 over ninety years of age." The tone of the colophon seems to indicate that He Cheng was s t i l l a l i v e at t h i s time. Zhao Mengfu, i n mentioning that He Cheng had painted the s c r o l l , does not indicate that the a r t i s t had recently died, which would have been the custom. Had He Cheng already died, Zhao Mengfu would have worded his colophon accordingly. Many of the l a t e r colophons, for example, bemoan He Cheng's death. I t would seem probable that He Cheng would have died therefore at some point after 1 3 1 5 . Thus, i t can be assumed that the dates of his l i f e are c. 1 2 2 2 t o e . 1 3 1 5 . There are no accounts of He Cheng's a r t i s t i c and o f f i c i a l a c t i v i t i e s u n t i l the Yuan Dynasty, s p e c i f i c a l l y the time of K u b i l a i Khan, known as Shizu , the Mongol who conquered a l l of China and ruled from 1 2 7 9 u n t i l his death i n 1 2 9 4 . Cheng Qufu states that He Cheng had achieved a r t i s t i c recognition by the time that K u b i l a i Khan had declared the founding of the Yuan dynasty i n 1 2 7 9 : "(He Cheng) was already famous during the reign of Shizu when he was requested to enter the palace."^ - 9 -The f i r s t s p e c i f i c date mentioned i n He Cheng's career, i s found i n the Yuan Shi. According to an anecdote involving the 7 a r t i s t He Cheng was i n court service as a painter i n 1288. Confirmation of He Cheng's service during the reign of Shizu i s found i n the Xin Yuan Shi AJ j^ L_ : "When He Cheng was over ninety, Shizu summoned him, and rewarded him with some fine wine. He Cheng prostrated himself before the Emperor, and was then unable to get up. The Emperor made a request, but He re p l i e d : 'I am old, my apprentice L i u Zhongjian H " f t should be summoned. Thereupon L i u was named (to office) and moved to the c a p i t a l . " That He Cheng's recommendations to have his apprentice, L i u Zhongiian named to an o f f i c i a l post were so promptly affected, shows how highly he was esteemed and favoured by the Emperor. Although he complained at t h i s time of being too old to f u l f i l l the Emperor's request, there i s evidence that some years l a t e r He Cheng was s t i l l considered a revered figure i n court c i r c l e s : "At the beginning of the Zhi Da reign era (c. 1308), the Xingsheng Guan ^_ H, was completed. The Empress Dowager commanded He Cheng to manage the painting a f f a i r s . He was promoted to the position of Taizhong Daifu and Mishu j i a n Yft?t y (Keeper 9 of the Imperial Library) before he r e t i r e d . " The Xingsheng Guan was a palace on the west bank of the Tainong C h i^ v l&l (present day Zhongnan hai j | ] ) . The complex consisted of the XingshengDian, ^ j ^ ^ ^ J o C which was the main building with inner apartments connected by covered, - 10 -p i l l a r e d corridors. This was flanked on the east and west by nuandian l2r¥ ffci^ (small pavilions) . The plan was modelled on the main Yuan palace, though smaller i n s c a l e . ^ The complex to the south of the Xingsheng Guan was the residence of the Empress Dowager, and the Xingsheng Guan i t s e l f was also for her own or close family members' use. The areas of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y given to He Cheng would have included w a l l paintings and decorative elements on the l i n t e l s and j o i s t s of the buildings and covered corridors. The plan to decorate such a complex was large i n scale and numerous a r t i s t s would have been required to paint the designs supplied by He Cheng. He Cheng continued to f i n d favour at the court of the Emperor Ren Zong (reigned 1312-1320) whom he served u n t i l his death i n c. 1315. In 1312, Cheng Qufu's preface states: "Today He Cheng has presented these paintings. The Emperor has thought them extraordinary and bestowed (upon He Cheng) a new t i t l e (Zhongfeng Daifu). He has requested that I write poems for the paintings and that they be stored i n the Mige (Imperial Storehouse). This i s to proclaim to a l l those of the present and the future his subtle skills.""'"''" He Cheng's a r t i s t i c l i f e f i t s into a c r u c i a l and formative period i n the history of Chinese painting. The l a t t e r part of his career was dominated by Zhao Mengfu and his advocation of archaism, the practise of imbuing a work of a r t with "learned 12 references to the works of i l l u s t r i o u s predecessors." This period, t e n t a t i v e l y s t a r t i n g i n 1296 with Zhao Mengfu's painting - 11 -Autumn Colours on the Ch'iao-Hua Mountains/ has perhaps attracted more attention from art historians than any other i n the history 13 of Chinese painting. He Cheng's early career f a l l s into a dark and b a s i c a l l y uncharted area, that i s to say the history of paint^ ing i n the north of China during the l a t t e r part of the J i n dynasty ^ (1122-1234) and the early years of the Yuan. Few paintings have survived from t h i s period, although those that have reveal a strong adherence to the styles and t r a d i t i o n s derived from the Northern Song ^h> (960-1127) "I"4 Landscape, figure, horse, flower and b i r d paintings are a l l very d i f f e r e n t to contemporary paintings from the Southern Song ^\ (1127-1279), p a r t i c u l a r l y those from the academy at Hangzhou where 15 the elegant refined paintings most t y p i c a l of the period evolved. The impressions gathered from the few records available which describe paintings by He Cheng t a l l y well with our under-standing of the painting of the period and region. He Cheng appears to have painted i n a number of s t y l e s , and worked on various subjects This v e r s a t i l i t y would have been expected of a painter serving at court. In such a position he would be subject to the demands of the Emperor and his nobles. The subjects of He Cheng's paint-ings are those which would have found favour at the court of a former nomadic people, his s p e c i a l i t i e s were fi'gures, horses and " j i e hua" \0A or "boundary painting", the l a t t e r usually associated with a r c h i t e c t u r a l studies. The three extant paintings associated with He Cheng attest to his i n t e r e s t and a b i l i t y i n figure painting. Altough these three paintings belong to d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s i n figure - 12 -painting, they share some common s t y l i s t i c tendencies. The 'Il l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s painted i n the "bai miao" ^ s&L technique associated with L i Gonglin /J^ l j f 16 (act. c.1070-1106). The Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water i n the Freer Gallery, i s also painted i n "bai miao", although i t s style and o r i g i n i s i n the t r a d i t i o n of the legendary Tang master Wu Daozi |^  ^ j ^ , (c. 680-after 7 5 5 ) ^ with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c short, choppy, agitated and energized brush strokes. Both are hand s c r o l l s . However, the former i s of figures i n a landscape, whereas the l a t t e r i s pure figure painting without the land-scape content. The t h i r d painting i s a hanging s c r o l l . I t depicts Samantabhadra seated on an elephant and accompanied by an attendant, This i s also painted using the "bai miao" technique with the 18 addition of s l i g h t touches of colour. Each of these paintings w i l l be discussed i n a subsequent chapter. Written evidence that He Cheng was a painter of figures i s to be found i n the Yuan Shi. In the biography of Yue Zhu, (1280-1333), the son of A Lu Hui Sa L i , a high o f f i c i a l of Uighur nationality,.an incident i s recorded that inovlved He Cheng. In language t y p i c a l of the o f f i c i a l h i s t o r i e s , the young Yue Zhu's i n t e l l e c t u a l prowess i s described: "When Yue Zhu was eight years old he saw a painting by the o f f i c i a l He Cheng c a l l e d Tao Mu cutting her Hair f|J ^ |) ^ (S • Y u e z h u Pointed at the golden bracelet on Tao Mu's arm and said to He: 'A golden bracelet can e a s i l y be exchanged for wine, what i s the reason for cutting her h a i r ? 1 He Cheng - 13 -was very s t a r t l e d , he immediately corrected 19 the painting." There are, unfortunately, no recorded d e t a i l s to give an idea of the possible format, s t y l e , or technique of t h i s painting. Tao Mu i s not i d e n t i f i e d i n any way. From the t i t l e of the painting, i t can be assumed that the painting must i l l u s t r a t e an anecdote involving an impoverished woman reduced to s e l l i n g her hair i n order to survive. Paintings of the di d a c t i c type, with moral lessons drawn from history, were the stock i n trade of the court a r t i s t . In the biography of L i Shi , i n the Xin Yuan s h i , there are i n d i r e c t references to He Cheng's fame as a figure painter: " L i Shi, who excelled at the painting of s p i r i t s , 20 demons and figures, studied under L i u Zhongjian." I t has been mentioned previously that L i u Zhongjian was He Cheng's most outstanding apprentice and had been recommended by He Cheng as his replacement at the court of K u b i l a i Khan. I t can be assumed that i f He Cheng's pupil excelled at figure painting, then the master too would have been s k i l l e d i n t h i s subject. He Cheng was also renowned as a painter of horses. I t i s not surprising that an a r t i s t c losely associated with, and appointed by the Mongol court should specialize i n t h i s subject. James C a h i l l has noted that the Mongols: " p a r t i a l i t y toward t h i s subject (horse painting), considering t h e i r nomadic background, i s easy to 21 understand." The Tu Hui Bao Jian ^ , written by the fourteenth century c o l l e c t o r , Xia Wenyan fi^v^Tl and prefaced 1365 refers to He Cheng as "He Dai fu a painter of 22 figures and horses." The Tu Hui Bao Jian also refers to a poem 23 by Yu J i about the horse painting of He Cheng. In the Dao Yuan Xue Gu Lu ^ J \%\ ^3f- "^ 2 , the collected writings of Yu J i , the following poem i s recorded: "He Daifu, a painter of t h i s dynasty, personally copied Boshi 1s % # , (Li Gonglin) yue ma tu-V fei ( § This gentleman of the c a p i t a l i s eighty or ninety years old. There are ten thousand horses contained 24 i n his heart." Cheng Qufu i n the Xue Lou J i was also inspired to write a poem on viewing a horse painting by He Cheng. Although the poem has no description of the detailed aspects of the painting, i t does provide an indication of He Cheng's s k i l l i n capturing the s p i r i t , likeness and temperament of the animal: "This painted horse i s not a r e a l horse. I f i t were, i t s value would be one thousand pieces of gold. Riding t h i s horse to the hunt, one could pacify 25 the w i l d t i g e r s of the southern regions." Cheng Qufu also records He Cheng's a b i l i t i e s i n the f i e l d of " j i e hua". There were three paintings which attracted the attention of the Emperor Ren Zong and caused him to bestow upon He Cheng the new t i t l e of "Zhongfeng Daifu". The Emperor requested Cheng Qufu - 15 -" p r o c l a i m to a l l those of the p resent and the f u t u r e , h i s (He Cheng's) s u b t l e s k i l l s . " 2 6 Cheng Qufu wrote a long poem on the s u b j e c t of each of the p a i n t i n g s , but he gave l i t t l e d e t a i l e d impress ion of t h e i r a c t u a l appearance. The three p a i n t i n g s d e p i c t e d famous b u i l d i n g s from Chinese h i s t o r y : the Afang Gong r ^ f ^  'ft, , the Gusu T a i C2 , and the Kunming Ch i bti Al though the poems by Cheng Qufu do not d e s c r i b e the p a i n t i n g s , h i s p o s t s c r i p t does g ive an i n k l i n g of t h e i r q u a l i t y and He Cheng's p o s s i b l e reason f o r p a i n t i n g these s u b j e c t s a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t i m e . "He Cheng's p a i n t i n g s possess n a t u r a l n e s s . . . the men of a n c i e n t t imes ( i n t h e i r p a i n t i n g s ) d i d not approach the s tandard of beauty ach ieved by those of the present day. I t i s my humble o p i n i o n , t h a t though there have been many s i n c e a n c i e n t t imes who have used brush and i n k to d e p i c t the w o r l d %LQ_ v ^ ^ , He Cheng has i n d i v i d u a l l y used the s u b j e c t of the Gusu T a i , the Afang Gong and the Kunming Ch i to lodge h i s ideas &Q . He seems to be u s i n g works of a r t to remonstrate a^N w i t h 2 8 the Emperor ." There are two notab le p o i n t s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n t h i s passage: the f i r s t i s the use of " to lodge h i s i d e a s " . Th is term i s one u s u a l l y a p p l i e d to l i t e r a t i a r t i s t s and i n d i c a t e s t h e i r profound emotion and i n t e l l e c t u a l ideas which they were s a i d to t r a n s f e r from mind to paper . I t i s a term r a r e l y used to r e f e r to anyone who might have been cons idered a " p r o f e s s i o n a l a r t i s t " - 16 -29 or a "court painter". The second notable point i s the suggestion that He Cheng used his painting to "remonstrate with the Emperor". These three paintings were a l l subjects imbued with deep h i s t o r i c a l meaning, each representing a famour physical structure b u i l t by a former Emperor to symbolize the power and authority of his r u l e . I t i s possible that He Cheng used these three paintings to encourage the Emperor to undertake great building projects. But i t i s more probable that the ninety year old a r t i s t was commenting on the insignificance of physical things -p a r t i c u l a r l y monumental building projects. He Cheng was a l i v e at the time of the descruction of the Southern Song dynasty and, as a native of Yan, was f a m i l i a r with the ruins of the J i n c a p i t a l . Perhaps he was reminding the Emperor that these huge and costly projects of former rulers were now no more than vague memories kept a l i v e i n poetry and painting. The actual structures of the Afang Gong, the Fusu Tai and the Kunming Chi had been destroyed long ago and were at that time already covered with the debris of history. He Cheng's remonstration presumably c r i t i c i z e d the huge building projects embarked upon by the Mongol Emperors. Furthermore, He Cheng was l i k e l y very f a m i l i a r with the costs of such projects, having managed the decoration of the Xingshing Guan at the time of the ascension of the previous Emperor. According to Cheng Qufu's poems and postscript, the three paint-ings were painted and presented to the Emperor within weeks of his ascension to the throne (the second month of Huang Qing - 1312). The presentation of the paintings with t h e i r remonstrative plea for austerity was thus p a r t i c u l a r l y apt and timely. -' 17 -I t Is worthwhile to note the assessments of He Cheng's s k i l l s by other a r t i s t s and connoisseurs. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i s a comparison between the comments of He Cheng's contemporaries and those w r i t i n g about him three or four centuries l a t e r . These comparisons reveal s h i f t i n g attitudes toward him and his art which r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t understandings or knowledge of the technical problems of painting, and d i f f e r e n t views on art and i t s function. Furthermore, they show profound changes i n the understanding of art h istory. Zhao Mengfu, leading luminary of the Yuan dynasty, wrote the f i r s t colophon to He Cheng's more important and r e l i a b l e extant painting, the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. In the colophon, he comments: "The figures, trees and rocks are a l l of great i n t e r e s t . The o f f i c i a l s of the c a p i t a l are extremely well disposed to his paintings. (This s c r o l l ) also has at i t s end a c a l l i g r a p h i c rendering of Yuanming's Homecoming Ode, written by the o f f i c i a l Zhang 30 (Zhongshou). These are two exceptional things." Zhao Mengfu's comment that He Cheng's figures and land-scape are of i n t e r e s t should be set against the background of the painting styles prevalent at the beginning of the fourteenth century. The attitude which we now understand to l i e behind and inform the diverse styles of l i t e r a t i painting was at that time i n a formative and t r a n s i t i o n a l phase. There were no hard and fast d e f i n i t i o n s which painters of the fourteenth century recognized. The categorization of the present day i s based, i n part, on the assessment - 18 -of a s m a l l number of ext a n t p a i n t i n g s by a mere hand f u l of a r t i s t s and, i n p a r t , on a t t i t u d e s formed under the i n f l u e n c e of t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese con n o i s s e u r s , subh as Dong Qichang "^[_ \g (1555-1636) . Subsequently, the complicated s i t u a t i o n w i t h i n the f i e l d of p a i n t i n g h i s t o r y has o n l y been o u t l i n e d i n a general way. I t seems c l e a r as r e s e a r c h among the n o n - l i t e r a t i p a i n t e r s of the Yuan dynasty continues, t h a t there are more and more p a i n t e r s and p a i n t i n g s which f a i l t o f i t i n t o the g e n e r a l i z e d c a t e g o r i e s . There must have been a g r e a t e r interchange of ideas and techniques between the l i t e r a t i and the p r o f e s s i o n a l a r t i s t s a t the beginning of the f o u r t e e n t h century than g e n e r a l i z a t i o n has p e r m i t t e d . The I l l u s t r a t i o n s t o the Homecoming Ode, although the work of a c o u r t a r t i s t , i s c l e a r l y based on a r t i s t i c i d e a s s i m i l a r to those used by the l i t e r a t i p a i n t e r s . Many s t y l i s t i c t e n d e n c i e s , p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n the p a i n t i n g of landscape, r e v e a l d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s to the l i t e r a t i modes. However, He Cheng, as a r e s u l t of h i s s t a t u s as a c o u r t a r t i s t , was not c o n s i d e r e d by l a t e r connoisseurs to be a p a i n t e r worthy o f t h e i r a d m i r a t i o n . Gu Fu ^ ^ ( a c t . l a t e 17th century) and Wu Sheng J| (c. 1633 - c. 1712) are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of connoisseurs w r i t i n g i n the seventeenth and e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r e s . T h e i r viewpoints are s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by the ideas of the "Orthodox School", f o l l o w e r s of Dong Qichang, who b e l i e v e d t h a t c a l l i g r a p h i c use of ink and brush and adherence to the s t y l e s of p a s t masters were the most important aspects of a p a i n t i n g . T h e i r b e l i e f t h a t o n l y the scholar-amateur, t r a i n e d i n the gentlemanly a r t s of c a l l i g r a p h y , p o e t r y and p a i n t i n g and steeped i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l atmosphere of l i t e r a t i i d e a s , c o u l d adequately f u l f i l l the requirements of p a i n t -- 19 -ing led them to disregard the previously high rating and obvious a r t i s t i c and technical s k i l l s of court and professional painters such as He Cheng. In the Ping Sheng Zhuang Guan ^ JL. j l i -of 1692, Gu Fu, frie n d of Wang Shimin• j£- ^ ^ (1592-1680), Wang Hui jL ^  (1632-1717) and Wu L i (1632-1718), among the p r i n c i p a l exponents of the Orthodox approach, castigated He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i n thi s way: "He studied Fan Long fL^ fjf_ (mid 12th century) but (his) brush ( s k i l l ) does not reach as high a l e v e l . The trees, rocks, h i l l s and ponds are painted using ink that i s coarse, brusque and abnormal. The famous gentlemen of the Yuan dynasty who wrote colophons on the painting, praised i t but did not analyse i t s 32 shortcomings." Wu Sheng, also a fri e n d of Wang Shimin and his c i r c l e , wrote a few years l a t e r that He Cheng's, "trees, rocks and dwellings were painted with a brush that was weak and scattered; there are no places where the brush i s s p i r i t e d or extraordinary. I do not know why Wenmin 0^^^ (Zhao Mengfu) and the other 33 gentlemen praised the painting." With our knowledge of the mastery of brush and ink techniques achieved by the l i t e r a t i painters of the late Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties i t i s d i f f i c u l t to dispute some of the above comments. He Cheng's landscape i s singled out for pa r t i c u l a r c t i t i c i s m . I t does appear "coarse, brusque and 34 abnormal" when compared to the refinement and technical perfection of his figures. But, Gu Fu and Wu Sheng have - 20 -misinterpreted He Cheng's reason for painting the landscape i n such a manner. I t was not lack of s k i l l , but a purposeful 35 exercise i n a t r a d i t i o n associated with L i Gonglin. One must agree with Xue Yongnian that these c r i t i c i s m s are "written with a formalist slant with regard to brush and ink", and also that they"make demands of a technique s t i l l i n the 3 6 process of change." The comments reveal l i t t l e sense of aware-ness by Gu Fu or Wu Sheng of the place the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode has i n the h i s t o r i c a l development of painting. No c r e d i t i s given to He Cheng's c a p a b i l i t y , v e r s a t i l i t y and responsiveness during a period when painting styles and techniques were being questioned and reviewed. The assessments of the colophons attached to He Cheng's paintings by those w r i t i n g i n the decades following his death put his painting s k i l l s into proper perspective. They reveal his position i n art h i s t o r i c a l c r i t i c i s m p r i o r to the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by Dong Qichang and his d i s c i p l e s . Yu J i , the author of a poem i n praise of He Cheng's horses, wrote a colophon on the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i n 1325: "The o f f i c i a l s of the c a p i t a l revere and respect the paintings of old He. At the time that he l i v e d , every s c r o l l commanded a price of a thousand pieces of gold. The Da Xue Shi of the Zhaowen Guan was over ninety years of age when he died. His paintings have da i l y increased i n value, now they are worth several 37 times (the o r i g i n a l p r i c e ) . " - 21 -He Cheng's esteemed position i s confirmed by J i e X i s i (1274-1344) w r i t i n g i n 1336: "During He Cheng's l i f e t i m e , his paintings were greatly respected, and up t i l l the present day scholars of the 3 8 c a p i t a l s t i l l hold exactly the same f e e l i n g . " Ke J i u s i (1290-1343) added that: "He Mijia n became famous i n the north through 39 hxs paintings." The l a s t word i s provided by Zhang Zhongshou: "As (He Cheng) usually exercised his brush every day, he surpassed other people, and his brush strength did not decline. In brushwork and painting many younger a r t i s t s were not up to his standard. One hundred years from now, the painting can be unrolled and enjoyed. I t can be compared without 40 disgrace to the paintings of the Tang masters." I t can be c l e a r l y seen that during his l i f e t i m e and i n the decades following his death, He Cheng's s k i l l was widely acclaimed. His technical a b i l i t y and v e r s a t i l i t y won the praise of three Emperors, the Mongol court and various l i t e r a t i , amongst them the foremost painter of the period, Zhao Mengfu. The subsequent decline of He Cheng's reputation can be attributed to his b i r t h i n the north of a divided China, his consenting to serve the Mongol Emperors as a court painter and his willingness to paint according to the whims of taste and commercial p r o f i t a b i l i t y . These "shortcomings" placed He Cheng and other painters with s i m i l a r background i n great disfavour with the l i t e r a t i of a l a t e r period. These l i t e r a t i were people who, as the s e l f - s t y l e d preservers of - 22 -high culture and the supreme arbiters of a r t i s t i c taste, wrote the h i s t o r i e s of Chinese painting to support and elevate t h e i r own a r t i s t i c conceptions and s o c i a l positions. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s the undisputed evidence of the q u a l i t y of the art of the neglected a r t i s t , He Cheng. As a detailed examination of the painting's composition, techniques, basis i n t r a d i t i o n and a r t i s t i c expression w i l l confirm, i t i s a painting worthy of attention i n the records of the interchange of ideas between the l i t e r a t i and court a r t i s t s at the beginning of the fourteenth century. - 23 -IMPORTANT DATES IN THE LIFE OF HE CHENG: 1222 - approximate date of He Cheng's b i r t h . This date i s ascertained by subtracting He Cheng's age from a recorded date. (a) 1310 He Cheng was 87. (Zhang Zhongshou's colophon on the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water) (b) 1312 He Cheng was 90. (Cheng Qufu's Poems Written  at the Emperor's Request). 12 88 - He Cheng painted Tao Mu Cutting her Hair. Recorded i n the Yuan Shi i n the biography of Yue Ju. 1294 - He Cheng entered the palace p r i o r to t h i s date, the death of K u b i l a i Khan. Cheng Qufu states that He was famous during Kubilai's reign. The Xin Yuan Shi also records that He Cheng was summoned to an audience by Ku b i l a i Khan. 130 8 - He Cheng was appointed by the Empress Dowager to manage the painting of the Xingsheng Guan. He was promoted to the o f f i c e of (a) Taizhong Daifu (b) Mishu Jian 1310 - He Cheng painted the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water at the age of 87. 1312 - He Cheng 90 years old according to Cheng Qufu. He painted and presented to the Emperor three paintings: Afang Gong Gusu Tai Kunming Chi - 24 -As reward he was promoted to the o f f i c e of Zhongfeng Daifu. 1315 - Zhao Mengfu noted on his colophon on the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode that He Cheng had passed the age of 90 when he painted the s c r o l l . Therefore, i t can be deduced that the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode was completed between 1312 and 1315. He Cheng must have died at about t h i s time. Yu J i stated that He was over 90 when he died, but, as Zhao Mengfu didn't note his death i t must have occurred af t e r Zhao wrote his colophon. - 2 5 -CHAPTER 2 : He Cheng's most important painting, the I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode ( f i g . IA to IN) i s a handscroll depicting The Homecoming Ode (Gui qu l a i c i ) , a poem by Tao Qian . The painting, f u l l y documented through colophons, i s one of a small" number of extant works by a r t i s t s active at the Yuan dynasty court i n the early fourteenth century. The painting i s now i n the c o l l e c t i o n of the J i l i n P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Changchun, People's Republic of China. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s a handscroll of dimensions 4 1 centimetres high and 7 2 3 . 8 centimetres long. I t i s a narrative s c r o l l of figures i n settings of landscapes and buildings. The s c r o l l i s painted e n t i r e l y i n ink on paper and there i s no colour. The subject of the painting, The Homecoming Ode i s a well-known poem of the type known as "fu".written i n 4 0 5 AD. by the Six Dynasties poet, Tao Qian often c a l l e d by his sobriquet Tao Yuanming ' J $ ( ( 1 ) In t h i s poem Tao Qian describes the circumstances which caused him to seek o f f i c i a l appointment, his misery i n his position and his joy at abandoning o f f i c e to return home to family and a simple, r u s t i c l i f e . The poem begins as a narrative account of his homeward journey, his meeting with family and his feelings of content with his d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s . I t finishes as a p h i l i s o p h i c statement of his understanding of his role i n nature, and his acceptance of the temporal l i m i t a t i o n s of human l i f e . - 2.6 -He Cheng's painting follows the narrative of the poem very cl o s e l y . Although the a r t i s t ' s i nterpretation i s often very l i t e r a l , much of the s p i r i t and emotion of the poem i s captured. This has been achieved through a clever composition which gives the painting a subtle rhythm and dynamic which r e f l e c t s the o r i g i n a l f e e l i n g of the poem and emphasizes the importance of s p e c i f i c scenes. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s a continuous s c r o l l i n which important figures appear and re-appear as the narrative unfolds through time and space. This form of narrative i s r e l a t i v e l y rare i n Chinese a r t , although by no means unknown. When used i t has often been i n paintings i l l u s t r a t i n g l i t e r a r y 2 themes. As He Cheng's painting follows the basic narrative, i n d i v i d u a l scenes from the poem are c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e . As well they are ca r e f u l l y delineated within a space c e l l . These c e l l s are iso l a t e d from each other and at the same time linked together by landscape elements such as h i l l s , trees and water. These s t r u c t u r a l devices usually intersect the painting, stretch-ing from top to bottom on a diagonal l i n e . This f i r s t l y halts the viewer's eye and serves to i s o l a t e the motif. Secondly, the eye i s led onward through the s c r o l l to the subsequent scene. The varying diagonals and the s o l i d i t y of the mass, of these s t r u c t u r a l devices are important to the painting's rhythm, and hence to i t s expressive impact. As an aid to viewing the narrative s c r o l l and with an eye to analysing the compositional and st r u c t u r a l devices, - 27 -p i c t o r i a l motifs, iconographic elements and emotional content of the painting, i t i s necessary to separate and enumerate the main scenes and sequences. This w i l l be done by i d e n t i f y i n g the i n d i v i d u a l scenes and noting t h e i r relationship to the o r i g i n a l poem. In the f i r s t scene Tao Qian and his servant boy meet two t r a v e l l e r s on the path: "I ask a passer-by about the road ahead, grudging 3 the dimness of the l i g h t at dawn." ( f i g . IA) The four figures are set i n a narrow d e f i l e between two barren, jagged c l i f f s . Dense foliage at the leading edge of the painting frames they scene and branches twist outwards to indicate the figures. The stubby branches of a gnarled tree on the l e f t side c l i f f also lead the eye inwards to the group. This cramped setting for the poet's enquiry as to the way home, provides a frame for the emotional attitude r e f l e c t e d i n the pose and demeanor of the main figure. Tao Qian, wearied by his o f f i c i a l t r a v a i l s and the long route home, leans heavily on his s t a f f with his shoulders hunched. The poet wears an expression of fatigue which has been emphasized by the painter i n his portrayal of Tao Qian with sloping shoulders and drooping sleeves. In the second scene Tao Qian and his servant boy emerge i n a boat from behind a c l i f f : "My boat rocks i n the gentle breeze 4 Flap, f l a p the wind blows my gown." ( f i g . IB) On the shore, family members and servants i n poses of excitement and welcome, wait for t h e i r master to a r r i v e . - 28 -"Then I c a t c h s i g h t of my poor hut ...the s e r v a n t boy comes to welcome me 5 My l i t t l e son waits a t the door." ( f i g . 1C) In t h i s i l l u s t r a t i o n the s e t t i n g i s l a r g e r and d e p i c t s a g r e a t e r amount o f human a c t i v i t y . T h i s a c t i v i t y conveys the heightened emotion of the poet's f i r s t glimpse of home and the welcome extended by the members of h i s household. The c l i f f b a r r i e r which contained the emotions i n the f i r s t scene f a l l s away as the boat reaches the shore. The f i g u r e of the poet, s t a n d i n g u p r i g h t i n the bow of the boat, i s i n sharp contrast to h i s f i r s t appearance. Tao Qian stands t a l l w ith h i s shoulders back and h i s head h i g h . His gaze i s f i r m l y f i x e d on the a c t i v i t i e s t a k i n g p l a c e on the shore. The wind blows h i s robes which cascade about h i s body, f u r t h e r r e f l e c t i n g h i s a g i t a t e d and expectant mood. The a r t i s t i s very c a r e f u l i n h i s a t t e n t i o n to the e f f e c t of drapery. In the pr e v i o u s scene, the l i n e s d e p i c t i n g the poet's c l o t h i n g were s t r a i g h t and r a t h e r weak i n s t r i k i n g c o n t r a s t to the s t r o n g c u r v i n g brush s t r o k e s which d e p i c t the c l o t h i n g i n the second scene. Here the ink flows w i t h i n c r e a s e d s t r e n g t h and the s w i r l i n g drapery i s i n l i v e n e d by the v a r i a t i o n s i n d e n s i t y and t h i c k n e s s of the l i n e . I t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t t o note the p e c u l i a r s t y l e of robe which Tao Qian wears i n t h i s and ot h e r s e c t i o n of the p a i n t i n g . There are two p a i r s o f sl e e v e t o the robe. One p a i r i s l o n g and f l o w i n g from which the arms extend, and the ot h e r i s s h o r t and hanging from the s h o u l d e r . E l l e n Johnston L a i n g comments: " E a r l y p o r t r a y a l s o f Tao u s u a l l y show him dressed i n t h i s strange garment w i t h i t s seemingly s u p e r f l u o u s second pair of sleeves." The welcoming scene on the r i v e r bank reveals He Cheng's mastery of figure painting at i t s highest l e v e l . The pose of each figure i s free and easy with a l i v e l y degree of spontaneity. The variety of poses and the in t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the figures c l e a r l y show He Cheng's fine a b i l i t y to create animated form. The servant boys s t r a i n to p u l l the mooring ropes of the boat, as t h e i r master approaches. The three older peasants are painted with contours s t a r t i n g i n triangles of ink and continuing as strong, high tension strokes imbued with f e e l i n g . The animation of the figures i s heightened by the entwined trees i n the back-ground, echoing the poses of the peasants. The twistin g pose of the woman i n front of the gate to the homestead i s enhanced by her clothing as i t swings with her movement. There i s a poignant touch i n the presence of the children at the gate. The younger c h i l d , perhaps not f u l l y aware of the reason for the excitement, hesitates i n the shadows. The elder points to t h e i r father, by way of explanation. The t h i r d scene i s divided into two sections; i n the f i r s t two cows, a donkey and an e l d e r l y man supported by a servant and young boy enter a courtyard through a gate. Behind them two servants are cleaning a house ( f i g . M)). In the second section Tao Qian, accompanied by two small children, i s greeted by a group of servants: "Leading the children by the hand I enter my house 7 Where there i s a bottle f i l l e d with wine." ( f i g . IB) - .30 -The temporal and s p a t i a l movement into t h i s scene i s aided by the t r a n s i t i o n a l section describing the a c t i v i t i e s i n the court-yard. The gated wall, a r i g i d structure device c l e a r l y d i v i d i n g the homecoming a c t i v i t i e s from t h i s section, i s gradually broken by trees gently bending into the inner courtyard. The courtyard hums with peaceful domestic a c t i v i t y : a maid i s sweeping, c a t t l e are resting and an old man slowly s t r o l l s within. After the joy and excitement of the master's welcome, we are being prepared for the quieter mood of the subsequent scenes of family comfort and i n t e l l e c t u a l contentment. The eye i s guided leftwards by the diagonal s e t t i n g of a room. A wine jug, symbol of escape often to be noted i n Tao Qian's poetry, can be seen through the open window. The poet and two children, one holding a book, the other a s c r o l l , stand under a grove of trees resplendent i n the thick leafy foliage of spring. A group of four servants, one of whom holds a type of broom s t i l l used i n China today, stand s t i f f l y , as i f waiting orders or inspection by t h e i r master. The f u l l beard, now worn by Tao Qian, represents a time frame removed from that of the homecoming scene. (The a r t i s t ' s treatment ;. of Tao Qian^.s beard reveals an inconsistency i n the handling of the passage of time within the s c r o l l . The dense foliage of spring or summer, seen i n the opening sections of the painting ( f i g . IA to 1 G ) , gives way to the barren trees of autumn or winter ( f i g . IH to IL). The l a s t section of the painting seems to show the early growth of spring ( f i g . IM to IN). This orderly progression of nature and time i s disrupted by the appearance of the poet i n f u l l beard i n f i g . IE, IF, IK and IN and i n p a r t i a l beard i n the other sections). - 3 1 -In the fourth scene, Tao Qian i s seated on a raised platform i n his studio. He i s accompanied by two children and i s conversing with a gentleman: "Seeing the trees i n the yard brings joy to my face. I lean out the south window and l e t my pride expand I consider how easy i t i s to be content with a l i t t l e space." 9 ( f i g . IF) The theme of t h i s section i s , i n the l i t e r a l sense, contentment with the small, confined space of one's own private garden, but to take a broader view, i t i s contentment with one's place i n the world. The a r t i s t has conveyed t h i s by creating a setting which stresses a three-dimensional space within which movement i s possible. The spacious setting i s enhanced through contrast with the previous section where the figures are arranged close to the picture plane i n a closed, l i m i t e d composition. The i l l u s i o n of space i n the fourth scene i s created by the com-po s i t i o n a l device of placing a large dark object at the picture plane, which i n th i s case i s a rock. In addition, the viewpoint has been elevated to allow the viewer to look into the garden which i s surrounded by thick growth. The dense decorative pattern of a variety of leaves contrasts with the openness of the court-yard. At the back of the garden Tao Qian, the top^ of his head hidden by the roof, s i t s i n his study. The perspective of the building and the deployment of his children and friend about him also encourages the fe e l i n g of space. The relaxed, contented f e e l i n g of the poem i s conveyed through the post's posture. He s i t s with his legs crossed i n front of him i n a gentle slouch, his outer robe untied as an ind i c a t i o n of his informality. - 32 -In the f i f t h scene Tao Qian stands on an exposed h i l l s i d e : "Everyday I s t r o l l i n the garden for pleasure ...Cane i n hand I walk and rest Occasionally r a i s i n g my head to gaze into the distance.""'"^ ( f i g . 1G) The heavy foliage which framed Tao Qian's studio i n the previous section, grows i n a shallow horseshoe shape towards the lower part of the painting. This shallow curve cradles a bald h i l l o c k upon which stands the s o l i t a r y figure of Tao Qian, s t a f f i n hand. Behind him a ragged c l i f f f a l l s away upon a distant v i s t a . The concentration of a dark mass i n the lower half emphasized the open distance into which the poet gazes. This open, l i g h t and airy scene contrasts e f f e c t i v e l y with the previous enclosed, dark volume. These contrasts and variations i n composition enhance the rhythmic movement i n the handscroll. The figure of the poet adheres closely i n pose to that seen i n the second section, where he i s standing i n the bow of the boat. The subtle differences expressed i n a more relaxed drapery flow, an untied robe and a more carelessly held s t a f f a l t e r the mood to one of contemplative introspection. In the s i x t h scene, the poet and four gentlemen are seated on the porch of the main h a l l engaging i n discourse. In the courtyard a group of servants prepare wine and food: "Back home again'. ...Here I enjoy honest conversation with my family And take pleasure i n lute and books to dispel my worries." ( f i g . IH) The composition of t h i s section i s the most s o l i d l y constructed of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s to the poem. After the open, contemplative mood established i n section f i v e , one i s compelled by the t i g h t -k n i t composition of buildings, trees and figures to dwell at length on the painting and poem. I t i s at th i s point, seeking relaxation and friendship with collegues and family, solace i n wine and pleasure i n l i t e r a t u r e and music, that the poet begins to arrive at his philosophic understanding. Tao Qian i s seated with his legs crossed i n front of his body. In one hand he holds a r o l l e d up s c r o l l , and with the other he emphasizes his discussion. His body i s t i l t e d towards the gentleman on his l e f t . Tao Qian's pose i s based on a w e l l -known prototype s i g n i f y i n g the morally superior, the educated gentleman at l e i s u r e . From the time of the Six Dynasties, a r t i s t s had used t h i s posture i n the representations of the 12 Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. The Seven Sages were Taoist recluses at a time of p o l i t i c a l ferment i n the fourth century. They repudiated p o l i t i c a l or o f f i c i a l careers and instead sought 13 an i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e i n wine, poetry and music. In the seventh scene, a servant boy stands by a wooden gate i n the wall of Tao Qian's estate. I t i s unclear, however, whether the boy i s locking or unlocking the gate: "Everyday I s t r o l l i n the garden for pleasure 14 There i s a gate there, but i t i s always shut." ( f i g . II) This section has been moved by the a r t i s t from i t s e a r l i e r occurrence i n the poem to t h i s place i n the painting's - 34 -composition. Here the gated w a l l marks a change i n the d i s t i n c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l scenes. A series of smaller space c e l l s , less r i g i d l y discrete than the f i r s t seven, follow i n rapid 'succession. This change i n rhythm indicated by the w a l l , i s p a r a l l e l l e d i n the poem at the break between li n e s forty and forty-one. This section of the poem and painting r e f l e c t the poet's philosophical r e a l i z a t i o n . I t i s summed up by these l i n e s : "I admire the seasonableness of nature And am moved to think that my l i f e w i l l come to i t s close. I t i s a l l over I So l i t t l e time are we granted form i n the world. Let us then follow the i n c l i n a t i o n s of the heart: Where would we go that we are so agitated? I have no desires for riches 15 And no expectations of Heaven." The eighth section depicts Tao Qian and a servant standing outside the wall ( f i g . I J ) . They appear to be waiting to enter the gate. Behind a h i l l three grooms s i t with t h e i r horses. This scene i s not s p e c i f i c a l l y connected to any l i n e s i n the poem, but i s a l i n k i n g sequence to the following sections. A feature of t h i s short scene i s the arrangement of horses and grooms half hidden by the sloping h i l l . The device used i s a standard convention used during the Song and early Yuan periods to indicate the recession of depth. I t i s used i n paintings such 16 as: the Hundred Horses s c r o l l by L i Gonglin (c.1049-1106) an T7 ^ album attributed to Ma Yuan ?JL^ (act. c. 1190-1230) i n the 17 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and i n K u b i l a i Khan on the Hunt by Liu Guandao ^ ;B j (act. 1300) 1 8 amongst others. In the - 35 -Hundred Horses hand s c r o l l by L i Gonglin, t h i s convention i s used as a t r a n s i t i o n a l device between two sections of the s c r o l l i n a manner very s i m i l a r to that used by He Cheng. In the ninth scene, Tao Qian stands on a h i l l s i d e look-ing into the sky. He holds his s t a f f i n his r i g h t hand and with his l e f t he caresses a tree: "The clouds, impersonal, r i s e from the peaks The bir d s , f l y i n g wearily, know i t i s time to come home. As the sun's rays grow dim and disappear from view 19 I walk around a lonely pine tree, stroking i t . " ( f i g . IK) James Hightower has pointed out that the pine tree often appears i n Tao Qian's poetry as a symbol of steadfastness i n adversity or, to represent refuge. In quoting the l i n e i l l u s t r a t e d by He Cheng i n t h i s section, he refers to the stroking of the pine as, "a spontaneous gesture of a f f e c t i o n , not for vegetation indiscriminately, but for a t r i e d friend with whose s o l i t a r y state he can i d e n t i f y 20 himself." The a r t i s t has captured Tao Qian's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the pine i n a very subtle manner. The poet stands f i r m l y , feet spread apart, body strai g h t and head t i l t e d back. The same configuration i s reflected i n the tree. The trunk i s s t r a i g h t , then t i l t s backwards above the f i r s t main branch, which p a r a l l e l s the angle of the poet's s t a f f . In the tenth scene Tao Qian i s seen r i d i n g i n an ox-cart, accompanied by a groom and two servants. The servants carry his qin or lute and some food baskets: 21 "Sometimes I c a l l for a covered cart." ( f i g . IK) In the distance behind a low h i l l , Tao Qian i s seen s i t t i n g i n a wooden boat, rowed by two boatsmen. The poet i s attended by his serving boy: "Sometimes I row a lonely boat 22 Following a deep gully through the s t i l l water." ( f i g . IL) In t h i s series of sections, the a r t i s t has been extremely careful to i s o l a t e the images while at the same time preserving the rhythmic i n t e g r i t y borrowed from the poem. The c l i f f descending from the top of the s c r o l l curves around the ox-cart and the dark foreground rocks and low twisting, gnarled trees serve to define the space c e l l . The c l e f t i n the background c l i f f - f a c e opens wide as i t nears the cart, to point at the figure of Tao Qian. In the boating section, the same c l i f f opens into a shallow "v" to reveal the poet i n his boat. The tree d i v i d i n g the ox-cart from the r i c e paddy section also spreads i t s upper branches below the seated figure of Tao Qian. Again and yet again, the a r t i s t has provided signposts i n d i c a t i n g the figure of the poet. The eleventh scene shows Tao Qian, i n the centre of a group of figures planting r i c e shoots i n a low f i e l d surrounded by h i l l s . He i s accompanied by three servants who prepare the food and wine to refresh him, and by a small boy who echoes his master's actions. There are also three farmers hoeing. This scene i s a composite of those l i n e s i n the poem which refer to a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s : "The farmers t e l l me that now spring i s here There w i l l be work to do i n the west f i e l d s . " "The spring begins to flow i n a t r i c k l e 2 4 I admire the seasonableness of nature." 2 5 "Now planting my s t a f f to take up a hoe.." ( f i g . IM) Here, a harmonious composition i s achieved through the arrangement of the figures i n a gentle arc, which follows the same shape as the h i l l s enclosing the r i c e paddy. Dark foreground rocks, modelled with wet ink strokes at the lower picture plane, develop the spacial dimension of the stage-like s e t t i n g . An opening into the paddy f i e l d from between two h i l l s focuses the eye on the central figure of Tao Qian. The f i g u r a l grouping i n t h i s section i s related to the homecoming scene on the r i v e r bank (see section two above). In both sections there i s an obvious i n t e r e s t on the part of the a r t i s t to indicate his s k i l l at figure painting. The group of three servants echoes the t r i a d of el d e r l y men at the r i v e r bank. The serving ladies of section s i x are also arranged i n a s i m i l a r fashion, and again the three farmers working i n the f i e l d are also i n the same basic grouping pattern, although they are placed s l i g h t l y more distant from each other. Nevertheless t h e i r postures l i n k them even more closely than the other groups of three, for here there i s only one figure painted from three di f f e r e n t angles, a figure study of the "hoeing farmer". Each group i s seen to have two p r o f i l e s and a f r o n t a l view. This triangular grouping i s one favoured by the a r t i s t as an i d e a l method of varying postures and enlivening a scene. The close relationship i n composition between sections - 3 8 -eleven and two i s also evident i n t h e i r placement within the painting. The two sections act to structure the painting. Section two shows the poet a r r i v i n g home and beginning his philosophic quest, section eleven shows the poet at the end of his journey and announces the climactic scene where the poet achieves his goal. The portrayal of the poet i n t h i s section captures the s p i r i t of the poem to a remarkable degree. Tao Qian has decided to escape the l i f e of the o f f i c i a l and to l i v e a simple, r u s t i c l i f e close to nature. He i d e n t i f i e s his l i f e as being c h i l d l i k e and undivorced from 2 6 "...the i n c l i n a t i o n s of the heart." Hence, He Cheng has painted the poet and the small boy i n the same posture and, to complete t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with nature, t h e i r shapes are correspondingly reflected i n the banks of the h i l l s . In section twelve, the f i n a l scene, the poet s i t s under trees on the bank of a stream. He i s accompanied by three servants: "...Or composing verses beside the clear stream: So I manage to accept my l o t u n t i l the ultimate homecoming Rejoicing i n Heaven's command, what i s there to doubt?" 2 7 ( f i g . IN) Tao Qian s i t s cross-legged, his hands on his knees. Beside him are a bowl of peaches and a wine cup. The kneeling servant pours wine from a jug into another bowl. The two servants behind the - 39 -poet are affected by Tao Qian's meditative mood and they, too, contemplate the flowing stream. The younger of the two supports himself on the poet's s t a f f , the elder leans against a bamboo 2 8 carrying pole used to carry the poet's basket chair. The composition of t h i s section i s of four trees placed at the corners of the f l a t bank from which the poet and retainers watch the stream. These four trees frame the figure grouping and at the same time, the two to the l e f t of the section d i r e c t the poet's and the viewer's gaze to the w a t e r f a l l and receding stream. The stream flowing into the distance gives the impression of carrying the poet's thoughts behond the l i m i t a t i o n s of the painted s c r o l l . - 40 -PART TWO He Cheng's painting of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode i s not unique i n the history of Chinese painting and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , i n the painting history of the Yuan dynasty. There are, i n fact, numerous records and a few extant paintings which provide much information on the many early paint-ings based on t h i s theme. From t h i s information i t i s possible to discover indications of origins for composition, p i c t o r i a l motifs and s t y l e . The l i t e r a r y evidence for pre-Yuan dynasty paintings based on The Homecoming Ode w i l l be discussed i n a subsequent chapter. An examination of some extant paintings relevant to the handscroll by He Cheng w i l l provide information on that painting i n p a r t i c u l a r , and furthermore on the process of borrowing and transforming ideas and images, so common to Chinese painting i n general. The painting most d i r e c t l y related to the I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode by He Cheng i s Tao Yuanming Returning to  Seclusion i n the Freer Gallery, Washington 2^ig. 4A to H). This work i s also a set of i l l u s t r a t i o n s to the complete poem, The  Homecoming Ode, painted i n ink and colour on s i l k . Each i n d i v i d u a l i l l u s t r a t i o n i s divided from the subsequent one by the appropriate l i n e s from the poem, and the entire s c r o l l i s painted i n heavy colour. I t shows an obvious and s t r i k i n g p i c t o r i a l r e l a tionship to the painting by He Cheng. The compositions of some i n d i v i d u a l i l l u s t r a t i o n s are almost i d e n t i c a l . Figural groupings and poses are s i m i l a r and shared motifs are common to both paintings. Some of these s i m i l a r i t i e s can be seen i n the following comparisons: the figure groups on the riverbank i n He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s - 41 -to the Homecoming Ode ( f i g . 1C) and Tao Yuanming Returning  to Seclusion ( f i g . 4A), the compositions and figure groups i n I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode ( f i g . IH) and Tao Yuanming  Returning to Seclusion ( f i g . 4C). The Freer painting i s placed i n the Song period by the gallery on the basis of a dated colophon (1110), c a l l i g r a p h i c s i m i l a r i t i e s between colophon and i n s c r i p t i o n s and on f i g u r a l s t y l e . The f i r s t colophon by L i Peng (act. early 12th century) states that t h i s painting bears a close resemblance to one by L i Gonglin. That being the case, the Freer painting i s a recension, r e f l e c t i n g the p i c t o r i a l format and composition of one of the f i r s t and most i n f l u e n t i a l a r t i s t s to produce a work 31 based on the Tao Q i a n poem. A second painting d i r e c t l y related to the painting by He Cheng i s a work attributed to L i u Songnian 32 (active c. 1174-1224) by Osvald Siren. This painting shows a man i n an ox-cart with four servants walking behind. I t was once in the c o l l e c t i o n of Ding Chengru, although i t s present whereabouts are unknown. There i s an extremely close relationship between th i s painting and scene ten (which might be t i t l e d "Tao Qian r i d i n g i n an ox-cart") of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode by He Cheng. Consequently the s c r o l l attributed to L i u Songnian should be properly i d e n t i f i e d as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of The Homecoming  Ode by Tao Qian. I t may have once been part of a longer s c r o l l to i l l u s t r a t e the complete poem. Another painting showing a close relationship on the - 42 -basis of common p i c t o r i a l grounds to He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s Home Again by Qian Xuan (T^ jA (c. 1235-to after 1301). This i s a short, a r c h a i s t i c , blue and green 33 handscroll i n the Metropolitan Museum, New York. ( f i g . 6) There i s also the painting t r a d i t i o n a l l y attributed to Qian Xuan, but almost c e r t a i n l y a l a t e r copy, which shows the poet out walking, accompanied by a servant. This painting was once i n the 34 c o l l e c t i o n of Guan Mianjun. The common features of these paintings point to a well-known e a r l i e r prototype. Although the authorities at the Freer Gallery are convinced of the early date of the painting Tao Yuanming Returning? to Seclusion, i t f i t s more comfortably into the late Yuan or Ming 35 periods. The painting appears to be a copy of an e a r l i e r work. There are s i m i l a r i t i e s i n f i g u r a l style to such well-known Song paintings as Lady Wen-chi's Capture and Return to China i n the 3 6 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and the painting of the same theme 37 i n the Metropolitan Museum, New York. The indications of a Song date are negated by various mannerisms i n the landscape painting which are at best Yuan dynasty c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , but more probably s i g n i f y the Ming period. The pine trees are painted i n a style related to that seen on the walls of the mid-fourteenth ^ y / , t>-\ 3 8 . . . century Yong Le Gong -7|<^  r p ^ {§, • There i s a highl i g h t i n g on the central area of the trunk which i s a technique used to indicate roundness and volume. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y pronounced on the painting i n the Freer Gallery. Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Ming painting i s the symmetrical r a d i a l clusters of the pine needles as a p a t t e r n i s t i c decorative element. Systemisation and regularisation of foliage i s even more apparent i n the painting of - 43 -deciduous trees, while washes, dry strokes and "axe-cut : cun" are used to depict rocks and h i l l s , showing l i t t l e regard for f i d e l i t y to nature. This d u l l and academic handling of landscape i s seen on paintings by the professional painters of 39 Suzhou during the late f i f t e e n t h and early sixteenth century. A l l of these combined features indicate the hand of a Ming a r t i s t , whose painting i s based on an early prototype. The painting attributed to L i u Songnian, on close examination, also appears to be a l a t e r copy. The composition i s inconsistent with Song conventions: the low-lying landscape b u i l t up of a heavy contour l i n e , over which i s painted a regularised feather-like border of grass, i s not to be found i n the conventions of Song painting. Furthermore, an i n d i c a t i o n of a l a t e r date i s the emphasis on the figures and the subordination of background d e t a i l . The cart i s central, pulled f l a t to the picture plane, the top cut o f f by the edge of the s c r o l l . Whether t h i s painting was part of a longer s c r o l l , or a representation of The Homecoming  Ode i n i t s e l f , i t i s a conventionalised recension from an early prototype. The painting attributed to Qian Xuan i n the Guan Mianjun c o l l e c t i o n , i s another conventionalised recension of t h i s type. The large figure of thepoet i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to the figure i n the opening scene of the Freer Gallery s c r o l l . Tao Qian stands i n the bow of the boat, only the s t a f f has changed hands, the stance and flowing robes bear a close resemblance. The servant boy carrying a wine jug i s also common to both the Freer Gallery painting and He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. - 44 -Home Again i s generally acknowledged to be an authentic painting by Qian Xuan, and i s of int e r e s t to t h i s discussion on prototype and recension. Tao Qian, the boat and the boatman i n Home Again have s i m i l a r i t i e s to the Freer Gallery painting and the painting attributed to Qian Xuan. I t i s possible that Home Again i s also a v a r i a t i o n of an e a r l i e r example. The considerable number of conventionalised works i l l u s t r a t i n g both the complete poem and well-known sections painted during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, can lead to one conclusion. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode by He Cheng must also r e l y heavily on paintings of e a r l i e r generations which ultimately were based on a prototype o r i g i n a t i n g i n the Northern Song dynasty. However, that the basis of He Cheng's painting was an e a r l i e r prototype, detracts not at a l l from the q u a l i t y or o r i g i n a l i t y of the work. His use of conventionalised images, his references to the prototype and his unique handling of t r a d i t i o n a l styles provide much of the painting's interest and, i n f a c t , takes the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode beyond the l i m i t a t i o n s expected of the work of a court a r t i s t . An analysis of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode reveals that He Cheng's painting i s charged with references and all u s i o n s , both direct and i n d i r e c t , to the great Northern Song painter L i Gonglin. The most obvious reference i s the "bai miao" bechnique used to paint figures, a technique long associated with L i Gonglin. In addition, the o v e r a l l style of the s c r o l l , composed of figures and buildings drawn i n a r e a l i s t i c and techn i c a l l y p r o f i c i e n t manner, set against sketchy and non-descriptive land-- 45 -scape motifs, i s also based on a t r a d i t i o n believed to have 4 0 originated with L i Gonglin. That He Cheng, the court a r t i s t , has paid homage to L i Gonglin through the use of t r a d i t i o n s , techniques and ideas from the preserve of the amateur l i t e r a t i says much about He Cheng and the a r t i s t i c climate of the time. This period of the Yuan dynasty i s thought to be r i g i d l y divided into two camps; that of the amateur l i t e r a t i a r t i s t s who explored new directions by "returning to the past" (fugu ) , and that of the professional and court a r t i s t s who conservatively continued to paint i n the styles of e a r l i e r periods. He Cheng, i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode shows himself to be f l e x i b l e and receptive to the new d i r e c t i o n s , therefore showing an unconventional attitude to his role as a court a r t i s t . His choice of a theme and painting s t y l e associated with the amateur l i t e r a t i and i t s subsequent acceptance by his contemporaries, both within and without court c i r c l e s , indicates his a b i l i t y to move beyond the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on the court a r t i s t . This reveals a less r i g i d d i v i s i o n between the amateur l i t e r a t i and the court a r t i s t s than has previously been believed. L i Gonglin 1s "bai miao" technique i s the use of l i n e 4 1 alone to describe the figure. He Cheng used a modification of t h i s technique by applying a t h i n wash i n ce r t a i n chosen areas to give the e f f e c t of shading. This wash emphasized the volume of the figure. There are two basic f i g u r a l types seen i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. One may be characterised as "austere", and i s used to describe the figure of Tao Qian, women and dignataries, while the other as " l i v e l y " , describing the figures of servants p a r t i c u l a r l y i n scenes of high emotion' and - 46 -fast action. The figures painted i n the "austere" style are drawn with a long, flowing l i n e , with l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n i n thickness and density, except for a s l i g h t f l o u r i s h at the t r a i l i n g edge of drapery to a r t i c u l a t e the folds. Internal s t r i a t i o n s often consist of a series of p a r a l l e l strokes o r i g i n a t i n g at the chest-knot of a figure's robe. The " l i v e l y " style i s a cr i s p e r , and more animated l i n e varying i n both length and width. I t i s often cursive, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the lower leg. A c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature i s the two p a r a l l e l l i n e s painted at the cuff of the robe. Short, choppy strokes and c r i s p , acute angles are common; three r a d i a l strokes under the arm are features most c l e a r l y seen i n the group of three e l d e r l y men near the riverbank i n the emotionally charged homecoming scene. The figure painting of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Home- coming Ode not only follows the t r a d i t i o n of L i Gonglin, but also show a resumblance to the sty l e of the Yuan court painter, L i u Guandao (active c. 1300), who preceded He Cheng by only a few years. The figures of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode can be closely compared to those of Whiling Away the Summer by Li u 42 Guandao. ( f i g . 8) When painting figures, L i u Guandao may be said to use a brush stroke more cr i s p and taut than that of He Cheng. Nevertheless, there i s a fundamental s i m i l a r i t y . The long, unwavering strokes widen into triangles as the robe touches the f l o o r , and, there are p a r a l l e l s t r i a t i o n s . More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , both L i u Guandao and He Cheng show a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e i r depiction of young servants. The poses, the basic contour l i n e s , - 47 -the three strokes radiating from under the arm, and the two brush strokes at the cuff are common to the styles of both painters. The appearance of these features i n two, contemporary works, display i n i t s e l f , an early Yuan convention. I t can only be found i n one other painting - the previously mentioned Man i n an Ox-cart attributed to L i u Songnian. Since i t has been concluded that t h i s i s an early Yuan convention, therefore the painting by Liu Songnian cannot come from the Song period, but must belong to the Yuan or l a t e r . I t may, i n fact, be a painting by, or a copy of a painting by L i u Guandao, He Cheng or a contemporary Yuan court a r t i s t . The close relationship of st y l e of both I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode and Whiling Away the Summer r e f l e c t t h e i r contemporaneousness and place of o r i g i n . In addition, i t suggests a close working relationship between the two a r t i s t s . There i s , however, no l i t e r a r y evidence or further extant paintings as yet uncovered to explore t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . The drawing and description of architecture features importantly i n the painting of the handscroll. This i s the only extant evidence of He Cheng's noted prowess as a" j i e hua" ^ 4 3 or"boundary l i n e " painter. The painting of the architecture i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode t e l l us that He Cheng was a follower of the t r a d i t i o n established by Guo Zhongshu •4n3 ~-%c2- 44 /th A<a. (c. 930-977) of the Northern Song period. This was a t r a d i t i o n characterised as r e a l i s t i c and was, at the beginning of the fourteenth century considered to be conservative. I t was being challenged by a new, highly decorative and - 48 -phantasmogorical style whose prime exponent was Wang Zhenpeng (act. c. 1310-1330) younger contemporary of He Cheng, belonging to the next generation of court painters and overlapping 45 with He Cheng during the l a s t decade of his court l i f e . The " j i e hua" painting of He Cheng i s a combination of sketchy, medium size strokes for roofs and walls, and f i n e , meticulous l i n e s used to accurately and r e a l i s t i c a l l y d e t a i l bracketing systems, foundations w a l l , s t a i r s , screens, p i l l a r s and roof ends. A comparison of the painting of these a r c h i t e c t u r a l features with those i n the Odes of Bin i n the Crawford C o l l e c t i o n 46 points to a common s t y l i s t i c heritage. ( f i g . 12) This paint-ing has i n the past, been attributed i n c o r r e c t l y to L i Gonglin, but i s now believed to be the anonymous work of a thirteenth century a r t i s t working i n the L i Gonglin t r a d i t i o n . The s t y l i s t i c s i m i l a r i t y between these paintings i s not limi t e d to the arch-i t e c t u r a l studies alone, i t i s further confirmation of He Cheng's use of the t r a d i t i o n s associated with L i Gonglin. Further l i n k s between these two paintings with t h e i r references to L i Gonglin w i l l be examined l a t e r . The pine trees of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode are the most c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e landscape element, and are d i r e c t l y related to the L i Cheng (c. 960-990) - Guo X i ( c' 1060-1075) mode as i t was transmitted by painters working i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n during the J i n period. The pines i n sections one, f i v e and nine can be compared to the pines i n L i Shan's L J-* (late 12th century) Wind and Snow i n the F i r - p i n e s . 4 7 ( f i g . 9) Although they lack the same monumental stature of the - 49 -pines of L i Shan, and the branches are blunt, often truncated, less detailed and lacking the same grace, they do share a s i m i l a r technique i n the convincing treatment of the volume of the trunk and the texture of the bark. This i s a technique of c i r c l e s and semi-circles of ink applied over modulated outlines on the out-side edges of the trunk h i g h l i g h t i n g the central portion to give an impression of roundness. This i s a common feature of pine trees painted during the J i n and Yuan periods. Other paintings display-48 ing t h i s technique are Clearing after Snow i n the Min Mountains, a mid-twelfth century J i n landscape, The Red C l i f f , a t tributed to Wu Yuanzhi - j ^ TU (act. p r i o r 1190) , also of the J i n 49 . 50 period , i n the early Yuan period Twin Pines by Zhao Mengfu , and the wal l paintings of the. Yong Le Gong i n Shanxi Province, 51 . . . dated 135 8. In a l l of these paintings pine trees are depicted using the same technique of c i r c l e s and semi-circles on the out-side edges of the trunks. He Cheng was never noted for his a b i l i t y to paint landscapes and he f a l l s below the standards set by Guo X i and L i Shan. However, He Cheng's depiction of pine trees, with t h e i r almost awkward s i m p l i c i t y can be seen as part of a tendency or a general trend of painters of the Guo X i t r a d i t i o n to simplify the complicated, organic forms with each succeeding v a r i a t i o n of 52 Guo Xi's o r i g i n a l . Furthermore, t h i s s i m p l i c i t y has been exploited for i t s antique or primitive e f f e c t . ;„ The setting of Tao Qian's home i n the Jiangnan area of south China required the painting of deciduous trees. The Guo X i t r a d i t i o n , suited to the portrayal of the pine trees of the north - 50 -of China was exchanged for the derivative t r a d i t i o n of L i Tang ^ (act. 1120-1140) which was more suitable for describing the lush landscape of the south. L i Tang, o r i g i n a l l y a follower of Guo X i , had adapted the harsh style of the north to his new environment when he moved to the south at the f a l l of the Northern 53 Song dynasty. Homecoming Ode are described i n f u l l verdure, covered with densely patterned leaves. Different types of tree are i d e n t i f i a b l e by leaf pattern; some are a succession of t r i a n g l e s , while others are t r i p a r t i t e l i k e a clover l e a f . P i c t o r i a l i n t e r est i s achieved by v a r i a t i o n i n l i n e , size and colour i n depicting the d i f f e r e n t sorts of leaves, lending a certain animation, unlike 54 the decorative flatness of the paintings of l a t e r centuies. Rather, i t i s more useful to compare He Cheng's style of painting of deciduous trees to that found at the l a t t e r end of the Northern Song period or at the beginning of the Southern Song era i n paintings attributed to L i Tang and his followers. Herb Gathering at the C l i f f s of the Immortals attributed to L i Tang shows deciduous trees depicted with a s i m i l a r style of 55 patterned leaves. ( f i g . 10) There i s the same d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of pattern for the d i f f e r i n g leaf types. Similar trees are found i n a second painting attributed to L i Tang, Marquis Wen-kung of Chin Recovering his State, which i s now i n the Metropolitan 56 Museum, New York. ( f i g . 11) In t h i s s c r o l l , the painting of the sharp, f l a t s i d e d , c r y s t a l l i n e rocks can be compared to the paint-ing of those found i n the foreground near the end of the The deciduous trees i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the - 51 -I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode haridscroll. ( f i g . IN) The wet texturing i s a reminder of the early depictions of the "axe-cut cun" before they evolved into the hard, conventionalised forms seen i n much of Southern Song Academy painting. The appearance of the early form i n th i s context, may point to i t s preservation i n the conservative t r a d i t i o n s i n the north during the J i n dynasty. There are also s i m i l a r i t i e s to be found i n the dry, scratchy, blunt strokes which texture the stone surfaces, and the dark l i n e s of varying width and density which contour the rocks. Wen Fong, i n describing the s c r o l l attributed to L i Tang, said 5 7 that the rock forms c l e a r l y followed the Guo Xi idiom. This confirms the opinion that He Cheng was following the landscape t r a d i t i o n of Guo Xi as i t was transmitted by his followers i n the north. This examination of the s p e c i f i c elements of He Cheng's figure and landscape styles i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming  Ode has shown that, while a number of d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s have been followed, a l l of these are ultimately related to the seminal figure, L i Gonglin. Now i t seems necessary to place a l l these diverse elements back i n the handscroll and to take a more general or o v e r a l l view of the painting. One of the most s t r i k i n g features of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode i s the apparent contradiction between the austere, f i n e l y detailed and tec h n i c a l l y s k i l f u l drawing of figures, architecture and some trees and the sparse, scratchy, often clumsy treatment of much of the landscape and f o l i a g e . This - 52 -contradiction i s heightened by He Cheng's p r e d i l e c t i o n for strong contrasts i n both composition and ink colour. This i s seen i n the movement from large areas of dense painting, where much dark ink i s used to open areas barely touched by a l i g h t wash or a few brush strokes. I t can also be seen in smaller, confined areas where dark ink i s used on trees and foreground rocks to create space c e l l s , i s o l a t i n g figures against a l i g h t background. This d i a l e c t i c of open, l i g h t space and dark, dense structure, of r e a l i s t i c and n o n - r e a l i s t i c could have proved discordant and unpleasing to the eye. However, i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode, they add up to a cohesive and e f f e c t i v e painting. The harmony i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s a r e s u l t of He Cheng's adherence to t r a d i t i o n and h i s t o r i c a l precedents. Paintings based on the merging of diverse elements and t r a d i t i o n s , painted i n both s k i l f u l and primitive s t y l e s , are not unknown to early Chinese painting history. However, extant examples are few, whether or not there were ever enough to warrant c a l l i n g them a school i n t h e i r own r i g h t . One of these few examples i s the Odes of Bin, i n the Crawford c o l l e c t i o n . This painting i s only s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r than the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode, and also has as i t s base a c l a s s i c a l literary./ theme. According to James C a h i l l , the painting i s a blend of the "amateurish" and " p r i m i t i v i s t " with "very sensitive and refined passages which reveal 5 8 the hand of a highly accomplished master." The Odes of Bin i s a long handscroll of ink on paper, and i s composed of episodic scenes of figures i n a setting of - 53 -buildings and landscape. Many of the compositional methods noted i n the He Cheng s c r o l l are to be found i n t h i s painting. A r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs are used as s t r u c t u r a l devices, there i s a s i m i l a r movement from dark to l i g h t areas and the view on occasions, s h i f t s abruptly from near to f a r . The r e a l i s t i c style of the " j i e hua" technique on buildings and the sketchy, non-descriptive treatment of landscape i s also common on both paintings. These common features are more than coincidental, and James C a h i l l says of the techniques applied to the Odes of  Bin: "(the) tempering of technical s k i l l s with calculated gaucheries, the interspersing of what i s almost a kind of l i t e r a r y a l l u s i o n with f a i r l y accurate p i c t o r i a l representations, may have been the practice of L i Gonglin himself, and was ce r t a i n l y that of his 59 followers." I t can be seen that the o v e r a l l technique of paintings s i m i l a r i n style to the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode bears d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n of L i Gonglin. CHAPTER 3: Tao Yuanming's Homecoming Ode (Gui qu l a i c i was a subject often painted during the c l a s s i c a l period of Chinese h i s t o r y . The poem was one w e l l known to a l l l i t e r a t e Chinese from the f i f t h century onwards. I t was of p a r t i c u l a r significance to a l l those who aspired to or succeeded i n obtain-ing an o f f i c i a l career. The theme of retreat from the "dusty world" of c i v i l a f f a i r s i n order to lead a simple l i f e close to one's family and nature was close to the heart of those embroiled i n the day to day workings of a monolithic bureaucracy where corruption, compromise, and personal danger were the norm. The themes of the poem and i t s i d y l l i c imagery naturally lent i t s e l f to brush and ink. Perhaps f i r s t painted soon aft e r Tao Qian's l i f e t i m e , the subject developed into one of the most famous and important l i t e r a r y themes of painting history. The various types of paintings based on the Homecoming Ode which frequently appeared during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties are based on prototypes which emerged during the era of figure paintings greatest achievements, the period of Tang to Song dynasties. Though there are only one or two paintings from t h i s period (and even these are.problematic), i t i s possible to obtain a general understanding of the basic types from l i t e r a r y sources. (1051-1107). In t h i s book, dated approximately 1100 AD., the great Northern Song scholar and connoisseur made comments on many paintings preserved i n his own c o l l e c t i o n and the c o l l e c t i o n s of his contemporaries. He recorded that a member of the Imperial The e a r l i e s t reference to a painting of the Homecoming Ode - 55 -household, Zhongshou 'f^ , whose sobriquet was Junfa fa. , possessed: "a Tang dynasty painting of Tao Yuanming1s Homecoming  Ode• The painting's depiction of Lu shan (Mount Lu) has great i n t e r e s t , the work i s not at a l l ordinary." 1 Mi's description of the painting i s very s u p e r f i c i a l , a short-coming of many early works of painting history. I t i s therefore d i f f i c u l t to know much about the format, technique or s t y l e of the painting. Nonetheless, certain general assumptions can be made. Mi Fei's stress on the depiction of Lu shan seems to indicate that the painting was not primarily a p o r t r a i t or figure study of the poet. I t i s possible to suggest that the painting was a handscroll showing the landscape of the Lu shan area which the poet had to pass through on his way home from his post at Pengze. With hindsight based on the paintings of l a t e r times i t can 2 be imagined that the figure of the poet was shown more than once. This painting i s also recorded i n the Yun Yan Guo Yan Lu ^ Hfcl't/jlC ' a t e x t by t n e important scholar of the late Southern Song and early Yuan, Zhou Mi f^j ^ (1232-1308) . Zhou Mi recorded the paintings and calligraphy that he had seen i n forty, f i v e c o l l e c t i o n s . Amongst these was the c o l l e c t i o n of Zhang Shouyi 0^ who owned three paintings t i t l e d Gui qu l a i tu ' j - ^ f ^ J . Amongst the three "two of these are said to be the works of Tang dynasty 3 a r t i s t s , see the entry i n Hua Shi." The d e t a i l s of the provenance of Zhang Shouyi's c o l l e c t i o n are not available but i t would seem that at least one painting was the one seen by Mi F e i . - 5 6 -Zhou Mi's text provides the f i r s t name for an a r t i s t of the Gui qu l a i tu. He notes that i n the c o l l e c t i o n of S i De Yongjin ij j^^ L I^ fj j ^ - . there was a painting t i t l e d Gui qu l a i tu by the Tang a r t i s t Han Huang'lpv7 ^ | L J Unfortunately there are no d e t a i l s recorded. Han Huang (723-789 AD.) was prime minister during the De Zong reign era of Tang. He was posthumously enfeoffed as the Duke of J i n . Han was famous as a painter of figures, animals, pastoral genre scenes and l i t e r a r y 5 subjects. Han Huang's i n t e r e s t s , his s o c i a l position and his a r t i s t i c s k i l l (the a b i l i t y to portray the diverse forms required for the composition) would c e r t a i n l y indicate the p o s s i b i l i t y that he painted the subject, but the late date of the f i r s t record of the painting, s i x hundred years a f t e r his death, renders the a t t r i b u t i o n questionable. There i s no record of a Gui qu  l a i tu by Han Huang i n the L i Dai Ming Hua J i ^ j ^ L . ((|U ^ £ ? J (845), 6 the Tu Hua Jian Wen Zhi ( ^ ^ J j f j (jp (mid-eleventh century) 7 or the Xuan He Hua Pu ^ (1120) . 8 Though there are, unfortunately, no extant paintings, there i s very good evidence that L i Gonglin often produced paintings i n at least two types that were based on the subject of the Homecoming Ode. In fact , i t i s to L i Gonglin that much of the c r e d i t must be given for the creation of the type of Gui qu  l a i tu most popular i n l a t e r times. His importance i n the development and populatization of the Homecoming Ode theme i s shown by the constant evocation of his name and memory through l i t e r a r y mediums (poems, i n s c r i p t i o n s and colophons) and through s t y l i s t i c a llusions i n numerous paintings of successive dynasties. The most r e l i a b l e evidence for L i having painted the Homecoming Ode i s found i n the catalogue of the Xuan He reign era's Imperial c o l l e c t i o n . The Xuan He Hua Pu, preface dated 1120 AD., was compiled under the auspices of Emperor Huizong a noted painter, calligrapher and connoisseur. There were one hundred and twenty seven paintings by L i Gonglin i n the c o l l e c t i o n , two were t i t l e d Gui qu l a i tu. The compilers of the catalogue offered t h i s comment on one painting by L i , "Gonglin painted Tao Qian i n the Gui gu l a i tu, he was not i n f i e l d s or a garden surrounded by pines and chrysanthemums but at a place where pure waters flowed." This type of rendition apparently reached the essence of the Homecoming Ode by portraying the poet seated i n contemplation far removed from the "dusty world". A second type of painting by L i Gonglin based on the Homecoming Ode i s indicated by the painting i n the Freer Gallery. Though attributed to a Northern Song contemporary of L i Gonglin's i t i s l i k e l y a Ming copy. The colophon of 1110 ADji appears to be authentic. I t was probably added to the present painting at the time of copying. "Once i n the home of Shangu (Huang Tingjian 1050-1110 AD.) I saw a small screen by L i Boshi S f^ (Gonglin) i l l u s t r a t i n g the Gui qu l a i . I t s touch was l i g h t but i t s flavour subtle, and i t i s quite s i m i l a r to t h i s painting....Li Peng Shan lao, of Nan shan.""*"^ The c y c l i c a l date of t h i s colophon i s March 26, 1110. The painting i s a handscroll i l l u s t r a t i n g n a r r a t i v e l y Tao's return, his family's welcome and his a c t i v i t i e s i n retirement. The - 58 -painting i s divided into sections, each section i s followed by an i n s c r i p t i o n containing the appropriate l i n e s from the poem. Zhou Mi's Yun Yan Guo Yan Lu provides important evidence that the Freer Gallery painting and i t s p i c t o r i a l organization r e f l e c t s a L i Gonglin prototype. Zhou Mi states that he had seen: " L i Boshi's Gui qu l a i tu, at the front Song Gaozong ^ - T T V had personally written the t i t l e . In the middle, following each section (of painting) Xue Shaopeng had written the li n e s of Tao's poem. As well he signed the i n s c r i p t i o n . " 1 1 This description indicates a painting according to the type indicated by the Northern Song painting discussed above. In addition, t h i s format, a section of painting followed by appropriate poetic l i n e s , i s consistent with L i Gonglin's treatment of 12 The Classic of F i l i a l P iety. Evidence that L i Gonglin painted numerous works based on the theme of the Homecoming Ode i s substantiated i n various texts. Zhang Chou fe- (157 7-1643 AD.), the author of the Qing He Shu Hua Fang ^ (SU prefaced 1616 AD., quotes from the works of Su Shi ?p\ (1036-1101 AD.): "In Su Shi's l i b r a r y there were two works by L i Boshi; the Gui qu l a i tu and the Yang guan tu . In addition, he quotes from a colophon written on a painting by L i of the Homecoming Ode. This was signed by Zhou Bangyan 13 who saw the painting during the ninth month of 1113 AD. Later texts provide more detailed information on paintings by L i . The Da Guan Lu of 1720 AD. records a Gui qu l a i tu which was a long handscroll painted i n the"bai miao" technique. This painting had a colophon written by Shen Du J , / L J , a famous 14 1?4L-Ming painter, dated 1422 AD. The Qian Long JS-CJ W~ era Imperial catalogue, Shi Qu Bao J i i^ Z ^ ^ of 1745, records a painting by L i i n "bai miao" technique on paper. I t also notes that the painting was unsigned and had a colophon by Wen Zhengming i n addition to that of Shen Du. This i s presumably the same painting attributed to L i Gonglin i n 15 the Da Guan Lu. These descriptions form a pattern i n d i c a t i n g a favourite L i Gonglin composition for paintings of the Homecoming  Ode: a handscroll, painted i n "bai miao" technique, i n which sections of the poem were i l l u s t r a t e d . Between each i l l u s t r a t i o n the appropriate l i n e s of the poem were written. I t i s t h i s prototype which the Freer painting r e f l e c t s and which forms the basis for He Cheng's continuous narrative composition. There i s one additional early source which not only provides evidence of L i Gonglin's painting a c t i v i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to Tao Yuanmiing's Homecoming Ode, but also provides a glimpse of the l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c importance of the poem to the l i t e r a t i of the Northern Song period. The famous painting of the Elegant Gathering at the Western Garden depicts Mi F e i , Wang Shen j-. &/LJ Huang Tingjian^Su Shi and other i l l u s t r i o u s talents of the l i t e r a t i and o f f i c i a l worlds i n the Northern Song who gathered together and engaged i n gentlemanly pursuits at Wang Shen's Western Garden. In the painting L i Gonglin i s depicted painting a Gui qu l a i tu handscroll."'" 6 The Xuan He Hua Pu records the existence of one further painting of the Homecoming Ode i n the Imperial c o l l e c t i o n . Though there are no d e t a i l s of the s t y l e , format, or technique used i n - 60 -the painting, the introduction to the a r t i s t strengthens the argument that the theme of the poem was one treasured by a pa r t i c u l a r type of man. The painter of th i s s c r o l l was Sun Keyuan ^\ > occasionally recorded as Sun Kexuan - ^ N ^ (Presumably the l a t t e r was his correct name, due to the p r o h i b i t i o n on the use of characters with the same sound as those i n the Emperor's name i t was changed to Keyuan). In juan 11 of the Xuan He Hua Pu i t states: "Sun Keyuan; his place of o r i g i n and dates are not known. His paintings of the landscape between Yue and Wu are very good. Though the strength of his brush cannot be said to have arrived at the vigorous and unrestrained, nonetheless his q i yun IfjC ( s p i r i t consonance) was l o f t y and ancient. He l i k e d to paint ancient scholars and hermits i n t h e i r remote dwellings and f i s h i n g lodges. One can see i n looking at the painting Spring Mists Issuing from Mountain Caverns his l o f t y ideas and feelings; from them one can know he was without fe e l i n g or cares for the a f f a i r s of the world. Playing with brush and ink was his r e a l i t y . Therefore i f a man was not of the type of Tao Qian or Qi Hao (a scholar of the Han) he w i l l not have 17 been portrayed by his brush." This passage reveals something of the philosophical biases of the scholarly e l i t e and the esteem with which Tao Yuanming was held by the l i t e r a t i . Seven years after the completion of the Xuan He era catalogue the Song court was forced to flee to Hangzhou by the A invading J i n armies. The ideas of the l i t e r a t i which had flourished at the end of the Northern Song naturally continued to exert influence during the early years of Song Gaozong's reign. Poetry, prose, calligraphy and painting a l l continued i n styles s i m i l a r to those i n vogue at the time of Huizong. Naturally one would expect to f i n d records of the existence of paintings of the Homecoming Ode• The Yun Yan Guo Yan Lu records a Gui qu l a i tu painted by the monk Fan Long , we l l known follower of L i Gonglin, 18 who painted at the time of Gaozong. Though Zhou Mi provided no d e t a i l s of the painting, an entry i n the Qing Imperial catalogue, Shi Qu Bao J i , may refer to the same painting. "Gui qu l a i tu, handscroll on paper, "bai miao" technique, no signature. P r i o r to the painting i s a seven character i n s c r i p t i o n written by Song Gaozong:'Fan Long: Tao Quan's Gui qu l a i t u " ' . On the s c r o l l i s a "Qaingua » s e a l (Imperial seal of Gaozong), the s c r o l l i s i n a t o t a l of nine sections. Each section 19 has an i n s c r i p t i o n i n the calligraphy of Gaozong..." The format of t h i s painting i s i n the t r a d i t i o n established by L i Gonglin as mentioned by Zhou Mi and as seen i n the C l a s s i c of  F i l i a l Harmony. •' There are a number of paintings attributed to Fan Long, unfortunately his Gui qu l a i tu i s no longer extant. Perhaps most representative of Fan Long's painting style i s the Arhats i n the  Forest s c r o l l , now i n the Freer Gallery. I t i s painted i n the "bai miao" technique descended from the style developed by L i , • 20 Gonglin. - 62 -Another a r t i s t active at t h i s time was J i a Shigu (active 1130-1160 AD.), one of four academicians 21 i n Gaozong's court who specialized i n scholarly subjects. Amongst the properties confiscated from the disgraced Yan Song J ^ (1480-1565 AD.), grand secretary from 1542-1562, and recorded i n Qian Shan Tang Shu Hua J i /^^ " L U ^ (1501-1583) was a Gui qu l a i tu by J i a Shigu. "The brushwork was elegant and refined, i t i s 22 s t y l i s t i c a l l y descended from L i Gonglin." J i a Shigu was a native of Kaifeng who moved south with court i n 1127. I t i s probably that he knew L i Gonglin and ce r t a i n l y was f a m i l i a r with his work. The Tu Hui Bao Jian noted that J i a Shigu was "a painter of Buddhist and Taoist subjects. He took L i Gonglin's "bai miao" technique as his model. His 2 3 figures were powerful, t h e i r depiction superlative." 24 Though J i a Shigu's paintings i n "bai miao" are no longer known , an idea of his importance and influence on l a t e r painting can be seen i n the work of his most i l l u s t r i o u s student, Liang Kai jit 1 (act 1200-1250). L i Tang (act. 1100-1140) a seminal figure i n the transfer of a r t i s t i c styles from the Northern to Southern Song courts also had a Gui qu l a i tu i n the Yan Song 25 c o l l e c t i o n . Though there i s no description of the painting other than the t i t l e , i t i s possible that t h i s painting followed a L i Gonglin prototype. As evidenced by the Marquis Wen-kung of  Chin s c r o l l , L i Tang followed the L i Gonglin t r a d i t i o n i n his figure painting. The l a s t pre-Yuan dynasty painter i n the south of China - 63 -to have painted the Homecoming Ode was Zhao Boju i £ (act. 1100-1140). The Qing He Shu Hua Fang records a Gui qu l a i tu painted by Zhao Boju which included Zhao Mengfu's c a l l i g r a p h i c rendering of the Tao Qian poem. Though there are no further d e t a i l s i t i s f a i r l y safe to assume that the painting 2 7 was a handscroll i n blue and green, Zhao Boju's usual s t y l e . C o l l a t e r a l evidence for this assumption i s provided i n a colophon on a blue and green style Gui qu l a i tu handscroll painted by Zhao Mengfu. In commenting on the painting Wen J i a said: "In t h i s painting the application of colour i s detailed and superlative. (Zhao Mengfu) has studied Zhao Boju, i n various ways he has captured the masters s p i r i t but 2 8 has not stopped at that point1.' After t h i s i n i t i a l period of enthusiasm for the ideas o and practices of the l i t e r a t i of the late Northern Song t h e i r influence diminished i n a l l of the a r t s . In painting of the late Southern Song s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n s t y l e , format and subject matter occurred. In searching the l i t e r a t u r e for references to paintings of the Homecoming Ode an i n t e r e s t i n g discovery was made. After the time of Fan Long, J i a Shigu and Zhao Boju paintings based on the poem were not complete depictions of the manly phases of the poem as e a r l i e r paintings had tended to be. Instead they were paintings of i s o l a t e d images, often that of Tao Yuanming enjoying chrysanthemums ^ j^j . Though t h i s image can be related to the Homecoming Ode, there i s an obvious change of emphasis based primarily on a r t i s t i c taste but perhaps there i s also a d i f f e r e n t psychological a t t i t u d e . This change of format, from complete depictions of the poem to i s o l a t e d images, may also be explained as a process where the figure, or main icon, comes to represent the whole. The added importance given to the main icon i s a natural r e s u l t of the copying and re-copying of recensions from a single prototype. The most usual Southern Song representations of Tao Qian or his poems are described by the following examples. Liang Kai was responsible for a small painting on s i l k which depicted Tao Qian holding a chrysanthemum while .walking under a pine tree. In juan 5 of the Nan Song Yuan Hua Lu ^ ^ ^ ^ f e i t states: "the brush method i s f i n e , delicate and s p i r i t e d . 29 This can be taken as one of his better works." A small painting by Ma Yuan fzj }%L\ (act. 1190-1230) of Tao Yuanming Enjoying Chrysanthemums was also amongst the works 30 confiscated from Yen Song. In the Yu Shi Shu Hua T i Ba J i , prefaced 1633 AD., there i s a description of a handscroll by Zhao Danian ^ (act.1070-1100). This painting portrayed Tao Qian seated with friends i n a pa v i l i o n i n front of which grew chrysanthemums. Behind the p a v i l i o n was a dense grove of bamboo. The painting was said to 31 be detailed and c o l o u r f u l . These three b r i e f descriptions indicate that during the l a t t e r period of the Southern Song the long handscroll, often painted i n "bai miao" technique, had given way to the t y p i c a l Southern Song format of a single, small, i s o l a t e d scene of s t a t i c composition and refined execution. Records of painting a c t i v i t y i n the north of China under the contemporary J i n dynasty are scarce and paintings very rare. - 65 -Nonetheless there i s some l i t e r a r y evidence to suggest that a di f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n existed i n the north of China with regard to paintings of the Homecoming Ode. I t i s well known that many of the c u l t u r a l norms and ideas which held forth and developed i n the J i n were continuations of those f i r s t proposed by the Northern 32 Song l i t e r a t i . In painting, many of the landscape t r a d i t i o n s which faded out of fashion i n the Southern Song were carried on by J i n dynasty a r t i s t s . Northern Song and Five Dynasties a r t i s t s such as L i Cheng / ^ i , Dong Yuan , Ju Ran §L , L i Gonglin, and Su Shi were held i n esteem i n the north at a time when they were scarcely noticed i n the south. The preser-vation of many paintings of these periods and the perseverence of Northern Song styles i n the J i n period were two factors which exerted strong influence on Zhao Mengfu and his mid-Yuan attempts to "return to the past" i n painting s t y l e s . L i t e r a r y evidence indicates that there were a number of paintings of the Homecoming Ode i n the co l l e c t i o n s of J i n dynasty connoisseurs. The Yu Ding L i Dai T i Hua Shi L e i $$1. (&L\ , a bibliographic compilation commissioned by Qian Long emperor, records the authors and t i t l e s of poems or colophons found on paintings or i n books stored i n the Imperial l i b r a r i e s or c o l l e c t i o n s . This bibliographic source records the names of four J i n dynasty scholars whom added colophons to paintings 33 of the Gui qu l a i tu. This text confirms the existence of paintings i l l u s t r a t i n g the Homecoming Ode during the J i n dynasty. Though there are no descriptions of any of these works, the c u l t u r a l environment of the J i n dynasty makes i t l i k e l y that these or other related paintings, were recensions of Northern Song prototypes. I f so, there were important i n the re-appearance of - 66 -the Northern Song type of long handscroll i l l u s t r a t i n g the complete Homecoming Ode when i t re-surfaced i n the early Yuan dynasty. The four men who wrote the colophons on the J i n dynasty paintings of the Gui qu l a i tu were L i u Ying <fy^ , Wang Ruoxu j f _ ' ^ L ' L u D u o t and L i u Jiong *Z.'J j f e ^ . Two of these men, Wang Ruoxu and Lu Duo, were well known scholars and 34 members of the Hanlin Academy. The o f f i c i a l positions and s o c i a l status of these men confirms that the popularity of paintings based on the Homecoming Ode continued to be within the realm of the l i t e r a t i . The texts of painting history do not record any further paintings based on the poem u n t i l the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth centures. At that time Qian Xuan, Zhao Mengfu and He Cheng each produced paintings of the Gui qu  l a i tu. The re-emergence of the theme came at a time when a r t i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y l i t e r a t i a r t i s t s , were turning back to the Northern Song and e a r l i e r periods for i n s p i r a t i o n . I t was also a time when the p o l i t i c a l climate made the theme of the poem, and hence of the painting, p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t to the l i t e r a t i and other p a t r i o t i c Chinese who served i n o f f i c i a l positions for the foreign dynasty. The merging of these two factors, the a r t i s t i c and the p o l i t i c a l , was perhaps responsible for the new popularity of the subject of the painting. CHAPTER 4 " 67 -In addition to the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode, there are two further paintings associated with He Cheng: the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water ( f i g . 2) i n the Freer Gallery, Washington 1 and a painting of Samantabadhra seated on an elephant ( f i g . 3A) 2 i n the c o l l e c t i o n of L i Chu-tsing i n Laurence, Kansas. Both of these paintings are only attributed to He Cheng and problems of authenticity and dating are numerous. These problems r e s u l t i n there being no consensus of opinion amongst scholars, who hold instead, various viewpoints which w i l l be outlined below. .t The Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water i s a handscroll 2 6 3.5 centimetres i n length and 49.9 centimetres i n height. The painting i s a composition of figures against a background of clouds, and i t i s painted e n t i r e l y i n ink on paper. The t i t l e piece of the handscroll indicates the subject i s the Water Diety, one of the Three Taoist Agents. The Three Taoist Agents are: "transcendental powers, capable of bestowing happiness, 3 protecting from e v i l and remitting the wages of s i n . " The painting shows a procession of demons, mythological animals, armoured warriors, the Wind and Thunder Gods and the Deity of Water, who was endowed with the power to protect the f a i t h f u l from e v i l . The composition i s t i g h t l y packed and f u l l of frenetic 4 action. 9-The painting i s closely related to the Wu Daozi t r a d i t i o n . I t can be compared to a rubbing of a demon, reputed to be from a Wu Daozi o r i g i n a l i n the Bei Yue Temple, Qu 5 Yang, Hebei. The painting of the figures i s i n the "bai miao" technique using angular, c a l l i g r a p h i c brush strokes. Ink washes - 68 -are applied to highlight various figures and to depict clouds. Thomas Lawton feels the figures i n the painting, and i n the above mentioned rubbing "give the impression of extraordinary energy," achieved through the movement of both the drapery and the f i g u r e . 6 The painting has appended colophons written by Zhang Zhongshou and dated 1310; L i Yong ^ ^ , dated 1446, 1449 and 1450; 7 L i Wenzheng $C , undated; Wu J i n ^ ' f t j , dated 1815, and Peng Minsun C/ , dated 1905. The painting i s not recorded i n any of the standard sources. The colophon of Zhang Zhongshou i s of p a r t i c u l a r importance. I t w i l l be remembered that Zhang Zhongshou was the calligrapher of The Homecoming Ode, the f i r s t colophon of He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. Zhang Zhongshou indicates that the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water was o r i g i n a l l y a complete representation of a l l the Three Taoist Agents. He also states: "This painting i s from the brush of the gentleman He, Taizhong Daifu. He i s now eighty-seven years o l d . " 8 ( f i g . 14). The a r t i s t mentioned can only be He Cheng. This o f f i c i a l t i t l e , Taizhong Daifu awarded to He Cheng i n 1308, was often used i n reference to him. The age of eighty-seven i n 1310 corresponds to 9 the ninety years ascribed to He Cheng i n 1312 by Cheng Qufu. In addition, the appearance of writings by Zhang Zhongshou on both paintings cannot be coincidental. A comparison of the calligraphy of the two Zhang Zhongshou colophons show they are d e f i n i t e l y by the same hand. While t h i s colophon can be judged as authentic evidence for He Cheng's period of a c t i v i t y , i t cannot by i t s e l f prove that the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water i s a painting by He Cheng. Although the painting has never been the subject of a thorough scholarly investigation, various authorities have made b r i e f comments. Their viewpoints are summarized below. Thomas Lawton states: "In spite of the dates provided by the colophons, the style of the Freer handscroll does not appear to be e a r l i e r than the Ming dynasty. The colophons by Chang Chung-shou (Zhang Zhongshou) and L i Yung (Li Yong) are probably l a t e r a d d i t i o n s . " 1 0 James C a h i l l , too, once believed -the painting to be of the Ming p e r i o d , 1 1 and L i Chu-tsing's opinion i s that the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water and the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode are not be the same a r t i s t . He also states: "The Freer painting does not have any d e f i n i t e a t t r i b u t i o n , and the a t t r i b u t i o n of He i Cheng i n the 12 colophon i s not very firm." A l l of these opinions combine to suggest that the a r t i s t of the s c r o l l was not He Cheng. However, Xu Bangda holds a d i f f e r e n t view. Although he concedes that the techniques of the painting i n the two s c r o l l s are not the same, he feels that there are some points of s i m i l a r i t y . In p a r t i c u l a r , he describes the brush method seen on the drapery of various mythological figures i n the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water, and the contour l i n e s on figures i n the -Illustrations to the Homecoming Ode as: "strong and f l u i d : I t i s the work of one man's 13 brush." The date of the painting i s easier to judge than the i d e n t i t y of the a r t i s t . Lawton 1s suggestion of the Ming dynasty as a possible date can be challenged, should the painting be compared to the Taoist wall paintings of the San Qing Dian at 14 the Yong Le Gong. These murals, representing the Taoist pantheon, were painted i n the f i r s t part of the fourteenth century. In f a c t , there i s an i n s c r i p t i o n of 1325 on one wall of the San 15 Qing Dian. Although the actual brush st y l e of these figures and those of the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water i s not the same, the depiction of the figures springs from a common t r a d i t i o n , and the two works have many common morphological features. P a r t i c u l a r attention should be paid to the structure of faces. A comparison of the figures astride the q i l i n and l i o n i n the Taoist D i v i n i t y  of Water, with the figures of the San Qing Dian mural reveal a si m i l a r emphasis on three diminsional structure and exaggerated expression. Furthermore the monumental, elongated form of the figures, f a c i a l h a i r , armour and the patterned mane of lio n s are a l l features common to both paintings. The s i m i l a r i t i e s of the murals at the San Qing Dian and the painting, the Taoist D i v i n i t y  of Water, suggest t h e i r contemporaneousness, and since the San Qing Dian has unequivocably been dated as c i r c a 1325, there i s a de f i n i t e suggestion that the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water should also be placed i n the early fourteenth century. The question of i d e n t i f y i n g the hand of the same a r t i s t i n the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water and the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode, two paintings of such disparate subject-matter and f i g u r a l t r a d i t i o n , i s compounded by the great difference i n the i r expression and fe e l i n g . The unhurried, strong and flowing l i n e s , the easy, controlled poses of figures, and the independent yet complementary nature of the landscape i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s - 71 -to the Homecoming Ode reveal the hand of a sympathetic a r t i s t , who feels for the humanistic emotion of the poem. The a r t i s t revealed i n the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water, on the contrary, seems constrained and meticulous. The brush strokes are tense and purposeful and have been applied with a precise care for every d e t a i l . This same precision may have been dictated by the iconography and tr a d i t i o n s of Taoist figure painting, but i t could also point to the hand of an a r t i s t engaged i n copying. Thomas Lawton has suggested that the o r i g i n of the composition may have been a wal l painting of the Wu Daozi_'. t r a d i t i o n . He observes: "there i s a sense of overstatement i n the brushwork of the handscroll that may r e s u l t p a r t i a l l y from the reduction i n s i z e . Some loss of craftsmanship i s also apparent i n the drawing, where many l i n e s are redundant or unnecessarily tremulous.""'"6 Many of the li n e s reveal an " o l i v e - p i t " stroke, which describes the inside of the l i n e as tremulous, while the outside i s smooth. This i s the r e s u l t of a tense and concentrated hand, and i s a ch a r a c t e r i s t i c often associated with d i r e c t copying or tracing. "O l i v e - p i t " strokes are p a r t i c u l a r l y noticeable on folds of flowing drapery. A second in d i c a t i o n of the hand of the copyist i s seen i n the dotted contour l i n e which describes the rump of the l i o n . Here the l i n e i s composed of a series of connected dots, c l e a r l y displaying draughtsmanship p r i o r to the actual application of the brush stroke. In freehand brush stroke painting, t h i s would be 17 considered unusual. These t e l l t a l e clues may serve to strengthen Dr. Lawton 1s suggestion that the painting originated from a larger - 72 -composition, such as a wall painting. But, on the other hand, they point towards a second p o s s i b i l i t y , i f He Cheng's a c t i v i t i e s as a court a r t i s t are to be taken into account. In chapter one i t was noted that He Cheng was responsible for "the painting a f f a i r s " , during the construction and decoration 18 of the Xingsheng Guan. This duty would have included the design of w a l l paintings. I t i s possible the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water i s a finished drawing or design for a wal l painting. This would explain many features l i k e the elongated forms, belaboured brush strokes and over attention to d e t a i l , causing the painting to appear overstated. In addition, i t would account for those areas, i d e n t i f i e d by Xu Bangda as by the hand of He Cheng, a r t i s t of the 19 I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. The t h i r d painting of importance to t h i s discussion of paintings associated with He Cheng, i s the Buddhist hanging s c r o l l i n the c o l l e c t i o n of L i Chu-tsing. The painting depicts Samantabhadra holding his usual a t t r i b u t e , the ruy i •"56z- / c 3 . , while seated on the back of a crouching elephant. The Bodhisattva i s accompanied by an attendant who holds a bamboo standard topped by a piece of clo t h . The painting i s very dark, with contour l i n e s painted i n ink; any traces of colour now indecipherable. In the lower l e f t corner there i s a signature that reads "He Cheng", ( f i g . 3C) In the lower right corner are four seals, ( f i g . 3D). known calligrapher of the mid-Yuan period who excelled at cursive and grass styles of calligraphy. Below t h i s seal are three seals belonging to Wang Chou, a son of the famous Qing painter Wang Hui. The uppermost seal,"Xian Yu", i s s i m i l a r to the seals of Xian Yushu (1256-1301). Xian Yushu was a well - 73 -The three seals read as follows: "Ban Ri Jing Sheng, Ban Ri Du Shu" - ^ " S l | | j L - f " 8 "Wang Chou Zhi Yin" "Chou" The painting agrees morphologically and s t y l i s t i c a l l y with many fourteenth century figure paintings of the Buddhist V/' and Taoist types. The strong emphasis on a scul p t u r a l , three-dimensional, r e a l i s t i c face and hands i s a recognizable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the period. Similar tendencies are seen i n the 2 0 wall paintings at the Yong Le Gong •/ the Guanyin attributed to A J i a j i a Jff fa fa 2"^ and the Mahapra j a p a t i 2 2 by Wang Zhenpeng. L i Chu-tsing confirms that "the painting i n style matches a number of paintings of the same subject, Samantabhadra, i n many Japanese 2 3 c o l l e c t i o n s from the Yuan period. This s t y l e may be characterized as a juxtaposition of realism i n the painting of the exposed body (hands, neck, face), and decoration in the painting of the covered body. The robes of Samantabhadra are contoured i n busy p a r a l l e l l i n e s which decorate the figure rather than convincingly depicting anatomy. Areas between the p a r a l l e l s t r i a t i o n s or, more precisely, the sides of the inner contours, are heavily washed to indicate concavities i n the drapery. Although the painting appears to be of his period, the attributions to He Cheng i s d i f f i c u l t to accept, as the brushwork and technique i s so d i f f e r e n t from that seen i n the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. L i Chu-tsing feels "puzzled" by the 24 painting as "the brushwork seems to be quite d i f f e r e n t " from that of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode s c r o l l . Xu Bangda i s more f o r c e f u l i n his opinion. He denies any possible relationship between the painting of Samantabhadra and He Cheng on the basis of the c o n f l i c t i n g styles between i t and the 25 I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. The problems surrounding t h i s painting are compounded by the p o s s i b i l i t y that the signature does not refer to the Yuan dynasty He Cheng. There i s a second painter of figures named He Cheng, a man from Changsha who was noted for his Buddhist 2 6 figures during the Northern Song period. (A t h i r d a r t i s t named He Cheng can be discounted i n t h i s discussion. He was active during the Xuan De period of the Ming dynasty (1435-1464) and served as governor of Yuanzhou. He was a follower of Mi Fei and Gao Kegong r^) ^ l i ^ £ i n landscape painting. There are no 2 7 records i n d i c a t i n g that he painted Buddhist figures. ) I t i s possible that the painting i s a copy, a l b e i t a 'v very good copy, of the late Yuan to Ming periods. The s c r o l l may be based on a work by one of the two figure painters to share the name He Cheng. This proposal might account for the signature and 2 8 the "Xian Yu" s e a l , judged to be spurious. CONCLUSION: - 75 -In t h i s thesis we have discussed what i s known of the l i f e and art of the Yuan dynasty a r t i s t , He Cheng. His most important extant painting, the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode, has been thoroughly analyzed and discussed andrfound to allude d i r e c t l y to the ideas, t r a d i t i o n and technique of the famous Northern Song l i t e r a t i painter, L i Gonglin. The evidence of t h i s painting and the comments of various l i t e r a t i contemporary with He Cheng, indicates that the a r t i s t , though a court painter, responded to and was involved i n the painting revolution of the Yuan dynasty which led to the forming of the new a r t i s t i c attitude l a t e r recognized as l i t e r a t i painting. This evidence provides some answers to the questions posed i n the introduction. That the painting revolution existed solely amongst the l i t e r a t i i s evidently untrue, at least i n the p a r t i c u l a r case of t h i s court a r t i s t . The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode demonstrates that the techniques and ideas now associated with the l i t e r a t i , were shared by the court a r t i s t s even during the early years of the revolution. These answers can only lead to one conclusion with regard to the t h i r d question posed i n the introduction; did the n o n - l i t e r a t i painters p a r t i c i p a t e and contribute to the revolution? The answer, provided by t h i s study of one a r t i s t must surely be yes. Although an affirmative answer based on the examination of one painter and painting cannot be judged conclusive, there i s a high p r o b a b i l i t y that further research amongst other l i t t l e known n o n - l i t e r a t i painters of the Yuan dynasty w i l l lead to a similar answer. - 76 -INTRODUCTION NOTES: 1. C a h i l l , James, H i l l s Beyond a River, New York: Weatherhill, 19 76, p. 3. A pioneering work i n the study of the Yuan dynasty painting revolution i s found i n : Loehr, Max. Chinese Painting After Sung, Ryerson Lecture, Yale Art Gallery, March 2, 1967. 2. C a h i l l , James, Ib_id. p. 4 3. Hay, John, "Review of H i l l s Behond a River", Journal  of Asian Studies, Vol. 37, 1977-78, p. 350. 4. Xue Yongnian ^ ^K~-*f , "He Cheng and His I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode" Wenwu ^ ^ , No. 8, 19 73. 5. Xu Bangda ^ ^ ^ f i "Supplementary Remarks Regarding He Cheng, Zhang Wo and Their Paintings". Wenwu, No. 11, 1978. CHAPTER ONE NOTES 1. Cheng Qufu . Xue Lou J i ^  ^ K j , Vol. 3, juan 9 (unpaghated) Facsimile reprint of Hong Wu e d i t i o n . Cheng Qufu (1249-1318), an important o f f i c i a l , i s remembered as the leader of the government mission to the Jiangnan area i n 1286. His duty was to r e c r u i t o f f i c i a l s from the Song l o y a l i s t s and d i s -affected l i t e r a t i of that economically important area. I t was Cheng Qufu who convinced Zhao Mengfu to go to Peking, (see Shen C.Y. Fu, "The Painting and Calligraphy C o l l e c t i o n of the Grand Princess of Lu-kuo, Sengge." National Palace Museum Quarterly, Vol. XVIII #1., Autumn 19 78, p. 3. 2. Cheng Qufu, I b i d . Vol. 3, juan 9. The postscript to Cheng Qufu's Three Verses on the "Jie Hua" of He Cheng i s trans-lated i n the Appendix. Zhongshou's colophon to the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water appears i n the Appendix. The painting i s reproduced i n : Lawton, Thomas. Chinese  Figure Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 1973. p. 156-160. 3. Zhang Zhongshou \Ji^~ r f A] • A t r a n s l a t i o n of Zhang 4. Yu J i y | | . Yu J i 1 s colophon to I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode i s translated i n the Appendix. Yu J i was a scholar and o f f i c i a l who was a member of the group gathered by the Emperor Wenzong (reigned 132 8-1331) to discuss calligraphy and painting. 5. Zhao Mengfu A t r a n s l a t i o n of Zhao Mengfu's colophon appears i n the Appendix. Zhao Mengfu, a high o f f i c i a l , dominated the a r t i s t i c world i n Peking during the mid-Yuan period. He i s acknowledged to be the most i n f l u e n t i a l of - 78 -post-Song painters. His l i f e and art are discussed i n many sources. i.§_. L i Chu-tsing. Autumn Colours on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains, Ascona, Artibus Asiaie Supplementum, 1965. 6. Cheng Qufu. Ibid., See Appendix. 7. Yuan Shi yt^_ i Peking: Zhongguo Shu Ju ed i t i o n , 19 76. p. 3178. He Cheng i s mentioned i n the biography of Yue Zhu " LLA ' a m a n o f Uighur n a t i o n a l i t y whose father, A Lu Hui Sa L i | ^ > was a high o f f i c i a l under K u b i l a i Khan. Ke Shaomin edi t o r . Xin Yuan Shi , Tai be i , Taiwan: Yi Wen Yin Shu Guan, 1957. Juan 242, p. 2158. Biography of L i Shi . This anecdote i s somewhat puzzling as i t states that He Cheng was over 90 during the reign of Shizu ( i . e . p r i o r to 1294). This seems impossible based on the evidence provided by Cheng Qufu, Zhang Zhongshou and Zhao Mengfu. There are two possible explanations for the discrepancy i n dates between those noted by Cheng Qufu and Zhang Zhongshou and the date i n the Xin Yuan Shi: (1) The age of 90 has been used i n an ho n o r i f i c way. I t i s cer t a i n l y not uncommon i n China to venerate an older person by exaggerating t h e i r age. I f this incident took place near the end of Shizu's reign then He Cheng would have been approaching seventy. (2) The information i n the Xin Yuan Shi, published i n 1911, i s mistaken. Ke Shaomin, the editor, f a i l s to mention the o r i g i n of much of his material, i t i s therefore impossible to v e r i f y his information by examining the o r i g i n a l source. - 79 -9. Cheng Qufu. Ibid,. See Appendix. Taiihong Daifu (Master Scribe) was an o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n concerned with l i t e r a r y a f f a i r s . Duties included the writing of o f f i c i a l documents, hence the p o s i t i o n required outstanding calligraphy. The rank was of the t h i r d subordinate degree. Mishu Jian (Keeper of the Imperial Library) was a position i n the building of the same name. Duties included the management or control of h i s t o r i c a l records, ancient charts, magical books and prescribed texts. See the Bai Guan Zhi ^7 '/trbi section of the Yuan Shi. 10 . Hou Renzhi . "Dadu, Capital City of the Yuan Dynasty and B e i j i n g , Capital C i t y of the Ming and Qing Dynasties" ^ -Hi- i-k Palace Museum * J - a if m% m *** Journal Hm^^fffo. 3, 1979, p. 6 - 8. 11. Cheng Qufu, Ibid. See Appendix. 12. C a h i l l , James. H i l l s Beyond a River, New YorkJ Weatherhill, 1976, p. 5. 13. The painting history of the Yuan dynasty has been the subject of a number of books, catalogues and a r t i c l e s . Some important works are: C a h i l l , James. Ibid. L i Chu-tsing._Ibid. Lee, Sherman E. and Ho, Wai-kam. Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty, Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968. 14. Bush, Susan. "Clearing After Snow i n the Min Mountains". Oriental Art, Vol. 11 # 3, 1965, p. 165 . 15. Texts which discuss Southern Song painting are numerous. See: C a h i l l , James, The Art of Southern Song China, New York; - 80 -1962 and Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn. Song and Yuan Painting, New York: Metropolitan Museum, 19 73. 16. The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s published i n Wenwu iLity , No. 8, 19 73., and Yi Yuan Duo Ying '^f(Lj ^ No. 6, 1979. 17. Wu Daozi and his painting are discussed i n : Lawton, Thomas. Chinese Figure Painting,,, p. 156-160. 18. The painting of Samantabhadra has never been published. Dr.Li Chu-tsing generously provided photos of the painting i n his c o l l e c t i o n . 19. Yuan Shi. Ibid. p. 3178. Biography of Yue Zhu. 20. Ke Shaomin, editor. Ibid. Juan 242, p. 2158. Biography of L i Shi. 21. C a h i l l , James. H i l l s Beyond a River, p. 38. Examples of horse paintings from the period are: K u b i l a i Khan Hunting (published i n : J o i n t Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and National Central Museum, editors. Gu Gong Ming Hua  San Bai Zhong I f , fa j ^ l J ^ L ^  # Taipee.: 1959. p i . 158.) Horse and Groom i n the Wind (published i n : C a h i l l , James. Ibid, p. 8. 22. Xia Wenyan J f^^Tf • Tu Hui Bao Jian Hua Shi Zong Shu edi t i o n , Peking: 1963. Juan 5, p. 137. Xue Yongnian has convincingly demonstrated that He Daifu i s He Cheng. See: He Cheng and His I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. Wenwu No. 8, 1973. 23. Xia Wenyan. Ibid. Juan 5 / P- 137. 24. Yu J i . Pao Yuan Xue Gu Lou, Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937. 25 . Cheng Qufu. "He Cheng's Horse II Xue Lou J i , Vol. 3, juan 9. 26 . Cheng Qufu. Postscript to Three Verses on the "Jie Hua" of He Cheng. See Appendix. 27. The Afang Gong was the palace b u i l t by Qin Shi Huangdi during the Qin dynasty (221-207 B.C.). The palace was never fini s h e d . I t i s described i n Qin Shi Huang's biography i n the Shi J i . The Gusu Tai was b u i l t by the King of Wu during the Spring and Autumn Period (770-476 B.C.) The Kunming Chi was the lake within the palace of Han Wudi. I t was the subject of a poem by Tu Fu, the Tang dynasty poet. 28. Cheng Qufu. Ibid.. See Appendix. 29. Bush, Susan, The Chinese L i t e r a t i on Painting, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971. p. 79. Susan Bush states "the phrase "yu y i " to lodge ideas i n something (for the time being), describes an avocation, an art practiced by the amateur i n his free time. There are also expressive implications, since i t i s what i s done for pleasure." 30 . Zhao Mengfu. Ibid. See Appendix. 31. Bush, Susan, Ibid, p. 158-179. Dong Qichang, his - 82 -theories of art history, (The Northern and Southern Schools) and his influence are discussed i n d e t a i l by Susan Bush. 32. Gu Fu f$i^ . Ping Sheng Zhuang Guan ^ n <£j£_} i 10 juan, 1692. E d i t i o n based on manuscript copy of the Zhejiang Cultural Bureau, Shanghai: 196 2. Gu Fu recorded the paintings he had seen i n the Nanjing and Suzhou areas i n the mid-17 th century. 33. Wu Sheng ^ fcJf[ , D a G u a n L u v^V C ^ J ' ^ L , preface dated 1712. Facsimile reprint of manuscript i n National Central Library, Taiwan. Wu Sheng's dates are not known, he probably died about 1712. The text i s Wu Sheng's notes on paintings and calli g r a p h i e s that he saw. More than 450 paintings are recorded. 34. Gu Fu. I.b.i.d.. Juan 8, p. 87. 35. See Chapter Two. The t r a d i t i o n also discussed by James C a h i l l i n : Sickman, Lawrence. Chinese Calligraphy and Painting  i n the c o l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . , New York: Pierpoint Morgan Library, 1962, p. 90-92. 36. Xue Yongnian. Ibid, p. 29. 37. Yu J i . Yu J i ' s colophon i s translated i n the Appendix. 3 8 . J i e X i s i 4 ^ Jfc; \ . J i e X i s i ' s colophon on I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode i s translated i n the Appendix. 3 9 . Ke_ J i u s i "/tJ ^ 2 . Ke J i u s i ' s colophon on I l l u s t r a t i o n s  to the Homecoming Ode i s translated i n the Appendix. 40. Zhang Zhongshou. Ibid., See Appendix. CHAPTER TWO NOTES: - 83 -1. The poem i s one of Tao Qian's best known works and has often been translated. The version c i t e d i n this text i s : Hightower, James Robert. "The Fu and T'ao Ch*ien." Harvard Journal of Asian  Studies. Vol. 17, 1954, p. 169-230. The same version i s also found i n : Hightower, James Robert, The Poetry of T'ao Ch'ien, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970. A second version can be found i n : Chang, L i l y Paohu and S i n c l a i r , Marjorie. The Poems of T'ao Ch'ien, Honolulu: 1953. The t i t l e of the poem i s variously translated as The Return or The Homecoming Ode. In th i s thesis the painting by He Cheng based on the Tao Qian poem i s t i t l e d I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode. This i n accordance with the t i t l e used when the painting was f i r s t mentioned i n an English text. C a h i l l , James, H i l l s Beyond a River, New York: Weatherhill, 1976, p. 181, note 8. 2. The e a r l i e s t extant painting to use a continuous narrative composition i s the Nymph of the Lo River, attributed to that extant versions of th i s painting (one version i n Peking i s A second version i s published i n : Lawton, Thomas, Chinese Figure  Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 1973, p. 18 - 29X are no e a r l i e r than the Song period, they are probably based on a fourth or f i f t h ' century prototype. (Gu Kai "zhi's name was not associated with the theme u n t i l the thirteenth century. See: Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 25.) Gu Kaizhi (346-407) . While i t i s generally agreed In the Peking version of the s c r o l l , one of the most - 84 -Chapter Two Notes continued complete, the figure of the nymph and the author of the poem are repeated a number of times. The background and landscape d e t a i l s of the painting are very primitive, yet they act to separate the composition into i n d i v i d u a l sections. As much of the back-ground i s l e f t blank, the tr a n s i t i o n s of time and space are not very smooth. A l a t e r , more sophisticated example of a continuous narrative i s The Night Revels of Han H s i - t s a i , a painting by Gu Hongzhong J^j^ ^ , a tenth century a r t i s t at the Southern Tang court of the Five Dynasties. (See: Gu Gong Bo Wu Yuan, ed i t o r s . Ibid. p. 84-93). In t h i s painting, set e n t i r e l y indoors, the main figures reappear i n various space c e l l s which have been created by room dividers, standing screens and tables. These objects are placed at oblique angles to break the horizontal flow of action. This i s o l a t e s figures i n space c e l l s and, at the same time, creates smooth tra n s i t i o n s from section to section Colour was used to strengthen these compositional devices. S o l i d black and opaque green screens and furniture, cutting across the pale s i l k , contrast with the b r i g h t l y painted robes of the figures. The techniques used i n this painting (probably a Southern Song copy) seem to be derived from techniques developed during the Wei, Sui and Tang periods. The Ode to the Red C l i f f , attributed to the Northern Song painter Qiao ^hongchang 'ftf ^ / i s a n example based on a l i t e r a r y theme. (See: Sickman, Lawrence, Chinese Calligraphy  and Painting i n the C o l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . , New York: Pierpoint Morgan Library, 196 2, NO. 14.) In a composition - 85 -Chapter Two Notes continued dictated by the needs of the poem, Su Dongpo ^ $ L i s seen a number of times i n an unbroken landscape. In t h i s s c r o l l i t i s the landscape elements that are used to form the space c e l l s within which the poet moves. This painting, i n ink on paper, provides an in d i c a t i o n of the nascent stages of Northern Song l i t e r a t i painting. Paintings of. t h i s type had profound influence on a r t i s t s of the Yuan dynasty, p a r t i c u l a r i l y on the l i t e r a t i painters who looked to the Northern Song for ideas to use i n t h e i r a r c h a i s t i c r e v i v a l s . As well, paintings of the Qiao Zhongchang type influenced a r t i s t s such as He Cheng who continued i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n as i t had been preserved and transmitted i n the north during the J i n . 3. Hightower, James Robert. "The Fu of T'ao Ch'ien". Harvard Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 17, 1954, p. 169-230. A l l li n e s from the poem are from t h i s source. Lines 11-12. 4. Ibid., Lines 9 - 1 0 . 5. Ibid., Lines 13, 15 - 16. 6. Laing, E l l e n Johnston, "Six Late Yuan Dynasty Figure Paintings", Oriental Art, Vol. XX, #3, Autumn 1974, p. 305. 7. Hightower, James Robert, Ibid.., Lines 19 - 20. 8. Hightower, James Robert, "TVao :Ch 1ien's 'Drinking Wine 1 Poems": Wen-lin, 196 8, p. 3 - 44. 9. Hightower, James Robert., "The Fu of T'ao Ch'ien," HJAS, Vol. 17, 1954, p. 169-230, Lines 22 - 24. - 86 -Chapter Two Notes continued: 10. Ibid., Lines 25, 27 - 28 11. Ibid., Lines 33, 37 - 38. 12. Laing, E l l e n Johnston, "Neo-Taoism and the 'Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove' i n Chinese Painting." Artibus Asiae, Vol. 36, 1974, p. 16. 13. Ibid./ P- 11i The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove are: Wang Rong j j l ^ (234-305) , Shan Tao ii\ i4f (205-283) , Ruan J i f^Jt (210-263) , Xi Kang/fti /ff<L (223-263) , Xiang Xiu (221-300) , Liu Ling 3J\ (225-280), and Ruan Xian ^ . Laing says: " . . . t h e i r actions and words were strongly a n t i -Confucian and they were widely acclaimed for the purity of th e i r recluse s p i r i t i n the Taoist sense." 14. Hightower, James Robert, Ibid., Lines 25 - 26 15. Ibid., Lines 47 - 56. 16. L i Gonglin's Hundred Horses s c r o l l i s i n the Palace Museum, Peking. I t i s produced i n the C a h i l l Photos, "0". 17. Tomita, K., P o r t f o l i o of Paintings i n the Boston Museum Han_to Sung, Cambridge: 1933, p. 96. 18. Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and the National Central Museum, edi t o r s . Gu Gong Ming Hua San  Bai Zhong § Taichung, Taiwan: 1959, p. 158. 19. Hightower, James Robert, Ibid., Lines 2 9 - 3 2 . Chapter Two Notes continued 20. Ibid., p. 227. 21. Ibid., Line 41. 22. Ibid., Lines 42 - 43. 23. Ibid., Lines 39 - 40. 24. Ibid., Lines 46 - 47. 25. Ibid., Line 56. 26. Ibid., Line 51. 27. Ibid., Lines 58 - 60. 28. In a painting by Chen Hongshou - 1 ^ (1598-1652) Scenes From the L i f e of Tao Yuanming, i n the c o l l e c t i o n of the Honolulu Academy of the Arts, there i s one picture of Tao Qian being carried i n a basket chair of sim i l a r design. Tseng Yu-ho Ecke notes that at some point i n his l i f e Tao had foot trouble so his son and two students carried him about i n a chair. This was a well known indicent i n his l i f e and was therefore incorporated into the painting. (See: Tseng Yu-ho Ecke. "A Report on Ch'en Hong-shou." Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, XIII 1959, p. 87. 29. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid., p. 38 30. Ibid., p. 38, The colophon i s signed by L i Peng and dated March 26, 1110. I t reads: "Once i n the home of Shangu (Huang Tingjian 1050-1110) I saw a small screen by L i Boshi - 88 -Chapter Two Notes continued: i l l u s t r a t i n g the Homecoming Ode. Its touch was l i g h t but i t s flavour subtle, and i t i s quite s i m i l a r to this painting...Wang Xing, a gentleman of Ruyin, showed me th i s painting. Seeing the pleasures of f i e l d s and gardens, I f e e l that t h i s old gentleman (Tao Qian) i s not far removed. The f i f t h day of the t h i r d month, fourth year of Da Guan. L i Peng, Shanlao of Nanshan." The author of the Freer catalogue writes that: "the s i m i l a r i t y i n the style of the calligraphy i n the colophon (Li Peng) and the text (on the painting) j u s t i f i e s extending the early twelfth century date to the text, even i f i t i s not possible to suggest that both were written by L i Peng." 31. See Chapter Three: L i t e r a r y Evidence For Pre-Yuan  Dynasty Paintings of the Homecoming Ode. L i Gonglin often painted works based on the Homecoming Ode. 32. Siren, Osvald. Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and  P r i n c i p l e s , London: 1956 0 58, Vol. 2, p. 68. The painting i s published i n : Harada, K i n j i r o . Shina Meiga Hokan (Pageant of Chinese Painting), Tokyo: 1936, p. 153. 33. Lee, Sherman, E., Chinese Landscape Painting, New York: 1962, Colourplate I I I . 34. Harada, K i n j i r o , Ibid., p. 278 35. This opinion was expressed i n conversation with the author by three authorities: Xu Bangda, May, 19 80, Peking. - 89 -Chapter Two Notes continued James Caswell, July 29, 1980, Vancouver. Moritaka Mausumoto, July 31, 1980, Vancouver 36. Tomita, K., Ibid., ps. 61 - 64. 37. Rorex, Robert and Fong, Wen. Eighteen Songs of a Nomad  Flute: The Story of Lady Wen-chi, New York: Metropolitan Museum, 1974. 38. Shanxi Sheng Wenwu Guanli Gongzuo Weiyuan Hui ll\ /|| I f t f ^ l ^ , edi t o r s . Yong Le Gong |/_ Peking: 1964. 39. A painting which exhibits these tendencies i s the North Sea by Zhou Chen f^[~ (c. 1460-1535) i n the Nelson Gallery, Kansas C i t y . (See: C a h i l l , James. Parting at the Shore, New York: Weatherhill, 1978. p. 84) 40. Sickman, Lawrence, Ibid., p. 90 - 92, James C a h i l l discusses the association of L i Gonglin with paintings of thi s type. 41. "Bai miao" i s a technique i n which figures are given form only through the use of ink contour l i n e s . Although the technique existed p r i o r to the time of L i Gonglin, i t was L i who f i r s t explored the c a l l i g r a p h i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s of "bai miao" and merged i t into his painting s t y l e . This "intimate relationship (between calligraphy and painting) bestowed t o t a l l y new connotations on the technique. No longer was "bai miao" merely one of the modes available to the a r t i s t . I t became, instead, the technique most favoured by l i t e r a t i painters." (See: Lawton, Thomas. Ibid., p. 11). - 90 -Chapter Two Notes continued The paintings generally accepted as closest to L i Gonglin 1s own style are the Five Horses s c r o l l (destroyed i n Japan during the Second World War but published i n : Siren, Osvald. Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 191 - 192) and the C l a s s i c of F i l i a l Piety i n the Princeton (The art of L i Gonglin i s discussed i n the following a r t i c l e s by: Barnhart, Richard, L i Kung-lin's "Hsiao Ching-t'u, Princeton University, Doctoral Dissertation, 1967. " L i Kung-lin's Use of Past Styles". A r t i s t s and Traditions, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, p. 51 - 71). The paintings associated with L i Gonglin show a very refined, unembellished l i n e used b a s i c a l l y for contour. The L i t r a d i t i o n evolved during sub-sequent centuries becoming more embellished. Thomas Lawton has traced t h i s development through the following paintings (Lawton, Thomas, Ibid., p. 30 - 31). Lady and Mistress of the Xiang River attributed to Zhang Dunli (active 13th century) i n Boston (reproduced: B u l l e t i n of the Museum of Fine Arts, Oct. 1937, p. 60 -68), the handscroll by Mou Y i (1187 - aft e r 1240) i n the National Palace Museum (reproduced: Gu Gong Ming Hua San Bai Zhong, p. 119), the Nine Songs by Zhang Wo (active 1335-1365) i n the Cleveland Museum (reproduced: Sherman E. Lee and Wai-kam Ho, Chinese Art  Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty, Cleveland: 1968, Entry 187), and the Nymph of the Lo River by Wei Jiuding (active 14th century) i n the National Palace Museum (reproduced: Gu Gong Ming Hua  San Bai Zhong, p. 176). 42. Lee, Sherman E., Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan University Museum Vol. 1). - 91 -Chapter Two Notes continued Dynasty, Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968, Entry 198. 43. Cheng Qufu., Xue Lou J i , Reprint of Hong Wu ed i t i o n i n Peking, Library, Peking. Juan 3. A tr a n s l a t i o n of Three Verses  on the "Jie Hua" of He Cheng appears i n the Appendix. 44. Maeda, Robert J., " 1Chieh-hua': Ruled Line Painting i n China" Ars O r i e n t a l i s , Vol. X, 1975, p. 123. 45. Lee, Sherman E., Ibid., Entries 198, 200, 201. Wang Zhenpeng was active as early as 1310 and continued to paint at court for a number of decades. He was given an o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n during the Yan Yu reign era (1314 - 1320) and rose to become Registrar of the Imperial Library. 46. Sickman, Lawrence. Ibid., p. 90 - 92. 47. The Freer Gallery of Art, compiled by: The Freer Gallery  of Art. I. China, Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971. L i Shan, his painting and J i n Dynasty landscape painting are discussed i n : Bush, Susan. "Clearing After Snow i n the Min Mountains and Chin Dynasty Landscape Painting" Oriental Art, Vol. 11, #3, 1965. p. 163-172. The painting generally agreed closest to Guo Xi i s Early Spring. (See: C a h i l l , James. Chinese Painting, Lausanne: Skira, 1961, p. 36 . 48. Bush, Susan, Ibid., p. 164. 49. Bush, Susan., Ibid., p. 166. 50. Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn, Sung and Yuan Paintings, New York: Metropolitan Museum, 1973, p. 30 - 34. - 92 -Chapter Two Notes continued 51. Shanxi Sheng Wenwu Guanli Gongzuo Huiyuan Hui, e d i t o r s . Ibid. 52. Bush, Susan., Ibid., p. 163. 53. L i Tang's l i f e , paintings and relationship to Guo Xi are discussed i n : Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn. Ibid., p. 30 - 34. 54. Paintings that exhibit the decorative flatness associated with foliage patterns of this type are numerous. Extreme examples may be found i n : Sze, MaiMai. The Tao of Painting, New York: Pantheon Books, 1956. This text includes reproductions from the painting manual J i e Zi Yuan Hua Zhuan, (The Mustard Seed Garden Painting Manual.) 55. National Palace Museum, Taiwan, Chinese Painting  Archives, photo VA 3(g). 56. Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn., Ibid., p. 52. 57. Fong, Wen, The Summer Mountains, New York: 1975, Entry 30. 58. Sickman, Lawrence, Ibid., The catalogue entry i s written by James C a h i l l . The Odes of Bin i s (according to A. Waley, quoted by C a h i l l ) : "a song made out of sayings. about work and days, about the occupations belonging to d i f f e r e n t seasons of the year which i s from the Shi Jing (Book of Songs). 59. Sickman, Lawrence, Ibid., p. 92. CHAPTER THREE NOTES: 1. Mi Fei Hua Shi • 1 juan, c i r c a 1100. Mei Shu Zong Shu. e d i t i o n , (hereafter MSZS), Vol. 10, II/9. Mi F e i , a famous painter, calligrapher and c r i t i c l i v e d from 1051 to 1107. The Hua Shi i s a c o l l e c t i o n of his writings on painters, paintings, s i l k s , mountings, and other topics not d i r e c t l y related to painting. The text has been translated into French, see Vandier-Nicolas, Nicole. Le Houa-che de Mi Fou, Paris, 1964. 2. The He Cheng painting i n the J i l i n Museum and the Freer painting of the Homecoming Ode were both shown to be based on e a r l i e r prototypes i n the previous chapter. In each of these paintings Tao Qian i s seen more than once. Further examples of early paintings based on l i t e r a r y themes i n which the main character i s repeatedly depicted are the '%ympJh_of the_Lo River-attributed to Gu Kaizhi (The Peking version i s published i n : Gu Gong Bo Wu Yuan, ed i t o r s . Zhongguo L i Dai Hui Hua: Gu Gong Bo Wu  Yuan Cang Hua J i , Vol. 1, Peking: 1978, p. 2 - 19. A second version i n the Freer Gallery i s published i n : Lawton, Thomas, Chinese Figure Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 19 73, p. 18 - 29., and Qiao Zhongchang's painting of Su Dongpo's 'Ode on the Red_Cliff-' (See: Sickman, Lawrence. Chinese Calligraphy  and Painting i n the C o l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . New York: Pierpoint Morgan Library, 196 3, p. 72 - 75. v£K. 2 juan, c. 1300. MSZS ed i t i o n , Vol. 6, II/2. p. 19. Zhou Mi, (1232-1308) was a well known scholar, poet and connoisseur of painting. The text i s a catalogue of paintings, calligraphy, jades, bronzes, ceramics and musical instruments i n 45 c o l l e c t i o n s 3. Zhou Yun Yan Guo Yan Lu - 94 -Chapter Three Notes (continued) that he had viewed. 4. Zhou Mi., Ibid., p. 23. 5. Siren, Osvald, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and  Pr i n c i p l e s , London: 1956-58, Vol. l , p . 140. 6. Zhang Yanyuan fyfc^. (J?Ll$ • L i Dai Ming Hua J i Jjr-~ 10 juan, 847 AD. Peking: Zhongguo Meishu Lunzhe Zongkan, 196 3. This early text contains much information about painting theory, c o l l e c t i o n s , painters, paintings, etc., from the J i n to Tangperiods. A complete t r a n s l a t i o n i s found i n : Acker, William. Some Tang and Pre-Tang Texts on Chinese Painting, Vol. 1, Leiden: 1954 and Vol. 2, Leiden: 1974. t_, _J>- ^ _ 7. Guo Ruoxu ^ - P ^ JjiL. • Tu Hua Jian Wen Zhi l £ j /(_J IJJ 6 juan, c i r c a 10 70 AD. Guo Ruoxu was a minor o f f i c i a l at the Northern Song court. His text includes notes of 291 a r t i s t s from late Tang to 1070 and can be used as a sequel to L i Dai Ming Hua J i . The text has been translated and discussed by Soper, Alexander C. Kuo Juo-hsu's Experiences i n Painting, Washington, 1951. 8. Xuan He Hua Pu IT ^CL. &L\ 1^ " 20 juan, preface 1120. Hua Shi Zong Shu e d i t i o n . Peking: 1973. This i s the catalogue of paintings i n the Imperial c o l l e c t i o n of Hui Zong (reigned 1101 - 1126). I t has been suggested that Mi Fei was the compiler. A t o t a l of 6,396 paintings by 231 a r t i s t s are recorded. Chapter Three Notes (continued) 9. Ibid., Peking: Zhongguo Shu Ju e d i t i o n , p. 131. See note 8. L i Gonglin has been the subject of a number of studies, amongst them are: Barnhart, Richard. " L i Kung-lin's Use of Past Styles", A r t i s t s and Traditions, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 19 76. Barnhart, Richard. "Survivals, Revivals and the C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n of Chinese Figure Painting", Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chinese Painting, Taipei: 1970, p. 143 - 210. 10. Lawton, Thomas, Chinese Figure Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 1973, p. 38. 11. Zhou Mi., Ibid., juan 1, p. 25. 12. Chugoku Bijutsu (Chinese Art i n Western C o l l e c t i o n s ) , Tokyo: Kodansha, 1973. Vol. 1. This painting has been extensively studied i n a doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n by Barnhard, Richard, L i Kung- l i n ' s "Hsiao Ching T'u", Princeton University, 1967. 13. Zhang Chou • Qing He Shu Hua Fang ^ , 12 juan, preface 1616. E d i t i o n of 1875 i n the Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking, juan 8, p. 56-57. 14. Wu Sheng ^ ^ Da Guan Lu ^ ^SLl^fe , 20 juan, preface 1712. Y i Shu Shang Jian Xuan Zhen 29th e d i t i o n , Taipei: 1970 - (hereafter YSSJXZ) juan 12, p. 1438. 0V U. ^ if- >) ty 15. Zhang Zhao \)f\^^~- et a l . , Shi Qu Bao J i /h £.< & 44 juan, 1745, Early e d i t i o n in the Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Arts (possibly the Han Fen Lou Bi J i e d i t i o n of 1918). Chapter Three Notes (continued) juan 16, p. 2., This i s a catalogue of the paintings and c a l l i g r a p h i e s i n the Imperial c o l l e c t i o n at the time of Qian Long. I t was commissioned A p r i l 23, 1744. 16. Bush, Susan., The Chinese L i t e r a t i on Painting, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971. p. 8. 17. Xuan He Hua Pu, juan 11, p. 125. 18. Zhou Mi., Ibid., juan 1, p. 11. 19. Zhang Zhao et a l . , Ibid., juan 6, p. 20. 20. C a h i l l , James, Chinese Painting, Lausanne: Skira, 1961, p 94. 21. Bush, Susan, Ibid., p. 95, footnote 21. 22. Wen J i a . Qian Shan Tang Shu Hua J i ffi tL\ ^ i 1 juan, preface 1569. MSZS, Vol. 8, II/6. Wen J i a (1501-1583) a son of Wen Zhengming, was asked i n 1565 to go over the paintings and c a l l i g r a p h i e s of Yan Song (1480-1565) Yan had been Grand Secretary from 1542 to 156 2 and a great favourite of J i a Qing. He amassed a great fortune, including substantial numbers of paintings, before he f e l l from power. The text i s Wen J i a ' s l i s t s and b r i e f descriptions of these paintings and c a l l i g r a p h i e s . 23. Xia Wenya'n: ^Ji^^ Tu Hui Bao Jian y J L 5 Duan, 1365. Peking: Hua Shi Zong Shu e d i t i o n , 1963. Chapter Three Notes (continued) 24. There are two paintings i n the National Palace Museum, Taiwan attributed to J i a Shigu. One i s a Kuanyin seated on a rock (reproduced: Photo Archives of the National Palace Museum, SV80.) the other two figures i n a landscape (reproduced: Photo Archives of Chinese Art Treasurers, # 38). The r e l i a b i l i t y of these two paintings has never been substantiated. Neither of them corresponds to the L i Gonglin "bai miao" t r a d i t i o n . 25. L i E . , Nan Song Yuan Hua Lu ^ t ^ j 8 juan, 1721. MSZS, Vol. 7, IV/4, Juan 2. L i E (1692-1752) was a poet and a scholar. The text i s a compilation from diverse sources of material about painters and paintings of the Southern Song Painting Academy. 9 7 painters are l i s t e d ; the information about them i s drawn from 91 texts written between the Song and Qng. 26. Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn, Song and Yuan Painting, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1973. p. 29 - 36. L i Tang i s also discussed i n : Edwards, Richard. "The Landscape Art of L i Tang", Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, 12 (1958) 48 - 60. 27. Trousdale, William, "Architectural Landscapes Attributed to Chao Po-chu" , Ars O r i e n t a l i s , Vol. 4, 1961, p. 283-313. 28. Yu Fengqing /T^^j jft^ . Yu Shi Shu Hua T i Ba J i ^ 12 juan, pos t s c r i p t 1363. YSSJXZ edi t i o n , 19 70., juan 7, p. 8? Yu Fengqing was a late Ming connoisseur. The text i s a compilation of i n s c r i p t i o n s and colophons from paintings Yu Fengqing had seen. - 98 -Chapter Three Notes (continued) 29. L i E. Ibid., juan 5. Liang Kai i s discussed i n : Tanaka Ichimatsu ,Liang K'ai, Tokyo: Benido, 1957. 30. L i E. Ibid., juan 7. Ma Yuan's biography i s found i n : Franke, Herbert. Sung Biographies: Painters, Weisbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976. 31. Yu Fengqing., Ibid., juan 12, p. 64. Chao Lingrang (act. 1070-1100) i s discussed i n Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn: Sung  and Yuan Paintings, New York:- The Metropolitan Museum, 1973. p. 59 - 61. 32. Bush, Susan, Ibid., p. 87. For a discussion of land-scape painting during the J i n dynasty, see: Bush, Susan., "Clearing After Snow on the Min Mountains" Oriental Art, Vol. II,#3, 1965. p. 165 and " L i t e r a t i Culture Under the Chin (1122-1234)", Oriental  Art, Vol. 15, #2, 1969. p. 103-112. 33. Yu Ding L i Tai T i Hua Shi Le i ^] ^j^-Tp ^\ ^k^, ^NT-^S Early e d i t i o n i n the Central Ins t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking, juan 36. 34. J i n Shi / ^ t Zhongguo Shu Ju edi t i o n , Peking: 1976. L i u Ying's biography i s found i n juan 100. Wang Ruoxu's biography i s found i n juan 126. Lu Duo and L i u Jiong are not found i n any of the standard reference sources. - 99 -CHAPTER 4 NOTES: 1. Lawton, Thomas, Chinese Figure Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 1973, p. 156-159. 2. Unpublished. Photos were generously supplied by Dr. L i Chu-tsing. 3. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 15 7 4. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 15 7 5. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 15 7. The Wu Daozi rubbing i s published i n : Siren, Osvald. Chinese Painting: Leading Masters  and P r i n c i p l e s , London: 1956-1958. Vol. 3, p i . 88. 6. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. 15 8 7. Xu Bangda, "Supplementary Remarks Regarding He Cheng, Zhang Wo and Their Paintings." Wenwu, No. 11, 1978. p. 53. Xu Bangda mistakenly i d e n t i f i e s the date of L i Yong's f i r s t colophon as 1446. 8. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid, p. 15 7. P a r t i a l t r a n s l a t i o n . A complete t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s colophon i s found i n the Appendix, Part Three. 9. Cheng Qufu, "Poems Written at the Emperor's Request." Xue Lou J i , juan 9. Facsimile r e p r i n t of Hong Wu e d i t i o n , Peking Library, Peking. A t r a n s l a t i o n of the post s c r i p t to these verses i s found i n the Appendix, Part Three. 10. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 15 7 11. C a h i l l , James, Letter of November, 1979. - 100 -12. L i Chu-tsing, Letter of March 11, 1980. On the contrary, as described above, the a t t r i b u t i o n to He Cheng i n Zhang Zhongshou's colophon seems very firm. 13. Xu Bangda, Ibid. p. 5 3 14. Wenwu Chu Ban She, ed i t o r s . Yong Le Gong Bi Hua  Xuan J i . Peking: 1958. 15. Tregear, Mary, coordinator. Arts of China: Painting i n Chinese Museums, Tokyo: Kodansha, 19 70. Vol. 3, p. 19 7. 16. Lawton, Thomas, Ibid. p. 15 8 17. Matsumoto, Moritaka, Dr. Matsumoto, i n a conversation August 15, 1980, indicated that dots i n a ser i e s , s i m i l a r to those seen on the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water, are found on numerous copies and tracings of Buddhist paintings i n Japan. 18. Cheng Qufu, Ibid . See note 9. 19. Xu Bangda, Ibid. p. 53. 20. Wenwu Chu Ban She, e d i t o r s . Ibid . See the figures of the San Qing Dian h a l l (1325) . 21. Harada, K i n j i r o , Shina Meiga hokan, (The Pageant of Chinese Painting), Tokyo: 1936, p. 423. 22. Lee, Sherman and Ho, Wai-kam, Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty, Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968. Entry No. 200. 23. L i Chu-tsing, Letter of March 11, BB0. - 101 -24. L i Chu-tsing, Letter of March 11, 1980. 25. Xu Bangda, Conversation i n Peking, May 1980. 26. Xia Wenyan, Tu Hui Bao Jian, 5 juan, 1365. Peking: Hua Shi Zong Shu, ed i t i o n , 1963. juan 3. 27. Siren, Osvald, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and  P r i n c i p l e s , London: 1956-1958. Vol. 7, p. 186. For a landscape by the Ming He Cheng see Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 133. 28. L i Chu-tsing, Letter of March 11, 1980. The seal does not correspond to any of the recorded seals of Xian Yushu. L i Chu-tsing points out that "The seal i s i n an i l l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n ( i t should be i n the corner, i f i t i s an o r i g i n a l Yuan seal, rather than above those Qing seals.) ." - 102 -BIBLIOGRAPHY te following abbreviations are used: MSCS, Mei Shu Cong Shu ^"x ^ u r f v , (Compiled by Deng Shi SC? $k a n d Huang Bin hong %^&L , 1912-36. Reprint of the 1947 enlarged e d i t i o n , Taipei, n.d. YSSJXZ, Y i Shu Shang Jian Xuan Zhen ij Hanhua [^J^- Co. , T a i p e i . Series I-V and continuing. Barnhart, Richard., " L i Kung-Lin's Use of Post Styles". A r t i s t s  and Traditions, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976. p. 51-71. L i Kung-Lin's "Hsiao Ching T'u" (Doctoral Dissertation, Princeton University, 1967) "Survivals, Revivals and the C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n of Chinese Figure Painting". Proceedings of the Inter- national Symposium on Chinese Painting. T a i p e i : 1970, p. 143-210. Bian Yongyu., "J-v - ? ] < _ , S h i Gu Tang Shu Hua Hui Kao ^- -r) ±L 60 juan \£gl y ^ - ^ 1682. Facsimile Reprint of Kang Xi edi t i o n , 1921. Bush, Susan., The Chinese L i t e r a t i . on the Art of Painting, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971. "Clearing After Snow i n the Min Mountains" Oriental Art, Vol. 11 #3, p. 165, 1965. " L i t e r a t i Culture Under the Chin (1122-1234)"., Oriental  Art, Vol. 15, #2, 1968., p. 103-112. C a h i l l , James., "Ch'ien Hsuan and His Figure Painting", Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, XII, 1959, p. 11-29 H i l l s Beyond a River, New York: Weatherhill, 1976. Parting at the Shore, New York: Weatherhill, 1978. Chang, L i l y Pao-hu and S i n c l a i r , Marjorie., The Poems of Tko Ch'ien Honolulu: 1953. - 103 -Chen J i r u Ni Gu Lu 4 juan, MS'CS, Vol. 5 1/10. Chen Zhuan p4x Yu J i Shan Fang Hua Wai Lu ^k, /U ^ J[ 2 juan., MS S, Vol. 4 1/8. ^ Cheng Qufu Xue Lou J i Facsimile r e p r i n t of Hong Wu e d i t i o n . Peking Library, Peking. Chugoku b i j u t s u (Chinese Art i n Western C o l l e c t i o n s ) . 5 Volumes, Tokyo: Kodansha, 1973. Contag, V i c t o r i a & Wang, Chi-chien., Seals of Chinese Painters  and C o l l e c t o r s . Hong Kong: 1966 (Seals of Chinese Painters and Collectors) Du Mu . , Tie Wang Shan Hu Undated early e d i t i o n i n Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking. Ecke, Tseng Yu-ho., "A Report on Ch'en Hung-shou." Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, XIII, 1959. Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn., Sung and Yuan Paintings., New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1973. Summer Mountains, New York: 19 75. Franke, Herbert., Sung Biographies, Painters., Weisbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976. "Two Yuan Treatises on the Technique of P o r t r a i t Painting". Oriental Art, 111, No. 1 (1950) p. 27-32. Freer Gallery of Art, compiled by: The Freer Gallery of.Art, I. China, Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971. Fu, Shen C.Y., "Emperor Yuan Wen-tsung and the K 1uei-chang-ko." National Palace Museum Quarterly, V. XIII, #2., Winter 1978. "The Painting and Calligraphy C o l l e c t i o n of the Grand Princess of Lu-kuo, Sengge." National Palace Museum  Quarterly, V. XIII, #1. Autumn, 1978. - 104 -Gao Shiqi V*3 , Jiang Cun Shu Hua Mu ^ $\ U 1 juan. MSCS, Vol. 24 V/8. Jiang Cun Xiao Xia Lu 3 luan, 1693. YSSJXZ facsimile reprint of 1923 ed i t i o n (1970) . Gu Gong Bo Wu Yuan, editors., Zhongguo L i Dai Hui Hua: Gu Gong Bo Wu Yuan Cang Hua J i g l 4 ^ j&t&t ' M fffffi. Vol. 1, Peking: 1978. Gu Fu Jrfj^ \^ Ping Sheng Zhuang Guan. , jL rtt, xjll 10 juan, 1692. Edi t i o n based on manuscript copy of the Zhejiang Cultural Bureau, Shanghai: 1962. Guo Ruoxu Iff J l , Tu Hua Jian Wen Zhi }$_&\%% ~& 6 juan, c i r c a 1070. In: Soper, Alexander, trans. Kuo Jo-hsu . Experiences i n Painting., Washington: American Council of Learned Societies, 1951. Harada K i n j i r o . , Shina meiga Lokan (Pageant of Chinese Painting. Tokyo: 1936. Hay, John., "Review of H i l l s Beyond a River"., Journal of Asian  Studies, Vol. 37, 1977-78., p. 350. Hightower, Robert James., "The Fu of T'ao Ch'ien"., Harvard Journal of Asian Studies., Vol. 17, 1954. p. 169-230. The Poetry of Tao Ch'ien., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976. "T'ao Ch'ien's 'Drinking Wine' Poems" Wen-lin, 196 8, p. 3-44. Hou, Renzhi "Dadu, Capital C i t y of Yuan Dynasty and Be i j i n g , Capital City of the Ming and Qing Dynasties." Palace 'Museum Journal }%if%jT\ No. 3, 19 79, p. 6-8. Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and National Central Museum., Signatures and Seals on Painting and Calligraphy 6 Volumes. Hong Kong: 1964. Gu Gong Ming Hua San Bai Zhong iJ^ LlL ^  jgj J _ ^ (Three Hundred Masterpieces of Chinese Ptg. i n - 105 -the Palace Museum) Taichung, Taiwan: 1959 Ke Shaomi in <fcf %J. (ed.) Xin Yuan Shi ~M T^ J Tai p e i : Y i Wen Yin Shu Guan, 1957. 1 Laing, E l l e n Johnston., "Neo-Taoism and the 'Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove' i n Chinese Painting"., Artibus Asiae, Vol. 36, 1974. "Six Late Yuan Dynasty Figure Paintings',1 Oriental Art, Vol. XX, #3, Autumn, 1974. Lawton, Thomas., Chinese Figure Painting, Washington: Freer Gallery of Art, 1973. Lee, Sherman & Ho Wai-kam., Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty, Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968. Chinese Landscape Painting, New York: 1962. L i Chu-tsing., The Autumn Colours on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains Ascona: Artibus Asiae, 1965. L i E. , y^' ^ | Nan Song Yuan Hua Lu ^ t^A-TJc 8 juan, supplement 1 juan. 1721. MSCS, Vol. 7 IV/4. Loehr, Max., Chinese Painting After Sung., Ryerson Lecture, Yale Art Gallery, March 2, 1967. Maeda, Robert J., "Chieh-Hua: Ruled Line Painting i n China." Ars O r i e n t a l i s , Vol. X, 1975. Mi Fe Hua Shi SCS, Vol. 10 II-9. 1 juan, c i r c a 1100 A.D., Korex, Robert and Fong, Wen., Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute, New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1974. Shanxi Sheng Wenwu Guanli Gongzuo Wuiyuan Hui (editors) U-4 <jt7 Yong Le Gong, ^ x T - I T Peking: 1964. - 106 -Sickman, Laurence, editor., Chinese Calligraphy and Painting i n the C o l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . , New York: Pierpoint Morgan Library, 196 2. Siren, Osvald., Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and P r i n c i p l e s , Seven Volumes., London: 1956-58. Sze Maimai., The Tao of Painting, (Includes a tr a n s l a t i o n of the Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting)., New York: Pantheon Books, 1956. Tokyo National Museum., Gen-dai doshaku jimbutsu-ga Chinese Paintings of the Yuan Dynasty on Buddhist and Taoist  Figure Subjects., Catalogue by Toshio Ebine., Tokyo: 1975 . Tomita, K., P o r t f o l i o of Chinese Paintings i n the Boston Museum: 1, Han to Sung., Cambridge: 19 33. Tregear, Mary, co-ordinator., Arts of China., "Paintings i n Chinese Museums." Vol. 3, by Yoshiho Yonezawa and Michiaki Kawakta., Tokyo: Kodansha, 19 70. Trousdale, William., "Architectural Landscapes Attributed to Chao Po-Chu." Ars O r i e n t a l i s , Vol. 4, 1961., p. 285-313. Wang Keyu J/fL^f Shan Hu Wang Hua Lu ^ft^i |§?Hfc 24 juan, 1643., 1916 ed i t i o n i n Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking. Wang Yuanqi ^ j f l . Pei Wen Zhai Shu Hua Pu 1 ^ <^3 jgti l4t 100 juafi., Early undated e d i t i o n printed from o r i g i n a l blocks, Central In s t i t u t e of Peking. Fine Arts. Wen J i a t ^ - ^ L . Qian Shan Tang Shu Hua J i ^  U-A 'f. ^ 1 juan, 1569 ., MSCS, Vol. 8/II 6. Wen Wu Chu Ban She -^f_ editors ., Yong Le Gong Bi Hua Xuan J i % & , j l Peking: 1958. ' - 107 -Wu Sheng Da Guan Lu YSSJXZ Facsimile re p r i n t of manuscript i n National Central Library, 1970 . Xia Wenyan Tu Hui Bao tfian 5 juan, 1365 Hua Shi Cong Shu ed i t i o n , Peking: 1963. Xu Bangda "Supplementary Remarks Regarding He Cheng Zhang Wo and Their Paintings"., Wenwu, # 11, 1978. Xuan He Hua Pu 'JU 20 juan, preface dated 1120 A.D, Hua Shi Cong Shu ed i t i o n , Peking: 1973. Xue Yongnian "He Cheng and His I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode., Wenwu, #8, 1973. Yi. Yuan Duo Ying Xj 'fdb ? \ Number 6, Shanghai: 1979 . Yu Ding L i Dai T i Hua Shi L e i , (Compiled under the auspices of Emperor Kang Xi.) Early e d i t i o n i n the Central Ins t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking. Yu Fengqing M i ^ z J Y u Shi Shu Hua T i Ba J i |f| 0i q£) 12 juan, 1633. YSSJXZ, Facsimile reprint of manuscript i n National Central Library, 19 70. Yu J i ZL. Pao Yuan Xue Gu Lu %_j ^~ "& Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935. Yuan Shi 7LJZhongguo Shu Ju ed i t i o n , Peking, 1976 . Zhang Chou Qing He Shu Hua Fang Vl| 'A f~ m J$ 12 juan, 1616., Edi t i o n of 1875 i n the Central In s t i t u t e of Fine Arts, Peking. Zhang Yanyuan L i Pai Ming Hua J i $ -\\ Xz. 1^1 i£j 10 juan, 847 A.P., Peking: Zhonguo Meishu Lunzhe Congkan, 1963. - 108 -Zhang. Zhao ty<S^ Shi Qu Bao J i Chu Bian <^ jfc i $L %p 4 4 juan., Early (undated e d i t i o n i n Central I n s t i t u t e of Fine Art s , Peking. Zhou Mi If] '§}" Yun Yan Guo Yan Lu ^ 9% <^L/ J§fL^L 2 juan., MSG'S, Vol. 6 I I / 2 -Zhou S h i l i n ^ .It] Tian Shui Bing Shan Lu ^ ti—I -iR- 1 juan, in: Zhi Bu Zhai Cong Shu (Compiled by Bao Tingbo, 17 76) . 109 APPENDIX ~ PART 1; At the t r a i l i n g edge of the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode, positioned i n the centre of the s c r o l l i s an eight character i n s c r i p t i o n that reads "Painted by the Taizhong Daifu He Mijian" (Taizhong Daifu He Mijian Bi ^ ^ y ^ j ^ v i iy ) # rjij^g i n s c r i p t i o n i s written i n regular " l i " s c r i p t i n a hand that can be characterized as lacking force and grace. Individual strokes appear clumsy and without fluency. It i s generally agreed that the i n s c r i p t i o n was not written by the a r t i s t 1 , although the notion has been defended by 2 others. I t i s improbable that an a r t i s t , either as a high court o f f i c i a l or lowly painter-in-attendance, amateur or professional would use his o f f i c i a l t i t l e s i n writing his personal signature. This form of signature, r i c h with bureaucratic t i t l e , seems esp e c i a l l y inappropriate on a painting whose stated theme i s withdrawal or retirement from the o f f i c i a l world. Furthermore, examination of various signatures of a r t i s t s active at the Yuan court at approximately the same time confirms that t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n i s not the personal signature of He Cheng. An o f f i c i a l painting by a court a r t i s t , L i u Guandao (Liu Kuan-Tao) . K u b i l a i Khan Hunting, was presented to the Emperor i n 12 81. This painting i s signed by the a r t i s t i n the following manner: "Respectfully painted by the Keeper of the Imperial Wardrobe, your servant L i u Guandao" (Yu Y i Ju Shi Chen L i u Guandao Gona Hua. A second painting by t h i s same a r t i s t Whiling Away the Summer, - n o -i n the Nelson Gallery, i s signed with the personal name "Mu-Tao" (Guandao). 4^ This personal and u n o f f i c i a l signature i s e n t i r e l y appropriate to the theme of this painting of the scholar at l e i s u r e . Wang Zhenpeng (Wang Chen-p'eng), a court a r t i s t active just a f t e r He Cheng uses the same conventions to sign his paintings. The Dragon Boat Regatta i n the Chin-ming Pond of 1323 was painted on the in s t r u c t i o n of the Grand Elder Princess (Princess Sengge) and i s signed: " L i n - c h i - l i n g (In charge of the Granary), Wang Chen-p'eng, prostrating himself, r e s p e c t f u l l y painted and 5 wrote t h i s . " Wang Zhenpeng signed the Mahaprajapati Nursing the Infant Buddha, now i n the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the personal signature "Chen-p'eng".6 A t h i r d example, The Ta-Ming Palace i n the Crawford C o l l e c t i o n i s signed "Wang Chen-p'eng, Ku-yun 7 ch'u-shih...The S o l i t a r y Cloud Hermit." The above examples show that the o f f i c i a l t i t l e was used on the occasion of presenting a work to the court. Nonethe-less, i t was used i n conjunction with the a r t i s t ' s family name (xing-^ik ) and given names. In the signing of less o f f i c i a l or personal paintings, the a r t i s t discarded his bureaucratic t i t l e i n favour of his given name or style name. (For example one of Wang Zhenpeng's style name was "the S o l i t a r y Cloud Hermit".) These examples confirm that the i n s c r i p t i o n of I l l u s t r a t i o n s to  the Homecoming Ode with i t s inclu s i o n of not one, but two o f f i c i a l t i t l e s (the second one, following He Cheng's family name, - I l l -usurps the place of his given name) i s not an appropriate personal signature of the a r t i s t . If one accepts the i n s c r i p t i o n was not written by the a r t i s t , i s i t possible to ascertain who added i t , at what time and why the a r t i s t ' s o f f i c i a l t i t l e s were used? Xue Yongnian believes that the i n s c r i p t i o n was added g sometime during the Yuan dynasty, perhaps i n the l a t t e r decades. He bases th i s judgment on a number of factors. The ink colour and c a l l i g r a p h i c style are quite s i m i l a r to the brushwork of the painting i t s e l f . Fading of ink i s consistent throughout which should point to a si m i l a r age. The penetration of ink through the paper and i t s resultant appearance i s also consistent with the penetration seen i n the painting where similar densities can be observed. Of further importance i n ascertaining the date and authorship of the i n s c r i p t i o n i s i t s wording and tone. The use of the o f f i c i a l t i t l e s extends l o g i c a l l y from t h e i r use i n the colophons on the paintings by He Cheng, and i n h i s t o r i c a l sources. In the e a r l i e s t colophon to mention He Cheng, that of Zhang Zhongshou on the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water, the a r t i s t i s referred to 9 a f f e c t i o n a t e l y as "old He, Taizhong Daifu". Cheng Qufu, on the formal occasion of writing poems for the Emperor, used He Cheng's name and included three t i t l e s : Zhongfeng Daifu, Taizhong Daifu and Mishu j i a n . 1 0 Zhao Mengfu, a personal acquaintance of He Cheng, used the a r t i s t ' s personal name on his colophon. This colophon i s , i n fact, the e a r l i e s t piece of writing on the I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode to mention the a r t i s t by name."*"1 After He Cheng's death, his personal name i s no longer used, but instead his o f f i c i a l t i t l e s are included with his family name. For example, 12 Wei Su, writing i n 1364, c a l l s the a r t i s t He Zhaowen. Wu Mian, writing a few years l a t e r , c a l l s him He Mijian, as i n 13 the i n s c r i p t i o n . These examples indicate that during the l a s t decades of the Yuan dynasty, the a r t i s t was remembered not by his personal name, but only by the o f f i c i a l t i t l e s recorded on the s c r o l l . There are two reasons for believing the i n s c r i p t i o n dates from the l a t t e r part of the Yuan dynasty. There are Xue Yongnian's observations that the calligraphy dates from that period, and furthermore, the above examples of Wei Su and Wu Mian indicate that colophons of that period use f i r s t l y the family name followed by one or more o f f i c i a l t i t l e s . I t i s impossible to i d e n t i f y the writer of the i n s c r i p t i o n , but i t does not belong to any of the authors who wrote colophons on the s c r o l l . The c a l l i g r a p h i c s t y l e of the i n s c r i p t i o n does not match the styles of the calligraphy on any of the colophons. APPENDIX ~ PART 2 : The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode handscroll bears a number of seals a t t e s t i n g to the age and provenance of the painting. Unfortunately however, there i s no personal seal of the a r t i s t , but there are various seals of early Yuan scholars, painters and connoisseurs which evidence the early date of the s c r o l l . In addition, seals of important c o l l e c t o r s , from the Yuan to the Qing dynasty and imperial seals of d i f f e r e n t reigns provide a record of ownership from the time of painting down to the present century. The seals of the painting proper, and the c a l l i g r a p h i c section w i l l be enumerated and discussed independently. The e a r l i e s t seals on the painting are those of the noted Qing c o l l e c t o r Gao Shiqi rfq " " ^ ^ f p (1645-1704) . The painting was apparently mounted i n i t s present form during the time i t was in his possession. At least one of Gao Shiqi's seals i s found on each of the paper j o i n t s on the painting as well as i n the colophon section. The following seals are seen on the painting. -J-~ Gao Shiqi (Kao Shih-ch'i ^ ) This square seal appears six times on the painting: low on the t i t l e section where the paper joins the s i l k mounting, covering the j o i n t of the second and t h i r d sheets of paper (lower), the t h i r d and fourth sheets (lower), the sixth and seventh sheets (lower, by the tree trunk), the seventh and eighth sheets (lower portion) and eighth and ninth sheets (lower). There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that the j o i n t between the ninth and tenth sheets i s uncovered, or perhaps, the faded seal i s indecipherable. The seal i s also found immediately a f t e r the piece of s i l k which separates the painting from the c a l l i g r a p h i c section. Bei Shu (Pei Shu rJfcJ iL ) This seal bears the name of Gao Shiqi's retreat i n Zhejiang (Chekiang) province and i s the upper seal on the t i t l e paper and aft e r the s i l k mounting at the beginning of the calligraphy section. I t i s also used to cover the paper j o i n t s at h the seam between the fourth and f i f t h sheets of paper. Zhu Chuang (Chu Ch'uang The Zhu chuang (Chu ch'uang) or Bamboo Window seal depicts one of Gao Shiqi's brush names and i s also found covering seams. I t i s seen at the upper border covering the j o i n t between ri the f i r s t and second pages and near the bottom of the seam between the f i f t h and sixth sheets. Jiang Cun Mi Cang (Chiang'ts'un Mi Ts'ang This medium size square seal i s positioned on the lower leading edge of the painting, covering the j o i n t formed by the mounting" paper and the painting proper. Gao Shiqi Tu Shu J i (Kao Shih-ch'i T'u Shu Chi A rectangular seal impressed over the seam at the lower t r a i l i n g edge of the painting and the mounting paper. The t o t a l number of seals belonging to Gao Shiqi i s twe 1 ve. There are four imperial seals of the Qian Jiong - 115 -(Ch 1 ien-lung) emperor who reigned from 1736 to 1795!. Impressed on the leading edge of the painting, at the seam where the painting and the mounting meet are: Shi Qu Bao J i (Shih Ch 1u Pao Chi Bao J i San Pian (Pao Chi San P' ien ^ JE_ J^fe ) 6 Both of these seals are Palace seals of the Qing and were customarily placed i n t h i s position at the time the painting was recorded i n the Qian Long imperial catalogue, Shi Qu Bao J i . L At the end of the s c r o l l two additional Qian Long seals are located: San Xi Tang Jing Jian Xi (San Hsi T 1ang Ching Chien Hsi Yi Zi Sun (I Tzu Sun jL The painting passed into the J i a Qing (1196 - 1820) at the end of the Qian _Long period. There are two J i a Qing imperial seals. J i a Qing Yu Lan Zhi Bao (Chia Ch'ing Yu Lan Chih Pao ) This seal i s found i n the opening segment of the paint-ing i n the upper l e v e l . J i a Qing Jian Shang (Chia Ch'ing Chien Shang This seal i s printed i n the upper portion of the s c r o l l near the terminus. - 116 -r Three seals of the Xuan Tong (Hsuan-t'ung) emperor, Pu Yi (P'u-i) were placed on the painting while i n his possession during the short-lived Japanese dynasty i n Manchuria. Xuan Tong Yu Lan Zhi Bao (Hsuan-T'ung Yu Lan Chih Pao This seal i s on the f i r s t sheet of the upper portion of the painting, and the following two seals are placed under the two Qian Long imperial seals at the end of the painting. Xuan Tong Jian Shang (Hsuan-T'ung Chien Shang Wu Mian Zhai Jing Jian Xi (Wu Mien Chai Ching Chien Hsi There are a t o t a l of nineteen seals on the painting; an additional four, a l l belonging to Gap S h i q i , are on the surround-ing mounting. The second portion of the handscroll i s the c a l l i g r a p h i c or colophon section. The e a r l i e s t seals to be seen here are those belonging to Zhang Zhongshou , a noted calligrapher and Hanlin scholar active at the beginning of the fourteenth century. His calligraphy was said to be second only to that of Zhao Mengfu"*"^. The three seals used by Zhang Zhongshou are as follows: Chou Zhai (Ch'ou Chai ^ ) Chou Zhai was the"hao"of Zhang Zhongshou, and t h i s seal i s found a f t e r the signature (the f i r s t of three), and i s also impressed across the seems where paper i s joined. I t i s used - 117 seven times. 4 A & Zi Y i Sou (Tzu I Sou gl I cl ^ ) This seal i s the middle seal found a f t e r the signature. Qing L i Lu Zhaun (Ch'ing L i Lu Chuan ^ SUK ) This seal i s also found on the Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water attributed to He Cheng i n the Freer Gallery, Washington. 1 1 The colophon by Yao Sui , head of the Hanlin Academy during the Zhi Da reign era, i s followed by a seal which i s d i f f i c u l t to decipher, but according to the Shi Gu  Tang Shu Hua Hui Kao ^ "^ 7 ^ *l \J§J. 5>C > i t reads as follows: Cao Shu (Ts'ao Shu J ^ - ^ ) 1 2 Neither Yao Sui's name or seal are recorded i n the usual seal reference texts. However, Yao Siu's biography i s recorded i n the Yuan Shi (Yuan Shih). The seal of Deng Wenyuan $ -« follows his colophon. Deng was a member of the l i t e r a t i and a fr i e n d of the painter Gao Gegong. Ba Xi Deng Shi Shan Zhi (Pa Hsi Teng Shih Shan Chih & f K | l ) 1 3 L i u Bida £ J 't^T zK , also writing i n 1309 used the following seal after his colophon: Ju L i (Chu L i ) It i s unrecorded. The well-known seal of Zhao Mengfu follows his colophon - 118 -of 1315: Zhao Shi Zi Ang (Chao Shih Tzu Ang The colophon of Yu J i i s sealed with the following: Yu J i Bo Sheng Fu (Yu Chi Po Sheng Fu The following two seals come afte r the colophon of Zhang Sizheng calligrapher noted for his cursive s c r i p t , whose style name was Tai Xuanzi J^C. "^T San Shi J i u Dai Tian Shi (San Shih Chiu Tai T'ien Shih ^ + y ^ -ft A ^ > Tai Xuan z i (T'ai Hsuan Tzu ^ \ ) 1 6 Ke J i u s i "JT-^ , a well-known l i t e r a t i and art c r i t i c , was p a r t i c u l a r l y famous afte r 1330, when he was appointed Master Connoisseur of Calligraphy (Jian Shu Boshi <£• ) by Emperor Wen Zong (Wen-tsung). His colophon was probably written p r i o r to that date, for afte r 1330 his signature and seals 17 r e f l e c t e d his new o f f i c i a l status. The three seals on the s c r o l l are as follows: Ke Shi Jing Zhong (K'o Shih Ching Chung ^[ ife^ "f^f ) Wen Zhen Zhai (Wen Chen Chai ycW^ Jfir^ ) J i Yang Jun Tu Shu Yin (Chi Yang Chun T"u Shu Yin ) t k ?a 2 f $ # ^ Wu Mian yP^Ti&j ' a n a m e n o t found i n standard biographical sources, wrote a colophon to which i s added the following three seals: 4- & Fan Jun Shi Y i ( F an Chun Shih I gg_ AZ_ Wu Mian (Wu Mian A£J ) Zhong S i (Chung Ssu J ^ > -None of these seals i s recorded. Following these early colophons are a number of comments by noted c o l l e c t o r s of the Qing dynasty. These comments are written on a section of paper added by Gao Shiqi and separated from the early colophons by a segment of s i l k border. One can assume from the position of the seals of Gao Shiqi that t h i s extra section was added during the time the painting was preserved i n his c o l l e c t i o n . Gao Shiqi's seals on the colophon section appear as follows: 1 ^ ^ ; 19 Xiu Xiang Zhai (Hsiu-hsiang chai tZ^ MY7 ) This seal i s found below the three seals of Zhang Zhongshou at the end of his colophon. Gao's seal covers the seam, i t i s the only one of the four seals at thi s seam which i s not cropped at the seam. Gao Shiqi Tu Shu J i (K'ao Shih JGh'i T'u Shu Chi 20 ) This seal i s found immediately after Wu Mian's colophon covering the j o i n t between the paper and the s i l k border. Bao Wengweng (Pao Weng-weng s^^J )2"*" This seal i s found at the t r a i l i n g edge of the s i l k - 120 -border covering the seam immediately p r i o r to the f i r s t of Gao Shiqi's two colophons. This f i r s t colophon, dated 1674, i s followed by two seals: Gao Shiqi Yin (K'ao Shih-ch'i Yin f$3 ^ ^ ^ ) Tan Ren (T'an Jen \ ^ ) 2 3 The second colophon, consisting of three l i n e s , i s neither dated nor followed by seals. In addition to those described above, Gao Shiqi also impressed seals i n a number of other places on the s c r o l l . Between the colophons of Yao Sui and Zhao Mengfu i s the following seal: Lang Run Tang Yin (Lang Jun T'ang Yin 24 Near the end of L i u Bida's colophon, at the lower edge of the s c r o l l covering a j o i n t i n the paper i s the following seal: Tan Ren (T'an Jen - see above) At the next paper seam, af t e r the colophon by J i e X i s i , i s the following seal: Zhu Chuang (Chu Ch'uang - see section of seals on painting) Covering the paper seam between the colophons of Zhang Sizheng and Ke J i u s i i s the following seal: " i 3 Jiang Cun Mi Cang (Chiang Ts'un Mi Ts'ang ^X- ci' ) Zhang Zhao(/A^wZX followed his colophon with two seals: Zhang Zhao Zhi Yin (Chang Chao Chih Yin j^ ] ) Nan Jing (Nan Ching "2ZL 25 ; - r ) The l a s t colophon, that of Wang Wenzhi j 6Z_ Ve_ r i s also followed by two seals: Wang Shi Yu Qing (Wang Shih Yu Ch'ing Meng Lou ( y <J>^T ) 2 6 sntury c o l l e c t o r B i Long He did not write a colophon In addition, there i s one seal of the seventeenth c e i and the seal i s to be found covering a paper seam at the lower edge of the handscroll between the colophons of J i e X i s i and Zhang Sizheng: £fe '>Jr %L ^ 27 Bi Long Shen Ding (Pi Lung Shen Ting //CJ £p 'V— ) The seals on the painting and c a l l i g r a p h i c sections of the handscroll, while l i m i t e d as evidence of i t s absolute authenticity, provide information about the o r i g i n a l format and subsequent re-mountings. Careful scrutiny of the seals reveals one important problematic area where there are more questions than answers. The present lay-out of the handscroll must e x i s t from the time of Gao S h i q i . I t i s very probable that he had the s c r o l l re-mounted during the time i t was i n his possession. The presence of his seals on a l l but one of the seams within the painting proper, and on many of the seams i n the colophon section attests to i t s re-mounting at that time. The four seals placed at the intersec t i o n of the mountings (in front of, and behind the paint-ing) also attest to t h i s wish to es t a b l i s h the authenticity of the painting. Other clues i n d i c a t i n g the re-mounting are v i s i b l e - 122 -i n the s l i g h t mis-matching of brush strokes and jarred motifs at various seams between sheets of paper. In each case Gao Shiqi's seal i s undisturbed, i n d i c a t i n g that i t was applied a f t e r the re-mount. The fact that there i s no seal on the surface of the painting p r i o r to the early Qing period may seem rather puzzling, p a r t i c u l a r l y as the painting bears an impressive group of early Yuan colophons. However, lo g i c would seem to rule out the p o s s i b i l i t y of a l a t e r copy or forgery pretending to be a Yuan painting. Going to the extremes of attaching a forged painting to an early group of colophons, would intimate the deception, and increased chance of p r o f i t , should have extended to the i n c l u s i o n of faked Yuan seals. The f i r s t group of colophons from Zhang Zhongshou to Wu Mian, the f i r s t eleven sheets of paper and, i n fact, a l l of the Yuan dynasty writings, must have existed i n that form from the end of that dynasty. (The Qing colophons are mounted separately and divided from the Yuan colophons by a length of s i l k border.) The seals indicate that at the time that Zhang Zhongshou was writing, there were already eight or nine sheets of paper mounted as a s c r o l l . Zhang Zhongshou's "Chou Zhai" seal covers the seams formed by the j o i n i n g of these eight sheets. The dates of some of the colophons also indicate that o r i g i n a l l y only the writings of Zhang Zhongshou (1309) , Yao Sui (1309) , Deng Wenyuan (1309) and L i u Bida (1309) were included. In fact, these dates, the Zhang Zhongshou "Chou Zhai" seal and the content of the writings of the above four, prove conclusively that t h i s section was the o r i g i n a l handscroll. There was no painting - 123 -attached to the front of the s c r o l l and none of the above four writers mention a painting or an a r t i s t . I t i s not u n t i l 1315 when Zhao Mengfu, i n w r i t i n g his colophon i n the space between those of Yao Sui and Deng Wenyuan, mentions He Cheng and the painting The I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. That the paint-ing was attached to the o r i g i n a l handscroll i s confirmed by Yu J i w r i t i n g i n 1325. His rather cramped colophon was written between those of Deng Wenyuan and L i u Bida. Because there are no further Zhang Zhongshou "Chou Zhai" seals subsequent to the writings of L i u Bida, i t can be assumed that the handscroll was extended after 1309. end of the poem written by Zhang Zhongshou reveals a difference i n the density and penetration of inks when compared to the wr i t i n g i n the main body of the text. I t can be seen that the ink of the signature has been applied with' a dry brush, traces of the underlying paper are v i s i b l e through the ink and there i s an uneven penetration into the paper, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the outer edges of the characters. This problem of ink appearance could be a r e s u l t of Zhang Zhongshou using d i f f e r e n t inks and brushes for his signature from those used i n the main text of the poem. After w r i t i n g out his c a l l i g r a p h i c version of the poem, he could have changed to a f i n e r , d r i e r brush. This i s a measure commonly employed by calligraphers to separate the art of the w r i t i n g from the more prosaic, although not unaesthetic, style of the signature. Further examination of the signature show a marked s t y l i s t i c difference i n the w r i t i n g of the character "chou" Careful examination of the date and signature at the (ch 1ou ). For example, i n the main body of the poem, "chou n - 124 -i s written with a more cursive f l o u r i s h and i n the graphically more s i m p l i f i e d form. This form can be found repeated i n the signature of a colophon by Zhang Zhongshou on the painting Taoist D i v i n i t y of Water attributed to He Cheng and to be found i n the Freer Gallery, Washington. I t i s also recorded i n thi s form on a work by Zhang Zhongshou i n the National Palace Museum, 2 8 T a i p e i . The form of the character "chou" to be found i n the signature at the end of Zhang Zhongshou's colophon on The  I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode has a more complex and regularized form. Unless t h i s signature i s to be discounted as unauthentic, t h i s disturbing discrepancy can best be explained as an unrecorded variant of Zhang Zhongshou's normal s t y l e . Adjacent to the signature are the three seals previously described, "Chou Zhai", "Zi Y i Sou" and"Qing L i Lu Zhuan". I t can be seen that the l a t t e r two of these seals have been cropped on the l e f t side border. At the top of the adjoining paper i s a second "Chou Zhai" seal i n i t s customary po s i t i o n covering a seam j o i n t . The r i g h t half of thi s seal i s missing, therefore the seam j o i n t i s uncovered, or more s p e c i f i c a l l y t e l l s us that i t was once covered, but underwent subsequent changes. The cropped seals indicate trimming of the papers at both edges. I t has been suggested that Gao Shiq i , on remounting, removed a colophon from 29 this section. This would explain the loss of the ri g h t side of the "Chou Zhai" seal, but, i f t h i s theory i s correct, what might the removed section have been. The authors of the l a t e r colophons often mentioned the names of those who had previously written on the s c r o l l and this i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of Yu J i , who praised by name each of those whose brush had touched the paper p r i o r to his own. They were He Cheng, Zhang Zhongshou, - 125 -Yao Sui, Zhao Mengfu and Deng Wenyuan and they are depicted i n exactly the same order as the handscroll stands today. Had there been a colophon between the writings of Zhang Zhongshou and Yao Sui, the meticulous Yu J i would most c e r t a i n l y have recorded i t s existence. I t i s possible that a removed section might have contained a further passage by Zhang Zhongshou, perhaps a dedicatory i n s c r i p t i o n . As Zhang Zhongshou's c a l l i g r a p h i c art was well-known and his work highly valued, i t i s possible that one work may have been divided. This practice was c e r t a i n l y not uncommon. The variables of possible a l t e r a t i o n s to Zhang Zhongshou's work are somewhat numerous, but that an a l t e r a t i o n has been made i s indisputable. The differences of ink appearance i n the signature from the main body of text, the change i n style of the character "chou" and the cropping of the seals lead to many speculations of possible removals and re - i n s e r t i o n s . These speculations are impossible to c l a r i f y uneguivocably. The l i t e r a r y evidence, both on the s c r o l l and i n the essays of c o l l e c t o r s , neither s a t i s f y nor o f f e r any further solution to the abnormalities. - 126 -APPENDIX ~ PART THREE:  ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 1 Zhang Zhongshou (The.colophon i s a complete t r a n s c r i p t i o n of Tao Yuanming's Homecoming Ode.) Zhi Da reign era, summer of "yiyu" year. Written by Chou Zhai ^] . (1309 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 2 Yao Sui  Jfj€^J. Chou Zhai's calligraphy i s i n the sty l e of L i Beihai J£J \,<s£ ( a Tang dynasty calligraphy) , but his "yun" ( s p i r i t ) surpasses that of L i . Chou Zhai said: "I have often written out the Homecoming Ode and given i t to other people." Even i f he hadn't said t h i s others would have known of i t . How? He has taken "chou" as the name of his studio. He took th i s character from the words of the poem: "The farmers t e l l me that now spring i s here there w i l l be work to do i n the west f i e l d s . " Zhi Da reign era, "yiyu" year. Yao Sui saw thi s at the Yu Su i n Shenzhou. (1309 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 3 Zhao Mengfu :Jt|L 1254 - 1322 A.D. The general administrator of paintings, He Cheng, a man of Yan, painted this s c r o l l when he was over ninety years of age. The figures, the trees, the rocks, a l l are of great interest. The o f f i c i a l s of the c a p i t a l are extremely well disposed to his - 127 -Appendix - Part Three Notes (continued) paintings. (This s c r o l l ) also has Tao Yuanming's Homecoming  Ode written out by the o f f i c i a l Zhang (Zhongshou). These are two exceptional things. The seventh day of the ninth month of "yimao" year, <? w Yan You reign era. Written by Wuxmg J/^ , Zhao Mengfu. (1315 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 4 Deng Wenyuan 1258 - 1328 A.D. In a l l of th e i r a c t i v i t i e s the ancient sages were true of heart, they were without a f f e c t a t i o n . This can be seen when one reads the preface to Tao Yuanming 1s Homecoming Ode. The Chou Zhai o f f i c i a l happily wrote th i s to present to a frie n d . What f e e l i n g i t has, too'. The f i r s t day of the eighth month of "yiyu" year, Zhi Da reign era. Written by Gufu " ^ 2 . V - ^ £ / Deng Wenyuan. (1309 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 5 Yu J i / |^ ^  1272 - 1348 A.D. The o f f i c i a l s of the c a p i t a l revere and respect the paintings of o l d He. At the time that he l i v e d every s c r o l l commanded a price of a thousand pieces of gold. The Daxue shi J7v ^ "ir of the Zhao Wen Guan SS. i&^iz (He Cheng) was over ninety years of age when he died. His paintings have d a i l y increased i n value, now they are worth several times (the o r i g i n a l - 128 -p r i c e ) . Zhang Chou (Zhang Zhongshou) paid much attention to his calligraphy, he col l e c t e d numerous old specimens. He had personally seen the previous dynasty's (Song) 'Imperial c o l l e c t i o n of old books and calligraphy. The inkstones, inks, papers, and brushes that he used were a l l of the highest q u a l i t y . These were the methods that he used i n his calligraphy. The o f f i c i a l of the Hanlin was over eighty when he died. Yao Muan ^ f^j^^j (Yao Sui) was imposing i n stature and emotions, yet he loved to talk about other peoples' good c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The gentleman of Wuxing, Zhao Songxue (Zhao Mengfu) was precise, pene-t r a t i n g and s t r i c t i n his assessments (of paintings and calligraphy) He never went back on his word. Nowadays none of these men are to be seen again. Deng J i j i u (Deng Wenyuan) i s alone with the beauty of the brush and calligraphy. Today there i s thi s s c r o l l , how can I not be f i l l e d with emotion! Seen the second month of "yichou", Tai Ding reign era. Written by Yu J i . (1325 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 6 Liu Bida <&J 'Cp Chou Zhai wrote out this poem. He also said that some time i n the past Dongpo / ^ - j ^ (Su Shi) had written a poem i n accordance with the emotion of the Homecoming Ode. The poem was i n f i v e character lines and ten stanzas long. Chou Zhai didn't know that aside from th i s poem based on Tao Yuanming's poem, Dongpo also wrote another essay i n accordance with the Homecoming Ode . Ziyou " J VLY (Su's brother) had been demoted and was l i v i n g at Haikang. At that time Zizhan i^ /fL (Su Shi) requested Yingbin i/^. to write a poem together with him. I t has been said that Yuanming's bold and unconstrained nature and Su Dongpo's eloquence cannot be matched by other people. When old Dong wrote his version of Tao 1s poem he had already been demoted and was l i v i n g at Zhanghua. As he was making his home far away from his native place and was e x i l e d i n Hainan he couldn't speak of returning to his home. Today I have written t h i s and copied out Dong's poem to pair i t with the poem of Tao Yuanming. Written out with reverence on a day i n mid-autumn of the year "yiyu" Nanyue Laoren, J u l i , Bida (1309 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 7 Ji e X i s i M i f #f 1274 - 1344 A.D. The Homecoming Ode by the esteemed Yuanming i s a s c r o l l of painting and calligraphy. The painting i s by He Zhaowen m and the calligraphy i s by Zhang Chengzhi During He Cheng's l i f e t i m e his paintings were greatly respected. Nowadays scholars i n the c a p i t a l have just the same f e e l i n g . In calligraphy, Zhang Chengzhi i s said to have walked just behind Zhao Mengfu. At that time i t was impossible to f i n d anyone amongst the palace o f f i c i a l s who could surpass Zhang. Zhao Wuxing's assessment of t h i s painting and calligraphy as "two extraordinary things" i s very important to the value of the s c r o l l . L i Shihong often sketched bamboo and copied - 1 3 0 -ancient calligraphy. For each piece of paper he requested that Zhao Mengfu write a colophon. Later he gave the paintings to other people. He r e l i e d on Zhao's colophons to prove that his paintings had the i r o r i g i n i n ancient styles and therefore were not worthless. Other people also did t h i s , so I have recorded i t here. The evening of the twenty-seventh day of the ninth month of the second year of Zhi Yuan. Jie X i s i . ( 1 3 3 6 A.D.) THE ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 8 Zhang Sicheng 3K. f ? ft. . Qingjie y^f "j^ (Tao Yuanming), knew and had mastered his fate. His writing was relaxed and elegant. This i s his poem of returning from Pengze. Famous scholars of this dynasty have written out the poem and painted i l l u s t r a t i o n s . The painting and the calligraphy should also be praised (with the poem). Tai Xuanzi (Zhang Sicheng) THE ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 9 Ke J i u s i ^ T ^ L S L 1 2 9 0 - 1 3 4 3 A.D. He Mi j i a n T ^ ^ ^ became famous to the north through his painting. Zhang Zhengzhi f e l t that his calligraphy was better than others of the time. Yaowen and Zhao Wenmin (Zhao Mengfu) were both venerable old men. Venerable old gentlemen would never decieve me. I have taken t h i s s c r o l l , unrolled i t and enjoyed i t . Danqiu . r Ke J i u s i . - 131 -ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 10 Yu L i j^jf ' S L , Wu Qizong $ \ j ^ , Zhang Shiming % L , Hu Y i , Wang Zhang , and J i u Xin 'f'f[ saw th i s painting together during the tenth month of the twenty-third year of Zhi Zheng. (1363 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 11 On the six t h day of the eleventh month Yuzhang, Wang Wu heard (of th i s s c r o l l ) and went to see i t at Wu Zhangshi's l i t Yusu i n the Xuegu Zhai ^ . (1363 A.D.) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 12 Wei Su 7£j 1295 - 1372 A.D. I was late i n a r r i v i n g at the c a p i t a l to serve as an o f f i c i a l . He Zhaowen and Zhang Zhongshou were already dead. In looking at th e i r brush and ink traces f i f t y years l a t e r I am very delighted. How could I dare to place any c r i t i c i s m amongst thei r work. The eighth month of the twenty-fourth year of Zhi Zheng reign era. Linzhuan tkiEZ. ' | , Wex Su wrote t h i s . Seen together with the Guozi Boshi "p| , Wu Xiaolong "f^V l^t- ' ( 1 3 6 4 A-D-) ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 13 K Wu Mian X ffi^ ' • - 132 -Those who have painted i l l u s t r a t i o n s for the Homecoming  Ode have been numerous, but only He Mijian could have painted t h i s s c r o l l . His composition i s very unique, the changes and variations are many. The paintings of other a r t i s t s cannot be compared to t h i s one. Therefore I sigh i n praise of t h i s painting's beauty and am moved to write the following poem: "Pengze's (Tao Yuanming) returning home from o f f i c e wasn't r e a l l y strange. His poem has been handed down for over a thousand years. Jinu "^p (Song Wendi ': j^v. 5^ -_ ^ , reigned 424-453 A.D.), used his sword to conquer the barbarians and the Chinese, only Tao Qian i n his drunkenness was unaware." ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE HOMECOMING ODE Colophon 14 Gao Shiqi He Mijian Cheng y v , Tu Hui Bao Jian doesn't record t h i s man. In the co l l e c t e d works of the J i u l i n g Shanren, Dai Liang there i s a poem i n praise of the landscapes of He Jiancheng which states: "Mijian ^fcp 'Ijg He Hou/f^J^f^ has been painting landscapes since the Zhi Zheng era, his paintings are unique i n t h e i r beauty. The Emperor Xuanwen frequently c a l l e d him to audience, u n r o l l i n g a few s c r o l l s the Emperor's expression would show great happiness." The poem also states: "Within the country the a r t i s t s are uncountable, but how many are there as able as He Hou? Nobles and high o f f i c i a l s leave empty the seat of honour i n t h e i r h a l l s he i s often requested to cover t h e i r walls with fog and mists." Now, the colophons of the gentlemen written on this s c r o l l prove that i t i s t h i s man. - 133 -The Tu Hui Bao Jian i s disordered, there are also many errors and omissions. For instance, i n the works of Zhuhui philosopher) there i s a poem about the paintings of Zhu Sheng which says: "I asked the gentleman where he had obtained t h i s painting, b e a u t i f u l jade and precious pearl couldn't compare to i t . He r e p l i e d that i t was from the old gentleman Zhu of Quzhou, an a r t i s t whose naturalness was that of the Yin and Yang." There i s also a two couplet poem written after seeing a painting by Zhu Xiaoyou/f^ _ . ^ - y ^ (Zhu Sheng) . "In the heavens the clouds surround the mountains, on the r i v e r the mists obscure the trees, i t i s not the l i g h t of the dawn which can be seen, who knows the depth of the layers (of mists). The grass hut stands at the waters edge, i n the r i v e r ' s s t i l l n e s s the autumn moon i s cold. One knows that t h i s remarkable scene i s not for everyone to appreciate." There i s also a poem about a small scree'ri t i t l e d , "Dew on Verdant Trees", i t was also painted by Zhu Xiaoyou. Who was this man Zhu Sheng that Zhu Xi would trouble himself to write not just one, but three poems? There i s no entry for Zhu Sheng i n the Song section of the Tu Hui Bao Jian. I t can be seen that the book i s not complete. Therefore I have written about He Mijian and his I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode. (1130-1200) a famous Neo-Confucian Jiangcun TAOIST DIVINITY OF WATER Colophon 1 Zhang Zhongshou The Three Taoist Agents of the great Emperor on the - 134 -march. Tang, Ke and Zhou were three true and l o f t y sages. This painting i s from the brush of the gentleman He, Taizhong Daifu He i s now eighty-seven years old. He walks without a s t i c k , s i t s without slouching and eats as i f he was only f i f t y or s i x t y . As he usually exercised (his brush) every day he surpassed other people, his brush strength didn't decline. In brushwork and painting many younger painters were not up to his standard. A hundred years from now t h i s painting can be unrolled and examined, i t can be compared without disgrace to the paintings of the Tang dynasty masters. Late afternoon i n the eighth month, autumn of the t h i r d year of Zhi Da. Qiantang-^^ , Chou Zhai , Zhang Zhongshou. (1310 A.D.) THREE VERSES ON THE "JIE HUA" OF HE CHENG (postscript) Cheng Qufu MM* 1249-1318 A.D. Xue Lou J i ^ / f ^ l r f j . juan 9 (unpaginated) "Poems Written at the Emperor's Request" The Daxue shi of the Zhaowen Guan of the r i g h t , Zhongfeng Daifu ^ ^ ^ ^ V ^ V ^ , He Cheng, was ninety years of age when he presented these paintings to the Emperor. Cheng's paintings are very natural, he was already famous at the time of K u b i l a i Khan when he was requested to enter the palace. At the beginning of the Zhi Da reign era (1308 A.D.) the Xingsheng Guan ^ was b u i l t . The Empress Dowager commanded him to manage the painting a f f a i r s . He was promoted to the position of Taizhong Daifu and Mishu j i a n ^ ^ T - 135 -before he r e t i r e d . How, today He Cheng has presented these paintings. The Emperor has thought them extraordinary and bestowed (upon He Cheng) a new t i t l e (Zhongfeng Daifu). He has requested that I write poems for the paintings and that they to proclaim to a l l those of the present and the future his subtle s k i l l . The men of ancient times (in t h e i r painting) did not approach the standard of beauty achieved by those of the present day. I t i s my humble opinion, that though there have been many since ancient times who have used brush and ink to depict the world, He Cheng has i n d i v i d u a l l y used the subject of the Gusu T a i , the Afang Gong and the Kunming Chi to lodge his ideas. He seems to be using his art to remonstrate with the Emperor. add them to the s c r o l l so that they too w i l l be handed down to l a t e r generations. The second month of the f i r s t year of the Huang Qing reign era. (1312 A.D.) (Imperial Storehouse). This i s I am happy to write poems for these paintings and to - 136 -APPENDIX - PART ONE NOTES 1. Xue Yongnian, "He Cheng and His ' I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Homecoming Ode', Wenwu, No. 8, 1973, p. 27. 2. Su Xingjun, Y i Yuan Duo Ying, No. 6, 1979, p. 46. 3. Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and the National Central Museum. Gu Gong Ming Hua San Bai Zhong, Taichung, Taiwan: 1959, p. 158. The painting i s dated the seventeenth day of Zhi Yuan (1281). 4. Lee, Sherman E. and Ho, Wai-kam, Chinese Art Under the  Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty, Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 196 8, Entry No. 19 8. 5. Ibid., Entry No. 201. 6. Ibid., Entry No. 2 00. 7. Sickman, Lawrence, Chinese Calligraphy and Painting i n  the C o l l e c t i o n of John M. Crawford, J r . , NY: The Pierpoint Morgan Library, 1962, p. 119, p. 32. 8. Xue Yongnian, Ibid. Xue Yongnian also elaborated on this opinion i n a conversation i n Peking, A p r i l , 19 80. 9. Zhang Zhongshou. A tr a n s l a t i o n of thi s colophon i s i n the Appendix, Part Three. 10. Cheng Qufu. A tr a n s l a t i o n of thi s poem i s i n the Appendix, Part Three. 11. Zhao Mengfu. A tr a n s l a t i o n of thi s colophon i s i n the Appendix, Part Three. - 137 -12. Wei Su. A t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s colophon i s i n the Appendix, Part Three. 13. Wu Mian. A t r a n s l a t i o n of this colophon i s i n the Appendix, Part Three. - 138 -APPENDIX ~ PART TWO NOTES: 1. Contag, V i c t o r i a and Wang, Ch'i-ch'uan. Seals of Chinese Painters and Collec t o r s , Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, 1966. p. 567. No. 1. (hereafter abbreviated as Contag and  Wang) . 2. Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and the National Central Museum. Signatures and Seals on Painting  and Calligraphy, Taichung, Taiwan: 1964, Vol. 3, p. 128. (here-aft e r abbreviated as Signatures and Seals, Taiwan). 3. Contag and Wang, p. 567, No. 7. 4. Contag and Wang, p. 567, No. 14. 5. Contag and Wang, p. 567, No. 33. 6. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan, Vol. 3, p. 157. 7. Contag and Wang, p. 583, No. 46, 39. 8. Contag and Wang, p. 577, No. 16, 12. 9. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Vol. 3, p. 191-192. 10. J i e X i s i , Colophon to He Cheng's I l l u s t r a t i o n s to the  Homecoming Ode. A tr a n s l a t i o n i s found i n the Appendix, Part Three. 11. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Vol. 1, p. 262. (Chou Zhai). The second seal i s not recorded. The t h i r d seal i s not recorded but i s found on the -Taoist D i v i n i t y of-Wa-te-r^ - which i s reproduced i n Lawton, Thomas: Chinese Figure Painting, Washington: The Freer Gallery of Art, 1973. p. 156-159. Appendix - Part Two Notes (continued) 12. Bian Yongyu, Shi Gu Tang Shu Hua Hui Kao (1682), juan 15, p. 25. 13. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Vol. 1 p. 338. 14. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Vol. 1, p. 321. 15. This seal i s not recorded i n Contag and Wang or Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Some seals of Yu J i are recorded in the l a t t e r text. Vol. 1, p. 312-313. 16. Zhang Sicheng's seals are not recorded i n either source. 17. Fu, Shen C.Y. "Emperor Yuan Wen-tsung and the 'K'uei-chang-ko' - A History of the Yuan Imperial Art Collec t i o n s : Part I I " . National Palace Museum Quarterly, Vol. XIII, No. 2, Winter 1978. 18. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan.. Vol. 1, p. 236-238. 19. Contag and Wang, P- 567, No. 24. 20. Contag and Wang, P- 567, No. 33. 21. Contag and Wang, P- 567, No. 43.. 22 . Contag and Wang, P- 567, No. 34 . 23. Contag and Wang, P- 567, No. 3 (variant) 24. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan, Vol. 3, p. 12 9. 25. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan, Vol. 3, p. 1.41. (Zhang Zhao Zhi Y i n ) . The second seal i s not recorded. - 140 -Appendix - Part Two Notes (continued) 26. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan. Vol. 3, p. 12. 27. Contag and Wang, p. 687, No. 14. 28. Signatures and Seals, Taiwan, Vol. 1, p. 2 62. 29. Xu Bangda., "Supplementary Remarks Regarding He Cheng, Zhang Wo and t h e i r Paintings". Wenwu, No. 11, 1978, p. 53. - 141 -Figure IB - 142 -Figure ID - 143 -Figure - 144 -Figure III - 145 -Figure IJ - 146 -Figure IL - 147 -Figure IN Figure 1G detail s i twMEr flf Figure IB detail - 149 -Figure 1C detail Figure 1C detail - 150 -Figure IM detail 151 Figure IN detail Figure IN detail - 152 -- 153 -- 1 5 5 -Figure 3 A - 156 -Figure 3B - 157 -ft • tr A. ... • •. | i\ • ^ ^ M > ^ B i r w 4 i M I * w » ' ••• V .•*»-:•.••* i. ^ ; , ' . ' . v : j S i " ; - $ . - . Figure 3C t • -urn IM Wmmm si i i l i f I l I H c f m i ' .,'1 *>. 1 Figure 3D - 158 -- 1 5 9 -9 - 160 -- 162 -- 1 6 3 -- 164 -Figure 4TI - 167 -Figure 8 detail - ley -- 170 -Figure 10 - 171 -m f YA ik. -& > Figure 13A (Zhang Zhongshou) 5* # «t * if-' «i & a* f # <£> 5 t t ft & e # £ M» z # % ft & %tZ n * it % i ^; r* v % & 32 Figure 13B (Zhang Zhongshou) « £ it & <§f >"x f K 4 t * ^ # ft *s i . ft It ' c# ^ n •# J- i-i fa ** # £ 1 £ i t 4^ A ^ ?fe iH *Q £ i i 6 f M ^ t ^ ft ^ # ^ 4-Figure 13C (Zhang Zhongshou) i f i t a * * # ® # % h % tik *> ><> # f & & m * ft ft % YA * $ *< # e & it H £ * & # IS f Figure 13D (Zhang Zhongshou) % % % * 0RL uk g # # i £ 1 & • f - I - - s f l r a & ^ JBL < f A * t $ •* 9L & 4hr* ; H i i ^ # ^ ^  f i £ it H ff ft 0 ifi if £ 4 £ # ^ 1 ^ i & Figure 13E (Zhang Zhongshou) 178 -7\ * t A I. A * I ft .5* »^ ( Y a o S u i ) i t -ik M i t A tfl f t ft? ( Z h a n g Z h o n g s h o u ) F i g u r e 13F iH r ( D e n g W e n y u a n ) i 1 & M i f * 1* f ft - * * u *r 3 •* ( Z h a o M e n g f u ) rt f \% ill fa it A ft J i f ? r ** * St & If * » * a . 3 £} If 4^ A re - i  K Sa -1 . > , * > '<r. > i - H 'ST ii -r Ill ••. t -4 1; > o > (Liu Bida) Figure 13G (Yu Ji ) 180) S i § l CO -fc-^ (O ^ V ( - 181 -* # -€ -ft 0* i -n 'V " <; i t * L -> A?. T « n '6 IV' .1*. n a ift .. r *-< > * " i A •I'-•T > •i > '- »— "n ll-. T' i X . .'*•»- t »• ? •fu 'If.. - — .> •J; 8 * a* *> -tr • f e V- >- .A ;. i i «» i -If-if. it*, a (Jie Xisi) Figure 13H - 182 -$ «K $f % H: ^ ¥ ^ «( * e < £ ^ ^ }^ $ 9 W ^ 4 ^ ^ w 4§£ V * ' V f X ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ,i 1. f •*) H * *! h i * •-<. u , i •ft * -v ti . X f* t K * it) * <* % 4- * 3 & * r|» .Lfe n * * i X * ^ % I # f f n ^ . * t it * * ML % # % i -<a •X f A . & /-& -ii •£ rJTJ A 4 I I ^ ^ f ? i * i"3! -A« ^ 4 i Aft ^ fl* tH >t '* $ f * IL i * -r is--ft & t < A ^ '** 1 | t f « a* a ** fi * M * * ^ ^- * t & & % j>l **\ % & 1 - % ^ ^ -t A -^ i?f -t m ^ ^ ^-Figure 13J (Gao Shiqi) **. 'f • f t i t il r. & ^ -?. 5 ;» -»-•=r % j~ \ *K ->'} X 4" r. t t A". * . \x •r i -r«. ii < nj *? g ; \K X -f 7^ (A f 1 # 13 I 4 /a it ft H t *- it i j i - ^ « & & A * Jo 14 ± A. A i»1 i i I CO (Wang Venzhi) Figure 15K (Zhang Zhao) Figure 14 (Zhang Zhongshou) 

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