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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Directional verbs in English and Japanese Suzuki, Yoshiko 1979

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DIRECTIONAL VERBS IN.;ENGLISH AND  JAPANESE  by Yo shikoO;Suzuki B.A., Japan, Womeri'-s--University, 1971  A THESIS SUBMITTED.IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE RE QU IREMENT S FOR" THE. DEGREE OF MASTER .'OF' ARTS in: THE FAGgL^lsOF -GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f L i n g u i s t i c s  We •acc&0*%$ffi$s to  •  . as  conforming  the- "require6V standard*  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , , 19179  0Yoshiko  S u z u k i , 1979  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department nf  Linguistics  The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5  DE-6  BP 75-51  IE  i i  ABSTRACT The E n g l i s h , d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s correspond  to  behaviours  o f come a n d gjD a r e  come a n d go  J a p a n e s e lru.ru and i k u .  iku respectively.  basically  Therefore,  s i m i l a r to  However, t h e r e a l s o  t h o s e o f k u r u and  exist  some  differences  between them.  differences  i n s i m p l e x and complex s e n t e n c e s are  in this  thesis.  according to how t h e  The v a r i o u s  the  the  structure.  d e i c t i c point  i s involved i n these verbs.  possibilities  for viewpoint shift  person are  the  occurrences  the  very different  verbs.  Next,  speaker;  f o r E n g l i s h and  systematic  significant viewpoint However,  are  question i s ,  based  i n English  it  is  introduced. the  **In a c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e f r o m  sometimes d i f f i c u l t  to determine  s i g n i f i c a n t when v i e w p o i n t s h i f t  a performative  analysis i s  device.  a s a more  T h i s a n a l y s i s makes c l e a r t h e  which the motion i s  expressed  b y come,  the  observed?"  noun phrase i s  suggested  on  and  on v i e w p o i n t  motion  a  Japanese  generalizations  o f which noun phrase i s the since  the  toward the h e a r e r or  of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs  generalizations  on  The  however,  J a p a n e s e w h i c h h a v e b e e n p r o p o s e d b y Oye a r e These  varies  The d i s c u s s i o n i s b a s e d  i s u s u a l l y at  directional  investigated  Pragmatics of d i r e c t i o n a l verbs  deictic point  third  s i m i l a r i t i e s and  is  which  involved,  useful  conditions  under  go, k u r u o r i k u .  i i i  TABLE GP CONTENTS  Chapter ONE  TWO  1  INTRODUCTION 1.1 1.2 1.3  Purposes Background Definition  1 3 4  1.4  L i m i t a t i o n s o f the  6  study  7  OVERVIEW OF D I R E C I O N A L VERBS 2.1 2.2 2.3  THREE  FOUR  7 18 22 23 24 27 30 31 35  Come a n d g o K u r u and i k u Extended n o t i o n of goal 2.3.1 Home b a s e 2.3.2 Closeness i n distance 2.3.3 Psychological tie 2.3.4 Closeness i n kinship 2.3.5 Accompaniment use VIEWPOINT SHIFT I N S I M P L E X SENTENCES 3.1  Shift  to  the  hearer  37  3.2  Shift  to  a t h i r d person  44  I N COMPLEX SENTENCES  50  VIEWPOINT  SHIFT  4.1  FIVE  S i t u a t i o n s i n which the speaker i s at the g o a l 4.2 S i t u a t i o n s i n which the h e a r e r i s at the g o a l 4.3 S i t u a t i o n s i n which a t h i r d person at the goal TOWARD P O S S I B L E GENERALIZATIONS 5.1 5.2  Generalizations Overgeneralizations 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3  5.3  Performative  53 is  . and c o u n t e r e x a m p l e s  Analysis  56 62 70 70 82 82 86 89 91  iv  SIX  CONCLUDING REMARKS  FOOTNOTES  98 99  BIBLIOGRAPHY  101  APPENDIX  1°3  V  LIST OF TABLES 3.1 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6  Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n simplex sentences . Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e v e r b s w i t h the speaker at t h e g o a l . Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under v e r b s o f speech a c t s w i t h t h e speaker a t the g o a l Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e v e r b s w i t h the h e a r e r at t h e g o a l . Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under v e r b s o f speech a c t s w i t h t h e h e a r e r at t h e g o a l . . , Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under subjective-experience verbs with a t h i r d person at the goal Uses o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s embedded under v e r b s o f speech a c t s w i t h a t h i r d p e r s o n at t h e g o a l . I  103 104 105 107 108 110 l l  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I am p r o f o u n d l y g r a t e f u l t o Dr.. Matsuo Soga, my a d v i s e r , f o r g i v i n g me  e x c e l l e n t i n s t r u c t i o n , and f o r h i s p a t i e n t  e x p l a n a t i o n t o a n o v i c e from the e a r l i e s t t o the stages of t h i s t h e s i s . Dr. Bernard  I a l s o express my  final  g r a t i t u d e to  S a i n t - J a c q u e s and Dr. Sarah B e l l ,  thesis  committee members, f o r t h e i r i n v a l u a b l e c r i t i c i s m s s u g g e s t i o n s on each p a r t o f the m a n u s c r i p t . I thank Dr. Frank Heny f o r s e n d i n g me the N e t h e r l a n d s . without  The  In addition,  a recent a r t i c l e  work would not have been  the e d i t i n g o f M i s s C a t h e r i n e E l l i o t t ,  of Linguistics.  and  from  completed a  student  I r e c e i v e d c o o p e r a t i o n from many i n f o r m a n t s  f o r E n g l i s h , Japanese and o t h e r languages. thank my husband, Tak,  Finally,  I  f o r a great deal of understanding.  CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION  1.1  Purposes The m o t i o n expressed by a d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b i n a  sentence always i n v o l v e s a c e r t a i n d i s t a n c e i n space o r d u r a t i o n i n time.  The E n g l i s h come and go b a s i c a l l y  c o r r e s p o n d t o Japanese  k u r u and i k u .  As f o r l e x i c a l meaning,  come and k u r u a r e g o a l - o r i e n t e d and may a c q u i r e t h e f e a t u r e s M o t i o n and P r o x i m a l , w h i l e go and i k u a r e s o u r c e o r i e n t e d , o r n e u t r a l , and may a c q u i r e t h e f e a t u r e s and D i s t a l .  Motion  One must p o i n t out t h a t t h e b e h a v i o u r s o f  E n g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s come and go a r e d i f f e r e n t those o f Japanese  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s k u r u and i k u .  (1975) s t a t e s t h a t Japanese  from Martin  k u r u and i k u can be s a i d t o  be but a s i n g l e v e r b which i s d i c h o t o m i z e d by o b l i g a t o r y d e i c t i c marking.  Although t h i s i s a l s o true o f the  E n g l i s h come and go, d e s p i t e the absence marking,  o f overt  t h e use o f the p a i r s o f v e r b s d i f f e r s .  f o l l o w i n g examples i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t .  deictic The  The meaning  o f ( l a ) c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h a t o f ( l b ) and the meaning o f  1  2  (2a) t o t h a t o f ( 2 b ) .  The c o n t e x t o f (2a) and (2b) i s  t h a t t h e h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d - a t h i s own house and t h e speaker i s t a l k i n g on t h e phone w i t h him.  (1) a.  Anata wa watakusi no u t i you  b. (2) a.  my  n i kuru-desyoo.  house t o c o m e - w i l l  You w i l l p r o b a b l y come t o my house. Watakusi wa a n a t a no u t i I  your  b. * ( L i t . ) I w i l l  n i iki-masu.  house t o go  go t o y o u r house.^  The m o t i o n o f t h e h e a r e r toward t h e speaker i s e x p r e s s e d by come and k u r u i n E n g l i s h and Japanese  respectively.  On t h e o t h e r hand, as i n (2a) and ( 2 b ) , t h e m o t i o n o f the speaker toward the h e a r e r i s e x p r e s s e d by i k u i n Japanese but  by come i n E n g l i s h .  T h i s i s one o f the d i f f e r e n c e s  between the usages o f E n g l i s h and Japanese verbs.  directional  The purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s a r e t o i n v e s t i g a t e  how the d e i c t i c p o i n t i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e s e E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s and how i t i s s h i f t e d to  according  the c o n t e x t , and, i f p o s s i b l e , t o p r o v i d e c o n v i n c i n g  r u l e s which may account f o r a l l t h e phenomena t h a t a r e observed. The second c h a p t e r c o n t a i n s an overview o f some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s . The n o t i o n o f the g o a l b e i n g expanded also discussed.  i n v a r i o u s ways i s  Though t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the  3  o c c u r r e n c e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s are p r o v i d e d t h e y must be m o d i f i e d  i n the t h i r d and  The  i n complex sentences i s  f o u r t h chapters,  s h i f t i n complex sentences and  1.2  The  fifth  viewpoint  concluding  remarks  follow.  Background I am  g r e a t l y indebted  M o r i g u c h i (1974), Oye information  i n my  t o F i l l m o r e (1966, 1972a),  (1975) and  thesis.  Soga (1976) f o r the  F i l l m o r e ' s a r t i c l e s seem t o  the o n l y ones about E n g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s , b e h a v i o u r seems t o be p e c u l i a r t o E n g l i s h and languages.^  F i l l m o r e (1966) p r o v i d e s  t i o n s are a n a l y t i c , and p o s s i b l e supposition . 1  be  though t h e i r a few  other  quasi-transformational  A i . sentence i s a c c e p t a b l e  supposition rules.  if  in  discussed  respectively.  the  the  viewpoint s h i f t  c h a p t e r d e a l s w i t h g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about the  (Chapter Six)  chapter,  i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s because o f  phenomenon o f v i e w p o i n t s h i f t . simplex sentences and  in  i f i t s supposi-  ambiguous i f i t has more t h a n A., sentence i s s a i d t o be  i t s supposition i s a contradiction.  one  contradictory  F i l l m o r e thus  t r i e s t o account f o r the b e h a v i o u r o f E n g l i s h d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s on the b a s i s o f the n o t i o n s d e i c t i c categories.  of presupposition  F i l l m o r e (1972a) p r o v i d e s  the  and assumptions  about the u s e s o f come and go based on the g o a l o f motion. He  a l s o d i s c u s s e s how  face-to-face  the d e i c t i c p o i n t can be  conversation  and  i n clauses  shifted in  embedded under  4  c e r t a i n main v e r b s . Moriguchi  (1974) d i s c u s s e s t h e Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l  v e r b s k u r u and i k u .  He a n a l y z e s t h e f a c t s about these  v e r b s by means o f ' P e r f o r m a t i v e a n a l y s i s ' w i t h t h e n o t i o n o f a p e r l o c a t i o n treatment. the f i f t h c h a p t e r o f t h i s  T h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n  thesis.  Oye ( 1 9 7 5 ) g i v e s a c o n t r a s t i v e a n a l y s i s o f E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s , as w e l l as v e r b s o f g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g .  The c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f v i e w p o i n t  s h i f t w i t h d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n complex sentences  leads  us t o the i d e a t h a t t h e r e a r e two t y p e s o f h i g h e r v e r b s : a c i r c l e type and a l i n e t y p e .  The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f  these h i g h e r v e r b s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . Soga ( 1 9 7 6 ) p r o v i d e s the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on the u s e s o f Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s and d i s c u s s e s i n d e t a i l how the v i e w p o i n t i s s h i f t e d i n accordance  with v a r i o u s  s i t u a t i o n s i n simplex o r complex s e n t e n c e s . d e f i n e d g o a l s are a l s o d i s c u s s e d .  Irregularly  He t h e n p r o v i d e s c l u e s  f o r the deep s t r u c t u r e s o f sentences w i t h  directional  verbs.  1.3  Definition D e i x i s i s e x p l a i n e d by l y o n s ( 1 9 7 7 , p. 636)  as f o l l o w s :  The term ' d e i x i s ' (which comes from a Greek word meaning " p o i n t i n g " o r " i n d i c a t i n g " ) i s now used i n l i n g u i s t i c s t o r e f e r t o the f u n c t i o n o f personal and d e m o n s t r a t i v e pronouns, o f tense and o f a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r temporal c o - o r d i n a t e s o f t h e a c t of utterance.  5  The f o l l o w i n g e x p l a n a t i o n ( F i l l m o r e (1966, p. 220)) i s a p p r o p r i a t e when we c o n s i d e r d i r e c t i o n a l  verbs:  D e i x i s i s the name g i v e n t o those a s p e c t s o f language whose i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e t o the o c c a s i o n o f u t t e r a n c e : t o the time o f u t t e r a n c e , and t o times b e f o r e and a f t e r t h e time o f u t t e r a n c e ; t o the l o c a t i o n o f the speaker a t t h e time o f u t t e r a n c e ; and t o t h e i d e n t i t y o f the speaker and the i n t e n d e d audience.  P e r s o n d e i x i s i n v o l v e s t h e c a t e g o r y P a r t i c i p a n t , t h e two sub-categories  o f which a r e the speaker and the h e a r e r .  P l a c e d e i x i s d i f f e r s from language t o language: E n g l i s h has  a two-way d i s t i n c t i o n ( P r o x i m a l and D i s t a l ) and  Japanese has a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n ( P r o x i m a l , and D i s t a l ) .  Time d e i x i s m a i n l y  systems o f a language. the b e h a v i o u r  Medial  r e f e r s t o the tense  These d e i c t i c c a t e g o r i e s a f f e c t  o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n v a r i o u s ways.  Lyons (1977, p. 638) a l s o makes t h e f o l l o w i n g statement about e g o c e n t r i c i t y :  The c a n o n i c a l s i t u a t i o n - o f - u t t e r a n c e i s e g o c e n t r i c i n the sense t h a t the speaker, by v i r t u e o f b e i n g the speaker, c a s t s h i m s e l f i n the r o l e o f ego and r e l a t e s everything to h i s viewpoint. He i s a t the z e r o - p o i n t o f t h e s p a t i o t e m p o r a l c o - o r d i n a t e s o f what we w i l l r e f e r t o as the d e i c t i c c o n t e x t . Egocentricityi s temporal as w e l l as s p a t i a l , s i n c e the r o l e o f the speaker i s b e i n g t r a n s f e r r e d from one p a r t i c i p a n t t o the o t h e r as the c o n v e r s a t i o n proceeds, and t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s may move around as they a r e c o n v e r s i n g : the s p a t i o t e m p o r a l z e r o - p o i n t ( t h e here-and-now) i s determined by the p l a c e o f the speaker a t the moment o f u t t e r a n c e ; and i t i s t h i s ... which c o n t r o l s t e n s e .  6  The speaker's l o c a t i o n a t c o d i n g time o r a t a r r i v a l is  time  s i g n i f i c a n t when d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s a r e i n v o l v e d . S h i f t o f v i e w p o i n t means t h a t t h e speaker t a k e s  somebody e l s e ' s v i e w p o i n t when such f e a t u r e s as t h e speaker's home base, the s p a t i a l o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l c l o s e n e s s to  "the speaker and so on a r e n o t i n v o l v e d .  I f these  f a c t o r s a r e i n v o l v e d , t h e n t h e sentences a r e c o n s i d e r e d t o be s p e a k e r - c e n t e r e d .  The sentences which i n v o l v e v i e w p o i n t  s h i f t must be d e f i n i t e l y h e a r e r - c e n t e r e d o r t h i r d  person-  centered. 1.4  L i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e study The treatment o f k u r u and i k u used f o r a s p e c t u a l  e x p r e s s i o n s as i n (3) i n Japanese w i l l be excluded from this  thesis.  (3)  Ame ga h u t t e k i - m a s i - t a . rain f a l l i n g came Mt  began t o r a i n . '  Some o f these a s p e c t u a l u s e s a r e c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the o r d i n a r y u s e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s , but the o t h e r s a r e n o t . Yoshikawa (1973) has made some o b s e r v a t i o n s on t h e s e problems. E n g l i s h i d i o m a t i c u s e s o f come and go such as t h a t in  (4) a r e a l s o e x c l u d e d , s i n c e they a r e n o t governed by  any o f the p r i n c i p l e s I w i l l (4)  state.  My boat has gone t o p i e c e s on t h e r o c k s .  CHAPTER TWO OVERVIEW OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS  2.1  Come and go F i l l m o r e (1966, p. 223-224) p r o v i d e s t h r e e  r u l e s on t h e o c c u r r e n c e s (1)  supposition  o f come and go.  Rule: Original S  VP V  [x-  [  Motion Distal  - Y - Location]  - ZJ  Supposition S  NP  Neg  Aux  [_ [+SpeakerJ [not] [ p r e s e n t ]  S u p p o s i t i o n r u l e (1)  VP Cop [  [be ] L o c a t i o n J ]  a p p l i e s t o sentences c o n t a i n i n g  E n g l i s h £ 0 , which i s represented  as [Motion,  Distal].  I t means t h a t i n t h e c a s e o f go, t h e g o a l t o w h i c h a p e r s o n moves i s a p l a c e i n w h i c h t h e s p e a k e r i s n o t l o c a t e d , w h a t e v e r t h e s u b j e c t o r t e n s e o f go.  The s u b j e c t  noun p h r a s e and t h e t e n s e o f t h e a u x i l i a r y a r e n o t  8 s p e c i f i e d but expressed as a v a r i a b l e X. s e v e r a l sentences.  L e t u s examine  The S u p p o s i t i o n o f each sentence i s  i n d i c a t e d i n parentheses.  (2)  * I will  go h e r e .  (* The speaker i s n o t here (3)  now.)  I went t o Vancouver. (The speaker i s n o t i n Vancouver  (4)  I went t h e r e . (The speaker i s n o t t h e r e  (5)  now.)  * You w i l l go h e r e . (* The speaker i s n o t here  (6)  now.)  You went t o Vancouver. (The speaker i s n o t i n Vancouver  (7)  now.)  * He w i l l go h e r e . (* The speaker i s n o t here  (9)  now.)  He went t o Vancouver. (The speaker i s n o t i n Vancouver  (10)  now.)  You went t h e r e . (The speaker i s n o t t h e r e  (8)  now.)  now.)  He went t h e r e . (The speaker i s n o t t h e r e  Sentences (2),  (5)  and (8)  now.)  a r e r u l e d out, s i n c e  suppositions are contradictory.  I  am<rf always  their  here.  The  9  speaker cannot be t h e r e , but must always be here i n what i s termed P r o x i m a l p o s i t i o n .  This principle  interacts  w i t h t h e u s e s o f come and go i n i n t e r e s t i n g ways. I go here i s i m p o s s i b l e , s i n c e I am n o t here i s c o n t r a dictory.  I n o t h e r words, I am n o t t h e r e i s a n a l y t i c , w h i l e  I am n o t h e r e i s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n .  The i m p e r a t i v e Go away  i s grammatical, w h i l e Go here i s n o t , f o r the same r e a s o n . I n t h e case o f go, then, whatever t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e o r i g i n a l sentence i s , the speaker i s supposed n o t t o be a t the g o a l a t t h e time o f u t t e r a n c e . Note t h a t t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e speaker a t t h e s u b j e c t ' s a r r i v a l time i s n o t s i g n i f i c a n t a t c o d i n g time i s s i g n i f i c a n t .  that only h i s p o s i t i o n P o r sentence (9) t h e  speaker c o u l d o r c o u l d n o t be i n Vancouver when t h e h e a r e r arrives there. R u l e s (11) and (12) a p p l y t o sentences w i t h E n g l i s h come, which i s g i v e n t h e f e a t u r e s [Motion, P r o x i m a l l .  (11)  Rule: Original S  Aux  VP V Motion Eroximal  Supposition S  NP  Aux  VP Cop  10  Restriction are  When NP and Time of the P r i g  ot-Speaker, y?-Hearer and Present,  then  +Participant of Supp must be s p e c i f i e d as 5  -A-Hearer.  -c<-Speaker, (12)  Rule: Original S NP  r L  R-Speaker,  Aux  fi-Hearer;  1  L  Adv  VP V  [Timel [Time 1  fr 1  -Participant J - X 2  Motion  Proximal.  1-  Y - location 1 1  Supposition S NP £  Aux -Speaker,—/3-Hearer; +ParticipantJJTimeJ  Adv ^Time J  VP Cop £  J\ie J  In these r u l e s , the category  Location J J  f+ParticipantJ i s interpreted  as i d e n t i f y i n g e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer.  Fillmore  intended to d i s t i n g u i s h between coding time (the time of utterance) and the time of a r r i v a l s p e c i f i e d i n a sentence i n which come i s used.  The former i s shown i n r u l e  i n which the tense feature  (11)  [present^ shows that when the  r u l e applies e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i s  expected  11  t o be a t the g o a l a t the time o f u t t e r a n c e .  In other  words, the g o a l t o which one comes i s a p l a c e where e i t h e r the speaker o r the h e a r e r i s r i g h t In r u l e  now.  ( 1 2 ) , the c o d i n g time i s not  relevant.  The time o f a r r i v a l a t the g o a l , which i s s p e c i f i e d i n the v e r b a l a u x i l i a r y , i s the time s i g n i f i c a n t i n the The  supposition.  s u b j e c t o f the s u p p o s i t i o n i s a f u n c t i o n o f the P e r s o n  c a t e g o r i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the o r i g i n a l sentence. i n s t a n c e , the s u b j e c t o f the o r i g i n a l  If, for  sentence i s the  speaker, t h e n the s u b j e c t o f i t s s u p p o s i t i o n i s the h e a r e r , who  i s , w i l l be, o r was  expected t o be a t the g o a l a t t h e .  a r r i v a l time s p e c i f i e d i n the time adverb i n the sentence. I f the s u b j e c t o f the o r i g i n a l sentence i s the h e a r e r , t h e n the speaker, who be, o r was arrives.  i s the s u b j e c t o f i t s s u p p o s i t i o n , i s , w i l l  expected t o be a t the g o a l when the h e a r e r These two  the r u l e .  Finally,  eases a r e i n d i c a t e d by number 1 i n i f the s u b j e c t o f the o r i g i n a l  sentence  i s a t h i r d p e r s o n ( { ^ P a r t i c i p a n t ] ) , t h e n the speaker o r the h e a r e r ( [ ^ P a r t i c i p a n t ] ) i s , w i l l be, o r was t o be a t the g o a l a t the s p e c i f i e d  expected  time.  To see whether t h e s e r u l e s work, l e t us examine the f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s and t h e i r s u p p o s i t i o n s . s u p p o s i t i o n s (a) t o (d) s u f f i c e s by (13)  Any one: o f  itself.  I came here l a s t y e a r .  (a)  The  speaker i s here now.  (b)  The h e a r e r i s h e r e now.  Rule (11) ( c f . 2 2 B i ) Rule (11) ( c f . 2 2 B i i i )  12  (c) (14)  The h e a r e r was here l a s t y e a r . I came t o Vancouver l a s t  (12) ( c f . 2 2 B i v )  year.  (a)  The speaker i s i n Vancouver now.  (11)(cf.22 B i )  (b)  The h e a r e r i s i n Vancouver now.  (11)(cf.22 B i i i )  (c)  The h e a r e r was i n Vancouver l a s t  year. (12)(cf.22 B i v )  (15)  I came t h e r e l a s t  year.  (a) * The speaker i s t h e r e now.  (11)(cf.22 B i )  (b)  The h e a r e r i s t h e r e now.  (11)(cf.22 B i i i )  (c)  The h e a r e r was t h e r e l a s t y e a r .  ( 1 2 ) ( c f . 2 2 B: i v )  (16)  You came here l a s t  year.  (a)  The speaker i s here now.  (11)(cf.22 B i )  (b)  The h e a r e r i s here now.  (11)(cf.22 B i i i )  (c)  The speaker was here l a s t y e a r .  (12)(cf.22 B i i )  (17)  You came t o Vancouver l a s t  year.  (a)  The speaker i s i n Vancouver now.  (11)(cf.22 B i )  (b)  The h e a r e r i s i n Vancouver now.  (11)(cf.22 B i i i )  (c)  The speaker was i n Vancouver l a s t  year. (12)(cf.22 B i i )  (18)  You came t h e r e l a s t  year.  (a) * The speaker i s t h e r e now.  (11)(cf.22 B i )  (b)  The h e a r e r i s t h e r e now.  (11)(cf.22 B i i i )  (c)  The speaker was t h e r e l a s t y e a r .  (12)(cf.22 B i i )  13  John  (19) (a)  The  (ll)(cf.22 B i)  (b)  The  (11) ( c f . 2 2 B i i i )  (c)  The  (12) ( c f . 2 2 B i i )  <d)  The  (12)(cf.22 B i v )  (20)  John  (a)  The  (ll)(cf.22 B i)  (b)  The  (11) ( c f . 2 2 B i i i )  (c)  The  r  ear. (12) ( c f . 2 2 B i i )  <d)  The  ;ar. (12)(cf.22 B i v )  (21)  John  (a) *  The  (ll)(cf.22 B i)  (b)  The  (11) ( c f . 2 2 B i i i )  (c)  The  (12) ( c f . 2 2 B i i )  (d)  The  (12)(cf.22 B i v )  Sentence (14) has t h r e e p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s .  One  of  them supposes t h a t the h e a r e r i s i n Vancouver a t the time of utterance.  I n t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the speaker does not  have t o be i n Vancouver a t the time o f u t t e r a n c e .  The  second i n t e r p r e t a t i o n supposes t h a t the h e a r e r was  in  Vancouver a t the time o f the speaker's one We  arrival.  The  supposes t h a t the speaker i s i n Vancouver r i g h t can say the sentence i s ambiguous w i t h any  of  third now.  these  14  three  interpretations possible.  I f the d e i c t i c  adverb  t h e r e i s i n v o l v e d i n s t e a d o f the p r o p e r noun Vancouver as i n (15),  (18)  r u l e d out. possible.  and  Por  (21), t h e n a c e r t a i n s u p p o s i t i o n i s  (15), t h r e e  However, one  speaker i s t h e r e now. Therefore, one  the use  o f them (15a)  the h e a r e r  logically-  supposes t h a t  the  This supposition i s a contradiction.  o f the d e i c t i c adverb t h e r e  s u p p o s i t i o n , though (15) As we  s u p p o s i t i o n s are  is still  ambiguous.  have seen, the motion o f the i s commonly r e p r e s e n t e d  r u l e s out  speaker toward  by come i n E n g l i s h .  T h i s seems t o be a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c common t o E n g l i s h and few  o t h e r languages.  In Japanese as w e l l as i n many  o t h e r languages, t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s r e s t r i c t e d v e r y few  contexts  l e x i c a l equivalent o f the  a  which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r . t o go  to The  i s the normal usage f o r the motion  speaker toward the h e a r e r  i n most languages  other  than E n g l i s h . Por s e n t e n c e s (16) (e) are p o s s i b l e . (18a)  t o (18), s u p p o s i t i o n s  According  i s l o g i c a l l y possible.  t h a t the  to r u l e (11),  When a t h i r d p e r s o n i s the  suppositions  supposition  utterance.  s u b j e c t o f a sentence  t o (21), t h e n the  (a) t o (d) f o r each are l o g i c a l l y  a c c o r d i n g t o r u l e s (11)  and  and  However, i t i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y  speaker i s t h e r e a t the time o f  c o n t a i n i n g come, as i n (19)  ( a ) , (b)  (12).  four possible  F o r sentence (20),  the  speaker o r the h e a r e r must be a t the g o a l a t the time o f  15  utterance according to r u l e  (11).  By r u l e  (12), the  speaker o r the h e a r e r must have been a t the g o a l a t the time o f a t h i r d person's case o f sentence  a r r i v a l a t Vancouver.  (21), the f i r s t  supposition  speaker i s t h e r e a t the c o d i n g time — —  t h a t the  i s contradictory.  These s u p p o s i t i o n r u l e s by F i l l m o r e are v e r y however, as we  I n the  s h a l l see, t h e y do not account  insightful; f o r the  s h i f t o f v i e w p o i n t i n v o l v e d i n complex sentences.  He  d i s c u s s e s t h i s m a t t e r i n h i s 1972a a r t i c l e . Fillmore  (1972a) g i v e s assumptions about the  occurrences  o f d i r e c t i o n a l verbs on the b a s i s o f the g o a l o f the motion. and  (12).  These are r e l a t e d t o s u p p o s i t i o n r u l e s ( 1 ) , The  encoder o f a l i n g u i s t i c message i s termed  the Sender, w h i l e the i n t e n d e d decoder the Addressee.  (11)  The  o f the message i s .  time a t which the communication a c t  t a k e s p l a c e i s the c o d i n g time.  The  five possible  assumptions f o l l o w :  (22)(A)  F o r go,  i t i s assumed t h a t the Sender i s not  l o c a t e d a t the g o a l a t c o d i n g time. (B) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)  F o r come, i t i s assumed t h a t the Sender i s a t the g o a l a t c o d i n g time; t h a t the Sender i s a t the g o a l a t a r r i v a l time;  or or  t h a t the Addressee i s a t the g o a l a t c o d i n g time; t h a t the Addressee i s a t the g o a l a t a r r i v a l  (Or i s i n s e r t e d by the a u t h o r f o r c l e a r n e s s . ) ;  time.  or  16  Por come t o be used, any one o f c o n d i t i o n s ( i ) t o ( i v ) s u f f i c e s by i t s e l f . rule  (11), and  (22 B i ) and  (22 B i i )  and  (22 B i i i )  correspond to  (22 B i v ) t o r u l e  (12).  Each  s u p p o s i t i o n f o r the examples on page 11, 12 and 13 shows the number o f t h e s e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on the r i g h t m o s t s i d e . Now  l e t us observe  sentences i n which the s u b j e c t i s ,  the f i r s t p e r s o n p l u r a l pronoun  (23) * We  went h e r e .  Supp * The (24)  We  went t o  Supp (25)  We  The  speaker i s not here  now.  Vancouver. speaker i s not i n Vancouver.now.  went t h e r e .  Supp  The  we.  The  speaker i s not t h e r e  now.  a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f the s u p p o s i t i o n i s p a r a l l e l t o o t h e r  sentences c o n t a i n i n g go which have a l r e a d y been examined. As f o r come, we have t o c o n s i d e r two i s t h a t we  interpretations:  one  i n c l u d e s the h e a r e r and the o t h e r i s t h a t i t  does n o t .  (26)  We  came t o Vancouver.  (inclusive  (a)  The  (b)  The h e a r e r i s i n Vancouver  (c) * The  speaker i s i n Vancouver  speaker was  at a r r i v a l  we)  now. now.  a l r e a d y i n Vancouver,,  time.  (d) * The h e a r e r was  i n Vancouver a t a r r i v a l  time.  17  (27)  We came t h e r e .  (inclusive  we)  (a) * The speaker i s t h e r e now. (b)  The h e a r e r i s t h e r e now.  (c) * The speaker was a l r e a d y t h e r e a t a r r i v a l time. (d) * The h e a r e r was t h e r e a t a r r i v a l  (28)  We came t o Vancouver.  (exclusive  time.  we)  (a)  The speaker i s i n Vancouver now.  (b)  The h e a r e r i s i n Vancouver now.  (c)  The h e a r e r was i n Vancouver a t a r r i v a l time.  (29)  We came t h e r e .  (exclusive  we)  (a) * The speaker i s t h e r e now. (b)  The h e a r e r i s t h e r e now.  (c)  The h e a r e r was t h e r e a t a r r i v a l  time.  I n the case o f i n c l u s i v e we, s u p p o s i t i o n s (26c) and (26d), or  (27c) and (27d) a r e n o t p o s s i b l e , s i n c e the o c c u r r e n c e  o f the d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b come i s s t r a n g e i f t h e speaker o r the h e a r e r was a l r e a d y a t the g o a l a t a r r i v a l time.  (27a)  i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y by the p r i n c i p l e I have a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d . I n the ease o f e x c l u s i v e we, the a c c e p t a b i l i t y p a t t e r n i s p a r a l l e l t o t h a t o f sentences  (14) and ( 1 5 ) .  18  2.2  Kuru  (come) and i k u (go)  N a t i v e speakers o f E n g l i s h seem t o have  intuitive  knowledge t h a t come i s a v e r b t o e x p r e s s motion toward h e a r e r o r toward the speaker. show the p a r a l l e l paradigm hearer. the  Fillmore's  the  generalizations  between the speaker and the  The d e i c t i c p o i n t i s not o n l y the speaker but a l s o  h e a r e r w i t h r e g a r d t o E n g l i s h come. What i s the Japanese n a t i v e i n t u i t i o n about k u r u (come)  and i k u (go)?  I t seems t h a t k u r u r e p r e s e n t s the meaning  o f motion toward the speaker, and i k u , away from the speaker.  Soga (1976, p. 285) p r o v i d e s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s as  follows:  (30)  (i)  Kuru h o l d s i f the speaker i s a t the g o a l ( o r v i c i n i t y ) a t the time o f the speech a c t .  (ii)  Kuru h o l d s i f the g o a l i s where the speaker was, a specified  (iii);  (30 i ) b a s i c a l l y  n o r m a l l y i s , o r w i l l be a t time,  In other cases, i k u occurs.  c o r r e s p o n d s t o (22 B i ) o f F i l l m o r e ' s  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , and (30 i i ) t o (22 B i i ) .  The  predicta-  b i l i t y o f the o c c u r r e n c e o f i k u i s q u i t e s i m i l a r o f go.  to that  Iku h o l d s i f the g o a l i s a p l a c e where the  i s not l o c a t e d a t the time o f the speech a c t .  speaker  Sentences  19  c o n t a i n i n g k u r u do n o t i n v o l v e t h e s i t u a t i o n where t h e h e a r e r i s a t t h e g o a l , and t h e y have n o t h i n g t o do w i t h g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s such a s (22 B i i i ) o r (22 B i v ) f o r English.  I t i s p o s s i b l e t o say t h a t t h e d e i c t i c  n o r m a l l y t h e speaker i n case o f k u r u i n Japanese, the  s h i f t o f viewpoint i s p a r t i a l l y p o s s i b l e .  point i s though  This w i l l  be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r . Observe  the f o l l o w i n g sentences:  (31) * Watakusi wa kyonen I  koko n i i k i m a s i t a .  l a s t y e a r here t o went  * ' I went here l a s t y e a r . ' Supp * The speaker i s n o t here now. (32)  (30 i i i )  Watakusi wa kyonen Tookyoo n i i k i m a s i t a . 'I went t o Tokyo l a s t year.* Supp  (33)  The speaker i s n o t i n Tokyo now. (30 i i i )  Watakusi wa kyonen soko  n i ikimasita.  there •I went t h e r e l a s t year.• Supp  The speaker i s n o t t h e r e now.  (30 i i i )  Whatever t h e s u b j e c t i s i n a sentence c o n t a i n i n g i k u , t h e result  i sparallel  t o t h e above examples.  When t h e g o a l  i s koko (here) as i n ( 3 1 ) , t h e sentence i s r u l e d out, s i n c e it  supposes t h a t t h e speaker i s n o t h e r e now, which i s  contradictory.^  When t h e g o a l i s a p l a c e r e p r e s e n t e d by a  f u l l - n o u n phrase, o r soko  ( t h e r e ) , as i n (32) and (33)  20  respectively,  then the sentence i s grammatical.  With regard to place d e i x i s , E n g l i s h has two categories; Proximal, which r e f e r s to the place near the speaker at the time of speech, and D i s t a l , which r e f e r s to 7  a place away from the speaker at the time of speech. These two categories are redundant, since always  £-DistalJ,  [+ProximalJ;i is  and ^-Proximal] i s always  i  |+DistalJ .  On the other hand, Japanese has a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n : Proximal, Medial, and D i s t a l . (34)  Japanese  English  |+Proximalj ^•Proximal]  ^Proximal  -Proximal  -Proximal  -Distal  -Distal  +Distal  _  there  here  J  koko  soko  asoko  Sentences with kuru follow: (35)  Watakusi wa kyonen koko n i kimasita. 'I came here l a s t y e a r . ' (a)  The speaker i s here now.  (t>) * The speaker was here l a s t year. (36)  Watakusi wa kyonen Tookyoo n i kimasita. 'I came to Tokyo l a s t y e a r . '  21  (a)  The speaker i s i n Tokyo now.  (b) * The speaker was i n Tokyo l a s t y e a r . (37)  * Watakusi wa kyonen soko n i k i m a s i t a . •I came t h e r e l a s t y e a r . ' (a) * The speaker i s t h e r e now. (b) * The speaker was t h e r e l a s t y e a r .  In  (37b)  t h e d e i c t i c adverb soko i s assumed t o be  £-ProximalJ.  When the speaker i s the s u b j e c t o f t h e  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b kuru, s u p p o s i t i o n s (35b), are to  (36b)  (37b)  and  c o n t r a d i c t o r y , s i n c e the speaker c o u l d n o t have moved a p l a c e a t which he a l r e a d y e x i s t e d .  contradictory.  Consequently,  (37a)  sentences (35)  i s also and (36)  are  a c c e p t a b l e i f the speaker i s a t the g o a l a t c o d i n g time, w h i l e (37)  i s unacceptable.  C o n s i d e r examples i n which t h e h e a r e r o r a t h i r d person i s the subject o f kuru:  (38)  Anata / John wa kyonen koko n i k i m a s i t a . you 'You / John came here l a s t y e a r . '  (39)  (a)  The speaker i s here now.  (b)  The speaker was here l a s t y e a r .  Anata / John wa kyonen Tookyoo n i k i m a s i t a . 'You / John came t o Tokyo l a s t y e a r . ' (a)  The speaker i s i n Tokyo now.  (b)  The speaker was i n Tokyo l a s t  year.  22  (40)  Anata / John wa kyonen soko n i k i m a s i t a . •You / John came t h e r e l a s t  year.'  (a) * The s p e a k e r i s t h e r e now. (b)  The speaker was t h e r e l a s t  I n (40), soko i s a g a i n marked £-ProximalJ. d e i c t i c point i s normally  year.  S i n c e the  o n l y the speaker i n sentences  c o n t a i n i n g Japanese k u r u , t h e a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f a sentence i n which t h e h e a r e r  i s the subject i s p a r a l l e l t o that o f  a sentence i n which a t h i r d p e r s o n i s the s u b j e c t . (38) has two s u p p o s i t i o n s . does n o t work e f f e c t i v e l y i s always h e r e .  Note t h a t s u p p o s i t i o n (38b) without  (38a),  s i n c e t h e speaker  I n o t h e r words, t h e p o s s i b l e  o f (38) a r e e i t h e r (38a),  Sentence  suppositions  o r (38a) and (38b).  ambiguous, w i t h b o t h (a) and (b) p o s s i b l e .  (39) i s  (40) i s n o t  ambiguous, s i n c e the speaker cannot be t h e r e a t c o d i n g time. the  2.3  S i n c e asoko i s a l s o £-ProximalJ, i t s p a t t e r n i n g i s  same as t h a t o f soko.  Extended n o t i o n o f Goal In t h i s  s e c t i o n I w i l l discuss the n o t i o n o f goal.  I n sentences c o n t a i n i n g come, the g o a l has been  considered  t o be t h e p l a c e where t h e speaker o r t h e h e a r e r  i s located  h i m s e l f , but t h i s i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y so. occurrences  I n o t h e r words,  o f come o r k u r u a r e p o s s i b l e even i f t h e  c o n d i t i o n s (22) i n E n g l i s h o r (30) i n Japanese a r e n o t  23  satisfied. viewpoint  2.3.1  F i v e s i t u a t i o n s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d h e r e .  The  s h i f t i s not r e l e v a n t here.  Home base One p o s s i b i l i t y i n E n g l i s h i s t h a t the g o a l i s t h e  p l a c e where one might expect t o f i n d the speaker o r the hearer.  The g o a l s i n t h e f o l l o w i n g sentences  show what  i s c a l l e d t h e home base.  (41)  John came o v e r t o my house l a s t n i g h t , but I wasn't a t home.  (42)  John came t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y w h i l e you were gone.  I n (41) t h e g o a l i s the speaker's house, where t h e speaker d i d n o t happen t o be a t John's a r r i v a l time, a l t h o u g h he normally i s .  The a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f (42) can be  f o r i n t h e same way.  accounted  F i l l m o r e termed t h i s usage t h e home  base, and he gave some o t h e r examples i n which t h e g o a l i s not the a c t u a l home, but shows a s i m i l a r  situation  nevertheless.  (43)  I came t o t h e f r o n t door t o l e t you i n , but you had a l r e a d y l e f t .  (44)  She came t o t h e c o r n e r where we were g o i n g t o meet, but I ' d got s t u c k i n t r a f f i c and never made i t .  24  I n (43) and ( 4 4 ) , the g o a l i s c o n s i d e r e d  t o be t h e p l a c e  where the speaker o r t h e h e a r e r i s expected t o be i n t h a t instance. I n Japanese, t h e case i n which t h e h e a r e r i s a t the goal i s not s i g n i f i c a n t . i s relevant.  Only the p o s i t i o n o f t h e speaker  Kuru i s n o r m a l l y p o s s i b l e when t h e speaker  i s a t t h e g o a l , but t h i s i s n o t n e c e s s a r y so l o n g as the g o a l i s t h e p l a c e where t h e speaker i s n o r m a l l y o r was expected t o be l o c a t e d . the  Such i s t h e case i n (45),  i n which  g o a l i s t h e speaker's own house.  (45)  Tanaka-san wa kinoo u t i e k i m a s i t a ga, watakusi wa g a i s y u t u - t y u u 'Mr.  desita.  Tanaka came t o my house y e s t e r d a y ,  but I  was o u t . '  2.3.2  Closeness i n distance Come o r k u r u may be used i f t h e speaker's p o s i t i o n and  the g o a l a r e v e r y and  the goal.  relevant.  (46)  close i n contrast to the s t a r t i n g  point  In E n g l i s h , the hearer's p o s i t i o n i s also  T h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i s g i v e n by Soga (1976).  (a)  Mr. Tanaka came t o S e a t t l e from Tokyo,  (b)  Tanaka-san wa Tookyoo k a r a S e a t t l e e kimasita.  25  Sentence (46a) and (46b) show the same meaning. the  I n (46a)  speaker o r the h e a r e r i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y i n S e a t t l e .  It w i l l  s u f f i c e i f he i s i n Vancouver o r some o t h e r  close to Seattle. i s Tokyo.  place  The sentence shows t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t  The Japanese sentence (46b) i s a l s o acceptable  i n the same way.  The o n l y d i f f e r e n c e between E n g l i s h and  Japanese i s t h a t the h e a r e r i s i r r e l e v a n t i n Japanese. T h i s same c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i l l make the f o l l o w i n g sentence (47a)  acceptable:  (47)  (a)  Watakusi wa I960 nen n i soko n i k i m a s i t a . 'I came t h e r e  i n I960.'  I f we f o l l o w t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s i n (30), sentence (47a) ought t o be r u l e d out s i n c e n e i t h e r t h e s u p p o s i t i o n the  that  speaker i s now t h e r e n o r t h a t t h e speaker was t h e r e i s  true.  However, the sentence i s a c c e p t a b l e  since the  speaker i s assumed t o be c l o s e r t o t h e g o a l soko t h a n the starting point i s . i n t h i s context.  Thus, k u r u i s p o s s i b l e even w i t h soko  The e q u i v a l e n t  English  translation  follows:  (47)  According  (b)  I came t h e r e  i n I960.  t o r u l e s (11) and ( 1 2 ) , t h r e e  suppositions are  p o s s i b l e : t h a t t h e h e a r e r i s t h e r e now, t h a t t h e speaker i s t h e r e now, o r t h a t t h e h e a r e r was t h e r e  at a r r i v a l  time.  26  But  t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e speaker i s t h e r e  i s r u l e d out,  s i n c e i t i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y t o the p r i n c i p l e t h a t t h e speaker i s always h e r e .  However, i f the speaker's present'-'position  i s assumed t o be c l o s e r t o t h e g o a l t h e r e t h a n h i s s t a r t i n g p o i n t i s , t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t has been r u l e d out i s restored. and  I n o t h e r words, though d e i c t i c adverbs here  t h e r e were p r e v i o u s l y d e f i n e d a s [+ProximalJ and  ^ - P r o x i m a l ] r e s p e c t i v e l y , the d e f i n i t i o n s o f t h e f e a t u r e s P r o x i m a l and D i s t a l must be u n d e r s t o o d i n r e l a t i v e terms, not  i n absolute  there  and p h y s i c a l terms.  i n (47b) should  as i n most c a s e s .  Soko i n (47a) and  be [+Proximalj, r a t h e r t h a n  [-Proximal]  Soga (1976) g i v e s o t h e r s i m i l a r  examples.  (48)  (49)  (a)  Soko n i basu ga k i t a yo.  (b)  The bus came t h e r e .  (a)  Asoko n i Tanaka-san ga k i t e i r u .  (b)  Mr. Tanaka has come o v e r  Soko (asoko) and t h e r e  there.  c a n o c c u r w i t h come and k u r u  r e s p e c t i v e l y w i t h o u t i n v o l v i n g t h e v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i f the s t a r t i n g p o s i t i o n i s f u r t h e r away from t h e g o a l t h a n t h e speaker's p o s i t i o n . concerning  Soga p r o v i d e s  the f o l l o w i n g r u l e s  t h e c a s e s where t h e g o a l i s c l o s e t o t h e  speaker's l o c a t i o n :  27  (50)  NP  > J J+Proximal] / i f N P > NP  3  2  / ^ - P r o x i m a lJ NP  2  represents  the l o c a t i v e noun f o r t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t  o f motion, and NP^ i s j t h e g o a l . assigned  / otherwise  The f e a t u r e  |+Proximal] i s  t o NP^ i f the d i s t a n c e "between t h e d e i c t i c  point  (the l o c a t i o n o f the speaker a t the time o f speech) and NP^ i s s m a l l e r t h a n t h a t between t h e d e i c t i c p o i n t and NPg. Then k u r u and i k u a r e d e r i v e d by t h e f o l l o w i n g r u l e :  (51)  +V  kuru  /  _+Motion  iku  /  +Proximal otherwise  E n g l i s h come and jgo seem t o behave much t h e same way as k u r u and i k u r e s p e c t i v e l y i n (51).  2.3.3  Psychological t i e Even i f t h e speaker i n Japanese,  o r e i t h e r t h e speaker  o r t h e h e a r e r i n E n g l i s h , i s n o t a t the g o a l , come o r k u r u may be used i f he has some p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n n e c t i o n  with  the p l a c e e x p r e s s e d a t t h e g o a l . F i r s t a r e some examples i n which t h e d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b can be e i t h e r go o r come and e i t h e r i k u o r k u r u .  (52) (a)  Mary wa k i n o o John no u t i n i i k i m a s i t a / kimasita.  28 (b) (53) (a)  Mary went / came to John's house yesterday. Mary wa kinoo watakusi no gakkoo n i i t t a / k i t a soo desu.  (b)  I hear that Mary went / came to my school yesterday.  In both (52) and (53) go and i k u are u s u a l l y used. However, an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using come and kuru i s also possible so long as each sentence s a t i s f i e s a c e r t a i n condition. the  When  speaker i n (52a), or e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer  i n (52b), was at John's house at Mary's a r r i v a l time, then an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u s i n g kuru i n (52a), or come i n (52b), i s possible.  In (53a) and (53b), another possible i n t e r -  p r e t a t i o n is= that the goal, my school, i s the place where the  speaker i s normally expected to be.  A further  p o s s i b i l i t y i n a l l four of these sentences i s that the speaker may have a psychological connection with the goal. I f t h i s i s so, come and kuru are p o s s i b l e .  I f the speaker  has a psychological t i e with John's house i n (52a) and (52b), and with my school i n (53a) and (53b), then come or kuru may be used. Next l e t us consider the following sentences: (54) (a)  Mary wa Canada kara Nihon n i i k i m a s i t a / kimasita.  (b)  Mary went / came to Japan from Canada.  29 F o r t h e speaker i n Hawaii, t h e d i s t a n c e t o Japan a r e c o n s i d e r e d (50),  t o be almost t h e same.  By r u l e  NP^ (Japan) would be l a b e l l e d [-Proximal], s i n c e i t  i s n o t t h e case t h a t N P point  t o Canada and t h a t  (Canada) i s f a r t h e r from t h e d e i c t i c  2  (Hawaii) t h a n NPo*  Accordingly,  the d i r e c t i o n a l  v e r b i s n o r m a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d u s i n g go and i k u . as I have a l r e a d y pretation using has  discussed  Nevertheless,  i n t h i s section, the i n t e r -  come o r k u r u i s a l s o p o s s i b l e i f t h e speaker  a s p e c i a l psychological connection What w i l l r e s u l t i f N P > N P ? 3  2  with the goal,  Japan.  When the g o a l i s  f a r t h e r away from the d e i c t i c p o i n t t h a n the s t a r t i n g p o i n t is,  can the p s y c h o l o g i c a l  g o a l make come o r k u r u  (55)  (a)  connection  o f t h e speaker and the  acceptable?  Mary wa S e a t t l e k a r a Nihon e i k i m a s i t a / kimasita.  (b)  Mary went / came t o Japan from S e a t t l e .  I n (55a) and (55b), i k u o r go i s used n o r m a l l y .  However,  even i f the speaker's d e i c t i c p o i n t i s a c t u a l l y f a r t h e r from the g o a l t h a n from t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o use come o r k u r u as l o n g as the speaker has a p s y c h o l o g i c a l t i e w i t h Japans  For instance,  Japanese  p e o p l e l o c a t e d i n Vancouver might take t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  30  2.3.4  Closeness i n kinship Not only the speaker himself (and the hearer i n English)  but also someone r e l a t e d to the speaker (or hearer i n English) may play a role i n the use of the d i r e c t i o n a l verbs. For the f o l l o w i n g sentences, assume that the speaker i s not at the goal:  (56) (a)  John wa kinoo watakusi no ane no u t i n i kimasita. 'John came to my s i s t e r ' s house yesterday.*  (b) * John wa kinoo Mary no u t i n i kimasita. 'John came to Mary's house yesterday.' (57) (a)  John came to your s i s t e r ' s house yesterday,  (b) * John came to Mary's house yesterday. In (56a) the goal i s the speaker's s i s t e r ' s home base. Therefore, an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with kuru i s possible i n (56a), while i t i s not p o s s i b l e i n (56b), since the goal i s the home base of a t h i r d person, not someone r e l a t e d to the speaker, and we are assuming no psychological attachment of the speaker to Mary's house.  In E n g l i s h (57a), the  goal i s the home base of the hearer's s i s t e r and the sentence i s acceptable.  (57b) i s not grammatical  unless  e i t h e r the speaker or the hearer i s l o c a t e d at the goal.  31  2.3.5  Accompaniment use I f the speaker i n Japanese, o r e i t h e r the speaker o r  the h e a r e r i n E n g l i s h , i s making a journey w i t h t h e subject; o f t h e sentence, t h e n kuru. o r come may be used.  Fillmore  termed t h i s use o f come as t h e accompaniment u s e . Consider the f o l l o w i n g  sentences:  (58)  I came home a t s i x o ' c l o c k .  (59)  I came home w i t h you y e s t e r d a y .  F o r sentence  (58) t h r e e s u p p o s i t i o n s a r e p o s s i b l e ; t h a t the  h e a r e r i s a t home, t h a t t h e h e a r e r was a t home a t t h e speaker's a r r i v a l time, o r t h a t t h e speaker h i m s e l f i s . a t home now.  One o f these c o n d i t i o n s must be s a t i s f i e d .  i n a sentence  But  such as (59), the h e a r e r must be u n d e r s t o o d  t o have gone t o h i s own home.  (6.0)  You came t o England w i t h me.  (61)  Mary came t o England w i t h you.  (62) * John came t o England w i t h Mary.  In  ( 6 0 ) , t h e speaker i s making the journey w i t h t h e h e a r e r .  In  ( 6 1 ) , a t h i r d person, Mary, i s making t h e journey w i t h  the h e a r e r .  Note t h a t t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e h e a r e r i s  o r was l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l i s n o t s a t i s f i e d , i s one o f t h e o r i g i n a l The f a c t  that  although  suppositions discussed e a r l i e r .  (59), (60) and (61) a r e a c c e p t a b l e shows  this  32 t h a t i f e i t h e r the speaker o r the h e a r e r i s making a journey, t h e n a sentence  which i n d i c a t e s the movement o f  somebody o r something i n h i s company can c o n t a i n come. On the o t h e r hand, the f a c t  t h a t (62) i s not  acceptable  u n d e r the s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t n e i t h e r the speaker n o r  the  h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l shows t h a t the a p p r o p r i a t e c o n d i t i o n i n v o l v e s o n l y the speaker t h i r d person. satisfy  one  o r the h e a r e r i n E n g l i s h , not  Por sentence  o f the o r i g i n a l  a  (62) t o be a c c e p t a b l e i t must suppositions discussed  the speaker o r the h e a r e r must be a t the g o a l  earlier (England).  In Japanese o n l y c a s e s i n which the speaker i s making a journey a r e i n v o l v e d .  (63)  Anata / John wa r o k u - z i n i u t i e k a e t t e - k i m a s i t a . 'You / John came home a t s i x o ' c l o c k . '  (64)  A n a t a / John wa watakusi  to u t i e kaette-  kimasita. 'You / John came home w i t h  (63) r e q u i r e s one  o f the o r i g i n a l  me.•  suppositions  t h a t the  speaker i s a t the g o a l a t c o d i n g time o r a t a r r i v a l In  time.  (64), the speaker made the journey w i t h the h e a r e r o r  a t h i r d p e r s o n and went t o h i s house, not the the h e a r e r ' s house o r t o a t h i r d p e r s o n ' s house. may  be used  noun phrase.  Nevertheless,  kuru  i f the speaker makes a journey w i t h the s u b j e c t Note t h a t the s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t the  speaker  33  ia,  o r was, l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l  (the h e a r e r ' s house o r a  t h i r d p e r s o n ' s house) i s ; n o t r e q u i r e d .  (65)  * John wa a n a t a /Mary t o Europe n i k i m a s i t a . •John came t o Europe w i t h you / Mary.'  Here t h e a s t e r i s k does n o t mean t h a t t h i s sentence i s ungrammatical, but t h a t i t s s u p p o s i t i o n i s , not  satisfied  when l o c a t i o n s o f o n l y second and t h i r d persons a r e i n question.  P o r t h e sentence t o be a p p r o p r i a t e ,  t h e speaker  must be o r must have been a t t h e g o a l . According  t o F i l l m o r e (1972), t h e s e  suppositions  account f o r t h e a c c e p t a b i l i t y judgment i n d i c a t e d f o r t h e f o l l o w i n g sentences:  (66)  (a)  Go away!  (b) * Go h e r e !  (66b)  i s s t a r r e d because go r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e g o a l be a  p l a c e where t h e speaker i s n o t l o c a t e d a t c o d i n g  time, but  the adverb here i n d i c a t e s p r e c i s e l y t h e p l a c e where t h e speaker i s l o c a t e d . imperatives  S i m i l a r l y , t h e f o l l o w i n g two  are acceptable:  (67) (a)  Come h e r e ! Gome a l o n g !  The a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f (67a) goes without s a y i n g .  (67b)  seems t o be p o s s i b l e o n l y when t h e speaker i s b e c k o n i n g the h e a r e r t o accompany him.  CHAPTER THREE  VIEWPOINT SHIFT IN SIMPLEX SENTENCES  S h i f t o f v i e w p o i n t means t h a t t h e speaker someone e l s e ' s v i e w p o i n t .  takes  T h i s o c c u r s o n l y when t h e  f a c t o r s discussed i n the previous chapter  the  home base, t h e s p a t i a l o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l c l o s e n e s s from t h e speaker and so on a r e n o t i n v o l v e d .  I f they are  i n v o l v e d , t h e n t h e sentence must be s p e a k e r - c e n t e r e d i n Japanese.  I n E n g l i s h t h e y must be s p e a k e r - c e n t e r e d o r  hearer-centered.  Sentences  i n which t h e v i e w p o i n t  are d e f i n i t e l y hearer-centered o r t h i r d  shifts^  person-centered.  I n Chapter Two, t h e b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s u p p o s i t i o n s f o r d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n E n g l i s h and Japanese were d i s c u s s e d .  With E n g l i s h come, i t i s much more common  f o r the speaker t o take t h e h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t t h a n w i t h Japanese k u r u .  Kuno (1976) shows t h a t an empathy-related  p r i n c i p l e i s needed t o account f o r v a r i o u s l i n g u i s t i c phenomena.  He u s e s the term'"empathy" w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o  the speaker's i d e n t i f y i n g h i m s e l f , i n v a r y i n g degrees, w i t h the p a r t i c i p a n t s o f an event o r s t a t e t h a t he describes-. The h i e r a r c h y i s mentioned i n h i s paper d e a l i n g w i t h the 55  36  g i v i n g and  r e c e i v i n g v e r b s y a r u and  (1)  The  k u r e r u i n Japanese.  Speech-Act P a r t i c i p a n t Empathy  I t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r the  speaker t o  w i t h someone e l s e a t the  exclusion of  Speaker / H e a r e r  T h i r d Person  >  At a g l a n c e i t appears t h a t t h i s h i e r a r c h y  is  Hierarchy: empathize himself:  appropriate  f o r E n g l i s h come, s i n c e the h e a r e r as w e l l as the can be the d e i c t i c p o i n t f o r E n g l i s h come.  speaker  I t seems t h a t  i n E n g l i s h the v i e w p o i n t s h i f t toward the h e a r e r i s much more p r o b a b l e t h a n i n Japanese. p.  227)  However, F i l l m o r e  has made an i n t e r e s t i n g statement r e g a r d i n g  empathy o r v i e w p o i n t s h i f t  (1966, the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of English.  I would l i k e t o i n s i s t t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f these s u p p o s i t i o n s i n the form o f e x p l i c i t semantic r u l e s i s p r e f e r r e d t o s a y i n g m e r e l y t h a t when the speakers o f E n g l i s h use the word come t h e y f r e q u e n t l y "take the o t h e r f e l l o w ' s p o i n t o f view." T h i s i s t r u e , o f c o u r s e , but I p r e f e r t o r e g a r d i t as a statement o f E n g l i s h s t r u c t u r e r a t h e r t h a n as a statement about the p e r s o n a l i t y o f speakers o f t h i s language.  Native  speakers b e l i e v e t h a t the p e c u l i a r use  inherent  i n the  o f come i s  structure.  Furthermore, Soga (1976) g i v e s the h i e r a r c h y p o i n t o f view f o r the u s e s o f k u r u i n Japanese.  (2)  Speaker  >  Hearer  >  T h i r d Person  concerning  37 I t i s c l e a r t h a t i t i s most p r o b a b l e f o r the speaker t o be t h e d e i c t i c p o i n t f o r Japanese k u r u .  There i s a l s o a  h i e r a r c h y between t h e h e a r e r and a t h i r d p e r s o n .  This  h i e r a r c h y i s discussed i n t h i s chapter.  3.1  S h i f t t o the hearer Por t h e b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter  Two, t h e v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i s n o t i n v o l v e d . t h e problem  o f the s h i f t  i n Japanese  w i l l be d i s c u s s e d .  In t h i s  section,  o f v i e w p o i n t i n simplex sentences I s i t p o s s i b l e f o r the  speaker t o t a k e t h e h e a r e r ' s p o i n t o f view? Chapter Two, i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e .  According to  With t h e b a s i c usage o f  k u r u d i s c u s s e d i n t h e c h a p t e r , the speaker i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l .  Here, however, t h e g o a l i s assumed t o be a  p l a c e where t h e h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d .  (3)  John ga k i n o o otaku n i k i m a s i t a k a . 'Did John come t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y ? '  (4)  A s i t a Mary ga otaku n i kimasu yo. 'I t e l l you Mary w i l l come t o y o u r house tomorrow.'  I n (3) and (4), the s u b j e c t o f the d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b k u r u i s ^ a t h i r d person.  The g o a l i s n o t t h e speaker's home  base, but t h e hearer's-. verb.  Consequently, i k u i s t h e expected  However, n a t i v e speakers w i l l a c c e p t t h e sentence  38 using kuru. understand  (3) and (4) with kuru are grammatical i f we the sentence from the hearer's point of view.  The s i t u a t i o n is- no longer speaker-centered, centered.  but hearer-  As discussed e a r l i e r , (3) and (4) are also  possible i f the speaker's and the hearer's l o c a t i o n s are r e l a t i v e l y close.  In such a; case, the point of view i s  s t i l l speaker-centered.  In general, when the subject of  motion is: a t h i r d person, the viewpoint may s h i f t from the speaker to the hearer i n Japanese, regardless o f the sentence  type.  Is i t also possible f o r the speaker to take the hearer's point of view when the subject o f the d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s the hearer?  Note that a simplex sentence with the  hearer as subject would only occur i n d i r e c t discourse.  With  sentences i n the future or past tense i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r the hearer to be at the goal at the time of speech.  This  means that he has once a r r i v e d at or w i l l again a r r i v e at the same place. (5)  Observe the f o l l o w i n g sentences:  Asita mo soko n i k i t e kudasai. tomorrow again there to coming please 'Please come there tomorrow again.'  (6)  Kinoo mo soko n i kimasita ne. yesterday again there to came tag Q 'You came there yesterday, too, didn't you?'  39 The speaker i s at the goal n e i t h e r at the time of speech nor at a r r i v a l time (tomorrow or yesterday) hearer i s at the goal.  only the  E i t h e r of these sentences might  occur, f o r instance, i n a telephone conversation.  Note  that sentences (5) and (6) are an imperative and an interrogative respectively.  Soga (1976, p. 291) gives a.  constraint with regard to the s h i f t of viewpoint as follows: When the hearer i s the subject of the motion, the speaker may take the hearer's viewpoint, i f the relevant sentence i s embedded i n an imperative, c o n d i t i o n a l , d e s i d e r a t i v e , quotative or i t s equivalent, or i n t e r r o g a t i v e structure. (Underlining i s mine.) I w i l l discuss the f a c t s concerning complex sentences i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter.  The f o l l o w i n g sentences  illustrate  the s h i f t of viewpoint i n simplex sentences other than i n t e r r o g a t i v e or imperative sentences: (7) ? Anata wa a s i t a wa soko e ko-nai you  tomorrow there  desyoo.  come-not probably  'You w i l l probably not come there tomorrow.' (8) ? Anata wa kinoo mo soko e kimasita (yo). you yesterday there came (you know) 'You came there yesterday, too, you know. (7) and (8) are n e i t h e r i n t e r r o g a t i v e nor imperative sentences, but d e c l a r a t i v e s ; (7) i s negative and (8), affirmative.  They seem awkward compared to (5) and (6).  40  T h i s i s t o be expected, s i n c e i n d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e , the  subject  when  o f m o t i o n i s t h e h e a r e r , i n t e r r o g a t i v e and  i m p e r a t i v e sentences a r e more p r a c t i c a l and u s e f u l t h a n d e c l a r a t i v e sentences. declarativessentence d i r e c t discourse.  A speaker r a r e l y u t t e r s a simple  w i t h a second p e r s o n s u b j e c t i n  Even i f t h e d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b i n (7) and  (8) is? i k u i n s t e a d o f k u r u , n e i t h e r sentence becomes?any l e s s awkward.  I t seems t h a t t h e awkwardness o f v i e w p o i n t  s h i f t here i s n o t due t o t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f a d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b but t o t h e d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e s i t u a t i o n . There i s a n o t h e r p o s s i b l e type o f simplex sentence an e x c l a m a t o r y sentence.  (9) ? Anata wa nanto t a b i t a b i soko e k u r u k o t o desyoo. 'How o f t e n you have come t h e r e ! •  Suppose t h a t t h e speaker i s t a l k i n g on t h e phone and t h e h e a r e r i s now a t t h e g o a l . (8).  (9) i s as awkward as (7) and  These examples show t h a t , i n g e n e r a l ,  the viewpoint  may be s h i f t e d t o t h e h e a r e r o n l y i n an i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentence o r an i m p e r a t i v e sentence, when t h e s u b j e c t o f kuru i s the hearer. Note t h a t Oye (1975) says: t h a t sentence (5) i s ungrammatical i f i k u i s u s e d i n s t e a d o f kuru.  On t h e o t h e r  hand, Soga (1976) says t h a t t h e replacement o f k i t e k u d a s a i (•please come') by i t t e k u d a s a i ('please go') i s q u i t e  41  possible.  Both, a r e p o s s i b l e because o f t h e s u p p o s i t i o n  involving iku.  I f i t t e kudasai I s involved instead of  k i t e k u d a s a i , t h e n the speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s m a i n t a i n e d . L a s t l y , l e t us c o n s i d e r the p o s s i b i l i t y that the speaker might take the h e a r e r ' s p o i n t o f view when t h e s u b j e c t o f k u r u i s the speaker h i m s e l f . iS3 assumed t o be a t t h e g o a l . the  Again;/the h e a r e r  A c c o r d i n g t o Oye (1975),  f o l l o w i n g p a s t and f u t u r e i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentences a r e  grammatical:  (10) * Sensyuu no mokuyoobi n i boku wa k i m i no t o k o r o n i k i m a s i t a ka. 'Did  I come t o y o u r house l a s t  Thursday?'  (11) * A s i t a n a n z i n i k i m i no t o k o r o n i kimasyoo k a . •What time s h a l l I come t o y o u r house tomorrow?'  The of are  speaker i s assumed n o t t o be a t t h e g o a l a t the time speech.  Oye says t h a t i n (10) and (11) k u r u and i k u  [equally a c c e p t a b l e .  He i n s i s t s t h a t t h e s h i f t o f view-  p o i n t from t h e speaker t o t h e h e a r e r i s common when an i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentence i s i n v o l v e d .  A c c o r d i n g t o him, t h e  q u e s t i o n i s posed u s i n g k u r u i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f a response u s i n g kuru. it  T h i s argument i s v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g ; however,  s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t a n t i c i p a t i o n o f a response u s i n g  k u r u does n o t a f f e c t v i e w p o i n t s h i f t elsewhere.  Consider,  f o r example, sentences w i t h a t h i r d p e r s o n s u b j e c t .  To  42  my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, t h e f o l l o w i n g two sentences a r e equally acceptable:  (12)  E i n o o otaku n i dare k a k i m a s i t a k a . 'Did anybody come t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y ? '  (13)  K i n o o otaku n i dare k a k i m a s i t a yo. •Somebody came t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y , you know.•  I n (12) and ( 1 3 ) , t h e h e a r e r i s a t t h e g o a l and t h e s u b j e c t of motion i s a t h i r d person. w h i l e (13) i s a d e c l a r a t i v e the  (12) i s an i n t e r r o g a t i v e , sentence.  A c c o r d i n g t o Oye,  v i e w p o i n t o f t h e speaker i s more l i k e l y t o be s h i f t e d  t o t h e h e a r e r i n an i n t e r r o g a t i v e sentence t h a n i n a declarative  sentence, even when a t h i r d p e r s o n i s t h e  subject o f motion rather^ than the hearer.  Yet a c c o r d i n g t o  my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, t h e r e does n o t seem t o be any s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n the l e v e l s o f grammaticality o f the  interrogative  (12) and t h e d e c l a r a t i v e  (13).  The c h o i c e  o f k u r u o r i k u seems t o depend c o m p l e t e l y on t h e i n t e n t i o n o f t h e speaker. are  The d e c l a r a t i v e  s e n t e n c e s (4) and (13)  j u s t as a c c e p t a b l e as t h e i n t e r r o g a t i v e ( 1 2 ) . Elsewhere, then, v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i s n o t e a s i e r i n  interrogative  sentences t h a n i n d e c l a r a t i v e  sentences.  Gye's argument c l a i m s t h a t when t h e s u b j e c t o f m o t i o n i s the  speaker, a s i n (10) o r (11), k u r u i s p o s s i b l e  i f the  43  sentence i n v o l v e d i s i n t e r r o g a t i v e . (13), t h i s c l a i m seems d o u b t f u l .  I n view;of (12) and  Moreover, a c c o r d i n g t o  t h e i n t u i t i v e knowledge o f many n a t i v e speakers o f Japanese, as d i s c u s s e d by Soga (1976), sentences (10) and (11) a r e unacceptable.  I n o t h e r words, even i f t h e sentence i s  i n t e r r o g a t i v e , when t h e s u b j e c t i s t h e speaker, he cannot t a k e t h e v i e w p o i n t o f a h e a r e r who i s a t t h e g o a l .  The  s h i f t o f v i e w p o i n t i s n o t p o s s i b l e , and k u r u i s n e v e r used. T h e r e f o r e s e n t e n c e s (10) and (11) s h o u l d be s t a r r e d .  This  usage i s i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the usage o f E n g l i s h come.  (14) (a)  What time s h a l l I come t o y o u r house tomorrow?  (b) * A s i t a n a n z i n i otaku e kimasyoo k a .  Come i n sentence (14a) must be t r a n s l a t e d as i k u i n Japanese,  and a s e q u i v a l e n t l e x i c a l i t e m i n most o t h e r  languages. We can summarize t h i s s e c t i o n as f o l l o w s :  I n simplex sentences w i t h kuru, i n which the h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l a t t h e time o f speech, the speaker may t a k e t h e h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t i n t h e f o l l o w i n g c a s e s : when t h e s u b j e c t o f the m o t i o n i s a t h i r d p e r s o n o r , i n c e r t a i n t y p e s o f sentences i n d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e , when t h e s u b j e c t i s the h e a r e r .  44 I f t h e speaker i s t h e s u b j e c t , he cannot t a k e t h e hearer's viewpoint.  3.2  Shift  to a third  person  A c c o r d i n g t o Chapter Two, i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e f o r the speaker t o take a t h i r d person's p o i n t o f view i n e i t h e r E n g l i s h o r Japanese. of the s h i f t person.  Here I s h a l l examine t h e p o s s i b i l i t y  o f v i e w p o i n t from the speaker t o a t h i r d  P o r t h e s e s e n t e n c e s , assume t h a t a t h i r d  person  o r a t h i n g i s a t t h e g o a l a t t h e time o f speech, b u t n e i t h e r t h e speaker n o r t h e h e a r e r i s t h e r e . and Japanese  Both E n g l i s h  are involved.  P i r s t a r e sentences i n which a t h i r d p e r s o n i s t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e motion:  (15) (a) * John wa a s i t a mo soko e kimasu. (b) * John w i l l come t h e r e tomorrow a g a i n . (16) (a) * John wa z i b u n no u t i e k a e t t e k i m a s i t a . (b) * John came back t o h i s own house.  In  (15) and ( 1 6 ) , John i s assumed t o be a t t h e g o a l , t h e r e  and h i s house r e s p e c t i v e l y , and t h e speaker i n Japanese (the  speaker o r t h e h e a r e r i n E n g l i s h ) i s assumed n o t t o  be^at the g o a l .  A l l t h e s e f o u r sentences s h o u l d be s t a r r e d  u n l e s s t h e f a c t o r s d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter Two  t h e speaker's  home b a s e , ( t h e speaker's o r h e a r e r ' s home base i n E n g l i s h ) ,  45 the  spatial or psychological  so on a r e i n v o l v e d .  closeness  from t h e speaker and  A l s o , i f (16a) and (16b) a r e n a r r a t i v e s ,  t h e n k u r u o r come; i s p o s s i b l e . Now observe t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s :  (17)  (a) * Kinoo John ga Mary no u t i e k i t a yo. (b) * John came t o Mary's house  yesterday,  you know. (18)  (a) * Kinoo John ga Mary no t o k o r o n i k i m a s i t a k a . (b) * D i d John come t o Mary's house y e s t e r d a y ?  G i v e n t h a t , i n (17) and (18) i t i s a t h i r d p e r s o n than the person o f the subject  other  (Mary, n o t John) who i s  l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , a l l f o u r sentences a r e ungrammatical u n l e s s t h e speaker has some k i n d o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l t i e w i t h Mary o r t h e speaker's p l a c e  i s c l o s e r t o Mary's house t h a n  John's s t a r t i n g p o i n t .  F o r ( 1 8 ) , an e x c e p t i o n a l  s i t u a t i o n is- p o s s i b l e  that the hearer i s the l a n d l o r d  o f a b o a r d i n g house where Mary i s b o a r d i n g , so t h a t t h e h e a r e r ' s house i s ; Mary's home base.  N e e d l e s s t o say,  i k u i s a l s o p o s s i b l e i n (17) and (18). the v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i s n o t r e l e v a n t . when t h e s u b j e c t  I n such a case, We can conclude t h a t ,  o f m o t i o n i s a t h i r d person, t h e v i e w p o i n t  s h i f t from t h e speaker t o a t h i r d p e r s o n i s : n o t p o s s i b l e i n ordinary d a i l y  conversation.  F i l l m o r e (1972a, p. 15) makes an i n t e r e s t i n g  46  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n about t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f t h i s type o f s h i f t .  (19)  I n pure t h i r d - p e r s o n d i s c o u r s e ( i . e . , i n d i s c o u r s e i n which the i d e n t i t y and l o c a t i o n o f the Sender and t h e Addressee p l a y s no r o l e ) , the n a r r a t o r i s f r e e t o choose a p o i n t o f view, such t h a t movement toward the p l a c e o r p e r s o n whose p o i n t o f view i s assumed can be expressed w i t h t h e v e r b come.  T h i s p r i n c i p l e accounts; f o r t h e g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o r u n g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o f t h e f o l l o w i n g sentences.  I n (21) the  the main v e r b i s a p r o p o s i t i o n a l v e r b .  (20)  She asketfi.me t o come t o h e r p a r t y , * but I d e c i d e d n o t t o come.  (21)  She had hoped t h a t F r e d would come on time, but, as u s u a l , he came h a l f an hour l a t e .  I n (20) and ( 2 1 ) , t h e g o a l i s assumed t o be a p l a c e where she i s o r was l o c a t e d . the motion  I n (20), come cannot be used f o r  o f t h e speaker, w h i l e i n (21), come i s p o s s i b l e  s i n c e a t h i r d p e r s o n i s t h e s u b j e c t o f the m o t i o n n e i t h e r the speaker n o r t h e h e a r e r i s i n v o l v e d a t a l l . The  a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f (16a) and (16b) i s accounted  the same way.  for in  (20) and (21) a r e sentences i n which t h e  speaker t a k e s h e r v i e w p o i n t .  On t h e o t h e r hand, i f t h e  speaker t a k e s a n o t h e r p e r s o n ' s p o i n t o f view, t h e r e s u l t i n g sentences a r e s t i l l (22) and ( 2 3 ) .  grammatical  as shown i n  47  (22)  I was not  (23)  asked t o go t o h e r p a r t y , but I d e c i d e d t o go.  I t was hoped t h a t F r e d would go t o h e r p a r t y on time, but, as u s u a l , he went h a l f  an  hour l a t e .  (24) and in  (25) i n Japanese a r e e q u i v a l e n t t o (20) and  (21)  English.  (24) * Mary wa watakusi ga k u r u k o t o o n e g a t t a ga, watakusi wa k o n a k a t t a . (25)  Mary wa Jiolm^  ga k u r u k o t o o n e g a t t a ga,  k a r e ^ wa k o n a k a t t a .  (24) i s ? u n a c c e p t a b l e s i n c e the speaker i s i n v o l v e d i n the motion, w h i l e (25) i s a c c e p t a b l e s i n c e o n l y a t h i r d i s i n v o l v e d i n the motion, and not the speaker. y i e l d s a grammatical the  person  (24)  sentence i f the speaker i s l o c a t e d a t  g o a l a t the time o f speech.  I n such a case, the  utterance i s speaker-centered. Now  l e t us c o n s i d e r t h e v i e w p o i n t s h i f t from the  speaker t o a t h i r d p e r s o n when the s u b j e c t i s the h e a r e r . I n the f o l l o w i n g sentences, a t h i r d p e r s o n , John, i s ; assumed t o be a t the g o a l .  (26) (a) * Anata wa m a i n i t i John no u t i n i k i t e iraasu.  48  (b) * You come to John's house every day, and you are there now. (27)  (a) * Anata wa kinoo John no u t i n i kimasita ka. (b) * D i d you come to John's house yesterday?  (26)  and (27) are ungrammatical unless they s a t i s f y the  suppositions f o r kuru and come, or one of the conditions discussed i n the l a s t chapter.  Por example, they are  grammatical i f the goal, John's house is; close to the speaker's p o s i t i o n . the  However i n such a case the problem of  viewpoint s h i f t i s not relevant, since the sentence i s  s t i l l speaker-centered. l a s t l y l e t us consider viewpoint s h i f t from the speaker to the t h i r d person when the subject i s the speaker; (28)  (a) * Watakusi wa 1960-nen n i America n i kimasita. (b) * I came to the United States i n I960.  (29)  (a) * A s i t a nanzi n i Mary no u t i n i kimasyoo ka. (b) * What time s h a l l I come to Mary's house tomorrow?  (30)  (a) * Kinoo watakusi wa Tom no u t i n i kimasita ka. (b) * Did I come to Tom's house yesterday?  A l l of the E n g l i s h and Japanese sentences above are ungrammatical unless they s a t i s f y the suppositions f o r come and kuru or unless they involve one of the s i t u a t i o n s  49 d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r . In  summary: In  simplex sentences w i t h E n g l i s h come and  Japanese k u r u i n which a t h i r d p e r s o n i s a t t h e g o a l , the s h i f t o f v i e w p o i n t n o r m a l l y does n o t t a k e p l a c e from t h e speaker t o a t h i r d person, r e g a r d l e s s ^ o f t h e subject.  Prom the i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h i s  chapter, a t a b l e concerning  the p o s s i b i l i t y o f v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i n simplex may be proposed.  T h i s i s i n the Appendix 3-1.  sentences  CHAPTER POUR  VIEWPOINT SHIFT IN COMPLEX SENTENCES  B e f o r e c o n s i d e r i n g t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f the v i e w p o i n t s h i f t , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o c l a r i f y some o f the u n d e r l y i n g structures.  When I c o n s i d e r e d simplex sentences i n  Chapter Three, I m a i n l y t r i e d t o get  simplex  How c a n v a r i o u s a s p e c t u a l morphemes (sentence  sentences. final  p a r t i c l e s o r a u x i l i a r y v e r b s ) be r e p r e s e n t e d ?  (1) (a) (b) (2) (a) (b)  Sentences  John ga Mary no u t i n i k i m a s i t a . John came t o Mary's house. John ga Mary no u t i n i k i m a s i t a yo. I t e l l you t h a t John came t o Mary's house.  ( l a ) and ( l b ) a r e simplex d e c l a r a t i v e s on t h e 1  surface l e v e l .  However, i t has been proposed  (Ross  (1970))  t h a t even such sentences a r e u n d e r l y i n g l y complex, h a v i n g deep s t r u c t u r e s such as ( 3 ) .  A l l the d e c l a r a t i v e  sentences which i n v o l v e d i r e c t i o n a l t o have a s t r u c t u r e such as ( 3 ) . 50  verbs are considered  51  ^communication" +performative +linguistic +declarative  (goal)  Sentences (2a) i n v o l v e s the Japanese p a r t i c l e y_o.  One  [+motion  sentence-final  o f the p o s s i b l e u n d e r l y i n g  f o r sentence (2a) i s s i m i l a r t o  J  structures  s t r u c t u r e (3).  The  other  possible structure i s :  (3) SP  NP  I S_ NP„  VP NP  2  (goal)  The  symbol  SP s t a n d s f o r a sentence p a r t i c l e i n (3)*.  t r e e s (3) and  In  (3)', the s u b j e c t o f the m o t i o n i s d e r i v e d  from NP-j^ and the g o a l from NP,,. aspectual  £+motion ]  Por (4a) t o which  an  a u x i l i a r y sooda i s a t t a c h e d , s t r u c t u r e s (5) and  (5)' are p o s s i b l e .  (4)  (a)  John ga Mary no u t i n i k i t a sooda.  (b)  I h e a r t h a t John came t o Mary's house.  No m a t t e r which s t r u c t u r e  (5) o r (5)'  f o r (4a), the occurrence o f a d i r e c t i o n a l (2a)  we choose verb i n ( l a ) ,  and (4a) f o l l o w s t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s d i s c u s s e d  previous  chapter.  i n the  I n o t h e r words, though (2a) and (4a)  seem t o have complex s t r u c t u r e s , t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f come and go f o l l o w s t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a l r e a d y  given.  In a l l  o f t h e sentences i n ( 1 ) , (2) and ( 4 ) , come and k u r u a r e p o s s i b l e so l o n g as the speaker has a p s y c h o l o g i c a l connection  w i t h Mary, who i s o r was l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l .  53 Por i n s t a n c e ,  i n ( 4 a ) , i f t h e speaker h e a r d from Mary t h a t  John had gone t o h e r , t h e n t h e sentence u s i n g k u r u i s q u i t e acceptable. discussed It  I f they do n o t i n v o l v e  such s i t u a t i o n s as  i n Chapter Two, come and k u r u a r e n o t p o s s i b l e .  i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o take the t h i r d person's (Mary* s)  v i e w p o i n t i n t h e absence  of a psychological t i e .  We have j u s t seen t h a t even " s i m p l e x " sentences may be u n d e r l y i n g l y  complex.  The r e s t o f t h i s c h a p t e r concerns  the p o s s i b i l i t y o f v i e w p o i n t s h i f t from t h e speaker t o o t h e r persons i n sentences which a r e complex i n s u r f a c e s t r u c t u r e as w e l l as deep s t r u c t u r e . sections, divided according first  There a r e t h r e e  t o a f e a t u r e o f the g o a l .  The  s e c t i o n concerns sentences i n which t h e speaker i s  l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l ; t h e second, those i n which t h e h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l ; and t h e t h i r d , those i n which a t h i r d  person  i s a t the g o a l .  4.1  S i t u a t i o n s i n which t h e speaker i s a t t h e g o a l Even i f t h e use o f come o r k u r u i s i m p o s s i b l e  c e r t a i n simplex sentence, a grammatical  ina  sentence may r e s u l t  i f t h e same simplex sentence i s embedded i n a c e r t a i n construction. F i l l m o r e (1972a, p. 13-14) s t a t e s :  54 Come i s a p p r o p r i a t e under c o n d i t i o n s t h a t can be s t a t e d by r e p l a c i n g 'Sender' and 'Addressee' i n the f o r m u l a t i o n c o n d i t i o n s ...... by ' E x p e r i e n c e d s ) o f a s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e v e r b ' and by r e p l a c i n g 'coding; time' by 'the time o f the s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e . '  Verbs such as t h i n k , wonder, wish, omou ( t h i n k ) and  negau  ( d e s i r e ) arte c o n s i d e r e d  verbs.  He  t o be  subjective-experience  a l s o makes a statement about v e r b s r e p o r t i n g speech a c t s .  Come i s a p p r o p r i a t e i f the c o n d i t i o n s are assumed s a t i s f i e d by the Sender o r the Addressee o f a r e p o r t e d communication a c t and the 'coding time' i s t a k e n t o be the time o f the r e p o r t e d communication act.  Verbs such as t e l l , the v e r b s t h a t he why  ask,  suggest, and  refers to.  I i n t e n d t o e x p l a i n how  embedding under such v e r b s w i l l y i e l d  sentences.  In t h i s  chapter,  the  Por t h i s  speaker i s l o c a t e d a t the The  grammatical  i u ( t e l l ) w i l l be  u s e s o f come and k u r u i n s t e a d o f go  main p o i n t s o f d i s c u s s i o n .  and  s e v e r a l sentences embedded  under t h i n k , omou ( t h i n k ) o r t e l l , The  i u ( t e l l ) are among  and  examined.  i k u w i l l be  s e c t i o n , assume t h a t  goal.  f o l l o w i n g sentences are embedded under the  verb  t h i n k o r omou.  (1)  (a)  Watakusi wa  (watakusi ga) mata koko n i  k u r u t o omoimasu. (b)  the  I t h i n k I w i l l come here  again.  55 (2) (a)  Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) i z e n koko n i k i t a koto ga aru to omoiraasu.  (b) (3) (a)  I think I came here before. Anata wa John ga watakusi no tokoro n i kuru to omoimasu ka.  (4)  (b)  Do you think that John w i l l come to my place?  (a)  John wa (John ga) watakusi no tokoro n i koyoo to omotte imasu. John thinks that he w i l l come to my place.  There are t e n l o g i c a l l y possible combinations of main verb subject and embedded verb subject when the speaker i s at the  goal.  Table 4.1  i n the Appendix shows the possible  occurrences o f come, go, kuru and i k u . the  As i l l u s t r a t e d i n  table, come or kuru i s possible f o r a l l of these  combinations.  Motion toward the speaker at the goal i s  observed from h i s own point of view.  Whatever the subject  of e i t h e r the main or the embedded clause, come or kuru may be used as long as the speaker i s at the goal.  Note  that these embedded clauses are grammatical without being embedded i n the frames. the  When the speaker i s at the goal,  observation from h i s viewpoint remains even i f the  sentence i s embedded under think or omou. Next are examples which contain the higher verb t e l l or i u :  56 (5) (a)  Watakusi to  (b) (6) (a)  wa Mary n i mata koko n i k u r u  iimasita.  I t o l d Mary t h a t I would come here a g a i n . Mary wa John n i a s i t a watakusi no t o k o r o n i kuru to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  Mary t o l d John t h a t she would come t o my p l a c e tomorrow.  The  s u p p o s i t i o n s about the v i e w p o i n t i n Chapter Two  hold.  I n o t h e r words, the d e i c t i c p o i n t i s the speaker, and the viewpoint i s not s h i f t e d .  However, as we  s h a l l see l a t e r ,  t h e v i e w p o i n t does tend t o be s h i f t e d t o the s u b j e c t (NP-^) o f the h i g h e r v e r b , so t h a t here we must have a c o n s t r a i n t which p r o h i b i t s i t from d o i n g so.  The problems  c o n s t r a i n t s are d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n .  o f such  P e c u l i a r to  E n g l i s h i s the f a c t t h a t when the speaker i s a t the g o a l , the v i e w p o i n t n e v e r seems t o be s h i f t e d t o NP^. however, as shown i n T a b l e 4.2,  the motion may  observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f NP-^, and k u r u (come) a r e p o s s i b l e .  I n Japanese:', a l s o be  so t h a t b o t h i k u (go)  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e between  the o c c u r r e n c e s o f go and i k u i n E n g l i s h and Japanese  will  be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r .  4.2  S i t u a t i o n s i n which the h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l According to Fillmore's supposition rules f o r English  come, not o n l y the speaker but a l s o the h e a r e r can be the  57  d e i c t i c point i n English.  Thus, i f t h e h e a r e r i s a t the  g o a l even w i t h an embedded sentence which c o n t a i n s a directional simplex  (7)  v e r b , come i s used i n the same way as i n a  sentence.  (a)  What time do you t h i n k I w i l l come t o y o u r house tomorrow?;  (b)  What time do you t h i n k John came t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y ?  (8)  I asked you i f Mary came t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y .  On the o t h e r hand, i n a Japanese simplex sentence, t h e shift  o f v i e w p o i n t from t h e speaker t o the h e a r e r i s  uncommon when t h e s u b j e c t o f the motion  i s the speaker, as  a l r e a d y discussed; i n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r . i n v e s t i g a t e t h e c o n d i t i o n s under which a sentence w i l l  I will  now  grammatical  r e s u l t when such a sentence i s embedded under  a s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e v e r b o r a v e r b o f speech  acts.  When t h e h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l i n a complex sentence w i t h t h e h i g h e r v e r b t h i n k o r omou, t h e r e a r e t e n l o g i c a l l y p o s s i b l e combinations  of subject o f the h i g h e r  v e r b and s u b j e c t o f t h e d i r e c t i o n a l clause.  These combinations  v e r b i n the embedded  and the o c c u r r e n c e s o f  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s i n t h e s e c o n t e x t s a r e shown i n T a b l e The number g i v e n f o r each combination t o t h a t i n 4.4  i n T a b l e 4.3  4.3.  corresponds  which shows t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l  58 v e r b s embedded under t e l l  or i u .  Now observe t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s :  (9)  Anata wa John ga otaku n i k u r u t o omotte i r u n desu k a . •Do you t h i n k John w i l l  (10)  come t o y o u r h o u s e ?  1  Anata wa ( a n a t a ga) mata soko n i koyoo t o omotte i r u n desu k a . 'Do you t h i n k you w i l l  (11)  come t h e r e a g a i n ? '  Anata wa w a t a k u s i ga otaku n i k u r u t o omotte i r u n desu k a . 'Do you t h i n k I w i l l come t o y o u r house?'  In  ( 1 0 ) , soko ( t h e r e ) i s t h e h e a r e r ' s p r e s e n t l o c a t i o n , and  he i s expected t o r e t u r n t h e r e . (9),  (10) and (11)  A l l three sentences  a r e grammatical.  (11) s h o u l d be  e s p e c i a l l y n o t e d , s i n c e i t s embedded sentence i s ungrammatical as a simplex sentence. (12)  think' [Amotion] •your house'  59 G i v e n (12) a s t h e s t r u c t u r a l t r e e f o r sentence ( 1 1 ) , we can c l e a r l y  see t h a t f o r t h e lowest sentence a l o n e , i k u  would be used.  However, k u r u i s p o s s i b l e i f t h e sentence  i s embedded w i t h i n a sentence w i t h t h e h e a r e r as s u b j e c t . So f a r o u r examples have shown t h a t a Japanese sentence w i t h k u r u i n which t h e h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l y i e l d s a grammatical complex sentence.  (13)  sentence when i t i s embedded i n a  However, t h i s i s n o t always t h e c a s e .  * John wa watakusi ga otaku n i k u r u t o omotte  imasu.  'John t h i n k s I w i l l  come t o y o u r  house.'  (14) * John wa watakusi ga otaku n i k i t a t o omotte  imasu.  •John t h i n k s I came t o y o u r  house.*  Three people a r e i n v o l v e d h e r e : the speaker, t h e h e a r e r and John, a t h i r d p e r s o n .  Oye (1975) says t h a t , i n sentences  such as (13) and (14) i n which a t h i r d p e r s o n i s t h e s u b j e c t of  t h e h i g h e r v e r b , an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u s i n g k u r u i s  difficult.  A c c o r d i n g t o him, t h i s i s because  t h e speaker's  and John's v i e w p o i n t s a r e more dominant t h a n t h e h e a r e r ' s . Moreover, it  a l t h o u g h John i s t h e s u b j e c t o f the h i g h e r c l a u s e ,  i s difficult  t o observe t h e mqtionv from h i s p o i n t o f  view s i n c e t h e speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s dominant. S i m i l a r l y , t h e f o l l o w i n g sentences are ungrammatical:  60  (15) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) a s i t a otaku n i k u r u t o omoimasu. 'I t h i n k I w i l l  come t o y o u r house tomorrow.'  (16) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) k i n o o otaku n i k i t a t o omoimasu. 'I t h i n k I came t o y o u r house y e s t e r d a y . '  The  speaker i s t o o dominant f o r the v i e w p o i n t t o he s h i f t e d p  to the hearer.  Now compare (11) w i t h (13) and ( 1 5 ) .  In  each o f these sentences t h e embedded sentence i s ungrammatic a l i f i t s t a n d s by i t s e l f .  Y e t when i t i s embedded i n (11)  whose s u b j e c t i s t h e h e a r e r (who i s a t t h e g o a l ) , t h e n t h e r e s u l t i n g complex sentence i s grammatical,  because the  speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s : weakened by t h e h e a r e r as s u b j e c t , so t h a t the v i e w p o i n t may s h i f t t o t h e h e a r e r .  On t h e  o t h e r hand, i n (13) and ( 1 5 ) , the speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s s t r e n g t h e n e d by t h e speaker o r t h i r d p e r s o n as s u b j e c t o f the main c l a u s e .  I n ( 1 1 ) , the embedded sentence r e p r e s e n t s  the h e a r e r ' s i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g , and t h e speaker's i s weakened so as t o be o b j e c t i v i z e d .  viewpoint  With t h e speaker's  v i e w p o i n t o b j e c t i v i z e d and t r e a t e d as a s o r t o f t h i r d p e r s o n , t h e speaker's m o t i o n toward i n t e r p r e t e d u s i n g kuru.  t h e h e a r e r c a n be  On t h e o t h e r hand, the embedded  sentence o f (15) r e p r e s e n t s t h e speaker's own i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g s i n c e t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e h i g h e r v e r b i s the speaker' himself.  Thus t h e speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s n e i t h e r  61  o b j e c t i v i z e d n o r weakened, but s t r e n g t h e n e d .  I n ( 1 3 ) , the  embedded sentence r e p r e s e n t s John's i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g . such a case, t h e n e u t r a l i k u i s used.  In  I n a l l o f these  complex s e n t e n c e s , t h e embedded sentence r e p r e s e n t s t h e i n t e r n a l f e e l i n g o f t h e s u b j e c t o f the h i g h e r verb, n o t o f t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e embedded verb. Next l e t u s c o n s i d e r v i e w p o i n t s h i f t i n a complex sentence which has a v e r b o f speech a c t s .  T a b l e 4.4 shows  the l o g i c a l l y p o s s i b l e combinations o f the noun p h r a s e s . Compare t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s :  (17) * Watakusi wa a n a t a / John n i watakusi ga otaku n i k u r u t o i i m a s i t a . 'I t o l d you / John t h a t I would come t o y o u r house.* (18)  Anata wa w a t a k u s i / John n i watakusi ga otaku n i k i t e y o i / k u r u t o i i m a s i t a . •You t o l d me / John t h a t I might / would come to your  (19)  house.*  John wa ( a ) * w a t a k u s i / (b) a n a t a n i watakusi ga otaku n i k i t e y o i / kuru t o i i m a s i t a . •John t o l d me / you t h a t I might / would come to your  house.'  The g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o f (18) shows t h a t t h e motion o f the speaker toward the h e a r e r c a n be i n t e r p r e t e d u s i n g k u r u  62  when embedded i n a h i g h e r sentence  i n which the h e a r e r ,  i s a t the g o a l , i s the s u b j e c t o f a v e r b o f speech (17) i s ungrammatical  who  acts.  because the speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s  s t r e n g t h e n e d by the speaker's b e i n g the s u b j e c t o f the higher clause.  Similarly,  (19a) i s u n a c c e p t a b l e .  Though  the h i g h e r s u b j e c t i s a t h i r d p e r s o n (John) i n (19a), h i s v i e w p o i n t i s not as dominant as the v i e w p o i n t o f the speaker, who  i s the s u b j e c t o f the embedded sentence.  the o t h e r hand, (19b) i s grammatical, the embedded c l a u s e (NP g o a l (NP^).  On  s i n c e the s u b j e c t o f  the h e a r e r ) i s l o c a t e d a t the  2  I n o t h e r words, i n (19a) the speaker's  viewpoint  i s taken, w h i l e i n (19b) the v i e w p o i n t i s s h i f t e d t o the hearer. Now  compare (18) and  grammatical, In  (19b).  Both  (18) and  (19b)  are  a l t h o u g h t h e y take the h e a r e r ' s p o i n t o f view.  ( 1 8 ) , the h e a r e r i s the s u b j e c t o f the h i g h e r v e r b  w h i l e i n (19b) he i s the i n d i r e c t o b j e c t ( N P ) . 2  the p e r s o n a t the g o a l (NP^) NP , 2  t h e n the motion  t h e next  4.3  Here, i f  i s the same as e i t h e r NP^  i s observed from h i s v i e w p o i n t ,  i s i n t e r p r e t e d u s i n g kuru.  (NP^),  and  I w i l l d i s c u s s t h i s more i n  chapter.  S i t u a t i o n s i n which a t h i r d p e r s o n i s a t the g o a l I n t h i s s e c t i o n we  will  see how  the v i e w p o i n t i s  s h i f t e d when a sentence w i t h a d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b and  or  a  63  third  p e r s o n a t t h e g o a l i s embedded i n a h i g h e r c l a u s e .  First,  c o n s i d e r complex s e n t e n c e s w i t h a s u b j e c t i v e - -  experience verb as the h i g h e r verb. logically  T a b l e 4.5 show t h e  p o s s i b l e combinations o f noun p h r a s e s and t h e  p o s s i b l e d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s f o r them. I w i l l examine t h e p o s s i b i l i t y viewpoint s h i f t  or impossibility of  and g i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t r e n d s n o t e d .  Here we have t o c o n s i d e r n o t o n l y Japanese k u r u b u t a l s o E n g l i s h come.; s i n c e t h e s h i f t toward a t h i r d  person i n a  simplex sentence i s i m p o s s i b l e , as has a l r e a d y been mentioned.  Compare t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s :  (20) ( a ) * Watakusi wa (watakusi ga) John no u t i n i ko-yoo t o omotte (b)  imasu.  * I t h i n k I w i l l come t o John's house.  (21) (a) * Anata wa watakusi / a n a t a ga John no u t i n i kuru-daroo t o omotte (b)  imasu.  * You t h i n k t h a t I / you w i l l come t o John's house.  (22) (a)  John^ wa w a t a k u s i ga k a r e ^ no u t i n i k u r u t o omotte imasu.  (b)  John^ t h i n k s I w i l l come t o h i s ^ house:.  (23) (a) * John wa w a t a k u s i ga B i l l no u t i n i k u r u t o omotte (b)  imasu.  * John t h i n k s t h a t I w i l l come t o B i l l ' s house.  64 ( 2 2 ) i s grammatical, w h i l e ( 2 0 ) , (21) Thus, we  and  (23) are not.  can c a p t u r e a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n by s a y i n g t h a t  complex sentences w i l l be grammatical o n l y i f the  such  subject  o f omou o r t h i n k (the s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e verb) i s the p e r s o n a t t h e g o a l o f the motion i n the embedded c l a u s e . I n ( 2 3 ) , a t h i r d p e r s o n i s a t the g o a l , but he i s a different  t h i r d p e r s o n from John.  Thus, the sentences i n  (23) are a l s o unacceptable. Oye  (1975)  says t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s a d i f f e r e n c e i n the  l e v e l s o f g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o f a f u t u r e t e n s e sentence and a p a s t t e n s e sentence.  (24)  (a)  John^ wa Yamada-san ga a s i t a k a r e  i  no  p a r t y n i k u r u / i k u t o omotte i r u . (b)  John  i  t h i n k s t h a t Mr. Yamada w i l l  come /??go  t o h i s ^ p a r t y tomorrow. (25)  (a)  John, wa Yamada-san ga k i n o o k a r e . no p a r t y n i k i t a / * ? i t t a t o omotte i r u .  (b)  John  i  t h i n k s t h a t Mr. Yamada came /*went t o  h i s . party yesterday.  There i s no d i f f e r e n c e between the g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o f f u t u r e and p a s t tense\ sentences u s i n g k u r u o r come:; however, the use o f i k u o r go i s more q u e s t i o n a b l e i n the p a s t t e n s e sentence ( 2 5 ) t h a n i n t h e f u t u r e tense ( 2 4 ) .  The  direcional  v e r b here would n o r m a l l y be k u r u o r come, s i n c e the s u b j e c t  65 o f t h e h i g h e r c l a u s e i s John and he i s a t t h e g o a l .  This  v i e w p o i n t s h i f t t o John seems t o be more important w i t h a p a s t tense t h a n w i t h a f u t u r e tense; embedded' sentence, and a l s o more important i n E n g l i s h t h a n i n Japanese. Next,  sentences embedded under t h e h i g h e r v e r b t e l l o r  i u w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d .  T a b l e 4.6 shows the l o g i c a l l y -  p o s s i b l e combinations o f noun p h r a s e s and t h e p o s s i b l e occurrences o f d i r e c t i o n a l verbs i n these contexts. Observe  the f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s :  (26) (a)  John^ wa Mary n i a n a t a ga kare.^ no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John  i  t o l d Mary t h a t you would come t o h i s  house. (27) (a)  Anata wa JJohn.^ n i watakusi ga k a r e  i  no  u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b)  You ttold John, t h a t I would come t o h i s . house.  I n ( 2 6 ) , the s u b j e c t o f t h e h i g h e r c l a u s e i s the same as t h e g o a l o f t h e motion o f t h e embedded sentence.  I n such  a case, the motion can be observed from John's v i e w p o i n t . I n ( 2 7 ) , John i s the i n d i r e c t o b j e c t  (NP ) o f the h i g h e r 2  sentence and a l s o i n v o l v e d i n the m o t i o n o f t h e embedded sentence.  I f we say t h a t a p e r s o n who i s i n v o l v e d i n a  m o t i o n i s e i t h e r one who moves toward t h e g o a l , o r one who  i  66  i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l , t h e n i t seems t h a t not o n l y the s u b j e c t (NP-L) hut a l s o the i n d i r e c t o b j e c t ( N P ) of the 2  h i g h e r sentence can be s i g n i f i c a n t when a l s o i n v o l v e d i n the motion. in  (27).  T h e r e f o r e , John's v i e w p o i n t can be t a k e n  even  Even though the h e a r e r i s the s u b j e c t o f the  h i g h e r sentence, the m o t i o n cannot be observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  T h i s i s due t o the f a c t t h a t John's  view-  p o i n t i s more dominant t h a n the h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t , s i n c e John i s i n v o l v e d b o t h i n the h i g h e r c l a u s e and i n the embedded sentence.  On the o t h e r hand, the  speaker's  v i e w p o i n t , which i s d i f f e r e n t from the h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t a l t h o u g h i t r e q u i r e s the same verb, may  be t a k e n i n (27a).  T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y seems t o be r e s t r i c t e d t o Japanese i k u i s a c c e p t a b l e i n (27a), w h i l e go i n (27b) i s n o t . d i f f e r e n c e w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r l a t e r I n (28) and ( 2 9 ) ,  This  on.  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u s i n g k u r u o r  come i s not p o s s i b l e .  (28) (a) * Watakusi  wa anata n i John ga Mary no u t i n i  kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) * I t o l d you t h a t John would come t o Mary's house. (29) (a) * John wa Mary n i Taroo ga Hanako no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b) * John t o l d Mary t h a t Taro would come t o Hanako's house.  6  7  I n sentences: i n (28a,b) and (29a,ID), n e i t h e r t h e s u b j e c t (NP-^) n o r t h e i n d i r e c t o b j e c t  ( N P ) o f the h i g h e r sentence 2  i s i n v o l v e d i n the motion o f the embedded  sentence.  In  such a case, t h e motion i s observed from the n e u t r a l v i e w p o i n t o f NP^ o f the h i g h e r c l a u s e .  I n (28) and ( 2 9 ) ,  k u r u and come a r e n o t p o s s i b l e , u n l e s s t h e sentence  satisfies  one o f the s u p p o s i t i o n s r u l e s o r one o f the s i t u a t i o n s d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter Two. I n ( 3 0 ) t o ( 3 4 ) , t h e two noun p h r a s e s o f the h i g h e r clause; a r e b o t h i n v o l v e d i n the motion o f the embedded sentence.  (30)  (a)  John, wa watakusi n i (watakusi ga) k a r e ^ no u t i n i k i t e y o i t o i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John, t o l d me t h a t I might  come t o h i s .  house.  ( 3 D (a)  John^ wa a n a t a n i ( a n a t a ga) kare_^ no u t i n i kite y o i to iimasita.  (b)  John, t o l d you t h a t you might  come t o h i s .  house.  (32)  (a) * Watakusi wa John, n i (watakusi ga ) k a r e . no u t i n i kuru t o i i m a s i t a . (b)  I t o l d John, t h a t I would come t o h i s . house.  When both noun p h r a s e s o f the h i g h e r c l a u s e s a r e a l s o  68  involved; i n the motion i n the embedded sentence, the viewpoint i s s h i f t e d to the subject (NP.^) of the higher sentence i n Japanese, and to the goal of the motion (NP^) i n English.  Thus, (30) and (31) i n both Japanese and  E n g l i s h are grammatical, since the motion i s observed from John's viewpoint, where John i s both NP-^ and NP^.  In (32),  however, where NP^ i s d i f f e r e n t from NP^, E n g l i s h and Japanese require d i f f e r e n t verbs  come and i k u  respectively. (33) (a) * John- wa Mary, n i (kare. ga) kanozyo^ no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b)  John- t o l d Mary^ that h e would come to i  her. house. J  (34) (a)  John, wa Mary, n i (kanozyo. ga) kare. no u t i n i k i t e y o i to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John, t o l d Mary, that she. might come to h i s ^ house.  Since both John and Mary are involved both i n the higher clause and i n the motion i n (33) and (34), NP^'s (John's) viewpoint i s taken i n Japanese sentences.  In (33a), John's  own motion toward Mary* s house cannot be expressed from John's viewpoint by kuru. come i s p o s s i b l e .  On the other hand, i n (33b),  This difference between English and  Japanese i s due to a difference i n the supposition r u l e s  69  f o r E n g l i s h and Japanese.  I n (34a), Mary* s m o t i o n toward  John's house i s expressesd by kuru, from John's (NP^) viewpoint.  S i m i l a r l y , (34b) i s grammatical, s i n c e i n  E n g l i s h h e r m o t i o n toward John*s house i s i n t e r p r e t e d from NP^'s  p o i n t o f view. However, n a t i v e  speakers o f Japanese do n o t always  f i n d t h i s sentence u n a c c e p t a b l e .  Furthermore, E n g l i s h  i n f o r m a n t s seem t o use come and gjo i n t e r c h a n g a b l y b o t h i n (33b) and (34b).  I t seems t h a t when b o t h noun p h r a s e s o f  the h i g h e r c l a u s e s a r e a l s o i n v o l v e d  i n the m o t i o n i n the  embedded sentence, t h e d i f f e r e n c e between E n g l i s h and Japanese s u p p o s i t i o n extent.  rules i s neutralized to a c e r t a i n  CHAPTER FIVE  TOWARD POSSIBLE GENERALIZATIONS  5.1  Generalizations So f a r I have d i s c u s s e d the p o s s i b l e o c c u r r e n c e s o f  come and k u r u i n complex sentences by examining  those  e i t h e r s u b j e c t i v e - e x p e r i e n c e verbs o r v e r b s o f speech as t h e h i g h e r v e r b .  with acts;  I n t h i s s e c t i o n , t h e r e s t r i c t i o n s on  the o c c u r r e n c e s o f go and i k u w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d . d i s c u s s i o n w i l l be based  The  on the f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s  "by Oye (1975) about t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l  verbs:  Usage o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s when the h i g h e r verb i s ' t h i n k ' or  'omou'  E n g l i s h and Japanese: (i)  When the s p e a k e r - i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l , t h e motion i s observed  from h i s p o i n t o f view, and come  o r k u r u i s used. (ii)  When t h e s u b j e c t ( N P ^ o f t h e h i g h e r verb t h i n k o r omou i s : i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion, t h e n t h e motion i s observed  from h i s p o i n t o f view.  (However,  i n Japanese, when NP^ i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l and a t  70  71  the  same time t h e speaker i s t h e s u b j e c t  o f the  motion, t h e n i k u i s also- p o s s i b l e , w i t h t h e motion b e i n g observed from t h e speaker* s p o i n t o f view.) (iii)  When t h e speaker i s n o t l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , and NP^ i s n o t i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion, t h e n t h e motion i s n e u t r a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d by i k u o r go>, s i n c e the m o t i o n i s observed from t h e temporary  viewpoint  o f NP . 1  Usage o f d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s when t h e h i g h e r v e r b i s ' t e l l ' or ' i u * English: (i)  When t h e speaker i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , t h e motion i s observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  (ii)  When t h e speaker i s n o t l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , i f e i t h e r NP  1  o r NP  2  i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion,  then  the m o t i o n i s observed from h i s p o i n t o f view, and the a p p r o p r i a t e (iii)  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b i s chosen.  When t h e speaker i s ; n o t l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , and n e i t h e r NP^ n o r N P  2  i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion,  the m o t i o n i s observed t e m p o r a r i l y  from t h e p o i n t o f  view o f N P ^ (iv)  When b o t h NP  ]L  and N P  2  are involved i n the  motion, t h e motion i s observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f the p e r s o n who i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l .  1  72  Japanese ( I ) : (i)  When e i t h e r NP^ or N P  2  i s involved i n the  motion, the motion i s observed from h i s point o f view. (ii)  When n e i t h e r NP.^ nor N P i s involved i n the 2  motion, the motion i s observed temporarily from NP-^'s point of view, and i s interpreted n e u t r a l l y by i k u . (iii)  When both NP^ and N P  2  are involved i n the  motion, the motion i s observed from NP^'s point o f view, and the appropriate d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s chosen. However, when N P  2  i s the speaker and he i s also  located at the goal, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with kuru, from the speaker's point o f view, i s p o s s i b l e .  Japanese ( I I ) : (i)  When the speaker i s located at or moves toward the goal, then the motion i s observed from h i s point of view, and the appropriate  directional  verb i s chosen. (ii)  When the above condition ( i ) i s not s a t i s f i e d , i f e i t h e r NP-j^ or N P  2  i s involved i n the motion, then  the motion i s observed from h i s viewpoint, and the appropriate d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s chosen. (iii)  When n e i t h e r ( i ) nor ( i i ) i s not s a t i s f i e d , the motion i s observed temporarily from NP-^'s point of view, and i s interpreted by i k u .  73  (iv)  When b o t h NP-^ and N P  2  are involved i n the  motion, t h e m o t i o n i s observed from WP^'s view, and the a p p r o p r i a t e  point of  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b i s chosen.  As has a l r e a d y been mentioned, Gye says t h a t Japanese has two t y p e s o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . the f i r s t  The o n l y d i f f e r e n c e between  s e t and t h e second s e t i n Japanese i s t h a t the  f o r m e r l a c k s ( i ) o f the l a t t e r .  I n o t h e r words, t h e  s i t u a t i o n i n which t h e s p e a k e r - i s  l o c a t e d a t o r moves  toward t h e g o a l i s n o t s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h e f i r s t  set. I t  seems p o s s i b l e t o combine t h e s e two s e t s by making ( i ) o f the  second s e t o p t i o n a l .  directional  The g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about E n g l i s h  verbs i n the context o f t e l l are b a s i c a l l y the  same as the second s e t o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s f o r Japanese i n the  context o f i u .  Furthermore, b o t h a r e p a r a l l e l t o t h e  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s i n the c o n t e x t o f omou o r t h i n k . set  The f i r s t  o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s i n the context o f i u i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  o f t h e b e h a v i o u r o f t h e Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b .  (1) (a)  John wa w a t a k u s i no u t i n i koyoo / * i k o o t o omotte  (b) (2) (a)  John  i  imasita.  thought h e  i  would come /*go t o my house.  John wa Mary n i Taroo ga watakusi no u t i n i kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John t o l d Mary t h a t Taro would come/*go t o my  house.  74  The  a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f k u r u and come r e s p e c t i v e l y c a n be  accounted f o r by g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i ) o f t h e second s e t o f generalizations  f o r Japanese i n t h e c o n t e x t o f i u and  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i ) of the E n g l i s h g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s context o f t e l l .  I n (2a),  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u s i n g  a l s o p o s s i b l e by g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) o f the f i r s t generalizations  i n the  set of  f o r Japanese i n the c o n t e x t o f i u .  We can  s a f e l y remove the words " i s l o c a t e d a t o r , " l e a v i n g "when the speaker moves toward the g o a l the  " from ( i ) o f  and p o s i t a f i f t h  generalization that  says " i f  speaker i s a t the g o a l , h i s v i e w p o i n t may be taken , n  regardless  o f the other c o n d i t i o n s . "  Note t h a t the word  "may" r a t h e r t h a n "must" i s used, i n d i c a t i n g t h a t v i e w p o i n t may s t i l l be chosen.  another,  The m o t i o n o f Taroo can be  observed from NP^'s (John's) p o i n t  o f view i n s t e a d o f t h e  speaker's, and can be e x p r e s s e d by i k u . the  only  second s e t o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s f o r t h e c o n t e x t o f  Japanese i u , the  iku i s  This p o s s i b i l i t y i n  context o f Japanese i u i s one o f t h e major d i f f e r e n c e s from  the p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n t h e c o n t e x t o f E n g l i s h t e l l , from those i n the c o n t e x t o f Japanese omou.  and a l s o  The usage w i t h  Japanese; i u c a n be s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e . might be s a i d , t h e r e f o r e , and  i n d i r e c t discourse  t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t  i n Japanese i s n o t always c l e a r . ^  It  75 To i l l u s t r a t e  (3)  (a)  further:  John wa Mary n i watakusi no u t i n i i k u t o iimasita. 'John t o l d Mary t h a t  (he) would go t o my  house." (b)  John^ wa Mary n i k a r e ^ ga watakusi no u t i n i kuru to i i m a s i t a . 'John^ t o l d Mary t h a t he^ would.come t o my house;. '  (4)  (a)  John wa Mary n i watakusi ga k u r u t o i i m a s i t a . 'John t o l d Mary t h a t I would come ( t o h i s house).'  (b)  John^ wa Mary n i watakusi ga kare.^ n o u t i n i i k u to i i m a s i t a . 'John-  t o l d Mary t h a t I would go t o h i s i house.' 1  I n Japanese,  the d e l e t i o n e i t h e r o f the s u b j e c t  o f the motion  i n the embedded sentence o r o f the g o a l i s sometimes p o s s i b l e , as i n (3a)  and  (4a)  respectively.  (4a)  is  ambiguous i n t h a t we a r e not sure whether John o r Mary i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l .  Here (3a)  and  (3b),  are assumed t o have the same meaning.  o r (4a)  and  (4b)  When such a noun  phrase i s d e l e t e d ,  the complex sentence becomes s i m i l a r t o  d i r e c t discourse.  I n (3a)  from the v i e w p o i n t o f NP-^,  and  (4a),  the motion i s observed  even though the speaker i s  76  i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion, the  ©n the o t h e r hand, i n (3b)  and  motion i s observed from the speaker's v i e w p o i n t .  (4b),  This  p o s s i b l e adoption o f the viewpoint i s r e s t r i c t e d t o the c o n t e x t o f t h e v e r b s o f speech a c t s i n Japanese. Compare the f o l l o w i n g Japanese and E n g l i s h sentences, i n which t h e speaker i s t h e s u b j e c t o f the motion:  (5)  (a)  John^ wa Mary n i w a t a k u s i ga k a r e  i  no u t i n i  kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a . (b)  John^ t o l d Mary t h a t I would come t o h i s ^ house.  The t h r e e p e r s o n s i n v o l v e d i n (5a)  and (5b)  A c c o r d i n g t o Oye, i k u i s p o s s i b l e i n (5a)  a r e the same.  by c o n d i t i o n ( i )  o f t h e second s e t o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s i n the c o n t e x t o f Japanese i u . the  When the speaker moves toward the g o a l , t h e n  motion i s observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  The motion  may a l s o be observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f NP^ o f the h i g h e r c l a u s e , a c c o r d i n g t o Japanese I ( i ) , and k u r u may a l s o be used.  On the o t h e r hand, i n (5b),  o n l y come i s  used, s i n c e t h e motion i s observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f John, who i s a t the g o a l , a c c o r d i n g t o ( i i ) f o r E n g l i s h tell.  In E n g l i s h , i t i s not s i g n i f i c a n t  t h a t t h e speaker  h i m s e l f moves toward t h e g o a l i n t h e embedded sentence. T h i s i s a n o t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n between E n g l i s h and Japanese directional  v e r b s a c c o r d i n g t o Oye.  77 (6) (a)  John^ wa watakusi ga k a r e ^ no u t i n i k u r u / i k u t o omotte i m a s i t a .  (b)  John^ thought t h a t I would come t o h i s ^ house.  I n ( 6 ) , t h e h i g h e r verb i s omou o r t h i n k . I n ( 6 a ) , i . e . i n Japanese, t h e motion i s observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f e i t h e r t h e speaker o r NP^, w h i l e t h e motion i n E n g l i s h (6b) ean be observed o n l y from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f NP-^, John. These f a c t s i n (6a) and (6b) c a n be accounted f o r by g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) f o r t h i n k and omou. With i u and t e l l ,  when t h e speaker i s n o t i n v o l v e d i n  the motion, i f e i t h e r N P  1  o r NP  2  i s i n v o l v e d , then the  m o t i o n i s observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  This i s true of  b o t h E n g l i s h and Japanese.  (7) (a)  John  i  wa Mary n i B i l l  ga k a r e  i  no u t i n i  kuru t o i i m a s i t a . (b)  John  i  his^ (8) (a)  would come t o  house.  John^ wa Mary n i k a r e ^ ga B i l l no u t i n i iku  (b)  t o l d Mary t h a t B i l l  to iimasita.  John^ t o l d Mary t h a t h e  i  would go t o B i l l ' s  house.  I n (7) and ( 8 ) , John i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion.  Thus, t h e  78  motion i n the embedded sentence i s observed from John's point of view. significant  How John i s involved i n the motion i s  f o r the choice of the verb.  I f John, the  subject of the higher verb, i s located at the goal i n the embedded sentences, then come or kuru i s used.  On the other  hand, i f John moves toward the goal, then go or i k u i s used. This i s p a r a l l e l to the omou- or think-construction.  (9) (a)  John^ wa (kare^ ga) Mary no u t i e ikoo to omotte imasita.  (b)  John^ thought he^ would go to Mary's house.  In (9a) and ( 9 b ) , John i s involved i n the motion.  The  motion i s observed from h i s point of view, and i s expressed by i k u or go.  I f John i s located at the goal and Mary moves  toward the goal, then kuru i s used.  Now, observe the  following examples, i n which Mary (NPg) i s involved i n the motion rather than John (NP^). (10)  (a)  John wa Mary.^ n i (kanozyo.^ ga) B i l l no u t i n i i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John t o l d Mary^ that she^ might go to B i l l ' s house.  (11)  (a)  John, wa 'Mary n i B i l l ga kanozyo i  i  no u t i n i  kuru to i i m a s i t a . (b)  John t o l d Mary.^ that B i l l would come to her'/ house.  79  A c c o r d i n g t o Oye, t h e m o t i o n i s observed from Mary's (NPg's) p o i n t o f view.  I n (10a) and (10b), Mary moves toward t h e  g o a l , and i k u and go a r e used. represent  S i n c e i k u would a l s o  t h e motion from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f John (NP-^), we  do n o t know whether t h e motion i s r e a l l y  observed from  the v i e w p o i n t o f Mary (NPg) o r from t h a t o f John  (NP-j^).  I n (11a) and ( l i b ) , Mary i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l , and k u r u and come a r e used. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion.  i s t h a t n e i t h e r NP^ n o r N P i s 2  I f a sentence meets t h i s  t h e n t h e m o t i o n i s observed t e m p o r a r i l y  condition,  from t h e viewpoint;  o f NP^ i n b o t h Japanese and E n g l i s h .  (12) (a)  John wa Mary n i Taroo ga Hanako no; u t i n i iku to iimasita.  (b)  . John t o l d Mary t h a t Taro would go t o Hanako's house.  I n (12a) and (12b), t h e m o t i o n i s observed from t h e viewp o i n t o f John, and t h e m o t i o n v e r b i k u o r go i s chosen. i s p a r a l l e l t o t h e omou- o r t h i n k - c o n s t r u c t i o n . subject the  When t h e  o f omou o r t h i n k i s n o t i n v o l v e d i n t h e m o t i o n i n  embedded sentence, t h e n t h e m o t i o n i s observed  temporarily i n (13).  from h i s . v i e w p o i n t , and i k u o r go i s used, as  This  80  (13) (a)  John wa Taroo ga Hanako no u t i n i i k u t o omoimasita.  (b)  John thought t h a t Taro would go t o Hanako's house.  The f i n a l p o s s i b i l i t y i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion.  i s t h a t b o t h NP^ and N P a r e  Here a g a i n ,  2  i n Japanese, t h e  m o t i o n i s o b s e r v e d from NP-^' s p o i n t o f view a s shown a l s o i n (33) and (34) o f t h e p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r .  In English,  the motion i s observed from the p o i n t o f view o f t h e p e r s o n who i s a t t h e g o a l  (14) (a)  (NP ). A  John, wa Mary, n i (kare. ga) kanozyo. no u t i n i i k u to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John^ t o l d Mary^ that he^ would come to her. house. J  (15) (a)  John, wa Mary, n i (kanozyo. ga) kare. no u t i n i k i t e y o i to i i m a s i t a .  (h)  John, t o l d Mary, that she. might come to his.  house.  A c c o r d i n g t o t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , t h e motion i s observed from John's (NP-^'s) p o i n t o f view i n (14a) and i k u i s used. I n (14b), come i s used, s i n c e t h e m o t i o n i s observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f Mary who i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l .  This i s  due t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e s u p p o s i t i o n r u l e s f o r Japanese and E n g l i s h d i s c u s s e d  i n Chapter Two.  I n (15a) and  8l  (15b), Jo tin i s both. NP-^ and NP^, so t h a t kuru and come a r e chosen. F o l l o w i n g Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , I have c o n s i d e r e d , the  p o s s i b l e o c c u r r e n c e s o f t h e E n g l i s h and Japanese  d i r e c i o n a l v e r b s kuru, i k u , come and go.  Here I w i l l  summarize t h e t h r e e main d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f E n g l i s h and o f Japanese: d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s t h a t t h e s e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s : show. First  c o n s i d e r cases where: t h e speaker i s a t t h e g o a l  i n a complex sentence.  I n E n g l i s h , t h e motion must be  observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  I n Japanese:, however,  except i n t h e omou-construction, t h e motion may be observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f e i t h e r the speaker o r NP-^, t h e s u b j e c t of  the h i g h e r verb.  One might a l s o say t h a t t h e r e i s n o t  always a c l e a r - c u t d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e i n Japanese:. The  second d i f f e r e n c e i s i n sentences i n which t h e  s u b j e c t o f t h e motion  (NP^) i s t h e speaker.  Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , i n Japanese,  I f we f o l l o w  t h e motion i s observed  from t h e speaker's v i e w p o i n t a c c o r d i n g t o g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s 1  (ii) i n t h e c o n t e x t o f omou o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( I l - i ) i n t h e context o f i u .  I n the c o n t e x t o f i u , t h e motion i s a l s o  be observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e s u b j e c t o f a h i g h e r v e r b (NP^) a c c o r d i n g t o g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( I ) . On t h e other^ hand, i n E n g l i s h , i t i s - i r r e l e v a n t t h a t t h e speaker i s t h e  82  subject  o f t h e motion  (NP^), and t h e motion must be observed  from the v i e w p o i n t o f NP^. The t h i r d d i f f e r e n c e between E n g l i s h and Japanese i s i n sentences i n which NP-^ and N P motion.  I n Japanese,  2  a r e b o t h i n v o l v e d i n the  t h e motion i s observed from NP-^'s  v i e w p o i n t , w h i l e i n E n g l i s h i t i s observed from t h e viewp o i n t o f t h e p e r s o n who i s ; l o c a t e d a t the g o a l go  (NP^), and  i s n e v e r used.  5.2  Overgeneralizations  and counterexamples  I n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n , I gave Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , and  examples as t h e y a r e s t a t e d .  Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s  were based on t h e n o t i o n o f t h e v i e w p o i n t .  In the three  parts- o f t h i s s e c t i o n , I i n t e n d t o comment on t h e s e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s and g i v e some  5.2.1  First,  counterexamples.  the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s do n o t take i n t o  account s i t u a t i o n s i n which t h e h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d a t the goal.  I have a l r e a d y p o i n t e d  out t h a t i n simplex sentences:  the b e h a v i o u r o f come i s v e r y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f kuru. Next I w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e complex s e n t e n c e s .  (16) (a)  John  i  wa a n a t a n i ( k a r e  i  ga) otaku n i  kuru / i k u to i i m a s i t a . (b)  John  i  t o l d you t h a t he^ would come /  to your  house.  go  83  (17) (a)  John wa a n a t a n i Taroo ga otaku n i kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John t o l d you t h a t Taro would come / go to your  house.  I n (16) and ( 1 7 ) , NP^ i s John and N P (16), NP-^ and N P  2  2  i s the h e a r e r .  a r e b o t h i n v o l v e d i n the motion.  In I f we  f o l l o w the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , t h e n i k u s h o u l d be used i n (16a) s i n c e the m o t i o n i s observed from John*s p o i n t o f view i n Japanese, w h i l e come i s more a p p r o p r i a t e t h a n go i n (16b) s i n c e the m o t i o n i s observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f the p e r s o n a t the g o a l ( t h e h e a r e r ) . possible.  I n (16a) k u r u a l s o seems  The r e a s o n i s t h a t t h e speaker's v i e w p o i n t i s  available.  The speaker i s n o t i n v o l v e d i n the sentence as  a noun phrase a t a l l .  But s i n c e t h e sentence i s u t t e r e d by  him, h i s v i e w p o i n t i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be a v a i l a b l e i n c o n s i d e r i n g t h e v i e w p o i n t o f the sentence.  Thus, the m o t i o n o f  John toward t h e h e a r e r c a n be observed from the. speaker's, viewpoint.  A f t e r t h i s s h i f t t a k e s p l a c e , a second  shift  from t h e speaker t o the h e a r e r , who i s . a t the g o a l , i s p o s s i b l e when a t h i r d p e r s o n John i s t h e s u b j e c t o f the motion.  I n (17a) and (17b), the motion i s observed from  the h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t , s i n c e N P i n t h e motion. respectively.  2  (the hearer) i s involved  Kuru and come a r e used i n (17a) and (17b) However^ n a t i v e speakers o f Japanese and  E n g l i s h seem t o t h i n k t h a t i k u and go a r e a l s o  possible.  84  I n (18) and (19) John i s . NP John i s a l s o the s u b j e c t :  (18) (a)  1  and Mary i s NPg.  I n (18),  o f the motion.  Jbhn^ wa Mary n i ( k a r e ^ ga) otaku n i *kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John^ t o l d Mary t h a t he^ would  come / go  t o y o u r house. (19) (a)  John wa Mary^ n i (kanozyo^ ga) otaku n i * k i t e / i t t e y o i to i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John t o l d M a r y  that  i  she  i  might come? / go  t o y o u r house.  I f we f o l l o w t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , the motion i s observed from John's v i e w p o i n t i n (18a) and (18b),  s i n c e he i s  i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion, and i k u and go are used. i n E n g l i s h (18b), come i s a l s o p o s s i b l e .  However,  Even though  NP-^  i s i n v o l v e d i n the motion, i t i s n o t observed from h i s 1  v i e w p o i n t , but from the h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t .  I t seems t h a t ,  i n E n g l i s h , when the h e a r e r i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l , the m o t i o n can be observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  This i s  p a r a l l e l t o the s i t u a t i o n i n which the speaker i s a t the g o a l , a l t h o u g h w i t h the h e a r e r a t the g o a l , as p o i n t e d above, the use o f come i s n o t the o n l y p o s s i b i l i t y .  out  Thus,  w i t h the speaker a t the g o a l , o n l y come i s used, w h i l e w i t h the h e a r e r a t the g o a l , b o t h come and go o c c u r . t h i s i s true only o f - E n g l i s h .  Note t h a t  I n Japanese-, i t i s not  85  s i g n i f i c a n t that the hearer i s at the goal. i s impossible  unless  I n (18a) k u r u  t h e speaker i s l o c a t e d a t t h e g o a l .  I n (19), NI>2 i s a l s o t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e motion. (19a)  and (19b) t h e m o t i o n i s observed from Mary's view-  p o i n t , and i k u o r go i s used.  I n E n g l i s h , come i s a l s o  p o s s i b l e from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e h e a r e r . (19a) the  Thus, i n  kuru i s impossible  unless  I n Japanese  t h e speaker i s l o c a t e d a t  goal.  (20)  (a)  John wa Mary n i Taroo ga otaku n i *kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a .  (b)  John t o l d Mary t h a t Taro would come / go to y o u r house.  I n (20), it  s i n c e n e i t h e r NP-^ n o r N P  i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion , 1  2  i s ; observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f NP-j_ (John).  E n g l i s h , again, viewpoint.  i t can a l s o be observed from t h e h e a r e r ' s  Native  possible- as^well  In  spes.kers o f E n g l i s h agree t h a t ~ come - i s  as go.  Consequently, we; c a n s t a t e t h a t i n E n g l i s h i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the hearer i s l o c a t e d a t the g o a l . m o t i o n may be observed from h i s p o i n t o f view. o t h e r hand, i n Japanese, i t i s : not  significant.  viewpoint s h i f t w i l l f o l l o w the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s above.  The  On the The discussed  86  5.2.2  The second argument i s t h a t t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s  are t o o strongs  Oye seems t o i n t e n d t o have h i s  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a p p l y o b l i g a t o r i l y ; however, we f i n d some o f them s h o u l d be o p t i o n a l .  There a r e s e v e r a l  that such  cases.  (21)  (a)  Anata wa John ga ( o t a k u n i ) k u r u / i k u t o omotte i m a s i t a k a .  (b)  D i d you t h i n k t h a t John would come / go t o y o u r house?  Oye  says t h a t when e i t h e r NP^ o r N P  2  i s involved i n  the motion, i t i s observed from h i s v i e w p o i n t . NP^ i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion.  In (21),  The a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f k u r u  and come can be accounted f o r by t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f Oye's generalization. viewpoint.  The motion i s observed from the h e a r e r ' s  Y e t a c c o r d i n g t o my i n t u i t i v e knowledge, i k u  i s also possible i n (21a),  and n a t i v e  f i n d go^acceptable i n (21b).  speakers o f E n g l i s h  We c a n account f o r t h e  a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f i k u o r go i f we say t h a t the rule; a p p l i e s o p t i o n a l l y so t h a t t h e m o t i o n can be observed from the speaker's v i e w p o i n t .  (22)  (a)  John^ wa a n a t a ga k a r e ^ no u t i n i k u r u / i k u t o omotte  (b)  imasu.  John^ t h i n k s t h a t you w i l l come /*go t o his.  house.  87  The a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f k u r u and come i n (22) can be accounted for  by g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h i n k o r omou.  I n (22a), however, the m o t i o n can a l s o be observed from the speaker's v i e w p o i n t and i k u may be used as w e l l as k u r u , a l t h o u g h Oye does n o t s t a t e t h a t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i i ) i n the c o n t e x t o f omou i s o p t i o n a l . In (23), NP These  2  i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion r a t h e r t h a n NP^.  sentences a r e the same as sentences (11a) and ( l i b ) .  (23) (a)  John wa Mary^ n i B i l l  ga kanozyo^ no u t i n i  kuru / i k u t o i i m a s i t a . (b)  John t o l d M a r y  i  that B i l l  would come / *go  t o h e r ^ house.  Here a g a i n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u s i n g k u r u o r come can be accounted f o r by Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s ( i i ) i n t h e c o n t e x t of English t e l l  and ( I l - i i )  i n the c o n t e x t o f Japanese i u .  However, I f i n d t h a t , i n (23a), i k u i s a l s o p o s s i b l e and we can say t h a t the motion i s observed from John's  point  o f view.  I n (23b),  T h i s seems t o be t r u e o n l y i n Japanese.  o n l y come i s p o s s i b l e , s i n c e the m o t i o n i s observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f N P  2  (Mary).  This, d i f f e r e n c e i s due t o the  f a c t t h a t t h e v i e w p o i n t i s more e a s i l y s h i f t e d from the speaker t o t h e h e a r e r i n a simplex sentence i n E n g l i s h t h a n in  Japanese,  reported.  and t h a t N P  2  i s t h e h e a r e r i n the speech b e i n g  88  (24)  (a)  Bill  ga o t a k u n i k i m a s i t a /  (b)  Did B i l l  come / * g o  to  your  i n Japanese  of  h e a r e r c a n be  third  person to  either kuru or i k u .  I f the  motion  expressed  same p o s s i b i l i t i e s  are  m o t i o n i n (23)  e x p r e s s e d by i k u as w e l l  as k u r u .  although  i n complex  only kuru i s possible  Oye  i n (23a) a n d i n  both  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n b y go i s n o t .  u n l e s s Mary i s not  the  fact  i s not He the  the  also  supposition  it  is  observed  from t h e  said to  rules.  As has  be due t o already  speaker toward  the  sentence o f E n g l i s h has  to  of  i s not  hearer,  but  this  phenomenon c a n a l s o  (25)  (a)  be  Johnuti  (b)  to  hearer  2  are  viewpoint  involved  of  the  g o a l i n E n g l i s h , and from N P ^ ' s v i e w p o i n t  This i s  motion of the  the  parallel  s t a t e s t h a t when b o t h N P ^ a n d N P  the  Japanese?.  This i a also  possible  goal.  motion,  person at  goal.  says  i n (24b) g o c a n n o t be u s e d u n l e s s t h e  that  at  at  can  (24a).  I n E n g l i s h (23b), the  in  also  then the  that  the  by  sentences,  found be  the  ka.  house?  (24a), t h e  A c c o r d i n g t o my i n t u i t i o n , the  ikimasita  John-  be  the  been mentioned,  hearer i n a  observed  wa M a r y , n i kuru /  house.  the  the  viewpoint  i n Japanese.  This  sentences.  (kare. i k u to  t o l d Mary, t h a t he.  to her.  in  simplex  from the  possible  seen i n complex  ni  difference  in  ga)  k a n o z y o - no  iimasita. would  come /  go  89  (26) (a)  John, wa Mary^ n i (kanozyo. ga) k a r e . no u t i n i kite / i t t e y o i to iimasita.  (b)  John, t o l d Mary. t h a t  she. might come / go  to h i s ^ house.  I n Japanese, t h e motion i s observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f NP^, John.  Thus, i k u i s used i n (25a), and k u r u i n (26a).  T h i s i s accounted f o r by t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s .  However, i t  seems t h a t k u r u i s a l s o p o s s i b l e i n (25a) and i k u i n (26a). If  so, we must s t a t e t h a t the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s a r e o p t i o n a l .  I n Japanese, when NP-^ and N P  2  a r e b o t h i n v o l v e d i n the  m o t i o n i n t h e embedded sentence, t h e motion may be observed from the v i e w p o i n t o f e i t h e r NP^ o r NP . 2  N a t i v e speakers  o f E n g l i s h a l s o f i n d go p o s s i b l e i n (25b) and\ (26b).  In  o t h e r words:, g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( i v ) i n t h e t e l l - c o n s t r u c t i o n i n E n g l i s h s h o u l d be l a b e l l e d o p t i o n a l .  5.2.3  The t h i r d argument i s t h a t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s based  on s h i f t s : i n v i e w p o i n t , such as Oye's, a r e vague t o a c e r t a i n extent.  (27) (a)  Watakusi wa anata n i ( a n a t a ga) John no u t i n i *kite / i t t e y o i to iimasita.  (b)  I t o l d you t h a t you might *come / go t o John's  house.  I n (27a) and (27b), t h e h e a r e r i s i n v o l v e d i n the motion,  90  and i k u o r go i s - used.  T h i s i s accounted f o r by g e n e r a l i -  z a t i o n t h a t when e i t h e r NP-^ o r NPg i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e motion, the  motion i s observed from h i s p o i n t o f view.  and (27b) t h i s i s t h e h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t .  I n (27a)  However, i s i t n o t  a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e m o t i o n e x p r e s s e d by i k u or; go i s observed from t h e speaker's v i e w p o i n t ?  I t h i n k t h a t when i k u  o r go o c c u r s as the d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b as i n (27a) and (27b), it  i s sometimes d i f f i c u l t  t o determine which noun phrase  is  s i g n i f i c a n t i n c o n s i d e r i n g the viewpoint.  The v i e w p o i n t  i s ambiguous i n t h a t we a r e n o t sure whether t h e motion i s observed from t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e h i g h e r v e r b (NP^) o r from t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b (NP^).  I n o r d e r t o remedy t h i s s i t u a t i o n ,  I prefer a  p e r f o r m a t i v e a n a l y s i s t o t h e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s based on viewpoint. the  We must make i t c l e a r under which  conditions  motion i s e x p r e s s e d by kuru, i k u , come o r go.  d i s c u s s performative analysis: i n the f o l l o w i n g  (28) (a)  I will  section.  John wa watakusi n i (watakusi ga) a n a t a no u t i n i *kite / i t t e y o ito iimasita.  (b)  John t o l d me t h a t I might  come / go t o  y o u r house.  In  ( 2 8 ) , t h e d e i c t i c p o i n t i s ambiguous between John and  the  speaker when i k u i s used.  Even though, a c c o r d i n g t o  the  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , t h e m o t i o n i s observed: from t h e  91  speaker's viewpoint since NP  2  (the speaker) i s a l s o  involved i n the motion, I think that NP^'s  (John's)  viewpoint i s also s i g n i f i c a n t i n both English and  5. 3  Japanese.  Performative Analysis Here I propose that the d i r e c t i o n a l verb i s chosen  on the basis of deep structure rather than according to the generalizations s t a t i n g possible s h i f t s i n viewpoint. Moriguchi ( 1 9 7 4 ) also proposed such an a n a l y s i s .  In  h i s a n a l y s i s , he proposes the following r u l e s to i n s e r t kuru and i k u .  (29)  +performative +communication +linguistic NP +declarative  hi  ±  NP  S  5 6  SD: 1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6S, 7 ,  8,  SC: 1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  6% 9 ,  10+kuru  SD: 1 ,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10  SC: 1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10+iku  9,  J - e r+v NP " +M  J -kara, [ "NP  [you ] (Adv )  7  L  83  9  10  10  (condition:4=  8)  (condition:4^8)  92 The  c o n s t i t u e n t Adv^ i s t h e c o n s t i t u e n t  (=• P e r f o r m a t i v e  Location).  c o n s t i t u e n t you.  for Perlocation  I t i s placed  They c h o i c e  a f t e r the  o f k u r u o r i k u depends on  whether the P e r l o c a t i o n i s t h e same as the g o a l o r n o t . M o r i g u c h i says t h a t t o a n a l y z e t h e f a c t a about k u r u and iku  by means o f 'Performative  A n a l y s i s * we must  recognize  t h i s p e r l o c a t i o n treatment. These r u l e s a r e v e r y p e r s u a s i v e , inadequate a s i t s t a n d s . the  statement o f the r u l e .  First,  there  but the a n a l y s i s i s a r e problems w i t h  One o f t h e problems i s i n the  c o n d i t i o n which says t h a t t h e adverb i s equal t o t h e noun phrase  (4  = =  8).  noun p h r a s e .  However, an adverb cannot be e q u a l t o a  The o t h e r problem i s t h a t t h e adverb i s an  optional constituent. Location  should  The c o n s t i t u e n t f o r P e r f o r m a t i v e  be o b l i g a t o r y .  Second, t h e r u l e s a r e  a p p l i c a b l e o n l y i n simple sentences. Soga  (1976)  Furthermore, as  p o i n t s out, t h e s e r u l e s f a i l  t o account f o r  c a s e s i n which t h e speaker's " d i s p l a c e d l o c a t i o n " i s i n v o l v e d , and t h e y must be m o d i f i e d viewpoint  t o be a p p l i c a b l e f o r  shift.  My p r o p o s a l  f o r the m o d i f i e d  deep s t r u c t u r e f o r  d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b i n Japanese i s on t h e n e x t page. performative  analysis f o r English follows i t .  p e r l o c a t i o n i s not represented each noun p h r a s e .  The  Here,  as an adverb, but i t i s i n  I t means t h a t t h e l o c a t i o n o f each noun  93  phrase i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f d i r e c t i o n a l verbs.  Each language has two r u l e s :  one f o r simplex  sentences and t h e o t h e r f o r complex s e n t e n c e s .  Por the  s i m p l i c i t y o f t h e r u l e s , I hope I w i l l f i n d the a p p r o p r i a t e way  t o combine them so a s t o make one r u l e ; f o r each  language.  Por Japanese NP loc  1  (1)  V +perf. +comm. +ling. +decl.  simplex s e n t e n c e s : r  "  NP you loc  NP •fhuman loc !  X  NP " Adv -e ( time loc  n  Aux V ) +Motion time  # S  k  1  2  6  7  8  SD: 1'2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  10  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  k u r u 11 12  10  11 12  11 12  c o n d i t i o n : When l o c a t i o n o f 2 = l o c a t i o n o f 7, obligatory; When l o c a t i o n o f 4 = l o c a t i o n o f 7, o p t i o n a l i n i m p e r a t i v e s and i n t e r r o g a t i v e s (except when 5 = 2 ) . (2)  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7,8 9 10 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  11 12  i k u 11 12  c o n d i t i o n : When t h e sentence does n o t meet t h e c o n d i t i o n f o r (1),. o r when (1) does n o t apply.  94  F o r Japanese complex  sentences:  V NP +human loc  NP +perf. NP I +comm. you l o c +ling. l o c +decl.  1 2  .Adv 'time  12  (1)  3  V  NP loc  -e  9 10  11  IP  6  4  ^jtimej''  14  15  8  7  1 [Aux 1 / [Adv ~h  +motionj rtimej  13  NP 4-h.uman loc  NP +human loc  r 1 IAUX v  L J jtime v  165  17  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13  # 18  14 15 16 17 18  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 k u r u 14 15 16 17 18 condition: When l o c a t i o n o f 2 = l o c a t i o n o f 10, o b l i g a t o r y i f 16 i s omou ( t h i n k ) and 7 = $> , o p t i o n a l i f 16 i s i u ( t e l l ) ; When l o c a t i o n o f 5 = l o c a t i o n o f 10, o p t i o n a l ; When l o c a t i o n o f 7 =* l o c a t i o n o f 10, o p t i o n a l . (2)  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13  14 15 16 17 18  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 i k u 14 15 16 17 18 c o n d i t i o n : The sentence does n o t meet t h e c o n d i t i o n for  (1) , o r when (1) does n o t a p p l y .  95 Por E n g l i s h  #  simplex sentencest  V  NP +perf. NP I +comm. you loc +ling. loc +decl.  NP Adv +human X ( time loc  3  6  1 2  (1)  4  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  NP Aux V to time +Motion loc  7  8  9  10 11  # 12  10 11 12  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 come 10 11 12 condition: When l o c a t i o n o f 2 = l o c a t i o n o f 11, o b l i g a t o r y ; When l o c a t i o n o f 4 = l o c a t i o n o f 11, obligatory  (2)  i f5 =  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6,7 8 9  2, o t h e r w i s e  optional.  10 11 12  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 go 10 11 12 condition: ii  The sentence does n o t meet t h e c o n d i t i o n f o r ( 1 ) , o r when (1) does n o t a p p l y .  96 For English  #  NP I loc  complex s e n t e n c e s :  V +perf. NP +comm. you +ling. loc +decl.  NP [Adv T +human X( (time loc  •8  12 NP •fhuman loc 11  (1)  9 10  NP Aux V to time +Motion loc  Adv  X ( time  12  NP V +human loc  Aux time  14  13  SD: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7  15  16 17  8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15  SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9  # 18 16 17 18  10 11 12 13 14 come 16 17 18  condition: When l o c a t i o n o f 2 = l o c a t i o n o f 17, o b l i g a t o r y ; When l o c a t i o n o f 4 = l o c a t i o n o f 17, o p t i o n a l ; When l o c a t i o n o f 5 = l o c a t i o n o f 17, o p t i o n a l ; When l o c a t i o n o f 10 ^ l o c a t i o n o f 17, o p t i o n a l .  (2)  SD: l v 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 SC: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 go 16 17 18 condition:  The sentence does n o t meet t h e c o n d i t i o n f o r (1) , o r when (1) does n o t a p p l y .  97  There are f o u r advantages  o f t h i s treatment  over  the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s based on v i e w p o i n t such as Oye's (as has a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d advantage  i s t h a t we  on pages 82 t o 9 2 ) .  The major  can make i t c l e a r under which  c o n d i t i o n s the motion i s expressed by kuru, i k u , come o r go. We  do not have t o s t a t e from whose v i e w p o i n t the motion i s  observed.  I t i s sometimes d i f f i c u l t  t o determine  which  noun phrase i n a complex sentence i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n c o n s i d e r i n g the v i e w p o i n t , as i n (27a,b) and is difficult phrase  t o determine  (28a,b).  one d e f i n i t e l y s i g n i f i c a n t  two noun p h r a s e s may  appear t o be  It noun  significant.  Secondly, these r u l e s a p p l y o p t i o n a l l y i n c e r t a i n contexts,  though Oye  t o be o b l i g a t o r y .  seems t o i n t e n d h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s  The t h i r d p o i n t i s t h a t cases i n which  the h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l are t a k e n i n t o account, w h i l e Oye's g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s n e g l e c t we  do hot have t o s e t up  verb ( t e l l ,  them.  find  that  s e p a r a t e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s f o r each  t h i n k , i u o r omou).  common t o these v e r b s .  F i n a l l y , we  Many g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are  CHAPTER SIX  CONCLUDING REMARKS  I have i n v e s t i g a t e d how the d e i c t i c p o i n t  i s involved  i n the o c c u r r e n c e s o f E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l v e r b s and how i t i s s h i f t e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e c o n t e x t .  I  have a l s o shown t h a t t h e r e a r e many s i m i l a r i t i e s  between  E n g l i s h and Japanese d i r e c t i o n a l  differences  also exist.  verbs, although  Since the occurrences o f the d i r e c t i o n a l  verbs  depend on t h e deep s t r u c t u r e s , I p r o v i d e d a p e r f o r m a t i v e a n a l y s i s based on the deep s t r u c t u r e , which i s a p p l i c a b l e t o complex sentences as w e l l as t o simplex  sentences.  Prom now on I have t o c o n s i d e r t h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f the directional  v e r b s i n t h e c o n t e x t s o t h e r than  e x p e r i e n c e v e r b s o r v e r b s o f speech a c t s .  98  subjective-  99  FOOTNOTES; This, w i l l be discussed, i n Chapter  Two.  2  Japanese examples are t r a n s c r i b e d i n the N a t i o n a l Romanization System ( K u n r e i s i k i ) which i s a pseudo-phonemic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n r a t h e r t h a n a p h o n e t i c one. However, the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the l o n g vowels i s m o d i f i e d so t h a t t h e y are i n d i c a t e d by r e p e t i t i o n o f the same vowel, and borrowed words from E n g l i s h and p r o p e r names r e t a i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l English spelling. ^The a s t e r i s k does not mean t h a t the sentence i s ungrammatical i n any case, but t h a t i t does not s a t i s f y the appropriate condition. ^ A c c o r d i n g t o Rauh (1978), t h e motion o f the speaker toward t h e h e a r e r i s expressed by kommen (come) i n s t e a d o f gehen (go) i n German and i t a l s o seems t h a t i t i s e x p r e s s e d by the l e x i c a l e q u i v a l e n t t o come i n H i n d i . I t seems t h a t t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s common a t l e a s t among I n d i e and Germanic l a n g u a g e s .  c ^1 must p o i n t out a d e f e c t i n the r e s t r i c t i o n o f r u l e ( 1 1 ) . I t says t h a t when we have an o r i g i n a l sentence such as I o f t e n comes t o Vancouver, t h e speaker i s supposed not t o be i n Vancouver. Note t h a t the t e n s e o f the o r x g i n a l sentence i s non-past. The noun phrase i n the o r i g i n a l sentence i s s p e c i f i e d as O S p e a k e r , - H e a r e r j so t h a t the noun phrase i n the s u p p o s i t i o n must be s p e c i f i e d as [-Speaker, +Hearer], T h i s s p e c i f i c a t i o n b r i n g s about a p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n t h a t o n l y the h e a r e r i s at the g o a l when the speaker moves toward the g o a l . However, the s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t the speaker i s a t the g o a l should a l s o be specified. The sentence i s a n a l y t i c i f e i t h e r the speaker o r the h e a r e r i s a t the g o a l . T h i s i s a l s o t r u e when the s u b j e c t o f the m o t i o n i s the h e a r e r . Furthermore, a c c o r d i n g t o the r e s t r i c t i o n , when we have an o r i g i n a l sentence such as He o f t e n comes t o Vancouver, b o t h the speaker and the h e a r e r are supposed t o be a t the g o a l . When the o r i g i n a l sentence has a noun phrase s p e c i f i e d as G-Speaker, - H e a r e r 1, the noun phrase i n the s u p p o s i t i o n i s s p e c i f i e d as C+Speaker, +Hearer]. However, i t i s not n e c e s s a r y t h a t b o t h the speaker and the h e a r e r be a t the g o a l . The sentence i s a n a l y t i c i f e i t h e r : the speaker a l o n e o r the h e a r e r a l o n e i s l o c a t e d a t the goal. These d e f e c t s s h o u l d be overcome.  100  In (31), the speaker i s n o t p o i n t i n g a t some l o c a t i o n on a map. 7 E n g l i s h used t o have a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n : h e r e , t h e r e and yonder; t h i s , t h a t and yon. g I f the h e a r e r ' s v i e w p o i n t i s more dominant t h a n the speaker's, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by k u r u i s supposed t o be p o s s i b l e i n (15) and ( 1 6 ) . However, t h i s i s a c t u a l l y impossible;. Thus, i t can be s a i d t h a t the speaker's viewp o i n t i s more dominant t h a n the h e a r e r ' s . ^Another evidence i s p o s s i b l e f o r t h i s , phenomenon. The sentence A s i t a ame ga huru-desyoo t o John wa i t t a (John s a i d , " I t w i l l r a i n tomorrow" o r John s a i d t h a t i t would" r a i n the n e x t day) may be i n t e r p r e t e d as both a sentence o f d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e and t h a t o f i n d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e i n Japanese, s i n c e the t e n s e o f the v e r b huru-desyoo ( p r o b a b l y r a i n ) does not have t o be i n accordance w i t h the tense o f the o t h e r verb i t t a ( s a i d ) . I n E n g l i s h , on the o t h e r hand, the d i s t i n c t i o n between d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e and i n d i r e c t discourses i s c l e a r , s i n c e the accordance i n tense i n a sentence i s significant. • ^ F e a t u r e s o f l o c a t i o n s f o r NP's w i l l depend upon the p r a g m a t i c s . Some NP's might be J+Proximal] o r f-ProximalJ depending upon the case. I n r u l e s (1) and (2) oil page 90;, f o r example, X i s i n t e n d e d t o i n c l u d e o t h e r n e c e s s a r y adverbs i n c l u d i n g the p l a c e o f o r i g i m which i s t o be used f o r d e t e r m i n i n g the f e a t u r e o f p r o x i m i t y i n accordance w i t h a r u l e such as r u l e (50) on page 27.  101  BIBLIOGRAPHY Chafe, W.L. (1970) Meaning and the S t r u c t u r e o f Language, C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s . Chomsky, N. (1957) S y n t a c t i c S t r u c t u r e s , Janua Linguarum, No. 4, The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, N. (1965) A s p e c t s o f the Theory o f Syntax, Cambridge, M a s s a c h u s e t t s : MIT P r e s s . F i l l m o r e , C . J . (1966) " D e i c t i c C a t e g o r i e s i n the Semantics o f COME," F o u n d a t i o n s o f Language, I I : 219-227 F i l l m o r e , C.J. and D.T. Langendoen (1971) S t u d i e s i n L i n g u i s t i c Semantics, New Y o r k : H o l t , R i n e h a r t , and Winston. F i l l m o r e , C . J . (1972a) "How t o know whether you're coming o r g o i n g , " S t u d i e s i n D e s c r i p t i v e and A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s ^ 5~: 3-17 F i l l m o r e , C . J . (1972b) " S u b j e c t s , Speakers, and R o l e s , " i n D a v i d s o n and Harman ( e d s . ) , Semantics o f N a t u r a l Language, 1-24 Hayakawa, S.I. (1964) "Language i n Thought and A c t i o n , " i n P. Penner ( e d . ) , D i s c o u r s e (1967) Inoue, K. (1976) Henkeibunpoo t o Nihongo ( T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Grammar and J a p a n e s e ) , I , Tookyoo: T a i s y u u k a n Syoten. Inoue, K. (1976) Henkeibunpoo t o Nihongo ( T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Grammar and J a p a n e s e ) , 2, Tookyoo: T a i s y u u k a n Syoten. Kuno, S. (1973) The S t r u c t u r e o f the Japanese Language, Cambridge, M a s s a c h u s e t t s : MIT P r e s s . Kuno, S. (1976) "The Speaker's Empathy and I t s E f f e c t on Syntax," J o u r n a l o f the A s s o c i a t i o n o f T e a c h e r s o f Japanese, X I : 249-269 Lyons, J . (1977) Semantics, 1, Cambridge, E n g l a n d : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Lyons, J . (1977) Semantics, 2, Cambridge, E n g l a n d : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s .  102  Martin,  S . E . (1975) A R e f e r e n c e Grammar o f J a p a n e s e , New H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s .  H o r i g u c h i , T . (1974) "Some R e m a r k s o n "come" a n d " g o " i n Japanese," D e s c r i p t i v e and A p p l i e d L i n g u i s t i c s , 7: 167-171 Morita, Oye,  Y . (1968) " I k u , K u r u n o Y o o h o o ( T h e U s a g e o f Come and G o ) , " K o k u g o g a k u , 7 5 : 75-87  S . (1975) N i c h i - E i g o n o H i k a k u k e n k y u u Shukansei o Megutte ( C o n t r a s t i v e S t u d i e s o f Japanese and E n g l i s h ) , Tookyoo: Nan'un-doo.  Pietro,  R . J . (1971) Language S t r u c t u r e s i n C o n t r a s t , R o w l e y , M a s s a c h u s e t t s : N e w b u r y Ho-use P u b l i s h e r s .  Rauh,  G . (1978) " O n C o m i n g a n d G o i n g i n E n g l i s h a n d G e r m a n , " presented a t the 1 6 t h ^ I n t e r n a t i o n a l conference on Contrastive Linguistics.  Ross,  J . R . (1970) "On D e c l a r a t i v e S e n t e n c e s , " i n R . A . J a c o b s a n d P . S . Rosenbaum ( e d s . ) , R e a d i n g s i n E n g l i s h T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Grammar, 2 2 2 - 2 7 2 , W a l t h a m , M a s s a c h u s e t t s : G i n n a n d Company.  Sinha,  A . K . (1972) "On t h e D e i c t i c U s e o f Coming a n d G o i n g i n H i n d i , " Papers from t h e 8 ' t h r e g i o n a l m e e t i n g , C h i c a g o L i n g u i s t i c S o c i e t y , 351-358.  Soga, M . (1976) "The P r a g m a t i c s o f K u r u a n d I k u , " P a p e r s i n J a p a n e s e L i n g u i s t i c s , 5: 2 7 9 - 3 0 6 . S t e i n b e r g , D . D . and L . A . J a k o b o v i t s . (1971) Semantics, Cambridge, E n g l a n d : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Uyeno,  T . (1971) A Study o f Japanese M o d a l i t y - — A P e r f o r m a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f Sentence P a r t i c l e s , Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Michigan.  Whorf,  B . L . (1956) J.B. Carroll,  Language, Thought and R e a l i t y , e d i t e d b y C a m b r i d g e , M a s s a c h u s e t t s : MIT P r e s s .  Y o s h i k a w a , T . (1976) " G e n d a i - N i h o n g o D o o s i A s p e c t no Kenkyuu (Study o f Verbal Aspect i n Modern.Japanese)," i n H. K i n d a i c h i ( e d . ) , Nihongo D o o s i no A s p e c t , Tookyoo: Mugi-syoboo.  103  APPENDIX  TABLE 3.1 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS IN SIMPLEX SENTENCES:.  subject of motion  kuru  V [+motionJ iku come  at t h e g o a l go  speaker  o  o  speaker  hearer  o  o  speaker  t h i r d person  o  o  speaker  o  o  hearer  o  o  o  o  speaker o  hearer third  person  o  o  hearer hearer  speaker  o  o  third  person  hearer  o  o  third  person  o  third  person^  o  t h i r d person^  third  person^  o  t h i r d person.  o  *  104  TABLE 4.1 USES OF DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH THE SPEAKER AT THE GOAL  subj. o f think,  omou  subj. of  V  motion  [+motion]  (NP ) 0  kuru i k u  at t h e goal  come  (NP^  1  speaker  speaker  0  2  speaker  hearer  0  3  speaker  third  14  hearer  15  *  o  *  0  speaker  0  *  0  hearer  hearer  0  16  hearer  third  29  third  person  speaker  o  o  30  third  person  hearer  0  0  31  t h i r d person.^  third  pers^ o  32  third  third  pers^ o  person^  pers  o  o  *  * *  *  o  speaker speaker  *  speaker speaker  o  o  speaker speaker  0  0  pers  *  *  * * *  speaker speaker speaker speaker  105 TABLE: 4.2 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER VERBS OP SPEECH ACTS WITH THE SPEAKER AT THE GOAL  0. o f  subj. of  I.  tell, iu  tell, iu  kuru iku  (NP )  (NP^)  spkr  (spkr)  spkr  o  2  spkr  (spkr)  hrr  6  3  spkr  (spkr)  thd p r s o  4  spkr  hrr  spkr  o  5  spkr  hrr  hrr  o  6  spkr  hrr  thd p r s o  7  spkr  thd p r s  spkr  o o  1  2  goal  J+motionJ  motion  (NP ) X  at th<  V  suhj. of  * *  come  £ 0  0  X  spkr  0  X  spkr  0  spkr  0  spkr X  spkr  0  *  spkr  o  X  spkr  0  X  spkr  0  X  spkr  X  0  X  spkr  o  0  X  spkr  0  0  X  spkr  0  0  X  spkr  0  * * *  8  spkr  thd p r s  hrr  9 10  spkr  thd p r s ^  thd  prs^o  spkr  thd p r s ^  thd  prs.o  11 • h r r  spkr  spkr  12  hrr  spkr  13  hrr  spkr  hrr o thd p r s o  14  hrr  (hrr)  spkr  o  0  0  15  hrr  (hrr)  hrr  o  0  0  X  spkr  16  hrr  (hrr)  thd p r s o  o  o  X  spkr  17  hrr  thd p r s  spkr  o  0  0  X  spkr  18  hrr  thd p r s  hrr  o  o  o  X  spkr  19 20  hrr  thd  thd prs^o  0  o  X  spkr  hrr  thd p r s ^  thd  o  o  X  spkr  prSj^  o  prs.o  *  spkr  106  T a b l e 4.2  (continued)  sub.of tell,  I.O.of iu  tell,  (NP )  subj.of iu  (NP )  n  V  motion  [+motion]  (NP.)  p  at  kuru i k u  the  goal  come g o ( N P . )  21 22 23 24 25  thd prs  spkr  spkr  0  o  0  spkr  thd prs  spkr  hrr  0  0  0  spkr  thd p r s  ±  spkr  thd  prSj^  0  0  0  spkr  thd p r s  ±  spkr  thd  prs.  0  o  0  spkr  thd prs  hrr  spkr  0  0  0  spkr  26  thd prs  hrr  hrr  0  0  0  27 28 29  thd p r s  ±  hrr  thd  prs^  0  0  o  thd p r s  ±  hrr  thd  prs.  0  0  0  thd p r s  ±  (thd  prs )  spkr  o  0  0  30  thd P i thd prSj^  (thd  prs.^)  hrr  0  0  o  (thd  prSj,)  thd  v j_  0  o  0  32 33  thd p r s  ±  (thd  prs )  thd  V j  0  0  o  thd p r s  ±  thd  prs.  spkr  o  o  o  34  thd p r s  ±  thd  prs.  hrr;  0  o  0  spkr  35 36 37  t h d prSj^  thd  prs.  thd  prs^  0  0  o  spkr  prs-  thd  prs.  o  0  0  u  thd  prs  o  31  r  s  thd p r s thd  i  i  cj ±  thd thd  prs. J  Ts  Ts  k  0  0  * * * * *  spkr  *  spkr  X  spkr spkr spkr spkr spkr spkr  spkr X  spkr  TABLE 4 . 3 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH THE HEARER AT THE GOAL  subj.of  .  t h i n k , omou  subj.of  V  motion  [+motion]  (NP )  (NP )  kuru i k u  3  X  a t the goal  come £ 2  (NP )  0  0  0  hearer  0  0  0  hearer  x  o  0  0  hearer  4  1  speaker  speaker  2  speaker  hearer  3  speaker  third  14  hearer  speaker  0  o  o  0  hearer  15  hearer  hearer  o  o  0  0  hearer  16  hearer  third  0  0  0  0  hearer  29  third  p e r s speaker  x  o  o  0  hearer  30  third  pers hearer  x  0  0  0  hearer  31  t h i r d p e r s .• t h i r d p e r s ^  x  o  o  0  hearer  32  t h i r d pers,..third p e r s . L 2  x  0  0  0  hearer  * pers  pers  108  TABLE 4.4 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER . VERBS OF SPEECH ACTS WITH THE HEARER AT THE GOAL  subj.of  I.O.of  tell,  tell,  iu  subj.of iu  V  motion  [+motion]  goal  (NP, )  (NP )  spkr  (spkr)  spkr  *  0  0  0  hrr  2  spkr  (spkr)  hrr  x  0  0  0  hrr  3  spkr  (spkr)  thd  x  0  o  0  hrr  4  spkr  hrr  spkr  x  o  0  0  hrr  5  spkr  hrr  hrr  o  0  0  0  hrr  6  spkr  hrr  thd  o  o  0  hrr  7  spkr  thd  prs  spkr  o x  0  0  o hrr  8  spkr  thd  prs  hrr  x  0  o  0  9  spkr  thd p r s ^  thd p r s ^  x  o  o  o hrr  10  spkr  thd  thd p r s .  X  0  0  0  hrr  11  hrr  spkr  spkr  o  0  0  0  hrr  12  hrr  spkr  hrr  0  0  o  o hrr  13  hrr  spkr  thd  0  0  o  0  hrr  14  hrr  (hrr)  spkr  0  0  0  0  hrr  15  hrr  (hrr)  hrr  0  0  o  0  hrr  16  hrr  (hrr)  thd  0  0  0  o hrr  17  hrr  thd  prs  spkr  0  0  0  0  18  hrr  thd  prs  hrr  0  o  o  o hrr  19  hrr  thd  prs  thd p r s ^  0  0  0  0  hrr  20  hrr  thd p r s ^  thd p r s . j  0  0  o  0  hrr  :i  (NP,)  a t the  0  prs  i  i  prs  prs  prs  prs  k u r u i k u come go  (NP.)  hrr  hrr  109  Table 4 . 4  (continued)  subj.of  I.O.of  tell,iu  tell,  (NP )  subj.of iu  motion  (NP )  1  V [+motion]  (NP )  2  a t the  kuru i k u  3  goal  come go  (NP ) 4  21  thd prs  spkr  spkr  0  0  0  hrr  22  thd prs  spkr  hrr  0  0  0  hrr  23  thd prs. spkr  thd  0  0  0  hrr  24  thd p r s  spkr  thd p r s . x  0  0  0  hrr  2.5  thd prs  hrr  0  0  0  0  hrr  26  thd p r s  hrr  spkr hrr  o  0  0  0  hrr  27  thd p r s  ±  hrr  thd p r s ^  0  0  0  0  hrr  28  thd p r s  ±  hrr  thd p r s . o  0  0  0  hrr  29  thd p r s  ±  ( t h d p r s ^ ) spkr  X  0  0  0  hrr  30  thd p r s  ±  ( t h d prSj^ ) h r r  X  o  0  0  hrr  31  thd p r s  ±  (thd p r s ) t h d p r s ^  X  0  o  o  hrr  32  (thd p r s ^)thd prs^  X  0  0  0  hrr  33  thd P i thd p r s  34  thd p r s  ±  35  thd p r s  ±  36  thd p r s  ±  37  thd p r s  ±  ±  r s  ±  prs  i  J  ±  thd p r s .  spkr  X  0  0  0  hrr  thd p r s . D thd p r s .  hrr  X  0  0  o  hrr  thd p r s ^  X  0  0  o  hrr  J  thd prs^  X  0  0  0  hrr  J  thd  X  0  0  0  hrr  thd p r s . thd p r s .  prs  k  110  TABLE 4.5 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER SUBJECTIVE-EXPERIENCE VERBS WITH A THIRD PERSON AT THE GOAL  subj.of think, omou (NP ) 1  subj. of motion (NP^)  V [+motion] kuru i k u  x x  1  speaker  speaker  2  speaker  hearer  3  speaker  4  speaker  t h i r d pers^ x t h i r d pers^ x  21 22 23 24 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57  hearer hearer hearer hearer  at the goal  come go  o  X  0  0  X  0  0  X  0  0  X  0  X  0  X  0  x speaker x hearer t h i r d pers^ x  o o 0  X  o  t h i r d pers^  o  X  0  0  0  o  X  x  0  X  o  o  o  0  X  X  0  X  0  o  0  X  0  X  o  *  0  X  X  0  0  0  X  o  o  o  t h i r d pers^ speaker t h i r d pers^ speaker t h i r d pers^ hearer t h i r d pers^ hearer  t h i r d pers^ t h i r d p e r s 0 t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers^ X t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers.. o i  t h i r d pers.^ t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers.  (NP^)  t h i r d pers t h i r d pers t h i r d perSj_ t h i r d pers. J t h i r d pers t h i r d pers t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers . third third third third  pers^ pers^ pers^ pers.  t h i r d perSj^ t h i r d perSj t h i r d pers^ t h i r d pers. 3 third pers k  Ill  TABLE 4.6 USES OP DIRECTIONAL VERBS EMBEDDED UNDER VERBS OP SPEECH ACTS WITH A THIRD PERSON AT THE GOAL  subj. of  I.O.of  tell,  tell,  iu  (NP^  subj. of  V  i u motion  (NP )  (NP )  2  3  a t the  [+motion]  goal  k u r u i k u come go  (N? ) 4  1  spkr (spkr)  spkr  x  0  X  0  thd prs  2  spkr ( s p k r )  hrr  x  0  X  0  thd p r s  3  spkr (spkr)  thd p r s ^  x  0  X  o thd p r s  4  spkr ( s p k r )  thd p r s ^  *  0  X  0  thd p r  5  spkr  hrr  spkr  x  0  X  0  t h d prs,.  6  spkr  hrr  hrr  x  o  X  0  thd prs  7  spkr  hrr  thd  x  0  X  0  thd p r s  x  o  X  o thd p r s .  prs  i  thd p r s ^  ±  S j  ±  8  spkr  hrr  9 10  spkr  t h d p r s ^ spkr  x  o  X  0  spkr  thd p r s ^ hrr  0  0  o  o thd p r s  11 12  spkr  thd  0  0  0  spkr  thd p r s ^ thd p r s ^  x  0  X  13  spkr  t h d prs.^ spkr  x  0  X  0  X  o thd p r s thd 0 j thd 0 D thd p r s . 0  prs  i  thd p r s ^  thd prs.  ±  p  r  s  p r S  14  spkr  thd p r s ^ h r r  x  15  spkr  thd p r s ^ thd  x  0  X  0  16  spkr  thd p r s ^  thd  p r S j  0  0  0  o thd P ^ s  17  spkr  thd p r s ^  thd  P Sj  x  0  X  0  thd p r s  18  hrr  spkr  spkr  X  0  X  0  thd p r s  19 20  hrr  spkr  hrr  X  0  X  o thd  hrr  spkr  thd p r s ^  x  0  X  0  21  hrr  spkr  thd p r s ^  X  o  X  o thd  22  hrr  (hrr)  spkr  X  0  X  0  thd prs  23  hrr  (hrr)  hrr  X  0  X  0  thd prs  r  ±  thd p r s . i  k  prs3  thd p r s P  ±  rs . 3  112 T a b l e 4.6  (continued)  subj.of  I.O.of  tell,  tell,  iu  (NP ) 1  subj. iu  of  motion  (NP )  ( 3)  2  kuru i k u  0  x  o  X  0  thd P i thd p r s .  p r s £ spkr  0  0  0  0  thd p r s  thd p r s ^ h r r thd prs^ thd p r s ^  0  0  0  0  thd prSj^  0  0  0  0 0  o thd  25 26  hrr  (hrr)  thd  hrr  thd  27  hrr  28  hrr  31 32  hrr  33 34  hrr  hrr hrr  4  X  thd p r s ^  hrr  (NP )  0  (hrr)  30  come go  x  hrr  hrr  the  goal  Q+motion^  N P  24  29  at  V  prs  i  r  s  ±  thd p r s thd p r  ±  thd prs^ thd prSj^ thd p r s ^ spkr  X  0  X  X  0  X  thd p r s ^ h r r thd p r s ^ thd prSj  x  0  X  j o thd p r s .  x  o  X  o thd prs.  thd p r s ^ thd p r s . V thd p r s ^ thd p r s .  0  0  0  0  X  0  X  0  X  S j  p  r  s  thd p r s thd p r s  ±  k  J  35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50  thd p r s thd p r s thd p r s thd p r s thd p r s thd yrs thd p r s thd thd p r s  thd p r s  o  X  0  X  0  hrr  X  0  X  0  0  0  X  0  X  0  0  X  o  X  X  0  X  0 0  spkr  thd prs..  ±  ±  s  ±  ±  prs  ±  prs.  prs p  r  s  j  prs  thd j thd p r s thd p  p  r  r  ±  ±  S  ±  j  s  thd p r s thd p r s  thd P ^ s ^ spkr  X  0  X  0  X  o  X  spkr  X  o  X  o thd prs.  hrr  hrr  0  X  0  X  thd p r s  hrr  hrr  X  0  X  0  thd p r  thd p r s ^  0  0  0  0  thd p r s  thd prSj^  X  0  X  0  thd p r s .  thd prsj  0  X  0  X  thd  spkr  thd P i h r r thd p r s h r r thd p r s h r r r  X  thd thd 0 X thd o thd o thd  i  i  s  0  spkr spkr  ±  ±  r  X  ±  ±  thd p r s / h r r . thd p r s h r r p  0  thd p r s ^ thd p r s ^ thd prSj  ±  ±  thd  spkr spkr hrr  spkr spkr spkr spkr spkr  ±  k  ±  ±  S j  j L  113 T a b l e 4.6  (continued)  subj.of  I.O.of  tell,  tell,  iu  (NP )  thd thd  V  motion  [+motion]  (NP )  X  51 52  iu  subj.of (NP^)  2  prs prs  ±  ±  thd  hrr  thd  hrr  kuru i k u  prs u  prs.  x x  at  the  goal  come go  (NP ) 4  0  X  0  0  X  o thd  j prs  k  thd  prs  ±  thd  p  r  s  0  0  0  X  p r s (thd prs.)spkr  x  0  X  0  thd  prs.  p r s (thd prs^)hrr  0  X  o  X  thd  prs  ±  thd  p r s (thd prSjJhrr  X  0  X  o thd  57 58  thd  p r s (thd prs.)thd prs.  0  0  0  0  thd  j prs  ±  thd  p r s . ( t h d p r s . ) t h d prSj^  X  0  X  0  thd  prs •  59 60 61  thd  p r s (thd p r s ) t h d  o  x  o  thd  p r s tJ  0  X  0  thd  pr  0  0  X  thd  prs  0  X  thd  p  o  X  thd  j prs  ±  thd  p  j prs  ±  53  thd  p r s (thd prs.)spki  54  thd  55 56  thd  62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72  ±  ±  ±  ±  ±  i  ±  prs.  thd  p r s (thd prs.)thd prs  thd  prs  thd thd  *  ±  ±  thd  P i prs r  thd  s  ±  thd  prs.  spkr  0  CI  p p rr ss .. hsrprk r  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^.  hrr  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs.  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^.  thd P i thd p r s r  s  ±  0  0  0  X  o  X  o  X  0  0  o  o thd  X  0  0  ?? t h d  p  r  s  ±  r  S j  ±  S  r  s  0  X  thd  j prs p  p  r  S  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^  thd p r s .  0  X  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^.  thd p r s .  o  0  o  0  thd  X  0  X  0  thd  X  o  X  o thd  prs  k  0  X  thd  prs  ±  thd  thd thd  P i prs r  s  ±  thd  prs^  thd p r s  thd  prs.  thd pr  ±  S ; j  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^  thd p r s  k  0  X  thd  prs  ±  thd  prs.  thd p r s  k  o  ?  o  X  0  X  o thd  ±  thd  prs.  prs  thd  prs . spkr  X  ±  0  X  o thd  prs  ±  thd  prs^ hrr  X  0  X  0  73  thd  prs  74  thd  75  thd  thd p r s  k  thd  ±  D prs r  S  k  j P l prs p  r  S  r  s  k  P  rs  k  

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