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Directional verbs in English and Japanese Suzuki, Yoshiko 1979

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DIRECTIONAL VERBS IN.;ENGLISH AND JAPANESE by Yo shikoO;Suzuki B.A., Japan, Womeri'-s--University, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED.IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE RE QU IREMENT S FOR" THE. DEGREE OF MASTER .'OF' ARTS in: THE FAGgL^lsOF -GRADUATE STUDIES Department of L i n g u i s t i c s We •acc&0*%$ffi$s • . as conforming t o the- "require6V standard* THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apri l , , 19179 0Yoshiko Suzuki, 1979 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department n f Linguistics The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 DE-6 BP 75-51 I E i i ABSTRACT The E n g l i s h , d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s come and go b a s i c a l l y c o r r e s p o n d t o J a p a n e s e l ru . ru and i k u . T h e r e f o r e , t h e b e h a v i o u r s o f come and gjD a r e s i m i l a r t o t h o s e o f k u r u and i k u r e s p e c t i v e l y . H o w e v e r , t h e r e a l s o e x i s t some d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e m . The v a r i o u s s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s i n s i m p l e x and c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e s a r e i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . P r a g m a t i c s o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s v a r i e s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s t r u c t u r e . The d i s c u s s i o n i s b a s e d o n how t h e d e i c t i c p o i n t i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e s e v e r b s . The d e i c t i c p o i n t i s u s u a l l y a t t h e s p e a k e r ; h o w e v e r , t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r v i e w p o i n t s h i f t t o w a r d t h e h e a r e r o r a t h i r d p e r s o n a r e v e r y d i f f e r e n t f o r E n g l i s h and J a p a n e s e d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s . N e x t , s y s t e m a t i c g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s o n t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n E n g l i s h a n d J a p a n e s e w h i c h have b e e n p r o p o s e d b y Oye a r e i n t r o d u c e d . These g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a r e b a s e d on v i e w p o i n t t h e s i g n i f i c a n t q u e s t i o n i s , **In a c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e f r o m t h e v i e w p o i n t o f w h i c h n o u n p h r a s e i s t h e m o t i o n o b s e r v e d ? " H o w e v e r , s i n c e i t i s some t imes d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e w h i c h n o u n p h r a s e i s s i g n i f i c a n t when v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i s i n v o l v e d , a p e r f o r m a t i v e a n a l y s i s i s s u g g e s t e d a s a more u s e f u l d e v i c e . T h i s a n a l y s i s makes c l e a r t h e c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r w h i c h t h e m o t i o n i s e x p r e s s e d b y come, g o , k u r u o r i k u . TABLE GP CONTENTS i i i C h a p t e r ONE INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 P u r p o s e s 1 1.2 B a c k g r o u n d 3 1.3 D e f i n i t i o n 4 1 . 4 L i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e s t u d y 6 TWO OVERVIEW OF DIRECIONAL VERBS 7 2.1 Come and go 7 2.2 K u r u and i k u 18 2.3 E x t e n d e d n o t i o n o f g o a l 22 2.3.1 Home base 23 2.3.2 C l o s e n e s s i n d i s t a n c e 24 2.3.3 P s y c h o l o g i c a l t i e 27 2 . 3 . 4 C l o s e n e s s i n k i n s h i p 30 2.3.5 Accompaniment u s e 31 THREE VIEWPOINT SHIFT I N SIMPLEX SENTENCES 35 3.1 S h i f t t o t h e h e a r e r 37 3.2 S h i f t t o a t h i r d p e r s o n 44 FOUR VIEWPOINT SHIFT I N COMPLEX SENTENCES 50 4 .1 S i t u a t i o n s i n w h i c h t h e s p e a k e r i s a t t h e g o a l 53 4 . 2 S i t u a t i o n s i n w h i c h t h e h e a r e r i s a t t h e g o a l 56 4 . 3 S i t u a t i o n s i n w h i c h a t h i r d p e r s o n i s a t t h e g o a l 62 F I V E TOWARD POSSIBLE GENERALIZATIONS 70 5.1 G e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . 70 5.2 O v e r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and c o u n t e r e x a m p l e s 82 5.2.1 82 5.2.2 86 5.2.3 89 5.3 P e r f o r m a t i v e A n a l y s i s 91 i v S I X CONCLUDING REMARKS 98 FOOTNOTES 99 BIBLIOGRAPHY 101 APPENDIX 1 ° 3 V LIST OF TABLES 3.1 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n simplex sentences . 103 4.1 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under subjective-experience verbs with the speaker at the goal . 104 4.2 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under verbs of speech acts with the speaker at the goal 105 4.3 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under subjective-experience verbs with the hearer at the goal . 107 4.4 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under verbs of speech acts with the hearer at the goal . . , 108 4.5 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under subjective-experience verbs with a t h i r d person at the goal 110 4.6 Uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs embedded under verbs of speech acts with a t h i r d person at the goal . I l l v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am profoundly g r a t e f u l to Dr.. Matsuo Soga, my adviser, f o r g i v i n g me excellent i n s t r u c t i o n , and f o r h i s patient explanation to a novice from the e a r l i e s t to the f i n a l stages of t h i s t h e s i s . I also express my gratitude to Dr. Bernard Saint-Jacques and Dr. Sarah B e l l , t h e s i s committee members, f o r t h e i r invaluable c r i t i c i s m s and suggestions on each part of the manuscript. In addition, I thank Dr. Frank Heny f o r sending me a recent a r t i c l e from the Netherlands. The work would not have been completed without the e d i t i n g of Miss Catherine E l l i o t t , a student of L i n g u i s t i c s . I received cooperation from many informants f o r English, Japanese and other languages. F i n a l l y , I thank my husband, Tak, f o r a great deal of understanding. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purposes The motion expressed by a d i r e c t i o n a l verb i n a sentence always involves a c e r t a i n distance i n space or duration i n time. The En g l i s h come and go b a s i c a l l y correspond to Japanese kuru and i k u . As f o r l e x i c a l meaning, come and kuru are goal-oriented and may acquire the features Motion and Proximal, while go and iku are source-oriented, or ne u t r a l , and may acquire the features Motion and D i s t a l . One must point out that the behaviours of En g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l verbs come and go are d i f f e r e n t from those of Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs kuru and i k u . Martin (1975) states that Japanese kuru and i k u can be said to be but a single verb which i s dichotomized by obligatory d e i c t i c marking. Although t h i s i s also true of the En g l i s h come and go, despite the absence of overt d e i c t i c marking, the use of the p a i r s of verbs d i f f e r s . The fo l l o w i n g examples i l l u s t r a t e t h i s point. The meaning of (la) corresponds to that of (lb) and the meaning of 1 2 (2a) to that of (2b). The context of (2a) and (2b) i s that the hearer i s located- at h i s own house and the speaker i s t a l k i n g on the phone with him. (1) a. Anata wa watakusi no u t i n i kuru-desyoo. you my house to come-will b. You w i l l probably come to my house. (2) a. Watakusi wa anata no u t i n i iki-masu. I your house to go b. * ( L i t . ) I w i l l go to your house.^ The motion of the hearer toward the speaker i s expressed by come and kuru i n En g l i s h and Japanese r e s p e c t i v e l y . On the other hand, as i n (2a) and (2b), the motion of the speaker toward the hearer i s expressed by i k u i n Japanese but by come i n English. This i s one of the di f f e r e n c e s between the usages of E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs. The purposes of t h i s t h e s i s are to investigate how the d e i c t i c point i s involved i n these E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs and how i t i s s h i f t e d according to the context, and, i f possible, to provide convincing r u l e s which may account f o r a l l the phenomena that are observed. The second chapter contains an overview of some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs. The notion of the goal being expanded i n various ways i s also discussed. Though the generalizations about the 3 occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs are provided i n chapter, they must be modified i n l a t e r chapters because of the phenomenon of viewpoint s h i f t . The viewpoint s h i f t i n simplex sentences and i n complex sentences i s discussed i n the t h i r d and fourth chapters, r e s p e c t i v e l y . The f i f t h chapter deals with generalizations about the viewpoint s h i f t i n complex sentences and the concluding remarks (Chapter Six) follow. 1.2 Background I am g r e a t l y indebted to Fillmore (1966, 1972a), Moriguchi (1974), Oye (1975) and Soga (1976) f o r the information i n my t h e s i s . Fillmore's a r t i c l e s seem to be the only ones about E n g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l verbs, though t h e i r behaviour seems to be p e c u l i a r to E n g l i s h and a few other languages.^ Fillmore (1966) provides quasi-transformational supposition r u l e s . A i . sentence i s acceptable i f i t s supposi-t i o n s are a n a l y t i c , and ambiguous i f i t has more than one possible supposition 1. A . , sentence i s said to be contradictory i f i t s supposition i s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Fillmore thus t r i e s to account f o r the behaviour of E n g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l verbs on the basis of the notions of presupposition and d e i c t i c categories. Fillmore (1972a) provides the assumptions about the uses of come and go based on the goal of motion. He also discusses how the d e i c t i c point can be s h i f t e d i n face-to-face conversation and i n clauses embedded under 4 c e r t a i n main verbs. Moriguchi (1974) discusses the Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs kuru and iku. He analyzes the f a c t s about these verbs by means of 'Performative a n a l y s i s ' with the notion of a p e r l o c a t i o n treatment. This w i l l be discussed i n the f i f t h chapter of t h i s t h e s i s . Oye (1975) gives a contrastive a n a l y s i s of E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs, as well as verbs of g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g . The considerations of viewpoint s h i f t with d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n complex sentences leads us to the idea that there are two types of higher verbs: a c i r c l e type and a l i n e type. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these higher verbs w i l l be discussed. Soga (1976) provides the generalizations on the uses of Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs and discusses i n d e t a i l how the viewpoint i s s h i f t e d i n accordance with various s i t u a t i o n s i n simplex or complex sentences. I r r e g u l a r l y defined goals are also discussed. He then provides clues f o r the deep structures of sentences with d i r e c t i o n a l verbs. 1 . 3 D e f i n i t i o n D e i x i s i s explained by lyons (1977, p. 636) as follows: The term 'deixis' (which comes from a Greek word meaning "pointing" or "ind i c a t i n g " ) i s now used i n l i n g u i s t i c s to r e f e r to the function of personal and demonstrative pronouns, of tense and of a v a r i e t y of other temporal co-ordinates of the act of utterance. 5 The f o l l o w i n g explanation (Fillmore (1966, p. 220)) i s appropriate when we consider d i r e c t i o n a l verbs: Deixis i s the name given to those aspects of language whose i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e to the occasion of utterance: to the time of utterance, and to times before and a f t e r the time of utterance; to the l o c a t i o n of the speaker at the time of utterance; and to the i d e n t i t y of the speaker and the intended audience. Person d e i x i s involves the category P a r t i c i p a n t , the two sub-categories of which are the speaker and the hearer. Place d e i x i s d i f f e r s from language to language: E n g l i s h has a two-way d i s t i n c t i o n (Proximal and D i s t a l ) and Japanese has a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n (Proximal, Medial and D i s t a l ) . Time d e i x i s mainly r e f e r s to the tense systems of a language. These d e i c t i c categories a f f e c t the behaviour of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n various ways. Lyons (1977, p. 638) also makes the fo l l o w i n g statement about e g o c e n t r i c i t y : The canonical situation-of-utterance i s egocentric i n the sense that the speaker, by v i r t u e of being the speaker, casts himself i n the ro l e of ego and r e l a t e s everything to h i s viewpoint. He i s at the zero-point of the spatiotemporal co-ordinates of what we w i l l r e f e r to as the d e i c t i c context. E g o c e n t r i c i t y i s temporal as well as s p a t i a l , since the r o l e of the speaker i s being t r a n s f e r r e d from one p a r t i c i p a n t to the other as the conversation proceeds, and the p a r t i c i p a n t s may move around as they are conversing: the spatiotemporal zero-point (the here-and-now) i s determined by the place of the speaker at the moment of utterance; and i t i s t h i s ... which controls tense. 6 The speaker's l o c a t i o n at coding time or at a r r i v a l time i s s i g n i f i c a n t when d i r e c t i o n a l verbs are involved. S h i f t of viewpoint means that the speaker takes somebody els e ' s viewpoint when such features as the speaker's home base, the s p a t i a l or psychological closeness to "the speaker and so on are not involved. I f these f a c t o r s are involved, then the sentences are considered to be speaker-centered. The sentences which involve viewpoint s h i f t must be d e f i n i t e l y hearer-centered or t h i r d person-centered. 1.4 Limitations of the study The treatment of kuru and iku used f o r aspectual expressions as i n (3) i n Japanese w i l l be excluded from t h i s t h e s i s . (3) Ame ga hutte ki-masi-ta. r a i n f a l l i n g came M t began to r a i n . ' Some of these aspectual uses are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the ordinary uses of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs, but the others are not. Yoshikawa (1973) has made some observations on these problems. Eng l i s h idiomatic uses of come and go such as that i n (4) are also excluded, since they are not governed by any of the p r i n c i p l e s I w i l l state. (4) My boat has gone to pieces on the rocks. CHAPTER TWO OVERVIEW OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS 2.1 Come and go F i l l m o r e (1966, p. 223-224) p r o v i d e s t h r e e s u p p o s i t i o n r u l e s on the occurrences o f come and go. (1) Rule: O r i g i n a l S VP V [x- [ Motion D i s t a l - Y - L o c a t i o n ] - Z J S u p p o s i t i o n S NP Neg Aux VP Cop [_ [+SpeakerJ [not] [present] [ [be ] L o c a t i o n J ] S u p p o s i t i o n r u l e (1) a p p l i e s t o sentences c o n t a i n i n g E n g l i s h £ 0 , which i s represented as [Motion, D i s t a l ] . I t means t h a t i n the case o f go, the goal t o which a person moves i s a pl a c e i n which the speaker i s not l o c a t e d , whatever the s u b j e c t o r tense o f go. The subject noun phrase and the tense o f the a u x i l i a r y are not 8 s p e c i f i e d but expressed as a v a r i a b l e X. Let us examine several sentences. The Supposition of each sentence i s indicated i n parentheses. (2) * I w i l l go here. (* The speaker i s not here now.) (3) I went to Vancouver. (The speaker i s not i n Vancouver now.) (4) I went there. (The speaker i s not there now.) (5) * You w i l l go here. (* The speaker i s not here now.) (6) You went to Vancouver. (The speaker i s not i n Vancouver now.) (7) You went there. (The speaker i s not there now.) (8) * He w i l l go here. (* The speaker i s not here now.) (9) He went to Vancouver. (The speaker i s not i n Vancouver now.) (10) He went there. (The speaker i s not there now.) Sentences (2), (5) and (8) are ruled out, since t h e i r suppositions are contradictory. I am<rf always here. The 9 speaker cannot be there, but must always be here i n what i s termed Proximal p o s i t i o n . This p r i n c i p l e i n t e r a c t s with the uses of come and go i n i n t e r e s t i n g ways. I go here i s impossible, since I am not here i s contra-d i c t o r y . In other words, I am not there i s a n a l y t i c , while I am not here i s a cont r a d i c t i o n . The imperative Go away i s grammatical, while Go here i s not, f o r the same reason. In the case of go, then, whatever the subject of the o r i g i n a l sentence i s , the speaker i s supposed not to be at the goal at the time of utterance. Note that the p o s i t i o n of the speaker at the subject's a r r i v a l time i s not s i g n i f i c a n t that only h i s p o s i t i o n at coding time i s s i g n i f i c a n t . Por sentence (9) the speaker could or could not be i n Vancouver when the hearer a r r i v e s there. Rules (11) and (12) apply to sentences with E n g l i s h come, which i s given the features [Motion, Proximall. (11) Rule: O r i g i n a l S Aux VP V Motion Eroximal Supposition S NP Aux VP Cop 10 Restr ict ion When NP and Time of the Pr ig are ot-Speaker, y?-Hearer and Present, then +Participant of Supp must be specified as 5 -c<-Speaker, -A-Hearer. (12) Rule: Original S NP r R-Speaker, fi-Hearer; -Part ic ipant J - X -L L 1 2 Aux Adv VP V 1 Proximal. [Timel [Time 1 f rMotion 1 - Y - location 1 1 Supposition S NP Aux £ -Speaker,—/3-Hearer; +ParticipantJJTimeJ Adv VP Cop ^Time J £ J\ie J Location J J In these rules , the category f+ParticipantJ i s interpreted as ident i fying either the speaker or the hearer. Fillmore intended to dist inguish between coding time (the time of utterance) and the time of a r r i v a l specified i n a sentence i n which come i s used. The former i s shown i n rule (11) i n which the tense feature [present^ shows that when the rule applies either the speaker or the hearer i s expected 11 to be at the goal at the time of utterance. In other words, the goal to which one comes i s a place where e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i s r i g h t now. In r u l e (12), the coding time i s not relevant. The time of a r r i v a l at the goal, which i s s p e c i f i e d i n the verbal a u x i l i a r y , i s the time s i g n i f i c a n t i n the supposition. The subject of the supposition i s a function of the Person categories associated with the o r i g i n a l sentence. I f , f o r instance, the subject of the o r i g i n a l sentence i s the speaker, then the subject of i t s supposition i s the hearer, who i s , w i l l be, or was expected to be at the goal at the. a r r i v a l time s p e c i f i e d i n the time adverb i n the sentence. I f the subject of the o r i g i n a l sentence i s the hearer, then the speaker, who i s the subject of i t s supposition, i s , w i l l be, or was expected to be at the goal when the hearer a r r i v e s . These two eases are in d i c a t e d by number 1 i n the r u l e . F i n a l l y , i f the subject of the o r i g i n a l sentence i s a t h i r d person ( {^Participant]), then the speaker or the hearer ( [ ^ P a r t i c i p a n t ] ) i s , w i l l be, or was expected to be at the goal at the s p e c i f i e d time. To see whether these r u l e s work, l e t us examine the following sentences and t h e i r suppositions. Any one: of suppositions (a) to (d) s u f f i c e s by i t s e l f . (13) I came here l a s t year. (a) The speaker i s here now. Rule (11) (cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s here now. Rule (11) (cf.22 B i i i ) 12 (c) The hearer was here l a s t year. (12) (cf.22 B i v ) (14) I came to Vancouver l a s t year. (a) The speaker i s i n Vancouver now. (11)(cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s i n Vancouver now. (11)(cf.22 B i i i ) (c) The hearer was i n Vancouver l a s t year. (12)(cf.22 B i v ) (15) I came there l a s t year. (a) * The speaker i s there now. (11)(cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s there now. (11)(cf.22 B i i i ) (c) The hearer was there l a s t year. (12)(cf.22 B: i v ) (16) You came here l a s t year. (a) The speaker i s here now. (11)(cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s here now. (11)(cf.22 B i i i ) (c) The speaker was here l a s t year. (12)(cf.22 B i i ) (17) You came to Vancouver l a s t year. (a) The speaker i s i n Vancouver now. (11)(cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s i n Vancouver now. (11)(cf.22 B i i i ) (c) The speaker was i n Vancouver l a s t year. (12)(cf.22 B i i ) (18) You came there l a s t year. (a) * The speaker i s there now. (11)(cf.22 B i ) (b) The hearer i s there now. (11)(cf.22 B i i i ) (c) The speaker was there l a s t year. (12)(cf.22 B i i ) 13 (19) John (a) The (b) The (c) The <d) The (20) John (a) The (b) The (c) The <d) The (21) John (a) * The (b) The (c) The (d) The ( l l ) ( c f . 2 2 B i ) (11) (cf.22 B i i i ) (12) (cf.22 B i i ) (12)(cf.22 B i v ) ( l l ) ( c f . 2 2 B i ) (11) (cf.22 B i i i ) rear. (12) (cf.22 B i i ) ;ar. (12)(cf.22 B iv) ( l l ) ( c f . 2 2 B i ) (11) (cf.22 B i i i ) (12) (cf.22 B i i ) (12)(cf.22 B i v ) Sentence (14) has three possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . One of them supposes that the hearer i s i n Vancouver at the time of utterance. In t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the speaker does not have to be i n Vancouver at the time of utterance. The second i n t e r p r e t a t i o n supposes that the hearer was i n Vancouver at the time of the speaker's a r r i v a l . The t h i r d one supposes that the speaker i s i n Vancouver r i g h t now. We can say the sentence i s ambiguous with any of these 14 three i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s p o s s i b l e . I f the d e i c t i c adverb there i s involved instead of the proper noun Vancouver as i n (15), (18) and (21), then a c e r t a i n supposition i s ru l e d out. Por (15), three suppositions are l o g i c a l l y -p o s s i b l e . However, one of them (15a) supposes that the speaker i s there now. This supposition i s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Therefore, the use of the d e i c t i c adverb there r u l e s out one supposition, though (15) i s s t i l l ambiguous. As we have seen, the motion of the speaker toward the hearer i s commonly represented by come i n E n g l i s h . This seems to be a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c common to E n g l i s h and a few other languages. In Japanese as well as i n many other languages, t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s r e s t r i c t e d to very few contexts which w i l l be discussed l a t e r . The l e x i c a l equivalent to go i s the normal usage f o r the motion of the speaker toward the hearer i n most languages other than English. Por sentences (16) to (18), suppositions (a), (b) and (e) are p o s s i b l e . According to r u l e (11), supposition (18a) i s l o g i c a l l y p o s s i b l e . However, i t i s contradictory that the speaker i s there at the time of utterance. When a t h i r d person i s the subject of a sentence containing come, as i n (19) to (21), then the four suppositions (a) to (d) f o r each are l o g i c a l l y possible according to r u l e s (11) and (12). For sentence (20), the speaker or the hearer must be at the goal at the time of 15 utterance according to r u l e (11). By r u l e (12), the speaker or the hearer must have been at the goal at the time of a t h i r d person's a r r i v a l at Vancouver. In the case of sentence (21), the f i r s t supposition that the speaker i s there at the coding time — — i s contradictory. These supposition r u l e s by Fillmore are very i n s i g h t f u l ; however, as we s h a l l see, they do not account f o r the s h i f t of viewpoint involved i n complex sentences. He discusses t h i s matter i n h i s 1972a a r t i c l e . F illmore (1972a) gives assumptions about the occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs on the basis of the goal of the motion. These are r e l a t e d to supposition r u l e s (1), (11) and (12). The encoder of a l i n g u i s t i c message i s termed the Sender, while the intended decoder of the message i s . the Addressee. The time at which the communication act takes place i s the coding time. The f i v e possible assumptions follow: (22)(A) For go, i t i s assumed that the Sender i s not located at the goal at coding time. (B) For come, i t i s assumed ( i ) that the Sender i s at the goal at coding time; or ( i i ) that the Sender i s at the goal at a r r i v a l time; or ( i i i ) that the Addressee i s at the goal at coding time; or (i v ) that the Addressee i s at the goal at a r r i v a l time. (Or i s in s e r t e d by the author f o r clearness.); 16 Por come to be used, any one of conditions ( i ) to ( i v ) s u f f i c e s by i t s e l f . (22 B i ) and (22 B i i i ) correspond to rul e (11), and (22 B i i ) and (22 B i v ) to rule (12). Each supposition f o r the examples on page 11, 12 and 13 shows the number of these generalizations on the rightmost side. Now l e t us observe sentences i n which the subject i s , the f i r s t person p l u r a l pronoun we. (23) * We went here. Supp * The speaker i s not here now. (24) We went to Vancouver. Supp The speaker i s not i n Vancouver.now. (25) We went there. Supp The speaker i s not there now. The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of the supposition i s p a r a l l e l to other sentences containing go which have already been examined. As f o r come, we have to consider two i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s : one i s that we includes the hearer and the other i s that i t does not. (26) We came to Vancouver. ( i n c l u s i v e we) (a) The speaker i s i n Vancouver now. (b) The hearer i s i n Vancouver now. (c) * The speaker was already i n Vancouver,, at a r r i v a l time. (d) * The hearer was i n Vancouver at a r r i v a l time. 17 (27) We came there. ( i n c l u s i v e we) (a) * The speaker i s there now. (b) The hearer i s there now. (c) * The speaker was already there at a r r i v a l time. (d) * The hearer was there at a r r i v a l time. (28) We came to Vancouver. (exclusive we) (a) The speaker i s i n Vancouver now. (b) The hearer i s i n Vancouver now. (c) The hearer was i n Vancouver at a r r i v a l time. (29) We came there. (exclusive we) (a) * The speaker i s there now. (b) The hearer i s there now. (c) The hearer was there at a r r i v a l time. In the case of i n c l u s i v e we, suppositions (26c) and (26d), or (27c) and (27d) are not possible, since the occurrence of the d i r e c t i o n a l verb come i s strange i f the speaker or the hearer was already at the goal at a r r i v a l time. (27a) i s contradictory by the p r i n c i p l e I have already discussed. In the ease of exclusive we, the a c c e p t a b i l i t y pattern i s p a r a l l e l to that of sentences (14) and (15). 18 2.2 Kuru (come) and i k u (go) Native speakers of E n g l i s h seem to have i n t u i t i v e knowledge that come i s a verb to express motion toward the hearer or toward the speaker. Fil l m o r e ' s generalizations show the p a r a l l e l paradigm between the speaker and the hearer. The d e i c t i c point i s not only the speaker but also the hearer with regard to E n g l i s h come. What i s the Japanese native i n t u i t i o n about kuru (come) and i k u (go)? I t seems that kuru represents the meaning of motion toward the speaker, and iku, away from the speaker. Soga (1976, p. 285) provides generalizations as follows: (30) ( i ) Kuru holds i f the speaker i s at the goal (or v i c i n i t y ) at the time of the speech act. ( i i ) Kuru holds i f the goal i s where the speaker was, normally i s , or w i l l be at a s p e c i f i e d time, ( i i i ) ; In other cases, i k u occurs. (30 i ) b a s i c a l l y corresponds to (22 B i ) of F i l l m o r e ' s generalizations, and (30 i i ) to (22 B i i ) . The p r e d i c t a -b i l i t y of the occurrence of i k u i s quite s i m i l a r to that of go. Iku holds i f the goal i s a place where the speaker i s not located at the time of the speech act. Sentences 19 containing kuru do not involve the s i t u a t i o n where the hearer i s at the goal, and they have nothing to do with generalizations such as (22 B i i i ) or (22 B i v ) f o r English. I t i s possible to say that the d e i c t i c point i s normally the speaker i n case of kuru i n Japanese, though the s h i f t of viewpoint i s p a r t i a l l y p o s s i b l e . This w i l l be discussed l a t e r . Observe the fol l o w i n g sentences: (31) * Watakusi wa kyonen koko n i ik i m a s i t a . I l a s t year here to went * 'I went here l a s t year.' Supp * The speaker i s not here now. (30 i i i ) (32) Watakusi wa kyonen Tookyoo n i ik i m a s i t a . 'I went to Tokyo l a s t year.* Supp The speaker i s not i n Tokyo now. (30 i i i ) (33) Watakusi wa kyonen soko n i ik i m a s i t a . there •I went there l a s t year.• Supp The speaker i s not there now. (30 i i i ) Whatever the subject i s i n a sentence containing iku, the r e s u l t i s p a r a l l e l to the above examples. When the goal i s koko (here) as i n (31), the sentence i s ruled out, since i t supposes that the speaker i s not here now, which i s contrad i c t o r y . ^ When the goal i s a place represented by a full-noun phrase, or soko (there), as i n (32) and (33) 20 respectively, then the sentence i s grammatical. With regard to place deixis , English has two categories; Proximal, which refers to the place near the speaker at the time of speech, and D i s t a l , which refers to 7 a place away from the speaker at the time of speech. These two categories are redundant, since [+ProximalJ;i iis always £ - D i s t a l J , and ^-Proximal] i s always |+DistalJ . On the other hand, Japanese has a three-way d i s t inc t ion: Proximal, Medial, and D i s t a l . (34) English Japanese |+Proximalj ^•Proximal] ^Proximal -Dis ta l _ J -Proximal - D i s t a l -Proximal +Distal here there koko soko asoko Sentences with kuru follow: (35) Watakusi wa kyonen koko n i kimasita. 'I came here las t year. ' (a) The speaker i s here now. (t>) * The speaker was here las t year. (36) Watakusi wa kyonen Tookyoo n i kimasita. 'I came to Tokyo last year. ' 21 (a) The speaker i s i n Tokyo now. (b) * The speaker was i n Tokyo l a s t year. (37) * Watakusi wa kyonen soko n i kimasita. •I came there l a s t year.' (a) * The speaker i s there now. (b) * The speaker was there l a s t year. In (37b) the d e i c t i c adverb soko i s assumed to be £-ProximalJ. When the speaker i s the subject of the d i r e c t i o n a l verb kuru, suppositions (35b), (36b) and (37b) are contradictory, since the speaker could not have moved to a place at which he already existed. (37a) i s also contradictory. Consequently, sentences (35) and (36) are acceptable i f the speaker i s at the goal at coding time, while (37) i s unacceptable. Consider examples i n which the hearer or a t h i r d person i s the subject of kuru: (38) Anata / John wa kyonen koko n i kimasita. you 'You / John came here l a s t year.' (a) The speaker i s here now. (b) The speaker was here l a s t year. (39) Anata / John wa kyonen Tookyoo n i kimasita. 'You / John came to Tokyo l a s t year.' (a) The speaker i s i n Tokyo now. (b) The speaker was i n Tokyo l a s t year. 22 (40) Anata / John wa kyonen soko n i kimasita. •You / John came there l a s t year.' (a) * The speaker i s there now. (b) The speaker was there l a s t year. In (40), soko i s again marked £-ProximalJ. Since the d e i c t i c point i s normally only the speaker i n sentences containing Japanese kuru, the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of a sentence i n which the hearer i s the subject i s p a r a l l e l to that of a sentence i n which a t h i r d person i s the subject. Sentence (38) has two suppositions. Note that supposition (38b) does not work e f f e c t i v e l y without (38a), since the speaker i s always here. In other words, the possible suppositions of (38) are e i t h e r (38a), or (38a) and (38b). (39) i s ambiguous, with both (a) and (b) possible . (40) i s not ambiguous, since the speaker cannot be there at coding time. Since asoko i s also £-ProximalJ, i t s patterning i s the same as that of soko. 2.3 Extended notion of Goal In t h i s s e c t i o n I w i l l discuss the notion of goal. In sentences containing come, the goal has been considered to be the place where the speaker or the hearer i s located himself, but t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y so. In other words, occurrences of come or kuru are possible even i f the conditions (22) i n En g l i s h or (30) i n Japanese are not 23 s a t i s f i e d . Five s i t u a t i o n s w i l l be considered here. The viewpoint s h i f t i s not relevant here. 2.3.1 Home base One p o s s i b i l i t y i n E n g l i s h i s that the goal i s the place where one might expect to f i n d the speaker or the hearer. The goals i n the following sentences show what i s c a l l e d the home base. (41) John came over to my house l a s t night, but I wasn't at home. (42) John came to your house yesterday while you were gone. In (41) the goal i s the speaker's house, where the speaker d i d not happen to be at John's a r r i v a l time, although he normally i s . The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of (42) can be accounted f o r i n the same way. Fillmore termed t h i s usage the home base, and he gave some other examples i n which the goal i s not the actual home, but shows a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n nevertheless. (43) I came to the front door to l e t you i n , but you had already l e f t . (44) She came to the corner where we were going to meet, but I'd got stuck i n t r a f f i c and never made i t . 24 In (43) and (44), the goal i s considered to be the place where the speaker or the hearer i s expected to be i n that instance. In Japanese, the case i n which the hearer i s at the goal i s not s i g n i f i c a n t . Only the p o s i t i o n of the speaker i s relevant. Kuru i s normally possible when the speaker i s at the goal, but t h i s i s not necessary so long as the goal i s the place where the speaker i s normally or was expected to be located. Such i s the case i n (45), i n which the goal i s the speaker's own house. (45) Tanaka-san wa kinoo u t i e kimasita ga, watakusi wa gaisyutu-tyuu d e s i t a . 'Mr. Tanaka came to my house yesterday, but I was out.' 2.3.2 Closeness i n distance Come or kuru may be used i f the speaker's p o s i t i o n and the goal are very close i n contrast to the s t a r t i n g point and the goal. In English, the hearer's p o s i t i o n i s also relevant. This g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i s given by Soga (1976). (46) (a) Mr. Tanaka came to Seattle from Tokyo, (b) Tanaka-san wa Tookyoo kara Seattle e kimasita. 25 Sentence (46a) and (46b) show the same meaning. In (46a) the speaker or the hearer i s not n e c e s s a r i l y i n Seattle. I t w i l l s u f f i c e i f he i s i n Vancouver or some other place close to Seatt l e . The sentence shows the s t a r t i n g point i s Tokyo. The Japanese sentence (46b) i s also acceptable i n the same way. The only difference between E n g l i s h and Japanese i s that the hearer i s i r r e l e v a n t i n Japanese. This same consideration w i l l make the following sentence (47a) acceptable: (47) (a) Watakusi wa I960 nen n i soko n i kimasita. 'I came there i n I960.' I f we follow the generalizations i n (30), sentence (47a) ought to be ru l e d out since n e i t h e r the supposition that the speaker i s now there nor that the speaker was there i s true. However, the sentence i s acceptable since the speaker i s assumed to be c l o s e r to the goal soko than the s t a r t i n g point i s . Thus, kuru i s possible even with soko i n t h i s context. The equivalent E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n follows: (47) (b) I came there i n I960. According to r u l e s (11) and ( 1 2 ) , three suppositions are pos s i b l e : that the hearer i s there now, that the speaker i s there now, or that the hearer was there at a r r i v a l time. 26 But the supposition that the speaker i s there i s ruled out, since i t i s contradictory to the p r i n c i p l e that the speaker i s always here. However, i f the speaker's present'-'position i s assumed to be c l o s e r to the goal there than h i s s t a r t i n g point i s , the supposition that has been rule d out i s restored. In other words, though d e i c t i c adverbs here and there were previously defined as [+ProximalJ and ^-Proximal] r e s p e c t i v e l y , the d e f i n i t i o n s of the features Proximal and D i s t a l must be understood i n r e l a t i v e terms, not i n absolute and p h y s i c a l terms. Soko i n (47a) and there i n (47b) should be [+Proximalj, rather than [-Proximal] as i n most cases. Soga (1976) gives other s i m i l a r examples. (48) (a) Soko n i basu ga k i t a yo. (b) The bus came there. (49) (a) Asoko n i Tanaka-san ga k i t e i r u . (b) Mr. Tanaka has come over there. Soko (asoko) and there can occur with come and kuru r e s p e c t i v e l y without i n v o l v i n g the viewpoint s h i f t i f the s t a r t i n g p o s i t i o n i s f u r t h e r away from the goal than the speaker's p o s i t i o n . Soga provides the following r u l e s concerning the cases where the goal i s close to the speaker's l o c a t i o n : 27 (50) NP 3 > J J+Proximal] / i f NP 2 > NP / ^ -Proximal J / otherwise NP 2 represents the l o c a t i v e noun f o r the s t a r t i n g point of motion, and NP^ isj the goal. The feature |+Proximal] i s assigned to NP^ i f the distance "between the d e i c t i c point (the l o c a t i o n of the speaker at the time of speech) and NP^ i s smaller than that between the d e i c t i c point and NPg. Then kuru and i k u are derived by the fol l o w i n g r u l e : (51) +V _+Motion E n g l i s h come and jgo seem to behave much the same way as kuru and i k u r e s p e c t i v e l y i n (51). 2.3.3 Psychological t i e Even i f the speaker i n Japanese, or e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i n English, i s not at the goal, come or kuru may be used i f he has some psychological connection with the place expressed at the goal. F i r s t are some examples i n which the d i r e c t i o n a l verb can be e i t h e r go or come and e i t h e r i k u or kuru. kuru / +Proximal iku / otherwise (52) (a) Mary wa kinoo John no u t i n i i k i m a s i t a / kimasita. 28 (b) Mary went / came to John's house yesterday. (53) (a) Mary wa kinoo watakusi no gakkoo n i i t t a / ki t a soo desu. (b) I hear that Mary went / came to my school yesterday. In both (52) and (53) go and iku are usually used. However, an interpretation using come and kuru i s also possible so long as each sentence s a t i s f i e s a certain condition. When the speaker i n (52a), or either the speaker or the hearer i n (52b), was at John's house at Mary's a r r i v a l time, then an interpretation using kuru i n (52a), or come i n (52b), i s possible. In (53a) and (53b), another possible inter-pretation is= that the goal, my school, i s the place where the speaker i s normally expected to be. A further p o s s i b i l i t y i n a l l four of these sentences i s that the speaker may have a psychological connection with the goal. If this i s so, come and kuru are possible. If the speaker has a psychological t i e with John's house i n (52a) and (52b), and with my school i n (53a) and (53b), then come or kuru may be used. Next l e t us consider the following sentences: (54) (a) Mary wa Canada kara Nihon n i ikimasita / kimasita. (b) Mary went / came to Japan from Canada. 29 For the speaker i n Hawaii, the distance to Canada and that to Japan are considered to be almost the same. By rul e (50), NP^ (Japan) would be l a b e l l e d [-Proximal], since i t i s not the case that NP 2 (Canada) i s f a r t h e r from the d e i c t i c point (Hawaii) than NPo* Accordingly, the d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s normally in t e r p r e t e d using go and iku. Nevertheless, as I have already discussed i n t h i s section, the i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n using come or kuru i s also possible i f the speaker has a s p e c i a l psychological connection with the goal, Japan. What w i l l r e s u l t i f NP 3>NP 2? When the goal i s f a r t h e r away from the d e i c t i c point than the s t a r t i n g point i s , can the psychological connection of the speaker and the goal make come or kuru acceptable? (55) (a) Mary wa Seattle kara Nihon e i k i m a s i t a / kimasita. (b) Mary went / came to Japan from S e a t t l e . In (55a) and (55b), i k u or go i s used normally. However, even i f the speaker's d e i c t i c point i s a c t u a l l y f a r t h e r from the goal than from the s t a r t i n g point, i t i s possible to use come or kuru as long as the speaker has a psychological t i e with Japans For instance, Japanese people located i n Vancouver might take t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 30 2.3.4 Closeness i n kinship Not only the speaker himself (and the hearer i n English) but also someone related to the speaker (or hearer i n English) may play a role i n the use of the directional verbs. For the following sentences, assume that the speaker i s not at the goal: (56) (a) John wa kinoo watakusi no ane no u t i n i kimasita. 'John came to my sister's house yesterday.* (b) * John wa kinoo Mary no u t i n i kimasita. 'John came to Mary's house yesterday.' (57) (a) John came to your sister's house yesterday, (b) * John came to Mary's house yesterday. In (56a) the goal i s the speaker's sister's home base. Therefore, an interpretation with kuru i s possible i n (56a), while i t i s not possible i n (56b), since the goal i s the home base of a third person, not someone related to the speaker, and we are assuming no psychological attachment of the speaker to Mary's house. In English (57a), the goal i s the home base of the hearer's sister and the sentence i s acceptable. (57b) i s not grammatical unless either the speaker or the hearer i s located at the goal. 31 2.3.5 Accompaniment use I f the speaker i n Japanese, or e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i n English, i s making a journey with the subject; of the sentence, then kuru. or come may be used. Fillmore termed t h i s use of come as the accompaniment use. Consider the following sentences: (58) I came home at s i x o'clock. (59) I came home with you yesterday. For sentence (58) three suppositions are possible; that the hearer i s at home, that the hearer was at home at the speaker's a r r i v a l time, or that the speaker himself i s . at home now. One of these conditions must be s a t i s f i e d . But i n a sentence such as (59), the hearer must be understood to have gone to h i s own home. (6.0) You came to England with me. (61) Mary came to England with you. (62) * John came to England with Mary. In (60), the speaker i s making the journey with the hearer. In (61), a t h i r d person, Mary, i s making the journey with the hearer. Note that the supposition that the hearer i s or was located at the goal i s not s a t i s f i e d , although t h i s i s one of the o r i g i n a l suppositions discussed e a r l i e r . The f a c t that (59), (60) and (61) are acceptable shows 32 that i f e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i s making a journey, then a sentence which i n d i c a t e s the movement of somebody or something i n h i s company can contain come. On the other hand, the f a c t that (62) i s not acceptable under the supposition that n e i t h e r the speaker nor the hearer i s at the goal shows that the appropriate condition involves only the speaker or the hearer i n E n g l i s h , not a t h i r d person. Por sentence (62) to be acceptable i t must s a t i s f y one of the o r i g i n a l suppositions discussed e a r l i e r the speaker or the hearer must be at the goal (England). In Japanese only cases i n which the speaker i s making a journey are involved. (63) Anata / John wa roku-zi n i u t i e kaette-kimasita. 'You / John came home at s i x o'clock.' (64) Anata / John wa watakusi to u t i e kaette-kimasita. 'You / John came home with me.• (63) requires one of the o r i g i n a l suppositions that the speaker i s at the goal at coding time or at a r r i v a l time. In (64), the speaker made the journey with the hearer or a t h i r d person and went to h i s house, not the the hearer's house or to a t h i r d person's house. Nevertheless, kuru may be used i f the speaker makes a journey with the subject noun phrase. Note that the supposition that the speaker 33 i a , or was, located at the goal (the hearer's house or a t h i r d person's house) i s ; not required. (65) * John wa anata /Mary to Europe n i kimasita. •John came to Europe with you / Mary.' Here the a s t e r i s k does not mean that t h i s sentence i s ungrammatical, but that i t s supposition i s , not s a t i s f i e d when l o c a t i o n s of only second and t h i r d persons are i n question. Por the sentence to be appropriate, the speaker must be or must have been at the goal. According to Fillmore (1972), these suppositions account f o r the a c c e p t a b i l i t y judgment ind i c a t e d f o r the foll o w i n g sentences: (66) (a) Go away! (b) * Go here! (66b) i s starred because go requires that the goal be a place where the speaker i s not located at coding time, but the adverb here i n d i c a t e s p r e c i s e l y the place where the speaker i s located. S i m i l a r l y , the following two imperatives are acceptable: (67) (a) Come here! Gome along! The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of (67a) goes without saying. (67b) seems to be possible only when the speaker i s beckoning the hearer to accompany him. CHAPTER THREE VIEWPOINT SHIFT IN SIMPLEX SENTENCES S h i f t of viewpoint means that the speaker takes someone else's viewpoint. This occurs only when the fa c t o r s discussed i n the previous chapter the home base, the s p a t i a l or psychological closeness from the speaker and so on are not involved. I f they are involved, then the sentence must be speaker-centered i n Japanese. In E n g l i s h they must be speaker-centered or hearer-centered. Sentences i n which the viewpoint shi f t s ^ are d e f i n i t e l y hearer-centered or t h i r d person-centered. In Chapter Two, the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the suppositions f o r d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n Engl i s h and Japanese were discussed. With E n g l i s h come, i t i s much more common f o r the speaker to take the hearer's viewpoint than with Japanese kuru. Kuno (1976) shows that an empathy-related p r i n c i p l e i s needed to account f o r various l i n g u i s t i c phenomena. He uses the term'"empathy" with reference to the speaker's i d e n t i f y i n g himself, i n varying degrees, with the p a r t i c i p a n t s of an event or state that he describes-. The hierarchy i s mentioned i n h i s paper dealing with the 55 36 g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g verbs yaru and kureru i n Japanese. (1) The Speech-Act P a r t i c i p a n t Empathy Hierarchy: I t i s not possible f o r the speaker to empathize with someone else at the exclusion of himself: Speaker / Hearer > Th i r d Person At a glance i t appears that t h i s hierarchy i s appropriate f o r E n g l i s h come, since the hearer as well as the speaker can be the d e i c t i c point f o r E n g l i s h come. I t seems that i n E n g l i s h the viewpoint s h i f t toward the hearer i s much more probable than i n Japanese. However, Fillmore (1966, p. 227) has made an i n t e r e s t i n g statement regarding the empathy or viewpoint s h i f t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of English. I would l i k e to i n s i s t that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of these suppositions i n the form of e x p l i c i t semantic ru l e s i s preferred to saying merely that when the speakers of E n g l i s h use the word come they frequently "take the other fellow's point of view." This i s true, of course, but I p r e f e r to regard i t as a statement of E n g l i s h structure rather than as a statement about the p e r s o n a l i t y of speakers of t h i s language. Native speakers believe that the p e c u l i a r use of come i s inherent i n the structure. Furthermore, Soga (1976) gives the hierarchy concerning point of view f o r the uses of kuru i n Japanese. (2) Speaker > Hearer > Th i r d Person 37 I t i s c l e a r that i t i s most probable f o r the speaker to be the d e i c t i c point f o r Japanese kuru. There i s also a hierarchy between the hearer and a t h i r d person. This hierarchy i s discussed i n t h i s chapter. 3.1 S h i f t to the hearer Por the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s discussed i n Chapter Two, the viewpoint s h i f t i s not involved. In t h i s section, the problem of the s h i f t of viewpoint i n simplex sentences i n Japanese w i l l be discussed. Is i t possible f o r the speaker to take the hearer's point of view? According to Chapter Two, i t i s not possible . With the basic usage of kuru discussed i n the chapter, the speaker i s located at the goal. Here, however, the goal i s assumed to be a place where the hearer i s located. (3) John ga kinoo otaku n i kimasita ka. 'Did John come to your house yesterday?' (4) A s i t a Mary ga otaku n i kimasu yo. 'I t e l l you Mary w i l l come to your house tomorrow.' In (3) and (4), the subject of the d i r e c t i o n a l verb kuru i s ^ a t h i r d person. The goal i s not the speaker's home base, but the hearer's-. Consequently, i k u i s the expected verb. However, native speakers w i l l accept the sentence 38 using kuru. (3) and (4) with kuru are grammatical i f we understand the sentence from the hearer's point of view. The situation is- no longer speaker-centered, but hearer-centered. As discussed earlier, (3) and (4) are also possible i f the speaker's and the hearer's locations are relat i v e l y close. In such a; case, the point of view i s s t i l l speaker-centered. In general, when the subject of motion is: a third person, the viewpoint may shift from the speaker to the hearer i n Japanese, regardless of the sentence type. Is i t also possible for the speaker to take the hearer's point of view when the subject of the directional verb i s the hearer? Note that a simplex sentence with the hearer as subject would only occur i n direct discourse. With sentences i n the future or past tense i t i s possible for the hearer to be at the goal at the time of speech. This means that he has once arrived at or w i l l again arrive at the same place. Observe the following sentences: (5) Asita mo soko n i kite kudasai. tomorrow again there to coming please 'Please come there tomorrow again.' ( 6 ) Kinoo mo soko n i kimasita ne. yesterday again there to came tag Q 'You came there yesterday, too, didn't you?' 39 The speaker i s at the goal neither at the time of speech nor at a r r i v a l time (tomorrow or yesterday) only the hearer i s at the goal. Either of these sentences might occur, for instance, i n a telephone conversation. Note that sentences (5) and (6) are an imperative and an interrogative respectively. Soga (1976, p. 291) gives a. constraint with regard to the shift of viewpoint as follows: When the hearer i s the subject of the motion, the speaker may take the hearer's viewpoint, i f the relevant sentence i s embedded i n an imperative, conditional, desiderative, quotative or i t s equivalent, or interrogative structure. (Underlining i s mine.) I w i l l discuss the facts concerning complex sentences i n the following chapter. The following sentences i l l u s t r a t e the shift of viewpoint i n simplex sentences other than interrogative or imperative sentences: (7) ? Anata wa asita wa soko e ko-nai desyoo. you tomorrow there come-not probably 'You w i l l probably not come there tomorrow.' (8) ? Anata wa kinoo mo soko e kimasita (yo). you yesterday there came (you know) 'You came there yesterday, too, you know. (7) and (8) are neither interrogative nor imperative sentences, but declaratives; (7) i s negative and (8), affirmative. They seem awkward compared to (5) and (6). 40 This i s to be expected, since i n d i r e c t discourse, when the subject of motion i s the hearer, i n t e r r o g a t i v e and imperative sentences are more p r a c t i c a l and u s e f u l than de c l a r a t i v e sentences. A speaker r a r e l y u t t e r s a simple declarativessentence with a second person subject i n d i r e c t discourse. Even i f the d i r e c t i o n a l verb i n (7) and (8) is? i k u instead of kuru, neither sentence becomes?any l e s s awkward. I t seems that the awkwardness of viewpoint s h i f t here i s not due to the occurrence of a d i r e c t i o n a l verb but to the d i r e c t discourse s i t u a t i o n . There i s another possible type of simplex sentence an exclamatory sentence. (9) ? Anata wa nanto t a b i t a b i soko e kuru koto desyoo. 'How often you have come there! • Suppose that the speaker i s t a l k i n g on the phone and the hearer i s now at the goal. (9) i s as awkward as (7) and (8). These examples show that, i n general, the viewpoint may be s h i f t e d to the hearer only i n an i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentence or an imperative sentence, when the subject of kuru i s the hearer. Note that Oye (1975) says: that sentence (5) i s ungrammatical i f i k u i s used instead of kuru. On the other hand, Soga (1976) says that the replacement of k i t e kudasai (•please come') by i t t e kudasai ('please go') i s quite 41 p o s s i b l e . Both, are possible because of the supposition i n v o l v i n g i k u . I f i t t e kudasai I s involved instead of k i t e kudasai, then the speaker's viewpoint i s maintained. L a s t l y , l e t us consider the p o s s i b i l i t y that the speaker might take the hearer's point of view when the subject of kuru i s the speaker himself. Again;/the hearer iS 3 assumed to be at the goal. According to Oye (1975), the f o l l o w i n g past and future i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentences are grammatical: (10) * Sensyuu no mokuyoobi n i boku wa kimi no tokoro n i kimasita ka. 'Did I come to your house l a s t Thursday?' (11) * A s i t a nanzi n i kimi no tokoro n i kimasyoo ka. •What time s h a l l I come to your house tomorrow?' The speaker i s assumed not to be at the goal at the time of speech. Oye says that i n (10) and (11) kuru and i k u are [equally acceptable. He i n s i s t s that the s h i f t of view-point from the speaker to the hearer i s common when an in t e r r o g a t i v e sentence i s involved. According to him, the question i s posed using kuru i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of a response us i n g kuru. This argument i s very i n t e r e s t i n g ; however, i t should be noted that a n t i c i p a t i o n of a response using kuru does not a f f e c t viewpoint s h i f t elsewhere. Consider, f o r example, sentences with a t h i r d person subject. To 42 my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, the fol l o w i n g two sentences are equally acceptable: (12) Einoo otaku n i dare ka kimasita ka. 'Did anybody come to your house yesterday?' (13) Kinoo otaku n i dare ka kimasita yo. •Somebody came to your house yesterday, you know.• In (12) and (13), the hearer i s at the goal and the subject of motion i s a t h i r d person. (12) i s an i n t e r r o g a t i v e , while (13) i s a dec l a r a t i v e sentence. According to Oye, the viewpoint of the speaker i s more l i k e l y to be s h i f t e d to the hearer i n an i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentence than i n a dec l a r a t i v e sentence, even when a t h i r d person i s the subject of motion rather^ than the hearer. Yet according to my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, there does not seem to be any s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n the l e v e l s of grammaticality of the i n t e r r o g a t i v e (12) and the de c l a r a t i v e (13). The choice of kuru or i k u seems to depend completely on the i n t e n t i o n of the speaker. The de c l a r a t i v e sentences (4) and (13) are just as acceptable as the in t e r r o g a t i v e (12). Elsewhere, then, viewpoint s h i f t i s not ea s i e r i n in t e r r o g a t i v e sentences than i n de c l a r a t i v e sentences. Gye's argument claims that when the subject of motion i s the speaker, as i n (10) or (11), kuru i s possible i f the 43 sentence involved i s i n t e r r o g a t i v e . In view;of (12) and (13), t h i s claim seems doubtful. Moreover, according to the i n t u i t i v e knowledge of many native speakers of Japanese, as discussed by Soga (1976), sentences (10) and (11) are unacceptable. In other words, even i f the sentence i s in t e r r o g a t i v e , when the subject i s the speaker, he cannot take the viewpoint of a hearer who i s at the goal. The s h i f t of viewpoint i s not possible, and kuru i s never used. Therefore sentences (10) and (11) should be starred. This usage i s i n contrast with the usage of En g l i s h come. (14) (a) What time s h a l l I come to your house tomorrow? (b) * A s i t a nanzi n i otaku e kimasyoo ka. Come i n sentence (14a) must be tr a n s l a t e d as i k u i n Japanese, and as equivalent l e x i c a l item i n most other languages. We can summarize t h i s s e c t i o n as follows: In simplex sentences with kuru, i n which the hearer i s located at the goal at the time of speech, the speaker may take the hearer's viewpoint i n the following cases: when the subject of the motion i s a t h i r d person or, i n c e r t a i n types of sentences i n d i r e c t discourse, when the subject i s the hearer. 44 I f the speaker i s the subject, he cannot take the hearer's viewpoint. 3.2 S h i f t to a t h i r d person According to Chapter Two, i t i s not possible f o r the speaker to take a t h i r d person's point of view i n e i t h e r E n g l i s h or Japanese. Here I s h a l l examine the p o s s i b i l i t y of the s h i f t of viewpoint from the speaker to a t h i r d person. Por these sentences, assume that a t h i r d person or a thi n g i s at the goal at the time of speech, but ne i t h e r the speaker nor the hearer i s there. Both E n g l i s h and Japanese are involved. P i r s t are sentences i n which a t h i r d person i s the subject of the motion: (15) (a) * John wa a s i t a mo soko e kimasu. (b) * John w i l l come there tomorrow again. (16) (a) * John wa zibun no u t i e kaette kimasita. (b) * John came back to h i s own house. In (15) and (16), John i s assumed to be at the goal, there and h i s house r e s p e c t i v e l y , and the speaker i n Japanese (the speaker or the hearer i n English) i s assumed not to be^at the goal. A l l these four sentences should be starred unless the f a c t o r s discussed i n Chapter Two the speaker's home base,(the speaker's or hearer's home base i n En g l i s h ) , 45 the s p a t i a l or psychological closeness from the speaker and so on are involved. Also, i f (16a) and (16b) are narra t i v e s , then kuru or come; i s p o s s i b l e . Now observe the fol l o w i n g sentences: (17) (a) * Kinoo John ga Mary no u t i e k i t a yo. (b) * John came to Mary's house yesterday, you know. (18) (a) * Kinoo John ga Mary no tokoro n i kimasita ka. (b) * Did John come to Mary's house yesterday? Given that, i n (17) and (18) i t i s a t h i r d person other than the person of the subject (Mary, not John) who i s located at the goal, a l l four sentences are ungrammatical unless the speaker has some kind of psychological t i e with Mary or the speaker's place i s c l o s e r to Mary's house than John's s t a r t i n g point. For (18), an exceptional s i t u a t i o n is- possible that the hearer i s the lan d l o r d of a boarding house where Mary i s boarding, so that the hearer's house is ; Mary's home base. Needless to say, i k u i s also possible i n (17) and (18). In such a case, the viewpoint s h i f t i s not relevant. We can conclude that, when the subject of motion i s a t h i r d person, the viewpoint s h i f t from the speaker to a t h i r d person is: not possible i n ordinary d a i l y conversation. Fillmore (1972a, p. 15) makes an i n t e r e s t i n g 46 g e n e r a l i z a t i o n about the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s type of s h i f t . (19) In pure third-person discourse ( i . e . , i n discourse i n which the i d e n t i t y and l o c a t i o n of the Sender and the Addressee plays no r o l e ) , the narrator i s free to choose a point of view, such that movement toward the place or person whose point of view i s assumed can be expressed with the verb come. This p r i n c i p l e accounts; f o r the grammaticality or ungrammaticality of the following sentences. In (21) the the main verb i s a p r o p o s i t i o n a l verb. (20) She asketfi.me to come to her party, * but I decided not to come. (21) She had hoped that Fred would come on time, but, as usual, he came h a l f an hour l a t e . In (20) and (21), the goal i s assumed to be a place where she i s or was located. In (20), come cannot be used f o r the motion of the speaker, while i n (21), come i s possible since a t h i r d person i s the subject of the motion n e i t h e r the speaker nor the hearer i s involved at a l l . The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of (16a) and (16b) i s accounted f o r i n the same way. (20) and (21) are sentences i n which the speaker takes her viewpoint. On the other hand, i f the speaker takes another person's point of view, the r e s u l t i n g sentences are s t i l l grammatical as shown i n (22) and (23). 47 (22) I was asked to go to her party, but I decided not to go. (23) I t was hoped that Fred would go to her party on time, but, as usual, he went h a l f an hour l a t e . (24) and (25) i n Japanese are equivalent to (20) and (21) i n E n g lish. (24) * Mary wa watakusi ga kuru koto o negatta ga, watakusi wa konakatta. (25) Mary wa Jiolm^ ga kuru koto o negatta ga, kare^ wa konakatta. (24) is?unacceptable since the speaker i s involved i n the motion, while (25) i s acceptable since only a t h i r d person i s involved i n the motion, and not the speaker. (24) y i e l d s a grammatical sentence i f the speaker i s located at the goal at the time of speech. In such a case, the utterance i s speaker-centered. Now l e t us consider the viewpoint s h i f t from the speaker to a t h i r d person when the subject i s the hearer. In the following sentences, a t h i r d person, John, i s ; assumed to be at the goal. (26) (a) * Anata wa m a i n i t i John no u t i n i k i t e iraasu. 48 (b) * You come to John's house every day, and you are there now. (27) (a) * Anata wa kinoo John no u t i n i kimasita ka. (b) * Did you come to John's house yesterday? (26) and (27) are ungrammatical unless they satisfy the suppositions for kuru and come, or one of the conditions discussed i n the last chapter. Por example, they are grammatical i f the goal, John's house is; close to the speaker's position. However i n such a case the problem of the viewpoint sh i f t i s not relevant, since the sentence i s s t i l l speaker-centered. l a s t l y l e t us consider viewpoint shift from the speaker to the third person when the subject i s the speaker; (28) (a) * Watakusi wa 1960-nen n i America n i kimasita. (b) * I came to the United States i n I960. (29) (a) * Asita nanzi n i Mary no u t i n i kimasyoo ka. (b) * What time shall I come to Mary's house tomorrow? (30) (a) * Kinoo watakusi wa Tom no u t i n i kimasita ka. (b) * Did I come to Tom's house yesterday? A l l of the English and Japanese sentences above are ungrammatical unless they satisfy the suppositions for come and kuru or unless they involve one of the situations 49 discussed i n the previous chapter. In summary: In simplex sentences with E n g l i s h come and Japanese kuru i n which a t h i r d person i s at the goal, the s h i f t of viewpoint normally does not take place from the speaker to a t h i r d person, regardless^ of the subject. Prom the information i n t h i s chapter, a table concerning the p o s s i b i l i t y of viewpoint s h i f t i n simplex sentences may be proposed. This i s i n the Appendix 3-1. CHAPTER POUR VIEWPOINT SHIFT IN COMPLEX SENTENCES Before considering the p o s s i b i l i t y of the viewpoint s h i f t , i t i s necessary to c l a r i f y some of the underlying structures. When I considered simplex sentences i n Chapter Three, I mainly t r i e d to get simplex sentences. How can various aspectual morphemes (sentence f i n a l p a r t i c l e s or a u x i l i a r y verbs) be represented? (1) (a) John ga Mary no u t i n i kimasita. (b) John came to Mary's house. (2) (a) John ga Mary no u t i n i kimasita yo. (b) I t e l l you that John came to Mary's house. Sentences ( l a ) and (lb) are simplex d e c l a r a t i v e s on the 1 surface l e v e l . However, i t has been proposed (Ross (1970)) that even such sentences are underlyingly complex, having deep structures such as (3). A l l the de c l a r a t i v e sentences which involve d i r e c t i o n a l verbs are considered to have a structure such as (3). 50 51 ^communication" +performative + l i n g u i s t i c +declarative (goal) [+motion J Sentences (2a) involves the Japanese sentence-final p a r t i c l e y_o. One of the possible underlying structures f o r sentence (2a) i s s i m i l a r to s t r u c t u r e (3). The other possible structure i s : (3) NP„ NP I S_ NP 2 (goal) SP VP £+motion ] The symbol SP stands f o r a sentence p a r t i c l e i n (3)*. In trees (3) and (3)', the subject of the motion i s derived from NP-j^  and the goal from NP,,. Por (4a) to which an aspectual a u x i l i a r y sooda i s attached, structures (5) and (5)' are p o s s i b l e . (4) (a) John ga Mary no u t i n i k i t a sooda. (b) I hear that John came to Mary's house. No matter which structure (5) or (5)' we choose f o r (4a), the occurrence of a d i r e c t i o n a l verb i n ( l a ) , (2a) and (4a) follows the generalizations discussed i n the previous chapter. In other words, though (2a) and (4a) seem to have complex structures, the occurrence of come and go follows the generalizations already given. In a l l of the sentences i n (1), (2) and (4), come and kuru are possible so long as the speaker has a psychological connection with Mary, who i s or was located at the goal. 53 Por instance, i n (4a), i f the speaker heard from Mary that John had gone to her, then the sentence using kuru i s quite acceptable. I f they do not involve such s i t u a t i o n s as discussed i n Chapter Two, come and kuru are not possible. I t i s not possible to take the t h i r d person's (Mary* s) viewpoint i n the absence of a psychological t i e . We have just seen that even "simplex" sentences may be underlyingly complex. The res t of t h i s chapter concerns the p o s s i b i l i t y of viewpoint s h i f t from the speaker to other persons i n sentences which are complex i n surface structure as well as deep structure. There are three sections, divided according to a feature of the goal. The f i r s t s ection concerns sentences i n which the speaker i s located at the goal; the second, those i n which the hearer i s at the goal; and the t h i r d , those i n which a t h i r d person i s at the goal. 4.1 Situ a t i o n s i n which the speaker i s at the goal Even i f the use of come or kuru i s impossible i n a c e r t a i n simplex sentence, a grammatical sentence may r e s u l t i f the same simplex sentence i s embedded i n a c e r t a i n construction. Fillmore (1972a, p. 13-14) states: 54 Come i s appropriate under conditions that can be stated by r e p l a c i n g 'Sender' and 'Addressee' i n the formulation conditions ...... by 'Experienceds) of a subjective-experience verb' and by r e p l a c i n g 'coding; time' by 'the time of the subjective experience.' Verbs such as think, wonder, wish, omou (think) and negau (desire) arte considered to be subjective-experience verbs. He also makes a statement about verbs repor t i n g speech acts. Come i s appropriate i f the conditions are assumed s a t i s f i e d by the Sender or the Addressee of a reported communication act and the 'coding time' i s taken to be the time of the reported communication act. Verbs such as t e l l , ask, suggest, and i u ( t e l l ) are among the verbs that he r e f e r s to. I intend to explain how and why embedding under such verbs w i l l y i e l d grammatical sentences. In t h i s chapter, several sentences embedded under think, omou (think) or t e l l , i u ( t e l l ) w i l l be examined. The uses of come and kuru instead of go and i k u w i l l be the main points of discussion. Por t h i s section, assume that the speaker i s located at the goal. The f o l l o w i n g sentences are embedded under the verb think or omou. (1) (a) Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) mata koko n i kuru to omoimasu. (b) I think I w i l l come here again. 55 (2) (a) Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) izen koko n i ki t a koto ga aru to omoiraasu. (b) I think I came here before. (3) (a) Anata wa John ga watakusi no tokoro n i kuru to omoimasu ka. (b) Do you think that John w i l l come to my place? (4) (a) John wa (John ga) watakusi no tokoro n i There are ten l o g i c a l l y possible combinations of main verb subject and embedded verb subject when the speaker i s at the goal. Table 4.1 i n the Appendix shows the possible occurrences of come, go, kuru and iku. As i l l u s t r a t e d i n the table, come or kuru i s possible for a l l of these combinations. Motion toward the speaker at the goal i s observed from his own point of view. Whatever the subject of either the main or the embedded clause, come or kuru may be used as long as the speaker i s at the goal. Note that these embedded clauses are grammatical without being embedded i n the frames. When the speaker i s at the goal, the observation from his viewpoint remains even i f the sentence i s embedded under think or omou. Next are examples which contain the higher verb t e l l or i u : koyoo to omotte imasu. John thinks that he w i l l come to my place. 56 (5) (a) Watakusi wa Mary n i mata koko n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) I t o l d Mary that I would come here again. (6) (a) Mary wa John n i a s i t a watakusi no tokoro n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) Mary t o l d John that she would come to my place tomorrow. The suppositions about the viewpoint i n Chapter Two hold. In other words, the d e i c t i c point i s the speaker, and the viewpoint i s not s h i f t e d . However, as we s h a l l see l a t e r , the viewpoint does tend to be s h i f t e d to the subject (NP-^) of the higher verb, so that here we must have a constraint which p r o h i b i t s i t from doing so. The problems of such constraints are discussed i n t h i s section. P e c u l i a r to E n g l i s h i s the f a c t that when the speaker i s at the goal, the viewpoint never seems to be s h i f t e d to NP^. In Japanese:', however, as shown i n Table 4.2, the motion may also be observed from the viewpoint of NP-^ , so that both i k u (go) and kuru (come) are p o s s i b l e . This di f f e r e n c e between the occurrences of go and i k u i n E n g l i s h and Japanese w i l l be discussed l a t e r . 4.2 Sit u a t i o n s i n which the hearer i s at the goal According to Fillmore's supposition r u l e s f o r E n g l i s h come, not only the speaker but also the hearer can be the 5 7 d e i c t i c point i n Eng l i s h . Thus, i f the hearer i s at the goal even with an embedded sentence which contains a d i r e c t i o n a l verb, come i s used i n the same way as i n a simplex sentence. ( 7 ) (a) What time do you think I w i l l come to your house tomorrow?; (b) What time do you think John came to your house yesterday? (8) I asked you i f Mary came to your house yesterday. On the other hand, i n a Japanese simplex sentence, the s h i f t of viewpoint from the speaker to the hearer i s uncommon when the subject of the motion i s the speaker, as already discussed; i n the previous chapter. I w i l l now investigate the conditions under which a grammatical sentence w i l l r e s u l t when such a sentence i s embedded under a subjective-experience verb or a verb of speech acts. When the hearer i s located at the goal i n a complex sentence with the higher verb think or omou, there are ten l o g i c a l l y possible combinations of subject of the higher verb and subject of the d i r e c t i o n a l verb i n the embedded clause. These combinations and the occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n these contexts are shown i n Table 4.3. The number given f o r each combination i n Table 4.3 corresponds to that i n 4.4 which shows the occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l 58 verbs embedded under t e l l or i u . Now observe the fol l o w i n g sentences: (9) Anata wa John ga otaku n i kuru to omotte i r u n desu ka. •Do you think John w i l l come to your house? 1 (10) Anata wa (anata ga) mata soko n i koyoo to omotte i r u n desu ka. 'Do you think you w i l l come there again?' (11) Anata wa watakusi ga otaku n i kuru to omotte i r u n desu ka. 'Do you think I w i l l come to your house?' In (10), soko (there) i s the hearer's present l o c a t i o n , and he i s expected to return there. A l l three sentences (9), (10) and (11) are grammatical. (11) should be e s p e c i a l l y noted, since i t s embedded sentence i s ungrammatical as a simplex sentence. (12) think' [Amotion] •your house' 59 Given (12) as the s t r u c t u r a l tree f o r sentence (11), we can c l e a r l y see that f o r the lowest sentence alone, iku would be used. However, kuru i s possible i f the sentence i s embedded within a sentence with the hearer as subject. So f a r our examples have shown that a Japanese sentence with kuru i n which the hearer i s at the goal y i e l d s a grammatical sentence when i t i s embedded i n a complex sentence. However, t h i s i s not always the case. (13) * John wa watakusi ga otaku n i kuru to omotte imasu. 'John thinks I w i l l come to your house.' (14) * John wa watakusi ga otaku n i k i t a to omotte imasu. •John thinks I came to your house.* Three people are involved here: the speaker, the hearer and John, a t h i r d person. Oye (1975) says that, i n sentences such as (13) and (14) i n which a t h i r d person i s the subject of the higher verb, an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using kuru i s d i f f i c u l t . According to him, t h i s i s because the speaker's and John's viewpoints are more dominant than the hearer's. Moreover, although John i s the subject of the higher clause, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to observe the mqtionv from h i s point of view since the speaker's viewpoint i s dominant. S i m i l a r l y , the fol l o w i n g sentences are ungrammatical: 60 (15) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) a s i t a otaku n i kuru to omoimasu. 'I think I w i l l come to your house tomorrow.' (16) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) kinoo otaku n i k i t a to omoimasu. 'I think I came to your house yesterday.' The speaker i s too dominant f o r the viewpoint to he s h i f t e d p to the hearer. Now compare (11) with (13) and (15). In each of these sentences the embedded sentence i s ungrammati-c a l i f i t stands by i t s e l f . Yet when i t i s embedded i n (11) whose subject i s the hearer (who i s at the goal), then the r e s u l t i n g complex sentence i s grammatical, because the speaker's viewpoint i s : weakened by the hearer as subject, so that the viewpoint may s h i f t to the hearer. On the other hand, i n (13) and (15), the speaker's viewpoint i s strengthened by the speaker or t h i r d person as subject of the main clause. In (11), the embedded sentence represents the hearer's i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g , and the speaker's viewpoint i s weakened so as to be o b j e c t i v i z e d . With the speaker's viewpoint o b j e c t i v i z e d and treated as a sort of t h i r d person, the speaker's motion toward the hearer can be inte r p r e t e d using kuru. On the other hand, the embedded sentence of (15) represents the speaker's own i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g since the subject of the higher verb i s the speaker' himself. Thus the speaker's viewpoint i s ne i t h e r 61 o b j e c t i v i z e d nor weakened, but strengthened. In (13), the embedded sentence represents John's i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g . In such a case, the ne u t r a l i k u i s used. In a l l of these complex sentences, the embedded sentence represents the i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g of the subject of the higher verb, not of the subject of the embedded verb. Next l e t us consider viewpoint s h i f t i n a complex sentence which has a verb of speech acts. Table 4.4 shows the l o g i c a l l y possible combinations of the noun phrases. Compare the fol l o w i n g sentences: (17) * Watakusi wa anata / John n i watakusi ga otaku n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . 'I t o l d you / John that I would come to your house.* (18) Anata wa watakusi / John n i watakusi ga otaku n i k i t e y o i / kuru to i i m a s i t a . •You t o l d me / John that I might / would come to your house.* (19) John wa (a)*watakusi / (b) anata n i watakusi ga otaku n i k i t e y o i / kuru to i i m a s i t a . •John t o l d me / you that I might / would come to your house.' The grammaticality of (18) shows that the motion of the speaker toward the hearer can be inte r p r e t e d using kuru 62 when embedded i n a higher sentence i n which the hearer, who i s at the goal, i s the subject of a verb of speech acts. (17) i s ungrammatical because the speaker's viewpoint i s strengthened by the speaker's being the subject of the higher clause. S i m i l a r l y , (19a) i s unacceptable. Though the higher subject i s a t h i r d person (John) i n (19a), h i s viewpoint i s not as dominant as the viewpoint of the speaker, who i s the subject of the embedded sentence. On the other hand, (19b) i s grammatical, since the subject of the embedded clause (NP 2 the hearer) i s located at the goal (NP^). In other words, i n (19a) the speaker's viewpoint i s taken, while i n (19b) the viewpoint i s s h i f t e d to the hearer. Now compare (18) and (19b). Both (18) and (19b) are grammatical, although they take the hearer's point of view. In (18), the hearer i s the subject of the higher verb (NP^), while i n (19b) he i s the i n d i r e c t object (NP 2). Here, i f the person at the goal (NP^) i s the same as e i t h e r NP^ or NP 2, then the motion i s observed from h i s viewpoint, and i s i nterpreted using kuru. I w i l l discuss t h i s more i n the next chapter. 4.3 Situations i n which a t h i r d person i s at the goal In t h i s section we w i l l see how the viewpoint i s s h i f t e d when a sentence with a d i r e c t i o n a l verb and a 63 t h i r d person at the goal i s embedded i n a higher clause. F i r s t , consider complex sentences with a subjective--experience verb as the higher verb. Table 4.5 show the l o g i c a l l y p ossible combinations of noun phrases and the possible d i r e c t i o n a l verbs f o r them. I w i l l examine the p o s s i b i l i t y or i m p o s s i b i l i t y of viewpoint s h i f t and give explanations f o r trends noted. Here we have to consider not only Japanese kuru but also E n g l i s h come.; since the s h i f t toward a t h i r d person i n a simplex sentence i s impossible, as has already been mentioned. Compare the following sentences: (20) (a) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) John no u t i n i ko-yoo to omotte imasu. (b) * I think I w i l l come to John's house. (21) (a) * Anata wa watakusi / anata ga John no u t i n i kuru-daroo to omotte imasu. (b) * You think that I / you w i l l come to John's house. (22) (a) John^ wa watakusi ga kare^ no u t i n i kuru to omotte imasu. (b) John^ thinks I w i l l come to h i s ^ house:. (23) (a) * John wa watakusi ga B i l l no u t i n i kuru to omotte imasu. (b) * John thinks that I w i l l come to B i l l ' s house. 64 (22) i s grammatical, while ( 2 0 ) , (21) and (23) are not. Thus, we can capture a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n by saying that such complex sentences w i l l be grammatical only i f the subject of omou or think (the subjective-experience verb) i s the person at the goal of the motion i n the embedded clause. In ( 2 3 ) , a t h i r d person i s at the goal, but he i s a d i f f e r e n t t h i r d person from John. Thus, the sentences i n (23) are also unacceptable. Oye (1975) says that there e x i s t s a d i f f e r e n c e i n the l e v e l s of grammaticality of a future tense sentence and a past tense sentence. (24) (a) (b) (25) (a) (b) There i s no d i f f e r e n c e between the grammaticality of future and past tense\ sentences using kuru or come:; however, the use of iku or go i s more questionable i n the past tense sentence (25) than i n the future tense ( 2 4 ) . The d i r e c i o n a l verb here would normally be kuru or come, since the subject John^ wa Yamada-san ga a s i t a k a r e i no party n i kuru / i k u to omotte i r u . John i thinks that Mr. Yamada w i l l come /??go to h i s ^ party tomorrow. John, wa Yamada-san ga kinoo kare. no party n i k i t a / * ? i t t a to omotte i r u . John i thinks that Mr. Yamada came /*went to h i s . party yesterday. 65 of the higher clause i s John and he i s at the goal. This viewpoint s h i f t to John seems to be more important with a past tense than with a future tense; embedded' sentence, and also more important i n Engl i s h than i n Japanese. Next, sentences embedded under the higher verb t e l l or i u w i l l be considered. Table 4.6 shows the l o g i c a l l y -p o s s i b l e combinations of noun phrases and the possible occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n these contexts. Observe the fol l o w i n g sentences: (26) (a) John^ wa Mary n i anata ga kare.^ no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) John i t o l d Mary that you would come to h i s i house. (27) (a) Anata wa JJohn.^  n i watakusi ga k a r e i no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) You ttold John, that I would come to h i s . house. In (26), the subject of the higher clause i s the same as the goal of the motion of the embedded sentence. In such a case, the motion can be observed from John's viewpoint. In (27), John i s the i n d i r e c t object (NP 2) of the higher sentence and also involved i n the motion of the embedded sentence. I f we say that a person who i s involved i n a motion i s e i t h e r one who moves toward the goal, or one who 66 i s located at the goal, then i t seems that not only the subject (NP-L) hut also the i n d i r e c t object (NP 2) of the higher sentence can be s i g n i f i c a n t when also involved i n the motion. Therefore, John's viewpoint can be taken even i n (27). Even though the hearer i s the subject of the higher sentence, the motion cannot be observed from h i s point of view. This i s due to the f a c t that John's view-point i s more dominant than the hearer's viewpoint, since John i s involved both i n the higher clause and i n the embedded sentence. On the other hand, the speaker's viewpoint, which i s d i f f e r e n t from the hearer's viewpoint although i t requires the same verb, may be taken i n (27a). This p o s s i b i l i t y seems to be r e s t r i c t e d to Japanese i k u i s acceptable i n (27a), while go i n (27b) i s not. This diffe r e n c e w i l l be discussed f u r t h e r l a t e r on. In (28) and ( 2 9 ) , the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using kuru or come i s not possib l e . (28) (a) * Watakusi wa anata n i John ga Mary no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) * I t o l d you that John would come to Mary's house. (29) (a) * John wa Mary n i Taroo ga Hanako no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) * John t o l d Mary that Taro would come to Hanako's house. 6 7 In sentences: i n (28a,b) and (29a,ID), n e i t h e r the subject (NP-^) nor the i n d i r e c t object (NP 2) of the higher sentence i s involved i n the motion of the embedded sentence. In such a case, the motion i s observed from the neutr a l viewpoint of NP^ of the higher clause. In (28) and ( 2 9 ) , kuru and come are not possible, unless the sentence s a t i s f i e s one of the suppositionsrules or one of the s i t u a t i o n s discussed i n Chapter Two. In (30) to ( 3 4 ) , the two noun phrases of the higher clause; are both involved i n the motion of the embedded sentence. (30) (a) John, wa watakusi n i (watakusi ga) (b) kare^ no u t i n i k i t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . John, t o l d me that I might come to h i s . house. ( 3 D (a) John^ wa anata n i (anata ga) kare_^ no u t i n i k i t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . (b) John, t o l d you that you might come to h i s . house. (32) (a) * Watakusi wa John, n i (watakusi ga ) kare. no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) I t o l d John, that I would come to h i s . house. When both noun phrases of the higher clauses are also 68 involved; i n the motion i n the embedded sentence, the viewpoint i s shifted to the subject (NP.^ ) of the higher sentence i n Japanese, and to the goal of the motion (NP^) in English. Thus, (30) and (31) i n both Japanese and English are grammatical, since the motion i s observed from John's viewpoint, where John i s both NP-^  and NP^. In (32), however, where NP^ i s different from NP^, English and Japanese require different verbs come and iku respectively. (33) (a) * John- wa Mary, n i (kare. ga) kanozyo^ no u t i n i kuru to iimasita. (b) John- told Mary^ that he i would come to her. house. J (34) (a) John, wa Mary, n i (kanozyo. ga) kare. no u t i n i kite yoi to iimasita. (b) John, told Mary, that she. might come to his^ house. Since both John and Mary are involved both i n the higher clause and i n the motion i n (33) and (34), NP^'s (John's) viewpoint i s taken i n Japanese sentences. In (33a), John's own motion toward Mary* s house cannot be expressed from John's viewpoint by kuru. On the other hand, i n (33b), come i s possible. This difference between English and Japanese i s due to a difference i n the supposition rules 69 f o r E n g l i s h and Japanese. In (34a), Mary* s motion toward John's house i s expressesd by kuru, from John's (NP^) viewpoint. S i m i l a r l y , (34b) i s grammatical, since i n En g l i s h her motion toward John*s house i s interpreted from NP^'s point of view. However, native speakers of Japanese do not always f i n d t h i s sentence unacceptable. Furthermore, E n g l i s h informants seem to use come and gjo interchangably both i n (33b) and (34b). I t seems that when both noun phrases of the higher clauses are also involved i n the motion i n the embedded sentence, the diffe r e n c e between E n g l i s h and Japanese supposition r u l e s i s n e u t r a l i z e d to a c e r t a i n extent. CHAPTER FIVE TOWARD POSSIBLE GENERALIZATIONS 5.1 Generalizations So f a r I have discussed the possible occurrences of come and kuru i n complex sentences by examining those with e i t h e r subjective-experience verbs or verbs of speech acts; as the higher verb. In t h i s section, the r e s t r i c t i o n s on the occurrences of go and i k u w i l l be considered. The dis c u s s i o n w i l l be based on the fol l o w i n g generalizations "by Oye (1975) about the occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs: Usage of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs when the higher verb i s 'think'  or 'omou' En g l i s h and Japanese: ( i ) When the speaker-is located at the goal, the motion i s observed from h i s point of view, and come or kuru i s used. ( i i ) When the subject (NP^ of the higher verb think or omou i s : involved i n the motion, then the motion i s observed from h i s point of view. (However, i n Japanese, when NP^ i s located at the goal and at 70 71 the same time the speaker i s the subject of the motion, then i k u i s also- possible, with the motion being observed from the speaker* s point of view.) ( i i i ) When the speaker i s not located at the goal, and NP^ i s not involved i n the motion, then the motion i s n e u t r a l l y interpreted by i k u or go>, since the motion i s observed from the temporary viewpoint of NP 1. Usage of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs when the higher verb i s ' t e l l ' or ' i u * E n g l i s h : ( i ) When the speaker i s located at the goal, the motion i s observed from h i s point of view. ( i i ) When the speaker i s not located at the goal, i f e i t h e r NP 1 or NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, then the motion i s observed from h i s point of view, and the appropriate d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s chosen. ( i i i ) When the speaker is; not located at the goal, and n e i t h e r NP^ nor NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed temporarily from the point of view of NP^ (i v ) When both NP]L and NP 2 are involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of the person who i s located at the goal. 1 72 Japanese ( I ) : (i) When either NP^ or NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed from his point of view. ( i i ) When neither NP.^  nor NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed temporarily from NP-^ 's point of view, and i s interpreted neutrally by iku. ( i i i ) When both NP^ and NP 2 are involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed from NP^'s point of view, and the appropriate directional verb i s chosen. However, when NP 2 i s the speaker and he i s also located at the goal, the interpretation with kuru, from the speaker's point of view, i s possible. Japanese ( I I ) : (i) When the speaker i s located at or moves toward the goal, then the motion i s observed from his point of view, and the appropriate directional verb i s chosen. ( i i ) When the above condition (i) i s not satisfied, i f either NP-j^  or NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, then the motion i s observed from his viewpoint, and the appropriate directional verb i s chosen. ( i i i ) When neither (i) nor ( i i ) i s not satisfied, the motion i s observed temporarily from NP-^ 's point of view, and i s interpreted by iku. 73 ( i v ) When both NP-^  and NP 2 are involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed from WP^'s point of view, and the appropriate d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s chosen. As has already been mentioned, Gye says that Japanese has two types of generalizations. The only d i f f e r e n c e between the f i r s t set and the second set i n Japanese i s that the former l a c k s ( i ) of the l a t t e r . In other words, the s i t u a t i o n i n which the speaker-is located at or moves toward the goal i s not s i g n i f i c a n t i n the f i r s t set. I t seems possible to combine these two sets by making ( i ) of the second set optional. The generalizations about Eng l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n the context of t e l l are b a s i c a l l y the same as the second set of generalizations f o r Japanese i n the context of i u . Furthermore, both are p a r a l l e l to the generalizations i n the context of omou or think. The f i r s t set of generalizations i n the context of i u i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the behaviour of the Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verb. (1) (a) John wa watakusi no u t i n i koyoo /*ikoo to omotte imasita. (b) John i thought h e i would come /*go to my house. (2) (a) John wa Mary n i Taroo ga watakusi no u t i n i kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d Mary that Taro would come/*go to my house. 74 The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of kuru and come r e s p e c t i v e l y can be accounted f o r by ge n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i ) of the second set of generalizations f o r Japanese i n the context of i u and ge n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i ) of the Engl i s h generalizations i n the context of t e l l . In (2a), the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using i k u i s also possible by ge n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) of the f i r s t set of generalizations f o r Japanese i n the context of i u . We can s a f e l y remove the words " i s located at or," l e a v i n g only "when the speaker moves toward the goal " from ( i ) of the second set of generalizations f o r the context of Japanese i u , and pos i t a f i f t h g e n e r a l i z a t i o n that says " i f the speaker i s at the goal, h i s viewpoint may be takenn, regardless of the other conditions." Note that the word "may" rather than "must" i s used, i n d i c a t i n g that another, viewpoint may s t i l l be chosen. The motion of Taroo can be observed from NP^'s (John's) point of view instead of the speaker's, and can be expressed by i k u . This p o s s i b i l i t y i n the context of Japanese i u i s one of the major di f f e r e n c e s from the p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n the context of En g l i s h t e l l , and also from those i n the context of Japanese omou. The usage with Japanese; i u can be s i m i l a r to that i n d i r e c t discourse. I t might be said, therefore, the d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t discourse i n Japanese i s not always c l e a r . ^ 75 To i l l u s t r a t e f u r t h e r : (3) (a) John wa Mary n i watakusi no u t i n i iku to i i m a s i t a . 'John t o l d Mary that (he) would go to my house." (b) John^ wa Mary n i kare^ ga watakusi no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . 'John^ t o l d Mary that he^ would.come to my house;. ' (4) (a) John wa Mary n i watakusi ga kuru to i i m a s i t a . 'John t o l d Mary that I would come (to h i s house).' (b) John^ wa Mary n i watakusi ga kare.^ n o u t i n i ik u to i i m a s i t a . 'John- t o l d Mary that I would go to h i s 1 i house.' In Japanese, the d e l e t i o n e i t h e r of the subject of the motion i n the embedded sentence or of the goal i s sometimes possible, as i n (3a) and (4a) r e s p e c t i v e l y . (4a) i s ambiguous i n that we are not sure whether John or Mary i s located at the goal. Here (3a) and (3b), or (4a) and (4b) are assumed to have the same meaning. When such a noun phrase i s deleted, the complex sentence becomes s i m i l a r to d i r e c t discourse. In (3a) and (4a), the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of NP-^ , even though the speaker i s 76 involved i n the motion, ©n the other hand, i n (3b) and (4b), the motion i s observed from the speaker's viewpoint. This possible adoption of the viewpoint i s r e s t r i c t e d to the context of the verbs of speech acts i n Japanese. Compare the following Japanese and English sentences, i n which the speaker i s the subject of the motion: (5) (a) John^ wa Mary n i watakusi ga k a r e i no u t i n i kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John^ t o l d Mary that I would come to h i s ^ house. The three persons involved i n (5a) and (5b) are the same. According to Oye, iku i s possible i n (5a) by condition ( i ) of the second set of generalizations i n the context of Japanese i u . When the speaker moves toward the goal, then the motion i s observed from h i s point of view. The motion may also be observed from the viewpoint of NP^ of the higher clause, according to Japanese I ( i ) , and kuru may also be used. On the other hand, i n (5b), only come i s used, since the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of John, who i s at the goal, according to ( i i ) f o r E n g l i s h t e l l . In English, i t i s not s i g n i f i c a n t that the speaker himself moves toward the goal i n the embedded sentence. This i s another d i s t i n c t i o n between E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs according to Oye. 77 (6) (a) John^ wa watakusi ga kare^ no u t i n i kuru / i k u to omotte imasita. (b) John^ thought that I would come to h i s ^ house. In (6), the higher verb i s omou or think. In (6a), i . e . i n Japanese, the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of e i t h e r the speaker or NP^, while the motion i n E n g l i s h (6b) ean be observed only from the viewpoint of NP-^ , John. These f a c t s i n (6a) and (6b) can be accounted f o r by ge n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) f o r think and omou. With i u and t e l l , when the speaker i s not involved i n the motion, i f e i t h e r NP 1 or NP 2 i s involved, then the motion i s observed from h i s point of view. This i s true of both E n g l i s h and Japanese. (7) (a) John i wa Mary n i B i l l ga k a r e i no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) John i t o l d Mary that B i l l would come to h i s ^ house. (8) (a) John^ wa Mary n i kare^ ga B i l l no u t i n i iku to i i m a s i t a . (b) John^ t o l d Mary that h e i would go to B i l l ' s house. In (7) and (8), John i s involved i n the motion. Thus, the 78 motion i n the embedded sentence i s observed from John's point of view. How John i s involved i n the motion i s significant for the choice of the verb. If John, the subject of the higher verb, i s located at the goal i n the embedded sentences, then come or kuru i s used. On the other hand, i f John moves toward the goal, then go or iku i s used. This i s par a l l e l to the omou- or think-construction. (9) (a) John^ wa (kare^ ga) Mary no u t i e ikoo to omotte imasita. (b) John^ thought he^ would go to Mary's house. In (9a) and (9b), John i s involved i n the motion. The motion i s observed from his point of view, and i s expressed by iku or go. If John i s located at the goal and Mary moves toward the goal, then kuru i s used. Now, observe the following examples, i n which Mary (NPg) i s involved i n the motion rather than John (NP^). (10) (a) John wa Mary.^  n i (kanozyo.^ ga) B i l l no u t i n i i t t e yoi to iimasita. (b) John told Mary^ that she^ might go to B i l l ' s house. (11) (a) John, wa 'Maryi n i B i l l ga kanozyo i no u t i n i kuru to iimasita. (b) John told Mary.^  that B i l l would come to her'/ house. 79 According to Oye, the motion i s observed from Mary's (NPg's) point of view. In (10a) and (10b), Mary moves toward the goal, and i k u and go are used. Since i k u would also represent the motion from the viewpoint of John (NP-^), we do not know whether the motion i s r e a l l y observed from the viewpoint of Mary (NPg) or from that of John (NP-j^). In (11a) and ( l i b ) , Mary i s located at the goal, and kuru and come are used. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that n e i t h e r NP^ nor NP 2 i s involved i n the motion. I f a sentence meets t h i s condition, then the motion i s observed temporarily from the viewpoint; of NP^ i n both Japanese and English. (12) (a) John wa Mary n i Taroo ga Hanako no; u t i n i iku to i i m a s i t a . (b) . John t o l d Mary that Taro would go to Hanako's house. In (12a) and (12b), the motion i s observed from the view-point of John, and the motion verb i k u or go i s chosen. This i s p a r a l l e l to the omou- or think-construction. When the subject of omou or think i s not involved i n the motion i n the embedded sentence, then the motion i s observed temporarily from his. viewpoint, and i k u or go i s used, as i n (13). 80 (13) (a) John wa Taroo ga Hanako no u t i n i i k u to omoimasita. (b) John thought that Taro would go to Hanako's house. The f i n a l p o s s i b i l i t y i s that both NP^ and NP 2 are involved i n the motion. Here again, i n Japanese, the motion i s observed from NP-^ ' s point of view as shown also i n (33) and (34) of the preceding chapter. In English, the motion i s observed from the point of view of the person who i s at the goal (NP A). (14) (a) (b) (15) (a) (h) According to the generalizations, the motion i s observed from John's (NP-^'s) point of view i n (14a) and i k u i s used. In (14b), come i s used, since the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of Mary who i s located at the goal. This i s due to the differ e n c e i n the supposition r u l e s f o r Japanese and E n g l i s h discussed i n Chapter Two. In (15a) and John, wa Mary, n i (kare. ga) kanozyo. no u t i n i iku to iimasita. John^ told Mary^ that he^ would come to her. house. J John, wa Mary, n i (kanozyo. ga) kare. no u t i n i kite yoi to iimasita. John, told Mary, that she. might come to his. house. 8 l (15b), Jo tin i s both. NP-^  and NP^, so that kuru and come are chosen. Following Oye's generalizations, I have considered, the possible occurrences of the E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c i o n a l verbs kuru, iku, come and go. Here I w i l l summarize the three main differences between the occurrences of E n g l i s h and of Japanese: d i r e c t i o n a l verbs that these generalizations: show. F i r s t consider cases where: the speaker i s at the goal i n a complex sentence. In English, the motion must be observed from h i s point of view. In Japanese:, however, except i n the omou-construction, the motion may be observed from the viewpoint of e i t h e r the speaker or NP-^ , the subject of the higher verb. One might also say that there i s not always a clea r - c u t d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t discourse i n Japanese:. The second diff e r e n c e i s i n sentences i n which the subject of the motion (NP^) i s the speaker. I f we follow Oye's generalizations, i n Japanese, the motion i s observed from the speaker's viewpoint according 1 to generalizations (ii) i n the context of omou or ge n e r a l i z a t i o n ( I l - i ) i n the context of i u . In the context of i u , the motion i s also be observed from the viewpoint of the subject of a higher verb (NP^) according to g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( I ) . On the other^ hand, i n English, i t is- i r r e l e v a n t that the speaker i s the 82 subject of the motion (NP^), and the motion must be observed from the viewpoint of NP^. The t h i r d d i f f e r e n c e between E n g l i s h and Japanese i s i n sentences i n which NP-^  and NP 2 are both involved i n the motion. In Japanese, the motion i s observed from NP-^'s viewpoint, while i n E n g l i s h i t i s observed from the view-point of the person who is; located at the goal (NP^), and go i s never used. 5.2 Overgeneralizations and counterexamples In the previous section, I gave Oye's generalizations, and examples as they are stated. Oye's generalizations were based on the notion of the viewpoint. In the three parts- of t h i s section, I intend to comment on these generalizations and give some counterexamples. 5.2.1 F i r s t , the generalizations do not take into account s i t u a t i o n s i n which the hearer i s located at the goal. I have already pointed out that i n simplex sentences: the behaviour of come i s very d i f f e r e n t from that of kuru. Next I w i l l i nvestigate complex sentences. (16) (a) John i wa anata n i (k a r e i ga) otaku n i kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John i t o l d you that he^ would come / go to your house. 83 (17) (a) John wa anata n i Taroo ga otaku n i kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d you that Taro would come / go to your house. In (16) and (17), NP^ i s John and NP 2 i s the hearer. In (16), NP-^  and NP 2 are both involved i n the motion. I f we follow the generalizations, then i k u should be used i n (16a) since the motion i s observed from John*s point of view i n Japanese, while come i s more appropriate than go i n (16b) since the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of the person at the goal (the hearer). In (16a) kuru also seems poss i b l e . The reason i s that the speaker's viewpoint i s a v a i l a b l e . The speaker i s not involved i n the sentence as a noun phrase at a l l . But since the sentence i s uttered by him, h i s viewpoint i s considered to be av a i l a b l e i n consider-i n g the viewpoint of the sentence. Thus, the motion of John toward the hearer can be observed from the. speaker's, viewpoint. A f t e r t h i s s h i f t takes place, a second s h i f t from the speaker to the hearer, who is . at the goal, i s possible when a t h i r d person John i s the subject of the motion. In (17a) and (17b), the motion i s observed from the hearer's viewpoint, since NP 2 (the hearer) i s involved i n the motion. Kuru and come are used i n (17a) and (17b) re s p e c t i v e l y . However^ native speakers of Japanese and En g l i s h seem to think that i k u and go are also pos s i b l e . 84 In (18) and (19) John i s . NP 1 and Mary i s NPg. In (18), John i s : also the subject of the motion. (18) (a) Jbhn^ wa Mary n i (kare^ ga) otaku n i *kuru / iku to i i m a s i t a . (b) John^ t o l d Mary that he^ would come / go to your house. (19) (a) John wa Mary^ n i (kanozyo^ ga) otaku n i * k i t e / i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d Mary i that she i might come? / go to your house. I f we follow the generalizations, the motion i s observed from John's viewpoint i n (18a) and (18b), since he i s involved i n the motion, and i k u and go are used. However, i n E n g l i s h (18b), come i s also po s s i b l e . Even though NP-^  i s involved i n the motion, i t i s not observed 1 from h i s viewpoint, but from the hearer's viewpoint. I t seems that, i n English, when the hearer i s located at the goal, the motion can be observed from h i s point of view. This i s p a r a l l e l to the s i t u a t i o n i n which the speaker i s at the goal, although with the hearer at the goal, as pointed out above, the use of come i s not the only p o s s i b i l i t y . Thus, with the speaker at the goal, only come i s used, while with the hearer at the goal, both come and go occur. Note that t h i s i s true only o f - E n g l i s h . In Japanese-, i t i s not 85 s i g n i f i c a n t that the hearer i s at the goal. In (18a) kuru i s impossible unless the speaker i s located at the goal. In (19), NI>2 i s also the subject of the motion. Thus, i n (19a) and (19b) the motion i s observed from Mary's view-point, and i k u or go i s used. In Engl i s h , come i s also possible from the viewpoint of the hearer. In Japanese (19a) kuru i s impossible unless the speaker i s located at the goal. (20) (a) John wa Mary n i Taroo ga otaku n i *kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d Mary that Taro would come / go to your house. In (20), since neither NP-^  nor NP 2 i s involved i n the motion1, i t i s ; observed from the viewpoint of NP-j_ (John). In English, again, i t can also be observed from the hearer's viewpoint. Native spes.kers of En g l i s h agree that~ come -is possible- as^well as go. Consequently, we; can state that i n En g l i s h i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the hearer i s located at the goal. The motion may be observed from h i s point of view. On the other hand, i n Japanese, i t i s : not s i g n i f i c a n t . The viewpoint s h i f t w i l l follow the generalizations discussed above. 86 5 . 2 . 2 The second argument i s that the generalizations are too strongs Oye seems to intend to have h i s generalizations apply o b l i g a t o r i l y ; however, we f i n d that some of them should be optional. There are several such cases. (21) (a) Anata wa John ga (otaku n i ) kuru / i k u to omotte imasita ka. (b) Did you think that John would come / go to your house? Oye says that when e i t h e r NP^ or NP 2 i s involved i n the motion, i t i s observed from h i s viewpoint. In ( 2 1 ) , NP^ i s involved i n the motion. The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of kuru and come can be accounted f o r by the a p p l i c a t i o n of Oye's ge n e r a l i z a t i o n . The motion i s observed from the hearer's viewpoint. Yet according to my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, i k u i s also possible i n ( 2 1 a ) , and native speakers of En g l i s h f i n d go^acceptable i n ( 2 1 b ) . We can account f o r the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of i k u or go i f we say that the rule; applies o p t i o n a l l y so that the motion can be observed from the speaker's viewpoint. (22) (a) John^ wa anata ga kare^ no u t i n i kuru / iku to omotte imasu. (b) John^ thinks that you w i l l come /*go to h i s . house. 87 The a c c e p t a b i l i t y of kuru and come i n (22) can be accounted f o r by g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) i n the context of think or omou. In (22a), however, the motion can also be observed from the speaker's viewpoint and i k u may be used as well as kuru, although Oye does not state that g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) i n the context of omou i s optional. In (23), NP 2 i s involved i n the motion r a t h e r than NP^. These sentences are the same as sentences (11a) and ( l i b ) . (23) (a) John wa Mary^ n i B i l l ga kanozyo^ no u t i n i kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d Mary i that B i l l would come / *go to her^ house. Here again the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using kuru or come can be accounted f o r by Oye's generalizations ( i i ) i n the context of E n g l i s h t e l l and ( I l - i i ) i n the context of Japanese i u . However, I f i n d that, i n (23a), i k u i s also possible and we can say that the motion i s observed from John's point of view. This seems to be true only i n Japanese. In (23b), only come i s possible, since the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of NP 2 (Mary). This, d i f f e r e n c e i s due to the fa c t that the viewpoint i s more e a s i l y s h i f t e d from the speaker to the hearer i n a simplex sentence i n E n g l i s h than i n Japanese, and that NP 2 i s the hearer i n the speech being reported. 88 (24) ( a ) B i l l g a o t a k u n i k i m a s i t a / i k i m a s i t a k a . ( b ) D i d B i l l come / * g o t o y o u r h o u s e ? A c c o r d i n g t o my i n t u i t i o n , i n J a p a n e s e (24a), t h e m o t i o n o f t h e t h i r d p e r s o n t o t h e h e a r e r c a n be e x p r e s s e d by e i t h e r k u r u o r i k u . I f t h e same p o s s i b i l i t i e s a r e a l s o f o u n d i n c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e s , t h e n t h e m o t i o n i n (23) c a n be e x p r e s s e d by i k u a s w e l l a s k u r u . a l t h o u g h Oye s a y s t h a t o n l y k u r u i s p o s s i b l e b o t h i n (23a) and i n ( 2 4 a ) . I n E n g l i s h ( 2 3 b ) , t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by go i s n o t . p o s s i b l e u n l e s s M a r y i s n o t a t t h e g o a l . T h i s i a a l s o p a r a l l e l t o t h e f a c t t h a t i n (24b) go c a n n o t be u s e d u n l e s s t h e h e a r e r i s n o t a t t h e g o a l . He a l s o s t a t e s t h a t when b o t h NP^ and N P 2 a r e i n v o l v e d i n t h e m o t i o n , i t i s o b s e r v e d f rom t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e p e r s o n a t t h e g o a l i n E n g l i s h , and f rom N P ^ ' s v i e w p o i n t i n Japanese?. T h i s i s s a i d t o be due t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e s u p p o s i t i o n r u l e s . A s h a s a l r e a d y b e e n m e n t i o n e d , t h e m o t i o n o f t h e s p e a k e r t o w a r d t h e h e a r e r i n a s i m p l e x s e n t e n c e o f E n g l i s h h a s t o be o b s e r v e d f rom t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e h e a r e r , b u t t h i s i s n o t p o s s i b l e i n J a p a n e s e . T h i s phenomenon c a n a l s o be s e e n i n c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e s . (25) ( a ) ( b ) J o h n - wa M a r y , n i ( k a r e . ga) k a n o z y o - no u t i n i k u r u / i k u t o i i m a s i t a . J o h n - t o l d M a r y , t h a t h e . w o u l d come / go t o h e r . h o u s e . 89 (26) (a) John, wa Mary^ n i (kanozyo. ga) kare. no u t i n i k i t e / i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . (b) John, t o l d Mary. that she. might come / go to h i s ^ house. In Japanese, the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of NP^, John. Thus, iku i s used i n (25a), and kuru i n (26a). This i s accounted f o r by the generalizations. However, i t seems that kuru i s also possible i n (25a) and i k u i n (26a). I f so, we must state that the generalizations are optional. In Japanese, when NP-^  and NP 2 are both involved i n the motion i n the embedded sentence, the motion may be observed from the viewpoint of e i t h e r NP^ or NP 2. Native speakers of E n g l i s h also f i n d go possible i n (25b) and\ (26b). In other words:, g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( iv) i n the t e l l - c o n s t r u c t i o n i n E n g l i s h should be l a b e l l e d optional. 5.2.3 The t h i r d argument i s that generalizations based on s h i f t s : i n viewpoint, such as Oye's, are vague to a c e r t a i n extent. (27) (a) Watakusi wa anata n i (anata ga) John no u t i n i * k i t e / i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . (b) I t o l d you that you might *come / go to John's house. In (27a) and (27b), the hearer i s involved i n the motion, 90 and i k u or go is- used. This i s accounted f o r by g e n e r a l i -z a t i o n that when e i t h e r NP-^  or NPg i s involved i n the motion, the motion i s observed from h i s point of view. In (27a) and (27b) t h i s i s the hearer's viewpoint. However, i s i t not also possible that the motion expressed by i k u or; go i s observed from the speaker's viewpoint? I think that when i k u or go occurs as the d i r e c t i o n a l verb as i n (27a) and (27b), i t i s sometimes d i f f i c u l t to determine which noun phrase i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n considering the viewpoint. The viewpoint i s ambiguous i n that we are not sure whether the motion i s observed from the viewpoint of the subject of the higher verb (NP^) or from the subject of the d i r e c t i o n a l verb (NP^). In order to remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n , I pr e f e r a performative a n a l y s i s to the generalizations based on viewpoint. We must make i t c l e a r under which conditions the motion i s expressed by kuru, iku, come or go. I w i l l discuss performative analysis: i n the following section. (28) (a) John wa watakusi n i (watakusi ga) anata no u t i n i * k i t e / i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a . (b) John t o l d me that I might come / go to your house. In (28), the d e i c t i c point i s ambiguous between John and the speaker when i k u i s used. Even though, according to the g eneralization, the motion i s observed: from the 91 speaker's viewpoint since NP2 (the speaker) i s also involved i n the motion, I think that NP^'s (John's) viewpoint i s also significant i n both English and Japanese. 5 . 3 Performative Analysis Here I propose that the directional verb i s chosen on the basis of deep structure rather than according to the generalizations stating possible shifts i n viewpoint. Moriguchi (1974) also proposed such an analysis. In his analysis, he proposes the following rules to insert kuru and iku. (29 ) hi NP +performative +communication +linguistic +declarative [you ] (Adv ±) NP S J -kara, [ J - e "NP NP L" r+v +M 5 6 7 83 9 10 SD: 1, 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6S, 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 SC: 1, 2 , 3 , 4 , 5, 6 , 7 , 6% 9 , 10+kuru (condition : 4 = 8) SD: 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8, 9 , 10 SC: 1, 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10+iku (condition: 4 ^ 8 ) 9 2 The constituent Adv^ i s the constituent f o r P e r l o c a t i o n (=• Performative Location). I t i s placed a f t e r the constituent you. They choice of kuru or i k u depends on whether the Pe r l o c a t i o n i s the same as the goal or not. Moriguchi says that to analyze the f a c t a about kuru and ik u by means of 'Performative Analysis* we must recognize t h i s p e r l o c a t i o n treatment. These r u l e s are very persuasive, but the an a l y s i s i s inadequate as i t stands. F i r s t , there are problems with the statement of the r u l e . One of the problems i s i n the condition which says that the adverb i s equal to the noun phrase ( 4 = = 8 ) . However, an adverb cannot be equal to a noun phrase. The other problem i s that the adverb i s an optional constituent. The constituent f o r Performative Location should be obligatory. Second, the r u l e s are applicable only i n simple sentences. Furthermore, as Soga ( 1 9 7 6 ) points out, these r u l e s f a i l to account f o r cases i n which the speaker's "displaced l o c a t i o n " i s involved, and they must be modified to be applicable f o r viewpoint s h i f t . My proposal f o r the modified deep structure f o r d i r e c t i o n a l verb i n Japanese i s on the next page. The performative a n a l y s i s f o r E n g l i s h follows i t . Here, p e r l o c a t i o n i s not represented as an adverb, but i t i s i n each noun phrase. I t means that the l o c a t i o n of each noun 93 phrase i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the occurrences of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs. Each language has two r u l e s : one f o r simplex sentences and the other f o r complex sentences. Por the s i m p l i c i t y of the ru l e s , I hope I w i l l f i n d the appropriate way to combine them so as to make one rule; f o r each language. Por Japanese simplex sentences: NP l o c 1 2 -V r " -+perf. NP NP! +comm. you •fhuman +ling. l o c l o c +decl. k 1 X 6 7 NP " -e ( Adv n ) V Aux l o c time +Motion time # 8 10 S 11 12 (1) SD: 1'2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 kuru 11 12 condition: When l o c a t i o n of 2 = l o c a t i o n of 7, obligatory; When l o c a t i o n of 4 = l o c a t i o n of 7, optional i n imperatives and i n t e r r o g a t i v e s (except when 5 = 2). (2) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7,8 9 10 11 12 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 iku 11 12 condition: When the sentence does not meet the condition f o r (1),. or when (1) does not apply. 94 For Japanese complex sentences: NP I l o c V +perf. +comm. +ling. +decl. NP you l o c NP +human l o c NP +human l o c 1 2 3 4 6 7 .Adv 'time IP NP 4-h.uman l o c 8 NP l o c -e 9 10 11 V 1 [Aux 1 / [Adv ~h r v 1 IAUX +motionj rtimej ^jtimej'' L v J jtime # 12 13 14 15 165 17 18 (1) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 kuru 14 15 16 17 18 condition: When l o c a t i o n of 2 = l o c a t i o n of 10, obligatory i f 16 i s omou (think) and 7= $> , optional i f 16 i s i u ( t e l l ) ; When l o c a t i o n of 5 = l o c a t i o n of 10, optional; When l o c a t i o n of 7 =* l o c a t i o n of 10, op t i o n a l . (2) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i k u 14 15 16 17 18 condition: The sentence does not meet the condition f o r (1) , or when (1) does not apply. 95 Por E n g l i s h simplex sentencest # NP I l o c 1 2 V +perf. +comm. +ling. +decl. NP you l o c NP +human l o c X ( Adv time Aux time V +Motion 3 4 6 7 8 9 to NP l o c # 10 11 12 (1) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 come 10 11 12 condition: When l o c a t i o n of 2 = l o c a t i o n of 11, obligatory; When l o c a t i o n of 4 = l o c a t i o n of 11, obligatory i f 5 = 2, otherwise optional. (2) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6,7 8 9 10 11 12 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 go 10 11 12 condition: The sentence does not meet the condition ii f o r (1), or when (1) does not apply. 96 For E n g l i s h complex sentences: # NP I l o c V +perf. NP +comm. you +ling. l o c +decl. NP +human l o c X( [Adv T (time Aux time V NP +human l o c 1 2 •8 9 10 NP •fhuman l o c 11 X ( Adv time Aux time V +Motion to NP l o c 12 13 14 15 16 17 # 18 (1) SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 come 16 17 18 condition: When l o c a t i o n of 2 = l o c a t i o n of 17, obligatory; When l o c a t i o n of 4 = l o c a t i o n of 17, optional; When l o c a t i o n of 5 = l o c a t i o n of 17, optional; When l o c a t i o n of 10 ^ l o c a t i o n of 17, optional. (2) SD: l v 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 go 16 17 18 condition: The sentence does not meet the condition f o r (1) , or when (1) does not apply. 97 There are four advantages of t h i s treatment over the generalizations based on viewpoint such as Oye's (as has already been discussed on pages 82 to 92). The major advantage i s that we can make i t c l e a r under which conditions the motion i s expressed by kuru, iku, come or go. We do not have to state from whose viewpoint the motion i s observed. I t i s sometimes d i f f i c u l t to determine which noun phrase i n a complex sentence i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n considering the viewpoint, as i n (27a,b) and (28a,b). It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine one d e f i n i t e l y s i g n i f i c a n t noun phrase two noun phrases may appear to be s i g n i f i c a n t . Secondly, these r u l e s apply o p t i o n a l l y i n c e r t a i n contexts, though Oye seems to intend h i s generalizations to be obligatory. The t h i r d point i s that cases i n which the hearer i s at the goal are taken into account, while Oye's generalizations neglect them. F i n a l l y , we f i n d that we do hot have to set up separate generalizations f o r each verb ( t e l l , think, i u or omou). Many generalizations are common to these verbs. CHAPTER SIX CONCLUDING REMARKS I have investigated how the d e i c t i c point i s involved i n the occurrences of E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs and how i t i s s h i f t e d according to the context. I have also shown that there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s between E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l verbs, although d i f f e r e n c e s also e x i s t . Since the occurrences of the d i r e c t i o n a l verbs depend on the deep structures, I provided a performative an a l y s i s based on the deep structure, which i s applicable to complex sentences as well as to simplex sentences. Prom now on I have to consider the occurrences of the d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n the contexts other than subjective-experience verbs or verbs of speech acts. 98 99 FOOTNOTES; This, w i l l be discussed, i n Chapter Two. 2 Japanese examples are transcribed i n the National Romanization System (Kunreisiki) which i s a pseudo-phonemic representation rather than a phonetic one. However, the representation of the long vowels i s modified so that they are indicated by r e p e t i t i o n of the same vowel, and borrowed words from E n g l i s h and proper names r e t a i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l E n g l i s h s p e l l i n g . ^The a s t e r i s k does not mean that the sentence i s ungrammatical i n any case, but that i t does not s a t i s f y the appropriate condition. ^According to Rauh (1978), the motion of the speaker toward the hearer i s expressed by kommen (come) instead of gehen (go) i n German and i t also seems that i t i s expressed by the l e x i c a l equivalent to come i n Hindi. I t seems that t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s common at l e a s t among Indie and Germanic languages. c ^1 must point out a defect i n the r e s t r i c t i o n of rul e (11). I t says that when we have an o r i g i n a l sentence such as I often comes to Vancouver, the speaker i s supposed not to be i n Vancouver. Note that the tense of the orxginal sentence i s non-past. The noun phrase i n the o r i g i n a l sentence i s s p e c i f i e d as OSpeaker, -Hearer j so that the noun phrase i n the supposition must be s p e c i f i e d as [-Speaker, +Hearer], This s p e c i f i c a t i o n brings about a p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n that only the hearer i s at the goal when the speaker moves toward the goal. However, the supposition that the speaker i s at the goal should also be s p e c i f i e d . The sentence i s a n a l y t i c i f e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i s at the goal. This i s also true when the subject of the motion i s the hearer. Furthermore, according to the r e s t r i c t i o n , when we have an o r i g i n a l sentence such as He often comes to  Vancouver, both the speaker and the hearer are supposed to be at the goal. When the o r i g i n a l sentence has a noun phrase s p e c i f i e d as G-Speaker, -Hearer 1, the noun phrase i n the supposition i s s p e c i f i e d as C+Speaker, +Hearer]. However, i t i s not necessary that both the speaker and the hearer be at the goal. The sentence i s a n a l y t i c i f either: the speaker alone or the hearer alone i s located at the goal. These defects should be overcome. 100 In (31), the speaker i s not point i n g at some l o c a t i o n on a map. 7 E n g l i s h used to have a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n : here, there and yonder; t h i s , that and yon. g I f the hearer's viewpoint i s more dominant than the speaker's, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by kuru i s supposed to be possible i n (15) and (16). However, t h i s i s a c t u a l l y impossible;. Thus, i t can be said that the speaker's view-point i s more dominant than the hearer's. ^Another evidence i s possible f o r this, phenomenon. The sentence A s i t a ame ga huru-desyoo to John wa i t t a (John said, " I t w i l l r a i n tomorrow" or John said that i t would"  r a i n the next day) may be interpreted as both a sentence of d i r e c t discourse and that of i n d i r e c t discourse i n Japanese, since the tense of the verb huru-desyoo (probably rain) does not have to be i n accordance with the tense of the other verb i t t a ( s a i d ) . In English, on the other hand, the d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t discourse and i n d i r e c t discourses i s c l e a r , since the accordance i n tense i n a sentence i s s i g n i f i c a n t . •^Features of l o c a t i o n s f o r NP's w i l l depend upon the pragmatics. Some NP's might be J+Proximal] or f-ProximalJ depending upon the case. In r u l e s (1) and (2) oil page 90;, f o r example, X i s intended to include other necessary adverbs i n c l u d i n g the place of o r i g i m which i s to be used f o r determining the feature of proximity i n accordance with a r u l e such as r u l e (50) on page 27. 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY Chafe, W.L. (1970) Meaning and the Structure of Language, Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. Chomsky, N. (1957) Syntactic Structures, Janua Linguarum, No. 4, The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, N. (1965) Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Fi l l m o r e , C.J. (1966) " D e i c t i c Categories i n the Semantics of COME," Foundations of Language, I I : 219-227 Fill m o r e , C.J. and D.T. Langendoen (1971) Studies i n L i n g u i s t i c Semantics, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Fil l m o r e , C.J. (1972a) "How to know whether you're coming or going," Studies i n Descr i p t i v e and Applied  L i n g u i s t i c s ^ 5~: 3-17 Fil l m o r e , C.J. (1972b) "Subjects, Speakers, and Roles," i n Davidson and Harman (eds.), Semantics of Natural  Language, 1-24 Hayakawa, S.I. (1964) "Language i n Thought and Action," i n P. Penner (ed.), Discourse (1967) Inoue, K. (1976) Henkeibunpoo to Nihongo (Transformational Grammar and Japanese), I, Tookyoo: Taisyuukan Syoten. Inoue, K. (1976) Henkeibunpoo to Nihongo (Transformational Grammar and Japanese), 2, Tookyoo: Taisyuukan Syoten. Kuno, S. (1973) The Structure of the Japanese Language, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Kuno, S. (1976) "The Speaker's Empathy and I t s E f f e c t on Syntax," Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese, XI: 249-269 Lyons, J . (1977) Semantics, 1, Cambridge, England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Lyons, J . (1977) Semantics, 2, Cambridge, England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. 102 M a r t i n , S . E . (1975) A R e f e r e n c e Grammar o f J a p a n e s e , New H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . H o r i g u c h i , T . (1974) "Some Remarks on "come" and " g o " i n J a p a n e s e , " D e s c r i p t i v e and A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 7 : 1 6 7 - 1 7 1 M o r i t a , Y . (1968) " I k u , K u r u no Yoohoo (The Usage o f Come and G o ) , " K o k u g o g a k u , 7 5 : 7 5 - 8 7 Oye , S . (1975) N i c h i - E i g o no H i k a k u k e n k y u u S h u k a n s e i o M e g u t t e ( C o n t r a s t i v e S t u d i e s o f J a p a n e s e and E n g l i s h ) , T o o k y o o : N a n ' u n - d o o . P i e t r o , R . J . (1971) Language S t r u c t u r e s i n C o n t r a s t , R o w l e y , M a s s a c h u s e t t s : Newbury Ho-use P u b l i s h e r s . R a u h , G . (1978) "On Coming and G o i n g i n E n g l i s h and G e r m a n , " p r e s e n t e d a t t h e 1 6 t h ^ I n t e r n a t i o n a l c o n f e r e n c e on C o n t r a s t i v e L i n g u i s t i c s . R o s s , J . R . (1970) "On D e c l a r a t i v e S e n t e n c e s , " i n R . A . J a c o b s and P . S . Rosenbaum ( e d s . ) , R e a d i n g s i n E n g l i s h  T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Grammar, 2 2 2 - 2 7 2 , Wa l tham, M a s s a c h u s e t t s : G i n n and Company. S i n h a , A . K . (1972) "On t h e D e i c t i c Use o f Coming and G o i n g i n H i n d i , " P a p e r s f rom t h e 8 ' t h r e g i o n a l m e e t i n g , C h i c a g o L i n g u i s t i c S o c i e t y , 351-358. S o g a , M . (1976) "The P r a g m a t i c s o f K u r u and I k u , " P a p e r s i n  J a p a n e s e L i n g u i s t i c s , 5: 2 7 9 - 3 0 6 . S t e i n b e r g , D . D . and L . A . J a k o b o v i t s . (1971) S e m a n t i c s , C a m b r i d g e , E n g l a n d : Cambr idge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . U y e n o , T . (1971) A S t u d y o f J a p a n e s e M o d a l i t y - — A  P e r f o r m a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f S e n t e n c e P a r t i c l e s , P h . D . D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n . W h o r f , B . L . (1956) L a n g u a g e , Though t and R e a l i t y , e d i t e d by J . B . C a r r o l l , C a m b r i d g e , M a s s a c h u s e t t s : MIT P r e s s . Y o s h i k a w a , T . (1976) " G e n d a i - N i h o n g o D o o s i A s p e c t no K e n k y u u ( S t u d y o f V e r b a l A s p e c t i n M o d e r n . J a p a n e s e ) , " i n H . K i n d a i c h i ( e d . ) , N i h o n g o D o o s i no A s p e c t , T o o k y o o : M u g i - s y o b o o . 103 APPENDIX TABLE 3.1 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS IN SIMPLEX SENTENCES:. subject of motion kuru V [+motionJ i k u come go at the goal speaker o hearer o t h i r d person o o o o speaker speaker speaker speaker hearer t h i r d person o o o o o o o o o hearer hearer hearer speaker hearer t h i r d person^ t h i r d person. o o o o * o o o o t h i r d person t h i r d person t h i r d person^ t h i r d person^ 104 TABLE 4.1 USES OF DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH THE SPEAKER AT THE GOAL subj. of subj. of V at the think, omou motion [+motion] goal (NP 0) kuru i k u come (NP^ 1 speaker speaker 0 * o * speaker 2 speaker hearer 0 0 speaker 3 speaker t h i r d pers 0 * 0 * speaker 14 hearer speaker 0 * 0 speaker 15 hearer hearer 0 o * speaker 16 hearer t h i r d pers o * o speaker 29 t h i r d person speaker o o * speaker 30 t h i r d person hearer 0 0 * speaker 31 t h i r d person.^ t h i r d pers^ o * o * speaker 32 t h i r d person^ t h i r d pers^ o * o * speaker 105 TABLE: 4.2 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER VERBS OP SPEECH ACTS WITH THE SPEAKER AT THE GOAL subj. of I. 0. of suhj. of V at th< t e l l , i u t e l l , i u motion J+motionJ goal (NP X) (NP 2) (NP^) kuru iku come £ 0 1 spkr (spkr) spkr o 0 X spkr 2 spkr (spkr) h r r 6 0 X spkr 3 spkr (spkr) thd prs o * 0 spkr 4 spkr h r r spkr o * 0 spkr 5 spkr h r r h r r o 0 X spkr 6 spkr h r r thd prs o * 0 * spkr 7 spkr thd prs spkr o * o X spkr 8 spkr thd prs h r r o * 0 X spkr 9 spkr thd prs^ thd prs^o 0 X spkr 10 spkr thd prs^ thd prs.o X 0 X spkr 11 • h r r spkr spkr o o 0 X spkr 12 h r r spkr h r r o 0 0 X spkr 13 h r r spkr thd prs o 0 0 X spkr 14 h r r (hrr) spkr o 0 0 * spkr 15 hr r (hrr) h r r o 0 0 X spkr 16 h r r (hrr) thd prs o o o X spkr 17 h r r thd prs spkr o 0 0 X spkr 18 h r r thd prs hr r o o o X spkr 19 h r r thd prSj^ thd prs^o 0 o X spkr 20 h r r thd prs^ thd prs.o o o X spkr 106 T a b l e 4.2 ( c o n t i n u e d ) s u b . o f I . O . o f s u b j . o f V a t t h e t e l l , i u t e l l , i u m o t i o n [ + m o t i o n ] g o a l ( N P n ) ( N P p ) ( N P . ) k u r u i k u come go ( N P . ) 21 t h d p r s s p k r s p k r 0 o 0 s p k r 22 t h d p r s s p k r h r r 0 0 0 s p k r 23 t h d p r s ± s p k r t h d p r S j ^ 0 0 0 s p k r 24 t h d p r s ± s p k r t h d p r s . 0 o 0 s p k r 25 t h d p r s h r r s p k r 0 0 0 s p k r 26 t h d p r s h r r h r r 0 0 0 * s p k r 27 t h d p r s ± h r r t h d p r s ^ 0 0 o * s p k r 28 t h d p r s ± h r r t h d p r s . 0 0 0 * s p k r 29 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s i ) s p k r o 0 0 * s p k r 30 t h d P r s i ( t h d prs.^) h r r 0 0 o * s p k r 31 t h d p r S j ^ ( t h d p r S j , ) t h d vTsj_ 0 o 0 s p k r 32 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s i ) t h d VTsj 0 0 o * s p k r 33 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . s p k r o o o X s p k r 34 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . h r r ; 0 o 0 s p k r 35 t h d prSj^ t h d p r s . t h d p r s ^ 0 0 o s p k r 36 t h d p r s ± cj t h d p r s - t h d p r s . o 0 0 s p k r 37 t h d u t h d p r s . J t h d p r s k o 0 0 X s p k r TABLE 4 . 3 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH THE HEARER AT THE GOAL subj.of . subj.of V at the think, omou motion [+motion] goal (NP X) (NP 3) kuru ik u come £ 2 (NP 4) 1 speaker speaker 0 0 0 hearer 2 speaker hearer * 0 0 0 hearer 3 speaker t h i r d pers x o 0 0 hearer 14 hearer speaker 0 o o 0 hearer 15 hearer hearer o o 0 0 hearer 16 hearer t h i r d pers 0 0 0 0 hearer 2 9 t h i r d pers speaker x o o 0 hearer 30 t h i r d pers hearer x 0 0 0 hearer 31 t h i r d pers. •t h i r d pers^ x o o 0 hearer 32 t h i r d pers, ..third pers . L 2 x 0 0 0 hearer 108 TABLE 4.4 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER . VERBS OF SPEECH ACTS WITH THE HEARER AT THE GOAL subj.of I.O.of subj.of V at the t e l l , i u t e l l , i u motion [+motion] goal (NP, ) (NP 0) (NP,) kuru iku come go (NP.) : i spkr (spkr) spkr * 0 0 0 h r r 2 spkr (spkr) h r r x 0 0 0 h r r 3 spkr (spkr) thd prs x 0 o 0 h r r 4 spkr h r r spkr x o 0 0 h r r 5 spkr h r r h r r o 0 0 0 h r r 6 spkr h r r thd prs o o o 0 h r r 7 spkr thd prs spkr x 0 0 o h r r 8 spkr thd prs h r r x 0 o 0 h r r 9 spkr thd prs^ thd prs^ x o o o hr r 10 spkr thd p r s i thd p rs. X 0 0 0 h r r 11 h r r spkr spkr o 0 0 0 h r r 12 h r r spkr h r r 0 0 o o hr r 13 h r r spkr thd prs 0 0 o 0 h r r 14 hr r (hrr) spkr 0 0 0 0 h r r 15 hr r (hrr) h r r 0 0 o 0 h r r 16 h r r (hrr) thd prs 0 0 0 o h r r 17 h r r thd prs spkr 0 0 0 0 h r r 18 h r r thd prs hr r 0 o o o h r r 19 h r r thd p r s i thd prs^ 0 0 0 0 h r r 20 hr r thd prs^ thd p r s . j 0 0 o 0 h r r 109 Table 4 . 4 (continued) subj.of I.O.of subj.of V at the t e l l , i u t e l l , i u motion [+motion] goal (NP 1) (NP 2) (NP 3) kuru i k u come go (NP 4) 21 thd prs spkr spkr 0 0 0 h r r 22 thd prs spkr h r r 0 0 0 h r r 23 thd prs. spkr thd p r s i 0 0 0 h r r 24 thd p r s ± spkr thd p r s . J spkr x 0 0 0 h r r 2.5 thd prs h r r 0 0 0 0 h r r 26 thd prs h r r h r r o 0 0 0 h r r 27 thd p r s ± h r r thd prs^ 0 0 0 0 h r r 28 thd p r s ± h r r thd p rs. o 0 0 0 h r r 29 thd p r s ± (thd prs^ ) spkr X 0 0 0 h r r 30 thd p r s ± (thd prSj^ )hrr X o 0 0 h r r 31 thd p r s ± (thd p r s ± )thd prs^ X 0 o o h r r 32 thd P r s i (thd prs^ )thd prs^ X 0 0 0 h r r 33 thd p r s ± thd p rs. spkr X 0 0 0 h r r 34 thd p r s ± thd p rs. D h r r X 0 0 o h r r 35 thd p r s ± thd p rs. thd prs^ X 0 0 o h r r 36 thd p r s ± J thd p r s . J thd p rs. thd prs^ X 0 0 0 h r r 37 thd p r s ± thd p r s k X 0 0 0 h r r 110 TABLE 4.5 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH A THIRD PERSON AT THE GOAL subj.of subj. of V at the think, omou motion [+motion] goal (NP 1) (NP^) kuru iku come go (NP^) 1 speaker speaker 2 speaker hearer 3 speaker third pers^ 4 speaker third pers^ 21 hearer speaker 22 hearer hearer 23 hearer third pers^ 24 hearer third pers^ 49 third pers^ speaker 50 third pers^ speaker 51 third pers^ hearer 52 third pers^ hearer 53 third pers^ third pers i 54 third pers^ third pers^ 55 third pers^ third pers.. 56 third pers.^ third pers^ 57 third pers^ third pers. x o X 0 third pers x 0 X 0 third pers x 0 X 0 third perSj_ x 0 X 0 third pers. J x o X 0 third pers x o X 0 third pers x 0 X o third pers^ o X 0 third pers . 0 0 o X third pers^ x 0 X o third pers^ o o 0 X third pers^ X 0 X 0 third pers. 0 o 0 X third perSj^ X 0 X o third perSj o * 0 X third pers^ X 0 0 0 third pers. 3 X o o o third pers k I l l TABLE 4.6 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER VERBS OP SPEECH ACTS WITH A THIRD PERSON AT THE GOAL subj. of I.O.of subj. of V at the t e l l , i u t e l l , i u motion [+motion] goal (NP^ (NP 2) (NP 3) kuru i k u come go (N? 4) 1 spkr (spkr) spkr 2 spkr (spkr) hr r 3 spkr (spkr) thd prs^ 4 spkr (spkr) thd p r s ^ 5 spkr h r r spkr 6 spkr h r r h r r 7 spkr h r r thd p r s i 8 spkr h r r thd p rs^ 9 spkr thd p r s ^ spkr 10 spkr thd prs^ hr r 11 spkr thd p r s i thd prs^ 12 spkr thd prs^ thd prs^ 13 spkr thd prs.^ spkr 14 spkr thd prs^ h r r 15 spkr thd prs^ thd 16 spkr thd prs^ thd p r S j 17 spkr thd prs^ thd P r S j 18 hr r spkr spkr 19 h r r spkr h r r 20 h r r spkr thd prs^ 21 h r r spkr thd prs^ 22 h r r (hrr) spkr 23 h r r (hrr) h r r x 0 X 0 thd prs x 0 X 0 thd prs x 0 X o thd p r s ± * 0 X 0 thd p r S j x 0 X 0 thd prs,. x o X 0 thd prs x 0 X 0 thd p r s ± x o X o thd prs. x o X 0 thd prs. 0 0 o o thd p r s ± 0 0 0 o thd p r s ± x 0 X 0 thd p r s j x 0 X 0 thd p r S D x 0 X 0 thd prs. x 0 X 0 thd prs. 0 0 0 o thd P^s i x 0 X 0 thd p r s k X 0 X 0 thd prs X 0 X o thd prs3 x 0 X 0 thd p r s ± X o X o thd P r s 3 . X 0 X 0 thd prs X 0 X 0 thd prs 112 T a b l e 4.6 ( c o n t i n u e d ) s u b j . o f I . O . o f s u b j . o f V a t t h e t e l l , i u t e l l , i u m o t i o n Q+motion^ g o a l ( N P 1 ) ( N P 2 ) ( N P3) k u r u i k u come go ( N P 4 ) 24 hrr ( h r r ) thd prs^ x 0 X 0 thd P r s i 25 h r r ( h r r ) thd p r s i x o X 0 thd p r s . 26 h r r thd p r s £ spkr 0 0 0 0 thd p r s ± 27 h r r thd p r s ^ h r r 0 0 0 0 thd prSj^ 28 hrr thd prs^ thd prs^ 0 0 0 0 thd p r s ± 29 h r r thd prs^ thd prSj^ X 0 X 0 thd p r S j 30 h r r thd prs^ spkr X 0 X o thd p r s j 31 hrr thd prs^ hrr x 0 X o thd p r s . 32 hrr thd prs^ thd prSj x o X o thd prs. 33 hrr thd prs^ thd prs. 0 0 0 0 thd p r s ± 34 h r r thd prs^ V thd prs. J X 0 X 0 thd p r s k 35 thd p r s ± spkr spkr 0 X 0 X thd p r s ± 36 thd p r s ± spkr spkr X o X 0 thd p r s . 37 thd p r s ± spkr hrr 0 X 0 X thd p r s ± 38 thd p r s ± spkr h r r X 0 X o thd p r s j 39 thd p r s ± spkr thd prs^ 0 0 0 o thd prs ± 40 thd yrs± spkr thd prs^ X 0 X 0 thd p r S j 41 thd p r s i spkr thd prSj 0 X o X thd p r s ± 42 thd spkr thd prs.. X 0 X 0 thd p r s j 43 thd prs ± spkr thd P^s^ X 0 X 0 thd p r s k 44 thd prs/ h r r . spkr 0 X o X thd p r s ± 45 thd p r s ± h r r spkr X o X o thd prs. 46 thd p r s i h r r h r r 0 X 0 X thd prs ± 47 thd p r s ± h r r h r r X 0 X 0 thd p r S j 48 thd P r s i h r r thd prs^ 0 0 0 0 thd p r s j L 49 thd p r s ± h r r thd prSj^ X 0 X 0 thd p r s . 50 thd p r s ± h r r thd prs-j 0 X 0 X thd 113 T a b l e 4.6 ( c o n t i n u e d ) s u b j . o f I . O . o f s u b j . o f V a t t h e t e l l , i u t e l l , i u m o t i o n [+mot ion ] g o a l ( N P X ) ( N P 2 ) (NP^) k u r u i k u come go ( N P 4 ) 51 t h d p r s ± h r r t h d p r s x 0 X 0 t h d p r s j 52 t h d p r s ± h r r t h d u p r s . x 0 X o t h d p r s k 53 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s . ) s p k i 0 0 0 X t h d p r s ± 54 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s . ) s p k r x 0 X 0 t h d p r s . 55 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s ^ ) h r r 0 X o X t h d p r s ± 56 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r S j J h r r X 0 X o t h d p r s j 57 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s . ) t h d p r s . 0 0 0 0 t h d p r s ± 58 t h d p r s . ( t h d p r s . ) t h d prSj^ X 0 X 0 t h d p r s • tJ 59 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s i ) t h d p r s . o x o t h d p r s ± 60 t h d p r s ± ( t h d p r s . ) t h d p r s * 0 X 0 t h d p r S j 61 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . s p k r 0 0 0 X t h d p r s ± 62 t h d P r s i t h d CI p r s . s p k r 0 0 0 X t h d p r S j 63 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . hrr 0 X o X t h d p r s ± 64 t h d p r s ± t h d prs^. h r r o X o X t h d p r s j 65 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . t h d P r s i 0 0 o o t h d p r s ± 66 t h d p r s ± t h d prs^. t h d p r s ± X 0 0 ?? t h d p r S j 67 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s ^ t h d p r s . 0 X 0 X t h d p r s ± 68 t h d p r s ± t h d prs^. t h d p r s . o 0 o 0 t h d p r S D 69 t h d P r s i t h d p r s ^ t h d p r s ± X 0 X 0 t h d p r s k 70 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . t h d pr S ; j X o X o t h d p r s k 71 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s ^ t h d p r s k 0 X 0 X t h d p r s ± 72 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . t h d p r s k o ? o X t h d p r S j 73 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . t h d p r s k 0 X o t h d P r s l 74 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s . s p k r X 0 X o t h d p r s k 75 t h d p r s ± t h d p r s ^ hrr X 0 X 0 t h d P r s k 

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