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The music for dessus de viole of Louis Heudelinne (fl. c. 1700-1710) Atley, Sharie 1980

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c. THE MUSIC FOR DESSUS DE VIOLE OF LOUIS HEUDELINNE (FL. C. 1700-1710) by HARIE ATLEY B. Mus., The University of British Columbia, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Music) ,--We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1980 ©Sharie Atley In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D E - 6 B P 7 5 - 5 1 1 E ABSTRACT Louis Heudelinne"s two volumes, Trois Suites de pieces (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1701) and Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) contain the earliest published music for solo dessus de viole (treble viola da gamba). They are also among the very l i t t l e solo literature for the instrument. Heudelinne's music not only reflects the highly developed French basse de viole style of violistes such as Marin Marais (1656-1728), but also shows influence of the Italian style that penetrated French compositions at the turn of the eighteenth cen-tury. The use of dessus and basse de violes, the organization of highly stylized dance movements into suites, and the frequent marks and ornament signs in Heudelinne's music are clear indications of the French tradition. The designation of the violin as an alternate instrument, certain elements of Italian melodic style, and the inclusion of sonates for the first time in a French publication show Heudelinne's interest in the Italian style. This thesis is concerned with bibliographical aspects of the books as well as musical and historical significance of their contents. In Chapter I, there is historical background on the viola da gamba family in France and the development of solo styles for the dessus and basse de violes. Chapter II deals with the influence of the Italian sonata on French instrumental music from 1690 to 1725. Chapter III contains what l i t t l e biographical information is known about Heudelinne and i i summarizes significant aspects of the bibliographical study presented in Appendix II. Chapter IV is an analytical study focusing on form and style in Heudelinne's music with reference to the selection of facsimile examples included in Appendix III. The remaining appendices, I and IV, include facsimile examples of Louis Couperin's music for viol ensemble and translations of prefatory and other verbal material in Heudelinne's volumes. Many new elements were introduced into French music in the years following Lully's death in 1687 and Heudelinne's music reflects the upheaval during this period. His music follows the basse de viole style, showing particular influence by Marais, but also adapts some of the Italian violin style to the dessus de viole. Although Heudelinne does not succeed as brilliantly as Francois Couperin and other major composers of his day in this early attempt to unite the French and Italian styles, his two books nevertheless add a good deal of interest-ing music to the limited solo repetoire of the dessus de viole. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES . . v i LIST OF EXAMPLES:.:.:.. v i i PREFACE v i i i Chapter I THE VIOLA DA GAMBA AND ITS MUSIC IN FRANCE 1 Introduction . . . 1 Solo Music for the Basse de V i o l e 3 Origins of Solo Music for the Basse de V i o l e . . . 3 The Nature of the Basse de V i o l e as a Solo Instrument 6 Music for Solo Basse de V i o l e and Continuo . . . . 8 Solo Music f or the Dessus de V i o l e . . . . . . . . . 10 Origins of Solo Music f or the Dessus de V i o l e . . . 10 The Nature of the Dessus de V i o l e as a Solo Instrument 15 Later Music for Solo Dessus de V i o l e 17 II THE ITALIAN INFLUENCE ON FRENCH VIOL MUSIC 21 H i s t o r i c a l Background . . . . . . . . 22 Early French Sonatas 26 Basse de V i o l e Music 29 Dessus and Pardessus de V i o l e Music 32 II I BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON LOUIS HEUDELINNE AND A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF HIS PUBLICATIONS 39 Biographical Notes . . . . . 39 Bibl i o g r a p h i c Study 42 Premier L i v r e 44 Second L i v r e • • 45 B a l l a r d , Roger, and Foucault 46 Ownership of Extant Volumes '. . . . 49 i v IV AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF LOUIS.HEUDELINNE1S MUSIC . . . . 52 Formal Aspects 52 The Suite Genre and Heudelinne's Suites 53 The Structure of the Individual Movements 58 Dances 58 Non-Dance Pieces 63 Stylistic Analysis . 73 Jeu de Melodie . . 76 Jeu d'Harmonie . . . . . . . . . 84 Basse Continue 92 Performance Practice 96 Summary 100 FOOTNOTES Chapter I 103 Chapter II 112 Chapter III 120 Chapter IV 124 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 130 APPENDIX I 141 APPENDIX II 148 APPENDIX III 169 APPENDIX IV 193 v LIST OF TABLES Table III- l Louis Heudelinne's Publications 43 IV-1 Book'I Trois Suites de Pieces a deiix violles (1701) . . 54 IV-2 Book II Second Livre de Pieces Pour le Dessus et Basse de Violle (1705) 55 IV-3 Number of Movements in Various Forms in Each of Heudelinne's Suites 59 IV-4 Percentages of Movements in Various Forms 59 IV-5 Dance and Non-Dance Pieces in Heudelinne's Suites . . . 60 IV-6 The Form of the Sonates 68 IV-7 The Form of the Rondeaux 71 IV-8 Number of Pieces in Each Key used by Heudelinne . . . . 88 IV-9 Heudelinne's Use of Major and Minor Keys . . . . . . . 88 IV- 10 Qualities Associated with Each Key and Their Corresponding Dramatic Situations in Operas 89 vi LIST OF EXAMPLES Example IV-1 Heudelinne, "Sonate en Chaconne," (T, 55), m. 39-41 . . . 72 IV-2 Du Mont, "Prelude I I , " Meslanges (p. 4), m. 1-10, "Troisieme p a r t i e adjoust£e"(1661) 77 IV-3 Marais, "Gavotte," Pieces en t r i o (p. 15), m. 1-10 I e r Dessus 77 IV-4 Heudelinne, "Gavotte en rondeau" ( I , 13), m. 1-5 . . . . 77 IV-5 Heudelinne, "Sarabande," ( I I , 5), m. 1-5 78 IV-5a Heudelinne, "Sarabande," ( I I , 5), m. 1-5, melodic skeleton . . . . . 78 IV-6 C o r e l l i , "Giga," Op. IV No. 4 (1694), m. 8-14, ed. F. Chrysander, Augener's ed. (1899), p. 211 . . . . 79 IV-7 Couperin "gayement," "La Francoise" from Les Nations (1726), m. 1-5 . 80 IV-8 Rebel, "Allemande," Pieces pour l e v i o l o n , (1705), p. 4, m. 1-10 81 IV-9 Marc, "Gigue," Suite de Pieces de dessus et de pardessus de v i o l e (p. 40), m. 1-18 . . . 82 IV-10 Heudelinne, "Prelude" ( I I , 1), m. 1-2 . . . 83 IV-11 Heudelinne, "Allemande" (I, 65), m. 10-12 .. ' 85 IV-12 Heudelinne, "Cloches ou C a r i l l o n " ( I I , 13), m. 1-7 . . . 85 IV-13 Marais, "Cloches ou C a r i l l o n " ( I I , 51), m. 1-6 86 IV-14 Heudelinne, "Gavotte" ( I I , 7), m. 16-20 90 IV-15 Marais, "Allemande" Pieces de Violes ( I , 35, bass part, I, 24), m. 1-10 . . . 95 IV-16 Heudelinne, "Sarabande" ( I I , 18), m. 7-9 . . . . . . . . 98 IV-17 Heudelinne, "Sarabande l a Gracieuse" ( I I , 22), m. 22-24 98 IV-18 Heudelinne, "Prelude" ( I I , 31), m. 20-26 98 IV-19 Heudelinne, "Chaconne" (I, 80), m. 61-64 . 99 IV-20 Heudelinne, "Gigue" ( I I , 6), m. 20-21 100 v i i PREFACE Louis Heudelirme is known only through his two published books of solo music for the dessus de viole (treble viola da gamba) and these publications are among the very l i t t l e extant solo literature for the instrument. While the basse de viole amassed a large solo literature in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the dessus de viole remained more closely associated with the French ensemble tradi-tion. Louis Heudelinne's two publications for solo dessus de viole and continuo are the first for the instrument. His music not only reflects the highly-developed French basse de viole style of violistes such as Marin Marais (1656-1728), but also shows influence of the Italian style that penetrated French compositions at the turn of the eighteenth cen-tury. The aim of this thesis is to examine the bibliographical aspects of Louis Heudelinne's two publications and to draw conclusions about the musical and historical significance of their contents. Chapter I lays the background with a short history of the viola da gamba family in France from the early seventeenth century to about 1750. It traces the develop-ment of solo styles for the basse and dessus de violes from their origins to the appearance of music for the pardessus de viole and the eventual decline and disappearance of the whole viol family. Chapter II deals with the influence of the Italian sonata on French instrumental ensemble music from about 1690 to 1725. The circulation and extensive popularity of Italian violin sonatas in France overcame the v i i i resistance of the French to musical change, a resistance encouraged by Lully and persisting until the time of his death in 1687. The number of French composers writing sonatas in the 1690's and later is an indication of the impact of the Italian style on their works. The sonates in Louis Heudelinne's first book of dessus de viole music (1701) appear to be the first published in France. Therefore, the stylistic and technical fea-tures of early French sonatas (by Francois Couperin, Jean-Fery Rebel, Elisabeth Jacquet de la Guerre, etc.) are discussed in this chapter in order to determine the Italian influence on French viol music in general, and on Louis Heudelinne in particular. Chapter III contains the biographical notes and a bibliographic study of Heudelinne's publications. Little is known about the man other than the name of his patron and the fact that he lived in Rouen. The main source of the biographical information is the preface to his first book of music, Trois suites de pieces, but this gives us no idea of his age, position or status in Rouen, nor his connections with Paris, i f any. The bibliographical section summarizes significant aspects arising from an exhaustive textual comparison, presented in Appendix II, between the two editions of Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701 and Amsterdam: Roger, 1702) and the issue and re-issue of the Second: livre  de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705 and Paris: Ballard, 1710). Chapter IV contains an analytical study of Heudelinne's music. Formal and stylistic aspects constitute the basis of the discussion with comparisons to the music of influential contemporary viol and violin com-posers. There are also sections on the basse continue and on perform-ance practice questions such as ornamentation and fingering. A selec-tion of facsimile examples is included in Appendix III. Little research has been done on the dessus or the pardessus de ix viole and the music written for these smaller members of the viol family. One article by Mary Cyr, entitled "Solo Music for the Treble Viol," briefly outlines the rise of the treble viol as a solo instrument in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries."'' Cecile Dolmetsch has pub-lished a very short article on the pardessus, "The Pardessus de viole or 2 3 chanterelle," which introduces the instrument and its repetoire. In addition, there is a recent article by Adrian Rose entitled, "Music for Dessus and Pardessus de Violes, Published in France, ca. 1650-1770," which lists French solo and ensemble music written specifically for the 4 two instruments or specifying them as alternatives. Lastly, there is an unpublished master's thesis by Terry Pratt: "The Dessus and Pardessus de Viole in France from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Cen-turies" (Basel: Schola Cantorum Baseliensis, 1977). This thesis covers the history and development of the dessus and the pardessus de violes including the playing techniques found in various treatises. It gives a good brief account of the instruments and the music, from consort works to solo literature, including many examples and a comprehensive bibliography. The chief works on seventeenth and eighteenth century basse de viole music, Hans Bol's.La Basse de Viole du Temps de Marin Marais et  d'Antoine Forqueray (Bilthoven, 1973) and Barbara Schwendowius's Die solistische Gambenmusik in Frankreich von 1650 bis 1740 (Regensburg, 1970), mention the dessus de viole only in passing. Two unpublished doctoral dissertations, "The Bass Viol in French Baroque Chamber Music" by Julie Anne Vertrees (Cornell University1978), and "Marais and Forqueray: A Historical and Analytical Study of their Music for Solo Basse de Viole," by Bonney McDowell (Columbia University, 1974) are x mainly concerned withithe bass. This is also true of two other unpub-lished dissertations which deal primarily with the works of Marin Marais: Clyde Thompson's "The Music of Marin Marais" (University of Michigan, 1956) and Margaret Urquhart's "Style and Technique in the 'Pieces de Violes' of Marin Marais" (Edinburgh, 1970). I wish to express my gratitude to the many people who made this thesis possible: to my advisor, John E. Sawyer, whose viol playing and knowledge originally inspired me in this undertaking, and who guided and encouraged me throughout my research and writing; to the other members of my committee, J. Evan Kreider for his helpful advice, and H. Robert Cohen, especially for his assistance in translation; to Hans Burndorfer and the staff of the University of British Columbia Music Library; to Floyd St. Clair who aided me in the translation for the final appendix; to John Burgess for his copying of examples; to Elisabeth Wright; to my many other good friends who supported and encouraged me in this endeavour; to my parents; and finally, to my husband, Seann, who proofread the entire thesis, but whose emotional and practical support is impossible to measure. XJournal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. XII, 1975, pp. 4-9. 2 Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America,: Vol. I l l , 1966, pp. 56-59. 3 We look forward to the completion of Mme . Christiane Dubuquoy's thesis on the pardessus de viole for the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Paris-IV). 4 Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. XVI, 1979, pp. 40-46. xi CHAPTER I THE VIOLA DA GAMBA AND ITS MUSIC IN FRANCE (c. 1650-1750) Introduction The opening decade of the eighteenth century witnessed the f i r s t published solo music for dessus de viole,"'" Louis Heudelinne's two c o l -l e c t i o n s : Trois suites de pieces a deux v i o l l e s . . . L i v r e premiere (1701) and Second l i v r e de pieces pour l e dessus et basse de v i o l l e (1705). This music i s strongly "indebted to the solo basse de v i o l e s t y l e of Marin Marais's Pieces de v i o l e s (1686-89, 1701). However, i t also shows influence of the growing French i n t e r e s t i n I t a l i a n a t e v i o l i n music. At f i r s t glance, the s i m i l a r i t i e s between Marais's and Heudelinne's music suggest a common s t y l i s t i c o r i g i n , but t h i s i s not the case. A solo s t y l e f o r the basse de v i o l e grew out of an unaccompanied polyphonic texture i n i m i t a t i o n of early seventeenth-century French lute and English l y r a v i o l music. A solo s t y l e for the dessus de v i o l e arose out of the ensemble repetoire through the gradual p o l a r i z a t i o n of the outer voices. The two idioms tended to converge at the end of the century with the addition of the basse continue to solo basse de v i o l e music. The use of the continuo increased the melodic freedom of music for the basse de v i o l e , s h i f t i n g i t closer to that of the dessus. Meanwhile, music for the dessus moved i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n with the 1 2 transference of chords and other technical devices from music for the basse. After Heudelinne's first publication in 1701, the solo styles for the basse and dessus de violes seem to have run a parallel course for about a decade. Their subsequent divergence was due mainly to the increasing domination of the violin and its Italianate literature. The basse de viole held its own for about another fifty years with basically a French literature, but the dessus de viole faded because it did not inspire a literature equivalent to that for the basse and because it was unsatisfactory as a substitute for the ever more popular violin. It was replaced about 1720 by the pardessus de viole, a smaller viol with an increased upper range. The new range facilitated the performance of Italianate violin music, allowing the pardessus to become the French substitute for the violin. The pardessus did acquire its own litera-ture, however, a literature involving a mixture of Italian and French styles. The instrument remained popular until the last quarter of the eighteenth century, outlasting even the basse de viole, but with the changing musical tastes and the increasing dominance of the violin family i t too finally disappeared. To understand the factors leading to the emergence of a solo dessus de viole style c. 1700-1710 i t is necessary to trace its origins in ensemble music and also to follow the course of development of solo music for the basse de viole. The influence of Italian violin music on French chamber music from about 1690-1715 is also considered but in a separate chapter since i t is an outside influence on the French viol tradition. To complete the picture, the history of later dessus de viole music and its displacement by the pardessus will be considered. Solo Music for the Basse de Viole 3 Origins of Solo Music for the Basse de Viole The basse de viole was the first member of the viol family to be used in a solo capacity in France, in the early seventeenth century. It had a fully-developed solo style towards the end of the century, but the origins of that style remain obscure. The early bass viol soloists are known to have improvised much of the unaccompanied music that they played and, likely for this reason, very l i t t l e written music remains. The few extant pieces and the descriptions of actual performances reveal a style closely related to that of French lute and English lyra viol music. Andre Maugars (c. 1580-1645), the first well-known French bass viol virtuoso, spent a few years in England in the service of Charles I 2 (c. 1620-24). In his famous Response faite a un curieux sur le senti- ment de la Musique d'ltalie, written in 1639 while he was banished from France, Maugars mentions his indebtedness to the English style of lyra viol playing. . . . the English play the viol perfectly. I admit that I am somewhat in their debt and that I have imitated them in their chords, but not in some other things, French birth and upbring-ing giving us this advantage over a l l other nations, that they would not be capable of equalling us in beautiful dance rhythms, charming diminutions and especially in the simple tunes of the courantes and the ballets.-^ \ Maugars also mentions that no one in Italy excels at the Viole, but that the Lyre is s t i l l in honour among the Italians, although he did not hear 4 anyone who could be compared to Ferrabosco of England; Mersenne accords another early violist, Nicolas Hotman (c. 1614-1663),^ equal praise with Maugars: 4 No one in France can equal Maugars and Hottman [sic], very able men in this art [of playing the viol]: they excel in the diminutions and by their incomparably delicate and suave bow strokes. There is nothing in harmony that they do not know how to express perfectly, especially when another person accompanies them on the clavichord. But the first plays unaccompanied, executing simul-taneously two, three or more parts on the basse de viole, with a l l the ornaments and a quickness of the fingers that appear to occupy him so l i t t l e , that one cannot previously have heard any-thing similar to those who play the viol or even other instru-ments . . . . ^  Both Maugars and Hotman are s t i l l remembered much later in the century by Jean Rousseau (Traite de la Viole, 1687) who also differentiates between their playing. The first men in France to excel in playing the Viol were Messieurs Maugars and Hotman, they were equally to be admired, although their characters were different, for the first had such science and execu-tion, that he could diversify a Theme of five or six notes given to him on the spot in an infinite number of different manners, to the point of exhausting a l l that one could do with i t , as much by chords as by diminutions. The second is the one who started to compose pieces in regular harmony on the viol in France, to make beautiful melodies, and to imitate the voice, so strongly: that one admired him often more in the tender execution of a l i t t l e Charisonnette than in the fullest and most learned pieces. The tenderness of his playing came from his beautiful bow strokes which he animated, and softened with such s k i l l and so a propos that he charmed a l l that heard him, and it is that which first gave perfection to the viol, and made i t esteemed preferable to a l l the other instruments.^ Hotman is known to have played regularly in concerts given at the home of the court organist Pierre Chabanceau de la Barre around the middle of the seventeenth century. Two years before he died in 1663, he received a half appointment to Louis XIV's court with Sebastien Le Camus (1610-1677) 8 a well-known dessus de viole player. Rousseau celebrated Hotman not only as a performer, but also as a teacher. According to Rousseau, Hotman taught Monsieur de Sainte-Colombe (c. 1630-c. 1690), Rousseau's own teacher and one of the most brilliant viol players of the century. A French solo bass viol style (or styles) was thus established by the mid-seventeenth century, but there is no extant music of Maugars and 5 9 only a few fragments of Hotman's viol music in tablature. The first surviving examples of complete solo pieces are those of Monsieur Du Buisson (1666) preserved in manuscript. "^ Du Buisson's pieces are grouped into four unaccompanied suites much like contemporary French lute music and with the same sequence of dances as Hotman's tablature lute pieces. Some of the suites are in lute tablature, like English lyra viol music, and others are in staff notation. A l l of Du Buisson's music is chordal with melodies supported by three- or four-part chords at cadences similar to those in lute music. A polyphonic texture is implied at times by imitative parts in different registers and by the familiar style brise of the lute and harpsichord. The unmeasured pre-lude at the beginning of most of Du Buisson's suites also underlines the close relationship of the viol to lute and harpsichord traditions. It was not until twenty years' after Du Buisson's suites that the first printed collection of solo bass viol music appeared, De Machy's Pieces de violles (1685). His eight unaccompanied solo suites, four in staff notation and four in tablature, employ the same quasi-polyphonic, chordal style and the same types of dance forms as Du Buisson's music. But with De Machy came the end of French unaccompanied solo basse de viole music. Subsequent composers added a continue part to their solo music, allowing development of other facets of solo playing. Between the writing of Du Buisson's manuscript pieces and the appearance of De Machy's Pieces de violles, emerged another important maitre de viole, Monsieur de Sainte-Colombe. In his music, Sainte-Colombe drew on the familiar aspects of the lute tradition, but also extended the formal and stylistic possibilities of the bass viol. In addition, he partially broke out of the restrictive medium of dance 6 forms, increased the technical possibilities of the instrument and incor-porated aspects of vocal music such as suave melodic and dramatic . . 11 recitative-like wrxting. Sainte-Colombe, a student of Hotman, is a mysterious figure of unknown parentage who was probably a member of the minor nobility. 1 2 He was not attached to any court, but as an amateur violist he was one of 13 the most illustrious virtuosos of the instrument. He composed "Concerts," longer and more difficult to execute than the dance pieces of his predecessors and contemporaries. Sixty-seven of these concerts are extant in manuscript for "deux violes esgales" and one piece for a single basse de viole. The concerts are not truly solo music, but each part, at times, has elements of the unaccompanied, chordal style of Du Buisson and De Machy. The .'influence of the earlier English combination of two lyra viols is evident in Sainte-Colombe's music, as well as the viol and violin music of such English composers as Giovanni Coperario, 14 William Lawes, John Jenkins, and Matthew Locke. Combining two equal viols allowed Sainte-Colombe to write with more melodic emphasis, fore-shadowing the adoption of the basse continue by Marais in the 1680's. The Nature of the Basse de Viole as a Solo Instrument Sainte-Colombe's development of the melodic capabilities of the basse de viole, with the resulting de^emphasis-bf the chordal, polyphonic aspect, led to a controversy over the nature of the instrument that lasted for some years. We 'know of this controversy and its protagon-ists, Sieur De Machy and Jean Rousseau, through avertissements and a letter written by Rousseau to one of his friends, a letter which appeared in print.^ De Machy had been a student of Hotman, as had Sainte-7 Colombe, but he opposed Sainte-Colombe's emphasis of the melodic charac-ter of the instrument. As a proponent of the chordal style of playing, De Machy wished to. preserve certain techniques of solo viol playing and composition that came from the lute and harpsichord. The avertissement in Pieces de violles gives his view of the proper function of the basse de viole as a solo instrument whose most typical manner of playing is chordal, like a l l solo instruments.1^ De Machy says that restricting one's playing to melodies is too simplistic and that melodies played without chords should be left to the "Dessus de Violle and other instru-ments of this nature."1^ A fundamentally different viewpoint on the nature and role of the basse de viole is evident in Rousseau's Traitg de la Viole. As a student of Sainte-Colombe and author of an earlier vocal treatise 18 (Mgthode Claire, Certaine et Facile pour apprendre a Chanter La Musique), Rousseau emphasized the close connection of the basse de viole to vocal music. He dedicated his famous treatise to his teacher "who labors continually to seek out everything that could possibly add yet : greater perfection" to the basse de viole, but he also gave credit to Michel 19 Lambert "for the perfection of singing which is established in France." Rousseau generally took a broader view of the viol's role than De Machy. In the Traite, he categorized five ways of playing the basse de viole: Jeu de melodie Jeu d'harmonie Jeu de s'accompagner (playing the bass while singing a melody oneself) Jeu de l'accompagnement (playing the bass in a group of voices and instruments) Jeu que l'on appelle travailler sur un sujet^O Of these, Rousseau's favoured Jeu de meModie became the most popular style of writing after the 1680's. This was, in part, because of the great number of violists who could play i t with relatively modest 8 technique, and because of the introduction of the basse continue. Music for Solo. Basse de Viole and Continuo A solo style for the basse de viole existed in France as early as the 1630's, but the flowering of that style occurred only between the years 1675-1725. Marin Marais (1656-1728) can be given the credit for finding a style and technique which brought the basse de viole out of the previously comparatively narrow circle of the maitres de violes to a 21 prominent position in French musical l i f e . Marais accepted a position as Ordinaire de la Chambre du Roy pour la viole in 1679 and took advan-22 tage of Lully as a composition teacher in his early years at court. He became the standard bearer for French solo viol playing with the publication of his Pieces de violes Livre Premier (1686-89), the first music for bass viol with continuo. In this collection and in his later books, Marais absorbed both the jeu de melodie and the jeu d'harmonie to evolve a style that balanced the two ways of playing the basse de viole. The presence of the basse continue allowed a great deal more melodic freedom than had been the case in earlier, unaccompanied pieces. And while chordal playing was no longer necessary to provide an accom-paniment for the melodic line, i t added variety and extended the textural 23 possibilities in Marais's music. His pieces range from "chants simple," using almost exclusively the jeu de melodie, to very difficult pieces "chargee d'accords." Marais's writing represents the best works of a succession of Parisian masters and he dominated music for the basse de viole in the forty years from his first book through four further publications (1701, 1711, 1717, and 1725). His students and followers were many and his 9 influence is seen in most of the contemporary solo music for the basse de viole. Marais systematized the manner of performing his music through the fingerings, bowings, and expressive ornamentation in his published 24 editions. His system became almost universally adopted, as affirmed by the theorist Etienne Loulie and many eighteenth-century publications by such composers as Jacques Morel, Charles Dolle, Jean Cappus, Louis de Calx d'Hervelois, and Roland Marais. The only major composer of solo music for the basse de viole that challenged the primacy of Marais was Antoine Forqueray (1672-1745). Forqueray received official appointment as a violiste at court in 1689, 26 ten years after Marais. He was a prodigy who became a brilliant virtuoso on the basse de viole, but apparently without the benefit of 27 Marais's tutelage. Forqueray gained a considerable reputation as a performer and composer which led to a rivalry with Marais, but his works were not published until after his death. His son, Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Forqueray published one volume of Pieces de violes (c. 1747) and these twenty-nine pieces for solo basse de viole and continuo are a l l that remain of the approximately 300 pieces the elder Forqueray is 28 reported to have written. From the works in his Pieces de violes, i t is clear that Forqueray had a different approach to the viol than did Marais. A l l of his pieces are difficult to perform, exploiting the f u l l range of the basse de viole and requiring an impressive technical command of the instrument. He uses melodically-oriented writing much less than Marais and, through chordal textures, creates high levels of tension more frequently than does Marais. Forqueray's interest in the avant-garde style of Italian violin music is evident in most of his pieces and, particulary in this 10 matter he diverges from Marais's adherence to the traditional French style. Forqueray's published pieces seem to have been meant for his 29 own performance and not for a wide audience as were Marais's. Perhaps Forqueray did not issue publications of his music during his 30 lifetime so that he might restrict others from performing his music. In any event, he had no successors, a fact attributable both to his unique style and to the demise of the basse de viole itself. Solo Music for the Dessus de Viole Origins of Solo Music for the Dessus de Viole The origins of a solo style for the dessus de viole have been 31 investigated less thoroughly than those for the basse de viole. We know that the viol family had a strong ensemble tradition in France in the early seventeenth century. The dessus de viole seems to have been used throughout the century for the upper part in viol ensembles, as 32 well as in ensembles of mixed instruments and of voices and instruments. The dessus part had a melodic function with stepwise motion and smaller note values than the other parts. While the bass and middle parts served more of a harmonic function, the top part gradually became more important, foreshadowing the development of the dessus de viole as a solo 33 xnstrument. The first French publication explicitly specifying a part for the 34 dessus de viole is that of the organist of St. Paul, Henry Du Mont: Meslanges a II, III, IV, et V parties avec la basse continue, contenant plusieurs chansons, motets, Magnificats, prgludes, & allemandes, pour l'orgue & pour les violes et les litanies de la Vierge . . . livre 35 second (1657). This publicaton is unusual because, unlike many of 11 his French contemporaries, Du Mont has given precise information regard-ing instrumentation. In the foreword "To the Readers" he states: The first pieces in these Meslanges, in the form of Motets, have been composed for three solo voices. . . . I have also created a fourth part, which can be used if one wishes, for a dessus de viole, but it must be played delicately and with discretion, so that one may distinctly hear the voices. First one sings the piece until the middle, then one repeats i t with the dessus de viole, in order to add greater harmony, and in the same way the other half. . . . For those that play the organ or the harpsichord, one will find several alemandes in organ tablature, which I have transcribed in three parts for the viols, which may be played separately, or can accompany the organist.36 The dessus de viole assumes a number of roles in the Meslanges: accom-panying the voices, in consort with and without continuo, and as a solo instrument with continuo. The added part of which Du Mont speaks ("pour un Dessus de Viole ou Taille ou pour une Basse de Viole touchee a 1'octave") emphasizes his interest in the instrument, although i t remains 37 in the vocally-conceived style of the other parts. The Meslanges contribute l i t t l e new to the evolution of the eighteenth-century solo style for the dessus de viole, but they do underline the role of viol ensembles in conjunction with a vocal medium in promoting such a style. The combination of viol ensemble and keyboard instrument is brought to our attention most obviously in Du Mont's Meslanges, but i t was by no means a new combination in the 1650's. According to Sauval's Histoire et recherches des antiquitgs de la violle de Paris (1724), Jacques Mauduit popularized the combination much earlier. Mersenne also speaks of concerts where musicians "touchent les Violes et les Clavecins 38 ensemble." The French apparently preferred keyboard instruments 39 rather than lutes as auxiliaries in their fantaisies for viol. By the mid-seventeenth century the older concept of imitative fantaisies 40 was outdated, but the keyboard instrument remained as an auxiliary 12 to the viol ensemble. It is clear that there was a good deal of inter-changeability in the music for ensemble and keyboard performance and notable that a l l extant collections of fantaisies published in France in 41 the seventeenth century are by organists. Louis Couperin (1626-1661), the organist and harpsichordist first in the musical dynasty of the Couperin family, continued the traditional combination of viol ensemble and a keyboard instrument. Louis is known today mainly as a composer of harpsichord music, but his official posi-tion in court was that of Musicien Ordinaire de la Chambre du Roi pour  le dessus de viole. While he began the Couperin family tradition as the organist of St. Gervais in 1655 and served as claveciniste at court, it is his role as an important performer and composer of the dessus de viole that is of interest here. According to Titon du Tillet (Le  Parnasse Francais, 1732), Louis gained his position at court as a dessus player in a rather unusual way. Chambonnieres, the court claveciniste, had heard Louis and his two brothers playing some of Louis's simphonies on viols at the Chambonnieres chateau near Chaumes about 1650. He brought Louis to Paris and introduced him to the court. The young Louis XIV was so impressed with Couperin that he offered him Chambonnieres's position of claveciniste in the Ring's Chambre. As related by Tillet, Louis refused to take his benefactor's position and 42 the King created the new position for dessus de viole. Thus, both the composer and the instrument gained prestige through Couperin's viol pieces. Only a limited amount of viol music by Louis Couperin is extant. The pieces that we do have are in the Bauyh manuscript, a source primar-43 ily devoted to keyboard music. Among the pieces by Louis are three "Fantaisies" which, while in keyboard score, have occasional figures with 44 the bass, suggesting a continue role for the keyboard. This idea is strengthened by the designation, "pour les violes" accompanying two of the "Fantaisies." Thus, three possible manners of performance emerge— keyboard solo and viol duo or trio with or without keyboard continue--possibilities similar to those suggested earlier by Du Mont in his Meslanges. There are also other pieces in the same section of the manu-script revealing much the same character as the fantaisies: the three "Simphonies," following the two "Fantaisies de violes," and the two much 45 shorter "Pseaumes." The "Pseaumes" are simple two-part pieces which could be played on dessus and basse de violes as well as on keyboard. The "Simphonies" are more complex with either two parts throughout or two faster moving parts—dessus and basse—over a slower basse, the latter perhaps for a keyboard continuo supporting two viols. Hans Bol maintains that the reduction of the French viol consort to dessus and basse is, without a doubt, a direct result of the penetration of Italian 46 monody into France. Certainly, the combination of dessus and basse de viole is evidence of the Italian influence towards polarization of the upper and lower parts, but the exact role of the keyboard as continuo is 47 not known. With the apparent continuo role for the keyboard in the Fantaisies "pour les violes," these pieces are a landmark in the transition of the 48 dessus de viole from a consort instrument to a solo one. The presence of the continuo allows a free melodic rein for the dessus de viole as in Marais's solo basse de viole music, some thirty years later. There is some imitation between the dessus and basse parts, but the melody of the dessus is developed much in the style of the air. The 14 vocal influence on viol music through the long and close relationship of viols and voices is clear in Couperin's handling of the dessus's orna-mental melodic line. Its soloistic nature is due to a highly developed decorative technique reminiscent of the subtleties of the air de cour. Besides the influence of vocal, music, Couperin also takes a good deal from the dance in his faritaisies and simphoriies. He was involved in 49 the popular ballets de cour in the 1650's in which the young regent Louis XIV (1638-1715) danced and Jean-Baptiste de Lully (1632-1687) began to make a name for himself. The strong influence of the ballet de cour in Couperin's viol music is shown in the "arresting openings and dotted rhythms with rests . . . " that give way to dance sections in triple 50 time. After Louis Couperin's premature death in 1661, the position of dessus de viole player in the King's Chambre was divided between Nicolas Hotman and Sfibastien Le Camus. Hotman's contribution to the solo bass style has already been discussed, but i t is not known just the extent to which he played the dessus, although he had one in his possession when he died.^ "*" S£bastien Le Camus, on the other hand, was a well-known dessus de viole soloist and theorbiste. Rousseau praises Le Camus "who excelled to a point in the playing of the Dessus de Viole, that the mere memory of the beauty and tenderness of his playing surpasses a l l that 52 one has heard to the present on'this instrument." Le Camus must have been known by Louis Couperin, Hotman, and Henry Du Mont even before his official appointment in 1661 because he was "intendent de la musique" for Gaston d'Orleans in 1648. Furthermore, in 1659 he and Jean-Baptiste BoSsset had taken over duties as music masters to the new Queen, Marie Therese. Unfortunately, Le Camus did not publish any music for 15 the dessus de viole, but only air de cour in collections like Ballard's Livre d'Airsde Devotion a deux parties (Paris, 1656). A year after his death, his son Charles published his works in a collection called Airs a 53 deux et trois parties. Le Camus's airs were very popular during his 54 lifetime and after his death. The fact that he was a dessus de viole player raises the question as to whether he might have played some of his airs on the dessus. Their richly ornamented melodic lines are well suited to the instrument. Le Camus's art is similar to that of Louis Couperin in that the rhythmic and melodic expression enhances and heightens the exquisite harmonies.Certainly, Le Camus, Louis Couperin and other dessus de viole players must have possessed a con-siderable repetoire for the instrument, but so l i t t l e remains that i t is difficult to judge the total extent of i t . The court position for a dessus de viole player created for Louis Couperin in the 1650's may have passed into obscurity three decades later. When Le Camus's son resigned in 1680, three years after his father's death, his court position as "joueur de theorbe et de dessus de viole de la musique de la chambre" was combined under a single t i t l e "joueur de 56 theorbe." After this, the dessus de viole is not mentioned specific-ally in the King's register; players are referred to as "joueur de viole" and we have no way of knowing how much they played the dessus as opposed u ^ 57 to the basse. The Nature of the Dessus de Viole as a Solo Instrument Although the melodic and harmonic styles for the basse de viole sparked a controversy in the 1680's, there seems to have been no question at this time that the dessus de viole was considered primarily as a melodic instrument. Little solo dessus music is extant, but since the violist-theorbists' main court, duties consisted in accompanying airs de 58 cour, their playing was probably heavily influenced by vocal styles. The basse de viole was able to exploit both melodic and harmonic func-tions, but the dessus de viole generally emphasized melody at the expense of chordal or harmonic aspects due to the higher range, awkward finger-59 ing of chords and thinner sonority of the smaller instrument. Rousseau discusses the dessus's primarily melodic role in the section of his treatise called "Du Jeu de Melodie:" The playing of the Pieces de Melodie is a simple Jeu which consequently demands much delicacy and tenderness. It is this Jeu in which one must strive [attacher] most particularly to imitate a l l the voice can do that is pleasant and charming. It is proper particularly for the Dessus de Viole and also for those who wish to play alone on the Basse de Viole, having an inadequate voice to accompany themselves and not enough command [disposition] to play the Pieces d'Harmbnie.60 Rousseau also describes the nature of the dessus de viole in the Seconde Partie Chapter VI (pp. 71-73). He states again that the jeu de mglodie is the dessus's proper role and talks of employing a l l the ornaments to their fullest extent: " . . . one can omit nothing in one's playing of the dessus de viole of a l l that is capable of giving pleasure to the ear 61 by tender and well-filled strokes." The only other theorist who discusses the dessus de viole is Danoville, who published his short treatise L'Art de Toucher le Dessus  et Basse de Violle (1687) a few months before the publication of Rous-seau's more extensive work. Danoville, like Rousseau, mentions the dessus de viole only to point out its differences from the basse de viole. He considers the adjustments which the player has to make in holding the smaller instruments, including arm position and fingering, 17 but says nothing specifically about the nature of the instrument. One modern commentator, Robert Green, maintains that Danoville was interested primarily in the dessus de viole and the melodic style, a bias revealed 62 by Danoville's comments on ornamentation. There is no other evidence that he was primarily interested in the dessus de viole, although he does show considerable interest in the melodic style generally. The expressive highly ornamented solo dessus de viole style successfully imitated the most refined vocal style of the day, but i t did not remain a purely melodic style. By the time of Louis Heudelinne's publications, it had been influenced both by Marais's eloquent bass-viol style and by Italian violin music. As discussed earlier, Marais's addition of the continuo to basse de viole music allowed him the freedom to emphasize melody like the dessus de viole. Now, in Heudelinne's music, some chords were added to the dessus solo style bringing i t closer to the solo idiom of the basse. As we will see, however, this new development did not seem to lead to further experiments with chordal writing for the instrument. Later Music for Solo Dessus de Viole The extant published music after Henry Du Mont which specifies dessus de viole in the ti t l e (but not as an alternative, second-choice instrument) consists of the following: Marin Marais, Pieces en trio pour les flutes, violon et dessus de viole (1692), Louis Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces a deux violles (1701) and Second livre de pieces pour le dessus et basse de violle (1705), and Thomas Marc's Suittes de pieces de dessus et de pardessus de viole et trois senates avec les 63 basses continues (1724). Although Marais's Pieces en trio does not 18 actually include solo music, i t must be mentioned here as an important publication for the dessus de viole at about the same time that a number 64 of French composers began to write trio sonatas in the Italian style. Marais experimented with the trio format, but did not call his collection sonatas, and retained much of the French style. As Margaret Urquhart points out, trio formations with two lines of smoothly-contoured melody with a bass had actually been around since Lully's early ballets.^ Typically, Marais's pieces are short dance movements grouped together in suites (though the term "suite" is not used) and preceded by a prelude. There are six suites altogether with ten to twelve pieces in each. The music is in a simple, graceful melodic style with some ornamentation indicated. Marais seems to have written the two upper parts so that 66 they can be played as easily on dessus de viole as on violins or flutes. Notably, he does not use the complex, ornamented chordal style of many of the pieces in his books of solo bass viol music. The first composer to publish truly solo music for the dessus de viole is Louis Heudelinne. He states in the avertissement of his first publication (Trois suites de Pieces a deux violles, 1701): No one has before issued pieces for the Dessus and the Basse de Violle together. I dare to hope that this book, as the first, will be of some use. . . .^ ' Heudelinne speaks as i f his music were for two-part viol ensemble, emphasizing once again the origins of the solo style for the dessus de viole in ensemble music. There is no question, however, that i t is 68 what we would call solo dessus de viole music with continuo. Like Marais, Heudelinne organizes his pieces into dance suites with eleven 69 or twelve short movements in each. Heudelinne modifies the basse de viole style considerably for the dessus de viole. Although three-or four-note chords do appear at cadences and there are occasional passages of double stops, the more ambitious fugal writing often found in contemporary bass viol words .is absent.^ Heudelinne reiterates the general consensus of opinion about the nature of the dessus de viole in the dedication of Trois suites de pieces. He maintains that the "jeu tendre, et brillant" is the proper character of the instrument, which would indicate a traditional stylistic approach.^1 However, his music shows not only the influence of Marais and the best bass viol composers of the time, but also Italian influences such as the inclusion of the violin as an alternate instrument and the presence of soriates. These and other unmistakable signs of Heudelinne's exposure to the popular Italian style will be discussed in more detail in Chapter IV. After Heudelinne there is :no extant "solo dessus de viole music until Thomas Marc's Suitte de pieces de dessus et de pardessus de viole 72 et trois senates avec les basses continues (1724). This is a transitional work published at about the time that the dessus de viole disappeared and the pardessus de viole emerged. Marc, a violinist, was 73 the first composer to publish music for the pardessus. His suite and three sonatas for either the dessus or the pardessus de viole appear to be unique for no subsequent composer attempted to reconcile the two 74 instruments. The style is violinistic and Italianate with frequent sequential passages and string crossing patterns. Marc exploits the upper register of the dessus de viole more than Heudelinne and reaches c"'fairly frequently, although the tessitura is generally much lower. Alternate fingering is given for the dessus and the pardessus, usually for passages above the frets on the dessus. The music is generally simple and song-like (i.e., the jeu de melodie), especially in the suite. The three sonatas show a mixture of Italian and French characteristics. They begin with a movement given only a tempo designation and continue with several dance movements. The ornamentation signs used are s t i l l much the same as those employed by Marais, i f less frequent and varied, reflecting the French bass viol influence in that area. Marc has obviously made his music playable for the dessus as well as the pardessus de viole—evidence that both instruments existed in 1724. Since there is no mention of the pardessus before this date, i t is probable that i t appeared only a few years prior to Marc's publication.^' Its rapid rise is certainly one of the most unusual musical phenomena of the eighteenth century and is discussed further in the next chapter dealing with the Italian influence on French viol music. CHAPTER II THE ITALIAN INFLUENCE ON FRENCH VIOL MUSIC In both of his publications for solo dessus de viole, Louis Heudelinne indicates that his music may also be played by the violin. The designation of the violin as an alternate instrument, as well as the sonates and trios found in Heudelinne's music, reflect the new interest in the Italian style in France at the turn of the eighteenth century. French composers began to adopt the sonata and to use the violin as a solo instrument, after rejecting the Italian style earlier in the seventeenth century when Lully had control of musical activities. This led to a literary controversy at just the time that Heudelinne pub-lished his two volumes. While merits of both French and Italian style were debated, the number and popularity of solo and trio sonatas written by French composers from the 1690's firmly established the sonata in France. The conflict between the French and Italian styles is evident in the music for the basse and dessus de viole, as i t is in other areas of French music. The solo bass viol tradition became divided with Marais's strong adherence to the traditional French style and the younger Forqueray's experiments with the progressive Italian style. The only extant solo music for dessus de viole at this time, in Louis Heudelinne's two publications, is modelled on the first two books of Marais's Pieces  de violes (1686-89, 1701). However, much of Heudelinne's music shows 21 22 clear evidence of Italian influence. The sequential melodic development, especially in the sonates, is reminiscent of Corelli's violin sonatas more than Marais's bass viol pieces. This "gout-reunis" continued to be important for several decades, although by the 1720's i t no longer affected the dessus de viole, which had largely, disappeared and had been replaced by the smaller pardessus de viole. Neither the French basse de viole, nor the Italian violin style was really suitable for the dessus de viole and this led to its demise long, before the other surviving mem-bers of the viol family. Historical Background At the time of Lully's death in 1687 soloistic instrumental styles, in the form of solo and trio sonatas, were popular throughout Europe. In France, however, a resistance to change and external influences had minimized the effect of the Italian style."'" A tightly controlled centralist policy discouraged French musical establishment from experi-menting with foreign musical styles or genres. Louis XIV had begun centralizing and regulating the arts, along with his political, religious, and economic power, immediately after he was crowned in 1661. He con-trolled and supervised the arts just as carefully as other state matters because the arts created an image of power and glory that was to impress 2 both domestic audiences and foreigners. Ironically, the man who con-vinced Louis XIV to entrust him with the task of musical glorification of the nation and its monarch was the Italian violinist and dancer, Jean-Baptiste Lully (1632-1687). In his early ballets de cour, Lully assimilated certain Italian and French features and passed as a repre-sentative of Italian music. When i t became politically expedient to do so, however, the shrewd intuition that led Lully to become one of the wealthiest and most powerful composers in history made him an ardent advocate of French music. He knew how to serve the King's interests musically and he was rewarded in 1672 when Louis XIV gave him absolute authority over the newly-founded Academie rbyalecde musique, and thus, over 4 much of the music performed in France. Under Lully's control, French music remained generally insulated from the rest of European music. It was only after his death that the effect of the Italian style, in particular, began to be felt in French musical circles. Beginning in the last decade of the seventeenth cen-tury, instrumental ensemble and solo music was characterized by the struggle between national self-preservation and adoption of the Italian s t y l e . F r e n c h musicians were faced with a choice of preserving the style of their predecessors, embracing Italian taste and techniques, or making some compromise between the two. Most important French composers attempted the latter, but the conflict between the two national schools was to remain the focus of controversy in artistic and literary circles throughout the eighteenth century.'' Abbe Francois Raguenet (1660-c 1722) began the debate in 1702 with his Parallele des Italiens et des Francais en ce qui regarde le musique et les operas, in which he set out to examine and compare French and g Italian music. Although he acknowledged French superiority.in many areas such as the choruses and ballets, Raguenet praised Italian vocal art and saw much to value in Italian instrumental music. He especially liked the Italian violin playing and trio sonatas he heard in Rome in 1698. Jean-Laurent le Cerf de La Vieville, Lord of:Ffeneuse (1674-1707) answered Raguenet';s Parallele in his Cdmparaisori de la musique italierine 24 9 et de l a musique francaise. Le Cerf was an ardent supporter of French opera and regarded L u l l y with great admiration. French music had reached i t s pe r f e c t i o n under L u l l y , according to Le Cerf, and the expert opinion and authority of the Ring i n favour of L u l l y was s u f f i c i e n t to resolve the controversy over the merits of I t a l i a n and French music. Le Cerf stressed that even though the Ring enjoyed I t a l i a n pieces occa-s i o n a l l y , i t i s . . . c e r t a i n that the fashion of h a i l i n g with rapture the beauty of the operatic pieces now brought to us from I t a l y i n bales has not yet reached him [Louis X I V ] . . . . He was attached to the opera of L u l l y , to the music and musicians of France, and since the death of L u l l y he has not changed h i s taste; he has st o u t l y adhered to i t , though there have been attempts to make him change i t . Raguenet countered Le Cerf's widely read Comparaison with a Defense du p a r a l l e l e des I t a l i e n s et des Francais (Paris, 1705). In answer to Le Cerf's use of the Ring's taste to advance the argument f or French music, he reported that the future regent, P h i l i p p e d'Orleans, had declared a 12 d e f i n i t e taste f o r I t a l i a n music. The l i t e r a r y controversy was perpetuated not only around opera, which Raguenet said was "the composition that admits the greatest v a r i e t y , " but also by the great flood of sonatas, cantatas and concertos from across the Alps. Raguenet asserted that the I t a l i a n s "know better how to score and ornament a t r i o , " because the French did not place the 13 two upper parts high enough. This was i n opposition to Le Cerf who defended the d i s p o s i t i o n of instrumental forces i n French t r i o s and j u s t i f i e d the use of a lower second l i n e : I t i s true . . . that t h e i r second dessus are higher: whether more b e a u t i f u l that remains to be seen. More b e a u t i f u l to sing, i n p a r t i c u l a r , I believe. More b e a u t i f u l i n the t r i o i t s e l f : that I do not agree with. The I t a l i a n s ' f i r s t dessus squeak because they are too high: t h e i r second dessus have the disad-vantage of being too close to the f i r s t , and too far from the 25 bass, which i s the t h i r d part. I f i n d i t advantageous and p r o f i t a b l e to make only a t a i l l e of the second dessus as we do; and not an haute contre, as the I t a l i a n s do. Because the t a i l l e i s i n the middle between the bass and the dessus, i t therefore binds the harmony of the T r i o . Otherwise, when the second dessus i s so high, i t leaves too great an i n t e r v a l empty between the f i r s t dessus and the bass. 1^ In s p i t e of Le Cerf's arguments, the I t a l i a n sonata was i n France to stay. T r i o sonatas made a tremendous impact i n the 1690's—they were the means by which the sonata entered France, as well as the means by which the v i o l i n won f u l l acceptance as a solo instrument."*"^ The v i o l i n had been somewhat les s favourably looked upon than the v i o l , l u t e , or c l a v e c i n f or chamber music. Now i t was applauded i n solo ro l e s much beyond i t s customary place i n the King's orchestra. Sebastien de Brossard, a champion of I t a l i a n music and a v i o l i n i s t , states i n h i s famous Di c t i o n n a i r e de Musique (1703): This instrument [the v i o l i n ] has a sound n a t u r a l l y exceedingly s t r i k i n g [eclatant] and gay which renders i t very su i t a b l e for animating the steps of the dance. But there are manners of playing i t that make i t s sound grave and sad, sweet and tender, etc. It i s t h i s which makes i t so greatly used e s p e c i a l l y i n foreign music, for the church or for the chambre, the theater, e t c . 1 6 By the turn of the century, the solo sonatas of C o r e l l i ' s Opus V were considered to be the most modern and progressive music a v a i l a b l e i n P a r i s . " ^ Le Cerf wrote s a r c a s t i c a l l y , "What joy, what a good opinion 18 a man has of himself who knows something of the f i f t h opus of C o r e l l i ! " But even Le Cerf admitted the r i s i n g status of the v i o l i n : "In France t h i s instrument i s not a noble one . . . but a man of rank who takes a 19 fancy to play the v i o l i n does not :demean himself." 26 Early French Sonatas The most important evidence of the French attraction towards Italian music at the end of the seventeenth century is the ever-increasing number of sonatas. The younger generation of French composers (and Italian composers living in France) were obviously greatly interested in emulating Corelli's trio and solo violin sonatas. William S. Newman divides the first French sonata composers into two groups. Francois Couperin led the first group of some ten composers who came under the immediate influ-20 ence of Coreim The second group began to publish about 1710 and culminated with Jean-Marie Leclair "l'aine" (1697-1764). It is the first group which concerns this thesis most since a l l of Louis Heude-linne's music had been published by 1710 and the sonata well-established in France by this time. The principal composers of sonatas in the 1690's were Couperin, Jean-Fery Rebel, Elisabeth Jacquet de la Guerre, and S^bastien de 21 Brossard. Couperin and Rebel (1666-1747) later published collections of their early sonatas, but the early ones of La Guerre (c. 1665-1729) 22 and a l l those of Brossard (1656-1730) remain only in manuscript form. 23 The sonatas, generally conceived for two violins and continuo, circu-lated in manuscript among French musical circles. Couperin states that he was the first to write sonatas in France and, in the preface of Les  Gouts-reunis (1724), tells how he had circulated a sonata under a f i c -titious Italian name thirty years before. When this first sonata was "devoured eagerly," he felt encouraged to write more claiming that, ". . . my Italianized name brought much applause to me, under the disguise." Couperin's "Aveu de 1'Auteur au Public" in Les Nations (1725) also provides us with some indication of the French attitude 27 toward "foreign novelties," as sonatas were s t i l l considered, and toward 24 French composers who wrote in the Italian style. Couperin stressed in both Les Nations and Les Gouts-reunis that he had always believed i t possible to write music in the new style without discrediting Lully's works or the French style. The Italian style and the French style have divided the Republic of Music (in France) for a long time. For my part, I have always judged things on their merits without regard either to authors or nations; and the first Italian sonatas, which appeared in Paris more than thirty years ago [i.e., before 1694] and aroused me [m'encouragenent] to compose some like them, did not dampen my spirits nor discredit either the works of Lully or those of my [own] ancestors, which will always be more admirable than imitable.^^ It is clear from Couperin's remarks that many people in France were con-cerned that the French style was in danger of being discredited or dam-aged in some way by Italianate music. Couperin endeavours in both his writings and his music to reach a compromise uniting the two styles, 26 accomplishing this amid a l l the controversy and debate. Although Brossard, La Guerre and Rebel do not verbalize about the French and Italian "gout-reunis" as does Couperin, they do arrive at a compromise in their imitation of Italian sonatas. Of the four, Brossard and Rebel are the most conservative, reflecting the influence of Lully 27 more than Corelli. Brossard gives some indication of his stylistic ideals when he describes some of Bassani's sonatas as . . . completely charming and excellent and not too difficult to perform, in contrast to [those] of the typical Italians who believe they have not written a belle Sonate unless they have filled i t with fast movements that are often extravagant, without reason other than their fantasy, and with perpetual wrangling more suitable for grating one's ears than soothing them.2° Much the same point of view is expressed by Le Cerf when he approved of Rebel's efforts to compose in the Italian style: We [the French] claim Rebel and do not do him the injustice of supposing that his sonatas would make a hit in Italy. Rebel has indeed caught some of the flair and fire of the Italian; but he has had the good taste and sense to temper these by the wisdom and gentleness of the French, and he has abstained from those frightening and monstrous cadenzas ["chutes"] that are the delight of the Italians.^9 Couperin and La Guerre tend to be more progressive than the other early sonata composers and we find more Italian traits in their sonatas. Couperin's part writing, with frequent crossing of voices and chains of suspensions,:is Italian, but his ornamentation and certain harmonic prac-30 tices are French. La Guerre's solo and trio sonatas exhibit some progressive features also, including what may be the first double stops in French solo violin music. James Anthony's comment about her com-bination of "light Italian polyphony and harmonic procedures in the quick movements with French formal ingenuity" in the printed 1707 col-3 lection, also holds true for La Guerre's earlier sonatas in manuscript. Her sonatas display a disregard of the "church" and "chamber" distinc-tions, as do most of the other French sonatas. La Guerre mixes dance movements and French "Airs" with Italianate adagios and fugal allegros, unlike Couperin, who includes no dance movements in his sonatas. A landmark in the Italian influence on French music was reached in 1704 when French composers like Francois Duval (c. 1673-1728) and Joseph Marchand "le f i l s " (c. 1673-1747) were given permission for the first time to publish violin sonatas. While their sonatas s t i l l maintain conservative French features, new demands are in evidence, particularly in Duval's music. His use of double stops, new bowing styles, and passages in the third or extended third position are important in this connection. Other composers more under Italian influence, such as Michel Mascitti (c. 1664-1760) and Jean-Baptiste Senallie (16877-1730), modelled their works to a greater degree after Corelli. While Mascitti used Corelli as a direct model for his violin sonatas, he fused the Italian style with certain elements of French music. He received high praise from his contemporaries and his sonatas appeared in nine publica-32 tions over the thirty-four year span, 1706-1738. Senallie's sonatas are somewhat more independent of Corelli's influence than Mascitti's, and make considerably greater technical demands with passages going up to the seventh position, virtuosic cadenza-like passages, t r i l l s , double stops, and many notes on one bow. To summarize, the French sonatas of this period are generally written idiomatically for the violin, although technically, none of the 33 French composers attempted anything as advanced as the Italians. The expansion of violin technique was, nevertheless, crucial to the new French style and culminated in Leclair's first book of sonatas in 1723. The cultivation of greater technical facility on the violin in France and the new style that went hand in hand with that facility were major factors in the eventual disappearance of the dessus and finally the basse de viole. Basse de Viole Music During his long career at court, Marin Marais was considered one 35 of the strongest defenders of French music and its traditions. Even after his death in 1728, Marais was upheld as the ultimate French musi-cian by writers such as Hubert Le Blanc (1740): Marais Senior was so skilled in his genre, composing so purely and performing in such a refined manner—reduced to rules that he never forsook—that like a transalpine Ajax of music he withstood in private concerts the assaults of the Romans, the Venetians, the Florentines and the Neapolitans who were coming to invade France.3^ 37 The only other bass viol virtuoso who could equal Marais was Forqueray. According to Le Blanc, Forqueray could improvise brilliantly and per-38 formed Italian sonatas as well as his own pieces. Although Marais had a secure position as the leading French violiste, Forqueray was able to carve successfully a niche for himself through his adaption of some 39 of the new violinistic idioms for his viol music. Many aspects of his style—the Italian metric notation, Italian-style courantes and gigues, thematic links in bi-partite movements, short sequential patterns for melodic expansion—are derived from his active interest in Italian 40 music. Judging by Forqueray's works, he took a completely different approach to solo bass viol music than Marais or Marais's students. There is less sense of linear melodic writing, but entire motives, phrases, and sections are repeated to provide a tighter internal organization. Disjunct writing, more rests, and sudden moves in the solo part contribute to making Forqueray's music generally more bizarre, with more theatrical gestures, than Marais,.4-'-Marais's influence on the viol players that followed him was conservative his example encouraged the development of the traditional French style and idiom to its highest level. Forqueray apparently had few students and no one continued his techniques on the viol, although he may have influenced the important violinist and composer Jean-Marie Leclair "l'aine." 4 2 The introduction of the sonata (and cantata) into France coincided with the height of solo viol music, influencing not only the latter, but also contributing to the production of a chamber music genre that was 43 uniquely French. Even as early as the 1690's composers of solo viol music were acutely aware of the new developments in violin music. On the other hand, composers for the violin—Couperin, Rebel, and La Guerre-made use of the bass violists," expertise in the basse d'archet parts of 31 44 their solo trio sonatas. Viol players enjoyed a prestige in France at the turn of the century that players of Italian music did not, and "indeed, by incorporating the viol in characteristic French roles into Italianate genres, composers were able to speed the assimilation of the 45 sonata and the cantata into the French musical mainstream." The bass viol's flexibility of range and ability to play either a melodic or harmonic role enabled i t to take the place of a second violin or flute in the trio sonatas (i.e., the role usually taken by a treble instrument), or to vary the texture of a violin sonata with a solo recit. Thus, for the first part of the eighteenth century, solo viol playing was closely intertwined with the new Italian chamber music and, ironically, the prestige and idiom of the bass viol helped to get the foreign genre , 46 accepted. Some of the early violin sonatas in France used the cello as a continuo instrument, but i t provided l i t t l e serious competition for the bass viol until a school solo cello playing was established by Jean 47 Barriere and Martin Berteau in the 1730's and 1740's. The wide range of the bass viol allowed parts to be written that f e l l out of the practical playing range of the cello at that time _ r A However, since the cello was growing in status in the basse d'archet role in chamber music, composers began to com-promise by limiting the range of their music so that it could be played 48 by either viol or cello. As a consequence, later composers, such as Boismortier, restricted the viol to a more static role, playing in its 49 middle register. With a narrower range the viol became less obtrusive and independent, and the new ideal of homogeneity meant that its days as 32 a melodist were numbered.Despite the different approaches of Marais, Forqueray, and their followers, no one was able to preserve the viol's 51 honored position. Composers like Louis de Caix d'Hervelois (c. 1680-c. 1760) continued to publish suites for the bass viol until about 52 1750, but by this time the cello had definitely established itself in France as a solo instrument. Dessus and Pardessus de Viole Music The conflict between French and Italian styles that was reflected so vividly in the solo bass viol music of this era was also evident in the solo music for dessus and pardessus de violes. In fact, several of the issues in the discussion of this conflict are particularly crucial to the existence (or disappearance) of a solo style for the small viols. The insulated state of seventeenth-century French music generally, the impact of Corelli and the sonata, and the wave of French sonatas for the violin and other instruments not only influenced the music written for the dessus and pardessus de violes, but determined their roles as solo instruments. The situation in France at the turn of the eighteenth century was complicated by the fact that viols were not used in Italy and playing 53 the viol was, in itself, part of the French tradition. That tradition was outlined in the first part of this chapter—in short, participation of the viol family as an ensemble in the early part of the seventeenth century gave way to the solo roles of the bass, dessus, and pardessus de violes. As we have seen, the bass viol had a strong solo tradition by the end of the seventeenth century that could adapt and, for a time, managed to survive the competition of the violin and cello. The dessus and pardessus de violes did not have this advantage. The dessus de viole could not compete with the violin on the level of a solo instrument because it produced a much smaller sound and had a more limited upper range. Nor could i t complement the violin in an ensemble situation or in a continuo role like the bass viol, the latter bringing a good deal 54 . of its solo idiom into vocal and instrumental ensemble music. What the dessus de viole did bring to the musique de la chambre was what Heudelinne called its "jeu tendre & brillant" which he and Rousseau 55 emphasized as the proper character of the instrument. The delicately expressive sound of the dessus de viole, mentioned by Rousseau in his description of Le Camus's playing, combined with its suitability for sensitive ornamentation made i t an ideal instrument for the intimate bon gout of the French style, but not for the extroverted feu of the Italian. According to Rousseau, the dessus de viole was especially suecess-56 ful in imitating the vocal styling of the highly developed air de cour. The close relationship between instrumental and vocal genres is d i f f i -cult to document (partly because of.the l i t t l e extant music for solo dessus de viole), but the jeu de melodie of the dessus was certainly compatible with the melodic construction of the air de cour. During the popularity of the air de cour in the seventeenth century, French music remained relatively untouched by the more virtuosic Italian sonatas and cantatas. The limited range and technical possibilities of the dessus (at least by Italian violinists' standards) posed no real problem, because of the restricted range and harmony of the French air. When the influence of the cantata did finally reach French vocal music at the turn of the century,, it had much the same effect as the sonata had had on instrumental music ten years earlier. Le Cerf complained 34 of the melodies in many French cantatas: What has become of le bon gout? Must i t too expire under the confused jumble of a l l these Cantatas? What would the Lamberts, the Boessets, the Le Camus and the Baptistes say were i t possible for them to return to earth only to find French melody so changed, so degraded and so disfigured?" By the time Heudelinne published his Trois suites de pieces (1701), it seems that the older concept of the dessus's delicate character was l i t t l e known or understood for he says "few people know i t [the proper character of the dessus] & discern i t as well as you [Monsieur 58 Becdelievre] do." Perhaps Rousseau had stressed the imitation of "that which a beautiful voice can do with a l l the charms of the [vocal] 59 art" for the dessus, because there were attempts to break away from this imitation. His comments on the role of the dessus de viole do sug-gest, that even in the 1680's, French musicians may have been trying to expand the range of affects for the dessus. These affects included some for which Rousseau felt the violin more suited and he cautioned the dessus player to "take care in lively movements not to mark the beat too much so as not to leave the spirit of the instrument which must not be treated in the manner of the violin whose purpose is to animate, while that of the 60 Dessus de Viole is to caress." Rousseau saw the limitations of the dessus, although he did not interpret these as limitations in terms of seventeenth-century aesthetics. The players to whom he alludes apparently tried to overcome these limitations and to imitate violinistic affects. Heudelinne's music for dessus de viole reflects this to some extent for there is more evidence of the Italian violin school than in Marais's Pieces en trio, for example. For the most part, however, Heudelinne's music is in keeping with his definition of the instrument's character. We will discuss his definition and style in detail in Chapter IV. 35 As the eighteenth- century progressed, the dessus came to be con-sidered old-fashioned, lacking the very qualities that made the violin so popular. It was suitable for small intimate settings where its subtle shades of expression and the nuances of ornamentation could be appreci-ated. It did not produce enough sound to f i l l larger halls, and that limitation was reinforced by its inability to express the various violinistic affects. Many writers mention the flexibility of the violin as one of its great advantages. Even as early as 1636, when Mersenne talks of the instruments and their various characteristics he says . . . the Tone or the mode of the violin could be called the gay or joyous mode, as that of the viol and the lyre the sad and languishing mode; . . . It must s t i l l be noted that the Violin is capable of a l l the genres and a l l the species of. music, and that one can play the enharmonic, and each species of the diatonic and chromatic upon i t , because it carries no frets, and contains a l l the intervals imaginable, which are in force on its neck. . . .61 Thus, the usefulness of the violin had been recognized in France for a long time before i t threatened the dessus's position. It was only when the Italian influence began to make its mark in France with the popular-ity of the violin and the sonata that dessus players found their instru-ment inadequate. We have some evidence of this in the following extract of a letter written in Bordeaux by a student of Marais, Sarrau de Boynet. The letter, which was sent to a certain Christin in Lyon, dates from 1738 and indicates that Boynet was "secretaire de l'Academie de Bordeaux." The inclination that I have always had for Italian music made me play the dessus de viole at a time when we did riot have in Bordeaux  a single violinist of the calibre that could play i t [Italian music]. I regret the loss of the time when I was young enough to learn to play the violin, an instrument superior in a l l respects to that which you and I practice. But, its [the dessus's] relation to the bass viol, that I learned to play with the late Mr. Marais in the year 1701, has given me some facility and I have gradually become acquainted with i t . I have never had any thought other  than to imitate the effect of the violin. It is, I think, the 3 6 only guide which one can follow for taking our poor instrument  beyond its narrow limits. . . . My instrument is a dessus de  viole mounted as a pardessus. It is from Paris, by Bongars (1665). The distance from nut to bridge is douze pouces une ligne i . It has a loud enough sound and gracious. Its tension can be relaxed like that of an ordinary violin.^2 This letter shows that the violin was already the leading instrument in France and gives us some idea of musical l i f e in Bordeaux. Boynet considers Bordeaux backward compared with Paris, as might be expected. Judging by this letter, i t may have been quite common for. players 63 to string their dessus de violes like pardessus. On the other hand, pardessus de violes may have been available in Paris and the restringing could have been a provincial practice. Whatever the case, i t is clear that the relationship between the two instruments may be* closer than has generally been considered. We do not have any specific information about the gradual fading of the dessus and the appearance of the pardessus, but as mentioned earlier, the two instruments must have existed by the time of Thomas Marc's 1724 publication (Suitte de pieces de dessus et de pardessus de viole). The instrument makers' inventories 64 show a rapid decline of dessus de viole not long after this date; the last appearance of the dessus in the documents of the makers is in 1758.65 The pardessus de viole was able to continue in a somewhat different solo role than that which the dessus had enjoyed. It began to amass a considerable amount of its own solo literature in the 1730's and 1740's, for example, in addition to the violin music that French violistes played on i t . ^ It did not have the volume or brilliance of the violin, but i t did have the necessary range and a charming sound by a l l accounts. These assets gave i t an important place in the French musical scene long after the dessus had vanished and even after the bass viol was replaced 37 by the violincello. In Hans Bol's estimation, the dessus de viole gave way to the pardessus not to rival the Italian violin, but simply as a 67 result of the desire to have an instrument as expressive as the violin. Bol cites Ancelet's comments that the famous virtuoso Mme Levi made the 68 pardessus de viole "equal to the violin by its beauty and execution." It was obvious that the pardessus was able to meet the demands of the Italianate violin sonatas since i t remained popular until late in the 69 century. No doubt its popularity was partly fuelled by the debate over the virtues of French and Italian music. The French held on to their viols as symbols of their nationalism, but they s t i l l wanted to play the most modern music. French nationalism in the arts co-existed with more than a l i t t l e curiosity for foreign novelties and the court, including the king's family, encouraged this state of affairs. The eldest of Louis XV's daughters, Henriette, studied the viol with Antoine Forqueray's son, Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Forqueray and another daughter, Adelaide, played the pardessus. According to the posthumous Antoine Forqueray Pieces de viole (c. 1747), Henriette also acted as patron to the elder Forqueray and this publication is dedicated to her. The practice of indicating the pardessus de viole as an alternate instrument was common for bass viol works and those of many other instru-ments as well. This practice is evident on the ti t l e page of A. Forqueray's Pieces de viole where, as Bonney McDowell points out, i t seems more like a promotional gesture than a serious possibility. "The complex chordal nature of Forqueray's style would not lend itself readily to the smallest member of the viol family, which was normally considered appropriate for light, graceful melodic work."^ Actually, the dessus de viole was the preferred substitute for other melodic instruments such as the flute or violin, until the 1720's and 1730's when the pardessus began to be indicated. Both instruments were often mentioned as possible alternatives, another reason to believe that there were many amateurs s t i l l playing viols. While composers may have wanted to follow the more progressive trend of writing music for violin or flute, their publishers must have been convinced that, they could sell more music by appealing to viol players. Pratt lists about fifty volumes of music, mentioning dessus and pardessus de viole in the titles (roughly the same size literature as that for the bass viol), but only a few were written explicitly for these instruments.^ Music for the bass viol was some-times transcribed for the pardessus and the results generally seem to be quite successful. One of the best examples of this is Villeneuve's transcription of Marais's bass viol pieces published as Pieces de Viole 72 Ajustees pour le pardessus de viole (Paris, 1759). Concerning original pardessus music, Corrette speaks of . . . only four books of music "composed expressly [for the six-stringed pardessus]. Note, two of Mr Hudeline [sic] which one does not find any longer; one of Mr 1'Abbe Marc, and one of Mr Barier [sic]. Though these are excellent, composers, one cannot always play the same things a l l one's l i f e . ^ It is notable that Corrette considers Heudelinne's music to be written expressly for the pardessus considering Heudelinne says nothing to indi-cate this in his publications. Possibly by the mid-eighteenth century, the terms pardessus and dessus were somewhat interchangeable for small 74 viols. Corrette may have never seen Heudelinne's music or.he may be reflecting a common attitude towards music for dessus and pardessus de viole at this time. Because the pardessus could play almost anything that the dessus had played and much more, the small body of literature written especially for these two instruments may have been considered as one. CHAPTER I I I BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON LOUIS HEUDELINNE AND A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF HIS PUBLICATIONS Biographical Notes The only information we have concerning the l i f e of Louis Heudelinne i s that derived from h i s two printed volumes of music. Thus, we learn that he played and composed for the dessus de v i o l e from before 1701 u n t i l at least 1705, the years i n which the f i r s t editions of h i s two volumes were published. Furthermore, he apparently l i v e d i n Rouen where he enjoyed the patronage of a prominent c i t i z e n , parliamentarian and nobleman, Monseigneur de Beedelievre. Heudelinne was c l e a r l y a minor p r o v i n c i a l composer of the day, unlike h i s great contemporary Marais who dominated the French world of v i o l music. The importance of Marais and h i s music was mentioned by many French writ e r s , such as Rousseau i n 1687 and Le Blanc i n 1740, but none of these ever r e f e r to Heudelinne. The only known eighteenth-century references either to him or to h i s music appear i n l a t e r cata-logues or d i c t i o n a r i e s 1 and i n Michel Corrette's Methode pour apprendre  facilement a jouer de Pardessus de v i o l e (1756). In s p i t e of these l a t e r documents, however, i t appears that h i s music had l i t t l e impact on the development of French v i o l music. The dedication and avertissement i n Trois suites de pieces . . .  l i v r e premier (1701) are the main sources of information about Heudelinne 39 40 and his music; there is no prefatory material in the Second livre de  pieces (1705). In the dedication to his first book, Heudelinne grate-fully acknowledges the support and encouragement of his patron, Monseign-2 eur de Becdelievre. It seems that Becdelievre was indeed an important figure in Rouen, even taking into account the flattery customary in such dedications. Heudelinne lists his patron's titles as: Chevalier, Seigneur de Brumare, Marquis of Quevilly, Patron, Chatelain of Criquetot & Nestanville, Counsellor of the King in his Councils and President of 3 the Parliament of Normandy [in Rouen]. Heudelinne maintains that Monseigneur de Becdelievre descended from an old, noble family in Bretany and that his position in the parlement of Normandy was instituted 4 by Louis XII. He also credits Becdelievre with considerable activity as a soldier ("de l'epee") and as a lawyer ("de-la Robe"), as well as building a church and helping the poor. It appears that Heudelinne lived in Rouen, at least at the time of publication of his two books. In the dedication to the Premier Livre, the composer emphasizes that he worked closely with his patron while developing a style of playing the dessus de viole. Becdelievre no doubt maintained an establishment in Rouen, since he was President of the parlement there. Further confirmation of the composer's Rouen domicile comes from the title page of the Second livre, which indicates that i t was possible to buy the book from Heudelinne in Rouen on the "rue Beauvoisine." Presumably this was his place of residence, since i t was customary at this time for composers to sell their publications from their homes. Rouen was outside the main French musical circles of Paris, yet Heudelinne must have had Parisian contacts if only for the purpose of 41 publication. Heudelinne's residence in Rouen is particularly interesting because both of the main figures engaged in the contemporary literary controversy over the merits of French and Italian music, Abbe Francois Raguenet and Jean Laurent le Cerf de la Vieville, had connections with that city. Raguenet (1660-c. 1722), author of Parallel des Italiens  et des Franqais en ce qui regarde la musique et les operas (1702) and Defense du Parallel . . . (1705), was born in Rouen. Le Cerf (1674-1707), author of Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique  francaise (1705) was also born in Rouen and was Minister of Justice in the parliament there from 1696.^  Raguenet, just returned from a sojourn in Italy, extolled the merits of Italian music in his writings, while Le Cerf praised French vocal and instrumental music. Raguenet lived in Paris, rather than Rouen, and i t is not known what connections he main-tained with the city of his birth. However, he and Le Cerf did carry on their literary dialogue at the time that Heudelinne published his music, and at the time when Le Cerf and Heudelinne's patron, Monseigneur de Becdelievre must have been acquainted at least as colleagues in the parliament in Rouen. With Le Cerf's Comparaison of 1705 (the same years as Heudelinne's Second livre de pieces), we know that the musical circles of Rouen were made aware of the issues of the controversy. Whether Heudelinne wholly agreed with Le Cerf in his praises of Lully and his defense of French music is questionable because of the Italianisms we find in his music. Nevertheless, the dessus de viole represented a respected French tradi-tion. Although the instrument was losing ground to the violin even in France, its long association with the King's musique de chambre made i t , as a member of the viol family, almost a national instrument. Heudelinne's use of the dessus de viole for solo music in this style is certainly unusual, revealing an attempt to adapt the instrument to the emerging eighteenth century solo style. Perhaps Monseigneur de Becdelievre's taste for the smallest member of the viol family was representative of a conservative element in Rouen which, with Le Cerf as its apparent spokesman, wanted to uphold French music tradition in the face of change. Heudelinne may thus have been able to please his patron with the use of the dessus de viole and the predominantly French style, as well as interest the public by mentioning the violin as an alternate instrument arid including the Italianate sonates in his publi-cation. Bibliographic Study Louis Heudelinne's extant musical works consist of two books: Trois suites de pieces a deux violles qui se peuvent jouer sur le  clavecin & sur le violon . . . livre premier. Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1701. Second livre de pieces pour le dessus et basse de violje et pour le  violon et clavessin, triots [sic] et sonates. Paris: Foucault, Le Tellier; Rouen: l'Autheur, 1705.8 ~ Livre premier exists in a second edition published a year later in Amsterdam: Trois suittes de pieces a deux violes propres a jouer sur le  violon & le clavessin . . . livre premier, seconde edition. Amsterdam: Estienne Roger [1702].^ The Second livre is also extant in a re-issue, by Christophe Ballard, five years after its first appearance: Sonates a deux violles, qui se peuvent jouer sur le clavecin et  sur le violon . . . livre second. Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1710-A summary of essential bibliographic data of a l l four volumes is given in Table III-l and a brief description of the musical contents TABLE III-l Louis Heudelinne's Publications Book Date Publisher Printing Method Engraver Performance Medium Total Suites No. of Pieces* I 1701 Christophe Ballard .typeset in diamond-shaped notes — 1 dessus de viole and continuo 3 34 :..i [1702] Estienne Roger engraved unknown II 3 35 II 1705 H. Foucault engraved H. de Baussen I I 5 60 II 1710 Christophe Ballard re-issue of 1705 engraved plates with new typeset tit l e page I I it it I I *See Table IV-1 and IV-2 pp. 54, 55 for the musical contents of each book. 44 in Chapter IV, pp. 52-53. Seventeen pieces can also be found in a collection of music for bass viol, Manuscript A.27, Durham Cathedral Library. These pieces appear to have been copied from the second edition of the Premier livre, but transposed down an octave for the bass viol."^ Premier Livre The first edition of the Premier livre was typeset in score with the old diamond-shaped notation that had been used by the Ballard house for a hundred and fifty years. For the second edition, Roger issued engraved parts, the engraving process allowing a reduction in the number of pages needed for the music, from eighty-eight to twenty-five.^ Another advantage of engraving was the relative ease of the printing of chords and elaborate ornamentation. Appendix II contains facsimiles of both editions for comparison (see pp. 148-168). Roger claims that in his edition "the composer has corrected a 12 number of mistakes that appear in the Paris edition." Many obvious mistakes are indeed corrected, but i t is difficult to know how much Heudelinne actually had to do with these changes. The one piece newly added, a "Menuet" in the "Seconde Suite," certainly indicates some communication between composer and publisher, and suggests that Heudelinne may have been directly responsible for other changes. These involve, most frequently, corrections of rhythmic inaccuracies (e.g., a group of sixteenth-notes instead of thirty-second notes) and slight changes in ornamentation. One of the most significant pitch changes involves the "Chaconne" in the "Premiere Suite," in which the natural signs producing a change from A major to A minor have been removed in the second edition. 45 Second Livre While the contents of the two issues of Second livre are very similar, there are significant changes between the ti t l e pages. When he re-issued the volume, Ballard had a new tit l e page (typeset rather than engraved), and took the opportunity to change the wording of the tit l e . The 1705 issue announced Second livre de pieces . . . incorpor-ating the word "sonates" only towards the end of the ti t l e . On the other hand, the 1710 re-issue starts with Sonates . . . with no use of the traditional French terminology "pieces." In fact, the contents are best described by the first t i t l e ; the majority of pieces are dances, while the sonates are in a definite minority. Ballard apparently thought to appeal to a changed market by emphasizing the Italian influence then gaining increasing interest in French circles. As we saw in Chapter II, the sonata was a well-established and a highly marketable genre in Paris by 1710, and no doubt Ballard wanted to capitalize on this. For the re-issue, Ballard used the same plates which had been engraved by Henri De Baussen for Foucault's 1705 edition. A few minor additions were made to the 1705 plates; a solitary fingering and, in one 13 "Gavotte," the words "Petite Reprise" added a few bars before the end. The most significant change, however, was the re-engraving of one whole page (page 28) of "Le Grand Rondeau." It is not clear why this page was engraved again because most of the changes could have been made on the old plates, e.g., ornament signs and one natural sign removed, a grace note added and figures changed. One interesting aspect of the changes in the bass line suggests that the barring of notes may have had an influence on the phrasing and articulation. In a,number of measures (mm. 44, 45, and 47), the barring of the eighth notes has been changed, usually from groups of two eighth notes to groups of four eighth notes, generally making the bass line smoother. This occurs in places where the dessus part already has eighth notes barred in groups of two and thus, where some variety in the slurring of the parts is welcome. Ballard, Roger, arid Foucault The publisher of Heudelinne's Premier livre was Christophe Ballard, a younger member of the distinguished family that had been "given a virtual monopoly of music printing" in 1552 when the King granted the first patent to Adrien Le Roy and his father-in-law Robert Ballard.^ The Ballard Family's publishing business as "Imprimeurs du Roi pour la Musique" continued for generations, until i t was abolished 15 in 1790 by the Revolution. Indeed, some historians rank the Ballards as one of the most important music publishers that have ever existed because the firm spanned four centuries and exercised a monopoly over 16 French music printing for nearly half of that time. Christophe Ballard (d. 1715) was the great grandson of Robert Ballard and received the "Letters Patent" from Louis XIV in 1673. His address from 1700 to 1714 is the one given on the ti t l e page of Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces (1701): rue S. Jean de Beauvais, au Mont Parnasse. Christophe's printing business grew and apparently reached its apex by about 1700."^  At the same time, however, his monopoly was challenged by a number of other printers, including his own brother 18 Pierre Ballard II (d. 1703). Many lawsuits resulted from these attempts to establish rival music printing firms, but the most serious threat to the Ballard dynasty was not those challenging their privilege, but the increasingly common process of engraving music on copper plate 455 instead of setting i t in type. Engraving had been introduced in France 19 in 1676, much later than many other parts of Europe. Ballard's monopoly apparently discouraged the use of engraving in France, although 20 typography was, for many kinds of music, less satisfactory. The complex chordal music for the harpsichord and viol, for example, could 21 be typeset only with much technical difficulty. Other, more general factors favoured engraving: practical ones, such as the relative ease of making corrections and of storing the plates, and artistic ones, such as the almost unlimited possibilities for scriptorial elegance. In the end, i t was the advantages of engraving that undermined Ballard's primacy. He clung to the typographical method, although he did intro-22 duce some engraving. While the diamond-shaped notes in Heudelinne's first book, Trois suites de pieces were not unusual in France, else-where in Europe the style and format of Ballard's printing in 1701 would probably have been considered old-fashioned. Estienne Roger's second, engraved edition of the Premier livre is, by contrast with Ballard's first edition, more elegant and much more legible. Estienne Roger (c. 1665-1722) established his printing busi-ness in Amsterdam in 1696 and his enterprising spirit led to the publi-23 cation of about twenty-five editions each year. The catalogues published during his lifetime show how successfully he realized his two aims: to copy and distribute important works of foreign printing houses and to find new music, presenting i t in finely engraved editions 24 through direct contact with the composers. Roger never dated his editions, since the plates could be used again and again with correc-tions and changes made as needed. Francois Lesure's Bibliographie des  Editions Musicales publiees par Estienne Roger et Michel Charles Le Cene (Amsterdam, 1696-1743) dates many of the firm's publications, using avertissements and published catalogues of Roger and Le Cene. Lesure was able to glean much of his information from Roger's non-musical pub-lications which were dated and often contained avertissements for musical works. This is the case for Heudelinne's two books, advertised in various non-musical publications and also included in Roger's 1737 25 catalogue. It appears that both books were published in Amsterdam a year after their i n i t i a l appearance in Paris: Trois suittes de pieces in 1702, Pieces pour le dessus & basse de viole . . . livre second in 1706. No copies of the latter are extant. Foucault, responsible for the first issue of Heudelinne's Second livre in 1705, had begun his publishing business in 1692 and soon was 26 amongst those challenging Christophe Ballard's monopoly. He worked 27 with the engraver De Baussen and printed music without the advantage 28 of ia privilege from the King, even after losing a court case to Ballard. However, the new engraving process and the rapidly increasing market for most musical publications eventually forced Ballard to cooperate with 29 Foucault, instead of prosecuting him. The "extrait du Privilege" at the end of Heudelinne's Second livre de pieces was issued to "Sieur Heudelinne," not to Foucault, and gave the composer permission to have his Livre engraved and printed, as well as sold and distributed to the 30 public. It is likely that Heudelinne paid Foucault to have this book published, because i t was a contemporary custom for French composers to have their works engraved at their own expense. It was also common 31 practice for composers to sell their works in their own homes, and the t i t l e page of Heudelinne's Second livre de pieces refers to its distribution by "l'Auteur" in Rouen. Concerning Ballard's re-issue of the Second livre, we must assume that he had Heudelinne's permission for re-publication, since the com-poser's ten-year privilege of 1705 had not yet expired and the re-issue does not include a privilege. With regard to details, i t is.not known whether Heudelinne or the original engraver De Baussen were involved in the changes made to the original 1705 plates. There is no engraver named in the re-issue, although the one re-engraved page appears to be in the same hand as the original engraving. Ownership of Extant Volumes The history of two extant copies of Heudelinne's volumes can be traced back to the early eighteenth century. A copy of the first edi-tion of the Premier livre presently resides in the collection of the Bibliotheque du Conservatoire. It differs from the second copy of the same edition, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, by the typeset addition of 32 a note at the bottom of page 3, which tells us that Philidor l'ai'nfi, "Ordinaire de la Musique de Roy & Garde de tous les livres de sa 33 Bibliotheque de Musique," owned the book in 1702. Thus, it appears that the copy in the Conservatoire collection was either Philidor's own or was intended for the King's library from the outset. It seems more likely that such a typeset addition would have been made in a copy intended for the Royal rather than a private library. The other volume under consideration is the only extant copy of Roger's second edition of the Premier livre. This copy can be found in the Durham Cathedral Library, along with the Durham Bass Viol Manuscript A.27 containing pieces apparently copied from i t . Heudelinne's Premier  livre was acquired by Philip Falle (1656-1742), prebendary of Durham Cathedral, an amateur viol player and the copyist of the Durham Bass 50 34 Viol Manuscript. He possessed an impressive collection of music by English, Dutch, and French composers and donated his "musick books" to the Durham Cathedral Library in 1722. . Falle's manuscript contains a selection of pieces (by Marais, Heudelinne, and others), presumably his favourites, from the printed volumes and manuscript sources in his library. The prebendary must have been an accomplished performer on the bass viol, judging from the technical difficulty of the music and the variety of the 35 pieces in his manuscript. The pieces are a l l grouped according to key, and usually have both solo and bass parts. There are six of Heude-linne' s pieces in the manuscript; four are from the third suite in Book I in G minor and two from the first suite in D minor. Four of the pieces from the third suite appear twice in the manuscript, the first time alone and in score, the second time only the solo part, but with the entire suite. Apparently Falle played Heudelinne's music on the bass viol, rather than the treble, since he transposed the pieces down an octave using bass and alto clefs. Some of the pieces have "pro viola minore" written after them, but there is no evidence that Falle played any of the music on the dessus de viole. Copies of Heudelinne's published music apparently continued to be available throughout the first half of the century, at least in the Amsterdam editions. As we have seen, these were advertised by Roger 36 himself in 1737, and between 1734 and 1751 they appeared in several 37 catalogues of the Parisian publisher, Leclerc. Both volumes were also mentioned by Johann Gottfried Walther, in 1732, in his Musikaliches 38 Lexikon. However, by the time of Michel Corrette's method for the pardessus in 1756, i t seems that the stock had been depleted. Although Corrette listed Heudelinne's Premier livre and Second livre among the 51 four volumes of music written expressly for the pardessus [sic], he 39 indicated that they were no longer available. CHAPTER IV AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF LOUIS HEUDELINNE'S MUSIC In this chapter we will examine the contents of Louis Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces and Second livre de pieces and discuss form, style, and performance practice. The section on formal aspects deals with the suite genre and the structures of individual movements, with an emphasis on the sonate as an increasingly important feature in early eighteenth-century French music."'" Under stylistic analysis, Heudelinne's melodic, harmonic, and textural writing is considered in relation to the contem-porary solo bass viol and solo violin music of Marais, Couperin, Rebel, and others. The final two sections deal with the basse continue and performance practice questions, such as ornamentation and fingering. The chapter closes with conclusions on the musical and historical sig-nificance of Heudelinne's music. Formal Aspects Heudelinne's Book I, Trois suites de pieces a deux violes qui se 2 peuvent jouer sur le Clavessin et sur le Violon contains thirty-four pieces for dessus de viole.and basse continue and five unaccompanied pieces for dessus de viole. The pieces are arranged by key into three groups which Heudelinne designates as Premier, Seconde and Troisieme  Suites. The keys of the suites are D minor, A major, and G minor, with the first and third suites including a few movements in the parallel 52 53 major mode. Book II, the Second livre de pieces pour le dessus et basse de violle et pour le violon et clavessin contains sixty pieces, almost twice 3 as many as in Book I. There are no unaccompanied pieces in Book II, al l the music is for dessus de viole and basse continue. The pieces are grouped by key into five suites, but unlike the first book, the term "suite" is not used and there is no specific demarcation between the successive groupings of movements by key. These keys are D major, G minor, E minor, A major, and D minor; the second, third, and fourth suites include a few movements in the parallel mode. Tables IV-1 and IV-2 l i s t , for both books, the movements in each suite along with direc-tions or affect markings. The Suite Genre and Heudelinne's Suites The term "suite" seems to have been first applied to a collection 4 of dances in Attaignant's seventh volume of dances (Paris, 1557). It was used throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in France, Germany, and England, and soon included non-dance movements as well. German suites and the Italian sonata da camera began to become standard-ized in the late seventeenth century, but the French had a more flexible approach regarding the number and kinds of movements and their sequence.^ The term "suite" was never a'standard title in France or elsewhere in Europe. Marin Marais used the term only in his fourth volume of Pieces  de violes (1717), for instance, and Francois Couperin employed the term "ordre" instead of "suite" throughout his four volumes of Pieces de  Clavecin (1713-1730). As the suite entered the sphere of chamber music, non-dance pieces 54 TABLE IV-1 BOOK I Trois Suites de Pieces a deux violles (1701) Title of Movements and other indications Key Form* Premiere Suite Prelude d- T C Prelude T C Allemande a jouer seul Double avec la mesme basse B Courante B Sarabande Grave B Gigue B Gavotte en Rondeau Double du dernier Couplet du Rondeau R Menuet B Rondeau a jouer seul R Chaconne V Sonate Gay D Other La Petite Marquise D B Seconde Suite Prelude a jouer seul tres viste A T C Courante Double de la Courante B Allemande qui se doit jouer avant la Courante precedente B Sarabande B Gigue B Gavotte Double de la Gavotte B Rondeau R Rigaudon B Second Rigaudon B Troisieme^ Rigaudon B Sonate en Chaconne II faut jouer a trois temps egaux V Troisieme Suite Prelude g- T C Prelude T C Allemande B Courante Double de la Courante B Sarabande G B Gigue g- B Gavotte Double de la Gavotte B Menuet B Rondeau R Chaconne V Sonate Other * T C = Through-Composed B = Bipartite R = Rondeau V = Variation TABLE IV-2 BOOK II Second Livre de Pieces Pour le Dessus et Basse de Violle (1705) Key Form* Key Form [Premiere Suite] 29. Menuet B 1. Prelude D T C 30. Menuet B 2. Fantaisiet T C 31. Le Grande Rondeau R 3. Allemande B 32. Air B ,.4. Courante B 5. Sarabande Grave B [Quatrieme Suite] 6. Gigue B 33. Prelude A T C 7. Gavotte B 34. Allemande B 8. Menuet B 35. Courante B 9. Menuet Double du 36. Sarabande B Menuet B 37. Gigue B 10. Menuet B 38. Gavotte B 11. Menuet B 39. Menuet a- B 12. La Villageoise** T C 40. Menuet A B 13. La Mariee B 41. Menuet a- B 14. Sonate R 42. Menuet a- B 43. Branle de Village A B [Seconde Suite] 44. Vaudeville B 15. Cloches: ou 45. Double du Vaudeville B Carillon*** g- T C 46. Bourasque T C 16. Fantaisie T C 47. Trio tendrement T C 17. Sarabande Grave B 48. Trio T C 18. Gavotte B 49. Sonate Other 19. Menuet B 20. Menuet G B [Cinquieme Suite] 21. Rondo Champestre G R 50. Prelude co- T C 22. Menuet G B 51. 52. Prelude Piece Luthee a T C [Troisieme Suite] petits coups d'archet T C 23. Fantaisie e- T C 53. Gigue a langloise T C 24. Sarabande 54. Menuet B la Gracieuse B 55. Menuet B 25. Gavotte B 56. Menuet B 26. Menuet B 57. La Bourine holandoise B 27. Rondeau T C 58. Trio B 28. Sonate legerement T C 59. 60. Sarabande Grave Preludio / la Suedoise B T C ft T C = Through-Composed; B = Bipartite; R = Rondeau; V = variation ** "Elle se peut Jouer sur la Basse de Violle" ftftft "11 se peut Jouer Sur le Viollon" t "Sujet a la basse" 56 were added and the dances themselves tended toward increased stylization. At the turn of the century, bass viol and harpsichord suites were developed to a high degree by Marin Marais and a host of harpsichordists, including Louis Marchand, Nicolas Clerambault, Jean-Francois Dandrieu, Jean-Philippe Rameau, Elisabeth Jacquet de la Guerre, and" Francois Couperin.^ Of these, Francois- Couperin emerged as a most influential composer for the harpsichord. He is responsible in good part for the tremendous popularity of the genre piece and the corresponding ^decrease in the number of dance movements which had dominated French harpsichord music in the first decade of the eighteenth century.^ Heudelinne's music for dessus de viole is organized in suites of titled dances and character pieces prefaced by a prelude, like other con-temporary music for harpsichord and basse de viole. Heudelinne's suites can be long, ranging from eight to seventeen pieces, with an average of eleven or twelve movements in each. They never- approach the length of Marais's suites, however, which have from seven to as many as thirty-two movements. Both composers include several types of movements repre-sented by two or more examples, which suggests that performers might choose a group of pieces from: the suite for performance. Modern commentators state that it is unlikely that Marais's suites were ever meant to be performed in their entirety at one time, but there seems to be no eighteenth-century evidence to support this. James Anthony suggests that the performer was expected to pick and choose on 8 the basis of taste and technical proficiency. Bonney McDowell agrees, but suggests that Marais's five shorter suites seem to be cyclical and thus intended for performance complete and in the order in which they 9 were published. Some of Heudelinne's suites probably require a 57 selection of movements for performance, or at least the exclusion of some movements, particularly in the second book since each suite has several menuets. It is possible that some of Heudelinne's pieces might stand on their own outside the context of the suites in which they are found, but there is no specific information about the performance of the music to substantiate this. The suites in Heudelinne's first book are much more clearly defined than those in his second book, not only by their titles, "Premiere Suite," "Deuxieme Suite," etc., but by their more standardized structure. The traditional group of four movements: prelude, allemande, courante, sarabande, and gigue, begins each suite in the first book. These move-ments are followed by six or seven further dances (such as gavottes, XG menuets, rigaudons, and chaconnes. ) and several other non-dance pieces. The latter include rondeau, sonates and one piece caracterisee called "La Petite Marquise." The suite organization in Book II is much more varied than in Book I. In only two suites are the traditional four movements present, the other suites containing only one or two of the four, while the menuet and the piece caracterisee play a more prominent role. The number of move-ments in the suites of the second book also varies much more than in Book I; there are from eight to seventeen pieces per suite as compared to eleven or twelve in the earlier volume. Only three out of the five suites in Book II have preludes and only two of the five have sonates as their closing movements. Thus, Heudelinne has a relatively systematic and traditional ordering for the suites in Book I,, in contrast to the looser organization of Book II. The Structure of the Individual Movements The three most common formal procedures for individual movements in French suites are: bipartite form, rondeau form, and variations over a repeated harmonic pattern or ground bass.''""'" There are also through-composed movements, including a few exceptional pieces like Heudelinne's fantaisies and some of his sonates. Tables IV-3 and IV-4 show the number and percentage of movements in the various forms in Heudelinne's suites. The bipartite form is clearly the most common, with the through-composed, rondeau, and variation forms following in order of their frequency of appearance. Dances There are fifty-four movements out of the total of ninety-four pieces in Heudelinne's two books. Table IV-5 lists the number of each dance and non-dance type. The ensuing discussion of the formal aspects of the dances is brief compared to the non-dance pieces owing to the predictability of their bipartite structure. The only non-bipartite dance is the "Gavotte en rondeau" (I, 13). Generally, with the exception of the menuets and rigaudons, the dances are twenty to thirty bars long. They are approximately one-quarter the length of the longest pieces in the suites, the chaconnes, 12 rondeau, and sonates. The menuets and rigaudons are often the short-est dances in Heudelinne's suites. While they maintain the usual bipartite form, some are just eight bars in length. These tiny move-ments are usually grouped together, for example, in Book I the "Rigau-dons" (I, 52, 53, and 54) and in Book II the "Menuets" (II, 8, 9, 10, and 11; 39, 40, 41, and 42; 54, 55, and 56). TABLE IV-3 Number of Movements in Various Forms in Each of Heudelinne's Suites Suite Book I (1701) 1 2 3 Total 1 2 Book II (1705) 3 4 5 Total Bipartite 6 8 6 20 10 5 6 12 6 39 Through-Composed 2 1 2 5 3 2 3 i 5 17 Rondeau 2 1 1 4 1 1 1 3 Variations 1 1 1 3 Other forms 1 1 2 1 1 Total Movement s 12 11 11 34 14 8 10 17 11 60 TABLE IV-4 Percentages of Movements : in, Various Forms Book Heudelinne I II (1701) (1705) I (1686) II (1701) Marais* III IV (1711) (1717) V (1725) Bipartite 59 67 67 67 67 66 65 Through-Composed 15 30 22 19 19 14 15 Rondeau 12 5 8 10 11 14 14 Variations 9 0 8 3.5 3 1.5 3.5 Other forms 6 2 0 0.5 0 4.5 2.5 * These statistics are from McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 68. TABLE IV-5 Dance and Non-Dance Pieces in Heudelinne's suites* Book I Book II Total Preludes 5 5** 10 Allemandes 3 2 5 Courantes 3 2 5 Sarabandes 3 5 8 Gigues 3 3 6 Gavottes 3 4 7 Menuets 2 17 19 Rondeau 3 3 6 Chaconnes 2 0 2 Sonates 3 3 6 Fantaisies 0 3 3 Pieces Caracterisees 1 6 7 Bransles 0 1 1 Trios 0 3 3 Rigaudons 3 0 3 Pieces related to songs (Air and Vaudeville) 0 3*** 3 Total 34 60 94 *Each piece is listed once only by the i n i t i a l word in the t i t l e . For instance, "Sonate en Chaconne" is listed under "Sonate" not "Chaconne, and the "Gavotte en Rondeau," under "Gavotte." **This includes one "Preludio." ***This includes the "Double de la Vaudeville" that is numbered as a separate movement. Formally, there are only minor differences between the traditional group of four dances—the allemandes, courantes, sarabandes, and gigues— and the other dances added to the suite. The traditional dances are sometimes longer and tend to have binary sections of irregular length, avoiding the predictable eight bar phrases of the newer dances. Also, the second section of the traditional group of dances is often headed "Reprise" in Book T, although the use of this term does not reflect any difference in the form. The gavottes, menuets, and rigaudons are usually somewhat shorter than the other dances, but they have the same basic bipartite structure. The "Gavotte" (II, 35), for instance, has an A section of eight bars ending in the dominant, E major. The longer B section returns to the tonic within eight bars and is extended by four bars with the addition of a "Petit reprise." This "Petit reprise," which appears at the end of a number of dances in both of Heudelinne's books, is not to be confused with the term "Reprise" heading the second sections of the allemandes, courantes, etc. The "Petit reprise" is simply an extension of the B section. It often involves material from the rest of the dance, but sometimes i t is just a closing formula which brings the movements to a satisfactory close. The "Petit reprise" in the "Gavotte" (II, 35) mentioned above is the latter type. Heudelinne adds a short sequential figure at the end of the B section (m. 16-20) which strengthens the final cadence, although i t is unrelated to the material in the rest of the dance. In bipartite dance structures, the two halves can be of the same length, but often the second part is longer and has more modulatory activity than the first half. There are many examples of both of these structures in Heudelinne's dances. The shorter dances like the menuets and rigaudons tend to have equal halves which are repeated, for instance, the "Menuet" (II, 8, 9, 10, and 11) and the "Rigaudons" (I, 52, 53, and 54). The longer dances, the allemandes, courantes, etc.;'often have an extended second section, but Heudelinne usually introduces l i t t l e addi-tional modulatory activity there. "Allemande" (I,. 41) and "Sarabande" (I, 43), for instance, are typical examples, with first sections of twelve bars each and second sections of fifteen and fourteen bars respec-tively. Both of these dances modulate to the dominant minor at the end of the first section and back to the tonic in.the second section, but there is no further modulatory activity. The "Gigue" (I, 45) following this "Allemande" and "Sarabande" is more exceptional with a first sec-tion of twelve bars and a second section of twenty-six bars, but it s t i l l follows the same modulatory pattern. The second section, entitled "Reprise," begins in.«the dominant minor and is simply extended by various sequential patterns to re-establish firmly the tonic key by the end of the movement. The "Gigue" is unified'by the similar melodic contour at the open-ing of each section and by the rhythmic character of the dance. Like most of Heudelinne's dances, there is no actual thematic link between the two sections. In this, Heudelinne follows the practice of Marais and the previous generation of viol composers, whose bipartite pieces usually lack any specific melodic connections between the halves. The only composer who proves an exception to this is Forqueray, whose 13 bipartite movements employ clear thematic iteration. Non-dance Pieces The non-dance pieces in Heudelinne's suites number forty out of the total of ninety-four pieces in the two "books. They consist of preludes, pieces caracterisees, sonates, rondeau, fantaisies, chaconnes, song-related pieces and trios (see Table IV-5). Because of the diversity of forms used—through-composed, rondeau, variation, as' well as bipartite forms—the present section is of, necessity much longer than the corres-ponding one on dance forms. The most frequent non-dance pieces are the preludes. Unlike the traditional unmeasured seventeenth-century harpsichord preludes, viol composers generally prefaced their' suites with measured, preludes. While al l of Heudelinne's preludes are measured, they vary considerably in complexity and length. There are tfour preludes with a rhythmically straightforward division-style writing a l l "a'-joiier. seul" (I, 4, 35, and 64; II, 42). There are also preludes written in a style which invites a rhythmically-freer interpretation owing to the presence of unmeasured melodic flourishes, as well as the nature of the melodic line itself (II, 1, 31, and 42). Two of these and two of the division-style preludes are included in Appendix III (pp. 171, 184, and 191). All of Heudelinne's preludes are through-composed and they consti-14 tute half of the through-composed pieces in the two books. The first of the rhythmically-freer preludes in Appendix II in D major (II, 1) is divided into three main phrases of irregular length.1""' The second in D minor (II, 42) has four phrases also of irregular length (7%, 4, 4, 6% bars). Neither has any formal repetition of material; they rely on motivic elaboration for unification. The division-style prelude in Appendix III (also II, 42), the second prelude in the fifth suite, is 64 through-composed like the more complex preludes, but its twenty bars are simply a continuous flow of eighth notes. Unlike most of the pieces in Heudelinne's two books of music, the phrasing is almost arbitrary in a number of places. It is dependent on how the performer chooses to articulate the implied counterpoint in the line. The three fantaisies, a l l in Book II, are through-composed like the preludes. They either follow an opening prelude, or begin a suite them-selves. Both genres apparently come from the instrumental tradition of improvisational pieces for the bass viol."^ Marais has twenty-two fantaisies throughout his five books of solo bass viol music which, along with the caprices, fugues, and boutades have fast, division-style eighth notes as a characteristic feature."*"^ Heudelinne's fantaisies seem less improvisatory than Marais's and f a l l more in the polyphbnically-conceived category. The bass line is at its most independent in Heudelinne's fantaisies and acts as an equal much of the time in imitation between the two lines. The next group of non-dance pieces consists of seven pieces  caracterisees. These pieces, named after a person, place, object, or style, became increasingly popular among French composers during the early years of the century. Composers found in them a. way to expand the suite, although titled pieces often had some relationship to dance forms. Four of Heudelinne's character pieces are through-composed, while the remaining three use the bipartite dance form. Only one character piece occurs in Book I, "La Petite Marquise," a simple binary movement with a double, at the end of the first suite (see Appendix III, p. 184). In Book II, the two binary pieces, "La Mariee" (II, 13) and "La Bourine holandaise" (II, 47) are also simple melodic pieces, but "La Mariee" becomes more complex in the second half, owing to increased ornamentation. The four through-composed character pieces' in Book II are particu-larly significant because of their stylistic similarities to pieces by the same name in Marais's Pieces de violes (Second livre, 1701). Heudelinne's "La Villageoise" (II, 9), "Cloches au Carillon" (II, 13), "Bourasque" (II, 38), and "Piece luthee a petits coups d'arehet" (II, 43) are reminiscent of Marais's "La Vilageoise" (p. 70), "Cloches ou Carillon" (p. 51), "Bourasque" (p. 4), and "Fantaisie luthee" (p. 43). Marais's "La Vilageoise" and "Fantaisie luthee" have binary structures instead of being through-composed, but the similarities between these four pieces and Heudelinne's pieces are striking, arid lead us to believe 18 that Heudelinne was familiar with Marais's recent Second livre. The third most common type of nonrdance piece that occurs in Heudelinne's music is the sonate. The presence of sonates suggests that Heudelinne was influenced by Italianate music, in addition to that of 19 Marais. As was noted earlier, Italian music had been performed in Paris in the late seventeenth century, but the sonata;was much, slower to gain acceptance in France than elsewhere. Heudelinne may have been attracted to the sonata through contact with French composers writing sonatas, or he may have .had access to'Italian works such as Corelli's in a manuscript copy or a non-French edition. In any case, the question of what Heudelinne and his French contemporaries meant by the term "sonate" is an important one in discussing Heudelinne's contributions to the genre. The term "sonate" begins to appear more and more frequently in France c. 1700, along with the Italian influence. It is almost impos-sible to generalize about the various types of movements and groups of movements called sonates in France at this time. Some French composers used the term for the introductory movement, to a suite and some called a whole group of dance movements.a senate. Others tended to follow Corelli's plan of the sonata da chiesa in their sonates, using the standard slow-fast-slow-fast sequence of movements with tempo and descriptive titles,, as well as dance and dance-related titles. Francois Couperin, for instance, retained the four core movements of the Italian church sonata, in his early sonatas (later published as "introductions" to the suites in Les Nations [1726]). He promoted the French and Italian "gout reiinis" by keeping the usual slow-fast-slow-fast alternation of the movements, but inserted one or two moderately paced "Air gracieusement" towards the end of each sonate. Couperin used no dance titles, no binary forms with repeats, no rondeau or chaconnes in these early sonatas. However, other composers in France publishing "Sonates" in the first decade of the century, such as Francois Duval, Michelle Mascitti, Jean-Fery Rebel, and Joseph Marchand 20 did use more of these elements of the suite. Whereas Couperin's titles are the non-programmatic "Gravement," "Vivement," etc., for instance, Rebel's "Sonate Cinquieme" in Sonates a Violon Seul . . . (1713) is comprised of movements entitled "Viste legerement," "Sarabande, 21 and "Gigue." Of course, dance traits do appear in Couperin's. and other French composers' sonatas despite.their titles. Mascitti's "Allegro" closing the second sonata of Op. 2 (1706) could' easily be a "Gavotte"; the fourth and seventh movements in Couperin's sonata "La Francoise" are gigues much like Corelli's. Of those French composers experimenting with the sonata and the Italian style, i t is significant that only Heudelinne uses the term "sonate" for a single movement that concludes a suite of; dance and non-dance pieces. Five of Heudelinne's six sonates are placed as closing movements of suites, while the.sixth occurs in the middle of a suite. The placement of the sonates as closing movements allows Heudelinne to keep the suite reasonably intact by traditional standards. Heudelinne's sonates are generally sectionalized, but none have a bipartite form. (Table IV-6 gives the length and form of each sonate.) They follow the outline of earlier seventeenth-century Italian sonatas, before Corelli made•separate movements the standard form. The form of the "Sonate" (I, 28) at the end of the first suite, for instance, is A A' B C, a compromise between the bipartite structure and the through-composed pieces in the suites. This is also true of the "Sonate" (I, 84) at the end of the third suite in Book I which has a similar ||: A : || B C form. In Book I Heudelinne's sonates, with the rondeaux and chaconnes, are the longest pieces in the suites; in Book II.they are shorter and not as obviously sectionalized. The "Sonate" from the third suite, for example, the shortest of a l l (37 bars), is entirely through-composed with three long phrases of'continuous eighth notes in both'parts. This movement seems to have l i t t l e in common with other more sectionalized sonate forms. Rather, i t has more the character of a "fantaisie" or a "bourasque" as described earlier. The French formal influence in Heudelinne's sonates is evident in. the use of a chaconne in the middle section of the "Sonate en Chaconne" (I, 55) and in the quasi-rondeau form of the first "Sonate" in Book II (II, 11). The "Sonate en Chaconne" is by far the longest of a l l Heudelinne's sonates (192 bars). Like the other sonates in Book I, i t 68 TABLE IV-6 The Form of the Sonates Book and Total Page Bars Form BOOK I 1. Premiere Suite I, 28 100 A A' B C Sonate in D major* Bars 1-18 19-40 41-64 54-100 2. Seconde Suite I, 55 192 A B A Sonate en Chaconne ax bx c d c ax bx in A major 1-19 19-38 39- 69- 135- 1-19 19-68 134 153 38 3. Troisieme Suite I, 84 118 ||: A :|'| B C Sonate in G minor 1-16 17-82 83-102 BOOK II 4. [Premiere Suite] II, 11 87 A B A* C A" Sonate (No. 14) 1-10 11-24 25-35 36-52 53-71 in D major 5. [Troisieme Suite] II, 25 37 Through-composed Sonate (No. 28) in E minor 6. [Quatrieme Suite] II, 40 89 A B A' Sonate (No. 49) 1-17 18-64 65-89 in A major * See Appendix III, pp. 179-181. 69 is also clearly sectionalized, but in this case in a large ternary form. The rather short first section is the "sonate" (38 bars), followed by a long "chaconne" (115 bars) and concluding with the return of the "sonate." The combination of the sonate and chaconne is an unusual one not encoun-tered in any of the other works in this study. The "Sonate" (II, 11) 22 also reflects French formal influence in its modified rondeau form. It is not the usual rondeau form because the B and C sections imitate the opening rhythm of the A section and the rondeau statement is varied greatly the third time i t is repeated. As can be seen from Table IV-6, Heudelinne's sonates have a variety of forms. We have mentioned that the sonates in Book IT are shorter and and not as obviously sectionalized as those in Book I, but beyond this observation, i t is difficult to generalize about them. In fact, as with a number of Heudelinne's contemporaries, these six movements are not sonates because of any particular formal structure. They are sonates because they are not dances, because they make some attempt to imitate the Italian sonata stylistically and because French composers enjoyed the novelty of the term. The next most popular types of non-dance pieces in Heudelinne's two books are the rondeaux and chaeonnes. While the seven rondeaux are divided between the two books, the two chaeonnes and the "Sonate en Chaconne," occur only in Book I. Heudelinne places the rondeaux and chaeonnes near the end of the suites between the dances and the sonate, with the rondeaux preceding the chaeonnes. Like most rondeaux, Heudelinne's are based on repeated eight or six-teen-bar refrains. These are separated by contrasting sections, each of which, along with the following refrain, is referred to as a couplet. Table IV-7 gives the form of the rondeaux, including the number of couplets 70 in each. Four of Heudelinne's rondeaux are rather short and simple, hav-ing from three to five couplets: "Rondeaux" (I, 18), (I, 50), (II, 24), 23 and "Rondo Champestre" (II, 20). The two more extended rondeaux, the "Rondeau" in the third suite of Book I (I, 75) and "Le Grand Rondeau" in the third suite of Book II (II, 27) have nine couplets each and 115 and 240 bars (with repeats) respectively. These two rondeau and the "Gavotte en Rondeau" (I, 13) have the pattern ||:A: ||::B:A: ||:C A': ||-:D. A: |- wi'th:,.the .. refrain following the contrasting section in a repeated section, instead of the pattern ||:A: ||:B: ||:A: ||:C: ||:A: || of the shorter rondeaux. The application of the rondeau principle to dances, as in Heudelinne's "Gavotte en Rondeau," was becoming quite common in the early years of the eighteenth century. By the time of Francois Couperin, a quarter of a l l his harpsichord pieces are in rondeau form and of course this includes many 25 dances "en rondeau." In Couperin's works the lighter more tuneful dances like the gavottes, minuets, rigaudons, and passepieds are treated this way, as opposed to the more serious and complicated allemandes, sarabandes, and 26 courantes. As the number of dances in the suite increased, the number in rondeau form did also. Comparing the percentage of movements in rondeau form in Heudelinne and Marais's works (see Table IV-4), we can see that Marais reflects the trend towards more use of the rondeau form through his five books (1686-1725). His works in rondeau form in 1686 are 8% of the total pieces and this figure rises to 14% in the last two books. Heude-linne's two books do not reflect the trend, however, with 12%.of the pieces in the first book in rondeau form and 5% of the second book. Thus, the first book has, on the average, about the same percentage of rondeau form as Marais; the second book has a much lower percentage. This decrease is also observed by the chaeonnes in Heudelinne's two 71 TABLE IV-7 The Form of the Rondeaux Total Bars with / out No. of Rondeau Page repeats Couplets Form BOOK I Premiere Suite 13 88 65 1. Gavotte en Rondeau (D minor) 2. Rondeau 18 96 56 "a jouer seul" (D minor) Deuxieme Suite 50 72 32 3. Rondeau (A major) Troisieme Suite 75 155 111 4. Rondeau (G minor) ||:A: i|; .'B':|| C A || D A|| D' A || A 1-8 9-17 18-33 34-49 50-65 1-E |:A: | 1-8 B : 9-16 A' B' | 17-32 : C A 33-56 j|:A: ||: B : || A ||: C A 1-8 9-17 1-8 18-34 ||:A: ||B A' ||:C A': || A ||:D A": 1-8 9-20 21-32 33-40 41-53 || E A" || F A' || G A' || A' || 54-65 66-87 88-99 100-111 BOOK II [Seconde Suite] 20 5. Rondo Champestre (No. 21) G major [Troisieme Suite] 24 6. Rondeau (No. 27) E minor 7. Le Grand Rondeau 27 (No. 31) E minor 47 48 28 32 240 124 j|:A :||B || A. || C || A || 1-8 9-18 1-8 19-28 (1-8) i| A || B || A || C || A || 1-8 9-16 1-8 17-32 (1-8) | A ||:B A : ||:C A: ||:D A* : || E {[ 1-12 13-24 25-36 37-56 57-64 |: E' : ||:F E : || 6 || E A|| 67-52 73-88 89-104 105-124 72 books and a decrease also in evidence in Marais's publications. In Book I the two chaconnes and the "Sonate en Chaconne" constitute 9% of the pieces in that book but there are no chaconnes or variation forms of any kind in Book II. Similarly, Marais has 8% of the pieces in Book I in variation forms and only 3.5% or less of the pieces in his later books. The chaconne and passacaille forms are the only variation forms frequently 27 associated with French baroque music. The chaconne was actively used as a stage dance throughout this period, but its organization into four bar units with a repeating harmonic pattern, sets it apart from the other 28 dances. Of Heudelinne's chaconnes, only the one in the middle of the 29 "Sonate en Chaconne" has the same bass line throughout. This is a three bar pattern rather than the usual four bars. Example IV-1: Heudelinne, "Sonate en Chaconne," (I, 55), m. 39-41 The other two "Chaconnes" (I, 22 and 80) have neither one bass theme, nor one chord progression throughout. The "Chaconne" in the first suite has two eight-note patterns which outline four chords each: i iv v i and, transposed up a fourth (from bar 74-108), v i V/V v. The "Chaconne" in the third suite has repeating chord patterns rather than a repeating bass line. It divides into four sections (plus an ending cadential phrase) and each section has its own progression, e.g., i v € i v 6 v or V/III III ivg V/III III i iv v i . The only procedure common to a l l sections is the cadential ending iv v i . The next non-dance movements to be considered are the two song-related movements found in Book II. They are the single "Air" (II, 36) and "Vaudeville" (II, 37), both simple tuneful movements with much ornamentation. Formally, just short binary movements like the dances, they are set apart from Heudelinne's other, more instrumentally-conceived pieces, by their more limited range and greater preponderance of conjunct motion. The three trios (II, 39 [2] and 46 [1]) are interesting stylistic-ally because of the addition of the second dessus, however, their forms are surprisingly simple and short. The two trios on p. 39 are through-composed with either three or four phrases of irregular length (8, 10, 6, 9 bars and 5, 6, 4, 9 bars). The third trio on p. 46 is somewhat longer and repetition of the entire piece, is indicated. It is also in binary form rather than through-composed with a change of meter in the B section from C t o g- The trios are more significant stylistically than formally because of a l l the interest in the trio sonata texture at this 31 time. They will be discussed in this regard in the following section. Stylistic Analysis The following analysis discusses important stylistic features of Heudelinne's music and compares i t with similar works by important con-temporaries. However, there is such a limited amount of solo music for the dessus de viole (see Chapter I, p. 10), that i t is difficult to assess critically his music in terms of a stylistic tradition for the instrument. Therefore, although the music is idiomatic for the dessus de viole, we must draw on the most closely related instrumental tradi-tions—that of the bass viol and the violin. In this thesis, the music for bass viol of Marin Marais provides the basis for comparison, with occasional reference to the music of other bass viol composers. The sonatas of Archangelo Corelli provide the basis for a comparison with violin music, because Corelli's sonatas were the most influential solo 32 violin music in France at the time of Heudelinne's publications. Also considered will be the music of two of the most important French composers of music for violin at the time, Frangois Couperin and Jean-33 Fery Rebel, both influenced by Italian music but to different degrees. As we saw in Chapter I (pp. 16-17), Jean Rousseau (Traite de la  Viole, 1687) emphasized the jeu de melodie rather than the jeu d'harmonie as the proper role of the dessus de viole. Unlike the basse de viole, which gained a good part of its solo status from chordal playing or the jeu d'harmonie, the dessus was always used more for the playing of melodies or the jeu de melodie. Both instruments had, of course, been associated with voices and vocal music in the earlier part of the seventeenth century. However, while the basse de viole developed and maintained loose ties with the style brise of the lute, the music for the dessus de viole continued to be vocally oriented. In Heudelinne's two books, the jeu de melodie does predominate, but i t is sometimes combined with both division-style writing and the jeu d'harmonie. Heudelinne's chordal writing, idiomatic for the dessus, almost always involves an accompanied melody rather than the free-voiced 34 counterpoint found in some complex bass viol compositions. The jeu de melodie requires great s k i l l in order to shape the line vocally and negotiate the ornamentation with delicacy and grace, and when the jeu  d'harmonie does appear, it makes performance of the music even more challenging. Before we go on to consider Heudelinne's melodic and harmonic writ-ing, his brief comments about the style and performance of his music need some consideration. The ti t l e pages of both books designate the violin and harpsichord as possible alternatives and Heudelinne says in the avertissement in Book I: . . . I have here a collection of a number of Pieces to be played alone, and others with the basse continue but a l l can be played on the harpsichord and on the violin, and also put together as an ensemble.3^ This is an ambiguous statement, and perhaps deliberately so. It seems that the unaccompanied pieces can be played alone on the violin and the remainder played as solo music on the harpsichord or the two instruments could play together as an ensemble. For the latter case, i t is unclear if Heudelinne intended that the bass viol should also play the basse continue. The practice of making keyboard solos or duets out of chamber ensemble music was a traditional one by this time, recalling the seven-36 teenth-century publications of Henry Du Mont and Louis Couperin. The designation of the violin as an alternate solo instrument was not yet a usual practice, however, and implies that Heudelinne was influenced by Italian violin music, or at least that he was astute enough to see the rising interest in the violin as a solo instrument in France. There is stylistic evidence to support the first implication, as we will see in the following discussion; the second implication also seems likely in view of the tremendous popularity of the violin in .the decade following Heudelinne's first publication. Heudelinne makes the only direct comment about the style of his music in the dedication to Book I. He expresses gratitude for his patron's encouragement towards his attempts ". . . to attain this tender and brilliant manner of playing which is the proper character of 37 the Dessus de Viole; ..." Heudelinne uses the words "tendre" and "brillant" to describe the ideal sound of the dessus de viole, two terms frequently paired by contemporary writers to describe the sound of the 38 viols. A modern writer, John Rutledge, suggests that the French tendre has the same meaning as the English tender, that is '-"of fine or delicate quality or nature; soft subdued; not deep, strong or glaring" [Old English Dictionary (1933 edition) 11, p. 175 JT 5], but with the 39 additional quality of changeability. Brilliance appears to have been a term used to describe visual images, much as i t is now, as seen by contemporary synonyms such as clear, luminescent, lustrous, or radiant 40 (clair, lumineux, lustre, and radieux). These same terms seem to have been transferred to aural art and used to describe a certain bright sound quality. The two terms, "tendre" and "brillant," used together thus seem to be referring to the delicate clarity of the sound made by the dessus de viole rather than, for example, the twentieth century " b r i l -liance" of modern string instruments. Jeu de Melodie While the melodic characteristics of French bass viol music owe a great deal to the style brise of seventeenth-century lutenists and harp-41 sichordists, those of the dessus de viole do not. Rather, they owe more to the jeu de melodie associated with French vocal music. The traditional jeu de melodie of the seventeenth century is illustrated below in examples from Henry Du Mont's Meslanges (1657) and 42 from Marais's Pieces en trio (1692). 77 Example IV-2: Du Mont, "Prelude II," Meslanges (p. 4), m. 1-10 "Troisieme partie adjous££e"(1661) £v r } f — ^ t- f t t f t A f —t PL t J- i ->'—rj.j-^ * 4 * 0 -9 — C -f l " ' T J " 0- e Example IV-3: Marais, "Gavotte," Pieces en trio (p. 15), m. 1-10 I e r Dessus / ^ T r i ' l p f t i r ^ " t f f i H t t 4 i 4 % ^ O I ! m. f * 0 l / t T f I f 1 1 ' u » P I '1 <L Heudelinne's melodic writing for the dessus de viole embodies this smooth, conjunct style, and only occasionally shows elements of the ^43 style brise. His approach to the jeu de melodie is much the same as Marais's and Du Mont's as we can see from the openings of the "Gavotte en rondeau" (I, 13) and the "Sarabande" (II, 5): Example IV-4: Heudelinne, "Gavotte en rondeau" (I, 13), m. 1-5 * s* 78 Example IV-5: Heudelinne, "Sarabande" (II, 5), m. 1-5 ^4 -H-^*"7 7T -JL. The typical melodic and rhythmic characteristics of the gavotte are evident in the "Gavotte en Rondeau": a simple tuneful phrase and the clear-cut rhythm The "Sarabande," on the other hand presents another side of the jeu de melodie with its basic line, shown in Example IV-5a, embellished by written-out ornamentation, as Example IV-5a: Heudelinne, "Sarabande" (II, 5), m. 1-5, melodic skeleton well as ornament signs. The "Sarabande" has a rhythmically-freer melodic line than that of the more predictable "Gavotte," but both examples show the French emphasis on the rhythmic characteristics of the dance. These characteristics are often just as important as melodic aspects, and the melodies in many of Heudelinne's movements are interest-ing mainly because of their rhythmic patterns, rather than because of any particularly distinctive series of pitches. In addition to the traditional way of writing for the dessus de viole, Heudelinne also attempts to introduce elements of the Italian style into some of his movements. This is revealed most clearly in his "Sonates." One of these (I, 28, see Appendix III, p. 179), is a good example of his attempt to amalgamate the French and Italian styles. It 79 begins with a short theme repeated twice and then immediately elaborated by sequential repetition. The rising fourth in the theme is the basis of a long sequence, which is repeated, then varied. This kind of mel-odic writing can be compared to that of Corelli. Towards the end of the "Giga" in Corelli's trio sonata Op. IV No. IV, for instance, the first violin has the following six bars of sequences: Example IV-6;. Corelli, "Giga," Op. IV No. 4 (1694), m. 8-14, ed. F. Chrysander, Augener's ed. (1899), p. 211 Sequential motion like this is common in Corelli's fast movements, but unlike Heudelinne, Corelli continually varies the line slightly and limits the number of times he repeats any motive sequentially. Francois Couperin imitates Corelli and the Italian style in his early sonatas, but he too restricts the number of literal repetitions in his sequential passages. This is particularly noticeable in his "gayement" movements imitating Corelli's "gigas," such as the fourth movement of "La Fran- . coise." The opening of this movement is given in Example IV-7 where 44 Couperin simply uses the entry of the second dessus to offset the effect of too much unvaried sequential motion. 80 Example IV-7: Couperin "gayement," "La Francoise" from Les Nations (1726), m. 1-5 irf-rff-'-f- --—ff-^t= i f f fTr r f -&?======= £P r~?—*—< if j Lu.. L-U f r , 7 ' 'I C 7 ' ' If * F i l l *LU _ i — i Heudelinne's trios are generally much simpler and more homophonic than Corelli's or Couperin's trios. The only exception to this is the beginning of Trio No. 58 (II, 46, see Appendix III, p. 192). Here, the first dessus line answers the second dessus twice over a chromatic bass line, before a l l three come together for a cadence. There follows a change of meter, with the ensuing section more homophonic as in Heudelinne's other two trios. The parts move together, often sequen-tially, and there is none of the imitation or independent part writing that we find in Couperin or Corelli. Fortunately.* Heudelinne confines his experimentation with the trio sonata texture to these three short movements. The incipient trend towards Italianization in Heudelinne's music is also evident in a number of works of his contemporaries. In partic-ular, Jean-Fery Rebel's publication Pieces pour le viblon . . . qui peuvent aussi jouer sur la clavecin et sur la viole (Paris: Ballard, 45 1705) is similar in many ways to Heudelinne's earlier Premier livre. Rebel organizes his suites in Pieces de violon just as they are in Trois suites de pieces with a core group of dances, several additional dances and occasional variation forms and character pieces in each suite. His style has a mixture of French and Italian traits like Heudelinne's, although i t is generally more Italianate. The first ten bars of the "Allemande" from the first suite show Rebel's forthright melodic writing for the violin: Example IV-8: Rebel, "Allemande," Pieces pour le violon, (1705), p. 4, m. 1-10 i ' fW~i i l > v —4 1/ j. Rebel's sequential writing is more varied than Heudelinne's, as can be seen in bars 5 and 6. Rebel uses l i t t l e traditional French ornamenta-tion, except the occasional +J, and although he does have more double stops in other movements, such as his "Sarabande" in the first suite (p. 10), his music is generally not as virtuosic for the violin as Heudelinne's is for the dessus de v i o l e . ^ The Italian melodic style became increasingly common in French music after Heudelinne's and Rebel's publications. The only further publication for the dessus de viole, Thomas Marc's Suite de pieces de  dessus et de pardessus de viole et trois sonates avec les basses  continues (1724) is markedly Italianate, as is most of the music for the pardessus de viole that follows i t . Marc makes allowances for the dessus de viole, e.g., fingering passages above the frets (see Example IV-9, m. 11-12 and m. 16), but i t is clear that his music is much easier with the added top string of the six-string pardessus. The "Gigue" from Marc's suite shows a strong influence of the Italian style as is evident in the triadic outline of the opening theme and the melodic configuration in m. 7-9 in the example below. Example IV-9: Marc, "Gigue," Suite de Pieces de dessus et  de pardessus de viole (p. 40), m. 1-18 As we can see from this "Gigue," there is considerably less of the traditional French style in Marc's works than in Heudelinne's. Marc's writing is relatively simple, but his style is similar to that of Italian violin sonatas. In fact, at times only the ornamentation signs, s t i l l the same as those used by Marais, t e l l us that this is French music. We can contrast Marc's tuneful simplicity to Heudelinne's preludes, some of the most melpdically interesting pieces in the latter's two books. Heudelinne's motivic elaboration in most of these opening movements to his suites is much more sophisticated than in the pieces in which he experiments with the Italian style. The motives developed 83 are necessary to unify the preludes since, unlike the dances, there is no sectional repetition. The first "Prelude" in Book II is one of the best examples of Heudelinne's use of motivic elaboration (see Appendix III, p. 183). It is a freely-conceived piece with many "small note" runs giving the performer a good deal of rhythmic freedom. The opening motive (in brackets), shown in Example IV-10 is important in the development of the Example IV-10: Heudelinne, "Prelude" (II, 1), m. 1-2 —i, * . t • , ' r"-t /••T,T"'f> - : •w» 1 i 1 i I r H 1 ' ^ 1 lJ prelude. It appears a number of times in various ways: m. 6-7 m. 10-11 m. 12-13 m. 15 m. 19-21 v.t f t . f ' ^ w - 1 1 r ^ The variety, mainly achieved by various kinds of ornamentation, makes the listener unaware that he is hearing tonic-supertonic-mediant-supertonic so many times in two dozen bars. Heudelinne is particularly 84 successful in conveying an improvisatory style in this type of piece, with the written-out ornamentation giving a sense of rhythmic freedom. Nevertheless, as we have seen above in the "Prelude" (II, 1), these rhythmically freer pieces are often solidly unified melodically. In summary, Heudelinne's melodic writing is, at times, inspired. The freer pieces like the preludes, less structured rhythmically and formally than the dances, are often very interesting melodically. Frequently, however, Heudelinne relies too heavily on sequences and literal repetition rather than variation to extend his melodies. His lack of imagination is evident more in the second book than in the first, particularly in the overuse of sequential patterns. This reliance on sequences is rather surprising in view of the influence of Marais that we see in Heudelinne's music Marais uses few extended sequential 47 patterns and his music contains very l i t t l e melodic repetition. Therefore, in this respect, Heudelinne shows that he is progressive and less traditional than Marais. His enthusiasm for such Italianisms as sequences reflects the general interest of the French in Italian music at the turn of the eighteenth century, but these melodic patterns some-times lose their effectiveness in Heudelinne's music through lack of variation. While Marais's continuous flow of melodic ideas seems inexhaustible, Heudelinne does not always have sufficiently interesting melodic material for the length of his movements. Jeu d'Harmonie Heudelinne uses the chorda! texture of the.jeu d'harmonie sparingly. Most often he includes just a chord or two at the cadences as in the "Allemande" (I, 65) below: Example IV-11: Heudelinne, "Allemande" (I, 65), m. 10-12 -•Rr-Occasionally, however, Heudelinne's music has a good deal of chordal writing as in the "Allemande" (I, 4) or in "Cloches ou Carillon" (II, 48 13), where it is used to give the effect of bells ringing. "Cloches ou Carillon" also has a number of similarities to Marais's piece by the same name (in Pieces de Violes, II, 51). It is useful to compare Marais's treatment of clock and bell effects on the bass viol to Heudelinne's on the dessus to see how the jeu d'harmonie is handled differently. Both pieces are through-composed with chordal opening sections: Example IV-12: Heudelinne, "Cloches ou Carillon" (II, 13), m. 1-7 < . i 111 i i Mm z: T—r $4 •"1 tJUu ' 6 .: (, «• ^6 -t-U T!jnTiTnTi|-m 86 Example IV-13: Marais, "Cloches ou Carillon" (II, 51), m. 1-6 ' ^ V [ ( ; f l ' ; f ' i / ^ This is followed in both cases by running sixteenth-note sections and then combinations of other clock or bell effects with more elaborate ornamental flourishes as the pieces progress. Heudelinne places chords regularly on downbeats and cadences, but unlike Marais, never has more than a few chords in a row. Thus, the texture is never as dense or complex as in Marais's piece, although i t is probably one of the most difficult pieces in Heudelinne's two books of music. (Within the first five bars, Heudelinne's "Cloches" covers almost the total normal range I I . of the dessus from d-b** •) Generally, textural possibilities are much greater for the bass viol than the dessus. The advantages of a much wider range can be exploited (a range extended by the addition of a low A string) and there is greater ease of playing in higher positions on the top string. The fuller sonority of the bass makes the lower strings on the instrument more resonant than on the dessus and also makes i t possible to change registers relatively smoothly. The range and variety of textures possible on the bass viol are not practical for the dessus, but in spite of this the difficulty for the performer of the jeu d'harmonie on the dessus de viole is often just as great. The fingers are more crowded on the small fingerboard and the resonance of the dessus is so much less than the bass, that i t is very difficult to make smooth transitions from 87 one chord to the next. Most of Heudelinne's pieces have a combination of melodic and chordal textures which shows the instrument to its best 49 advantage. They often require a virtuosic command of the dessus de viole, but they are always idiomatic for the instrument. Although the term "jeu d'harmonie" referred only to chordal writing in the solo part at the turn of the eighteenth century, it is convenient at this point also to include other aspects of Heudelinne's harmonic writing. In both of his publications, Heudelinne chooses keys best suited to the dessus de viole. (Tables IV-8 and IV-9 show the number of pieces in each key and the number of pieces in the major and minor modes.) The most popular keys are A major and D minor, with D major and G minor appearing just slightly less frequently. These keys are similar to those used in bass viol music because the tuning is the same. This restriction of key choice limits the discussion of affect with regard to key more than in some areas of Baroque music. Nevertheless, Table IV-10, listing Charpentier's late seventeenth-century descriptions of the dramatic situations in operas and the qualities associated with various keys is of some interest. The keys used by Heudelinne are listed in order of frequency with their corresponding qualities and the dramatic situations in which they would be found in operas of this time. Heudelinne's harmonic writing is based on the almost-fully matured tonal system of the mid-Baroque. The French were somewhat behind the Italians at the beginning of the eighteenth century in making use of the modern tonal system as we know i t . ~ ^ Italian composers like Corelli had a command of tonality which enabled them to use i t to unify and control the structure of their compositions. Heudelinne's music shows some evidence of interest in the Italian use of the tonal system, 88 TABLE IV-8 Number of pieces in each key used by Heudelinne (arranged by order of frequency) Total Overall Book .1 (1701) Book II (1705) Frequency of Key Key No. of pieces Key No. of pieces Key No. of pieces A+ 11 A+ 14 A+ 25 G- 11 D+ 14 D- 25 D- 10 D- 11 D+ 21 D+ 2 E- 10 G- 12 G- 5 E- 5 A- 3 A- 3 G+ 3 G+ 3 Total Pieces 34 60 94 TABLE IV-9 Heudelinne's use of major and minor keys Pieces in Pieces in Book minor keys major keys Total I (1701) 21 13 34 II (1705) 29 31 60 Total Pieces 50 44 94 89 TABLE IV-10* Keys** Qualities associated with each key Dramatic Situations in Operas A major joyeux et champetre (happy and rustic) Happiness, rejoicing, l i f e out of doors D minor grave et devot (serious and religious) Scenes in temples, utterances of gods, peasants, shepherds, favourable visions or omens D major i oyeux et tres guerrir (joyful and very warlike) War, victory in battle G minor serieux, magnifique, severe (serious, magnificent) Events of serious consequences, danger, laments, loneliness E minor effemine, amoureux, plaintif Unhappiness in love, lovers in (effeminate, amorous, doleful) trouble, dying, sleep as a balm for trouble A minor tendre et plaintif (loving and doleful) Love scenes, lovers parted, women G major doucement et joyeux (gently and happily) Happiness, games (hunting), jesting, good humour, in the' country * From Marc-Antoine Charpentier's "Abrege sur les regies d'accompaniment," M.S. Fr. n.a. 6355, undated; cited in Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 92. ** Keys used by Heudelinne in order of frequency. but his knowledge of harmony generally appears to be limited. His harmonic writing is typical of French music at this time, but on the whole, it is considerably weaker than his melodic writing. The same criticisms of too much repetition and the resulting lack of variety dis-cussed with regard to melody, also hold true for harmony. An example of this is found in the "Minuet" (I, 8, see Appendix III, p. 173). The whole second half of the piece consisting of an eight-bar phrase repeated, is a sequence of first inversion triads. This is not unusual in Heudelinne's music as can be seen by similar passages in the "Gigue" (I, 6, m. 19-24) and the "Sonate" (I, 11, m. 14-18). One of the other main weaknesses in Heudelinne's music is his part-writing. We find parallel octaves fairly frequently, especially in his second book, as can be seen in Example IV-14, from an otherwise charming "Gavotte."51 Example IV-14: Heudelinne, "Gavotte" (II, 7), m. 16-20 4 j} k| f r - V • << r 1 4 > t r r , , \  {\—H — i — ^•1 I 1 1 I-:==£: li-L T • Jli • < i — — i i — In bass viol music the basse continue often doubles the lower line of the 52 implied counterpoint in the solo part, but when Heudelinne follows the same procedure with the dessus de viole, the octave separating the two instruments creates parallel octaves. These kinds of passages make us question Heudelinne's training as a composer. Although he often pro-duces acceptable bass lines and figures, the quality of his part-writing is uneven. This is unfortunate because a good deal of the melodic 91 writing is interesting in itself but' impaired by such other obvious weak-nesses. A comparison to the.music of Marais is helpful at this point to illustrate how Marais and Heudelinne reach the harmonic goals they set in a movement. Marais's "Courante" (Pieces de Viole, Book II, p. 40) can be compared to Heudelinne's "Sonate" (II, 11, see Appendix III, p. 189). The form and key scheme of Heudelinne's "Sonate" are as follows: A B A' C A" D+ A+ D+ E+ D+ Bars 1-10 11-24 25-35 36-52 53-71 This is a reasonably varied key scheme for Heudelinne which reinforces the form of the "Sonate." The modulations are achieved rather abruptly, but we can accept them because the keys are a l l so closely related. Marais's "Courante" is a binary movement which has the following 53 key scheme, typical of his music: D- F+ A+ A+ G- F+ D-Bars ||:l-3 4-9 9-10 " : ||: 11-12 13-14 15-16 17-23 : || Harmonically, the main difference between the two movements is the fre-quency of the modulations and the way they are achieved. Heudelinne's modulations are not as sophisticated as Marais's, which often involve secondary dominants to various scale degrees (other than the dominant) and skillful chromatic alterations. One modern commentator, Bonney McDowell states that the most important unifying feature in Marais's style is his exploration of the "restricted harmonic sphere" which he chooses for his pieces.. She argues that although Marais frequently moves among closely related keys with modulations of short duration, "the broad structure never wanders far from the original key, and this 54 self-imposed restriction gives Marais's works great stability." Marais's "Courante" is a l i t t l e more than half as long as Heudelinne's "Sonate" (even including repeats), yet Marais modulates more and creates the effect of a great deal of activity within a few bars. Heudelinne does not. have this kind of command of the harmonic system, although, of course, he does use modulations in a more limited way to provide a sense of motion. As in his melodic writing,, the most serious problems occur when he does not have enough harmonic material for development and variety within a movement. Basse continue Heudelinne's handling of his bass parts differs from that of most contemporary bass viol music because of the higher range of the dessus de viole. In solo bass viol music, the bass line is often in the same range as the solo part. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the bass line usually doubles the lower voice of any real or implied counterpoint in the solo viol part. The extra octave of the dessus de viole above the bass viol puts i t out of- the usual range of most bass lines. This makes the keyboard continuo realization much easier because i t :is not as difficult to stay under the solo part. The bass line occasionally goes up into the alto.clef in Heudelinne's music, and in these places l i t t l e chordal activity from the keyboard seems necessary. The typical melodic style of the solo dessus part does mean that the viol players depend more on the harpsichord for a realization of the harmonies than they would in solo bass viol music. The frequent two-part texture and the space between the solo dessus part and the bass viol part makes the writing'often sound thin without the chordal f i l l i n g provided by the harpsichord. One of the many examples of this is the 93 "Allemande" (I, 4, see Appendix III, p. 171). The wide interval between the solo dessus part and the bass line makes the two parts alone sound isolated from each other. The addition of the harpsichord f i l l s in the extra octave between the solo and continuo bass viols and usually eliminates the problem. By comparison, Heudelinne's figures are a l i t t l e less complex than Marais's figures and much less complex than those of Francois Couperin's."^^ Heudelinne expressedly states under the t i t l e , "Marques," in the "Avertissement": "I have not burdened the Basse-Continue with figures, I have marked only the necessary harmony." ("Je n'ay point charge la Basse-Continue de chiffres, je n'ay marque que les accords necessaires.") The preludes seem to have the;;most figures of a l l Heudelinne's pieces, e.g., the first prelude in Book II (II, 1, see Appendix.Ill, p. 183), or j and. only two three-note figures but even here there are only four two-note figures .  4 . In most of Heudelinne's pieces the figures indicate first inversion triads and occasional second inversion triads, suspensions, and chromatically altered notes. Heudelinne's bass lines are generally as simple and straightforward as his figures. They give the continuo players some interesting melodic moments, but they only occasionally equal the melodic interest of the solo dessus part. One of the'pieces with a particularly interesting bass part is the "Fantaisie" (II, 2, see Appendix III, p. 184), marked "Sujet a la basse." The independence of the bass line is evident in the running sixteenth-notes at the beginning of the movement. The dessus simply punctuates the bass'part with ornamental turns until the two lines move in similar motion to the cadences in bars 7-8 and bar 11. The imitation between the dessus part and the bass line in the middle of 94 this movement is unusual in Heudelinne's works, just as it is in 58 Marais's, and again shows the Italian influence. Movements such as this "Fantaisie" tend to be more suitable for performance with just two viols or as harpsichord solos, than most of Heudelinne's pieces owing to the amount of contrapuntal activity between the two lines. Heudelinne's "Courante" (II, 4, see Appendix III, p-185)» has a more typical bass line which needs the reinforcemnt of the harpsichord realization, especially when i t is repeated for the "Double de la Courante." Even this bass line is a more active one than the majority of Heudelinne's bass lines, however. Its direction and rhythm is similar to the dessus part at the opening and its sequences in bars 10-12 are effective in moving the last phrase toward the final cadence. Com-pare the bass of this "Courante" to that of Marais's "Allemande" in the Pieces de Violes, Livre Premier in the following example, (p. 95). Marais has a wide-ranging line in the bass here, complementing the solo bass viol part and using the lower and middle register of the second bass viol to good advantage. Like most of Marais's bass lines i t is certainly much easier to play than the solo part, and in fact, i t is not a great deal more complex than many of Heudelinne's bass lines. Even when the bass line is doubling the solo part, however, Marais takes every opportunity to vary i t and make i t as interesting as possible, e.g., the doubling of the lower line of the implied counterpoint in the solo part in bars 6 and 7 is balanced by the activity in the solo part. 95 Example IV-15: Marais, "Allemande" Pieces de Violes (I, 35, bass part, I, 24), m. 1-10 Francois Couperin's basse d'archet parts in his trio sonatas also provide many examples of skillfully devised bass lines. His bass parts are usually equal to the two upper lines in their technical demands. The basse d'archet part of the first "vivement" of "L'Espagnole" is an example of the ingenuity of Couperin's bass lines. The bass is involved in the imitative opening and later is given virtuosic passages from bar 13 to the end (bar 25). Of course, in this trio sonata texture, Couperin does not have the problem of the bass overwhelming a single solo instrument, so he can be much freer with the bass line. Heudelinne has to be concerned with the balance between a subdued instrument like the dessus de viole and the bass part, because the sound of the bass viol can easily dominate the dessus. He succeeds in writing parts for the bass viol that never seriously compete with the solo part, and usually show the dessus de viole off to its best advantage. Performance Practice Problems of performance practice abound in French Baroque music. Here, we will just mention.briefly some of the specific questions that arise for the performer of Heudelinne's music. Ornamentation and' fingering are the two issues to be dealt with since Heudelinne's indica-tions of these are somewhat unusual. A convincing performance of ornamentation (both written-out ornamentation and ornament signs) is no less crucial to the style of Heudelinne's music than to most other French Baroque music. In fact, the ornamentation in Heudelinne's music tends to be even more important because of the emphasis on the melodic style. The success of the jeu  de melodie is often dependent on a wealth of varied ornamentation. Heudelinne explains the .ornament signs he uses in Book 1 in the "Avertissement." He begins by saying that "the bow stroke and orna-ments are to be executed as on the basse de violle" (". . . le coup d'Archet & les agrSemens s'executent comme sur la Basse de Violle.") and then, in the French tradition, gives the names of the ornaments he uses and their signs. These are'the "cadence" or "tremblement," marked "as in the opera" with a f t , and the "battement," marked with a This sign for a mordant or "battement" is not uncommon, but the f t for a t r i l l or "tremblement" is unusual in French instrumental chamber 59 music. According to Frederick Neumann, i t i s the " I t a l i a n t " ( t r i l l o ) , the only ornament that appears i n L u l l y ' s opera scores besides the "French + . " ^ Thus, Heudelinne's use of t h i s symbol "as i n the opera," shows the influence of L u l l y . I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, Heudelinne changes the t r i l l sign to the more common f> i n Book I I . Book II adds to these ornaments the two signs for d i f f e r e n t kinds'o vibrato that Marais made popular, the "pince" of "flattement" (marked f) 61 and the " p l a i n t e " (marked ff')» Because Heudelinne has no table of ornaments i n Book I I , however, and leaves no other information about the music, we do not know what he c a l l e d these ornaments, or indeed, i f he meant the same thing by them as Marais so c a r e f u l l y states i n h i s Pieces 62 de V i o l e s . I t i s l i k e l y that Heudelinne does mean the same thing because Marais's ornament signs tended to be accepted as the standard i n bass v i o l music by t h i s time. Perhaps t h i s i s why Heudelinne sees no reason to include an explanation of h i s ornament signs i n the Second  L i v r e de pieces. Heudelinne uses the tremblement (ft or f > ) and the battement ( +f) frequently i n both books; the tremblement i n v i r t u a l l y every piece. At times, these ornaments seem to be overused i n an attempt to compen-sate for a weak passage. The v i b r a t o s i g n s ' ^ and }f , only used i n Book I I , are most common i n the slower movements l i k e the preludes and sara-***** j bandes. The "pince" f i s much more common than the " p l a i n t e " If , and can be found on long high notes i n some of the menuets or i n the charac-te r pieces l i k e "La Mariee" ( I I , 10). The written-out "notes perdues" in'both books provide some of the most i n t e r e s t i n g ornamentation. These thirty-second note passages i n smaller-sized notes than the rest of the l i n e are unusual i n that they do not add up to the required number of durational values in a given bar and must be fitted in freely between the main beats, as may be seen in the following two examples. Example IV-16: Heudelinne, "Sarabande" (II, 18), m. 7-9 Example IV-17: Heudelinne, "Sarabande la Gracieuse" (II, 22), m. 22-24 In other cases, like the "Prelude" (II, 31) below, the small-note runs can be counted normally within the beats of the bar: Example IV-18: Heudelinne, "Prelude" (II, 31), m. 20-26 This written-out ornamentation of the melodic line makes Heudelinne's music sound both improvisatory and virtuosic. Of course, i t also makes the solo part more difficult to play. In some movements like the 99 "Prelude" (II, 31) above, i t decorates the melody a great deal, but in the hands of a skillful player, can f i t naturally into the line and add excitement to i t . With the rhythmic freedom Heudelinne frequently gives the performer, a good deal of welcome rhythmic variety is possible. This kind of ornamentation provides a touch of the improvisational, a reminder of the old-fashioned unmeasured preludes of the lute and harp-63 sichord. And, finally, more than anything else except the chordal passages in Heudelinne's writing, i t indicates that there must have been at least a few virtuosos on the dessus de viole who could play this music. The inclusion of fingering is another aspect of solo bass viol music that was made common practice by Marais. Heudelinne indicates fingering mainly when the music goes above the frets (over a") or when diatonic "violin" fingering should be used instead of the usual chromatic viol fingering. An example of Heudelinne's fingering from the "Chaconne" (I, 80) shows his fingering for the highest part of the register: Example IV-19: Heudelinne, "Chaconne" (I, 80), m. 61-64 This passage is extremely difficult because i t goes up to d1" , the highest note Heudelinne writes for the instrument and also involves broken four-note chords. Heudelinne carefully marks every finger in the last two bars to indicate the sequential shift from c" to d" with the first finger. A second example of Heudelinne's fingering shows the third finger on d" and the fourth finger extended up to the seventh fret on e": 100 Example IV-20: Heudelinne, "Gigue" (II, 6), m. 20-21 A/* ' J — l*Pa? A — - U» i»» i \jiatt f/—L, 6 f-= '•—!—h 1 1 This is called diatonic "violin" fingering: instead of crossing over to the next string and playing the e" with the first finger, the hand is extended to play a' - e" on one string. Because the distances are so much smaller on the dessus than on the bass, reaching to the seventh fret is not difficult. The reason for the use of the diatonic system of fingering is that often it is desirable to stay on the same string in a passage to keep the same timbre for a particular phrase. It is also better from a technical point of view to avoid changing strings unnecessarily. The usual chromatic viol fingering does provide a better solution to many passages though, and unless otherwise indicated, this seems to be what Heudelinne expects the player to use. Summary Louis Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces and Second livre de  pieces reflect the upheaval of music in France at the turn of the eigh-teenth century. Lully's death in 1687 encouraged the introduction of many new elements into French music after a long period of isolation from the European musical mainstream. Heudelinne's use of the dessus and basse de violes, his organization of highly stylized dance movements into suites and the frequent marks and ornament signs in his music are clear indications of the French tradition. On the other hand, his 101 designation of the v i o l i n as an. alternate instrument, the "sonates" at the end of the.suites, and the elements of I t a l i a n melodic s t y l e i n d i c a t e that Heudelinne was also interested i n the I t a l i a n s t y l e . I t a l i a n music was becoming increasingly a t t r a c t i v e to many French composers and Heude-linne was among the e a r l i e s t to attempt a "gout r ^ i i n i s . " Unfortunately, Heudelinne did not succeed as b r i l l i a n t l y i n t h i s task of amalgamating the French and I t a l i a n s t y l e s as the major composers of h i s day, and several of h i s "Sonates" are among the weakest movements i n h i s s u i t e s . They are sometimes i n t e r e s t i n g only as early experiments i n the I t a l i a n s t y l e . The main c r i t i c i s m s of Heudelinne's music generally are the lack of v a r i e t y within c e r t a i n of h i s movements and the weaknesses i n h i s harmonic and part w r i t i n g . The lack of v a r i e t y appears i n melody, harmony, ornamentation, and form at various times, and indicates l i t t l e musical development of one or more of these elements i n a movement. Heude-linne's second book seems to be more prone to t h i s problem than h i s f i r s t , as i t i s to -the second "serious c r i t i c i s m of Heudelinne's m u s i c — h i s harmonic w r i t i n g and part-writing. At times, there i s a great discrep-ancy between Heudelinne's melodic inventiveness and h i s a b i l i t y to pro-vide e f f e c t i v e harmonization of the melodies he invents. Lack of v a r i e t y seem to be the basis of t h i s problem, and such features as p a r a l l e l octaves further weaken the e f f e c t . Louis Heudelinne i s a minor composer, but his publications are s i g -n i f i c a n t h i s t o r i c a l l y because they contain some of the only extant music for dessus de v i o l e , and the f i r s t "sonates" a c t u a l l y published i n France. Heudelinne's publications are less important musically, because h i s talent as a composer was not that of a Francois Couperin or a Marin Marais. 102 N e v e r t h e l e s s , he must be given c r e d i t for adding some i n t e r e s t i n g music to the l i m i t e d solo r e p e t o i r e of the dessus de v i o l e . 103 FOOTNOTES Chapter I ''"The terms viola da gamba, viol, and viole will be used inter-changeably throughout this thesis. Thus, treble viola da gamba, treble viol, and dessus de viole or bass viola da gamba, bass viol, and basse de viole will be used to differentiate between members of the viol family; the Italian and French terms will not be italicized. 2 Hans Bol, La Basse de Viole du Temps de Marin Marais et d Antoine  Forqueray (Bilthoven: A. B. Creyghton, 1973), p. 45. Bol's study is the most thorough and authoritative formulation of the French solo bass viol idiom to date. 3 " . . . les Anglois touchent la Viole parfaitement. Je eonfesse que je leur ay quelque obligation et que je les ay imitez dans leurs accords; mais non par en d'autres choses; la naissance et la nourri-ture francoise nous donnant cet advantage audessus de toutes les autres Nations, qu'elles ne scauroient nous egaler dans les beaux mouvemens, dans les agr£able diminutions et particulierement dans les chants naturels des Courantes et des Ballets" (Er. Thoinon, Maugars Cglebre Joueur de Viole. . . . Sa biographie suivre de sa Response faite a un curieux sur le  sentiment de la Musique d'ltalie, Escrite a Rome le premier octobre  1639 (Paris, 1865), p. 42. Trans, by Walter H. Bishop, Journal of the  Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. 8, 1971, p. 16). 4 "Quant a la Viole, i l n'y a personne maintenant dans l' l t a l i e qui y excelle, et meme elle est fort peu exercee dans Rome . . . (Maugars Response, p. 33, trans, p. 11). "La Lyre est encore en recommandation parmi eux; mais je n'en ay ouy aucun qui fust a comparer a Farabosco d'Angleterre" (Ibid., p. 32, trans, p. 10). The solo style and technique of the great English violists Alphonso Ferrabosco II (c. 1575-1628) and his contemporary Giovanni Coperario (c. 1575-1626) is that of the lyra viol. We have no extant music from Ferrabosco or Coperario in the other main type of solo viol music, the division-viol style, although i t was prevalent during their time. H^otman was a lutenist and viol player from Flanders who had estab-lished himself as one of the best "joueurs de viole" in France by the 1630's. The results of archival work concerning his l i f e and music can be found in Francois Moureau's "Nicolas Hotman—Bourgeois de Paris et Musicien," Recherches sur la Musique francaise classique XIII, 1973, pp. 1-22. 6 " . . . Personne en France n'egale Maugars et Hottman, hommes tres-habiles dans cet art: il s excellent dans les diminutions et par leurs traits d'archet incomparables de delicatesse et de suavite. II n'y a rien dans l'harmonie qu'ils ne savent exprimer avec perfection, surtout lorsqu'une autre personne les accompagne sur le clavicorde. Mais le premier execute seul et a la fois deux, trois ou plusieurs parties sur la basse de viole, avec tant d'ornements et une prestesse 104 de doigts dont i l parait si peu se preoccuper, qu'on n'avait rien entendu de pareil auparavant par ceux qui jouaient de la viole ou meme de tout autre instrument . • ."( Marin Mersenne, Harmonie Universelle [Paris, 1636], Bk. I, prop. 30, cited in Thoinon, Maugars, p. 17). Unless otherwise indicated, a l l translations are by the author. ^"Les premier hommes qui ont excelle en France dans le Jeu de la Viole ont este Messieurs MAUGARD & HOTMAN, i l s estoient £galement admirables, quoy que leurs caracteres fussent dif f erents; acar.olerpremier avoit tant de science & d?execution, que sur un Sujet de cinq Ou six notes qu'on luy donnoit sur le champ, i l le diversifioit en une infinite de manieres differentes, jusqu'a epuiser tout ce que i'on y pouvoit faire, tant par accords que par diminutions; & le second est celuy qui a commence en France a composer des Pieces d'Harmonie reglees sur la Viole, a faire de beaux Chants, & a. imiter la Voix, en forte qu'on l'admiroit souvent davantage dans l'execution tendre d'une petite Chansonnette, que dans les Pieces les plus remplies & les plus scavantes. La tendresse de son Jeu venoit de ces beaux coups d'Archet qu'il animoit, & qu'il adoucissoit avec tant d'adresse & si a propos, qu'il charmoit tous ceux qui 1'entendoient, & c'est ce qui a commence a donner la perfection a la Viole, & a la faire estimer preferablement a tous les autres Instruments (Jean Rousseau, Traite de la Viole [Paris, 1687], p. 23). g Hotman and Le Camus "les plus habiles a toucher la violle, et le  Tuorbe qu'elle ayt encore entendus," got the appointment after Louis Couperin's death in 1661 (Moureau, "Nicolas Hotman," p. 17). 9 Paris, Bibliotheque du Conservatoire, Res. 1111, fol. 266v-270 (Bol, Basse de Viole, p. 318). 10Washington, Library of Congress, M2.1/Book 12 17c fol. 1-25 r and 67v-90r. Bol also lists several pieces which are probably by Du Buisson (Basse de Viole, p. 316). "'"^ Margaret Urquhart, "Style and Technique :in the Pieces de Violes of Marin Marais," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1970), p. 18. 12 Paul Hooreman, ed., Concerts a deux Violes esgales du Sieur de  Sainte-Colombe (Paris: Heugel & Cie, 1973), VII. 13T... Ibid. 14 Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 14. 1 5The letter, entitled "Answer of M. Rousseau to a letter from one of his friends who has notified him of a defamatory libel written against him. Given to the public by one of his friends," is reprinted in Francois Lesure, "Une Querelle sur le Jeu de la Viole en 1688: J. Rousseau contre De Maehy," Revue de Musicologie 42 (1960), pp. 181-199. In this letter as in his treatise, Rousseau does not refer to De Machy by name. Biographical details and the fact that Rousseau lists 105 parallel octaves by page number and measure that .-coincide:" with parallel octaves in De Machy's work, leave l i t t l e doubt as to whom Rousseau refers (Robert A. Green, "Jean Rousseau and Ornamentation in French viol music," The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of' America, Vol. 14, Dec. 1977, p. 6). 16 ". . .on peut jouer de la Violle de trois manieres . . . la premiere et la plus ordinaire [maniere] est celle de jotler des pieces d'harmonie, qui est le propre de tous les Instrumens qui doivent estre joiiez seuls" (De Machy, Pieces de Violle en Musique et en Tablature, differentes les unes des autres, et sur plusieurs Tons [Paris, 1685], Avertissement, p. 2). ^"Dessus de Violle & d'Autre Instrumens de cette nature" (ibid., p. 7). De Machy also says that the voice is the model for a l l instru-ments and that the viol imitates the voice best. However, his view is that "when a man knows his profession well, the chords must not stop him from composing beautiful melodies with a l l the ornaments necessary for playing tenderly. . . . " "Quande un homme scait bien sa profession, les accords ne doivent pas l'embarrasser en composant de beaux chants avec tous les agremens necessaires pour jouer tendrement. . . ." (ibid., trans. Green, "Jean Rousseau," p. 7).. 18 First ed. Paris, 1678, published in at least six editions before 1710, most of which were printed in Amsterdam. The Minkoff reprint (Geneva, 1976) of this treatise is a reimpression of the Amsterdam 5th ed. of c. 1710. The Methode was important outside France for many years, especially in Germany. It is mentioned by Gottfried Walther in his Musikalisches Lexicon oder Musikalische Bibliothek (Leipzig, 1732, p. 535). Johann Mattheson quotes at length from material added about 1690 in Per vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg, 1739, pp. 173-174). Rousseau assumes prior knowledge of the vocal treatise in the Traite  de la Viole and Green provides a summary and translation of the neces-sary material in Appendices A and B of his master's thesis, "Traite de  la Viole by Jean Rousseau Translation and Commentary of the Troisieme Partie" (University of Indiana, 1974). 19 Michel Lambert (1610-1696) was Maistre de la Musique de la  Chambre du Roy and the father-in-law of Jean-Baptiste Lully. He is the most representative composer of airs in the second half of the seventeenth century, owing his fame as much to his singing and teaching of voice, as to his compositions (James Anthony, French Baroque Music  from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau [New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., rev. ed. 1978], p. 354). From the text of the dedication to Rousseau's vocal treatise, and the mention that Lambert receives in his viol treatise, i t is evident that the singer showed Rousseau great favour. Although Rousseau was influenced, however, he was probably not one of Lambert's pupils (Green, "Jean Rousseau," p. 4). 20 Rousseau, Traite, p. 70, cited in Julie Anne Vertrees, "The Bass Viol in French Baroque Chamber Music," (Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1978), p. 189. According to Rousseau, the last of the five ways, "travailler sur un sujet", was l i t t l e in use at that time. It 106 could only be performed by rare masters because it demanded "plus de science, plus d 1esprit, & plus d'execution que tous les autres. .. . ." 21 Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 19. 22 Bonney McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray: A Historical and Analystical Study of Their Music for Solo Basse de Viole," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1974), p. 14. 23 See Bol., Basse de Viole, and McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray" for detailed discussions of style in Marais's music. 24 Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 192. 25' Etienne Loulie refers, in his manuscripts Methode pour apprendre  a jouer la viole, ". . .to the practice of marking ornaments established by the illustrious Monsieur Marais . . . for those composers who wish to be exact" ("Les compositeurs qui sont exacts ont soin de marquer les appuis quand i l s sont douteux, et l'on doit cette maniere exacte de les marquer a l'lllustre Monsieur Marais" [fol. 214v]). The Methode is reprinted in Bol, Basse de Viole, pp. 282-291 and translated by Gordon Kinney, "Writings," pp. 39-55. See also Albert Cohen's "An 18th century Treatise on the Viol," Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. I l l , 1966, pp. 17-23, and "Etienne Loulie as Music Theorist," Journal  of the American Musicological Society, XVIII, 1965, pp. 70-72. 26 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 17. 27 28 29 Ibid., p. 16. Ibid., p. 44. Ibid., p. 71. 30 McDowell mentions that Forqueray even,feared.that'his son would outshine him and went so far as to have him exiled in.1725 ("Marais and Forqueray," p. 19). 31 There is only one article on the:subject, Mary Cyr's "Solo Music for the Treble Viol," Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. XII, 1975, pp. 4-9; and one master's thesis, Terry Pratt's "The Dessus and Pardessus de viole in France from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries," (Schola.Cantorum, Basel, 1977). Bol (Basse de Viole) and Schwendowius, (Solistiche Gambenmusik) mention the dessus de viole as a solo instrument only in passing. 32 Albert Cohen, "A Study of Instrumental' Ensemble Practice in Seventeenth Century France," The Galpin Society Journal, Vol. XV, 1962, p. 6. 33 Pratt, "Dessus and Pardessus," p. 2. 34 Du Mont (1610-1684) held this position from 1639 (or 1643?) until his death. He was also organist and clavecinist for the Due d'Anjou from 1652 and orchestral director for the Queen (1662) and King Louis XIV (1663). He is known as the originator of the Baroque treatment of Gregorian masses, although his motets published in 1686 107 are more important. (Willi Apel, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700, Trans, and revised by Hans Tischler [Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1972].;., p. 708.) 35 Du Mont added to this publication four years later in 1661 with a Troisieme partie adjoustee aux preludes des meslanges . . . pour un dessus de violle ou taille ou pour une basse de viole touche'e a 1'octave, avec la basse continue des motets a plusieurs parties pour la commodite"  des instruments (Paris, 1661). 36 Les premieres Pieces de ces Meslanges en forme de Motets, ont este composez pour trois voix seules. . . . J'ay fait aussi une quatriesmev. Partie, de laquelle on se servira si l'on veut:, pour un dessus de Violle, mais qu'il faut touchez delieatement & avec discretion, afin que l'on puisse entendre distinctement les voix. On chante premierement la Piece jusques a la moitie, puis on la repete avec le dessus de Violle, pour faire plus grande harmonie, & ainsi de l'autre moitie. . . . Ceux qui joiient de l'Orgue ou du Clavecin, y trouveront aussi plussieurs Allemandes en Tablature d'Orgue, lesquelles j'ay mises a trois Parties pour les Violles, qu'on pourra jouer separement ou accompagner l'Organiste . . . (Henry Du Mont, Meslanges a II. I l l . IV et  V. Parties avec la basse continue . . . livre second,. Au Lecteur [Paris, 1657]);. According to Cohen ("Study," pp. 10-11), this is'the first known reference to an ensemble of unaccompanied viols. 37 See the appendix to Cohen's article ("Study") for an example from the Meslanges entitled "Allemande (Fugue) pour l'Orgue (ou le Clavecin) & 3 Violes, si l'on veut." 38 Mersenne, Harmonie, Bk. V, p. 325, cited in Cohen, "Study," p. 10. 39 Cohen, ibid., ". . . owing to their 'percussion . . .lutes paroissent si peu dans un concert de Violes'" (Mersenne, Harmonie, Instrumens, p. 13). The practice of combining viols and a keyboard instrument was also very popular in England at least during the first half of the seventeenth century as the preface of John Playford's An Introduction to the Skill of Musick 10th ed. (London, 1684) and Thomas Mace's Musick's Monument (London, 1676) indicate. See Albert' Cohen, "The Fantaisie for Instrumental Ensemble in 17th century France—Its Origin and Significance," Musical Quarterly XLVIII, 1962, pp. 239-240. 40 Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 297. 41 Cohen, "Fantaisie," p. 239. 42 Titon du Tillet, Le Parnasse francoise (Paris, 1732), pp. 401-403, cited in Pratt, ibid., p. 4. 43 The Bauyn manuscript. (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Res. Vm7 674-675) is one of the main sources of seventeenth century French keyboard music. It includes 118 compositions of Chambonnieres (1602-72) and many works of his students, as well as pieces by Frescobaldi and Froberger, keyboard transcriptions of lute pieces, etc. A large portion 108 of the manuscript is devoted to Louis Couperin (1626-1661). Facsimile edition Manuscrit Bauyn Pieces de Clavecin c. 1660 (Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1977) and older modern edition, Paul Brunold, ed., Oeuvres Completes de Louis Couperin (Paris: L'Oiseau Lyre, 1936). 44 Cohen, Study," p. 11. The keyboard scoring and few figures could also have been the work of the copyist to make the pieces more serviceable as solo keyboard music. Couperin may have intended these pieces for viol ensemble only, although the fact that he was both a viol player and a claveciniste and organist suggests that some of his composi-tions served double duty. 45 The three "Simphonies" are on pp. 337, 338, and 339 in the fac-simile edition and the "Pseaumes" on pp. 329 and 330. Besides these pieces, there are two Duos by Couperin that could be keyboard pieces in the organ duo tradition and/or pieces for a dessus and basse de viole. They are the only duos in the manuscript that would be suitable for viols with the exception of one anonymous "Fantaisie Duo" in a section of Froberger pieces (pp. 318-319). See Appendix I for the "Pseaume" from p. 330 and "Duo" from pp. 330-331. 46 Bol, Basse de Viole, p. 26. 47 Part of the problem is that an autograph manuscript of Couperin's works is not available, although Guy Oldham describes a manuscript obviously in private hands which consists of about seventy autograph works of Louis Couperin in "A New Source of French Keyboard Music in the mid-17th century," Recherches sur la musique francais classique, Vol. I, 1960, pp. 51-59. The fact that the majority of pieces are signed with the location of composition, reveals new biographical information about Couperin. Oldham tabulates this information at the end. of the article and lists the contents of the manuscript, which includes two viol fantaisies in parts and two fantaisies "sur le Jeu des haubois." Bol does not indicate any further information about this manuscript in his reference to this article (Basse de Viole, p. 77, n. 132) and i t has not been possible to find further evidence of research on the document since that date. 48 Pratt, "Dessus and Pardessus," pp. 3-4. 49 A. Pirro, "Louis Couperin," La Revue Musicale, No. 4, 1921, p. 150. Wilfred Mellers also mentions that.Louis Couperin played viol and violin in the ballet music of the court (Francois Couperin and the  French Classical Tradition, London: D. Dobson, 1950, p. 18). ""^Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 5. "'"""'Moureau, "Nicolas Hotman," p. 20. Hotman also had two "basses de violle," two theorbos and two lutes at the time of his death. 52 Rousseau, Traite, p. 72. 109 53 Charles Le Camus took over his father's position at the time of his death, but resigned three years later for unknown reasons. Regard-ing the posthumous publication of the older Le Camus's airs, see Francois Lesure'ss"Histqire d'lirie edition posthume: 'Les.:"Mrs""de Sebastien Le Camus (1678)," Revue Beige "de Musique, V i i i , 2, 3"7~4"7 1954, pp.' 126-219. See also the results of Norbert Dufourcq's archival study "Autour de Sebastien Le Camus," Recherches sur la musique fraricais classique, Vol. II, 1961-62, pp. 41-53. 54 Only one of Le Camus's airs is in modern publication. Theodore Gerold prints "Amour, cruel amour" as Appendix d in L'Art du Chant en  France au XVIIe Siecle (Paris: Librairie Istra, 1921), pp. 247-249. A reprint of this book is now available (Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1977). 55 Laurence Boulay, "Notes sur trois airs de Sebastien Le Camus," Recherches sur la musique francaise classique, Vol. II, 1961-62, p. 56. "^Marcelle Benoit, Versailles et les Musiciens du Roi 1661-1733 (Paris, 1971), p. 98; Musique de Cour, Chapelle, Chambre, Ecurie, 1661-1733, Les Sources Manuscrites de l'histoire des Musiciens d'ancien regime (Paris, 1971), p. 71 (Nos. 20 and 19 in the series La Vie  Musicale en France sous les Rois Bourbons). The successor appointed to this position was Etienne Le Moyne who remained an ordinaire until his death c. 1715. Pratt ("Dessus and Pardessus," p. 5) says that two successors were appointed to the position—Le Moyne and Leonard Ithier— however, only Le Moyne is mentioned in the register' for 1680 (Benoit, Musique de Cour, p. 71). "^The court records, as transcribed by Benoit, Versailles, contain no entry for "dessus de viole" after 1680. 58 Green, "Jean Rousseau," p. 15. The argument that air de cour were played by a dessus de viole and theorbo may better explain the meagre amount of extant music for the solo dessus de viole than Green's suggestion that dessus players were primarily improvisers. 59 Pratt, "Dessus and Pardessus," p. 8. 60 "Le Jeu des Pieces de Melodie est un Jeu simple, & qui demande par consequent beaucoup de delicatesse & de tendresse, & c'est en ce Jeu que l'on doit s'attacher plus particulierement a imiter tout ce que la Voix peut faire d'agreable & de charmant, i l est propre particuliere-ment pour le Dessus de Viole, & aussi pour ceux qui voulant jouer seuls de la Basse de Viole, n'ont pas assez de Voix pour s'aceompagner, ny assez de disposition pour joiier des Pieces d'Harmonie" (Rousseau, Traite, pp. 56-57). 61 ". . . l'on ne doit rien "obmettre dans' son Jeu de tout ce qui est capable de faire du plaisir a. l'oreille par des traits tendres & bien nourris" (ibid., pp. 72-73). 6 2 Green, "Jean Rousseau," p. 6. 110 63 It is likely that Blainville's Premier Livre de Sonates pour le  Dessus de Violle (1753) was actually meant to be played on a pardessus de viole (see n. 74). 64 The following chapter "The Italian Influence on French Viol Music" deals with the Italian influence on solo and instrumental ensemble music in France. ^Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 5. 66 The edition published in Amsterdam by Estienne Roger is listed in his 1697 catalogue as "Trios de M. Marais pour les flutes, violons, hautbois, etc." Apparently music for the hautbbis was a more profitable item than that for the dessus de viole in Amsterdam at the turn of the eighteenth century (Francois Lesure, "Marin Marais Sa Carriere—sa famille," Revue Beige de Musicologie 7 [1953], pp. 129-136). Lesure has also published a study of Amsterdam publishers Estienne Roger and Michel-Charles Le Cene called Bibliographie des Editions Musicales  Publiees par Estienne Roger et Michel-Charles Le Cene (Amsterdam, 1696-1743), (Paris: Heugel et Cie, 1969). 6 7 "Personne n'ayant encore donne de Pieces pour le Dessus & la Basse de Violle ensemble, j'ose esperer que le livre, comme le premier sera de quelque utilite; . . . " 68 Except for a few unaccompanied pieces, most of Heudelinne's music for solo dessus de viole has a basse continue. This bass line is figured for realization and generally has an accompanimenta1 role. 69 In his second book, Heudelinne does not call the groups of pieces "suites," but simply organizes them by key. ^Pratt, "Dessus and Pardessus," p. 29. ^ 1 m. . . ce jeu tendre, & brilliant qui fait le propre caractere du Dessus de Viole; peu de personnes le connoissent. . . . " 72 Marc lists the bass viol, transverse flute and "other instruments" as possible alternatives for these solo pieces. 73 v Marc also published Six sonates a violon seul avec line basse chiffree in Paris, but unfortunately this collection is not dated. 74 The only further mention of the dessus de viole in a solo capacity is by Henri Blainville in 1753. His Premier Livre de Sonates pour le  Dessus de Violle avec la basse continue can be played on the dessus, however, Blainville dedicates his book to Louis XV's daughter, Mile. Adelaide, who played the pardessus. It is possible that Blainville simply regarded the pardessus as the "dessus" of the viol family by this time, as the earlier dessus de viole had a l l but been forgotten. I l l / JAs late as the Avertissement of Marais's fourth book of bass viol solos and trios (1717), he lists two dessus de violes as alternate instruments for the upper parts in his trios along with transverse flutes or violins. ("L'on peut aussi mesler un instrument avec un autre, comme la Flute traversiere avec le Violon, ou dessus de Viole, ce qui fait un concert de chambre fort agreable.") By the time of his death in 1728, however, Marais did have a pardessus de viole in his collection (Francois Lesure, "Marin Marais: Sa carriere—sa famille," Revue Beige de Musicologie 7 [1953], pp. 129-136). 112 Chapter II """Urquhart, "Style and Technique," p. 2. 2 Robert M. Isherwood, Music in the Service of the King: France in  the Seventeenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973), p. 150. 3 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton .& Co., 1947), p. 154. 4 Isherwood, Music, p. 182. "^Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era, p. 247. Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 109. ^Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music. History The Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1965), p. 113. g Francois Raguenet, Parallele des Italiens et des Frangais en ce  qui regarde le musique et les operas (Paris, 1702). Faes. ed. Geneva: Minkoff, 1976. English trans, as Comparison between French and Italian  Musick and Operas (London, 1709) in Musical Quarterly XXXII (July, 1946), pp. 411-436 edited by Oliver Strunk. Strunk's translation also appears in Source Readings (pp. 113-128) from which a l l further references to Raguenet will be taken. 9 The first part of Le Cerf's Comparaison was published in 1704 and the second edition of this first part together with a second part was brought out in 1705. The second part contained a Traite du bon gout en  musique which Strunk translates in Source Readings (pp. 129-147). Le Cerf added a third part of the Comparaison in 1706 and a l l three parts were reprinted and added to the second edition of Pierre Bourdelot's and Jacques Bonnet's Histoire de la musique (Amsterdam, 1725) (Strunk, Source Readings, p. 129). Note that Strunk's dates for Le Cerf (1647-1707) differ from those given by Andre Verehaly in Musik in Geschichte  und Gegenwart, Vol. 8, col. 425. ^Ibid. Strunk states that "the controversy between Raguenet and Freneuse (Le Cerf) is not so much concerned with rival claims of French and Italian music as with those of a 'classic' and a 'modern' style. As such i t is simply a part of the larger quarrel between the ancients and moderns. . . . Raguenet's book is pro modern in that its ti t l e is an obvious paraphrase of Charles Perrault's Paralleles de anciens et des  modernes en ce qui regarde les arts et les sciences (1688-97) and in that i t appeared with an 'Approbation' by Fontenelle. The reply of Freneuse is pro classic in that it repeatedly quotes with approval from Boileau, the chief partisan of the ancients, and in that i t includes an attack on Charles Perrault" (Source Readings, p. 131, n. 2). 113 " . . . certain que la mode de se recrier sur la beaute des morceaux d'Opera qu'on nous aporte a present d'ltalie par sommes, n'a point ete jusqu'a lu i . . . . i l etoit pourtant attache aux Opera de Lulli, a la Musique & aux Musiciens de France: & depuis la mort de Lulli, i l n'a point chang§ de gout: i l a conserve hautement celui-la, quoi qu'on ait tache de lui en faire changer" (Le Cerf de la Vieville, Comparaison II, Boudelot-Bonnet, Histoire III, pp. 319-320, trans. Strunk, Source Readings, p. 146). 12 Frangois Raguenet, Defense du parallele des Italiens et des  Francais (Paris, 1705). Facs. ed. Geneva: Minkoff, 1976, pp. 125-126. 13 "Je n'ay gueres vu de Musiciens, en France, qui ne convinssent qui les Italiens savent mieux tourner & croiser un Trio, que les Francois." "I have seen hardly any musicians in France, who do not agree that the Italians know better than the French'how to score and ornament a Trio" (Raguenet, Parallele, pp. 51-52;, trans. Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 140, n. 2). 14 "II est vrai . . . que leurs seconds dessus sont plus hauts: pour plus beaux, i l faut scavoir. Plus beaux.a les chanter en particulier: je le croi. Plus beaux dans le Trio meme: je n'en tombe pas d'accord. Les Premiers dessus des Italiens pipent, parce qu'ils sont trop hauts: leur seconds dessus ont. le defaut d'etre trop pres des premiers, & trop eloignes de la basse, qui est la 3. partie. . . . Je trouve de l'avantage & du profit a. ne faire du second dessus qu'une taille, comme nous faisons: & non pas une haute eontre, comme font les Italiens; Parce que la taille tient le milieu entre la basse & le dessus & lie ainsi les accords du Trio. Au lieu que, quand le second dessus est s i haut, i l laisse trop d'intervalle & de vuide entre le premier dessus & la basse." (Le Cerf de la Vieville, Comparaison I, Bourdelot-Bonnet, Histoire II, pp. 69-70.) 15Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 352. 16 "Cet Instrument a le Son naturellement fort eclatant & fort gay, ce que le rend tres-propre pour animer les pas de la danse.. Mais i l y a des manieres de le toucher que en rendent le Son grave & triste, doux  & tendre etc. C'est ce qui fait qu'il est d'un si grand usage sur tout dans les Musiques £trangeres, soit pour l'Eglise, soit pour la Chambre, le Theatre, etc." (Sebastien de Brossard', Dictionnaire de  Musique [Amsterdam, 1703 ed., first ed. Paris, 1701], facs. ed. Amsterdam: Antiqua, 1964). "^Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 321. 18 "Quelle joye, . . . quelle bonne opinion de soi-meme n'a pas un homme qui connoit quelque chose au cinquieme Opera de Corelli" (Le Cerf de la Vieville, Comparaison III, Bourdelot-Bonnet, Histoire IV, p. 201). Corelliis:; sonatas were not printed in ^France until Foucault's publica-tion of Opus V (undated, c. 1701), but they had been in circulation in manuscript for some years before that. Marc Pincherle lists a l l the editions of each of Corelli's opera, including those in Amsterdam by 114 Estienne Roger (Op. I-V, mostly undated, c. 1695-1700) (Corelli: His  Life, His Work, trans, by Hubert E. M. Russell, New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1956), pp. 206-225. 19 Le Cerf, Comparaison, cited in Pincherle, Corelli, p. 169. 20 Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, pp. 353-354. The first known sonata written in France, an eight-part ensemble sonata recently ascribed to Marc Antoine Charpentier (1634-1704) is mentioned in Newman: Sonate  pour 2 flutes allemandes, 2 dessus deviolori, une basse de viole, une  basse de violon a 5 cordes, un clavecin etun teorbe. It seems to have been forgotten soon after its composition (c. 1685-86), perhaps due to the lavish instrumentation i t required. It lies in manuscript part books in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Vm7 4813). See Julie Anne Sadie, "Charpentier and the early French ensemble sonata," Early Music (July 1979), p. 331, and her Ph.D. dissertation, Vertrees, "Bass Viol." 21 Newman dates four of Couperin's sonatas which exist in a Paris manuscript from about 1692 and two sonatas in a Lyon manuscript from about the same time. Three of these six sonatas, La Pucelle, La Visionnaire, and L'Astree were renamed La Francoises L1Espagnole, and La Piemontaise and published in 1726 as Les Nations Sonades et suites de  simphonies en trio. These and one other later sonata, L'Tmperiale, "serve as preludes or kinds of introductions" (Couperin, preface to Les Nations) to the suites written later to make up Les Nations. The other three early sonatas (La Steinquerque, La Sultaiie, La Superbe) were not published until modern times (Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 355). Jean-Fery Rebel, a violinist and director of the Twenty-four Violins of the King, published the sonatas he composed in 1695 in Recueil de douze sonates a II et III parties (1712-13). 22 La Guerre did publish her later Sonates pour le viollon et pour  le clavecin (1707) under the same cover as her Pieces de Clavecin qui  peuvent se jouer sur le viollon. (There are two ti t l e pages, but they could be sold together or separately.) These are not the early sonatas that exist in ms. in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Vm7 1110 and Vm7 1111). They are primarily keyboard pieces with violin accompaniment. 23 Brossard, La Guerre, and Rebel made i t clear that their sonatas were conceived for two violins and continuo. Couperin, on the other hand, gave very l i t t l e indication of specific instrumentation in any of his trio sonatas and elsewhere, he remains flexible regarding instru-mentation. (He designated the parts of the trio sonatas premier dessus,  deuxieme dessus and basse d'archet.) James Anthony suggests that "the two upper parts are ideal for violins, however, and the numerous textual and stylistic references to Corelli strongly suggest that violins were the favored instrument for performance" (French Baroque Music, p. 323). 24 ^ See Oeuvres Completes de Francois Couperin, preface to Vol. IX, Andre Schaeffner, ed., Paris: L'Oiseau Lyre, 1933). Newman (Sonata in Baroque Era) has a translation of the relevant section (p. 356). 115 25 "Le gout Italien et le gout Francois ont partag£ depuis longtems (en France) la Republique de la Musique; a mon egard, J'ay toujour estime les choses qui le meritoient, sans aeception d'.'Auteurs, ny de Nation; et les premieres Sonades Italienes qui parurent a Paris i l y a plus de..trente annees, et qui m'encouragerent a en composer ensuite, ne firent aucun tort dans mon esprit, ny aux ouvrages de Monsieur de Lu l l i , ni a ceux de mes ancetres, qui seront "toujours plus admirables qu'imitables" (Les Gouts-Reiiriis, Oetivfes Completes, preface to Vol. VIII, pp. 5-6, trans. Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 356). 26 Mellers examines Couperin's early sonatas in some detail in Chapter Six, "The Two Violin Sonatas" (Couperin, pp. 103-112). 27 Anthony, French Baroque Music, pp. 328-329. 28 Sgbastien de Brossard, Catalogue des livres de musique theorique  et pratique . . . qui sorit dans le cabinet du sieur S£b. de Brossard, manuscript (1724) in B.N. (Res. Vm821), p. 545, cited in Anthony, French  Baroque Music, p. 328. The original French was not available for this quotation. 29 ". . . pour Rebel, nous le retonons, & ne lui faites pas, s ' i l vous plait, 1'affront de croire que ses Sonates brillassent en Italie. Rebel y a veritablement mis une partie du genie & du feu Italien; mais i l a eu le gout & le soin de le temperer par la sagesse & par la douceur Francoise, & i l s'est abstenu de ces chutes effrayantes & monstrueuses, qui font les deTices des Italiens" (Comparaison I, Bourdelot-Bonnet, Histoire II, pp. 95-96, trans, by Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 361). 30 31 Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 323. Ibid., p. 328. 32 Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 368. 33 The standard studies of French Baroque violin' music are s t i l l Lionel de Laurencie's L'Ecole Violon Francais deLully a Vlbtti, 3 vols. (Paris: Librairie Delagrave, 1922) which concentrates on stylistic analysis and Marc Pincherle's La Technique du Violon chez les premiers  Sonatistes francais 1695-1723, Paris, 1911; reprint Geneva: Minkoff, 1974) which deals with technique. 34 Le Blanc counts the violin as more of a rival to the bass viol than the cello, which did not have a published French solo literature until the 1730's and 1740's (Defense de la Basse de Viole contre les  Entreprises du Violon et les Pretensions du Vibloncel Amsterdam, 1740). 35 Although Le Blanc says that Marais composed and performed only suites, he did compose at least one violin sonata ("La Maresianne," 1723). Evidently he also wrote trios for the violin, bass viol and continuo which have never been published and lie in a private collection (Bol, Basse de Viole, p. 22). Titon du Tillet. mentioned these trios in Parnasse francois, p. 626. 116 36 "Le Pere Marais etoit s i habile dans son genre, avoit une composi-tion si epuree, & une execution si chatiee, reduits en regies qui ne se dementoient jamais, qu'il soutenoit, en Ajax de la Musique de deca les Monts, les assauts que venoient livrer a la France, Les Romains, les Venitiens, les Florentins, & les Napolitains, dans des Concerts particuliers" (Le Blanc, Defense, p. 2, trans. Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 190). Le Blanc's Defense is translated in ful l by Barbara Garvey Jackson in the Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. XI (1973), pp. 11-80 and Vol. XII (1974), pp. 17-58. Vol. XIII (1975) contains Jackson's commentary on the Defense including the original indices with page references to the English translation (pp. 14-36). Jackson points out the usefulness of Le Blanc's work in her commentary. Although i t contains many eccentricities, i t is.one of the few sources of information on the viol after Rousseau, Danoville, and Louli£. 37 La Borde says that Marais "was equalled only by Forqueray" (Marais . . . ni fut egale que par Forqueray,"La Borde, Essai sur la  Musique, 3, p. 449). Nemeitz, a Dutchman who visited Paris in 1725 listed the "principal composers who live in Paris" and said "that if he [Forqueray] does not surpass Marais he is at least equal to him" ("S'il [Forqueray] ne surpass pas Marais, i l lui est 6gal pour le moins." Nemeitz, Sejour de Paris (Leyden, 1727), p. 353; cited in Prod'homme, "Les Forqueray," Rivista Musical Italiana 10 (1903), p. 686. 38 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 203. 39 Ibid., pp. 204-205. McDowell's study is a comprehensive anal-ysis and comparison of the two composers. Much of her material on Forqueray is based on her master's essay, "The Life and Works of Antoine Forqueray (1672-1745)" (Columbia University, 1968). 40 41 Ibid., p. 204. Ibid. 42 Forqueray and his wife, a harpsichordist with whom he frequently performed, were family friends and professional colleagues of Leclair and his wife Louise, a well known professional music engraver. Leclair is one of the most important figures in the Baroque period and McDowell maintains that he may have been significantly influenced by Antoine Forqueray ("Marais and Forqueray," pp. 45, 48, 159-160, 198, and 205). 43 Vertrees., "Bass Viol," p. 188. 44 Rebel and others called the concertante bass viol sections "recits"; Brossard's copy of La Guerre's sonatas in Vm7 1.111 is entitled "Suonata . . . a violino solo e viol, di gamba obligata . . . con organo" (Vertrees, "Bass Viol," discusses the bass viol recits and obbligato roles in French chamber music, pp. 110-138). 45 46 Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 139. Ibid., p. 188. 47 Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, pp. 388-392 discusses the French cello school briefly. See also G. Jean Shaw, "The Violoncello Sonata Literature in France during the Eighteenth Century" (Ph.D. 117 dissertation, Catholic University of America, 1963) and Sylvette Milliot, "Reflexions et recherches. sur la viole de gambe et le violoncelle en France," Recherches sur la Musique francais classique IV (1964), pp. 179-238. 48 AQ Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 179. Ibid. 5 0Ibid., pp. 184-185. "'"McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 200. 52 Louis de Caix d'Hervelois was a student of both Sainte-Colombe and Marais and published six popular books of viol music between 1708 and 1751. His oeuvres, which contain music for solo bass viol (1708, 1719, 1731, 1748), two bass viols (1740) and pardessus de viole (1751), show more Italian influence than Marais's, but are generally lighter, more melodic pieces than Forqueray's. 53 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 199. 54 Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 188. Vertrees has made the most thorough investigation of the role of the bass viol in French chamber music of this period to date. 55 Heudelinne, Trois suites de pieces a deux violes, livre premier (1701), preface. 56 ' Rousseau, Traite, pp. 72-73. ^^Le Cerf, Comparaison I, Bourdelot-Bonnet Histoire II, p. 302. Cited in Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 345. 58 " . . . peu de personnes le connoissent, & le discernent aussi-bien que vous" (Heudelinne, Trois suites, preface). 59 ". . . ce qu'une belle voix peut faire avec tous les charmes de l'Art . . . (Rousseau, Traits, p.. 72). 60 ". . . & prendre garde dans les mouvemens gays de trop marquer, afin de ne pas fortir de 1'esprit du Jeu de 1'Instrument, qui ne veut pas estre traite : a la maniere du Violon, dont le propre est d'animer, au lieu que le propre du Dessus de Viole est de flater" (Rousseau, ibid., p. 73). 61 ". . . l'on peut appeler le ton ou le mode du violon, le mode  gay ou joyeaux, comme celui de la viole et de la lyre le mode triste et  languissant. . . . II faut encore remarquer que le violon est capable de tous les genres et de toutes les especes de Musique, et que l'on peut jouier 1'Enharmonic, et chaque espece de Diatonic et la Chromatic dessus, parce-qu'il n'est borne d'aucune touche et qu'il contient tous les intervalles imaginables qui sont en puissance sur son manche . . . " (Harmonie Universelle, Livre I, p. 180, trans. Roger Chapman, Harmonic Universelle, The Books on Instruments [Martinus Nijkoff, The Hague, 1957], pp. 238-39). 118 62 . . L'inclination que j'ai toujours eu pour la musique italienne m'a fait jouer du dessus de violle dans, un temps ou nous  n'avions pas a Bordeaux un seul joueur de viollbn eri etat de l'exdeuter. J'ai regrette la perte de ce temps-la ou j'etais encore assez jeune pour me former au viollon, instrument superieur a tous egards a celui que vous et moi exercons. Mais, dans son rapport avec la basse de violle dont j'avois appris a jouer de feu Mr. Marais des l'annee 1701 me donnant quelques facilites, je m'y engageai insensiblement. Je n'ai  jamais eu d'autre vue que celle d'imiter l'effet du viollon. C'est, je crois, le seul guide qu'on puisse prendre pour, porter notre pauvre  instrument au-dela de ses etroites bornes. . . . Mon instrument est un  dessus de violle montg en pardessus. II est de Paris, par Bongars en 1665. La distance du chevalet au sillet est de douze pouces une ligne 5 . II a un son assez fort et graeieux. II peut se d£tendre comme un viollon ordinaire" (Bol, Basse de Viole, p. 18). 63 It is likely that some modifications would have had to be made on dessus de violes to make possible the stringing of the top strings. Even i f the pitch level was a whole tone lower than the modern A440, there would s t i l l be problems getting the top strings high enough. It is notable that Boynet points out the nut to bridge distance on his instrument, possibly in answer to Christin's inquiry about i t . 64 e Sylvette Milliott, Documents sur Les Luthiers du XVIII Siecle (Paris: Societe Franchise de Musicologie, 1970), p. 118. Nicolas Bertrand, a great viol specialist had fifteen dessus de violes (5-10 livres in price) in 1725, but by 1739, chez Henry had only five (5-6 livres), and chez Guersan only four (3 livres). ^^Ibid. See Milliott's table (between pp. 126-127) listing makers from 1725 to 1801 and their instruments and price ranges. See also n. 69. ^See Pratt's bibliography in "Dessus and Pardessus" for a complete l i s t of both solo and ensemble dessus and pardessus music from the six-teenth to the eighteenth centuries (pp. 40-47). 67 Bol, Basse de Viole, p. 17. 68 Ibid. Mme Levi was the most renowned player in Paris and Brijon says that "the par-dessus de Viole was regarded as very imperfect before Madame Levi" ("Le par-dessus de Viole avoit ete regarde comme tres imparfaite, avant que Madame Levi. . . ." Mgthode nouvelle et facile  pour apprendre a jouer du Pardessus de Viole, Lyon, 1766, p. 3). 69 Pincherle indicates that the pardessus de viole was s t i l l heard in Concerts Spirituels as late as 1770 (Les Violoriistes, Paris, 1922, pp. 16-17). Barry S. Brook lists three Parisian Maistres du pardessus  de viole (as compared to 98 Maistres du violon!) in.the Almanach Musical of 1783 ("The Symphonie Concertante," Musical Quarterly, Vol. 47, 1961, p. 495). The last mention of the pardessus de viole encountered here is in the 1785 Tablettes de Renommees where two performers are listed—a De Caix and a Doublet (cited in Pratt, "Dessus and Pardessus," p. 15). 119 ^McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 45. 71 For example, Jacques Hotteterre-le-Roman stated in the preface to his Premier livre pour la flute traverslere (1708) that the dessus de viole would be suitable for his pieces, as well as the treble flute, recorder, oboe, or violin. Jacques Morel's "Chaconne en trio" (1709) had "violon ou dessus de violle" as options if a flute was unavailable. Vertrees also suggests that, although Rebel does not specify dessus de viole in his 1705 collection of Pieces pour le violon, avec la basse  continue and his 1712 "Boutade," "internal musical evidence implies this intention" (Vertrees, "Bass Viol," p. 238). 72 Villeneuve may also be the author of a manuscript (217 pp.) found in the Bibliotheque Nationale (Vm7 1107) entitled, "Trios de Corelli et Pieces de Marais a deux et trois Violles en partition" (1762). Pratt discusses Villeneuve's possible identity on p. 36, n. 2. 73 ". . . i l n'y a que 4. livres de Musique composez expre. Savoir, 2. de Mr. Hudeline qu'on ne trouve plus: un de Mr. l'Abbe Marc, et un de Mr. Barier, quique ce Auteurs soient excellent on ne peut pas toujours joiier la meme chose toute sa vie" (Michel Corrette, Methode  pour apprendre facilement a jouer de Pardessus.de Viole a 5 et a 6  cordes avec des Lecons a I et II parties [Paris, 1756], pp. 1-2). 74 In the 1750's there are references to dessus de violes and not pardessus de violes in the makers' inventories, although the pardessus was well established by this time and dessus had not been mentioned for over 20 years. Other late references to the "dessus de viole" and Corrette's comment about Heudelinne's writing expressly for the six-stringed pardessus suggest that the terminology for the two instruments was closely related, and perhaps interchangeable. 120 Chapter III 1See nn. 37-38. 2 See Appendix IV for a complete translation of the dedication and avertissement from Book I. This is the only non-musical material besides the privileges in Heudelinne's two books of music. 3 "Monseigneur de Becdelievre, Chevalier, Seigneur de Brumare, Marquis de Queville, Patron, Chatelain de Criquetot & Nestanville, Conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils, & son President a Mortier au Parlement de Normandie." 4 According to J. B. Rietstrap's Armorial General, the Becdelievre family was known in Bretany, Maine, and Normandy from the fifteenth cen-tury. Several branches of the family died out in the seventeenth century; the last member of the family, the Marquis de Becdelievre died in February of 1717. This appears to have been the same Marquis to whom Heudelinne's first publication is dedicated (New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1965. Reproduced from the second edition of 1884, Tome I, p. 145). """Cecil Hopkinson, A Dictionary of Parisian:Music Publishers 1700- 1750 (London, 1954), x. See Chapter II (pp. 22 to 25) for the discussion of this contro-versy. Isherwood summarizes the controversy in Music in the Service of  the King, pp. 246-247. ^Andre Verchaly, Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. 8, col. 425-426. See Chapter II, pp. 23-25. The "Extrait du Privilege du Roy" at the end of this book permit-ting Heudelinne to engrave, print, and sell his music is dated September 5, 1705. 9 Roger's avertissement in D. Vairesse's Histoire de Sevarambes t. II, 1702 indicates that his edition of Heudelinne's first book was published by 1702 (Francois Lesure, Bibliographie des Editions Musicales  publiees par Estienne,Roger et Michel Charles Le Cene (Amsterdam, 1696-1743) [Paris: Societe Francaise de Musicologie, Heugal et C i e, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1969]). ''"^ Heudelinne's pieces in the Durham Bass Viol Manuscript A. 27 are discussed on<pp. 49-50. See also,-: Margaret Urquhart's article "Prebendary Philip Falle (1656-1742) and the Durham Bass Viol Manuscript A. 27," Chelys, 1973-74, pp. 7-20. Philip Falle probably obtained and/or copied the music of Heudelinne and other French and Dutch composers like Marais, Schenk, and Jean Snep during one of his visits to Paris, The Hague, or Amsterdam. He travelled with the Duke of Portland and the King of England many times as a chaplain from 1690-1702. 121 See Appendix II, pp. 148-168:for an exact description of the variants between the various editions, re-issues and copies of Heudelinne's books of music. 12 "Corrigee par l'Autheur de quantity de fautes que se sont gliss6es dans..1'edition de Paris." 13 See Appendix II, p. 166 for the location of these variants. 14 Cecil Hopkinson, Parisian Music Publishers, x. 1""'lbid. The original privilege given to the Ballard family lapsed in 1766. They published no books of music after 1750. "'"^Ibid., p. 6. """^Vladimir Fedorov (with collaboration by Francois Lesure), trans, by Hans Albrecht, "Ballard," Musik in Geschiehte und Gegeriwart, Vol. 1, col. 1146. At the peak of Ballard's success and power., he apparently had four presses, nine helpers, and two apprentices. 1 8Ibid., col. 1147. 19 A. Hyatt-King, 400 Years of Music Printing (London, 1964), p. 21. 2^Ibid., p. 20. 21 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 21. 22 A. Hyatt-King, 400 Years, p. 20. Colasse's Thetis et Pelee, for example, published by Ballard in 1716, used engraved plates for the storm scene of seventeen pages and movable type for the rest of the opera! (ibid.). 23 24 Lesure, Bibliographie, pp. 21-22, 35. Ibid., p. 12. 25 Trois suittes de pieces & sonates pour, le.violon, la flute, hautbois, & particulierement le dessus de viole' avec une B.C. Composees  par Mr. Heudeline [sic], grave f 2.10. Advertised in D. Vairisse, Histoire des Sevarambes, t. II, 1702 (ibid., p. 42). Listed in Roger's 1737 catalogue (facsimile of the Bologna copy) as Trois suittes de pieces  a un dessus & Basse composers par Mr. Heudeline, livre premier, f 2.10, cotage no. 203 (ibid., p. 18). Pieces pour le Dessus & basse de viole, & pour le violon & le  clavessin, Trios & Sonates, composez par Mr. Heudelinne, livre second, f. 3. Advertised in Felibien's Conferences de l'Academie royale de  peinture et de sculpture (1706) (ibid., p. 46). Listed in Roger's 1737 catalogue as Pieces a un dessus & Basse, Composees par M. Heudeline livre  second, f 3.0, cotage no. 204 (ibid., p. 18). 26 According to the t i t l e page of Second Livre, Le Tellier's role was simply that of a dealer. 122 27 Besides Heudelinne's Second livre, de Baussen also engraved Marais's Pieces de.violes, Book I (1686),: some of Book II (1701) and the solo part of Book III (1711). 28 Anik Devries, Edition et Commerce de la Musique grav^e a Paris  dans la premiere moitee du XVIIIe siecle. Les Boiviri, Les Leclerc. Geneva: Editions Minkoff, 1976, pp. 14-15. 29 Ibid. It appears that Ballard's monopoly did not extend to engraving, since even as early as 1692, we have examples like Marais's Pieces en Trio which contain an "Extrait du Privilege du Roy" that expressly states that the composer can have his music engraved and printed. Ballard's 1701 privilege in Heudelinne's Trois suites de  pieces does not mention engraving ("faire graver"), but only printing ("faire Imprimer") and warns against the "cutting of any character of music without the consent and permission of Ballard" (". . . ny mesme de Tailler ny Fondre aucuns Caracteres de Musique sans le conge & permission dudit Ballard. . . . " ) . 30 See Appendix IV, pp. 2 00^ 2 03 :f or the translations of the Extrait du Privilege du Roy" in Trois suites de pieces and Second livre de pieces. 31 Hopkinson, Parisian Music Publishers, v i i . 32 ^ See Appendix II, pp. 149-151. The Bibliotheque du Conservatoire (Pc) was formerly the Conservatoire de Musique, while the Bibliotheque Nationale (Pn) was the Bibliotheque Royale. The library stamps on the two copies of Trois suites de pieces verify that they belonged to these collections although today both of the collections are in the Bibliotheque Nationale. (The library abbreviations for the locations of extant copies are those adopted by RISM.) 33 Andre Danican Philidor was the oboist/bassoonist mentioned by Francois Couperin in the preface to the Concerts Royaux (1722) as one of the musicians in the group that regularly played chamber music for Louis XIV in 1714. 34 Urquhart, "Prebendary Philip Falle," p. 13. ~^Ibid., p. 8. "^See n. 25. 37 Cited in Devries' "Catalogue General de la Production des Leclerc. as: Heudeline (Louis) Livre de viole: Premier Livre, 1702 (Amst., E. Roger), Cat. L. Cx. d'or 1732 (6 l i v . ) , 1737 (4 l i v . ) , 1742 (6 l i v . ) , 1751.(4 l i v . ) , Deuxieme Livre, 1706 (Amst., E. Roger), Cat. L. Cx. d'or 1734-(1751) (6 l i v . ) , Edition, p. 199. 38 Presumably, Walther got his information from Roger's catalogues, since i t seems to be from a publisher's catalogue and Walther's work was published before Leclerc's catalogues appeared with Heudelinne's name. The entry in the Musikalisches LexikOn oder musikalische BibllOthek [Leipzig, 1732], facs. ed. Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1953, col. 313) reads: "Heudeline - hat 2 Bucher Pieces fiir 1 Dessus und Basse heraus-gaben, welche Roger graviren lassen." 123 39 Corrette, Methode, pp. 1-2. See Chapter II, p. 38. 124 Chapter IV ''"For terminology, including names of instruments (e.g., dessus de viole), forms (e.g., rondeau), and genres (e.g., sonate), normal seventeenth-eighteenth-century French spelling is used. For forms and genres, when the French and English spelling is the same, roman type is used. Only when the French spelling is different is the word i t a l i -cized (sonate). Particular movements are capitalized and quoted ("Sonate"). Particular suites are capitalized and italicized (Premiere  Suite). 2 The implications of the ful l titles of Book I and II are dis-cussed on p. 75. 3 There are 60 numbered movements or pieces in Book II , (including "Vaudeville" and "Double de la Vaudeville," numbered separately. Specific movements in both books will be referred to by ti t l e with book and page number, e.g., "Chaconne" (I, 22). 4 Hermann Beck, "Suite," Riemann Musik Lexikon: SaChteil (Mainz: B. Schott's Sohn, 1967), p. 918. This was to be Attaignant's final music publication. ""'The German suites often had the allemande-courante-sarabande-gigue pattern, but the Italian sonata da camera was less predictable. Corelli's sonatas, for example, often consist of three or four move-ments, e.g., "Preludio," "Allemande," "Corrente," and "Giga." ^The harpsichordists in order of their publications are: Louis Marchand (two books in 1702), Nicolas Cl^rambault (1704), Jean-Francois Dandrieu (three books, c. 1705), Jean-Philippe Rameau (1706), Elisabeth Jacquet de La Guerre (1707), and Francois Couperin (1713-1730) (Anthony, French Baroque Music, p. 255). ^Ibid., p. 262. 8Ibid., p. 341. 9 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," pp. 70-71. McDowell also includes a l l of Forqueray's suites in th&cyclical category, to be played complete and in their published order. "'"^The chaconne was used as a stage dance at this time, but since its musical structure sets i t apart from the other dances, i t will be considered as a non-dance piece using a variation procedure. "'""'"McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 59. 1 2See Chap. IV, n. 23. 13 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," pp. 189-198. 125 14 There is a trend towards fewer through-composed pieces in Marais's later publications and there are none at a l l in Forqueray's suites. McDowell states that because Marais and Forqueray were writing at the same time, this may simply mean that Forqueray was willing to adopt the new ideas more quickly than Marais (McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 69). 1 5This prelude is discussed more fully on p. 83 in the section on stylistic analysis. "^Andre Maugars mentions both preludes and fantaisies in his Response faites a un curieux sur le sentiment de la musique d'ltalie (Rome, 1639), ". . . and having been warned by a friend, that they were saying that I played prepared pieces extremely well, 1 gave them many types of prgludes and fantaisies this second time, so that they truly thought more of me than they had done the first time." (Cited in trans-lation in Urquhart, "Style and Technique," pp. 52-53.) The terms "fantasia" and "capriccio" were used throughout Europe for polyphonically conceived compositions, but the French also used them for improvisatory freely designed pieces (McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 57). 1 7Ibid., p. 59. 18 The chordal writing of Marais and Heudelinne's "Cloches ou Carillon" is compared on pp. 86-86. 19 Marais used the term "sonate" only once in.all five of his Pieces  de Viole or other works. That is in Book IV (1717), the "Caprice ou Sonate," No. 73, p. 68. 20 Francois Duval was the most prolific of a l l the early sonata composers with books in 1704., 1706, 1708, 1715, 1718, and 1720. His Premiere Livre de Sonates et autres pieces pour le violon et la basse published in 1704 "was, in effect the first officially sanctioned acknowledgement of the French taste for such Italianisms." (Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 365.) Michelle Mascitti, an Italian disciple of Corelli's published his Sonate a violino solo col violone o  cimbalo, e sonate a due violini, violoncello & basso continuo . . .  opera prima in 1706 and'Joseph Marchand his Suite de pieces, melees  de sonatas, pour le violon et la basse in 1707. 21 Jean-Fery Rebel's sonatas are closest to Couperin in this respect, e.g., his Recueil de douze Sonates a II et III Parties (1712) and Sonates a Violon Seul M§llees de plusiers Rgcits pour la viole (published in 1713, but written by 1695), although the latter has a "seconde partie" with more sonatas "composee de Preludes, Allemandes, Courantes, Sarabandes, Rondeaux, Gavottes, et Gigues." Rebel's earlier publication of 1705 Pieces pour le Violon will be discussed later because of its similarities with Heudelinne's first book,.but i t contains no sonatas. 22 See Appendix III, p. 189 for this sonate (II, 11). It is also discussed further on pp. 91-92. 12.6 23 Many of Marais's rondeau are also: short and simple with names that suggest a rustic character like "Rondeau Champetre" (Pieces de Viole, Book II, p. 50). Others are some of the most complex movements in their suites (McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 64). 24 : As Table IV-7 indicates, the rondeau range from 47-240 bars (with repeats), the chaeonnes are 76 and 119 bars', and the sonates run from 37-192 bars. The average length of the three types of movements is the same, however, at about 100 bars. This is roughly four times the length of most of the dance movements. 25 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 60. 26 Mellers, Francois Couperin, p. 242. 27 McDowell, "Marais and:Forqueray, p. 60. 28 French baroque composers usually employed the terms "chaconne" and "passaeaille" for pieces in rondeau form or another form.unrelated to the usual variation from ("Chaconne and Passacaglia," The Harvard  Dictionary, 2nd ed. [Cambridge, Harvard University Press], p. 142'). 29 Heudelinne uses the term "chaconne" for a l l of his variation forms, but he makes no distinction between those "chaeonnes' with a recurrent harmonic structure (the 'usual' meaning of the term) and those with a clearly distinguishable ostinato. 30 The "Vaudeville" (No. 44) also has a double which. Heudelinne has numbered as a separate piece (No. 45). 31 The fact that there are trios in Book II is mentioned in the sub-tit l e ("Triots [sic] et Sonates") which indicates some special interest in them. 32 See Chapter II, pp. 26-29. 33 Works by both these composers were in circulation in the 1690's, although their earliest publications of violin music were later. Rebel's music is explicitly for violin. While Couperin offers violin as one of several possibilities, i t is clear that the style was greatly influenced by Corelli and the Italian violin. 34 See McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," pp.,97-122 for a detailed discussion on texture in bass viol music, especially that of 'Marais and Forqueray. 35 ". . . j'y ay mele quelques Pieces pour jouer seul, & d'autres avec la Basse-Continue; mais toutes se peuvent jouer sur le Clavessin & sur le Violon, & ainsi composer un Concert." 36 Some years later, Francois Couperin also.suggests.the playing of his trios, Apotheose de Lully (1725) and Apotheose de Corelli: (1724) on two harpsichords because " . . . i t is often easier to bring together 127 these two instruments than four persons who make their profession out of music . . . " (from Couperin's "Airs" to Apotheose de Lulli (1725), trans. Newman, Sonata in the Baroque Era, p. 357). 37 ". . . pour atteindre ce jeu tendre, & brillant qui fait le••. propre caractere du Dessus de Viole; . . . " 38 John Rutledge, "How did the viola da gamba sound?", Early Music (January, 1979), pp. 59-69. [In 1687, for example, Danoville praised the students of Ste. Colombe who "can draw forth a tone so tender, so b r i l -liant, which agreeably surprises the ear" ("tirer une harmonie tantost tendre, tantost brillante, qui surprend agreablement l'oreille") in the preface to his method. Seventy years later, in 1767, Jean-Baptiste Forqueray praised the instruments of the maker "Barbet" for the "velvety softness and brilliant clarity of sound" ("Le moeleux et le brillant du son"). From Gordon Kinney's "Danoville's Treatise on Viol Playing," Journal of the American Viola da Gamba Society, Vol. XII, 1975, p. 51 and John Rutledge's "A letter of J.-B. Forqueray," Journal of the American  Viola da Gamba Society, Vol. XIII, 1976, p. 14. Both cited in Rutledge, "How did the viola da gamba sound?", p. 65.] 39 Ibid, v 40 Paul Robert, ed., Dictionnaire de la Langue Francaise, Vol. I (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1953), p. 560. .{'Brillant" seems to be contrary to what Danoville calls a "dull" or "muffled" ("sourd") sound when he talks about how far from the bridge the string should be bowed: ". . . Si l'on touchoit plus pres loin (to the bridge) on ne tireroit qu'un sifflement, & au contraire plus loin ce ne seroit qu'un son sourd, ce qui seroit unsupportable a l'oreille" (L'Art, p. 11, cited in Rutledge, "How did the viola da gamba sound?", p. 65). ' 41 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 173. Appendix I, pp. 141-147 has further examples of the jeu de melodie in the "fantaisies," "simphonies," etc., of Louis Couperin. 43 The character piece "La Villageoise" (II, 9, see Appendix III, p. 188) is a good example of a piece with the style brise used for a special effect. 44 Dessus is italicized here because it refers to the upper line of music rather than the dessus de viole. 45 Rebel's Pieces pour le Violon is at least superficially more similar to Heudelinne's first book than any other French music examined in this study. It was published by Ballard with exactly the same type and layout as Trois suites de pieces.. 46 Rebel is the;only composer of solo violin music to indicate the dessus de viole as an alternative instrument for his music. This may reflect the bias of the publisher Ballard towards the more traditionally French viol family, and this bias could have been at least partially responsible for the publication of Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces four years earlier. 128 47 McDowell, "Marais and Forqueray," p. 172. 48 It is interesting that "Cloches ou Carillon" has the words "II se peut jouer sur la Viollon" at its opening, because i t is one of the few pieces in either of Heudelinne's books that could not be played on the violin without alteration of some of the chords. It has several chords in bars 22 and 23 that are not found anywhere else in Heudelinne's music and are impossible to play on the violin. 49 Mary Cyr mentions that the combined melodic and chordal style of "La Petite Marquise" is unique to the unaccompanied music in Heudelinne's works ("Solo Music," p. 7). Other movements marked "a jouer seul" (but with a bass line given) like the "Allemande" (I, 4) just mentioned and the "Rondeau" (I, 18) do have this kind of writing as well. "^Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era, pp. 219-225. 5 1 I n choosing examples of Heudelinne's music for Appendix III for study and performance, I have tried to avoid movements that contain serious harmonic flaws. 52 See Example IV-15, m. 6-7, on p. 95. 53 McDowell gives this and three other movements as typical of Marais's style ("Marais and Forqueray," pp. 148-49). 54 Ibid., p. 141. 55 An example of this is Heudelinne's "Fantaisie" (IT, 2, Appendix III, p. 184), m. 2-3. "^It is not clear from the t i t l e page or the "Avertissement" whether Heudelinne expected that the harpsichord would act as a continuo instrument with the dessus and basse de viole, but since the bass line is figured we can assume that he did. 57 See the opening of Couperin's "L'Espagnole," for instance, where appoggiaturas, suspensions, and chromatic alterations make the figuration much more complex. 58 Imitation appears infrequently in Marais's works and is even less common in Forqueray's. When imitation does occur i t is more likely to be in the non-dance pieces than in the dances (McDowell, "Marais and For-queray," p. 126). Compare this to the imitation between the bass and other parts in the fast movements of Corelli's sonatas, e.g., Op. V, No. VI, the fourth movement "Allegro." "^Danoville (L'Art, 1687) is the only one who uses f* for a battement, until Boismortier in 1730. Marais marks his "battement" * f not + f . Heudelinne has a few of these in Book II, but seems to intend the+f to be realized as a mordant as i t was in Book I. The f t is not to be confused with the large case "T," which is used with "P" in Book I to indicate pushing (pousser) or pulling (tirer) the bow. Heudelinne has small case "t" and "p" in Book II to indicate bowing. 129 60 Frederick Neumann, Ornamentation in Baroque and Post-Baroque  Music (Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 246. 61 See Bol's chart on the agrements of the major bass viol composers to compare the terms and signs used. 62 As described by Marais in the preface to his Pieces de Violes, Bk. I, the pince is a two-finger vibrato. The plainte is a regular single-finger vibrato, almost always used when the fourth finger is playing, because a pince would be impossible. 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Paris, 1672, 157-179. Translated in Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. 8, pp. 5 ff. by Walter H. Bishop. 135 Merseime, Marin. Harmonie Universelle. 3 vols. Paris, 1636. Facs. ed., Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1965. Playford, John. Musick's Recreation oil the Viol, Lyra-Way. London, 1682. Facs. ed., with an introduction by Nathalie Dolmetsch, London, 1960. Raguenet, Francois. Parallele des Itallens et des Francais en ce qui  regarde la musique et les operas. Paris: Moreau, 1702. Facs. ed., Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1976 with Defense du Parallele des  Italiens et des Francais en ce qui regarde la musique et les  operas. English trans. as Comparison between French and Italian  Musick and Operas (London, 1709) in Musical Quarterly XXXII (July, 1946), pp. 411-436 edited by Oliver Strunk. Strunk's translation also appears in Source Readings in Music History: The Baroque Era. New York: W. W. Norton, 1965, pp. 113-128. Rousseau, Jean. Methode claire, certaine et facile, pour apprendre a  chanter la musique. Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1683. Rousseau, Jean. Traite de la Viole. Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1687. Facs. ed., Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1975. Saint-Lambert, Michel de. Nouveau traite de l'accompagnement du clavecin, de l'orgue et des autres instruments. Paris, 1707. Simpson, Christopher. The Division-Violist: or, an Introduction to the  Playing upon a Ground. London, 1659. Second edition The Division  Viol. London, 1667. Faes.-ed., London: N. Dolmetsch, 1955. Sourches et Luynes. La Musique a la Cour de Louis XIV et Louis XV d'apres les Memoires de Sourches et Luynes 1681-1758. Norbert Dufoureq, ed., Paris, 1970. Tablettes de RRenommee des Musiciens. Paris, 1785. Facs. ed., Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1971. Thoinon, Er. [Roquet, Antoine Ernest]. Maugars, Cglebre Joueur de Viole [....] Sa biographle suivie de sa Response faite a un curieux sur le sentiment de la Musique d'ltalie, Escrite a Rome le  premier octobre 1639. Paris, 1865. Reedited by H. Baron, London, 1965. Titon Du Tillet, Evard. Le Parnasse francais. . . . Paris, 1732. Vieville, Jean-Laurent de Freneuse Le Cerf de la. Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique francoise. 3 vols. Brussels, 1704-06. Reprinted in Vols. 2-4 in Bonnet's Histoire de la musique. Amsterdam, 1725. Facs. ed., Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1972. Walther, Johann Gottfried. "Heudeline," Musikalisches Lexikon oder  musikalische Bibliothek. Leipzig, 1732. Facs. ed., Basel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1953, col 313. 136 Sources after 1800 Anthony, James R. French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau. New York: W. W. Norton & Company Inc., 1974. Revised edition, 1978. Beck, Hermann. Die Suite Das Musikwerk. Cologne, 1964. Benoit, Marcelle et Norbert Dufoureq. Documents.du Minutier Central— Musiciens francais du XVIIIe siecle. 1700-1707 Recherches sur la  Musique francais Classique VIII (1968) 243-56; 1708-1721 Recherches  sur la Musique francais Classique IX (1969) 216-238; 1718-1733 Recherches sur la Musique francais Classique X (1970) 197-220. Benoit, Marcelle. Musiques de Cour, Chapele, Chambre, Ecurie, Recueil de  Documents 1661-1733. Paris: Editions A. & J. Picard, 1971. Benoit, Marcelle. Versailles et les Musiciens du Rdi, 1661-1733. Paris: A. J. Picard, 1971. Bishop, Walter H. "Translation of Maugar's Response falte a un curieux sur le sentiment de la Musique d'ltalie." Journal of the Viola  da Gamba Society of America, vol. 8, p. 5 ff. Bol, Hans. La Basse de Viole du Temps de Marin Marais et d'Antoine  Forqueray. Bilthoven: A. B. Creyghton, 1973. Bonfils, Jean. "Forqueray." Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 4, col. 563-68. Borroff, Edith. An Introduction to Elisabeth-^Claude Jacquet de la Guerre. Brooklyn, 1966. Boulay, Laurence. "Hotman." Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 6, col. 782-83. German trans, by Wolf-Giinther Klostermann. Boulay, Laurence. "Notes sur trois airsde Sebastien Le Camus." Recherches  sur la Musique francais Classique, vol. II, 1961/62, pp. 54-60. Boulay, Laurence. "Marais." Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 8, pp. 1608-10. Boyden, David D. The History of Violin Playing from its Origins to 1761  and its Relationship to the Violin and Violin Music. London: Oxford University Press, 1965. Brenet, Michel. La Librairie Musicale en France de 1653 a 1790 d'apres  les Registres de Privileges. Recueil de la S.I.M., Breitkopf &  Hartel, Leipzig, April-June, 1907. Brenet, Michel [Marie Bobillier]. Les Concerts en France sous l'aucun  regime. Paris: Libraire Fischbacher, 1900. New York: Da Capo Press reprint, 1970. 137 Bukofzer:; Manfred. Music in the Baroque Era. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1947. Cohen, Albert. "An 18th-century Treatise on the Viol by Etienne Loulie." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. 3, 1966, pp. 17-23. Cohen, Albert. "The Fantaisie for Instrumental Ensemble in 17th-century France—Its Origin and Significance." Musical Quarterly, vol. XLVIII, 1962, pp. 234-43. Cohen, Albert. "A Study of Instrumental Ensemble Practice in Seventeenth-century France." Galpin Society Journal, vol. 15, 1962, pp. 3-17. Collette, L'Abbe A. Histoire de la Maitrise de Rouen Premiere Partie. Paris, 1892. Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1972. Curtis, Alan. "Musique Classique Francaise a Berkleley Pieces inedites de Louis Couperin, Le Begue, La Barre, etc." Revue de Musicologie, 1970, pp. 123-164. Cyr, Mary. "Solo Mus ie for the Treble Viol." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. XII, 1975, pp. 4-9. Devries, Anik. Edition et Commerce de la musique gravge a Paris dans la  premiere moitie du XVIIie siecle. Les Boivin, Les Le Glerc. Geneva: Editions Minkoff, 1976. Dolmetsch, Cecile. "The Pardessus de viole or chanterelle." Journal of  the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. I l l , 1966, pp. 56-59. Dufourcq, Norbert. "Autour de Sebastien Le Camus." Recherches sur la  Musique francais Classique, vol. II, 1961-1962, pp. 41-53. Eitner, Robert. "Heudeline." Biographisch-Bibliographisches Quellen- Lexikon, Band 5, p. 134. Leipzig: Breithopf & Hartel, 1901. Facs. ed. Graz, Austria: Academisehe Druck U. Verlaganstalt, 1959. Gerold, Theodore. L'Art du Chant en France au XVIIe Siecle. Paris: Librairie Istra, 1921. Green, Robert A. "Jean Rousseau and Ornamentation in French Viol Music." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. XIV, 1977, pp. 4-52. Green, Robert A. "Traite de la Viole by Jean Rousseau. Translation and commentary of the Troisieme Partie." Master's thesis, University of Indiana, 1974. Hopkinson, Cecil. A Dictionary of Parisian Music Publishers, 1700-1950. London: By the author, 1954. 138 Isherwood, Robert M. Music in the Service of the King: France in the  Seventeenth Century. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973. Jackson, Barbara Garvey. "Commentary on Le Blanc's Defense de la viole." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. 12, Dec. 1975, pp. 14-23. King, A. H. Four hundred years of music printing. London, 1964. Kinney, Gordon. "Danoville's Treatise on Viol Playing." Journal of the  Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. 12, 1975, pp. 45-73. Kinney, Gordon. "Marin Marais as editor of his own compositions." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. I l l , 1966, pp. 5-16. Kinney, Gordon J. "Problems of Melodic Ornamentation in French Viol Music." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. V, 1968, pp. 34-50. Kinney, Gordon J. "Trichet's Treatise—A 17th Century Description of the Viols." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, vol. 2, 1965, pp. 16-20. Kinney, Gordon. "Writings on the Viol by Dubuisson, De Maehy, Roland Marais and Etienne Loulie." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society  of America, vol. 13, Dec. 1976, pp. 17-55. La Laurencie, Lionel de. "Les debuts de la Musique de Chambre en France." Revue de Musicologie, vol. XV, 1934, pp. 25-34; 86-96; 159-167, and 204-231. La Laurencie, Lionel de. L'Ecole Francaise de Violon, de Lully a Viotti. 3 vols. Paris: Librairie Delagrave, 1922. Lesure, Francois. Bibliographie des Editions Musicales Publiees par Estienne Roger et Michel-Charles Le Cene (Amsterdam, 1696-1743). Paris: Heugal et C i e, 1969. Lesure, F. "L'Histoire d'une edition posthume: Les "Airs" de Sebastien Le Camus (1678)." Revue Beige de Musicologie, vol. VII, 2, 3, 4, 1954, pp. 126-129. Lesure, Francois. "Marin Marais: Sa earriere—sa famille."' Revue Beige  de Musicologie, vol. 7, 1953, pp. 129-36. Lesure, Francois. "Une querelle sur le jeu de la viole en 1688: J. Rousseau contre De Machy." Revue de Musicologie, vol. 46, 1960, pp. 181-99. Libby, Dennis. "Interrelationships in Corelli." Journal of the Amer- ican Musicological-Society^' vol. 26, 1973, pp. 263-87. 139 McDowell, Bonney. "Marais and Forqueray: A Historical and Analytical Study of Their Music for Solo Basse de Viole." Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1974. Mellers, Wilfred. Francois Couperin and the French Classical Tradition. London: D. Dobson, 1950. Milliot, Sylvette. Documents Inedits sur les Luthiers Parisiens du XVIIIe Siecle. Paris: Societe Francaise de Musicologie, Heugal et Ci-e, 1970. Milliot, Sylvette. "Reflexions et Recherches sur la Viole de gambe et le Violoncelle en France." Recherches sur la Musique francais  Classique, vol. 4, 1964, pp. 179-238. ~ . Moureau, Francois. "Nicolas Hotman, Bourgeois de Paris et Musicien." Recherches sur la Musique francais Classique, vol. XIII, 1973, pp. 1-22. Neumann, Frederick. Ornamentation in Baroque and Post-Baroque Music with  Special Emphasis on J. S. Bach. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978. Newman, William S. The Sonata in the Baroque Era. Chapel H i l l : Univer-sity of N. Carolina Press, 1959. Revised edition, 1972. Oldham, Guy. "A New Source of French Keyboard Music in the Mid-17th Century." Recherches sur la Musique francais Classique, vol. II, 1962, pp. 51-59. Pincherle, Marc. Corelli: His Life, His Work. Trans. Hubert E. M. Russell. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1956. Pincherle, Marc. La Technique du violon chez les premiers Sonatistes francais. Paris: Publications de la Revue S.I.M., 1911. Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1974. Pirro, Andre. "Louis Couperin—La Musique aux Champs, a la viole et a la cour sous Louis XIV." La Revue Musicale vols. I and II, Nov. 1920 and 1921, pp. 1-21 and pp. 129-150. Pratt, Terry. "The Dessus and Pardessus de Viole in France from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries." Master's thesis, Schola Cantorum, Basel, 1977. Rutledge, John. "A Letter of J. B. A. Forqueray, translated and with commentary." Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America, Vol. XIII, 1976, pp. 12-16. Schwendowius, Barbara. Die solistische Gambehmusik'in Frankreich von  1650 bis 1740. Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1970. 140 Thompson, Clyde H. "The Music of Marin Marais 1656-1728." Ph.D. disser-tation, University of Michigan, 1958. Urquhart, Margaret. "Prebendary Philip Falle (1656-1742) and the Durham Bass Viol Manuscript A.27." Chelys, 1973/74, pp. 7-20. Urquhart, Margaret I. J. "Style and technique in the Pieces de Violes of Marin Marais." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1970. Verchaly, Andre. "Le Camus, Sebastien." Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 8, col. 424-425. German trans, by Use Haase. Verchaly, Andre. "Le Cerf de la Vieville de Fresneuse, Jean Laurent." Musik en Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 8, col. 425-426. German trans, by Irene Ruewa. Vertrees, Julia-Anne. "The Bass Viol in French Baroque Chamber Music." Ph.D dissertation, Cornell University, 1978. APPENDIX I LOUIS COUPERIN. MUSIC FOR VIOLS Chapter I, pp. 12-15 includes a discussion of Louis Couperin's works for viols and/or keyboard. This appendix includes five of Couperin's works found in the Bauyn manuscript;1 they appear here in the same order as in the manuscript: Folio. Bauyn in Ms. Page no. in Minkoff facs. ed. 1. r Pseaume for M Couperin 22v p. 330 2. Duo 22v--23 pp. 330-331 3. Fantaisie 23v--24 pp. 332-333 4. x Fantaisie de Violes par M Couperin 25v p. 336 5. x Simphonie par M Couperin 26v p. 338 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Res. Vm7 674-675. The pieces in this appendix are taken from the facsimile edition, Manuscrit Bauyn  Pieces de Calvecin c. 1660 (Geneva: Minkoff Reprint, 1977). .. . " c\ h - H - i — f\' -1 .1 J - — —- 9 I " L^i i? -4 72 in 2. 3 ? — r t h — i F I T A - L L ^ j — 4 ~ 146 M#1 7 t~cCu)u^ 2c - VioletJ3a> U f t x f M2—-*ffY-~/T-y 11 /> ) I) p - 1 £ 2 IS f ) 4 i r - f  1 *1*l ...v r—fr*—1 f i l l - ' • 1 > <7- —U^-J v If -7 * 4 4 • • — ——*—— — —i ,_ _ _ 2 7 — C fcl 2ZI m m J E 147 / * * — / 9 ^ 148 APPENDIX II BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTIONS AND TEXTUAL COMMENTARY This appendix contains bibliographical descriptions and locations of the extant printed books of Louis Heudelinne's music and facsimile t i t l e pages of each. The variants between the two copies of Heudelinne's first publication, Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) are listed on pages 149-151. The variants between the typeset first edition of this publication and the engraved second edition (Amsterdam: Estienne Roger, c. 1702) are shown on pages 154-163. The first edition of Heudelinne's Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1701) is compared to Christophe Ballard's re-issue of the book, Sonates a deux violles (Paris, 1710) on pages 164-165. Although Ballard's re-issue of the book was made from the same engraved plates as the first edition, several variants do occur and are listed on pages 166-168. These include the new typeset t i t l e page and the re-engraving of one page (page 28) with a number of minor changes. Facsimiles of the re-engraved page from both books are provided for comparison. 149 1. TROIS SUITES DE PIECES A DEUX VIOLLES. Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1701. TROIS SUITES / DE PIECES / A DEUX VIOLLES / Qui Je peuvent jouer Jur le ClaveUin & fur le Violon, / COMPOSEES / Par Monsieur HEUDELINNE. / LIVRE PREMIER. / [crest with a crown on the top] / A PARIS,,/ Chez CHRISTOPHE BALLARD, Jeul Imprimeur de Roy pour / la Mufique, rue S. Jean de Beauvais, au Mont-ParnafJ"e. / [short rule.] / M . D C C I . / Avec Privilege de Sa Maje/t£.1 RT] Alv - L4: 'PREMIER LIVRE DE SUITES DE PIECES ' [on verso]. 'POUR LE DESSUS DE VIOLLE' [on recto]. (L4v) 'PREMIER LIVRE DE SUITES DE PIECES, POUR LE D. de VIOLLE'. Coll: 4° oblong: 4 A-L4 [$2], 48 leaves, pp. [8], 1-88. Contents: ir : ti t l e pg. TT2: 'EXTRAIT DU PRIVILEGE'.2 TT2V: 'TABLE PREMIERE SUITE'. TT3: 'TABLE SECONDE SUITE'. TT3V: 'TABLE TROISIEME SUITE'. TT4: [under a row of ornaments] the dedication 'A MONSEIGNEUR, MONSEIGNEUR DE BECDELIEVRE'. 4v: dedication signed 'Votre tres-humble & tres-obeiilfant ierviteur / LOUIS HEUDELINNE'. A: [under a row of ornaments] 'AVERTISSEMENT'; 'MARQUES'. Alv; [under a row of ornaments] 'PREMIER LIVRE DE SUITES DE PIECES'. Alv.-Elv: the first suite. E2: [under a row of ornaments] 'SECONDE SUITE'. E2-H3v: the second suite. H4: [under a row of ornaments] 'TROISIEME SUITE'. H4-L4v: the third suite. CW none Type: 3 typeset double staves per page. RISM H 5214 Location of copies: Two copies reside in the Bibliotheque Nationale: 1. Pn, formerly in the Bibliotheque Royale 2. Pc, Res. 554 R6731 71281:8, Conservatoire collection Bibliotheque Variants: Bibliotheque Nationale du Conservatoire 'Extrait du Privilege' and 'Table' [Tables of Contents for the three suites] after the ti t l e page and before 'Avertissement' 'Extrait du Privilege' and 'Table' at the end of the book after the third suite. See facsimile t i t l e pages of the two copies of Trois suites de  pieces (1701) on p. 2 This seems to be the most logical ordering of the book, although we,cannot be certain because only a xerox of a microfilm of this book was available. 150 Facsimile t i t l e page: Trois suites de pieces (Paris: B a l l a r d , 1701) Bibliotheque Nationale D E PIE CE S A D E U X V I O L L E S Qui fe peuvent joiier fur le Claveflin & fur 1c Violon, - " * ' - : C O M P O S £' E S \ ' - -"P*t:Mttifuttr HEVDELftftfES^\ LIVRE PREMIER. ^ • . ; V ^ v v. A PAR I S , ,Cbe2.CHR'lSTOPHE BALLARD , feul Imprimeur du Roy pour '. \h MuEcjue, rue S. Jean de Beiuvais., au Mont-Parnafle. , , R D C C 1 r- %Aw I'T'mlcge de S* Majefic. Facsimile t i t l e page: Trois suites de pieces (Paris: B a l l a r d , 1701) Bibliotheque du Conservatoire TROIS SUITES D E P I E C E S A DEUX V I O L L E S Qui fc peuvent jouer fur le Claveflin & fur lc Violon, C O M P O S E ' E S Par Monfwr HEV DELI NNE. L I V R E P R E M I E R . • r^jJ#S0y- . . A P A R I S , Chez CHR'ISTOPHE BALLARD, feul Imprimeur du Roy pour la Mufique,, rue S. lean de Beauvais, *u MontiParnafle. M. D c c i. •!;.', •Avec Privilege /it SA\ AUjtfit. 5*5*4 151 Biblioth&que Bibliotheque Nationale du Conservatoire A2 (p. 3) L4v (p. 88) Bibliotheque Royale stamp 2. TROIS SUITES DE PIECES A DEUX VIOLES. Amsterdam: Estienne Roger, [undated, c. 1702]. TROIS SUITTES / DE PIECES / A DEUX VIOLES / Propres a jouer Jur le violon / & le Clavessin / composees Par / MONSIEUR HEUDELINE / LIVRE PREMIER / SECONDE EDITION / Corrigge par l'Autheur de quantite de fautes / que se Sont glissees dans 1'edition de Paris. / AVERTISSEMENT / Le P Jignifie Pou'Xfez l'Archet / Le Jignifie Tirez l'Archet / Le Jignifie le Battement / Le t Marque la Cadence / Les chiffres -Tous les nottes du deijus marquent les Doigts / Ces marques ne Jont faittes qui pour ceux  qui jouent ces Pieces Jur le DeXfus de Viole / A. AMSTERDAM / Chez de  Musique Italienne / Angloi-fe & Francoife tant pour les voix que / pour  toutes .fortes d' Instrumens. RT] Dessus part - pp. 1-16: 'Dessus'. Basse part - pp. 1-9: 'Basse'. Coll: Dessus part -pp. [2], 1 [1], 2-16 [1], Basse part - pp. [2], 1 [1], 2-9.1 Contents: Dessus part - title pg. v: blank; p. 1: 'Premier Suitte', pp. 1-7: the first suite; p. 7: 'Seconde Suitte', pp. 7-11: the second suite; p. 12: 'Troisieme Suitte', pp. 12-16: the third suite. Basse part - [ i ] : t i t l e pg.;2 [ i i ] : blank; p. 1: 'Premiere Suitte', pp. 1-3: the first suite; p. 4: 'Seconde Suitte', pp. 4-7: the second suite; p. 7: 'Troi/ieme Suitte', pp. 7-9: the third suite. """Judging from the microfilm, this appears to be the order of the book. 2 The title page for the basse part is exactly the same as the tit l e page for the dessus part; the words 'basse' and 'dessus' do not appear on either ti t l e page. Ce Livre appartient a Philidor l'aine Ordinaire de la Musique du Roy, & Garde de tous les Livres de sa Bibliotheque de Musique, l'an 1702.' [Typeset at the bottom of the page with the^ penned sign: 152 CW none Typ: 15 engraved single staves per page RISM H 5215 3 Location of copy: Durham Cathedral Library (D Rc Mus C.40) 3 See facsimile t i t l e page of this second edition of Trois suites  de pieces (c. 1702) on p. 153. 153 Facsimile t i t l e page of the second e d i t i o n of Troi s suites de pieces (Amsterdam: Estienne Roger, c. 1702) R O I S l S l T I T T E S T*> 3>z P I E C E S A . D E r x V i O L E S jP/vy>/v> ./ • j c i u - r " / u r L {i< •/••/* "X 'It' i'/J •.vssin MONSIEUR E L I N E L l V K E : T B S E C U S D E I D I T I O . N ... . -t+'rrititv.^£w- ./• dutJicUr tb jii.ir.tiu- j\- r.iu.'t.-AV £K TIB S E M I N T Tit V -Jijnifie- -lc ^BaJtement— • _ Le fc *sflargue . la CvLetux ,.% „ Dessus Part Premiere Suite 156 1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Basse Part Premiere Suite  1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) Variants 157 2nd ed.(Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Rondeau lk 2 3 3 Rondeau 8 jotter seul X 6 18 3 2 2 1 8 3 pickup f j to 6 _An ] [ f\\ p||| 19 3 2 19 3 6 2 9 8 1-2 2 10 first 3"1* half bar 2 10 4-7 Seconde Suite Dessus Part Variants 158 •1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas.'Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat 38-42 Order of movements Prelude, Courant Allemande ("Allemande qui se doit jouer avant la courante precedente" written after Allemande) 41 1 5 2-3 Order of movements Prelude, Allemande, Courante Allemande 8 1 5 2-3 hi 3 2 1 -r+t. 42 1 1 RE t K i s E, T P r i l l 8 2 ^ j j ^ j t w 38 3 5-6 3 1 40 1 4 1 40 3 3 1 40 5 3 1 40 5 5 2-3 Courante 8 7 3-8 9 8 10 4 1 m H p -8 12 3 1 8 12 5 2-3 up Dessus Part Seconde Suite Variants 159 1st ed. (Ballard. 1701) - 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702)  Page Syst. Meas. Beat - Page Syst. Meas. Beat Sarabande Dessus Part Seconde Suite  1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) Variants 160 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702)  Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Minuet Rondeau 50 2 2 4 -TL 50 3 6 4 m m 10 1-3 10 k 8 k Movement added (Minuet) 10 6 1 k S2r T WW Basse Part Seconde Suite  Gavotte 48 3 3 3 Minuet Rondeau 50 2 50 3 6 Sonate et Chaconne r- j 5 4 8 3 5 6 - 8 5 9 8 4 5 10 9 kt B mol, Chaconne. 56 2 5 6 1 56 3 1 1 Movement added (Minuet) 1] p — 1 iH' A—r J- >III * t - 1 6 4 5 1 6 6 8 1 C5 | i Troisieme Suite Dessus Part Variants  1st ed. (Ballard, 1701)  161 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Allemande 66 3 5 C m i r a n t P 67 3 2 2 12 11 5 12 14 2 2 67 3 k (double) 68 k 3 2-3 68 5 1 1 68 5 2 Sarabande 69 3 6 1-2 \ T , 69 3 8 Gigue 70 2 2 1 70 3 2 REPR.IJE. 71 2 * 12 14 4 « 3 i .^rfr^ r"^ 13 3 2 1 13 3 3 13 7 5 13 9 5 13 11 6 13 7 3 1-2 13 8 5 1 3E Dessus Part Troisieme Suite 1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) Variants 2.62 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Gavotte 72 1 2 1 72 3 4 Menuet 74 3 8 Rondeau 75 3 5 76 2 7 1 Basse Part Troisieme Suite  Allemande 66 3 5 Courante • P T 67 1 6 3 67 3 4 no basse part (double) 7 6 4 7 8 5 7 11 .7 13 12 2 1 13 14 4 14 6 4 P ' L i-14 8 9 14 10 6 1 - J rl. I lr 7 7 3 3 Basse Part Troisieme Suite con't 1st ed. (Ballard, 1701) Variants 163 2nd ed. (Roger, c. 1702) Page Syst. Meas. Beat Page Syst. Meas. Beat Courante (double) conft 70 1 2 7 12 2 70 2 1 6 70 3 2 71 2 4 Gavotte 72 3 4 Menuet 74 1 9 74 3 8 Rondeau 75 3 5 77 1 1 1 78 1 1 1 Chaconne 78 2 5 1 m mm. m m 8 10 • • [ 1 • m -7 12 4 6 7 13 5 7 15 4 8 2 8 8 3 9 8 5 3 8 7 9 1 6 6-M§||| fez 8 12 3 1 8 13 4 1 M s g 164 3. SECOND LIVRE DE PIECES POUR LE DESSUS ET BASSE DE VIOLLE. Paris: Foucault, 1705. Second Livre de Pieces / Pour le Dessus et Basse de Violle / Et pour le Viollon et Clavessin / Triots et Sonates / Compossez / Par le Sieur Heudelinne / Se Vend /Paris I Chez Foucault Marchand rue S.1- Horloge" a la Regie d'Or. / 1'Auteur a Rouen rue Beauvoisine / Le Tellier Marchand papetier rue du gros Horloge a la petite Vertu. / Grave par H. de Baussen. / Le prix est de 4tt: / Avec Privilege du Roy.1 RT] none Coll: pp. [2], 1-50 [1]. Contents: ti t l e pg., v: blank; p. 1-50 suite movements numbered from 1-60; 'Extrait du Privilege du Roy' [dated 1705]. CW none Typ: 4 engraved double staves per page RISM H 5217 and H 5216 Location of copies: One copy and a re-issue of that copy reside in the Bibliotheque Nationale: 1. Pn, formerly in the Bibliotheque Royale. 2. Pn, Vm7 6.278 R.22496, formerly in the Bibliotheque Royale. This is a reissue of the Second Livre de Pieces by Christophe Ballard dated 1710. There is a new ti t l e page (typeset instead of engraved) and no 'Extrait du Privilege du Roy'. Variants: 1st. ed. (Foucault, 1705) Re-issue (Ballard, 1710) Title page see above SONATES / A DEUX VIOLLES,/ Qui /e peuvent jouer / SUR LE CLAVECIN, ET SUR ~ LE VIOLON. / Compo/ees par Monjieur HEUDELINNE / LIVRE SECOND, [crest of musical instruments with crown in the centre] / A PARIS / Chez CHRISTOPHE BALLARD, /eul Imprimeur du Roy pour la Musique / rue Saint-Jean de Beau-vais, au Mont-Parna0e, / [short rule] / M. D C C X./ Avec Privilege de Sa Maje/te. See facsimile title pages of this copy and the re-issue of Second  livre de pieces on p. 165. 165 Facsimile ti t l e page of Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) ^£x>ur le ^ Dessus el' ^E>asses 3 o lollc*-^ •:/':. Ct pourle Viollon et. Glavessuv^':^ '-• - -.^rrx ^7rwis , et <ifo72ate^. rp^.- •'5 :B• • 4 «* y • Lsomposscz yy^M:', ; * < x r l& cfi&ur EtCeiidehnnej^ ' | ; j c / e 'H)trvb SParis] '•• - '•; • ; : T / f £ sffarcfiant) rut J'.'r jforurre' a {a Rep/c dbr, ;*j -;,.; k : . « Rouen, rue £ eauv.eisuie '."• :.- •»-' ••• ~- •.: . t >scuicr Jfarchandpapcncr rue aggros Hortoge ala.pedtc Vtrtu. '•' \^) Grauc par H. de JSausscn. Lcprlx ere de 4* ', ; •• ,• •' •-- • -:.••*'::' : - ; r : [7°(^ ^;:\i:V>^ ;vi2.^ i^ Lv Facsimile title page of the re-issue of Second livre de pieces (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1710) /f <J Foucaiitc > , _ \ L'Autcur ~a  rue £eauvctsinc , ?^ > • Le STelUr t^0Si'?• /;«•-" • W - Op* •- peuveirt: jouer ' • • ,..-..'";^ -<> |^;S£FIVXE^CLAVECIN, EX S U R L E : V t o L O ^ ^ Compof&S;far (Mmfteur HE(JD'ET,I M ME Zh ez C K R I S T o >' H E ' B A L LA R D,"iT«J: -1^ ' 'rue Saint }can.deBeauvMs-aqyMohr-Patta^,.2-Z^}$pl$ 166 Variants: cont. Page Syst Meas Beat 1st ed. (Foucault, 1705) Re-issue (Ballard, 1710) Sarabande Gavotte 3 3 -r c_ =4= X c_ Le Grand Rondeau 28 1 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 7 1-2 1 1-2 2 1-2 3 3-4 5 1-2 1 3-4 3. 4 7 4 1 2 9 3 At the end of the books, following page 50 g Figure g Eighth notes barred Figure ^ Extrait du Privilege du Roy Figure Eighth notes barred JOT I I I I I I I I No tremblement (f>) on f#" I I I I Figure ^ No I? above c" One blank page See facsimile of page 28 from Foucault (1705) and Ballard (1710) editions following this l i s t of variants. Page 28 seems to be the only page in Ballard's re-icsue that has been re-engraved. Facsimile of page 28 in Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) Facsimile of page 28 (re-engraved) in Second livre de pieces (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1710) 169 APPENDIX III SELECTED FACSIMILE EXAMPLES OF LOUIS HEUDELINNE'S MUSIC Introduction This appendix contains examples from Louis Heudelinne's Trois  suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) and Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705). The selections from these books with the original pagination and that of this thesis are: Trois suites de pieces Suite 1 (D minor) Original Pagination Page Prelude pp. 2-3 170 Prelude P- 4 171 Allemande and Double pp. 4-7 171-172 Courante P- 8 173 ' Sarabande Grave pp. 9-10 173 Gavotte en Rondeau pp. 13-17 174-176 Menuet P- 17 176 Rondeau a jouer seul pp. 18-21 177-178 Sonate pp. 28-33 179-181 La Petite Marquise P- 34 182 Second livre de pieces [Suite 1 (D major)] Prelude (no. 1) P- 1 183 Fantaisie (No. 2) P- 2 184 Courante and Double (No. 4) P- 4 185 Sarabande Grave (No. 5) P- 5 186 Menuet and Double (No. 9) P- 8 187 Menuet (No. 10) P- 8 187 Menuet (No. 11) P- 8 187 La Villageoisie (No. 12) P- 9 188 Sonate (No. 14) pp. 11-12 189-190 [Suite 5 (D minor)] Prelude (No. 50) P- 42 191 Prelude a Jouer Seul (No. 51) P- 42 191 Trio (No. 58) P- 46 192 Selected Facsimile Examples from Louis Heudelinne's Trois suites de pieces * (Paris: Ballard, 1701) PREMIER LIVRE DE SUITES DE PIECES P O U R L E D E S S U S D E V I O L L E , A V E C L A B A S S E - C O N T I N U E . 171 172 173 •8 P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T - E S D E P I E C E S , COURANTE-w T F t = f l — T rm T P O U R L E D E S S U S D E V I O L L E . S A R A B A N D E G R A V E . -A+ "f*tf P T -= =*= = - l i * f t fff-t> 0 BASSE-COHTI RUE. - 4 • - t - t -* * 1.—i~X—III $44tt-A*t*-* O'tv »tv •M' Cv v • * " > * * "V" TV»r»«. ftur U Mtfrlfi. B 174 i 8 P R E M I E R . L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S , z. 71*-— * W — 4 lo? X • < IK m m m m m J I tttitc Itfiijt. 2 — f ^ ~ r ~ •_ E* •—^-4* — J .I4_r X 1— 4L L a__ r t ^4%J b y ' P O U R ;A-E~ D E S S U S DE V I O L L E . ' G A V O T T E E N R O N D E A U . n a g 4 « w ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 175 i4 P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S , S U I T E D U R O N t> I A U . P O U . R L E D, E S S U S D E V I O L L E . ; 176 i< P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S D O U B L E du dernier Couplet du Rondeau. I=J=3=i=iliS BASS E-C OHTIHUE mm _X T" t ex P . O U R . L E ' D E S S U S t> E V I O L L E . «7 M E N U E T . 1^ • ASf E-C ON T I N US. 0 y ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 177 i8 P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S , RONDEAU i jouer feul BASSE-CONTINUE. 3 P O U R L E D E S S U S D E V I O L L E . . S U I T E D U R O V D E A U Ix O N D t A u. ~. 0f\ *>, Tl BASSE-CONTINUE. et: 1-1 P T 178 ftg P R E M I E R " L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S , -SONATE. CAY.' BASSE-COHTINUE. ti?$-i 1- TT-f - r (4= -4+*-^ »— —x •• 1 stages ' P ' 1—:*.—f|— =!=-P»f.. J — 6 * I f— f \ T f «x - £ — = -ff 2 j — x *—J f O U It r E D E S S U S D E V I O L 1 E . T 180 5° P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S P T • 1  -•r-x . - to —1-t— y 6X J i i 7C P O U R L E D E S S U S D E V I O L L E . | - 4 — L - M i ^ M ^ 181 rjC-St: Ga, P R E M I E R L I V R E D E S U I T E S D E P I E C E S , S i 1 r - x P O U R L E D E S S U S D E V I O L L E . ' a 5 - I r 4 S « . •• • • .41 ' E 182 Selected Facsimile Examples from Louis Heudelinne's Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) I:' Pretu<L JL frH 2 x7 m 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 •N S XL fx ,s TO v >4 3 ft. -1J 1> Mr I S> •So m X hp 'C -ft •1-1+ S 3 N N *5 -I , S o S 3 S 3 * ' ( -a-so so /f. !T I 191 192 APPENDIX IV TRANSLATIONS OF AVERTISSEMENTS, DEDICATIONS AND PRIVILEGES IN HEUDELINNE'S BOOKS OF MUSIC Introduction This appendix presents translations of the written material in Heudelinne's two books of music. These include the dedication, "Avertissement" and "Extrait du Privilege," from Trois suites de  pieces (1701) and the "Extrait du Privilege du Roy" from the Second  livre de pieces (1705). Facsimiles of the original follow the translation in each case. 194 Dedication from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) TO MONSEIGNEUR, MONSEIGNEUR DE BECDELIEVRE, CHEVALIER, SEIGNEUR DE BRUMARE, Marquis of Queville, Patron, Chatelain de Criquetot & Nestanville, Counsellor to the King in his Councils, & his President of the Parliament of Normandy MONSEIGNEUR, If the public finds some pleasure in the Airs which I have the honor to present to you, i t is proper that i t knows to whom i t is s t i l l indebted for them. It is to you MONSEIGNEUR, much more than to me. Their true origin is in the satisfaction that I have had in pleasing you, the courage that you have inspired, the ease of working pleasantly close to you that you have arranged for me, and above a l l the approval that you have given to the study that I have made, to attain this tender and brilliant manner of playing which is the proper character of the Dessus de Viole; few people know i t , & discern i t as well as you do. It is not difficult for me to expose here, MONSEIGNEUR, your exquisite taste in instrumental ensemble music [la Simphonie]; this is not a thing so frivolous as the majority of people think i t is; i t is the sentiment of a charitable spirit, delicate, and sensitive not only to the finest inclinations; but also the most eminent of virtues. We have the example of this in the greatest of men and in particular in your person. Indeed what righteousness, what justice is there greater than yours? An August Parliament sees it every day; in the wisdom of the edicts which you pronounce there; what' greater piety? A superb edifice that you have built to the glory of God will be an eternal monument; What tenderness of heart more Christian for the unfortunate? the poor have 195 always felt i t , & in these sad years where so many of their kind seem to perish of hunger, they find in your house, that they have laid seige to each day, their consolation & their sustenance; they have also made resound through the Province the benedictions that they give in your Name. Here MONSEIGNEUR, is that which solidly exalts the brilliance of the name even more than an illustrious series of ancestors issued from the oldest nobility in Brittany, and who have distinguished themselves by the most considerable use of the sword and the Law. One of the first places in the Parliament where you preside was given to them as soon as its institution by King Louis XII as evidence of their great services, and their descendants again today are found in Normandy and Brittany at the head of the two sovereign courts. I know well, MONSEIGNEUR, that such an important subject passes far beyond the comprehension of a Musician; but it is with great honour to music in general & to myself in particular that I believed that I would be permitted to allow to release some of these pieces as imperfect as they are, to testify to as generous a Protector as you are my gratitude, and the profound respect with which I am, MONSEIGNEUR, Your very humble.& very obedient servant, Louis Heudelinne 196 Facsimile of Dedication from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) :'•';'• A M O N S E I GN E UR. MONSEIGNEURDE BECDELIEVRE : C H E V A t l E R , S E IGNEUR DE B R U M A R E , . •Marquis "de (^'evilly ;v Patron , GHatelain1 dc Criquetbt "6c, i^Neftanville,TG6n;ieil^ " ^^Prelldenra'M ^ . . . . r r - . ' i v , ^ l b N'SETG NEUR, Si le public trouye quelque plaijtr aux Airs quejayI'honneur de vduspresenter til (fljujte qu'il Jfache a qui il cn eft redeyable. C'ejlayous, MONSEIGNEUR, bienplus quamoy. Leur writable origineejl la pajjiqn que j'ay iu de njous plaire t le murage que vbusm'aveT^inf-. fire , la commodite de travailler agreabtcmcnt aupres de vous que yous mave^procune, ey Jut' tout ['approbation que vous ave"^ donnee a I'etude que j'ay faite,pour atteindre ce jtU tendre & brillant qui fait le propre cara&ert du Deffus dt Viole ^  pen de perfonnes le connoijpnt, & le difcerncnt aujji-bien que wous. 197 Facsimile of Dedication from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) Je ne fats pas de dijjiculte d'expofer icy, MONSEIG NEUR, ce gtut exquis quevous ave^pour [a Simphonie; ce neft pas une chafefjrivole que penfent le comznun des gens j c'eji le pntiment d'un ame bien-faite, delicate, £r fufceptible nonfeulement des phis belles inclination's; mats encore des verms lesgltts eminentes. Notts enavons I'exemple dans lesflus grands hommes, ty en particulier dans .votre perfonne. ^ ...... . En ejfct quelle droiturey quelle equite plus grande que U voire f Un slugujle Parlement le voir tous les jours dans lafagcjf; des Arrefis que ypus yprononce^; quelle plus grandepiete? Un fuperbe Edifice quevous ave^Jeleve a. Ugloire.de Diet* en feraun monument eternel; Quelle tendrejfe de cceurplus chretiennepour les malheureux? les pauvres lont toujours rejpntie en ces trifles anr.ees outant de leurs femblablcs perijfoient de faim, ils trouvoient dans votre maifon quils inveftijfoient chaque jour leur consolation <*r leurJubfijtancc ; aujji ont-ils fait retentir la ^Province des benedictions -iju'ils donnoient a wire-Norn* • t Xi1'jjr^ ~'J ••' "'r : ' i Voilk, MONSEIGNEUR * qiiienrelevefolidettnt.l'eclat a typlus metne quune fiite d"tHujlr:s. Ayeuls ijfus cHune nohlejfe des plus anciennes:deBreta^7e',.rjr'qui Je Jont diftin-gucTjlans les plus conjlderables emptois de tepee & de la Kobe.'Une dtsprerm.eresptc.ces du Par-lement odious PrefideT^lcur Jut donhee des Jon injlitution par le Roy Louis XII- comme le: 'temoignage de leurs grands fervicest & leurs dejeendans encore, aujoifrd'huy fe trotivcnt en Normandie <jr en Bretagne a latete de deux Court Jouveraines.' ' * ' ;< ^ . > . Je fens bien, MO NS EIG NEUR, qu'un fi grand fujet paffe de beaucoup la portee £un Muficien ; mxisil fait tant cChonneur a U Mufiquc en general ty a Umienne en particulier qtte j'ay cru qu'il me feroitpermis de Uifer echapper quelques-uns dt ces traits tout imparfati qttls font, pour marquer a un aujft genereux Protecleur que vous I'etes ma. reconnoijfancc le profond'rcjpeft avec lequel je Jttis, "V-.-V". ' ' : - MONSEIGNEUR,V- ; ' ' V ' ^ V-\^0;?";!';-- •• . _ • -. . ^ Veire tres-homife Sc.tret^btufsni'farittwt LOUIS HEUDELINNE. 198 AVERTISSEMENT from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) No one has before granted pieces for the Dessus and the Basse de Violle together, I dare to hope that this Book, as the first, will be of some use; I have mixed together some Pieces to be played alone, and others with the Basse-Continue, but a l l can.be played on the harpsichord and on the violin, and in this way form an ensemble. I hope that they will provide some pleasure; I count on the novelty of the material and the variety of the melodies: If I have the opportunity to give more than the three Suites which are contained in this effort, I will succeed in it even better, i f i t is possible for me; The only favour I ask of the people into whose hands my Book falls, is that they take the trouble to play the Pieces before judging them. MARQUES. Firstly, the bow stroke and the ornaments are executed as on the Basse de Violle. The Cadence or Tremblement has been marked as in the Operas with a t . The T. serves to indicate when the Bow should be pulled. The P. indicates when the Bow should be pushed; and for the battement the +. The numbers under the Notes mark the fingers; I leave to good taste the other ornaments. I have not burdened the Basse-Continue with figures, I have marked there only the necessary harmonies. 199 Facsimile of Avertissement from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) 1 A V E RTISSE M E N T- -|r§r3||| E R S O H N E n'ayant encore donne des Pieces pour le Deflus & la Baflc p ^ , ^ J de Violle cnfemble, j'ofc efperer que ce Livre, comme le premier, fera V / ^ ^ d e quelquc ucilice j j'y ay mele quclqucs Pieces pour joiier fcul, &d'au-r^ --.? J^btrcs avec la Bafle.Continue:j mais routes Cc peuvent joiier fur le Claveffiiv & fur;<le Violon, & ainfi compofcr un Concert .Jz fouhaire qu'ellcs faflent quelquc plaifir i je comptc fur la nouveaute de la matiere & la varicte des Chants: Si i'ay oc-cafion .de dormer plus que les trois Suites qui (ont continues dans cet ElTay, j'y reiifliray encore mieux^ s'ilm'eftpoflible j La feulc grace que je demande aux perfon-»jics entre les mains dcfquellcs mph Livre lombera, ceftde youloir fc donncr la peine d'en'cxecurer les Pieces avant d'en juger. ; ;'.,'v.;; v:; :.y.P! fy+Cfc\:^/f:..& - Premicrcment. le coup d'Archct & les agreemens s'cxecutent comme for la Baflc de Violle. . . . Nous avons marque la Cadence ou Tremblement comme dans les Opera avec un r. . Nous nous fomrocs fcrvi du T . pour dire qu'il faut tirer l'Archet. Du P. pour dire de pouffer l'Archet •, & pour le battement de t - v - • Les chifFres fous les Nottcs marquent les doigts j je lauTe au bon gout les autres agree mens. - v " ••* • . Je n'ay point charg6 la BalTc-Continuc* dc chiffres, je n'ay marque que les accords vncccllaiics. ' / -..." v •- - '. A 200 EXTRAIT DU PRIVILEGE DU ROY from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) By Letters of Royal Patent granted in Arras the eleventh day of the month of May, in the year of Grace sixteen hundred and seventy-three,:Signed LOUIS: and lower, through the Ring, COLBERT: sealed with the Great Seal of yellow wax: Verified and Registered in Parliament the 15th day of April 1678. Confirmed by. an-order given after due hearing by the Privy Council of the King the 30th day of September 1694 arid 9th day of August 1696. It is permitted to;,Christophe Ballard, the King's sole music printer, to print, have printed, sell and distribute a l l kinds of music, as much vocal, as instrumental, of a l l composers: making illegal to other persons of whatever condition and quality that they may be, to undertake or have undertaken the said printing of music, nor any other thing concerning this, in any place in the Kingdom, Lands & Lord's domain of his dominion, not withstanding a l l Letters to the contrary; nor similarly to Cut, nor Cast any music Characters without the consent and permission of the said Ballard, without penalty of confiscation of these Characters & Editions & a fine of six.thousand livres, as i t is more fully declared in the said Letters: His said Majesty wishes that the aforesaid Extrait be placed at the beginning or end of the said printed Books, and that the agreement should be added as in the Original. 201 Facsimile of Extrait du Privilege du Roy from Trois suites de pieces (Paris: Ballard, 1701) A R Lcttrcs Patcntcs du Roy donnces a Arras l'onzicmc jour du mois dc May, l'An dc Grace mil fix cent foixantc &treize, Signets LOUIS > Et plus bas, Parle Roy, C O L B E R T ; Sccllecs du grand Sceaudecirejaune: i Vcrifiecs & Regiftrees en Parlement le 15. Avril 1 6 7 8 . Confirmees par Arrcfts contradi&oires du Confcil Prive du Roy des 3 0 . ScptcmBre 1 6 5 4 . Aouft 1696. Ii eft permis a Chriftophe Ballard, feul Imprimeur du Roy pour la^Mufique, d'lmprimcr, fairc Imprimcr, Veridre & Diftribucr toute forte dcMuSqae, tant Vocalc, qu'lnftrumcntalc , de tous Auteurs : Faifant defences a toutcs auttes perfonnes dc quclquc condftion & qualitc qu'cllcs fbicnt,- d'entreprendre ou faire' ehtreprendre ladite Impreffion de Mufique,ny autre chofe concernant icclle, enaucua lieu de ce Royaume, Terrcs & Scigneurics.de fon oDCifTance, nonobftanc routes Lertres a ce contraircs; ny mefme dc Tailler ny Fondre aucuns Cara&erc* de Mufiqur fans le conge & permiffion dudit Ballard, A peine de connTcarion defdits Cara&crcs & Impreffions, & de fix mille livrcs d'amende, ainii qu'il eft plus amplemenc declare elites Lcttrcs :SaditeMajcftc voulant qu'a l'Extrait d'iccllcs mis au commen-cement'ou fin defdits Livrcs imprimez, foy foit ajoutee comme x ['Original. 1 202 EXTRAIT PIT PRIVILEGE DU ROY from Second livre de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) By Grace and Privilege of the King issued at Versailles the fifth day of September 1705. Signed Carpot, It is permitted to the Sieur Heudelinne to have engraved and .printed a Second livre de Pieces for the Dessus and Basse de Violle, and for the Violin and Harpsichord Triots [sic] and Sonates, of his composition, to have sold and distributed to the public in a l l the Kingdom and this during the time and space of ten consecutive years, and prohibitions are made to a l l Librarians, Printers, and other persons to counterfeit the said book, nor anything extracted from i t , in penalty of Confiscation of these counterfeit Copies, a fifteen hundred livres fine and,all expenses, damages and interests, as it is more fully covered in the said privilege. 203 Facsimile of E x t r a i t du P r i v i l e g e du Roy from Second l i v r e de pieces (Paris: Foucault, 1705) 'Ciy Qrace et JPriviltpe. du Hoy dowie a. Versailles le cuicjuiemc . jour de Septembre 17 oS'. SujneCarpot, Ji esc j^trnvs aw Sveur 3Ceudelmnej de faire graver et Jmpruner vn Second livre de Piecej pour le Dessiu et Basse de Vidle t ec pour le Viollon et Clavessin ^Jriokr et J'0nates, dej> Ja Composision, de lejcnrc VenBr^ ec debiter ait pit blic par tout le Royaume £t Ce pendant le tempi et ejpace de due CLnne'cj consecutin.es, et defences xfontjfaites atoiis Zsibrairej, Jmjrrimeitrj- et azttres personnesde contrejrart {edit livre ny den tCxtraire auciine chose, apeme.de Confiscation des £rem-plaires ccmtrejciitj, qianze cens livres damande et de tons depens dommajej ec interests comme d est pliu amplement porte audit privdej/ej> . 

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