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Demographic transition: its effects on women’s liberation in Taiwan Ma, Serena Wai Lan 1996

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DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION: ITS EFFECTS ON WOMEN'S LIBERATION IN TAIWAN by SERENA WAI LAN MA B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming .. to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1994 © Serena Wai Lan Ma, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of rWhrOpflloqiJ / Soil'fl|o<jCj The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract In t h i s thesis, l i b e r a t i o n for women w i l l be defined within the boundaries of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n i n Taiwan. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the Taiwanese family was pa t r i a r c h a l , p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l , suggesting that women were i n f e r i o r i n status. Their r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were lim i t e d to domestic duties and childcare. However, the onset of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created the basis for f e r t i l i t y decline. I t introduced incentives for regulating f e r t i l i t y and thus, changed the structure of the h i s t o r i c a l Chinese family as well as the status of women. In the Taiwanese case, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n established employment opportunities for young men and women, allowing them to delay marriage. Postponing marriage had important demographic e f f e c t s because i t meant that childbearing was delayed and consequently, f e r t i l i t y rates declined. The introduction of family planning also contributed to the decrease i n f e r t i l i t y rates. Worried that overpopulation would impede i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the state implemented family planning programs i n Taiwan with a high degree of success. For women, having fewer children or spacing births, meant the freedom to pursue interests which otherwise, would be used for childcare. Therefore, f e r t i l i t y decline has a d i r e c t impact on women's autonomy. The extent that t h i s applies to the Taiwanese case w i l l be examined. The status of Taiwanese women i s assessed using both quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e evidence. I t involves comparing I l l government implemented s t a t i s t i c s and surveys on various areas of interest concerning men and women i n Taiwan. Since data co l l e c t e d by the Taiwanese state i s published on a regular basis, government census i s used. However, t h i s does not exclude other sources, such as data col l e c t e d and surveys car r i e d out by independent scholars. In addition to s t a t i s t i c s , case studies are used as part of the research design. Findings reveal that women are able to pursue personal interests, such as acquiring higher lev e l s of education,' concentrating on jobs and careers and enjoying d i f f e r e n t recreational a c t i v i t i e s . However, t h e i r freedom to r e a l i z e i n d i v i d u a l potential and c a p a b i l i t i e s i s challenged by those who deter women from recognizing t h e i r capacities. Women encounter anatagonism at the workplace, i n law and p o l i t i c s . Although t h i s i s the case, they do not accept i t as th e i r fate. Organized c o l l e c t i v e l y i n women's associations, they contest r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on th e i r freedom. In addition, feminist works which promote the changing status of women, highlight new ideas and address s o c i a l issues, also confront women's p l i g h t . Thus, although women are not f u l l y liberated, they gradually making progress to ensure that autonomy w i l l be the f i n a l outcome. i v Table of Contents Abstract i i Table of Contents i v Introduction ; 1 Chapter One The Demographic Transition i n Taiwan 17 Chapter Two Single Women i n Chinese Society 2 7 Chapter Three The Single Female: Rural 38 The Single Female: Urban 47 Chapter Four Married Women i n the Past 53 Chapter Five Rural Married Women 63 Urban Married Women 69 Chapter Six Limits to Women's Liberation 79 Chapter Seven Contestment on Restrictions of Freedom 88 Chapter Eight Conclusion 100 Bibliography 108 1 Introduction The object of thi s thesis i s to examine the extent of women's autonomy i n Taiwan. One of the aftermath of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was the increase i n working opportunities for young men and women, leading to delays i n marriage. This in turn produced the demographic t r a n s i t i o n , or a decline i n f e r t i l i t y rates, during 1956 to 1983. The demographic t r a n s i t i o n was also caused i n d i r e c t l y by other consequences of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Worried that an increasing population could hinder economic development, the Taiwanese state introduced family planning. It was extremely successful, as the majority of Taiwanese couples accepted and used b i r t h control products. As women postponed marriage and couples had fewer children, t h i s meant that women were able to pursue t h e i r own interests, such as working outside the household, obtaining higher lev e l s of education or simply enjoying l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , such as dancing or singing. H i s t o r i c a l l y , Chinese society i n Taiwan was p a t r i a r c h a l . The status of women was i n f e r i o r , burdened with household r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s and most importantly, childbearing. As children, g i r l s were trained i n domestic chores and childcare. They learned to serve t h e i r future-in-laws by cooking and cleaning. Young g i r l s for future maternal r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s by taking care of younger s i b l i n g s . Lastly, young women, espec i a l l y those belonging to noble families, did not venture beyond t h e i r natal homes. Most married women were forbidden 2 to work outside the home, except i n peasant families, where wives helped t h e i r husbands i n the f i e l d s . Women were pressured to have many children. Having abundant numbers of children was auspicious for Chinese families. However, although having children was important, i t was essential to have sons. In h i s t o r i c a l Chinese male-dominated society, sons continued the family name, inherited property and worshipped ancestors. A woman was accepted into her husband's family i f she bore a son. A male c h i l d also guaranteed that she would be worshipped a f t e r death. Therefore, i t was imperative for women to bear a male c h i l d . However, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began to a l t e r some of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n Taiwan's pat r i a r c h a l society. Japanese colonialism i n 1895 to 1945 led to the advance of the Taiwanese agriculture economy. In 1945, Taiwan came under Chinese j u r i s d i c t i o n a f t e r the Japanese abdication i n World War II, but regained independence aft e r siding with the Chinese Nationalists i n a 1949 revolution against the mainland communists. With the help of U.S. aid, Taiwan began to mature economically, developing i t s i n d u s t r i a l sector. There i s no doubt that Taiwan i s considered as a economically advanced nation. One of the outcomes of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s the tr a n s i t i o n from high to low b i r t h rates. As a r e s u l t of economic development, the demographic t r a n s i t i o n occurred i n Taiwan. 3 Therefore, the objective i n thi s thesis i s to examine the demographic process within the Taiwanese c u l t u r a l framework which has been recently influenced by rapid economic changes. A n a l y t i c a l Framework Ron Lesthaeghe and P h i l i p Aries define l i b e r a t i o n within the boundaries of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n . In a western context, emancipation i s a h i s t o r i c a l process consisting of three stages: the postponement of marriage, the notion of the "child-king", (Aries,1980:647) and f i n a l l y , l i b e r a t i o n . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n brought about great changes i n the family system. As the family cannot provide economically for the household, family members leave for the c i t i e s i n search of employment opportunities. The limelight f a l l s upon ind i v i d u a l objectives rather than attaining communal goals for the common good i n agrarian society. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n v produces new jobs for people i n the c i t i e s , enticing young people into leaving the family farm or business and migrating to urban areas i n search of employment. They "...gained greater independence as the family ceased to be the predominant unit of economic production." (Lesthaeghe,1983: 429) Young people, es p e c i a l l y women, delayed marriage i n order to work. "...The opening up of new employment opportunities... allows individuals to be more s e l f - r e l i a n t and more independent..." (Lesthaeghe,1983:430) Marrying at a l a t e r age meant that individuals were able to do things which would not be possible, had marriage taken place e a r l i e r . 4 Therefore, the f i r s t stage towards emancipation i s attaining more independence, achieved through the delayal of marriage. As the family ceases to be economically productive and no longer provides labor t r a i n i n g for i t s household members, i t s " . . . a c t i v i t i e s become more concentrated on emotional g r a t i f i c a t i o n and s o c i a l i z a t i o n . " (Smelser,1963:37) The following t r a i t s of the family aft e r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n can also be observed: marriage i s no longer preordained by parents, authority ceases to belong to the elder l y as the nuclear family takes precedence over the extended family and f i n a l l y , women gain independence s o c i a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y and economically. (ibid) Therefore, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n situates the family i n a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t . Instead of being the unit of production, as the case was i n peasant s o c i e t i e s , the family plays an important role i n nurturing and s o c i a l i z i n g i t s members. It i s able to do thi s even more e f f e c t i v e l y with the introduction of r e l i a b l e contraceptives. Couples can space births between children, r e s t r i c t the number of offsprings and delay reproduction. As they are able to monitor t h e i r family si z e , couples "...turned inward...and organized (themselves)...in terms of (their) children and t h e i r future." (Aries,1980:646) Consequently, with the decline i n f e r t i l i t y rates, the focus s h i f t e d from quantity of children to the quality of childcare. Children were no longer valued because of t h e i r a b i l i t i e s to contribute economically to the household, as i t was with 5 peasant families. Instead, parents provided children with better education and l i v i n g standards. This was es s e n t i a l because the family was no longer economically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t ; therefore, children had to acquire more s k i l l s before adapting to a complex d i v i s i o n of labor i n the work force. Since the labor market was beyond the control of the family i n an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d society, parents could only provide the necessary prerequisites, such as education, for t h e i r children. The term "1'enfant-roi" (Lesthaeghe,1983:413) or "child-king", (Aries,1980:647) i s hence, applicable to the second stage, because children received exceptional nurturing from t h e i r parents. Aries explains that: "The c h i l d was king and gave every indica t i o n of being desired as he (sic) was fawned upon." (Aries,1980:648) The t h i r d stage occurs aft e r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , as i n d i v i d u a l interests become the leading p r i o r i t y i n a person's l i f e . When thi s becomes the case, complete l i b e r a t i o n i s achieved. Liberation w i l l be brought about with the prevalence of contraceptives, as couples plan t h e i r children around t h e i r l i v e s and not the other way around. They w i l l have children i f and when they wish to and childbearing w i l l not readily i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l goals and plans. Aries describes l i b e r a t i o n as when: "couples - and individuals no longer plan l i f e i n terms of the c h i l d and his (sic) personal future...This does not mean that the c h i l d has disappeared from such plans but that he (sic) f i t s into them 6 as one of the various components that make i t possible for adults to blossom as i n d i v i d u a l s . " (Aries , 1 9 8 0 : 6 5 0) Less concern with children and childcare allows more freedom to pursue other goals. According to Aries, t h i s i s the meaning of l i b e r a t i o n . Applications to Taiwan Chinese Authority: 1683-1895 From 1683 to 1895, Taiwan was under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of China. An agrarian society, Taiwan consisted of farmers who migrated from Kwangtung or Fukien province. It was largely neglected by the Chinese government u n t i l 1874, when threats of Japanese invasion compelled them to execute defense t a c t i c s . In 1887, Taiwan was f i n a l l y admitted as a Chinese province and led by General Liu Ming-ch'uan, prepared to face Japanese attacks. Incorporated within t h e i r defense strategies was the entire reconstruction of Taiwan's infrastructure, communications and education system, a l l of which had economic signi f i c a n c e . Liu conducted the building of a railway, roads, the construction of a telegraph l i n k , harbor, the establishment of a postal service, e l e c t r i c i t y and schools. (Gold,1986:30) Not only were these security measures, but at the same time, modernized Taiwan. Unfortunately, due to the incompetence of succeeding o f f i c i a l s , many of Liu's projects were l e f t incomplete. In 1895, Taiwan f i n a l l y f e l l under Japanese control and undertook the task of supplying Japan with i t s resources. It was under 7 Japanese authority that Taiwan f u l l y developed i t s agriculture economy and paved i t s way towards i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Japanese Colonialism: 1895-1945 The Japanese were prepared to invest i n Taiwan for two reasons: f i r s t , they required a steady supply of r i c e and sugar, and secondly, to show that they were equally competent in order "...to convince the Westerners to grant Japan b i g -power status and restore f u l l sovereignity to i t . " (Gold, 1986:33) To achieve these two objectives, the Japanese government f i r s t completed and improved upon Liu's infrastructure, including transportation routes and communication l i n e s , as well as developing i t s human resources, such as the education and health system. The Japanese understood that a sound transportation system was essential for optimizing an agriculture economy. In 1920, they b u i l t 637 km of public railways and increased t h i s to 907 km i n 1940. In 1920, there was 3,553 km of roads, but t h i s multiplied to 12,076 km i n 1940. (Ho,1978:35) A s o l i d transportation structure i n Taiwan was e s s e n t i a l for exporting resources, such as r i c e , sugar, camphor, o i l , coal and alcohol, to Japan. In 1900 to 1909, Taiwan exported 76.2 percent food products to Japan. This percentage increased to 77.3 percent i n 1910 to 1919. In the period 1920 to 1929, food exports rose to 82.9 percent and during 1930 to 1939, 84.5 percent. (Ho,1978:30) In turn, the transportation system meant that Japanese manufactured goods, such as cloth, 8 machinery and f e r t i l i z e r , or Japanese food, c o u l d be imported i n t o Taiwan. During 1900 to 1909, Taiwan imported 70.8 percent Japanese manufactured goods and 29.2 percent food products. In 1910 to 1919, t h i s i n c r e a s e d t o 61.8 percent and 38.2 percent r e s p e c t i v e l y . In 1920 to 1929, manufactured goods c o n s i s t e d 58.4 percent of Taiwan's imports; 41.5 percent were e d i b l e products. F i n a l l y , d u r i n g 1930 to 1939, 65.9 percent of imports were secondary goods and 34.1 percent i n food. ( i b i d ) Moreover, incompleted t e l e g r a p h l i n e s were s u c c e s s f u l l y f i n i s h e d by the Japanese, j o i n i n g T a i p e i and Tainan, Tamsui and Foochow, Anping and Penghu. (Ho,1978:23) Under the guidance of the Japanese Government-General, or Sotokufu, the a g r i c u l t u r e s e c t o r f l o u r i s h e d as t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s were brought i n t o Taiwan. For i n s t a n c e , h i g h -y i e l d seeds and f e r t i l i z e r s were i n t r o d u c e d t o farmers. (Gold,1986:37) Furthermore, farmers' a s s o c i a t i o n s were c r e a t e d which "...made working c a p i t a l a v a i l a b l e t o peasants." ( i b i d ) A l l o f these measures c r e a t e d s u r p l u s as the a g r i c u l t u r e s e c t o r grew at a r a t e of 2 to 2.5 percent a n n u a l l y u n t i l 1920. A f t e r 1920, the r a t e i n c r e a s e d to 3.8 percent each year. (Ho,1978:28) Aside from s u c c e s s f u l l y d e v e l o p i n g the a g r i c u l t u r e economy, the Sotokufu a l s o p a i d s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to dev e l o p i n g Taiwan's human r e s o u r c e s . Elementary s c h o o l i n g i n Japanese was mandatory i n order f o r Taiwanese c h i l d r e n t o 9 foster allegiance to the Japanese emperor. Further schooling was a viable option available to gentry families because of expenses. Consequently, progress i n human resources ensued. Literacy (in Japanese) rates increased from 1 percent i n 1905 to 12 percent i n 1930 and 27 percent i n 1940. (Ho,1978:33) The Sotokufu was also devoted to improving health care during t h i s time. In 1897, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of health care professionals were limited to 259 doctors, 30 pharmacists and assistants and 9 midwives. In 1917, there was an increase to 610 doctors, 49 pharmacists and assistants, and 345 midwives. Twenty-one dentists and dental assistants also became available. (Ho,1978:320) As a r e s u l t , mortality rates decreased, with the crude death rate at 33.4 per 1,000 i n 1905, 23.9 i n 1925 and 19.4 i n 1940. (Ho,1978:313) The beginning of the Great Depression i n 1930 frightened Japan into finding some means of avoiding the impacts. It did that by invading China for i t s resources. Eleven years l a t e r , Japan began to attack Southeast Asia. The Japanese invasions were i r o n i c a l l y , an economic blessing for Taiwan. Taiwan assumed the new role of supplying goods for the warfare, hence not only increasing i t s productivity, but also i t s s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y . It i s evident that as a Japanese colony, Taiwan prospered economically and s o c i a l l y . The Japanese introduced measures and formulated an infrastructure that encouraged economic development. As well, mandatory schooling and improved health 10 care stimulated s o c i a l development. This had economic repercussions, as an educated, healthy population became more productive and had the a b i l i t y to develop new s k i l l s . (Ho, 1978:35) F i n a l l y , even Japan's warfare benefited Taiwan, giving i t the chance to s t r i v e for economic independence. Consequently, Taiwan was able to experience recent and rapid economic development because of the Japanese conception for "dependent capitalism". (Ho,1978:45) In other words, Japanese colonization gave Taiwan the potential to develop into an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nation. Postcolonization: 1945-1973 The surrender of Japan afte r World War II on August 1945 meant that once again Taiwan came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of China. However, Chinese authority was unstable and threatened to disrupt the Taiwanese economy. Fortunately, Taiwan's agriculture economy had developed under Japanese colonialism and i t did not suffer greatly during the transfer of power. Taiwan survived because i t had a developed agriculture sector, l i t e r a t e population, organizations that were help f u l to development, such as farmers' association and c r e d i t cooperatives, and f i n a l l y , s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . (Ho,1978:104) However, evident progress did not emerge u n t i l 1949, as the Communists gained control of mainland China and forced the Nationalists, otherwise known as Kuomingtang (KMT), to seek refuge i n Taiwan. The KMT would eventually, "establish a new r e l a t i o n with Taiwanese society and make a united stand 11 a g a i n s t the communists." (Gold,1986:57) Led by Chiang K a i -shek, Taiwan became known as "Free China". (Gold,1986:58) At t h i s time, the United S t a t e s decided to a l l y with the KMT " . . . i n the crusade a g a i n s t communism." (Gold,1958:73) The a l l i a n c e was a b l e s s i n g f o r Taiwan, as a surge of refugees from the mainland r e q u i r e d a quick s o l u t i o n to o v e r p o p u l a t i o n problems. The only answer was " . . . r a p i d economic development"; t h i s was "obvious and urgent." (Ho,1978:105) Taiwan managed to do t h i s with the help of U.S. a i d . One of the immediate problems was the immense s i z e of the m i l i t a r y . As of 1949, a l a r g e army was maintained to defend themselves from the communists, as w e l l as to achieve the KMT dream: "...eventual r e o c c u p a t i o n of the Chinese mainland." (Ho,1978:106) However, from 1955 to 1965, 12 percent of Taiwan's GNP a n n u a l l y was used to s u s t a i n t h e i r m i l i t a r y . U.S. a i d i n the amount of US$2.4 b i l l i o n from 1946 to 1967 was the o n l y reason Taiwan c o u l d have managed to maintain such m i l i t a r y expenses. (Ho,1978:109-111 ) Taiwan a l s o r e c e i v e d an a d d i t i o n a l US$1.7 b i l l i o n f o r d e v e l o p i n g i t s a g r i c u l t u r e s e c t o r , because "...Taiwan's a g r i c u l t u r e was strengthened as a base f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . " (Ho,1978:106) The g o a l was to s h i f t from an a g r i c u l t u r e t o i n d u s t r i a l economy. However, there were two c u l p r i t s t h a t were h i n d e r i n g i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n : i n f l a t i o n and an overabundance of imports. I n f l a t i o n was caused by an unexpected i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , Taiwan 1 2 regulated foreign exchange and enforced an import substitution approach. To replace imported products, the production of domestic goods was encouraged. Import substitution was successful i n developing the i n d u s t r i a l sector of Taiwan. However, t h i s lasted u n t i l the mid-1950s, when the economy took a turn for the worse. This compelled Taiwan to est a b l i s h a labor intensive strategy i n the 1960s to compete gl o b a l l y . The Nineteen-Point Program of Economic and Fin a n c i a l Reform was created to accelerate i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n Taiwan. For instance, i t freed regulations on trade and industry, encouraged exporting, inspired domestic and foreign investment. (Gold,1986:77) To motivate private investment i n 1961-64, the Third Four-Year Economic Plan merged with the Nineteen-Point Program of Economic and Fin a n c i a l Reform as well as the 1960 Statute for Encouragement of Investment and emerged with immense economic consequences, as General Instruments established i t s electronic factory i n 1964, becoming the f i r s t of many foreign investors i n Taiwan. (Gold,1986:78-79) On June 30, 1965, U.S. declared termination of f i n a n c i a l aid for Taiwan. Frightened by the prospect of endangering i t s present economic development, the Taiwanese government was forced to look for alternatives i n order to keep the economy strong. Measures included the i n i t i a t i o n of the Statute for the Establishment and Management of Export Processing Zones (EPZ) i n 1965. Foreign companies that operated i n these areas 13 would enjoy tax reductions and import duty exemptions. Consequently, many transnational corporations (TNCs) established themselves i n Taiwan. Furthermore, Taiwan offered cheap yet s k i l l e d labor as an incentive for investment to overseas companies. For instance, i n 1972, Taiwan boasted monthly wages of US$73 for competent workers, while i n comparison, the same worker i n Hong Kong required US$122, i n South Korea; US$102, Japan; US$272 and Singapore; US$183. (Gold,1986:79) It i s evident that U.S. aid had tremendous economic impacts i n Taiwan. From 1953 to 1973, the o v e r a l l economy grew at an annual rate of 8.6 percent. Agriculture increased at a rate of 4.6 percent each year and i n d u s t r i a l output, at an annual rate of 15 percent. (Ho,1978:121) In d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n Taiwan had an important side e f f e c t : i t changed f e r t i l i t y behaviour. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n fueled the demographic t r a n s i t i o n , or the transformation from high to low b i r t h rates. As men and women worked outside t h e i r homes, marriage was delayed. It also created opportunities for women to increase t h e i r education but most importantly, introduced contraceptives to the Taiwanese. Therefore, i t i s of int e r e s t to examine the effects of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n i n Taiwan, especially i t s impacts on Taiwanese women. Moreover, the t h e o r e t i c a l framework for emancipation provided by Lesthaeghe and Aries w i l l be used, but only as a guideline, on the rationale that i t i s based on a western model. 14 In chapter one, the h i s t o r i c a l status of single women i n Taiwan w i l l be examined. In th e i r natal households, daughters of peasant and gentry families engage i n d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s , but i n general, they are s t i l l taught to be good wives and daughters-in-law. Chapter two reviews the origins of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n i n Taiwan. The decrease i n f e r t i l i t y rates resulted as one of the aftermaths of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created job opportunities for young, single women and they delayed marriage i n order to work. The postponing of marriage was one of the reasons for f e r t i l i t y decline. The other reason attributed to the concern that a growing population could pose as a threat to economic development. Therefore, the Taiwanese government introduced family planning. State intervention was extremely successful, as couples readily accepted contraceptives. Success was due to several reasons: the lack of r e l i g i o u s stigmas for using b i r t h control products, decline i n children's contribution to family finances; therefore, children became f i n a n c i a l l i a b i l i t i e s and not assets, increase of nuclear families; meaning young couples were not l i v i n g with t h e i r elderly parents and therefore, free from pressures to have children, and f i n a l l y , education; as people learned more about the p e r i l s of overpopulation, they tend to be more receptive towards contraceptive usage. The current s i t u a t i o n for single Taiwanese women i n r u r a l 1 5 and urban areas i s explored i n chapter three. What gives them reason to delay marriage? Generally, i t appears that single women consider education and working outside the home as essential elements of l i f e . Many do not want to marry at an early age because i t would disrupt t h e i r commitments to advanced schooling and careers. They may relocate to attend post-secondary i n s t i t u t i o n s or for promotional opportunities. In addition, single women engage i n shopping, enrol i n various courses, play musical instruments, t r a v e l , volunteer, and frequent karaoke bars and nightclubs. Chapter four analyzes the pl i g h t of married women i n the past. The new bride not only had to cater to her new in-laws, but was also under pressure to produce children. In addition to childbearing, she was also responsible for having male children. When she has produced a male c h i l d , only then w i l l she be accepted i n her new household. The status of married r u r a l and urban women i n contemporary Taiwan i s explored i n chapter f i v e . With the a v a i l a b i l i t y of contraceptives, married women have the freedom to choose the number of th e i r children, postpone childbearing or space b i r t h s . Time and energy that was previously reserved for childbearing and childcare, are now being used for establishing businesses, working, dancing, gambling, performing r e l i g i o u s ceremonies, volunteering, exercising, engaging i n d i f f e r e n t community services and organizations. Although women have made progress i n gaining freedom to 1 6 pursue t h e i r own interests, they encounter resistance from those who try to deter women from r e a l i z i n g t h e i r goals. In chapter six, l i m i t a t i o n s to women's l i b e r a t i o n w i l l be investigated, including discrimination i n the workplace, l e g a l system and p o l i t i c s . However, Taiwanese women do not relent to such prejudices; instead they r e t a l i a t e . Chapter seven shows that through women's groups, they expose i n j u s t i c e s , lobby for women's rights and promote awareness of changes i n women's status. The media also plays a v i t a l r ole i n pu b l i c i z i n g women's s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l stance. F i n a l l y , chapter eight w i l l determine the progress that women have made in achieving l i b e r a t i o n . The a p p l i c a b i l i t y of Lesthaeghe and Aries' formulations w i l l also be explored. 17 Chapter I The Demographic Transition i n Taiwan The widespread a v a i l a b i l i t y of contraceptives d r a s t i c a l l y changed the role of married women. In Taiwan, family planning programs were readi l y accepted and approved. The demographic t r a n s i t i o n i n Taiwan; that i s , the transformation from high b i r t h and mortality to low b i r t h and death rates, occurred between 1956 and 1983. (Freedman et.al,1994:264) Furthermore, the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate, or the "number of children each woman w i l l bear i f she l i v e s through the childbearing years subject to the age-specific f e r t i l i t y rates for the s p e c i f i c year i n question", (Freedman et.al , 1 9 9 4 : 2 6 7 ) decreased by 72 percent, from 6.5 to 1.8 births per 1000 womem (ibid) between 1956 and 1990. Causes of the Demographic Transition: Postponement of Marriage The orig i n s of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n f i r s t came about with the increase i n the age of marriage. Delaying marriage meant postponing childbearing and simultaneously decreased women's fecundity. Consequently, the age-specific general f e r t i l i t y rate (number of births per 1,000 women of childbearing age) began to noticeably decline. For women between the ages of 15 and 19, the general f e r t i l i t y rate was 51 i n 1956, decreasing to 36 during 1965, 34 i n 1975 and dropping to 33 i n 1980. (Freedman et.al,1994:270) At the same time, the marriage rates f e l l for th i s age cohort, with 11.4 percent married during 1956, 8.6 percent i n 1966, 5.5 18 percent i n 1975 and 5.3 percent d u r i n g 1980. ( L i n e t . a l , 1994:204) Likewise, the g e n e r a l f e r t i l i t y r a t e d e c l i n e d f o r women i n the age group 20-24. During 1956, the a g e - s p e c i f i c f e r t i l i t y r a t e was 265, 261 i n 1965, 191 du r i n g 1975 and f i n a l l y , f a l l i n g to 180 in'1980. (Freedman et.al,1994: 270) At the same time, the percentage of married women i n t h i s category a l s o decreased, with 70.6 percent d u r i n g 1956, 59.5 percent i n 1966, 43.3 percent i n 1975 and 41.5 percent d u r i n g 1980. ( L i n et.al,1994:204) Causes of the Demographic Transition: State Action Aside from d e l a y a l of marriage as a c o n t r i b u t o r to the demographic t r a n s i t i o n , government i n t e r f e r e n c e a l s o p l a y e d a major r o l e . During 1951-56, the r a t e o f n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e i n Taiwan grew t o 36.7 per thousand a n n u a l l y . ( C o l l v e r et.al,1967:329) With a p o p u l a t i o n of 10 m i l l i o n , t h i s would mean an i n c r e a s e of one a d d i t i o n a l m i l l i o n people each year. ( i b i d ) These s t a t i s t i c s were enough to cause d i s t r e s s f o r the Taiwanese government. The s t a t e r e c o g n i z e d t h a t a l a r g e and growing p o p u l a t i o n s i z e would hin d e r economic development and cause s o c i a l problems. In response, the s t a t e decided to examine o v e r p o p u l a t i o n i s s u e s i n depth and to len d support f o r f a m i l y p l a n n i n g programs. To f u l l y determine the best method of r e s o l u t i o n , the s t a t e f i r s t consented to the enactment o f a survey i n Taichung 1 between October 1962 and January 1963, employing 3,000 p u b l i c h e a l t h nurses to i n t e r v i e w 2,500 19 married women. (Berelson and Freedman,1964:5) The resu l t s showed that many women wished to control the number of children i n the family, accepted the idea of contraceptive usage and would be w i l l i n g to try b i r t h control products. With th i s i n mind, the most s i g n i f i c a n t family planning program was implemented i n Taichung during mid-February 1963. In educating the public on the virtues of population control, i t was one of the most successful family planning programs executed through c i r c u l a t i o n of posters and personal appointments to various households. Selected married women between the ages of 20 and 39 years old were counselled on family planning matters with nurse-midwives. (Berelson and Freedman,1964:6) The program outlined c l e a r l y the advantages of spacing births or c o n t r o l l i n g f e r t i l i t y with updated contraceptive methods. Success was defined i n terms of contraceptive acceptance by couples and the decline i n the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rates. In November 10, 1963, i t was calculated that 3,968 couples, including 764 non-Taichung residents who were accepted into the program, (Freedman and Takeshita,1965:242) adopted some form of b i r t h control. This number increased to 6,188 couples by May 2, 1964. (ibid) A wide variety of d i f f e r e n t b i r t h control products, the most popular being the IUD with an acceptance rate of 78 percent, were provided at below-cost. (Berelson and Freedman,1964:10) Based on a survey aft e r the execution of the family planning program, case records and f e r t i l i t y s t a t i s t i c s , 20 Taichung experienced an exceptional decline i n i t s t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate, which dropped 6.3 percent during 1963-1964. (Freedman,1965:434) In comparison, the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate i n Taipei decreased only 2.6 percent, i n Keelung; 2.2 percent, Tainan; 3.7 percent and i n Kaoshiung; 3.9 percent. (ibid) Their moderate declines were due to urbanization, while Taichung had the advantage of both urbanization and a family planning program. The Basis for Success of Family Planning Programs Religion Why was the Taichung experiment and the many family planning programs implemented afterwards, so e f f e c t i v e i n terms of acceptance by Taiwanese couples? Several reasons contributed to the success of family planning programs i n Taiwan, which led to the demographic t r a n s i t i o n . F i r s t , there were no r e l i g i o u s stigmas involved with l i m i t i n g reproduction, which meant that men and women "did not believe that the number of children should be l e f t to 'fate' or 'providence'". (Berelson and Freedman,1964:5) Having fewer children did not go against r e l i g i o u s rules or regulations. In 1965, only 1 percent of the married women aged 22-29, f e l t that i t was "up to the gods" or "up to fate" (Freedman et.al , 1 9 9 4 : 2 8 6) on the number of children that they were to produce. This percentage did not change u n t i l 1980, when none of the respondents f e l t that reproduction was predestined. The resul t s were likewise for married women who were i n the age 21 group 30-39. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and Urbanization The i n i t i a t i o n of family planning programs coincided with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Since economic development increased the degree of urbanization, t h i s meant more working opportunities in the c i t i e s . It also indicated that people did not need to rel y on children as income sources, as i t was when Taiwan was mostly r u r a l . Prior to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , children were needed on farms to help with chores and a g r i c u l t u r a l work, and contributed to the family income. After urbanization, l i v i n g i n c i t i e s meant that children's labor were no longer required and they did not bring i n money to the family finances. Children were no longer regarded as old age security and even i f parents f e l t that having sons were necessary to act as caretakers for them i n old age, i t was perceived that one son was enough, although two were preferable. "The stem family requires one married son, and one son can continue the family l i n e , care for the family tablets and photographs and express his f i l i a l duty and feelings by caring for his older parents." (Freedman et.al,1994:317) During 1965, 6 percent of the married women i n the age group 22-29 indicated i n a survey that they preferred less than 2 sons, while 72 percent wanted 2 sons. (Freedman et.al , 1 9 9 4 : 2 8 6) In 1976, 29 percent wanted less than 2 sons, while 57 percent desired 2 sons. Women wanting less than 2 sons i n 1980 increased to 35 percent, while those who preferred 2 sons decreased to 55 percent. 22 (ibid) Although the results are less d r a s t i c for married women aged 30-39, there s t i l l appeared to be an i n c l i n a t i o n for having no more than two sons. In 1965, 4 percent indicated that they wanted less than 2 sons, while 61 percent preferred to have 2 sons. (ibid) During 1976, 19 percent desired to have fewer than 2 male children, and 65 percent wanted at least 2 sons. (ibid) F i n a l l y , i n 1980, 25 percent indicated that they wished to have less than 2 sons, while 66 percent preferred to have 2 male children. (ibid) In fact, the popularity of b i r t h control products only increased as people recognized that having more children was f i n a n c i a l l y disadvantageous, when children became economic burdens instead of assets. In 1969, a survey asked Taiwanese husbands whether they thought large families were advantageous or disadvantageous, and whether small families were po s i t i v e or negative. Large families were defined as having f i v e or more children, while small families were interpreted as having two or fewer children. With respect to large families, 36 percent of the respondents f e l t that there were only disadvantages involved, while 47 percent f e l t that only small families had advantages. (Mueller,1972:385) Urbanization also meant that many couples did not l i v e with the older generation. F i r s t , young people l e f t home for the c i t i e s i n search of employment opportunities and therefore, did not expect to l i v e with parents aft e r marriage. In a 1973 survey, 53.2 percent respondents who l i v e d i n the 23 urban areas indicated that they expected to l i v e with t h e i r parents at some time aft e r marriage, but i n the r u r a l areas, more than 65.1 percent said that they would cohabit with parents aft e r marriage. In 1980, the percentage for those l i v i n g i n the c i t i e s dropped sharply, with only 27.8 percent respondents indicating that they would reside with el d e r l y parents aft e r marriage, while i n r u r a l areas, the percentage did not declined as d r a s t i c a l l y , to 51.3 percent. Many married couples were not co-residing with el d e r l y parents for the same reason. (Weinstein et.al,1994:322) In 1973, 62.6 percent of the respondents i n a survey indicated that they did not reside with t,he husband's parents because they did not l i v e i n the same c i t y or township, while i n 1980, t h i s percentage increased to 64.3 percent. (Weinstein et.al,1994: 324) Secondly, l i v i n g i n the urban areas did not allow sons and t h e i r wives to l i v e with t h e i r parents because of li m i t e d space. During 1973, 70.6 percent of the elde r l y l i v e d with t h e i r son and wife, while during 1980, t h i s percentage dropped to 67.7 percent and i n 1985, 63.1 percent. (Chang and Ofstedal,1993:15) Thirdly, the number of female participants increased i n the workforce with unexpected e f f e c t s . The private sector consistently employed more women than men after 1974, with over 50 percent women working i n private establishments during 1978 and close to 60 percent i n 1983. In contrast, only 24 approximately 40 percent of the p r i v a t e s e c t o r was made up of male employees d u r i n g 1978, and 45 percent i n 1983. ( C h i , 1992:165) With more women working, a wi f e ' s a d d i t i o n a l income may e v e n t u a l l y allow a young married couple to s e t up a separate household. Moreover, s t u d i e s show t h a t married women who worked, were more l i k e l y t o use c o n t r a c e p t i v e s and had fewer c h i l d r e n on the average. During 1969, 57 percent o f the married women who worked f u l l time and 53 percent o f the p a r t -time female workers responded t h a t they used c o n t r a c e p t i v e s , while 49 percent of the unemployed women p r a c t i c e d b i r t h c o n t r o l . (Mueller and Cohn,1977:336) Research showed t h a t the longer a couple was married, the more l i k e l y they were t o e s t a b l i s h a separate household. A newly married couple may l i v e with the husband's parents d u r i n g the f i r s t p a r t of the marriage, but with savings, are able to e v e n t u a l l y s e t up t h e i r own household. During 1979, only 11.6 percent newly wed couples (married one year or l e s s ) se t up t h e i r own n u c l e a r households, while 30.8 percent o f those who have been married two years had moved out of the extended f a m i l y . (Chi,1992:160) Approximately 48 percent of the couples married f o r f i v e years and 65.3 percent o f those married f o r e i g h t to nine years, were l i v i n g i n a n u c l e a r f a m i l y . ( i b i d ) As a r e s u l t of l i v i n g apart from parents, the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n cannot pressure daughters-in-law to have c h i l d r e n , a l l o w i n g women to accept c o n t r a c e p t i v e s without remorse. 25 An i n c r e a s e of education o c c u r r e d f o r both men and women with the onset of u r b a n i z a t i o n . The educated r e s i d i n g i n the c i t i e s were more l i k e l y to read newspapers and use media s e r v i c e s . By doing so, they became aware of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n and i t s d i r e consequences, i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r acceptance of f a m i l y p l a n n i n g programs. A study a l s o r e v e a l e d t h a t between 1965 and 1970, urban women with a s e n i o r high s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n l e v e l or higher, p r e f e r r e d to have an average o f 3.0 c h i l d r e n , whereas those with primary s c h o o l education wanted an average of 3.8 c h i l d r e n . (Freedman et.al,1972:286) Women with more education; s e n i o r high or high e r l e v e l s , a l s o used b i r t h c o n t r o l to a g r e a t e r extent (79.2 percent) than t h e i r primary s c h o o l c o u n t e r p a r t s (53.7 p e r c e n t ) . ( i b i d ) There were f e a r s t h a t a f a s t growing p o p u l a t i o n would hind e r economic development. "Taiwan i s one of many low income c o u n t r i e s where r a p i d i n c r e a s e s i n p o p u l a t i o n thwart economic development and t h r e a t e n t o slow f u r t h e r improvements i n the standard o f l i v i n g . " ( Berelson and Freedman,1964:11) T h i s concern a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the acceptance of c o n t r a c e p t i v e usage. Such reasons l e d t o the widespread p o p u l a r i t y o f f a m i l y p l a n n i n g programs. Acceptance of b i r t h c o n t r o l products meant th a t women were w i l l i n g and able to r e g u l a t e t h e i r f e r t i l i t y . The most popular forms of b i r t h c o n t r o l i n c l u d e d the IUD, with 71,696 users among married women aged 20-44 d u r i n g 1965, 415,043 i n 1975, 615,853 f o r 1985 and f i n a l l y , 615,000 d u r i n g 26 1988. S t e r i l i z a t i o n , which did not begin u n t i l 1975, recorded 39,673 users, but increasing at a phenomenal rate to 537,859 in 1985 and 687,945 during 1988. Less popular methods of b i r t h control included the condom, which did not become common u n t i l 1970 but with only 14,995 users, increasing to 51,533 i n 1975, 233,156 during 1985 and 253,204 i n 1988. The least popular form of contraceptive appeared to be the P i l l , which became available i n 1970 and attracted 31;214 users, 64,006 i n 1975, 88,790 during 1985 and decreasing to a paltry 76,707 i n 1988. It i s estimated that during the period 1965 to 1988, approximately f i v e m i l l i o n b i r t h s could have been prevented with the widespread a v a i l a b i l i t y and acceptance of such b i r t h control products. (Freedman et.al,1994:298-300) After 1983, the b i r t h rate continued to decline. Contraceptive usage i s s t i l l practiced. As of 1994, the b i r t h rate i s below-replacement l e v e l s at 1.6, and the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate i s only 1.7 births per woman. (Obregon,1994:7) In 1991, 91 percent of the r u r a l married women and 92 percent of the urban married women, both i n the age group 22-39, are using or have previously used contraception. (Freedman e t . a l , 1994:323) 27 Chapter II Single Women i n Chinese Society The h i s t o r i c a l family i n Taiwan was extended, pa t r i a r c h a l , p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l i n nature. It incorporated ideology and values that influenced d a i l y l i f e , including denying young Taiwanese women the opportunity to experience adolescence. The i d e a l family was composed of men and women; a structure that consisted of " f i v e generations under one roof". (Gates,1987:104) It included grandfather, father, sons and grandsons. There were also wives, unmarried daughters and granddaughters. Authority was assigned to a male member of the family. Property was allocated only to the male descendants, i n order to keep i t within the family. Hence, i t was necessary to produce male children not only to continue the family name, but also to i n h e r i t the family property. Sons provided for t h e i r parents i n th e i r old age and performed r e l i g i o u s r i t e s for them afte r death. However, i n accordance to the p a t r i l o c a l nature of the h i s t o r i c a l family, single women were not permanent nor actual members of th e i r natal households. If young women die before marriage, there w i l l not be a tablet for them i n the ancestor worship h a l l . Instead, women belonged to th e i r husband's families. This i s especially symbolized during marriage r i t u a l s , as a bride's father or brother shuts the door firmly behind the wedding sedan chair as she leaves the house and 28 water i s then cast on the ground. Like s p i l t water, a married woman cannot return to her natal household. After death, married women were worshipped only i f they had a son. Their contribution to the continuance of the family name were rewarded with a tablet i n the ancestral h a l l . Most marriages were l a b e l l e d as the "major form of marriages". (A. Wolf quote i n Wolf,1972:171) This meant that the bride came from an outside family and therefore, required a bride price, engagement cakes and a feast. (Wolf,1972:178) However, i n some cases, families adopted a daughter or sim-pua as the future wife for th e i r son. This was known as the sim-pua form of marriage or "minor marriage" (Wolf,1972:171) A sim-pua marriage was desirable for several reasons: i t was inexpensive because the family did not have to pay a bride price, they did not need adjust to an outsider or worry about the bride's reputation, the sim-pua does not need to be trained because she already understands how the household operates, the sim-pua would not side with her husband nor attempt to upset the mother and son relat i o n s h i p because "...her l o y a l t i e s were those of a daughter." (Wolf,1972:179) However, adopted daughters were generally treated harshly and given strenuous chores. Adopted as a sim-pua at an early age, a respondent i n a study conducted by Margery Wolf exposes the hardships of a sim-pua: "My foster mother was always beating me...As soon as I came home from school, I went to work...I was always trembling with fear." (respondent quote i n Wolf, 29 1972:176-77) Therefore, i n a pa t r i a r c h a l , p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l society, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of female children d i f f e r e d vastly from that of males. They were taught domestic duties and childcaring, as early as f i v e years old. (Wolf;ed.by Freedman, 1966:47) In addition, those belonging to peasantry families were taught to make clothes, shoes and worked i n the f i e l d s with harvesting and c u l t i v a t i n g . L i t t l e g i r l s of affluent families also learned shoemaking, although t h e i r motivations were d i f f e r e n t from those of peasant g i r l s : " . . . f o r gentry g i r l s shoemaking assumed more symbolic than economic importance. A gentry g i r l was expected to make a l l the shoes for her husband's family during her f i r s t year i n i t , but the functional importance of thi s i n a l l pr o b a b i l i t y lay largely i n her symbolic subjection to and production for her new family." (Levy,1949:78) Female status was that of i n f e r i o r i t y because eventually g i r l s marry out of th e i r families and would belong to another household. "Beyond learning a few chores...a preschool Taiwanese g i r l learns her f i r s t subtle lessons about the second class status of her sex. She has heard from the time she could understand words that she was a 'worthless g i r l ' . . . " (Wolf,1972:66) The difference, however, was that daughters of the noble were less of a f i n a n c i a l l i a b i l i t y on t h e i r families than those of the poor. "The fe e l i n g of impermanence was more strongly brought home to peasant g i r l s than to gentry g i r l s . 30 It i s true that both were prepared to leave t h e i r families, but i n gentry families the g i r l did not f e e l herself such an economic burden." (Levy,1949:79) Foster daughters not only occupied an i n f e r i o r p o sition i n the household, but were often treated with cruelty because the majority j o i n the family only when there has been a tragedy. For instance, circumstances that would involve the adoption of a sim-pua include the s t e r i l i t y of a wife or the death of a c h i l d . (Wolf,1972:173) As a re s u l t of t h e i r secondary status, schooling opportunities were denied to women because i t was considered wasteful to educate them. "A woman too well educated i s apt to create trouble". (Wang, c i t e d i n Lang,1946:47) Prior to Japanese colonization i n 1895, the majority of Taiwanese g i r l s did not attend, school at a l l . Instead, they were taught domestic chores and childcare, and were trained to be obedient daughters-in-law. Class did not s i g n i f y any differences. Although there were some exceptions, g i r l s born i n the upper classes were as i l l i t e r a t e as th e i r lower class peers. During the following f i f t y years under Japanese administration, elementary l e v e l schooling for six years was made compulsory among Taiwanese boys and g i r l s , to propagate Japanese values and teachings. (Gold,1986:38) However, g i r l s were not encouraged to pursue schooling, and i f they were educated, i t did not extend beyond the primary l e v e l . In most cases, the reasoning was due to the "..older generation's 31 counsel a g a i n s t educating g i r l s so h i g h l y t h a t they are troublesome t o match when i t came time f o r them t o m a r r y . . . i t was s e n s e l e s s f o r a g i r l who c o u l d be h e l p i n g a t home or even e a r n i n g money i n a f a c t o r y to be i n s c h o o l g e t t i n g an expensive education t h a t w i l l o n l y b e n e f i t her f u t u r e husband's f a m i l y . " (Wolf,1972:92) Rewards t h a t e d u c a t i o n would b r i n g , such as fame or wealth, would not be reaped by t h e i r n a t a l f a m i l i e s as women married i n t o other households. Adopted daughters were not giv e n the luxury to a t t e n d s c h o o l f o r a lengthy amount of time. Instead, daughters and sim-pua began to compensate t h e i r parents f o r t h e i r g u a r d i a n s h i p almost as soon as they were able to speak. " I t i s not unusual f o r a fo u r year o l d g i r l to be put i n charge of her two year o l d b r o t h e r . " (Wolf,1972:65) The reas o n i n g f o r t h i s , d e p i c t e d by Susan Greenhalgh, i s t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between daughters and parents r e v o l v e d around an "exchange" p r i n c i p l e i n terms of r e s o u r c e s . Using M a r s h a l l S a h l i n s ' model, there are three means of exchange w i t h i n human r e l a t i o n s h i p s : balanced, g e n e r a l i z e d and ne g a t i v e . (Greenhalgh,1985:269) A balanced exchange i s when one immediately r e c e i v e d something of equal value f o r what was gi v e n . G e n e r a l i z e d exchange r e f e r s t o a t r a n s a c t i o n t h a t would be compensated through a long e r p e r i o d of time. F i n a l l y , n e g a t i v e exchange occurs when something was g i v e n and nothin g r e c e i v e d . The Chinese p a r e n t -daughter r e l a t i o n s h i p most c l o s e l y resembled t h a t o f a balanced exchange, while the parent-son r e l a t i o n s h i p 32 p a r a l l e l e d that of the generalized exchange. Since daughters married out of the family, they had less time to pay back t h e i r parents for investing resources i n them. In terms of education, the longer daughters remained i n school, the shorter period of time there would be for chores, such as cooking and cleaning, which would compensate t h e i r parents for r a i s i n g them. Therefore, daughters were discouraged from attending school because they had to work during the period p r i o r to marriage, to repay t h e i r parents, while sons took t h e i r time paying t h i s "debt" on the account that they remained with t h e i r parents for the rest of th e i r l i v e s . Parents financed t h e i r children's education with the expectation that they would be compensated i n the future, which meant that t h e i r children's wages would be contributed towards the family budget, or that t h e i r children would care for them i n th e i r old age. Daughters were unable to f u l f i l t h i s duty, because not only were employment opportunities limited for educated women to take advantage of and provide for the family finances, but marrying into another household meant that they had to attend to th e i r husbands' parents instead of th e i r own parents i n th e i r old age. Even i f they were educated, the benefits from schooling would p r o f i t t h e i r husbands' household. Therefore, i t was not surprising that as children, women were trained e a r l i e r to help with housework and childcare, so that they could pay back t h e i r parents for the resources spent on feeding and caring for them. 33 "Daughters, being expected to leave home i n any case at marriage, are best used i n th e i r early years to make a contribution to the natal home..." (Fricke et.al,1994:125) In the case of foster daughters, since they are not considered to be the equals of daughters, they work to pay back t h e i r parents for adopting them. The p a t r i l i n e a l system established early marriage and high f e r t i l i t y for economic and r i t u a l reasons. The emergence of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n shortly a f t e r Taiwan gained independence from Japan i n 1945, began to a l t e r the p a t r i l i n e a l system and subsequently, changed the l i v e s of young women. As American and Japanese investors established factories i n Taiwan, they required inexpensive and d i s c i p l i n e d workers. However, they were usually d i s i n c l i n e d to employ married women because childbearing interrupted work. (Sutter,1988:20) Young, single females f u l f i l l e d t h e i r requirements and they became increasingly involved i n the labor market. During the la t e 1960s, Robert Sutter observed that: "About half of a l l factory workers are between the ages of f i f t e e n and twenty four. Young women make up one-third... (of factory workers)..." (Sutter,1988:19) Working i n factories meant postponing marriage and therefore, procreation. Consequently, women found that they could devote themselves to non-reproductive a c t i v i t i e s . They were now e n t i t l e d to be "ch'ing nien"; (Levy,1949:75) as they, too, could explore options that previously only young men had. Now, single women were free to 34 do something else other than facing marriage as th e i r only option. Simultaneously, attitudes toward marriage have also changed. Young women want to explore alternatives and many are not concerned with marriage. Most importantly, sim-pua marriages have died out. In 1910, 70 percent of g i r l s were given up for adoption. In 1931, thi s decreased to 44 percent and f i n a l l y , the practice ceased. (Wolf,1972:180) This i s attributed to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , as young men began to work outside t h e i r homes and with economic dependence, decided that they had the right to "...re j e c t a marriage that was repugnant to them." (Wolf,1972:181) Many young men were reluctant to marry t h e i r foster s i s t e r s because i t " . . . f e l t incestuous..." (ibid) to them. With i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i t i s now acceptable to postpone marriage and even fashionable, not to marry. As one factory worker said i n Lydia Kung's study: "Women (sic) should not marry early. Once married she has less freedom, she can't do as she pleases, such as going out. A l l she ends up with i s housework and taking care of the children...", (Kung,1983: 133) Tsai Yao-tuan, a supermarket supervisor says: " I f the righ t person doesn't come along, I guess I w i l l be a single noble..." (Chang,1993:12) The concept of a "single noble" (ibid) celebrates being unmarried; " . . . i t implies that a l i f e alone i s the best human choice." (Chen,1988:18) The older generation finds i t d i f f i c u l t to accept the 35 f a c t t h a t they no longer have s t r o n g i n f l u e n c e over the marriage of t h e i r daughters. Yet, there are v a r i o u s reasons which prompt parents not to marry daughters a t an e a r l y age. For i n s t a n c e , some need the income t h a t daughters c o n t r i b u t e to the f a m i l y budget. Mrs. Yang says: "No, I can't do t h a t ; i f I l e t my daughters marry now, t h a t means l o s i n g t h e i r e a r n i n g s . I wouldn't l e t them marry so e a r l y [at twenty-one and e i g h t e e n ] . " (Kung,1983:140) For o t h e r s , i t means t h a t t h e i r daughters are more l i k e l y to f i n d a husband with h i g h s t a t u s , with r e s p e c t to c a r e e r and s a l a r y . "With a hig h s c h o o l degree, she can expect to marry a c o l l e g e graduate. With a c o l l e g e degree, she may be abl e t o marry a r e t u r n e d student from abroad with an M.A. or Ph.D, or go to America h e r s e l f and marry a promising Chinese graduate student." (Diamond,1973:223) Wives with s c h o o l i n g are p r e f e r r e d because they are able to guide t h e i r c h i l d r e n a c a d e m i c a l l y . Diamond e x p l a i n s t h a t the " . . . r o l e of the educated middle c l a s s mother i s to i n c l u d e i n t e n s i v e coaching of the c h i l d r e n . . . ( s p e n d ) a t l e a s t an hour a day going over l e s s o n s . . . i t i s the r a i s o n d ' e t r e f o r a woman's edu c a t i o n . " (Diamond,1973:224) Most imp o r t a n t l y , i t i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y common t h a t daughters, and not sons, are now su p p o r t i n g parents i n t h e i r o l d age. Men o f t e n a t t r i b u t e f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and hig h c o s t s of l i v i n g as j u s t i f i c a t i o n s , as Wang L i a n g - i , a r e a l e s t a t e agent i n T a i p e i puts i t : "I'd l o v e to i f I had the money...But i t ' s going to be very hard with l i v i n g expenses so 36 high i n Taiwan." (Chang,1993:10) Moreover, a popular trend i s that one puts oneself before others i s emerging. Wang Liang-i feels that: "You have to take care of yourself before you can help someone else, r i g h t ? " (Chang,1993:11) It i s evident that single women are deferring marriage and during t h i s period, many invest i n thi s newfound freedom by obtaining more schooling. Hao Pei-chih says: "I made up my mind to enter a normal college when I was s t i l l i n 1 1 t h grade because I wanted to teach." (Leu,1987:44) Comments such as: "... the shrine of knowledge can be entered only through a door provided by a college education, and "...she desperately wants to earn an MBA degree..." are not rare amongst young women i n contemporary Taiwan. During 1 9 4 0 - 4 9 , on the average, women only had 3 . 8 years of schooling. (Parish and W i l l i s , 1 9 9 3 : 8 7 3 ) However, during the following forty years, women were educated not only beyond the high school l e v e l , but were also enrolled i n post-secondary l e v e l s of schooling. During 1 9 7 0 , only 35 .1 percent of the women had completed senior high school, but i n 1 9 8 8 , t h i s number more than doubled, to 7 9 . 7 percent. (Hermalin et al., 1 9 9 4 : 6 8 ) The differences can also be seen for schooling at the college l e v e l . During the early stages of economic development, only . 3 percent of the women were enrolled i n courses beyond senior high school i n 1 9 5 2 , but thi s number steadily increased to 19 percent i n 1970 and 3 2 . 7 percent i n 1 9 8 8 . (ibid) Other women work outside the home, not only for economic 37 reasons, but also to experience independence. "..some women have translated economic obligation into an opportunity to see the world outside..." (Kung,1983:52) F i n a l l y , there are those who pay for the cost of education with t h e i r s a l a r i e s , often from factory work. "Factory work of f e r s young people from poor families an opportunity to earn money for various purposes, including t h e i r own educations. The goal of completing high school at night while working to pay the fees. . . i s common especially among woman workers." (Gates, 1987:72) It can be concluded that Taiwan corresponds to the c r i t e r i a for the f i r s t stage i n the emancipation process for women, as depicted by P h i l l i p e Aries and Ron Lesthaeghe. This f i r s t stage, the delaying of marriage, meant that women were not having children at an early age. A prolonged period of being single meant experimentation with non-reproductive a c t i v i t i e s , such as working outside the home i n fact o r i e s and increasing t h e i r schooling. For Taiwan, th i s e a r l i e s t stage has been actualized, evident by women marrying at a l a t e r age and consequently, declines i n the f e r t i l i t y rate. 38 Chapter III The Single Female: Rural P r e v i o u s l y , r u r a l s i n g l e women were e l i g i b l e f o r marriage between the ages of 15 to 19 years o l d , but i t i s now acc e p t a b l e to be married between the ages of 24 to 29 years o l d . T herefore, they are f r e e to s h i f t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o other endeavors, such as f u r t h e r i n g t h e i r e d u c a t i o n to a minimal h i g h s c h o o l l e v e l or working o u t s i d e the home. In the past, these would have been unacceptable a l t e r n a t i v e s t o marriage. G e n e r a l l y , men and women i n r u r a l areas tend to r e c e i v e l e s s education than t h e i r c q u n t e r p a r t s i n the c i t i e s . As l a t e as the 1960s and 1970s, farmers c o n s i d e r e d female members of the f a m i l y e q u a l l y v i t a l f o r p r o d u c t i o n as males. T h e r e f o r e , farmers' wives were not exempt from h a r v e s t i n g , which meant th a t daughters were needed to care f o r younger s i b l i n g s and household chores, as w e l l as l e a r n i n g farming s k i l l s , so t h a t they are able to help t h e i r husbands i n the f u t u r e . School meant t h a t the " . . . f a m i l y w i l l be d e p r i v e d of the p o t e n t i a l income o f the student and of help i n d a i l y chores o r jobs around the v i l l a g e . " (Diamond,1969:39) I l l i t e r a t e farmers f e l t t h a t a t t e n d i n g s c h o o l was a waste of l a b o r , money and time. C h i l d r e n r e c o g n i s e d t h i s n e g a t i v i t y as "...the growing f e e l i n g of o b l i g a t i o n and g u i l t . . . t h e f e e l i n g t h a t t h e i r e d u c a t i o n i s a p r i v i l e g e and l u x u r y . . . " (Diamond,1969:38) At most, daughters were educated to a primary l e v e l i n order to 39 ensure that they were marriageable, as " . . . g i r l s w i l l make more advantageous marriages i f they have completed primary school or are at least l i t e r a t e . " (ibid) Moreover, schooling was expensive for some families. Sometimes, t u i t i o n was charged, and there were other extra expenses to be taken into account, such as uniforms, books, pens and paper. "Books, paper, and pencils were paid for by parents, and for some families, even these few d o l l a r s become a drain on t h e i r limited resources. The parents must also provide uniforms for th e i r children, dark blue s k i r t s and white blouses for the g i r l s . . . " (Wolf,1972:81) In cases where parents were i l l i t e r a t e and uneducated, they f a i l e d to understand the relevance of schooling, and many terminated t h e i r children's schooling at the primary l e v e l . The further pursuit of higher education was a luxury, es p e c i a l l y for daughters. Lastly, employment outside the home i n r u r a l areas did not require abundant education. Often, a daughter contributed to the family income by working i n a l o c a l factory as soon as possible. Her wages not only supplemented household earnings, they also paid back the money which was borrowed for her schooling. In one case study conducted by Margery Wolf i n Peihotien during 1959, an elderly grandmother refused to allow her grand daughter the opportunity of attaining a teaching career, even though i t did not cost anything because " . . . i f she goes to Normal High School for three years, then she w i l l 40 be nineteen and ready to get married. The school may not cost anything, but she won't bring home any money either." (Grandmother quote i n Wolf,1972:92-93) However, i f the grand daughter was to work at a nearby factory, "...she can earn NT $300 per month...the family w i l l have enough. The money she i s using to study now i s a l l borrowed. I have to return i t l i t t l e by l i t t l e . It r e a l l y i s n ' t that I don't want her to study, but I don't have the money." (Wolf,1972:93) Education In i t s attempts to f a c i l i t a t e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the Taiwanese government enforced compulsory education. A "modern" era emerged i n 1968, as schooling to a minimal grade nine became mandatory. From then on, single women began to break free from former constraints, as they were allowed to stay i n school longer. Not only did school prolong the period young women were able to remain single, but at the same time, permitted g i r l s to be somewhere else other than at home. In former times, a g i r l ' s place was i n the household. Education and Work Occasionally, families of young r u r a l women i n s i s t that they cannot support t h e i r daughters' educational costs. It i s not uncommon then, to f i n d these young women w i l l i n g to work and pay for t u i t i o n themselves. This seems to be p a r t i c u l a r l y the case for single women employed at fac t o r i e s , because working there does not require much educational background. In the early 1970s, women with primary schooling could f i l l 41 over sixty percent of the 367,000 factory job positions posted at the employment guidance centre. (Kung,1974:41) Hence, many work during the day and attend night classes i n order to upgrade t h e i r educational s k i l l s . "Women who work the day s h i f t attend classes from approximately six to ten o'clock i n the evenings and... take only a few minutes for a quick snack... before rushing to catch a bus." (Kung,1983:155) The reverse i s also true; those attending day classes work the evening s h i f t with l i t t l e time to spare i n between. "Other women who attend school during the day are up before seven to be on time for classes that usually begin at eight and l a s t t i l l three i n the afternoon, rushing back to the factory for the four p.m. to midnight evening s h i f t . " (ibid) I t i s also c r i t i c a l to emphasize here, that the concept of a "marriage market" has emerged, whereas previously, parents chose husbands for t h e i r daughters. Women are now free to select t h e i r marriage partners. More schooling means creating a more at t r a c t i v e image for potential husbands, as well as a prestigious image: "It's understandable that they are w i l l i n g to put themselves through th i s because education i s so important; for a g i r l i t sounds much better i f one i s a high school graduate than i f one only completed lower middle school, and i t ' s a factor that men (boyfriends) w i l l take into account too." (Kung,1983:156) Furthermore, there i s the fe e l i n g that everyone i s more educated which creates incentive for young women to further 42 t h e i r schooling, despite a grueling schedule, where there i s hardly a pause between working and attending classes. One of the most important reasons that women ardently pursue education i s due to peer pressure. As one Sanhsia factory worker remarks: "Whenever I run into former classmates who are now i n college, I f e e l too embarrassed to even greet them." (Factory worker quote i n Kung,1983:156) Education means upgrading one's s o c i a l position; being uneducated means that one i s uncouth, unrefined and i l l bred. These feelings of inadequacy are caused by the young women's own peers. Peer pressure i s a r e l a t i v e l y new concept which did not exis t for women i n e a r l i e r times, when th e i r entire world was within t h e i r households. As the world of women extend beyond t h e i r household, they are free to meet and become friends with people of th e i r own age, i n school, at work and during extracurricular a c t i v i t i e s . Their personal attributes are under the mercy of friends and coworkers, who may dictate how they behave, whereas before, confined to within t h e i r households and under the authority of th e i r parents, t h i s would have been impossible. Aside from peer pressure, another important reason that young women i n the r u r a l areas are becoming increasingly educated i s that i t becomes easier to fin d work with status outside t h e i r homes. Employment i s being perceived d i f f e r e n t l y as education influences the association of prestige with types of work. 43 Work: Factory The acceptance of working outside the home began with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the emergence of f a c t o r i e s . As parents r e a l i z e d that working daughters meant more income for the family, they gradually allowed them to leave home and work i n the f a c t o r i e s . Sometimes factory employment required women to relocate. Many f e e l that t h i s i s a good chance to explore the outside world and learn to be independent. Chen i n Sanhsia says: "At home one depends on one's parents for everything and there i s alot one can't learn at home...I wanted to prove that I could manage on my own...to acquire more experience..." (Kung,1974:52) Although parents are reluctant, they eventually give permission for t h e i r daughters to move into a d i f f e r e n t area for the sake of working. "Chen's parents were i n i t i a l l y opposed to the idea of t h e i r youngest c h i l d being so far from home (Chiayi i n the south) but her father eventually consented..." (Kung,1974:52) Moving out of the home for reasons other than marriage before was unheard of; employment now provides s u f f i c i e n t reason to do so. For many r u r a l young women, factory work i s perceived as more prestigious than many other types of employment. Women workers tend to shun waitressing, working on a bus and sales i n favor of factory jobs because the former three occupations impose long and unpredictable s h i f t s , working with the public, while the l a t t e r allows more l e i s u r e time and involves much more simple tasks. Although these jobs are not abundant, 44 n e v e r t h e l e s s , the s e r v i c e s e c t o r does e x i s t t o serve the l o c a l r e s i d e n t s . For her 1974 study, L y d i a Kung noted t h a t Sanhsia had markets, c l i n i c s , two movie t h e a t r e s and temples (Kung, 1 9 7 4:xii) t h a t c a t e r e d to l o c a l s as w e l l as nearby a g r i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e s . In her i n t e r v i e w s , v a r i o u s female f a c t o r y employees i n Sanhsia s a i d t h a t they would r a t h e r work i n a f a c t o r y than i n r e s t a u r a n t s or s t o r e s because: "Most people regard s a l e s g i r l s the way I do - i t ' s work no one r e a l l y wants to d o . . . t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n i s n ' t as good..." (Fact o r y employees quotes i n Kung,1983:55) In the same study, a former b u s g i r l observes t h a t being a b u s g i r l e n t i t l e d her t o : "...two days o f f a month.." ( B u s g i r l quote from Kung, 1983 :55) and t h a t " . . . g i r l s who are i n such work have a r e p u t a t i o n of being l o o s e i n the way they behave. I t i s f o r t h i s reason people c o n s i d e r i t a low p r e s t i g e j o b . " ( i b i d ) Another Sanhsia f a c t o r y employee i n t e r v i e w e d , says: "...the best p a r t [of working i n a f a c t o r y ] i s t h a t one does not need to d e a l with s t r a n g e r s ; i n f a c t you don't need to spend much time or expend much e f f o r t i n d e a l i n g with people at a l l . " ( F a c t o r y worker quote i n Kung,1983:55) E d u c a t i o n and Work T h i s i s not the case f o r a l l f a c t o r y women workers. For those simultaneously working and studying, they do not want to stay a t the f a c t o r i e s permanently. Employment i n the f a c t o r i e s i s spurned by more educated women, because the work i s simple and to them, does not o f f e r p r e s t i g e . A c c o r d i n g to 45 a f e m a l e c l e r k i n L y d i a Kung's s t u d y , f a c t o r y work i s "...work e v e n e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l g r a d u a t e s c a n d o . . . f a c t o r y work s o u n d s bad, b e c a u s e t h e n a p e r s o n i s c l a s s i f i e d a s a manual w o r k e r . " (Kung,1983:157) A h i g h s c h o o l g r a d u a t e i n t h e same s t u d y r e m a r k s t h a t f a c t o r y employment i s " . . . a j o b where y ou c a n n o t h o l d y o u r head up h i g h ; i t i s a low s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n and do e s n o t g i v e a p e r s o n any f a c e . " ( i b i d ) T h e r e f o r e , i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t w i t h an a d v a n c e d e d u c a t i o n , young women a r e n o t o n l y a b l e t o s e a r c h f o r more i m p r e s s i v e j o b s b u t t h e y a l s o want p r e s t i g i o u s j o b s t o c o r r e l a t e w i t h t h e i r e d u c a t i o n l e v e l s . H i g h i n p o p u l a r i t y i s o f f i c e work, b e c a u s e i t i s p r o m i n e n t i n p r e s t i g e and g i v e s women t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o e v a l u a t e o t h e r s . L y d i a Kung i n t e r v i e w s one p a r t i c u l a r f a c t o r y employee who b i t t e r l y s a y s : "The women i n t h e o f f i c e s r e a l l y t h i n k t h e m s e l v e s s o m e t h i n g s p e c i a l , and t h i s c a n be s e e n i n t h e a i r s t h e y assume, e v e n i n t h e way t h e y t a l k and a c t . " ( f a c t o r y w o r k e r q u o t e i n Kung,1983:158) Association of Work With Education: Return to the Farm Not a l l e d u c a t e d r u r a l women work i n o f f i c e s ; some r e t u r n t o v i l l a g e s w i t h t h e i r newfound knowledge and c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e f a m i l y b u s i n e s s . L i Me i - y u a n , t h e " P a s t u r e Queen" (Wang et.al,1983:46) o f M i a o l i C o u n t y , c e n t r a l T a i w a n s a y s : " I q u i t my t r a d i n g b u s i n e s s b e c a u s e I c o u l d n o t f u l f i l l my p o t e n t i a l t h e r e . I was b r o u g h t up i n t h e v i l l a g e and was d e e p l y i n f l u e n c e d by r u r a l l i f e . C a t t l e were my companions when I was a c h i l d and I m i s s e d t h e f i e l d s and c r o p s . " ( L i q u o t e i n 46 Wang et.al,1983:46) In the past, women helped with harvesting but never with the administration and management of a farm. In contemporary times, educated daughters are taught how to operate the farm by t h e i r fathers. Moreover, male r e l a t i v e s are now i n the assistant roles, helping with d a i l y procedures. Researcher Betty Wang and her s t a f f noted that: "Her staunchest supporter...was her father...the el d e r l y farmer passed on a l l his farming experience to his daughter... at that time, one of her nephews, just graduated from junior high, was looking for work...He became an indispensible helper to his aunt." (Wang et.al,1983:46) For young women, education combined with a farming background i s an important aide for business success. Education not only provides them with a s o l i d foundation to meet the demands, for managing a business, but also the self-esteem to undertake such challenges. "She has great confidence i n the economic future...she has c a r e f u l l y calculated the 'cost and e f f e c t ' . . . " (Wang e t . a l , 1983:47) Leisure Time In addition to upgrading t h e i r education, working outside the home or maintaining the family business, contemporary young women in the r u r a l areas are involved i n many d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s during t h e i r l e i s u r e time. Many keep a portion of t h e i r salary for t h e i r own pleasures. A twenty three years old factory worker reported to Lydia Kung: "As for me, I s t i l l take money home, but I r e t a i n some for myself - for going out, 47 movies and clothes." (Kung,1983:84) Their ventures might include swimming and dancing, as was the case for one new factory employee i n Sanhsia: "She gave no sign of hesitati o n or shyness... she mentioned with enthusiasm her intere s t i n swimming and dancing..." (Kung,1983:82) Other young women might enrol i n sewing and typing classes. In Hsin Hsing, a ru r a l v i l l a g e located i n Pu Yen Hsiang, Chang-hua Hsien, sewing classes were available for daughters of members i n the Farmers' Association. (Gallin,1966:199) The Single Female: Urban Like t h e i r r u r a l counterparts, the postponing of marriage and childbearing has given Taiwanese young women i n the c i t i e s the l i b e r t y to conduct other a f f a i r s . Urban women have consistently pursued education to a greater quantity and higher l e v e l . I t i s no longer unusual for them to enrol i n junior college and university. They are also encouraged to work by th e i r parents, not because t h e i r f i n a n c i a l contribution to the family i s required, but simply for the sake of having th e i r own career and independence. For recreation, they occupy themselves with a c t i v i t i e s that enhance t h e i r knowledge and sharpen t h e i r minds, such as en r o l l i n g i n yoga, recreational cooking, acting and computer classes, as well as t r a v e l l i n g for pleasure. Education Women residing i n urban areas are usually better educated than th e i r r u r a l peers because they do not need to help with 48 harvesting on the family farm and there are fewer domestic chores for them to do. Generally, parents accept the fact that t h e i r daughters might have to move out, for the sake of attaining the best schooling possible because occasionally, i t i s necessary for students to relocate near better schools. One such case i s Hao Pei-chih, a 17 year old Taipei high school student. She moved out: "because her family l i v e s on the outskirts of Taipei, a one hour bus ride from campus, she d a i l y saves almost two hours for additional reading by l i v i n g away from home during the weekdays." (Hao quote i n Yu,1987: 53) Daughters who do not reside with t h e i r family learn to be even more independent. Work and Education Coinciding with t h e i r r u r a l associates, many urban young women work part time for school t u i t i o n . Part-time jobs are not r e s t r i c t e d to those enroled i n post secondary i n s t i t u t i o n s ; many high school students are also engaged i n various types of employment. Hsu Chin, a junior i n the Department of Chinese Literature at the National Taiwan Normal University i s one example. "Since senior high school days, Hsu has been working during the vacations to support herself... she worked once as a housekeeper...now she i s a tutor..." (Leu,1987:45) Not only does th i s show that they w i l l not allow a lack of finances to deter t h e i r desire for schooling, but they also s t r i v e for and value t h e i r independence. This i s es p e c i a l l y the case for night school 49 students who work during the daytime. Chen Mei-ling, a junior i n the Department of Accounting at Soochow University i s "...used to independence... she wants to l i v e by her own efforts...works f i v e or six hours a day as a gas station attendant near her university." (Leu,1987:46) Post-secondary and Post-graduate Studies College or university studies a f t e r high school for women are no longer exceptional. In 1990, a t o t a l of 213,429 (Executive Yuan,1990:535) single women attained a college or university degree. In fact, many s t r i v e beyond the undergraduate l e v e l , engaging i n post-graduate studies. During 1990, 12,051 (ibid) single women held graduate degrees. A senior at National Taiwan University, Ong Shee-hoi's " . . . f i r s t p r i o r i t y a f t e r graduation i s to enter a graduate program i n Chinese l i t e r a t u r e . . . " (Leu,1987:46) Employment After graduation, the majority of single women work. Approximately 24.13 percent (Executive Yuan,1990:748) of single women i n the age group 15 to 19 years old are working. Between the ages of 20 to 24, 64.94 percent unmarried women are employed, while 77.83 percent i n the age group 25 to 29 years old have jobs. (ibid) The majority of single women are employed i n public administration, s o c i a l and personal services, with a t o t a l of 580,889 or 63 percent i n 1990, (Executive Yuan,1990:790-791), while ranking second i n popularity i s commerce, with a t o t a l of 497,043 or 54 percent. 50 (ibid) Many rank t h e i r jobs f i r s t i n order of importance. For A l i c e Kao, the direct o r for the United Daily News, one of the largest c i r c u l a t i n g Chinese language newspapers i n Taiwan, i t seems that "...work...has always seemed to be the most appealing p r i o r i t y . " (Martin,1987:25) Furthermore, there are those who would even s a c r i f i c e marriage for career. Chen Mei-l i n g asserts: "I w i l l i n s i s t on working, even at the price of being single a l l my l i f e . " (Chen quote i n Leu,1987:47) They have good role models, with proven records that a strong educational background and hard work mean a successful career. For instance, A l i c e Kao, graduated from the Taiwan National Normal University and enroled i n classes at Harvard. Leisure Time To complement t h e i r liberated l i f e s t y l e s , t r a v e l l i n g i s an extremely popular a c t i v i t y for young women i n the c i t i e s . With money earned from t h e i r own jobs, many make annual t r i p s to d i f f e r e n t countries for pleasure. Cheng Shuang-li, manager for a family-owned convenience store announces: "...I t r a v e l abroad once a year as a kind of reward and educational investment. I have been to Indonesia, Hawaii, and the U.S. mainland." (Chang,1993:12) Others combine two types of entertainment at one time, v i s i t i n g another c i t y or country for shopping purposes. Wong Jo-hua, a tr a v e l agent i n Taipei, "...spends much of her earnings on traveling abroad... makes four shopping t r i p s to Hong Kong each year and vacations to Europe every eighteen months..." (Chang,1993:7) Other 51 r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s range from v i s i t i n g karaoke bars and n i g h t c l u b s to t a k i n g language and paper c u t t i n g c l a s s e s . They have d i s c o v e r e d music and a r t seminars, yoga c l a s s e s and v o l u n t e e r work. In a 1991 survey, 27.2 percent o f the unmarried female respondents p a r t i c i p a t e d i n community a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v i n g c h i l d r e n , youths, s e n i o r c i t i z e n s , the needy, the t e r m i n a l l y i l l , and v a r i o u s women's movements. (Yang,1991:27) T h e i r l i v e s have i n c o r p o r a t e d r e l i g i o n , f o l k dancing and p l a y i n g musical instruments. Ong Shee-hoi "...found t h a t s i t t i n g i n m e d i t a t i o n or l i s t e n i n g t o Buddhist s u t r a s being expounded, p l u s p l a y i n g the ku-cheng, a Chinese s t r i n g e d instrument, brought a b e t t e r balance t o her l i f e . . . " (Leu,1987:46) How do working or p r o f e s s i o n a l urban s i n g l e women spend t h e i r s a l a r i e s ? Some g i v e a p o r t i o n of t h e i r wages t o t h e i r p a r e n t s . Others l i k e to spend money on themselves, p a r t i c u l a r l y on c l o t h i n g . J a c q u e l i n e Chang, a s e c r e t a r y i n T a i p e i i n "...one re c e n t buying spree...dropped NT$17,500 (US$700) on f i v e p a i r s of Italian-made shoes - more than h a l f her monthly s a l a r y . . . [because]...Everyone i s doing t h i s . . . " (Chang,1993:18) Many urban s i n g l e females b e l i e v e money i s f o r p e r s o n a l enjoyment and to s a t i s f y p e r s o n a l needs. S a l a r i e s are most o f t e n spent on c l o t h i n g and shoes, because i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t one i s judged by appearance. He Ming-wei the owner of a makeup and f a c i a l massage shop i n T a i p e i , says "I t h i n k money i s important... No p l a n can be r e a l i z e d without 52 money. With money i n hand, you can go anywhere; without i t , you can go nowhere." (He quote i n Chang,1993:17) In a 1987 KMT Study of University and College students, respondents indicated that high income and f i n a n c i a l security ranked 5.5, on a scale with 7 being extremely important. (ibid) Like t h e i r r u r a l counterparts, urban women experience peer pressure, but i n terms of displaying, even flaunting t h e i r status. There are certain standards that one must l i v e up to. For instance, they are forced to dress a certain way or to purchase status symbol commodities such as c e l l u l a r phones. Again, t h i s indicates that women are now free to s o c i a l i z e and to make friends outside t h e i r homes, whereas previously, they were confined to th e i r households under parental control. Parental influence, has been replaced by peer pressure. Regardless of whether single women reside i n the c i t y or ru r a l areas, the current trend i s that they place t h e i r own desires p r i o r to those of anybody else. 53 Chapter IV Married Woman i n the Past In previous times, the most important event i n a g i r l ' s l i f e was marriage. From a young age, the peasant's daughter was s o c i a l i z e d into an economic role within the household and family farm i n preparation for her position as a wife a f t e r marriage. She learned to cook, clean, sew, care for children and harvest. The noble's daughter was also taught the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s required of her. Although her duties were economically s i g n i f i c a n t for the family, they were not i n t r i n s i c i n economic value as was the case for her peasant counterpart. She learned a minimal amount of i n t e l l e c t u a l s k i l l s including reading and i d e n t i f y i n g the c l a s s i c s , but more importantly, performing the administration work i n maintaining a productive household and managing the servants. In simple terms, both were instructed to be good daughters-in-law. Aside from domestic duties, a woman's foremost aspiration a f t e r marriage was to produce a son for her husband. Moving out of th e i r natal household, they had to establ i s h a f f i l i a t i o n into t h e i r new family by producing the next generation. Furthermore, having children was an important f i l i a l act i n a l l Chinese families. The norm for married women was to also have abundant numbers of children. A v i l l a g e r i n Hsin Hsing revealed to Bernard G a l l i n that: " . . . r u r a l people s t i l l want many children. Even i f a couple has ten children, i f they have 54 another, they are s t i l l so happy. The v i l l a g e r s just l i k e children." ( v i l l a g e r quote i n Gallin,1966:189) It was a tragedy to be c h i l d l e s s , especially to be without sons because they were guardians of the family name and old age security for elderly parents. "A husband and wife without children are people without a future." (Gallin,1966:188) In addition, newly married women were pressured not only by th e i r in-laws, but also by other women i n the v i l l a g e . "The watchful eyes of the v i l l a g e women with few interests take note of any swelling of her breasts or expanding of the waistline and as the months go by comment questioningly on the absence of such symptoms." (Wolf,1972:149) Moreover, young married couples resided with the husband's parents, and sometimes, the extended family, including brothers, t h e i r spouses and families, unmarried s i s t e r s and perhaps even grandparents. L i v i n g i n close proximity with her in-laws meant that daughters-in-law often f e l t pressured to have children from the older generation. It was not surprising then, that pregnancies were celebrated and ended the anxious a n t i c i p a t i o n for newly wedded women. A pregnant woman had "happiness i n her body" (Levy,1949:114) and received special attention. After b i r t h , a new mother was given p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment. She was catered to and pampered, i n order to ensure that she would be healthy enough to produce more children. "According to a t r a d i t i o n that goes back two millennia, a new mother i s expected to...doing l i t t l e more 55 than s l e e p i n g , eating...Her mother-in-law or other r e l a t i v e s b r i n g her meals, at t e n d to her comforts and even help change the d i a p e r s . " (Leu,1994:52) They would be g i v e n hearty foods to eat, such as "...chicken, pork, l i v e r , noodles, g i n g e r and bananas ... o f t e n cooked with s t r e n g t h e n i n g herbs." (Diamond,1969:31) Consumption of such "good and r i c h foods" (Gallin, 1 9 6 6 : 1 9 1) allow f o r l a c t a t i o n and r e g a i n i n g of stamina. Furthermore, a new mother was expected to r e l a x and she d i d not do chores f o r approximately one month a f t e r b i r t h . Postpartum treatment demonstrated the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c h i l d b e a r i n g . I t i s r e l e v a n t to note t h a t although sons were d e s i r e d , daughters were not n e g l e c t e d . V i l l a g e r s i n H s i n Hsing s a i d , "When a married couple has no c h i l d r e n , they j u s t want a c h i l d , be i t a boy or a g i r l , and when they have a boy, they want a g i r l . But i f the parents have too many g i r l s , they say they don't want any more g i r l s because too many g i r l s are no use. The d i f f e r e n c e i s t h a t people don't ever say too many boys are no use." ( v i l l a g e r s quote i n Gallin, 1 9 6 6 : 1 8 9 ) With such r e l e v a n c e p l a c e d upon having c h i l d r e n , women were punished f o r s t e r i l i t y . A c c o r d i n g to h i s t o r i c a l c i v i l laws, the i n a b i l i t y to produce c h i l d r e n a u t o m a t i c a l l y q u a l i f i e d f o r d i v o r c e . I t was l e g i t i m a t e f o r husbands to abandon wives i n cases of barrenness. Furthermore, i f the w i f e c o u l d not produce a male c h i l d , her husband had r i g h t s t o annul the marriage. Therefore, having c h i l d r e n was not 56 enough. It was equally as v i t a l to bear a male c h i l d . Young married women gained acceptance i n th e i r new households through the b i r t h of a male heir because sons would pass on the family name, i n h e r i t property and perform the r i t u a l s of ancestor worship. The status of male children was important because they continued the family name and therefore, inherited property to keep i t within the family l i n e . Daughters married out of the household and could not be given property since i t would no longer belong within the family. The r i t u a l s of ancestor worship were ess e n t i a l because the Chinese believed that the l i v i n g and dead complemented each other. The dead brought about good or bad luck i n the l i v i n g world, depending on the actions of the l i v i n g . L i v i n g descendants o f f e r deceased ancestors four necessities: food, clothing, shelter and money. (Fricke et.al, 1 9 9 4 : 3 0) Incense i s also burned d a i l y at the family a l t a r . However, to be worshipped i n such manner, an ind i v i d u a l must have descendants, and must provide them with the means of subsistence, mainly land. Since only .sons could i n h e r i t land, they were then r i g h t f u l l y , the ones who could perform ancestor worship. Women could not own or i n h e r i t property, and therefore, did not have the means for subsistence. However, as mothers of sons, women would be attended to i n th e i r elderly age, both i n f i n a n c i a l and physical terms. Moreover, t h e i r male 57 children would perform r i t u a l s for th e i r souls af t e r death because: " a l l the important ceremonial roles could be f u l f i l l e d only by men...a Chinese woman... never played a central role i n such ceremonials u n t i l she died, and even not unless she died as a mother of sons." (Levy,1949:151) Given that sons were the only ones who could worship t h e i r deceased ancestors, i t i s not surprising that both men and women feared that they could not produce a son and risked being "hungry ghosts" (Hu,1984:159) afte r death. In short, a woman's membership i n the family depended on her having sons, i n l i f e and after demise. "A wife who had borne a son had gone a long way toward her complete incorporation into the family, for she had produced i t s means of continuance." (Levy,1949:114) Consequently, women's l i v e s revolved around reproduction and they were discouraged from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a c t i v i t i e s outside the household. Working outside the home disrupted t h e i r commitment to domestic and reproductive a c t i v i t i e s . Women's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were inside the household, while t h e i r husbands' duties were outside the family. "Nan wai, nu nei"; (men go out, women stay in) was a popular expression which described t h i s arrangement. (Farris,1991:290) Employment for women was unheard of i n gentry families and generally not encouraged i n poor households, with some exceptions, when women were needed to as s i s t the men i n the f i e l d s during the busy harvesting seasons. "...peasant women...often labored outside the 58 household at peak periods of labor demand. Such labor never carr i e d far, however, and work outside the household never became the p r i n c i p a l productive work of Chinese women..." (Levy,1949:153) Having children was not limited to reasons such as proving the wife's f e r t i l i t y , continuing the family name, or having someone to burn incense for the ancestors. On farms, children were useful labor sources and more children meant additional helping hands i n times of harvesting and cropping. In addition to f i e l d work, they also helped with other farm chores, such as taking out the buffaloes to graze or weeding the f i e l d s . (Wolf,1968:88) A married woman's success was derived from the accomplishments of her husband and children. She was to be warm, supporting, s e l f - c o n t r o l l i n g , nurturing and s e l f -s a c r i f i c i n g . (Li,1985:454) These were the the expectations for women u n t i l 1945, when Taiwan began to develop economically and s o c i a l l y . As overpopulation became an imminent threat to economic and s o c i a l development, family planning programs were enacted by the state. The success of family planning programs was highlighted as couples began to time bi r t h s , r e s t r i c t the number of offsprings and delay reproduction through the usage of contraceptives. This translated into increased personal freedom and the advantage of choice for couples and e s p e c i a l l y women. Simultaneously, i t also meant that they were able to 59 p r o v i d e t h e i r c h i l d r e n with b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n and l i v i n g standards. I n e v i t a b l y , q u a l i t y of c h i l d c a r e r e p l a c e d q u a n t i t y of c h i l d r e n d u r i n g the demographic t r a n s i t i o n . A 1973 survey showed how a t t e n t i v e mothers were to c h i l d r e n d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . Married women were asked whether they p r e f e r r e d to spend excess money on the needs of t h e i r c h i l d r e n or on t h e i r husband's parents. The r e s u l t s showed t h a t 30 percent of the respondents p r e f e r r e d to spend i t a l l on t h e i r c h i l d r e n , while only 3 percent i n d i c a t e d t h a t they would spend i t on t h e i r husband's pa r e n t s . (Weinstein e t . a l , 1994:331) To f u r t h e r demonstrate the importance p l a c e d on c h i l d r e n , a study conducted between 1969 and 1971 showed t h a t some mothers s t i l l dressed t h e i r e i g h t and nine year o l d c h i l d r e n and others continued to bathe t h e i r c h i l d r e n even at the ages of ten or eleven. (Diamond,1973:222) In one extreme case, Norma Diamond's r e s e a r c h a s s i s t a n t d u r i n g her f i e l d w o r k i n 1969-1971 "...became upset a t the prospect of having to wash her own h a i r . At age 21, she has never had o c c a s i o n to do i t by h e r s e l f , s i n c e her mother always d i d i t f o r her." (Diamond,1973:241) C h i l d r e n d i d not need to contend with housework tasks such as " . . . s t r a i g h t e n i n g up t h e i r room, p u t t i n g c l o t h i n g away...". (Diamond,1973:222) Instead, they occupied t h e i r time with more v a l u a b l e p u r s u i t s , such as dancing, music, or a r t c l a s s e s . In a d d i t i o n to being o f f e r e d the f i n e s t e d u c a t i o n a l 60 environment, c h i l d r e n are not n e g l e c t e d when both parents are working d u r i n g the day. Urban dayschools p r o v i d e meals and c h i l d c a r e f o r eleven or twelve hours each day. (Wang e t . a l , 1983^48) P r i v a t e k i n d e r g a r t e n s may be s u p p l i e d with l u x u r i e s such as t e l e v i s i o n s e t s , pianos and l a v i s h playrooms. Moreover, c h i l d r e n are encouraged to run about to "...remove the p r e s s u r e . . . " (Wang et.al , 1 9 8 3 : 4 4) from being c o n f i n e d i : apartments. (The m a j o r i t y of the urban Taiwanese l i v e i n apartments.) Thus, there are gardens f o r the c h i l d r e n t o f r o l i c i n and pools f o r swimming. C h i l d r e n i n the c i t i e s are not the only ones who enjoy many l u x u r i e s and r e c e i v e q u a l i t y time from t h e i r p a r e n t s . Chiu Pi-hua, a farmer's w i f e i n Tungshiao, bought pheasants f o r her daughter as playmates. L i n Su-yun, a d a i r y farmer's w i f e i n Hukou, buys l a r g e numbers of books f o r her sons to enjoy, i n c l u d i n g e n c y c l o p e d i a s , c h i l d r e n ' s s t o r i e s and f a i r y t a l e s . (Wang et.al,1 9 8 3 : 4 8 ) Chu Feng-Tso, an auto mechanic, complains t h a t parents have o v e r i n d u l g e d i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n , even to the p o i n t of s p o i l i n g them. He says: "You can see the c a r s l i n e d up i n f r o n t of the s c h o o l gates w a i t i n g f o r the k i d s ( a f t e r school) At noon, the parents a l s o d e l i v e r lunch to t h e i r sons and daughters...parents t r e a t t h e i r k i d s as (guardedly as t h e i r ) grandparents..." (Chu quote i n Sheng,1995:29) However, these s o r t s of extravagance and a t t e n t i v e n e s s Taiwanese parents o f f e r e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n were on l y p o s s i b l e 61 because they planned and c o n t r o l l e d t h e i r f a m i l y s i z e . Family p l a n n i n g allowed couples, e s p e c i a l l y women, to p l a n c h i l d r e n around t h e i r l i v e s and not the other way around. Being f r e e to choose when they would l i k e to have c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r l i v e s , g i v e s women a chance to become i n v o l v e d i n non-reproductive a c t i v i t i e s , such as working o u t s i d e the home. Jobs c r e a t e d as a r e s u l t of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n opened employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o women i n areas such as manufacturing and s e r v i c e s . In 1956, 639,000 or 52.93 percent married women ( i n c l u d i n g common law) worked o u t s i d e the home, i n 1962, 964,000 or 51.65 percent, and i n 1971, 1,218,000 or 51.74 percent. T h i s meant t h a t there was a steady i n c r e a s e of approximately 5.1 percent of married women e n t e r i n g the labour f o r c e between 1956 and 1971. (Hsing Cheng Yuan Ching Chi Chien She Wei Yuan Hui,1983:32) Not onl y were married women becoming a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the work f o r c e , but they a l s o entered d i f f e r e n t areas of employment. During 1966, 18.45 percent were employed i n manufacturing f o r the Taiwan area, [ a l l c o u n t i e s and c i t i e s of Taiwan Provin c e and a l l the d i s t r i c t s o f T a i p e i and Kaohsiung M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ] , (Census O f f i c e of the E x e c u t i v e Yuan,1992:Notes) while 12.93 percent were i n commerce and 18.74 percent were i n the t e r t i a r y s e c t o r . (Chou,1987:10) Given these p r e v i o u s circumstances, what are contemporary Taiwanese women doing t h a t would a l l o w them to f u r t h e r e n r i c h and enhance t h e i r l i v e s ? What are t h e i r g o als and what types 62 of a c t i v i t i e s are they most interested i n pursuing? These questions w i l l be examined for married Taiwanese women, both in the c i t y and the v i l l a g e . 63 Chapter V Rural Married Women The contemporary period which spans approximately from the early 1980s to the present, reveals that r u r a l women are having fewer children and consequently, have time for non-reproductive a c t i v i t i e s . The t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate or the number of children each woman w i l l bear i f she l i v e s through the childbearing years subject to the age-specific f e r t i l i t y rates for the s p e c i f i c year i n question, (Freedman e t . a l , 1994:267) was 6.1 i n 1961 when family planning programs were f i r s t i n i t i a t e d , but decreased to 1.9, twenty-five years l a t e r i n 1986. (Freedman et.al,1994:275) Their non-reproductive a c t i v i t i e s include: working on the family farm or business, working outside the home, establishing t h e i r own business i n the form of grocery and candy stores, or r a i s i n g farm animals. When they are not working, many dance, watch operas, gamble or perform r e l i g i o u s ceremonies. Work Previously, women's place was designated within the household and they did not work outside t h e i r home. H i s t o r i c a l l y , women i n e l i t e families did not work because i t was inappropriate to have contact with the outside world, and there was no need for them to do so. They managed the household and supervised the care of children. Peasant women may have helped with farm work, but they too, were mostly confined to the household and dedicated to childcare and 64 domestic d u t i e s . With i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , men began t o seek employment o u t s i d e the farm t o supplement t h e i r income, as a g r i c u l t u r e work was no lon g e r s u f f i c i e n t . Husbands may have worked i n f a c t o r i e s o r became self-employed i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l areas, l e a v i n g t h e i r wives to care f o r the f a m i l y farm o r bus i n e s s , i n c l u d i n g t a k i n g on p r e v i o u s l y male dominated managerial d u t i e s . During the i n i t i a l stages of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , Myron Cohen noted i n the r u r a l v i l l a g e of Y e n - l i a o t h a t some wives were i n charge of the f a m i l y farm and were a l s o allowed t o su p e r v i s e workers. T h i s was the case f o r F a m i l i e s C2 and C9, with both being l a r g e c u l t i v a t o r s o f tobacco. (Cohen,1976:92) In other circumstances, the wife may be busy c a r i n g f o r her c h i l d r e n w h ile the husband i s working elsewhere, and the wife g i v e s orders to workers i n order f o r t h i n g s to run smoothly on the farm. "In f a m i l y C12, the woman p l a y s a l a r g e r r o l e than her husband (who has a f u l l - t i m e c l e r i c a l job) i n s u p e r v i s i n g d a i l y farm a c t i v i t i e s . The woman has no one e l s e t o care f o r her s m a l l c h i l d r e n and so cannot p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n most farm work. She g i v e s d i r e c t i o n s to the workers...oversees t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . " (Cohen,1976:92) Furthermore, wives i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n t r o l the f a m i l y budget, e s p e c i a l l y i n cases where i t i s necessary f o r money to be a v a i l a b l e t o both p a r t n e r s . "...the o p e r a t i o n of f a m i l y C13's grocery s t o r e r e q u i r e s t h a t s i z a b l e sums of money be a c c e s s i b l e to husband and w i f e . . . " (Cohen,1976:93) 65 C u r r e n t l y , r u r a l women have taken over p r e v i o u s l y male dominated types of work. For i n s t a n c e , i n Meinung, women co u l d be found i n t r a n s p l a n t i n g r i c e s e e d l i n g , c a r p e n t r y and masonry work. (Wang e t . a l , 1 9 8 3 : 1 0 ) Besides a t t e n d i n g to the f a m i l y farm or business, many r u r a l married women are employed o u t s i d e the home. They are i n v o l v e d i n v a r i o u s types of occupations, i n c l u d i n g h a i r d r e s s i n g , f a c t o r y work, o p e r a t i n g f r u i t and vegetable stands and managing t h e i r own g r o c e r y o r candy s t o r e s . (Hu, 1984:70) Many women f e e l t h a t working o u t s i d e the home g i v e s them more freedom, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , avoids c o n f l i c t s with » the mother-in-law, as Chiu from Sanhsia i n L y d i a Kung's study who says: " S t a y i n g at home would be b o r i n g , e s p e c i a l l y f o r someone who's been o u t s i d e and exposed to more. Although f a c t o r y work i s ' b i t t e r ' , i t ' s s t i l l b e t t e r than s t a y i n g a t home...And a woman who works may not have as many problems with her mother-in-law. I f a woman has to be with her mother-in-law day i n and day out, there w i l l be more c o n f l i c t and f r i c t i o n . " (Chiu quote i n Kung,1983:144) In a d d i t i o n t o freedom from p o t e n t i a l f a m i l y c o n f l i c t s , t here i s the advantage of monetary freedom; as women earn money and spend on i t on themselves or however they wish. A married f a c t o r y worker at Sanhsia comments: " . . . i t ' s b e t t e r i f you have a job; he makes money but you earn money too, and don't have to ask f o r handouts." (worker quote i n Kung,1983:145) Lok, a h a i r d r e s s e r i n Sanhsia says: " I t ' s good to be a b l e to earn 66 some money, then one need not r e l y on one's husband f o r e v e r y t h i n g . . . there's more money to spend and more freedom..." (Lok quote i n Kung,1983:145) Lee, a Sanhsia f a c t o r y worker j u s t i f i e s working with t h i s reason: "My husband g i v e s me very l i t t l e money f o r c l o t h e s , so almost a l l my c l o t h e s were brought with my e a r n i n g s . . . As the c h i l d r e n get o l d e r , t h e y ' l l need more money f o r t u i t i o n . " (Lee quote i n Kung,1983:145) Moreover, women who earn money, have more a u t h o r i t y at home, as was the case f o r working wives i n K'un Shen: " I f the wi f e works, i t i s assumed t h a t the money she earns i s spent on household needs. However, income earners have more of a say i n household a f f a i r s and more independence... are outspoken and a g g r e s s i v e . . . I t i s t h e i r o u t s i d e l a b o r which sometimes maintain the household...when f i s h i n g i s meager." (Diamond, 1969:66) S i m i l a r l y , they have more c o n t r o l over t h e i r husbands because the f a m i l y may r e l y on the wives' income. "The f a t h e r ' s a u t h o r i t y i s tempered...he i s not the s o l e support of the family...he r e c o g n i z e s h i s dependency..." ( i b i d ) L a s t l y , many women view work as an o p p o r t u n i t y to s o c i a l i z e with coworkers and .friends on a d a i l y b a s i s , which i s regarded as a p l e a s a n t a l t e r n a t i v e t o the monotony of s t a y i n g at home. Wu, who works i n a Sanhsia f a c t o r y puts i t t h i s way: "I wonder i f I can bear to stay at home with two c h i l d r e n and housework....Besides one's mood i s b e t t e r i f one has a job; a person can t a l k with f r i e n d s a t work." (Wu quote i n Kung,1983:147) 67 Women who earn money, especially through t h e i r own business, may eventually establish loaning p r i v i l e g e s to others, forming a "hue-a"; or "short term loan associations that meet well the borrowing needs of a community i n which everyone knows everyone else and always has." (Wolf,1972:223) The hue-a i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e s s e n t i a l i f large sums of money are needed for weddings and funerals. It i s important to mention that many r u r a l married women s t i l l f i n d pleasure i n taking care of th e i r children. In some cases, women try to balance work i n favor of th e i r children, such as working at home i n order to be with t h e i r children. Those who are reluctant to leave t h e i r children alone, engage i n home based occupations, such as weaving flowerpot hangers and sewing winter stockings. (Hu,1984:70) This helps generate extra income for the family, but at the same time, allows the women to stay at home with th e i r children. Leisure Having fewer children translates into freedom for women to do other things with t h e i r time which was previously a l l o t e d to childcare. Aside from working, r u r a l women have many forms of relaxation and entertainment. Sometimes, chores and s o c i a l i z i n g are performed simultaneously. That i s , women combine work and pleasure, such as washing clothes at the v i l l a g e r i v e r and gossiping with neighbours at the same time. This i s the case for women i n Peihotien who "spend most of the morning washing a few pieces of clothing so they can gossip 68 with the busy women who come down t o the r i v e r with f u l l b a s k e t s . " (Wolf,1972:222) In Chung Hsing New V i l l a g e , housewives gather f o r v a r i o u s types of dancing i n c l u d i n g t r a d i t i o n a l f o l k dances and New Wave, i n the b a s k e t b a l l c o u r t three times a week. (Wang e t . al,1983:15) They dance mostly f o r e x e r c i s i n g purposes. Women i n Meinung perform dragon dances, which used t o be e x c l u s i v e l y male dominated. Chinese opera i s an immensely popular form of entertainment. In P e i h o t i e h , women have the o p t i o n o f watching operas on stage, whereas they would t r a v e l l o n g d i s t a n c e s t o enjoy an afternoon, evening o r both performances, or they have the c h o i c e o f watching i t on t e l e v i s i o n . Many women r e s e r v e time e x c l u s i v e l y f o r watching opera. Gambling i n the forms of mah-jong or cards, comprises as one o f the most popular methods o f entertainment f o r many women. Sometimes they may even become a d d i c t e d to gambling, as was the case of s e v e r a l woman i n Margery Wolf's P e i h o t i e n study: "...she was greeted with the news th a t her mother has l o s t over NT$700 i n two n i g h t s o f gambling... almost a month's income f o r the average f a m i l y . . . " (Wolf,1968:104) R e l i g i o u s c e l e b r a t i o n s g i v e women the o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o meet with f r i e n d s and s o c i a l i z e . In Hukou, d i n n e r p a r t i e s are h e l d to commemorate the b i r t h d a y s of l o c a l d e i t i e s . L i k e w i s e , i n H s in Hsing, women prepare f e a s t s t o honor v a r i o u s b i r t h d a y s of the v i l l a g e gods and to feed v i s i t i n g f r i e n d s and 69 r e l a t i v e s . Neighbour v i l l a g e r s w i l l return the good deed when i t i s th e i r l o c a l d e i t i e s ' birthdays. "The v i l l a g e r s generally prepare so much food for the occasion...they talk for months about the number of people they entertained..." (Gallin:1966:253) Unmistakably, r u r a l married women fin d t h e i r own sources of interest and take on endeavours that they enjoy. This i s possible because they reduce the number of children that they have had and use the time previously reserved for childbearing to focus on other a c t i v i t i e s . Urban Married Women As i n the r u r a l s i t u a t i o n , urban married women are increasingly involved with other a c t i v i t i e s because they are having fewer children and do not need to spend so much time on childcare. Their acceptance of contraceptives was even more prevalent than r u r a l married women. In 1985, 90 percent were pra c t i c i n g contraception. (Freedman et.al,1994:281) Like the ru r a l s i t u a t i o n , the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y also declined i n the urban areas. In 1961, the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate for Taipei was 4.5. In 1986, t h i s had dropped to 1.4J For other urban areas, the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rate was 5.6 i n 1961, and had plummeted to 1.8 i n 1986. (Freedman et.al,1994:275) After 1986, the t o t a l f e r t i l i t y rates i n urban areas remained at a consistent l e v e l . In 1994, i t was recorded at 1.7. (Obregon, 1994:7) Evidently, women are having fewer children and can devote 70 t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to other types of a c t i v i t i e s . With t h e i r f r e e time, many work o u t s i d e the home and some have even e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r own c a r e e r s . Others are i n v o l v e d i n v o l u n t e e r work, e s t a b l i s h i n g and engaging themselves i n v a r i o u s community s e r v i c e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . When they are not working or v o l u n t e e r i n g , urban women take many d i f f e r e n t academic and non-academic courses, e x e r c i s e and e n r o l i n s i n g i n g l e s s o n s . Work Urban women are i n c l i n e d t o work more o u t s i d e t h e i r home because they do not have t o work on the f a m i l y farm. They may work f o r somebody e l s e but a m i n o r i t y have a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r own bu s i n e s s . In 1990, over 33 percent or approximately 2.5 m i l l i o n urban married women were employed i n the Taiwan area. ( E x e c u t i v e Yuan,1990:738-739) The l a b o r market has not onl y expanded t o a l l o w more female p a r t i c i p a n t s , i t has a l s o changed s t r u c t u r a l l y t o accomodate women i n v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s . In 1966, 18.45 percent worked i n manufacturing, which i n c r e a s e d to 35.32 percent i n 1976, and to 39.86 percent i n 1986. In commerce, onl y 12.93 percent were employed i n t h i s area d u r i n g 1966, which i n c r e a s e d t o 14.02 percent i n 1976 and to 20.36 percent i n 1986. (Chou,1991:317) Why do women i n the c i t i e s work? A 1985 survey i n the T a i p e i M e t r o p o l i s i n d i c a t e d t h a t 31.2 percent o f the respondents worked to supplement the f a m i l y budget, 49.9 71 percent worked f o r the sake of i n t e r e s t and 18.9 percent s a i d t h a t they worked f o r both reasons. (Cheng and Liao,1985:402) In 1988, 79.72 percent of the respondents f o r a study, i n d i c a t e d t h a t they would continue to work even i f f i n a n c i a l circumstances d i d not r e q u i r e them to do so. (Nei Chang Pu T'ung Chi Ch'u,1989:88) Hs i Yu-ying i s a s t r e e t c l e a n e r , employed because she needed the money t o pay f o r her four c h i l d r e n ' s s c h o o l t u i t i o n . However, H s i a l s o works because i t i s something t o keep her occupied. H s i says: " I t keeps me occupied and I wouldn't know how to spend the day i f I r e t i r e d . " (Tseng, 1988:15-18) Some women dream of having a c a r e e r i n s t e a d of being merely employed i n a job. They work t h e i r way up the cor p o r a t e ladder, seeking out o p p o r t u n i t i e s and p u t t i n g i n long hours at the o f f i c e . Mary Chou i s one such example, s t a r t i n g out as s e c r e t a r y o f a yacht b u i l d i n g company but e v e n t u a l l y through hard work, i s now v i c e p r e s i d e n t s u p e r v i s i n g a s t a f f of 45 employees. (Martin,1987:27) Chou says t h a t she " . . . d i d e v e r y t h i n g . . . ( s h e ) help(ed) p a i n t , d r i l l and sand." (Chou quoted i n Martin,1987:27) Women are a l s o beginning to take over unconventional jobs t h a t were formerly dominated by men. Sung Fu-mei i s one of the 1,450 female t a x i d r i v e r s i n T a i p e i . (Tseng,1988:14) She l i k e s her job because i t i s accommodating and allows her to spend time with her c h i l d r e n . 72 Sung notes t h a t "...the hours are not e n v i a b l e , but a t l e a s t they are f l e x i b l e . I won't d r i v e i f I don't f e e l l i k e i t . " (Sung quoted i n Tseng,1988:14) Furthermore, i t allows a f a i r amount of independence, as w e l l p r o v i d i n g a good income. Sung l i k e s the f a c t t h a t "I'm my own master...I can d r i v e whenever I want... bes i d e s my u s u a l monthly income of US$800 supports my f a m i l y a l l r i g h t . " ( i b i d ) Pu T s u i - I a n d e l i v e r s newspapers, a l s o f o r m e r l y an e x c l u s i v e l y male domain. D e l i v e r i n g newspapers supplement her income and her dream i s to buy her own apartment, so t h a t she w i l l have pr o p e r t y under her own name because her husband s u b s c r i b e s to the b e l i e f t h a t p r o p e r t y only belongs to the men i n the f a m i l y . Pu w o r r i e s t h a t she might have t o l i v e with her son and h i s f u t u r e w i f e but not get along with them. She e x p l a i n s : "We a l l work f o r money...I have a s e c r e t wish t h a t I haven't t o l d my husband. He t h i n k s a l l our p r o p e r t y should belong to the whole f a m i l y . . . I can't have any i n d i v i d u a l property...my son w i l l grow up...He'11 get m a r r i e d . . . I f I don't get along with my son and h i s w i f e . . . I hope I can have my own apartment to stay i n i f I don't get along with them." (Pu quote i n Yuan,1995:9) Chen Pei-yu d e l i v e r s the m a i l and i s extremely s a t i s f i e d w ith her c a r e e r c h o i c e because she i s able to i n t e r a c t with d i f f e r e n t people and f e e l s t h a t she b e n e f i t s her community. Chen says: "I r e a l l y l i k e meeting the people on my r o u t e s , and T h i s s a l a r y i s g i v e n i n 1988 terms. 73 terms I f e e l as though I am serving the public i n t e r e s t . " (Chen quote i n Tseng,1988:27) The hours are f l e x i b l e , which f i s advantageous for Chen, since she has children. She i s quite s a t i s f i e d with her monthly salary of NT$20,500 (*US$700) and as a bonus, there are chances of promotion. Chen notes that: "The post o f f i c e o f f e r s a sound system of promotion, and as soon as I pass the i n t e r i o r exam, I ' l l be promoted to desk work..." (Chen quote i n Tseng,1988:29) She plans to use the extra money from the anticipated promotion to give herself and her family a better l i v i n g environment. Choices For Spending Money Working women often do not supplement t h e i r household incomes. They tend to spend t h e i r s a l a r i e s on themselves, for the i r children or other luxury items. In a 1986 survey, 35 percent of c h i l d l e s s married women indicated that they saved t h e i r money for themselves or spent i t on personal use. (Fricke et.al,1994:130) However, afte r having t h e i r f i r s t c h i l d , only 25 percent of the respondents used t h e i r s a l a r i e s for t h e i r own purposes. With the a r r i v a l of t h e i r f i r s t baby, 69 percent of the respondents r e p l i e d that they used t h e i r income for family expenses. (Fricke et.al,1994:133) Self-Employed Women Self-employed women range from street food vendors to corporate presidents. Some women work from t h e i r homes. Before marriage, Lu Yu-shu worked as an administrative This salary i s given i n 1988 terms. 74 a s s i s t a n t , but r e s i g n e d a f t e r having her second c h i l d . In 1988, she began working as a b a b y s i t t e r and takes care of c h i l d r e n i n her home, s i x days a week. She l i k e s b a b y s i t t i n g , because c h i l d r e n g i v e her " . . . j o y and happiness...(she) has a good time with them." (Lu quote i n Yuan,1995:15) C h i l d c a r e a l s o p r o v i d e s Lu Yu-shu with a steady income of NT$27,000 or US$1,000 per month. (Yuan,1995:14) There are women who s t a r t t h e i r own companies, such as Jo Huang. Huang i s the owner of an ad agency i n downtown T a i p e i . She f e e l s t h a t there are many advantages t o being s e l f -employed, i n c l u d i n g more time to spend with her f a m i l y and f r i e n d s , as w e l l as the freedom to pursue other i n t e r e s t s . She notes t h a t " . . i t was common t o be i n the o f f i c e u n t i l midnight." (Huang quote i n Leu,1993:18) but now she has a nine t o f i v e schedule and a l s o f i n d s time t o e n r o l i n courses. Professional Women Aside from women who work r e g u l a r jobs or are s e l f -employed, there are those i n the p r o f e s s i o n s who are o f t e n l a b e l l e d as "st r o n g women". (Yin,1987:21) In a study conducted by E s t h e r Yao d u r i n g 1981, t h i r t y f i v e p r o f e s s i o n a l women were s e l e c t e d based on t h e i r p o p u l a r i t y and r e f e r e n c e by s u p e r i o r s . The respondents c o n s i s t e d o f p r o f e s s i o n a l women such as: a former c h i e f of the p o l i c e , c o l l e g e i n s t r u c t o r s , TV program producers, judges i n the supreme c o u r t and c h i e f of f l i g h t s e r v i c e at an i n t e r n a t i o n a l a i r p o r t . (Yao,1984-85:46-47) These women were s e l f - c o n f i d e n t and d i d not h e s i t a t e t o 75 voice t h e i r opinions i n the workplace. Their ethics towards women i n the professions include b e l i e f s such as: "Women are harder workers and more r e a l i s t i c and careful than men," and "Successful women are forced to pay a double price for t h e i r achievements, handling both family and job e f f i c i e n t l y i n order to be recognized. However, t h i s dual role enables them to enjoy a richer l i f e than men." (Yao,1984-5:49-50) The majority also indicated that t h e i r family l i f e did not usually i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r careers and i t was c r u c i a l for t h e i r husbands to be supportive. The results showed that "over half of the women interviewed admitted that t h e i r husbands had given understanding and support during t h e i r career advancement." (Yao,1984-84:52) Education Marriage does not necessary e n t a i l the end of schooling for some women. Education continues throughout marriage, not only i n academic studies, but courses that upgrade ex i s t i n g occupational s k i l l s or merely for pleasure, are high i n p r i o r i t y . Wang P e i - l i n g i s a lecturer at the Kaohsiung Junior College of Technology, with a M.A. degree, but hopes to further her education because her college i s st a r t i n g to hir e instructors with Ph.D degrees. She worries that her M.A. degree w i l l not be enough to guarantee job security. Wang says: "If I study again, I want to get a doctorate i n teaching English as a second language. Recently, the college recruited more than t h i r t y professors with Ph.D degrees. The school no 76 longer r e c r u i t s those with only an M.A. degree. I f e e l strong pressure to continue my education." (Wang quote i n Chang, 1993:11) Leisure: Working Women Aside from working, employed women are enroled i n music and art programs, learning new languages, taking vocal lessons or p r a c t i c i n g Chinese exercises, such as nei tan kung. Ku Yen-ling and Chiang Lan-hung work out every day in order to "slow down the a r r i v a l of old age." (Chiang quote i n Yin, 1987:23) Homemakers Although homemakers do not work outside t h e i r homes, they do not stay at home. Many enjoy many d i f f e r e n t types of recreational, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s during t h e i r spare time. Hsu Hsen-shu i s one such homemaker, reserving two afternoons weekly to do whatever she pleases. Since homemakers are not ac t i v e l y pursuing a career, they contribute t h e i r spare time most often towards community a c t i v i t i e s . They have various concerns and thi s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the many associations that they i n i t i a t e . One of the most active organizations i s the Homemakers' Union and Foundation. Originating i n 1987, the Homemakers' Union and Foundation (HUF) i s a public interest group with most of i t s 800 members in Taipei and Taichung. It i s geared towards solving public dilemmas, most commonly related to environmental issues. For instance, they promote recycling and publish reading materials to encourage people to do so. In addition to t h i s , they have also fought for equal opportunity rights for pregnant women, the elimination of teenage p r o s t i t u t i o n , abolishment of pornography and awareness of sexual abuse of children. (Chang,1991:32) Most women jo i n for a simple reason, as explained by 1991 HUF President, Chen Lai-hung: "As mothers, we want to give our children a wonderful childhood." (Chen quote i n Chang,1991: 32) These homemakers make th e i r concerns known through picketing, protests, petitioning, lectures and arranging educational sessions. They f e e l that they have gained much from involving themselves ac t i v e l y , as Chen Lai-hun says: "... (I have)...learn(ed) to communicate and deal with large issues and many sorts of people...my concerns have expanded to include a l l of society..." (quote by Chen i n Chang,1991:35) Also high i n popularity are groups known as the Lioness clubs. The Lioness clubs are support groups for women, providing chances to s o c i a l i z e and volunteer for community events, helping special needs groups, such as those who are mentally disabled. Mrs. Louise L i , the consultant to D i s t r i c t 300 A-2 International Association of Lioness Clubs, and previously chairman of the Lioness Committee of D i s t r i c t 300, Taiwan and D i s t r i c t 300, Taipei, as well as president of the Taipei Capital Lioness Club (Martin,1987:28), enjoys being a c t i v e l y involved with the Lioness clubs and explains: "...I got to know many people and that was h e l p f u l . . . (for my 78 husband's) business... I'm gradually cutting down time i n (my husband's) business so I can devote time to my special in t e r e s t - s o c i a l service." (Li quote i n Martin,1987:28) In addition, macrame i s being hailed as fashionable, a c r a f t revived by many urban women. They have even formed th e i r own group, the Lan-yi Society, which i s dedicated to rekindling t h i s ancient art. (Wang et.al,1983:54) Women meet on a regular basis and have had t h e i r artworks on display. It i s irr e l e v a n t whether married women are housewives or working outside t h e i r homes, because they are pursuing t h e i r own interests and f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r own desires. Some may be working regular jobs, while others try t h e i r hand at s e l f -employment. Professional women dedicate time to t h e i r careers and homemakers involve themselves with s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and environmental issues. Many devote time to hobbies and courses which enrich t h e i r l i v e s . Therefore, the second stage i n the process of individual autonomy as depicted by Lesthaeghe and Aries, seems to hold true for Taiwanese women. They are having fewer children and time previously reserved for childcare, i s now used for t h e i r own int e r e s t s . At the same time, they do not neglect t h e i r children because they spend time with them, buy various goods and provide luxuries for them. As individuals, i t appears that Taiwanese women are well on th e i r way to achieving complete autonomy. 79 Chapter VI Limits to Women's Liberation For many Taiwanese women, the freedom to pursue t h e i r interests i s an ongoing struggle and they face many obstacles. Many encounter antagonism by the i r male and female counterparts at the workplace and i n leg a l and p o l i t i c a l matters. In. fact, these l i m i t s to ind i v i d u a l autonomy challenge the t h i r d stage for emancipation as described by Lesthaeghe and Aries. Work Despite the increasing p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n the labor force, many encounter h o s t i l i t y . During 1987, the Taiwan Police Academy rejected a female applicant because she had a scar on her knee. A representative o f f i c i a l explained that scars on the knees of policewomen were unattractive because: "Policewomen have to wear s k i r t s above t h e i r knees as part of th e i r uniform." (quote i n Martin,1987:29) In addition, women's competency i s often questioned. A l i c e Kao, director of an international Chinese newspaper reveals: "They (men) respect women i n the o f f i c e but they are not used to it...they are not used to dealing with women as equals. They are used to having women as subordinates." (Kao quote i n Martin,1987:24) In terms of salary, despite having the same s k i l l s and education as the i r male counterparts, an overwhelming majority of women are s t i l l paid l e s s . In 1983, the survey of Family 80 Income and Expenditure indicated that women with graduate degrees were paid only 88.09 percent of the wages given to men with the same l e v e l of schooling, while those with college diplomas c o l l e c t e d 65.6 percent of the wages received by t h e i r male college educated colleagues and at the primary school l e v e l , 49.98 percent. (Chiang and Ku,1985:11) In 1991, women earn about 60 percent of men's salary. (Chou,1991:29) L i n Tien-chu, a male general manager of a trading company j u s t i f i e s t h i s by claiming that women co-workers are paid less than t h e i r male co-workers on the grounds that husbands are the breadwinners and wives only supplement the family income. He says: "When deciding on men's sa l a r i e s , I take into consideration that men use t h e i r s a l a r i e s to support t h e i r f amilies. For women's sa l a r i e s , I put the company's cost element before everything." (Lin quote i n Chang,1991:33) Furthermore, he believes that since women eventually marry and w i l l want to have children, t h e i r commitment to the company could be terminated anytime. Therefore, Lin i s reluctant to promote women, because: "An unmarried woman very possibly w i l l quit when she marries. Second, a woman w i l l c e r t a i n l y be pregnant someday and when she starts having babies, her time and attention w i l l no longer belong to the job alone. Of course, these considerations influence my judgement about promotions... most women see thei r jobs as a short term pursuit while men see them as careers." (ibid) Moreover, professional women fin d themselves ignored or 81 r i d i c u l e d by men i n the work place. Grace Yuan, owner of a consulting company, explains why she resigned from her position as a manager and began to work for herself: "I never saw any women included i n the board of dire c t o r s . I r e a l i z e d I was not competing with people who were as capable as I was, but against people c a l l e d men." (Yuan quote i n Chang,1991:5) She noted that men were also given more opportunities for promotions. Ho Shu-yun, a special assistant to the general manager of a construction company, feels that sexual discrimination exists because women are rarely i n managerial positions. She says: "Take the company I used to work for as an example. Women made i t only as far as section chiefs, but the men could f i l l the managerial posts." (Ho quote i n Chang, 1991:31) In 1990, only 16 percent of the business executives were female, i n contrast to the 84 percent that were men. (Executive Yuan,1990:806) Therefore, i t i s evident that there i s a l i m i t to women's success i n the labor force because advancement and promotions are li m i t e d by men, stereotypes and women's f e r t i l i t y . I t i s d i f f i c u l t for some employers, especially male bosses, to recognize that women are as capable as men and having children would probably not r e s t r i c t t h e i r c a p a b i l i t i e s . Legal Matters: Divorce In Taiwan, the law has yet to protect women's rights and equality. One of the best examples concerns divorce. As more women are able to achieve economic independence 82 through employment, they no longer tolerate an unhappy marriage. They f i n d that they are able to support themselves and marriage i s no longer a means of f i n a n c i a l reliance. Thus, there i s an increasing number of women consenting to or i n i t i a t i n g divorce. In addition, the rules for divorce have changed, allowing women equal grounds for terminating a marriage. In the past, the main c r i t e r i a for divorce included i n f e r t i l i t y , i n a b i l i t y to bear a male c h i l d , talkativeness and laziness, but i n contemporary times, the reasons for terminating marriage involve bigamy, adultery, abuse, abandonment, attempted murder, insanity, terminal diseases and incarceration. (Hsieh,1988:24) In 1976, the divorce rate i n Taipei was 1.8 percent, but in 1990, t h i s number rose to 4.8 percent. (Chang,1991:9) In 1993, 60 percent of the divorces i n Taiwan were f i l e d by women. (Holton,1995:49) Although the cases of divorce are increasing, there are s t i l l many women who are reluctant to even think about annuling t h e i r marriage, because of the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s that follow a divorce. Rose Chi, the direct o r of Awakening Foundation, a women's support group, feels that she had the choice of a divorce because she: "...(has) a good profession and...(is) f i n a n c i a l l y s e l f -supporting. However, a woman with l i t t l e income or education i s l i k e l y to fin d her s i t u a t i o n more d i f f i c u l t . " (Holton,1995:469) The reason i s because Taiwan's Book of Family, which contains marriage and divorce c i v i l 83 laws, allege that i n the event of a divorce, the wife i s responsible for her husband's debts. Moreover, the husband automatically obtains custody of the children. In order for the wife to have guardianship or even v i s i t i n g r i g h t s , she needs her husband's approval. According to Hsiao Yun Tai, a volunteer at Warn L i f e Assocation which a s s i s t s divorced women, some women have resorted to paying t h e i r husbands for th e i r children, as i n one case where the wife gave $76,000 to her husband i n return for custody. (Holton,1995:49) Even i f she acquires custody of the children, she w i l l not receive alimony or c h i l d support. L.H. Huang knows the d i f f i c u l t y of th i s ; without monetary support from her husband and with two children to raise, she worked as a vendor, saleswoman, waitress and i s now currently a newspaper editor. (Tseng, 1988:30) Any property that a woman owned before marriage and acquired aft e r marrying, i s allocated to her husband a f t e r divorce. Even i f she worked on the land and as a r e s u l t of her labor, reaped economic returns from the property, she i s s t i l l not e n t i t l e d to any ownership ri g h t s . Such rules were revised a f t e r 1985, but they s t i l l hold true for women who married p r i o r to that period. This means that women married before 1985 cannot receive alimony and do not have custody or property r i g h t s . Divorce becomes even more problematic i f the husband does not wish to terminate the marriage. In a society that 84 emphasizes the importance of families, sometimes a wife i s ordered to reunite with her husband when she, and not her husband, i n i t i a t e s a divorce. The judge may be reluctant to 'break' up the family and claims that the wife's s i t u a t i o n was not intolerable enough.to grant a divorce. Such a case was documented on March 24, 1985 from the United Daily-newspaper: "Mrs. Yao was married to her husband 15 years ago through a matchmaker. Although she discovered that he was an irresponsible husband, she s t i l l c a rried out the wifely duties f a i t h f u l l y and bore him three children. Yao had the habit of raping her i n front of th e i r children and would resort to violence i f she did not y i e l d to him. She committed (sic) suicide once i n 1983. While being unconscious, she was raped by her husband again. Deserted on the scene, she was l a t e r sent to the hospital by her landlady. After being saved from a second suicide (attempt) i n 1985, she f i l e d for a j u d i c i a l divorce. The court instructed the couple to reconcile and ordered Yao never to damage his wife's dignity again." (United Daily excerpt i n Chiang and Ku,1985:18) Even aft e r divorce, women endure hardships. They must face s o c i a l stigmas, the wrath of th e i r ex-husbands, as well as humiliation from both men and women. C.Y. Tsun, a divorcee, works i n the hospital to support her oldest son and is extremely unwilling to reveal her marital status. She says: "Often, when I f i n a l l y gain enough confidence i n a female friend to t e l l her about my l i f e , she suddenly stops 85 t r e a t i n g me as an o r d i n a r y woman. She becomes very r e l u c t a n t to i n t r o d u c e me to her f a m i l y , and c e r t a i n l y her husband." (Tseng,1988:29) Furthermore, her estranged husband has gua r d i a n s h i p of the younger son, yet r e f u s e s to allow Tsun v i s i t i n g r i g h t s to see him. E v i d e n t l y , the law has yet to p r o t e c t women's r i g h t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n d i v o r c e . P o l i t i c s "The f i e l d of p o l i t i c s belong to men." (Chang,1991:7) An a t t r i b u t i n g reason i s th a t women are r e l u c t a n t to run f o r o f f i c e . Moreover, few women take p a r t i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , such as v o t i n g . L a s t l y , female p o l i t i c i a n s are e i t h e r encouraged to c a r r y out menial tasks, such as domestic r e l a t e d i s s u e s , as opposed t o major c r i s e s such as war. In 1985, a survey with a sample taken out of 1400 v o t e r s i n d i c a t e d t h a t many f e l t women are b e t t e r s u i t e d f o r r e s o l v i n g domestic problems and not emergencies or d i s a s t e r s . (Hong, 1985:613) Furthermore, they b e l i e v e d t h a t women should c o n c e n t r a t e at grass r o o t s l e v e l , p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n "women's a s s o c i a t i o n s , n o n p a r t i s a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t y a c t i v i t i e s , and making or executing d e c i s i o n s of p u b l i c o f f i c e r s . . . r a t h e r than...at the e l i t e l e v e l . " ( i b i d ) Taiwan's r e s e r v e d seat system, which guarantees 10% of the seats i n the N a t i o n a l Assembly, L e g i s l a t u r e and l o c a l c o u n c i l s f o r women, i s co n s i d e r e d an a n t i - d i s c r i m i n a t o r y measure. The purpose i s t o ensure t h a t female candidates are 86 represented in the government. However, thi s can be regarded as a discriminatory act against women because the quota also dictates the maximum number of women elected for l e g i s l a t i v e bodies. Dr. Shirley W.Y. Kuo, the only female Cabinet member echoes th i s sentiment by saying: " . . . i t (the 10 percent quota) was created as a f l o o r for the number of women, but i n r e a l i t y , i t i s used as a c e i l i n g . I t has not promoted women." (Kuo quote i n Underwood, 1994:39) Legislator Hsui-lien Annette Lu also feels that the quota system i s unfair to women and i n addition, discourages women from running for o f f i c e : "The quota system... was meant to set the minimum number of seats for seats for women, but i t i n fact sets the maximum number of seats for women...women interested i n running end up competing against each other for the few reserved positions... the quota system has become a trap preventing women from running for o f f i c e . " (Lu quote i n Underwood,1994:43) Furthermore, the reserved seats system does not apply to executive positions at the national l e v e l which incorporates an increase i n power and duties. This i s because o f f i c i a l s are appointed instead of elected and thus, women occupying government positions at thi s l e v e l are scarce. Dr. Jeanne Tchong-koei L i , the deputy secretary-general for the Kuomintang, says that i n some cases, even i f a woman was offered a position at the national l e v e l , she would refuse to accept i t because her husband or family was not supportive: "...sometimes a woman does refuse to take a position for 87 family reasons, or because her husband doesn't want her to have a position higher than h i s . . . i f we want to send someone abroad, usually a wife follows a husband even i f she has to quit her job. Rarely does a husband follow his wife." ( L i quote i n Underwood,1994:43) Women i n p o l i t i c s encounter many problems and obstacles for promotions because the p o l i t i c a l arena i s dominated by men. Women p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p o l i t i c s i s likened to "...having a hen crow at dawn." (ibid) It i s widely believed that women should focus on the family and household instead of d i r e c t i n g t h e i r attention to outside matters that do not pertain to domestic issues. It i s evident that there are li m i t a t i o n s to women's freedom with respect to work, le g a l matters and p o l i t i c a l issues. Women are constantly challenged by both t h e i r male and female counterparts. However, they do not subject themselves to such antagonisms; instead, they confront and contest them. 88 Chapter V I I C h a l l e n g i n g R e s t r i c t i o n s on Freedom The s t r u g g l e f o r emancipation i s met with many face s o f o p p o s i t i o n , but Taiwanese women do not accept t h i s as t h e i r f a t e . For i n s t a n c e , there are i n c r e a s i n g l y more women's movements th a t examine and q u e s t i o n the s t a t u s of Taiwanese women, with r e s p e c t to e d u c a t i o n a l and employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Consequently, they campaign f o r women's r i g h t s and a l s o o f f e r v a r i o u s s e r v i c e s to a s s i s t women. Moreover, the media, s h o r t s t o r i e s and novels have c o n t r i b u t e d t o encouraging awareness f o r improving women's s t a t u s and r e f l e c t i n g t h e i r changing r o l e s i n s o c i e t y . Women's Movements Or g a n i z a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d f o r and by women date back as f a r as 1946 i n Taiwan. These women's a s s o c i a t i o n s were e i t h e r a f f i l i a t e d with the s t a t e or with r e l i g i o n . A m i n o r i t y were i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y o rganized. They o f f e r e d education, homemaking courses, c o u n s e l l i n g and medical s e r v i c e s t o women. Women's groups or g a n i z e d by the s t a t e i n c l u d e d the Women's Department of the C e n t r a l Committee, the Taiwan P r o v i n c i a l Women's A s s o c i a t i o n , and the Chinese Women's A n t i -A ggression League. As the predecessor of women's groups, the Taiwan's P r o v i n c i a l Women's A s s o c i a t i o n was formed d u r i n g 1946, a t t r a c t i n g over 200,000 members. I t o f f e r e d f r e e education, t r a i n i n g i n household s k i l l s and f a m i l y c o u n s e l l i n g f o r women. 89 In 1950, Madame Chiang Kai-shek formed the Chinese Women's Anti-Aggression League, r e c r u i t i n g over 252,555 members. (Chiang and Ku,1985:32) Since the aim of the Chinese Women's Anti-Aggression League was to reclaim Mainland China, i t s a c t i v i t i e s were usually associated with the mi l i t a r y . For instance, members had to make clothing for troops and entertain soldiers i n the m i l i t a r y bases. They also provided services and employment tr a i n i n g for women, such as o f f e r i n g courses i n childcaring, typing and h a i r s t y l i n g . The Women's Department of the Central Committee was founded i n 1953 to "direct the a c t i v i t i e s of women and to provide them with various kinds of assistance." (Women's Department;Central Committee quote i n Chiang and Ku,1985:27) Led by Madame Chiang Kai-shek, the Women's Department was determined to preserve feminine q u a l i t i e s i n Taiwanese women by encouraging them to be "...loving mothers, obedient daughters-in-law, dedicated patriots and charity workers..." (Chiang and Ku,1985:28) Their goals were to ensure that women were capable of tending to th e i r domestic duties, as well as contributing to the family resources. Hence, the Women's Department offered lessons on s o c i a l etiquette, homemaking, handicrafts and sewing. Aside from governmental organizations for women, a second major benefactor of women's assocations was the church. In 1967, they began to provide inexpensive housing for women, such as the Hua Teh Woman Dormitory which accommodated 1,000 90 female factory workers. These organizations also offered counselling services, including: Peace-line, Medical-line, Suicide Prevention Centre and Family Counselling Centre. (Chiang and Ku,1985:33) Although international organizations have a smaller membership as that of the state or the church, nevertheless, they s t i l l o f f e r v i t a l services and options for Taiwanese women. The International Women's Club, established i n 1981, consisted of an e l i t e c i r c l e of women who raised money for charity. In 1949, the YWCA f i r s t began to o f f e r medical and household tr a i n i n g for women. The Zonta Club has encouraged and supported women as participants i n p o l i t i c s since 1963. Women's groups underwent a remarkable transformation i n the 1970s, when the pioneer of feminist ideologies and women's movements i n Taiwan, Lu Hsiu-lien, introduced the concept of "New Feminism" to Taiwanese women. Holding a Master's degree in Comparative Law from the University of I l l i n o i s and credentials from Harvard University, she found f a u l t with the submissive and subordinate roles of women i n Taiwanese society. As a resu l t , Lu began to promote "New Feminism", or in her own words, a "thought which emerged from the demand of society along with the tide of history; a b e l i e f that the prosperity and harmony of androgynous society s h a l l be founded on the basis of substantial equality between men and women; and a power that w i l l abolish the t r a d i t i o n a l prejudice against women, reconstruct a new and sensible value system, 91 create independence and dignity for women, and foster the r e a l i z a t i o n of the true equality of the sexes." (Lu,1991:347) It incorporated three basic p r i n c i p l e s : "be a person, then a man or woman, be what you are and l e t your potential be developed." (ibid) Lu spread her feminist b e l i e f s through speeches and written a r t i c l e s i n the China Times newspaper such as: "What i s More Important, L i f e or Chastity?". Her i n i t i a l attempts at forming a women's organization c a l l e d the "Contemporary Women's Association" were rejected by the Social Bureau of Taipei City i n 1972, but Lu continued to campaign for services which would benefit Taiwanese women. In 1976, she founded the Pioneer Press, which produced and d i s t r i b u t e d feminist reading materials, including her own books, Their Tears, Their Sweats and Sex + Violence = Rape. However, both of these books were banned by the Taiwan Garrison Command. She went on to establish a telephone counselling service named "For Your Protection", which was designed to help abused women. Lu's revolutionary t a c t i c s were met with resistance and revulsion; on December 10, 1979, she was j a i l e d for " i l l e g a l campaign a c t i v i t i e s " (Chiang,1985:40) and sentenced to twelve years of imprisonment. However, she inspired many other women, who continued Lu's quest i n advocating for women's ri g h t s . Following the footsteps of Lu, Lee Yuan-chen published the f i r s t feminist magazine i n 1982, Awakening which was designed to: "...awaken women... support women...establish a 92 society where both sexes are equal and harmonious." (Wang, 1987:33) The a r t i c l e s i n Awakening advocated women's le g a l r i g h t s and brought to attention unconventional subjects, such as sexual harassment. In 1987, the s t a f f of Awakening began i t s i n i t i a l active involvement with s o c i a l problems. They linked with 32 d i f f e r e n t organizations to form the " a n t i -population trading". (Wang,1987:34) This movement, designed to boycott teenage p r o s t i t u t i o n , successfully compelled p o l i c e to take special action against the s e l l i n g of sex. Awakening not only won the support of many women, but i t also created ardent admirers out of those who were previously reluctant to associate with a feminist oriented organization. Serving as a ro l e model, Awakening inspired the establishment of various other women's organizations. In 1987, the Homemakers' Union and Foundation (HUF) began i t s crusade to combat environmental and s o c i a l problems, promoting issues such as recycling, equal employment opportunities, and fi g h t i n g against pornography, sexual abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n . Boasting a membership of over 800, married housewives and working women form six committees which oversee d i f f e r e n t issues. They include: environmental protection, education, women's personal growth, publications, public r e l a t i o n s and project development. They voice t h e i r concerns through r a l l i e s , lobbying and public addresses. A si m i l a r organization i s the New Environment Housewives Association, (NEHA) established i n 1987 by Hsu Shen-shu. Its 93 400 members target environmental problems from the grassroots l e v e l , educating families to r e f r a i n from using environmentally hazardous products, such as p l a s t i c bags. NEHA does not l i m i t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s to solely environmental issues; i t s endeavours include female oriented issues with respect to population, culture, human rights, and international society. Organized during the same time as HUF and NEHA were two other outspoken feminist groups, Taiwanese Women's Rescue Association which counselled c h i l d prostitutes and the Warm L i f e Assocation, which gave guidance to divorced women. As for Lu Hsiu-lien, she continued her feminist a c t i v i t i e s a f t e r serving her sentence. In 1991, Lu established the National Organization for Women, designed to improve women's economic and p o l i t i c a l ranking. To confront sexual harrassment, they publish information, as well as hold seminars to educate women. Lu was elected to the L e g i s l a t i v e Yuan i n 1992. Since 1994, she has presided over the Foreign A f f a i r s Committee as co-chair and also directed the Global Summit of Women during February 1994 i n Taipei. Women's groups are evidently, a counterattack to the r e s t r i c t i o n s on women's freedom i n Taiwanese society. It means that Taiwanese women do not passively accept l i m i t a t i o n s on t h e i r freedom to pursue t h e i r interests, dreams and ambitions. They organize into inte r e s t groups, which would allow them to contest for t h e i r r i g h t s . 94 Media Aside from the formation of women's groups as an means defiance against r e s t r i c t i o n s on freedom, women's magazines, short f i c t i o n and contemporary novels, serve the purpose of promoting awareness for women's ri g h t s . They provide information that would allow women to pursue t h e i r interests which would otherwise be unattainable. F i n a l l y , they reveal women's desires, hopes, fears and aspirations. Women's Magazines Some of the most noted examples of women's magazines i n Taiwan include the noted feminist magazine, Funu Xinzhi or Awakening, and popular magazines such as Mademoiselle and Woman ABC. The l a t t e r two magazines are not c l a s s i f i e d as feminist works, but they s t i l l o f f e r information that would benefit women with respect to improving t h e i r status and c a l l i n g attention to th e i r virtues. Labelled as a r a d i c a l magazine, Awakening i s not an eas i l y accessible magazine. However, i t deals with matters that would "...awaken women...aid women...build an equal and harmonious society of the sexes." (Farris,1991:293) Hence, i t addresses relationships between men and women, women's { c a p a b i l i t i e s and inner self-development. Mademoiselle published i t s f i r s t monthly issue i n 1966 for an intended audience of working women. During i t s c i r c u l a t i o n , i t has changed to correspond with the changing roles of women i n society. In the 1960s, working women were 95 mostly factory employees and Mademoiselle was designed to appeal to them. However, the current Mademoiselle has been modified i n order to f i t the ideal contemporary women. According to Chin Hui-chu, Mademoiselle's e d i t o r - i n - c h i e f , modern women are "...aged 20-30... independent thinkers with strong career goals... family bread-winners..." (Chin quote i n Yun,1987:39) Consequently, Mademoiselle publishes a r t i c l e s which not only answer to women's concerns, but would also help women expand t h e i r horizons with columns such as "Female Viewpoint", " I n t e l l e c t u a l Living", "Fashion" and "Art A c t i v i t i e s " . (Yun,1987:39) Woman ABC stands for "Assertive, Beautiful and Creative" and i t s aim i s to help women upgrade t h e i r knowledge and improve self-perception. (Yun,1987:41) For instance, Woman ABC highlights i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c l e s which feature environmental issues, Confucianism and relationships with children. (ibid) Short F i c t i o n In addition to women's magazines, another outlet for feminist ideas i s i n short f i c t i o n . Shih Shu-tuan (pen name for L i Ang) i l l u s t r a t e s her feminist stance i n "An Unmailed Love Letter" by claiming that: "...feminist consciousness i s inevitably related to whether women are able to march toward the road of l i b e r a t i o n . Only when women can pose questions, no longer believe that women's fate i s completely determined by physiological, psychological and economic si t u a t i o n s . . . can 96 women take t h e i r f i r s t s t e p . . . " (Shih quote i n Chu,1994:223) L i a o Hui-ying, the author of "Behind the Shadow" d e p i c t s her female c h a r a c t e r s i n n o n - s t e r e o t y p i c a l r o l e s . In the s t o r y , the female l e a d i s an e m o t i o n a l l y s t r o n g woman with a c r a v i n g f o r independence and consequently, leaves her husband. In a d d i t i o n , she becomes s e x u a l l y and m o r a l l y l i b e r a t e d , by i n v i t i n g her ex-husband to adopt her i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d . (Chu,1994:222) L i u Wu-hsiung's "A Sequel to 'I Love the Black P u p i l ' " i l l u s t r a t e s the changes i n women's s t a t u s . Her female c h a r a c t e r , Ch-ing-tzu, blossomed from a b a s h f u l s a l e s g i r l t o an e m o t i o n a l l y s t r o n g f e m i n i s t who t e l l s her ex-husband t h a t she i s : "...no longer a weak woman, nor a mere s a l e s g i r l who has to study the f a c i a l e xpressions of the boss..." because "...what men can do we women can a l s o do." ( L i u quote i n Chu,1994:223) Contemporary F i c t i o n S t o r i e s In contemporary f i c t i o n , novels reproduce f e m i n i s t themes with r e s p e c t to economic independence, sexual l i b e r a t i o n , s e l f - i n t e r e s t and p a t r i a r c h y . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n Taiwan meant c r u c i a l changes f o r many women because they were able to improve t h e i r s t a t u s and achieve economic independence. Women are no longer j u s t i n v o l v e d i n domestic chores because they have the a b i l i t y and p o t e n t i a l t o do w e l l o u t s i d e the home. For i n s t a n c e , i n Chiu Hsiu-chua's The Strong Woman, the female l e a d i n g c h a r a c t e r 97 f a i l s a c ademically, yet succeeds i n bu s i n e s s . Often, s t e r e o t y p e s o f women are c h a l l e n g e d i n novels, as "...the i d e a of gender as a c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s brought up..." (Sung,1994:279) The apprehensions, yearnings, ambitions and a n x i e t i e s of women are exposed. In the end, women come out of t h e i r o r d e a l s as st r o n g e r and more powerful i n d i v i d u a l s , able to r e v e r s e the t a b l e s on t h e i r male a n t a g o n i s t s . L i a o H u i - y i n g d e p i c t s Ssu Ho i n The Face of the Morning as a "st r o n g woman" who r e j e c t s a l l t y p e c a s t s of women, i n c l u d i n g dependency, submissiveness and sentimentalism. (Sung,1994:279) Ssu Ho holds a master's degree and i s an economically independent b u s i n e s s woman. A s t e r i l e woman i n Yuan Ch'iung-ch'iung's A Sky of One's Own gets her revenge a f t e r her husband i s u n f a i t h f u l to her. She d i v o r c e s him and begins to operate her own business, becoming e v e n t u a l l y , economically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . Moreover, romantic l o v e and c o n v e n t i o n a l marriages are shunned by many authors. Women are v i c t i m i z e d by male dominance i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T herefore, "...women need t o l i b e r a t e themselves from the romantic i l l u s i o n which proves f a t a l t o t h e i r p s y c h i c and m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g . " (Sung,1994: 282) In the novel Eleven Women, women are shown to be subordinates when they submit t o romantic l o v e and i n e v i t a b l y , male c o n t r o l . For in s t a n c e , a wife i s f o r c e d to support her f a m i l y because her husband i s f i n a n c i a l l y incompetent. Another woman p r o s t i t u t e s i n order t o maintain her b o y f r i e n d ' s 98 gambling habit. Patriarchy, commonly i n the form of f i l i a l piety and "wifely conduct", (Sung,1994:287) i s attacked i n novels. For instance, the competence of women i s not solely defined by her a b i l i t y to bear sons. In Yuan Ch'iung-chiung's A Sky of One's Own, a woman's husband abandons her for his pregnant mistress because she cannot bear children. Despite t h i s , she becomes economically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and i s avenged when she encounters her ex-husband again, while holding a friend's male infant. Her ex-husband assumes the c h i l d i s hers and i s stricken because the second wife bore him two daughters. (Sung,1994:287) Conclusions The emergence of women's groups i n Taiwan has given women an active voice i n Taiwanese society. Their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n these interest groups show that they do not submissively accept the li m i t a t i o n s placed upon them by both men and women in society. Women's magazines, short f i c t i o n and contemporary novels are outlets for new ideas and promoting s o c i a l issues which influence men and women. In short, they "...promot(e) and r e f l e c t . . . s o c i a l awareness of women's changing roles i n society." (Farris,1991:292) Magazines lend a helping hand to women's interest groups because they o f f e r information which would enrich and enhance women's knowledge and current s o c i a l status. In addition, they also address concerns of women. 99 Short f i c t i o n and novels acknowledge women's fears and concerns and at the same time, bring attention to circumstances that a f f e c t women negatively. It i s clear that women are making progress to r e a l i z e t h e i r c a p a b i l i t i e s and do not passively accept l i m i t a t i o n s . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n women's associations combined with various media works which focus on the pli g h t of women, are essenti elements i n the struggle for autonomy. 1 00 Chapter VIII Conclusion Throughout th i s thesis, the issue of concern involves Taiwanese women and the degree of th e i r i n d i v i d u a l autonomy. The status of women i n the p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l extended family, as well as i n sim-pua marriages, was examined from p r e - i n d u s t r i a l to po s t - i n d u s t r i a l Taiwan. As they were not permanent members of the i r natal family, the positions of daughters were i n f e r i o r . The p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l family system dictated that after marriage, women belonged to the i r husband's family. Hence, since sons did not leave the family, they carried on the family name, inherited property and performed ancestral r i t e s . This p a t r i a r c h a l structure created incentives for early marriage. Since daughters were to eventually leave the family, early marriage meant that they would use fewer of the family resources. In addition, i t was also the grounds for high f e r t i l i t y , because one of women's main r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were to produce children and especially, sons. Hence, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process of daughters d i f f e r e d vastly from sons. Early i n the i r l i v e s , they learned to perform domestic chores and care for s i b l i n g s . These r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s trained them to be a good daughter-in-law, wife and mother. However, sim-pua, or adopted daughters, received worse treatment because they usually enter a family during a tragedy, such as replacing a dead c h i l d or i n the event the wife i s s t e r i l e . In some cases, since they are not 1 01 true daughters, they are given the worst of chores i n the household. However, the emergence of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began to erode the h i s t o r i c a l family system i n Taiwan. Under Japanese control from 1895 to 1945, Taiwan's role was to supply Japan with r i c e and sugar. Taiwan was also to be used as evidence that Japan was as competent as Western countries i n the administration of i t s colonies. To prove t h i s , Japan improved upon Taiwan's exi s t i n g infrastructure and human resources. Roads and railways were extended, telegraph l i n e s were completed. Farming technology was introduced to farmers and farmers' associations were created. Elementary schooling i n Japanese was made compulsory and health care was improved. These endeavors had p o s i t i v e effects on Taiwan's economy. Even Japan's invasions on China and Southeast Asia benefitted the Taiwanese economy. Taiwan supplied goods for the warfare and increased i t s productivity and s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y . As a Japanese colony, Taiwan flourished economically and s o c i a l l y because the Japanese created an infrastructure that encouraged economic development. Furthermore, improvement of human resources stimulated s o c i a l development which i n turn, had economic impacts because a healthy, l i t e r a t e population was more e f f i c i e n t . Taiwan was able to i n d u s t r i a l i z e because of Japanese colonization. After Japan's abdication i n 1945, Taiwan came under Chinese control. Despite a shaky transfer of power to an 1 02 p o l i t i c a l l y unstable China, Taiwan survived because i t had developed i t s agriculture sector and human resources under Japanese colonization. Progress did not ensue u n t i l 1949, when the KMT retreated to Taiwan, prompting the United States to o f f e r f i n a n c i a l aid for developing Taiwan's economy. With U.S. aid, Taiwan's industry sector thrived. When U.S. aid ceased i n 1965, Taiwan established incentives to ensure the continuance of economic success by o f f e r i n g p r i v i l e g e s such as tax reductions and cheap labor to overseas companies. An outcome of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was i t s e f f e c t on f e r t i l i t y behaviour. Using the assumptions by Lesthaeghe and Aries as a guide, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s the leading cause of the demographic t r a n s i t i o n . As young women and men take advantage of employment opportunities, they delay marriage i n order to work. The postponement of marriage i s only one explanation for f e r t i l i t y decline. The introduction and acceptance of contraceptives also contributed to the lowering of f e r t i l i t y rates. In the Taiwanese case, the i n i t i a t i o n of family planning programs was i n d i r e c t l y attributed to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The state feared that overpopulation would have devastating consequences for economic growth and therefore, encouraged population control. One of the most successful family planning programs was i n i t i a t e d i n Taichung, but o v e r a l l , contraceptives were readily accepted by Taiwanese men and women. Elements contributing to the popular acceptance of b i r t h control products included the lack of 1 103 r e l i g i o u s stigmas and the effects of urbanization. Women and the i r spouses could choose the number of desired children and were able to space births with the usage of contraceptives. For single women, delaying marriage meant simultaneously postponing or having fewer children and therefore, more time to pursue t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . For instance, many attend college or university, t r a v e l , shop and enrol i n courses of in t e r e s t . Similarly, the options of having fewer children or spacing births, give couples, but especially women, more time to concentrate on th e i r careers, support opera and other c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , enrol i n various courses, p a r t i c i p a t e i n r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , e stablish t h e i r own businesses, gamble, and exercise. Therefore, i n Taiwan, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n invariably deteriorated the h i s t o r i c a l p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l family system. The extended family was replaced by the nuclear family. Women no longer married at an early age because they are working and able to contribute to the family resources. According to Lestheaghe and Aries, t h i s i s the f i r s t stage i n the l i b e r a t i o n process. In Taiwan, i t has been f u l f i l l e d . F e r t i l i t y rates declined as contraceptives were readi l y accepted by Taiwanese couples. As couples had fewer children, they began to be more attentive to them. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created a society involving a complex d i v i s i o n of labor. Since the family was no longer the economic unit of production and parents could not apprentice t h e i r children, they did the next best thing: provide children with the education to 1 04 survive i n the developed economy. Hence, the second stage i n the l i b e r a t i o n process has also taken place i n Taiwan, as children assume a " 1'enfant-roi" (Lesthaeghe,1983:413) stance. The concern over the quantity of children has been replaced by the quality of childcare. Relieved from a fate of early marriage and childbearing, i t appears that Taiwanese women are working towards achieving in d i v i d u a l autonomy, or the t h i r d stage of the emancipation process, as described by Lesthaeghe and Aries. When single women are not concentrating on th e i r jobs or working towards higher lev e l s of education, they spend t h e i r ,leisure time on t r a v e l l i n g , shopping and other a c t i v i t i e s for t h e i r own pleasures. Married women are able to space or delay childbearing with contraceptives, and therefore, at the l i b e r t y of pursuing careers or updating t h e i r s k i l l s . They also volunteer for community and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , become involved with women's organizations and occupy themselves with the arts, music and dancing. However, Lesthaeghe and Aries have not taken into consideration the antagonisms that women encounter from other men and women. In other words, women's endeavours i n Taiwan are met with opposition. They encounter h o s t i l i t y from others whose motives are to deter women from pursuing t h e i r interests, goals and objectives. In the workplace, women are not promoted to managerial or supervisory positions because i t i s believed that they w i l l not stay within the company for a 1 05 long period of time, owing to the possibility of childbearing. Influenced by stereotypes of women, others discriminate because they question women's competency. Moreover, women are often paid less than men, despite having equivalent s k i l l s and educational backgrounds. Legally, women do not have access to equal rights and pr i v i l e g e s . Divorces that were proceeded p r i o r to 1985 meant women acquired custody of children only with the husband's permission and even so, they do not get any alimony or c h i l d support. Sometimes, the judge may not wish to terminate a marriage because Taiwan s t i l l emphasizes the importance of families. If a woman wishes to i n i t i a t e divorce, she may fi n d herself ordered to reunite with her husband because her si t u a t i o n was not insufferable enough for divorce. After divorce, women endure s o c i a l wrath and humiliation from both men and women. H o s t i l i t y extends to p o l i t i c s for women i n Taiwan. Few women involve themselves i n the p o l i t i c a l scene, because they are not given important issues to deal with. Furthermore, the quota system i s unfair to women and simultaneously, discourages women from running for o f f i c e . Moreover, the reserved seats system does not include positions at the national l e v e l because o f f i c i a l s are appointed instead of elected. There i s the ongoing b e l i e f that women should concentrate on the family and household instead of d i r e c t i n g t h e i r attention to outside matters, such as p o l i t i c s . 106 However, women do not succumb to such antagonisms. Instead, they battle for t h e i r rights and to eradicate i n e q u a l i t i e s i n women's groups. The history of women's associations can be categorized into two periods, before and after the 1970 "New Feminism" movement led by Lu Hsiu-lien. The e a r l i e r women's organizations were mainly concerned with the welfare of women, i n terms of t h e i r medical, education and household needs. Subsequent women's associations, dubbed "New Feminism" i n the 1970s, directed t h e i r attention towards attain i n g women's right s and b a t t l i n g s o c i a l problems. Women's magazines, short f i c t i o n and novels have also helped convey new ideas and recognition of changes i n women's status. Lesthaeghe and Aries have assumed that the emergence of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n w i l l free individuals because reproductive a c t i v i t i e s and childcare w i l l no longer be major issues i n an individual's l i f e . People are free to pursue t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and reach t h e i r potentials. They do not take into account the h o s t i l i t y and resistance that may occur during the indivi d u a l ' s s t r i v e to reach t h e i r c a p a b i l i t i e s . In t h i s case, Taiwanese women encounter antagonism from men and women in society, yet they do not accept t h i s . They f e e l that women are not passive beings. Instead, they contest the r e s t r i c t i o n s and stigmas placed on t h e i r s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic objectives. In conclusion, Taiwanese women have not yet achieved ind i v i d u a l autonomy i n accordance to Lesthaeghe and Aries' 1 07 d e f i n i t i o n of the l i b e r a t i o n process because there i s resistance from others. However, they are i n the midst of the t r a n s i t i o n i t s e l f because they choose to contest t h i s opposition. Although women have not achieved complete l i b e r a t i o n , they are moving towards t h i s goal by challenging r e s t r i c t i o n s . 108 B i b l i o g r a p h y COHABITATION Chang, Ming-Cheng and Mary B e t h O f s t e d a l " C h a n g i n g A t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s O l d Age S u p p o r t i n T a i w a n " C o m p a r a t i v e S t u d y o f t h e E l d e r l y i n A s i a No 91-8, p1-17 1993 P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s C e n t e r , USA ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT G o l d , Thomas B. S t a t e and S o c i e t y i n t h e T a i w a n M i r a c l e 1986 M.E. S h a r p e I n c . , New Y o r k , USA H e r m a l i n , A., P . K . C . 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Sun and M. Weinstein "The F e r t i l i t y T r a n s i t i o n i n Taiwan" ed.by Thornton, A r l a n d and Hui-Sheng L i n S o c i a l Change and the Family i n Taiwan p264-304 1994 U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, USA Freedman, Ronald, A l b e r t I. Hermalin and T.H. Sun " F e r t i l i t y Trends i n Taiwan: 1961-1970" P o p u l a t i o n Index Volume 38 Number 2 p141-165 A p r i l - J u n e 1972 P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , USA Freedman, Ronald and Joanna M u l l e r "The C o n t i n u i n g F e r t i l i t y D e c l i n e i n Taiwan: 1965" P o p u l a t i o n Index Volume 33 Number 1 1967 P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, USA Freedman, Ronald and John Y. T a k e s h i t a "Studies o f F e r t i l i t y and Family L i m i t a t i o n i n Taiwan" Eugenics Q u a r t e r l y Volume 12 Number 4 December 1965 American Eugenics S o c i e t y , USA Freedman, Ronald, Lolagene C.Coombs and Ming-Chen Chang "Trends i n Family S i z e Preferences and P r a c t i c e o f Family Planning: Taiwan, 1965-1970" Stu d i e s i n Family Planning Volume 3 p281-296 1972 The P o p u l a t i o n C o u n c i l , USA Hermalin, A l b e r t " F e r t i l i t y and Family P l a n n i n g among the E l d e r l y i n Taiwan, or I n t e g r a t i n g the Demography of Aging i n t o P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s " Demography Volume 30, Number 4 p507-517 November 1993 P o p u l a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n of America, USA Lave l y , W i l l i a m and Ronald Freedman "The O r i g i n s of the Chinese F e r t i l i t y D e c l i n e " Demography Volume 27, Number3 p357-367 August 1990 P o p u l a t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n o f America, USA Leu, C h i e n - a i "Postpartum B l i s s " Free China Review Volume 44, Number 4 p52-59 A p r i l 1994 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan 112 Lesthaeghe, Ron "A Century o f Demographic and C u l t u r a l Change i n Western Europe" P o p u l a t i o n and Development Review Volume 9 Number 3 p 411-435 September 1983 The U n i v e r s i t y o f Michigan, USA Montgomery, Mark R. and John B. C a s t e r l i n e " D i f f u s i o n of F e r t i l i t y C o n t r o l i n Taiwan: Evidence from Pooled C r o s s - S e c t i o n Time-Series Models" P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s Volume 47 Number 2 p457-479 November 1993 The P o p u l a t i o n I n v e s t i g a t i o n Committee, London Mu e l l e r , Eva "Economic M o t i v a t i o n s f o r Family L i m i t a t i o n : A Study Conducted i n Taiwan" P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s Volume 27 Number 3 p383-403 November 1972 Rep r i n t e d The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, USA Muel l e r , Eva and Ric h a r d Cohn "The R e l a t i o n o f Income t o F e r t i l i t y D e c i s i o n s i n Taiwan" Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change Volume 25 Number 2 P325-347 1977 The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, USA P o t t e r , Robert G., Ronald Freedman and L i e n - P i n g Chow "Taiwan's Family Planning Program" Science Volume 160 p848-853 1968 American A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of Science, USA Wolf, A r t h u r P. and Chuang Ying-Chang " F e r t i l i t y and Women's Labour: Two Negative (but I n s t r u c t i v e ) F i n d i n g s " P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s Volume 48 Number 3 p427-433 November 1994 The P o p u l a t i o n I n v e s t i g a t i o n Committee, London L i m i t a t i o n s t o Women's Freedom Chang, C a r l "Chemistry i n the Work P l a c e " Free China Review Volume 41 Number 2 p31-33 February 1991 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Chang, Winnie "Coming t o Terms" Free China Review Volume 41 Number 2 p4-11 February 1991 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Holton, Mandy D. "Father Knows Best" Far E a s t e r n Economic Review Volume 158 Number 36 p49 September 1995 11 3 MARRIAGE Chen, Wen-Tsung "Marriage Tensions" Free China Review Volume 38 Number 12 p16-21 December 1988 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan Hsieh, Kao-chiao "Attitudes i n Flux" Free China Review Volume 38 Number 12 p22-25 December 1988 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan Lee, M.L., A.Thornton, and H.S.Lin "Trends i n Marital Dissolution" ed.by Thornton, Arland and Hui-Sheng L i n Social Change and the Family i n Taiwan p245-263 1994 University of Chicago Press, USA Lin, H.S.,.M.L. Lee and A.Thornton "Trends i n the Timing and Prevalence of Marriage" ed.by Thornton, Arland and Hui-Sheng Lin Social Change and the Family in Taiwan p202-224 1994 University of Chicago Press, USA Rindfuss, Ronald and P h i l i p Morgan "Marriage, Sex, and the F i r s t B i r t h Interval i n Asia" Population and Development Review Volume 9 Number 2 p259-278 June 1983 The University of Michigan, USA Tseng, Yung-li "Secretive Singles" Free China Review Volume 38 Number 12 p28-31 December 1988 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan Tsui, Elaine Ui-lan Are Married Daughters " S p i l l e d Water"? 1987 National Taiwan University, Taiwan Wolf, Arthur P. and Chiang-shan Huang Marriage and Adoption i n China, 1845-1945 1980 Stanford University Press, C a l i f o r n i a , USA PRIMARY DOCUMENTS: STATISTICAL DATA Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s Monthly B u l l e t i n of S t a t i s t i c s of the Republic of China January - December 1993 Book Agent China Cultural Service, Taiwan 11 4 Census O f f i c e of the E x e c u t i v e Yuan An E x t r a c t Report on The 1990 Census of P o p u l a t i o n and Housing Taiwan-Fukien Area R e p u b l i c of China P a r t I June 1992 Census O f f i c e of the E x e c u t i v e Yuan, Taiwan Census O f f i c e of the E x e c u t i v e Yuan An E x t r a c t Report on The 1990 Census of P o p u l a t i o n and Housing Taiwan-Fukien Area Republic of China Part I I June 1992 Census O f f i c e of the E x e c u t i v e Yuan, Taiwan Ch'en, Yung Shan Chung Kuo Jen Kuo: T'ai-wan fen t s ' e (China Demography: Report on Taiwan) 1990 Sun Wah P u b l i s h e r s , China Nei Chang Pu T'ung Chi Ch'u T a i wan T i Chu Fu Nu Sheng Huo Choang K'uang (A Report on the L i f e s t y l e s of Taiwanese Women) 1989 Nei Chang Pu, Taiwan Obregon, R a f a e l "Taiwan" P o p u l a t i o n Today Volume 22 Number 12 p7 December 1994 P o p u l a t i o n Reference Bureau Inc., USA Taiwan S t a t i s t i c a l Data Book 1995 p8-9 June 1995 C o u n c i l f o r Economic Planning and Development, Re p u b l i c of China THEORY Freedman, Ronald "On Underestimating the Rate of S o c i a l Change: A Cautionary Note" P o p u l a t i o n and Development Review Volume 12 Number 3 p529-532 September 1986 The U n i v e r s i t y o f Michigan, USA Goodkind, D a n i e l " C r e a t i n g New T r a d i t i o n s i n Modern Chinese P o p u l a t i o n s : Aiming f o r B i r t h i n the Year of the Dragon" P o p u l a t i o n and Development Review Volume 17 Number 4 p663-687 December 1991 The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, USA Greenhalgh, Susan "Sexual S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : The Other Side of 'Growth with E q u i t y ' i n East A s i a " P o p u l a t i o n and Development Review Volume 11 Number 3 p265-314 June 1985 The U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, USA 1 1 5 L i u , K'o-Chih (Paul K.C. 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Shannon and Yeu-Sheng Hsieh "Female Employment and Reproductive Behaviour i n Taiwan, 1980" Demography Volume 20; Number 3, p313-331 August 1983 Population Association of America, USA Tseng, L i - l i n g "Business Is Cleaning Up" Free China Review Volume 38, Number 6 p15-18 1988 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan 118 Tseng, L i - l i n g "The People i n Green" Free China Review Volume 38, Number 7 p26-29 1988 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Tseng, L i - l i n g "Women Can Hack I t " Free China Review Volume 38, Number 6 p12-14 1988 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Yao, E s t h e r Lee " S u c c e s s f u l P r o f e s s i o n a l Chinese Women i n Taiwan" C o r n e l l J o u r n a l o f S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s Volume 16, Number 1 pp39-55 Summer 1981 C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y , USA Yuan, Yvonne " B a b y s i t t e r : Lu Yu-shu" Free China Review Volume 45, Number 1 p14-15 A p r i l 1995 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Yuan, Yvonne "Newspaper D e l i v e r y Woman: Pu T s u i - I a n " Free China Review Volume 45, Number 1 p8-9 A p r i l 1995 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan W O M E N ' S L E G A L R I G H T S Chang, T'ing-Chu T s u i h s i n min f a t'u ch i e n ( E x p l a n a t i o n o f the New C i v i l R i g h t s ) 1991 Tseng t i n g ssu pun, Taiwan Cheng, Yu-po Min f a k a i yao (The Elements o f C i v i l Law) 1992 Tung t a t'u shu kung su, Taiwan Cheng, Yu-po Min f a p'an ch i e h c h i yao (Expl a n a t i o n s of C i v i l Law) 1992 Hsiu t i n g , Taiwan Wang, T'ing Mao Min f a s h i h wu wen t ' i : ko an ven c h i u (Common C i v i l R i g h t s ) 1992 Chin jung j en yuan yen c h i u hsun l i e n chung h s i n , Taiwan WOMEN A N D P O L I T I C A L M O V E M E N T S Chou, B i h - e r , C a l C l a r k and Janet C l a r k Women i n Taiwan P o l i t i c s : Overcoming B a r r i e r s t o Women's P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a Modernizing S o c i e t y 1990 Lynne Rienner P u b l i s h e r s Inc., USA 119 Hong, Hsiu-chu "Female Dimension of S m a l l - C i t y P o l i t i c s " Free China Review Volume 37, Number 11 p17-19 1987 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Hong, Hsiu-chu "Women i n P o l i t i c s : An A n a l y s i s of C h i a - y i and S h i n - y i n V o t e r s ' A t t i t u d e s " Fu nu t s a i kuo c h i a f a chan kuo ch'enq chunq t i c h i a o se yen t'ao h u i l u n wen c h i (Conference on the Role o f Women i n the N a t i o n a l Development Process o f Taiwan) Volume 2 1985 A s i a Foundation,.Taiwan Hsueh, L i - M i n "From Bound Feet to B a l l o t Box" Free China Review Volume 38 Number 11 p4-6 1987 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Underwood, L a u r i e "Women i n O f f i c e " Free China Review Volume 44 Number 5 p38-43 1994 Kwang Hwa P u b l i s h i n g Co., Taiwan Women's Department, C e n t r a l Committee, Kuomingtang 1979 T a i p e i c i t e d i n Lan-hung Nora Chiang and Y e n l i n Ku Past and Current Status o f Women i n Taiwan 1985 P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s Center, Taiwan WOMEN'S R O L E Bulbek, C h i l l a "Sexual Dangers: Chinese Women's Experiences i n Three C u l t u r e s - B e i j i n g , T a i p e i and Hong Kong" Women's Studie s I n t e r n a t i o n a l Forum Volume 17 Number 1 p95-103 January-February 1994 E l s e v i e r Science L t d . , USA Chang, Winnie " I f I L i k e I t , Why Not?" 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Chen, Jack F. Williams and Joesph Wong Taiwan: Economy, Society and History 1991 University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Martin, Charmian "Five Who Make a Difference" Free China Review Volume 37, Number 11 p24-29 1987 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan Sung, Mei-hwa "Feminist Consciousness i n the Contemporary F i c t i o n of Taiwan" Cultural Change i n Postwar Taiwan p275-293 ed.by Stevan H a r r e l l and Huang Chun-chieh 1994 Westview Press, USA Wang, Emily "Women's Organizations Unite" Free China Review Volume 37, Number 11 p30-35 1987 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan Yang, Pei Chu Fu Nu Ts'an Yu She Hui Huo Long Tun Chih Yen Chiu (A Study on Women's Pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n Social Movements) 1991 Chin Yu Ch'u Pan She, Taiwan Yun, Eugenia "Newstand Power: A Booming Market for Women's Magazines" Free China Review Volume 37, Number 11 p35-41 1987 Kwang Hwa Publishing Co., Taiwan 

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