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Hodegetria and Venetia Virgo : Giovanni Bellini’s San Giobbe Altarpiece Richardson, Joan Olivia 1979

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HODEGETRIA AND VENETIA VIRGO: GIOVANNI BELLINI'S SAN GIOBBE ALTARPIECE by JOAN OLIVIA RICHARDSON B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR/THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department of Fine Arts) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1979 © JOAN OLIVIA RICHARDSON, 1979 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may b e g r a n t e d b y t h e H e a d o f m y D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f F i n e A r t s T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 October 15, 1979 i i ABSTRACT This study focuses on a s i n g l e work, Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e of the V i r g i n and C h i l d enthroned with s a i n t s , painted about 1485 for the a l t a r of Job i n the church of San Giobbe, Venice (now i n the Accademia); i t s purpose i s to make more apparent B e l l i n i ' s inventiveness and the depth of h i s response to Venetian ideology and thus to lead to a f u l l e r understanding of h i s importance to l a t e r painters not only i n technique and s t y l e but i n iconographical motifs. The painting has always been recognized as a key work i n B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre, i n the h i s t o r y of Venetian painting and i n the development of an important a l t a r p i e c e type, the monumental sacra conversazione. C r i t i c a l analysis of i t , however, has been mainly s t y l i s t i c and i t has received only l i m i t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i t s r e l i g i o u s iconography and no study of i t s i c o n o l o g i c a l aspect as a uniquely Venetian work. The.San Giobbe:.altarpiece i s a major Venetian work of a r t which can p r o f i t a b l y be considered i n a broader context of r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l function. This inquiry requires i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the unique Venetian q u a l i t y and- c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e and the recreation as far possible of i t s s i t e , the context of i t s commission, i t s devotional function and an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the possible i d e o l o g i c a l content of the work which would account for i t s considerable contemporary fame and widespread influence. In Chapter Two detailed observation reveals the r i c h and complex iconography;'!' a 1 re-examination of the formal' elements and the t o t a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l and s p a t i a l composition permits a reconstruction of the i i i viewer/worshipper's experience of the a l t a r p i e c e i n s i t u . Chapters Three and Four consider previous discussions of the I t a l i a n sacra conversazione t r a d i t i o n i n order to e s t a b l i s h a framework for i d e n t i f y i n g the basic theme and features of the type of sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e which became popular i n l a t e f i f t e e n t h century Venice. Local Venetian t r a d i t i o n s w i l l be considered to e s t a b l i s h the Venetian origin.and character of the type. Chapter Five w i l l o u t l i n e the h i s t o r y of the foundation, major bu i l d i n g phases and nature of patronage of the church of San Giobbe, as well as the s i t e , commission and devotional function of the a l t a r p i e c e . Chapter Six considers the i d e o l o g i c a l content of the a l t a r p i e c e which meshes with i t s t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s function. The iconography and meaning of the a l t a r p i e c e w i l l receive a tentative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n the i. l i g h t of the Venetian propensity to use r e l i g i o u s images to symbolize ideas of state and to determine the "national* 1 symbolism which t h i s a l t a r p i e c e , and possibly this type of a l t a r p i e c e , might have. This p o l i t i c a l use of art i n Venice i s related to the national c u l t of the Evangelist Mark and the association of the state with the saint i n a glorious destiny which provided r e l i g i o u s j u s t i f i c a t i o n and expression of the aspirations of the . ; state. The character of the Venetian sacra conversazione „type..centres around the elevated, "pub l i c " enthronement of the V i r g i n heralded by music-making angels housed i n a d i s t i n c t i v e s p a t i a l construction i l l u s i o n -i s t i c a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y contiguous with the viewer's space. There are strong indications that Giovanni B e l l i n i i s the inventor of th i s type of sacra conversazione, .of which h i s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s the p r o t o t y p i c a l statement. It s a t i s f i e s the requirements of the sacra conversazione theme ( i v of i n t e r c e s s i o n and personal salvat i o n i n i t s dual e f f e c t of the V i r g i n ' s simultaneous distance and proximity to the saints and the viewer and i n i t s E u c h a r i s t i c iconography. Inquiry into the church .and patronage contexts . suggests that the a l t a r p i e c e , frame, a l t a r and probable tombslab of the donor of - B e l l i n i ' s painting, formed a funerary ensemble equivalent to a b u r i a l chapel. F i n a l l y , this study suggests that within the r e l i g i o u s theme and function of the a l t a r p i e c e there are expressions of ideas about the Venetian state as unique, perfect, enduring and f i l l e d with v i r t u e that are popularly known as the "Myth of Venice": that ongoing process of p o l i t i c a l s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n and state propagandization i n which the v i s u a l arts t r a d i t i o n a l l y played a key r o l e . The remarkable i n t e g r a t i o n of two a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , the Byzantine and the Roman, r e f l e c t s the two t r a d i t i o n s which were drawn upon i n the period of renewed state propagandization contemporary to the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . The r e l i g i o u s motifs of the enthroned V i r g i n and the music-making angels symbolize ideas about the sacred and harmonious nature of the Venetian Republic and i t s divine mission to propagate peace and to dispense j u s t i c e . B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s further evidence that the v i s u a l arts i n Venice played, as they had i n the past, an important r o l e i n the orchestration of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l self-awareness of the r u l i n g members of the state. V TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vi.. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . x ABBREVIATIONS OF JOURNALS x i CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER TWO. DESCRIPTION OF THE ALTARPIECE 14 CHAPTER THREE. A FRAMEWORK FOR A CONSIDERATION OF THE VENETIAN SACRA CONVERSAZIONE ALTARPIECE 42 CHAPTER FOUR. THE SACRA CONVERSAZIONE ALTARPIECE IN LATE FIFTEENTH CENTURY VENICE . 58 CHAPTER FIVE. HISTORY OF.-THE SITE, ANDiiDEVOTIONAL FUNCTION OF THE ALTARPIECE 71 Phase One Phase Two Phase Three CHAPTER SIX. THE DUAL HERITAGE OF ROME AND BYZANTIUM IN THE RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VENETIAN STATE 106 The Roman -.Tradition i n Fi f t e e n t h Century Venice The Byzantine T r a d i t i o n i n Fifte e n t h Century Venice Strengthened P o l i t i c a l Expression i n Late F i f t e e n t h Century Venice Two A r t i s t i c Traditions i n the San Giobbe Al t a r p i e c e State Iconography i n the San Giobbe Altarpiece The V i r g i n as an Emblem of Venice The Angels as an Emblem of the Venetian Constitution Conclusion ILLUSTRATIONS 130 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 177 APPENDIX I. HISTORY OF THE LITERATURE AND DISCUSSION OF THE DATING 181 APPENDIX I I . A DOCUMENTED HISTORY OF THE CHURCH 196 v i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. ' Jacopo de'Barbari, San Giobbe i n Canareggio, d e t a i l of map Venice, 1500. Venice, Mu'seo Civico Correr. 2. I n t e r i o r of San Giobbe (photo: P. P a o l e t t i , L ' a r c h i t e t t u r a e l a scult u r a del Rinascimento i n Venezia, p i . 42) 3. A l t a r of Job, church of San Giobbe (photo: Ralph Lieberman) 4. Sanudo a l t a r , a l t a r of Job, Foscari a l t a r , San Giobbe, comp-os i t e photo. 5. Coat of arms on a l t a r of Job, d e t a i l of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e frame, San Giobbe. 6. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Venice, Accademia, c. 1485 (photo: Bohm) 7. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e i n o r i g i n a l frame (G. Robertson, Giovanni B e l l i n i , p i . LXVII) 8. B e l l i n i , V i r g i n and C h r i s t , d e t a i l of San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e (photo: Bohm) 9. Diagram Plan of A l t a r and Al t a r p i e c e , Giovanni B e l l i n i , San V Giobbe (not to scale) 10. Cherub below C h r i s t i n Glory, c e n t r a l v a u l t , Baptistery, San Marco, Venice, c. 1350 (photo: R. P a l l u c c h i n i , La  P i t t u r a Veneziana del Trecento, f i g . 248) 11. B e l l i n i , Angels, d e t a i l of San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e (photo: Bohm) 12. Paolo Veneziano, Coronation of the V i r g i n , Venice, Accademia, c. 1350 (photo: P a l l u c c h i n i , Trecento, f i g . 144) 13. Pietro Lombardo, p o r t a l of San Giobbe, 1470's (photo: P a o l e t t i , Rinascimento, p i . 40) 14. P. Lombardo, Francis and Job, d e t a i l of San Giobbe p o r t a l (photo: Bohm) 15. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Dominic, Sebastian, Louis of Toulouse, d e t a i l of San Giobbe al t a r p i e c e (photo: Correr 6465) 16. Border of Bishop's Cope, d e t a i l of B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e (photo: Correr 6465) 17. Frame of B e l l i n i ' d l o s t a l t a r p i e c e , SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early 1470's (photo: P a o l e t t i , Rinascimento, p i . 108) 18. Giorgione, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Castelfranco, c. 1505 (photo: T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , Giorgione, p i . 14) 19. Pietro L o r e n z e t t i , V i r g i n with Baptist and Francis, San Francesco, A s s i s i , Lower Church, Chapel of Napoleone O r s i n i , c. 1320 (photo: L. C o l e t t i , G l i A f f r e s c h i d e l l a  B a s i l i c a d i A s s i s i , p i . 165) 20. Reconstruction of Masaccio's Pisa a l t a r p i e c e of 1426 (John Shearman,"Masaccio's Pisa A l t a r - p i e c e : an A l t e r n a t i v e Reconstruction," BM 108 (1966):fig. 7) v i i 21. F i l i p p o L i p p i , V i r g i n , Angels and Saints, P a r i s , Louvre, 1437, from Barbadori Chapel, S. S p i r i t o , Florence (photo: M. Pi t t a l u g a , F i l i p p o L i p p i , Florence, 1949, p i . 12) 22. Fra Angelico, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Florence, San Marco, 1437-1441 (photo: J . Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico, 1976, . p i . 48) 23. Domenico Veneziano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Florence, U f f i z i , mid 1440's, from S. Maria dei Magnoli, Florence (photo: Encyclopedia of World Art, s.v. "Domenico Veneziano," p i . 233) 24. Antonio V i v a r i n i , Giovanni d'Allemagna, V i r g i n Enthroned with Four Fathers of the Church, Venice, Accademia, 1446 (photo: R. P a l l u c c h i n i , I V i v a r i n i , f i g . 62) 25. Reconstruction of Donatello's high a l t a r , Santo, Padua, 1446-1450 (photo: G. Fiocco, A. S a r t o r i , L ' a l t a r e Grande d i Donatello a l Santo, 1961, p. 64) 26. Andrea Mantegna, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Verona, San Zeno, 1456-1459, high a l t a r (photo: G. Paccagnini, Andrea  Mantegna, Catalogo d e l l a Mostra, p i . 11) 27. Piero d e l l a Francesca, V i r g i n with Angels, Saints and Donor Milan, Brera, 1472-1474, from San Bernardino i n Urbino (photo: EWA, s.v. "Piero d e l l a Francesca," p i . 166) 28. Marcello Fogolino, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, c. 1510 (photo: Berenson, Study and C r i t i e J . cism of I t a l i a n A r t , Series I I I , 1916, p i . opp. p. 113) 29. Antonello da Messina, fragment of V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1475-1576, from San Cassiano Venice (photo: Johannes Wilde, "Die Pala d i San Cassiano..." Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen  i n Wien,3 (1929):pl. VIII) 30. Reconstruction of Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e (Wilde, "Die Pala d i San Cassiano," f i g . 66) 31. Lorenzo Veneziano, V i r g i n and Chi l d Enthroned, P a r i s , Louvre, 1372 (photo: L. T e s t i , La S t o r i a d e l l a P i t t u r a Veneziana, I_, 1909, p i . VII) 32. Antonio Rosso, V i r g i n andtChild. Enthroned, Venice, Accademia, 1460-1465 (photo: Berenson, I t a l i a n Pictures of the Renais- sance, Venetian School, v o l . 1, f i g . 328) 33. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' s l o s t a l t a r p i e c e (Zanotto engraving) ' with o r i g i n a l frame i n SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice (Robertson, B e l l i n i , p i . XXXIX) 34. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, formerly SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, 1470-1475, watercolour copy (photo: R. Fry, Giovanni B e l l i n i , 1900) 35. Bartolomeo Montagna, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Vicenza, Museo C i v i c o , a f t e r 1484 (photo: F. B a r b i e r i , II Museo  Civico d i Vecenza, Venice, 1962, Al) 36. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Conegliano, Duomo, 1493 (photo: L. C o l e t t i , Cima da Conegliano, p i . VII) v i i i 37. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n o r i g i n a l frame (Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, 1969, f i g . 11) 38. Masaccio, T r i n i t y , Florence, S. Maria Novella, c. 1425 (photo: L. B e r t i , Masaccio, p i . 6) 39. Giovanni B e l l i n i , . V i r g i n with Four Saints, Venice, S. Maria dei F r a r i , 1488, Sacristy (photo: T e s t i , S t o r i a d e l l a  P i t t u r a , v o l . 2, p. 141) 40. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Venice, San Zaccaria, 1505 (photo: Robertson, B e l l i n i , p i . XCVIII) 41. Desiderio da Settignano, Sacrament Tabernacle, Florence, S. Lorenzo, 1461 (photo: Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renais- sance Sculpture, f i g . 45) 42. Romanino, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Padua, Museo C i v i c o , 1513 (photo: L. Grossato, II Museo Ci v i c o d i Padua, ;..-:*. w ~ Venice, 1957, f i g . 165) 43. A l v i s e V i v a r i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints,'formerly B e r l i n , Kaiser F r i e d r i c h Museu, 1493, from S. Maria dei B a t t u t i , Belluno (photo: P a l l u c c h i n i , V i v a r i n i , f i g . 259) 44. Marco Marziale, Circumcision, London, National Gallery, 1500 (photo: Davies, E a r l i e r I t a l i a n Schools, v o l . 2, pi.275) 45. V i t t o r e Carpaccio, Presentation of Christ i n the Temple, Venice, Accademia, 1510 (photo: Moschini-Marconi, Le G a l l e r i e dell'Accademia, 1955, no. 104) 46. Boccaccio Boccaccino, Annunciation, Rome, C o l l . Boncompagni, (photo: L. Venturi, North I t a l i a n Painting of the  Quattrocento, Part I I , p i 27) 47. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Venice, Accademia (Pala Dragan) (photo: C o l e t t i , Cima, no. 42) 48. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, B e r l i n , S t a a t l i c h e Museen, end of 15th. c, from S. Michele d i Murano (photo: C o l e t t i , Cima, no. 39) 49. Marco Marziale, V i r g i n and Saints, London, National Galle r y , ..-'1507 (photo: Davies, E a r l i e r I t a l i a n Schools, v o l . 2, p i . 276) 50. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints.and Donors, Parma, G a l l e r i a Nazionale, c. 1507 (photo: C o l e t t i , Cima, no. 114) 51. Lorenzo Costa, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Bologna, S. Petronio, 1492 (photo: Venturi, North I t a l i a n Painting, Part I, p i . 73) 52. Giovanni Buonconsiglio, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Vicenza, Museo C i v i c o , from Oratorio dei Turchini (photo: Heinemann, B e l l i n i e i b e l l i n i a n i , v o l . 2, . 1 i f i g . 801) 53. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Mark Presenting Agostino Barbaro to the V i r g i n , Murano, S. Pietro Martire, 1488 (photo: Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 2, f i g . 68) 54. Giovanni B e l l i n i (with assistants) Donor Presented by John the Baptist to the V i r g i n , Venice, S. Francesco d e l l a Vigna, 1507 (photo: Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 2, f i g . 105) i x 55. Andrea Rico, V i r g i n of the Passion, Parma, G a l l e r i a Nazionale, mid 15th c (photo: G a l l e r i a Nazionale, Parma) 56. Cima da Conegliano, Madonna, Florence, U f f i z i (photo: C o l e t t i , Cima, no. 88) 57. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n and C h r i s t , d e t a i l of San Giobbe -. al t a r p i e c e (photo: Bohm) 58. Annunciate, A q u i l e i a , B a s i l i c a , mid 14th c (photo: W. Wolters La s c u l t u r a veneziana gotica, 1976, v o l . 2, f i g . 59) 59. Leonardo da V i n c i (?), Annunciation, Florence, U f f i z i , early 1470's (photo: L. Heydenreich, Leonardo da V i n c i , London, 1954, p i . 3) 60. Vincenzo Catena, Mark Presenting Leonardo Loredan to the V i r g i n , Venice, Correr, c. 1500 (photo: Robertson, Vincenzo Catena, 1954,r.no. 7) 61. H a g i o s o r i t i s s a ( V i r g i n of Intercession), marble r e l i e f , 11th c Washington, D.C. (photo::. M.E. Fraser, "Church Doors and the Gates of Paradise," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 27 (1973): f i g . 5) 62. Masaccio, Pisa a l t a r p i e c e , c e n t r a l panel, London, National Gallery, 1425 (photo: Shearman, "Masaccio's Pisa A l t a r -piece," f i g . 2) 63. D e t a i l of f o l i a t e crosses from bronze doors of c e n t r a l atrium of San Marco, Venice, c. 1112 (photo: Fraser, "Church Doors," 1973, f i g . 11) , 64. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints (photo: Bohm) 65. Venecia, roundel on Piazza facade of Ducal Palace, Venice (photo: Wolters, Scultura veneziana, v o l . 2, f i g . 843) 66. Jacobello del F i o r e , Allegory of J u s t i c e , Venice, Accademia, 1421, formerly Ducal Palace (photo: Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 31) 67. Bartolomeo Bon, Ju s t i c e , on Porta d e l l a Carta, Ducal Palace, Venice, 1441 (photo: Wolters, Scultura veneziana, v o l . 2, f i g . 843) 68. Follower of T i t i a n , V i r g i n with Sebastian and Roch, B e r l i n , Kupferstichkabinett, early 16th c (photo: D.F. von . . .„ Hadeln, Venezianische Zeichnungen der Hochrenaissance, p l . 35) 69. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n and C h r i s t , d e t a i l of San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e (photo: Bohm) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would l i k e to express my gratitude to Dr. Debra Pincus for her expert guidance, clear i n s i g h t and u n f a i l i n g sense of humour, and for her generous o f f e r i n g of ideas, valuable references, material and photographs. I am indebted to my mother, Mrs. Erma Richardson, for her encouragement and work on the typescript. F i n a l l y , my h e a r t f e l t thanks to Hamish Mackenzie for h i s constant support and optimism. x i ABBREVIATIONS OF JOURNALS Art B u l l e t i n : AB Art Journal: AJ Art Quarterly: AQ Burlington Magazine: BM Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s : JWCI Renaissance Quarterly: RQ 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Prima se vede i n bela maesta La Madre c o l Bambin: forma s i dota No f u mai v i s t a , o idea c u s i devota; Se puol ben d i r : L*e una d i v i n i t S ! Marco Boschini, 1660-'-Dalla parte verso Piazza s i vede Venetia Vergine, l a quale con l a sua i n c o r r o t t a p u r i t a , s i difende d a l l ' insolenza a l t r u i , & s'appoggla a l mondo, p e r c h 1 e l l a sola f r a tutte l ' a l t r e £ restata i n c o r r o t t a , & i n t a t t a da g l i a l t r u i b a r b a r i , & t i r a n n i c i Imperij. o Francesco Sansovino, 1581 Marco Boschini wrote hi s panegyric i n praise of the impressive Madonna of the sacra conversazione which Giovanni B e l l i n i painted i n about 1485 for the a l t a r of San Giobbe, i n the monastic church dedicated to that saint i n Venice. The Madonna and Christ C h i l d enthroned with saints and music-making angels beneath the golden Byzantine apse mosaic of a Renaissance chapel exemplifies a new type of monumental Venetian a l t a r p i e c e which became very popular i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century i n Venice and the Veneto. From the time of i t s execution the painting has been praised as one of the high achievements of Venetian Renaissance painting, and seems to d i s t i l a uniquely Venetian s p i r i t which has been var i o u s l y described i n pious, poetic, or s t y l i s t i c terms. The int e g r a t i o n of the s p a t i a l composition with the frame, the high and 2 narrow format, the combination of Renaissance a r c h i t e c t u r a l and decorative motifs with the Byzantine mosaic of the apse vault, the glowing atmosphere of sunlight receding into warm shadow, the exquisite harmony of the music-making angels, are d i s t i n c t i v e l y Venetian. Above a l l , the Madonna, depicted simultaneously as the imperious Hodegetria, massive i n her dark drapery, and as the Mother of Mercy, modest and i n v i t i n g i n mien, suppor-ting the Christ Child with her righ t hand as she raises her l e f t i n an unusual and expressive gesture, i s the focus of the painting, indeed a " d i v i n i t s t , " the object of great and ancient devotion i n Venice. The V i r g i n Mary figured so l a r g e l y i n the c o l l e c t i v e t h e o l o g i c a l / p o l i t i c a l imagination of Venice that the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of Venice, "Venetia Vergine" assumed many of her graces, a t t r i b u t e s and q u a l i t i e s . Francesco Sansovino, i n h i s guide to h i s native Venice written i n 1581, records the t r a d i t i o n a l metaphor used to g l o r i f y the never-conquered Venetian Republic: the " i n c o r r o t t a p u r i t S " of the V i r g i n Mary. The a l t a r p i e c e i s undated and no documentation survives. Appendix I contains a more d e t a i l e d discussion of the l i t e r a t u r e , p o s i t i o n of the work i n B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre, and dating. Two notices by Marcantonio Sabell i c o and Marin Sanudo of about 1493 are evidence of the completion of the a l t a r p i e c e by that date, and record i t s early reputation as one of the outstanding works of Venetian art. Both notices appear i n works whose theme i s the praise and g l o r i f i c a t i o n of Venice. Sabellico's notice appears i n h i s guide to Venice, De Venetae urbis s i t u , Venice, 1493: V i s i t u r i n parte aedis Joaniis B e l l i n i tabula i n s i g n i s quam i l l e i n t e r prima a r t i s suae rudimenta i n apertum r e t u l i t . Whether his b r i e f notice i s interpreted as praise of B e l l i n i ' s newly 3 mastered o i l technique, or u n c r i t i c a l r e p e t i t i o n of popular b e l i e f i n implying an erroneously early date for the a l t a r p i e c e , S a b e l l i c o c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s the prominence of the work i n Venice (Appendix I ) . Sanudo's notice of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s found i n a l i s t headed "Queste sono cosse notabile i n diverse c h i e s i e " included with other l i s t s of information about Venice re l a t e d to a section e n t i t l e d "Laus urbis venetae," of h i s work on Venice known as the Cronachetta, Venice, 1493:^ A Santo Joppo uno a l t a r d i Zuan B e l l i n che d i l e b e l l e cose habbi f a t t o & bene. Sanudo's notice and i t s context also underscore the contemporary fame of the a l t a r p i e c e with regard to the a r t i s t ' s personal achievement, which may have been regarded not only as a matured o i l technique, but also as a new impressive type of a l t a r p i e c e executed i n i t . Together the two notices provide strong in d i c a t i o n s that the fame of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n Venice was attached not only to the personal achievement of the a r t i s t i n mastering the o i l technique on a monumental scale, but to the format and theme of a p a r t i c u l a r type of sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e (Appendix I ) . The f i r s t c r i t i c a l account we possess, that of Giorgio Vasari, i s mainly s t y l i s t i c . In his preface to Part III of the Lives he evaluates B e l l i n i ' s s t y l e generally as "dry, hard, and harsh," ugly i n foreshortening and perspective, and lacking i n v i v a c i t y and harmonious blending of colour. Nonetheless, i n h i s s p e c i f i c comment on the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e he admires i t s "molto disegno e b e l l i s s i m o c o l o r i t o . " Vasari's remark that the picture excited great admiration when i t was new, and has always been praised as a most b e a u t i f u l work, and e s p e c i a l l y his i m p l i c a t i o n that i t established B e l l i n i ' s name as an o i l painter, leading to h i s appointment by 4 the state, may r e f l e c t a l o c a l , Venetian fame which went beyond te c h n i c a l and a r t i s t i c merit. Vasari does not give evidence for an exact date of the a l t a r p i e c e but implies that the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e was created at an early or mid-point i n B e l l i n i ' s career. Venetian writers of the seventeenth century, such as Marco Boschini, i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to g l o r i f y the Venetian state, praised B e l l i n i as a Renaissance master r i v a l l e d only by Raphael himself, and the f i r s t great master of Venetian painting.^ They affirmed i n B e l l i n i ' s work p r e c i s e l y those q u a l i t i e s of perfect draughtsmanship, perspective, v i v a c i t y , and subtle colouring which Vasari had a t t r i b u t e d to what he termed the t h i r d phase or modern s t y l e of painting. A s h i f t of c r i t i c a l opinion i n the eighteenth century preferred to see B e l l i n i ' s p u p i l Giorgione as the i n i t i a t o r of the modern school of Venetian painting. In order to explain the undeniable beauty and mastery exhibited i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e the undated work was s h i f t e d by c e r t a i n c r i t i c s to the end of B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre and seen as evidence of the b r i l l i a n t pupil's Q influence on h i s aged master. In the early nineteenth century reconsidera-t i o n of the early notices by S a b e l l i c o and Vasari i n v a l i d a t e d the proposed date of 1510, and i n antedating the a l t a r p i e c e to an e a r l i e r point i n the a r t i s t ' s career scholars were able to r e i n s t a t e B e l l i n i ' s reputation f o r Q inventive genius. C r i t i c a l analysis of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n the present century has been primarily s t y l i s t i c and formal. An efflorescence of aesthetic appreciation, e s p e c i a l l y evident i n the I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e , r e f l e c t s i n part a persistent and defensive v i n d i c a t i o n of B e l l i n i as a great Renaissance master who made an o r i g i n a l and decisive contribution to the development df European painting. As noted above, a e u l o g i s t i c 5 tradition' was established by seventeenth century Venetian w r i t e r s . At times a s i m i l a r c h a u v i n i s t i c intent seems to underlie more recent hyperbolic praise of B e l l i n i ' s pious s p i r i t u a l i t y and his humanistic v i s i o n of man i n harmony with his environment. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , B e l l i n i ' s importance to Venetian painting has always been seen as the introduction of the new technique of painting i n an o i l medium which was brought to luminous per-f e c t i o n by his pupils Giorgione and T i t i a n . Roger Fry's attempt i n 1900 to codify a development i n B e l l i n i ' s s t y l e from the hatched modelling within closed contours of the tempera technique to the fused modelling and d i s -s o l u t i o n of firm o u t l i n e to suggest atmosphere which was possible i n the o i l technique, contributed to a new phase i n B e l l i n i scholarship.-^ The primary task i n t h i s century has been the complex one of defining the scope and development of the numerous oeuvre, i n which few works are securely datable, by means of s t y l i s t i c analysis and connoisseurship. In 1914 Roberto Longhi published an a r t i c l e which established the importance of Piero d e l l a Francesca to the development of Venetian painting."'-"'" B e l l i n i scholarship became involved i n the analysis of Piero's influence on B e l l i n i , whether by d i r e c t contact at Rimini, for which the Coronation of the V i r g i n at Pesaro may be evidence, or i n d i r e c t l y , through Antonello da Messina's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e painted i n Venice i n 1476. The San Giobbe a l t a r -piece i s i n v a r i a b l y c i t e d as that work which exhibits B e l l i n i ' s l i b e r a t i o n from the l i n e a r i t y of Mantegna's s t y l e and the r e s t r i c t i o n s of the tempera technique and the mastery of modelled form and atmosphere i n the o i l technique. The painting lends i t s e l f to a wide range of positions i n the oeuvre according to the i n d i v i d u a l c r i t i c ' s perception of the sources of influence on B e l l i n i and the degree of precedence and independence he wishes to ascribe to the master i n the introduction and development of o i l 6 painting i n Venice. The major B e l l i n i e x h i b i t i o n which was held at the Palazzo Ducale, Venice, i n 1949, was a unique opportunity f o r scholars to work with a major part of the oeuvre i n a si n g l e l o c a t i o n . In her review of the e x h i b i t i o n A. B r i z i o observed an important r e s u l t was the de-emphasis of the debate concerning the introduction of o i l painting by Antonello da Messina or B e l l i n i , and a renewed appreciation of B e l l i n i ' s independent inventive genius, which flowered i n those years i n which the San Giobbe alt a r p i e c e was created.12 However, th i s appreciation has hardly passed beyond the analysis of B e l l i n i ' s formal achievement and the enumeration 1 o of h i s compositional motifs, h i s legacy to l a t e r Venetian painters. J Although c e r t a i n elements of iconography i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e have been commented upon, a comprehensive and penetrating iconographical study and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the work has never been ca r r i e d out. The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g formal features of Venetian painting, r i c h colour and the i n t e r e s t i n decoration and s u r f i c i a l design, have seduced c r i t i c s into a one-sided, sometimes r e s t r i c t i v e , s t y l i s t i c approach which characterizes Venetian s t y l e i n comparison and opposition to a Tuscan paradigm. Thus L u i g i C o l e t t i , i n h i s survey of Venetian painting, describes Venetian s t y l e as spontaneous, n o n - i n t e l l e c t u a l , and " a n t i - c l a s s i c o , " a s t y l e which "speaks" d i r e c t l y , without the i n t e l l e c t u a l r e f l e c t i o n of Florentine painting: . . . p i t t u r a " p a r l a t a , " piuttdsto che " s c r i t t a " ! ^ Only recently have scholars begun to appreciate Venetian painting i n i t s broader contexts of r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l function and to study paintings i n terms of h i s t o r i c a l type, ph y s i c a l s i t e , r e l i g i o u s function, and patron, i n an attempt to understand the meaning which determines form. This 7 " i c o n o l o g i c a l " approach to Venetian painting, i n i t i a t e d by Panofsky i n the area of T i t i a n scholarship, i s being pursued by David Rosand i n T i t i a n studies and i s well stated i n the introduction to h i s a r t i c l e on T i t i a n ' s Presentation of the V i r g i n painted for the Scuola d e l l a CaritS."'"^ Rosand's students are applying t h i s approach to T i t i a n and to other Venetian a r t i s t s , including Giovanni B e l l i n i . Rona Goffen has i d e n t i f i e d the iconographic type of the half - l e n g t h Madonna i n B e l l i n i ' s r e l i g i o u s painting, which she studies from the point of view of form, iconography, s i t e , and devotional function. Most s i g n i f i c a n t l y for B e l l i n i studies, she has demonstrated the importance of the previously neglected Byzantine t r a d i t i o n i n Venetian Renaissance a r t , which stems from Venice's h i s t o r i c 1 f) association with the East. J u l i a Keydel has made a formal study of the function of B e l l i n i ' s sacre conversazioni and other major alt a r p i e c e s as part of the architecture and decoration of t h e i r church s e t t i n g s , and pro-vides a basis for broader inte r p r e t a t i o n s of B e l l i n i ' s most important r e l i g i o u s paintings.17 The more t r a d i t i o n a l c r i t i c a l approaches to Venetian painting noted above, the predominance of t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s themes i n B e l l i n i ' s extant oeuvre, and the general lack of documentary and textual sources of i n f o r -mation regarding commissions and r e l a t i o n s of the a r t i s t with h i s patrons have severely retarded iconographical study of B e l l i n i ' s work. However, a r number of i s o l a t e d studies have appeared i n recent years. Notable i n the area of r e l i g i o u s iconography are Goffen's study of the h a l f - l e n g t h devotional Madonna, c i t e d above, and M i l l a r d Meiss' analysis of B e l l i n i ' s a b i l i t y to invest a n a t u r a l i s t i c component of the painted composition, such as sunlight, with r e l i g i o u s meaning by arguing that B e l l i n i manipulates 8 natural l i g h t i n t h i s landscape i n order to express the d i r e c t r e v e l a t i o n 1 8 of God to Saint Francis. Such studies suggest a depth and extent of iconographic invention i n B e l l i n i ' s work which awaits e l u c i d a t i o n . We have only an intimation of a t h i r d area of iconography, the i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of the Venetian State. Due to the destruction by f i r e of the cycle of h i s t o r y paintings i n the Sala del Maggior Co n s i g l i o , Venice, a major category of B e l l i n i ' s work has been almost e n t i r e l y l o s t . B e l l i n i commenced his p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n this vast and prestigious project i n 1479 and seems to have been engaged on i t for the balance of h i s career. The cycle consisted of episodes i n a part legendary, part h i s t o r i c a l event of Venetian h i s t o r y i n which the Doge mediated a dispute between Pope Alexander III and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa i n 1177, thereby obtaining s p e c i a l favour for the Venetian state from the Pope. It i s an important instance of the famous Venetian propensity for expressing ideas of state i n r e l i g i o u s themes which was observed by Roger Fry: . . . r e l i g i o n was c u l t i v a t e d . . . for the opportunities which i t provided for symbolizing the ideas of the s t a t e . . . ^ As Robertson points out, the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s one of a number of works which show the e f f e c t s of B e l l i n i ' s work on the large-scale canvases for the Venetian state. Surely these e f f e c t s were not only an increased "freedom of execution" and "luminosity" i n technique, but included a r e f l e c t i o n of those i d e o l o g i c a l themes and motifs which were engaging the attention of B e l l i n i and h i s p a t r i c i a n patrons at the time.^O The r i c h and complex iconography of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e has not received the attention i t merits. Examination of i t s r e l i g i o u s meaning has not gone beyond an appreciation of the pious expressions and s u i t a b i l i t y of the work to i t s function as a r e l i g i o u s image over the E u c h a r i s t i c 9 a l t a r . Z 1 Lack of documentation has discouraged i c o n o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In the most recent monograph on B e l l i n i , Robertson o f f e r s a methodical review of the problem of textual sources, with only a f l e e t i n g observation of the possible a l l u s i o n to the Annunciation, as a theme of meditation, i n the Virgin's gesture and the vault i n s c r i p t i o n s . In h i s review of Robertson's monograph on B e l l i n i , David Rosand c r i t i c i z e s as a "serious omission" the author's neglect of B e l l i n i ' s early i n t e r e s t i n the Byzantine t r a d i t i o n s of Venice, of which the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s "the monumental culmination" "as well as being the foundation for new developments." J u l i a Keydel provides a valuable preliminary groundwork for an iconographi-c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e i n her study of the r e l a t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e to the ph y s i c a l context of i t s frame and the i n t e r i o r of the church i n which i t was situated. This r e l a t i o n s h i p implies a continuity of the i l l u s i o n i s t i c space and atmosphere of the painting with the r e a l space and atmosphere of the church and thus a coexistence of the viewer with the divine beings. z^ The richness of the symbolic motifs and compositional features of the a l t a r p i e c e i n d i c a t e that a thorough-going iconographical study could be of value i n reaching a f u l l e r understanding of B e l l i n i ' s inventiveness and the depth of h i s response not only to r e l i g i o u s themes, but to contemporary Venetian ideology. The a l t a r p i e c e became the prototype for the sacra conversazione theme i n Venetian painting f or some t h i r t y years following i t s execution. The type i s distinguished by the elevation of the V i r g i n on a marble throne enriched with antique decorative motifs, and by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l space of a vaulted baldacchino or chapel which i s con-tinued more or le s s i l l u s i o n i s t i c a l l y by the frame of the a l t a r p i e c e . The 10 golden semi-dome and the lute-playing angels are secondary motifs which were frequently repeated i n l a t e r Venetian painting. I t seems probable that the popularity of this type of monumental sacra conversazione i n Venice was due i n part to i t s symbolic resonance. Investigation of the circumstances i n which B e l l i n i ' s work was conceived might reveal the p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e of i t s s a l i e n t features. In t h i s respect, i t s s i t e i n a monastic church associated with a charitable i n s t i t u t i o n r e ceiving ducal patronage and the dual sources of imagery i n the Veneto-Byzantine and Roman t r a d i t i o n s must be considered. This inquiry w i l l make more apparent B e l l i n i ' s invention and the depth of hi s response to Venetian ideology and allow a f u l l e r understanding of h i s importance for l a t e r painters such as Vincenzo Catena, Lorenzo Lotto, Giorgione, and Palma i l Vecchio, not only i n technique and s t y l e , but iconographic motifs. This study focuses on a single work, the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , i n an attempt to recreate, as f a r as i s possible, a context for the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of i t s meaning. The i n d i v i d u a l elements, the t o t a l a r c h i t e c t u r a l and s p a t i a l composition, and the worshipper's experience of the work i n s i t u w i l l be described. The s p e c i f i c features of the sacra  conversazione version popular i n Venice w i l l be defined by comparison with the sacra conversazione types developed i n Tuscany and other areas of I t a l y . The h i s t o r y of the foundation, major b u i l d i n g phases, and nature of patronage of the Chiesa d i San Giobbe w i l l be outlined. The f i n a l chapter w i l l consider the s p e c i f i c a l l y Venetian associations intermeshing with the t r a d i t i o n a l devotional function of the a l t a r p i e c e , which may account f o r that type of sacra conversazione of which the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e was an exemplar. 11 NOTES 1. Marco Boschini, La Carta del Navegar Pitoresco, Venice, 1660, Edizione Cortica con l a "Breve Instruzione" premessa a l l e "ricche minere d e l l a P i t t u r a Veneziana," ed. Anna P a l l u c c h i n i , Venice, Rome, 1966, p. 28. " F i r s t are seen i n b e a u t i f u l majesty the Mother with C h i l d : never has so g i f t e d a form been seen nor an idea so devout; i t can t r u l y be s a i d : she i s a de i t y ! " 2. Francesco Sansovino, Venetia CittH Nobilissima et singolare, d i s c r i t t a  i n XIIII L i b r i , (1581), ed. D. G. Ma r t i n i o n i , Venice, 1663, pp. 323-324. "On the side towards the Piazza i s seen Venice the V i r g i n , who with her incorrupt p u r i t y , shields h e r s e l f from the insolence of others, and leans on the world, because she alone among a l l others remains incorrupt, and i n t a c t from barbarians and Imperial tyrants." Description of a painted decoration on the wa l l facing the Piazza i n the room preceding the A n t i c o l l e g i o i n the Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 3. Marcantonio S a b e l l i c o , De Venetae urbis s i t u , Venice, 1493. 4. Marin Sanudo, "Queste sono cosse notabile i n diverse c h i e s i e , " Museo Civico Correr, Venice, MS. Cicogna 969, 24v-26r, published i n W. Stedman Sheard, "Sanudo's L i s t of Notable Things i n Venetian Churches and the Date of the Vendramin Tomb," Yale I t a l i a n Studies 1 (1977):255-257, 233, 260, n. 9. 5. Giorgio Vasari, Le v i t e de'piu e c c e l l e n t i p i t t o r i , s c u l t o r i ed  a r c h i t e t t o r i , 1568; ed. G. Milanesi, 9 v o l . , Florence, 1878-1885, v o l . 4, p. 10. 6. Ibid., v o l . 3, pp. 155-156. 7. Boschini, La Carta, (1660), 1966, p. 665. "Zambelin se puol d i r l a primavera Del Mondo tuto, i n ato de P i t u r a : Perche da l u devira ogni verdura, E senza l u l ' a r t e un inverno g i e r a . " 8. See Appendix I. 9. See Appendix I. 12 10. Roger Fry, Giovanni B e l l i n i , London, 1900, p. 33 (hereafter c i t e d as Fry, B e l l i n i ) . 11. Roberto Longhi, "Piero dei Franceschi e lo sviluppo d e l l a p i t t u r a veneziana," L'Arte (Milan) 17 (1914):198-221, 241-256. 12. A. M. B r i z i o , "Considerazioni su Giovanni B e l l i n i , " Arte Veneta III (1949):32-35. 13. This i s the subject of a work by F. Heinemann, Giovanni B e l l i n i e i  b e l l i n i a n i , 2 v o l . , Venice, 1962 (hereafter c i t e d as Heinemann, B e l l i n i ) . 14. L u i g i C o l e t t i , P i t t u r a Veneta del Quattrocento, Novara, 1953, pp. V-VII. 15. David Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s Presentation of the V i r g i n i n the Temple and the Scuola d e l l a C a r i t a , " AB 58 (1976):55-56. 16. Rona Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n : Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Half-Length Madonnas," AB 57 (1975):487-514 (hereafter c i t e d as Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n " ) . 17. J u l i a Keydel, "A Group of Altarpieces by Giovanni B e l l i n i Considered i n r e l a t i o n to the Context for which They Were Made" (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a -t i o n , Harvard University, 1970) (hereafter c i t e d as Keydel, " A l t a r -pieces") . 18. M i l l a r d Meiss, Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s St. Francis i n the F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n , Princeton, 1964. 19. Fry, B e l l i n i , p. 4. 20. Giles Robertson, Giovanni B e l l i n i , Oxford, 1968, pp. 81-83 (hereafter c i t e d as Robertson, B e l l i n i ) . 21. G. A. Moschini, Guida per l a c i t t a d i V e n e z i a V e n i c e , 1815: "Questa tavola segue pur essa l ' o r d i n i d e l l ' a l t a r e , ed e veramente lu c i d a d i gran p r e g i . " L i o n e l l o Venturi, Le O r i g i n i d e l l a P i t t u r a Veneziana, 1300-1500, Venice, 1906, p. 378: "...tutto portava all'imponenza s u l l e masse dei f e d e l i . Forse pochi quadri a l mondo hanno piu e piu completamente e con maggior s i n c e r i t y aiutato l a chiesa a mantenere i l suo p r e s t i g i o . " 22. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 87. 13 23. David Rosand, review of Giovanni B e l l i n i , by G. Robertson, i n AQ :33, (1970):72-74. 24. Keydel, "A l t a r p i e c e s . " 14 CHAPTER TWO DESCRIPTION OF THE ALTARPIECE Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe altarpiece-'- i s the f i r s t extant Venetian sacra conversazione of that monumental, c e n t r a l l y - u n i f i e d type which was so popular i n Venetian and North I t a l i a n painting of the l a t e f i f t e e n t h and early sixteenth centuries.- The sacra conversazione does not form an i l l u s t r a t i o n of a sacred dogma, the holy l i t u r g y , or a b i b l i c a l n a r r a t i v e . An etymological study of the term by Rona Goffen has shown that i t should not be interpreted according to modern usage r e f e r r i n g to the act of conversing, but rather that i t s ancient b i b l i c a l and p a t r i s t i c meaning, more appropriate to the f i r s t Trecento adumbrations of the composition, can be translated as "holy community." With the r i s e of l a t e Mediaeval s p i r i t u a l i s m popular b e l i e f grew i n the a b i l i t y of s a i n t s , pious and exemplary i n d i v i d u a l s p r i v i l e g e d i n t h e i r reception of grace, to intercede with Christ on behalf of the suppliant worshipper who placed himself under t h e i r sponsorship. In the sacra conversazione the figures of the saints may represent the v i s u a l equivalent of the esempi of vernacular Mendicant sermons, pious l i v e s that are models to the worshipper i n his e f f o r t to obtain grace; they are also q u a l i f i e d advocates of the worshipper before God, whose throne they approach so c l o s e l y . The basic theme of the sacra conversazione i s the coexistence of a group of saints with the Madonna and C h i l d i n a transcendent "holy community." The figures do not necessarily speak among themselves but are i n a shared state of contemplation and r e v e l a t i o n , sometimes s u p p l i c a t i o n , 15 united by t h e i r common reception of grace from God. The V i r g i n Mary con-veys the supplications presented by the saints to her son and i n turn dispenses divine grace to the f a i t h f u l : she h e r s e l f i s the highest mediator. The C h r i s t Child represents the means of man's s a l v a t i o n , the incarnate Sacrament. The phys i c a l and psychological unity of the composition and the immediacy of the representation make the r e a l approach of the saints to the throne of God credible to the viewer/worshipper and encourage him to f e e l the p o s s i b i l i t y of d i r e c t entrance to the "holy community." Thus the sacra  conversazione can function not only as an a l t a r p i e c e but also, i n conjunc-t i o n with a tomb, as a means for the donor/s to obtain d i r e c t and personal i n t e r c e s s i o n to insure t h e i r admittance to the "holy community" which the painted image embodies. In B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e the V i r g i n Mary, holding the Chris t C h i l d seated on her ri g h t knee, i s elevated on a marble throne enriched with antique decorative motifs which i s approached by three steps, on which are seated three angels playing musical instruments (Fig. 6). In front of and to either side of the throne stand s i x s a i n t s , Francis, John the Baptist and Job, the t i t u l a r saint of the church and the saint to whom the a l t a r i s dedicated, on the Virgin's r i g h t , and Dominic, Sebastian and Louis of Toulouse on her l e f t . The figures are situated i n the u n i f i e d space of a perspectively constructed Renaissance chapel c o n s i s t i n g of c l a s s i c a l columns and entablature, supporting a coffered b a r r e l vault and an apse vaulted by a half-dome faced with gold mosaic. The painting cannot be f u l l y comprehended apart from the o r i g i n a l marble frame i n the form of a triumphal arch from which i t has been separated (Fig. 3). The a r c h i t e c -t u r a l design and s c u l p t u r a l decoration of the columns, entablature, and 16 round arch of the frame are continued p e r f e c t l y by the s p a t i a l construction and d e t a i l s of the painting ( Fig. 7). The u n i f i e d s e t t i n g i n which the holy figures commune appears as co-extensive with that of the viewer/worshipper. Elevated, c e n t r a l , f r o n t a l l y viewed, the V i r g i n Mary dominates the f i g u r a l composition (Fig. 8). Her regal enthronement combines the h i e r a t i c majesty of the Queen of Heaven with the gentleness of the Mother of Mercy. Her modesty and a u s t e r i t y are suggested by the low white wimple, which hides her h a i r , and the heavy blue robe which parts at the torso to allow a discr e t e glimpse of r i c h brocade. While the heavy f a l l of drapery imparts a s o l i d monumentality to her f i g u r e , the wide-spaced large eyes, narrow nose, and small mouth, Byzantine a r t i s t i c conventions often used by B e l l i n i i n h i s Madonnas, give a contrasting ethereal q u a l i t y to her face.^ She i s serene, yet a l e r t and responsive: her attention i s directed outward. Crowe and Cavalcaselle observed that she i s "looking forward as i f struck by some external event, yet f u l l of calm benevolence."^ She appears to look out-ward to her l e f t , over the viewer, into the i n t e r i o r of the church and into the l i g h t which f a l l s so b r i l l i a n t l y upon her face, wimple, and raised hand. The d i r e c t i o n and meaning of the raised l e f t hand are an important aspect of the work, and w i l l be discussed below i n Chapter Five. Supported by h i s mother's r i g h t hand as he s i t s upright on her knee, the nude infant C h r i s t seems p h y s i c a l l y small and helpless against the dark mass of the V i r g i n Mary's body ( F i g . 8). Yet there i s something E u c h a r i s t i c i n t h i s pathetic and vict i m i z e d aspect of the Chri s t C h i l d . Mary's hand seems almost to frame the area of Christ's side that w i l l receive the lance wound. His own l e f t hand i s crossed against h i s chest as i f to i n d i c a t e t h i s source of man's sa l v a t i o n . The meaning of t h i s gesture i s underscored 17 by the p a r a l l e l gesture of St. Francis, the A l t e r Christus, to the wound i n h i s own side.^ The Chr i s t Child's r i g h t hand extends downward i n the d i r e c t i o n of Job's sup p l i c a t i n g hands^ and his l i p s are parted as i f r e -questing mercy from the Heavenly Father on h i s servant Job. The solemnity of the Chri s t Child was p a r t i c u l a r l y noted by L i o n e l l o Venturi when he i d e n t i f i e d a type of Bellinesque Chri s t C h i l d having an "energia morale," r a i s i n g h i s eyes to the skies i n an act of defeating adversity while the l i g h t shines on him. In the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i t seemed to him that "Gesu prevede l e future l o t t e , l e legge n e l l ' a l t o ove guarda."^ Indeed, Chris t appears almost to r i s e toward the f a l l of b r i l l i a n t l i g h t as he gazes so i n t e n t l y ahead, up and over the viewer, into the l o f t y vault of the church. He has a s p i r i t u a l aspect which evokes both the sorrow and the joy and triumph of the Incarnation and the Resurrection. The imposing marble throne on which the V i r g i n and Christ C h i l d are seated enhances the majesty of the King and Queen of Heaven and emphasizes th e i r pre-eminence among the accompanying figures ( F i g . 8 ) I t i s e l e -vated and ascended by a f l i g h t of three steps, the lowest extending the width of the chapel (diagram of chapel plan, F i g . 9). The antique motifs of the Lombardesque r e l i e f decoration echo those of the columns and the a l t a r antependium i t s e l f , and r e c a l l decorative motifs appearing on the frame of Piero d e l l a Francesca's fresco of Sigismondo Malatesta before  St. Sigismund at Rimini of c. 1450."'""'" The crowning cornucopia and acanthus s c r o l l motifs and the f l o r i a t e d disc are found i n Paduan works. The r i c h e f f e c t of the throne i s heightened by the red panel of the throne back, and the polychrome stone of the steps. The throne and steps do not appear as a three-dimensional construction occupying a defined p o s i t i o n i n space, but 18 rather as a si n g l e stepped, pyramidal, geometric shape, p a r a l l e l to the picture plane. No s p a t i a l recession i s indicated f or the throne or the steps and the base of the steps i s e n t i r e l y obscured by the figures standing before i t . The e f f e c t i s of a frame completely enclosing the figures of the V i r g i n Mary and Christ C h i l d (except at the point where the V i r g i n Mary's head overlaps the crowning stone disc) which tends to deny th e i r l o c a t i o n i n a space subject to the laws of v i s i o n . Included i n the planar zone of the throne and i t s wide base of steps are the crowning motifs of disc and cross ( F i g . 6). The marble d i s c , supported by acanthus volutes, rosettes, and cornucopia, and decorated i n r e l i e f with a c e n t r a l rosette and a concentric f l o r a l motif, i s a rare and i n t r i g u i n g motif. I t may have been suggested by the s i m i l a r l y placed d i s c i n Mantegna's S. Zeno a l t a r p i e c e of 1456-1459 although there i t i s a r t i c u -1 3 lated by a pierced tracery (Fig. 26)- This motif i s discussed further i n Chapter Five below. The golden vault of the apse appears as a dome of heaven which provides a c e l e s t i a l s e t t i n g f or the communion of the holy figures (Fig. 6)."^ The cupola dorata became a favourite motif i n Venetian painting following the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , and may indeed have been introduced by B e l l i n i . The motif i s r i c h i n symbolism. Rosand described B e l l i n i ' s use of the gold mosaic as the expression of c e l e s t i a l l i g h t through empirically comprehensible phenomena, manifesting i t s e l f as a purer d i s t i l l a t i o n of natural l i g h t or as the r e f l e c t i o n of golden mosaic.^ K. Dorment sees a d d i t i o n a l Venetian associations i n the use of the gold semi-dome, which w i l l be dealt with further i n Chapter Six below. The semi-dome vault i s faced with a mosaic design of f i v e ten-winged 19: Byzantine cherubim (Fig. 6). Cherubim, the second of the nine orders of angelic beings, are believed to be g i f t e d with knowledge as the f i r s t order 1 ft of seraphim are g i f t e d with love. B e l l i n i has copied h i s motif d i r e c t l y from the mosaic of Christ i n Glory Surrounded by Nine Orders of Angels i n the centre cupola of the Baptistery at San Marco, Venice, commissioned by Doge Andrea Dandolo i n the mid-Trecento, where the s o l i t a r y cherub occupies an important p o s i t i o n on an axis d i r e c t l y below the Christ ( F i g . 10) Like the San Marco Baptistery prototype, each cherub bears a roundel with-a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n . In B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e the archangel Gabriel's greeting to the Annunciate, AVE GRATIA PLENA (Luke 1:28), i s repeated on each of the f i v e cherubic d i s c s . In the Quattrocento t h i s was translated 1 8 as " H a i l thou that are f u l l of grace" which r e f l e c t s the popular b e l i e f that the V i r g i n Mary, by v i r t u e of her meritorious submission to God's w i l l at the moment of the Annunciation, had been accorded a p o s i t i o n as supreme mediatress. The longer L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n above the row of cherubim i s : AVE VIRGINEI FLOS INTEMERATE PUDORIS -which can be roughly translated as " H a i l Undefiled Flower of V i r g i n Modesty,""*"^ and i s a further a l l u s i o n to Mary's v i r t u e at the Annunciation. The depiction of the cherubim i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e not only alludes to divine knowledge, which i s ultimately knowledge of God's 20 plan for the destiny of the world, but also c a r r i e s from the o r i g i n a l Baptistery s i t e an association with the Resurrection and the r e b i r t h of the i n d i v i d u a l , made possible by the Annunciation and Incarnation referred to i n the roundel i n s c r i p t i o n s . F i n a l l y , the remarkably Byzantine character of the mosaics of the centre cupola of the San Marco Baptistery, observed by P a l l u c c h i n i , and the national character of the church i t s e l f endow the emblematic cherubim with potent s i g n i f i c a n c e . 20 The appearance i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e of the cupola dorata establishes an important motif i n Venetian painting. The use of Byzantine s t y l e motifs found i n the Trecento and e a r l i e r mosaic decorations of the vaults of the state church of San Marco characterizes Venetian painting a f t e r B e l l i n i . This i n t e r e s t could manifest i t s e l f as a design of i n t e r -twining vines and b i r d s , found i n Early C h r i s t i a n a r t , a B i b l i c a l n a r r a t i v e , such as the C r u c i f i x i o n , or dogmatic representation such as the Byzantine Deesis.21 The dark green, eight sided canopy with i t s gold edged quinque-p a r t i t e f r i n g e i s suspended from the centre and rear of the coffered b a r r e l vault, d i r e c t l y over the V i r g i n Mary and on a v e r t i c a l axis with the cross and d i s c . The canopy i s a t r a d i t i o n a l and ancient accoutrement of the 22 a l t a r , an " i n f a l l i b l e sign of the presence of the Supreme." I t was also a symbol of sovereign authority above the throne of a secular r u l e r . In addition to s i g n a l l i n g the queenship of Mary, t h i s motif may have an addi-t i o n a l meaning i n Venetian ideology which w i l l be discussed i n Chapter Six. D i r e c t l y associated with the canopy are four l e a f y branches of a tree or bush which may be t e n t a t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d as l a u r e l . The branches appear to be bound above the apex of the canopy, to the cable from which i t i s suspended. Although the appearance of i t i n t h i s work i s not unusual, considering the profuse vegetal garlands found i n the painting of Mantegna and the Paduan school, the r e s t r i c t i o n of vegetation to t h i s s i n g l e sheaf at the highest point i n the central v e r t i c a l axis which l i n k s the V i r g i n Mary, the marble disc and gold cross, and the canopy, seems to i n d i c a t e a s p e c i f i c function. Generally, evergreen f o l i a g e such as the l a u r e l s i g n i -f i e s the new l i f e springing from Chri s t and i s a symbol of re s u r r e c t i o n and 21 everlasting l i f e . The youthful and harmonious e f f e c t of the three music-making angels, placed i n a prominent p o s i t i o n at the spectator's l e v e l of v i s i o n , has been frequently admired (Fig. 6, 1 1 ) . ^ Each i s i n d i v i d u a l i n ph y s i c a l features and expression while united with the others by a common serenity and grace. The central angel i s most d i r e c t l y linked to the V i r g i n Mary and the C h r i s t Child by his higher position, f r o n t a l i t y , and the c o r r e l a t i o n of h i s head 25 and r i g h t foot to the important c e n t r a l v e r t i c a l axis of the composition. B e l l i n i has i n fa c t given t h i s angel the most divine q u a l i t y of the three as i s seen i n the s i l k e n , parted h a i r , the b r i g h t l y l i t forehead, and large r a i s e d eyes. The angel i s playing a l u t e , the most popular instrument 9 c. of the period i n which the a l t a r p i e c e was painted. I t i s held up to the f u l l f a l l of l i g h t and displays a rose carved i n a b e a u t i f u l and i n t r i g u i n g geometric design of i n t e r l a c i n g six-pointed s t a r s . The angel on the l e f t , more boyish i n character, plays a bowed instrument which may be a v i o l a or 9 7 a l i r a da braccio, also a popular instrument of the period. The t h i r d angel, p a r t l y obscured by the black robe of St. Dominic, plays a l u t e s i m i l a r to that of the centre angel and looks downward, as i f absorbed i n the melody. Groups of music-making angels appear frequently i n Trecento painting, regaling the V i r g i n Mary i n depictions of her triumphs, the Assumption of the V i r g i n , and the Coronation of the V i r g i n , the l a t t e r being a favourite theme i n Venice, as has been recently demonstrated (Fig. 12). z^ B e l l i n i ' s i n t e r e s t i n the precise depiction of contemporary musical instruments and of small ensembles that mirrored the most intimate refined instrumental music of h i s period, resulted i n the best known, i d e n t i f y i n g motif of the Venetian sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e . Indeed, angels c l e a r l y i n s p i r e d by B e l l i n i ' s musicians may be seen i n the 22 a l t a r p i e c e which flanked B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e i n the Church of San Giobbe, the Presentation i n the Temple by V i t t o r i o Carpaccio, 1510. The primary function of the angels i n the painting, beyond t h e i r role as heavenly attendants on the King and Queen of Heaven, i s to evoke a heightened r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g i n the worshipper.-^! Music constitutes an e s s e n t i a l part of the Mass, whether Gregorian chant or polyphony.^2 x t i s tempting to imagine that i n B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e the angels are performing a motet, a musical form newly introduced to the church service i n the f i f t e e n t h century and which was most often composed i n honour of the V i r g i n Mary, and for 33 which the vault i n s c r i p t i o n s may provide l y r i c s . The s i x saints are depicted as a group of communing figures i n close proximity to the enthroned V i r g i n Mary and Christ C h i l d ; each stands q u i e t l y , neither active nor engaged i n conversation, i n a state of common grace and shared r e v e l a t i o n . In addition to t h e i r psychological unity, the saints are defined as e x i s t i n g i n a sing l e moment and place by the u n i f i e d space of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g . They are symmetrically disposed i n two groups facing each other i n a s p a t i a l zone, defined by the Corinthian columns, painted and stone, and the b a r r e l vault which they support, some-what forward of the V i r g i n Mary and Christ Child (diagram of chapel plan, F i g . 9) who are somewhat i s o l a t e d by t h e i r p o s i t i o n f u r t h e r back at the e n t r a n c e to' the a p s e , and by the ..en c l o s i n g e f f e c t of the throne. Furthermore, there i s a subtle d i s c o n t i n u i t y between the scale and view point of these two figures and the others. Yet the v i v i d l y r e a l i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l space of the chapel, the b r i l l i a n t , u n i f i e d f a l l of l i g h t and d i s t i n c t shadow (for example, that cast by the V i r g i n on the back of her throne, F i g . 8), and above a l l , the glances and gesture of John the Baptist, 23 Job and Louis toward the V i r g i n and C h r i s t C h i l d s t r o n g l y a f f i r m -t h e i r coexistence with and t h e i r r e a l presence before the s a i n t s . The saints are withdrawn and meditative, not i n active response to an outward stimulus as the V i r g i n and Christ appear to be, and even the three saints who look toward them seem abstracted as i f gazing on an inner v i s i o n . There i s a sense of waiting. The b r i g h t l y l i t Mother and C h i l d are mysteriously r e a l and v i s i o n a r y at the same time.34 The s p a t i a l zone which the saints occupy, intermediate between the worshipper and the enthronement apse, has been c a l l e d a " v e s t i b u l e , " an area of p e t i t i o n and colloquy. The c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n by means of a t t r i -butes, dress, gesture and physiognomy of each saint's l i f e , h i s i n d i v i d u a l mode of meditation, his personal way of obtaining grace and receiving divine knowledge not only provides models of meditation and meritorious l i v e s to guide the worshipper, but also t e s t i f i e s to each saint's q u a l i f i -cation to approach the King and Queen of Heaven and act as intercessors for the worshipper, and most p a r t i c u l a r l y for the donor of the a l t a r p i e c e , who was buried nearby. Job, the saint of the a l t a r dedication, i s represented as an old 3 7 man i n robust health showing no marks of h i s a f f l i c t i o n . The p r o f i l e view of the saint and the d i r e c t i o n of h i s clasped hands toward the C h r i s t C h i l d contradict the actual depth that must separate the two f i g u r e s , con-s i d e r i n g the distance posed by the f l i g h t of 'Steps (Fig. 9). He appears i n fact to be very close to the Christ C h i l d , who makes his equivocal gesture of acknowledgement towards Job. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to discern whether his l i p s are parted i n supplication but h i s whole at t i t u d e expresses humble reverence and an intent beseeching. The fact that Job i s naked as he was 24 when i n s t e r q u i l i n i o (Job 2:7, 8) and yet shows no sores or other sign of su f f e r i n g suggests the textual moment for h i s depiction may be the Theophany, when, following his serie s of a f f l i c t i o n s and torments, "the 38 Lord answered Job out of the whirlwind" (Job 38:1) . A second p o s s i b i l i t y i s that the portra y a l of Job gazing upon the Chris t Child r e f e r s to h i s prophecy of the Resurrection: For I know that my redeemer l i v e t h , and that he s h a l l stand at the l a t t e r day upon the earth: And though a f t e r my skin worms destroy t h i s body, yet i n my f l e s h s h a l l I see God. Job 19:25, 26 Not only i s Job given the strongest intercessory p o s i t i o n of the s i x 39 s a i n t s , but he represents a funerary theme. y The pose of Job i s s i m i l a r , at le a s t i n the upper body, to the figure of Job i n the Lombardesque tympanum dating to the 1470's, over the entrance p o r t a l of the church (Fig. 13, 1 4 ) . ^ The pose evidently impressed Venetians for i t reappears again i n B e l l i n i ' s own Sacred Allegory i n the U f f i z i , ^ and i n the works of h i s followers, as one of the plague i n t e r -cessors, Job or St. Sebastian ( F i g . 43). St. John the Baptist, the l a s t prophet and the precursor of C h r i s t , appears almost i n v a r i a b l y i n a place of honour on the right hand of the V i r g i n i n I t a l i a n painting; i n Venice he was considered a powerful i n t e r -cessor and i s the saint most frequently seen sponsoring donors ( F i g . 6, 9). Here he retains h i s honoured proximity to the Christ C h i l d , being closest i n depth; that i s , closest to the steps approaching the throne. Appearing awkwardly behind and between St. Francis and Job, he seems to be lending greater authority to Job i n his s u p p l i c a t i o n of the Chris t C h i l d and to St. Francis who, although not as frequently as St. John the Bap t i s t , also 25 appears as a patron saint i n Venetian painting. As the founder of the monastic Order at the church of San Giobbe, St. Francis stands with the Baptist and Job, the t i t u l a r s a i n t of the church, i n the honoured p o s i t i o n to the right of the V i r g i n Mary and Christ C h i l d (Fig. 6, 9). The portrayal of St. Francis, h i s r i g h t hand lowered and extended toward us disp l a y i n g the stigmata, the l e f t pointing to the wound i n his side, v i s i b l e through a rent i n h i s robe, r e c a l l s h i s v i s i o n of C h r i s t and reception of the stigmata experienced at La Verna as reward f o r h i s ascetism and perfect i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the s u f f e r i n g of Chris t at the C r u c i f i x i o n . ^ z The cross c a r r i e d by the Baptist, an a t t r i b u t e of both s a i n t s , i s seen behind the head of St. Francis, a further reminder of his piety and wilderness r e v e l a t i o n . The directness of t h i s saint's confrontation with the viewer, h i s heavy-l.i.dded eyes gazing out over our heads with a pensive, s u f f e r i n g expression, and of h i s display of the wounds of the C r u c i f i x i o n are remarkable. B e l l i n i has given the gesture of the r i g h t hand i n p a r t i c u l a r a s t r i k i n g eloquence: i t may be compared with that of the saint's r e v e l a t i o n i n h i s possibly e a r l i e r F r i c k St. Francis, discussed by M. Meiss. This type of gesture was followed by l a t e r Venetian painters, most notably by Giorgione i n h i s Castelfranco sacra conversazione ( F i g . 1 8 ) ^ where the pose of the San Giobbe St. Francis appears reversed. Since the two saints of the Castelfranco sacra conversazione have recently been interpreted as p o r t r a i t s of the donor and h i s son, Tuzio and Matteo Costanzo,^ one wonders i f the type of St. Francis created by B e l l i n i i n h i s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e also arose as a r e s u l t of a private commission, i n which case i t may be that St. Francis' gesture of re v e l a t i o n i s linked with the , 26 b e l i e f i n h i s e f f i c a c y as an intercessor i n a funerary context, as w i l l be discussed further below. The f i r s t saint on the Virgin's l e f t i s St. Dominic, the founder of the Dominican Order, i d e n t i f i e d by h i s tonsure, clean shaven face, and black and white Dominican robes (Fig'. 9, 15) .^ 6 He i s engaged i n the form of meditation for which he and h i s Order were known, the study of the sacred scriptures and philosophy. He reads a holy book, held c a r e f u l l y i n two hands l i k e a precious object. His f a c i a l expression i s serious and intent, suggesting that his attention i s completely engaged by the subject of h i s reading. Although i t does not seem usual for St. Dominic to appear i n an a l t a r p i e c e with St. Francis, i t i s not unprecedented.^ The type of St. Dominic seen i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e seems to have been created by Antonello i n h i s San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e , completed i n 1476 and enjoying wide fame i n Venice ( F i g . 29). B e l l i n i may have used the fi g u r e f i r s t i n his sacra conversazione a l t a r i n Santi Giovanni e Paolo, Venice ( F i g . 34), and i t appears a f t e r the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n Giovanni Buonconsiglio's sacra conversazione of 1502 for the Oratorio dei Turchini ( F i g . 5 2 ) . ^ The c l a s s i c a l l y posed nude body of St. Sebastian (Fig. 6, 15) i s placed with St. Francis i n the most forward plane of the painting (Fi g . 9 ) . ^ Much praised i n the past for i t s perfection-*^ i t s t i l l s t r i k e s the attention of modern viewers, not the l e a s t on account of the dreamy and e c s t a t i c h a l f-smile which appears on the face of a figure pierced by two arrows. In the f i f t e e n t h century St. Sebastian was revered more for h i s miraculous recovery from arrow wounds than for h i s actual martyrdom, a f a t a l beating by clubs. The arrow was an emblem of the plague and St. Sebastian was invoked against the frequent outbreaks of pestilence to 27 which Venice and other trading centres along the A d r i a t i c coast of Italy-were s u s c e p t i b l e . H e and St. Roch, also invoked against the plague and whose r e l i c was preserved i n the Confraternity d i San Rocco, Venice, were two of the most frequently represented saints i n Venetian painting. The subject of St. Sebastian gave the Renaissance a r t i s t the opportunity to represent the nude male body al_ antica, and i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to conjecture that a s i m i l a r i t y i n theme suggested the representation of a C h r i s t i a n saint as an A p o l l o - l i k e f i g u r e . ^ z In pagan b e l i e f , Apollo was invoked against .the arrows of plague which he i n f l i c t e d on mankind. The pose of St. Sebastian i n B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e i s the culmina-tion of the development of a type i n a seri e s of works by Andrea Mantegna, Antonello da Messina, and B e l l i n i - ^ and reappears frequently i n the work of B e l l i n i followers, such as Cima da Conegliano ( F i g . 47) and Bartolomeo Montagna (Fig. 35). , -The i d e n t i t y of the youthful Bishop saint entering from the opening between the two r i g h t columns i s le s s c e r t a i n than that of the other saints ( Fig. 6, 9). Vasari, 1568, r e f e r s to him as Sant'Agostino and i s followed by Za n e t t i , 1 7 7 1 . T h e most frequent i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , now generally accepted, i s San L u i g i da Toulousa, that i s , St. Louis of Toulouse, the elder brother of King Robert of Naples, who gave up h i s claim to the throne to j o i n the Franciscan Order, dying as a young man at the age of 24.-^ j j e appears frequently i n Franciscan a l t a r p i e c e s although he does not appear to receive the same veneration as Anthony of Padua or Francis himself. The saint wears a r i c h l y decorated cope over a white alb reaching to h i s feet, and a white, undecorated mitre, while he holds h i s c r o z i e r with h i s gloved l e f t hand. Although the brown Franciscan tunic beneath the 28 cope i s more common i n representations of St. Louis of Toulouse, G. K a f t a l notes that he may also be depicted wearing the white alb. It i s possible that this garment, which was occasionally worn by consecrated k i n g s , ^ i s intended to emphasize St. Louis' denunciation of h i s r i g h t of royal primo-geniture for adherence to the Franciscan rule of poverty and service to the s i c k and poor.->8 The border of the bishop's cope i s decorated with a series of saints standing within aedicules (Fig. 15, 16). The appearance of at l e a s t two Franciscan saints helps to confirm h i s i d e n t i t y as St. Louis. One of these, seen at the lower edge of F i g . 16, may be St. Bernardin of Siena, who from the time of Doge Cr i s t o f o r o Moro (died 1471) was the second t i t u l a r saint of the church, and who appears i n a sculpted f i g u r e , together with St. Louis and St. Anthony of Padua, over the entrance p o r t a l to the church (Fig. 13). On the cope border above St. Bernardin i s Job, shown i n the same pose, reversed, as his l i f e - s i z e d counterpart i n the painting. This i s predominantly a Franciscan a l t a r p i e c e with the emphasis on the t i t u l a r saint of the church and the founding saint of the church's Order. The absence (or possibly reduced presence on St. Louis' cope) of St. Bernardin of Siena, a Franciscan saint important i n the h i s t o r y of the church, i s notable. Certain r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the figures i n the painting are given importance by compositional devices, most e f f e c t i v e l y by the orchestration of hands. The most important r e l a t i o n s h i p i s that between Job and the Chri s t C h i l d and Mary (Fig. 6). Job's look i s not returned by the C h i l d or by Mary and t h e i r gestures are not strongly directed toward him. How-ever, a subtle denial of s p a t i a l recession, noted above, i n the planar e f f e c t of the throne, and the pose of Job, allows a compositional l i n e to 29 be set up, on the picture plane, extending from Job's raised arms and hands to the Christ Child's down-reaching arm and from there to the area of the lance wound i n his side up to the raised hand of Mary, which, reverting to a s p a t i a l reading, may be seen as turned out and toward Job. An extension of t h i s compositional l i n e includes the sacramental gestures of St. Francis, that of his l e f t hand p a r a l l e l i n g Christ's l e f t hand and his lowered righ t hand counterpoised to Mary's upraised l e f t hand. As noted above, i t i s possible to i n t e r p r e t Christ's action on one l e v e l as requesting mercy from on high for Job, backed up by Mary who as Mediatrix,' aids i n the i n t e r -cessory act. St. Francis' possible intercessory r o l e may also be implied by the composition. Reading s p a t i a l l y again, the centre and r i g h t angel appear to look toward Job who i s situated some distance i n front of them and to t h e i r r i g h t , thus further emphasizing his importance (Fig. 11). A secondary r e l a t i o n s h i p completes a t r i a n g l e formed by Job-Mary-Sebastian. This i s set up compositionally by a l i n e extending from the raised hand of Mary down through the hands and book of St. Dominic to the arrow p i e r c i n g St. Sebastian's abdomen, and emphasizes the obvious intercessory r o l e of St. Sebastian. The great importance given to the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e by the large proportion of the painting which i t occupies and by the i n t e g r a t i o n of the painted with the r e a l architecture of the stone frame i s less evident i n the present cut state of the a l t a r p i e c e separated from i t s frame. In i t s o r i g i n a l state the figures occupied only one-third of the height of the painting, with the upper one-third almost e n t i r e l y b a r r e l v a u l t i n g (Fig. 7 ). Because the painted architecture i s integrated with i t s stone frame, there i s a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the a l t a r p i e c e 30 and the architecture of i t s p h y s i c a l , church s e t t i n g . In i t s a i r y , l o f t y height, and deep space, and i n i t s s o f t l i g h t i n g and quiet calm, the Renaissance chapel i n which the figures are situated harmonizes with the i n t e r i o r of the church i t s e l f . The framing unit includes the a l t a r , with i t s two steps, and the ascending zones of the marble frame: base, columns, and entablature. The marble i s a l i g h t , warm colour showing traces of g i l d i n g and polychromy. The decoration i s a Lombardesque vegetal r e l i e f s i m i l a r to that on the frame of B e l l i n i ' s destroyed a l t a r p i e c e i n the 59 Chiesa dei S.S. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice ( F i g . 17). The perspective construction of the painting, i t s low vanishing point at the base l i n e , the steep recession of the entablature have been of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n recent analyses of the a l t a r p i e c e T h e viewer's experience at the foot of the steps to the a l t a r would be of looking into the painting at the l e v e l of B e l l i n i ' s c a r t e l l i n g and thence- upward to the Madonna, the cross, and up into the vau l t overhead. Light seems to flow into the painting through the two righ t columns, painted and marble. The e f f e c t i s of a l o f t y and deep chapel extending forward into the area of the church, illuminated by a common source of natural l i g h t from the upper r i g h t , presumably admitted by the windows i n the entrance facade. Perspectival construction and consistent i l l u m i n a t i o n create a u n i f i e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l space i n which the holy beings coexist i n a si n g l e moment and place. The realism of th i s representation, the placement of the perspective vanishing point r e l a t i v e to the viewer's p o s i t i o n before the a l t a r and a l t a r p i e c e , the advancing e f f e c t of the architecture and the shared features of a r c h i t e c t u r a l form and of i l l u m i n a t i o n with the i n t e r i o r of the church, would have created the strong i l l u s i o n of the phys i c a l 31 contiguity of the space occupied by the holy community with that of the viewer i n the church. The stone frame, which i s c r u c i a l to t h i s e f f e c t of coexistence, defines at the same time the l i m i t of the painted sanctuary and the entrance to i t . The v i s u a l e f f e c t of the sacra conversazione i s that of a progressive movement through a serie s of zones of increasing holiness approaching the enthroned Madonna and Christ C h i l d ( F i g . 9). The probable tombstone of the donor of the a l t a r p i e c e would be located i n the t e r r e s t r i a l zone of the viewer's immediate space. The following zone i s that of the a l t a r which leads to the entrance of a ves t i b u l e zone which opens on eit h e r side.and which i s defined by the triumphal arch frame, the two corresponding painted Corinthian p i l l a r s , and the b a r r e l vault. The po s i t i o n of the succeeding zone, occupied by the Christ Child and Mary, further back at the entrance to the apse i s defined by the p o s i t i o n of the canopy suspended d i r e c t l y above the Madonna from the rear arch of the b a r r e l v a u l t . This s p a t i a l p o s i t i o n i s ambiguous, the chapel having a v i s u a l v a c i l l a t i o n between shallow and profound depth. This v i s u a l v a c i l -l a t i o n may be the c o r o l l a r y of an inconographical v a c i l l a t i o n i n the repre-sentation of the V i r g i n and Chris t Child which i s discussed below i n Chapters Three and Five. The large scale of the Madonna and Chris t C h i l d , which contradicts a consistent depth recession, and t h e i r planar, compo-s i t i o n a l l i n k s with the s a i n t s , described above, create the impression of t h e i r proximity to the group of exemplary and intercessory s a i n t s . On the other handj t h e i r actual distance from the saints as indicated by the architecture, the complete enframement by the throne, the somewhat d i f f e r e n t viewpoint (the Madonna seems to be viewed from a viewpoint higher than that placed at the baseline by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l construction), and b r i l l i a n c e 32 of i l l u m i n a t i o n a l l set the Chri s t C h i l d and V i r g i n apart i n a separate zone behind the ves t i b u l e ( F ig. 9). The f i n a l zone i s the atmospheric space of the golden apse and the coffered b a r r e l v a u l t , which soar above the figures for f u l l y one ha l f of the picture area, and which contains only the cross, canopy, l a u r e l , and the designs of the apse mosaic. 33 NOTES 1. The painting i s 4.71 x 2.58 m. and i s composed of transverse panels which have separated s l i g h t l y i n the course of years causing some cracking i n the paint surface (S. Moschini-Marconi, G a l l e r i e dell'Accademia d i  Venezia, Opere d'Arte dei Se c o l i XIV e XV, Rome, 1955, pp. 67-69, here-a f t e r c i t e d as Moschini-Marconi, Accademia). It was cut down at the top by 55 cm., possibly when i t was removed from i t s o r i g i n a l s i t e i n the church of San Giobbe, Venice, between 1814 and 1818 and framed and hung i n the Accademia, Venice, where i t may be seen today (Erich Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, die Pala d i San Giobbe, Stuttgart, 1969, p.3). See also F. Valcanover, G a l l e r i e dell'Accademia, Novara, 1970, regarding removal of the three canvases by Carpaccio, B e l l i n i , and B a s a i t i from San Giobbe to the Accademia; and Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, p. 68. Ibid., p. 67, notes that the painting was restored i n 1895 by S. Centenari to consolidate the paint surface and to improve the connec-tio n of the panels. A l i m i t e d cleaning was conducted on the occasion of the B e l l i n i e x h i b i t i o n i n 1949 by M. P e l l i c i o l i . The painting i s generally accepted to have been executed i n the o i l medium although a mixture of o i l and tempera may have been used. J. A. Crowe, G. B. Cavalcaselle, The History of Painting i n North I t a l y , 1871, ed. Tancred Borenius, 3 v o l . , London, 1912, v o l . 1, p. 163 (here-a f t e r c i t e d as Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l i a n Painting) observe: "Technically he CBellini] had won the secret of h a l f impasto, of l o c a l and diverse g l a z i n g . . . " C. Wilson, "Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Pesaro A l t a r -piece, Studies i n i t s Context and Meaning," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , New York University, 1977), pp. 316-319, notes that B e l l i n i ' s precise technique has not yet been determined. B e l l i n i appears to have used other vehicles than o i l , such as varnishes, that are now d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y (Renato Ghiotto, T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa d i Giovanni  B e l l i n i , Milan, 1969, p. 85, hereafter c i t e d as Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa). The a t t r i b u t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e to B e l l i n i i s secured by the signature which appears on the c a r t e l l i n g a f f i x e d to the lowest of the three steps of the V i r g i n Mary's throne. There i s no evidence of a date on th i s c a r t e l l i n g (Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, p. 68, and personal observation, Venice, May 1978). The painting i s now viewed i n the l o f t y Room II of the Accademia, Venice, flanked by i t s companions from San Giobbe, The Presentation of Chris t i n the  Temple, by V i t t o r i o Carpaccio, 1510, and Chris t i n the Garden by Marco B a s a i t i , 1516 (Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 104, p. 105, and no. 46, p. 48). The painting receives natural i l l u m i n a t i o n from a sky-l i g h t with a p a r t i c u l a r l y f i n e and s t r i k i n g e f f e c t as the gold d e t a i l s and the rather large area of gold used i n the apse mosaic react to the . changing l i g h t and passage of clouds above. The al t a r p i e c e was o r i g i n a l l y situated i n a monumental carved marble frame over the second a l t a r on the ri g h t i n the church of San Giobbe. During the period i n 34 which the a l t a r p i e c e was painted San Giobbe was the larges t monastic i n s t i t u t i o n , next to the S e r v i , i n the Sestiere of Cannareggio. I t can be seen i n the map of Venice by Jacopo de'Barbari, 1500, Venice, Museo Civico Correr (Fig. 1). The a l t a r and a l t a r p i e c e frame may be seen i n the church today (Fig. 2), with a substituted painting by Lattanzio Quarena 1768-1853, scenographer at the Fenice, Venice, of the Theophany of St. Job (F. Finotto, San Giobbe, Venice, 1971, pp. 20-21) (Fig. 3). B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e , dedicated to the patron saint of the church, was flanked on the r i g h t by B a s a i t i ' s C h r i s t i n  the Garden over the Foscari a l t a r , and on the l e f t by Carpaccio's Presentation over the Sanuto a l t a r ( F ig. 4). No documentation for the a l t a r p i e c e survives nor are there other textual sources of information for the patron and date. The coat of arms which appears on each of the two bases of the columns of the marble frame of the a l t a r p i e c e i s probably that of the family of the patron, or possibly of the c o n f r a t e r n i t y , who commissioned the work (F i g . 5). For discussion of possible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s of the coat of arms, see Chapter Five, p. 82 and n. 47. 2. R. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio i n Caelis Est: Observations on the Sacra Conversazione i n the Trecento," AB (1979):199-201 (hereafter c i t e d as Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio"). Goffen c i t e s P h i l i p p i a n s 3:20 as example of s c r i p t u r a l usage of the term: "For our conversation i s i n heaven." See further discussion i n Chapter Three below. 3. Ibid., p. 201. 4. R. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 490 and n. 20. 5. Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l i a n Painting, v o l . 1, p. 163. 6. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," p. 201, n. 26. 7. Similar gestures possibly in s p i r e d by B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe Christ C h i l d are seen i n Lorenzo Costa, Madonna and Four Saints, Bologna, San Petronio, F i g . 51, and F. B i s s o l o , Madonna with St. Michael, St. Veronica and Two Donors, London, National Gallery, reproduced i n Heinemann, B e l l i n i , f i g . 349. 8. L. Venturi, Le O r i g i n i , 1906, p. 376. Venturi makes these observa-tions with regard to the Christ C h i l d i n the Madonna c o l Bambino  Benedicente, by B e l l i n i , undated, now i n Venice, Accademia (Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 69, plate 68). 9. L. Venturi, Le O r i g i n i , 1906, p. 378. 10. Precedents for the throne i n B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre are found i n the Coronation of the V i r g i n , Pesaro, Museo C i v i c o , c. 1475, and the Madonna Adoring the Sleeping Christ C h i l d , early 1470's, Venice, Accademia (Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 68 and no. 73). 35 11. Peter Murray, P i e r l u i g i de Vecchi, The Complete Paintings of Piero  d e l l a Francesca, New York, 1967, no. 9, f i g . 10, p. 89 (hereafter c i t e d as Murray, de Vecchi, Piero d e l l a Francesca). 12. The s l i g h t i n d i c a t i o n of recession i n the entablature of the throne i s negated by the o v e r a l l planar e f f e c t . 13. C. Gamba, Giovanni B e l l i n i , Milan, 1937, p. 117: "II trono marmoreo ha per f a s t i g i o un disco reggente l a croce, reminiscenza del Mantegna i n San Zeno." 14. See f u l l colour reproduction i n Valcanover, G a l l e r i e , 1970, plate 34, p. 50. 15. D. Rosand, AB 53 (1971):196-197 and 211. See D. Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s 'Presentation of the V i r g i n i n the Temple' and the Scuola d e l l a C a r i t a \ " AB 58 (1976):66-68, for a discussion of the iconography of gold and mosaic. "Through centuries of C h r i s t i a n a r t gold had s i g n i f i e d the l i g h t of heaven, the glow of mosaics or applied gold l e a f always symbolizing a higher, supernatural i l l u m i n a -t i o n . " I b i d., p. 66. See also K. Dorment, "Tomb and Testament: A r c h i t e c t u r a l S i g n i f i c a n c e i n T i t i a n ' s P i e t a , " AQ 35 (1972):406. 16. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, 5th ed. rev., 1964, s.v. "cherub." 17. S. B e t t i n i , I Mosaici d i San Marco, Bergamo, 1944, p i . CVIII; R. Pallucchlni, La P i t t u r a Veneziana del Trecento, Venice, Rome, 1964, pp. 76-77, 276, f i g . 248; Lor e n z e t t i , Venice, 1961, p. 210, i d e n t i f i e s the order of the angelic figure as "Sciences (ten-winged angels)," "sciences" being an alternate name for the angelic order g i f t e d with knowledge. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the cherubim w i l l be discussed i n Chapter Six. 18. Hilda Graef, Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion, London, 1963, p. 6. 'Ave Plena Gratia' appears i n Costa's Bologna a l t a r p i e c e , F i g . 51. 19. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 87. 20. Daniel 2:20-21; L. Bouyer, Dictionary of Theology, t r . Rev. C. Und e r h i l l Green, New York, 1963, p. 463. See also the V i r g i n ' s Magnificat, Luke 1:52, 53. 21. The mosaic semi-dome motif i s used by B e l l i n i i n two l a t e r sacra  conversazione a l t a r p i e c e s , the Pesaro t r i p t y c h , 1488, Venice, S. Maria Gloriosa dei F r a r i , ( F ig. 39) , and the San Zaccaria a l t a r -piece, 1505, Venice, San Zaccaria, ( F i g . 40). Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 134, p. 100, and no. 183, p. 106; and by Cima da Conegliano, Madonna and Six Saints, Parma, G a l l e r i a Nazionale, (F i g . 50); Lorenzo Costa, Madonna and Four Saints, Bologna, San Petronio, ( F i g . 51). The use of gold mosaic and Byzantine decoration 36 reaches an extreme i n the work of Marco Marziale (Figs. 4 4 , 4 9 ) and Giovanni Buonconsiglio (Fig. 52). 22. Yrp Him, The Sacred Shrine, Boston (1909) 1957, p. 155. 23. R. H a t f i e l d , B o t t i c e l l i ' s U f f i z i Adoration, Princeton, New Jersey, 1976, p. 41. In B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre a s i m i l a r plant i s found i n the l o s t a l t a r p i e c e for SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, of c. 1475, ( F i g . 3 4 ) , i n the form of a garland spanning the loggia, from which the V i r g i n Mary's curtain of honor i s suspended. In Carpaccio's Miracle of the  Cross at the R i a l t o , 1494-1501, Venice, Accademia, the f o l i a g e i s attached to large processional candles (Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 94, plate 94). I t appears in Boccaccino's Annunciation (Fig. 46). 24. Carlo R i d o l f i , Le meraviglie d e l l ' a r t e ovvero l e v i t e d e g l i i l l u s t r i  p i t t o r i veneti e d e l l o Stato, ed. D. Von Hadeln, v o l . 1, B e r l i n , 1914, p. 66. "ne s i puo descrivere a pieno l a g r a t i a e l a b e l l e z z a d i tre A n g e l e t t i , che siedono a pie d i quella Vergine, c h i d i loro tocca l a v i u o l a , i l l i u t o & i l v i u o l i n o : d'arie c o s i g e n t i l i e d i movimenti co s i soavi, che rapiscono g l i animi, qual maniere d i fi g u r e destano somma divotione n e l l e mente d e ' f e d e l i . " 25. See note 61 below. 26. Encyclopedia Br i t a n n i c a , 1974 ed., s.v. "Music, Western." 27. See large colour d e t a i l s i n Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 1, p i . IX, X, of the head of t h i s angel and of his instrument with i t s tuning head crafted as a grotesque. The l i r a da braccio i s a pear shaped, bowed instrument with round shoulders, 3-5 s t r i n g s , and two bourdon s t r i n g s , which run outside the fingerboard (Encyclopedia of World A r t , 1965 ed., s.v. "Musical Instruments," by Emmanuel Winternitz, and Emmanuel Win-t e r n i t z , "A L i r a da Braccio i n Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s 'The Feast of the Gods'," AB 28 (1946):114-116. The instrument played by the s o l i t a r y angel i n B e l l i n i ' s San Zaccaria a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 40), 1505, i s c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e as a l i r a da braccio. The instrument i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s smaller and lacks the round shoulders. I t i s possibly an e a r l i e r form of the l i r a da braccio, which descends from the Medieval v i o l a , and ultimately from the Byzantine l y r e , "a type of medieval f i d d l e played by Elders i n sculpture of the l a t e Middle Ages and l a t e r by countless angels up to the sixteenth century" ( I b i d . , p. 114). 28. S. Wilk, "Iconological Problems i n the Sculpture of T u l l i o Lombardo," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , New York University, 1977), Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1977; Wilson, " B e l l i n i ' s Pesaro a l t a r p i e c e , " 1977. 29. Winternitz, " L i r a da Braccio," 1946, p. 114. 37 "Giovanni B e l l i n i always rendered his musical instruments with an accuracy and neatness...and with a complete understanding of the playing technique." 30. Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 104. 31. See note 24 above. 32. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 1967 ed., s.v. "The Roman Mass": "the sung l i t u r g y i s the highest type of s p i r i t u a l expression, most capable of moving the soul to fervent devotion and giving f u l l a r t i c u l a t i o n to s o c i a l worship." 33. H. W. A. Janson, D. J . Janson, J . Kerman, The History of Art and  Music, Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, 1968, p. 231. The s p e c i a l r o l e which music played i n Venetian r e l i g i o u s and c i v i c ceremony has been discussed by E. Rosand, "Music and the Myth of Venice," RQ 30 (1977):511-537. See Chapter Six below. 34. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " pp. 498-499. 35. Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " p. 24. 36. It i s possible that one or more of the saints i n the a l t a r p i e c e are onomastic saints representing the donor and members of h i s family. In B e l l i n i ' s t r i p t y c h i n the Sacristy of the F r a r i , Venice, the husband and three sons of the deceased, Franceschina Pesaro, are represented by the four s a i n t s . Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 512. See further discussion i n Chapter Five below. On the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the s a i n t s , F i l i p p o Baldinucci noted i n No t i z i e de'professori del disegno da Cimabue i n qua., Ed con note ed aggiunte d i Giuseppe Piacenza, Milano, 1811, v o l . 5, p. 489: "ciascheduno molto propriamente rappresentati." L. Venturi, Le O r i g i n i , 1906, p. 378: "esecutori d e l l a legge, che s i muovano i n v a r i a guisa indipendenti." A. Venturi, S t o r i a , v o l . 7, pt. 4, p. 330. 37. G. K a f t a l , Saints i n I t a l i a n Art, Vol. 3, Iconography of the Saints  i n the Painting of North East I t a l y , Florence, 1978, does not l i s t St. Job, nor does he appear i n the two previous volumes. The icono-graphical type that i s indexed for St. Onuphrius i s s i m i l a r to that of Job, for example, v o l . 3, no. 222, p. 796, an old hermit with long white beard, hands joined i n prayer (died c. 400). Compare St. Onuphrius i n a painting of the Madonna with two saints by Lorenzo Lotto, Rome, Borghese Gallery, P. Bianconi, A l l The Paintings of 38 Lorenzo Lotto, t r . P. C o l a c i c c h i , New York, 1963, pt. 1, p i . 17, and p. 38. S. Tramontin, A. Niero, G. Musolino, C. Candiani, Culto dei Santi a  Venezia, Venice, 1965, p. 166, document the r i s e of St. Job's c u l t i n Venice with the a c q u i s i t i o n of land i n 1389 for an oratory of St. Job i n connection with the h o s p i t a l . M. E. Tabor, The Saints i n Art, London 1918, reprint D e t r o i t , 1969, p. 107, l i s t s St. Job as the "Patron saint of Hospitals and protector against leprosy, Venice." R i d o l f i , Meraviglie, 1648, v o l . 1, p.66, i s mistaken i n his d e s c r i p t i o n of Job as piagato or sore-covered. The representation of St. Job i n I t a l i a n painting i s rare. A f u l l e r discussion of Job's s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the a l t a r p i e c e follows below, Chapter Five, 38. The s u b s t i t u t i o n of Lattanzio Quarena's Theophany of Job a f t e r B e l l i n i ' s pala was removed to the Accademia might r e f l e c t upon the subject of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e as i t was understood i n the nine-teenth century. 39. Finotto, San Giobbe, 1971, p. 53: "Connessi a l problema del dolore vengono t o c c a t i magistralmente a l t r i argomenti, come l a resurrezione d e l l a came, l ' a t t e s a d e l Messia, 1'onnipotenza e 1'onniscienza d i Dio. La l i t u r g i a usa con una certa frequenza i l l i b r o d i Giobbe n e l B r e v i a r i o , n e l Messale e per i l passato l o uso specialmente n e l l e o f f i c i a t u r e funebri," (my emphasis). 40. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 66, notes a precedent for the p o r t a l Job i n Masaccio's Story of Theophilus fresco, 1427, Brancacci Chapel, S. Maria dei Carmini, Florence (L. B e r t i , Masaccio, University Park, Penn., 1967, f i g . 60-61, pp. 110-111). 41. Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 149, p i . XLIV-XLV. 42. K a f t a l , Saints, v o l . 3, 1978, no. 108, pp. 327-342. St. Francis founded three Order of Franciscan Minors, the Clares, and the T e r t i a r i e s . He died at A s s i s i on October 4, 1226, and was canonized i n 1228. 43. Meiss, B e l l i n i ' s St. Francis, Princeton, 1964. 44. T. P i g n a t t i , Giorgione, London 1971, p. 97, f i g . 12, notes Longhi's proposal of Lorenzo Costa's St. Petronius with Saints Francis and  Dominic at the Pinacoteca, Bologna, as a source for Giorgione's St. Francis. 45. T. P i g n a t t i , lecture on Giorgione, September 28, 1978, i n which he 39. commented on papers presented at the Convegno Giorgionesco at C a s t e l -franco, May 29-31, 1978, forthcoming i n a volume. See also G. Robertson, "The Convegno Giorgionesco at Castelfranco," BM 120 (1978):560-561. 46. K a f t a l , Saints, v o l . 3, 1978, no. 84, pp. 257-264. St. Dominic died i n Bologna on August 4, 1221 and was canonized by Pope Gregory IX i n 1234. In the absence of Dominic's usual a t t r i b u t e of the l i l y , i t i s possible that t h i s saint might be Thomas Aquinas. 47. R. P a l l u c c h i n i , I V i v a r i n i , Venice, 1961, p i . 113, pp. 112-113, reproduces the polyptych at Lecce, Museo P r o v i n c i a l e , by Antonio and Bartolomeo V i v a r i n i , i n which the crowning panel i s a T r i n i t y adored by St. Dominic on the l e f t and St. Francis on the r i g h t . A l a t e r work by Fra Bartolomeo (1472-1517) i s a drawing i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, London, which i s a design for an a l t a r -piece of the V i r g i n and Child Adored by Saints Dominic and Francis. The two saints kneel and embrace i n the foreground (H. R e i t l i n g e r , V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, A Selection of Drawings by Old Masters i n  the Museum C o l l e c t i o n s , London, 1921, no. 10, p. 8). On exhibit at the Museum, June, 1979. 48. Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 1, p. 229. Now at the Museo C i v i c o , Vicenza; signed and dated 1502. Reproduced i n v o l . 2, f i g . 801. 49. K a f t a l , Saints, v o l . 3, 1978, no. 269, pp. 910-920. St. Sebastian was a knight and martyr. He died i n Rome on 20 January 287, beaten to death with clubs or maces. 50. Boschini, La Carta, 1660, "De piu ghe San Bastian, martire degno: E c h i no vede quela positura, Non ha v i s t a dassegno una f i g u r a ; La xe de came; l'e" tuta desegno." 51. Anna Jameson, Sacred and Legendary A r t , 9th ed., London, 1883, v o l . 2, pp. 412-424. -M. Meiss, Painting i n Florence and Siena a f t e r the Black Death, 1st ed., 1951, p. 77, notes that St. Sebastian had been invoked against the plague since the 7th century, but that h i s c u l t did not begin i n Tuscany u n t i l a f t e r the Black Death i n 1348. I t was widely believed that the plague was i n f l i c t e d by God as a punishment of c o l l e c t i v e s i n . 52. In e a r l i e r art St. Sebastian was depicted as a knight holding the emblematic arrow. 53. Jameson, Sacred Art, 1883, p. 414. 40 54. Versions of St. Sebastian by Mantegna are i n Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, i n P a r i s , Louvre, and i n Venice, Ca' d'Oro (A. Martindale, N. Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, New York, 1967, no. 43, p i . XI-XIII, no. 56, p i . XXVII-XXX, and no. 73, p. 114). Compare also Antonello da Messina's St. Sebastian at Dresden Gemaldegalerie, G. V i g n i , A l l the Paintings of Antonello da Messina, New York, 1963, pp. 28-30, plates 54-58, dated 1475-1476, which may have been seen by B e l l i n i i n the Church of San Giuliana, Venice. B e l l i n i may have developed h i s St. Sebastian through a ser i e s of at t r i b u t e d , but s t i l l disputed, works beginning with the panel of saints at Matelica, Museo P i e r s a n t i , 1445-1450, then the St. Sebastian Triptych, Venice, Accademia, 1460-1468(7), the St. Vincent Ferrer a l t a r p i e c e , Venice, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 1464-68(7) (Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 3, p. 85, no. 40, p. 90, and no. 57, P- 91).. A drawing of St. Sebastian i n the B r i t i s h Museum, London, may be by B e l l i n i (A. E. Popham, P. Pouncey, I t a l i a n Drawings i n the Department  of Prints and Drawings, B r i t i s h Museum, London, 1950, no. 18 recto, p i . XVI, p. 12). 55. Boschini, La Carta, 1660, c a l l s him Sant'Alvise, Venetian d i a l e c t f o r St. Louis. The saint i s i d e n t i f i e d as San L u i g i da Toulousa by R i d o l f i , Meraviglie, 1648, p. 66; B a l d i n u c c i , N o t i z i e , 1681, v o l . 5, p. 489; Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l y , v o l . 1 p. 163; and Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, p. 68. 56. K a f t a l , Saints, v o l . 3, 1978, no. 183, pp. 621-628. St. Louis was the bishop of Toulouse. He died on 19 August 1297 and was canonized i n 1317. Finotto, San Giobbe, 1971, p. 20, i d e n t i f i e s him as the Venetian San Magno. This i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n that appears on the d e s c r i p t i v e card placed on the a l t a r , the former s i t e of the a l t a r p i e c e i n Chiesa San Giobbe. 57. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, 5th ed., 1964, s.v., " a l b . " 58. B e l l i n i depicts St. Louis of Toulouse i n s i m i l a r dress of cope over white alb i n a l a t e r a l panel of h i s a l t a r p i e c e of the Coronation of  the V i r g i n , c. 1475, Pesaro, Museo Civico (Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera  Completa, no. 68, f i g . 68 I, p. 93). Antonio V i v a r i n i also depicts the saint wearing a white alb i n a h a l f length panel at Avignon which bears a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n r e f e r r i n g to St. Louis' contempt for worldly rule (R. P a l l u c c h i n i , I V i v a r i n i , Venice, 1961, plate 126). 41 59. The framing unit consists of two low steps approaching the a l t a r , the a l t a r i t s e l f , and succeeding zones of the frame: the vegetal f r e i z e of the base, the zone of the stemma, the columns with t h e i r vegetal stems; the Corinthian dolphin c a p i t a l s , the architrave, dark f r e i z e and cornice, the arch with i t s three fasciae of f l o r i a t e decoration and a r c h i v o l t rosettes, the spandrels with vegetal decora-ti o n , and the square pediment. 60. Robertson, B e l l i n i , pp. 86-87: "...the e f f e c t . . . o f the whole structure fronted by the marble frame pr o j e c t i n g into the church, so that the V i r g i n and her attendant saint [sic] and angels are gathered under a sort of Baldacchino i n the body of the church i t s e l f . " Keydel, "A l t a r p i e c e s , " chapter 7, p. 154, sees the e f f e c t of a f u l l - s i z e d chapel within the closed i n t e r i o r of the church, and pp. 159-160 describes i t as "a structure subsumed within the larger e d i f i c e of the church environment and distinguished from i t , " and "a subordinate sanctuary space incorporated into the environment of the church," with a function analogous to that of a ciborium. See Hubala's d e s c r i p t i o n , Madonna Mit Kind 1969, pp. 7-10. 61. The p o s i t i o n of the c a r t e l l i n g bearing Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s signature at a pgint on the v e r t i c a l axis beneath the centre angel's r i g h t fgot and at the viewer's l e v e l of v i s i o n i s i n t e r e s t i n g . Not only does t h i s l o c a t i o n ensure the a r t i s t ' s commemoration but i t implicates him in the ascending movement of the composition and may possibly express his personal hope of salvation. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " pp. 510-511, writes with regard to B e l l i n i ' s type of half - l e n g t h Madonna behind a parapet, "In signing h i s name on the c a r t e l l i n g a f f i x e d to the parapet, B e l l i n i bears witness both to his f a i t h and to h i s profession." 42 CHAPTER THREE A FRAMEWORK FOR A CONSIDERATION OF THE VENETIAN SACRA CONVERSAZIONE ALTARPIECE U n t i l recently the primary basis for the d e f i n i t i o n of the I t a l i a n sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e has been formal rather than iconographic. It i s conventionally i d e n t i f i e d as that representation of the enthroned Madonna and C h r i s t Child with attendant saints and angels which i s placed within a n a t u r a l i s t i c landscape or a r c h i t e c t u r a l i n t e r i o r . The most impres-sive and monumental form of the sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e i s generally considered to be the North I t a l i a n a l t a r p i e c e i n which the enthronement i s situated i n an enclosing, p e r s p e c t i v a l l y constructed Renaissance architec-.. ture. In the past, study of the sacra conversazione has been undertaken with the purpose of tracing the o r i g i n of this mature form, by reconstruc-ting the h i s t o r i c a l development of i t s enclosing, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a r c h i t e c -ture i n Tuscan and North I t a l i a n painting. No s a t i s f a c t o r y iconographical account of the sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e has been proposed, although iconographical interpretations have been suggested f o r some of the separate works considered important i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l development.^ The apparent discrepancy between the phrase "sacred conversation" and the f i f t e e n t h century representations of non-conversing holy beings i t has been applied to i n recent a r t historiography led Rona Goffen to probe o the s c r i p t u r a l and p a t r i s t i c etymology of the term. She has been able thereby to c l a r i f y the basic theme of t h i s a l t a r p i e c e type, by t r a n s l a t i n g sacra conversazione as the "holy community" which i n s p i r e d meritorious 43 actions and devotion i n the worshipper, and which interceded for h i s personal salva t i o n with the V i r g i n Mary and C h r i s t . She suggests that the thematic o r i g i n of t h i s type of a l t a r p i e c e and of the basic formal p r i n -c i p l e s for i t s development i n I t a l i a n painting was i n answer to the representational requirements of nascent mendicant, p a r t i c u l a r l y Franciscan, devotion i n the early Trecento. With her thematic, rather than formal, d e f i n i t i o n Goffen i d e n t i f i e s i n c i p i e n t sacra conversazione paintings i n the t i t u l a r Franciscan church of San Francesco i n A s s i s i , the early Trecento frescoes of the Madonna and saints i n the Lower Church. That the four frescoes of the Lower Church which she c i t e s , and also the Ambrogio Lo r e n z e t t i lunette fresco i n Sant' Agostino, Siena, c. 1335,^ may a l l have been commissioned by a patron (patrons i n the case of the Siena fresco) with the i n t e n t i o n of commemora-tion and of invoking i n t e r c e s s i o n , i s suggested by the appearance of the donor's arms, his p o r t r a i t , or h i s patron s a i n t , and/or the association with an a l t a r and tomb. In the A s s i s i frescoes Goffen notes the i l l u s i o n -i s t i c e f f e c t s of the painted framings which subtly convey the impression of a s i n g l e space, a kind of loggia, i n which the saints and Madonna stand, the i r lower bodies obscured by a balustrade (Fig. 19). These works show the f i r s t developments toward a u n i f i e d group of f i g u r e s , placed within a s i n g l e space contiguous with that of the viewer. The intercessory theme requires the phy s i c a l and psychological unity of the group of saints with the Madonna and Christ C h i l d , which maintains the pre-eminence of the l a t t e r , and an immediacy of the representation to the viewer/worshipper which creates the sense of a p o t e n t i a l crossing between temporal and divine realms.^ With these basic c r i t e r i a , Goffen suggests a h i s t o r i c a l 44 development of the sacra conversazione from the Trecento, v e r t i c a l l y separated, half - l e n g t h figures placed against a gold ground, having subtle ind i c a t i o n s of a u n i f i e d s p a t i a l environment and of a psychological focus on the Madonna and Chri s t C h i l d , to the f u l l length figures e x i s t i n g i n a group centred i n the enthroned Madonna and Child i n a n a t u r a l i s t i c land-scape or a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g . Goffen has defined the sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e as a d i s t i n c t type, whose d i s t i n c t o r i g i n i s the response i n v i s u a l art to the "vocally expressed hope for mediation" of the early fourteenth century. She has distinguished i t from the Maesta" and mariological polyptych t r a d i t i o n s which have been considered the sources of the sacra conversazione.^ Her tightened c r i t e r i a thus exclude some of the key works i n the conventional construct of the sacra conversazione t r a d i t i o n . The work of a r t i s t s who were considered important i n the u n i f i c a t i o n of the polyptych composition into the s i n g l e panel sacra conversazione, such as Masaccio and Fra Angelico, f a l l out of the d i r e c t l i n e of development from the San Francesco, A s s i s i , frescoes. For example, Shearman's reconstruction of Masaccio's Pisa a l t a r p i e c e of 1426 (Fig. 19) proposes a si n g l e panel whose pendant arches preserve the v e r t i c a l d i v i s i o n s of the polyptych, a format which i s pre-served i n Fra Angelico's Annalena a l t a r p i e c e , c. 1445-1455, and even i n Domenico Veneziano's St. Lucy a l t a r p i e c e , mid 1440's ( F i g . 23) Goffen has not only illuminated the theme and possible function of the sacra  conversazione, but somewhat reduced the importance of Tuscan painting i n the early Quattrocento, whose strong f a s c i n a t i o n has caused some h i s t o r i c a l myopia. If the f i r s t examples of the sacra conversazione can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the early Trecento, the h i s t o r y of the p e r s p e c t i v a l , c e n t r a l l y u n i f i e d 45 i n t e r i o r , which previous studies have v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with the h i s t o r y of the sacra conversazione, can now be seen as a somewhat l a t e r development of the basic p r i n c i p l e s of the type, r e f l e c t i n g a s l i g h t iconographic (for Goffen, devotional) change."^ An important author of the conventional construct of the sacra conversazione t r a d i t i o n i s Johannes Wilde who i n 1929 l a i d a framework which i s s t i l l the basis for most recent studies His o u t l i n e of the h i s t o r i c a l development of the sacra conversazione was made i n the context of a demonstration of the prime importance of a South I t a l i a n painter, Antonello da Messina, influenced by a Tuscan painter, Piero d e l l a Francesca, i n the invention of the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century North I t a l i a n a l t a r p i e c e . Wilde's i s a formal approach, i d e n t i f y i n g the problem as that of placing the enthroned Madonna and saints within a completely enclosing architecture which represents part of a church i n t e r i o r . The h i s t o r y of the sacra conversazione thus becomes the development of formal means to achieve unity of p i c t o r i a l space and the representation of a Renaissance a r c h i t e c t u r a l i n t e r i o r of l i f e - s i z e s c a l e. Tentative e f f o r t s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n may be seen i n some l a t e Medieval works of the categories from which Wilde believed the sacra conversazione type had a r i s e n , the Maesta", and the m a r i o l o g i c a l polyptych. In the work of early Quattrocento Florentine painters, Fra Angelico's Annalena a l t a r p i e c e and San Marco a l t a r p i e c e , c. 1437-1441, 1 7 (Fig. 22) and Domenico Veneziano's St. Lucy a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 23) Wilde sees increasing s p a t i a l order and d e f i n i t i o n . The idea of a completely enclosed a r c h i t e c t u r a l space i s f i r s t introduced i n sculpture by a Tuscan, Donatello, i n h i s a l t a r f or the Santo, Padua, 1446-1450 (for elevation of G. Fiocco, P. A. S a r t o r i reconstruction, see F i g . 25) whose concept i s 46 transferred to painting by a North I t a l i a n painter, Mantegna, i n h i s San Zeno, Verona, a l t a r p i e c e , 1456-1459 (Fig. 2 6 ) . ^ Following Wilde's construct the North I t a l i a n s f a i l to r e a l i z e the p o t e n t i a l of the idea, and i t i s Piero d e l l a Francesca, whose leading and neglected r o l e i n I t a l i a n painting had been so compellingly promoted by Roberto Longhi f i f t e e n years e a r l i e r , who i s the inventor of the s o l u t i o n i n h i s sacra conversazione painted for Federigo da Montefeltro of Urbino, 1472-1474 (Fig. 27) John Shearman's reconstruction of Masaccio's Pisa polyptych by an examination of the cut edges and cast shadows of the ce n t r a l panel of the Madonna (Fig. 20) simply brings to l i g h t a forgotten stage i n Wilde's con-1 ft s t r u c t . Rather than Fra Angelico, as proposed by Wilde, Shearman sees Masaccio as the f i r s t Florentine painter to achieve the u n i f i c a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l Gothic polyptych into a si n g l e panel by means of the "new concepts of focused spade and l i g h t , a n d the creation of a u n i f i e d s p a t i a l s e t t i n g for the Madonna, saints and angels. Basic elements of Masaccio's composition are then developed by Fra Angelico, for example, the pendant arches, which preserve polyptych-like d i v i s i o n s , the continuous, l a t e r a l l y extending steps, the manner i n which the saints are disposed on or before the steps i n rows receding i n depth, and the u n i f i e d l i g h t i n g . Shearman proposes that Masaccio's i s the germinal work which presupposes 18 a l l l a t e r sacra conversazione compositions i n I t a l i a n painting. With regard to iconography, Shearman notes the E u c h a r i s t i c and redemptive meanings within t h i s p a r t i c u l a r work, but makes no comment on the meaning of the sacra conversazione as a theme, other than that Massacio's formal innovation allows the figures to be shown i n a "single moment and experience, even a s i n g l e thought.""^ 47 c In h i s serie s of important studies on Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e , M i l l a r d Meiss commences from Wilde's basic thesis of Piero's invention of the long awaited Renaissance e c c l e s i a s t i c a l interior.20 According to Meiss, Piero i s the f i r s t I t a l i a n a r t i s t to represent the Madonna with saints i n the i n t e r i o r of a church, which became t y p i c a l of alt a r p i e c e s i n a l l North I t a l y . A possible e a r l i e r I t a l i a n attempt at this e f f e c t might be Neri d i B i c c i ' s fresco of San Giovanni Gualberto and saints w i t h i n a kind of arched and vaulted loggia, i n the c l o i s t e r of San Pancranzio, Florence, 1454-1455. Convinced of Flemish influence, i n p a r t i c u l a r that of Jan van Eyck, on Piero's invention, Meiss sees the iconography of the Montefeltro Madonna as the Maria-Ecclesia iconography of e a r l i e r Flemish works where the V i r g i n i s depicted within a 22 church i n t e r i o r . The most recent resume" of the development of the sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e a v a i l a b l e to me i s that of Julia Keydel i n her study of the 23 r e l a t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e s to t h e i r o r i g i n a l l o c a t i o n s . Once again, Wilde i s c i t e d as the basic discussion but Keydel attempts to i n t r o -duce a new iconographic factor which arises from her i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the funerary connotations of the architecture of the Venetian type of sacra  conversazione, and which anticipates Goffen's proposed theme of mediation and personal s a l v a t i o n . For Keydel the focus of the development of the sacra conversazione i s s t i l l the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g . However, she introduces r e l i g i o u s iconography as a determining factor i n addition to the older notion of s t y l i s t i c evolution. She argues that the Quattrocento I t a l i a n painter was subject to two sets of demands that were i n a sense c o n f l i c t i n g ; while 48 committed to perfecting the new perspective he had to meet the t r a d i t i o n a l requirements of the r e l i g i o u s painting: the d i s t i n c t i o n between the s p i r i t u a l and the mundane, and the propagation of f a i t h i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of transcending earthly boundaries. On one hand, the concern was to create a u n i f i e d image according to Renaissance p r i n c i p l e s , the perfect i l l u s i o n of the coexistence of holy beings, and of the viewer's access to them. On the other hand, r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n demanded that the hierarchy of the figures be preserved and the l e v e l s of approach to the d i v i n i t y defined, a t r a d i t i o n exemplified i n Byzantine church architecture and decoration, whose defined areas or zones increase i n holiness with proximity to the high a l t a r and s a n c t u a r y . ^ The medieval p i c t o r i a l devices employed to express the r e l a t i o n s h i p of earth to heaven, for example, polyptych panels conveying r e l a t i v e hierarchy of f i g u r e s , or gold grounds representing the realm of heaven, would i n e v i t a b l y defeat the p r o j e c t i o n of depth i n a c e n t r a l l y u n i f i e d image. The v e s t i g i a l v e r t i c a l d i v i s i o n of the picture plane which has been observed i n Masaccio's Pisa a l t a r with i t s pendant arches also p e r s i s t s i n works by Fra Angelico ( F i g . 22) and Domenico Veneziano ( F i g . 23). A more successful a l t e r n a t i v e was the development of " i n t e r l o c k i n g s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s " which subtly break down the u n i f i e d p i c t o r i a l space into a ser i e s of subordinate s p a t i a l units which can express r e l a t i v e hierarchy. For example, the figure of God the Father i n Masaccio's T r i n i t y ( F i g . 37) has a viewpoint which diverges from the otherwise rigorous s p a t i a l organization as i f to emphasize he i s not sub-9 ft j e c t to t e r r e s t r i a l law. The same p r i n c i p l e seems to be operating i n the ambiguous s p a t i a l l o c a t i o n of the Madonna and Chri s t C h i l d i n B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , described i n Chapter Two, p. 31, above. However, beyond 49 these devices, Keydel suggests that the c o n f l i c t between unity and a c c e s s i -b i l i t y on one hand and hierarchy and distance on the other was resolved by the development of a platform or vestibule area i n the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t -ting of the sacra conversazione, whose intended e f f e c t i s p r o j e c t i o n toward the viewer/worshipper, to make contact and to give the impression of the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the holy figures and at the same time to interpose a zone, within a s p a t i a l l y u n i f i e d i n t e r i o r , between the viewer and the enthroned King and Queen of Heaven. Furthermore, she suggests very t e n t a t i v e l y , a n t i c i p a t i n g Goffen's recent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the sacra conversazione theme, that the enthroned Madonna and s a i n t s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the pro-j e c t i n g vestibule motif, may express the theme of the "eventual reception i n heaven of the person responsible for commissioning the a l t a r p i e c e . " Thus the meaning and function of the v e s t i b u l e area i s to create the "impression that a meeting between the holy figures and the worshipper was 28 possible within the environment of the church." The formal development of the sacra conversazione then becomes not j u s t the evolution of a Renaissance church architecture, but the p e r f e c t i o n of the i l l u s i o n that the viewer i s included, or p o t e n t i a l l y included i n the sacred space inhabit ted by the holy beings, i n Goffen's words the "holy community." Keydel's discussion of the h i s t o r i c a l development of the sacra  conversazione follows the now f a m i l i a r sequence of Florentine works, begin-ning with Masaccio's Pisa a l t a r p i e c e , with i t s i n c i p i e n t s p a t i a l unity. Fra F i l i p p o L i p p i ' s Barbadori a l t a r p i e c e , S. S p i r i t o , Florence, 1437 29 (Fig. 21) may adumbrate the v e s t i b u l e e f f e c t and i t s commission by a pr i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l and s i m i l a r i t y of imagery to that of the Wilton diptych, suggest a theme of personal s a l v a t i o n . The v e s t i b u l e e f f e c t i s f i r s t t r u l y 50 apparent i n Domenico Veneziano's St. Lucy a l t a r p i e c e , mid 1440's, ( F i g . 23), where the saints appear to stand on a platform projecting into the viewer's space. In Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 27) a l l the figures i n c l u -ding the donor have been placed (as Meiss and Shearman have demonstrated) i n the nave of a church i n t e r i o r , which functions as the " v e s t i b u l e " zone, whose e f f e c t i s achieved i n a novel manner by the i l l u s i o n i s t i c forward projection of the architecture beyond the picture plane to encompass the viewer. Here again there i s an obviously commemorative aspect and from what can be reconstructed of the commission there i s very l i k e l y a funerary aspect.30 I t i s at t h i s point that Keydel departs from the t r a d i t i o n a l thesis of Piero's invention of the sacra conversazione a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g . For her the p l a s t i c , i l l u s i o n i s t i c completion of the forward projecting painted architecture by the r e a l frame of the a l t a r p i e c e , and the close r e l a t i o n between the a l t a r p i e c e and i t s church environment, which i s seen i n B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , i s the ultimate r e a l i z a t i o n of the formal requirements of the sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e ; to give the image the status of a p h y s i c a l presence within the environment of the church, and to vividly.^characterize the idea of the a v a i l a b i l i t y to the worshipper of 31 the holy f i g u r e s . In short, Keydel's contributions are to emphasize the factor of r e l i g i o u s iconography, and to suggest a s p e c i f i c r e l i g i o u s theme, the reception to heaven of the donor by the saints and angels. She distinguishes the unique s p a t i a l e f f e c t of the Venetian sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e , the Byzantine-like separation of spaces with i n d i v i d u a l meaning i n order to define approach to the V i r g i n Mary and Christ C h i l d whose compellingly i l l u s i o n i s t i c presence and coexistence with both the saints and the viewer 51 i s achieved by Renaissance p i c t o r i a l p r i n c i p l e s of focused space and l i g h t , a s p a t i a l e f f e c t which i s epitomized by B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . Longhi's marvellous i n t u i t i o n of the o r i g i n a l e f f e c t of Antonello's dismembered San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e was Wilde's i n s p i r a t i o n and has resounded i n the minds of art h i s t o r i a n s since: In essa, forse, una grande forma a r c h i t e t t o n i c a d e l i z i a t a d i colonne c i l i n d r i c h e , includeva un gruppo monumentale n e l tutto e i n ogni parte: e l e sfere d i Piero decoravano immobili l o spazio...Antonello doveva insomma aver usato d e l l a stessa c e n t r a l i t 3 p r o s p e t t i c a organizzata per mezzo d i vere e proprie a r c h i t e t t u r e , che Piero aveva impiegato per i n t e n t i p l a s t i c i e c o l o r i s t i c i . 3 ^ Unfortunately this had led to a neglect of the unique Venetian character of the monumental sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e , with i t s combination of Byzantine and Renaissance s p a t i a l perceptions, as i t was r e a l i z e d i n the work of Giovanni B e l l i n i and h i s followers into the sixteenth century, and of the circumstances of Venetian a r t i n the l a t e Quattrocento which favoured the maturation of this type. In 1929 Wilde, proceeding from the thesis of Piero d e l l a Francesca's invention of the sacra conversazione architecture conveyed to Venice by Antonello, drew a reconstruction of the dismembered San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e (Figs. 29, 30). A l l that was a v a i l a b l e to him were fragments and copies of fragments of the lower, f i g u r a l portion of the a l t a r p i e c e : an engraving of St. George, the panel and an engraving of St. Nicholas, the c e n t r a l panel of the V i r g i n , the panel of St. Dominic, and a copy of St. Sebastian. His reconstruction of the va u l t i n g was conjectural and based on h i s understanding of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g of Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e , and on what appeared to him to be r e f l e c t i o n s , both of the saints and the a r c h i t e c t u r a l scheme, i n l a t e r Venetian painting, i n p a r t i c u l a r A l v i s e V i v a r i n i ' s a l t a r -piece from Belluno, c. 1490-95, ( B e r l i n , destroyed 1944; F i g . 4 3 ) . 3 3 Wilde 52 believed that the figures i n Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 27) are situated i n a church i n t e r i o r , p a r t l y i n the b a r r e l vaulted choir, and p a r t l y i n the crossing, whose foremost c l o s i n g arch i s supplied by the viewer's imagination on the basis of the two cornice mouldings seen at upper l e f t and r i g h t , a l l that i s v i s i b l e of the two foremost p i l l a r s of the crossing. For Wilde, this was the f i r s t completely enclosing e c c l e s i a s -t i c a l architecture depicted i n a sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e . 34 The a r c h i t e c t u r a l scheme i d e n t i f i e d by Wilde i n Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e i s indeed that which i s seen i n l a t e r Venetian sacre conversa- z i o n i , where the figures are placed i n an apse, or i n one or two bays before the apse. However, Meiss and Shearman, taking account of the cut side edges and possibly top edge of the panel, have analysed the perspective construc-t i o n of the composition, bringing to l i g h t quite a d i f f e r e n t intended effect.35 A reconstruction of the plan of the church i n t e r i o r by T. G. Jones shows that the group of s a i n t s , angels, and the seated V i r g i n , and the donor, are i n f a c t situated i n the nave of a l i f e - s i z e scale church, not i n the choir or crossing, which areas are much reduced i n s i z e due to the depth recession of 45 f t . from the figures to the rear wall of the a p s e . J D At l e f t and r i g h t sections of the nave walls are v i s i b l e . . . the small sections of the nave walls that are represented have, however, a powerful e f f e c t . They emerge i n front of the empty space of the transepts and they presumably move forward without i n t e r r u p t i o n beyond the frame. The observer senses that he i s enclosed by them.37 Meiss has made important observations on the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of t h i s scheme, which he sees as novel i n I t a l i a n painting, to the Venetian sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e s . F i r s t , he reminds us that the upper architecture of Wilde's reconstruction of Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e , although 53 sound and convincing, i s l a r g e l y conjectural, and that Antonello may have followed the idea of placing the figures i n the nave of a church, rather than i n an apse. Secondly, he notes the l i m i t e d dependence of the Venetian sacre conversazioni on this scheme. In the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , for example, the format i s much higher, and the viewpoint lower. The a r c h i t e c -ture i s more on the scale of a chapel rather than a church i n t e r i o r r e l a t i v e to the f i g u r e s . Most importantly, the Venetians pick up the idea of architecture extending forward, but i t has terminating members at the picture plane, often supplied by the actual frame. Those Venetian a l t a r -pieces which do depict one or more bays of a crossing or nave before the apse do not f u l l y r e a l i z e Piero's idea of a forward moving, non-terminated, encompassing architecture (see for example, Marcello Fogolino's a l t a r p i e c e , Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, c. 1510, F i g . 28, Madonna and saints by V i t t o r e Carpaccio, Pirano, San Francesco, 1519, and Madonna and saints by Giovanni 3 8 Buonconsiglio, Montagnana, Municipio). T h i r d l y , Meiss observes that the representation of the Madonna i n an apse or under a tabernacle was e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y adopted by painters i n V e n i c e . ^ Shearman notes a Venetian t r a d i t i o n for the representation of the Madonna i n a capp e l l e t t a (Figs. 31, 3 2 ) . 4 0 F i n a l l y , i n f i x i n g the date of the Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e to 1472-1474, Meiss i s able to state the l i k e l i h o o d of d i r e c t contact with the work, which was probably hanging i n the Franciscan church of San Donato a short distance outside Urbino, by both Antonello, t r a v e l l i n g north to Venice, and by B e l l i n i , engaged on the Coronation of the V i r g i n at Pesaro. . Robertson's 1977 study of the San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e , dedicated to Meiss, follows the l i n e s of enquiry Meiss had set up. 4^ He observes that i t i s not at a l l c e r t a i n that Antonello introduced the type of sacra 54 conversazione common i n Venetian painting, due to the uncertainty of the date of B e l l i n i ' s f i r s t monumental sacra conversazione painted for SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, r e l a t i v e to i t (Fig. 34) . ^ ^ A re-examination of Wilde's arguments i n the reconstruction of Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r -piece shows that the side walls of the apse may be too deep and that there i s evidence of side l i g h t i n g . A comparison with Fogolino's sacra conversa- zione i n Amsterdam ( F i g . 28) suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y of Antonello's compo-s i t i o n being based on Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e scheme, with columns advancing toward the picture plane, admitting side l i g h t i n g . In short, there are strong in d i c a t i o n s that Antonello's a l t a r p i e c e i s not e n t i r e l y responsible for the format of the Venetian type of sacra  conversazione, that B e l l i n i may have experienced the influence of Piero d i r e c t l y , as w e l l as through Antonello's work, and most importantly there i s a native t r a d i t i o n behind the development of the Venetian type of sacra  conversazione, which i s r e f l e c t e d i n the p r e d e l i c t i o n f or the self-contained a r c h i t e c t u r a l space of a chapel or tabernacle, rather than the i m p l i c a t i o n of an e n t i r e church i n t e r i o r . I t seems that the type of sacra conversazione that was popular i n Venice i s i n fact d i s t i n c t from the basic concept of Piero's Montefeltro panel, and has, on one hand, a l o c a l t r a d i t i o n , as w e l l as sources other than those indicated i n the conventional l i n e of sacra  conversazione development. Furthermore, as w i l l be argued i n Chapters Five and Six, i t may be that circumstances of Venetian painting and patronage i n the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century favoured a unique Venetian expression of a sacra  conversazione theme of personal s a l v a t i o n . 55 NOTES 1. For example, J . Shearman, "Masaccio's Pisa A l t a r p i e c e : an A l t e r n a t i v e Reconstruction," BM 108 (1966):449-455; M. Meiss, "Once Again Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro A l t a r p i e c e , " (and T. G. Jones), AB 49 (1967):203-206. 2. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," pp. 198-222. The term f i r s t appears i n an I t a l i a n a r t h i s t o r i c a l context i n the l a t e 18th century and was popularized by Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l i a n Painting (Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," pp. 198-199). 3. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," 1975, pp. 200-201. 4. I b i d . , f i g . 10, Siena, S. Agostino, mid-1330's. 5. I b i d . , p. 221, "...mystical s u p p l i c a t i o n to i n d i v i d u a l saints for mediation seems to require t h e i r communion with the Mother and Son i n a sacra conversazione." 6. I b i d . , p. 220. 7. Ibid., pp. 218-219. 8. J . Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico, Ithaca, New York, 2nd ed., 19 74, pp. 28-29, p i . 96-97. 9. M. Salmi, Paolo Uccello, Andrea del Castagno, Domenico Veneziano, Pa r i s , 1937, p i . CLXXXI, pp. 134-135; tempera, 2,09 x 2,16 m., painted for Capella B i g a l l o , S. Maria dei Magnoli, Florence, c. 1448. 10. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," p. 220. She observes that the develop-ment of a r e a l environment i s contemporary with an emerging humanist conception of the saints as exemplary i n t h e i r l i v e s , rather than t h e i r miracles. 11. J . Wilde, "Die 'Pala d i San Cassiano' von Antonello da Messina," Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien, v o l . 3, 1929, pp. 57-72. 12. Pope-Hennessy, Fra Angelico, 1974, pp. 24-25, p i . 48-55. 13. G. Fiocco, A. S a r t o r i , L ' a l t a r e Grande d i Donatello a l Santo, Padova, 1961, pp. 58, 64; possibly a tabernacle with a vaulted baldacchin housing statues of the enthroned V i r g i n with Saints. 56 14. G. Paccagnini, et. e l . , A. Mantegna, Catalogo d e l l a Mostra, Venice, 1961, no. 6, - f i g . 11-14. 15. Murray, de Vecchi, Piero d e l l a Francesca, no. 29, o i l , 1,70 x 2,48 m., probably commissioned by Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, for his b u r i a l place i n San Bernardino, Urbino. 16. Wilde, op. c i t . 17. Shearman, "Masaccio's Pisa A l t a r p i e c e , " 1966, p. 455. 18. Ibid., p. 455, "... i t seems inescapable that the turning-point towards the sacra conversazione came e f f e c t i v e l y with Masaccio's Pisa a l t a r -piece... In l a t e r sacre conversazioni Masaccio's influence i s n a t u r a l l y less obvious...but no less important i n i t s general e f f e c t . " 19. I b i d . 20. M. Meiss, "A Documented A l t a r p i e c e of Piero d e l l a Francesca," AB 23 (1941):62-65; "Ovum Strut h i o n i s , Symbol and A l l u s i o n i n Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro A l t a r p i e c e , " Studies i n Art and L i t e r a t u r e for  B. da Costa Green, Princeton, 1954, pp. 92-101; "Addendum Ovologicum," AB 36 (1954):221 f f . , "Once Again Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro A l t a r p i e c e , " (and T. G. Jones), AB 48 (1966):203-206. 21. See Meiss, "Once Again Piero," 1966, p. 209, f i g . 4. Neri d i B i c c i , San Giovanni Gualberto, Saints and Blessed, Florence, San Pancranzio, 1454-1455, Paatz, Die Kirchen Von Florenz,•Frankfurt am Main,. 1952-. 1955, v o l : .IV, p. 570, and p. 584, n. 43 22. Meiss, "Once Again Piero," 1966, p. 203. 23. Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " 1969, pp. 6-32, 222-225. 24. Ibid., pp. 9-14. Church images propagate "that f a i t h i n the power to transcend the apparently fixed boundaries of mundane experience," ( i b i d . , p. 9). The r e l i g i o u s theme i s a s c a f f o l d i n g w i t h i n which to make d i s t i n c t i o n s between l e v e l s of content while maintaining the character of a u n i f i e d image, ( i b i d . , p. 14). V 25. Ibid., p. 9. 26. U. Schlegel, "Observations on Masaccio's T r i n i t y Fresco i n Santa Maria Novella," AB 45 (1963):23, n. 30. 27. Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " 1969, p. 19. 28. Ibid., p. 32. 29. G. Marchini, F i l i p p o L i p p i , Milan, 1975, no. 11; The V i r g i n and Child  with angels and s a i n t s , P a r i s , Louvre, tempera panel, 2,17 x 2,44, w i l l e d byGharardo Bafbadori, d. 1429, for the Barbadori Chapel i n S. S p i r i t o and commissioned i n 1437.. - . 57 30. Meiss, "Once Again Piero," 1966, pp. 204-206, and M. A. Lavin, "Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro A l t a r p i e c e : A Pledge of F i d e l i t y , " AB 51:367-371. 31. Paraphrase of Keydel, "Altarpieces," pp. 222-223. 32. Longhi, "Piero dei Franceschi," 1914, p. 218. 33. P a l l u c c h i n i , V i v a r i n i , 1961, no. 259, p. 137. A l v i s e V i v a r i n i , The  V i r g i n and C h i l d with Saints (George (Liberale?), Peter, Catherine, Mary Magdalene, Jerome, Sebastian), o i l panel, 3,85 x 2,31 m., painted for S. Maria dei B a t t u t i d i Belluno, once i n B e r l i n , Kaiser F r i e d r i c h Museum, destroyed 1944. Probably commissioned by a Procurator of San Marco, Giovanni Corner d i Andrea, d. 1493, for h i s tomb. 34. Wilde, "Die Pala," p. 71, "die nach a l i e n Seiten geschlossene B i l d a r -chitektur i n Form eines monumentalen Kirchenraumes." 35. Meiss, "Once Again Piero," 1966, p. 203, f i g s . 2, 3; J . Shearman, "The Logic and Realism of Piero d e l l a Francesca," F e s t s c h r i f t U l r i c h  Middeldorf, B e r l i n , 1968, pp. 180-186, p i . XCVII-XCVIII. 36. Meiss, .loc. c i t . 37. Loc. c i t . 38. P. van T h i e l , et. a l . , A l l the Paintings of the Rijksmuseum i n  Amsterdam, Dept. of Paintings of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1976, p. 229; canvas, 2,66 x 1,95 m., signed, undated. B. Berenson, I t a l i a n  Pictures of the Renaissance, Venetian School, London, 1957, v o l . 1, f i g s . 490, 518. 39. Meiss, "Once Again Pi e r o , " 1966, p. 204. 40. Shearman, "Logic and Realism," 1968, p. 181, n. 9. 41. G. Robertson, "The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Setting of Antonello da Messina's San Cassiano A l t a r p i e c e , " Studies i n Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting  i n Honor of M i l l a r d Meiss, ed. I. Lavin, J . Plummer, 2 v o l . , New York, 1977, v o l . 1, pp. 368-372, v o l . 2, pp. 120-121, f i g s . 1-5. 42. Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 75, p. 95. 58 CHAPTER FOUR THE SACRA CONVERSAZIONE ALTARPIECE IN LATE FIFTEENTH CENTURY VENICE The monumental, c e n t r a l l y u n i f i e d a l t a r p i e c e of the V i r g i n enthroned with saints popular i n North I t a l y i n the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century was f i r s t developed i n Venice i n the mid-1470's. I t i s distinguished as a type by the loc a t i o n of the enthronement i n an enclosing, per s p e c t i v a l Renaissance architecture, i n which a hierarchy of s p a t i a l zones are distinguished within the u n i f i e d space to achieve the dual e f f e c t s of the Virgin's simultaneous proximity and distance, and to create the i l l u s i o n of the viewer's (or the deceased donor's) coexistence with and p o t e n t i a l entrance to the holy com-nunity. The Venetian sacra conversazione type i s distinguished by i t s high, narrow format (dimensions range roughly between 3,5 x 1,5 to 4,0 x 2,0 m.) and i t s low viewpoint related to the spectator's eye l e v e l , and by the placement of the figures within a church apse, or i n one or two bays before an apse, which has the scale of a baldachin or chapel rather than that of a f u l l - s i z e d church i n t e r i o r . L a t e r a l arches or entablatures extend forward to be terminated at the picture plane by painted members or i l l u s i o n i s t i c a l l y by the frame i t s e l f , so that the p i c t o r i a l space of the "chapel" i s related to the i n t e r i o r space of i t s church l o c a t i o n . The figures are always d i s -posed symmetrically around the f r o n t a l l y seated Madonna, who holds her son and r a r e l y gestures, and the Chris t C h i l d , who often blesses with h i s ri g h t hand. The mood of th i s type of sacra conversazione i s ceremonial, solemn 59 and musical; the angel musicians appear frequently, evoking a musical harmony which pervades the warm atmosphere. The architecture may be one of two forms: the vaulted l o g g i a , open to ,the sky, which has been described a "cuba," a tabernacle, or a baldacchino, and tie second, the closed and vaulted apse whose e f f e c t i s that of a chapel or sanctuary. The type of open, cross-vaulted tabernacle i s that seen i n Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s f i r s t sacra conversazione at SS. Giovanni e Paolo of the mid-1470's, which i s known only through an engraving by Zanotto and by a watercolour reproduced i n Fry, B e l l i n i , 1900 ( F i g . 34). The V i r g i n i s elevated on a high and ornate throne above a throng of saints and three music making p u t t i , within a cross-vaulted loggia which opens to the sky. The forward extending arches probably corresponded with the architecture of the stone frame which remains i n the church, although Robertson has found that Zanotto's engraved copy does not f i t i t s dimensions (frame i n SS. Giovanni e Paolo, F i g . 17; photomontage, F i g . 33) .-^  I t seems probable that a si n g l e vanishing point f e l l on the baseline. B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 37) exemplifies the second v a r i e t y of a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g , the closed apse. I t forms an archetypal statement of the Venetian type of sacra conversazione: the s i n g l e bay, closed and vaulted, viewed c e n t r a l l y from a low point, completed i l l u s i o n i s -t i c a l l y by the frame (Figs. 39, 40). Both i t and the Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e set the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c grand dimensions and high format with i t s e f f e c t of l o f t y space. The two v a r i e t i e s of a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g , open and closed, appear i n various combinations i n Venetian painting of the l a t e r f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth centuries, with the open type appearing as the e a r l i e r development 60 giving way somewhat i n popularity to the closed type a f t e r B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . The square plan, round arched and cross vaulted taber-nacle, open to a landscape, i s seen again i n the Enthroned V i r g i n with  saints by Bartolomeo Montagna, Vicenza, Museo C i v i c o , c. 1485-1490 (Fig. 35).^ This open architecture i s favoured by Cima da Conegliano, whose f i r s t version, influenced by B e l l i n i ' s l o s t SS. Giovanni e Paolo a l t a r p i e c e , i s the Enthroned V i r g i n and saints dated 1493 f o r the Duomo at Conegliano ( F i g . 36). In B e l l i n i ' s San Zaccaria a l t a r p i e c e of 1505 (Fig. 40)^ s t r i p s of landscape are v i s i b l e at each side of the closed apse. The closed apse format of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s c l o s e l y followed by Romanino i n h i s sacra conversazione at Padua, c. 1513 (Fig. 42). The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s a m a g i s t e r i a l statement whose basic scheme and severe solemnity and c l a r i t y re-echo i n Venetian painting, frequently i n a d i l u t e d and overworked manner. The many sacre conversazioni of B e l l i n i ' s followers c u l l motifs from the outstanding examples, Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e , 1476, and B e l l i n i ' s Zanipolo, c. 1475 and San Giobbe, c. 1485 a l t a r p i e c e s , h i s F r a r i t r i p t y c h , 1488, (Fig. 39) and San Zaccaria a l t a r p i e c e , 1505, ( F i g . 40). A l v i s e V i v a r i n i ' s Belluno sacra  conversazione ( F i g . 43) i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y obvious pastiche of motifs borrowed from both Antonello and B e l l i n i , f o r example, the St. George i s borrowed from the San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e , and the pose of St. Sebastian i s taken from Job i n B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . The basic scheme of the sacra conver- sazione, the monumental, vaulted and c e n t r a l l y u n i f i e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l space, extending forward to the picture plane and often to a completing frame, with the vanishing point at a low l e v e l on the ce n t r a l v e r t i c a l axis i n accordance with the p o s i t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e above the viewer, i s consistent.^ 61 It i s highly probable that the basic scheme of the Venetian sacra  conversazione was invented by B e l l i n i . Although the loss of Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e precludes s o l u t i o n of the debate over Antonello's or B e l l i n i ' s precedence, various in d i c a t i o n s support the l a t t e r . F i r s t , the scheme of the Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e shows a dependence on Venetian t r a d i t i o n , i n the housing of the V i r g i n i n a vaulted baldacchin, and i n the "cuba" form of architecture.^ Secondly, B e l l i n i had access to the same influences acting on Antonello, for example, Meiss suggests that both saw Piero's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e and both appear to have been influenced by Q advances i n the sculpture of Rizzo and the Lombardi. I t i s quite possible that the Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e dates before the 1475-1476 San Cassiano a l t a r -piece and i n fa c t B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e of c. 1485 shows far more evident influence i n technique and motif of Antonello's sacra conversazione than does the Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e . The Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e i s painted i n tempera while the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e shows a mature o i l technique influenced by Antonello's sense of volume and modelling, and placement of o warmly illuminated form against deep shadow. Furthermore, i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e St. Dominic, and the V i r g i n ' s brocaded dress, are d i r e c t appro-p r i a t i o n s from Antbnello's a l t a r p i e c e (Figs. 8, 15, 29). T h i r d l y , the throne of the Zanipolo V i r g i n (not repeated i n l a t e r Venetian sacre conversazioni) i s a d i s t i n c t l y Venetian type, comparable with that of Bartolomeo V i v a r i n i ' s Enthroned V i r g i n with Saints, Naples, Museo Nazionale, 1465,"*"^  and with Gentile B e l l i n i ' s Enthroned V i r g i n , London, National Gallery, a f t e r 1469.^ Thus B e l l i n i ' s development of a Venetian sacra conversazione scheme seems to be based on the u n i f i c a t i o n of a Venetian t r a d i t i o n f o r the representation of the enthroned V i r g i n with new p r i n c i p l e s of Renaissance architecture and 62 p i c t o r i a l perspective, and s c u l p t u r a l concepts of form made possible by modelling and the approximation of l i g h t e f f e c t s i n the newly introduced o i l technique. There i s a t r a d i t i o n i n Venetian painting for the representation of the Madonna i n an enclosing architecture having the e f f e c t of a tabernacle, ciborium or rel i q u a r y . In Lorenzo Veneziano's signed and dated Madonna, Par i s , Louvre, 1372 ( F i g . 31) the Madonna i s seated within a small-scale, square, central-plan baldacchin, open on four sides, whose wide pointed-arches and columns support a canopy i n the form of a church facade (complete with balconies, arched window, rosette and pinnacles). There i s an attempt at perspective recession i n the Gothic a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms, but the view of the v a u l t i n g i s ext e r i o r , and the scale of the tabernacle i s greatly reduced i n r e l a t i o n to the fi g u r e s . In h i s panel of the V i r g i n Enthroned, Venice, Accademia, c. 1460-1465, (Fig. 32)13 Antonio Rosso da Cadore attempts to subject a s i m i l a r a r c h i t e c -ture, conceived i n a Renaissance formal vocabulary, to perspective construc-t i o n . The V i r g i n i s seated i n a throne decorated with symbols of the evangelists i n a square, central-plan structure with a cross-vault supported by four round arches, the foremost opening at the picture plane. The l i n e s of the p i l a s t e r s and of the spandrels are fl u s h with the edges of the panel, bringing this architecture forward to the picture plane. The musician angels, however, are depicted i n front of the columns, on tiny platforms that appear to project forward from the picture plane, and define an area of approach f o r the worshipper. The view of the i n t e r i o r of the cross-vaulting from below i s more r e a l i s t i c , but, as i n Veneziano's panel, the architecture i s dwarfed i n r e l a t i o n to the f i g u r e s . The structure opens onto a landscape 63 v i s t a which l i e s f a r below i n the distance. These two works appear to provide sources for the open type of Venetian sacra conversazione scheme f i r s t seen i n Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Zanipolo sacra conversazione ( F i g . 33), which i s now constructed according to the laws of perspective and l i f e - s i z e s c ale, providing a r e a l i s t i c space for the f i g u r e s . There was a t r a d i t i o n i n North I t a l i a n art of the e a r l i e r f i f t e e n t h century for the c e n t r a l l y - u n i f i e d a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g , constructed pers-p e c t i v a l l y on a low view point, for the V i r g i n seated on a high throne. This i s seen i n Mantegna's high a l t a r f o r San Zeno (Fig. 26) with i t s u n i -f i e d perspective, low viewpoint and high enthronement, and i l l u s i o n i s t i c framing a r c h i t e c t u r e . The vaulted court consists of f u l l y Renaissance columns and entablature extending forward to the picture plane to be com-pleted i l l u s i o n i s t i c a l l y by the framing a r c h i t e c t u r e . Because the idea of a church i n t e r i o r appears to be abandoned, Mantegna's a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g for the V i r g i n and saints i s given only t r i b u t a r i a l importance by the con-ventional construct of the h i s t o r y of the I t a l i a n sacra conversazione.^ Mantegna's scheme was preceded i n Venice by the t r i p t y c h painted for the Scuola d e l l a C a r i t a by Antonio V i v a r i n i and Giovanni d'Allemagna, Venice, Accademia, 1446 (Fig. 24)",^ where the V i r g i n i s s e a t e d i n a canopied throne between attendant angels and the Four Fathers of the Church. The e f f e c t of this u n i f i e d architecture, although open to a garden which i s v i s i b l e beyond the pinnacled w a l l s , i s of a church choir, l i n e d with clergy s t a l l s . Both works may have been i n s p i r e d by Donatello's Santo high a l t a r ( F i g . 25) which probably consisted of a three dimensional architecture housing statues of the enthroned V i r g i n and s a i n t s . ^ 64 A second l i n e of Tuscan influence on the Venetian type of sacra  conversazione i s that of Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro a l t a r p i e c e (Fig. 27) as discussed above. If Robertson's suggestion that Antonello's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e followed Piero's scheme of a continuously forward extending nave interrupted by the frame, then the i l l u s i o n i s t i c completion of the architecture by the frame i n B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e s , preceded by Mantegna's San Zeno a l t a r p i e c e , i s a Venetian development. Piero's influence then i s l i m i t e d to the Renaissance form of architecture with f o r -ward extending, rose-coffered arches, seen i n B e l l i n i ' s Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e , and closed apse, seen i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . Masaccio's T r i n i t y fresco i s a much closer a n t i c i p a t i o n of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l e f f e c t of B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e (compare Figs. 37, 38). Although B e l l i n i ' s father Jacopo was apprenticed i n Florence and was present there for periods i n 1423, 1424 and possibly 1425,^ i t does not seem that he could or would have transmitted Masaccio's idea to Venice and no journey by B e l l i n i to Florence i s recorded. Robertson suggests that Pietro Lombardo, responsible for the Renaissance sculpture and a r c h i t e c t u r a l design at San Giobbe, could have brought a sketch of the T r i n i t y from 18 Florence. Scholars who have recently emphasized the importance of Masaccio's fresco as an " U r b i l d " for the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e and l a t e r North I t a l i a n sacre conversazioni are U. Schlegel (1963) , G. Robertson (1960, 1968), E. Hubala (1969) and J . Freiberg (1974). Although not a sacra  conversazione, the " t r i a n g u l a r figure-group r i s i n g into an i l l u s i o n i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g " i s "the ultimate prototype of the Venetian composi-tion s . 19 The two works share a s i m i l a r square, central-plan chamber with side openings i n d i c a t i n g l a t e r a l ante-chambers (note the entrance of St. 65 Louis from the righ t i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e ( F ig. 9), a coffered b a r r e l , v a u l t , monumental framing ar c h i t e c t u r e , constructed according to r i g i d perspective with a vanishing point near the base of the p i c t u r e . Vasari's d e s c r i p t i o n of the T r i n i t y evokes the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e : A vault...drawn i n such excellent perspective that i t seems as though a hole were broken i n the wall.20 E. Hubala suggests that the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g of the Venetian sacra conversazione i s a combination of a t r a d i t i o n a l Venetian a r c h i t e c t u r a l form which he c a l l s the "cuba" with new Renaissance form and perspective i n s p i r e d by Masaccio. The Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e preserves more of the t r a d i t i o n a l Venetian aspect than the more progressive San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . In h i s Zanipolo and San Giobbe a l t a r s B e l l i n i has created h i s p i c t o r i a l form on the basis of the works of I t a l i a n Renaissance painters and therein has allowed the old Venetian housing, the "cuba," to be renewed again i n modern dress.22 Ursula Schlegel, i n her study of Masaccio's T r i n i t y fresco, adduces sources, important for the North I t a l i a n sacra conversazione, which f a l l outside the conventional t r a d i t i o n discussed i n Chapter Three above. She suggests that Masaccio's i l l u s i o n i s t i c , Brunelleschan chapel i s the proto-type for the representation of monumentally conceived figures i n a complete enclosed a r c h i t e c t u r a l space, adapted i n funerary chapels and i n sculpted tabernacles before adopted i n the sacre conversazioni popular i n the Venetian 23 region (Figs. 41, 42). She sees Masaccio's scheme as i d e a l f o r the repre-sentation of a v i s i o n of divine beings within a s p e c i f i c , worldly s e t t i n g , which i n t h i s case i s i d e n t i f i e d as the Chapel of Golgotha i n the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem. Her i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a funerary iconography suggests a basis f or the Venetian i n t e r e s t , i n p a r t i c u l a r that of B e l l i n i , i n Masaccio's scheme, as discussed by Keydel.2^ Furthermore, Schlegel c o r r e c t l y 66 characterizes Masaccio's T r i n i t y scheme as a d i v i s i o n of u n i f i e d space into zones symbolizing the transient and the e t e r n a l , by means of the enclosing architecture and i t s frame which s t r i c t l y define the t r a n s i t i o n from fore-ground to background. It may be that i n addition to the s u i t a b i l i t y of Masaccio's a r c h i -t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g to express a theme of personal s a l v a t i o n through immediacy to the viewer and the contiguity of depicted space with the r e a l space of the viewer i n the church while r e t a i n i n g a d i v i s i o n of the space into symbolic zones, the architecture had a more precise form and meaning which were of i n t e r e s t i n Venice. Jack Freiberg i d e n t i f i e s the i n t e r i o r view of a vaulted space with subsidiary chambers as the ancient schema of Byzantine o r i g i n f o r depicting Solomon's Temple, adapted as an i d e a l sacred container for a Eu c h a r i s t i c subject (here the combined Throne of Grace and C r u c i f i x i o n emphasizing the human incarnation and s a c r i f i c e of Christ) ( F i g . 41) . This scheme i s c l o s e l y followed i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . Furthermore, he suggests that the plan of Masaccio's chapel may be an adaptation of the Byzantine E u c h a r i s t i c sanctuary, consisting of a c e n t r a l space flanked by two small l a t e r a l chambers known as pastophoria which open into the a l t a r 25 area but not into the church i t s e l f . Perhaps the unique s p a t i a l e f f e c t of the forward pro j e c t i n g , p l a s t i c a l l y extended closed apse s e t t i n g i n Venetian sacre conversazioni was intended to approximate t h i s e f f e c t of an enclosed a l t a r area within the larger church space which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Byzantine sanctuaries.26 Keydel observes of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e : With respect to the way i n which i t exists i n the environment of the church, the a l t a r ensemble at San Giobbe c a l l s to mind the d i s c r e t e , p a r t i a l centres which occur within Byzantine a r c h i -tecture .27 The reasons for the remarkable, but neglected, Venetian i n t e r e s t i n 67 Byzantine architecture and v i s u a l a r t , and the more s p e c i f i c s u i t a b i l i t y of Masaccio's E u c h a r i s t i c architecture to the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e are d i s -cussed i n Chapters Five and Six. The Venetian s e n s i t i v i t y to Byzantine s p a t i a l organization was not only a c u l t u r a l heritage but a d i r e c t r e f l e c t i o n of the strong Byzantine Greek component of d a i l y l i f e i n f i f t e e n t h century Venice. An adaptation of Byzantine a r t i s t i c schema would be i n t e n t i o n a l and coincidental with Venetian devotional and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . 68 NOTES 1. F. Zanotto, Pinacoteca Veneta, o s s i a r a c c o l t a dei m i g l l o r i d i p i n t i  d e l l e chiese d i Venezia, 2 v o l , , Venice, 1858-1860. For Robertson's discussion see h i s B e l l i n i , p. 59. The l o s t B e l l i n i a l t a r p i e c e has been replaced with one by a follower, F. Bissolo or an unknown follower of Marco B a s a i t i (Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 1, p. 303). Regarding vanishing point, see Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 65, n. 2. 2. F. B a r b i e r i , II Museo Civico d i Vicenza, D i p i n t i e sculture del XIV a l  XV secolo, Venice, 1962, v o l . 1, pp. 153-161; the V i r g i n enthroned with Saints John the Baptist, Bartholomew, Augustine, and Sebastian, tempera on canvas and panel, 4,60 x 2,40 m., signed, undated, painted for the choir of San Bartolomeo, Vicenza, above and behind the a l t a r i n a frame, a f t e r enlargement and reconstruction of choir i n 1484. 3. L . . C o l e t t i , Cima da Conegliano, 2nd ed., Venice, 1960, colour plate VII, p. 77; panel, 2,02 x 3,45, dated 1493, commissioned by the canons of the Scuola dei B a t t u t i (Cima made a donation by reducing the p r i c e and increasing the number of saints represented) . 4. Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 183, p. 106; Venice, San Zaccaria, o i l , 5,00 x 2,35 m., painted i n memory of Pietro Cappello. 5. The closed apse or p a r t i a l l y closed apse was the most popular s e t t i n g for the Venetian sacra conversazione and was used occasionally f o r other subjects such as Carpaccio's Presentation i n the Temple, F i g . 44, Marco Marziale's London Circumcision, 1500, F i g . 45 (M. Davies, The E a r l i e r  I t a l i a n Schools, London, 1951, no. 803, p. 267; canvas, 2,22 x 1,51, va u l t arches i n s c r i b e d with Luke 11:'29, donated by j u r i s t and poet Tommaso Raimondi, d. 1510, to high a l t a r S. S i l v e s t r o , Cremona) and Boccaccio Boccaccino's Annunciation, F i g . 46, i n the Boncompagni c o l -l e c t i o n , Rome (A. Venturi, North I t a l i a n Painting of the Quattrocento, New York, (1931), 1974, part I I , p i . 27). The vaulted baldacchino i s less frequent, for example, Cima's Dragan a l t a r p i e c e , F i g . 47, i n the Accademia, Venice ( C o l e t t i , Cima, 1960, no. 42, p. 79) . The type of v a u l t i n g i s varied, including cross, b a r r e l , dome and combinations. The column or square p i l a s t e r supports are c l a s s i c a l , almost always bearing Corinthian c a p i t a l s , and often decorated with f l o r a l or vegetal motifs. Arches or entablatures extend forward to the picture plane and appear to be completed by the frame i n those cases where the painting may s t i l l be viewed i n i t s o r i g i n a l frame, for example, V i v a r i n i ' s Belluno a l t a r p i e c e , F i g . 43 (frame not shown) 69 and Romanino's S. Giustina a l t a r p i e c e i n Padua, F i g . 42 (L. Grossato, II Mus eo Civico d i Padua, D i p i n t i e sculture dal XIV a l XIX secolo, Venice , 1957, no. 165, pp. 71-76; o i l on panel, 4,00 x 2,62, signed, o r i g i n a l frame, 6,77 x 4,03, commissioned by Benedictine monks i n 1513 for old choir of S. Giustina, Padua). Recurrent features are the music-making angels (discussed above Chapter Two, and below, Chapter Six, pp. 120-121) and the mosaiced v a u l t which r e f e r s , often e x p l i c i t l y , to the great mosaic vaults at the state church of San Marco, Cima's V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, F i g . 48, B e r l i n , S t a a t l i c h e Museen, from San Michele d i Murano near Venice ( C o l e t t i , Cima, 1960, no. 39, p. 78; 1,35 x 2,06, signed, thought to be commissioned by Commisaria of Pietro d i Benedetto P r i u l i i n 1511 for Chapel of the Madonna, but C o l e t t i dates before 1495), where the mosaics are taken from the Genesis cycle i n the atrium of San Marco, and Marco Marziale's Circumcision, F i g . 44 (see above) and Enthroned V i r g i n with  Saints, London, National Gallery, F i g . 49 (Davies, E a r l i e r I t a l i a n  Schools, 1951, no. 804, p. 268; panel, 2, 205 x 1,42 m., signed, 1507, from high a l t a r of S. Gallo, Cremona, sentence on v a u l t i n g i s Easter antiphon: (Regi)NA . CELI . LET(a)RE . ALELVIA . 0(?). 6. Robertson's discussion "The e a r l i e r work of Giovanni B e l l i n i , " JWCI 23 (1960) :55. If we accept Crowe and Cavalcaselle's dating of B e l l i n i ' s l o s t Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e (which they were able to observe i n the o r i g i n a l ) before the Pesaro Coronation of the V i r g i n as Robertson does, and i f we accept the dating of the Coronation to 1471-1474 as proposed i n recent studies of i t s h i s t o r i c a l evidence (summarized by Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, s.v. "Coronation of the V i r g i n , Pesaro") the Zanipolo a l t a r p i e c e could precede Antonello's a l t a r p i e c e by as much as f i v e years. 7. See below this chapter, p. 65. 8. See p. 6, n. 12, Chapter One. 9. See Robertson's discussions i n " E a r l i e r work," 1960, pp. 53-58; idem., B e l l i n i , pp. 59-66, 78. 10. P a l l u c c h i n i , V i v a r i n i , 1961, no. 150, p. 119; panel, 1,21 x 1,21 m., signed, dated 1465. 11. Davies, E a r l i e r I t a l i a n Schools, 1951, p. 38; panel, signed, a f t e r 1469. 12. L. T e s t i , La S t o r i a d e l l a P i t t u r a Veneziana, Part 1, Le O r i g i n i , Bergamo, 1909, pp. 225-226, p i . VII; P a l l u c c h i n i , P i t t u r a Veneziana del  Trecento, 1964, f i g . 548, pp. 177, 181; panel 1,24 x 0,50 m., dated 1372. 13. Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 164, p. 149; panel, 1,06 x 0,69., once i n Oratorio d i Casa Zamberlani at Pieve d i Cadore, signed, 1460-1465. See a l a t e r sacra conversazione by Rosso i n Berenson, Venetian  School, 1957, v o l . 1, f i g . 329, 70 14. Wilde, "Pala d i San Cassiano," 1929, p. 71: "...was aber die Aufmerk-samkeit von der k i r c h l i c h r e p r a s e n t a t i v e n Bestimmung dieser Bildgattung etwas ablenkt." 15. Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 36, p. 37; t r i p t y c h , canvas, 3,38 x 4,80 m. , signed and dated 1446. 16. See L i o n e l l o Puppi, II T r i t t i c o d i Andrea Manegna per l a B a s i l i c a d i  San Zeno Maggiore i n Verona, Verona, 1972, for comparison with Dona-t e l l o ' s high a l t a r at the Santo, Padua. See Chapter Three, n. 13. 17. Robertson, B e l l i n i , pp. 5-6. 18. Robertson, " E a r l i e r Work," 1960, pp. 57-58; idem., B e l l i n i , pp. 61, 65-66; Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, 1969, pp. 10-12, discusses the Floren-t i n e precedents for B e l l i n i ' s monumental sacre conversazioni, but implies that B e l l i n i had d i r e c t , unmediated contact with Florentine ideas. 19. Robertson, " E a r l i e r Work," 1960, p. 57. 20. Loc. c i t . 21. Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, 1969, p. 9 22. Ibid., p. 12. 23. Schlegel, "Observations," 1963, pp. 30-33. 24. For Masaccio's T r i n i t y as the Chapel of Golgotha, i b i d . , pp. 19-33, and Chapter Five, n. 66. Keydel sees sources for the Renaissance vocabulary of B e l l i n i ' s sacre conversazioni at Zanipolo and San Giobbe i n Venetian funerary ar c h i t e c t u r e , p r i m a r i l y the Lombardi's b u r i a l chapel for Doge Moro i n San Giobbe, c. 1470. See Chapter Five, p. 83 and n. 52. 25. S. Wilk, "Iconological Problems i n the Sculpture of T u l l i o Lombardo," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , New York Un i v e r s i t y , 1977), pp. 119-120 and J. Freiberg, "The 'Tabernaculum Dei': Masaccio and the Perspective Tabernacle A l t a r p i e c e , " (M.A. thesis, New York U n i v e r s i t y , 1974) p. 19. An example, l a t e r than the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , i s the plan of the BernabS Chapel i n San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, a f t e r 1497, and the plan of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g of T u l l i o Lombardo's Coronation of  the V i r g i n r e l i e f i n the same chapel. Wilk defines the pastophoria as "the E u c h a r i s t i c chapels on each side of the a l t a r where the Eucharist i s prepared and various l i t u r g i c a l equipment i s kept." 26. Wilk notes the Byzantine i n s p i r e d decoration of tramezzi and chancel b a r r i e r s i n l a t e f i f t e e n t h century Venice, pp. 138-140. The idea of the tabernacle housing holy beings within the larger church space i s of course seen i n Donatello's high a l t a r for the Santo, Padua. 27. Keydel, "A l t a r p i e c e s , " p. 159. 71 CHAPTER FIVE HISTORY OF THE SITE, AND DEVOTIONAL FUNCTION OF THE ALTARPIECE B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s a key work i n the development of the Venetian type of sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e . As i t w i l l be argued i n this chapter, i t was most l i k e l y commissioned to f u l f i l a funerary function, to adorn the a l t a r near the donor's b u r i a l place i n the church, and to v i s u a l l y embody his hope of eternal l i f e . Its i l l u s i o n i s t i c a r c h i -t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g i s intimately connected with one of the f i r s t u n i f i e d Renaissance i n t e r i o r s i n Venice, which arose i n a context of public r e l i e f , Franciscan piety, and ducal propaganda. The h i s t o r y of the comparatively young church of San Giobbe from i t s foundation i n 1390 to i t s re-consecration i n 1493, f a l l s into three phases. Giovanni C o n t a r i n i , a Venetian p a t r i c i a n , founded the h o s p i t a l and then the church soon a f t e r the wars with Genoa, i n a period of peace and expansion, as a vehi c l e of a r i s t o c r a t i c c h a r i t y ultimately under state j u r i s d i c t i o n . A vigorous period of growth commenced with the a r r i v a l of the Franciscan Order of Observants i n the early 15th century. The church gained prestige and repute f o r s a n c t i t y , augmented by the occasional v i s i t s of the most powerful Mendicant preacher, St. Bernardin of Siena. The second phase i n the l i f e of the church, monastic community and associated houses of r e l i e f begins i n the 1450's when Doge C r i s t o f o r o Moro undertook extensive benefaction of the foundation and c u l t i v a t e d i t s prestigious association with St. Bernardin whose famous prophecy had given 72 Moro's assumption of ducal o f f i c e a kind of divine sanction. I t was at t h i s time, as a r e s u l t of Moro's humanist i n t e r e s t s , that the church received i t s Renaissance character. By transforming the high a l t a r into a b u r i a l chapel, decorated with h i s ducal coat of arms, and dedicated to St. Bernardin, Doge Moro v i r t u a l l y appropriated the foundation of San Giobbe as a personal and state monument i n a manner consistent with the processes of Venetian p o l i -t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l t r a d i t i o n . Following the demise of the doge i n 1471, the t r a d i t i o n of a r i s t o c r a t i c patronage, as opposed to ducal, and the o r i g i n a l importance and dedication of the church to San Giobbe were reaffirmed. I t was then that the unknown donor commissioned B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e and by the time of the completion of the rebuilding programmes i n i t i a t e d by Moro and the reconsecration of the church i n 1493, i t was i n place over the a l t a r of Job. The church of San Giobbe i s famous as one of the f i r s t examples of Tuscan inspired Renaissance architecture i n Venice.-'" The i n t e r i o r of the church i s wide and l o f t y space, an open, a i s l e - l e s s b a s i l i c a , cross-vaulted, which culminates i n the s t a t e l y triumphal arch and hovering, l i g h t - f i l l e d cupola of the chancel ( F i g . 2)• The grey marble i s set o f f agaiist the warm, l i g h t colour of the walls and v a u l t s , with b r i g h t e r colour notes i n the red stone of the pavement and tombslabs and the red and green stone i n the a l t a r antependia. The chancel, which i s the b u r i a l chapel, dedicated to St. Bernardin of Siena, of the chief benefactor of the church and monastery Doge Cri s t o f o r o Moro (1462-1471), was probably complete before the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e was s t a r t e d . Framed i n marble columns and pediment, the a l t a r -piece was the second on the r i g h t i n the church, flanked by the f i r s t a l t a r of the Foscari family, and the t h i r d a l t a r of the Sanudo family. The three 73 a l t a r s and al t a r p i e c e frames are related i n dimension and general format and form an impressive facade ( F i g . 4). A series of Renaissance chapels project outwards from the north wall of the church opposite the three monu-mental a l t a r s . Of these the f i r s t from the entrance on the l e f t , the Grimani chapel, and the second, the Martini chapel, may have been complete or at lea s t under construction i n the period of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e . The atmosphere of the church i s sombre and shadowy due to the l i m i t e d natural i l l u m i n a t i o n admitted by the small, highly placed windows. Other than those of the chapels there are small c i r c u l a r windows, probably dating to the Renaissance period of the b u i l d i n g , situated above the cornice l e v e l of the south w a l l . Each of the three a l t a r s has been placed beneath one of these but they provide no d i r e c t l i g h t i n g . The entrance facade of the church has been remodelled and i t s two highly placed rectangular windows, which are now a major source of natural l i g h t for the i n t e r i o r , date from a f t e r the Renaissance period of b u i l d i n g . 4 However, i n view of the conscious inte g r a t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e with the church i n t e r i o r i n other respects, the f a l l of l i g h t from the upper r i g h t i n the painting was probably intended to coincide with the natural i l l u m i n a t i o n of the church. Phase One The h i s t o r y of the foundation, benefaction and administration of the h o s p i t a l , church and convent of San Giobbe makes i t c l e a r that t h i s multiple establishment was primarily a ve h i c l e of public r e l i e f , administered by the state and i t s lay c i t i z e n s through a r e l i g i o u s framework. Indeed the hospital-* was f i r s t to be established on the s i t e and i t was not u n t i l 12 years l a t e r , i n 1390, that the oratory was associated with i t . The founder was a member of the Venetian p a t r i c i a t e of whose public career l i t t l e i s 74 known, but that he was probably a d i r e c t descendant of Doge Jacopo Contarini (1275-1280) and was accepted into the Maggior Consiglio i n 1354.^ He was revered as a pious man who, having made other s i m i l a r endowments upon the c i t y , entered the priesthood i n h i s old age. In h i s l a s t testament he l e f t a l l h i s goods to the h o s p i t a l and church and s t i p u l a t e d the d a i l y celebra-t i o n of Mass and a yearly celebration i n honour of the Blessed V i r g i n Mary.^ Contarini's dedication of the f i r s t oratory (small church) to Job, Q unprecedented i n Venice, must have been i n r e l a t i o n to the function of the h o s p i t a l to a l l e v i a t e the d i s t r e s s of the i l l and deprived as Job's health and property were restored by God. As a model of C h r i s t i a n f a i t h t r i e d by worldly d i s a s t e r and p a r t i c u l a r l y by an i l l n e s s whose symptoms resembled those of the plague, Job was a q u a l i f i e d intercessor with God for the poor and 111.9 Furthermore, as the prophet of the Resurrection ("For I know that my redeemer l i v e t h . . . , " Job 19:25) and a man before whom God chose to appear (Job 38:1) he was a saint who could o f f e r great s p i r i t u a l comfort and hope to the gravely i l l and d e s t i t u t e . The combined foundations were except for the vegetable gardens e n t i r e l y dependent upon public donation for the a c q u i s i t i o n of land and houses, the construction of new b u i l d i n g s , furnishing of the church, and provision f or the d a i l y needs of both the f r i a r s and the recoverati of the ospedale. This dependence meant state and lay control throughout the h i s t o r y of the s i t e , e s p e c i a l l y i n view of Venetian e c c l e s i a s t i c a l independence from Rome. The major form of f i n a n c i a l support seems to have been the legacy of the wealthy c i t i z e n administered by a body of Venetian c i t i z e n s appointed by the deceased, known as a C o m m i s a r i a P u l l a n observes that the Procuratori of San Marco were involved i n the administration of these 75 legac i e s , ensuring that a l l the charitable s t i p u l a t i o n s of the benefactor were adhered t o T h e j u r i s d i c t i o n of the state i n most matters pertaining to the charitable community of San Giobbe seems to have been ultimate and i n d i r e c t l y exercised, except i n decrees permitting the a c q u i s i t i o n of land and the establishment of a confraternity (Appendix I, entry 4, 1389, and 1453). When papal j u r i s d i c t i o n was exercised, as i t was i n 1441 when two prominent Venetian c l e r i c s decided that the o r i g i n a l oratory at San Giobbe must be preserved from demolition, i t was customarily through the agency of delegated Venetian c i t i z e n s . The pious benefaction or legacy to a charitable r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u -t i o n such as San Giobbe was an important means of providing public r e l i e f for the c i t y at a time when public commissions f o r such service had not yet 13 come into existence. Although there was a growing awareness, prodded by the great Franciscan preachers of the f i f t e e n t h century, of the importance of well-being and moral rectitude among the populace f o r the success of the Venetian state i n i t s struggles with the Turks,"'"4 there was also a growing b e l i e f i n the e f f i c a c y of acts of charity i n gaining s p i r i t u a l grace f o r the i n d i v i d u a l and divine favour f o r , and intervention i n , the a f f a i r s of the state as a whole.^ Furthermore, the growing humanist movement propa-gated the b e l i e f that c i v i c v i r t u e could be exercised through wealth as much as through p o l i t i c a l or m i l i t a r y service by means of p r i v a t e l y financed public works. In 1428 Lucia D o l f i n , the daughter of Giovanni C o n t a r i n i , who ca r r i e d on her father's beneficence to the h o s p i t a l of San Giobbe, entrusted the h o s p i t a l and church to the care of a convent of Franciscan Observants 1 ft (Appendix I I , entry no. 8). The choice of t h i s r e l i g i o u s Order to care 76 for the medical and s p i r i t u a l needs of the i n s t i t u t i o n was su i t a b l e i n a number of respects. F i r s t , the Observants were famous f or th e i r devotion to the i l l , e s p e c i a l l y i n time of plague. This alone rendered them almost e s s e n t i a l to any community subject as Venice was to recurrent attacks of v i r u l e n t disease. Secondly, the Observant preachers were ac t i v e and e f f e c -t i v e promoters of cha r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s . Pullan notes that the reorgani-zation of poor r e l i e f from the middle of the f i f t e e n t h century i n I t a l y was "cl o s e l y linked with the a c t i v i t i e s of Observant Franciscan preachers," to the i r " d i r e c t i f crude eloquence" i n promoting charitable projects.1^ F i n a l l y , the reputed san c t i t y and e f f i c a c i o u s prayer of the Observants ° and t h e i r moral, p a c i f y i n g influence on c i v i c s t r i f e , made them popular among the people and gained the favour and co-operation of c i v i c a u t h o r i -1 9 t i e s . For these reasons material support was v i r t u a l l y guaranteed to any 20 i n s t i t u t i o n with which the Observants were associated. Phase Two The influence of the great Observant preacher St. Bernardin of Siena on C r i s t o f o r o Moro was a major factor i n the i n i t i a t i o n of the second phase of rebuilding and expansion of the church and convent of San Giobbe. The l i f e and career of this saint exemplifies the b e l i e f s and practices of the Franciscan Observants. He was famous for h i s extreme devotion to the Blessed V i r g i n Mary and for h i s care of plague v i c t i m s . He spent 26 years as an i t i n e r a n t Observant preacher, pursuing the "Ministry of the Word," drawing large crowds everywhere i n I t a l y while he denounced luxury and c i v i c feuding.21 Af t e r r i s i n g to Vicar General of the Order i n 1437, he made tours of inspection to Observant convents to ensure adherence to the Rule of poverty, and i s thought to have preached and lodged at the convent of San 77 Giobbe i n 1443, the year before h i s death at Aquila. St. Bernardin's power-f u l influence on the populace led to h i s friendship with important p o l i t i c a l figures including the Venetians Gabriele Condulmer (Pope Eugenius IV) and Cr i s t o f o r o Moro. Before 1450 the combined foundations of San Giobbe were e s s e n t i a l l y the endowment of the Contarini family. The church was small, the convent and h o s p i t a l poor and there was no important r e l i c associated with the church. Nevertheless, i t had established a reputation for the s a n c t i t y of i t s f r i a r s , and the high rank of v i s i t i n g c l e r i c s and c i t i z e n s . The church attracted crowds of worshippers. By 1434 the f r i a r s f e l t the need to greatly increase the capacity of the church and the f i r s t programme of r e b u i l d i n g and enlargement probably began some time a f t e r 1441. Moro's extensive benefaction to the church of San Giobbe was dedi-cated to St. Bernardin i n remembrance of t h e i r friendship while Moro was capitaro of Padua and of the saint's famous p r e d i c t i o n of h i s future doge-22 ship. Moro's establishment of the saint's c u l t did enhance the prestige of the church and was probably an important factor i n a t t r a c t i n g the public donations on which the i n s t i t u t i o n r e l i e d . What i s s t r i k i n g i s that here was an unprecedented opportunity due to the recent foundation of the church and i t s lack of r e l i c s or other sacred h i s t o r i c connections for a Venetian doge to v i r t u a l l y transform and elevate a sacred i n s t i t u t i o n that was to 23 be h i s s i t e of b u r i a l and a testament to h i s c h a r i t y . Moro was the f i r s t doge to be buried i n San Giobbe and he chose the most prominent p o s i t i o n , the capella maggiore, for h i s tomb. This l o c a t i o n would have been impossible i n the customary s i t e s of ducal b u r i a l i n Venice and i s reminiscent of that of Cosimo de' Medici i n San Lorenzo, Florence (d. 1464) 78 In 1451, shor t l y a f t e r the canonization of St. Bernardin (1450), Moro began the works i n the church and convent which were financed and directed by him and continued a f t e r h i s death i n 1471 i n accordance with hi s l a s t testament (Appendix I I , entry 18). He undertook the rebui l d i n g of the chancel with i t s two l a t e r a l chapels as his b u r i a l chapel dedicated to St. Bernardin, for which he obtained s p i r i t u a l indulgences from the Pope. I t was commissioned i n the newest, most spendid Renaissance s t y l e , probably 2 5 from Pietro Lombardo and his workshop. In 1470 the tomb was completed, a slab marking i t s p o s i t i o n at the foot of the high a l t a r , i n the centre of the chancel dedicated to St. Bernardin, the triumphal entrance arch above decorated with the Moro arms and the ducal corno ( F i g . 2). Whether or not St. Barnardin a c t u a l l y did stay at the convent of San Giobbe i n 1443, t h i s sacred connection was claimed. To elevate the status of the church and to strengthen h i s personal connection with the sai n t , Moro strove d i l i g e n t l y to promote the c u l t of St. Bernardin. In 1453 the Council of Ten passed the decree allowing-the establishment of a confraternity at San Giobbe i n honor of St. Bernardin who was made the 27 second t i t u l a r saint of the church beside Job. When Moro was elected Doge i n 1462, thereby f u l f i l l i n g St. Bernardin's p r e d i c t i o n , h i s personal connection with the saint acquired a new dimension of divine sanction -not only of his personal ducal power but also of the state i t s e l f of which the Doge was the symbolic embodiment. In 1470 Doge Moro persuaded the Senate to accept St. Bernardin as one of the minor patron saints of the Venetian Republic, with San Teodoro and San Magno, esta b l i s h i n g h i s c u l t as an annual Venetian celebration.^8 j j e thus obtained o f f i c i a l recognition of the importance of his patron saint i n 79 Venice, at the same time strengthening the connection of the church of San Giobbe with the s t a t e . This i n t e r e s t i n making the church a state monument may l i e behind Moro's attempt to endow the church with the disputed r e l i c of St. Luke the Evangelist i n a manner which r e c a l l s the legendary founda-ti o n of the state and ducal church of Venice as the shrine of the Evangelist Mark.29 The r e l i c , which i s said to have been transported i n grand ducal procession from the g a l l e y which brought i t from Bosnia, was declared l e g i t i -mate by Cardinal Bessarion himself, although the judgement was l a t e r waived (Appendix I I , entry 16). The importance of St. Luke to Moro's concept of the church i s attested to by the prominence of h i s depiction, pendant with that of St. Mark, i n a roundel on the r i g h t p i l l a r of the triumphal arch entrance to Moro's chapel and by the dedication of the ; f i r s t c h a p e l on the l e f t i n the c h u r c h to S t . Luke. The message of Moro's chapel and h i s c u l t i v a t i o n of sacred associations for the church seems to be the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of ducal and state power. The concept of charity and the s a l v a t i o n of the soul i s the basis of patronage at San Giobbe and Moro's b e l i e f i n the e f f i c a c y of c h a r i t a b l e works i n obtaining grace i s expressed i n h i s testament. The testament repeatedly s t i p u l a t e s prayers and divine o f f i c e s to be r e c i t e d f o r "mea anima." C l e a r l y he expected the f r i a r s who were b e n e f i t i n g so greatly from h i s largesse to OA labour on h i s behalf with God. I t i s possible that he purchased a "Letter of F r a t e r n i t y " for he requested his body to be barefoot and clothed i n Franciscan habit f or b u r i a l . 3 ^ The r e b u i l t and enlarged church, h o s p i t a l and convent form an enduring v i s u a l testament at the s i t e of Moro's b u r i a l to h i s C h r i s t i a n charity as the amor dei and amor proximi figures on the tomb o 9 of Doge Nicolas Tron t e s t i f y to the charity of Moro's successor. 80 Moro was strongly influenced by the growing humanist movement i n Venice. Sheard notes that the i n s p i r a t i o n for h i s funeral chapel seems to derive from Florence rather than the native Venetian t r a d i t i o n s of tomb monuments, possibly accounting for Marin Sanuto's apparent i n a b i l i t y to O O recognize the Moro chapel as a tomb monument. The s i m i l a r i t y of the b u r i a l s i t e to that of Cosimo de'Medici i n Florence, San Lorenzo, has been noted. Perhaps Moro's more basic motive of patronage has a humanist aspect, a demonstration of c i v i c v i r t u e s such as " l i b e r a l i t y , " "magnificence," and "magnanimity" promulgated by the humanist apologist Giovanni Caldiera i n the f i r s t of h i s t r i l o g y of moral ph i l o s o p h i c a l t r e a t i s e s , De V i r t u t i b u s , written i n 1464 and dedicated to Doge Moro who i s praised throughout the body of the work.^ Moro may have intended to c u l t i v a t e a commemorative image of himself o r i n the t r a d i t i o n a l ducal r o l e of "protector of r e l i g i o n and j u s t i c e " possibly to overcome a poor contemporary reputation which i s r e f l e c t e d i n the remarks of Venetian h i s t o r i a n s Domenico Malipiero and Marin Sanudo, and i n the assassination attempt of 1470. Malipiero and Sanudo present a le s s than f l a t t e r i n g p i c t ure of an unprepossessing f i g u r e , short i n stature, cross-eyed, who employed a f l a t t e r i n g , devious s t y l e of diplomacy, was 37 d e c e i t f u l , v i n d i c t i v e and avaricious and who indulged a love of pomp. Moro's patronage at San Giobbe and h i s funeral chapel i n p a r t i c u l a r do ." seem to express s e l f - g l o r i f i c a t i o n and the primacy of ducal power. In the l a t t e r h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century increasing power of the doge,-.which culminated i n the Imperial stance of Agostino Barbarigo (1468-1501) , caused an opposing reaction among the a r i s t o c r a t i c r u l i n g class, who by ancient c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n were the major source of p o l i t i c a l power i n 81 Venice. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r example, that i n 1471, the year of Moro's demise, the display of stemme with the ducal como outside the Ducal Palace 39 was prohibited (Appendix I I ) . Perhaps a f t e r Moro's death the threat of a ducal, or at le a s t dynastic control of San Giobbe, provoked a reassertion of the o r i g i n a l t r a d i t i o n of p a t r i c i a n as opposed to ducal patronage and of the primacy of the t i t u l a r saint Job over St. Bernardin. 4^ Phase Three The commission of an a l t a r p i e c e f o r the a l t a r of Job f a l l s i nto the t h i r d phase of the h i s t o r y of the church. The undated painting was executed i n the mid-1480's a f t e r Pietro Lombardo and h i s workshop had completed Moro' chapel and either during or a f t e r construction of the Tuscan s t y l e M a r t i n i Chapel opposite.4"'" Not much i s known of the t h i r d b u i l d i n g phase which evidently ended with the reconsecration of the church i n 1493 (Appendix I I , entry 24) . There i s no documentation of the o r i g i n a l s i t e of the a l t a r , which appears to have been dismantled and reassembled at some time. Beyon the possible a l l u s i o n i n Sabellico's 1493 notice to i t s l o c a t i o n on one side of the c h u r c h 4 3 the contemporary notices do not d i r e c t l y i n d i c a t e the s i t e of the a l t a r . The order i n which Sansovino (1581) describes the three a l t a r s of the Foscari family, of Job, and of the Sanudo family corresponds with the present sequence. 4 4 I t seems most l i k e l y that the frame was con-structed f i r s t by the Lombardi. 4^ I f the p o s i t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e i s o r i g i n a l , i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t as the f i r s t use of the r i g h t , "south" w a l l which had only recently been completed, blocking the pre- e x i s t i n g Gothic 4ft windows. I t i n i t i a t e s a series of wall decorations, most importantly the two flanking a l t a r s with altarpieces by Carpaccio and B a s a i t i dating a f t e r 82 1500 which correspond generally to the high, stone arched format of the Job al t a r p i e c e frame ( F i g . 4). The i l l u s i o n i s t i c correspondence of the painted architecture to that of the frame has the e f f e c t of creating a f u l l sized chapel, corresponding to the serie s of r e a l chapels on the opposite, "north" w a l l . The Carpaccio a l t a r p i e c e imitates t h i s i l l u s i o n i s t i c e f f e c t , although i t s painted architecture does not follow that of the frame so p e r f e c t l y (Fig. 45). The B a s a i t i a l t a r appears to open outwards onto a landscape. The only clue to the i d e n t i t y of the donor of the a l t a r p i e c e i s the coat of arms bearing a b r i d l e d horse rampant which i s repeated on the two bases of the framing architecture of the painting ( F i g . 5 ) . ^ There i s a tomb slab i n the pavement of the church at the foot of the steps to the a l t a r . It i s possible that i t belonged to the family of the donor, although i t now bears the name Costantino B e l l o t t o , and the date 1728 (Appendix I I , entry 26). E.A. Cicogna suggests that i t could have been taken over by another family at a l a t e r date. That the tomb of a pri v a t e donor could have been associated with the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s reinforced by the correspondence of family tomb slabs to the coats of arms which appear i n 48 the same l o c a t i o n on the frames of the two flanking a l t a r p i e c e s . I t i s possible that the a l t a r p i e c e , a l t a r and tomb slab form a s i n g l e funerary complex. The p i c t o r i a l space of the a l t a r p i e c e creates the strong i l l u s i o n of a f u l l s i z e chapel on the south wall of the church i n t e r i o r (Fig. 37, and Chapter Two). The a l t a r p i e c e frame, a l t a r and steps form an a r c h i t e c t u r a l and decorative unit which i s continued by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l and decorative unit which i s continued by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l construction, and decoration of the painted chapel. As observed i n Chapter Two, the v i s u a l e f f e c t created by the a l t a r p i e c e i n i t s framing u n i t i s of a r e a l 83 chapel space projecting forward from the wall into the i n t e r i o r of the church. 4 ^ xhe correspondences of t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms, the s p a t i a l perspective, and the l i g h t i n g w i t h t h e a l t a r p i e c e frame, the Tuscan Renaissance s t y l e of the Church, the viewpoint of the spectator, and the natural i l l u m i n a t i o n of the Church i n t e r i o r , create the i l l u s i o n of a r e a l chapel space , coextensive i n time and place with that of the viewer standing before i t . The i l l u s i o n i s t i c s p a t i a l extension of the chapel includes by implication the tomb of the donor i n the pavement before the a l t a r . In other words, the viewer's axis of sight includes the tomb slab, a l t a r , and chapel space of the a l t a r p i e c e , a v e s t i b u l e area entered by a triumphal arch i n which saints intercede i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the Last Judgement .before the enthronement of Chr i s t and Mary i n the apse, as can be seen i n diagram combining the r e a l plan of the a l t a r with the f i c t i v e plan of the p i c t o r i a l space ( F i g . 9). The i l l u s i o n i s t i c chapel created by the Job a l t a r ensemble may be intended to create the equivalent, reduced i n actual area, of a b u r i a l chapel. In h i s discussion of the commission and funerary function of B o t t i c e l l i ' s U f f i z i Adoration of the Magi i n S. Maria Novella, Florence, Rab H a t f i e l d implies that the f i f t e e n t h century d e f i n i t i o n of a b u r i a l chapel i s f u n c t i o n a l rather than a r c h i t e c t u r a l : Any arrangement i n which a l t a r and tomb were combined might be c a l l e d a chapel. Antonello's San Cassiano sacra conversazione painted for the p a t r i c i a n Pietro Bon may have had a funerary or at l e a s t commemorative function. Keydel has noted the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the architecture of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e and i t s frame to the architecture of the triumphal archway to Moro's b u r i a l chapel, and suggests there may be a "connection between the 84 environment of b u r i a l chapels and the s e t t i n g of a Sacra Conversazione 52 (compare Figs. 2, 3 and 17). Moro's chapel i s an ensemble of a l t a r p i e c e dedicated to h i s patron s a i n t , a l t a r , and tomb, within a Renaissance a r c h i -t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g carrying triumphal meaning.53 Other sacra conversazione al t a r p i e c e s by B e l l i n i , of d i f f e r i n g formats, had funerary functions to which the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e may be s i m i l a r . The contemporary votive painting, dated 1488, of Doge Agostino Barbarigo being presented by St. Mark to the V i r g i n and Chr i s t C h i l d , consisting of f u l l length figures i n a loggia against a landscape v i s t a (Fig. 53),5^ was donated to the high a l t a r of S. Maria d e g l i Angeli, Murano, with the s t i p u l a t i o n that the s i s t e r s of the convent were to pray for Barbarigo's soul and the souls of a l l h i s family who had passed from t h i s l i f e . 5 5 xhe t r i p t y c h of the V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints at the F r a r i , Venice, also dated 1488, i s a sacra conversazione notwithstanding the archaic form of framing ( F i g . 39).5^ i t i s placed on an a l t a r over the tomb slab of Franceschina Tron Pesaro, i n whose memory her husband and sons had endowed the a l t a r p i e c e and chapel of the F r a r i sacristy.57 Invocation of Mary as the "Sure Gate of Heaven" i n the vault i n s c r i p t i o n expresses the hope of s a l v a t i o n f or Franceschina and her male r e l a t i v e s who are represented 58 i n the a l t a r p i e c e by t h e i r onomastic s a i n t s . A second sacra conversazione 59 painted by B e l l i n i i n 1507 for Giacomo Dolphin s chapel i n San Francesco d e l l a Vigna, Venice, was also placed on an a l t a r over the donor's tomb, i n accordance with the s t i p u l a t i o n s of h i s testament (Fig. 54). It may be that Florentine t r a d i t i o n , whose influence i s evident both i n the Lombardesque architecture and decoration at San Giobbe, i n the notably Tuscan Martini chapel and i n the underlying concept of Moro's b u r i a l chapel. 85 provides a precedent for B e l l i n i ' s funerary ensemble i n Masaccio's germinal 62 T r i n i t y fresco ( F i g . 38). The presence of the two donors and of the skeleton and i n s c r i p t i o n below i n d i c a t e the funerary theme of the fresco. It i s possible that the a r c h i t e c t u r a l space selected for t h i s theme might f o have funerary meaning. Recent studies have proposed the funerary function of the fresco i n association with a detached a l t a r and a tomb slab. Although we lack firm documentation of the existence of t h i s ensemble, i t would have conformed to a t r a d i t i o n of Florentine tomb monuments.^4 It seems possible that not only the a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms of Masaccio's T r i n i t y might carry meaning su i t a b l e to a funerary context, but that i t was i n f a c t part of a funerary complex that could have been a precedent for B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e . It can be argued that B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e has an eminently funerary theme, that of the Resurrection mystery, which i s expressed i n the two doctrines of the Incarnation of C h r i s t and of the transubstantiation of the Eucharist into h i s r e a l body. According to S c h i l l e r : Western theology sees an extremely close connection between Incarnation and the doctrine of redemption...From the l a t e twelfth century onwards these two c l o s e l y linked a r t i c l e s of f a i t h — t h e Incarnation of God and Redemption of man through Christ's expiatory death—came inc r e a s i n g l y conspicuously to occupy a prominent p o s i t i o n i n both theology and art."-* From the time that the Annunciation to Mary was associated with the moment of Christ's Incarnation, i t was i d e n t i f i e d with the most important date i n ft f C h r i s t i a n h i s t o r y , the beginning of God's new covenant with mankind. The Annunciation/Incarnation and the Resurrection form the c e n t r a l doctrine of the C h r i s t i a n Church. The transubstantiation doctrine,which was s t i l l under discussion i n the f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , ^ i s considered to be the mysterious, actual re-enactment of the Incarnation, emphasizing the l i v i n g fiR and e f f i c a c i o u s presence of Christ i n the Eucharist. 86 The most important exponent of t h i s theme i s the Chr i s t C h i l d him-s e l f , whose representation combines a l l u s i o n s to the Incarnation, Passion and Resurrection. Small, naked, pathetic, he i s enveloped by the massive draperies of Mary i n whose womb he received mortal l i f e ; pointing to h i s 69 future wound, Chris t the C h i l d i s the s a c r i f i c e offered by the Hodegetria, the s a c r i f i c e which i s celebrated i n the Mass, and he i s thus the equiva-lent to the Host, the holy r e l i c of the consecrated a l t a r . ^ His erectness, animation and transfigured expression evoke the triumph of Resurrection. The themes which converge i n the Chr i s t C h i l d are expressed i n other elements of the painting. The depiction of Mary reinforces the Incarnation theme. Her enthronement i n an apse i s an ancient symbol of the Incarnation which i s found i n early C h r i s t i a n and Byzantine a r t . ^ The Annunciation reference of the i n s c r i p t i o n s and of the V i r g i n ' s gesture are more e x p l i c i t i n d i c a t i o n s . The gesture of Mary's l e f t hand i s unprecedented and s u r p r i -72 si n g l y close i n e f f e c t to a gesture of b l e s s i n g ( F i g . 57). I t i s a response to the f a l l of b r i l l i a n t l i g h t , an acknowledgement of Job's prayer and a reference to the Annunciation and Incarnation. The gesture i s s i m i l a r to that of an Annunciate type found i n Venetian sculpture (compare Fi g s . 57, 7 3 58) and also appears i n Florentine Annunciations, such as the U f f i z i Annunciation, which may have been painted by Leonardo i n the early 1470's (Fi g . 59) J1* The description by a mendicant preacher of the f i f t e e n t h century, Fra Roberto Caracciolo of the conception as the f i f t h emotional state, "meritatio," when the V i r g i n Mary conceived Christ her soul rose to such l o f t y and sublime contemplation of the action and sweetness of divine things that, i n the presence of the b e a t i f i c v i s i o n , she passed beyond the experience of every other created being... Probably, i n her profound humility, she raised her eyes to heaven and then lowered them,75 87 i s remarkably close to the e f f e c t of B e l l i n i ' s Mary. The importance of the Annunciation theme i n Venetian tomb iconography i s noted by Sheard, who observes that The Annunciation i s one of the oldest and most pervasive themes of Venetian tomb s c u l p t u r e . ^ As the Sedes Sapientiae, the throne of Mary refers to the Logos, made incarnate i n C h r i s t , and to the majesty of the resurrected Redeemer.^7 However, i t s strongest references i n B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e appear to be to the E u c h a r i s t i c aspect of C h r i s t . In C h r i s t o l o g i c a l iconography, both l i t e r a r y , and v i s u a l , " a l t a r , " "tomb," and "throne" are v i r t u a l l y synonymous symbols of Christ's death, resurrection and l i v i n g , continuing presence i n the E u c h a r i s t . ^ In C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f the a l t a r i s the h o l i e s t place on earth because i t receives the body of Chri s t i n the Eucharist, and i s the s i t e of God's r e a l presence and communion with the worshipper.^ The most basic meaning of the a l t a r , one which i s connected with i t s h i s t o r i c o r i g i n s , i s that of b u r i a l , and the a l t a r , aside from i t s frequent function of housing saint r e l i c s , was seen as the tomb of Chri s t and the s i t e of h i s Resurrection. Furthermore devotion to the consecrated Host as the Corpus, and i t s display on the a l t a r , lead to reverence of the a l t a r as the "throne of the Royal o n Body" and i n Greek metaphor "God's throne and mercy seat." In r e l i g i o u s iconography the image of the V i r g i n holding the Chri s t C h i l d i s an analogue 01 of the appearance of the Host on the a l t a r . A Two examples of this conflated imagery are Masaccio's 1426 Pisa polyptych where the s t r i g i l a t i o n s on the base of Mary's throne r e c a l l antique sarcophagi ( F i g . 62) and Mantegna's Dead C h r i s t , at Copenhagen, where Christ's tomb assumes the aspect of a Q O throne. In B e l l i n i ' s own oeuvre there i s an example of a throne bearing the E u c h a r i s t i c imagery of the a l t a r : i n the U f f i z i Sacred Allegory Mary's 88 throne i s decorated by grapes hanging from a cornucopia above a c h a l i c e - l i k e object. E u c h a r i s t i c imagery may be i n s p i r e d by decoration of antique a l t a r s , as can be seen i n sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e s by B e l l i n i ' s f o l -lower, Cima da Conegliano ( F i g . 48). I t may be that Cima was influenced by a s i m i l a r use of antique motifs i n B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , such as the r e l i e f decoration of f l o r a l stems, palmettes and cornucopia. The f l o r a l stems on the sides of the throne include heads of wheat, a Eu c h a r i s t i c symbol. The cornucopia i s a f a m i l i a r symbol of Charity, of which Christ's s a c r i f i c e i s the divine expression.^ 4 That the throne represents the a l t a r bearing C h r i s t as the Host i s emphasized by.the s t r i k i n g motif of disc and cross which surmounts i t . The f a l l of p i c t o r i a l l i g h t silhouettes the marble disc and gold cross against the dark shadows of the apse and d e l i c a t e l y applied touches of r e a l gold caught by the natural l i g h t further accentuate them. Their meaning goes beyond that of the f a m i l i a r cross and orb of Christ's dominion. The disc i s strongly reminiscent of a l i t u r g i c a l v e s s e l , and may be i n s p i r e d by the antique s a c r i f i c i a l v e s s e l , the patera, a motif which appears frequently on antique a l t a r s with i t s companion vessel the ewer. Light and shade define i t s shallow saucer-like depression. Although of marble, not the usual metal, i t r e c a l l s the concentric lobed design of the E u c h a r i s t i c paten, the vessel of the H o s t . ^ I t may be intended to represent the elevated Host i t s e l f , the c i r c u l a r wafer which at the moment of elevation and consecration was believed to become the r e a l body of C h r i s t and which i n the f i f t e e n t h century was the object of the fervent c u l t of the Corpus C h r i s t i . The c r u c i f i x i s the c e n t r a l compositional and iconographical point. 89 of the a l t a r p i e c e , located at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of the c e n t r a l v e r t i c a l and h o r i z o n t a l axes of the painting. I t i s l i t u r g i c a l also i n the sense that the c r u c i f i x i s the p r i n c i p a l ornament of the a l t a r and i t must be v i s i b l e to a l l who celebrate the Mass.8? The cross has a d i s t i n c t i v e form which can be i d e n t i f i e d as the Byzantine " f o l i a t e cross" of s a l v a t i o n which i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c decoration of Byzantine church doors i n both Byzantium and I t a l y ( F i g . 63). M. Fraser's recent study of the f o l i a t e cross i n the decoration of the c e n t r a l and south atrium doors of San Marco demonstrates i t s meaning of i n t e r c e s s i o n and s a l -vation. 88 In conjunction with the e u c h a r i s t i c d i s c , i t stresses the l i v i n g power of the Host, the e t e r n a l l y l i v i n g body of C h r i s t and the r e a l i t y of salvation.89 The a r c h i t e c t u r a l space of the a l t a r p i e c e i s a kind of sacred space, 90 a shrine to house the mystery of the Eucharist. It p a r a l l e l s the contain-ing function of Mary who i s the pre-eminent shrine or tabernacle of the Incarnate Christ.^1 The architecture of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to that of Masaccio's T r i n i t y , may carry the E u c h a r i s t i c meaning which Freiberg has i d e n t i f i e d i n h i s study of the influence of Masaccio's 92 fresco on the sacrament tabernacle i n I t a l i a n sculpture i n which he i d e n t i -f i e s the a r c h i t e c t u r a l form of a c e n t r a l vaulted chamber with two l a t e r a l chambers as the tabernaculum d e i , an i d e a l container for the Incarnate God. The use of perspective construction, furthermore, i n i t s paradoxical capacity to transform images into i n t a n g i b l e r e a l i t i e s , o f f e r s a v i s u a l analogue to the miracle of transub-. 9 3 stantxation. J Because of the equivalence of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l and human "enclosures" as sacred containers of the Incarnate C h r i s t Masaccio's a r c h i t e c t u r a l form i s s u i t a b l e not only to sacrament tabernacles, but also to large scale 90 al t a r p i e c e s with a E u c h a r i s t i c theme, such as the Annunciation and the Enthroned V i r g i n and Saints. An example of the former i s the Annunciation by a B e l l i n i follower, Boccaccio Boccaccino whose architecture r e c a l l s that Q A developed by B e l l i n i i n h i s sacre conversazioni ( F i g . 46). In the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e the area of the painting i n which E u c h a r i s t i c iconography has been i d e n t i f i e d forms a rectangular unit of the holy beings completely enclosed by the throne, surmounted by a l i t u r g i c a l d i s c and cross. If the d i v i s i o n of zones i n the a l t a r p i e c e i s compared with that of a sacrament tabernacle such as the 1461 tabernacle by Desiderio da Settignano i n San Lorenzo, Florence ( F i g . 41),^5 the rectangular unit corresponds to the tabernacle door behind which i s stored the consecrated Host. The d i s c and cross correspond with a zone of the tabernacle frequently reserved for the depiction of the Host and c h a l i c e , as i n Bernardo Rossellino's tabernacle for S. Egidio, Florence, 1450. 9 6 The theme of Resurrection i n the sense of i n d i v i d u a l s a l v a t i o n i s linked to that of the Eucharist by the b e l i e f i n the l i v i n g , miracle power of C h r i s t ' s r e l i c , the Host. The theme of Resurrection i s emphasized by the presence of the prophet of the Resurrection, Job (Fig. 8) who indeed appears to be transfixed by the sight of the resurrected C h r i s t before him. 9 Furthermore, i n b i b l i c a l commentary and popular devotion Job was regarded as an Old Testament type foreshadowing the s u f f e r i n g C h r i s t of the Passion. 9 The f i f t e e n t h century c u l t of Mary and Franciscan devotion i n p a r t i -cular accorded her an exalted p o s i t i o n as supreme mediator on the basis of her redemptive r o l e at the Annunciation. The Franciscans believed i n the e f f i c a c y of the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l and i t s own action i n obtaining merit and the forgiveness of s i n . Mary was both a model for the s p i r i t u a l l i f e that 91 earned merit, and an intercessor with God on behalf of the i n d i v i d u a l . St. Bernardin of Siena, considered by Graef to be the author of the worst mariolatrous exaggerations, believed that the f i n a l s a n c t i f i c a t i o n of Mary took place at the Annunciation and that her consent merited her a l l grace, world dominion, and perfect knowledge, and a p o s i t i o n superior i n some 99 respects to that of C h r i s t . The Annunciate gesture of B e l l i n i s San Giobbe V i r g i n suggests that moment, "meritatio," i n which knowing consent to both the Incarnation and s a c r i f i c e of her son earned her the p o s i t i o n of co-redemp-tress."'"^ The importance of Mary i n personal s a l v a t i o n i s indicated by metaphors of her as the sole p o r t a l to heaven, mentioned above, f or example, the "Sure gate of heaven" invocation i n the vault i n s c r i p t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s F r a r i triptych."'"^"'" The invocation of in t e r c e s s i o n i s the major purpose of the donation of the a l t a r p i e c e and the function of i t s iconography. There appear to be two aspects to the donation: public and p r i v a t e . The dedication of an a l t a r to Job with an a l t a r p i e c e i n which he i s given an unusually prominent p o s i -t i o n i n strong compositional and psychological connection with the Ch r i s t Child and Mary stresses h i s importance as the t i t u l a r saint of the church and h i s power to intercede with C h r i s t , through the V i r g i n , on behalf of the 102 h o s p i t a l . He and to a greater degree, St. Sebastian, represent an .... invocation against the plague which frequently struck Venice, and of which 103 there was a severe outbreak i n 1485, close to the date of the a l t a r p i e c e . The public aspect of the donation i s then to honour the t i t u l a r saint of the h o s p i t a l and church and to invoke the in t e r c e s s i o n of both saints with the V i r g i n concerning public welfare. The pri v a t e aspect of the donation, the personal s a l v a t i o n of the donor, i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y represented by a patron 92 s a i n t . The prominent p o s i t i o n of St. Francis i n the a l t a r p i e c e , h i s d i r e c t confrontation with the viewer, the downward gesture of h i s r i g h t hand, and h i s representation as the A l t e r Christus, i n addition to the popular b e l i e f i n h i s e f f i c a c y as an intercessor, suggest that he of the s i x saints i s most l i k e l y to represent the d o n o r . I n her study of the genesis of the sacra con-versazione type.in the TrecentpjGoffen suggests that i t s theme, o r i g i n a t i n g i n the context of Mendicant devotion, i s i n t e r c e s s i o n . The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , reunited with i t s frame, p e r f e c t l y r e a l i z e s the requirement of the sacra conversazione to create a sacred space that extends forward to include the worshipper, and the deceased who awaits Last Judgement. The E u c h a r i s t i c iconography of the Madonna's enthronement and of the tabernaculum dei architecture express the funerary theme of Resurrection. The sacra conversazione format c a r r i e s the idea of i n t e r c e s s i o n . The donation of the a l t a r p i e c e has a public aspect i n i t s homage of the t i t u l a r saint and i t s invocation f o r i n t e r c e s s i o n against the plague. In the context of a funerary ensemble, p l a u s i b l e yet c o n j e c t u r a l , of a l t a r p i e c e , a l t a r and tomb, and under the possible sponsorship of St. Francis or another of the s i x s a i n t s , there may be a p r i v a t e aspect of personal s a l v a t i o n i n the commission of the a l t a r p i e c e . 93 NOTES 1. P a o l e t t i , P., L'archite ttura e l a s c u l t u r a del Rinascimento i n Venezia, Ricerche S t o r i c o - a r t i s t i c h e , Venice, 1893, v o l . 2. p. 74, writes that at San Giobbe the art of the Renaissance " s i manifesta del tutto l i b e r a da ogni vincolo d e l l ' a r t e o g i v a l e . " On p. 191 he speaks of the "nuova s t i l e a c u i i l Doge Moro, l'amico dei Papi Pio II e Paolo II (Pietro Barbo veneziano) e d i a l t r i grandi mecenati del Rinascimento, ha l'onore d i aver finalmente dato i n Venezia l'impulso r i s o l u t i v o . " 2. Ibid., pp. 190-194. 3. Ibid., p. 194; E. A. Cicogna, Delle I n s c r i z i o n i Veneziane, Venice, 1824-1853, Bologna, 1969, v o l . 6, part 1, Document 1, p. 723: "La terza e d i f i c a t i o n e comenza d a l l a Cappella Marini [sic] verso l'acqua...: and i n s c r i p t i o n 34, p. 603 (hereafter c i t e d as Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i ) , Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " 1969, pp. 152, 156. Umberto Franzoi, Le Chiese d i Venezia, Venice, 1976, p. 110, suggests that the asymmetrical design of the church may be due to the c l o i s t e r wing once situated against the south wall which precluded the extension of chapels on that side of the church. 4. Ibid., pp. 109-110. 5. The words " o s p i z i o " and "ospedale" are used interchangeably, see entries 3 and 6, Appendix I I . Giuseppe Boerio, Dizionario del d i a l e t t o  veneziano, 2 ed., Venice, 1856, l i s t s " o s p i z i o " and " o s p i t a l e " as synonyms: "Place where strangers are lodged without payment or which gives shelter to the poor for c h a r i t y . " 6. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 703. 7. Ibid., p. 755, for extracts of the w i l l of Giovanni C o n t a r i n i , and Appendix I I , entry 6. 8. Tramontin, Culto dei Santi, 1965, p. 166: "II culto d i codesto santo a Venezia f i g u r a t r a i piu r e c e n t i dei vecchio testamentari, documentato i l 21 dicembre 1389..." The c u l t of Job i n Venice does not seem to be linked with the Eastern Church, l o c . c i t . See also Appendix I I , entry 4. Perhaps the choice of Job r e f l e c t s the s p i r i t u a l i d e a l of poverty and renunciation of the material world, for which Giovanni Contarini himself was revered. For example, Beato Giovanni d a l l e C e l l e of Florence . counselled Colombini of Siena and h i s supporters that poverty i s the only way to s a l v a t i o n , i n the words of the Gospels, Job and Seneca," 94 (M. Meiss, Painting i n Florence and Siena a f t e r the Black Death, Princeton, N.J., 1951, p. 85). Tramontin suggests that the Venetian saying "povero giopo" ref e r s to the impoverished circumstances of the h o s p i t a l of San Giobbe and that this i s the source of the Venetian place name "s. Agiopo," Tramontin, l o c . c i t . See Chapter Two, note 37. 9. Tramontin, l o c . c i t . The l a t e Medieval view of Job i s discussed further below, p. 90, n. 98. 10. "miei Commessarii" i n the Testament of Giovanni Contarini and "mia commissaria" i n the Testament of C r i s t o f o r o Moro. The three substan-t i a l legacies to San Giobbe i n the f i r s t century of i t s h i s t o r y were those of Giovanni Con t a r i n i , his daughter Lucia D o l f i n , and Doge Cris t o f o r o Moro. The Testament of Moro i s published by Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, pp. 728-732. Extracts from Contarini's Testament appear pp. 755-756. 11. B. Pullan, Rich and Poor i n Renaissance Venice, The So c i a l I n s t i t u t i o n s  of a Catholic State, to 1620, Oxford, 19 71, pp. 209-210. For the h i s t o r i c o r i g i n and the powers of the Procuratoria, see 0. Demus, :  The Church of San Marco i n Venice, Washington, D.C., 1960, p. 53. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that C r i s t o f o r o Moro was a procurator of San Giobbe and involved i n the administration of E l i s a b e t t a Bragadin's donation of land to the church (Appendix I I , entry 13; Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 533). 12. See Appendix I I , entry 10. The Venetian Pope Eugenius IV appointed San Lorenzo G i u s t i n i a n i , Bishop of Ca s t e l l o , Tommaso Tommasini, Bishop of F e l t r e , and Fantino Dandolo, Protonotario Apostolico, the matter being decided i n the absence of Tommasini (Flaminio Corner, N o t i z i e  Storiche d e l l e Chiese e Monasteri de Venezia, e d i T o r c e l l o , Padua, 1758, p. 285). 13. Pullan, Rich and Poor, 1971, p. 219. The f i r s t permanent magistracy i n charge of public'health was set up i n 1486, possibly i n response to the outbreak of plague i n the previous year. In the Cinquecento there were at le a s t 40 small, independent hospitals of Medieval o r i g i n i n Venice ( i b i d . , p. 207). The h o s p i t a l of San Giobbe was one of the larger, more important of these i n s t i t u t i o n s . 14. Ibid., p. 213. In r e l a t i o n to charitable donations made i n Venice during the Turkish Wars of the 1470's Pullan remarks: "The need to earn divine favour, which might bring success i n th i s holy war, in s p i r e d the c i t y to good works: a state, l i k e an i n d i v i d u a l person, could c o l l e c t i v e l y acquire merit i n the sight of God," (see note 15 below). 15. Ibid., p. 214 and note 50 c i t e s the declaration of p r i n c i p l e appearing i n a decree of the Maggior Consiglio recommending f i n a n c i a l support of 95 h o s p i t a l s , dated March 12, 1503: The chief and most salutary means of obtaining divine favour for a state and republic, j u s t as for private persons, i s the maintenance of the poor, i n whom the person of our Lord Jesus Chris t i s represented, and hence the chief ornament of every most noble c i t y i s , and always has been some excellent h o s p i t a l for feeding the poor. 16. The F r a t i Minori Osservanti were a branch of the Franciscan Order which practised s t r i c t observance of St. Francis' Rule of Poverty ( J . R. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order, Oxford, 1968, p. 375). The Observants were experiencing rapid growth during the f i f t e e n t h century due to t h e i r reputation for s a n c t i t y , t h e i r devotion to the Blessed V i r g i n Mary, and to the powerful influence of t h e i r great i t i n e r a n t preachers ( i b i d . , p. 373). An i n d i c a t i o n of t h i s growth i s the increase i n convents of 35 i n 1416 to 230 i n 1444 (death of St. Bernardin). 17. Pullan, op. c i t . , pp. 202-213. 18. The Observants were known for t h e i r fervent devotion to the Blessed V i r g i n Mary as supreme Mediatrix. 19. Moorman, op. c i t . , 1968, pp. 517-518, "the sermon became an event of great importance i n c i t y l i f e . " C i t y councils paid large sums for v i s i t s by preaching f r i a r s , to promote c i v i c peace. Popes and c i v i c leaders attempted to harness the power of the preachers to promote t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . 20. Large numbers of g i f t s , legacies were made to the Observants i n the f i f t e e n t h century: "...people on the whole believed that they could help them. Nor was t h i s confined to the ignorant and poor, but included people of substance and many of the better educated laymen i n the l a t t e r part of the f i f t e e n t h century" ( i b i d . , p. 516). A common p r a c t i s e was f o r the benefactor to receive a "Letter of F r a t e r n i t y " : "For a sum of money, l e f t normally to a t h i r d party to administer on behalf of the f r i a r s , a layman or laywoman could acquire the p r i v i l e g e of being buried i n the Franciscan habit and of being prayed for by the f r i a r s , " ( i b i d . , p. 120). 21. Ibid., pp. 455-465. 22. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, pp. 574-575, 583 and n. 2, St. Bernardin's p r e d i c t i o n of Moro's dogeship probably took place i n 1442 when Moro was capitano of Padua (p. 583, n. 2) and became a w e l l -known legend. St. Bernardin and Moro had established a friendship and one day the saint t o l d the capitano that he would be doge a f t e r the death of Francesco F o s c a r i . Moro maintained h i s f a i t h i n the predic-t i o n when Pasquale Malipiero became doge, since Foscari had been deposed and was s t i l l l i v i n g . When the p r e d i c t i o n was f u l f i l l e d i n 1464 a f t e r the death of Malipiero, Moro's f a i t h i n and devotion to St. Bernardin 96 increased. Moro commemorated the p r e d i c t i o n , which was i n e f f e c t a divine sanction of h i s dogeship, with a painting i n which the s a i n t shows a ducal crown to Moro, with the words "ECCE CORONABERIS," "Behold, you w i l l be crowned." The painting was s t i l l i n the monastery of San Giobbe i n 1744. The a r t i s t and present l o c a t i o n are unknown. 23. The p r o h i b i t i o n of personal monuments i n Venice led to the erection of magnificent funerary monuments often with a commitment to contribute to the construction, furnishing, or decoration of the church or c l o i s t e r . Monuments of personal commemoration were created under the aegis of r e l i g i o u s benefaction. 24. Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz, v o l . 2, p. 495, and notes 178-179. The son of Cosimo de'Medici (died 1464) Piero de'Medici, commissioned a tomb slab from Verrocchio i n 1465-1467, d i r e c t l y beneath the cupola over the crossing and before the high a l t a r , s e a l i n g a shaft to the crypt below, i n which the remains of Cosimo were i n t e r r e d . Like Moro, Cosimo i s buried i n the most prominent p o s i t i o n of a church which was r e b u i l t by his family. (See also G. Passavant, Verrocchio: Sculpture, Paintings  and Drawings, London, 1969, pp. 170-71 and C. Seymour, The Sculpture of  Verrocchio, Greenwich, Connecticut, 19 71, p. 161) . 25. J . Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, London, New York, 2nd e d i t i o n , 1971, p. 339. 26. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, pp. 710-711. 27. Ibid., p. 530 and i n s c r i p t i o n 109, p. 705. Cicogna, op. c i t . , p. 724, reproduces a h i s t o r y of the b u i l d i n g of the church of San Giobbe. I t reports that Moro wished to change the t i t l e of the church and that i t should be c a l l e d San Bernardino, and that he removed the a l t a r p i e c e , which had been that of the old church, from the high a l t a r of the new church, and put one of St. Bernardin i n i t s place. His i n s i s t e n c e that the f r i a r s should beg i n the name of St. Bernardin appears to have met resistance, and the f r i a r s returned to mendication i n the name of Job who had had h i s own reputation i n the old church. 28. Ibid., p. 530 and n. 13, c i t i n g F. Amadio Luzzo, La V i t a d i S.  Bernardino d i Siena, Venice, 1744, pp. 254, 361. 29. Demus, San Marco, 1960, pp. 3-19 and Chapter Six, pp. 107-108. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 534. Cicogna records that the f i f t e e n t h century wooden chest decorated on the front with r e l i e f figures of St. Luke between two winged l i o n s of St. Mark, situated on the a l t a r of the Sacristy chapel, contains the remains of the alleged r e l i c of St. Luke. Finotto, San Giobbe, 1971, however, i d e n t i f i e s the evangelical symbols as the winged ox of St. Luke. The importance of St. Luke to the fame of San Giobbe i s indicated by Sabellico's notice (discussed above, p. 2 ) which begins: "ad lob fundamenta per oram ducunt . hie Lucae conditorium" ( c i t e d by Cicogna, op. c i t . , p. 531). 97 30. Ibid., Document 5, pp. 728-732. 31. Ibid., p. 728, and see note 20 above. This request was made also by Cosimo de'Medici for h i s b u r i a l i n San Lorenzo, Florence, a Franciscan church (G. H. Gombrich, "The Early Medici as Patrons of A r t , " Norm and  Form: Studies i n the Art of the Renaissance, London, 1966, pp. 49 f f . ) . 32. D. Pincus, "A Hand by Antonio Rizzo and the Double Caritas Scheme of the Tron Tomb," AB 51 (1969):246-257. These two figures demonstrate the symbiosis of r e l i g i o u s and c i v i c i d e a l s i n Venetian c h a r i t y . 33. W. Sheard, "The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin i n Venice by T u l l i o Lombardo," (Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale Un i v e r s i t y , 1971), p. 195, n. 8 (p. 425): " i n close touch with current humanist thinking Moro had planned the triumphal arch and Capella Maggiore as h i s mausoleum, with only a simple tomb s l a b . " See also Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " pp. 77-79, n. 3, p. 239. Sheard continues: "Moro's scheme for S. Giobbe d i f f e r e d dramatically from the t y p i c a l Venetian program of doges' monuments, and more c l o s e l y resembled the abstract g l o r i f i c a t i o n and concentration upon only a few images which had arisen as a hallmark of humanist • funerary a r t with the Bruni and Marsuppini tombs i n Florence." In her a r t i c l e "Sanudo's L i s t of Notable Things i n Venetian Churches and the Date of the Vendramin Tomb," Yale I t a l i a n Studies 1 (1977) :233, Sheard gives t h i s as the reason for Sanudo's f a i l u r e to mention Moro's tomb i n his otherwise complete l i s t of ducal tomb monuments of the f i f t e e n t h century. 34. M. L. King, "Personal, Domestic, and Republican Values i n the Moral Philosophy of Giovanni C a l d i e r a , " RQ 28 (1975):547, n. 35, 568, n. 88. The v i r t u e of "magnificance" for example i s possessed by the wealthy p a t r i c i a n whose splendor appears " i n the construction of homes, f o r t -resses and c i t i e s , which are intended to endure perpetually; and also s i m i l a r l y i n the b u i l d i n g of churches, i n which^divine o f f i c e s (are to be performed) with the greatest devotion." 35. Demus, San Marco, 1960, p. 50. A medallion minted i n the dogeship of Moro bears a p r o f i l e head of Moro on the obverse and on the reverse, within a garland of flowers, "RELIGIONIS ET JUSTICIAE CULTOR," (Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 584). This i s r e f l e c t e d i n Cicogna's praise of Moro's "pieta verso la p a t r i a e verso l a r e l i g i o n e , " ( i b i d . , p. 578). The p r i n c i p l e i s personified by the two "amor" figures of the Tron tomb. 36. Ibid., p. 579, c i t e s D. Malipiero, G l i . A n n a l i , who.- reports that a man was executed a f t e r p l o t t i n g against the doge and having said:."Vegnimo diese a consejo domenega che v i e n et l e corazzine sotto l e veste a amazzemoli,•comenzando dalquesto. becco de C h r i s t o f o l Moro." 37. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 578, quotes M. Sanudo: "Mori son c a t t i v a fama d ' i p o c r i t a , d i vendicativo, d i doppio, d'avaro. Era mal.voluto dal.popolo." 98 38. D. S. Chambers, The Imperial Age of Venice, 1380-1580, London, 1970, p. 90. 39. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 580 c i t e s Sansovino, Venetia (1581) 1663, L i b . XI, p. 188. 40. I t was not u n t i l 100 year l a t e r that the second and l a s t ducal b u r i a l took place i n San Giobbe (Pietro Loredan, 1567-1570) Cicogna, op. c i t . , i n s c r i p t i o n no. 57, p. 639. The reinstatement of Job may be r e f l e c t e d i n the statement i n the 1501 h i s t o r y of San Giobbe (see no. 27 above) that upon Moro's death the f r i a r s returned to mendication i n the name of Job alone "qual havevano havuto l a reputation sua n e l l a chiesa vecchia." 41. Appendix I for date of painting; note 3 t h i s chapter for M a r t i n i chapel. 42. Personal observation, May 1978. 43. S a b e l l i c o , De Venetae Urbis S i t u , 1493: " i n parte aedis." 44. Sansovino, Venetia (1581) 1663, pp. 155-156. 45. Robertson, B e l l i n i , 1968, p. 61 and 85, believes the frames of the SS. Giovanni e Paolo a l t a r p i e c e and the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e to have been executed by the Lombardi. See also Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " pp. 117-118, 157. The common p r a c t i s e was for the frame to be constructed f i r s t (R. H a t f i e l d , B o t t i c e l l i ' s U f f i z i Adoration, A Study i n P i c t o r i a l  Content, Princeton, New Jersey, 1976, p. 30; L. B. P h i l i p , The Ghent  Alt a r p i e c e and the Art of Jan Van Eyck, Princeton, 1971, p. 47). Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, 1969, pp. 11-12, does not b e l i e v e the two frames were executed by the same hand, and that the source of s i m i l a r i t y l i e s i n the commissions or i n B e l l i n i ' s own conceptions. See P a o l e t t i , Rinascimento, 1893, v o l . 2, plate 108, for the SS. Giovanni e Paolo frame. 46. Ibid., v o l . 1, p. 191 and f i g . 84. 47. The stemma consists of a s h i e l d bearing a rearing horse, b r i d l e d , with short t a i l (see also Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 563). I was unable to see the t a i l or sign of any other device on the s h i e l d (personal observation, May 1978). Cicogna dismisses i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the house of C a v a l l i , i n whose stemma the horse has a long t a i l and i s crossed by a band bearing three stars (Casimiro Freschot, La Nobilta Veneta..., Venice, 1707, Ristampa, Bologna, 19 70, p. 287). See the prominent depiction of the C a v a l l i arms i n an A l t i c h i e r o fresco at Verona of Members of the C a v a l l i family being presented to the V i r g i n Mary i l l u s t r a t e d i n P a l l u c c h i n i , Trecento, 1964, f i g . 456, p. 149. Cicogna also rules out the Ronsoni family, on whose stemma the horse stands on four feet and has a long t a i l . The unusual motif of the dolphin which appears i n the c a p i t a l s , observed by Hubala, op. c i t . , pp. 10-12, and which he suggests might be introduced to 99 Venice by a Florentine patron, might i n d i c a t e ' t h e D o l f i n f a m i l y , related to the founder of San Giobbe and important patrons of the' church i n the f i f t e e n t h century. Cicogna records the i n s c r i p t i o n of Constantino B e l l o t t o , 1728, which was at one time v i s i b l e " s u l pavimento appiedi de'gradini d e l l ' a l t a r e d i S. Giobbe." At a l a t e r date the family of B e l l o t t o could have taken over the tomb belonging to the family whose coat of arms appears on the a l t a r frame and who probably commissioned the a l t a r p i e c e by B e l l i n i (Cicogna, op. c i t . , p. 563.) 48. Ibid., i n s c r i p t i o n no. 13, p. 561, and no. 15, p. 563. 49. See Chapter Two, note 60. 50. H a t f i e l d , U f f i z i Adoration, 1971, p. 20. 51. Sheard, "Marin Sanudo's L i s t , " 1977, p. 266, "Another i n t e r e s t i n g aspect of Sanudo's reference to Antonello's pala i s i t s c a l l i n g a ttention to a funerary, or at l e a s t commemorating function, providing an association of the Sacra Conversazione type with sepulchral functioning which per-haps deserves exploration." 52. Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " pp. 223-224, believes that both the SS. Giovanni e Paolo and the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e s ' a r c h i t e c t u r a l settings may incorporate funerary vocabulary derived from Moro's chapel at San Giobbe, San Michele i n I s o l a , the Marsuppini tomb i n Florence, and possibly the Cardinal Portugal Chapel i n San Miniato, Florence, v i a the Tuscan s t y l e M a r t i n i Chapel opposite B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e i n San Giobbe. The r e l a t i o n of the sacra conversazione s e t t i n g to the realm created i n a funerary monument deserves further i n v e s t i g a t i o n . 53. The 1501 h i s t o r y of the church of San Giobbe (n. 27, t h i s chapter) refers to an a l t a r p i e c e dedicated to St. Bernardin set up by Moro i n the new c a p e l l a maggiore (Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 724). The t e r r a c o t t a bust of St. Bernardin which bears Moro's coat of arms, . now i n the Sacristy of San Giobbe, was moved from the high a l t a r i n 1609 : (Cicogna, op. c i t . , p. 707, notice of September 15, 1609, con-cerning the Confraternity of St. Bernardin which was responsible for the maintenance and decoration of the capella maggiore, dedicated to that s a i n t ) . 54. Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 135, p. 101; Robertson, B e l l i n i , pp. 90-91; canvas, 2,00 x 3,20, signed, dated, now i n Murano, Church of S. Pietro Martire. 55. R. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 511, n. 143. The painting was to be displayed "sopra 1'altar grando d i quel devotissimo et r e l i g i o s o monasterio l e qual semo certo che i n ogni tempo l e habia a pregare Idio per l'anima nostra e de t u t i l i n o s t r i che sono p a s s a t i da questa v i t a . " 100 56. Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, no. 134, p. 101, and colour p l a t e s . Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 88; wood, cen t r a l panel 1,84 x 79, side panels 1,15 x 46, signed, dated, i n the F r a r i S a c r i s t y . 57. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 512, and n. 149. 58. Ibid., p. 513, n. 150. 59. L o r e n z e t t i , Venice, 1961, p. 380. 60. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 513, n. 952. She notes that the place-ment of B e l l i n i ' s Pesaro and D o l f i n a l t a r p i e c e s i s "comparable to the many examples of sculpted b u r i a l monuments." Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 122; B e l l i n i and a s s i s t a n t s , wood, 90 x 1,45, signed, dated, the donor i s repainted, s t i l l i n the church. 61. See note 33 above. 62. See discussion of T r i n i t y iconography Chapter Four, p. 66. 63. Schlegel, "Observations," pp. 19-33, i d e n t i f i e s the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g of Masaccio's T r i n i t y as a representation of the double chapel of Golgotha i n the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, i n which chapel "one awaited the Last Judgement...Masses of the Dead for eminent persons were celebrated," ( i b i d . , p. 26), the purpose being to commemorate the place of s a l v a t i o n as w e l l as the donors ( i b i d . , p. 28). J. Freiberg, "The 'Tabernaculum Dei' ," 1974, o f f e r s a different", cogent argument that the function of the architecture i n containing a repre-sentation of a E u c h a r i s t i c theme, the T r i n i t y , i s analogous to the function of the sacrament tabernacle i n enshrining the Host. The E u c h a r i s t i c connotations of the architecture are appropriate to a funerary context since the l a t e Medieval c u l t of the Host was associated with the idea of personal s a l v a t i o n ( H a t f i e l d , B o t t i c e l l i , 1977, p. 49, c i t i n g Gregory, Dix, The Shape of Li t u r g y , London, 1945, pp. 598 f f . ; see further below p. 88, n. 86). 64. J . Coolidge, "Further Observations on Masaccio's T r i n i t y , " 48 (1966): 382-384, suggests that "the painting must have been o r i g i n a l l y one component i n a three-part complex consisting of a fresco, an i n c i s e d f l o o r slab and an a l t a r , " which was consistent with the Florentine tomb monument t r a d i t i o n (p. 381). C. Dempsey, "Masaccio's T r i n i t y : A l t a r p i e c e or Tomb?" AB 54 (1972): 2 79-281, states that "the imagery of Masaccio's fresco i s uniquely suited to the tomb of a lay donor," and that i t i s i n e f f e c t a painted tomb monument following i n the t r a d i t i o n of tomb monuments combining r e a l sculpted and a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements with mosaic and fresco. How-ever, he r e j e c t s the p o s s i b i l i t y of an associate a l t a r . E. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, 1964 , New York, p. 66, says that the representation of the donor as a corpse i s rare i n I t a l y and that 101 Masaccio's skeleton must be seen as a p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of death rather than a p o r t r a i t . This would make i t d i f f i c u l t to associate the T r i n i t y with the t r a d i t i o n of double e f f i g y tombs as Dempsey, op. c i t . , p. 280, does. 65. G. S c h i l l e r , The Iconography of C h r i s t i a n Art, t r . J. Seligman, Greenwich, Connecticut, 1971, v o l . 1, p. 5. 66. Yrjo Hirn, The Sacred Shrine, A Study of the Poetry and Art of the  Catholic Church, Boston, 1957, pp. 294-295. 67. R. H a t f i e l d , l o c . c i t . 68. A. Grabar, C h r i s t i a n Iconography, A Study of i t s o r i g i n s , Princeton, 1968, pp. 134-135. 69. S. B e t t i n i , La P i t t u r a d i icone cretese-veneziana e i madonneri, Florence (1931), p. 20, n. 2, for o r i g i n of this type, and Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n . " p. 492, n. 29. The " i n d i c a t i n g " hand of the Hodegetria has a Passion s i g n i f i c a n c e i n Italo-Byzantine iconography as can be seen i n Andrea Rico's Madonna d e l l a Passione i n the G a l l e r i a , Parma, d i s -cussed by B e t t i n i , l o c . c i t . , F i g . 55, where the C h r i s t C h i l d grasps Mary's thumb while looking at the instruments of the Passion, a gesture which appears i n a Renaissance adaptation, reversed, i n Cima's Madonna at the U f f i z i , Florence, F i g . 56 ( C o l e t t i , Cima, 1960, no. 88). I am g r a t e f u l to Dr. D. Pincus for t h i s observation. 70. Ibid., p. 501 discusses B e l l i n i ' s representation of the C h r i s t C h i l d as s a c r i f i c e . 71. Grabar, l o c . c i t . ; I. Hutter, Early C h r i s t i a n and Byzantine Art, London, 1971, p. 68. 72. The upraised l e f t hand of the V i r g i n enthroned appears to be unprece-dented i n the immediate iconographical t r a d i t i o n . The lack of the usual d i r e c t confrontation of the V i r g i n with a supplicant makes the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s action as b l e s s i n g uncertain since the V i r g i n , i n her d o c t r i n a l l y defined role as the support or shrine of C h r i s t , a v e h i c l e of s a l v a t i o n rather than i t s source, i s never depicted i n an i s o l a t e d gesture of b l e s s i n g as C h r i s t often i s . As observed i n Chapter Two, the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s remarkable i n that neither the C h r i s t Child nor the V i r g i n blesses d i r e c t l y nor looks at the main supplicant, Job. This i s underscored by the adaptations' by B e l l i n i followers of the V i r g i n and Christ to more e x p l i c i t b l e s s i n g s i t u a t i o n s , for example, the votive painting of St. Mark presenting Doge Loredan to the V i r g i n i n which Vincenzo Catena turns the C h r i s t C h i l d toward the b l e s s i n g as i f , t o intercede and r e i n f o r c e , F i g . 60 (G. Robertson, Vincenzo Catena, Edinburgh, 1954, cat. 7). That the San Giobbe Virgin's gesture may have intercessory meaning i s suggested by i t s s i m i l a r i t y to a Byzantine type of interceding V i r g i n the H a g i o s o r i t i s s a of which there i s an example at Dumbarton Oaks, F i g . 61 (M. E. Fraser, "Church Doors and the Gates of Paradise, Bronze Byzantine Doors i n I t a l y , " Dumbarton Oaks 102 Papers 27 (1973):48, n. 7) and i t s Italo-Byzantine counterpart, the Madonna Avvocata. The question of the V i r g i n ' s r i g h t and l e f t hand gestures requires further study. 73. W. Wolters, La s c u l t u r a veneziana gotica (1300-1460), 2 v o l . , Venice, 1976, cat. 21, p. 157; A q u i l e i a , B a s i l i c a , r i g h t transept, has been dated c. 1400, Wolters dates to c. 1330. 74. L. Goldscheider, Leonardo da V i n c i , London, 1959, p. 165, p i . 59-62; panel, 98 x 2,17 m., unsigned, undated, for Convent of Monte Olive t o . 75. Fra Roberto Caracciolo, Prediche V o l g a r i , Florence, 1491, quoted i n R. Baxandall, Painting and Experience i n F i f t e e n t h Century I t a l y , Oxford, 19 72, p. 55. 76. Sheard, "Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin," 19 71, p. 191 and n. 13, 52. 77. S c h i l l e r , Iconography, 1971, v o l . 1, pp. 23-26. 78. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " pp. 501-505. 79. J. Taylor, On the Reverence Due to the A l t a r , c. 1637-1640, ed. Rev. V. Staley, Oxford, 1899, quotes the early C h r i s t i a n author Chrysostom: "Let us honor the a l t a r indeed because i t receives the Body of the Lord." 80. The New Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1966 ed., s.v. " A l t a r . " Taylor, op. c i t . , pp. 52 and 53. 81. H a t f i e l d makes th i s point i n his discussion of the E u c h a r i s t i c meaning of B o t t i c e l l i ' s U f f i z i Adoration, op. c i t . 82. F. Hartt, "Carpaccio's Meditation on the Passion," AB 22 (1940):33, and f i g . 9. 83. S. J . Delaney, "The Iconography of Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Sacred Allegory," AB 59 (1977) :334, n. 25. Scenes of s a c r i f i c e may appear on the base of the throne. P. Verdier, " L ' a l l e g o r i a d e l l a M i s e r i c o r d i a e d e l l a G i u s t i z i a d i Giambellino,." A t t i d e l l ' I s t i t u t o veneto d i scienze,  l e t t e r e ed a r t i , 19.53,pp. 97-116, i d e n t i f i e s the throne as the Sedes  Solomonis of the mother of the incarnate C h r i s t , the Theotokos. Robertson, B e l l i n i , pp. 99-102 suggests the subject of t h i s much d i s -cussed and enigmatic work i s a Meditation on the Incarnation that could be pendant to Carpaccio's Meditation on the Passion, New York, Metro-p o l i t a n Museum of Art (Hartt, op. c i t . ) . 84. Delaney, op. c i t . , p. 332. She i d e n t i f i e s charity as the c e n t r a l theme of the Sacred Allegory. 85. Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1907-1912 ed., s.v. "Paten": "The e u c h a r i s t i c vessel known as the paten i s a small shallow plate or disc of precious metal upon which the element of bread i s offered to God at 103 the Offertory of the Mass and upon which the consecrated Host i s again placed a f t e r the F r a c t i o n . " The formula for the consecration of the vessel speaks of the vessel as blessed as "the new sepulchre of the Body and Blood of Jesus C h r i s t . " The motif appears to have been introduced by Mantegna, possibly from the antique patera, i n his San Zeno a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 26). A f u l l understanding of the motif i n B e l l i n i ' s painting would depend on anal-y s i s of Mantegna's use of i t , yet to be done. 86. In the Middle Ages the Host came to be considered the l i v i n g God, was treated l i k e a r e l i c and was housed i n r e l i q u a r i e s and shrines. The monstrance which displayed the Host on the a l t a r at c e r t a i n times derived from the saint r e l i q u a r y . Hirn, Sacred Shrine, 1957, p. 148: "Just as the e u c h a r i s t i c God was often spoken of by Roman Catholic authors as a king, so the monstrance was compared to a throne...a "throne of grace." See Ha t f i e l d ' s condensed discussion of Host devotion i n the f i f t e e n t h century, with good bibliography (op. c i t . , pp. 48-50). See also C o l i n E i s l e r ' s important remarks on the c u l t of the Host i n f i f t e e n t h century I t a l y and the "extraordinary, probably unparalleled i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of e u c h a r i s t i c concerns i n C h r i s t i a n a r t , " (C. E i s l e r , "The Golden Chr i s t of Cortona and the Man of Sorrows i n I t a l y , " AB 51 (1969):236, pp. 235-240. H a t f i e l d notes the extreme forms that adoration of the Host could take, e s p e c i a l l y at the moment of elevation during the consecration i n the Mass (op. c i t . , . p. 45). St. Francis was a devout worshipper of the Host (Hirn, op. ext., p. 113). 87. Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1907-1912 ed., s.v. " A l t a r , a l t a r -c r u c i f i x . " 88. Fraser, "Church Doors," 1973, pp. 145-162. The bronze church doors on which the f o l i a t e cross appears bear iconography of i n t e r c e s s i o n f o r personal s a l v a t i o n of the donor who may be represented by i n s c r i p t i o n or i n e f f i g y . The f o l i a t e cross represents the cross of c r u c i f i x i o n , the instrument of s a l v a t i o n . I t and the associated imagery of these doors i s derived from decoration of entrances to the sanctuaries of Byzantine churches. The f o l i a t e cross i s found on chancel b a r r i e r s of Early C h r i s t i a n and Byzantine churches, i n Constantinople and i n Ravenna. The ce n t r a l nave p o r t a l of San Marco was commissioned by Leo da Molino, procurator,in 1112, from a Venetian a r t i s t i n s p i r e d by the Byzantine south door., c. 1080. Da Molino i s presented by St. Mark to C h r i s t . Bibliography for f o l i a t e cross given p. 148, n. 10. 89. E i s l e r c i t e s the text of the i n s t i t u t i o n of the r i t e of Eucharist, 1 Corinthians 11:26 as the basis of "The combination of the elevation of the Host with the Last Judgement..." (op. c i t . , p. 246). 90. Hirn, Sacred Shrine, 1957, passim.; Keydel, " A l t a r p i e c e s , " p. 158; Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " p. 500: "Hence the s p a t i a l aspects of B e l l i n i ' s architecture also have the e f f e c t of transforming the picture space into a shrine." 104 91. Ibid., p. 505 quotes St. Lorenzo G i u s t i n i a n i , the f i r s t P a t r i a r c h of Venice, who has the V i r g i n say of h e r s e l f : "Et quello che mi ha creato, s'e riposato n e l mio tabernacolo." Hirn, Sacred Shrine, 1957, p. 164. 92. See Chapter Four,p. 66, n. 25. 93. Freiberg, l e c t u r e based on The "Tabernaculum Dei," 1974. 94. Venturi, North I t a l i a n Painting, (1931), 1974, part I I , p i . 27. 95. Pope-Hennessy, Renaissance Sculpture, 1971, p. 285. 96. Ibid., p. 277, f i g . 44. Mary i s frequently r e f e r r e d to as p o r t a l , the window of heaven (Hirn, Sacred Shrine, 1912 ed., p. 343 f f . ; i n s c r i p t i o n of F r a r i t r i p t y c h , see note 61 above) . C h r i s t i s the door to s a l v a t i o n (John 10:9, 14:6). See also W i l k , • " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 106. 97. See Chapter Two, p. 23-24. 98. For the l a t e Medieval view of Job see Hartt, "Carpaccio's Meditation," 1940, pp. 25-35, and G. von der Osten "Job and C h r i s t , " JWCI 14 (1953): 153-158. Hartt proposes that the r e p r i n t i n g of the Moralia of St. Gregory, an early Medieval commentary on the Book of Job, i n Venice i n the f i f t e e n t h century, helped to revive Job's roles as the type of the s u f f e r i n g C h r i s t and the prophet of the Resurrection and Ascension. 99. Graef, Mary, 1963, p. 318. 100. See p. 87 , n. 78 this chapter. A possible Byzantine intercessory V i r g i n underlying B e l l i n i ' s V i r g i n i s mentioned i n n. 75. 101. See n. 99, this chapter. 102. The appearance of Job i n an a l t a r p i e c e such as t h i s i n such a pre-eminent p o s i t i o n i s unusual, perhaps unique i n Venetian painting to this time. I t i s possible that the a l t a r p i e c e commission represents a desire to r e i n s t a t e the honor of Job i n the church a f t e r Moro's personal promotion of St. Bernardin. The 1501 h i s t o r y of the church c i t e d i n n. 27, t h i s chapter, may be a record of t h i s . See n. 8, 100 t h i s chapter. 103. Pullan, Rich and Poor, 1971, p. 219, l i s t s years of plague i n Venice. See also Delaney, "Sacred Allegory," 1977, p. 335, n. 29. 104. Goffen, "Nostra Conversatio," p. 216. St. Francis' display of his wounds emphasizes the e f f i c a c y of h i s i n t e r c e s s i o n which i s due to his perfect emulation of C h r i s t . The figure of St. Francis i n some instances i n d i c a t i n g h i s wound i n a manner s i m i l a r to that of B e l l i n i ' s St. Francis, appears i n a funerary context pointing to the tomb of the donor i n the frescoes i n the Lower Church of San Francesco i n A s s i s i which Goffen i d e n t i f i e s as the e a r l i e s t examples of the sacra 105 conversazione. See for example Pietro L o r e n z e t t i 1 s Madonna and C h i l d with Saints Francis and John the Baptist i n the north transept of the Lower Church, F i g . 19, and Simone Martini's Five Franciscan Saints also i n the north transept. See also the St. Francis b l e s s i n g a donor with his wounded ri g h t hand i n B e l l i n i ' s Dolphin sacra conversazione at S. Francesco d e l l a Vigna, F i g . 54. 106 CHAPTER SIX THE DUAL HERITAGE OF ROME AND BYZANTIUM IN THE RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VENETIAN STATE Roger Fry, quoted i n Chapter One above, noted the Venetian use of r e l i g i o n to symbolize ideas of state. John Ruskin also recognized the national s i g n i f i c a n c e which a r e l i g i o u s image could have i n Venice i n the following observation of B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e : The throned Madonnas of V i v a r i n i and B e l l i n i were to Venice what the statue of Athena i n the Brazen House was to Athens...symbols, by help of which they conceived the presence within of a r e a l Goddess.1 The sacred nature and framework of state i s a Western Medieval t r a d i t i o n which had an exceptionally long s u r v i v a l i n Venice. In f a c t , as S. Sinding-Larsen has demonstrated, i t survived at l e a s t into the height of the Venetian Renaissance as the i d e a l i s t i c and r h e t o r i c a l basis f o r the series of r e l i g i o u s and h i s t o r i c a l paintings i n the Ducal Palace commissioned o to replace the losses of the 1574-1577 f i r e s . Paolo Prodi observes that Venice...remained...apart from the process which had transformed church-state r e l a t i o n s . . . through the Gregorian reforms of the eleventh century and the Investiture c ontest. 3 Robert Benson has c i t e d the symbolic i n v e s t i t u r e of the doge by St. Mark as a s u r v i v a l of the Carolingian " d u a l i s t " concept of church and state power which views the secular hierarchy and c l e r i c a l hierarchy as p e r f e c t l y equal and p a r a l l e l , and i n which the secular r u l e r receives authority d i r e c t l y from God, independently from the Pope, j u s t as the Venetian doge was claimed 107 to do A The concept of dual church and state power which was the basis of the r e l a t i o n of the Venetian state to the church and which underlay a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c symbiosis of sacred and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i s r e l a t e d to the h i s t o r i c o r i g i n s of the Venetian Republic i n the early Middle Ages. As an emerging state i n the ninth century the Venetian Republic had to e s t a b l i s h i t s e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l legitimacy and assert i t s freedom and power. The development of a national c u l t around the Evangelist Mark and h i s legendary connection with the north A d r i a t i c was an important part of this process and provided a r e l i g i o u s j u s t i f i c a t i o n and expression of the aspirations of the s t a t e . The t r a n s f e r r a l of the r e l i c s of St. Mark from Alexandria to R i a l t o i n 829-830 and t h e i r enshrinement i n a chapel adjacent to the Ducal Palace was a means of claiming e c c l e s i a s t i c a l authority and ultimately divine sanction f o r the state.^ The three important legends of St. Mark's s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to Venice, the Tran s l a t i o (the t r a n s l a t i o n of St. Mark's relics)., the Apparitio (the miraculous rediscovery of the l o s t r e l i c s i n 1094) and the Predestinazione (Christ's prophecy of the glorious destiny together of St. Mark and Venice^ were recounted i n l a t e r Venetian chronicles as h i s t o r i c f a c t . The predestinazione i n p a r t i c u l a r was invented i n the thirteenth century to demonstrate the divine r i g h t of Venice to the possession of the r e l i c s and the preordained s i t e of the sepulchral church and thus the preordainment of Venice i t s e l f . ^ Venice claimed the s p e c i a l Q protection of St. Mark much as Rome claimed the patronage of St. Peter, ap o s t o l i c continuity with the early Church, divine sanction and an extended a n t i q u i t y . The mystical union of the Venetian Republic with St. Mark i n a shared glory, predestined by God, i s symbolized by the state Church of San Marco:^ 108 Da quando i l corpo del Santo, per dono divino e volonta umana veniva deposto all'ombra del sorgente stato, l a lunga, d i f f i c i l e b a t t a g l i a per 1 1indipendenza era v i n t a , e v i n t a i n modo decisivo.10 With the defeat of Constantinople i n 1204 Venice claimed to be not only the d i v i n e l y proclaimed guardian of the Apostle Mark's r e l i c s , but also the successor of the Eastern C h r i s t i a n Empire of Byzantium.-'--'- I t thereby claimed d i v i n e l y sanctioned authority, legitimacy and independence and sp e c i a l d i r e c t access of the Venetian people and government to God, represented by Chris t and Mary. The sacred i d e n t i t y of the Venetian state and the symbiosis of state and church were sustained by the mystical, sacred and Byzantine nature of Venetian claims for both e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and secular legitimacy and power. The interpenetration of the r e l i g i o u s and the c i v i c i s seen i n a l l aspects of Venetian devotion and culture, i n l i t u r g y , and i n ceremonial processions celebrating great events of Venetian history.12 P o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s had r e l i g i o u s frameworks at a l l l e v e l s of society and the administration of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s was fi r m l y retained by the government. Important dates i n Venetian h i s t o r y , beginning with the date of foundation on Annunciation day,-*-^  and m i l i t a r y and d i p l o -matic v i c t o r i e s were made to coincide with the great r e l i g i o u s days.-^ Otto Demus has studied the Venetian use of r e l i g i o u s imagery for p o l i t i c a l purposes i n an analysis of the architecture and decoration of the state church of San Marco, which i s reviewed most recently by E. Muir as .the basis for h i s inquiry into images of power created by ar t and pageantry i n Renaissance V e n i c e . ^ Demus shows how the Venetians forged documents of the o r i g i n of the Venetian patriarchate with St. Mark, fabricated legends concerning the re l a t i o n s h i p of St. Mark to Venice, and established the saint's sepulchral church as a state church with Apostolic t r a d i t i o n and 109 divi n e pre-ordination. The church of San Marco was i n e f f e c t a monumental rel i q u a r y , founded on a s i x t h century Byzantine model, Constantine's Apostoleion.1-7 The use of art to a r t i c u l a t e , document and propagate the self-image of the state and i t s claims manifests i t s e l f as the c o l l e c t i o n , r e s t o r a t i o n , copying and a l t e r a t i o n of works of a r t of e a r l i e r periods and other cultures. The awareness of Venetians of t h e i r state and government being some-how unique, perfect, durable and f u l l of v i r t u e was expressed i n a set of b e l i e f s about the Republic regarding i t s divine o r i g i n , sanction and destiny, i t s o r i g i n a l l i b e r t y , inner concord and s t a b i l i t y , and i t s h i s t o r i c mission of peace and j u s t i c e . These b e l i e f s are referred to lo o s e l y as the "Myth of Venice," which can be seen as an ongoing process of p o l i t i c a l s e l f -d e f i n i t i o n and state propagandization i n which the v i s u a l a r t s , a r c h i t e c t u r e , sculpture and painting play a c e n t r a l r o l e . The involvement of the arts with the t r a d i t i o n s of the state accounts for what has often been seen as Venetian conservatism.19 I t was a fundamental tendency of the Venetian t r a d i t i o n to draw on other cultures and eras to l e g i t i m i z e i t s claims to independence and power, and because of the p o l i t i c a l use of art i n Venice "apparently quite uncorrelated currents could and did e x i s t side by s i d e . " The retention of Medieval Byzantine s t y l e and motifs alongside newer Renaissance ideas i n f i f t e e n t h century Venetian painting, f or example B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , should.not, therefore, be seen as r e t r o -grade. By 1500 the myth of Venice had experienced two major periods of elaboration corresponding to two major periods of growth and imperial ambition. The f i r s t period saw an emphasis on the Byzantine heritage of Venice i n the thirteenth:, century, following the defeat of Constantinople 110 (1204, noted above) and the expansion of Venetian maritime power. Coin-. cident with the m i l i t a r y and economic expansion was an important period of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n and a growing p o l i t i c a l self-awareness among 21 the a r i s t o c r a c y . In t h i s f i r s t imperial age ^artisans imitated the s t y l e and iconography of early C h r i s t i a n and Byzantine r e l i e f , mosaic and i l l u m i n a t i o n . The state church was surrounded by a r t i f a c t s brought as s p o i l and symbolizing the transfer of authority from defeated states to 22 Venice. The s t y l e of a "new Ravenna" evoked the l a s t great age of Eastern and Western unity, the s i x t h century empire of J u s t i n i a n . In the second period of Venetian expansion on the I t a l i a n mainland a f t e r the wars with Genoa, ending 1379-1380, the emphasis s h i f t e d to 23 ancient Rome. The Roman Tra d i t i o n i n F i f t e e n t h Century Venice In the f i f t e e n t h century Venice as a newly emerging mainland power adopted what Chambers c a l l s "neo-Roman" imagery, both to formulate and express ideas about the nature and pe r f e c t i o n of i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n and to cloak the imperial ambitions of the state i n heroic i d e a l s of c i v i c duty 24 and j u s t i c e at home, and the defense of l i b e r t y and peace abroad. Although there was a proto-humanism i n th i r t e e n t h century Venice (as F r i t z Saxl has shown) i t was not u n t i l centres of humanist learning and areas containing Roman remains were annexed by Venice that Venetians developed a broad i n t e r e s t i n a n t i q u i t y . In the f i f t e e n t h century ideas associated with imperial Rome, republican freedom, defense of l i b e r t y i n a u n i f i e d I t a l y , preservation of j u s t i c e and peace, became important components of the myth of Venice, p a r t l y i n response to the p o l i t i c a l polemics of the mid-fifteenth century when Venetian i m p e r i a l i s t i c incursions on the I t a l i a n mainland I l l provoked b i t t e r c r i t i c i s m . However, the new Roman frame of reference also provided a renewed expression of fourteenth century (possibly older) ideas about the uniqueness, perfection and d u r a b i l i t y of the Venetian c o n s t i t u t i o n which was thought to exemplify a balanced combination of 25 the three forms of good government f a m i l i a r to Medieval p o l i t i c a l thought. The Venetian c o n s t i t u t i o n was compared i n humanist w r i t i n g with the great 2 6 governments of ant i q u i t y , Athens and Rome, and declared to be equal or greater. Chambers observes that i n art the evocation and i m i t a t i o n of ant i q u i t y and the commemoration of the splendours of "new Rome", Venice, was even more eloquent than xn l i t e r a t u r e . The i n f l u x of Renaissance a r t i s t i c ideas to Venice i s usually a t t r i b u t e d to the v i s i t s of a series of Tuscan a r t i s t s to Venice or i t s immediate region, Andrea del Castagno and Paolo Uccello i n Venice, and Donatello i n Padua, for example, i n the 1440's .and 1450's. A mature Renais-sance s t y l e f i r s t appears i n architecture i n the 1460's, for example, Conducci's S. Michele i n Isola , 1468-1469, and then i n sculpture, with Rizzo and the Lombardi, a l l immigrants fusing outside ideas with Venetian t r a -2 8 d i t i o n , and f i n a l l y i n painting with the work of Giovanni B e l l i n i . The Byzantine T r a d i t i o n i n Fi f t e e n t h Century Venice The prominent Byzantine character of f i f t e e n t h century Venetian culture and caily l i f e stemming from i t s strong and longstanding connections with the Byzantine Greek east, beginning with i t s o r i g i n as a Byzantine province and sustained by commercial r e l a t i o n s and pe r i o d i c influxes of Greek immigrants, has been neglected. / Wilk i d e n t i f i e s the Byzantine t r a d i t i o n of Venice as an important source of iconography for T u l l i o Lombardo's s c u l p t u r e . z 9 Her argument of a "Byzantine r e v i v a l " dominating 112 l a t e f i f t e e n t h century Venetian art tends to bl u r the f a c t that the Byzantine 30 t r a d i t i o n was continuous i n Venetian a r t , e s p e c i a l l y i n painting, and that i t co-exists and harmonizes with the newer Roman t r a d i t i o n which Chambers prefers to see as dominant. The two t r a d i t i o n s , the Roman and the Byzantine, were both facets of a sing l e process of defining and propagandizing the state i n the f i f t e e n t h century. The f a m i l i a r opposition of these two t r a d i t i o n s may be a modern d i s t o r t i o n i n perspective. Sergio B e t t i n i observes the uninterrupted Byzan-tine t r a d i t i o n of Venice, reminding us that i t i s only now, at great 31 h i s t o r i c a l distance, that we can d i s t i n g u i s h between Rome and the Orient. The or i e n t a l i s m of Venice had i t s o r i g i n i n a very strong attachment to the Roman Empire. In the early Middle Ages Constantinople was only a new Rome, a new centre of empire, and i n f i g h t i n g to succeed Constantinople Venice was claiming to be the h e i r of Rome: La fedelta" romana e bizantina d i Venezia, che s i r i s o l s e esteriormente n el suo conservatorismo tenace, fu appunto un'arma, e non d i poco valore, i n questa l o t t a . - ^ Furthermore, B e t t i n i , i n his discussion of the a c t i v i t y of the Greek icon workshops i n f i f t e e n t h century Venice, notes the national associations which Byzantine miraculous and sacred icons might have i n a t t e s t i n g to the a n t i -33 quity of the state and of the i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s who owned them. J Strengthened P o l i t i c a l Expression i n Late F i f t e e n t h Century Venice In the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century there was a strengthened propagandi-zation of Venice, q u a s i - o f f i c i a l and encouraged by the r u l i n g a r i s t o c r a c y and by the doges. Whether due to serious m i l i t a r y losses and threat to Venetian commerce and dominion, to increasing imperial ambitions, or to new p o l i t i c a l self-awareness, or a l l three f a c t o r s , s t i m u l i were present for a 113 new elaboration of the myth of Venice, drawing on the two major t r a d i t i o n s . William Bouwsma notes the pressure i n the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century to a r t i c u l a t e p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s . In these years the f i r s t beginning of an o f f i c i a l historiography take place with the p u b l i c a t i o n of Sabellico's h i s t o r y of Venice. Chambers observes that t h i s period sees a height of "neo-Roman" pretension, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the part of doges Marco and Agostino Of. Barbarigo. At the same time, ancient claims to the sacred authority of the state, drawing upon the c u l t of St. Mark and the heritage of the Byzan-tin e Empire, are also revived, possibly i n response to p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s which characterized Venice's r e l a t i o n s with the Roman Papacy i n the f i f t e e n t h 37 century. The dual aspect of the myth of Venice i n the f i f t e e n t h century as the h e i r to the empires of Constantinople i n the east and Rome i n the west i s r e f l e c t e d i n the arts by a unique i n t e g r a t i o n of Byzantine Greek and antique Roman imagery and iconography. Robertson writes of the Arsenal gateway, 1460, that i t seems designed to assert the p o s i t i o n of Venice as h e i r to the Roman heritage of the Byzantine Empire, perhaps with a conscious reference to the gates of Constantinople Those a r t i s t s who are considered most important to the maturation of Venetian Renaissance s t y l e show a marked i n t e r e s t i n the Byzantine t r a d i t i o n which becomes more pronounced. For example, Coducci, the designer of a church praised by Paolo Dolphin as "a temple which not only evokes a n t i q u i t y , but a c t u a l l y surpasses i t , 3 ^ employs Byzantine church plans i n l a t e r works, such as S. Giovanni C r i s o s t o m o T h e Lombardi, who Pope-Hennessy describes as the intermediaries between Florentine ideas and Venetian painting, also showed marked Byzantine i n t e r e s t s as demonstrated by Wilk.4-'- Not only was 114 Venice the centre of the most important school of Italo-Byzantine icon painting i n the f i f t e e n t h century, there was no l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n Byzantine iconographical types and techniques on the part of more progressive painters such as Giovanni B e l l i n i . 4 z Two A r t i s t i c Traditions i n the San Giobbe A l t a r p i e c e These two t r a d i t i o n s are integrated i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . The a l t a r p i e c e i s a masterful, p e r f e c t l y integrated synthesis of the l o c a l Byzantinizing t r a d i t i o n with antique imagery, and of Byzantine and Renais-sance and s p a t i a l organization, which correspond with the efflorescence i n the myth of Venice ( F i g . 64). The Roman references i n the painting, the product of Tuscan influences, l i e p r i m a r ily i n the vaulted Brunelleschan chapel constructed according to s t r i c t perspective p r o j e c t i o n with i t s triumphal arch, square pediment and Corinthian columns echoing Moro's chancel arch. This influence i s seen also i n the a r c h i t e c t u r a l decoration the dolphin c a p i t a l s , whose source Hubala traces to the c a p i t a l s i n the courtyard of the Palazzo Pazzi, F l o r e n c e 4 3 and i n the V i r g i n ' s throne which i s reminiscent of an antique a l t a r with i t s rosette and cornucopia decoration. The Renaissance aspect of the work i s seen i n the d i s p o s i t i o n of figures within a defined, u n i f i e d space, i n a consistent atmospheric i l l u m i n a t i o n , and the depiction of volume and balanced weight. I n d i v i d u a l i t y and character are depicted by means of appropriate age, physiognomy, dress and gesture. There i s a general sense of balanced harmony, of rhythmic v a r i e t y within a symmetrical and u n i f i e d composition. The graceful harmony and sensual beauty are exemplified above a l l by the three a n g e l s . 4 4 115 Giuseppe Fiocco sees t h i s harmony d i f f e r e n t l y : An ancient c l a s s i c a l harmony controls and organizes the whole into a solemn Byzantine iconographic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The same rhythm, so often mistaken for humanistic return to a n t i q u i t y , i s found i n the magnificent Madonna d e g l i A l b e r e t t i . . The composition of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e may r e f l e c t a Byzantine s p a t i a l s e n s i b i l i t y that distinguishes the divine by means of defined s p a t i a l areas which are given i n d i v i d u a l meaning according to t h e i r proximity to the deity: the subordinate zones within the u n i f i e d p i c t o r i a l space, and the i l l u s i o n i s t i c sanctuary space of the painting within the actual space of the church i n t e r i o r . The e f f e c t i s of a baldachin or tabernacle within the church, the entrance defined by the r e a l stone arch leading to a v e s t i b u l e area i l l u s i o n i s t i c a l l y projecting toward the viewer with an a r c h i t e c t u r a l plan adapting that of the Byzantine sanctuary with E u c h a r i s t i c side chapels and ce n t r a l sacred a l t a r area. The mosaiced apse i s Byzantine, with i t s 46 polychromed-revetment and the a p p l i c a t i o n of r e a l gold i n the most sacred zones of the painting: the mosaic, the coffered b a r r e l vault and the 47 cross. The cherubim, as observed above, are a d i r e c t i m i t a t i o n of a Byzan-tine motif and the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n they bear may have a Byzantine associa-48 t i o n -.since the western melody of "Ave plena g r a t i a ' has a Greek o r i g i n . Carlo Gamba notes the Byzantine h i e r a t i c i s m often seen i n B e l l i n i ' s figures who are represented i n "calm and concentrated a t t i t u d e s " "always breathing a 49 great v i t a l i t y . " Goffen interprets B e l l i n i ' s Byzantine i n t e r e s t as a s p i r i t u a l rather than l i t e r a l evocation of Byzantium which can be sensed, for example, i n a mood of solemnity and a u s t e r i t y . I n h i s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , f r o n t a l i t y and h i e r a t i c i s m d i s t i n g u i s h the representation of the divine beings, the Madonna and C h r i s t C h i l d , and the underlying Byzantine type of the Madonna has been noted above i n Chapters Two 116 and Five. The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s a perfect i n t e g r a t i o n of Byzantine h i e r a r c h i c a l organization of s p a t i a l zones within a p e r s p e c t i v a l l y u n i f i e d , Renaissance a r c h i t e c t u r a l space. If the preceding observations are correct, we see a combination of the antique triumphal arch with the modified plan of a Byzantine sanctuary. Within t h i s i s a combination of a Renaissance treatment of the human figure and expression of human psychology and i n d i v i -d u a l i t y with Byzantine iconographical types and mood and of a deliberate use of the archaic p i c t o r i a l technique of gold a p p l i c a t i o n with a completely i l l u s i o n i s t i c o i l t e c h n i q u e . ^ The angels themselves, so evocative of the ephebi of a n t i q u i t y - ^ " r e i n s t a t e an old Byzantine motif" i n Renaissance form.53 i n addition to this i n t e g r a t i o n of two a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s which are drawn upon i n the process of p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n and state propagan-d i z a t i o n known as the myth of Venice, there are more s p e c i f i c references to state iconography i n the a l t a r p i e c e . State Iconography i n the San Giobbe A l t a r p i e c e The strong evocation of the i n t e r i o r of the state church of San Marco created by the mosaiced apse with i t s polychrome revetment, gold mosaic and golden l i g h t s l i p p i n g into shadow has been noticed i n recent studies: i n the Venetian context, mosaic settings f or holy figures evoke not only Byzantium i n general, but S. Marco i n p a r t i c u l a r . These painted reminiscences of the b a s i l i c a were combined by B e l l i n i with the s p e c i a l ambience of S. Marco - as Theodore Hetzer has written, with "the warm brown of the walls, the golden t w i l i g h t of the apses and cupolas"...The aura of S. Marco transforms these...sacre conver- s a z i o n i , endowing them with i t s multi-leveled implications, r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l . "5^ The use of r e a l gold recreates the actual e f f e c t of l i g h t s t r i k i n g a mosaiced v a u l t , not c l e a r l y evident i n a photograph, and i n a manner s i m i l a r to the 117 Byzantine mosaic technique described by Demus i n which l i g h t i s manipulated to play on the concave gold ground i n such a way as to si l h o u e t t e and emphasize important imagery, here the cherubim, canopy and i t s f o l i a g e . Furthermore, the Byzantine angel design appears to be taken from the ce n t r a l vault of the Baptistery of San Marco as noted above ( F i g . 10). The reference to the i n t e r i o r of San Marco evokes the legends concerning the divine pre-destination of Venice as the s i t e of the saint's r e l i c s , and the e c c l e s i a s -t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l authority of the state, vested symbolically i n the doge, whose chapel San Marco was. The prominent motif of the canopy alludes not only to roy a l presence and to the Eucharist ( i n which the King of Heaven i s believed to be present) but i t also r e c a l l s the ceremonial umbrella c a r r i e d by the Doge i n the t r i o n f o , the o f f i c i a l procession of the Venetian government which i s repre-sented by the Doge and the Signoria. The i n s i g n i a borne i n t h i s procession were believed to document p r i v i l e g i granted to Venice i n 1177 on the occasion of her alleged mediation of a dispute between the Pope and the Holy Roman E m p e r o r . T h e ducal umbrella i s a concise symbol of the events-^ which formed the subject of h i s t o r i c a l decorations i n the Ducal Palace and refers to the p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l independence, and u n i v e r s a l l y recognized power of the Venetian state which q u a l i f i e d i t as a mediator i n a dispute between world powers. For Venetians the events of 1177 were an h i s t o r i c a l demonstration of the Republic's e i r e n i c i s t r o l e i n world peace.^9 The ducal umbrella together with the vault a l l u s i o n s to San Marco are abbreviated representations of the dual centres of Venetian power. 118 The V i r g i n as an Emblem of Venice Within t h i s manifestly Venetian s e t t i n g i s the throne of the V i r g i n Mary (Fig. 64). I t i s now recognized that the V i r g i n Mary had a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n i n Venetian ideology. There was an ancient t r a d i t i o n of devotion to the V i r g i n i n Venice which seems to have been part of the Byzantine h e r i -tage. The V i r g i n Annunciate was claimed as a patron saint of Venice and the legend of the foundation of Venice on March 25, 421, associated the o r i g i n of the Republic and i t s reception of an h i s t o r i c mission with the Virgin's acceptance of the Incarnation of C h r i s t . ^ The idea of Venetian h i s t o r i c mission was associated with the V i r g i n i n another way by the con-currence of the great national ceremony of the Sensa commemorating the s t a t e - g l o r i f y i n g events of 1177 (mentioned above) with the day of the Ascension of Mary. This association may help to explain the popularity of the Coronation of the V i r g i n , the event following her Ascension to heaven, as a theme i n Venetian painting. In h i s discussion of the Coronation theme i n the decoration of the government b u i l d i n g s , the Ducal Palace, Sinding-Larsen observes that the V i r g i n ' s patronage of Venice was r e l a t e d to the ft1? conception of the Venetian Republic as an i n s t i t u t i o n . Some Venetian iconography of the f i f t e e n t h century implies a close association of the V i r g i n Mary and her q u a l i t i e s with the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of Venice, Venetia.^ 3 The natio n a l c u l t of the V i r g i n offered an opportunity for the symbolization of ideas about the mythic o r i g i n , sacred nature, and peaceful mission of the Venetian state, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y about the government as an i n s t i t u t i o n of j u s t i c e . Recent studies stress the j u s t i c e iconography of the exterior of the Ducal Palace which expresses the idea of the Venetian heritage of Solomonic wisdom.^ 4 A number of p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s 119 of Justice appear i n early f i f t e e n t h century Venice (Figs. 65, 66,.67). The most e x p l i c i t i s the painting by Jacobello del Fior e , f o r the Magistrato del Proprio i n the Ducal Palace (Venice, Accademia, 1421, F i g . 6 6 ) i n which crowned J u s t i c e , enthroned on the l i o n s of St. Mark, bearing a sword and scales, receives divine counsel conveyed by the archangels Michael and Gabr i e l . The i d e n t i t y of Just i c e as Venetia i s made clear i n a second version of i t i n a roundel on the Piazzetta facade of the Ducal Palace where i t i s l a b e l l e d Venecia ( F i g . 6 5 ) . ^ Bartolomeo Buon's fig u r e of J u s t i c e occupies a prominent p o s i t i o n above the Porta d e l l a Carta, and viewed i n conjunction with the figure of the Annunciation Gabriel on the corner of the Palace near i t , repeats the idea of the d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d J u s t i c e represented by the Jacobello del Fiore allegory ( F i g . 67) The q u a l i t i e s shared by Venice and J u s t i c e , v i r g i n i t y , wisdom received from God, and the imagery of crown and throne, partake of f a m i l i a r Marian imagery. Furthermore, the at t r i b u t e s of Divine Wisdom who i s personi-f i e d i n the apocryphal Wisdom of Solomon and E c c l e s i a s t i c u s and i n the Book ft R of Proverbs were eventually transferred to the V i r g i n Mary. In ar t the theme of Divine Wisdom i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y represented by the V i r g i n as Sedes  Sapientiae.69 Not only does the Sedes Sapientiae refer to the Solomonic throne of j u s t i c e , that i s , the V i r g i n as the seat of the Logos Incarnate, C h r i s t the new Solomon, but i n Marian c u l t and e s p e c i a l l y Franciscan, Mary was believed to have received omniprescience at the moment of. the Annu n c i a t i o n ^ a n Q W a s he r s e l f a receiver and dispenser of wisdom.^1 The comparison of a divine being such as Mary with a function of secular government such as Just i c e was an outcome of the r e l i g i o u s mode of p o l i t i c a l 19 thought i n the Middle Ages which Kantorowicz terms " p o l i t i c a l theology." 120 In f i f t e e n t h century Venetian art the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Mary with Venetia i s implied by shared ideas and imagery rather than stated outright. However, an early sixteenth century drawing by a follower of T i t i a n unequivocally unites the two representations: the V i r g i n Mary holding the C h r i s t Child i s enthroned between two important Venetian s a i n t s , Roch and Sebastian, on the Venetian l i o n throne of j u s t i c e f a m i l i a r from e a r l i e r p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of Venetia (Fig. 6 8 ) , 7 3 D. Ros and observes that B e l l i n i ' s enthroned Madonnas are the most e x p l i c i t examples i n Venetian painting of the V i r g i n as Sedes  S a p i e n t i a e . 7 4 Is i t possible that a representation of the enthroned V i r g i n (Fig. 69) evoking the ancient sacred and Byzantine t r a d i t i o n s of the s t a t e , situated i n a s e t t i n g r e c a l l i n g the ducal chapel of San Marco and the Ducal Palace, approached by a triumphal arch, may allude to the divine sanction and protection of the state and personify Ju s t i c e of good government i n Venice? The Angels as an Emblem of the Venetian Constitution The three angels seated at the steps of the Virgin's throne symbolize c e l e s t i a l harmony, sounding the music of the spheres on t h e i r instruments as we see i n Paolo da Venezia's Coronation of the V i r g i n i n the Accademia, Venice (Figs. 11, 12). The use of musical metaphor for the constitutions of p o l i t i c a l states was introduced by Plato i n h i s Republic, IV, and i s an established idea i n Western p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t . i n the f i f t e e n t h century the l u t e i n p a r t i c u l a r was associated with Apollo, the perfect r u l e r of the cosmos, and i s the symbol of the d i s t r i b u t i v e component of j u s t i c e . I n Venice the analogy of the state with cosmic order and the hierarchy of the angels, and the consonance of i t s governmental system with musical harmonies are frequent i n laudatory and i d e a l i s t i c writings about the Venetian s t a t e . 7 7 121 In p a r t i c u l a r , the concept of the Venetian c o n s t i t u t i o n as a combination or symbiosis of the three forms of good government, ru l e of monarchy, rule of the optimates, and rule of the people, i n a perfect counterbalance found 78 expression i n the metaphor of musical harmony. I t i s used by Francesco Sansovino i n his de s c r i p t i o n of Jacopo Sansovino's l o g e t t a i n Piazza San Marco: ... t h i s Republic by v i r t u e of the co n s t i t u t i o n of i t s laws, i t s unity and i t s uncorrupted l i b e r t y , i s unique i n the world, ruled with j u s t i c e and with wisdom...from the union of the magistracies combined with equable temperament there arises an unusual harmony, which perpetuates t h i s admirable government... 1^ The balanced, tri a n g u l a r group of three musician angels, depicted as three d i s t i n c t p h y s i c a l and physiognomical types, and three instruments, the l u t e of the uppermost angel made prominent by the b r i l l i a n t i l l u m i n a t i o n , seems emphasized by i t s p o s i t i o n near the perspective vanishing point at the viewer's l e v e l of v i s i o n and may form an emblem of the unique and b e a u t i f u l harmony of the t r i - p a r t i t e governmental system that was so admired and envied by the p o l i t i c a l l y turbulent states of mainland I t a l y . If t h i s i s so, we see within the r e l i g i o u s theme and function of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e a representation of the perfect and enduring Venetian c o n s t i t u -tion which i s a manifestation of d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d J u s t i c e p e r s o n i f i e d by a Madonna who combines the Byzantine Hodegetria and the V i r g i n Annunciate, m a j e s t i c a l l y enthroned i n a Byzantine and Roman sanctuary a l l u d i n g to the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l power of the state. St. Bernardin of Siena himself had predicted that the Venetian Republic would endure as long as Ju s t i c e reigned . i n Venice.^0 122 Conclusion The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s the f i r s t example of the type of sacra conversazione which was popular i n Venice i n the l a t e f i f t e e n t h and early sixteenth centuries. I t i s a category of Venetian painting which for Venetians r i v a l l e d and perhaps equalled the importance of the o f f i c i a l decorations at the Ducal Palace and the h i s t o r y cycles of the Scuole. This importance may be due to the successful i n t e g r a t i o n of the two major i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s i n Venice to express both a devotional theme and ideas about the sacred and triumphal nature of the Venetian state. In synthesizing Renaissance p r i n c i p l e s and imagery carrying ideas of a "new Rome" with the Byzantine t r a d i t i o n and i t s associated ideas of the sacred and divine mission of the state B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s further evidence that, as i n the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the v i s u a l arts i n f i f t e e n t h century Venice played a c e n t r a l r o l e i n orchestrating the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l self-awareness of the r u l i n g members of the state. 123 NOTES '.1. John Ruskin, Guide to the P r i n c i p a l Pictures i n the Academy of Fine  Arts at Venice, London, 1891, p. 9. 2. S. Sinding-Larsen, Chri s t i n the Council H a l l , Studies i n the Religious  Iconography of the Venetian Republic, Institutum Romanum Norvegiae, Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam P e r t i n e n t i a , v o l . 5, Rome, 1974 ( c i t e d hereafter as Sinding-Larsen, Christ i n the Council H a l l ) . 3. Paolo Prodi, "The Structure and Organization of the Church i n Renaissance Venice," J.R. Hale, ed., Renaissance Venice, Totowa, N.J., 1973, p. 411. 4. Robert L. Benson, The Bishop-Elect, A Study i n Medieval E c c l e s i a s t i c a l  O f f i c e , Princeton, N.J., 1968, a c l a s s i c study of the problem of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of sacerdotia and regnum i n the Middle Ages, and l e c t u r e "Iconography of the Two Powers i n the Middle Ages," November 16, 1978. 5. G. Pavanello, "San Marco n e l l a Leggenda e n e l l a S t o r i a , " R i v i s t a  Mensile d e l l a c i t t 3 d i Venezia 7 (1928): 293-324; Gina F a s o l i , "Nascita d i un mito," Studi s t o r i c i i n onore d i Gioacchino Volpe, Florence, 1958, pp. 451-452; Demus, San Marco, 1960, pp. 3-19. 6. Pavanello, "San Marco," 1928, passim, and Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 45, n. 30-32. 7. Pavanello, "San Marco," 1928, p. 315. 8. F a s o l i , "Nascita d i un mito," 1958, p. 452. 9. F a s o l i , l o c . c i t . , and she c i t e s Roberto Cessi as the author of the expression "chiesa nazionale veneta." 10. Pavanello, "San Marco," 1928, p. 306. 11. Otto Demus, "Renascence of Early C h r i s t i a n Art i n Thirteenth Century Venice," Late C l a s s i c a l and Medieval Studies i n Honor of A l b e r t  Mathias Friend, J r . , Princeton, 1955,'pp. 356-357; Hugo Buchtal, H i s t o r i a Troiana, Studies i n the History of Medieval Secular I l l u s t r a - . . • t i o n , London, 1971, p. 58. 12. F a s o l i , "Nascita d i un mito," 1958, pp. 476-477. 13. See Chapter Five and Prodi, "Church i n Renaissance Venice," 19 73. 124 14. Sindlng-Larsen, Christ In the Council H a l l , p. 143;:at l e a s t from the fourteenth century, March 25, 421 AD was accepted as the date of the foundation of Venice. See also Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 112, n. 62. 15. Sheard, "Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin," 1971, p. 224, n. 18.on• p:. 248; E l l e n Rosand, "Music i n the Myth of Venice," RQ 30 (1977): 516. 16. Edward Muir, "Images of Power: Art and Pageantry i n Renaissance ~ .' Venice," The American H i s t o r i c a l Review 84 (1979): 18, 40. 17. A. Grabar, "Byzance et Venise," Venezia e l'Europa, A t t i del XVIII  Congresso Internazionale d i S t o r i a d e l l ' A r t e , Venice, 1956, p. 47. 18. Demus, "Renascence of Early C h r i s t i a n A r t , " 1955, and idem., San Marco, 1960, p. 179. 19. Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, Chapter Three and pp. 47-54, discusses the geographical, h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l contexts of Venetian "eclecticism"." 20. Demus, "Renascence of Early C h r i s t i a n A r t , " 1955, p. 360. 21. F.C. Lane, "Medieval P o l i t i c a l Ideas and the Venetian C o n s t i t u t i o n , " Venice and History, The Collected Papers of Frederic C. Lane, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 285-308; David Robey, John Law, "The Venetian Myth and the 'De Republica Veneta' of Pier Paolo Vergerio," Rinascimento, R i v i s t a d e l l ' I s t i t u t o Nazionale d i Studi s u l Rinascimento, series 2, v o l . 15, Florence, 19 75, p. 5. 22. Demus, San Marco, 1960, p. 113. 23. D.S. Chambers, The Imperial Age of Venice, 1380-1580, London, 1970, 24. Ibid., p. 12. 25. Lane, "Venetian C o n s t i t u t i o n , " 1966, pp. 288-294 analyzes the corres-pondence- of features of the Venetian c o n s t i t u t i o n with Aquinas' p o l i t -i c a l theory. 26. F e l i x G i l b e r t , "The Venetian Constitution i n Florentine P o l i t i c a l Thought," Florentine Studies, P o l i t i c s and Society i n Renaissance  Florence, ed. N. Rubenstein, London, 1968, pp. 463-500; Sinding-larsen, C h r i s t i n the Council H a l l , pp. 134-149. 27. Chambers, Imperial Age, 1970, p. 166. 28. R. P a l l u c c h i n i , P i t t u r a Veneta del Quattrocento, II Gotico Internazio- ... nale e g l i i n i z i del Rinascimento, lectures ed. M.A. N o v e l l i , Bologna, 1956, pp. 172-191; Robertson, B e l l i n i , pp. 3-8. 125 29. Wilk discusses the Venetian t i e s with Byzantium, the strongly Byzantine q u a l i t y of f i f t e e n t h century Venetian l i f e , and what she c a l l s a "Byzantine r e v i v a l " i n Venetian a r t (Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, pp. 123-143. 30. Grabar, "Byzance et Venise," 1956, pp. 53-55; Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " pp. 487-489. 31. B e t t i n i , Madonneri, 1932, pp. 7-12. 32. Ibid., p. 11. 33. Ibid., p. 12. 34. William J . Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican L i b e r t y ,  Renaissance Values i n the Age of the Counter Reformation, Berkeley, L.A., 1968, p. 53. 35. F e l i x G i l b e r t , "Biondo, Sabellico and the beginnings of Venetian o f f i c i a l historiography," Fl o r i l e g i u m H i s t o r i a l e , Essays presented  to Wallace K. Ferguson, Toronto, 1971, p. 275 f . 36. Chambers, Imperial Age, 1970, p. 90. 37. Prodi makes th i s observation of post-1509 Venice. See Wilk's thesis of longstanding Venetian h o s t i l i t y toward the Pope and Rome, pp. 108-111, 144, i n her " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977. 38. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 7. 39. John Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, 1st ed., London, 1958, p. 107. 40. Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, pp. 119, 132, n. 106. 41. I b i d . , pp. 137-144. 42. Grabar, "Byzance et Venise," 1956, p. 55: "les Vierges des icones, les mosaiques de San Marco continuent a i n s i a vivre...chez B e l l i n i surtout." 43. Hubala, Madonna Mit Kind, 1969, pp. 10-11. 44. Boschini, La Carta, 1660, p . 29 . 45. G. Fiocco, Giovanni B e l l i n i , Milan, 1960, p. 18. 46. Grabar, "Byzance et Venise," 1956, p. 49. 47. Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 136: "...the type of vaulted mosaiced space was meant to be recognized as 'Byzantine'." 126 48. Deno J . Geanokoplos, Byzantine East and L a t i n West: Two Worlds of  Christendom i n Middle Ages and Renaissance, Oxford, 1976, p. 42: "...the western melody of 'Ave (Maria) plena g r a t i a ' has been shown to be connected d i r e c t l y with the Greek Pope Sergius of the seventh century and was o r i g i n a l l y sung to the Greek text 'chaire Keharitomene'." It appears as a vault i n s c r i p t i o n over the V i r g i n i n Costa's sacra conversazione i n Bologna, F i g . 51. 49. C. Gamba, Giovanni B e l l i n i , Milan, 1937, p. 19. 50. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " pp. 509-510. 51. Note that the Madonna's gold brocade i s painted i l l u s i o n i s t i c a l l y . 52. Vasari ref e r s to the angels as " p u t t i " , quoted i n Appendix I I , p. 185 and n. 15 (Vasari, Le v i t e , (1568) 1878-1885). 53. Philippe Hendy, Ludwig Goldscheider, Giovanni B e l l i n i , London, 1945, p. 28. 54. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " c i t e s T. Hetzer, Aufsatze und Vortrage, 2 v o l , L e i p z i g , 1957, v o l . 1, p. 21. 55. Otto Demus, Byzantine Mosaic Decoration, London, 1948, p. 35, describes the " i n c l u s i o n of shining and r a d i a t i n g m a t e r i a l . . . e s p e c i a l l y gold, which i s so arranged...as to l i g h t the s p a t i a l icon...The centres of iconographic i n t e r e s t and those of formal composition, which i n c l a s s i c a l Byzantine a r t are i d e n t i c a l , are stressed by the strongest l i g h t , " and "reflexions on the golden surface from which the figures stand out i n s i g n i f i c a n t s i l h o u e t t e , " (my emphasis). Dormentj " T i t i a n ' s P i e t a , " 1972, p. 406: " B e l l i n i used the painted golden semi-dome to evoke both the golden dome of heaven and the richness of Venice's Byzantine heritage, most conspicuously displayed i n the i n t e r i o r of San Marco." 56. For the p o l i t i c a l meaning of San Marco see Demus, San Marco, 1960, pp. 5.4, 59. "...the p o l i t i c a l point of view had such great importance for the Venetians that any d e t a i l of the decoration of th i s state church could, and did, take on a p o l i t i c a l aspect..." "As a monument not of popular p i e t y , but of " o l d - s t y l e " p o l i t i c a l r e l i g i o s i t y i t was shaped...by the conscious w i l l of a r u l i n g caste whose representatives wanted i t to be the v i s i b l e symbol and the programmatic embodiment of t h e i r ideas." 127 57. F a s o l i , "Nascita d i un mito," 1958, pp. 464-466; Sinding-Larsen, Chr i s t  i n the Council H a l l , pp. 156-159; and Lina Padoan Urban, "La Festa d e l l a Sensa n e l l e A r t i e n e l l ' I c o n o g r a f i a , " Studi Veneziani 10 (1968) :295-297, gives an o u t l i n e of the legend. 58. The umbrella i s a "simbolo d i potenza e d i g i u r i s d i z i o n e , " ( i b i d . , p. 272, n. 8, and see also p. 296). In her f i g . 7, Urban reproduces a miniature from the Cronaca del Monastero d e l l e V e r g i n i , of the f i r s t h a l f of the sixteenth century (MS I Museo Correr d i Venezia) "La pace d i Venezia," i n which the depiction of three leaders with umbrellas under the great c e n t r a l p o r t a l of San Marco forms an iconographical compression of the culminating events of the 1177 pace. The umbrella i s the state i n s i g n i a p a r t i c u l a r l y associated with the doge (Sinding-Larsen, Chr i s t  i n the Council H a l l , pp. 157-158, n. 1). Chambers, Imperial Age, 1970, f i g . 45, reproduces a d e t a i l of a f i f t e e n t h century c a p i t a l from the C o r t i l e dei senatori, i n the Ducal Palace, Venice, which shows the canopy associated with a medallion p r o f i l e of Doge Agostino Barbarigo (1486-1501) who excelled i n the "new s t y l e of p r i n c e l y pomposity," (p. 90). 59. F a s o l i , "Nascita d i un mito," 1958, p. 466, quotes the H i s t o r i a ducum  venetorum i n which we f i n d the immortality of Venice l i n k e d to the mission of bringing peace: "0 quam b e a t i e s t i s , quia tanta pax apud vos p o t u i s t i reformare: hoc quidem e r i t memoriale nominis n o s t r i i n eternum'." It i s t h i s sense of Venice following Divine Providence which found expression i n the Predestination legend. 60. Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 114, n. 71. 61. See n. 14 this chapter; G a l l i c c i o l l i , D elle memorie venete, v o l . 1.1. no. 22-50, 430-431: "...La vergine annunziata s i a da immemorabili anni l a p r i n c i p a l e Padrona de l l o stato nostro..." ( c i t e d by Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo," 1977, p. 113, n. 67). The Annunciation and Incarnation are e x p l i c i t l y associated with the destiny of Venice by Bernardo G i u s t i n i a n i i n h i s History of the Origin  of Venice, Venice, 1493: "...He Who, on that day, i n choosing the V i r g i n for the redemption of the whole human race, looked e s p e c i a l l y towards her humility, as she her s e l f confessed, wished also that on that same day, i n a most humble place and from most humble men, a s t a r t should be made towards the r a i s i n g up of this present Empire, a beginning of so great a work." (Translated by P.H. Labalme, Bernardo G i u s t i n i a n i , A Venetian of the  Quattrocento, Rome, 1969, p. 267; see her comment, p. 272). 62. Sinding-Larsen, Chr i s t i n the Council H a l l , p. 49. 63. This i s the name which i s found on the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of Venice i n a 128 roundel on the Piazetta facade of the Ducal Palace, F i g . 65, (Wolters, Scultura veneziana gotica , 1976, cat. 49); although Pope-Hennessy dated i t c. 1420 with which Sinding-Larsen concurs, Wolters dates i t to before 1355. I t seems s i g n i f i c a n t that Sansovino i d e n t i f i e d this figure as J u s t i c e . In addition to the Venecia i n s c r i p t i o n , the roundel bears the following: FORTIS / TRONO / FURIAS / MARE / SUB / PEDE / PONO 64. Chambers, Imperial Age, 1970, pp. 94 f f ; D. Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s Presenta-t i o n , " 1976, pp. 78-79, n. 135. Ralph Lieberman has worked s p e c i f i c a l l y on t h i s question, for example, his paper "The Doges' Palace as an Evocation of the Temple and Palace of Solomon," College Art Association  of America, meeting 65, 1971, p. 40. 65. Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, no. 26; Sinding-Larsen, Chr i s t i n the  Council H a l l , pp. 55-56, n. 2. 66. See n. 62 th i s chapter. 67. Wolters, Scultura veneziana g o t i c a , 19 76, no. 240. 68. D. Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s Presentation," p. 68, n. 74. 69. S c h i l l e r , C h r i s t i a n Art, 1971-19 72, v o l . 1, pp. 23-25; I. H. Forsyth, The Throne of Wisdom, Princeton, pp. 1 f f . , 22 f f . 70. Graef, Mary, 1963, p. 296. 71. D. Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s Presentation," 1976, p. 78, n. 134. 72. Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, A Study i n Medieval P o l i t i c a l  Theology, Princeton, 1957, pp. 100-101. The r o l e of Mary i n Venetian state iconography i s a f i e l d of study yet to be f u l l y explored. 73. D. von Hadeln, Venezianische Zeichnungen der Hochrenaissance, B e r l i n , 1925, plate 35 and H. Tietze, E. Tietze-Conrat, The Drawings of the  Venetian Painters i n the f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth centuries, New York, 1970, A. 1293; red chalk, 2,04 x 1,96 cm., B e r l i n , Kupferstichkabinett. S c h i l l e r , C h r i s t i a n Art, 1971-1972, v o l . 1, p. 25, notes that small l i o n s either on Mary's seat or near to her, i n both Madonna and Annunciation representations, allude to the throne of Solomon. 74. D. Rosand, " T i t i a n ' s Presentation," 1976, p. 68, n. 74. 75. Sinding-Larsen, C h r i s t i n the Council H a l l , p. 59. 76. Ernst Kantorowicz, "On Transformations of Apoll i n e E t h i c s , " Selected  Studies, Locust V a l l e y , New York, 1965, pp. 399-408. 77. E. Rosand, "Myth," 1977, pp. 512-513, points out the importance of music i n p o l i t i c a l thought i n Venice. See also Sinding-Larsen, Chr i s t i n the 129 Council H a l l , pp. 137 f f . , p. 152. 78. The most f a m i l i a r i s Gasparo Contarini's c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the f i x e d and temperate c o n s t i t u t i o n of the Venetian state, quoted i n E. Rosand, "Myth," 1977, p. 512, n. 4, from La republica e i magistrati d i Venegia, Venice, 1548, p. x x x i i i and x x x i i i i . . 79. Sansovino, Venetia, (1581), 1663, pp. 307 f f . and E. Rosand, "Myth," 1977, p. 513, n. 6. 80. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 584. 130 F i g . 2. I n t e r i o r of San Giobbe 131 F i g . 4. Sanudo a l t a r , a l t a r of Job, Foscari a l t a r 132 F i g . 5. Coat of arms F i g . 6. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints ft | | | • * M * f the V OM» I W - • • • r f '•' ""S"" 1 -ni l KI DM . liurL Ii 7. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' a l t a r p i e c e i n o r i g i n a l frame 134 F i g . 8. B e l l i n i , V i r g i n and C h r i s t , d e t a i l of San Giobbe al t a r p i e c e 135 IMPLIED LATERAL CHAMBER STEPS o ANGEL PROJECTED PLAN OF ALTARPIECE SETTING WALL OF CHURCH FIGURE 9 TOMB SLAB DIAGRAM PLAN OF ALTAR AND ALTARPIECE 136 F i g . 10. Cherub below Christ i n Glory, Baptistery, San Marco 137 F i g . 12. Paolo Veneziano, Coronation of the V i r g i n F i g . 14. P. Lombardo, Francis and Job 140 F i g . 16. Border of Bishop's Cope 141 F i g . 17. Frame of B e l l i n i ' s l o s t a l t a r p i e c e , SS Giovanni e Paolo, Venice 142 F i g . 18. Giorgione, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints F i g . 19. Pietro L o r e n z e t t i , V i r g i n with Baptist and Francis, A s s i s i , S. Francesco 144 F i g . 21. F i l i p p o L i p p i , V i r g i n , Angels and Saints 145 F i g . 22. Fra Angelico, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 146 F i g . 23. Domenico Veneziano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 148 F i g . 26. Andrea Mantegna, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, Verona, San Zeno F i g . 27. Piero d e l l a Francesca, V i r g i n with Angels, Saints and Donor MAKI KI.I.O KOCOI.INO F i g . 28. Marcello Fogolino, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 150 F i g . 29. Antonello da Messina, fragment of V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 151 F i g . 31. Lorenzo Veneziano, V i r g i n and C h i l d Enthroned F i g . 32. Antonio Rosso, V i r g i n and C h i l d Enthroned F i g . 33. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' s l o s t a l t a r p i e c e with o r i g i n a l frame i n SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice F i g . 34. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, formerly SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice M M N l A ( , N , \ BAATOU »MI<> O n F i g . 35. Bartolomeo Montagna, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 154 F i g . 36. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints . 37. Photomontage of B e l l i n i ' s San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n o r i g i n a l frame F i g . 38. Masaccio, T r i n i t y , Florence, S. Maria Novella, 1425 156 F i g . 39. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n with Four Saints, F r a r i , 1488 157 F i g . 40. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints, San Zaccaria F i g . 41. Desiderio da Settignano, Sacra-ment Tabernacle F i g . 42. Romanino, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 159 F i g . 43. A l v i s e V i v a r i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints F i g . 44. Marco Marziale, Circumcision F i g . 45. V i t t o r e Carpaccio, Presentation of C h r i s t i n the Temple 161 F i g . 46. Boccaccio Boccaccino, Annunciation F i g . 47. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints F i g . 48. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n En-throned with Saints 163 F i g . 49. Marco Marziale, V i r g i n and Saints F i g . 50. Cima da Conegliano, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints and Donors F i g . 51. Lorenzo Costa, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 165 F i g . 52. Giovanni Buonconsiglio, V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 166 g. 54. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Donor Presented by Baptist to V i r g i n F i g . 55. Andrea Rico, V i r g i n of the Passion F i g . 56. Cima da Conegliano, Madonna 168 169 F i g . 60. Vincenzo Catena, Mark Presen-tin g Leonardo Loredan to the V i r g i n 170 F i g . 61. H a g i o s o r i t i s s a , marble r e l i e f , 11th century 171 F i g . 62. Masaccio, Pisa a l t a r p i e c e , central panel 172 F i g . 63. D e t a i l of f o l i a t e crosses from bronze doors of c e n t r a l atrium of San Marco, Venice, c. 1112 173 F i g . 64. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n Enthroned with Saints 174 F i g . 65. "Venecia," roundel on Piazza facade of Ducal Palace, Venice 175 F i g . 66. Jacobello del Fiore, Allegory of J u s t i c e , 1421 F i g . 67. Bartolomeo Bon, J u s t i c e , on Porta d e l l a Carta, Ducal Palace, Venice, 1441 F i g . 68. Follower of T i t i a n , V i r g i n with Sebastian and Roch F i g . 69. Giovanni B e l l i n i , V i r g i n and C h r i s t , d e t a i l of San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e 177 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Baxandall, John. Painting and Experience i n F i f t e e n t h Century I t a l y : A Primer i n the S o c i a l History of P i c t o r i a l S t y l e . Oxford, 1972. Berenson, Bernard. I t a l i a n Pictures of the Renaissance, Venetian School. 2 v o l s . London, 1957. B e t t i n i , Sergio. La P i t t u r a d i icone cretese-veneziana eL madonneri. Florence, 1931. Bouwsma, William J . Venice and the Defense of Republican L i b e r t y , Renaissance Values i n the Age of the Counter Reformation. Berkeley, L.A., 1968. Chambers, David S. The Imperial Age of Venice, 1380-1580. London, 1970. Cicogna, Emmanuele Antonio. Delle I n s c r i z i o n i Veneziane. Venice, 1824-1853; r e p r i n t ed., Bologna, 1969. C o l e t t i , L u i g i . Cima da Conegliano. 2nd ed. Venice, 1960. Crowe, J.A.; and Cavalcaselle, G.B. The History of Painting i n North I t a l y . 1871. Edited by Tancred Borenius. 3.vols. London, 1912. Delaney, Susan J . "The Iconography of Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Sacred Allegory." Art B u l l e t i n 59 (1977):331-335 . Demus, Otto. "A Renascence of Early C h r i s t i a n Art i n Thirteenth Century Venice." Late C l a s s i c a l and Medieval Studies i n Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, J r . Princeton, 1955, pp. 348 f f . . The Church of San Marco i n Venice; History, Architecture, Sculpture. Dumbarton Oaks Studies, VI. Washington, D.C, 1960. F a s o l i , Gina. "Nascita d i un mito." Studi s t o r i c i i n onore d i Gioacchino Volpe. Florence, 1958, pp. 447-479. Finotto, Ferdinando. San Giobbe: La Chiesa dei Santi Giobbe e Bernardino i n Venezia. Venice, 1971. Freiberg, Jack. "The 'Tabernaculum Dei': Masaccio and the Perspective Tabernacle A l t a r p i e c e . " M.A. thesis, New York Un i v e r s i t y , 1974. Ghiotto, Renato; and P i g n a t t i , T e r i s i o . Opera Completa d i Giovanni B e l l i n i . Milan, 1969. 178 Goffen, Rona. "Icon and Vi s i o n : Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Half-Length Madonnas." Art B u l l e t i n 57 (1975):487-514. . "Nostra Conversatio i n Caelis Est: Observations on the Sacra Conversazione i n the Trecento." Art B u l l e t i n 59 (1979): 199-201. Grabar, Andre. "Byzance et Venise." Venezia e l'Europa, A t t i del XVIII Congresso Internazionale d i St o r i a d e l l ' A r t e . Venice, 1956, pp. 45-55. Graef, Hilda. Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion. 2 v o l s . London, 1963. Hale, John R., ed. Renaissance Venice. Totowa, N.J., 1973. H a t f i e l d , Rab. B o t t i c e l l i ' s U f f i z i Adoration': A Study i n P i c t o r i a l Content. Princeton, N.J., 1976. Heinemann, F r i t z . Giovanni B e l l i n i e i b e l l i n i a n i . 2 v o l s . Venice, 1962. Hirn, Yrjo. The Sacred Shrine: A Study of the Poetry and Art of the Catholic Church. Boston, 1957. Hubala, E r i c h . Madonna Mit Kind: die Pala d i San Giobbe. Stuttgart, 1969. Keydel, J u l i a . "A Group of Altarpieces by Giovanni B e l l i n i Considered i n Relation to the Context for Which They Were Made." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1970. Hochschild-Labalme, P a t r i c i a . Bernardo G i u s t i n i a n i : A Venetian of the Quattrocento. Rome, 1969. Lane, Frederic C. "Medieval P o l i t i c a l Ideas and the Venetian C o n s t i t u t i o n . " Venice and History: The Collected Papers of Frederic C. Lane. Baltimore, 1966. Logan, O l i v e r . Culture and Society i n Venice, 1470-1790. The Renaissance and i t s Heritage. London, 19 72. L o r e n z e t t i , G i u l i o . Venice. Translated by John Guthrie. T r i e s t e , 1975. Meiss, M i l l a r d . "Once Again Piero d e l l a Francesca's Montefeltro A l t a r p i e c e . " Art B u l l e t i n 48 (1966):203-206. Moorman, J.R. A History of the Franciscan Order. Oxford, 1968. Moschini-Marconi, Sandra. G a l l e r i e dell'Accademia d i Venezia: Opere d'Arte dei S e c o l i XIV e XV. Rome, 1955. 179 P a l l u c c h i n i , Rodolfo. I V i v a r i n i . Saggi e stu d i d i s t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e , no. 4 . Venice, 1961. . La P i t t u r a Veneziana del Trecento. Venice, Rome, 1964. P a o l e t t i , P i e t r o . L ' a r c h i t e t t u r a e l a scult u r a del Rinascimento i n Venezia: Ricerche s t o r i c o - a r t i s t i c h e . 2 v o l s . Venice, 1893. Pavanello, G. "San Marco n e l l a Leggenda e n e l l a S t o r i a . " R i v i s t a Mensile d e l l a cittS d i Venezia 7 (1928):293-324. Pope-Hennessy, John. I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture. 1st ed. London, 1958; 2nd ed. London, 1971. Prodi, Paolo. "The Structure and Organization of the Church i n Renaissance Venice." Renaissance Venice. Edited by J.R. Hale. Totowa, N.J., 1973. Pullan, Brian. Rich and Poor i n Renaissance Venice: The So c i a l I n s t i t u t i o n s of a Catholic State, to 1620. Oxford, 1971. Robertson, G i l e s . "The e a r l i e r work of Giovanni B e l l i n i . " Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s 23 (1960):45-59. . Giovanni B e l l i n i . Oxford, 1968. . "The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Setting of Antonello da Messina's San Cassiano A l t a r p i e c e . " Studies i n Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting i n Honor of M i l l a r d Meiss. Edited by Irving Lavin and John PlummerJ 2 v o l s . New York, 1977, v o l . 1, pp. 368-372, v o l . 2, f i g . 1-5. Robey, David, and Law, John. "The Venetian Myth and the 'De Republica Veneta' of Pier Paolo Vergerio." Rinascimento: R i v i s t a d e l l ' I s t i t u t o Nazionale d i Studi s u l Rinascimento. Second s e r i e s , v o l . 15. " : Florence, 1975, pp. 3-59. Rosand, David. " T i t i a n ' s Presentation of the V i r g i n i n the Temple and the Scuola d e l l a C a r i t a . " Art B u l l e t i n 58 (1976):55-84. Rosand, E l l e n . "Music i n the Myth of Venice." Renaissance Quarterly 30 (1977):511 f f . Sansovino, Francesco. Venetia Citta" Nobilissima et singolare d i s c r i t t a i n XIIII L i b r i . Venice, 1581. Edited by D. G. Ma r t i n i o n i . Venice, 1663. Schlegel, Ursula. "Observations on Masaccio's T r i n i t y Fresco i n Santa Maria Novella." Art B u l l e t i n 45 (1963):19-33. Sheard, Wendy S. "The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin i n Venice by T u l l i o Lombardo." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale University, 1971. 180 . "Sanudo's L i s t of Notable Things i n Venetian Churches and the Date of the Vendramin Tomb." Yale I t a l i a n Studies 1 (1977): Shearman, John. "Masaccio's Pisa A l t a r - p i e c e : An a l t e r n a t i v e reconstruc-t i o n . " Burlington Magazine 108 (1966):449-455. Sinding- Larsen, Staale. Chr i s t i n the Council H a l l , Studies i n the Religious Iconography of the Venetian Republic. Institutum Romanum Norvegiae, Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam P e r t i n e n t i a , v o l . 5. Rome, 1974. Tramontin, S.;- Niero, G; Musolino, C; and Candiani, C. Culto dei Santi a Venezia. Venice, 1965. Venezia e l'Europa: A t t i del XVIII Congresso Internazionale d i St o r i a d e l l ' A r t e . Venezia, 1956. Wilde, Johannes. "Die Pala d i San Cassiano von Antonello da Messina." Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien 3 (1929):52-72. Wilk, Sarah. "Iconological Problems i n the Sculpture of T u l l i o Lombardo." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , New York Un i v e r s i t y , 1977. Wolters, Wolfgang. La scult u r a veneziana gotica., (1300-1460) . 2r-.v6.ls. Venice, 1976. 181 APPENDIX I HISTORY OF THE LITERATURE, AND DISCUSSION OF DATING Li t e r a t u r e The succession of notices of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e from the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century provide evidence of i t s au t h e n t i c i t y and of the generally high esteem i t received from c r i t i c a l opinion. I t has always been seen as a masterpiece and a p i v o t a l work not only i n the development of Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre but i n the development of Venetian painting. The p r e v a i l i n g evaluation of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s stated by T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i : . . . l a pala d i San Giobbe e uno dei raggiungimenti c a p i t a l i del B e l l i n i maturo,- e segna i l punto i n c u i i l suo s t i l e , dopo l e esperienze p i e r francescane, sembra quasi voler r i e n t r a r e n el grande alveo d e l l a tradizione piu' propriamente veneziana, quasi a c o s t i t u i r e un prototipo che poi dovra s e r v i r e d i esempio per molt i decenni.-'-Marc Antonio Sabellico's notice appears i n his guide to Venice, 2 De Venetae urbis s i t u , Venice, 1493 (see Chapter One, p. -2, above) which I have translated as: On one side of the church i s seen Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s remarkable painting which he exhibited among his f i r s t attempts i n the technique for which he was known. The d i f f i c u l t y of exact t r a n s l a t i o n l i e s i n the phrase "prima a r t i s suae rudimenta," which scholars i n the past have most frequently interpreted as a reference to the early p o s i t i o n of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n 182 B e l l i n i ' s career, and have thus e i t h e r c i t e d i t i n support of an impossibly early date, or have ignored i t as u n r e l i a b l e . However, considering the correct t r a n s l a t i o n of "ars" as " s k i l l " or "technique," Robertson's recent argument that " a r t i s suae" probably refers more p r e c i s e l y to the technique of o i l painting, mastered by B e l l i n i toward the mid-point of h i s career, 4 i s convincing. Sabellico was not a native Venetian. His h i s t o r y w r i t i n g , modelled on the Roman h i s t o r i a n L i v y , and following the conventional form of r h e t o r i c a l d i d a c t i c praise of the Venetian state, was designed to buttress the myth of Venice's s p e c i a l status, l i b e r t y and c i v i c prudence i n order to maintain h i s o f f i c i a l patronage. The notable sights which he selected for i n c l u s i o n i n a laudatory de s c r i p t i o n of Venice would be those commonly held to contribute to the glory of the Venetian state. The uninformed and laudatory nature of Sabellico's historiography suggests that he could not have formed an o r i g i n a l observation of either the a l t a r p i e c e or i t s p o s i t i o n i n B e l l i n i ' s career, and that he probably echoes the popular fame of the a l t a r p i e c e i n Venice. Indeed, i t i s possible that the monumental San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , erected i n what was at that time a prominent l o c a t i o n (to which " i n apertum" must r e f e r ) , was one of the f i r s t works by B e l l i n i to s t r i k e the public attention.6 In that case, Sabellico's "prima rudimenta" may indeed give the a l t a r p i e c e an erroneously early p o s i t i o n , r e f l e c t i n g a general ignorance i n Venice of the a r t i s t ' s previous career. The prominence which the work had i s underscored by the fa c t that there i s only one other a l t a r p i e c e mentioned by S a b e l l i c o , the c l o s e l y related sacra conversazione painted i n o i l by Antonello da Messina i n 1476 for the church of San Cassiano.^ 183 Marin Sanudo's notice of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e occurs i n a l i s t headed "Queste sono cosse notabile i n diverse c h i e s i e , " one of 47 l i s t s of information about Venice inserted between the second and t h i r d parts of De o r i g i n e , s i t u et magistratibus urbis venetae, MCV, MSS. Cicogna 969 (known as Cronachetta; see Chapter One, p. 3 5 above). I have trans-l a t e d the notice: At San Giobbe an a l t a r by Giovanni B e l l i n i which i s among his b e a u t i f u l , w e l l made works.8 The manuscript includes a dedication to Doge Agostino Barbarigo dated August 1493 and t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y accepted date for the work i s substan-t i a t e d by Sheard. The notice indicates the fame of B e l l i n i ' s paintings and the prominence of t h i s a l t a r p i e c e within the oeuvre.9 The general nature of Sanudo's description of Venice, r i v a l l i n g S a b e l l i c o i n i t s attempt to praise Venice i n a manner f l a t t e r i n g to the r u l i n g class"*"^ together with his immediate theme "praise of the c i t y of Venice," govern his s e l e c t i o n of sights which r e f l e c t glory i n some way on the Venetian state, although his knowledge of Venice i s much wider and h i s observation more o r i g i n a l than S a b e l l i c o . Sanudo's i n t e r e s t i n the commemorated deeds of i n d i v i d u a l s who have contributed to Venetian greatness, and the emphasis i n h i s notice on the making of the a l t a r p i e c e suggests his i n t e n t i o n was to praise and record the personal achievement of the a r t i s t . Notices of Antonello's equally renowned San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e also appear i n both works, i n Sabellico's as the only other a l t a r p i e c e mentioned, and i n Sanudo's as the a l t a r p i e c e r e c e i v i n g most de t a i l e d evaluation. I t i s a s t r i k i n g fact that the only two a l t a r p i e c e s con-sidered worthy of mention by S a b e l l i c o , and that two, or possibly three, 184 of the four a l t a r p i e c e s selected by Sanudo, are important examples of a new type of monumental sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e developed by 12 Antonello and, p r i m a r i l y , by Giovanni B e l l i n i i n Venice. These are in d i c a t i o n s that the fame of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n Venice, for which the contemporary notices provide strong testimony, was attached not only to the personal achievement of the a r t i s t i n mastering the o i l technique on a monumental scale, but to the format and theme of a p a r t i c u l a r type of sacra conversazione a l t a r p i e c e . Francesco Sansovino, w r i t i n g i n 1581, seems to base h i s comment on Sabelli c o when he refe r s to the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e as the f i r s t p i c t u r e done i n o i l which he showed i n p u b l i c : . . . s i vede una Nostra Donna con San Sebastiano d a l l a destra & San lob d a l l a s i n i s t r a , fu dipinto da Gian B e l l i n o , & fii l a prima tavola f a t t a a o l i o , c h ' e g l i mettesse f u o r i e s i come a l l o r a fu stimata molto da i buoni maestri, cosi a l presente per l a sua molta eccellenza e tenuta i n gran prezzo. ^ Sansovino's notice indicates the fame of the a l t a r p i e c e among painters, " i buoni maestri," i n h i s own time as w e l l as at the time the a l t a r p i e c e f i r s t appeared. His notice i s also of i n t e r e s t i n i n d i c a t i n g the two figures of the painting which were admired and copied by painters, the nude figures of the aged Job and the-youthful"St. Sebastian. . The f i r s t c r i t i c a l account of the a l t a r p i e c e that we possess i s that of a Tuscan rather than a Venetian, Giorgio Vasari, w r i t i n g before Sansovino, i n 1550 and 1568. In his V i t e he assigns B e l l i n i to the second phase of his three-phase h i s t o r y of painting, as showing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . correct but overworked drawing and perspective, lacking the v i v a c i t y and 14 grace introduced to painting by Leonardo da V i n c i . Within these 185 r e s t r i c t i o n s , however, he praises the drawing and colour of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , notes i t s continuous fame and implies that i t established B e l l i n i ' s reputation as a master of the o i l medium and led to his state appointment. N e l l a chiesa d i Sant'Iobbe dipinse i l medesimo, a l l ' a l t a r d i esso Santo, una tavola con molto disegno e b e l l i s s i m o c o l o r i t o : n e l l a quale fece i n mezzo, a sedere un poco a l t a , l a Nostra Donna col putto i n c o l l o , e Sant'Iobbe e San Bastiano nudi: ed appresso, San Domenico, San Francesco, San Giobanni e Sant'Agostino; e da basso, tre p u t t i che suonano con molta grazia: e questa p i t t u r a fu non solo lodata a l l o r a che fu v i s t a d i nuovo, ma e stata similmente sempre dopo, come cosa b e l l i s s i m a . Venetian writers of the seventeenth century praised B e l l i n i ' s . mastery of the o i l technique and c a l l e d him the f i r s t great master of Venetian painting i n i n t e n t i o n a l opposition to Vasari's judgement; The Vicentine Carlo R i d o l f i wrote i n 1648, as i f i n reply to Vasari's c r i t i c i s m of B e l l i n i ' s s t y l e as "secco e crudo e t a g l i e n t e " t h a t " B e l l i n i ...ridusse l a maniera usata per l ' a d i e t r o , che teneva del secco, ad un piu e s q u i s i t o e soave s t i l e , col quale unicamente imito l a Natura: arrecando a l l e Imagine de' Santi certa nobile purita" e divotione, onde con ragione ottiene i l t i t o l o d i celeberrimo 17 t r a g l i s c o r s i P i t t o r i . . . R i d o l f i ' s notice i s i n t e r e s t i n g because i t i s the f i r s t one I have found where the i n t e g r a t i o n of the painted architecture with the frame i s selected for praise: ...una tribuna sostenuta da n a t u r a l i s s i m i p i l a s t r i c o s i ^ s o m i g l i a n t i a q u e l l i dell'ornamento, che paiono s c o l p i t i . Similar points of praise are r e i t e r a t e d i n Boschini's rather exaggerated eulogy of Venetian painting where he e x p l i c i t l y sets out to exalt B e l l i n i as the "spring-time" of universal p a i n t i n g . ^ In his reply to Vasari, stated as such ("per responder a l V a s a r i " ) , he chose the San 186 Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e as the work exemplifying B e l l i n i ' s mastery of Renais-sance p r i n c i p l e s . He praised the perspective ("ha forma cose perfete, c o l fondamento dela Prospetiva...") and the i n t e g r a t i o n of the painted and r e a l architecture, the authentic portrayal of the d i v i n i t i e s ("certo quelo E ' l retrato d i v i n del Redentor"), the appropriate expression of the sa i n t s , the gay e f f e c t of the angels, and i n general, the invention, colour, and drawing.^ In the N o t i z i e of the Florentine F i l i p p o Baldinucci, 1681-1728, we f i n d the basic elements of what had become a standardized c r i t i c a l account of B e l l i n i . His summary evaluation of B e l l i n i ' s s t y l e echoes . R i d o l f i ' s , that B e l l i n i .with his-new and b e a u t i f u l manner of colouring 21 inc r e a s i n g l y l e f t behind " i l secco e duro modo d e g l i a l t r i . . . " He repeats the popular b e l i e f , given an anecdotal account by R i d o l f i i n 1648, that B e l l i n i learned the technique of o i l painting from Antonello da Messina, who introduced i t to Venice when he painted the San Cassiano 22 a l t a r p i e c e of 1476. The prominence of the sacra conversazione a l t a r -piece i n Baldinucci's s e l e c t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s outstanding works, next to the h i s t o r y paintings at the Palazzo Ducale, suggests t h i s type of a l t a r -piece was considered a high form of painting (the San Giobbe, F r a r i , San Zaccaria, San Francesco d e l l a Vigna and S. Giovanni Crisostomo altarpieces are noted). He notes B e l l i n i ' s fame as a painter of sacred images " a l l e q u a l i diede maravigliosa divozione," and repeats the . by then f a m i l i a r idea of B e l l i n i as the father of Venetian painting who founded " i n the 2 3 soul of T i t i a n the f i r s t ideas of perfect work." Thus, Baldinucci sums up a t r a d i t i o n which accorded B e l l i n i an honored p o s i t i o n i n Venetian 187 painting, h i s excellence as a painter and his a c t i v i t y as a teacher. In the eighteenth century more systematic attempts were made to trace the development of Venetian painting, adumbrated by e a r l i e r w r i t e r s , to f i t B e l l i n i ' s career within t h i s development and to f i n d a l o g i c a l s t y l i s t i c progression within h i s oeuvre. A. M. Zanetti i n D e l l a P i t t u r a Veneziana, 1771, affirmed the p o s i t i o n of B e l l i n i as the father of Venetian painting: "Principe d e l l a P i t t u r a nostra n e l l a prima eta*." He was followed by L u i g i Lanzi i n h i s h i s t o r y of I t a l i a n painting, 1795-1796, who wrote that i n the Venetian school B e l l i n i was the father of beauty, grace, and expression.25 However, B e l l i n i ' s inventive genius and the development of h i s oeuvre were di s t o r t e d by the s h i f t of c r i t i c a l popularity to h i s p u p i l , Giorgione. In a new schema of the h i s t o r y of Venetian painting Giorgione was given c r e d i t for the new s t y l e of l i g h t , colour, and b e a u t i f u l form. To account for i t s excellence i n these q u a l i t i e s , Zanetti and Lanzi, ignoring the implication of an early dating i n the contemporary notices, placed the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e at the end of B e l l i n i ' s career-by dating i t with the two flanking a l t a r p i e c e s by Carpaccio and Marco B a s a i t i , 1510^° . . . i n ogni parte d i essa tavola s i trovano molte b e l l e z z e del nuovo s t i l e Giorgionesco, ch'era a l l o r a nel maggio f i o r e , e mai p i u i l B e l l i n o non s i accostS tanto a quello, quanto i n quest',opera. z7 Even here, however, the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e receives i t s t r a d i t i o n a l evaluation as a key or t r a n s i t i o n a l work i n the development of Venetian painting. The e a r l i e s t notices by S a b e l l i c o , Vasari, and Sansovino were reconsidered i n the general renewed i n t e r e s t i n a r c h i v a l material and 188 documents of the early nineteenth century. In antedating the a l t a r p i e c e to an e a r l i e r point i n the a r t i s t ' s career scholars were able to reinstate B e l l i n i ' s reputation for inventive genius. F. A g l i e t t i , i n an address read at the Accademia, Venice, i n 1812, s i g n i f i c a n t l y e n t i t l e d "Elogio s t o r i c o d i Jacopo e Giovan B e l l i n i , " stressed the importance of considering the early notices and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n of an early dating for the a l t a r -2 8 piece. He praised the San Giobbe a l t a r as a "canon" for Venetian art. He was followed by G. A. Moschini who expressed the opinion that truth i s to -be found i n the testament of those closer to the a l t a r p i e c e i n time, that B e l l i n i was a greater master than had been believed, and that he opened the path of painting to his two greatest d i s c i p l e s , that i s , Giorgione and T i t i a n . Ma siccome convien dare maggio'fede a'contemporanei, che non a 1 p o s t e r i o r i s t o r i c i , i q u a l i pit3 v o l t e vogliono che a l l e l o r conghietture ceda i l f a t t o stesso; cosi vorra d i r s i , che i l B e l l i n i fu piu gran maestro che non s i crede, e c h ' e g l i medesimo aperse l a nuova v i a p i t t o r i c a a 1due sommi suoi discepoli.29 The advances i n scholarship were given a comprehensive summary by J. A. Crowe and G. B. Cavalcaselle i n the History of Painting i n North I t a l y , f i r s t published i n 1871. Although t h e i r r i g i d aesthetics, based somewhat on Vasari and prejudiced against colourism, were not sympathetic to B e l l i n i ' s a r t , they judged the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e to be B e l l i n i ' s "crowning t r i a l " and "the culminating point i n h i s career," showing a mastery of the o i l technique i n elevated and noble composition.30 They agreed with A g l i e t t i ' s antedating of the a l t a r p i e c e / (see below) based on the early references to i t as one of B e l l i n i ' s f i r s t works i n o i l and on Vasari's l o c a t i o n of i t p r i o r to the Sala del Maggior Consiglio 189 commissions. They found B e l l i n i ' s expression of devout f e e l i n g "by means e s s e n t i a l l y h i s own" a p a r t i c u l a r l y Venetian counterpart to the " e c s t a t i c s t y l e of Angelico" i n Florence. 3^ The recognition of B e l l i n i ' s responsiveness to new ideas.,- and h i s innovative a b i l i t y was a basic premise of the reconstruction of his oeuvre which was'begun i n the later-nineteenth century by Bernard.Berenson and M o r e l l i , who wrote that B e l l i n i was f i n a l l y being seen i n his own r i g h t rather than always i n r e l a t i o n to h i s i l l u s t r i o u s followers. The tremen-dous development which took place over h i s long career was recognized: In t u t t a l a s t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e non v i ha forse a l t r i , da Ra f f a e l l o i n f u o r i , che a l par d i l u i a s i a dato p a s s i p i u p r o g r e s s i v i , dal cominciare d i sua c a r r i e r a f i n o a l i a f i n e . 3 z The main requirement was to e s t a b l i s h a s t y l i s t i c framework spanning B e l l i n i ' s long career and some i n t e r p r e t i v e c r i t e r i a on which to base a t t r i b u t i o n s . For t h i s reason c r i t i c i s m has remained p r i m a r i l y s t y l i s t i c and formal rather than iconographical since some problems have r e s i s t e d s o l u t i o n to t h i s day. One c r i t e r i o n i s B e l l i n i ' s t e c h n ical development from the l i n e a r i t y and hatched modelling of the tempera technique to the mastery of modelled form.and atmosphere i n the o i l technique. The scheme which Fry outlined i n Giovanni B e l l i n i , 1900, i s based on t h i s development from one medium to the other, and the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s seen as a key t r a n s i t i o n a l work i n t h i s development: In the S. Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e , which we may assign to about 1486 or 1487, a new idea begins to be f e l t — t h e conception of enveloping forms i n atmosphere by means of a subtle v a r i a t i o n of the q u a l i t y of the l i m i t i n g contours of the f i g u r e s . 3 3 Another aspect has been the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and dating of the influence of various painters upon B e l l i n i ' s developing s t y l e , beginning with h i s father 190 Jacopo, h i s brother-in-law Mantegna, and then Piero d e l l a Francesca and Antonello da Messina, and the sculptor Pietro Lombardo. Roberto Longhi's a r t i c l e e s t a b l i s h i n g the importance of Piero d e l l a Francesca to Venetian painting was published i n 1914, and Piero's influence on B e l l i n i ' s o i l technique, whether d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t , was assessed by B e l l i n i scholars. The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s generally assumed to display the influence of Piero's volumetric form and fused modelling, i n h e r i t e d through Antonello da Messina's San Cassiano a l t a r p i e c e painted i n Venice i n 1476, to which B e l l i n i makes his unique contribution of enveloping atmosphere. However, the unconvincing datings produced by both Fry and C o l e t t i reveal the danger of imposing a r i g i d s t y l i s t i c framework on B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre.^5 The t h i r d defining c r i t e r i o n has been the c r i t i c ' s i n t u i t i o n of a d i s t i n c t l y Bellinesque s p i r i t of c r e a t i v i t y which i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y and profoundly devotional. This was best expressed i n r e l a t i o n to the problems of a t t r i b u t i o n and oeuvre by P a l l u c c h i n i . In a n t i c i p a t i o n of d e f i n i t i v e r e s u l t s from the major B e l l i n i e x h i b i t i o n held i n the Palazzo Ducale, Venice i n 1949, P a l l u c c h i n i wrote i n the catalogue of the exh i b i -t i o n that some generations of students had been required to reach an oeuvre which presented B e l l i n i ' s career as a continuous and unbroken formal development and which kept i n t a c t ...1'intimita del suo sentimento, i l potenziale d e l l a sua c o s i profonda s p i r i t u a l i t y . This e x h i b i t i o n was the occasion for a comprehensive appraisal of the B e l l i n i oeuvre as i t had been reconstructed to that point. An important r e s u l t of the e x h i b i t i o n was a re - a f f i r m a t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s independent c r e a t i v i t y , with the debate concerning the introduction of o i l painting 191 to Venice by Antonello da Messina or B e l l i n i assuming lessened importance. In the l a s t f o r t y years of scholarship there has been a consensus regarding the p o s i t i o n and s i g n i f i c a n c e of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre as a p i v o t a l work which marks his maturity i n the o i l technique, exemplifies h i s o r i g i n a l contribution to Venetian painting, and i s a convenient "landmark" for the beginning of a new s t y l e of Venetian painting i n the sixteenth century. B e l l i n i ' s contribution has so f a r been evaluated as a s t y l i s t i c and t e chnical one. His unique character has been interpreted as a r e l i g i o u s profundity. Other important aspects, such as B e l l i n i ' s reception of new iconographical ideas, possibly through his patrons, and h i s invention of new compositional motifs, as w e l l as h i s s e l e c t i v e use of established iconographical t r a d i t i o n s have O Q been neglected. There have been a number of important discussions of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i n the l a s t decade. In h i s monograph on B e l l i n i , 1968, Giles Robertson gives a methodical and useful review of the textual sources and s t y l i s t i c evidence i n an attempt to s e t t l e the problem of dating more s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . This study, however, i s marred by i t s neglect of iconographical problems. The basic thesis i s a conservative somewhat s i m p l i s t i c theory of s t y l e i n which B e l l i n i ' s achievement i s to synthesize a d i a l e c t i c of Tuscan space construction and Flemish l i g h t and atmosphere. Robertson's view of B e l l i n i as a " u n i f i e r " prevents him from recognizing any uniquely Venetian contribution the a r t i s t may have made.^ He comments b r i e f l y on the r e l i g i o u s iconography of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e sug-gesting that the presentation of the V i r g i n as the Annunciate rather than 192 the Mother of God indicates a "celebration of the incarnation" as the theme. In her doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n on the p h y s i c a l settings of B e l l i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e s , J u l i a Keydel o f f e r s a groundwork for an iconographical i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e . She analyses the i l l u s i o n i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l space created by the a l t a r p i e c e i n i t s church s e t t i n g and the r e l a t i o n of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements and of the t o t a l chapel e f f e c t to architec-: ... t u r a l elements i n other parts of the church i n t e r i o r . In doing so she strongly suggests that the e f f e c t s of the i l l u s i o n i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l space of the a l t a r p i e c e are intended to, on the one hand, d i s t i n g u i s h the supernatural presence of the Madonna and C h r i s t Child and, on the other, to allow the worshipper a sense of r e a l a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the holy figur e s . Furthermore, she makes the important suggestion that the sacra  conversazione theme of Madonna and saints may be intended to represent the p o s s i b i l i t y of reception to heaven of the person commissioning the a l t a r p i e c e . 4 3 Dating As a signed work of c e r t a i n a t t r i b u t i o n , well noted i n the l i t e r a -ture, the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e has always been a key work i n the recon-s t r u c t i o n of B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre. The two generally accepted termina are 1476, the year i n which Antonello completed his San Cassiano sacra  conversazione, 4 4 and 1493, the date of the two contemporary notices by S a b e l l i c o and Sanudo, discussed above, and of the consecration of the church of San Giobbe (Appendix II) . \ The dates assigned by modern scholars 193 have ranged even beyond these l i m i t s , from 1470 to 1500. Because the s t y l e of the painting combines a l i n e a r treatment of contour, d e t a i l , and some of the modelling, associated with the e a r l i e r stages of B e l l i n i ' s career, with a broad, harmonious colourism, and mature, monumental s p a t i a l construction, associated with h i s l a t e r career, the a l t a r p i e c e lends i t s e l f to various positions i n the oeuvre according to the i n d i v i d u a l c r i t i c ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the influences on B e l l i n i and the phases of his tech-n i c a l and s t y l i s t i c development. However, the p o s i t i o n of the a l t a r p i e c e as an expression of B e l l i n i ' s mature, independent s t y l e at a mid-point i n his career, foreshadowing h i s future achievements receives general consensus. The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s preceded by the Contarini Madonna, Venice, Accademia w h i c h ca'n be d a t e d . i n the l a t e 1470's or' early 1480's. 4^ The Contarini Ch r i s t C h i l d i n h i s physical type, age, and f a c i a l features, and h i s mood of h i e r a t i c solemnity, i s markedly s i m i l a r to that of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . The San Giobbe a l t a r i s probably contemporary to, or shortly l a t e r than, the F r i c k St. Francis, New York, and the Transfiguration, Naples, Museo Nazionale, both usually placed i n the early 1480's, and whose l i n e a r i t y of technique i s s i m i l a r to that of the San Giobbe sacra conversazione. P a o l e t t i saw a close r e l a t i o n s h i p between the San Giobbe Madonna and Child with the Madonna of the Trees, Venice, Accademia.^ The San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e i s generally considered to precede the t r i p t y c h at the F r a r i , and the Barbarigo votive at S. Pietro Martire, Murano, both dated 1488. It i s p r e c i s e l y for these years, from 1479 to 1488 and a f t e r , that we have notices of B e l l i n i ' s work on the decorations of the Maggior Consiglio, Palazzo Ducale. 194 Zanetti's (1771) very l a t e date of 1510 was s a t i s f a c t o r i l y d i s -missed i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century by a reconsideration of Vasari's i m p l i c a t i o n that the a l t a r p i e c e lead to B e l l i n i ' s o f f i c i a l appointment (which took place i n 1479). However this dating was pushed forward to the 1480's. p a r t l y on the basis of the new connoisseurship and s t y l i s t i c analysis of B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre by Fry (1900), Gronau (1903), and by P a o l e t t i (1903, 1929). Although h i s source is.unknown, P a o l e t t i ' s repu-ta t i o n as a student of documents lent credence-to his-date of 1487^ which has become popular with I t a l i a n c r i t i c s (Longhi, B r i z i o , P a l l u c c h i n i , B o t t a r i , and P i g n a t t i ) . Giles Robertson i n h i s recent study of problems i n B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre, proposes 1480-1485 on the basis of Sabellico's possible reference to an early p o s i t i o n i n B e l l i n i ' s career, and of an hypothesized .influence of the large scale Palazzo Ducale o i l paintings on B e l l i n i ' s o i l technique and s t y l e i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . A cogent argument f o r an e a r l i e r dating of 1475-1480, immediately following the SS. Giovanni e Paolo sacra conversazione, i s offered i n a recent study of B e l l i n i problems by Huse i n which the author in t e r p r e t s change i n s t y l e as response to demands of commission and subject matter rather than to chronological development.^ This e a r l i e r dating would agree with Sabellico's notice \ .in the sense of being "among his f i r s t works," would coincide with the period of reb u i l d i n g at S. Giobbe following Moro's death, and might account for the s i m i l a r i t y of the frames of the SS. Giovanni e Paolo and the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e s . However, the date departs too d r a s t i c a l l y from the conventional scheme of B e l l i n i ' s s t y l i s t i c development to be e a s i l y accepted.^ 9 Likewise, Heinemann's (1962) l a t e 195 date of 1490, based on what he sees as a s t y l i s t i c advance from the F r a r i and Barbarigo al t a r p i e c e s of 1488, i s d i f f i c u l t . "'^  U n t i l more conclusive documentary evidence comes to light-, the f i r s t h a l f of the 1480's, and possibly 1485-1487, would appear as the most l i k e l y period for the commis-sion and execution of the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . 196 APPENDIX ONE NOTES 1. T. P i g n a t t i , Dizionario Biografico d e g l ' I t a l i a n i , Rome, 1960 ed., s.v. " B e l l i n i , Giovanni." 2. Marcus Antonius S a b e l l i c u s , Opera omnia, Basle, 1506. A dating i n the early 1490's i s generally accepted for th i s work. R. Weiss gives 1491-1492, c i t i n g G. Mercati, 1939, i n The Renaissance Discovery of  Antiquity, London, 1969, p. 123. G. Robertson i n B e l l i n i , 1968, p. 84 and note 4, arr i v e s at 1493. 3. My t r a n s l a t i o n . Robertson, loc. c i t . , t r a n s l a t e s : In part of the church i s seen the famous picture by Giovanni B e l l i n i which he exhibited among the rudiments of h i s a r t . See also the I t a l i a n t r a n s l a t i o n of L. Fauno i n F. Biondo, Le h i s t o r i e del Biondo, 2 v o l . , Venice, 1547-1550. 4. However, Robertson's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of "prima rudimenta" as a reference to the o i l paintings B e l l i n i was executing at the Palazzo Ducale depends on a reconstruction of the oeuvre which i s s t i l l c onjectural. 5. For Sabellico's o f f i c i a l appointment see F. G i l b e r t , "Biondo, S a b e l l i c o , and the Beginning of Venetian O f f i c i a l Historiography," F l o r i l e g i u m H i s t o r i a l e , ed. J. G. Rowe, Toronto, 1971, p. 280. For evaluations of Sabelli c o as historiographer see M. F o s c a r i n i , D e l l a  lett'eratura veneziana, Venice, 1854, p. 250, n. 1; W. J. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Li b e r t y, Berkeley, L.A., 1968, p. 90; Ol i v e r Logan, Culture and Society i n Venice, 1470-1790, London, 1972, pp. 71, 116; F. G i l b e r t , op. c i t . , pp. 285-286; and W. Sheard, "Marin Sanudo's L i s t of Notable Things i n Venetian Churches and the Date of the Vendramin Tomb," Yale I t a l i a n Studies 1.(1977): 247, n. 14. 6. This i s also implied i n Vasari's notice, discussed below. 7. Robertson, B e l l i n i , 1968, p. 84, n. 6. 8. For the dating see Sheard, op. c i t . , p. 240; for the dedication, p. 245, n. 8. Sheard also discusses the nature and function of the l i s t s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the second part of the Cronachetta, "Laus urbis venetae," op. c i t . , pp. 226, 240, 245, n. 9. The l i s t i s 197 reproduced photographically i n her d i s s e r t a t i o n "The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin i n Venice by T u l l i o Lombardo," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Yale University, 1971), see v. 1, p. 277, for the San Giobbe notice. Sheard, "Sanudo's L i s t , " 1977, pp. 232-233, discusses the notice and notes, p. 241, that i n l i g h t of Sanudo's infrequent reference to works of a r t , the San Giobbe notice i s exceptional p r a i s e . Of the 61 items i n churches i n l i s t no. 13, only four are a l t a r p i e c e s . 9. Ibid., p. 233. 10. As noted above, the manuscript was dedicated to Doge Agostino Barbarigo. Ibid., p. 247, no. 14, suggests r i v a l r y and ambition as two motives behind Sanudo's work. 11. On the nature of Sanudo's historiography and a comparison with Sabell i c o see i b i d . , pp. 223, 224, 247, n. 14. 12. Sheard i d e n t i f i e s the a l t a r p i e c e mentioned i n the item on the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo as B e l l i n i ' s l o s t sacra conversazione ( F i g . 34) which was probably roughly contemporary to Antonello's 1476 sacra conversazione (Ibid., p. 233). 13. Sansovino, Venetia (1581), 1663, pp. 155-156. 14. G. Vasari, Le V i t e , (1568), 1878-1885, v o l . 4, p. 10. 15. Ibid., v o l . 3, p. 155 and n. 3. 16. Ibid., v o l . 4. p. 10. 17. C. R i d o l f i , Le Maraviglie d e l l ' a r t e ovvero l e v i t e d e g l i i l l u s t r i  p i t t o r i veneti e de l l o Stato, 1648, ed. D. von Hadeln, v. 1, B e r l i n , 1914, v. 2, B e r l i n 1924, v. 1, p. 63. 18 . I b i d . , p. 66. 19. Quoted i n Chapter One, n. 7. 20. Boschini, La Carta, 1660, pp. 2 7-31. ^ 21. F. Baldinucci, N o t i z i e de' professor! del disegno da Cimabue i n qua, ed. G. Piacenza, Milan, 1811, v o l . 5, p. 488. 22. Ibid., p. 489. 23. Ibid., p. 488. 24. A. M. Zanetti, D e l l a p i t t u r a veneziana e d e l l e opere pubbliche de' veneziani maestri, Venice, 1771, v o l . 5, p. 46. 198 25. L. Lanzi, S t o r i a p i t t o r i c a d e l l a I t a l i a dal Risorgimento d e l l e b e l l e  a r t i f i n presso a l f i n e del XVIII secolo, Bassano, 1795-1796, v o l . 2, p. 28. 26. The B a s a i t i a l t a r p i e c e i s i n fact dated 1516. (Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, 1955, no. 46, p. 48). 27. Zanetti, P i t t u r a , 1771, v o l . 5, p. 53. 28. F. A g l i e t t i , "Elogio s t o r i c o d i Jacopo e Giovanni B e l l i n i , " D i s c o r s i  l e t t i n e l l a I.R. Accademia d i Be l l e A r t i d i Venezia i n occasione  d e l l a d i s t r i b u z i o n e de'premi d e g l i anni 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815, Venice, 1815, p. 57. 29. G. Moschini, ed., C. R i d o l f i , V i t a d i Giovanni B e l l i n o , Venice, 1831, p. 176. 30. Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l i a n Painting, (1871), 1912, pp. 155-163. 31. Ibid., p. 163. 32. P. Selvatico, S t o r i a e s t e t i c a - c r i t i c a d e l l e a r t i del disegno, 1856, c i t e d by Ghiotto, P i g n a t t i , Opera Completa, 1969, p. 10. 33. Fry, B e l l i n i , 1900, p. 35. 34. Longhi, "Piero dei F r a n c e s c h i , " L'Arte, 1914. 35. C o l e t t i , P i t t u r a Veneta, 1953, pp. LXVI-LXIV. 36. Noted by Crowe, Cavalcaselle, North I t a l i a n Painting, (1871), 1912, p. 163. 37. R. P a l l u c c h i n i , Giovanni B e l l i n i , Catalogo I l l u s t r a t o d e l l a Mostra,  Palazzo Ducale, Venezia, 12 Giugno-5 Ottobre, 1949, Venice, 1949, p. 19. 38. F. Gibbons, review of Giovanni B e l l i n i , by G. Robertson, i n RQ 23 1970, pp. 175-175: "Giovanni B e l l i n i , for example, i s among the h a l f dozen most inventive and h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t painters of the Quattrocento..." 39. Robertson, B e l l i n i , 1968, p. 2. 40. Robertson, "The e a r l i e r work," 1960, p. 45. 41. Both D. Rosand, review of Giovanni B e l l i n i , by G. Robertson (1970): 73-74 and J. Steer i n his review of the same pu b l i c a t i o n , BM 112 (1970): 115-117, c r i t i c i z e d i f f e r e n t aspects of Robertson's neglect of " s p e c i f i c a l l y Venetian f a c t o r s " of B e l l i n i ' s work. 42. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 87. 199 43. Keydel, "Altarpieces," passim. 44. The a l t a r p i e c e was removed from i t s s i t e by the seventeenth century and i s known i n a reconstruction by Johannes Wilde based on two fragments i n Vienna and reproductions of two other segments of the work ( F i g . 30). The a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g , the grouping of the standing saints around an elevated throne, the o i l technique, and volumetric modelling a n t i c i p a t e s i m i l a r features i n the San Giobbe a l t a r p i e c e . Antonello's figure of St. Dominic and the Madonna's red brocade dress, i n p a r t i c u l a r , are c l o s e l y followed by B e l l i n i (Wilde, "Pala d i San Cassiano," 1929, pp. 52-72). 45. Moschini-Marconi, Accademia, 1955, no. 69. 46. Robertson, B e l l i n i , p. 92 and p i . LXXI1I, signed and dated 1487. 47. Ibid., p. 68, and Robertson, B e l l i n i , 1968, p. 84. 48. N. Huse, Studien zu Giovanni B e l l i n i , B e r l i n , New York, 1972. 49. G. Robertson, review of Studien zu Giovanni B e l l i n i , by N. Huse, BM 118 (1976) :33-34." 50. Heinemann, B e l l i n i , v o l . 1, pp. 40-41. 200 APPENDIX II A DOCUMENTED HISTORY OF THE CHURCH State of documentation of the  Church of San Giobbe The archives of the Church of San Giobbe are now housed i n the State Archives of Venice. In h i s introduction to these papers da Mosto^ does not indic a t e what these comprise. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, p. 532, l i s t s his documentary sources as "Indice de' Testamenti conformato n e l 1778," " B i l a n c i o o s i a Incontro de' l e g a t i d e l l a Sagrestia di S. Giobbe," various "Processi" numbered progressively, among which was an extract dated 1708 of the hi s t o r y and summary of writings and books of the Scuoladi San Bernardino, which was associated with the church of San Giobbe. Cicogna l i s t s a l l the i n s c r i p t i o n s found i n the church and environs the greater part of which he observed personally. The testaments of benefactors of the church and convent, and papal decrees and Venetian Senate decrees pertaining to San Giobbe are of major importance. P a o l e t t i notes the loss of the documents for contracts and expenses of works com-missioned by the church's greatest benefactor, Doge Cri s t o f o r o Moro. These papers had been i n the posession of the Scuola d i San Bernardino: "Giacomo Ronco fu nostro Guard. 1 1 Questo ha occultato i l nostro Giornal del Libro Maestro Vecchio perche non s i possa viveder l a sua a m i n i s t . n e d i anni 52..." 11 October 1529. 3 201 Frequently c i t e d works: E. A. Cicogna, Delle I n s c r i z i o n i Veneziane, Venice, 1853. F. Cornaro, N o t i z i e Storiche d e l l e Chiese e Monasteri d i Venezia, e  d i T o r c e l l o , Padua, 1758. F. Finotto, La Chiesa d i San Giobbe, Venice, 1971 P a o l e t t i , L ' a r c h i t e t t u r a e l a s c u l t u r a del Rinascimento i n Venezia, Venice, 1893. F. Sansovino, Venetia Citta* Nobilissima et Singolare D e s c r i t t a i n  XIIII L i b r i , ed. D. G. M a r t i n i o n i , Venice, 1663. 1. Andrea da Mosto "Introduzione a l i a r a c c o l t a d i g l i s c r i t t i provenienti da S. Giobbe" Archivio d i Stato, Venezia, pp. 132-133. 2. Cicogna, I n s c r i z i o n i , v o l . 6, part 1, pp. 530-531. 3. P a o l e t t i , Rinascimento, 1893, p. 191. 202 DATE EVENT 1. 1378 Giovanni Contarini acquires land i n the parish of San Geremia, Canareggio, Venice. 2. 1380 Construction of h o s p i t a l b u i l d i n g s . 3. 1380 Construction of h o s p i t a l buildings. 4. 1389 Purchase of land for oratory of San Giobbe. 5. 1390 Giovanni Contarini founds an oratory dedicated to San Giobbe, and asso-ciated with the h o s p i t a l . SOURCE AND CITATION "do, vendo, atque transacio vobis D. Ioanni Contareno de confino S. Pantaleonis" Instrument of sale of land by Beruccia Benado to Giovanni Contarini dated 13 January. Cornaro, Ecclesiae Venetae, v o l . XII, p. 94, c i t e d by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, pp. 702-703. ...ONDATOR M.CCC.LXXX 10 CT PAVPERV S. I0B Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #106, p. 700. 10ANN. CONTARENO FONDATOR DOMVS ET HOSPITALIS S. IOB MCCCLXXX I0ANNIS MARCELLO PRIORIS TEMPORE RESTAVRATVM M.D.XXXVIIII I n s c r i p t i o n over an arch of the C a l l e d e l l ' O s p i z i o on the Fondamenta S. Giobbe, before the bridge of San Giobbe. Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #105, p. 400. " i n contrata Canaregli seu S. Ieremia" Act of Senate dated December 21, allowing purchase of land near h o s p i t a l . Cornaro, Ec c l e s i a e Venetae, XII, p. 94. "Contiguo a l i a casa d i c a r i t a fu per ordine del Fondatore fabbricato un Oratorio sotto 1'invocazione del Profeta San Giobbe...ed i l Pontefice Bonifazio IX...permise che i n esso s i potessero celebrar l a Messa.. .conce-dendo s p i r i t u a l i indulgenze...dall 1 Apostolico Diploma segnato i n Roma n e l giorno XXII d i Settembre dell'anno 1390." 203 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION Cornaro, N o t i z i e Storiche, pp. 283-284. 1407 Giovanni Contarini be-queaths h i s estate to the h o s p i t a l and oratory of San Giobbe to be ad-ministered; by-' a commission of a p p o i n t e d - c i t i z e n s . "Item voglio et ordino et aggiungo che tutto quello che d i sopra lasso a l detto luogo d i San Giob s i a condi-zionato per modo che...debbasi perpe-tamente conservar, crescer, e molti-p l i c a r per i l medesimo luogo et ospedal." Last w i l l and testament of Giovanni Contarini dated 30 August. Processo XLIII d e l l ' A r c h i v i o d i San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1 Document 15, pp. 754-755. 1407 Death of Giovanni Con t a r i n i . HIC IACET 01 SANTITATE 9SPICVS NOBIL'7 VENERABIL' PSBIT DNS IOHANES 9TARIN0 9DAN DM LVCE FONDATOR HVIVS ECLE' 7 LOCI SCI IOB Q OBIIT AN M CCCCVII DIE VIII MESIS SEPT AIA EIVS REQVIESCAT I PACE AM. Epigraph i n c i s e d i n Gothic l e t t e r s on borders of Giovanni Contarini's tomb slab dated 8 September 1407, o r i g i n a l l y located i n the oratory founded by him, and i n 1750 moved to the Chiesa d e l l a P ia Opera Contarini. Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #104, pp. 699-700 and Finotto, San Giobbe, pp. 26-27. 1417 End of Schism, Pope Martin V. 8. 1428 Lucia D o l f i n , the daughter of Giovanni Contarini, entrusts the h o s p i t a l and oratory of San Giobbe to a family of Franciscan Observants. "...concesse a Lucia D e l f i n a f a c o l t a d i consegnar l a Cappella d i San Giobbe a Marco Querini, ed a g l i a l t r i R e l i g i o s i Minori dell'.Osservanza. .." Papal permission, 14 May. Cornaro, N o t i z i e Storiche, p. 285. 204 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION 1431 Pope Eugene IV. 1434 Lucia D o l f i n cedes her l e g a l "Siccome poi Lucia s'era riservato i l j u r i s d i c t i o n to the juspadronato, v o i l e s p o g l i a r s i anche Franciscans. d i questo a favore d e ' f r a t i ; e n e l 2 gennjo 1434 cedettelo..." Cornaro, Ecclesiae Venetae, v o l . XII, p. 84 and 103 for document. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, p. 530 and p. 533, note 7. 1434 Venetians must study at University i n Padua. 10. 1441 Pope Eugenius IV pro h i b i t s the f r i a r s from destroying the o l d oratory p r i o r to construction of the new church which presumably proceeds from t h i s date. "...decisero n el giorno VII del susseguente Ottobre (1441) che 1'Ora-to r i o i l l u s t r e per l a pi e t a del suo Fondatore, e per avere i n esso cele-brata messa molti Cardinal!...dovesse s u s s i s t e r e i n v i o l a b i l e , angi fosse obbligo de'Commissarj i l r e f a r c i r l o e r i s t a u r a r l o . " 11. 1443 Sojourn of St. Bernardin of Siena i n Venice where he may have lodged and preached at the new convent of San Giobbe. Cornaro, N o t i z i e Storiche, p. 285. "r i e s c e c r e d i b i l e . . . a b i t a s s e n e l nuova convento d i S. Giobbe, piccolo e povero, e d i s o l i t u d i n e , e che i n una assai grave malattia, che ebbe, fosse i n questo luogo curato dal Medico... P i e t o r Tomasi." 1444 The death of St. Bernardine of Siena. Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #109, p. 711, c i t i n g F. A. Luzzo, V i t a d i S. Bernardino da Siena, Venice, 1744. 12. 1447 The death of Lucia D o l f i n and b u r i a l i n the church of San Giobbe. MCCCCXLVII. ADI X. OTVBRIO.QVA IAXE LA VENERABEL DONA. MADONA LUCIA DOL...N DA S 10...E MADONA CECILIA BEMBO... REQVIESCANT T PACE. On the ground i n the c l o i s t e r along the side of the church. 205 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #77, pp. 662-663. See also Finotto, San Giobbe, p. 55. 1450 The Canonization of St. Bernardin of Siena by Pope Nicholas V. 13. 1451 E l i s a b e t t a Bragadin, wife of Bartolomeo Bragadin, donates land to the church of San Giobbe. "...tantum de terreno vacuo dicte Isabette posito post ecclesiam Sancti Job...ut f r a t r e s i p s i u s Monasterii possint et valeant ipsam ecclesiam elargare et d i l a t a r e . . . " Processo XLIII d e l l ' A r c h i v i o d i San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, Foglio A, pp. 533-534. He adds that E l i s a b e t t a Bragadin donated other land i n the v i c i n i t y , for the b u i l d i n g of the Choir of the church. 14. 1451 Senator Cristo f o r o Moro undertakes the b u i l d i n g at his own expense of the Capella Maggiore, dedi-cated to St. Bernardin, the two l a t e r a l chapels, and the enlargement of the monastery. " v o i l e a propre spese i n a l z a r g l i d e l l a Chiesa d i San Giobbe una magnifica Cappella, e d i l a t a r e poscia con aumento d i nuove fabbriche l e r i s t r e t t e a b i t a -z i o n i del Monastero." Cornaro, N o t i z i e Storiche, p. 286. See also P a o l e t t i , Rinascimento, p.893, p. 190, and Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture 2nd ed. , London, 1971, p. 351. 1453 The F a l l of Constantinople. Council of Ten permit establishment of a Confraternity of St. Bernardin at San Giobbe by Moro. " 1454 Senator Moro obtains s p i r i t u a l indulgences from the Pope for the Chapel of St. Bernardin. 15. 1457 1458 Pasquale Malipiero elected Doge. Bequest of Giovanni D o l f i n , son of Lucia and Enrico D o l f i n , to the h o s p i t a l of San Giobbe. "Item volo ac dimito supra dicto h o s p i t a l i S. lob terrenum vacuum super quo ponunt harundines quod tenent Saraxa et a l i i , i l l u d s i t d i c t i h o s p i t a l i s . " 206 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION Testament of Giovanni D o l f i n dated 19 October. Processo XLVIII d e l l ' A r c h i v i o d i San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #108, p. 702. 1462 C r i s t o f o r o Moro elected Doge. 16. 1463 C r i s t o f o r o Moro desires to honor the church of San Giobbe with the body of St.. Luke the . Evangelist brought from'Bosnia, a l -though i t s authenticity i s never decided. " . . . c o l bucintore fosse t o l t o i l detto corpo santo d a l l a galera. .. Andowi i l doge c o l l a s i g n o r i a , e smontati a San Gerema con processione del clero e d e ' f r a t i fu portato a San Giobbe..." 17 December 1463, as reported by Marin Sanuto, 14 Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, Foglio A, p. 534. 1464 Moro's departure to Ancona against the Turks, and death of Pope Pius I I . 17. 1470 Completion of Moro's tomb and probably of chapel. CHRISTOPHORVS MAVRVS PRINCEPS MCCCCLXX MENSIS SEPTEMBIS I n s c r i p t i o n engraved i n the pavement tomb slab of Moro situated i n the middle of the presbytery, that i s , the Capella Maggiore, i n the church of San Giobbe. 18. 1471 Doge Moro s p e c i f i e s h i s wishes f o r b u r i a l i n San Giobbe and makes a considerable -bequest to the convent. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #23, p. 573. This date coincides with the f i r s t date of Moro's testament, September 1, 1470. An addition to the testament i s dated October 29, 1471. Moro died November 9, 1471. "Item lasso e vojo chel mio corpo s i a posto i n l a giexia de ms. S. B. e S. Jopo i n larcha mo facta fare davanti l a l t a r del dito S.B....vestido d i l a b i t o suo sora dito e schalzo..." 207 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION 1471 (continued) "Item laso de l i ducati Xm...per lavorar i n l a g. de ms. S.B. et S. Io et i n tuto e l monastier e per lo v i v e r e v e s t i r e bexogni de t u t i l i frari...dispensato i n lavorar creser et ordenar l a d i t a g i e x i a . . . " " . . . t r a t o s i a compito lopera comenzada de l a gi e x i a de S.B. i n longarla e f a r l e capele segondo e l bixogno e per quelo, manchase a l giostro dormitorio che se lavora tuto s i a compito con ogni lavoro l i hochorese f a r i n hornamento de d i t a g i e x i a e monestier." "Item voio et ordeno che l a giexia de ms. S. B.nardino cum l e capelle siano cum quella s o l i c i t u d i n e sara p o s i b e l compida et fornida segondo lordene dato...i l a v o r i de l e qual se debiano f o r n i r per maistro antorio t a j a p i e r a de s. zacharia over per quelo de s. severo..." The l a s t w i l l and testament of Doge Cri s t o f o r o Moro dated 1 September 1470 and 29 October 1471. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, Document 5, pp. 728-732. 1471 I t was prohibited that a doge could have his i n s i g n i a or arms painted or sculpted with the ducal Corno anywhere outside the Palazzo Ducale (Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, p. 580). 1473 The Senate approves a g i f t of food provisions to the f r i a r s of the monastery of San Giobbe on the occasion of the Chapter, at which 200 f r i a r s were expected to attend. " . . . s i n t pauperrimi quia vivunt de eleemosinis, s o l v i debeat per nostrum dominium datium duodecim anforarum v i n i (and other p r o v i s i o n s ) . . . s i c u t a l i a s factum f u i t ut hac piissima eleemosina feryentiores f i a n t i n eorum orationibus." Dated 5 A p r i l 1473, Cod. Grad. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, Foglio A, p. 535. 208 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION 20. 1478 Death and b u r i a l i n San Giobbe of A l i d e a Tron, the wife of. Moro's successor, Doge Nieolo Tron (1471-1473). Deae r a r i s s . mulieris i l l u s t r i s s . Dom. N i c o l a i Throni I n c l i t i Ducis Venetiarum coningis, humili hoc i n loco corpus iussu suo conditum est animum vero eius propter v i t a e virtutum & morum sanctitatem, ad coelestem patriam aduolasse credendum est. Ann. S a l u t i s . MCCCCLXXVIII. In c l o i s t e r . Recorded i n Sansovino, Venetia, p. 156. 21. 1480 Bartolomeo Bragadin bequeaths a l l h i s goods to the h o s p i t a l of San Giobbe, "Item voio et ordeno che t u t t i beni havero over dovero haver dal luogo de S. lob... " Last w i l l and testament of Bartolomeo Bragadin dated 16 June 1480. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #108, pp. 701-702. 22. 1481 The testament of Giovanni Veru t i s p e c i f y i n g h i s b u r i a l i n San Giobbe and bequest to the church. "Corpus meum s e p e l i r i volo apud ecclesiam Sancti Job..." The l a s t w i l l and testament of Giovanni V e r u t i , dated 10 May 1481. Processo LXVIIII del'Archivio d i S. Giobbe, c i t e d by Cicogna, v o l . part 1, Foglio A, p. 535. 6, 1482 The Council of Ten e x i l e s c e r t a i n f r i a r s of the Church of San Giobbe who observe the excommunication of Venice by Sixtus IV and refuse to perform the divine o f f i c e s . 23. 1485 A possible terminus ante quern for the completion of work c a r r i e d out by Pietro Lombardo for Doge Moro i n the church of San Giobbe i s provided by a mention of Pietro's "statues." "Educit hie etiam vivos de marmore vultus. Cujus statuas i n d i v i lob aede p r i d i e sum plurimum miratus. Sed de hoc a l i a s longius. Debeo enim ubicumque s i t v i r t u t i . " L etter written by Colaccio to C r i s t o -foro and Lorenzo da Lendinara printed i n P h i l o l o g i c a Opuscola, Venice, 1486. 209 DATE EVENT SOURCE AND CITATION 24. 1493 Consecration of the church of San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, p. 531, and by Pope-Hennessy, p. 351. CONSECRATIO HVIVS ECCLESIAE CELEBRATVR DIE XIIII MENSIS APRILIS. 25. 1494 Notice of the church of San Giobbe and a l t a r of Job . I n s c r i p t i o n on the wa l l between the second and t h i r d chapels on the l e f t of the Church. There was apparently a second i n s c r i p t i o n under the clock recorded i n Processo L d e l l ' A r c h i v i o d i San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #1, p. 539. "...ad lob fundamenta per oram ducunt. hie Lucae conditorium : opus ipsum vetus : sed Mauri p r i n c i p i s imensa instauratum : hie et ipse s i t u s est : v i s i t u r i n parte aedis ioannis b e l l i n i tabula i n s i g n i s quam i l l e i n t e r prima suae a r t i s rudimenta i n apertum r e t t u l i t : sacrorum curam f r a n c i s c i gymnopodes habent..." S a b e l l i c o , De s i t u Urbis, Venice, 1493. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, p. 531. 1587 Reconsecration of church of 14 A p r i l . Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, San Giobbe. #1, p. 539. 26. 1728 B u r i a l of Constantino "...SEPVULCRVM HOC VIR NOB. CONSTAN-B e l l o t t o at the foot of the TINVS BELLOTTO PROVIDE PARAVIT ANNO a l t a r of Job. MDCCXXVIII I n s c r i p t i o n at the foot of the steps of the a l t a r of Job which i s second on the right' when entering the church of San Giobbe. Cited by Cicogna, v o l . 6, part 1, #14, p. 562. 

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