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Merit feasting among the Kalash Kafirs of North Western Pakistan Darling, Elizabeth Gillian 1979

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MERIT FEASTING AMONG THE KALASH KAFIRS OF NORTH WESTERN PAKISTAN by ELIZABETH GILLIAN DARLING A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 197 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY & SOCIOLOGY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 1979 fz\ Elizabeth G i l l i a n Darling, 1979 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t , t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 n„tP f& for* 1-6 B P 75-5 1 1 E i i ABSTRACT This thesis explores merit feasting among the Kalasli Kafirs of C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t , north western Pakistan. Feasting i s a multifunctional exchange phenomenon found universally i n soc i e -t i e s having primitive (pre-market) economies. The Kalash exam-ple w i l l i l l u s t r a t e that t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n l i n k s economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s dimensions i n such non-monetary cultures. I argue that while habitat may have the poten t i a l of supporting such an exchange system, in d i v i d u a l industry i n a g r i -culture and animal husbandry i s the c r i t i c a l economic factor. Accumulated wealth i s then; transformed into s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s power and prestige through i t s r e d i s t r i b u t i o n at feasts. The Kalash have an informal p o l i t i c a l hierarchy where men achieve high positions by exhibiting the same q u a l i t i e s which make feast-givers successful aspirants for rank. Kalasli s o c i a l organiz-ation, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r b i l a t e r a l kinship s t r u c t u r e ) i s also ' reflected i n the i n s t i t u t i o n of merit feasting. Feasting i s more than a secular event for the Kalash, and sections of th i s thesis i l l u s t r a t e t h e i r assertion that wealth i s god-given and must be redistributed at feasts i f the gods are to continue to bestow t h e i r blessings. Moreover, feasts are both c u l t u r a l performances (where the a r t i s t i c forms of a culture are expressed), as well as public forums at which information and ideas may be widely shared and re-inforced. Presently among a portion of the Kalashi population, a c u l t u r a l renaissance i s occurring which permitted the opportunity to document the following materials and hopefully, future p o s s i b i l i t i e s of recording the customs and b e l i e f s of an archaic culture that otherwise i s fast s l i p p i n g into obscurity. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page T i t l e Page i Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i i L i s t of Plates and Sketches v Prologue v i i Chapter 1 - Introduction i) The Theme 1 i i ) Sources a) Greater K a f i r i s t a n 1 b) The Kalash 4 m ) Continuity and Change 5 - The Kalash Situation in the 19 70*s iv) Social Change a) B i r i r 7 b) Bomboret 11 c) Rombour 15 Chapter 2 - The Setting i) Geographical Location i i ) The High Pastures i i i ) Seasonal A c t i v i t i e s i n the Lowland Valleys iv) Local Decision-Making Bodies v) P o l i c i n g vi) Landholding: (Economy) v i i ) Architecture v i i i ) Social Organization (Introduction) Social Organization (Clan Structure) ix) Social Hierarchy x) Achieving Clan Status xi) . Marriage Rules x i i ) Women, Clan Exogamy and A f f i l i a t i o n Chapter 3 - The Relationship Between the I n s t i t u t i o n of the Merit Feast and Kalash Religion i) Influences of Islam 54 i i ) History and Function of Sajigor 59 i i i ) Origins of Sajigor 62 iv) Contemporary Relationship to Sajigor 72 v) Religious Aspirations of Feast-Giving 76 Chapter 4 - Merit Feasts Amongst the Kalash i) Introduction 7 8 i i ) Feasting as a Mode of Exchange 78 i i i ) K a f i r Feasts 82 a) Prescribed Feasts 83 b) Optional Feasts 84 21 22 25 29 29 31 34 35 37 41 46 47 51 i v iv) Warrior 87 y) "Sa«ri»gk" - "Our daughters are paths to the houses of our in-laws" 97 vi) "Sha»ru.gah" - Funeral for a Big Man 105 v i i ) a) "Pi » m 3.sa" 115 b) "Gftnt Wass" 118 Chapter 5 - "Bira Mor" ("Sacred Male Goat S a c r i f i c e Feast") i) Introduction 121 i i ) The Host 123 i i i ) The Proceedings a) Preparations 12 8 b) "Counting the Goats/Refurbishing the Sajigor A l t a r " 130 c) The F e s t i v i t i e s 132 d) Potential C o n f l i c t s - The Host as Manager 134 e) The Function of Feasting as Public Forum 140 f) Kalash Concepts of Wealth and Feasting 143 g) The "Duty" of Feast Giving 146 h) Summary of "Bira Mor" Merit Feast 147 iv) Conclusion 150 Appendix 1: Poetry and Metaphor i) Poetry 152 i i ) Metaphor 154 a) Effects of the l o c a l ecology (fauna) upon poetic imagery 15 4 b) Position as an ethnic minority 154 c) Kinship 155 Appendix 2: History and Language 157 i) History 157 i i ) Language 162 I l l u s t r a t i o n s and Sketches 164 Orthographic Guide to Kalash Language 19 7 Glossary of Kalash Words and Idioms 199 Map 211 Bibliography 212 V LIST OF PLATES AND SKETCHES I l l u s t r a t i o n 1 I l l u s t r a t i o n 2 I l l u s t r a t i o n 3 I l l u s t r a t i o n 4 I l l u s t r a t i o n 5 I l l u s t r a t i o n 6 I l l u s t r a t i o n 7 I l l u s t r a t i o n 8 I l l u s t r a t i o n 9 I l l u s t r a t i o n 10 I l l u s t r a t i o n 11 I l l u s t r a t i o n 12 I l l u s t r a t i o n 13 I l l u s t r a t i o n 14 I l l u s t r a t i o n 15 I l l u s t r a t i o n 16 I l l u s t r a t i o n 17 I l l u s t r a t i o n 18 I l l u s t r a t i o n 19 I l l u s t r a t i o n 20 I l l u s t r a t i o n 21 I l l u s t r a t i o n 22 I l l u s t r a t i o n 23 I l l u s t r a t i o n 24 I l l u s t r a t i o n 25 I l l u s t r a t i o n 26 I l l u s t r a t i o n 27 Cleaning intestines of a goat with water Kalash orators at a merit feast Three Kalash dancing g i r l s Corral i n the alpine pastures Carved wooden clan plaques i n clan temple Woman,finger-weaving band Sacred h o l l y oak tree at Sajigor a l t a r Driving male goats to Sajigor a l t a r R i t u a l l y p u r i f i e d man prepared to s a c r i f i c e goats S a c r i f i c i n g goats at Sajigor a l t a r Rombour shaman Famous orator and hereditary p r i e s t of Rombour Markhor hide moccasins Man of rank seated at feast Cowrie s h e l l "warrior's shie l d " Himalayan pheasant hat plume Kalash woman convert to Islam Clan daughter ki s s i n g goat Men of rank d i s t r i b u t i n g c l a r i f i e d butter at a feast Clan daughters/sisters cooking bread for merit feast Men d i v i d i n g food at a feast Household share of food at a feast Costume worn by a Kalasji 'man of rank' Graveyard commemorative ancestral figure Commemorative ancestral figure at entrance to Brun v i l l a g e Household head being honored at merit feast Host of 'sacred male goat s a c r i f i c e 1 merit feast v i I l l u s t r a t i o n 28 Candid shot of merit feast aspirant I l l u s t r a t i o n 29 Carved posts erected at god-site for a merit feast I l l u s t r a t i o n 30 Clan s i s t e r s honoring t h e i r brothers at a merit feast I l l u s t r a t i o n 31 Men of rank being presented with prestige items at a merit feast Sketch 1 Sketch 2 Wood carving design attributed to Yarkhan Sajigor a l t a r , Rombour Valley v i i PROLOGUE The information in this thesis i s a portion of the ethno-graphic data gathered over a t o t a l of f i f t e e n months during three separate v i s i t s to the Kalashi Kafirs of north-western Pakistan. The Kalasli (pop. 2,500 - January, 1974) are the l a s t p r a c t i t i o n e r s of an ancient Vedic culture which has per-s i s t e d for more than a millenium i n the i s o l a t i o n of the remote and rugged Hindu Kush Mountains. Who these people are and how they came to be found there i s the subject of Chapter One and Appendix 2: History and Language. I am concerned here only with establishing the why, when and how I became involved i n the area. Since i t s v i o l e n t conversion to Islam i n 189 5-6, the area west of and immediately adjacent to the region occupied by the Kalash has been re-named Nuristan, 'The Land of (Allah's) Light". (Nuristan comprises the easternmost d i s t r i c t of Kunar Province, north eastern Afghanistan.) Prior to the conversion the area was ca l l e d K a f i r i s t a n , 'The Land of the I n f i d e l s ' , an appellation which now applies only to the Kalasli v a l l e y s . The region has always been famous for i t s sophisticated wood architecture and buildings whose facades and i n t e r i o r s are covered i n elaborate wood carving designs. In pre-conversion times, these carvings symbolized the formal ranks of the house owners, who achieved the r i g h t to display these symbols through merit feasting. I t was these elaborate carved symbols which came to my attention in 1971-2 during a primitive art course given by Audrey Hawthorn ' at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. In the f a l l of 1972 while t r a v e l l i n g i n north-eastern Afghanistan i n Badakhshan Province,,(an area north of Nuristan,) I was introduced to Peter Snoy, a German anthropologist, who was working i n that area on behalf of the South Asian I n s t i t u t e of Heidelberg University. Through him I learned more about l i f e i n K a f i r i s t a n (Nuristan), and p a r t i c u l a r l y the existence of v i i i the Kalash, with whom Snoy had done f i e l d work in 1955-6. These people, l i v i n g under the ruleof the Britishin India, had escaped the 1895-6 conversion to Islam. They are s t i l l 'practicing pagans' in the t h i r d quarter of the 2 0 t h century. I f i r s t v i s i t e d the Kalash for three months i n the summer of 1973. A subsequent v i s i t the following year for two weeks did l i t t l e more than maintain my contacts there. During the late f a l l of 19 7 6 I was able to return there and spend enough time to learn the language and to begin to study the culture. I remained u n t i l the following December (1 9 7 7 ) , l i v i n g p r i n c i p a l l y i n Kalas#h valleys but also t r a v e l l i n g for three weeks (July 1977) i n the Bashgal Valley, one of the three of four major r i v e r systems i n Nuristan. (In some places, the Bashgal i s only about t h i r t y miles distant across the mountains from the Kalas#h areas of habitation.) Since I had by that time spent s l i g h t l y less than a year with the Kalash, the Bashgal t r i p proved to be a valuable comparison. As the thesis w i l l make clear, the Kalasji-share many .traditions with the Bashgalis. Being a woman studying alone i n K a f i r i s t a n presented rewarding challenges as well as some insurmountable d i f f i c u l t i e s . To begin with, Pakistan throughout has been i n p o l i t i c a l turmoil. The t h i r d elections since the country gained i t s independence i n 1947 were held i n March, 1977. They were followed by c i v i l disturbances which resulted i n the overthrow of the government three months l a t e r , and the eventual imposition of martial law. The status of foreign v i s i t o r s became very unclear and no one from the l o c a l to the state l e v e l f e l t s u f f i c i e n t l y confident of his or her own authority to grant extended research visas. There were numerous suggestions as to how such permission could be obtained and the i n d i v i d u a l who eventually did sign my research v i s a (ten months later) was a woman who had been hired as an aide to a minister i n Islamabad only a day or two before i t was issued. As for l i f e i n the i s o l a t e d t r i b a l v a l l e y s , the Kalas#h d i v i d e , t h e i r world into two domains, "on»jesh»ta" (pure/sacred) and "pra»ga»ta" (impure), each of which i s r e l a t i v e to, and i x defines the other. The sacred realm i s associated with the gods (their a l t a r s and mountain habitats), men (and t h e i r r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s ) and goats (including t h e i r corrals and sheds). Of potential danger and p o t e n t i a l l y p o l l u t i n g to these sacred places, objects, and persons are the major events i n the human l i f e cycle: b i r t h , menstruation, sexual intercourse ( i f not followed by a r i t u a l bath) and death. Since these r i t e s of passage are intimately associated with women either b i o l o g i c a l l y or c u l t u r a l l y , for example, women are the p r i n c i p l e mourners at funerals, they themselves are considered as agents of p o l l u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r mouths, hair, genitals and undergarments. In order not to offend the Kalash, a woman anthropologist must observe outwardly at le a s t ,. these rules of purity and p o l l u t i o n . While among the Kalas#h there are some events that are en t i r e l y inaccessible to a l l anthropologists, and others accessible only to male anthropologists^ There are many more situations i n which the presence of women i s either discouraged or s t r i c t l y prohibited. Where women's presence i s only discouraged i t i s possible for a female anthropologist to attend; but being the only woman present inevitably leads to endless teasing and ri b a l d r y . At many v i t a l r i t u a l sequences, c r i t i c a l to a f u l l e r understanding of Kalash r e l i g i o u s practices, the presence of women i s generally forbidden. Those must be documented by male informants who were w i l l i n g to report on them. Or sometimes for r e l i g i o u s reasons often no coverage i s possible. This f r u s t r a t i o n i s at times encountered by both male and female anthropologists. Peter Snoy's doctoral advisor Adolf F r i e d r i c h died i n the f i e l d i n 19 55 while observing the Kalas#h winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l (rather, three or four days l a t e r i n Rawalpindi where he had gone for medical help). The Kalashi of Bomboret Valley, where he had been doing his work, i n s i s t that his death occurred because F r i e d r i c h had taped some of the most sacred of the winter s o l s t i c e hymns. These songs are given only on one night at the Indrain god-site and only i n the presence of those X members of the sacred Kalas^h male community who have been baptised in the s a c r i f i c i a l blood of a sacred male goat s p e c i f i c a l l y for the purpose of attending t h i s r i t u a l . (This requirement also excludes Kalash men from other valleys (and nowadays, anthropologists) who have not performed the pur i f i c a t i o n s . ) In 1977, some Bomboret men described to me the incident which they claimed had occurred "about f i v e years ago". By the time they had noticed F r i e d r i c h "over there standing behind a tree with his tape-recorder on, i t was too late to 'save 1 him.. He had already recorded the hymns." No woman anthropologist i s permitted to attend t h i s god-site at any time, although considering the Kalash version of Friedrich's experience, one wonders why would anyone wish to! I spent the f i r s t winter i n Bomboret Valley, l i v i n g with a Kalas#h extended family that I had chosen because i t was a branch of one of the wealthiest and highest ranking clans i n the val l e y who had given the most l a v i s h merit feasts possible i n th e i r culture. I hoped to learn about the t r a d i t i o n a l Kalash ways of achieving power by l i v i n g with t h i s family. As I was soon to f i n d out, however, this family was i n serious economic, s o c i a l and moral d i f f i c u l t i e s . Within a few weeks, due to i n t e r n a l disputes which had occurred p r i o r to my a r r i v a l , the joint family broke up. I l l n e s s , loss of th e i r land to the Muslims, i n f i d e l i t y of t h e i r daughters, and t o t a l lack of co-operation by th e i r sons were the sources of continuing tensions even a f t e r the s p l i t . The winter brought more than a metre of snow, the heaviest f a l l i n more than sixty years. When not cleared o f f immediately the roofs would leak, turning the earth f l o o r s to mud. Firewood, becoming more d i f f i c u l t to obtain i n Kalash valleys .as the forests are depleted, was frequently green and unseasoned. Much time that winter was spent with the remaining members of the family, usually gathered about a single, open f i r e i n the center of the room. The wet wood being burnt gave o f f a thick a c r i d smoke, providing a painful kind of comfort. During the coldest two to three week period, people coughed incessantly, not from having colds, but from x i being cold to the bone. Two members of the family had active tuberculosis that winter which further diminished the group's morale. I learned to cook some Kalash dishes, such as boiled kidney beans mixed with walnuts and onions crushed by a mortar and pestle, with rock s a l t to taste. Being the only mature woman in the household when the mother went to the menstrual hut each month, i t f e l l to me to cook for the family. Making pancake-type breads on an open f i r e burning with wet wood, I soon found out why most Kalasji women over the age of f i f t y - f i v e or sixty are b l i n d . Smoke was not the only thing that could bring tears to one's eyes. There were some poignant moments, for example, at f e s t i v a l s or r i t u a l s i n which a few simple elements combined to produce sheer v i s u a l poetry. One night, flaming eight foot long torches were brandished by hundreds of men dancing wildly to hymns sung by several scores of women. Their haunting voices warmed the cold midnight a i r and rose amid the dark bare branches.of ancient mulberry and walnut trees into a clear, endless sky, punctuated with stars and a f u l l winter moon. These intense moments make a l l the e f f o r t s that one expends in f i e l d work suddenly worthwhile. In A p r i l (197 7), I moved from Bomboret to Rombour Valley in order to do translations and further documentation with the help of a Kalas^h man who speaks English. Most of the material on the merit feast, which i s the main subject of this thesis, was gathered during this period. I remained i n Rombour working with S a i f u l l a h Jan, and l i v i n g i n the house of his father, Qasim Khan, u n t i l I returned to Canada i n December, 1977. I would l i k e to emphasize here that without the generous help of S a i f u l l a h Jan and his father, my understanding of Kalas#h culture could have never taken shape. There are many other people who have assisted me i n my work since I became involved the the Kalash people i n 1973. In Vancouver, Professor Audrey Hawthorn, Dr. K.O.L. Burridge, and x i i Dr. Kathleen Gough gave continued academic and moral support over the years. In Afghanistan, Deborah Salter and her husband Max von Klimburg frequently provided h o s p i t a l i t y and much more. In Pakistan, Shaikh Habib Ullah, and his brother Aziz Ullah, Wazir A l i Shah, Haider A l i Shah, and of course, S a i f u l l a h Jan, Qasim Khan and 'working associate' Kush Nawaz, have a l l been helpful i n ways too numerous to l i s t . Also I would l i k e to extend my appreciation to Walter Huber and to thank Peter Snoy for his i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n and continuing correspondence. They deserve cred i t for much of what appears herein, and any inadequacies are due s t r i c t l y to my own shortcomings. For the past two summers, the Graduate Studies Department at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia has provided funds, enabling me to arrange my fieldwork data and to prepare my thesis. CHAPTER 1 - Introduction: i) The Theme: The p r i n c i p a l focus of thi s thesis i s on merit feasting among the Kalasli Kafirs of C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t , Northern Pakistan. Feasting i s a type of economic and s o c i a l exchange found i n non-monetary .(pre-market) economies i n many parts of the world. Many of these 'primitive' s o c i e t i e s , including the K a f i r s , have developed this form to a high degree. My purpose for choosing the merit feast i s twofold - there i s a dearth i n the available l i t e r a t u r e (published and unpublished) on a l l aspects of Kalas#h culture but p a r t i c u l a r l y on this subject. In his di s s e r t a t i o n on Ka f i r Status and Hierarchy, (19 77) Palwal devotes a page or two plus some other passing references to the Kalas^h feast but, unfortunately, the material i s largely incorrect and hopelessly inadequate. In the past, fieldworkers did not take the time to learn Kalash language and as a r e s u l t they achieved l i t t l e depth in t h e i r reports. The second reason for choosing the feast i s that, as a multi-functional i n s t i t u t i o n which has p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , economic, and s o c i a l ramifications, i t i s a convenient topic around which to organize substantial ethnographic information on the Kalas^h. Feasting can only be understood i n the context of the physical environment of a society and i t s capacity for producing large amounts of foodstuffs, which i s i n turn dependent upon the socio-economic factors involved i n organizing people and thei r labor. Because t h e i r way of l i f e w i l l not l a s t much longer, there i s some urgency to record the practices and b e l i e f s of the Kalash. However, before I expand on this point, which w i l l take up the remainder of Chapter One, I w i l l f i r s t include a b r i e f summary of the l i t e r a t u r e which i s available on K a f i r i s t a n generally and for the Kalash s p e c i f i c a l l y . i i ) Sources: a) Greater K a f i r i s t a n : The c l a s s i c reference for the area i s The Kafirs of the 1 2 Hindu-Kush.(1896), by a B r i t i s h Medical O f f i c e r , S i r George Scott Robertson. It i s the only extensive book-length f i e l d -work documentation done before the 1895-6 conversion to Islam of the Kafirs at the hands of the Amir of Kabul, Abdur Rahman. There are f i v e or six l i n g u i s t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t K a f i r (now Muslim) tribes i n the western watershed areas of the Hindu Kush. During 1891-2, Robertson l i v e d primarily with the Kom and Kati K a f i r s , two Bashgal Valley 'sub-groups' who speak mutually i n t e l l i g i b l e d i a l e c t s . Robertson went there to write ethnography but i n one year was .not able to become fluent i n K a t i v i r i or Komviri language. This, plus the fact that he was not a trained ethnologist, resulted in an account, which, by. the standards of modern day ethnography, suffers from many gaps and inadequacies. It i s , of course, unfair to be overly c r i t i c a l of the book. There has always been a li f e t i m e ' s work for a dozen anthropologists i n K a f i r i s t a n , and Robertson did an admirable job despite the obstacles he •. . encountered. To supplement this work there are a few early h i s t o r i e s such as Mountstuart Elphinstone's Account of the Kingdom of  Cabaul (1815), which provides information from interviews with some Kaf i r s t r a v e l l i n g i n Kabul. An older account of t h i s type i s John Biddulph's Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh (1880), plus some early autobiographies written by a number of early K a f i r converts to Islam who learned Persian or Urdu s c r i p t and wrote about t h e i r own t r i b a l customs. One example i s the work of a Bashgali, Kata Muhammad Adullah E l i a s Azar (Palwal, 1977) . Those with fi r s t r h a n d r e c o l l e c t i o n s of the pre-Islamic period i n Nuristan are dead now. In 1949, the Norwegian l i n g u i s t - Georg Morgenstierne had the opportunity to work with the l a s t Bashgali K a f i r p r i e s t who, to save his l i f e , had f l e d over the mountains to the Kalasji v a l l e y of Bomboret where he l i v e d out the rest of his days with several hundred other refugees. In 19 64 Morgenstierne, with his Afghan 'counterpart' (as they are so 3 termed) Raziq Palwal, worked i n the Bashgal Valley with one of the l a s t survivors of that era named "Badur" (Palwal, 1977:17). The material from those interviews was published i n Afghanistan  Journal from 1969 to 1971. Palwal himself wrote both his M.A. thesis (The Mother Goddess i n K a f i r i s t a n , 1972) and his PhD. thesis (The K a f i r Status and Hierarchy..., 1977)on aspects of K a f i r culture. However, his fieldwork was b r i e f , he was not fluent i n any K a f i r i language, and his work does not distinguish c l e a r l y between past and present practices. An Englishman, Schuyler-Ljones, re-worked some aspects of Robertson's account and published Men of Influence i n Nuristan (1974 ) , plus numerous other a r t i c l e s s p e c i f i c a l l y on the Waigal Valley in- -Nuristan. Since Jones did his work i n that area .several other people have conducted in-depth f i e l d work there and as a r e s u l t , have c r i t i c i z e d his material. Most of th e i r reports from the f i e l d have not appeared (Palwal, 1977:16; Von Klimburg p.c., David Katz, Doctoral Candidate, University of C a l i f o r n i a , p . c ) . Some information can s t i l l be gathered from l i v i n g Nuristanis whose r e l a t i v e s t o l d s t o r i e s about K a f i r times before they died (Strand, 1974; Jones, 1974, a & b). As well, there are some practices which.are remnants from e a r l i e r times, for example, merit feasting which s t i l l continues i n Nuristan, although to a much lesser degree. There i s at present, however, a major c i v i l war going on i n Nuristan between the l o c a l s and the Russian-backed national r u l i n g Communists, The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). A l l the inhabitants from the largest Bashgali v i l l a g e (Kamdesh) f l e d to Pakistan as refugees i n November, 1978, and much of the old wood architecture has been burned to the ground this year as a r e s u l t of mortar f i r e (Strand, p . c ) . (Since May, 1979, Nuristani g u e r i l l a fighters have e n t i r e l y liberated Kunar Province of a l l Communist forces.) I t i s too soon to say what the outcome w i l l be i n terms of r a d i c a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l changes i n the area although one can safely assume that the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of further research i s far from the 4 Nuristanis 1 minds at t h i s time. i i ) Sources: b) The Kalasti; The r a d i c a l changes i n former K a f i r i s t a n (Nuristan) since the conversion place an increased emphasis upon the Kalash as the only remaining non-Islamicized people of the entire region. Being the only K a f i r group located i n the eastern watershed of the Hindu Kush, they were protected by the B r i t i s h from conversion at the hands of the Afghans. There i s , however, a certain irony to t h i s s i t u a t i o n because i n the past, according to S i r George Scott Robertson, the Kalash were: a most s e r v i l e and degraded race and...not the true i n -dependent Kafirs of the Hindu Kush but an idolatrous t r i b e of slaves, subject to the Mehtar (King) of C h i t r a l , and l i v i n g within his borders...(1896:4) Robertson's nineteenth century ethnocentrisms aside, the Kalasli have returned to prominence largely because t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l culture..has survived. Since the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they had gradually been rendered less and less powerful by the C h i t r a l i s . In the twentieth century, through a turn of fate, they have far exceeded t h e i r e a r l i e r i n s i g n i f i -cance compared to the other more sophisticated K a f i r tribes i n pre-conversion times. It can be shown "that th e i r r e l i g i o u s systems (and other s o c i a l customs) bear s i m i l a r i t i e s to, but (are) not i d e n t i c a l with those of former K a f i r i s t a n . " (Jettmar, 19 74:x), and for these reasons the Kalas#h are ethnographically important. Despite t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , the l i t e r a t u r e on the Kalashi i s s t i l l very sparse to date. The most extensive work i s a l i n g u i s t i c analysis by Georg Morgenstierne: "Notes on Kalaslia" (1973). There are some short a r t i c l e s on p a r t i c u l a r d e i t i e s : Graziosi's "The Wooden Statue of Dezalik, A Kalash D i v i n i t y " (1961), or, on f e s t i v a l s , Morgenstierne's "The Spring F e s t i v a l of the Kalashi" (1947) and Siiger's a r t i c l e on the same f e s t i v a l , "The Joshi of the Kalash" (1974), plus Snoy's short note on one aspect of the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l , "DIZILA WAT" (1974) . 5 Apart from myself, there i s only one fieldworker who has learned Kalash language, Peter Parkes. This i n d i v i d u a l completed an M.A. thesis The Kalasli Kafirs (1972) but his Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , researched i n the f i e l d between F a l l , 1975 and Spring, 1977, i s s t i l l i n process. i i i ) Continuity and Change - The Kalash Situation i n the 19 70's: While i t i s s t i l l possible to do fieldwork on aspects of Ka f i r culture and r e l i g i o n among the Kalash, they, l i k e so many of the world's small and archaic s o c i e t i e s today, face a pre-carious and uncertain future. There are three main valleys of Kalash settlement - B i r i r , Bomboret and Rombour - each exhibiting d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l changes. For the rest of t h i s chapter, I w i l l discuss these -various changes which, unless some unforeseen events occur i n the near future, are a l l l i k e l y to lead toward an eventual end of t r a d i t i o n a l ' K a f i r culture. Since the advent of Pakistan (1947) and the t o t a l amalga-mation of the independent Kingdom of C h i t r a l with the state i n July, 1969 (Wazir A l i Shah, p . c ) , there appears to be a s l i g h t r i s e i n the standard of l i v i n g f or some Kalash. Since the complete merger with Pakistan the K a f i r 'head tax 1, " j i z y a " ( l o c a l l y also c a l l e d "ush.ur" or "za»kat" - see Appendix 2: Language and History) which the Kalas^h paid to the Mehtar (which was l/10th of the t o t a l annual produce equalling about 4,100 k i l o s of foodgrains yearly) plus "be»gar", two years of forced labor to the Mehtar by a l l land-owning Kalashi males, have both ended. Moreover, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of AID wheat and powdered milk since the 1970's has lessened the p l i g h t of some Kalash. The rapid decimation of the Kalasli population, a phenomenon of the f i r s t h a l f of thi s century, appears to have halted. There are other influences, however,which have begun rapidl y to erode Kalash culture. Since the la t e 1960's, the Pakistan government has been promoting the Kalas#h as a t o u r i s t item. Japanese, European, and North American 'adventure t r a v e l 1 companies increasingly 6 feature the picturesque Kalas#h K a f i r v a l l e y , 'The Land of the (Last) Pagan I n f i d e l s ' , as a must on an Asian excursion i t i n e r -ary. The Pakistan Tourist Bureau has i n mind a short day or two v i s i t to see this exotic, blue-eyed f a i r - h a i r e d t r i b e , descendents of the deserters from Alexander the Great's army, who are s t i l l l i v i n g i n pastoral s i m p l i c i t y a millenium and a half l a t e r . (It i s surprising how many 'scholars' also show up i n the valleys hoping to document this a l l e g a t i o n by postulating, for example, the c a p i t a l s i n the Household/Clan Goddess Temple to be t r i b a l versions of Greek Corinthian c a p i t a l s . (See Sketch #1) For the r e l a t i v e l y small sum of approximately $10.00, the Kalas^h women, with names l i k e "Lon»don Bi»bi" (London Baby) and "La»hor Fi»lim" (Lahore Film), w i l l perform an authentic t r i b a l dance against the dramatic backdrop of the snow-covered Hindu Kush mountains. The' eye i s captured by the g l i t t e r of the women's co l o u r f u l costumes that have a 'film star" extravagance and Super 8's and 35 mm's whirl and c l i c k ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #3). This scene i s a far cry from S i r George Scott Robertson's description (1896:51) of a Kalash dance i n 1891, when: the appearance of the witch-like old women dancing heavily t h e i r peculiar polka dance-step, singly or i n pairs, was strange almost weird. As bondsmen of the C h i t r a l i Mehtar, the Kalas#h had been supplying the royal harem for centuries. Somehow, one suspects that the Kalas #h, understandably cautious about Robertson's presence (C h i t r a l was not made a part of the B r i t i s h Empire i n India u n t i l 1895 and Englishmen were s t i l l a r a r i t y at that time), had purposefully selected the least desirable of t h e i r womenfolk to perform for him. Death has kindly spared Robertson from the experience of the ultimate taming of the 'wild Kafirs of the Hindu Kush 11 I t i s not u n t i l one has stayed a number of weeks i n Kalash valleys that one begins to wonder where people who have a simple agricultural/herding economy get money to buy such elaborate costumes. One medium-length s t r i n g of red trade beads from 7 I t a l y or Czechoslovakia cost i n 1977 twelve rupees or about one and a half d o l l a r s and some Kalash women wear hundreds of strands .'(Illustration #3). Moreover, one marvels that Kalasji women, who have been the mainstay a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s on t h e i r small, terraced plots for at least the l a s t one thousand years, can do a single day's work i n the f i e l d s a t t i r e d i n such elab-orate costumes. The fact i s that many of these young Kalasli 'dancing g i r l s ' do not receive t h e i r sustenance from agriculture and much of th e i r costumes come: by way of g i f t s from Muslim suito r s . P r o s t i t u t i o n , not unexpectedly, has been accompanied by severe psychological effects upon young Kalas#h men. The rough, goat-hair clothes worn by the l a t t e r while herding the goats have become symbols of t h e i r comparative lack of sophistication and lack of attractiveness to th e i r women, who prefer Muslim t o u r i s t s scented and dressed i n c r i s p clean cottons and bearing g i f t s of beads, tea, and fancy b i s c u i t s . Kalash men sometimes sing mocking songs to these 'dancing g i r l s ' , asking them "Mai gliu»ri ja»galy, ko pa«laiy parra?" ("Why do you f l e e from me when you see me wearing my goat-hair coat?"). (See glossary at the end of the thesis for d e f i n i t i o n s and guide to orthography.) If young men increasingly refuse to take up t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l herding occupations (many now dream of going into the hotel business), and i f the young women's growing d i s i n t e r e s t i n farming p e r s i s t s , the t r a d i t i o n a l economy of the Kalas#h and the degree of t r i b a l independence of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y which i t brings w i l l be threat-ened: as i t already i s , i n some v i l l a g e s . iv). Social. Change : a) B i r i r : When I f i r s t v i s i t e d the Kalasli i n 1973, only B i r i r , one of the three 'secluded' valleys which they inhabit, was access-i b l e by road (See Map). Although that year I spent most of a three-month stay i n another v a l l e y , Bomboret (which did not have road access u n t i l 1 9 7 6 ) , I formed an impression of B i r i r as the most strongly affected by incursions from the outside, p a r t i c u l a r l y 8 from tourists and Chitrali merchants. The latter have moved into the area and set up shops which carry candy, soap, sugar, tea, kerosene, flashlights, batteries, beads, rice, and cotton cloth, which many Kalas#h men now use for clothing. The money to buy these items is not generated by traditional economic activities but by outside wage labor for the Muslims, by tourism, and by prostitution. (See Chapter Two, section ix.) My views with regard to the degree of cultural change in B i r i r compared with the other two valleys was to alter in the course of subsequent v i s i t s due to my deepening knowledge of the area. Also, Bomboret is now undergoing even more rapid changes than B i r i r , a situation which I w i l l discuss later. My description so far might suggest that change is not desirable. This is not the impression which I wish to create. It is not possible to "stem the tide of change in these areas". (^Wazir A l i Shah, 1 9 7 4 : 1 1 8 ) The Kalash have as much right as any other people to decide whether there are any benefits for them in the range of available modern technologies. But exploit-ation inevitably appears when the entrepreneurial elements of a more sophisticated, dominant group make available modern consumer goods to a traditionally inward-looking society. As the reference to tourism illustrates, the acquisition of these objects occurs at the cost of their economic self-sufficiency and often their traditional social values and moral integrity. The high conversion rate to Islam is an example of the c r i t i c a l changes occurring in B i r i r . By the 1 9 7 0 's, the majority of Kafir villages and households, in this valley were composed of a mixture of Kalash and Shaikh, the name given to Kalash converts to Islam. Despite being within a twenty mile radius of the other two tr i b a l valleys, B i r i r s t i l l has different gods and rituals and i t s own distinct dialect. Nevertheless, because there are so many Muslims,(both Chitralis and Shaikh converts.) living in the valley, the speech of the B i r i r Kalash is laced throughout with Khowar words, the language of the 9 neighbouring C h i t r a l i people. (See .Appendix 2: Language•and History.) Conversations between the B i r i r l o c a l s switch rapidly back and forth between Khowar and Kalash and the process has become so unconscious that they seem not to notice which language they are using. I t i s quite conceivable that i n the future, the Kalash language w i l l eventually f a l l into disuse i n B i r i r as i t has done i n the other Kalash Shaikh areas of J i n -joret, Shishi Kui and Urtsun i n the Southern C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t . Another e f f e c t of outside influences, as I perceived the si t u a t i o n i n 1973, was the decay and apparent discontinuation of some of t h e i r annual f e s t i v a l s . The most famous yearly r i t u a l of the B i r i r Kalash, which happened during the autumn f e s t i v a l of the "Pur", was c a l l e d "Bu»da»l£k". i n t h i s r i t e , the most vir i l e shepherd, having just spend a rigorous summer i n the high pastures, distinguishes himself i n sports competitions played against the other.young men. He i s rewarded.by being permitted to choose as his lover any Kalas#h g i r l or woman that he fancies. The hoped-for r e s u l t of this match i s the woman's impregnation, and the Kalas#h believe that the o f f s p r i n g w i l l carry on the strongest of t h e i r seeds. In Kalash language, an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be referred to as "zor be»a»ne", "from a strong/forceful seed", or "di«tai be»aiy moch, sh^#ta"»si mu»za»ro o", "the man born from among those energetic seeds". (See glossary at back for d e f i n i t i o n s and guide to orthology.) Outsiders f a m i l i a r ..with the Kalasli w i s t f u l l y report that since the early 19 60's, this f e s t i v a l has not been celebrated. One can assume that t h i s i s a r e s u l t of over-exposure by Muslim/ Pakistani voyeurism. However, as a r e s u l t of a subsequently longer year-long v i s i t to the Kalash, I came to r e a l i z e that the "Bu»da«l£k" f e s t i v a l i s s t i l l being performed, although i n circumspect fashion. For the B i r i r Kalas#h appear to have been able to make a c r i t i c a l separation i n t h e i r l i v e s between what the numerous government o f f i c i a l s and t o u r i s t s expect, want, or are i n fact, permitted to see> and t h e i r own private r i t u a l s , some 10 of which are now shrouded i n secrecy and s k i l l f u l deception. The Kalas#h generally are very aware of the need for techniques s p e c i f i c a l l y intended to beguile outsiders and they are experienced i n t h e i r use. Robertson dismissed them rather h a s t i l y as " s e r v i l e and degraded", but there i s an explanation i n t h e i r history of about f i v e hundred years of subjugation by the Muslim Kho peoples of the surrounding C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t . (See Appendix 2: Language and History). Kalash language i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h i n idiomatic expressions of the type which describe these subterfuges. An example i s the perjorative word "ha«li»vai" which means a person who outwardly i s as sweet as candy (made from sugar and f l o u r ) , and inwardly i s manipulative and a c q u i s i t i v e i n intent. In this same vein i s the expression "trush»n£r»una uk kadda", meaning a person who, being unnoticeable as "water flowing between the roots of wheat plants", works his or her way into another's good graces. S i m i l a r l y , someone making "cha.»kur»una uk kadda" i s a Kalas#h who c l e v e r l y works him or herself into favour with an unsuspect-ing person l i k e "water being blown through the c o i l e d i n t e s t i n e s of a slaughtered animal" ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #1). A f i n a l example, most often used to describe the a r t f u l co-option of the C h i t r a l i Mehtar or other outside person of authority i s "ba»zu»re rouw a»ti, ga»aiy dra»rie", "to s l i p i n (unnoticed) through the sleeve of someone's s h i r t and come out at his neck", that i s , the Mehtar in unsuspecting and f u l l co-operation with the Kalash person who i s manipulating him. (See Orthography and Glossary at the end of thesis for pronunciations and d e f i n i t i o n s . ) An example: outsiders attending the "Pur" autumn f e s i t v a l i n B i r i r are l i k e l y to be suddenly and unsuspectingly secreted away from the f e s t i v i t i e s at an opportune moment. This gesture i s unobtrusively couched as a generous o f f e r , made by an a l l too hospitable Kalas^h host. perhaps to enjoy a meal of hot-cooked bread and fresh goat's cheese with him at his house. This "ha»li»vai" (candy) host i s of course making "cha«kur»una uk". 11 Later, when the guest leaves the Kalash valley to return to his home, he w i l l also confirm the general Muslim consensus that "alas. 1 the 1 Bu*da• l ^ k 1 i s no more!" The B i r i r people are so conscious of the need to be secretive about the persistence of practices such as the "Bu«da»l£k" that they w i l l often even exclude Kalash guests from the other valleys who have come for "P'ur". I t i s impossible to t e l l at t h i s point how long this b u i l t - i n c u l t u r a l protective mechanism w i l l be able to perserve t r a d i t i o n a l Kalash culture i n B i r i r . The language deterioration already referred to shows no signs of reversing and the v a l l e y economy has been s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected by C h i t r a l i and Pathan outsiders who own substantial amounts of land, grape vines, f r u i t and walnut trees and control the logging rights to the surrounding forests. It seems unlikel y that "cha»kur»una uk" w i l l p e r s i s t for long against the steady impact of C h i t r a l i and Pakistani infrastructure and control. These developments deserve close and immediate attention. Unfortunately, I have no extended fieldwork experience i n the B i r i r Valley and therefore cannot provide further d e t a i l s on the present s i t u a t i o n . The Kalashi inhabitants of B i r i r themselves presently a l i g n t h e i r sympathies with the Rombour Kalas^h i n taking a c r i t i c a l stand against the Bomboret Kalasti, whose actions they perceive as having a desultory e f f e c t upon both the Bomboret community and the whole Kalasli t r i b e . This position i s made clearer i n the following section. Having l i v e d i n Bomboret Valley for a t o t a l of seven months over a f i v e year period, I was able to observe first-hand many of the changes which are occurring there, iv) Social Change: Bomboret When I f i r s t v i s i t e d the area i n 1973, the road to Bomboret was s t i l l under construction and the f i r s t four-wheel drive vehicles did not begin to arrive there u n t i l the summer of 1976. The opening of t h i s road has had major effects on the l i v e s of many valley residents. As just one example, the j o i n t family with which I l i v e d for the f i r s t winter s p l i t up as a r e s u l t of the household head giving permission to his second eldest:, son 12 to b u i l d a t o u r i s t hotel i n partnership with a Muslim entre-preneur. This hotel was b u i l t next to the f i e l d already given to the eldest son as his part of his inheritance. The location was desirable because i t was beside the road and jeeps carrying to u r i s t s would have d i r e c t access. The eldest son anticipated great inconveniences to him and his wife, who must grow t h e i r grain subsistence on this p l o t , and moved his family i n protest. His fears were r e a l i z e d the following summer when his crops were being trampled down as the f i e l d was turned into an open l a t r i n e for hotel guests. Moreover, the Muslim announced, a f t e r the hotel was completed, that he had no intention of sharing any of the p r o f i t s with the Kalasji family u n t i l his construction expenses had been recovered. This amount became more i n f l a t e d each time i t was discussed. By 19 77, there were three new Muslim t o u r i s t hotels i n the valley and two more under construction. One was i n f a c t being b u i l t d i r e c t l y across the road from ..the Kalash women's menstrual hut. Despite the fact that since the 1950's the Pakistani government has made Kalash lands and walnut trees l e g a l l y i n a l i e n -able, there are loopholes i n the regulations. In t h i s instance, some l o c a l Muslim person must have come up with his own version of "trush«n£r*»una uk" and l i k e "water flowing un-noticed between the roots i n a wheat f i e l d " , persuaded the o r i g i n a l Kalash owner to part with this s t r a t e g i c piece of land. At any one time there are from two to a dozen women staying i n this menstrual hut. Because the building i s located at some distance from the three or four v i l l a g e s that use i t , i t s occupants are quite vulnerable, p a r t i c u l a r l y at night, to unexpected c a l l e r s . Hotel guests, t y p i c a l l y half a dozen young men on holiday from Karachi or Lahore, are not obligated by the same s t r i c t laws of purity and p o l l u t i o n which force the Kalas^h men to keep t h e i r distance. Valley residents perceived dangers i n this s i t u a t i o n but 13 but were very slow to react. This seemed to be a common reaction by the Bomboret people toward these major changes i n th e i r l i v e s . Perhaps i t i s that they have long suffered a sense of helplessness against the Mehtar's rul e . Perhaps being a non-literate people whose whole frame of reference i s the present, they are unable to grasp the f u l l implications of these changes for t h e i r future c o l l e c t i v e l i v e s . In October, 1977, four months l a t e r , the Deputy Commissioner of C h i t r a l was petitioned at a Minorities Meeting by some of the Bomboret 'elders' to put a stop to.further construction of the hotel. This was done u n t i l the D.C. could personally review the sit u a t i o n . However, the government does not seem to have a f u l l grasp of the problems either because the following month the same D.C. issued a d i r e c t i v e to the Central Authorities in Islamabad to hasten the construction of the road into Rombour Valley. He said that the continued remoteness of that val l e y was becoming a serious drawback to i t s future development! The Kalash menstrual hut i s one of the most fundamental Kalas^h i n s t i t u t i o n s . Its discontinuation would s p e l l the end of Kalas^h r e l i g i o n , which i s based on the s t r i c t separation or 'controlled contact' between the pure and the impure realms. The i n s t i t u t i o n faces threats not only from outside forces such as i n the hotels, but from attitudes of the Kalash themselves. To i l l u s t r a t e this point: a l l babies are born i n a special corner of the menstrual hut that houses the p a r t u r i t i o n goddess, "De«za»lik", thus i n i t i a t i n g the c h i l d as a K a f i r from i t s very entry into the world. More recently a few women have been choosing instead to stay i n the more comfortable houses of neighbouring Muslims for t h e i r delivery and confinement. The b i r t h prayers i n a Muslim ambience cannot, of course, be offered to the Goddess and the question i s now being asked whether or not the children born i n these circumstances are true K a f i r s . Another endangered heritage i s the i r r i c h o r a l t r a d i a t i o n and the s k i l l s of t h e i r impromptu orators. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #'s 2 & 12) These o r a l 14 forms, the dominant idiom of expression and the focal point of a l l Kalasli f e s t i v i t i e s , are constantly brought to the observer's attention. However, the longer one spends with the Kalash, the more one becomes aware of the f r a g i l i t y of this c u l t u r a l wealth. The loss of the Kalash oral t r a d i t i o n s i s as close as the death of any one of the very few l o c a l singers who have steeped them-selves i n the d e t a i l s of t h e i r own K a f i r culture. The loss has been more pronounced i n Bomboret than i n B i r i r . Many people -p a r t i c u l a r l y the younger generation - have stopped singing these songs. This declining i n t e r e s t i s one manifestation of a c r i s i s being experienced by the youth as a r e s u l t of tourism and other aspects of Muslim penetration. Having l o s t pride i n th e i r own culture, fewer and fewer young people are bothering to learn the geneologies or personal anecdotes about the deceased that accompany stories dating back more than f i v e hundred years. At . the 1977 spring f e s t i v a l "Zoe«shi", i n Bomboret Valley, the predominant theme of many songs presented by the older men was the rapid decay of th e i r K a f i r t r a d i t i o n s . These songs lamented that the gay f e s t i v i t i e s of the past cannot presently be seen or heard because they are "sha»ra s#hing«una", "sealed up inside the long (silent) horn of a wild mountain goat". They refer back to the s t r i c t rule of the C h i t r a l i Mehtar when the men doing "be»gar" ("forced labor") were often unable to get back to the valley to celebrate t h e i r f e s t i v a l s . Since 19 69 the practice of "be»g"ar" has been stopped and the singers are implying that i t i s no longer because of any outside constraints that the young men are not p a r t i c i p a t i n g , but because of t h e i r growing skepticism and lack of enthusiasm about t h e i r own c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . At times during this f e s t i v a l , the orators became so annoyed with the behavior of some of the Kalas#h men, who spent t h e i r time s i t t i n g around under trees next to the danceground rather than p a r t i c i p a t i n g , that they would turn to them and shout things such as: What do you hope to f i n d over there, s i t t i n g i n the shade just l i k e the Muslims? 15 On one occasion, an older gentleman shouted over to them: "A »laiy o k:L_»,a al»ya»li za»wa dai a?" - What are you doing over there? ( )ucking your mothers or something? The songs at the spring f e s t i v a l also expressed the idea that the K a f i r gods are becoming more and more distant as the Kalas#h become increasingly "well...just a l l mixed up with the Muslims." The presence of Muslim t o u r i s t s during the 19 77 summer dances i n Brun, largest of the six Kalas#h v i l l a g e s i n Bomboret Valley, overshadowed a l l other a c t i v i t i e s . Large numbers of these men attended the dances and spent t h e i r entire evenings standing about on the peripheries, continually flashing t h e i r f l a s h l i g h t s on and o f f into the faces of Kalasgh g i r l s doing t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l dances, or playing them up and down the i r dresses. The cumulative effects of these and other forms of exploitation cannot but further erode a l l areas of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e . In Bomboret there has been a r i s e i n petty thievery and f i g h t i n g between v i l l a g e s , which i s i n d i r e c t contradiction"to the pride which the Kalas#h have t r a d i t i o n a l l y taken i n t h e i r l i v e s of peace and co-operation. Tuberculosis epidemics i n Bomboret have diminished livestock i n the l a s t three years. This has meant a decrease, i n n u t r i t i o n a l levels in households whose animals have been affected and contributed to a r i s e i n tuberculosis among the inhabitants. The transfer of lands and resources to non-Kalas^h continues to create tensions of the kind already discussed. There are also an ever-increasing number of conversions to Islam, p a r t i c u l a r l y among the young people. These factors point to an o v e r - a l l decay of central s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , symbolized by the present state of d i s r e p a i r of most of the clan temples and the menstrual huts, which the Kalash claim they can no longer maintain without additional funds from the government, iv) Social Change: Rombour: The rather depressing s i t u a t i o n in Bomboret, which i s also found to a lesser extend i n B i r i r , i s tempered by the present c u l t u r a l renaissance i n Rombour Valley since the l a t e 1960's or 16 early 1970's. In 1977, the road to Rombour was under construction, but, due to some hazardous geographical formations, the work has been proceeding slowly. There are fewer Muslims l i v i n g in th i s v a l l e y than i n the other two, and the Kalas#h v i l l a g e s i n Rombour function more as a single community than i s possible in the other two valleys where habitation i s far more spread out. The tuberculosis epidemic which was a f f e c t i n g dairy production i n the other two valleys by 19 77 had by now spread to Rombour. This fact, plus the a v a i l a b i l i t y of AID wheat and powdered milk, and the end of forced labour and the K a f i r 'head-tax', has brought about an economic prosperity among those Rombour families who have manoevered to take f u l l advantage of the present conditions. The Rombour people observe t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s more conscientiously than do the inhabitants of the other v a l l e y s . Because there are no roads there are s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y few to u r i s t s and guests are put up i n people's houses. As yet the Rombour Kalasji refuse to do such things as c a l l i n g t h e i r women i n from the f i e l d s to put on dances for t o u r i s t s or government o f f i c i a l s . Many of the Rombour men, including a few ' s p e c i a l i s t s ' such as Kush Nawaz of the Ba»l£»r£h clan, ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12) know the o r a l h i s t o r i e s i n astounding d e t a i l . The Rombour f e s t i v a l s are enriched with these ancestral songs1' to a degree now impossible i n Bomboret, and, I suspect, in B i r i r . (See I l l u s t r a t i o n #12) The practice of giving extravagant, optional merit feasts, (the focus of thi s t h e s i s ) , had largely slipped into obscurity among the Kalash for a period of over half a century. Since the 1950's, many of these feasts have been revived in Rombour. Once again men are seeking to distinguish themselves in t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l mode,now made possible by an improvement i n the standard of l i v i n g combined with a sustained pride i n trad-i t i o n a l Kalash customs. At some of these feasts i n Rombour, I heard several people comment that there are a number of men in B i r i r or Bomboret who have the wealth necessary to perform 17 such feasts. However, the attitudes i n those valleys are present-l y unfavourable towards this type of t r a d i t i o n a l competition for status and power. As a r e s u l t of the Rombour feasts, .. '. . f , • several Rombour men indicated, that they too had plans to host them, but i t i s too soon to t e l l whether t h e i r actions w i l l ' have any influence i n the other v a l l e y s . I t i s equally possible that the conditions i n the other two valleys point to the future for Rombour. Despite the more encouraging signs , the road i s coming to Rombour. There are some l o c a l men who are keen to j o i n with C h i t r a l i s to b u i l d t o u r i s t hotels i n the val l e y . More young people are converting to Islam, as well as some older men who have recently done merit feasts, and even renowned poets and- . singers. (See Appendix 1: Poetry and Metaphor). The differences between the three valleys may be only a matter of degree, and, in time, Rombour i s l i k e l y to suffer the same fate. For now, i t i s beyond a doubt the l a s t stronghold of K a f i r r e l i g i o n and culture in the north-western region of the Indian sub-continent. There i s an i n t e r e s t i n g story about the p r i n c i p a l deity of Rombour, Sajigor. In the late f i f t e e n t h or early sixteenth century, one of the l a s t of the great Kalas#h kings, Raja Waiy of Bomboret, launched a successful r a i d into parts of former K a f i r -istan (Nuristan). A powerful shaman, Nanga D£har, was reputed to have been Raja Waiy's advisor during t h i s campaign. According to the Kalash o r a l h i s t o r i e s , while t h i s shaman was i n "W£,t»d£sh", the s p i r i t u a l centre of K a f i r i s t a n , he became entranced and entered into a sacred dialogue with some of the l o c a l "W^t'dgsh" d e i t i e s . He then informed King Raja Waiy that the god Sajigor wished to be transferred back to Rombour Valley with the King's retreating army! On the return journey, Narjga Dghar ordered Raja Waiy to shoot two arrows, a black one and a red one, from where he stood on the mountain passes leading down into Rombour. Wherever the red one landed, Raja Waiy was ordered to b u i l d a "ba»sh"a»le" a "women's menstrual hut", and where the black arrow was found he was to b u i l d an a l t a r for Sajigor. 18 The black arrow landed beside a tree, (see I l l u s t r a t i o n #7) i n a holly oak forest and, as the o r a l h i s t o r i e s presently claim, the Kalash warriors counted the number of leaves on the entire tree and then s a c r i f i c e d a corresponding number of goats to consecrate the new a l t a r . I t was a f t e r t h i s incident, fourteen generations ago, that King Raja Waiy broughtAdabok, the a p i c a l ancestor of a l l seven present-day Rombour clans from Bomboret to s e t t l e i n the v a l l e y at Grom v i l l a g e . The point of t h i s story i s that Sajigor, while s t i l l l i v i n g i n "W£t»d£sh", prophesied that the K a f i r tribes of the region which presently worshipped him would be over-run, the temples destroyed, and the people f o r c i b l y converted to Islam. The Kalash version of t h i s incident goes on to say that Sajigor foresaw i n t h i s prophecy that Rombour Valley would be the l a s t stronghold on earth of K a f i r culture and r e l i g i o n . If i s for this reason that he wished to be brought back over the mountains with Raja Waiy's army and have an a l t a r constructed for him i n Rombour. The bloody 1895-6 conversion to Islam i n K a f i r i s t a n which reportedly l e f t 10,000 k i l l e d and another 10,000 captive (later dispersed throughout other areas of Afghanistan)., broke forever the power of the f i e r c e l y independent K a f i r mountain kingdoms. As I have t r i e d to i l l u s t r a t e in this introductory chapter, the present state of the Kalas^h, themselves the remaining vestiges of K a f i r culture, i s a f r a g i l e one, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n two of the three v a l l e y s . There i s a remarkable dramatic irony that the prophecy made by Sajigor about Rombour some four centuries ago appears to have been f u l f i l l e d . This kind of profound cosmological reckoning frequently e l i c i t s enigmatic response by the Kalas#h themselves of: "mai n 1 a«s"a»luk hiu dai". Although d i f f i c u l t to translate, t h i s expression means a f e e l i n g welling up from inside which longs for release from this earthly existence, l i t e r a l l y , "I do not wish to remain on t h i s earth any longer". In a culture where the word 19 for abject sorrow and untimate joy are one and the same, "pgori* shan" (actually a loan word from Urdu) , one gets the sense that, for the Kalas #h, the hand of fate holds a sharp, double-edged knife. One of the most poignant theme songs i n the entire Kalasli o r a l t r a d i t i o n i s about a young man who commits suicide on top of the c o f f i n of his lover, who died during his absence i n the summer pastures. He k i l l s himself with a bone-white handled dagger. No one may leave the gathering of the Kalasti community at the annual spring f e s t i v a l u n t i l they have danced to this song, which i s sung only once, toward the end of the f e s t i v i t i e s . To leave before this dance would demonstrate a break with the s o l i d a r i t y and unity of the t r i b e . How a tra g i c love story came to be the symbol of the l a s t vestiges of K a f i r culture i s yet a further irony. When Kalash orators f i n d themselves moving from one song, by way of word association, to yet another and another song, they often employ a phrase which i s a signal to the group that .they wish to end t h e i r seemingly endless s t r i n g of o r a l s t o r i e s : Dri«ga zaiy uk, na»si n' dra*neTi! Stories about the Kalas^h, l i k e "water flowing i n a long i r r i g a t i o n channel, never come to an end". Because no systematic account of the l o c a l ecology, economics, and s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization for the Kalash i s available, these topics are documented i n Chapter Two as a prelude to the i n s t i t u t i o n of merit feasting. In addition, as I indicate i n Chapter Three, feasting for the Kalashi i s more than a secular event. This chapter i s concerned with the p a r t i -culars of Sajigor who i s the focus of the r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the merit -feasts i n the Rombour Valley. Though i t i s not possible to expand on the theme of r e l i g i o n i n this thesis, the wealth of material available on one god along indicates the r i c h poss-i b i l i t i e s for this subject.. The shamanic trance discussed at the end of Chapter Three forms the f i n a l sequence of events of the feast described i n d e t a i l 2 0 in Chapter Five. I chose to include the material there i n order to e stablish the feast as a r e l i g i o u s experience. To i l l u s t r a t e t h i s , I have reproduced, translations from the dialogue which took place between the Kalas^h and a shaman who was possessed by Sajigor. The reasons why the Kalash see themselves partaking in this s p i r i t u a l communication with the deity are explored at the end of Chapter Three. Chapter Four begins by o u t l i n i n g the various reasons why the Kalash give feasts and then goes on to provide a compendium of the d i f f e r e n t kinds of feasts that a man may host i f he has the ambition, the necessary wealth, and the required status. Some of these feasts I watched f i r s t hand such as "sa»ri»£k", "shah ni»si", and "bira mpr" (see Chapters Four and Five for , d e t a i l s ) , others, which rarely occur nowadays were described to me by Kalas^h informants, such, as the "pi«ma«sa", "gont wass", and "sha«ru'gah". Contextual d e t a i l s are available only for those feasts I was able to witness myself, v. This accounts for the difference i n the way which some of th i s material i n Chapter Four has been presented. Feasts are c u l t u r a l performances, dramatic incidents during which the various a r t i s t i c forms of the p a r t i c u l a r society are presented. They are also public forums and opportunities for men to gain or reinforce t h e i r power and prestige. The dynamics of these various a c t i v i t i e s are what I mean by contextual d e t a i l s , and i t i s these other dimensions of the feast which are explored i n the f i f t h chapter. While I working with the Kalas#h a.very i n f l u e n t i a l man i n Rombour, Kata Sing, hosted a feast which the l o c a l .people claimed was the largest of this century. This feast, c a l l e d "bira mor" ("the sacred male goat s a c r i f i c e " ) , was an opportunity to witness important men vie for greater power i n Kalas^h society. Throughout the thesis, references are made to the man Kata Sing and his clan, the Mu«ti»mi»r£h, establishing how a man can achieve such a position i n Kalas^h culture. CHAPTER 2 - The Setting i) Geographical Location: The geographical setting i n which the Kalas#h (and the other 'Kafir' tribes) l i v e has had a profound e f f e c t upon t h e i r languages. (Jettmar, 1974:ix) As just one example of t h i s , the Kalash have more than half a dozen d i f f e r e n t names or metaphors for mountains. A description of the enviroment explains why t h i s i s so. Through the length of t h e i r three narrow valleys flow> snow-fed r i v e r s which swell up and frequently flood during the summer thaw. The Bomboret/Rombour River meets the C h i t r a l (Kunar) River at Ayun v i l l a g e and the B i r i r River joins the Kunar at Gahiret. Beside t h i s brown, s i l t - l a d e n , raging r i v e r , these t r i b u t a r i e s seem l i k e mere t r i c k l e s . The Kunar then continues to flow s w i f t l y westward, draining a l l the r i v e r s from the western slopes of the Hindu Kush mountains, including the Bashgal and Pesh (Waigal/Prasun) Rivers. I t joins the Kabul River at Jalalabad and the combination of these two waters flows into the Arabian Ocean near Karachi. The t r i b a l valleys l i e i n the rugged f o o t h i l l s of the Hindu Kush at altitudes between 1,500 and 2,400 metres. Bomboret, approximately nineteen kilometres long, i s the largest v a l l e y . Rombour i s by far the narrowest and least habitable; i n the winter * months, because of the surrounding high h i l l s some of i t s v i l l a g e s lose t h e i r d i r e c t sunlight by about two o'clock i n the afternoon. These h i l l s are streaked with a series of ancient pathways leading to summer residences i n the upper f i e l d s , over passes to the C h i t r a l and other K a f i r v a l l e y s , and to the alpine summer pastures. *Between 2,700 and 3,000 metres, these h i l l s are covered with stands of Asian pine and f i r s . The region i s among the most densely forested i n Northern Pakistan and. logging i s now closely s u r v e i l l e d by the l o c a l representatives of the state government. The Kalasfi have l o s t v i r t u a l control of t h e i r own forests. They must apply through the authorities i n C h i t r a l to obtain cutting permits for chopping down trees to b u i l d t h e i r houses. 2 2 i i ) The High Pastures: Every year from the t h i r d week of May u n t i l the middle of October, the Kalash men take t h e i r goats to graze i n the upper regions of the Hindu Kush mountains. Early i n the season they use pastures which l i e at about 3,600 metres and, as these become depleted throughout the summer, the men move the livestock up as high as 4,350 metres. After a b r i e f description of the f l o r a and fauna of thi s region, I w i l l discuss the d e t a i l s of these herding a c t i v i t i e s . The mountains s t i l l abound with many species of wild birds and animals including the markhor (an indigenous species of wild goat), ibex, bear, fox, leopards, ground hogs, monkeys (on the western slopes), falcons, eagles, several d i f f e r e n t kinds of partridges, and the beautiful crowned iridesc e n t Himalayan monal (pheasant), whose feathers are a highly prized commodity for Kalash ceremonial dress. The alpine f l o r a i s quite sparse. Willow, rhododendron, and broom end at about 3,600 metres. Above th i s are found the occasional stream-fed grassy patches often covered i n alpine flowers. There are a variety of low, thorny shrubs, a small, t h i n ^ barked birch-type tree c a l l e d "pur«e" and a scattering of the perennial juniper tree "sa»rus", which sometimes occurs i n stands or groves. For the Kalash, juniper i s one of the most important resources. Not only does i t provide alpine fodder for the goats and i s the staple of the wild markhor, but i t i s cut and brought down into the valleys for a variety of other uses. Its ashes are mixed with tobacco to make "nas»war", "chewing tobacco", to which many Kalasji people are fervently addicted. Moreover, " s a t r u s " , "juniper" has a highly sacred value. I t i s burnt during most Kalas^h r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremonies, the scent of i t s *"Pur»e (muut)", "tree", has a very f i n e , paper-like bark that i s taken o f f i n s t r i p s and used to l i n e the willow-bark cheese moulds which flavors the cheese. 23 smoke being likened to the smell of the gods. Wild markhor, which the Kalasji believe are the sacred herds of the mountain f a i r i e s , subsist on juniper. When these wild animals are hunted and then butchered, t h e i r long-haired coats and intestines reek of juniper odor. To t h i s smell the Kalash also assign a divine * quality. Juniper therefore, i s a sacred substance with multiple dimensions; i t i s the staple of the sacred herds of the mountain f a i r i e s and i t s odor, given o f f by these creatures or when burnt at p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t u a l s e l i c i t s the presence of the gods. From thi s example one can see that over the millenium, l i v i n g i n these powerful mountain settings, the r e l i g i o u s symbolism of the Kalash who were o r i g i n a l l y horsemen from the grasslands of the Central.Asian Steppes, has undergone a profound transformation. The high pastures are held by the major lineages of the various clans, under a system of stewardship rather than out-r i g h t private ownership as lands down in the v a l l e y are held. The f i r s t s e t t l e r s i n the various pasture areas est a b l i s h t h e i r claims. However, due to the nature of the a c t i v i t y , the holdings s h i f t as an area becomes depleted through over-grazing a f t e r several seasons of use. Some Kalasji shepherds now claim that i n the past, fewer men owned much larger herds of goats. Presently, most men have at l e a s t twenty goats (or more) which they pool together with other clansmen into groups of three to four hundred animals. It requires at l e a s t two men to care for t h i s many goats. Twenty years ago i n an area c a l l e d "Chi«mik son/pasture" used by certain clans i n Rombour, there were only two corrals with t h e i r adjoining shepherds quarters. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #4) However, nowadays i n this same area, there are seven c o r r a l s . If men from other lineages or clans want to bring t h e i r * If a goat returns to the sheds at night with juniper stains on i t s head or horns, i t i s believed to have had contact with the f a i r i e s and Kalas^h custom prescribes that i t be s a c r i f i c e d immediately. 24 goats to a p a r t i c u l a r pasture, they must consider the grazing potential of the pastures i n l i e u of how many animals they have and how many are already i n the area. They must also obtain . A permission from .the other families using these alpine pastures. If during one summer, an area becomes completely grazed out, shepherds are forced to approach men i n other parts of the moun-tains and ask them i f they may pool t h e i r herds. When me.n mix the i r goats, they do not mix t h e i r milk or other dairy products. Unless men are unmarried or are fu l l - t i m e contracted shepherds, they usually do twenty-day s t i n t s i n the pastures after which they bring the cheese products to t h e i r houses down i n the val l e y s . If several brothers are working a herd and have not s p l i t t h e i r house or assets, the products go to the one j o i n t family. However, i f t h i s family has disbanded, one household gets a l l the dairy products for one twenty-day period, and for the next period the other brother's house w i l l receive i t . Some, men hire themselves as fu l l - t i m e shepherds either for one or three year contracts. Under the f i r s t arrangement, they receive from t h e i r employer grains, clothing, and three f u l l -grown female goats a year which they prefer to take i n the early spring when they are pregnant. In a three-year contract, a man gets his food, clothing, tobacco, and a l l the baby goats born i n the flock on the t h i r d year. If for some reason they should die of disease that year, then the owner w i l l give the shepherd the one-year olds from the previous year. The goats are brought back down to winter i n the valley sheds i n mid-October, but only after the l o c a l v a l l e y government (See Chapter 2, Section 5) has given i t s permission. A fin e of two full-grown goats i s imposed i f the animals are brought down too soon. Many of the peaks that tower above these pastures are over 6,000 metres high and remain snow-covered the year round. Between these heights there are a series of passes which lead to Afghanistan. In the summer, the Nuristanis come over these 25 passes to r u s t l e the Kalasji goats. In pre-conversion times, a large number of goats were needed to give the extravagant merit feasts and for th i s reason rai d i n g became an i n s t i t u t i o n that has continued to this day. In October, 1977, the Kom Nuristanis from the lower Bash-gal i n Afghanistan staged a daring attmept to s t e a l about three thousand goats from three of the Kalash grazing areas. The Nuristanis were heavily armed with much more sophisticated weapons than the Kalash. However, the l a t t e r , standing to lose a great deal more, had the advantage of being able to t r a v e l more quickly than the robbers, who moved slowly herding t h e i r booty i n front of them. The Kalasji were able to get above them and, i n a f i v e -hour gun battle on Majam, the l a s t pass before descending into the Bashgal, (in which at lea s t f i v e Nuristanis were k i l l e d ) , they succeeded i n re-capturing t h e i r herds. A large portion of these goats were for the merit feast to be held the following month. The feast-giver, one of the eighty Rombour men who went to retrieve the goats, was l a t e r celebrated i n i n his own feast, although necessarily i n rather a circumspect manner, as a "man-k i l l e r " ,"shur,.ra%moch1' . This status, discussed i n Chapter 4, i s one of the most highly recognized i n t r a d i t i o n a l K a f i r society, i i i ) Seasonal A c t i v i t i e s i n the Lowland Valleys; Growing i n the valleys at al t i t u d e s up to 2,400 metres i s a r i c h variety of f l o r a including stands of walnut, mulberry, apricot, apple, pear, peach, sallow, and holly (stone) oak trees, plus an abundance of ancient grape vines. The new branches of the h o l l y oak provide the main fodder * for the herds wintering i n the lower v a l l e y s . The stands of oak which are on private property are used by the owners. Other trees are part of communal grazing areas, "mush*tya»ruk«guej»«t/ct", *Stone oak branches are symbolic of the Household Goddess, Jes#ht.ak, and therefore considered sacred. Branches of ho l l y oak are used as an alternative to juniper i n r e l i g i o u s ceremonies that are concerned with "women's" a c t i v i t i e s such as c h i l d b i r t h , presenting the new-born to the community, marriages, etc. 26 which are marked o f f by large stones whose boundaries are common knowledge. These communal h i l l s i d e s are themselves sectioned o f f and, for conservation purposes, some portions are closed o f f for a five-year period and then opened for three. Every spring, there are seven to eight young men chosen from each clan, (these numbers re f e r only to Rombour Va l l e y ) , who throughout the year guard those sections of the community forests that are closed. A shepherd i s fined one goat for every day he permits his animals to graze . * i n such an o f f - l i m i t s area. As payment for t h e i r services, the young men receive larger portions of meat and skins from animals which are col l e c t e d as fines. The cold season begins i n late October and heavy snow starts to f a l l i n late December or" early January. In the winter of 1976-77, the most severe i n over sixt y years, snow f e l l i n some parts of the Kalash valleys to a depth of one and a half metres. In these lower reaches of the Hindu Kush the thaw occurs in March and marks the onset of a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . Throughout the winter months, manure i s deposited on the ground inside the sheds which house hundreds of goats. As soon as the snow has melted t h i s manure i s dumped out by the basketful onto the f i e l d s . Winter wheat, planted the previous November, i s the f i r s t to be f e r t i l i z e d . Heavy rain f a l l s i n March and A p r i l and the wheat crop does not need i r r i g a t i n g u n t i l early May. Next, the f i e l d s of corn, (a crop which was introduced into the area within the l a s t century), are f e r t i l i z e d i n the same manner. This type of work i s done by the men, organized into d a i l y communal work-bees. Usually these men are the clan brothers of the person whose f i e l d s are being t i l l e d or any other friends w i l l i n g to lend a hand, usually i n return for a si m i l a r favor. Custom prescribes that the men are fed two generous meals during the day, * During a p a r t i c u l a r l y severe winter, a shepherd might be forced to f o r f e i t some of his goats as fines by grazing them on closed portions of the communal forests than lose an even greater number by starvation. 27 of crushed walnuts mixed with feta cheese on fresh bread which the women prepare throughout the work-bee. Gujars very often winter i n the Kalas#h v a l l e y s . They are a North Indian nomadic, herding peoples speaking a d i a l e c t of Hindustani, who have migrated from the Kashmir area slowly west-wards as far as Afghanistan. They do no agriculture and exchange t h e i r dairy products, goat meat, and hides to lowland people i n exchange for grain. Many of them, at lea s t i n the C h i t r a l region, are b i t t e r l y poor. In exchange for giving the Kalas#h some milk or occasionally meat, the l a t t e r sometimes permit the Gujars to winter i n t h e i r summer residences which would otherwise l i e vacant during the cold season when the Kalas#h remain i n th e i r v i l l a g e s . The Gujars 1 goats also produce a substantial amount of manure over the winter that i s used by the Kalash on t h e i r f i e l d s i n the spring, a most organic form of paying rent! The Gujars also often a s s i s t t h e i r Kalash "landlords" to spread the manure before they migrate to the higher pastures for the next six months. Repairing the i r r i g a t i o n channels, making new f i e l d s , ploughing and planting, (the l a t t e r a c t i v i t y i s too strenuous for women because huge holly/ oak branches must be dragged over the seeds a f t e r sowing to protect them from b i r d s ) , are the a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s performed by the Kalash men. From then * on, agriculture becomes the sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the women. Except for -the occasional lightening storm' and flash flood in summer, the skies usually remain clear throughout the growing season, with temperatures i n July and August going into the t h i r t i e s on the Celsius scale. By May, the entire a g r i c u l t u r a l endeavor depends upon an extensive and e f f i c i e n t i r r i g a t i o n system. During the hot summer months, when watering the crops (corn, and l a t e r on, * In Nuristan, the Ka f i r women t r a d i t i o n a l l y took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for most of these heavier tasks such as the ploughing. In fac t , K a f i r i women were reputed to be substituted sometimes for draught animals. Robertson, however, denies t h i s , and states that the main pr o h i b i t i o n was against men touching the plow. (1896:550) 28 millet) every second or t h i r d day i s c r i t i c a l , the b r i l l i a n t sunshine melts the snows i n the upper reaches of the Hindu Kush. This heavy run-off feeds the r i v e r s and f i l l s the i r r i g a t i o n channels, some of which run up to six and a half kilometres and water three to f i v e f i e l d s . The anthropological l i t e r a t u r e on societi e s that depend on extensive hydraulic systems points to a correspondingly high degree of s o c i a l organization for the smooth running of these complex operations. The Kalas#h are no exception. Annually, just before the spring f e s t i v a l , v i l l a g e teams or work groups of those people whose f i e l d s are dependent upon a p a r t i c u l a r water system are organized to repair the channels. One man i s retained a f t e r -wards to keep the larger channels operative. During the harvest, he receives h a l f a "maun" or twenty-one k i l o s of grain from each family whose f i e l d s are i r r i g a t e d by that channel. Women whose f i e l d s l i e on the same channel must come to some formal agreement between themselves as to how they w i l l share the water. In areas where water i s i n short supply t h i s can sometimes lead to c o n f l i c t s between them I n i t i a l l y t h i s consists of hurling verbal i n s u l t s at one another. "You pros-t i t u t e ! " i s a popular one. I f the f i e l d s are drying out badly these tensions w i l l escalate; the men give wry descriptions of ha i r - p u l l i n g incidents, or women s t r i k i n g out at each other with * t h e i r metal-tipped digging hoes. At this point, one of the men w i l l step i n and approach the husband of the other woman. I f the *The association between water and women i n the secular realm i s also carred into the sacred one. Women cannot put a common water vessel to th e i r mouths, but use t h e i r l e f t hand cupped against t h e i r mouth as an intermediary 'channel'. At the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l , a r i t u a l i s done by men which makes women 'pure' for a period of four days. Afte r t h i s ceremony women return to t h e i r houses and pour out a l l the water brought up e a r l i e r from the r i v e r , an act which symbolizes th e i r pure state. But this i s an e n t i r e l y r e l a t i v e status and women never become 'pure' enough to eat male goat meat, or go to the god s i t e s or goat sheds. 29 issue s t i l l cannot be set t l e d , the "respected v a l l e y elders", ("ga»d^iy«ra'khan") become involved. iv) Local Decision Making Bodies: These elders are men who have a thorough knowledge of the l o c a l h i story, economics, and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n -ships i n the whole vall e y . I t i s hot enough to know the clan geneologies. They must have taken an active i n t e r e s t i n comm-unity issues since t h e i r early adult years. Knowledge about landholdings, how they were acquired, from whom, and for how much may i n i t i a l l y be an asset to the i n d i v i d u a l himself, but over time, the accumulation of th i s type of information becomes of value to the whole community. Usually when a man i s forty to f i f t y years old, he has acquired a broad enough knowledge to be useful to the community, and becomes informally recognized and referred to as "ga«d^iy-ra'khan". Men who spend most of t h e i r time away from the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the community, for example, shepherds,who tend goats year round i n the high pastures, rarely assume this kind of ro l e . Most often the 'elders' do not wait to be cal l e d upon but step i n v o l u n t a r i l y when they see a p o t e n t i a l l y v o l a t i l e s i t u a t i o n emerging. In d i f f i c u l t s ituations, i n an attempt to achieve peace, these mediators w i l l sometimes set a stringent fine c a l l e d "za»na»mat". This fine i s held out as a threat to force the disputants to s e t t l e t h e i r differences. If one side or the other continues to perpetuate the quarrel and contravene the solutions suggested by the "elders", then those offenders must pay the fin e . v) P o l i c i n g : While discussing the subject of l o c a l law enforcement, i t i s appropriate to mention the "roiy", the v a l l e y p o l i c e or 'magistrates'. During the growing season, i t i s the job of these men to see that there i s no theft of the ripening f r u i t , vegetables, or grains i n the v a l l e y . The ban on picking produce u n t i l the "roiy" have given t h e i r united consent i s c a l l e d "den". The "roiy" are also instrumental i n deciding when and how the 30 goats should be herded to and from the high pastures, aft e r taking into consideration such factors as over-grazing and the protection of ripening crops. The men that make up the "roiy" are annually appointed on the f i r s t day of the spring f e s t i v a l dance celebrations by the 'elders', from amongst whom these magistrates may also be chosen. This i s done i n a ceremony at the god-site of Mahandeo which invests the p o s i t i o n with a sacred importance. I f chosen, an i n d i v i d u a l cannot refuse, but generally he i s proud to have been selected. The potential candidates must have the reputation as being honest and trustworthy and be known as individuals who themselves conscientiously observe the "den". The number of "roiy" varies from v a l l e y to v a l l e y . In * w Rombour there are four who are representatives of each of the major clans. In Bomboret, two men are appointed from each of the f i v e v i l l a g e s , the same number as i n B i r i r , despite the l a t t e r being a much smaller v a l l e y , but where the "den" i s very s t r i c t l y enforced. The job e n t a i l s spending many evenings and sometimes entire nights during the growing season p a t r o l l i n g the va l l e y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n areas where there i s an abundance of f r u i t trees, on the look-out for thieves. Small, purposeful groups of teen-age boys are the anathema of the "roiy". The reason why there are so many "roi y " i n B i r i r i s due to the \ abundance of grapes, a f r u i t very d i f f i c u l t to watch because bunches w i l l ripen at d i f f e r e n t times. Im Bomboret and Rombour, the job usually ends when everyone has gone to bed, whereas i n B i r i r , the "r o i y " are notorious for staying up to prowl about a l l night. Anyone caught v i o l a t i n g the "den" w i l l be severely beaten *Parkes reports that i n Rombour there are f i v e " r o i y " , one representative from each of the major clans. The discrepancy with my information i s perhaps because two of the major clans in this v a l l e y are represented i n two of the v i l l a g e s and that two of the f i v e v i l l a g e s are small and so close as to be con-sidered as one unit for some purposes. (Parkes i n Palwal 1977:123) 31 i f he (they) can be caught,and a fine~ of one goat i s l a t e r extracted from the offender. As payment for t h e i r services, the "roiy" get the skins from these animals, and the skins of any animals s a c r i f i c e d at the god-sites throughout the year at the various annual ceremonies. This often comes to a t o t a l of forty to s i x t y skins. When the "den" ("ban") i s l i f t e d on the various f r u i t s and grains as they ripen throughout the season, the people quickly harvest t h e i r produce, sun-dry i t , and then put i t inside t h e i r houses or storage huts for winter consumption. This job must be accomplished quickly because as soon as the "den" i s l i f t e d , regardless i f the trees are standing on communal or private property, everyone can help themselves. Only a f t e r the f r u i t has been picked and layed out to dry i n the sun does i t become the property of any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l . I f , however, the trees happen to be owned by the Muslims i n C h i t r a l , who usually acquired them o r i g i n a l l y as c r e d i t against loans which the Kalash l a t e r f a i l e d to. make good, then the products are not free for the taking. For example, at the grape harvest i n B i r i r the C h i t r a l i s come to the v a l l e y , load up donkey trains of the ripened f r u i t and transport i t to C h i t r a l , Ayun and other towns in the C h i t r a l Valley. The women see to i t that the a g r i c u l t u r a l foodstuffs are made to l a s t u n t i l spring, whereas the men control the butcher-ing of animals and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the dairy products to guests and household members, vi) Landholding: (Economy) The Kalash have two basic types of land transaction other than d i r e c t inheritance between men of the same p a r t i l i h e . One type i s c a l l e d "gir»a»we", a 'temporary' sale wherein a person owning land may turn over the use of a piece of property to a creditor as c o l l a t e r a l for a cash loan. The loan i s usually for much less than the r e a l value of the land and the creditor must return the land once the loan has been made good. Because 3 2 the Kalash are non>-liter ate, there are no written records of such transactions. The system depends on the verbal testimony of a witness "b£»ga»rus", and therefore works best within the Kalas#h community. In s i m i l a r dealings with the Muslims, the bonds of t r u s t between fellow tribesmen are missing and a Kalas^h may f i n d himself i n a lengthy court proceeding i n C h i t r a l before he can recover, i f at a l l , his "gir»a»we" lands. The second type of transaction, c a l l e d "ba»ya»ka»te", i s an out-ri g h t sale of land at an agreed upon price, with no future re-turn to the o r i g i n a l owner. The measure of land for the C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t i s c a l l e d "cha»gor«um" i n Khowar or "cha»kaiy" (Persian - "ji»reip") i n Kalas^h v a l l e y s . Forty years ago, one could purchase a "cha«gor«.um" for four to f i v e hundred Rupees (about forty to f i f t y d o l l a r s ) . In Bomboret Valley, the year before the road- was opened (in 1 9 7 5 ) , i t was up to eight hundred do l l a r s and the government forced i t up even higher to one thousand d o l l a r s a "cha«gor«um" when private lands that the road was to be b u i l t on were purchased. The most recent 1979 government price has gone up to 15,000 Rupees per one "cha»kaiy". Between the Kalas#h themselves, e s p e c i a l l y between clan brothers, the cost i s much lower. For example, i n 1977 i n Rombour Valley, a man sold a piece of land that was two "cha«kaiy" on which grew six apricot, and two walnut trees, plus two grape vines, for 1,500 Rupees (one hundred and f i f t y d o l l a r s ) . The buyer was one of his own clansmen. In Kalash v a l l e y s , one "cha»kaiy" of land, with an input of twenty k i l o s of wheat seed, can annually y i e l d about f i v e hundred k i l o s of grain. Double-cropping a f t e r the wheat has been harvested w i l l produce about eight hundred and forty k i l o s of corn annually. A l t e r n a t i v e l y m i l l e t may be used as the second crop. Fields are not l e f t fallow and c u l t i v a t i o n i s done under i continually depleted s o i l conditions. A minimum of six "cha»kaiy" are required for an extended household, c a l l e d "ku»shun", to 33 remain s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n grains from season to season. (A more detailed discussion on the composition of these households follows i n Section v i i i . ) Some families own enough land to produce t h e i r own grain requirements throughout the year. The head of such a household i s c a l l e d "cha»ra«da moch", a "man whose harvests l a s t season to season." The largest landowner i n Rombour Valley i s a Kalash Shaikh, (convert to Islam) , Abdul Salam of the Dra«m£«s£ clan whom I was t o l d , has about forty "cha.kaiy". I suspect, however, that this i s somewhat of an over-estimate. Kata Siijg, who gave a large merit feast i n November, 1977, owns about ten "cha»kaiy", upon which, for six years, he, his sons, his two wives and eldest daughter grew large grain surpluses which were stored for the feasting celebrations. The economy of the Kalasfi valleys i s s t i l l based pre-dominately upon a kinship idiom. Inter-clan barter and exchange occurs notably between affines (See Chapter 2, Section x i i i ) but the extended families and lineages, which comprise a larger clan grouping, t y p i c a l l y balance out between themselves t h e i r shortages and surpluses, e.g. walnuts or cheese for grain, or honey for grapes and wine, etc. However, the use of money i s d e f i n i t e l y increasing and i s occasionally demanded as part of the bride price, anywhere from 500 to 2,000 Rupees ($50 - 200). The t o u r i s t industry, government positions such as border pa t r o l , day labor on roads and i r r i g a t i o n projects, private day wages from logging for C h i t r a l i Muslims, and wages earned by the few young Kalasji men who t r a v e l to "down Pakistan" and work on construction s i t e s i n Karachi, Lahore, or Peshawar, infuse the Kalasji economy with a certain but s t i l l l i m i t e d amount of ready cash. This money buys certa i n essentials (and now, increasingly, luxury goods) not produced l o c a l l y such as s a l t , cotton cl o t h for the men, women's jewellery, kerosene, socks and shoes, sugar, tea, wrist watches, household u t e n s i l s , eye glasses, 3 4 f a l s e teeth.and of course the 'king' of consumer goods, the s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y scarce t r a n s i s t o r radio. v i i ) Architecture: The Kalasji l i v e i n v i l l a g e s perched on the h i l l s i d e s above the v a l l e y basins, both for defense purposes i n a h i s t o r i -* c a l l y h o s t i l e environment, and to conserve arable land. The smallest v i l l a g e s have about a dozen houses and the largest, such as Brun i n Bomboret Valley, t h i r t y - f i v e . These houses, either one or two stories high, (with or without enclosed verandahs depending upon the wealth of the owner) are made of p i l e d stones braced between horizontal wooden beams and then caulked with mud. The f l a t roofs which often serve as verandahs for the houses below are made of roughly hewn wooden planks placed side by side, and then covered over with a mixture of d i r t and soot which becomes quite water-proof a f t e r repeated pounding. During the heavy snow or spring rains, the roofs may leak i f not pounded s u f f i c i e n t l y . The i n t e r i o r s of these windowless, one-room houses are naturally l i t only through a small smoke hole and a single door, l e f t open during the day. Thick black soot, accumulated from years of burning f i r e s , covers, the wall, c e i l i n g and r a f t e r s , and frequently drops onto uncovered foodstuffs or persons seated below. The c e i l i n g s are supported inside by four c e n t r a l l y located, equi-distant carved wooden p i l l a r s . Within the area thus demarcated most of the household a c t i v i t i e s : cooking, eating, and s o c i a l i z i n g take place, The f i r e - p i t , "in»grok", * C h i t r a l i Muslims have gradually occupied some of the most f e r t i l e lowland areas in the Kalas^h v a l l e y s , where they have b u i l t ' t h e i r houses. These are surrounded by walled-in gardens i n which th e i r women work, observing the Muslim practice of seclusion c a l l e d "rl.poush" i n Khowar. The C h i t r a l i s prefer r i c e as t h e i r staple, which they grow on these w e l l - i r r i g a t e d lowlands. The Kalash never c u l t i v a t e r i c e and rarely consume i t . , ;v**The r 0 0 f s Q n houses which contain clan a l t a r s have special Central Asian lantern-type smoke-holes. These, plus the roofs of clan temples and the goat-sheds are c a l l e d "on»jesh»ka dra*»mi", '"sacred roof" and are at a l l times s t r i c t l y out of bounds to women. 3 5 i s made from slabs of grey sla t e sunk into the ground i n the * centre. The back wall of the house, dedicated to the Household/ Clan Goddess Jeshtak, i s adorned with the horns of s a c r i f i c e d goats and h o l l y oak branches. The area between th i s wall and the f i r e - p i t i s c a l l e d "on»jesh«ta wah", "sacred space". Women's genitals, believed to be polluted and dangerous, must never pass over t h i s space. Household furnishings consist of no more than the essen-t i a l s ; cooking pots and a wooden storage trunk or perhaps a small, t i n box pushed under the beds. These beds, cots strung with goat-hair ropes, l i n e the walls on either side of the room extending back from the outer perimetres of the central p i l l a r s . A house approximately three and a half metres wide by four and a half metres long i s t y p i c a l l y arranged with four or f i v e cots which sleep two to three persons each, v i i i ) -Social. Organization: (Introduction) The average household numbers from eight to twelve i n an extended family c a l l e d "ku»shun". Varying of course from s i t u a t i o n to s i t u a t i o n , a "ku»shun" might t y p i c a l l y be comprised of a father, (his brothers usually i f they are much younger or unmarried), his wife or wives, and th e i r children, plus the wives ** and children of any of t h e i r married.sons. There are few Kalas^h men who have two wives, t h i s practice generally being limited both for emotional and f i n a n c i a l reasons. *The household f i r e i s not defined as 'sacred' probably because i t i s constantly tended by women. There i s , however, a certain respectful attitude observed towards i t . Garbage or s o i l e d food cannot indiscriminately be tossed into i t , nor can the leftover bones of domesticated animals be thrown i n . However, the bones of markhor, ibex, or any of the wild game birds are always thrown into the household f i r e . **In Bomboret there are a t o t a l of 110 "ku«shuns" and i n Rombour there are 83. Unfortunately, I do not have the equivalent figure for B i r i r where the s i t u a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t i n that, comparatively, there are more individuals l i v i n g together i n one commensal unit than i n the other two v a l l e y s . 3 6 Unlike the Muslims who usually have separate domiciles for each wife, two Kalash wives l i v e under one roof and t h i s frequently creates tension. The Kalas^h are very suspicious about problems created as a r e s u l t of women being d i s s a t i s f i e d , which can bring bad luck to the household. These kinds of disruptions are c a l l e d "stri»ja u»ba*t", "trouble created by d i s s a t i s f i e d women." The "ku»shun", a p a t r i l o c a l , p a t r i l i n e a l l y extended family i s the smallest unit of the Kalash clan structure. Economically, i t functions as the main productive unit i n the round of d a i l y work a c t i v i t i e s . The Kalash s o c i a l system demands that the extended family work units produce more than t h e i r own subsis-tence needs. Surplus foodstuffs are required to f u l f i l l the s o c i a l / r i t u a l function associated with the ceremonies that mark the r i t e s of passage of the household members from b i r t h to death. Other households within the same lineage branch or wider clan, "kum", must also share i n the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of sponsoring these various ceremonies. A family or clan that economizes on these expenditures loses prestige i n the eyes of the community. The head of the household i s the most senior male, who has absolute authority within the "ku»shun", and also exercises a degree of control over the actions of the closely related lineages. For example, i f a grown man's cousin or nephew on his father's (or brother's) side i s of marriagable age, he w i l l f r e e l y o f f e r suggestions, as to the choice of the bride. When the boy's father i s arranging the bride-price the lineages that make up the clan are obligated to contribute whatever objects, livestock, and/ or foodstuffs that they can. These in d i v i d u a l household heads also have a say i n the f e a s i b i l i t y of larger events such as merit feasts that might be proposed by clan members belonging to other lineage branches i n one "kum" (clan). These are major socio-economic undertakings which require the cooperation of the entire clan for t h e i r successful planning and execution. Mutual cooperation i s the goal of each clan and the key to t h e i r s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l success. A metaphor 37 used to symbolize the s o l i d a r i t y of the clan brothers i s "wa»sun»gaiy bur", the "arrow sheath" of the successful hunter or warrior. (See Appendix 1: Poetry and Metaphor for some other poetic terms which describe clan s o l i d a r i t y and prosperity.) v i i i ) Social Organization: (Clan Structure) A l l the men i n Rombour Valley can be traced back to one a p i c a l ancestor, Adabok, who was s e t t l e d there by King Raja Waiy in the late f i f t e e n t h century. Adabok had four sons and i t i s from the grandsons of these four men that the seven d i s t i n c t "kum" i n Rombour have descended. If one was considering only the Rombour s i t u a t i o n , the word "kum" could appropriately be trans-lated as "major lineage". However, in the other two valleys B i r i r and Bomboret, these d i s t i n c t groups cannot be traced back to one location of a single a p i c a l male ancestor. The whole t r i b a l community recognizes the same corporate i d e n t i t i e s for a l l of the d i s t i n c t clans i n a l l three v a l l e y s , regardless of the fact that some of these "kum", as i n Rombour, can be traced back to a single male ancestor. "Kum" must be translated as "clan" to give i t accuracy for a l l three valleys and to give i t the greatest concurrence with the l o c a l d e f i n i t i o n . The discussion on .the Bomboret s i t u a t i o n w i l l make clearer t h i s choice of d e f i n i t i o n . I am not f a m i l i a r with any Kalash terms which s p e c i f i c a l l y define the kinship units larger than the household ("ku»shun") and smaller than the clan ("kum"), such as minor or major lineage segments, except by reference to a few notable male ancestors, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who performed the merit feasts i n t h e i r l i f e -times. A l l clan brothers, regardless of how c l o s e l y or d i s t a n t l y they are related, e.g. whether they belong to the same lineage branch or another of the same clan, are c a l l e d "da»i»ruk". This i s an i n t e r e s t i n g term because i t denotes the constant f l u i d i t y i n these types of ever-expanding kinship systems. For example, "da»i»ruk" i s also a term applied to men who are related through a common ancestor older than the man. who i s recognized as the clan founder. Members of the Dra«m£»s£ clan i n Rombour (See the Geneol-o g i c a l Charts at the end of the thesis on the Dra«m£.s£), w i l l 38 sometimes ref e r to those descendants from the Wa»ko»kaiy clan (See Wa»kok i n the chart), as "da*i«ruk". This i s done i n recognition that both the Wa«ko«kaiy and the Dra.m£«s_ '(and Ba. ga"«li»a) , have a l l descended from Ba »kar who i s recognized as an important ancestor. Bakar was the father of Wa»kok and the great uncle of Dra«mg s .These three Rombour clans, Dra»mg-s£, Wa»ko»kaiy, and Ba»gcf»li»a" are often referred to i n the o r a l h i s t o r i e s as "Ba»kar na«wouw", "the grandsons of Ba«kar". A l l those kinship groups who have achieved recognition as d i s t i n c t clans are s t r i c t l y exogamous. Im Rombour-some of the clans, for example, the Dra^mf^sg, and the Ba»l^»r^h, now have lineage branches l i v i n g i n two d i f f e r e n t v i l l a g e s . Thus i t can be said of Rombour,that the clans transcend the v i l l a g e . As w i l l be discussed l a t e r , t h i s i s not the case i n Bomboret. Because clans are exogamous the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of who one might marry within the v i l l a g e are more lim i t e d i n Rombour. For example, i f there, are only two clans i n a v i l l a g e and one i s ego's patrilineage (which he/she must not marry into within seven generations) and the other i s his/her mother's natal clan (who one must not marry into within., f i v e generations) then, i f ego i s a female, she must marry outside the v i l l a g e . If ego i s a male i n th i s instance, he must bring his wife from another v i l l a g e . Because two clans i n Rombour are found in more than one v i l l a g e , suitable marriage partners are more often sought from outside the valley. Unlike Rombour, clans i n Bomboret do not transcend the v i l l a g e . Two or three of the twelve d i s t i n c t clans i n Bomboret are exclusive to one of each of the f i v e Kalash v i l l a g e s i n that * * valley. Major lineage branches, separated over time by a minimum of seven generations may tec h n i c a l l y inter-marry. I t i s th i s act, *One possible exception to th i s i s the Bu«lg»sin'»ga clan who resides both i n Brun and Sarikjouw v i l l a g e s . However, Sarikjouw i s v i r t u a l l y only a summer residence, and the inhabitants also have houses i n Brun which they move back to in the winter. 39 often resisted despite i t s l e g a l i t y , which serves as a c a t a l y s t i n having a major lineage recognized as a separate exogamous clan. The Ku»tu»waiy elan (meaning "people of the small, summer cottage"), which was previously a major lineage of the prestigious Bad«ze»kaiy clan i n Brun, Bomboret, i s presently undergoing t h i s kind of re-formulation into a d i s t i n c t clan and are of l a t e marrying Bad»ze»kaiy. Moreover, unlike Rombour, i n both Bomboret and i n B i r i r (although I do not have s p e c i f i c examples from t h i s area) the clans cannot be traced back to a single a p i c a l ancestor. The oral h i s t o r i e s reveal that some of the present-day clans i n Bomboret came from quite d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i t i e s , one example already mentioned i s the Bu "If,* s i n «ga of Brun, descendents of King Bu«L£«sii)«ga of the ancient town of Kari, eleven kilometres north of C h i t r a l . Another example i s the Shari»na»wouw clan of Darasguru v i l l a g e i n Bomboret who, probably due to pressures from encroaching Kho groups, came from a place i n Upper C h i t r a l at the time of Raja Waiy. According to the o r a l h i s t o r i e s , a s t i c k that the Shari»na»wbuw stuck into the ground grew leaves overnight. This convinced the King of their magical powers, and they were permitted to" s e t t l e i n the v a l l e y . Allowing for a certain h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between clans, (a point I s h a l l take up later) the Kalasji give f u l l recognition to the s o l i d a r i t y of the clans i n the three valleys regardless of d i f f e r e n t geographical origins and common u n i l i n e a l descent or the lack of i t . Each clan has a separate a l t a r dedi- . cated to the Household Goddess, Jes^htak, which i s kept either in her "han", "temple" or, i f the clan i s small and cannot a f f o r t the expenditure that i s required to b u i l d and consecrate a Jesjitakhan ('temple'), then the a l t a r w i l l be kept on the *The clan a l t a r s are made of carved, wooden horse-heads attached to a wooden board incised with a cross-hatched design and decorated with h o l l y oak branches, the symbol of Jeshtak. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #5) 40 mantlepiece i n one of the clan member's houses. Some clans share t h e i r temples, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they have branched o f f from a common api c a l ancestor some centures before. Men of rank from each clan must be given t h e i r due respect at a l l the merit feasts. Also, each clan (except i n B i r i r ) has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of sponsoring an annual 'thanksgiving' feast c a l l e d "pra»cheish" held at the god-site i n the name of the a p i c a l male ancestor of the clan. These d i s t i n c t corporate clan groups are the p r i n c i p a l organizational units at the v i l l a g e , v a l l e y and t r i b a l community levels for a l l the major s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic :'. i n s t i t u t i o n s . Marriage for example, i s wholly guided by p r i n c i p l e s of the Kalas^h clan structure. Each of these p a t r i l i n e a l clans i s s t r i c t l y exogamous within seven generations on the father's side and for f i v e generations on the mother's side, a point which I w i l l take up i n more d e t a i l l a t e r . The.rules of exogamy regarding the patrilineage are enforced by a s t r i c t threat of excommunication from the entire Kalash community i f they are broken. Individuals marrying too clo s e l y within seven generations in t h e i r patrilineage v i o l a t e the incest rules and are there-afte r c a l l e d "bai»ra". In Kalash valleys today there are actually some incidents of these incestuous type marriages. These people l i v e at some distance form the regular Kalasji v i l l a g e s and, not unexpectedly, are nowadays a l l converts to Islam. The marriage rules of the Muslim system are tolerant of close marriages, giving preference to cert a i n p a r a l l e l cousin marriages. Kalas^h female agnates remain associated with t h e i r natal clans (father's/ brother's) throughout t h e i r l i v e s . In the Muslim system, i f ego i s a male, the preferred marriage choice i s father's s i s t e r ' s daughter. For the Kalash this i s marrying into one's own p a t r i - . * In Bomboret, this feast i s done at Mahandeo, and i n Rombour at Sajigor. Nowadays, some clans which used to do "pr£«cheish" can no longer afford to, and other clans have discontinued the practice because of changing p r i o r i t i e s and a growing lack of willingness, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Bomboret, to spend one's wealth on t r a d i t i o n a l customs. 41 lineage and considered "n' wgsh", a " v i o l a t i o n of custom", * punishable by excommunication with the status of "bai»ra". From the contextual evidence, however, which came to l i g h t while recording the Kalasli o r a l t r a d i t i o n s , i t became evident that "bai»ra" i s somewhat of an ambiguous term. There i s some indicatio n that, h i s t o r i c a l l y , those people who became "bai»ra" did not i n e v i t a b l y also become Muslims. More l i k e l y they became the personal slaves of certain high status or wealthy Kalash individuals. This brings up an important point of h i e r -a r c h i c a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between the various socio-economic groups in Kalasji society. This s i t u a t i o n can best be understood comparatively with reference to K a f i r i s t a n west of the Hindu Kush p r i o r to the 1896 conversion, ix) Social Hierarchy: Amongst those t r i b e s , notably the Waigalis and the Bashgalis, society was divided into three or four major classes, within which the various i n d i v i d u a l clans were h i e r a r c h i c a l l y arranged. The main divisons were between the freemen, the wealthy "atrozan" ** aristocracy, and t h e i r slaves c a l l e d "ba»ri". In the Bashgali v i l l a g e of Kamdesh (Kombrom), the "atrozan" was comprised of six very wealthy and prestigious clans, one of which produced the hereditary p r i e s t , "Utah". (Robertson, 1896:85) The warriors and the f i g h t i n g men, although coming from a l l groups, were only recognized by the appropriate "man-killer" merit feasts i f they were from th i s nobleman class. The two middle classes, sometimes more d i f f i c u l t to distinguish from each other (and from the "atrozan" or "ba»ri" depending on which end of the scale they * I t i s not surprising that, probably p a r t i a l l y due to t h e i r marriage practices, the Kalash consider the Muslims impure and r e s t r i c t them from t h e i r v i l l a g e s during the most sacred of th e i r f e s t i v a l s and r i t u a l s . **Palwal mentions a group of house slaves "La«n£," who were a group comprised of either war captives or criminals, and not wealthy enough to pay a f i n e , were forced to become slaves i n the house of the man whose rights he (they) had v i o l a t e d . (1977:55) 42 f e l l ) were most importantly, however, viewed as free men. The "ba»ri" were, and s t i l l are, the lowest group although t e c h n i c a l l y equal (since 1896) according to the central Islamic premise of 'brotherhood 1. These people are craftsmen who t r a d i t i o n a l l y provided e s s e n t i a l services 'free of charge' to t h e i r "atrozlTn" masters (Ibid:100). They are the wood-carvers and house builders, smiths, jewellers, potters, basket-makers and leather workers. Robertson noted, without going into d e t a i l , that not a l l slaves were of the same s o c i a l p o s i t i o n (Ibid:99) and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y for the Waigal Valley, Schuyler Jones d i f f e r e n t i a t e d this slave 'caste' into two groups, the "ba»ri" and an even more i n f e r i o r s o c i a l category "sewala". (1974:46) The l a t t e r performed the less prestigious (and less 'pure') functions of potting, making baskets, and working with leather. In pre-conver-sion times even the "ba»ri" would not inter-marry with the "sewala". Some of the other tasks delegated to the pre-1897 "ba«ri" include: carving the wooden graveyard e f f i g i e s commemorating those persons who gave merit feasts during t h e i r l i v e s ; a s s i s t -ing at animal s a c r i f i c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y for cows whichwere exclusively the "ba»ri*s" task to skin and butcher; and beating drums or playing pipes at f e s t i v a l s and funerals. The "ba»ri", considered to be impure, were forbidden to enter temples or approach the sacred hearth i n their hereditary p r i e s t ' s house. They l i v e d i n the lower regions of the v i l l a g e s at some distance * from the other residences. The question must now be posed as to what s i m i l a r i t i e s or differences ex i s t between the s i t u a t i o n we have just been discussing and the Kalash. Both h i s t o r i c a l l y and geographically, the Bashgalis and the Kalasji are quite closely linked, commonly * I t i s not unexpected that these proscriptions and prescriptions resemble features of the present-day Hindu caste system, i e . untouchability. As mentioned, the Kafirs are Ary.ans, the remains of Vedic peoples who became i s o l a t e d and gradually transmuted i n response to t h e i r new alpine environment. 43 grouped under a term "Siah Posh Kaf i r s " , "wearers of the black * robe". There appears to be some d e f i n i t e functional s i m i l a r -i t i e s between the Kalasji category "bai»ra" and the Bashgali denomination of "ba«ri". The Kalasji o r a l h i s t o r i e s make s p e c i f i c reference to the "bai«ra" working as slaves for t h e i r Kalash masters. For example, there i s a well-known story i n Rombour in which Ma»go«kan, one of the sons of Adabok, the founder, gave to his brother Sum»ba»ra, a l l of the family slaves ("bai»ra") but took as his share of the inheritance the most f e r t i l e v a l l e y lands. Sum»ba«ra proceeded to have these s i x t y "bai»ra" bu i l d a four mile long i r r i g a t i o n channel. I t i s doubtful that t h i s large group of slaves were a l l incestuous outcastes and when my informant was questioned about this he r e p l i e d they were the "Ba»la»lik", those autochthonous persons who were subjugated by the Kalashi when they migrated into the area. This corresponds with Robertson's observations about the "ba»ri" that: "a portion of them at any rate, are probably remnants of an ancient people subjugated and enslaved by the present dominant (Kafir) tribes (1896:82)...and p a r t i a l l y des-cendents of prisoners (from other K a f i r tribes) taken i n war." (Ibid:99) The people displaced by the Bashgali Kafirs were c a l l e d Jazhis, (Ibid:82) which Morgenstierne maintains i s another name for the "Ba»la»lik" ("Jashi"). (1973:161) There i s no mention i n any of the K a f i r l i t e r a t u r e as to the kinship structure of these *This term refers to a somewhat obvious s i m i l a r i t y and often has been used more for convenience rather than as a d e f i n i t e s c i e n t i f i c category. **This channel c a l l e d "su»a z a i " (golden channel), constructed in the six-teen th century, s t i l l supplies the upper f i e l d s i n Rombour with water. Sunnba»ra was the grandfather of Mu»ti»mir, the apical ancestor of the present day Mu»ti»mi.rghclan which l i v e s i n the upper v i l l a g e of Kalasthagrom and whose f i e l d s are watered by the "sTa*!! z a i " channel. Kata Sing, the man who hosted the largest merit feast i n f i f t y years i n November, 1977, belongs to the Mu t i mi rhclan and also owns f i e l d s along this channel. #Saifullah Jan, Ba»ga»li»a clan, Balanguru v i l l a g e , Rombour. 44 ancient peoples, nor are there any s p e c i f i c references to the kinship structure or marriage rules of the Bashgali "ba«ri". I would suggest that the l a t t e r , being s o c i a l l y i n f e r i o r and unsuitable as marriage partners to the 'free' classes, were most l i k e l y endogamous by force of circumstance i f not by s o c i a l preference. With regard to the Kalash s i t u a t i o n , there i s a v i l l a g e i n Bomboret c a l l e d Kandarisar whose inhabitants, although presently Muslim, speak Kalash. These people are reputed to be "ba«ri", former craftsmen slaves of the Kalash. Within the l a s t century they converted en masse to Islam and escaped t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l servitude. From this kind of evidence, i t appears that i n Kalash society there was also a merging of the class of craftsmen slaves, "ba»ri", the indigenous inhabitants of the area, "Ba»la«lik" (Jazhi) and incestuous outcases, "bai»ra", indicating the presence of a quite heterogenous group of outcases who more recently have become associated with Islam. Kalash culture i s p r e - l i t e r a t e and because of t h i s i t sometimes exhibits a certain f l u i d i t y of inherent changeability with regard to i t s b e l i e f s and practices. It i s , therefore, often d i f f i c u l t to determine how recent certain expressions or attitudes might be. The type of s i t u a t i o n found t r a d i t i o n a l l y in the Bashgal where manual labor was performed^ for the noble-men by the slaves i s not manifested i n contemporary Kalas#h culture. If a Kalasji man wants prestige then f i r s t he must acquire wealth and t h i s means he must work. For example, i n 1977, at the spring f e s t i v a l , z'oeshi, i n Bomboret, I recorded a song (eulogy) given by the shaman from Rombour, Janduli Khan, pra i s i n g the a b i l i t i e s of two high ranking men (both deceased within the l a s t f i f t y years) as builders and carvers, "ou»stat". They both belonged to the Dra«m£»s_ clan, one of the three wealthiest and most prestigious of a l l the clans i n the v a l l e y . In Bomboret Valley, a man, Sumeil Bek, who belongs to the 45 highest ranking clan i n Krakal v i l l a g e , Rachi*kosht»dari, i s presently (1977( the best known carver of grave e f f i g i e s , a s k i l l which i n t r a d i t i o n a l K a f i r culture, would have been exclusive to the " b a * r i " . Both these examples negate the equation of an avoidance of manual labor and achieving high status. One of the functions of the t r a d i t i o n a l Bashgali "ba»ri" slaves was to beat the drum at f e s t i v a l s . There i s presently a clan i n Rombour Valley, Ba«g"a*«li •5, who are renowned drummers. Although Kalas#h men w i l l take a turn, drumming at f e s t i v a l s , these celebrations are not begun or sustained without the presence of Ba«ga»li«a. This clan i s i n fact one of the poorest and l e a s t prestigious i n the v a l l e y but apparent-ly t h i s i s not a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l phenomenon. Their a p i c a l ancestor, Ba»ga«li, was the f u l l brother of Dramas, founder of the Dra»m£«s£ clan, which, as mentioned,.was one of the three highest ranking clans i n the val l e y . Dramgs and his wife were both ph y s i c a l l y disabled, she less so than, he. According to the o r a l legends, one autumn when the Mehtar of C h i t r a l requested his annual payment of the " j i z y a " (Kafir head-tax), Dramgs was unable to transport his own load. Because his brother Ba»ga»li refused to a s s i s t him, the task f e l l to his crippled wife. When the d e t a i l s of t h i s story are r e c a l l e d today of Dramas's wife crawling on a l l fours up the mountain loaded down with a sack of grain, members of the Ba»ga»li»a clan become somewhat sheepish and show signs of embarrassment. I t appears that t h i s incident, which happened over two hundred years ago, s t i l l r e f l e c t s on t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e clan character. Presumably i t was at that time that these two separate clans developed out of a r i f t between these two men. If the Kalash "ba»ri ("bai»ra") converted to Islam and ran away, then today they obviously have no choice but to assume the tasks that the "ba«ri" t r a d i t i o n a l l y performed. If a Kalas#h man wishes to be economically successful, the prerequisite to a 46 r i s e i n s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s importance, he must be prepared to engage i n physical, and often back-breaking labor to achieve these ends. It seems unlikely that the Kalasji have ever had as h i e r a r c h i c a l l y s t r a t i f i e d a society as have the i B a s h g a l i s . Group status amongst the Kalash i s less r i g i d l y a s c r i p t i v e , less indisputable, and more upwardly mobile i n a shorter length of time through sheer industriousness than was ever possible amongst the Bashgalis. x) Achieving Clan Status: The most prestigious Kalas#h clans are those who have the most wealth but who also have a reputation for t h e i r generosity both informally, and also i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of generosity, the merit feast. Kata Sing, the man who gave the large "bira mor", "male-goat s a c r i f i c e " merit feast i n the autumn of 1977 belongs to the wealthiest clan i n Rombour Valley, * the Mu«ti»mi«r^h. Over the l a s t two centuries or so, men from each generation of the Mu»ti•mi*rgh are renowned for giving extravagant feasts. Sak»dar, Kata Sing's grandfather, upon the instructions of a shaman, Januk D^har, gave a "bira mor" feast with "bat»yak", "one-year old goats", an even more d i f f i c u l t feat than using the usual mixture of goats and cows or b u l l s ranging i n age and size o r d i n a r i l y required for such a "bira mor" feast. One aspect of "bira mor" and other merit feasts i s the recognition, or re-affirmation of the status of men who have . previously performed si m i l a r accomplishments. In doing t h i s , certain p r i v i l e g e s are bestowed upon them such as the best choices of meat or a second l a d l e f u l of c l a r i f i e d butter, "pre«cho"»na kotch", i n addition to the one which each family i n the community i s e n t i t l e d to. For more than two decades now, the Mu»ti»mi«r£h have been known to use the largest l a d l e or "kotch" i n the entire v a l l e y , which gives both the 'men of rank' *The founding ancestor of t h i s clan, Mu»ti»mir, was the great grandson of Adabok. (See Kinship Charts .-fe^ CrV - : f ° r t n e f u l l geneology of this clan.) 47 and each member of the community, a larger portion. The reputation and prestige of the Mu • t i • mi • r^rh goes back seven or eight generations to the l i f e t i m e of Sakdar's own grandfather, Brurrubu'rak. At that time, there was a famine i n Rombour when the whole wheat crop was destroyed by a b l i g h t . The Mu»ti»mi»r£h clan fed the entire population of the valley u n t i l the next harvest on t h e i r own personal reserves of grain, an act s t i l l lauded i n the formal praises given today, xi) Marriage Rules; Of the two to three clans that are represented i n each Kalashi v i l l a g e , usually one i s numerically, s o c i a l l y and econo-mically dominant. Individual exceptions d e f i n i t e l y occur, but generally these clans t r y to arrange marriages for t h e i r children i n other v i l l a g e s or valleys with clans of si m i l a r * reputations. The boy's family usually makes the f i r s t over-tures. The amount of the bride-price, "rnal", must be s e t t l e d by the g i r l ' s father and his clanbrothers i n consultation with the future in-laws, at a meeting c a l l e d "khul*ta»bar" ("khul* ta«ba»ri" means 'in-laws'). The price varies according to the wealth and prestige of both clans. A f a i r payment might include "3 x 20 chu«chu" or "sixty dry goods" such as iron f i r e tripods, cooking pots, juniper-root woven baskets, and guns, etc. Livestock i s also included which might t y p i c a l l y amount to ten goats and three of four cows (or b u l l s ) , one of which must to — # the future bride's mother's brother c a l l e d "Mo»a". If the new *A t y p i c a l exception would be a s i t u a t i o n i n which a woman might be i n poor health and want her eldest daughter to marry i n the same v i l l a g e so she could continue to a s s i s t her i n the f i e l d s . Later perhaps a wife would be arranged for a younger brother who would take over these duties from her sister-in-law. **A variety of cooking pots are given, including the common alum-inum ones from the C h i t r a l Bazar and the increasingly unavailable "krish«na chi«din" (worth f i v e goats) which are black, heavy iron-cast cooking pots made by the metalsmith slaves i n the pre-Islamic Bashgal Valley. fBecause a Kalasli woman remains a f f i l i a t e d with her natal clan, .. her brother plays an important role for her and her children throughout t h e i r l i v e s . A young man must be presented to the community by his mother's brother and l a t e r , he may ask his mater-nal uncle to help him amass a bride-price to pay for his wife. 48 in-laws are i n the same val l e y , the g i r l v i s i t s them occasionally u n t i l her f i r s t menses. During t h i s time, sometimes for f i v e years or more, the son-in-law, "ja»mo" w i l l work for his "is%h»pa»shor", ("father-i n law"), bringing firewood or helping with the autumn harvests. A good relationship between a young man and his father-in-law i s usually achieved by the former's willingness to perform whatever tasks the l a t t e r sets for him. Over time t h i s r e l a t i o n -ship may prove to be very p o l i t i c a l l y and economically advantag-eous to the young man. After her f i r s t menses and when her husband's family has completed paying the bride-price, the g i r l w i l l go to her husband's house to take up f u l l - t i m e residence. In Kalash culture there i s a 'loop-hole' to t h i s system of "kho»ji»kas" or "arranged marriage", c a l l e d "a l a shing', l i t e r a l l y , "on the horn", a rather graphic term for elopement. In Kalas^h society, where unmarried teen-age boys are the most r i t u a l l y pure age grade male adolescent v i r g i n i t y i s valued much above female continence. From a very early age women have much freedom, and pre-marital (and post-marital) relationships tend to be extremely common. The o r a l t r a d i t i o n s have a r i c h repertoire of love songs about lovers of long ago, as well as songs above present-day lovers. The Kalas#h menstrual hut, which to outsiders appears archaic and burdensome, often has i t s p o s i t i v e side. Women take nearly a one week holiday each month from household chores, leaving a l l children except those nursing i n the care of t h e i r husbands. Sometimes they extend t h e i r stay aft e r t h e i r menses has ended to arrange clandestine meetings with t h e i r lovers. Almost any evening there i s a small gathering of young men seated about outside the 'off l i m i t s ' area or perched up i n close-by trees, singing love songs to t h e i r g i r l f i e n d s inside the menstrual hut. Romantic love i s a subject to which many conversations inevitably turn. Daily news in the valleys often consists of 49 r e l a t i n g who has gone to the "ba»sha»le", menstrual hut, or occasionally, somewhat more exci t i n g , who went "a l a shing" i n the night. I f a g i r l i s not keen on the husband her parents arranged for her, and i f she has a sweetheart who i s himself not t i e d up with a wife, they may decide to run away together. This usually happens just before, or sometime shortly a f t e r she * i s sent f i n a l l y to her husband's house. Sometimes the cuckolded husband i s secretly glad to be r i d of her because i t then becomes possible to take his own lover "a l a shing". In fact,young men occasionally try to 'freeze out' t h e i r 'arranged brides' for this very reason. However, the young man may be genuinely distressed because the; years of labor for his father-in-law have now been wasted, and his ego and his honor are crushed. It i s i n this type of si t u a t i o n that a good relationship estab-l i s h e d e a r l i e r with his father-in-law becomes important. The l a t t e r w i l l often support his son-in-law by exhorting his daughter to return to him or face excommunication from her natal clan. If his wife has eloped, the next day the cuckolded young man might be seen s t r i d i n g up and down the valley expressing his displeasure by r a l l y i n g his supporters and a l l i e s , slandering his r i v a l with heated verbal attacks, and, should the opportunity happen to arise i n a chance encounter, a r e t a l i a t i o n of physical violence. I n t r a - t r i b a l homicide i s shunned i n Kalas#h society and therefore the intent i s to injure rather than k i l l . If the g i r l ' s father cannot persuade her to return, and, even more importantly, i f the close male r e l a t i v e s of her lover's clan are prepared to f i n a n c i a l l y recompense the ex-husband, then she w i l l stay with her lover, who, af t e r a small ceremony, automatically becomes her new husband. Injured feelings usually subside within a few months and are o f f i c i a l l y terminated by *It i s v i r t u a l l y impossible for a woman to elope with a man of her husband's clan unless the couple are w i l l i n g to become Muslim.1' The s o l i d a r i t y of the clan would be too badly shattered to contemplate such a move. However, i f a woman's husband dies, she often marries his brother. 5 0 making the appropriate f i n a n c i a l settlement with the ex-husband and his clan. This payment i s c a l l e d "dond" and i t must be double whatever the ex-husband paid as bride-price to the g i r l ' s father. The ex-son-in-law's labor must be f o r f e i t e d . If the o r i g i n a l price was si x t y dry goods, th i s becomes one hundred and twenty, and ten goats become twenty, etc. Should the g i r l l a t e r on elope again with someone else, (and this has been known to happen as many as fi v e times), the price w i l l always be double the double, i e . two hundred and forty dry goods. The metaphor used for t h i s "dond", the "doubling of the bride-price" i s a pregnant woman producing a c h i l d . The o r i g i n a l bride-price i s c a l l e d "ku«ak ku«ak", " c h i l d - c h i l d p r i c e " . This imagery also applies to the objects i n the payment. For example, "bu»tell i»dhon" are heavy, wrought iron f i r e tri-pods (made i n Nuristan) which are grouped as 'mother objects'. If ' the o r i g i n a l husband had as a part of the bride-price three such .. tripods he can expect to receive three of t h i s same type from the husband but also be prepared to accept three ordinary C h i t r a l i bazar tripods c a l l e d ' c h i l d objects' i n the doubling process. A woman w i l l be prevented from making any further moves when her 'cost' becomes so high that no one could possibly a f f o r t to pay for her. This practice of doubling the bride-price i s i n fact, one of the major reasons why there are presently such a large number of Kalasth young people between the ages of about seven-teen and t h i r t y converting to Islam. If i t appears unlikely that the boyfriend's family or clan can, or are w i l l i n g to pay the "dond.", "double bride-price", and i f the young people are determined to be together, then they w i l l run away to a Muslim town i n the C h i t r a l Valley. There the g i r l changes her costume and by saying the "Kalimah"*they become converts to Islam. * "Ashhadu inna l a i l a h a i l a - l l a h : Muhammadun rasul A l l a h . " L i t e r a l l y , I bear witness that 'There i s no god but God and Muhammad i s the apostle of God'". (Cragg, 1969:6) 51 T h i s a c t allows them to completely side-step the "dond". Islam adheres to no such practice and, as Muslims, the ex-husband's clan has no recourse through the usual channels of Kalasfi t r i b a l law and custom. When the furore that usually accompanies these incidents dies down, perhaps a f t e r a few months, the couple returns to t h e i r v a l l e y to take up residence either separately * or i n the husband's house, as Kalash Shaikhs. It i s this rapidly escalating phenomenon that, i n the future, i s l i k e l y to s p e l l the end of Kalash r e l i g i o n and r i t u a l . However, Kalasli women who convert to the more r e s t r i c t i v e Islam give up not only t h e i r freedom of movement but, more importantly, and probably less recognizably i n the immediacy of the moment, they renounce the support systems of t h e i r natal and a f f i n a l clans. This does not perhaps a f f e c t t h e i r own l i v e s so much, having already established the types of s o c i a l relationships with men made possible by the Kalash kinship system and i t s associated moral structure. Their own children, however, and p a r t i c u l a r l y daughters who w i l l probably marry 'outside' to C h i t r a l i Muslims, are cast a d r i f t from these kinds of supportive relationships. This point can best be understood when one considers the content of q u a l i t y of the relationships between Kalashi men and women who belong to a s t r i c t exogamous clan . structure. x i i ) Women, Clan Exogamy and A f f i l i a t i o n : Not only i s i t taboo according to Kalasli custom, "law" or "das»tur" but i s i s also forbidden to marry into one's mother natal clan within f i v e generations. To do so would be "n'w^sh", "a v i o l a t i o n of custom", and a couple would become "mci'k'a". Although not exiled as are "bai»ra", "ma»ka" are excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n certain important ceremonies and r i t u a l s which continually re-confirm t h e i r i d e n t i t y as *Kalash women i n increasing numbers are frequently being persuaded to become the wives of C h i t r a l i and Pathan Muslims. 52 * Kalash. These marriage rules define a large number of women (and men) who, unless one i s w i l l i n g to become "rrfa»k'a" or "bai»ra", are sexually 'void' for one's entire l i f e t i m e . A most necess-ary s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic dimension of clans are the female agnates who are c o l l e c t i v e l y referred to as "ja»ml»li sher", "daughters/sisters of the clan" and remain a part of th e i r natal clans throughout t h e i r l i v e s . A man never makes any sexual inferences to or about his clan's "ja»mi»li" and whether or not she i s deserving w i l l always p u b l i c l y defend her honor. Despite the fact that daughters and s i s t e r s always remain associated with t h e i r natal clans, they are not e n t i t l e d to ** i n h e r i t any family property or any portion of the family l i v e -stock unless her father or brothers choose to bestow some upon her. This i s done i n a p a r t i c u l a r kind of context. Kalash men must continually f u l f i l l an obligation c a l l e d "ri;»za"i" towards t h e i r clanswomen. This amounts v i r t u a l l y to a recog-n i t i o n of the e f f o r t s which women contribute to the prosperity of t h e i r natal clans, but to whose t o t a l wealth or assets they have no j u r a l r i g h t s . For example, "Ja»ml«li" are expected to cook the massive amounts of bread' at the funeral feasts of th e i r deceased clans-men and, gathered about the death-bed, mourn them with lengthy dirges to the point of physical and emotional exhaustion. When a merit feast i s to be hosted by the i r natal clan, they * For example, the woman 'offender' i s never again permitted to partake in the p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremony c a l l e d "shish»otiw" ( l i t e r a l l y , "head-breads") at the annual winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l , and men may never again do "is*ton»gis", the baptism or r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremony i n which a man (or boy) i s annointed with the blood of a s a c r i f i c i a l animal. ** A man's property, usually apportioned during his l i f e t i m e , goes to his sons. The eldest often gets the larger share of property and the youngest the f a m i l i a l house. I f he had no sons, his property goes to his brothers, or father, or i f none of these men are extant, to the closest male r e l a t i v e i n the clan. 53 spend months finger-weaving the i n t r i c a t e , cotton-thread neck garlands to be presented to the 'big men' ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #6) and do the massive task of cleaning and m i l l i n g the grain (not to mention growing i t ) and then cooking breads, often for more than a thousand guests, almost non-stop throughout the feast. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #20) In appreciation for t h i s kind of labor, brothers or fathers occasionally make g i f t s to the "ja»mi»li" of sheep, or one-year old goats, or sometimes even more generously, of a l a c t a t i n g cow, i f one's s i s t e r has perhaps just had a new baby. ; ., ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #18) Men w i l l bring t h e i r "ja»mi»li" jewellery or cloth from the C h i t r a l bazar, firewood from the mountain i f the need arises, g i f t s of cheese that they have made i n the high pastures, or any number of other gestures. Probably the most s i g n i f i c a n t example of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of "ri»zai" i s the merit feast "sa«ri«gk", i n which a father honors his married daughter (and his affines) .. This feast w i l l be discussed i n more d e t a i l i n the following chapter. However, "ri»zal" does not end with t h i s series of mutual work obligations or economic exchanges. If a man conscientiously f u l f i l l s his "ri«zai" towards his "ja»mi»li", then she (they) w i l l pray to God for him. The Kalash believe that without these prayers from t h e i r women, including wives but more espec i a l l y the "ja»mT«li", neither the community, clan nor ind i v i d u a l w i l l prosper. In order to give a merit feast a man must be economically successful. The wealth needed to carry out these feasts can only be acquired with God's blessings, which are bestowed upon a man whose women pray for him. CHAPTER 3 - The Relationship Between the I n s t i t u t i o n of the Merit Feast and Kalash Religion. i) Influences of Islam: Kalasth r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s are too complex to be adequately explored in the context of a thesis on the merit feast, but in this chapter I w i l l examine a few points related s p e c i f i c -a l l y to the feast. The o v e r - a l l dialogue at the "bira mor" (sacred male-goat s a c r i f i c e ) merit feast i n November, 1977, represented both ends of a b e l i e f spectrum that ranged from the most orthodox of K a f i r notions to the most "avant garde" of cosmological interpretations. The following discussion w i l l i l l u s t r a t e what I mean by thi s l a s t statement. The Kalas^h world view i s anthropocentric i n the sense that they believe i f the i r sacred moral code i s violated, the gods w i l l administer a swift and certain j u s t i c e , i n the form of personal disaster or natural calamities such as earthquakes or floods. These people also subscribe to a b e l i e f i n an under-world c a l l e d "pa»la»loiy", "the f i n a l r e s t i n g place of the ancestors" which i s connected to this "chum tara du»ni*ya" by a metal p i l l a r . (For further references to this metal p i l l a r see Appendix #2.) For over f i v e centuries the Kalash have l i v e d as an ever-diminishing minority surrounded by populations subscribing to the philosophically more sophisticated and p r o s e l y t i z i n g world r e l i g i o n of Islam. I t i s not surprising, therefore, to f i n d that they have adopted some ideas from th e i r neighbours. What i s unexpected though, i s that some seemingly contradictory Islamic notions have become extremely popular Kalas^h ex-pressions. For example, i n addition to the i r b e l i e f of an *At times of c r i s i s the Kalash c a l l up t h e i r dead ancestors to ask t h e i r advice using divination techniques c a l l e d "thum ku»ch_]c" and "stSLnk ku»chfck". The former l i t e r a l l y means "searching with a (goat-hair) bow" used by the men, and the l a t t e r means "searching with a (metal) bracelet" which i s em-ployed by the women. The idea i s that i f held i n a certain loose fashion, when the ancestors are present, these objects w i l l begin to swing of th e i r own accord. 54 55 expeditious divine j u s t i c e , the Kalasli have incorporated the . Muslim notion of a f i n a l day of judgment set for some undefined future date. They also refer to an a f t e r l i f e i n heaven with no attempt to make i t consistent with t h e i r notion of an under-world home of the ancestor s p i r i t s . An explanation which s u f -f i c e s i n one context may be e n t i r e l y over-shadowed ( a con-* venient temporary amnesia), i n the next instance. The s p i r i t s of the dead seem to dwell i n any place which i s uppermost i n the referent's mind at any one moment, i e . the underworld, heaven, or sometimes even the t a l l mountain 'Palar' (behind Rombour Valley) believed to be the home of the "pa»ri•an", f a i r y s p i r i t s . In favoring one idea, the others are conveniently: bracketed o f f , and there i s no concern to make sense of one concept i n r e l a t i o n to other p o s s i b i l i t i e s . It would be a misrepresentation i f an outsider were to attempt to define or describe Kalash r e l i g i o n as a coherent or consistent b e l i e f system. This i s not to say, however, that an outsider cannot give a coherent and consistent description of such heterogenous and often c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s . I am not arguing that this non-literate Kalash culture i s incapable of l o g i c a l thought, i n many instances quite the contrary, but that t h e i r multi-layered and heterogenous r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s inherently permit a certain s h i f t i n g perspective. I believe, however, that there i s presently some evidence which indicates a trend towards systematization, this being what I referred to e a r l i e r as the "avant garde" of r e l i g i o u s interpretations. This idea s t i l l needs some further c l a r i f i c a t i o n . Kalasji r e l i g i o n i s p o l y t h e i s t i c with a host of "dfj»va lok" (divine beings), l o c a l d e i t i e s , f a i r i e s , and "bhut" (malevolent s p i r i t s ) , a l l of whom are assigned various powers and res-p o n s i b i l i t i e s such as the health of livestock, a g r i c u l - >. *The Kalas#h use two words for s p i r i t . One i s a Khowar word, "jan" which may also be used as a term of endearment, "oh mai jan", "oh my dear". The other pure Kalasli word i s "har»wa" which refers to the s p i r i t s of the dead ancestors. 56 ture, f e r t i l i t y , etc. There appear to be very few individuals in Kalas#h culture who are able to o b j e c t i f y t h e i r society's r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , (undoubtedly related to the above discuss-ion) , and there i s rarely a consensus between any two i n d i v i d -uals who may venture their own interpretations. Most i n t e r -esting, however, were a few separate occasions on which cer-ta i n spokesmen were prompted to give t h e i r views and which had i n common a parallel.^ although as yet highly unusual theme. These individuals c l a s s i f i e d the many l o c a l d e i t i e s and 'divine beings' as being only messengers. This int e r p r e t a t i o n would be given i n conjunction with another closely associated idea that there i s also a single most important 'Creator God' — * c a l l e d "De»zau". He i s usually described as the son or some-times the husband of the b i r t h goddess, i n the menstrual hut, "De»za»lik". De»zau i s rarely appealed to through animal s a c r i f i c e s , he has no a l t a r and i s conceived of as omnipresent and omnipotent. In prayers or oaths he i s frequently referred to as "Xo»dai", the Urdu (Persian) word for God, or sometimes even "Allah", .himself. These usages I have heard i n public speeches, given by t r i b a l 'elders' i n front of large numbers of guests assembled for formal occasions such as the merit feasts. I believe that these expressions indicate an even more profound phenomenon than the mere accretion of undigested Muslim b e l i e f s onto Kalasji r e l i g i o n . To determine the reasons why these expressions are popular on formal occasions, the Kalash view of themselves and v i s - a - v i s the Muslims,must be considered. In t h e i r o r a l forms, songs, poetry, orations, etc. one <! comes across frequent reference to the word "ni»shan". Although sometimes r e f e r r i n g to d i f f e r e n t things i n other contexts, most importantly i t means the "mark of God", which may amount '"• *"De«zik" i s the i n f i n i t i v e of the verb"to make" or "to create". * * " L i k M i s a diminutive s u f f i x also sometimes used to denote the feminine gender. 57 * to no more than a rough design etched into a slab of wood. The l i t e r a c y rate amongst the Kalash i s s t i l l extremely low, ** * probably about one percent, and for the majority of the pop-ulation the written word i s associated with supernatural or magical powers. From this point of view, the Muslim "holy book 1, the recorded word of God, i s the epitome of written charms. At the Kalash merit feast i n November, 1977, not only was the Creator God being summoned as "Allah", but the speech-makers also made references to the "sacred book of the Kalash", "the written word of God" and one orator even compared the Ka-lash merit feast to the Muslim pilgrimmage of Mecca. Such public events are fraught throughout with a concern by the p r i n c i p a l organizers and spokesmen to either e s t a b l i s h , main-tai n , or re-affirm t h e i r status and power. For these reasons such occasions can be used as a gauge of current attitudes and b e l i e f s . The Kalashi orators who deploy these syncretic Muslim/Kalash images d e f i n i t e l y seek to impress t h e i r aud-iences, and the l a t t e r are a l l too w i l l i n g to be impressed i f only because the loquaciousness of the speaker has mys-t i f i e d them. The Muslims, p a r t i c u l a r l y the orthodox "mullahs", ( r e l i -gious leaders) from "down Pakistan" (Karachi, Peshawar, etc.) are openly contemptuous of the Kalasli Kafirs,' whom they view as a pocket of pagan ido l a t o r s , and a b l i g h t upon the name of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. However, i n Kalash culture * For example, the same word "ni»shan" i s used for the "X" marked beside a candidates name i n the national elections held i n Pakistan i n March, 1977. ";* * The Muslim C h i t r a l i Khos have only about a 2% l i t e r a c y rate themselves, and t h e i r language was not written down i n Urdu s c r i p t u n t i l about the middle of this century by Shahzada Hussum-ul-Mulk, a son of the previous Mehtar of C h i t r a l . (Pott, 1974:116) The same i n d i v i d u a l has also translated the Koran into Khowar. (Ibid) 58 i t i s not these overt c r i t i c i s m s by the i c o n o c l a s t i c , monothe-i s t i c Muslims that are wholly responsible for the growing empha-si s upon a single Creator God, De»zaTi. In recent years an awareness of the wider world has pressed i n hard upon the Kalash, brought by improved modern transportation, expanding government bureaucracies, a sizable t o u r i s t industry, and mass communications. If t h e i r own 'primi-tive' or at l e a s t n o n - l i t e r a t e , cosmological b e l i e f s cannot put into perspective or explain many of these new experiences, then the Kalash must seek a broader mode of understanding. The evolution towards monotheism and a god who transcends the boundaries of t h e i r narrow valleys i s a process p o t e n t i a l l y inherent within Kalash r e l i g i o n i t s e l f , i e . a subsequent de-emphasis of l o c a l s p i r i t s and a greater stress upon the Creator God, De.zau. More accurately, Islam serves as a cat-a l y s t to t h i s process rather than the cause, and i s able to provide the terminology and the symbols with which the Kalasli may express t h e i r increasingly monotheistic tendencies. If this i s a stage i n the process of an eventual complete conver-sion to Islam, i t i s a very much more subtle and complex phenomenon than the c l a s s i c a l Muslam "Jihad", (Holy War) by which the rest of K a f i r i s t a n f e l l under the sway of Islam i n the late 1800's. Although as yet by no means the perceptions of the majority of Kalash people, these new ideas are d e f i n i t e l y " i n the a i r " and i t i s f i t t i n g that, along with the more trad-i t i o n a l K a f i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , they be expressed at such gala a f f a i r s as merit feasts, events whose very substance i s a l l about power. A more in-depth study of t h i s process i s e a s i l y a thesis in i t s e l f and must wait for a future time. I t i s also import-ant to examine how the more t r a d i t i o n a l Kalash K a f i r r e l i -gious b e l i e f s relate to the merit feast, there being a close association between these two a c t i v i t i e s . By giving a feast, the host i s attempting to achieve a higher s o c i a l status and, 59 perhaps more i n d i r e c t l y , greater p o l i t i c a l power. Equally as important, however, he hopes to a t t a i n a higher sacred status by pleasing the gods i n whose names he relinquishes, during the feast, his most sacred wealth, his mature male goatherd. i i ) History and Function of Sajigor: Once again I must stress that the r e l i g i o u s cosmology of the Kalas^h i s far too complex a subject to go into extensively in t his thesis. A discussion of one god, Sajigor, must s u f f i c e since i n Rombour Valley, where most of the information on the merit feasts i n the following two chapters was c o l l e c t e d , he * i s the presiding figure at these functions. This god was brought from a place i n present-day Nuristan c a l l e d "Wg_t«d_sh" i n the sixteenth century because of a prophecy of impending doom. The Kalash attempt to establish a dynamic and intensely emotional relationship with Sajigor. However, before expanding upon th i s theme, i t i s necessary to discuss some basic facts about him such as his o r i g i n s , his worldly manifestations, e.g. a l t a r s , icons, and his duties and functions. ' The Norwegian l i n g u i s t Georg Morgenstierne suggested two d i f f e r e n t versions of S a j i g o r 1 s name, either of which (or both) should relate to his special functions. One of these pronuncia-tions i s "suchig«or". However, Morgenstierne did not expand further upon the implications of this rendition. I f t h i s form, his name may be derived from "suchi", the Kalash word for f a i r y , or even from "such»aTy" ( i n f i n i t i v e - "su»ch£k") which means "to perform a r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n " by burning juniper or h o l l y oak branches. During the climax of these r i t u a l s , (done at Sajigor and elsewhere), the expression "such! such!" i s repeated l i k e a prayer or 'mantra' to d i s p e l p o l l u t i o n and restore (the, person to) a pure state. This f i r s t pronunciation could possibly then • *In Bomboret Valley, Mahandep becomes the presiding deity on ceremonial feasting occasions. He i s the god of warfare, and a g r i c u l t u r a l f e r t i l i t y and the harmful consequences of i n t r a -t r i b a l violence, e.g. incest, f r a t r i c i d e , are counteracted by making s a c r i f i c e s to him. 60 indicate the sacred status which i s assigned to Sajigor. The second, and to my mind more l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y i s that Sajigor's name was derived from the Sanskrit word, "sajji»kr" which means "to prepare", "to equip" or "to arm". This interpretation d e f i n i t e l y relates more clos e l y to the * reason why Sajigor was brought from Western K a f i r i s t a n , to be the protector or guardian of the l a s t stronghold of K a f i r r e l i g i o n on earth. As further evidence of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , inside Sajigor's enclosed stone a l t a r there are reputed to be buried sixty daggers c a l l e d "ni»rung" which date back to the same sixteenth century Kalash raid/on the Bashgal, concluded by Sajigor's transfer to Rombour. Narjga Dghar, whom the Kalasji regard as the greatest of a l l t h e i r shamans to date, was reputed-ly the advisor and s p i r i t u a l guide to the leader of this successful campaign, King Raja Waiy of Bomboret Valley. Afterwards, i n order to preserve the power which had been accrued to these deadly weapons (in hand to hand combat) i n a very bloody b a t t l e , Nanga D<rhar ordered the Kalasli warriors who owned them, to place them inside the stone a l t a r being b u i l t to house the newly arrived god. With these potent wea-pons inside his a l t a r , Sajigor i s himself "armed" or "equipped" to defend Kalash culture to the l a s t . Sajigor's role as 'protector' i s frequently expressed by a metaphorical image which describes him as f i x i n g a huge iron lock onto the end of the valley adjoining Rombour (Gaijgawat) , the upper extremities of which lead up over the ,> passes into Nuristan. When the Kalasjh graze t h e i r goats i n By t h i s denomination , I simply mean those K a f i r t r i b e s who live(d) i n the f o o t h i l l s and side-valleys on the Western slopes of the Hindu Kush mountains (present-day Nuristan), as opposed to the Kalasli who l i v e i n the eastern f o o t h i l l s of these same mountains. I t should not be confused with the term Western Katis, who l i v e i n the Ramgul Valley some few hundred miles to the west of t h e i r "brothers", the Eastern Kati, who l i v e i n the Bashgal area. (See map.) 61 the summertime in these alpine pastures, Sajigor's lock, symbolically at least, protects these animals and their shep-herds f r o m the Nuristani rustlers who come over the passes to rob them. Sajigor *s role as the protector of Kalas#h goats * is one of his most important functions. Palwal claims that Sajigor also protects the crops from disease i n f l i c t e d by e v i l s p i r i t s (1977:31). Yet this writer f a i l s to mention Sajigor's extremely c r i t i c a l relation-ship with the Kalasjh patrilineal clans which, together, make up the " g r Q W e i " , "the sacred male community", to which every boy or man over the age of seven or eight belongs. Sajigor is the principal focus of most of the r i t u a l activities associated with the f e r t i l i t y and prosperity of these clans. The component parts of his open-air site, ie. altar, sacred ** trees (Illustration #7), etc., which are arranged like a cosmic diagram, are located in a holly oak grove upstream in Rombour away from the centers of habitation. (See Sketch #2) Elevation is associated with higher or lower secular,,as well as sacred statuses: the houses of high-ranking clans tend to be the highest in the villages and the god-sites and the goat sheds are, for religious reasons, located above the villages. The valleys are also divided into two domains, "w^ -hunk" ('upstream') which being closer to the high mountains, home of the f a i r i e s , sacred markhor, and juniper forests, is considered to be purer than "pr^'hunk" ("downstream") connected with womens V" bathing •" *There are two other gods also responsible for the flocks, "Su»ri»zan" and Gosh»i»dojy". The former resides in the valleys inside the goat sheds during the winter,and the latter god is called upon at the spring festival to accom-pany the goats up to the high pastures for six months. * * There are two very important trees at this site. The one at the center of this entire "mandala-type1 site is a very stunted and gnarled, old holly oak tree. (Illustration #7) A second tree, said to have grown up from the spot where Raja Waiy's black arrow stuck in the ground, is an unusually large deodar (evergreen) tree, the proportions of which are found no where else in the whole lower valley. Its thick trunk is nat-urally denuded of a l l branches to a height of about six metres. 6 2 * places, menstrual huts, Muslim habitation, etc. Sajigor's a l t a r i s situated on the l e f t hand bank at a point where the Rombour River takes a sharp bend. Two of the largest i r r i g a t i o n channels i n the v a l l e y commence at this point, one of which waters several f i e l d s on the l e f t bank and the other, on the opposite side of the r i v e r , i s the "golden channel". As mentioned previously, t h i s channel runs for about six...kilometres, to end up in the f i e l d s of the pres-tigious Mu»ti»mi»r£h clan of Kalashagrom v i l l a g e . Because of i t s s p ecial locations., the Sajigor s i t e i s regarded as being the most sacred place in the entire v a l l e y and may be v i s i t e d only by men. Women are not permitted to approach this sacred grove within about eight hundred metres. If women fi n d them-selves at the few elevated places on the sides of the v a l l e y where one can look down to see the s i t e nestled i n the h o l l y oak forest, they ate forbidden to so much as cast t h e i r eyes in that d i r e c t i o n . Sajigor remains as inaccessible to the ' women as the menstrual hut goddess "De»za»lik" i s for the men. i i i ) Origins of Sajigor: Another name which I have heard the Kalash use for Sajigor i s "Di»san/e'" which they claim i s the Kati (Bashgali) appellation', for t h i s same god. I t i s at t h i s point that the form and the nature of Sajigor becomes extremely complex. There was a very -popular goddess with a very s i m i l a r name, "De»san»i" (or "Disni") who was commonly worshipped by a l l pre-Islamic K a f i r tribes i n the area now c a l l e d Nuristan. In Robertson's time, the importance of t h i s goddess "De»san»i" was indicated by her very d i s t i n c t i v e shrine i n the Bashgal v i l l a g e of Kamdesh (Kombrom), which was the most elaborate i n the entire v a l l e y . Robertson observed that: * I f a woman has given birth,she may not go into the upper portions of the v i l l a g e or t r a v e l up the valley u n t i l she has done a special p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremony at one of the three p r i n c i p a l annual f e s t i v a l s , depending on which f e s t i -val comes f i r s t a f t e r she has finished her two to three month post-natal p o l l u t i o n period. 63 " i t was b u i l t by men brought from Presungal (valley) for the purpose. It i s covered with carving, and has the wedge-shaped roof so common i n Presungal and p r a c t i c a l l y never seen i n the Bashgal Valley except at thi s place. Along both sides of the base of the sloping roof poles are fixed and support wooden images of birds...(1896:396) The Kalash claim that Sajigor ("Di• san.'e") was brought from a place i n Western K a f i r i s t a n c a l l e d "W_t«d£sh" which some sources mistakenly claim was i n the Bashgal. (Wazir A l i Shah, 1974:77), However, there appears to be enough evidence to indicate that "W_t»d£sh" was i n (or was another name f o r ) , the Prasun Valley, the same place which Robertson said was * the o r i g i n a l center for the goddess De-san»i. When I enquired from the Kalasjh themselves as to the location of "W^t'd^sh", i n the i r usual casual manner they gestured "over there", pointing i n the di r e c t i o n of Nuristan. Few of them ever having been more than f l e e t i n g l y over the Afghanistan border, they were unable to be of any further help. However,, on other occasions, while documenting some further o r a l h i s t o r i e s , I did record the names of two s i t e s (or v i l l a g e s , I wasn't sure at the time) "Bronz" and A»t£.ti" which were the exact locations i n "W_t-d£sh" from whence the Kalash claim Sajigor ("Di« san*^") was brought. There is- a v i l l a g e on the Prasun River c a l l e d "Pronz" which the Kalash have possibly rendered "Bronz". In Kalasjh "pon»du»re bronz" which l i t e r a l l y means "the round meadow", i s used to denote a funeral or a dance ground. "A»tg,»ti" i s somewhat more d i f f i c u l t to decipher. Tentatively at lea s t , I would suggest that i t i s the Kalash name for "Shtiwe", a v i l l a g e north of "Pronz" ("Bronz") on the Prasun River. Robertson, r e f e r r i n g to t h i s same v i l l a g e by i t s Kati (Bashgali) name of "Kstigigrom" ("Kstigi-village") said of this place that: *The Prasun i s somewhat further west and north of both the Bashgal (Kamdesh) and the Waigal r i v e r systems' (see map).... 64 " ( i t s ) chief temple was to Imra... and (that) undoubt-edly (it) was the most sacred v i l l a g e i n the whole of K a f i r i s t a n . ( 1 8 9 6 : 3 8 9 ) The Kati o r a l h i s t o r i e s indicate i n f a c t , that the Prasun Valley which they c a l l "Kti»wi" was their o r i g i n a l home v a l l e y . (Morgenstierne, 19 5 3 : 1 6 1 ) Morgenstierne's fieldwork also supports the idea that the "W_t»d*sh", which he renders •ft jc "W^tr" i s the Prasun Valley. ( 1 9 7 3 : 1 6 4 ) This evidence seems to s a t i s f a c t o r i l y establish the fact that Sajigor ("Di» san»*?") was brought from the Prasun, which was also the home of the most important K a f i r goddess, De»san«i. Not only are t h e i r origins and the names of these two de i t i e s markedly s i m i l a r , but when one examines t h e i r functions there are many other common features. Of a l l the K a f i r goddess-es De%san*i was the most powerful. (Palwal, 1 9 7 7 ) She was res-ponsible for f e r t i l i t y (human, livestock and a g r i c u l t u r e ) , v i r i l i t y , productivity (dairy and crops, p a r t i c u l a r l y wheat and m i l l e t ) , and protection (of goats and of K a f i r warriors on raiding missions). (Palwal, 1 9 7 7 : 1 6 1 ) In the Bashgal spec-i f i c a l l y , Robertson noted that De«san»i had many bridges and i r r i g a t i o n channels constructed i n her name. ( 1 8 9 6 : 4 1 0 ) In the Prasun Valley she was p a r t i c u l a r l y responsible f o r the c a t t l e , and oversaw the production of dairy products and t h e i r s a c r i f i c e . (Edelberg, 1 9 6 8 : 8 ) The elaborate De«san»i temple i n the Bashgal described by Robertson was located above the v i l l a g e . Since i t was at a 'sacred elevation' i t could only be attended by men, despite the fact that the deity was herself female. A pr o h i b i t i o n against women approaching De»san»i corresponds to s i m i l a r *"Im«ra" i n the Prasun, ("Im»ro" - Kati, "Yamr«di" - Waigal) was the highest Creator God of the Ka f i r pantheon (Morgenstierne, 1 9 5 3 : 1 6 3 ) and corresponds to the Kalasjh god "De»zau". **"V<£tr" i s the name Robertson gives at the Kati denomination for "mountain f a i r e y " . ( 1 8 9 6 : 4 1 2 ) In Waigali th i s becomes "wotri". (Morgenstierne, 1 9 5 3 : 1 6 5 ) The Prasun or "W£t»d£sh" , according to thi s association,means "land of the f a i r i e s " . #This c a l l s to mind the s p e c i f i c location of Sajigor*s "open-a i r temple" on the Rombour River next to the s t a r t of two major i r r i g a t i o n channels. 65 r e s t r i c t i o n s against women at Sajigor i n Rombour. There are other more s i g n i f i c a n t resemblances. In the Bashgal, the De»san»i shrine was the s p i r i t u a l center of the K a f i r winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . (Robertson, 1896: 410) Sajigor presently serves th i s same function i n Rombour for the Kalash winter f e s t i v a l . If a man i n the Bashgal had a son, he would s a c r i f i c e a goat at her shrine. When th i s boy became of age, he was presented to the (male) community at the De.san»i shrine wearing special loose wool pants which. symbolizes his membership i n the male community. His father would s a c r i f i c e goats at the shrine and aft e r baptizing the boy i n the blood, would feed the men who had gathered at the shrine a feast of meat. During their.winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l the Kalash' perform the same presentation ceremony ("is« ton »gis" - "baptism i n blood"), but the goats are k i l l e d on the "sacred" roofs of the goat sheds which are located above the v i l l a g e before going to the god-site. Afterwards the whole male community proceeds to Sajigor a l t a r where the boy i s i n d i v i d -u a l l y introduced to him and "Bal•u»mein", the prophet mess-enger who i s said to v i s i t this place for three days during the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . Annually, on th i s occasion, a long willow withe for each l i v i n g member of the sacred male community i s then thrown onto the top of the Sajigor a l t a r . The boys being presented i n t h e i r special loose pants have t h e i r s t i c k s thrown onto the a l t a r for the f i r s t time. In both the above examples, the emphasis of the two d e i t i e s Sajigor ("Di«san.e") and De»san»i i s d e f i n i t e l y upon t h e i r relationships to the i n d i v i d u a l members of the p a r t i l i n e a l clans who together make up the sacred male community. At De»san»i's own f e s t i v a l which used to take place i n the Bashgal i n mid-summer, huge quantities of cheese and butter were brought from the alpine pastures to the goddess's shrine where a l l the men had gathered to enjoy a feast of bread and dairy products. (Ibid:590) The annual pre-harvest 66 Kalasji f e s t i v a l of "LUchow" which takes place at Sajigor i s an almost i d e n t i c a l celebration. Both these f e s t i v a l s stress the role of De»san»i and Sajigor as divine beings who are concerned with the livestock and t h e i r productivity. In the Waigal Valley: "goat horns are associated with wealth, the man who has many goats i s r i c h , he can give feasts and achieve rank. A man who have given many feasts can have goat horn symbols carved on the front of his house. Horns, wealth, and prestige are closely associated...A successful hunter w i l l decorate the front of his house with the horns of the animals he has k i l l e d . (Schuyler Jones, 1974:99) Palwal, although c r i t i c a l of Jones' emphasis on horns with hunting, agrees with him that they are d e f i n i t e l y important symbols of achieved rank. Palwal also stresses that horns are symbols of f e r t i l i t y , s p e c i f i c a l l y related to the pow-ers of De»san»i. Amongst the pre-Islamic Kafirs of the Ashkuh Valley, a house-owner who wished to carve 1 U-shap:ed'horns on the door of his house must have more than four hundred goats and annu-a l l y s a c r i f i c e twenty to De»san»i. (1977:268) There i s a second horned design from the same area c a l l e d "Atali-Desani" composed of repeatedly crossed horns. The actual carved head of the goddess appears i n the crotch of the f i n a l , uppermost cross. To use th i s symbol, a man must s a c r i f i c e s i x t y goats annually to De»san»i and thus achieves the rank of "Mir" ("Maswi", "Masi" or "King"). (Ibid:269) Horns carved on houses are supposed to a f f e c t the f e r t i l i t y of women within, and ensure plenty when they are put onto the doors of storage rooms or goat sheds. Like the Ashkun K a f i r s , horns for the Kalash are connected with wealth, rank, and f e r t i l i t y . In Kalasti language the work "sa«ri«fa" i s most commonly used to describe a g i f t of new clothes which are presented to honor men of rank on cere-monial occasions. For the most d i f f i c u l t of Kalash merit feasts, a man must also prove that he has a,t l e a s t four hundred 67 goats before the f e s t i v i t i e s may commence. During these feasts a large number of goats (perhaps about t h i r t y ), are s a c r i f i c e d i n the name of Sajigor. The expression "Sajigor 1 as sa.ri»fa", meaning " g i f t s of clothing for Sajigor", i s metaphorically used to describe the numerous pairs of horns belonging to these s a c r i f i c e d animals. After the feast, they are a f f i x e d to the trunks of the sacred trees which grow next to the god's a l t a r , including one evergreen with the t a l l bare trunk.. (See Chapter 3, Footnote #2) ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #7). The quantity of these special objects symbolizes the obeisance of the feast-giver to Sajigor, whom he hopes w i l l reciprocate by bestowing blessings on himself and his clan. I t seems evident from the above discussion that there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s between the K a f i r goddess De»san»i and Sajigor ("Di^san*^"). The most obvious discrepancy i s i n the gender of these two d e i t i e s . However, the contradiction of gender indicates that the transfer of Sajigor from Western K a f i r i s t a n was a much more complex a f f a i r than the quasi-h i s t o r i c a l Kalash o r a l accounts presently reveal. The clue to this p o t e n t i a l l y puzzling s i t u a t i o n i s the connection which the Kalasji sometimes make between Sajigor and the Clan/ Household goddess, Jeshtak, whom they claim i s his mother. Already mentioned i s the fact that the goddess De»san«i was frequently symbolized by carved goat horns. Since the 1896 conversion to Islam, there have been uncovered i n the Prasun Valley a few very i n t e r e s t i n g three-dimensional carv-ings, also of thi s same goddess. These, (and I believe that there are extant only three such f i g u r e s ) , are of a woman seated on the back of a goat. She s i t s i n a special chair (symbol of rank) and her vulva i s hidden by the head of the goat. This animal has exceptionally long, upright horns which the goddess, with her arms outstretched holds i n her hands about half-way up t h e i r length. (Edelberg, 1968:8) While i n the Prasun i n 19 64, Edelberg discovered that in pre-Muslim times a statue of t h i s type existed i n the 68 households of the headmen of each of the eight clans i n the v i l l a g e of Shtiwe. The statue was kept i n the space between the central hearth and the back wall of the house. This i s the same spot that the Kalash c a l l "on»jesh»ta wah"f the "sacred space (void)" and which, as mentioned e a r l i e r , i s dedicated to Jeshtak. In a Kalash house Jeshtak's a l t a r , • • • • • comprised of the horns of s a c r i f i c e d goats and branches of holly oak, are a f f i x e d to the back wall d i r e c t l y behind the "on«jesJi»ta w'ah". Kalash clans that are small or impoverished and cannot a f f o r d the expenditues of wealth required to b u i l d t h e i r own clan temple, " Jes^htakhan" , keep t h e i r carved clan altars i n one of the houses owned by a clan member. Apparent-l y t h i s was the practice i n the Prasun regardless of the size or wealth of the clans. I t appears that for the Prasun Ka f i r s , De»san«i served the same function as the Kalash clan/ household goddess, Jeshtak. I f , as the Kalash say, Sajigor i s Jeshtak's son then i t seems l i k e l y that Sajigor, or at le a s t some related form, must be the son of De»san»i. In the story of Sajigor's transfer to Rombour, King Raja Waiy shot two arrows; a black one at whose landing place Sajigor's a l t a r was to be b u i l t , and a red one where the Kalash were instructed to b u i l d a menstrual hut. Inside this hut i s kept the Kalash p a r t u r i t i o n goddess, "De• z"a«lik" (whose name has a marked resemblance to De»san»i's). What i s more important here i s to est a b l i s h the association with Sajigor. 1 To do t h i s , i t i s necessary to turn to some of the l i t e r a t u r e , sparse though i t i s , on K a f i r r e l i g i o u s mythology about De«san»i. Palwal c o l l e c t e d a myth from the Prasun which mentions that De«san»i had a son (whose name wasn't known) who was responsible for constructing a vast i r r i g a t i o n network i n the Prasun which r a d i c a l l y changed the ecology of the v a l l e y . (1972:59) This angered the other gods who pur-sued him. In his f l i g h t , his own mother De«san.i, armed with a dagger accidentally k i l l e d him. (Ibid) This myth relates 69 De»san»i's son as the builder of a g r i c u l t u r a l hydraulic systems. This c a l l s to mind an association with Sajigor whose "sacred grove"is c e n t r a l l y located beside the two largest i r r i g a t i o n works i n Rombour. In 1892 Robertson recorded a myth that described the i. • . b i r t h of De«san«i and her son c a l l e d Bagisjit. In 1929, Morgenstierne was t o l d another version of t h i s same story by one of the l a s t surviving K a f i r p r i e s t s who had f l e d from the Bashgal during the 1896 Muslim conversion to Bomboret * where he l i v e d as a refugee u n t i l his death. I w i l l combine both versions of t h i s myth because together they reveal some very important facts about De»san»i's son and his connection to the Kalash god Sajigor. Although De«san*i was believed to have sprung from the r i g h t breast of the K a f i r creator god "Im«ra" ("De.zau"), her own father was "Sut«aram" or "Sat»aram", the K a f i r wea-ther god. This god had been "created out of a juniper twig and assume(d) the shape of a markor kid (whose) horns reach heaven." (Morgenstierne, 1953:164) He l i v e d i n a large mythi-c a l lake (Dorah) into which De»san«i was born. According to Robertson's version of this story, the goddess l i v e d i n the middle of this lake, inside the trunk of a tree that was so large that i t took nine years to climb and eighteen years * Several hundred Kafirs f l e d for t h e i r l i v e s from Nuristan during the conversion and were permitted by the C h i t r a l i Mehtar (and the B r i t i s h India Government) to s e t t l e as refugees i n v i l l a g e s at the ends of both Rombour and Bomboret val l e y s . Their descendents, numbering as many as a thousand people, l i v e i n these two Kalas#h v a l l e y s to t h i s day. A l i of them, however, have converted to Islam. 70 * to cross the span of i t s branches. (1896:382) When Sat»aram, apparently intrigued, approached th i s tree, i t burst asunder revealing De»san»i encased i n the centre of i t s trunk. L e f t alone, she was l a t e r v i o l a t e d by a demon (yus) who according to Morgenstierne's version, appeared i n ** the shape of an unshorn ram. (Ibid) De«san»i became pregnant and i n Robertson's account, she wandered u n t i l she came to the Prasun where she delivered her son, Bagis^ht, standing i n the Prasun River. (Ibid:382) Morgenstierne's rendition says that De«san»i remained in Dorah Lake and suffered through an ex-tremely p a i n f u l pregnancy i n which the foetus swam about i n her womb. When thi s son Bagis #ht was born, De»san»i said to him: "This c i t y i s on the surface of the water. Thou canst not l i v e with Gods, thou canst not l i v e with men. Thou wast made to move about i n water. (Morgenstierne,1953:168) Robertson also mentions that Bagisht's a l t a r was usually located near the confluence of r i v e r s or on i r r i g a t i o n channels. (Ibid:406) Moreover, this same writer also noticed that Bagisht was never connected with a temple of any kind. but always had an 'open-air s i t e ' so that the Kafirs could o f f e r t h e i r s a c r i f i c e s more d i r e c t l y to t h i s god. (Ibid:590) Often the only marker was a blood-covered stone. In Rombour, * Robertson recorded another myth which mentioned a sacred tree whose roots were the p a r t u r i t i o n goddess, "Nirmali" (Kalasjh "De»za»lik") , the trunk was De»san»i, and the branches seven (sud) brothers (aram) "Sut«aram", who were responsible for supervising the goats. (Note the s i m i l a r i t y to the Kalasjh goat-shed god "Su«zi»fan"). The repeated reference of De*san»i to the trunk of a sacred tree has an almost uncanny association to the huge deodar tree at Sajigor, who distinguishing fea-ture i s i t s t a l l , thick trunk which i s t o t a l l y denuded of branches for about the f i r s t 6 metres. **The theme of one of the seven sacred hymns sung at the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l in Bomboret i s of a grey-haired, unshorn ram who has a single horn which the Kalash say symbolizes his penis. The hymn c a l l s upon the ram to 'beat' (have intercourse) with his 'horn' (penis) and bring strength, vigor, health, and happiness to the Kalash people. 71 SajIgor's own a l t a r i s l i t t l e more than a p i l e of r i v e r rocks with a single wooden board, onto which i s attached some small carved horse-heads. I t too i s bloodrcovered from being anointed with numerous handfuls of s a c r i f i c i a l blood during the various f e s t i v a l s and feasts which take place there. The 'open-air' type of s i t e of Bagisjit i s also, as was mentioned, common to\Saj igor. The p a r a l l e l s drawn thus far between these two d e i t i e s seem too s i m i l a r to be merely co-incidental. There i s i n fact, further supporting evidence to show that Sajigor and Bagisjit are d i f f e r e n t forms of the same god. A Bashgali hymn to Bagisjit summons him as a supreme 'protector' god (Morgenstierne, 1953:180 ) which i s also the main function of Sajigor. According to Robertson, Bagisht was a very popular K a f i r god who helped men i n t h e i r struggle for wealth and power;' by s a c r i f i c i n g goats to Bagisjit, the Kafirs believed that they would become prosperous. This i s the same reason why Sajigor i s selected by the Kalasji as the focus of t h e i r merit feasts, p a r t i c u l a r l y the " b i r a mor"("sacred male-goat s a c r i f i c e " ) . For the whole of pre-Islamic K a f i r i s t a n , i t appears that there were some common r e l i g i o u s themes that at times emerge c l e a r l y or were sometimes melded together with a complex of other ideas. It i s betwixt and between these b e l i e f s that I have t r i e d to trace back "the black arrow" to determine the origins and relationships of Sajigor. The special features of the sacred grove, and his duties and functions presently seem to combine elements of both the goddess De»san»i and her water-borne son Bagisht. It i s by establishing these li n k s that more about the present-day ethnography of the Kalasji can be revealed, which t h i s may, i n turn, shed some l i g h t on aspects of a now transformed K a f i r i s t a n (Nuristan) which for the most part, has l o s t forever i t s e a r l i e r ethnographic r e a l i t y . J 72 iv) Contemporary Relationship to Sajigor: It i s very evident that the Kalash s t i l l regard Sajigor, to whom, i n d i v i d u a l l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y throughout' the year, the men turn as an extremely powerful and i n f l u e n t i a l deity. As a way of concluding this chapter on r e l i g i o n , a b r i e f des-c r i p t i o n of the events which occurred at the climax of the "bira mor" merit feast which took place i n November of 1977 at Sajigor, w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the kind of rapport that the Kalash seek to estab l i s h and maintain with t h i s god. Out of a t o t a l of approximately one hundred and forty animals (of which the majority were goats) that the feast-giver, Kata Sing, d i s t r i b u t e d at his "bira mor", some t h i r t y were s a c r i f i c e d at Sajigor on the l a s t day of the f e s t i v i t i e s . (The events of thi s feast w i l l be described i n th e i r entirety i n a l a t e r chapter.) Most of these t h i r t y animals were male goats, about four to six years o l d , which of a l l t h e i r poss-essions, the Kalasjh consider to be the most valuable and sacred objects of wealth. The reason why such a large number of beasts are required on these occasions i s to draw the attention of Sajigor, whom the Kalash believe becomes pleased i f "bira louje", the " s a c r i f i c i a l blood of the sacred male goat", flows for him as copiously as a "da»ren" (flood). Only then w i l l he be- persuaded to bestow his blessings upon the feast-giver and his clan. ' * Being a woman, I was not permitted to personally attend t h i s sequence of events at Sajigor, and I have therefore had to re-construct t h i s scene from various sources. I had d i s -creetly v i s i t e d the s i t e myself on one occasion i n 1973 and at that time was able to photograph some, of the most important features. For the merit feast i n 19 77, my p r i n c i -ple informant had learned how to- operate my camera, which resulted i n another half a dozen or so photographs. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #10) Another Kalash man kindly recorded for me an hour long tape at the god-site which included prayers, hymns, dialogue, and the shaman's trance. The rest of the information was supplemented during lengthy discussions while tra n s l a t i n g and inter p r e t i n g the taped materials. 73 At t h i s ' f i n a l e ' event, attended by about f i v e hundred men and boys, the excitement l e v e l was extremely high. A small number of men with t h e i r sleeves and pant legs r o l l e d up had r i t u a l l y p u r i f i e d themselves with 'holy' water and;toy burning juniper branches. These were the only men permitted to cut the throats of the animals. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #9). As each animal i s k i l l e d , the other men a l l shout spec-i a l prayers c a l l e d "par»wa«za" ("prayers that send o f f the s p i r i t of the goat to the god") which ask for,wealth and prosperity from the god i n return. ~ ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #10), If the goat trembles v i o l e n t l y as i t i s k i l l e d , t h i s i s a sign that Sajigor has accepted i t as a g i f t and the men then make loud kissing noises through puckered l i p s to give t h e i r thanks to the god for receiving i t . Just shortly after the l a s t s a c r i f i c e had been completed the shaman suddenly became possessed, supposedly by the s p i r i t of Sajigor himself. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #11)# A Kalash shaman, - *0ne of these "on»jesh»ta moch" ('.'purified men") c o l l e c t s the blood into his cupped hands as i t flows from the animal's throat and throws i t onto the s a c r i f i c i a l f i r e made of juniper wood. The next double-cupped handful of blood i s thrown onto Sajigor's piled-stone a l t a r . ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #10) **The Kalash believe that Sajigor retains these prayers un-t i l the following winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l when he w i l l d eliver them to the prophet messenger god "Balumein", who comes over from a place i n modern-day Nuristan s p e c i f i c a l l y to receive these prayers and take them back to the gods. . #A man becomes a shaman i n Kalash culture according to his own personal predil e c t i o n s , e.g. his capacity for suggesti-b i l i t y or a b i l i t y to have prophetic dreams, etc., although there i s some notion that the i d e a l temperament or character most suited to become a shaman runs i n p a r t i c u l a r families. In addition to the shaman, i n each valley there i s a hereditary p r i e s t l y family, but which i s less formally recognized than the Bashgali equivalent, the "Utah" (hereditary p r i e s t ) , For the Kalasti, one member of th i s family knows the secret hymns "gatch", which are sung annually on a few special occasions. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12) The. . songs are passed down from father to son. These families have a more ascribed s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l status than does a shaman, however, the l a t t e r may sometimes i n addition also belong to a prestigious lineage or clan. 74 "d£har", may 9 ° into a trance at the sight of a great quantity of s a c r i f i c i a l blood or even with the smell of burning juniper smoke, the 'scent of the gods'. In t h i s state, his eyes r o l l back and his limp body must be supported by the other men standing around. The Kalasjh c a l l t h i s possession state "um»bu«lgk", "to go up" or "to raise oneself up", and they say that in these moments the shaman "sees but not with his own eyes". At that time, the r i t u a l became extremely intense and crowds of men began to gather about the "d_ha"r" and sim-ultaneously shout at him to make s p e c i f i c request of Sajigor. The verbal responses of the "dgha"r", prefixed by a r i t u a l i z e d sequence of: "Ha.1 ha! ha! ha! Hetch!" became extremely mumbled and e r r a t i c . The Kalasjh believe these words are coming d i r -e c t l y through the shaman from Sajigor himself; Those men standing closest must s t r a i n to catch, the meaning of the "d^har", and then shout his words loud again for a l l the others to hear. The following i s a short excerpt from th i s dialogue: "D^iar"/"shaman" : "Ha! ha! ha! ha! Hetch! (to the feast-giver) In recognition of your f i n e l y (Janduli Khan- executed feast, I (Sajigor) Mu»ti»mi*r£h clan) w i l l bring into your hands ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #11) strength as great as the roof beams of a house! Crowd of Men: Yes! Make him as strong as (shouting to Sajigor v i a the the roof beams! Make him "d_har") strong! Bashara Khan: (to the shaman) Why i s i t that the uncle of ('Elder' - Ba•l£^ r^huclan) our host (father's brother-Garda) has less than he de-serves i n l i f e ? (Why has he no sons?) Garda: (shouting (.to the Oh! You who walks messages to the gods! Write d mens' prayers that ar ing for a son for me! shaman) (Mu» ti»mi* rsrh clan,  I own these Uncle of the host) e ask-75 Crowd of Men: (shouting Grant him his wish 1 Grant him to Sajigor) a son! "Dghar": (to the crowd) "Ha! ha! ha! ha.'Hetch! He w i l l grant i t ! He w i l l grant i t ! This three-way conversation;,- constantly building i n momentum, ranged over a variety of subjects including Sajigor's inten-tions to, in future, better protect the Kalasji goats from the Nuristanis. Also he promised .to keep at abeyance the tuber-culosis epidemic that was raging amongst the goat herds in the other two Kalasji v a l l e y . This disease, the shaman (Sajigor) said, would not come to Rombour as long as the community up-held the rules of purity and p o l l u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y concern-ing the prohibitions against Kalash women consuming the meat of the sacred male goats. These ideas make fascinating counter-points to some of the other, less orthodox, more modernistic/monotheistic views that were also expressed on other occasions at t h i s same merit feast. It i s the presence of both these t r a d i t i o n a l and the more 1avant garde' ideas which I referred to e a r l i e r ,when I suggested that occasions of power such as the merit feast could be used as a gauge to detect the f u l l range of ideas i n a broad, (and at times, fluctuating) spectrum of cosmological b e l i e f s . My informant l a t e r on expressed skepticism concerning the authenticity of the shaman's possession state, and claimed that many other men were also doubtful about the "sacred d i s -course" conducted by t h i s p a r t i c u l a r shaman. Those who were (are) skeptical presumably f i n d his views too orthodox or out-dated perhaps i n the l i g h t of some of the other more current attitudes examined i n the f i r s t part of t h i s chapter. V i s i t s from C h i t r a l i veterinarians with serum cannot help but create new attitudes towards the notion of "disease caused by bad s p i r i t s " ' The question of the authenticity of the trance aside, the shaman's part was superbly acted. He appears to have his 76 finger on a very important pulse, that i s , he i s s t i l l able to anticipate the more c r i t i c a l concerns and b e l i e f s of some, i f perhaps the more traditionally-minded portions of the Kalashi community. The dynamic interplay between the highly emotional crowd of men and t h i s e s t a t i c shaman at Sajigor, developed into one of the most dramatic sequences i n the entire "bira mor" merit feast, ( i t s e l f a type of dramatic performance). The tone or character of the relationship which the Kalash engage in with th e i r gods i s one of d i r e c t and active p a r t i c i p a t i o n . They believe these divine beings to be 'actively present' and a shamanistic medium i s p a r t i c u l a r l y equipped to engage in d i r e c t communications with them, v) Religious Aspirations of Feast-Giving: The content of the above dialogue at Sajigor i l l u s t r a t e s the very pragmatic and 'this worldly 1 orientation that the Kalasli have towards t h e i r divine persona and t h e i r r e l i g i o n generally. The feast-giver seeks the god's blessings which, he hopes, w i l l bring himself and his clan health, f e r t i l i t y , and material prosperity i n the future. Palwal maintains that K a f i r r e l i g i o n holds some notion of reincarnation and that by performing a merit feast, a man may achieve a more honorable position i n his a f t e r - l i f e . (1977: 301) As for the former idea of reincarnation, the Kalasli w i l l sometimes name a c h i l d a f t e r a dead ancestor with some hazy notion of a deeper connection; however, the whole idea remains.rather vague and i n e x p l i c i t . That a man achieves a better standing i n his a f t e r l i f e i s a b e l i e f which I did not encounter i n the course of documenting two of the most important Kalash merit feasts i n s i t u , or while gathering i n -formation from informants about these and other feasts. My own findings correspond with a verbal exchange that was related to Edelberg i n 194 8 i n the Prasun Valley, when there were s t i l l a very few K a f i r s s t i l l remaining a l i v e . These K a f i r men had Muslim sons who teased t h e i r fathers 77 about t h e i r old r e l i g i o n . They responded to t h e i r sons by saying: "You console yourselves with beholding God i n the l i f e to come, but we prefer to see him i n th i s l i f e . " (Edelberg, 1968:6) The Kalash and, s p e c i f i c a l l y i n t h i s context, the feast-giver, are not concerned with how t h e i r actions a f f e c t what l i e s a f t e r death except i n the sense of how those who remain be-hind w i l l remember them. The emphasis of Kalasjh r e l i g i o n and t h e i r relationship with the gods i s concerned with what bene-f i t s can be derived for the l i v i n g . I f a feast-giver's concerns can ever be considered abstract, i t i s only when the benefits of giving a feast are not realized immediately but t h e i r future descendents w i l l l a t e r gain in wealth, number, and prestige. The Kalasjh w i l l sometimes say that a man makes a large merit feast "out of love for his grandsons". The l a t t e r w i l l prosper and give thanks to him. A phrase frequently quoted in t h i s vein i s "nom ta touw how»ow", "his good name w i l l remain behind" to be cherished and remem-bered by future generations to come. The intentions of a man who s t r i v e s to become a "na»moo»si moch", "man of rank", are pragmatic and 'this worldly', he hopes to receive more sons, increase his wealth and to gain power and influence. The next chapter w i l l be a discussion of the various types of Kalasjh merit feast and, afterwards, a more detailed examination of one feast i n p a r t i c u l a r , the "bira mor" (''sacred male-goat sacrifice 1;).. The r e l i g i o u s dim-ension of th i s feasting i n s t i t u t i o n w i l l be a recurrent theme throughout the remainder of this t h e s i s . CHAPTER 4 - Merit Feasts Amongst the Kalash 5— i) Introduction: This chapter and the following one are both concerned with examining merit feasting, a multi-functional i n s t i t u t i o n which has s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to exchange systems found i n a l l non-monetary so c i e t i e s whose economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l organizations are based upon kinship and a f f i l i a -t i o n . The feasting complex of the Kalash w i l l provide the s p e c i f i c s o c i o - c u l t u r a l context (while discussing t h i s mode of exchange) found universally i n a l l non-market s o c i e t i e s . There i s no published information about Kalasji feasts and many inadequacies e x i s t i n what li m i t e d unpublished material i s available. For this reason, I s h a l l include i n thi s chapter a rather detailed enumeration of the various types of feasts and t h e i r associated ranks and symbols which a man/ may achieve i n Kalasji society. I w i l l preface t h i s discussion with a few remarks of a general nature about the merit feast, using the Ka f i r (or the Kalasji) s i t u a t i o n as examples wherever necessary. i i ) Feasting as a Mode of Exchange: Feasting i s an aspect of a l l s o c i e t i e s where there exists a lim i t e d degree of economic l i q u i d i t y , (Belshaw, 1962: 17) that i s , where there i s no common unit of currency which may be d i r e c t l y exchanged for foodstuffs or other material objects. In Kalasji society, goats are the common exchange unit and one f u l l grown b u l l i s worth the equivalent of twelve goats, a cow eight, an iron cooking pot f i v e , and (according to th e i r old rate of exchange) a walnut tree i s worth eight goats. However, a goat i s a very large object and does not solve the problem when an in d i v i d u a l wants to procure an item worth much less. As mentioned i n Chapter two, circumstances enabling individuals to procure d a i l y subsistence items i n such societies are met i n a d i f f e r e n t fashion. The family i s the primary economic unit and the r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods produced in Kalasji society i s exchanged between families, lineages, and 78 79 clan groups. Exchanges are also effected through feasting, a practice organized along kinship l i n e s , with concomitant relationships i n the economic sphere which may actually amplify the amount of materials to be re- d i s t r i b u t e d . Thus a feasting mode usually co-incides with an economic competitiveness, e.g. women competing to produce the most foodgrains or shep-herds attempting to increase t h e i r herds i n order to .produce the most cheeses, etc. This competitiveness re s u l t s i n the pro-* duction of large amounts of food which are then r e - d i s t r i b u t e d by an aspirant feast-giver to his fellow community. In return he achieves formal rank associated with greater s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l status, and i t i s these added dimensions which renders the feast as more than mere economic exchange. The previous chapter on r e l i g i o n was also concerned with these multi-functional aspects of feasting and there i t was pointed out that feasts are more than just secular events. Recognition of the achievements of the feast-giver comes not only from the community but, the Kalash believe, from the gods as well. During the concluding ceremonies at Sajigor's a l t a r de-t a i l e d in the previous chapter, the god, by way of the shaman mediator, praised the host of the "bira mor" for his "well-planned" feast. The actual Kalash term used was "chi»ti»ra kromb (work)". "Chit" means "thought" or "decision" and the a b i l i t i e s being praised at that time were Kata Siijg's planning and management s k i l l s exhibited throughout the duration of the feast. The point i s that i t i s not just the amount of goods involved which are important but also the manner i n which they are d i s t r i b u t e d . Which objects are to be given, to whom, *This factor of economic competitiveness i n s o c i e t i e s which exhibit a feasting mode of exchange holds as much importance as natural environmental abundance theories. The environ-ment may hold the pot e n t i a l for abundant surpluses but work i s required to exploit these resources and the competitive ethic i s a c r i t i c a l stimulus. 80 i (which rank-holders, r e l a t i v e s , etc.) when, and how, are a l l points generally prescribed by a p a r t i c u l a r society's customs and t r a d i t i o n s . There must always be, however, a certain degree of l a t i t u d e within these rules which are l e f t to the d i s c r e t i o n and taste ( s e n s i b i l i t i e s ) of the i n d i v i d u a l feast-giver in a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . In Kalash culture, and I suspect i n other s o c i e t i e s of this type, there can never be enough goods to cover a l l the formally prescribed obligations,and a compromise must be ach-ieved, otherwise the system would collapse. For example, at a "bira mor" feast, one group, amongst others, which custom prescribes must be formally honored with g i f t s of prestige objects (a goat or s i l k robe), are a l l previous feast givers of the rank the host i s aspiring towards, plus t h e i r sons and grandsons. During the "bira mor" Kata Sing d i s t r i b u t e d about one hundred and forty animals; however, a large portion . of these went to his affines (his mother's clan, e t c . ) , "daughter of the clan", ("ja«mT»li"),and to the god Sajigor, the meat from these animals went to the males of a l l the households i n the v a l l e y (the "gr'o'-wei", "sacred male commun-i t y " ) . If .there were four such indivi d u a l s already holding that rank, who are of an advanced age and a l l have three or four sons and grandsons, p o t e n t i a l l y t h i s could number t h i r t y or more goats which according to formally prescribed custom, must be d i s t r i b u t e d . In l i e u of the other obligations which the feast-giver i s also responsible for, i t i s not possible for him to give goats to a l l the descendents of these ranked men. I t i s t h i s type of s i t u a t i o n which requires that there be a certain l a t i t u d e within the broader rules, which permits a compromise to be reached i n each s p e c i f i c feasting s i t u a t i o n . Both parties, the givers and the receivers, are aware of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the system. If the host i s s k i l f u l , he w i l l be able to d i s t r i b u t e 81 a minimum amount of goods to f u l f i l l his obligations, to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the re c i p i e n t s . If the l a t t e r group perceives his actions as jus t , the host thereby maximizes his returns and gains public recognition, formal rank, increased status * and p o l i t i c a l influence. Because the manner of presentation i s so c r i t i c a l a part of the proceedings at a feast,:these events appear to function i n much the same way as a well-executed, dramatic performance, with the host as director. An interpretation of the various a c t i v i t i e s at a feast must, therefore, also do j u s t i c e to the aesthetic dimensions of these events. This approach w i l l be considered i n the subsequent chapter where I s p e c i f i c a l l y discuss one merit feast, the "bira mor" ("sacred male-goat s a c r i f i c e " ) . A further aspect to t h i s analogy of the feast as.a dramatic performance i s the host's a b i l i t i e s to manage or d i r e c t the large number of people required to hold such an event. The largest feasts can only be accomplished with the help of clansmen and numerous other a l l i e s . The highest ranks are scarce because the pre-requisites for achieving them are so extremely d i f f i c u l t . To succeed, a man needs a large num-ber of supporters to a s s i s t him and for this reason achieving high rank i s inevitably a cumulative process. A man must i n i t i a l l y e s tablish his c r e d i b i l i t y with his p a t r i l i n e a l clan, which becomes the basic unit for corporate action i n the preparation of the bigger feasts. As an i n d i -vidual, with the help of his clan, he gradually accomplishes increasingly more d i f f i c u l t feasts, a larger and larger public *In order to become a "ga. djgiy .ra • Khan" , ("respected elder"), an informally acquired p o l i t i c a l p o s ition i n Kalash va l l e y s , an i n d i v i d u a l must exhibit a sense of j u s t i c e , propriety, and a thorough knowledge about community a f f a i r s . Many of these same - q u a l i t i e s . required to give a success-f u l merit feast are i n fact the same s k i l l s which an i n d i v i d u a l must employ to prove his leadership c a p a b i l i t i e s . 82 becomes convinced of his a b i l i t i e s and are w i l l i n g to be co-opted into his ranks to work towards his further aggrandize-ment. At the biggest Kalash merit feast a kind of paradox exists: while the entire community i s e x t o l l i n g praises about the host, the majority of them are furio u s l y engaged in numerous tasks upon whose completion the very successes of the feast-giver c r i t i c a l l y depend. Such are the powers of control and persuasion of these big men! i i i ) K a f i r Feasts: Feasts are presently s t i l l being performed i n Nuristan but conversions to Islam have resulted i n there being many, fewer feasts, than before. In t r a d i t i o n a l pre-Islamic K a f i r society (including the Kalash) a man's a b i l i t y as a warrior,his accumulation iof wealth, and his a s c r i p t i v e association with a high-ranking p a t r i l i n e a l descent group (the clan), were, and s t i l l are to some degree, a l l factors associated with high s o c i a l value. However, these d i s t i n c t i o n s , unembellished by cere-mony, do not stand alone; and the in d i v i d u a l who accomplishes these deeds (advertently or in a d v e r t e n t l y / a s c r i p t i v e l y ) , must make them known by transforming his wealth into rank through the i n s t i t u t i o n of the merit feast. Anthropologists who have s p e c i f i c a l l y examined K a f i r feasts (pre-Islamic and present-day) have distinguished be-tween two or three d i f f e r e n t types. (Strand, 1974; Jones, 1974; Palwal, 1 9 7 7 ) . Because they tend to over-lap at certain c r i t i c a l points, there are certa i n dangers i n using broad a n a l y t i c a l categories to d i f f e r e n t i a t e these feasts. For example, Jones (1974:168) uses two major categories for the Waigal Valley, "private" and "public" to describe 'obligatory' feasts and c a l l s another type 'non-obligatory' . In the Kalas#h s i t u a t i o n , the 'obligatory' feasts are a l l i n some sense 'public', and therefore I have not found Jones' labels useful. Palwal, writing primarily on the Kati (and Kom) of the Bashgal and Ramgul Valleys, discriminates f i r s t between the 83 complex of feasts associated with warfare (wherein one achieves ranks of heroism), and then characterizes the others as feasts either associated with i n d i v i d u a l r i t e s of passage by which one . achieves 'distinction 1', or aimed towards achieving public o f f i c e through merit. (1977:216) (I have already noted the close association which the Kalasjh make between the managerial s k i l l s of the feast-giver and the informal nature of 'elder'.) Once again, according to t r a d i t i o n a l K a f i r society, neither type i s mutually exclusive. In the Bashgal, before a man could begin giving the public o f f i c e feasts, he must a l -ready have become a ranked warrior of some repute. However, by grouping the warrior feasts i n the second category, I have, found Palwal's labels to be quite useful for the Kalash s i t u -ation . Feasts associated with the natural l i f e c r i s e s that p u b l i c l y record these events (Jones's 'private/public'), I have chosen to c a l l 'prescribed' because families (or clans) are obligated by custom to perform them. The second type (Palwal's 'public o f f i c e ' ) , although not e n t i r e l y divorced from an individual's l i f e cycle (there are only certain points when an i n d i v i d u a l commands the material resources or people to help him), i s d i s t i n c t from the former group because i t i s e n t i r e l y 'optional'. I t i s t h i s type of feast which w i l l be the main focus of future discussion in t h i s t h e s i s . Before going into the d e t a i l s of this l a t t e r type, I w i l l give a b r i e f summary of the 'prescribed* type, i i i ) a) Prescribed Feasts: These feasts accompany the passage of a l l indiv i d u a l s from b i r t h to maturity, marriage, and f i n a l l y death. Some of these occasions require special (or sacred) r i t u a l s , and the giving of prestige objects such as clothes or livestock,, but the ubiquitous element i s food, prepared and d i s t r i b u t e d in prescribed amounts. In order to maintain the status of the family or clan, 84 people try to f u l f i l l the customary obligations df these feasts to the best of t h e i r economic a b i l i t i e s . If they choose to, they may give more than the minimally prescribed amount and, having done so, t h i s may heighten t h e i r prestige in the community. Palwal prefers to c a l l t h i s " d i s t i n c t i o n " rather than status because, compared to the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for improved status and prestige i n the 'optional' type of feasts, the benefits from the former are very l i m i t e d . One Kalash example of a prescribed feast i s c a l l e d v * "pin zjr a^puw" ("bread and cheese") given the morning afte r the b i r t h of a new baby. It i s given by the father's family, •or with the help of his close male lineage i f necessary. The family dips into t h e i r grain and cheese reserves to feed the i r neighbours ( v i l l a g e , or i n the case of Rombour the v a l l e y ) , a single generous meal. If this i s considered to be a sp e c i a l occasion, the b i r t h of a long awaited son for example, the family might extend the i n v i t a t i o n the include more v i l l a g e s or, perhaps, give away th e i r most, special reserves of.'fresh cheese. I t i s the widening of scope or the amount i n these instances which brings more prestige to the hosts i n the prescribed type of feasts, i i i ) b) Optional Feasts: Optional feasts are much more competitive than the prescribed type. While p o t e n t i a l l y involving great economic, s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l r i s k s to the aspirant host and his pat-r i l i n e a l clan, these 'optional' feasts also hold out the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of much higher d i s t i n c t i o n s than are ever possible in the r i t e s of passage type of feast, i f they are successfully executed. *"Pin" i s just one of several words i n Kalash which i s ' s i t u a t i o n a l l y ' rather than 'variably' s p e c i f i c . That i s , i t may refer to several d i f f e r e n t types of cheese but i s a 'cheese-word' used only on the occasion of a b i r t h . The same type of cheese on another occasion i s c a l l e d something else. 85 Top ranks achieved by giving feasts are scarce because they require a great deal of planning, forethought, and accu-mulation of wealth r e s u l t i n g from sheer hard work on the part of the aspirant and his supporters. I t may take years to make adequate preparations. At an e a r l i e r "bira mor" feast i n 1969, Kata Sing undertook to give his own "bira mor" eight years hence, the amount of time which he estimated would be required to save s u f f i c i e n t wealth. Right up u n t i l a month before, neither, he nor his clansmen ever p u b l i c l y referred to t h e i r intentions to give "bira mor". This was p a r t i a l l y for superstitious reasons, but also because of the great shame involved i n having to renege i f t h e i r schemes had not f a l l e n into place as planned. The community, p a r t i c u l a r l y those individuals who have given merit feasts i n the past, judge the performance, i n r e l a t i o n to amounts of prestige items and foodstuffs d i s t r i b -uted in acceptable form to the r i g h t places" and the aspirant thereafter gains the formal rank . "na.moos". Other men of rank exercise a c r i t i c a l eye because to do otherwise would lower standards, thus jeopardizing t h e i r own elevated s o c i a l positions. Increased s o c i a l status brings greater p o l i t i c a l i n f l u -ence which can p o t e n t i a l l y be manipulated to open up avenues of greater economic gain for the i n d i v i d u a l and his close supporters. Greater s o c i a l prestige afterwards also a f f e c t s the everyday l i f e of a feast-giver. An i n d i v i d u a l who has achieved "bira mor na.moos" ("rank") w i l l never again be able to walk casually into someone's house. Upon his a r r i v a l , a l l the occupants in the room w i l l be on t h e i r feet, o f f e r i n g him t h e i r places. Moreover, at future f e s t i v a l s and feasts, he i s given double portions of the choicest cuts of meat, or an extra l a d l e f u l of butter. On those occasions he may also sport a special kind of dress, the markhor hide shoes "sha* ra kund»"a-li" for example ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #13)/or other 8 6 decorations that indicate his status. Those who have done "bir a mor" are permitted to s i t out-of-doors on the low Kalash stools c a l l e d "han»yak ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #14). In contrast with the affluence of a modern Western consumer society, i t i s maybe somewhat d i f f i c u l t for observers from the former so c i e t i e s to put into perspective the r e l a t i v e extravagance of feasts sponsored i n materially lim i t e d , archaic cultures. Comparatively, the outlay at these feasts may not seem too s i g n i f i c a n t . Or the benefits accrued afterwards, such as s i t t i n g on a s t o o l ' outside one's own house, may appear not worth the e f f o r t of the host. I t i s , of course, because these cultures are materially simple that the expenditures are comparatively large and that there i s a great symbolic value attached to most material objects, p a r t i c u l a r l y the prestige items. In t r a d i t i o n a l K a f i r culture, there were extremely s t r i c t sanctions against exhibiting any behaviour or wearing the the symbols of rank which had not yet been legitimately earned (Palwal, 1977:192), and fines were imposed upon any in d i v i d u a l who broke those sanctions. /Among; L the Kalasji presently t h i s i s s t i l l true for some behaviours and symbols. However, a number of other symbols t r a d i t i o n a l l y having meaning, have become purely decorative, p a r t i c u l a r l y some features of the women's costumes which, as I mentioned i n the introduction, have become very extravagant^ ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #3). I w i l l give a few examples of these 'sec -ular i z e d ' symbols. In Western K a f i r i s t a n amongst the Wai and Kati, women were permitted to give at lea s t a lim i t e d number of feasts. Symbols in d i c a t i n g rank worn by these women therefore r e f l e c t -ed t h e i r own achievements, as well as those of th e i r natal clansmen such as fathers, paternal uncles, or brothers. /Among- the Kalasji there i s no evidence to show that women were ever permitted to give feasts themselves and could only achieve recognition according to the ranks t h e i r natal clansmen (with t h e i r women's assistance) earned. 87 For most of the Kalasji women today, the meanings of t h e i r costumes are not remembered, but from comparative studies i t appears that they are simi l a r to some of the prestige symbols worn by ranked men (and women) i n the pre-conversion Bashgal Valley. The warrior rank "ley mach", which a man could achieve only after he had k i l l e d a minimum of eighteen people, was s i g n i f i e d by a black cloth (wool) f i l l e t worn on f e s t i v e occasions draped over his shoulders and down his back. This f i l l e t , c a l l e d " p t i ("cowrie-shell") stem" ("back"), had sh e l l s sewn onto i t i n a whorl-like pattern representing a s h i e l d and symbolizing the man's prowess as a warrior. A l l Kalash women today have th i s exact same design on th e i r large s h e l l headdress-es but, rather than i n d i c a t i n g the achievements of the men i n their natal.clans, they are fre e l y adopted for purely decora-tive purposes-* ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #15). Kalasjh women also wear b e l l s attached to these headdresses which were previously associated with and reserved for those with a warrior status; one b e l l was equal to one homicide. Another Bashgali symbol which Kalasjh women wear are "grin»ga", heavy, f l u t e d neck rings. Previously these were reserved for the highest ranking warrior "sur mach" who had made at lea s t sixty k i l l i n g s . A f i n a l example of: decorative adaptation of ranked symbols are the numerous s i l v e r chains c a l l e d "sha»gai" which Kalasji women wear t i e d to th e i r headdresses that reach around one side of th e i r s k i r t s to tuck i n at the waists ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #3), T r a d i t i o n a l l y i n the Bash-gal these chains ("sturi") were worn by a man of rank c a l l e d "ara mach" or his sons and daughters. One achieved t h i s t i t l e be giving a feast s i m i l a r to the Kalash "bira mor". Each time a man gave this feast he was then allowed to wear one " s t u r i " or "chain". The rest of the discussion i n thi s chapter w i l l describe the various ranks which a Kalash man could t r a d i t i o n a l l y achieve i n K a f i r society, iv) Warrior: The f i r s t rank of the o v e r - a l l complex of 'optional' 88 Kalash merit feasts i s that of the ranked warrior. Raiding for the sake of proving one's bravery, as well as acquiring booty (livestock) which paid for the expenses of the merit feasts, resulted i n (or was the r e s u l t of) the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the warrior i n t r a d i t i o n a l • K a f i r society. Since the turn of the twentieth century, the old balance of power established as a r e s u l t of these raiding and trading prac-ti c e s i n greater K a f i r i s t a n has been i r r e v e r s i b l y destroyed. This was primarily due to the extension of Afghan and B r i t i s h suzerain-ty (now Pakistani) over these areas. Cultures, however, do not l e t go of t h e i r ideal images of manhood so rapidly, p a r t i c u l a r l y when they continue to serve a purpose i n a remote area.that has * * remained r e l a t i v e l y lawless well into the twentieth century. These archaic war-like socie t i e s produced and were sustained by a s o c i o l o g i c a l and psychological 'warrior-type' whose appear-ance and manner bespoke both of his m i l i t a r y prowess and accomp-lishments. Although one may read about the fearsome K a f i r v warriors of Robertson's time ( 1 8 9 2 ) , the impact of such indiv-iduals i s reserved for person-to-person confrontation. It i s impossible to comprehend the human dimension of r i t u a l i z e d war-fare i n these archaic socie t i e s by merely discussing the frequency of homicides with the corresponding prescriptions for feast-making, and t h e i r associated ranks and symbols. The individuals involved remain simply curios of a by-gone age. Before examining the Kalash requirement to achieve rank through k i l l i n g , • *Raiding i s the antithesis of the merit feast, a kind of negative r e c i p r o c i t y (Sahlins, 1965:148) wherein the i n d i v i d u a l acquires something for nothing. This a c t i v i t y was j u s t i f i e d i n terms of the ends to which the booty was used, the merit feast i t s e l f which legitimized these negative a c t i v i t i e s . Booty i s re-d i s t r i b u t e d 'Robin Hood' sty l e and a 'man-killer' becomes a hero. ** The continuing m i l i t a n t elements i n Nuristan whose photographs have recently been featured i n American new magazines are now f i g h t i n g against the Russian backed People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) who i n a c i v i l i a n backed m i l i t a r y coup took power from President Mohammad Daud i n A p r i l , 1978. Nuristan has been e n t i r e l y l i b e r a t e d of a l l Communist forces (since May, 1979) by these Nuristani g u e r i l l a fighters who refer to themselves some-what tongue i n cheek as "ley mach", "man-killers". 89 I w i l l begin with a short character sketch of the f i r s t Nuri--stani whom I chanced to meet actually i n the Bashgal Valley. After a g r u e l l i n g three-day ride i n a Russian jeep across eastern Afghanistan, I had just rather wearily begun the sheer 600 metre climb up to Kamdesh v i l l a g e (pop. 1,750 -19 74), when I was hailed by a man s i t t i n g down o f f to the side of the path. At f i r s t glance one presumed that he was somewhat 'out of the ordinary' or, i f i n fact he was not, then the v i s i t o r was i n a forbidden region. He was a very large man, his size further? .  exaggerated by his layer upon layer s t y l e of dress. He had roughly tanned goat-skin s t r i p s , with much of the hair s t i l l l e f t on them, bound around his feet and up his legs to the knee. He wore faded, dark-colored loose cotton pants and open s h i r t (or per-haps the remains of a s h i r t ) , and overtop, a rough, goat-hair woven jacket. On his head was the usual brown, soft-wool C h i t r a l i cap pushed back to reveal a dominant fore-head and receding h a i r l i n e . Slung across the f u l l width of his broad chest was a leather bandolier studded with dozens of bu l l e t s for his high-powered r i f l e which he had resting comfortably across his knees as he squatted down on the path. During our b r i e f encounter he repeatedly gazed up the va l l e y through a well-used pair of good Swiss binoculars which he kept strung across his shoulder. His face was one of the most disquieting " I have ever looked into. He had a large, beak-like nose that curved sharply downwards near the t i p , penetrating hazel-brown eyes, and a very white, pock-marked skin with ah assortment of other deeper and less regular scars on his cheeks and temples. Host i n t e r e s t -ing, however, was his moustache about which I couldn't help wondering at the time (or perhaps dreading) i f i t was the fashion of the day i n Nuristan. Medium brown i n color, i t grew only at the edges of his upper l i p . A bare portion i n the center under his hawkish 90 nose was not clean shaven i n the usual manner but rather, the whole center section of skin (perhaps f i v e to eight millimetres long), had been peeled away leaving even whiter scar tissue from which hair no longer grew. Afterwards I was informed that he was the hired body-guard/assassin of one of the highest ranking Kamdeshi leaders .. and he had the status of "man-killer" ("ley mach"), with at least ten notches on his gun b a r r e l . Spared these d e t a i l s at the time, however, I readily accepted the o f f e r to look through his binoculars and, after a b r i e f conversation i n broken Urdu, Kalas#h, and F a r c i , gave him an oyster s h e l l before proceeding on up the h i l l . Some days l a t e r , while walking through lower Kamdesh, he emerged from his house with a revolver i n hand and, in a rather wry fashion, enquired i f there were any more sh e l l s a vailable. Robertson's account (1896) i s f u l l of such anecdotes about K a f i r braves. The Kalas #h, however, although they perhaps affected a s i m i l a r style i n the days of King Raja Waiy, nowa-days l i v e by a much less overtly aggressive code. Before ex-amining the more recent developments of t h i s warrior mode, I w i l l f i r s t discuss the t r a d i t i o n a l requirements for a Kalasjh merit feast to acquire the rank of "man-killer", "shu«ra moch". Because k i l l i n g a leopard i s (was) marked with a somewhat simi-l a r ceremony, I w i l l also include those d e t a i l s with the f o l l -owing discussion. In the past, unless a man f u l f i l l e d the requirements of the feast, despite being a ' k i l l e r ' , he did not receive the formal rank of a 'leopard' or a 'man k i l l e r 1 . Returning to his home v i l l a g e a f t e r k i l l i n g an enemy, i f the man p u b l i c l y intended to announce his deed he would summon the/help of some other men. Together they would drag * a large rock (out of the river) and put i t into a communal *During the funeral of a 'man-killer', the mourning party of men at some point during the a c t i v i t i e s , breaks o f f from the others to circumambulate th i s stone three times before r e - j o i n i n g the group. This i s also done at the funerals of any of the male descendents of t h i s 'man-killer 1. 91 meadow close-by, or into one of his f i e l d s . He then dressed i n two s i l k robes, one of which he wore normally but he only put his arm i n one sleeve of the other and l e t the garment hang loosely down his back. This second robe i s meant to symbolize the man (or individual) whom he has k i l l e d . I t may i n fa c t be the actual garment from the dead enemy c a l l e d "ka»ra". (Palwal, 1977:184) which a 'warrior' would try to bring back as proof. In the Bashgal a 'man-killer' was required to bring back the blood-stained garment which covered the f a t a l wound or i f possible, an ear from the victim as evidence. (Ibid:169) Next, the Kalas#h 'man-killer' w i l l place under his arm nine woven wheat stalks tipped with the iri d e s c e n t feathers of the Himalayan monal (pheasant), that are t i e d together into a bundle around a short s t i c k with red and white threads. For everyday wear these feather bundles, c a l l e d "cheish", are made by a man's lover and attached to the edge of his cap or worn by women i n thei r headresses at dances ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #16). However, i n the context of a merit feast, when a man i s trying to achieve the status of "shu»ra moch", they are c a l l e d "patch rnal", l i t e r a l l y , "feather wealth". The "patch rnal" of a 'man-killer' always has nine feathers * and i s c a l l e d "a«s£.«mal". If the victims were women or c h i l d -ren, the plume w i l l sometimes be substituted with the wing from an eagle. I f i t i s a leopard that the man has k i l l e d , he w i l l wear a bundle of three feathers which i s placed i n his hat for the dance at his feast. For k i l l i n g a leopard, a rock i s not placed in the man's f i e l d . K i l l i n g a man i s a very powerful act with possible dangerous a f t e r - e f f e c t s , for example, r e t r i b u t i o n by the r e l a -* T r a d i t i o n a l l y i n the Bashgal, ii 'man-killer' would be per-mitted to wear a feather for each enemy that he k i l l e d . For the Kalas.h, there does not appear to be a correspondence between the number of feathers and the number of homicides. 92 tives of the deceased or the i l l - e f f e c t s of the evil-eye. By placing the nine-feathered plume "a«s_»mal" under his arm, the 'man-killer' symbolically acknowledges the potential,dangers : and the need to be circumspect at such potent moments. Climbing up onto the rock which was dragged up into his * f i e l d s , he proceeds to sing a secret song c a l l e d "gatch" taught to him by another 'man-killer' or a representative of the p r i e s t ' s family who knows a l l these secret hymns ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12), The theme of t h i s "gatch" refers spec-i f i c a l l y to the powers of becoming a "shu.ra moch","man-k i l l e r " . In Kafir times i n the Bashgal, a successful warrior would also sing a special song, as he approached his home v i l l a g e , dedicated to the war god "Gish" (Kalas%h equivalent of Mahandeo") , announcing his accomplishments. (Palwal, 1977: 170) He then gave this song again l a t e r while standing alone on a rock over-looking the v i l l a g e . In the Kalasjh case, a dance by the entire community i s done around this rock and, having himself danced upon the rock, c a l l e d "shu.ra uphor" ("man-killer's dance") the man then descends from i t to oversee a feast which i s given to his entire community. My informant T did not mention any prescribed number of goats that should be k i l l e d and the expenditures for the feast depend upon how many in d i v -iduals are i n the community. While doing research amongst the Kalasjh, Palwal was t o l d that the minimum requirement was f i v e hundred kilos of cheese and ninety-six k i l o s of wheat f l o u r to give a "shTf.ra uphor" feast and dance. (Ibid: 183) In the Bashgal, a man was required to k i l l a minimum of twelve * In Bomboret, a "gatch" i s sung at the spring f e s t i v a l , by a select i n d i v i d u a l , who sings i t s o f t l y into a small, woven willow-twig basket that he holds up to his mouth. The b e l i e f i s that for those not e n t i t l e d to hear a "gatch" e.g. women, Muslims, foreigners, i t i s very 'dangerous for t h e i r souls'. A d i f f e r e n t "gatch" i s sung at the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . 93 goats to achieve the rank of "sur manchi". (Ibid: 164) In the feast for k i l l i n g both a leopard and a man, a long straight willow s t i c k with i t s bark l e f t on"in an elaborate 'curl' design i s prepared. This s t i c k c a l l e d "phla* (r)» •/ gun»deik" i s stuck into the ground next to the a l t a r made of markhor horns c a l l e d "Shing Mou". This a l t a r i s presently found only i n Rombour Valley situated below the Mahandeo a l t a r i n Grom v i l l a g e . Twenty years ago there were over hal f a dozen such * s t i c k markers but today none remain. Afterwards the warrior was e n t i t l e d to receive extra portions of food at feasts. The above description appears to have been the extent of the Kalasji ceremonies involved i n achieving the rank of "man-killer". The Bashgalis and the Waigalis had a more elaborate series of feasts according to the number of homicides that a man committed. To achieve the highest warrior rank i n the Bashgal, a man had to k i l l at l e a s t s i x t y people and then became known as "sur-mach", and wore a b e l l for every homicide. (Palwal, 19 77:178) The b e l l s , accumulated one by one, were attached to a thick metal cord which was worn over t h e i r neck . and across the shoulder. One year a f t e r the death of such an i n d i v i d u a l a commemorative human e f f i g y , mounted on a horse c a l l -ed "uzawa-mut", was carved and placed i n the graveyard. In the Kalasji valleys t h i s kind of feast i s no longer celebrated because the central law enforcement agencies i n both * The Bashgali equivalent of t h i s s t i c k was a t a l l pole erected outside a man's house which was notched or pierced through with holes according to the number of victims the man had s l a i n . If the v i c t i m was a man, a metal pin was placed i n the hole or a wooden one was substituted i f the victims were women or children. (Palwal, 1977:174) r **When young Kalash boys are presented at the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l for the second time (wearing t h e i r s p e c i a l loose pants), they wear on this occasion a s i m i l a r braided metal cord, strung with numerous brass b e l l s . After t h i s ceremony the boys are recognized as members of the Kalash "sacred male community", and presumably, i n e a r l i e r times would have then begun to prove th e i r courage as warriors. 94 C h i t r a l and Nuristan w i l l no longer permit such violence or murder as a r e s u l t of i n t e r - t r i b a l r i v a l r y or disputes. Their present concerns are to try to' keep raiding, the central cause of such violence, to a minimum. The l a s t 'man-killer 1 feast that i s known to have happened was i n Rombour i n the mid-1950's. The incident which surrounds the l a s t 'man-killer' feast i s very revealing about present-day Kalash culture. It involved a man, Gulap Din, from Bat_t v i l l a g e i n Rombour Valley who be-longed to the Dra*m_.sg, clan. Gulap Din, now dead, was reputably so large and powerful that he actually k i l l e d a bear in a struggle with a knife. He was a 'man-killer', and has the reputation of k i l l i n g seven Nuristanis on raids i n the high pastures. The occasion which precedented the feast was a r e s u l t of the l a s t of these k i l l i n g s . Gulap Din had apparently been up-stream i n a more remote va l l e y harvesting his wheat when i t be-came l a t e . Rather than return to his v i l l a g e , he spent the night i n a summer cottage near the f i e l d s . He rose early to begin work again and, while he was approaching his f i e l d s , he came upon two Nuristani men (obviously not expecting any one that e a r l y ) , from the refugee v i l l a g e at the top of Rombour st e a l i n g grain out of his f i e l d s . One of them Gulap Din shot dead on the spot, and the other f l e d back up the v a l l e y . Din then returned to Bat_t v i l l a g e and confessed to the incident. The C h i t r a l i Scouts (army) stepped i n and arrested Gulap Din and two other prominent members of the Dra»m_-s£, clan, Abdul Salam and Pukhati. A l l of them were taken back to C h i t r a l and found g u i l t y i n the Mehtar's court and sentenced to death. They were marched through the C h i t r a l bazaar down to the f i r i n g ground with marks on t h e i r foreheads, i n d i c -ating that they were doomed men. (I obviously heard the dramatized Kalash version!) The only respite offered to them was to convert to Islam and thus save themselves. This both Gulap Din and Abdul Salam did but Pukhati refused, saying that 95 he would die a K a f i r . The Mehtar, impressed with Pukhati 1s courage, pardoned him at the l a s t minute and the three men were permitted to return to Rombour. Despite the fact that two of them were now Muslims, as t h e i r l a s t K a f i r 'gesture' they gave an extravagant "shu«ra uphor", "man-killer dance" and feast. Since then, the p u b l i c i z i n g of these events has taken a much more circumspect form. Kata Sing, the host of the "bira mor" feast i n Rombour in 1977 i s himself a "shu»ra moch", "man-killer" of about f i v e or six Nuristanis. By force of circumstance, his acknowledgement of these deeds, or any public admission, must be couched i n a very subtle kind of language. He did i n fact p u b l i c l y announce his most recent " k i l l i n g s " , which had taken place a month before the feast, i n a r a i d i n the high pastures when the Nuristanis had attempted to s t e a l several thousand Kalash goats. This announcement took place at his own "bira mor". The audience at t h i s feast was comprised of Kalasji, Shaikhs, C h i t r a l i s , and a few dozen Nuristanis, members of the refugee v i l l a g e at the end of Rombour. The announcement, made in Kalasji, which ce r t a i n l y r e s t r i c t s most Muslims from understanding i t , went something l i k e t h i s : (the phrases i n -side the brackets are what the speaker was implying with his words,but could not make e x p l i c i t for obvious reasons:) Kata Sing: (to the crowd) "In my great grandfather's time,he (Host of the "bira mor" - broke open the heads of seven enem-Mu»ti»mi«r£h clan) i e s . To mark those occasions, he put a golden stone i n his f i e l d . In those days gone by, my ancestors were 'blood-drinkers' and many times were forced to pay a blood price to - r e l a t i v e s of dead men. Some 'man-killers' i n my clan gave a feast as proof of t h e i r deeds, others k i l l e d but did not make i t public. After that, in my father's time and i n my own time, i f and when my enemies attack me, I w i l l say to them: 'Because God alone created^ me, 96 I am a f r a i d of nothing and no one else but him'. When I was with my grandfather, Sakhimir i n the high pastures, what-ever I did there, I did with my own hands. (I k i l l e d those Nuristanis with my own hands.) Oh! My r e l a -t ives and respected gentlemen! Now I am giving (a confession to you that I k i l l e d them). On another occasion, my uncle Gcirda and my cousin, the strong Pulus Khan, were with me one night i n my goat sheds i n the high pas-tures. What I did on that night, ( k i l l e d two Nuristanis who came to s t e a l my goats), I did i t i n front of them." Baraman: (to Kata Sing) "As we Kalash understand such (Ba»l_".r£h clan - things, God saw to i t that you Priest/Elder') c a r r i e d out his orders. A l l these things are God's work. He has your fate written i n his book, i t i s God's wish'." Kata Sing: (to Baraman "Yes! It i s exactly i n t h i s manner and crowd) that I became a 'blood-drinker'I Just l i k e that I have done these deeds! But as for my future, gentlemen and respected elders, I am now asking something from you. I am asking that you pray for me. With the might of your l i v e s and the surety of your deaths, out of your love and your sweet taste for l i f e , I am asking that you pray for me and for my future safety. As for the rest of the praises about my accomplishments, I w i l l leave those up the the community and the world to make about me!" Baraman: (to Kata Sing) Bravo to you and may you l i v e long! Kata Sing took advantage of his moment of glory i n another context to made public his achievements as "shu«ra moch". At an e a r l i e r time i n history these accomplishments could also have 97 been celebrated i n a merit feast that would have formalized the rank. It i s i n fact, the merit feast which changes a man from a k i l l e r into a hero, and the Kalasji nowadays must improvise as best they can i n p u b l i c l y celebrating such deeds. .y) "Sa.ri« £k" - "Our daughters are paths to the houses of our in-laws." Another feast, c a l l e d "sa.ri.£k" ( l i t e r a l l y "to gather to-gether" the people), hosted by a father for his married daugh-ter (and her husband's family) has a more s o c i a l l y integra-tiv e function than appears to be the case with the warrior * feasting complex. From what l i t t l e information i s available at least i n the Kalash instance, the l a t t e r seems to have been more concerned with gaining a s a n c t i f i c a t i o n from the gods, and to a lesser extent the community, of the powerful but dangerous 'condition' of being a 'man-killer'. There i s also a lesser r e l i g i o u s dimension to the "sa«ri«£k", the "feast for the clan daughter's", " ja»nil «li". On the l a s t night of the "s a . r i * £k" f e s t i v i t i e s a female goat i s s a c r i f i c e d i n the clan temple to the goddess Jeshtak (this i s the only s a c r i f i c e I am aware of i n which women are ** permitted to eat the meat), but thi s sequence plays a minor part compared to some other highlights of the feast. -•' * The information on the 'man-killer' was wholly provided by an informant but I was able to attend an actual "sa«ri« £k", therefore i t is admittedly d i f f i c u l t to make an adequate comparison between these two bodies of data. The r e a l i t y i n these types of situations obviously exists i n the combination of why people say they do something and what they actually do. ** There are other instances when women eat s a c r i f i c i a l meat but i s not s o c i a l l y sanctioned. Kalasji female witches, who wish to destroy another i n d i v i d u a l (a man), w i l l perform a potent r i t u a l with one of his possessions, or even more ef f e c t i v e , some of his feces. The witches then k i l l a goat on the spot, cook, and consume the meat. Informants claim that there were no witches i n the Kalash v a l l e y at this time. 98 The s a c r i f i c e does, however, provide a clue as to the . nature of t h i s feast: which i s to honor the host's clan and his "khul.ta-baf" ("in-laws" and t h e i r c l a n ) . In poetry and song, the "sa»ri*_k" i s frequently referred to as a "kam* ba»u»ke" a "fancy d o l l " , which i s a double metaphor r e f e r r i n g both to the host's daughter dressed up i n the new clothes which her father has given to her, and to the f e s t i v i t i e s as a whole, which have been provided for the enjoyment of the "khul.ta -bar" ("in-laws"). The s p i r i t of the f e s t i v i t i e s at a "sa»ri -£k" i s c a l l e d "go.ri loush kho«sha.ne", "the happiness of the father-in-law (1 isji» pa» shor') of the host's daughter". A further explanation of what takes place at at "sa«ri*£k" w i l l reveal the source of his happiness. According to Kalasjh o r a l h i s t o r i e s , the f i r s t "sa»ri«gik" was performed several centuries ago i n Bomboret Valley at Batrik v i l l a g e , the home of the King, Raja Waiy. The f i r s t man to have given the feast was named "Sam«ba»lak" in honor of his daughter Ju«ris.ta. In t h i s century, there was a t h i r t y - f i v e to forty year period, (at lea s t i n Rombour V a l l e y ) , when "sa«ri«_k" was discontinued due to large debts incurred from funeral expenses. This period, from around the end of the F i r s t World War to the 1950's co-incides with the high mortality and of population decimation amongst the Kalash. In the 1950's, the feast was revived by a Rombour man, Da«jagl Khan of the B a - l ^ r ^ h clan. ' "Sa»ri»_k" feasts r e f l e c t the importance of an ambilater-a l s o c i a l organization in Kalash society, i n which women remain active members of th e i r natal clans throughout t h e i r l i v e s . (As mentioned previously, inter-marriage within the matriline i s forbidden for a minimum of f i v e generations.) Before t h e i r marriages these "ja»mT«li" ("clan daughters") contribute t h e i r f u l l e f f o r t s to the sustenance of th e i r natal clans and af t e r marriage continue to work ( p a r t i c u l a r l y at merit feasts) for the maintenance and elevation of the status of the i r p a t r i l i n e s . 9 9 A father w i l l not give a "sa tri.£k" feast for his daughter u n t i l i t appears that her marriage i s stable and permanent, usually a f t e r the b i r t h of her f i r s t c h i l d . Pre-ferably t h i s w i l l be the marriage that the two sets of parents agreed upon, but i f the g i r l did go "a l a shing" (eloped) and her natal clan has established good re l a t i o n s with the lineage (clan) of her new husband, i n time a "sa»ri»£k" feast may s t i l l be held. I t i s , therefore, a feast which p u b l i c l y formalizes or confirms the d u r a b i l i t y or the future permanence of the host's daughter's marriage i n a system that condones some f l e x i b i l i t y i n i n i t i a l marriage contracts. As the meaning of "sa»ri«£k", "the gathering together (of the people)" implies i t makes public the permanency of the bond between the woman's natal clan and her a f f i n e s . In recognition or confirmation of t h i s s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of r e l a t i o n s , the g i r l ' s father v i r t u a l l y returns, i n the form of the "sa»ri«£k" feast, the o r i g i n a l bride-price to the "in-laws". This i s what i s meant by the expression, "go«ri loush kho.sha.ne", "the happiness of the father-in-law". Usually by t h i s time there are not any bride-price objects outstanding; however, i f there are, when the in-laws come to the house of the host for the feast, they w i l l bring these objects, e.g. cooking pots, etc. They present these to the feast-giver amid a f l u r r y of eulogies and praises about his family and clan. The in-laws are also required to bring the female goat, which i s l a t e r s a c r i f i c e d i n the Household/ Clan Goddess temple symbolizing the bonding of these two kin groups. Although the expenditures of t h i s feast required from the host approximately equal the amount of the bride-price which he received from his in-laws for his daughter, the outlay of wealth takes a somewhat d i f f e r e n t form because the host must give the v a l l e y community large meals for the two consecutive days on which the actual f e s t i v -i t i e s are taking place. The difference therefore l i e s in the 100 amount of foodstuffs required for such an undertaking as compar-ed to a bride-price which includes more "dry-goods" such as cooking pots, f i r e , tripods, etc. The t o t a l expenditures for a "sa.ri»_k" hosted by three male members of a major lineage segment of the Dra«m_« s£. clan (Rombour Valley) i n October 1977 were: seventy-three k i l o s of c l a r i f i e d butter (four"tira"); one thousand two hundred and * t h i r t y - s i x k i l o s of cheese (eight"maun"); two b u l l s k i l l e d and eaten by the guests; and twelve goats, one or two of which were k i l l e d , the rest being given i n the form of one-year * * old kids to the daughter to take back to her husband's clan and add to his herds. Such animals are c a l l e d "ja.m~i»li waiy", "waiy" being the name for the clan daughter's share of the family's herds and given to her as a form of "ri»zai", the "duty" of clan brothers to their s i s t e r s a concept already discussed i n Chapter Two. There were also about two to three hundred rupees (twenty to t h i r t y dollars) given away mostly i n one, f i v e or ten rupee notes, into the hats of the orators and other praise - givers who gave o r a l clan geneolog-ie s , h i s t o r i e s , and songs at the celebrations. At that time, th i s money had more value as a mark of prestige or apprecia-tion rather than for i t s expendable or exchange value. *The l o c a l weights are so various that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to establish a common unit of measurement. The following table are the l o c a l weights given to me for Kalash v a l l e y s . 3 chetung = 1 pow 16 b a t t i = 1 matin 4 pow = 1 t s i e r (1 kilo) 1 maun = 41.98 k i l o s 10.5 pow = 1 b a t t i 1 maun = 92.3 pounds 7 b a t t i = 1 tim (a volume measure) 2 maun = 1 WcT.'o' 1 = 83.96 k i l o s **At one point i n the f e s t i v i t i e s , a l l the guests, the host, and his daughter go up to the goat sheds of the clan and there the daughter i s presented with the animals. She must i n d i v i d u a l l y kiss each animal on the forehead as i t i s given to her. This act i s a r i t u a l i z e d reversal to the usual t r a d i t i o n a l behavior i n which women are not permitted to touch goats ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #18). 101 There were also seven s i l k robes d i s t r i b u t e d by the host at this feast, which was apparently a new practice or at lea s t an embellishment of a t r a d i t i o n a l custom. The elders of the a f f i n a l clan (daughter's husband's clan) customarily would have been presented with a few such prestige items i n the past, but i t i s not t r a d i t i o n a l to give these items to the important men of some of the various valley factions at a "sa<»ri«£k" which was i n fa c t what happened at the October, 1977 feast. Ranked men are always acknowledged:, at a l l feasts by extra l a d l e f u l s of butter ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #19) or double portions of meat, but the addition of the robes seems to indicate that an added emphasis of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l rank i s creeping • .' .. into a ceremony that previously concerned i t s e l f more with the relationship between a f f i n e s . It takes two to three years to save the wealth prescrib-ed for t h i s type of feast. About one year before,the "clan daughters" are requested to begin weaving the numerous bri g h t l y patterned straps required as g i f t s for the various prestigious guests -expected to attend ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #6). Two days before the actual dance f e s t i v i t i e s begin, these same women are c a l l e d back to t h e i r natal homes to begin preparing the food. They bring with them about two dozen walnut breads, "jau.ro" which, i f the women are married, they have been preparing i n t h e i r own husbands' houses i n the day or two preceding the feast. (When these walnut breads are cooked for such occasions, i t i s c a l l e d "ma.gi%S«ouw".) The wheat i s then brought out of the basement storage areas ("phann"), dried, sorted, cleaned, and mill e d for the next forty-eight hours. Their clansmen bring quantities of wood and the women begin making breads ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #20), These are the usual 'crepe-type' of loose-batter Kalasji breads * Wheat i s the most prestigious foodgrain and, unless other-wise spec i f i e d , i s always used at merit feasts. 102 but on these occasions, the women use two large heaping hand-ful s of batter per bread, instead of the usual one. These doubly large breads c a l l e d "dro.ch£.nik", are symbols of the wealth and generosity of the host's clan. For the October, 1977 " s a . r i . f k " , the Dra«m£»s£ "ja.rnl»li" ("clan daughters") made sixteen "so»ol»lo" or large wicker "burden baskets" f u l l of these breads. On the morning of the t h i r d day, the guests come and the singing and dancing f e s t i v i t i e s begin. As each party of guests a r r i v e , they shower the host and his clan with loud formal praises recounting past deeds and present admirable q u a l i t i e s . A l l of- the t r a d i t i o n a l o r a l forms are represented at the "sa»ri»£k" feast. The women dance around the outside of the dance ground singing a r e f r a i n , while a group of mainly male orators stand i n a c i r c l e (on the dance ground) ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #2). For two days these individuals sing the special songs associated with "sa«ri»£k" as well as the encomia and stories about a l l the key ancestral figures i n the host's clan. These s t o r i e s , given i n the epic form c a l l e d " d r a * « l i k " ( l i t e r a l l y , "to drag" out one's words), r e c a l l the most well-known d e t a i l s about clan personages dating back several hundred years. The f u l l impact of the Kalas#h concern for how t h e i r names w i l l be remembered throughout history be-comes clear at these moments: touches of madness, i n d i v i d u a l idiosyncrasies (pleasant or otherwise), astuteness, generosity, rank, etc., are re c a l l e d . The content of these songs are too voluminous to be discussed i n d e t a i l here so I w i l l include only one example to i l l u s t r a t e the richness of thi s type of or a l t r a d i t i o n . One of over two dozen stories presented on that occasion concerns "K§«»an»ok", a man from the hosts' clan, Dra.m£.«s£ , who l i v e d ' eight generations before, well over two hundred years ago. The physical beauty of some of the male members of the Dra«mg,«s£, 103 clan has been renowned for centuries, some individuals being remembered throughout the C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t as well. "K^f»an»ok" was one of these beauties, his features so delicate that as he drank water, one could see i t r i p p l i n g down inside his throat. (See Geneological Chart, Dra-m^s^ clan.) He was reputed to have been a great bee-keeper and his hives, located up at the goat sheds i n Upper Rombour Valley, annually produced large quantities of honey. One summer as "K<£.an»ok" was c o l l e c t i n g an even vaster quantity of t h i s honey than usual into a goat-skin bag, a golden b i r d i s said to have flown out of the hive, perched upon his shoulder, and frightened him to death. Spontaneously put to song, i n an abbreviated poetic language by a talented singer, these personal anecdotes are thoroughly enjoyed by a l l the guests. On the f i r s t day of the dance f e s t i v i t i e s , a meal of the "double breads" and cheese was d i s t r i b u t e d and on the second and f i n a l day, a f t e r the daughter had been presented with her "waiy", "share of the goats", a f i n a l meal was given. Each household i n the v a l l e y brings or sends two f l a t woven baskets, one for the women and one for the men, plus a t h i r d one. also for the men, i f any of t h e i r numbers are o f f i n the upper reaches of the v a l l e y caring for the goats. In each v a l l e y (or v i l l a g e i n the case of Bomboret), there are a few men c a l l e d "mi«ein moch" ("the divider-man"), familiar:.with a l l the persons i n a l l the households i n the community. These men take i t upon themselves to apportion the huge quantities of prepared food to the various family households. There are eight-three i n Rombour, which means a minimum of one hundred and s i x t y - s i x baskets (not including those for the shepherds) plus Muslim and Kalas#h guests from other valleys (who are always fed f i r s t ) . Each guest or valley resident over the age of f i v e or six i s e n t i t l e d to receive three of the "double breads" at each meal, plus a portion of whatever garnishing accompanies i t , e.g. meat, 104 butter, cheese, salt-gravy , etc., ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #22). If the household head i s a man of rank then the men's basket for that family w i l l have a double portion of meat or extra spoon of butter, ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #19). I t i s up to the "food-dividers" to be aware of a l l of these s p e c i f i c types of d e t a i l s . Despite the fa c t that there i s always more than enough prepared food to go around at these moments, there i s almost always a r i t u a l i z e d kind of loud bickering and squabbling throughout the proceedings. After t h i s f i n a l meal i s d i s -tributed, (most of which i s taken home to be eaten over the next two days), the guests disperse to t h e i r v i l l a g e s amidst a flood of praises and formal thanks to the host and his clan. Most men who aspire towards making a "bira mor" give a "sa.ri'gk" for t h e i r daughter(s) some years p r i o r . Being a less d i f f i c u l t feast i n terms of material requirements, i t does not bring the same heightened status as does a "bira mor", but i t does give a man the opportunity to p u b l i c i z e his a b i l i t i e s and to win a wider group of supporters. However, this i s not always the case as the following example w i l l i l l u s t r a t e . A year or two a f t e r Kata Sing had promised to give his "bira mor" i n eight years time, he gave a " s a . r i . gk" for his eldest daughter, Waslim Goule (Beauty-Cream, Flower), whom he had married two years before to a promising young Ba«l£«r£h clansman i n his own v i l l a g e . The circumstances of t h i s "sa.ri*gk" were somewhat unusual i n that his daughter, being only about fourteen years old had barely begun her menses (and of course had no children) and i t was not at a l l apparent that she would remain i n her present marriage. Some of the big men i n the valley perceived the impropriety of Kata Sing's actions and accused him of performing the merit feast e n t i r e l y for his s e l f i s h ends, e.g. to improve his rank and status, rather than i n the best i n t e r e s t of his daughter and his af f i n e s . As a r e s u l t , several of them refused to attend / 105 the celebrations. Although his daughter could say nothing at the time, she was already very much in love with another young man of the lower status Ba.gl"*li«a clan and with whom about s i x years l a t e r , she did i n fact go "a l a shing" ("eloped"). This act was seen by her father as such a grave s l i g h t to his reputation and his honor that he unsuccessfully t r i e d to force her and her new husband to convert to Islam i n order to re-gain his p o s i t i o n i n the community. The a f f a i r was s e t t l e d only a few days before his "bira mor" proceedings began, under the threat of serious v a l l e y factionalism. The new husband's v i l l a g e absolutely refused to partake i n the "bira mor" unless Kata Sing and the cuckolded husband c o l l e c t e d t h e i r double bride-price (which by that time also included the price of the "sa*ri*gk" merit feast)/ and made peace with his new son-in-law. This was done and although the new hus-band and his v i l l a g e eventually attended the feast, the sub-ject remained an extremely sensitive issue throughout the celebrations. vi) "Sha«ru« gah" - Funeral for a Big man There are two types of "sha.ru*gah" both of which may only be performed by individuals who have previously per-formed "bira mor". The f i r s t type of "sha»ru»gah" i s done during the l i f e t i m e of a man who had performed "b i r a mor" and the second, more usual type i s held as a funeral upon the death of such a high-ranking i n d i v i d u a l . In t h i s l a t t e r case, the hosts are members of the deceased ind i v i d u a l ' s p a t r i l i n e a l clan, p a r t i c u l a r l y sons and surviving brothers. Having already c l a s s i f i e d funerals as 'prescribed' types of feasts, i t i s important to stress that f i r s t , "sha*ru«gah" i s d e f i n i t e l y an 'optional' feast and second that i t i s a very special funeral that can only be performed a f t e r a man has previously hosted other 'optional' feasts, usually i n -cluding "sa»ri*£k" but also as mentioned, most importantly "bira mor". I t would perhaps then make more sense to f i r s t 106 discuss the "bira mor" feast as a pre-requisite to "sha.ru*gah". However, because "bira mor" i s the subject of an entire sub-sequent chapter, I have decided to refer the reader to that l a t e r section i f necessary and discuss "sha»ru»gah" as part of the summary presently being made of a l l the various types of Kalasji merit feast. The events of the "sha.ru*gah" are understandable without already knowing the d e t a i l s of a "bi r a mor". By a l l reports, the l a s t "sha.ru*gah" to be performed i n Kalasji valleys dates back to about the f i r s t or second decade of this century and, not having personally witnessed such an event, the following d e t a i l s were therefore gathered solely from informants, p a r t i c u l a r l y Kush Nawaz of the Ba.l£.f£h clan ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12), I do not have an adequate tr a n s l a t i o n of the word "sha.ru.gah". The Western Kati of the Ramgul Valley were reputed to have a feast of the same name, "sha.ruga" (Palwal, 1977:230) which an in d i v i d u a l (Kati) could perform when he could prove that he had sixty head of c a t t l e (3 x 20 cow-raiser) . This i s also one of the Kalasji prerequisites for "sha.ru*gah". Palwal himself does not o f f e r a tr a n s l a t i o n of the word. "Gah" i s the Kati word for "cow" and i n Kalash "sha.ru" means "autumn", which i s when the f i r s t type of thi s feast preferably takes place. Tentatively then I w i l l o f f e r a loose tr a n s l a t i o n of the work as "the autumn feast of cow-giving". Cows i n fa c t , have much higher value i n Western K a f i r i s t a n (where they almost e n t i r e l y make up the bride-price) than they do for the Kalash. This i s only one of several reasons why I suspect the Kalasji have borrowed th i s feast from the Ka t i . Other d e t a i l s throughout the following description also point to the same conclusion. The f i r s t type of feast, done while the "bira mor na* moo«si moch" ("man of rank") i s s t i l l a l i v e i s c a l l e d "jurio (live) sha*ru*gah". I t may not be performed u n t i l at lea s t f i v e years have elapsed since making the "bira mor". If the 107 man's clan approves (at that time), they w i l l then summon two 'respected elders' from the valley community and inform them of t h e i r intentions. If the l a t t e r also agree, then some time afterwards the entire "grc^wei", "sacred male community", w i l l be assembled and the two 'elders' w i l l act as witnesses for the clan's announcement to them of t h e i r plan to give "sha.ru«gah". This act commits the clan to t h e i r scheme and from then on there i s no p o s s i b i l i t y of the feast not being made without loss of honor. Before t h i s assembly of men disperses, the host (and his clan) are required to supply 5,000 k i l o s of wheat (sixty Wcf«o at two maun per w'a«'o) , which today would work out to sixt y k i l o s for each of the 83 households i n Rombour Valley. The two 'elders', acting as witnesses oversee t h i s procedure and, afte r d i s t r i b u t i o n , the men take the grains away to th e i r respective households. After t h i s the host must next d i s t r i b u t e s i x t y cows amongst the male community, (which would work out to about one cow per major lineage group). At th i s time the host must give a goat to each member of the sacred male community who, wearing the special pants, have been presented to the commun-i t y at the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l by being baptized i n blood. If there are f i v e or even ten such i n d i v i d u a l s i n one household, that house w i l l s t i l l receive the corresponding number of animals. (These requirements seem l i k e a tremen-dous expenditure of wealth but my informant assured me that i t was possible.) The l a s t event i n "juno sha.ru*gah" i s the d i s t r i b u t i o n (at a feast) of twelve large goat skins f u l l of sour milk c a l l e d "trona chear". To make this product, milk i s boiled and then set aside for three or four days to harden. A f t e r -wards i t i s usually cut with water to make i t stretch further, but for "juno sha«ru«gah" i t must be served undiluted. This completes the l a s t requirement for "juno sha.ru*gah". 108 The second type of feast i s "nash.ta (death) sha.ru.gah" and although neither the "juno" nor the "nash.ta" type are performed often nowadays, th i s l a t t e r i s the more common- of the two. The form of "nash.ta sha.ru.gah" changes s l i g h t l y depending on the time of the year that the "bira mor" 'ranked man' dies. If i t i s autumn, the body, afte r being dressed i n new clothes and a l l the symbols of rank which the man earned, i s l a i d on a bier and placed in a m i l l e t f i e l d which * has not yet been harvested. If one i s not available then a bean f i e l d may be substituted. (In Kalash culture, both of these foodstuffs are strongly associated with women who are said to be extremely fond of these kinds of staples.) During the funeral dance, the crop w i l l be trampled down and destroyed. This r i t u a l , c a l l e d "shi« ri« sta'n na» ta» a'louw" i s highly prestigious, being the greatest honor which a clan can bestow upon an eminent dead kinsman. If the 'man of rank' dies i n the early spring, t h i s dance w i l l take place on a ripening crop of winter wheat, weather permitting. Otherwise, i f i t i s s t i l l freezing or raining, the crop of winter wheat w i l l quickly be harvested and brought, stalks and a l l , inside the Clan Goddess temple, "Jeshtakhan" and thrown out onto the ground to be danced upon. Custom.prescribes that at least seventy k i l o s (twenty seven "batti") be dispensed i n this fashion, as well as an additional six hundred and seventy-two k i l o s (eight"wa»o") of m i l l e t which i s also thrown out onto the ground of the temple and under the bier of the deceased. This bier, with the body on it,, i s raised to a height of about one and a half metres, supported by four large wooden posts which have been sunk into the * The regular m i l l e t i s c a l l e d "ai.yn" and i f such an uncut crop i s unavailable then a second type of m i l l e t c a l l e d "ka.rus" may be substituted. 109 * ground. The members of the community dance wildly around th i s elevated funeral platform. Some of the men consecutively pick up from the cap of the dead man a bundle of Himalayan monal feathers c a l l e d "cheisji", (discussed i n the context of the warrior feasts, Chapter 4, Section iv) ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #16)and dance around the body waving i t i n the a i r . I t i s the usual custom that the " j a « m T » l i " ("clan daughers") mourn the death of th e i r clansman by giving funeral dirges c a l l e d "bash»i«k^n", seated on the edge of the bier on which the corpse i s l y i n g , However, at a "sha«ru«gah" funeral, the " j a ^ m l ' l i " are not permitted to climb up onto the raised platform to give t h e i r dirges u n t i l they have f i r s t thrown several handfuls of m i l l e t , or less desirably wheat, on the ground to be trampled by the dancers. In addition to throwing grain, the "ja«ml»li" also dance on the ground below or stand up on the raised platform, holding long sharpened s t i c k s that have pieces of cheese skewered onto the ends. These objects are c a l l e d "ch'e.bin". The cheese i s a special type c a l l e d "ki«lar", which i s rarely eaten by the Kalas#h but i s very popular amongst the Bashgali Katis: t h i s i s another in d i c a t i o n of lin k s between t h i s p a r t i c u l a r feast and practices borrowed from Western K a f i r i -stan. The clansmen of the deceased man must provide twenty * * 'rounds' of the cheese, each one being about 1/3 m. i n diameter. * I t i s af t e r this r a i s i n g up has been done, they clan of the deceased must then d i s t r i b u t e the f i v e thousand k i l o s of wheat grains to a l l the households i n the va l l e y as well as the sixty cows and numerous goats already mentioned i n the context of the previous "juno sha»ru»gah". • **"Ki»la"r" i s produced by adding to b o i l i n g milk a powder made from crushing up a dried and smoked stomach (and i t s contents) of a baby goat. (The kid must be k i l l e d within the f i r s t week afte r b i r t h when i t s mother i s s t i l l producing colostrum.) After the boiled milk and i t s mixture has cooled, the cheese i s pressed into rounds and allowed to harden. 110 These cheese rounds are then s l i c e d into long thin pieces (about the width of three fingers) and skewered onto the ends of the sharpened s t i c k s . I was variously t o l d that "sha•ru.gah" la s t s from three to f i v e days, during which the body ' l i e s i n state 1 on the platform. Throughout th i s period the widow of the deceased and "ja«mT»li" dance about and sing t h e i r dirges with these "che'bin" ("cheese sticks") i n hand. This p a r t i -cular r i t u a l i s performed only at a "sha.ru*gah", and i s c a l l e d " k i . l a r pa.chollw" ("the cheese-cooker/maker"). If the weather permits, around the outside of the clan temple or the f u l l circumference of the m i l l e t f i e l d i n which the body has been placed, i s l i n e d with banners made from c o l o r f u l s i l k robes. These garments, usually given as prestige items to men of rank at merit feasts, symbolize the high rank of the dead man. Several long ropes are t i e d together and strung, tree to tree, around the area. Then the robes are threaded through th e i r sleeves on this rope, touching cuff to cuff. This r i t u a l , done only at the funeral of the highest ranking men, (and always included as a part of "sha« ru.gah") i s c a l l e d "mi-rak pa.chouw". One other important event central to thi s special funeral feast, and also a practice which i d e n t i f i e s this feast as being one borrowed from the Kati, involves a spe c i a l kind of dance done to a tune played on a f l u t e c a l l e d "Chat.ro.ma mu«n£,". "Chat•ro»ma" i s the name the Kalasji c a l l the Bashgalis and "mu»n£" (also a Kati word) i s a f l u t e made out of the horn of a male goat. If a Kalash man cannot be found who knows how to play the "mu.n^", then the clan w i l l c a l l upon a Bashgali to help them perform th i s r i t u a l . The clansmen bring to the mourning ground two special heavy f i r e tripods made with twisted legs c a l l e d "bu«teil i«dhon" (See Chapter 2, Footnote #12). Two extra s i l k robes are also required for this ceremony. The f l a u t i s t w i l l wear, one robe i n an ordinary fashion, but one sleeve of the other I l l robe i s draped over his head l i k e a hood while the one empty sleeve and the rest of the garment hangs loosely down his back. The f l a u t i s t then s i t s down, (straddling the two, t r i -pods) and slowly plays a simple tune on the horn f l u t e which sounds l i k e "tu»tu, tu«tu". A pair of Kalash drums c a l l e d "watch" (which i s shaped l i k e an hourglass), and a larger barrel-shaped one (called "da^hu") (See I l l u s t r a t i o n #23) are beaten to a slow rhythm c a l l e d "plok-jo, plok-jo". While th i s song i s being played, seven male r e l a t i v e s are ca l l e d upon to dance, each one holding i n th e i r l e f t hand a large wooden pot f u l l of the sour milk c a l l e d "tro»na chear". As they dance, they slowly pour t h i s milk b i t by b i t into t h e i r cupped r i g h t hands which they drink from repeatedly u n t i l the pots are emptied. This s t y l e of dancing, where one sways the body but r e s t r i c t s the movement of the arms i s ca l l e d "ka »l£n iga« teng" (a Kati word). This r i t u a l of the f l a u t i s t and the dancers seems a l i t t l e curious, but one indicator of i t s meaning i s the way in which the seven men dancers drink the sour milk. I t i s the same technique used by Kalash women to drink f l u i d s because t h e i r mouths are believed to be impure. : • ' !•: ': I t seems l i k e l y that t h i s method of drinking i n the r i t u a l indicates that these seven men are imitating, or are substitutes for the women. According to a Kalasjh informant women may not enact th i s special ceremony themselves because of t h e i r 'normal 1 impure status. This same informant also claim-ed that the f l a u t i s t represents a woman, the dead man's widow. Sometimes, at the funeral of a s l i g h t l y less prestigious but s t i l l high-ranking man, the widow w i l l take his s i l k robe (symbol of his rank) and, putting one sleeve over her head i n the same manner described above, sing of her g r i e f . The empty sleeve and body of the garment symbolize the absence of her husband. Seated upon the ground, the woman w i l l sing a dirge, 112 "oh mai b£«ru o, Kh£ im?", "Oh! my husband, (now that you are dead), what w i l l become of me?" The tune played on the horn f l u t e ("tu«tu") i s meant to be a musical representation of this song. As discussed i n the chapter on r e l i g i o n , the dead man, by giving feasts during his l i f e t i m e , elevated his po s i t i o n not only s o c i a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y but, s p i r i t u a l l y as well. Those feasts which are pre-requisites to performing "sha«ru* gah", p a r t i c u l a r l y "bira mor", are c a l l e d "on« jes^h •ta", "sacred" and because of this sanctity, the most important aspects of these feasts, performed at the Sajigor a l t a r , ex-clude women e n t i r e l y . By giving these sacred feasts, the s p i r i t u a l status of the man i s elevated to a point which must, i n certain s i t u a t i o n s , inherently exclude women. Becoming more pure also means becoming more vulnerable to p o l l u t i o n . Women, who are the exemplars of the impure realm, are poten-t i a l l y dangerous and thus i t follows that, i n situations of greater purity, an even greater distance, i f only symbolically, must be kept. I suggest that i s i s for t h i s reason that women are not permitted to play the parts i n the "sha«ru»gah" funeral feast that they o r d i n a r i l y f u l f i l l at less elaborate funerals, and therefore men must be substituted into t h e i r r o l e s . When thi s r i t u a l i s completed, the body i s taken away to the graveyard where prayers c a l l e d "par*wa«zieu" are offered to accompany the dead man's s p i r i t on i t s journey to the underworld home of the ancestors. Throughout the three or fi v e days of the proceedings, the guests who may number from 1,000 to 1,500 people, must be fed by the deceased man's clan. They are given another meal a f t e r the body i s put i n the graveyard and once more a few days l a t e r at a feast c a l l e d "cha»ri" comprised of bread, cheese, and butter. One f u l l year aft e r the death of t h i s high-ranking i n d i v i d u a l , wooden figures are carved representing him. These are human e f f i g y figures which may take several d i f f e r e n t forms depending on the rank of the dead man. One standing 113 type c a l l e d "gan«douw" indicates a s l i g h t l y lower rank than another kind which i s seated on a horse. If the deceased individual achieved an even higher rank, with several large merit feasts to his name, then the horse upon which the e f f i g y s i t s may be carved with two heads. This figure i s c a l l e d "du» shi» shi' ("two-headed horse") "is«to»re" ("equestrian figure") (see I l l u s t r a t i o n #24). At the same time that t h i s figure i s being prepared the artis/fe w i l l also carve another figure c a l l e d "kun.du .reik" ;, ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #25). This also represents the deceased depicted s i t t i n g upon the low Kalash s t o o l , "han.yak", (a symbol of respect). The f a c i a l features of both the equestrian figure and the "kun.du.reik" are, however, crudely intended to resemble those of the deceased "man of rank'. One metaphor-i c a l expression, amongst many others which the Kalasjh use to refer to death i s "p£-ra«zeiy" meaning "to transform oneself (into a wooden statue)". This notion pervades the ceremonies which mark the completion of these statues. There the figures are treated as though they are infused with the s p i r i t of the dead 'man of rank'. At these three-day f e s t i v i t i e s which ensue a f t e r the completion of these carved pieces, only the standing or equestrian figure "gan«douw" i s unveiled. The f e s t i v i t i e s are e s s e n t i a l l y the same celebrations as at an ordinary fun-e r a l , and during this time the carver must be recompensed for his e f f o r t s with the payment of one cow. At the end of th i s three day dance, the carved figure, i n the same manner as a corpse, i s borne o f f to the graveyard. I t i s erected * There i s some resemblance between th i s figure and the one mentioned i n Chapter Three which represents the K a f i r goddess, "De»san»i". Both are seated on these special stools and while the goddess holds two long goat's horns i n her hands, the Kalasjh figure hold onto two v e r t i c a l arm rests that are embellished with a carved cross-hatching design represent-ing the crossed horns of goats. 2-7 114 beside the dead man's (above-ground) c o f f i n and once again, the "par*wa •zieu" ("sending off") prayers are offered. When the men return from the graveyard, the f i n a l meal of these three day f e s t i v i t i e s i s served which must include not only butter and cheese but "o.sha".la", "cream" considered by the Kalas#h to be a great delicacy. The next day the second seated statue "kun«du«relk" i s also unveiled and the dance celebrations w i l l begin anew. At the end of that day this statue (which i s fixed to a long wooden post), i s borne on the shoulders of the men and erected either at the entrance to the v i l l a g e where the deceased 'man of rank' l i v e d , or i n one of his f i e l d s . A full-grown male goat i s brought to this location and, af t e r i t i s r i t u a l l y s a c r i f i c e d , the blood i s thrown into the face of the seated statue i n the same manner as men are p u r i f i e d or baptized i n blood ("is«tog*gis"). This ceremony i s l i k e a symbolic f i n a l gesture, a closing parenthesis to the potential ranks and statuses which a man may, and i n thi s case had achieved in his l i f e . When a young boy i s f i r s t presented to the sacred male community his baptism i n blood symbolically created an i n i t i a l parenthesis; the s t a r t of a man's r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s . Between these two end points are a l l the 'optional' ranks and statuses which a man, as a member of the "grr?«wei", "sacred male community" may achieve i n his l i f e i f he (and his clan) so wishes. Following this goat s a c r i f i c e , the va l l e y community i s fed one l a s t time during a feast that once again prescribes the i n c l u s i o n of cream. This concludes the t o t a l r i t u a l complex for "sha»ru»gah" which was begun the previous year. The l a s t "sha.ru*gah" made i n Rombour Valley was some-time between 1910 and 19 30, and was done by the Dra«m<£/s^. clan for the grandfather of Abdul Salam, the l a t t e r i n d i v i d u a l being one of the men forced to convert to Islam who then l a t e r gave a 'man-killer' feast. His grandfather's name was Raja Shaiy and his "sha«ru»gah" was performed for him by his three sons Safar (Sawar), Durum Shah, and Suki Bek (Suke). According to the o r a l h i s t o r i e s of Rombour, the Dra»m^«s£ clan has performed "sha»ru«gah" twice since Rombour was s e t t l e d . It i s not hard to imagine from the large amounts of wealth demanded for t h i s feast that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to afford and thus r e l a t i v e l y uncommon. For a "sha.ru«gah" hosted by the prestigious Bad«ze»kaiy clan of Brun v i l l a g e , Bomboret fof'the father of•Zarim Bek i n the 1940's, the expenditures were considerably less than the clan now lays claim to, and also less than the formally prescribed amounts. A l l t o l d , an accurate estimate i s : twenty-one goats (including the one s a c r i f i c e d for the seated "kun»du•relk"); approximately eight hundred and eight-two k i l o s of wheat (twenty-one "maun"); one hundred and ten k i l o s of butter (six "tim"); three hundred and thirty-two k i l o s of cheese(six "maun") and a t o t a l of f i v e hundred rupees worn i n the hats of the praise-givers and other orators. (The carving i n I l l u s t r a t i o n #25 i s the actual "kun»du•reik" from th i s "sha•ru«gah", s t i l l standing at the entrance to the v i l l a g e . ) As a f i n a l note to t h i s subject of "sha»ru»gah", because Kata Sing.in November, 1977, gave "bira mor" i n his own father's name, when thi s l a t t e r i n d i v i d u a l c a l l e d "Buda" dies, his sons and Mu«ti«mi«r£h clan brothers w i l l perform "sha*ru»gah" for "Buda". v i i ) a) "Pi»ma» sa": "Pi»ma.sa", l i k e the "ju'rio (live) sha«ru»gah" i s , a funeral ceremony performed by a man before his actual death. The feast i s most probably a loan from the Bashgal, where the Kati used to perform a s i m i l a r event c a l l e d "Mi". (Palwal, 1977:223) The holder of t h i s rank was c a l l e d "Mi-mach", and the secluded forest location where a man went to begin t h i s feast i s c a l l e d "mi-sa" i n K a t i . (Ibid*) In the pre-conversion Bashgal when a man held a "Mi" feast, he 116 fed his community for a t o t a l of twelve days, f i v e of which were at the time c a l l e d "Ke" ("Ki") i n late January, (rendered as " P i " i n Kalash?). During the following account of the Kalash "Pi»ma«sa", I w i l l point out s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences with the Kati "Mi" feast. The information on "Pi«ma»s"a" was provided by a Rombour orator, Kush Nawaz of the Ba^TX-r^h clan ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12). If a man has l e f t no sons, and his brothers are already dead, leaving him with no immediate close male r e l a t i v e s to ensure the 'grandeur' of his funeral, he can choose to perform his own funeral, "Pi»ma.sa", before his actual death. He i s required to go into the forest away from a l l human habitation, where he remains secluded for seven days. He i s accompanied to * th i s spot be several of his closest clansmen. They help him to take to t h i s seclusion place seven two-year old goats, nine large wooden pots f i l l e d with c l a r i f i e d butter, and approx-imately eight k i l o s (three batti) of wheat f l o u r , and four ** to s i x s i l k robes. He spreads on the ground half the robes, then l i e s down upon them. He covers himself up with the others from head to toe. He must remain l y i n g i n t h i s fashion l i k e a corpse for six nights and seven days. His male r e l a t i v e s take turns attending him throughout. During t h i s period of time, they slowly k i l l o f f the goats and consume them with the butter and f l o u r made into breads. On the seventh day a l l his male r e l a t i v e s go to his side and during a f i n a l feast, In the Kati "Mi" feast, his accompaniment are men who have either already achieved the rank of "Mi-mach" or are them-selves attempting to q u a l i f y for i t . These goods amount to somewhat less than the expenditures of a man's funeral held upon his actual death. In the l a t t e r instance, an average amount of foodstuffs, d i s t r i -buted by the clansmen of the deceased might be: one thousand k i l o s (twenty "maTin") of wheat, three b u l l s (or eight to ten goats), e i g h t - f o u r v k i l o s (two "maun") of cheese, (or seventy k i l o s (four "tim") of c l a r i f i e d butter. pierce his ear. They dress him i n a new set of clothes, "sa«ri«fa", (an actual dead man i s always buried i n new clothes) wind a cloth turban around his head, and then he dons a pair of "sha»ra kund«"a«li", "markhor-hide moccasins", which, be performing t h i s feast, he i s enti t l e d , to wear, ( I l l u s t r a -t ion #13). The entire gathering, including the aspirant, then returns to the man's v i l l a g e and hosts the valley community to a feast c a l l e d "pa» ran «ga«s36»l", which completes the requirements for "pi»ma»s"a na»mobs" , "the rank of ' pi»ma"«sa ' " . I am unaware of any men i n Kalasjh valleys who have earned t h i s t i t l e of l a t e . However popular the feast may have been i n the past, i t has presently f a l l e n into dis-use. I t appears moreover, i n pre-conversion Nuristan, that the Kati feasting complex was more elaborate than the Kalasji system t r a d i t i o n a l l y seems to have been. For example, i n the Bashgal, when a man had performed "Mi" eighteen times, he became known at "shticuri-nam". (Ibid:224) Palwal also claims that some Kati men had done "Mi" between t h i r t y and forty times. A question which arises when examining feasting ex-change systems exhibited by various non-monetized, tec h n i c a l l y simple s o c i e t i e s such as the Kalasjh, i s the r e l a t i v e import-ance of each of the various functions which t h i s complex phenomenon f u l f i l l s , e.g. i t s p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic, and re l i g i o u s dimensions. Whereas I have t r i e d to argue that a l l these factors come into play at each event, and to d i f f e r i n g degrees depending on the type of feast being held, some other views concerning this universal exchange complex lay a heavier emphasis on i t s economic function. These interpretations do not exclude the other dimensions, but place the r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of large amounts of foodstuffs from the wealthier, higher-ranking host clans to the poorer groups i n society as the central function of the feast. In the formal eulogies given at Kalash feasts, an o f t -118 used phrase i s that the feast-givers are the 'care-takers' of the poor people. However, the degree to which there i s actually a continual process of equalization of material goods due to feasting i s presently not so apparent. Because so many of the 'optional-type' feasts i n the twentieth century became defunct due to population decline and impoverishment, i t i s u n l i k e l y that the frequency with which these feasts are being performed nowadays can r e s u l t i n a substantial r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n or equalization of goods between the 'haves' and the 'have nots' i n Kalash society. The 'prescribed-type' of feasts occurring regularly throughout the year, presently perform t h i s function to a greater degree than do the less frequent 'optional' feasts. Although the l a t t e r involve much larger amounts of foodstuffs, these are rapidly perishabl thus preventing 'optional' feasts from functioning over .time as an 'equalizer of wealth'. I t i s possible that i n the past the Kalas.h 'optional' feasts may have been more c r i t i c a l to the economy as evidenced from the s i t u a t i o n in the pre-conversion Bashgal. The f r e -quency with which the "Mi" feasts were performed i s only one example of a large number of Kati feasts. The lower 'caste' populations such as the "ba»ri" "craftsmen" who owned neither goat herds nor f i e l d s , were to large extend dependent upon the wealthier, upper 'caste' groups, who r e - d i s t r i b u t e d substan- . t i a l amounts of foodstuffs while vying for status between them selves. I t remains true, however, that now Kalasji 'optional' feasts are being done on a much smaller scale as compared to both the e a r l i e r Bashgali s i t u a t i o n , as well as t r a d i -t i o n a l l y amongst the Kalasji themselves. The 'prescribed' feasts presently f u l f i l l a greater r e - d i s t r i b u t i v e function than the sporadic 'optional-type' merit feasts, v i i ) b) "Gont Wass": One l a s t type of 'optional' merit feast which a Kalasji 119 man may perform i s c a l l e d "goht wass", (a Kati name for which I do not have a t r a n s l a t i o n ) . For a ten day period, the aspirant goes alone to his goat sheds, where he makes large quantities of the special cheese "ki«lar". (This cheese has already been described i n the discussion on the "sha»ru» gah" merit feast, section vi.) As the end of the tenth day approaches, two Kalasji 'elders' go to the man's goat sheds to be fed a meal of hot milk mixed with f l o u r c a l l "ish.pon»yuk". They then s a c r i f i c e a goat and a l l three sleep i n the sheds that night. After eating meat the next morning, the two 'elders' count the t o t a l number of 'ki»lar" produced. Then the number of cheese rounds i s divided by ten which give the average number made per day. Each of the two 'elders' received one day's worth as his cost for 'witnessing' the industriousness of the "goht wass" aspirant. This i n d i v i d u a l i s then dressed by the 'elders' i n a new set of clothes, "sa»ri»fa", including the "sha.ra kund.1T . l i " , "m'arkhor moccasins" ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #13). Afterwards they a l l return to the man's v i l l a g e , where he proceeds to feast the valley community, thus completing the requirement for "gant wass". This feast i s presently not being performed i n Kalas#h va l l e y s . Its central theme seems to be associated with a subject discussed i n the introduction to this chapter. A feasting idiom appears to be aligned with a concommitant ethic of competitive production. An individual's personal * There i s one other smaller feast performed only occasionally i n Bomboret (but not B i r i r or Rombour), c a l l e d "shah n i s i " , "the seating of a (common) man as king" for about a two-day period. To q u a l i f y , the man must minimally s a c r i f i c e a f u l l -grown b u l l (or more i f he chooses), and then feast his v i l l a g e with the meat. I t i s a role reversal type of event and the 'king' orders prestigious people about, including Muslims o f f i c i a l s . He also makes numerous requests which may often be e n t i r e l y unreasonable or humorous. 120 application and industriousness, inspired by a competitive drive ( c u l t u r a l l y determined), results i n the production of large amounts of foodstuffs which are then r e - d i s t r i b u t e d in a feasting exchange system. Merit i s associated both with the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n stages. This concludes the discussion of the d i f f e r e n t kinds of "na»moos", "rank" which a man may achieve i n Kalasli society except for "bira mor" which i s the subject of the subsequent, f i n a l chapter of t h i s thesis. Chapter 5 - "Bira Mor" ("Sacred Male Goat S a c r i f i c e Feast") i) Introduction: The 'optional-type' merit feast "bira mor" has already been referred to i n several places and, i n the chapter on r e l i g i o n and the section concerning the warrior complex, i n quite considerable d e t a i l . In the introduction to the pre-vious chapter, I suggested that while feasting type soci e t -ies lay down certain broad guidelines with respect to how many goods should go to who, and i n what order, etc., there must inherently be a certain degree of f l e x i b i l i t y within these rules which permits them to be adjusted according to the s p e c i f i c circumstances of each p a r t i c u l a r feast. I mentioned that one reason for t h i s e s s e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y was the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a li m i t e d number of prestige objects compared with the number of individuals who^ custom prescribes should be honored by being presented with g i f t s at feasts. Another p o s s i b i l i t y might be an occasion where v e r t i c a l g i f t - g i v i n g to the other 'big men' must be c u r t a i l e d i n order to meet the demands of a more horizontal type of presentation to a f f i n e s , who, according to the preferences of Kalasji marriage patterns, are clans of approximately equal s o c i a l stature and wealth. Both of the above circumstances arose at Kata Sing's "bira mor" and showed signs of disrupting the proceedings. I w i l l give some s p e c i f i c examples of strategies adopted by the host i n order to resolve these potential c o n f l i c t s and contradictions. The a b i l i t y to deal with these situations i s related to the c a p a b i l i t i e s and personality of the feast-giver himself. A b r i e f character sketch of Kata Sing and how he r e f l e c t s the 'i d e a l ' q u a l i t i e s of a Kalasji 'man of rank' w i l l bring a deeper understanding to the dynamics of the feast. Moreover, i n this chapter I w i l l discuss some ideas that emerged from the "bira mor" about the Kalash people's • 121 122 own conceptions concerning wealth, generosity (and i t s opposites), and the reasons for giving merit feasts. These ideas w i l l be approached phenomenologically i n the sense that I w i l l include a composite dialogue using phrases which the Kalasjh themselves would t y p i c a l l y use to discuss this subject. This w i l l be comprised of metaphors, idioms, and other l o c a l expressions which embody th e i r indigenous concepts about wealth and feasting. The f i n a l area of concern w i l l be the continuation of a subject already touched upon i n other chapters concerning the appropriateness of certain subjects discussed at large public * gatherings such as the merit feasts, e.g. the content of the shaman's dialogue at Sajigor a l t a r , references to a single, a l l -powerful God, and Kata Sing's announcement of his status as a 'man-killer'. These ideas and several others also to be explored here are, for a variety of reasons, reserved for and brought up at these occasions. One factor which determines the appropriateness of subjects are t h e i r potential negative s o c i a l ramifications. In a face to face society such as the Kalasjn, where persons are born and event-ua l l y die l i v i n g beside the same neighbours, a sel f - s u s t a i n i n g , s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g i n t e r n a l cohesiveness i s e s s e n t i a l . This balance may frequently depend upon sublimation, 'turning the other cheek 1, or perhaps at times, a complete bracketing o f f of certain personal differences. Some subjects which might have negative repercus-sions often cannot be thrashed out i n a personal confrontation between the two (or however many) contending i n d i v i d u a l s . If one's honor must be preserved by an inevitable resort to violence, and v i l l a g e or even valley factionalism r e s u l t s , this i s too high a cost to pay. Large public gatherings serve the function of pro-viding a platform or a forum to a i r personal opinions, special *This point also pertains to the various Kalasjh yearly f e s t i v a l s , however, the d e t a i l s of this l a t t e r subject are too complex to be explored i n a thesis on merit feasting. 123 announcements, and long harboured grievances or apologies. The forms of expression on such occasions tend to be highly r i t u a l i z e d , and the presence of large numbers of people, and therefore the ultimate p u b l i c i t y of these revelations, seems to expiate or dissipate t h e i r possible negative e f f e c t s . The above themes w i l l be woven throughout the following detailed description of Kata Sing's "bira mor". Being a woman, I could not attend some of the events, which were explained to me l a t e r by informants. Because I was obviously able to gain a deeper contextual understanding at the events which I was actually permitted to observe first-hand, there are i n some places, some unavoidable differences i n the way certain sequences are described, i i ) The Host: Before a man can p u b l i c i z e his intentions to host a "bira mor", he must f i r s t obtain a consensus: from his clansmen whose economic and moral support w i l l be needed throughout the entire proceeding. Kata Sing, presently i n his early f o r t i e s , i s very young to have already given a "bira mor". He was that much younger when he made his "me»yat", ("promise") at Sajigor a l t a r i n 1969, during the "bira mor" of Saidaman, of the Ba«l£/r£h clan. During the ensuing eight years of pre-paration for t h i s feast, Kata Siijg grew i n the stature and presence required of a man intending to perform such a d i f f i c u l t * After a lengthy i l l n e s s in A p r i l , 1977, Saidaman converted to Islam. He had been repeatedly warned and eventually con-vinced by the Muslims that his i l l n e s s was related to his ' i n f i d e l ' ("Kafir") status. His actions came as a shock to Kalash people because, having achieved high formal rank he had been an example to others, (as part of the present c u l t u r a l renaissance) who are also t r y i n g to distinguish themselves i n a more t r a d i t i o n a l mode. His conversion was interpreted as p o l l u t i n g to Kalas#h t r a d i t i o n because he re-nounced the most sacred r i t u a l , done during "bira mor",v.-of casting the s a c r i f i c i a l blood from a male goat into a juniper wood f i r e at Sajigor. 124 feat. However, i n his early t h i r t i e s , when he made his promise, he must already have appeared s u f f i c i e n t l y convincing to gain the confidence of his clan. And what i s even more unusual i s that Kata Sing was chosen to take the cre d i t for t h i s feast at a time when his father and paternal uncles are a l l v i t a l , l i v i n g individuals and who, as household heads, s t i l l control the family (clan) wealth. It seems more natural that one of these older men would have wanted to receive the glory associated with hosting such a prestigious feast. Instead, these older men chose to back Kata Sing much l i k e a p o l i t i c a l candidate, as being the man most l i k e l y to succeed in carrying out th e i r wishes to rai s e the prestige of the whole clan by p u b l i c l y expending t h e i r substantial wealth i n a "bira mor". This usurpation was resolved by Kata Sirjg, by dedicating his feast to his uncles and, most p a r t i c u l a r l y , to his father, Buda, who now becomes e l i g i b l e to have a "sha»ru»gah" per-formed for him upon his death ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #26), Mutimir, great grandson of Rombour's founder Adabok, and the a p i c a l ancestor of the Mu»ti»mi»r£h clan had two sons, D£»rum and Lin.ga-s£. The two major lineages of the present day Mu«titmi»r£h clan descended from these two brothers. Kata Sing's family derived from the Lin»ga. s^ while the shaman, Janduli Khan, i s a descendant of the D£ »rum l i n e . Where there are fewer sons, the family wealth over time i s divided between fewer heirs and as a r e s u l t , Kata Sing's father and his three uncles are presently among the wealthiest men in a l l three Kalash v a l l e y s . One uncle i s a Muslim convert. Another uncle, Garda, i s without sons (the same man who gave prayers at Sajigor asking for one during the shaman's trance, Chapter 3, section i v ) . And the t h i r d uncle has a much younger son. Buda him-s e l f has only one son, Kata Sing, who i s therefore extremely important to a l l these four men. In Kalash. kinship termin-ology, one's own father and a l l his brothers are c a l l e d "da»da" 125 ("father"). For example, "ga'r.da da.da" means "older father", "chu«ti»yak da .da", "younger father.",, etc. I t i s apparent that Kata Sing, from a very early age, has been groomed by a l l his fathers for his present position of prominence. Because * he i s an only son born into great wealth, the Kalash say he i s a lucky man; but not with the luck of most people which, l i k e a l e a f , comes out i n the spring and drops o f f i n the f a l l . Kata Sing's luck i s perennial l i k e an evergreen or a stone oak and has so f a r worked for him throughout his l i f e -** time. Physically Kata Sing i s a tremendously strong and youth-f u l man. Over forty, his black hair has no traces of grey, and although he i s short i n stature, he has a strong wiry bu i l d with the energy and a g i l i t y equal to any man ten to f i f t e e n years his junior. He i s reputed never to have been sick a day i n his l i f e , not even with a headache. His various a c t i v i t i e s keep him constantly i n motion and i t i s quite usual for him to walk about twenty miles i n the course of any one of his - average work days. His endurance and stamina are quite remarkable. Despite not having slept for three or more days, he took an active part i n the strenuous sports competitions held at his "bira mor" and held his own ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #27). His sexual prowess i s so renowned i n Kalasji valleys that while women are d e f i n i t e l y attracted, they also express a certain fear-fulness of him. His manner i s perpetually aggressive. He speaks i n an abrupt, authoritative fashion, f u l l of sarcasms and accusations and his remarks .'are constantly prefaced or * For such individuals the Kalasji use an idiomatic expression, "the fox has twelve sons, but the l i o n has only one". '** One other factor that has favored Kata Sing are the a l l i a n c e s formed by the marriages of his three s i s t e r s into the other most prestigious clans i n Rombour. These affines have . him to greatly extend his influence. 126 punctuated by phrases such as: "Now you look here!", "Now you l i s t e n to me!", "What do you know?", or "...and I ' l l make up my own mind, (thanks very much)!". Animated by rapid arm movements and a sharply pointing finger, his conversations frequently sound l i k e a self-parody ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #28). He i s willful, proud, self-confident, and extremely ambitious, exhibiting a l l these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as he goes about his d a i l y round of a c t i v i t i e s . The Kalas%h have a s p e c i a l expression for the walk of such a proud man, who they say swaggers about with his head turning from side to side i n a motion separate from the movement of his arms and shoulders. From his two wives, both l i v i n g , Kata Sing has two daughters and seven sons, the l a t t e r number considered to be id e a l and very auspicious. (There are several Kalasli men who either have just t h i s many sons or are themselves one of seven.) Kata Sing's children, a l l i n t e l l i g e n t and a t t r a c t i v e , are, by force of circumstance one presumes, extremely capable and industrious. His house i s known for i t s h o s p i t a l i t y throughout the Kalasli v a l l e y s , as well as among the C h i t r a l i Muslims. When his two wives are not working i n t h e i r f i e l d s , they are engaged i n constant rounds of bread-making to feed a l l the guests who are constantly dropping i n . Even a character as aggressive as Kata Sirjg has his gentler side, a dimension which I became aware of through a popular love song which he composed about f i f e e n years ago for his second wife. She i s s t i l l a beautiful woman despite suffering from tuberculosis. Unhappy i n her f i r s t 'arranged' marriage, she was much sought aft e r by Kalasli men from a l l three v a l l e y s , including Kata Sing, a l l trying to persuade her to go "a l a shiijg" ("elope") with them. Kata Sing's own words describe that s i t u a t i o n : "Oh, red rose, gazing upon your f a i r complexion how en-amoured I've become! The l i g h t from your silken hair Gleams l i k e the morning star and, Were you as d i f f i c u l t to behold as an ancient cl u s t e r 127 of distant stars, No mountain look-out would be too high to conquer. Only you can make my l i f e replete, Only you can help me make a future world free from burning sorrows or desires. But i f these, my hopes, are not f u l f i l l e d Like a stream of milk soaking into dry and thirsty earth, I w i l l lose my precious youth. They t e l l me on your father's farm A young partridge is whistling before she breaks into fl i g h t . ("a la shing") Is i t true, or do they t e l l a lie? And, i f i t ' s true, that the clouds are waiting to close in around you, Then shine your light j. through a l l that darkness -Illuminate only me! I w i l l go and s i t beside your father, and, i f he w i l l agree, My future w i l l shine, b r i l l i a n t like a star. Oh! think of me good people: Should her father's resistance prevail! Hey Flower! Then no matter i I shall s t i l l break into your garden and snatch the shiniest feathered plume for myself. And then the news w i l l ring in everyone's ears!" Despite the often brusque exteriors of these seemingly rough and aggressive hillmen, their gentler, more emotional sides are assigned a high value in Kalasjh culture. A man who often exhibits these particular qualities is referred to be a very special appellation,., "sa.ri a»m^r»yuk j'lr" . "A»mgr«yuk- j i r " is the (sweet) milk (magically) given by a new born lamb. "Sa«ri" is a s p i r i t animal which lives in Kalash valleys, but, being very shy, is rarely sighted and then only by the luckiest of individuals. Sometimes i t appears in the shape of a beautifully radiant bird, which in a moment can transform i t s e l f into a new born lamb or a baby goat. The Kalas%h claim that i f this animal is captured and eaten, the person w i l l be blessed for the rest of his l i f e with the abil i t y to speak the secret languages of a l l creatures in the animal world. A man who is referred to as "sa»ri a.m^r»yuk-128 j i r " , as sweet as "the milk from a new born s p i r i t lamb" i s a very gentle and sensitive i n d i v i d u a l . During his "bira mor", Kata Sing was referred to by thi s term not, one assumes, because of his own character but because he belongs to the Mu»ti»mi»rgh clan who, when a b l i g h t destroyed the wheat crop, once fed the entire population of Rombour u n t i l the next harvest. The reputation of his clan finds Kata Sing deserving of t h i s expression. i i i ) The Proceedings: a) Preparations An aspirant .for the rank of "bira mor" customarily makes known his .intentions, to.l.give t h i s feast at another man's "bira mor". The future host takes o f f a brass b e l l "g^fn^ga^e" t i e d to the neck of ohe of the male goats des-tined to be s a c r i f i c e d .to Sajigor at the feast. This he rings loudly amid the all-male gathering at the god-site, thus p u b l i c i z i n g his intentions. How much time the aspir -ant estimates w i l l be required to accumulate the necessary wealth determines the date of the event. Kata Sing, estim-ated eight years. To increase his annual y i e l d s of food grains, during that time he made a new f i e l d "nok pg»ti dur" i n a more remote, smaller side valley adjoining Rombour, close to his winter goat sheds. Because these new f i e l d s are so iso l a t e d , his womenfolk would be too vulnerable there, so the men i n the family took f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for i t s c u l t i v a t i o n . The women continued to c u l t i v a t e his eight "chatkai" of land c a l l e d "Ch£t Guru" i n lower Rombour Valley. In an average year, twenty k i l o s of wheat seed can produce approximately f i v e hundred k i l o s of wheat on one "cha»kai" and from the second crop of corn l a t e r i n the season, the same f i e l d y i e l d s about eight hundred and forty k i l o s . Because his family only requires" the produce from about six "cha»kai" th i s leaves a surplus of grains each year that can be stored away for feasts. If a family i s attempting 129 to save towards a feast, they w i l l consume on a day-to-day basis more corn and hoard as much wheat as possible. Kata Sing gave a "sa»ri»£k" feast for his daughter within the f i r s t two or three years aft e r announcing his intentions to host a "bira mor". After that feast was com-pleted a l l surplus grains were stockpiled toward thfe upcoming "bira mor". In dry conditions, grains can be safely kept i n the cool, dark storage areas i n Kalas#h houses from four to six years. Food grains from the other Mu »ti»mi»r<gh clan's f i e l d s were also added to the wheat dispensed at the "bira mor". Stockpiling grains i s only one concern of the aspirant feast-giver. Before a man i s permitted to give "bira mor", he must prove i n a 'witnessing' ceremony c a l l e d "pie pa.shai»ik" ("to show female goats") that he owns "20 x 20" or four hundred goats. A man who i s giving "bira mor" i s referred to i n the praises as "ha*zar ka»shi»ri chear pi»ouw", "he who drinks milk from his one thousand (snow) white goats." As a form of poetic exaggeration, his herds are always re-ferred to as "gk ha«zar", "one thousand", however, i t i s understood that t h i s means only four (five) hundred. Such a large number of animals i s required not only for prestige but for p r a c t i c a l reasons as well. Large amounts of dairy products are needed to d i s t r i b u t e at the feast, goats are required as g i f t s to the "ja»mi«li", (clan daughters), for Sajigor (Chapter 3, section iv) and several dozen animals are k i l l e d i n the f i r s t two days for meat to feed the 1,000 to 1,500 guests. In 1974, Kata Sing brought a Kalasjh shepherd * The Kalasfh now claim that the required number of animals i s f i v e hundred goats or t h e i r equivalent, for example, a b u l l i s worth twelve goats and a walnut tree i s worth eight. However, the t r a d i t i o n a l amount required i n the Bashgal among the pre-Muslim Kati was always "20 x 20" (four hundred) goats - an amount which probably also applied to the Kalasjh who have the same counting system. 130 from Bomboret on a contract basis to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for his rapidly increasing herds, (Chapter 2, section ii"). He i s a well-seasoned and capable herdsman who e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y set about helping Kata Sing increase his livestock's f e r t i l i t y and productivity, allowing the aspirant feast-giver more free time to organize other d e t a i l s of the upcoming celebra-tions. i i i ) b) "Counting the Goats/Refurbishing the Sajigor A l t a r " In the autumn of the year i n which an aspirant has elected to make "bira mor" ( i f he decides he has s u f f i c i e n t resources to proceed), some two to three weeks p r i o r to the f e s t i v i t i e s he must arrange a ceremony to show the male community his goat wealth. One evening, c a l l i n g upon the assistance of several of his clansmen, they take about forty-two k i l o s of wheat (one "maun") up to t h e i r goat sheds. During the night these men cook f i v e hundred breads and the next morning summon the "gro^wei" ("male community"), to the sheds. As they a r r i v e , they shower formal praises upon the host and his clan, re-counting the past deeds and ranks of t h e i r ancestors. These formal praises, c a l l e d "ish•ti»kgk", go on intermittently throughout the entire two to three week celebrations. The praises are comprised of a series of oft-repeated phrases and metaphors, interspersed with stories and anec-dotes about clan personages. The following eulogy, taken from Kata Sing's feast, i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s type of formalized praise-giving. I t i s delivered phrase by phrase i n loud, staccato shouts. "Hah! bravo to a l l you grandsons of the great Mutimir, In a never-ending l i n e you brought f u l l bags of grain from your f i e l d s , And you f i l l e d up your two-storey f o r t (house). In abundance, these grains now l i e panting i n your c e l l a r s . Oh! bravo to you twenty times lucky Kata Sing, Your old fortunes r i s e and f a l l as every autumn you give a feast. Your animals are too numerous to count and you divide them up only loosely,, 131 When giving away shares to your s i s t e r s . Oh! bravo to you who eats o i l that drips from the bone marrow of your sacred male goats, You 'blood-drinker' ('man-killer'), you butter-eater, you owner of male goats with big crossed horns. Oh! bravo to you who gives such bad times to the cruel (Nuristanis) and the arrogant ( C h i t r a l i s ) . . . " The host feeds the assembled male guests a generous meal of bread and cheese c a l l e d "ish •p<£«ri" on t h i s occasion (see Chapter 4, section i i i - a ) . Three men then come forward from those who have themselves (or t h e i r fathers or paternal grandfathers) given a "bira mor" feast. These men are to act as "sa»liss", "witnesses" i n the goat count. The host presents * them with s i l k robes, a f t e r which two of them go into the c o r r a l , and one i s seated on a "han»yak", "s t o o l " , on top of the goat shed roof with the other 'men of rank' ( I l l u s t r a t i o n # 14), This l a t t e r i n d i v i d u a l keeps the actual t a l l y with "bat", "small stones" each one representing twenty goats. As the two men i n the c o r r a l count o f f each group of twenty animals, they give a stone to t h i s roof-top ' t a l l y -keeper'. When twenty (or twenty-five) stones are l y i n g on the ground i n front of him, the host i s considered to have proved that he has s u f f i c i e n t goat wealth. Except for one large male goat kept back to s a c r i f i c e , the shepherds.then take the flocks out to graze. After the meal the men disperse back to their respective v i l l a g e s . Within the next ten days, the aspirant host w i l l re-• * In the past these robes (worth one goat) came from Badakhshan province i n North-Eastern Afghanistan, an area famous for i t s s i l k since the time of the Chinese rule (before the seventh century A.D.). Now they are made 'of the readily available Pakistani "art" s i l k (synthetics) or cotton/silk and although symbolically are s t i l l prestige items, have somewhat decreased i n actual monetary value. - **Goat shed roofs, (where goat s a c r i f i c e s are performed), are one of the most sacred Kalas,h spaces. Only the highest ranking individuals are permitted to s i t on stools i n these locations. 132 quest some men to go up into the forest surrounding the valley and cut down two very large trees, plus some other smaller ones. These are brought down to a location near Sajigor and for the next two days, two carvers prepare wooden sculptures. The two large trees are hewn into long plank benches to be i n s t a l l e d around the edges of the Sajigor s i t e . On fest i v e occasions at Sajigor,, the highest ranking s i t upon a p i l e d stone mound, and the men of lesser rank are seated on these ground l e v e l planks (See Sketch #2). The smaller trees are carved into four upright, two-dimensional, flattened 'posts' c a l l e d "ma»l^»ri" (which are about one metre high and t h i r t y centimetres wide). These are placed at the god-site intermittently along the length of the wooden planks ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #29; Sketch #2). The "ma«l«;»ri" carvings are abstract anthropomorphic shapes, with a top portion representing a Himalayan pheasant's feathered plume, below which i s a 'head' incised with a Gordian knot type design, and on the lower portions are several other incised geometric designs. Each time a large "bira mor" i s hosted, the plant benches and "ma«l£.ri" at Sajigor must be renewed. When these objects are complete, the male community i s ca l l e d and i n s t a l l e d at the god-site. Custom prescribes that the host s a c r i f i c e s a f u l l grown b u l l and male goat for thi s occasion. While t h i s meat i s cooking, the carvers are honored by the host (amidst praises from the other men), with long cotton (silk) neck scarves. The completion of thi s i n s t a l l a t i o n ceremony i s the point af t e r which the aspirant host cannot go back on his plans to give "bira mor". However, by the time this. ceremony, i s performed, the feast-giver i s confident that he has the neces-sary wealth and support to go ahead. Sajigor has been a witness to his commitment and the f u l l r i s k s are now unavoidable, i i i ) c) The F e s t i v i t i e s : These above preparations for the feast (except where I used s p e c i f i c examples from Kata Sing's a c t i v i t i e s ) apply to 133 "bira mor" feasts generally. Although the same types of problems may arise at other feasts, the following discussion pertains s p e c i f i c a l l y to Kata Sing's "bira mor". The per-s o n a l i t i e s of the individuals at this feast and t h e i r part-i c u l a r needs have determined the unique turn of events. A few days afte r the Sajigor ' i n s t a l l a t i o n ' ceremonies, on or .about November 10, 1977, the Mu»ti»mi»r^h clan c a l l e d t h e i r "ja»mT»li" and those women's daughters ( i f they had any) back to their natal homes. About twenty persons were cal l e d . With them they brought the finger-woven sashes, garlands of walnuts and apricot seeds, and large amounts of walnut breads which they presented to the men ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #30). For three days, hundreds of k i l o s of wheat were brought out from the basements onto the roofs where i t was dried, cleaned, and then taken to the m i l l s . The women took s h i f t s guarding these huge quantities of f l o u r from Gujar nomads who, not having f i e l d s of t h e i r own, are always on the look-out for unattended m i l l s as they pass up and down the v a l l e y . While the women worked, large numbers of men went to Kata Sing's v i l l a g e and c a l l e d out the "ish»ti»k£k" ("formal praises") to the Mu«ti»mi»rgh clan and were fed meals of bread and cheese by the host for t h e i r contributions. On the t h i r d afternoon of t h i s work-bee, the f l o u r was made up into batter i n huge wooden tubs and the bread-making began. This went on u n t i l about noon of the following day ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #20) and the "ja»mT«li", together with the wives of the Mu»ti*mi»r£h clansmen, cooked about two thousand k i l o s of bread. Afterwards, with th e i r dresses caulked with dried batter and soot-blackened faces, these women were too ex-hausted to take part i n the merry-making of the feast. On the morning of the t h i r d day of these f e s t i v i t i e s they went to the goat sheds to receive t h e i r "waiy", "shares" of the livestock i n appreciation of t h e i r e f f o r t s ^ ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #31), 134 On the fourth day of the preparations, before the -breads were finished, the guests, a f t e r a four to f i v e hour walk over the passes, began to arrive from the other valleys four to f i v e hours away by foot. These men began to assemble on the roof of one of the Mu»ti•mi«r^h houses ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #31). Meanwhile, jammed inside the small guest room attached to Kata Sing's house, the host had c a l l e d together his clans-men, representatives from a l l the other Rombour clans, and several important v a l l e y 'elders' - about t h i r t y to forty men. i i i ) d) Potential C o n f l i c t s - The Host as Manager: Several potentially-serious problems had arisen and Kata Sing, rather than r i s k being accused of heavy-handedness, was attempting to throw open to debate how these problems might be resolved. I t appears, however, that Kata Sing had already made up his mind previously as to what was to be done, because, with some well-concealed manipulations, the group gradually came around to supporting a l l of his 'suggestions'. The previous week, Kata Sing had been i n C h i t r a l buying c l o t h to make robes for the most important guests. (One robe requires four to f i v e metres and at the feast twenty-eight robes were distributed.) He had also purchased about one metre of cotton for each of the eighty-three households i n Rombour, plus nine additional metres which were torn up into s t r i p s to be given as kerchiefs to the less important male guests. Because there i s only one t a i l o r i n Rombour who can make up these robes, Kata Sing had l e f t some of the cloth at a t a i l o r ' s i n a Muslim v i l l a g e near C h i t r a l to be sewn up. After making a bad job of two garments, the Muslim got fed up, and sent those two plus the rest of the cloth back to Rombour with a small boy. Not only were there fewer robes ready than Kata Sing had anticipated but, worse, over a dozen high-ranking men from the other valleys had arrived i n Rombour that morning without s p e c i f i c i n v i t a t i o n s from Kata Sing. S t r i c t custom prescribes that they too should be honored with 1 3 5 g i f t s of high value. In the few weeks preceding the feast Kata Sing had sent our some i n v i t a t i o n s to seven persons from Bomboret valley and six from B i r i r . Most of these men were aff i n e s e.g. Kata Sing's mother was Bad»zei»kaiy from Brun (Bomboret) and his grandmother was Sha •ra'ukut from Krakal (Bomboret) , etc. , and the heads of these families were i n v i t e d with the intention of honoring them with g i f t s of s i l k robes and goats. At t h i s "resource allotment" discussion, a furious d i s -agreement ensued over what should be done about these un-i n v i t e d 'big men' who came "hoping to get something for nothing". This problem of too few prestige items i n r e l a t i o n to the number of potential r e c i p i e n t s had also arisen i n Rombour. However, the solution devised there could not be used i n the case of outside guests. In Rombour, Kata Sing had decided to give a robe and a goat to one representative of each previous feast, either to the host himself i f he was s t i l l a l i v e , or to one l i v i n g male descendant within the l a s t two generations. Many more men were customarily e n t i t l e d to receive these objects but, to s a t i s f y those i n d i v i d u a l s , Kata Sing asked each of the seven clans i n Rombour to choose amongst themselves one representative. That i n d i v i d u a l would receive an additional token robe and goat on behalf of a l l those deserving men i n the clan who r i g h t l y should each receive these prestige items. This plan was an improvisation on t r a d i t i o n a l custom, attempting to deal with the problem of a larger population than was ever feasted/ i n the past. It- could only be successful i f Kata Siijg obtained a consensus from the men i n the v a l l e y . There are about twelve d i s t i n c t clans i n each of the other two v a l l e y s . Several of the guests who had been i n -vi t e d by Kata Sing were aff i n e s who belonged to the same clan. After they had received t h e i r g i f t s , there were not enough objects to go to a representative from each of the 136 other f i f t e e n to eighteen clans i n Bomboret and B i r i r . Because the uninvited men of rank could not be completely ignored, there was a great deal of heated discussion as to how this dilemma should be handled. Some members of the Mu»ti»mi«rgh clan were i n s i s t i n g that t h e i r "bira mor" was not only for t h e i r affines but for "na.mobs", "rank", legitimized by recognition from those already of high rank. Kata Sing himself was employing a purposeful detachment from this chaotic discussion. Then, very s t r a t e g i c a l l y , by way of a question directed to the entire group, proposed a solution. "Do those two v a l l e y s , as we do i n Rombour, divide themselves into two groups, those v i l l a g e s from "w£»hunk", ("upstream") and those from "pr^.hunk" ("downstream")?" Anyone who has l i v e d i n Kalasjh valleys for more than forty years and v i s i t e d the neighbouring valleys hundreds of times knows that t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s common to a l l three v a l l e y s . The question was seized upon and within minutes i t was decided 'by a l l ' that four robes and four goats would be given out, one to the downstream v i l l a g e s and one to the upstream v i l l a g e s i n each of the two v a l l e y s . These g i f t s would s u f f i c e to honor a l l the 'men of rank'who had come uninvited. They were to decide amongst themselves who would actually receive the objects. This strategy of repeatedly requesting each group to decide for themselves who would represent them, shielded Kata Sing from any accusations which might a r i s e . Each of these 'natural' groups had previously employed a decision-making process which enabled them to act as a united body and Kata Sing was clever enough to make us of the ex i s t i n g structures. In t h i s manner, wherever necessary throughout the feast, he could avoid accusations of i n j u s t i c e . On other occasions during the feas;t Kata Sing f o r c e f u l l y exerted his authority, making i t quite apparent that he had his mind made up how things should be done. One such occasion was on the l a s t 137 morning of the f e s t i v i t i e s at the goat sheds. He and his clansmen were giving the "waiy" share of the livestock to t h e i r "ja»mi«li" (clan daughters/sisters). Standing on the roof of the shed overseeing the a c t i v i t i e s both inside the c o r r a l and outside i t s entrance> where several hundred people had gathered, he warned everyone to speak up i f they had not been given t h e i r f a i r share. Afterwards would be too l a t e to complain, he said. In response, some men began to o f f e r suggestions as to who had been overlooked, whereupon Kata Sing exploded, shouting out angrily: " A l r i g h t ! A l r i g h t ! Just leave me alone! Don't I have my own memory about th i s or what?" This angry outburst l e f t his assistants speech-less and the clamour momentarily subsided. The host had perceived this as an occasion where i t was necessary and opportune to assert himself, emphasizing his power and his position as the executive director of: this complicated and d i f f i c u l t ceremony. Kata Sing's compromise of g i f t giving to important men, by having each clan select t h e i r own representative, was being referred to as "Tai b^sh ka»roon", "your new/extra custom", and was at f i r s t , not acceptable to everyone. Some clans are numerically much larger than others who have only a few households i n Rombour. In the bigger clans, which also tend to be wealthier, more 'men of rank' were being over-looked. Moreover, one i n d i v i d u a l i n p a r t i c u l a r , Bashara Khan, was proving to be a large thorn i n Kata Sing's side. This man was i n s i s t i n g upon being honored with prestige objects despite the f a c t that neither himself nor his father or grandfather had ever given a "bira mor". His demands were interpreted by the other Kalasji men of rank as "n 1 w£sh", "against custom" and these men threatened to make a fuss i f Kata Sing succumbed to his demands. Bashara Khan, an important man i n a major branch of the Ba«l£.r<£h clan, i s the uncle of Kata Sing's ex-son-in-law. 138 This man i s tediously verbose, and although presumably w e l l -intentioned, i s e s s e n t i a l l y a great swaggering buffoon given to endless s e l f - e x a l t a t i o n . He i s , however, the most renowned Kalash man i n the whole C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t , not i t seems because of any outstanding q u a l i t i e s , except perhaps his naivete or g u l l i b i l i t y . He rose to fame as a r e s u l t of hosting foreign t o u r i s t s i n Rombour for a number of years. To the savings from his charges he added his wife's wages who cooked for the Pakistan Government i r r i g a t i o n project crews for two or three summers at his insistance. With t h i s money he added to his assets by building a new house and then with a bank l o a ^ purchased an old Ford jeep i n C h i t r a l , thus acquiring the dubious fame of becoming the f i r s t Kalas#h i n history to possess an automobile. There are no roads i n Rombour and Bashara Khan began to spend most of his time i n the C h i t r a l Valley. Not having an i n k l i n g how to operate a jeep, he was forced to rent i t out to C h i t r a l i drivers. Perceiving him as being an ' i l l i t e r a t e i n f i d e l 1 , he was 'taken for a r i d e 1 by the drivers, mechanics, and the other financiers with whom he was forced to become increasingly involved as his debts (and notoriety) rapidly grew. In May of 1977, when Zul f i k a r A l i Bhutto announced that there were to be second, ' f a i r ' elections, some l o c a l people fronted Bashara Khan as a second Pakistan People's Party candidate to contest with the s i t t i n g PPP member of p a r l i a -ment, uQadir Nawaz. A s p l i t PPP vote would favor a strong . '. united vote for the opposition Pakistan National A l l i a n c e candidate, thereby accomplishing the r e a l aims of Bashara Khan's backers. The election was i n d e f i n i t e l y postponed when martial law was imposed in June, 197 7, but not u n t i l several hundred elec t i o n posters with Bashara Khan's picture had been run o f f . The man became a c e l e b r i t y , a 'man of rank', but by 139 highly unorthodox c r i t e r i a according to the status hierarchy of t r a d i t i o n a l Kalash K a f i r society. Having achieved such notoriety, Bashara Khan was emphatic that he would not attend Kata Sing's "bira mor" unless he was in d i v i d u a l l y presented with a robe and a goat. Various emissaries were sent by Kata Sing to try and reason with him. F i n a l l y , on the f i r s t morning of the actual f e s t i v i t i e s he reneged and arrived unannounced on the roof of Kata Siijg's house. To an outsider, the scene which ensued was highly amusing. I t i s , however, just t h i s type of p o t e n t i a l l y h o s t i l e or negative s i t u a t i o n which may be dissipated through r i t u a l i z e d verbal exchange at large public gatherings. Both men stood several feet apart, facing each other but loudly shouting past each other to the various loosely assembled guests. Bashara Khan's "ish •ti»k£k" "eulogies" tend to be an unimaginative stream of stock phrases which he delivers e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y : "Bravo to you twenty times lucky brave man...your flood of honey...your r i v e r of butter...your long l i n e of goats...!" thus conveniently managing to ignore Kata Sing's response. The l a t t e r , i n very c a r e f u l l y chosen language, was expressing his sentiments concerning Bashara Khan's e a r l i e r p o s i t i o n . Kata Sing said that i f he had continued to pursue his previous course, i t would have been neither here nor there at h i s , Kata Sing's great "bira mor"! Neither man made any overt responses to what the other was saying. Thus each outwardly at least, had preserved his honor. The f i r s t two days of the actual f e s t i v i t i e s were held i n Kata Sing's v i l l a g e , Kalas(hagr6"m, where the guests arrived and gave formal praises. Some were honoured with g i f t s of ' s i l k ' robes, woven neckbands, garlands of nuts and seeds, and cloth handerchiefs, ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #'s 30 & 31) and a l l were fed with a meal of bread, cheese, and meat on the f i r s t 140 * day and meat and bread on the second. The guests danced and sang throughout the three days of f e s t i v i t i e s . The dancing was predominately C h i t r a l i (Muslim) s t y l e with single dancers challenging each other to the best performance, and the repertoire of songs both i n form and content, was much sparser than they had been at the Dra»m£ - S £ clan's "sa»ri«£k" ("clan daughter's") feast the previous month. At t h i s "bira mor" the men played sports, both during the a c t i v i t i e s i n the v i l l a g e and again at the Sajigor a l t a r on the t h i r d day, while waiting for some of the meat to cook. Popular was "ra»juk hon»ch£k" ("rope-pull"), a tug of war done by two teams of about six persons on each who were eithe r men from one clan p i t t e d against another clan, or Kalasjh against C h i t r a l i s or Nuristanis. These a c t i v i t i e s heightened the very competitive atmosphere prevalent throughout the "bira mor". Not only was the honor of the host and his clan at stake, but many 'important' guests demanded to be recognized and honored with g i f t s or special attention. Speech-making (and praise-giving), eating huge quantities of cooked foodstuffs, presentation of goats to the 'clan daughters', and immediately a f t e r , the sequence of events at Sajigor a l t a r on the t h i r d day (Chapter 3 , section i v & v) were the highlights of the "bira mor". i i i ) e) The Function of Feasting as Public Forum; Speech-making went on recurrently throughout the various f e s t i v i t i e s but there were times when a group of about a dozen 'elders' monopolized the attention of the crowds and spoke extensively about the p o l i t i c s of thi s feast (plus other current top i c s ) . On the f i r s t day of these speeches, an old grudge * Kata Sin,g expended about one hundred and eight-three k i l o s (seventy " b a t t i " ) o f cheese, k i l l e d twenty goats, and cooked about one thousand f i v e hundred k i l o s of wheat on the f i r s t two days alone, for between one thousand and one thousand f i v e hundred people. 141 was aired a f t e r more than f i v e years. Similar to the exchange between Kata Sing and the l o c a l ' c e l e b r i t y 1 Bashara Khan, the public nature of the disclosure preserved the reputations of the individuals concerned. Chapter Four (section v) describes the circumstances under which Kata Sing had performed a "sa.ri«£k" feast for his daughter some six years p r i o r to "bira mor". Some of the more i n f l u e n t i a l v a l l e y 'elders' had refused to attend on the grounds that i t was being held s o l e l y for the self-aggrandizement of Kata Sing, who showed an i n s e n s i t i v i t y to his young daughter and his in-laws whose positions were not yet secure. Those men who had boycotted that feast were presently attending Kata Sing's "bira mor" and giving i t t h e i r whole-hearted support. One of these elders was Baraman, the present holder of the informal t i t l e of v a l l e y p r i e s t ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #12). He i s a s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s leader i n the comm-unity and his boycott of Kata Sing's "sa»ri«£k" had not been a passing matter. Early on i n the "bira mor" speeches, Baraman stood up and p u b l i c l y broached the subject of his absence s i x years e a r l i e r . This being an awkward and p o t e n t i a l l y embarassing subject, r i f e with personal animosities, he had never spoken personally to Kata Sing about i t . Baraman now announced to a crowd of nearly one thousand people that t h i s " t a s t e f u l l y " executed performance of "bira mor" had, in his eyes, redeemed i t s host e n t i r e l y . As a r e s u l t of t h i s present feast, he now knew that Kata Sing had been well intentioned a l l along and that the common good of the entire community was i n t e g r a l to his quest for status and rank. Baraman was o f f e r i n g only a p a r t i a l atonement for his previous boycott by using the accomplishments of the present "bira mor" as the reason for his more t r u t h f u l or accurate insight into the r e a l nature of Kata Sing's quest for rank. I t was a c l e v e r l y phrased apology which excused both himself and Kata Sing, who heard t h i s announcement from amid the crowds, thus saving both men form a personal confront-142 ation over the issue. Baraman1s purpose had been to explain the contradiction between his previous absence and his present unqualified support. I t was e s s e n t i a l that he cleared the a i r on t h i s issue before going on to make a further p r i e s t l y announcement. This next proclamation was Kata Siijg's intention to re b u i l d the Rombour menstrual hut the following spring. This b u i l d i n g had f a l l e n into d i s r e p a i r and was causing some inconveniences to the women users. For more than f i v e years, the l o c a l state authorities had been negotiating with the Kalash i n a l l three valleys to rebuild i t with monies taken from a sp e c i a l fund for Kalash t r i b a l u p l i f t and dev-elopment which Zu l f i k a r A l i Bhutto had set aside for them in the early 1970's. Negotiations had broken down because the C h i t r a l i craftsmen and builders, who wanted the money and were thus prepared to do the job, were then boycotted by l o c a l Muslim r e l i g i o u s leaders incensed about Muslims re-building pagan menstrual huts. Certain Kalas.h factions further complicated the issue by i n s i s t i n g that i f the govern-ment would just turn over the monies to them, they would rebuild t h e i r own menstrual huts, making r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n s a c r i f i c e s wherever necessary i n order to do the job. With this l a t e s t plan, Kata Sing had found a perfect opportunity to ensure that his name would be recorded for posterity i n the annals of Kalash o r a l h i s t o r y . Not only was he performing the largest "on»jesh»ta ('sacred') b i r a mor" i n more than f i f t y years, but during t h i s major accomplishment i n the sacred realm, was promising to refurbish the most central *Kata Sing's eldest daughter was i n confinement i n the menstrual hut throughout his "bira mor" having just given b i r t h to his f i r s t grandson, Yasir Arafat. The baby was the son of the young man whose conversion to Islam Kata Sing had t r i e d to force as revenge for this boy taking his daughter "a l a shin.q" a f t e r Kata Sing's "sa«ri»£k" for her and her f i r s t husband. 143 symbol of the impure domain, the women's menstrual hut. Both the plan and the timing of i t s announcement are in d i c a t i v e of Kata Sing's adroitness and ambition. Several other speeches at the "bira mor" concerned a balance between purity and p o l l u t i o n . In patronizing tones, the Kalash women were p u b l i c l y chastized for courting the attentions and affections of Muslim men. Because the Muslims consider the Kalash to be "smelly, country bumpkins", said one speech-maker, i t i s degrading for the whole tr i b e that t h e i r women behave i n this way. This same speaker also attributed d i f f i c u l t b i r t h s , the frequent deaths of newborn infants i n the menstrual hut, and the increase of disease amongst the goats to the dalliances of Kalash women with t h e i r Muslim lovers. The above statements are an expression of the f e l t need for the Kalasji to regain a hold of th e i r destinies, perhaps to re-polish t h e i r tarnished i n t e g r i t y before the diss o l u t i o n of th e i r culture becomes hopelessly i r r e v e r i s b l e . The very occurs rence of the "bira mor" i n November, 1977, i s one in d i c a t i o n of a cu l t u r a l r e v i v a l which i s occuring at least i n Rombour Valley. This renaissance, although giving i n s p i r a t i o n to the whole t r i b e , i s p a r t i a l l y i n response to the rapid s o c i a l breakdown i n the other two va l l e y s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Bomboret. i i i ) f) Kalash Concepts of Wealth and Feasting: The following discussion w i l l a r t i c u l a t e Kalasji explanations of how one acquires wealth and for what ends. While people may of f e r more i d e a l i s t i c explanations for actions which actually are acqu i s i t i v e i n intent, i t i s my purpose here to account for t h e i r explanations rather than'ulterior motives, many of which have already been discussed i n e a r l i e r sections i n thi s chapter. Throughout the dialogue at this feast, several indigenous attitudes about wealth emerged which, not unexpectedly, are closely linked to the reasons why the Kalasji say they must give feasts. Because "bira mor" i s considered to be a r e l i g i o u s event, some of these concepts about wealth were given a p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g emphasis during the feast. Formal praises and 144 speeches were replete with phrases which exaggerate, g l o r i f y , and sanctify wealth. The host of the "bira mor" was praised as being a "drinker of milk from his sacred male goats" or even more poignant, "milk from his sacred, one-year old goats", or "eater of t h e i r 'kutTn»da'", a cheese made from the milk magically produced by these one-year old animals. The Kalasji maintain that wealth i s god-given, and i f i t s owner i s moral and industrious i t becomes animated and grows of i t s own accord. There are many songs and stories which describe food grains, when placed inside storage bins, that begin to multiply, "panting" i n t h e i r growing abundance, ever expanding or "swarming" (like bees), and " b o i l i n g up" (lik e hot milk) u n t i l the l i d s burst o f f the bins and the grains s p i l l out in profusion. Skin bags of grain w i l l sometimes dance on the roof tops where they were threshed, golden birds f l y out from bee hives, and snakes emerge from sealed pots of cheese. This kind of animated, magic wealth i s c a l l e d "on»jesh»ta m i • l i t " , "sacred wealth" and i t s meaning i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the following incident. Early one spring, a young teenage boy from Rombour went to v i s i t his "mora" ("mother's brother") i n Krakal v i l l a g e , Bomboret. One day while d u t i f u l l y caring for his uncle's goats i n the h i l l s above the v i l l a g e , he came upon a small glade of prematurely-ripened winter wheat. Deciding to surprise his uncle with some fresh wheat breads, he harvested i t and took i t to the m i l l near the v i l l a g e . He l e f t the cleaned grains i n a bowl inside the m i l l while he went outside to release the water which turns the grinding stone attached to an anterior wooden water wheel When he went back inside, to his surprise the wheat grains had turned into juniper berries. Rushing o f f to bring his uncle, when the two arrived back they found instead a bowl f u l l of "ku»lish peik t*£t", "glowing red embers". *"Ku»in'da" i s a very strong-tasting dairy product made by placing newly made goats' cheese into clay pots. These are closed up with 'a stone -'cork' and then t i g h t l y sealed with a thick s l i p of clay. In eool basement storage areas, i t becomes b a c t e r i a l within a ; month and i f kept t i g h t l y sealed, may be stored f i v e or six years. 145 This phenomenon the Kalash at t r i b u t e to the work of f a i r i e s . If an i n d i v i d u a l , by making certain animal s a c r i f i c e s , can get a f a i r y working for him, he can become very wealthy. Some people claim that Saidaman, (now a Muslim) who gave the "bira mor" i n 1969 at which Kata Sing made his own announce-ment to give a similar feast, had "bhut", powerful "malevolent s p i r i t s " working for him to help gather together the wealth which was required for that event. Saidaman i s said to be i n possession of a "bhut gdor", a "devil's foot" which i s an extremely powerful and p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous object. They can sometimes be found near r i v e r s or i r r i g a t i o n channels, i n or around the watering places of f a i r i e s . They are made out of a hard, black obsidian type stone, the size of a small c h i l d ' s foot but with unusual fea-tures. The ankle appears reversed because the foot, instead of extending naturally from the f r o n t y p r o j e c t s from the back of the heel. If a man finds or i s given "bhut gdor", and i s not w i l l i n g to make regular s a c r i f i c e s to i t , he should either pass i t along to someone else who i s w i l l i n g to do so or else throw i t into the r i v e r . The Kalash believe that not to s a c r i f i c e to thi s object w i l l i n v i t e disaster. Saidaman was reputed to keep his "bhut gdor" i n his goat sheds and annually, every spring f e s t i v a l , he did "su»chi ma«rat", " f a i r y s c a r i f i c e " to i t . This usually e n t a i l s the r i t u a l k i l l i n g of a single newborn lamb although a goat may be substituted.. There are several other families i n the valleys who also annually perform "su«chi ma.rat" at each spring f e s t i v a l . If a man i s industrious and i s able to accumulate foodstuffs from year to year, the goods are c a l l e d "ba«loush de»wat»lat", "old wealth". "Ba.loush" also means "smelly" and i f a house has large stockpiles of foodstuffs stored i n i t s basement c e l l a r s , the whole house w i l l be pervaded by a strong organic aroma given o f f by these food reserves. As 146 the following b r i e f incident i l l u s t r a t e s , there i s a certain point beyond which an in d i v i d u a l i s no longer respected for his a b i l i t y to hoard food reserves. Five generations ago, i n the Dra«m<2/s<£, clan there was a man, Ma*hat-tu^mar, who was continually boasting that the wheat grains which he had i n his storage bin were the same age as one boy i n the family who was about fourteen years o l d . One day, Ma that•tu»mar proudly extracted t h i s grain, ground i t , and had his wife make i t into breads for him which he then consumed with r e l i s h . "So great was his wealth, ha! ha! ha! ha!", said a Kalasjh orator, "that he died i n s t a n t l y ! " It i s not enough to save and to have wealth: 'uncooked wheat has no value', and 'an animal with i t s skin s t i l l on, i s of no use 1. The Kalasjh use an enigmatic phrase "us»teik ni«seik" which l i t e r a l l y means "to stand up and to s i t down". I t i s an idiom about wealth that i s used on several d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . Not only does i t refer to the stockpiles of wealth which r i s e and f a l l , as one works towards saving i t and then giving i t a l l away at feast, but i t also refers to the constant round of guests coming day by day to one's house, and s i t t i n g down (upon a "han«yak", "stool") to have a meal, and then standing up to leave again. The term means public and private generosity and h o s p i t a l i t y . Some men acquire a reputation for day to day h o s p i t a l i t y , which they favor more than hoarding t h e i r food to gain the momentary glory achieved at a single merit feast. Others, l i k e the Mu»ti»mi«rgh clan, are known for t h e i r generosity at home as well as for t h e i r extravagant merit feasts. Others do not uphold t h i s s p i r i t of giving at a l l , and about those people the Kalasji say that: " i f a mouse (guest) were to accidentally f a l l through the smoke-hole into such a stingy man's house, i t (he) wouldn't even be offered a meal of ashes from the f i r e ! " i i i ) g) The "Duty" of Feast-giving: If a man begins to save his wealth for a feast, the Kalasjh 147 say he i s no longer able to 'eat his wealth q u i e t l y ' . Such a man becomes s h i f t l e s s and r e s t l e s s , a worm i s wriggling inside him, compelling him to make a "na»mob»ria" kromb", a "strange, (deranged) work". During the feast, his behavior i s l i k e a man possessed, as he 'recklessly' dispenses with his and a l l his clan's wealth. The l a t t e r observe him with some trepidation, however he i s beyond th e i r control because to curb his actions at that pointy would be to destroy t h e i r reputation and honor. The eulogies about the feast-giver go on to say that t h i s i s not 'madness', however, but the f u l f i l l m e n t of the man's "ar•man", his "sorrow" or "longing" to comply with the wishes of god and his fundamental s p i r i t of generosity. The Kalasli say that god gives man wealth but he also gives him a heart which he must follow. To go through l i f e simply c o l l e c t i n g wealth and indulging i n s e l f - p r a i s e , i s to merely become old. Feasting i s what l i f e i s for: i t makes l i f e complete and gives i t worth. Only through feasting w i l l our names l i v e on. Much of the e a r l i e r discussions and explanations i n t h i s thesis have been concerned with the less a l t r u i s t i c reasons why the Kalash partake i n feasts. A r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between th e i r ideals and the acquisitiveness i n day-to-day l i f e provides the truer picture. i i i ) h) Summary of "Bira Mor" Merit Feast: The chronological sequence of the events at the "bira mor" has been broken down i n t h i s discussion into a more thematic treatment of the content of the various r i t u a l sequences. To summarize b r i e f l y , the f i r s t two days of speech-making were followed on the t h i r d and f i n a l morning of the f e s t i v i t i e s by the presentation of the 'clan daughters/sisters' with t h e i r share of the livestock. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #18). Forty-one animals, mostly female, and one-year old goats, lambs, and sheep, were given away to the clanswomen and the representatives of clans 148 from other v i l l a g e s and valley s , who i n the past, have given t h e i r daughters i n marriage to the Mu-ti»mi»r£h clan. The entire assembly of guests then proceeded up the va l l e y to the Sajigor a l t a r d r i v i n g the host, Kata Sing mounted on horseback (symbol of his new rank), and his herd of t h i r t y 'scared' male goats i n front :. ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #8). The women turned back at the l a s t v i l l a g e before the god-site. For the rest of the day, the men remained at Sajigor s a c r i f i c i n g the animals ( I l l u s t r a t i o n #10 & Chapter 3, section i v and v), and playing games, such as rock throwing (shot-put), wrestling, and tug of war. They returned to t h e i r v i l l a g e s i n the early evening, carrying large carcasses of uncooked 'sacred' goat meat, consumed over the next few days to the exclusion of their women. Thereafter Kata Sing i s permitted to go about his da i l y a f f a i r s i n the valley mounted on horseback. At f e s t i v a l s he i s en t i t l e d to wear a pair of "sha»ra kund»a»li" (markhor hide shoes - I l l u s t r a t i o n #13) which custom prescribes he, his sons, and grandsons must also be buried i n . At f e s t i v a l s and feasts he may wear "das*tar", a large cloth turban wound:around his head. This, however, i s not a garment that a personality such as Kata Sirjg's would l i k e l y take to wearing naturally! I l e f t the Kalasjh valleys to return to Canada within a few weeks a f t e r Kata Sing had completed his "bira mor" and therefore was unable to document the effects t h i s was to have upon his l i f e . The most immediately noticable change as a re s u l t of t h i s accomplishment was the respectful attitude which people of the valley community showed towards him, either i n chance encounters on pathways of i f he happened to v i s i t t h e i r houses. The news of Kata Sirjg's large outlay of wealth (which, i n c i d e n t a l l y , by no means reduced him to penury), had spread throughout the C h i t r a l Valley. The Deputy Commissioner of C h i t r a l and his s t a f f had been Kata Sirjg's guests for one night during the "bira mor", when they a l l v i s i t e d the valley at his request. His reputation and position had therefore been enhanced not only among the Kalasjh, but i n the larger C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t . 149 About ten days after the feast, a hunting party comprised of l o c a l C h i t r a l i government o f f i c i a l s arrived i n Rombour. They had come to shoot markhor which are forced down by heavy snows from the higher alti t u d e s of the Hindu Kush to winter i n the h i l l s ^above.. the Kalash v a l l e y s . These men came d i r e c t l y to Kata Sing's house where they expected to be put up i n his guest room and fed. Kata Sirjg, who immediately had to slaughter more animals (rams) to feed these guests, expressed p r i v a t e l y that t h i s i s what his reputation as a great host had brought him, s t i l l further expenses! There are, however, eventual pay-offs for him i n co-operating with these contacts. In future, l o c a l government o f f i c i a l s i n charge of duties such as issuing cutting permits i n the forests, or dispensing AID wheat and other govern-ment subsidies, are more l i k e l y to be responsive should Kata Sin,g ever approach them with requests. With a road and i t s encumbent developments such as t o u r i s t hotels and stores pending i n Rombour, there are already a number of Kalas^h men i n the valley scheming to become a part of these future changes. One of these men i s Kata Sing's own brother-in-law. I t i s impossible to say from this distance what involve-ments Kata Sing, as one of the most i n f l u e n t i a l men i n the community, i s l i k e l y to have i n these developments. Although hospitable by custom, he remains aloof from t o u r i s t s and at times i s even contemptuous and mocking of outsiders. His enhanced powers and influence now permit him to c a l l upon a wider c i r c l e of men and resources, but I suspect he i s more l i k e l y to apply his energies to t r a d i t i o n a l pursuits such as rebuilding the "ba«sha«le" (menstrual hut), a promise which he made at the feast. Moreover, Kata Sing i s entering a time i n his l i f e where his production of foodstuffs must be substantial to meet the needs of his extended family. His o f f s p r i n g are s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y young and the family i s not l i k e l y to disband i n the near future. Two of his seven boys married the same year as the "bira mor" 150 and Kata Sirjg had to pay bride-prices for both new wives. This also means that soon there w i l l be more children to provide for. One other son he i s supporting at a government school i n the C h i t r a l Valley and he soon intends to send a second son there. Their boarding expenses must be met i n cash and one school boy i s too costly an undertaking for most Kalasji f a m i l i e s , not to mention the expenses of two. Kata Sing dedicated his "bira mor" to his father, Buda who i s at present an old man. The family must begin to save th e i r wealth now i n preparation for giving Buda a "sha»ru»gah" funeral feast, the most d i f f i c u l t and costly undertaking i n Kalasji culture (see Chapter 4, section v i ) . The actual repercussions in Kata Sing's l i f e as a r e s u l t of hosting "bira mor" i s a task for future fieldwork. iv) Conclusion; This thesis has explored the complexities of merit feasting, a multi-functional exchange phenomenon which l i n k s economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and religous dimensions of Kalasji culture. I have t r i e d to show that while t h e i r habitat has the p o t e n t i a l of supporting such an exchange system, i n d i v i d u a l industry i n a g r i -culture and animal husbandry i s the c r i t i c a l economic factor. The wealth produced as a r e s u l t of t h i s human labor must then be redistributed and thus transformed into prestige and power -r e l i g i o u s , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l - by means of the i n s t i t u t i o n of the feast. Individuals achieve high positions i n an informal Kalasji p o l i t i c a l hierarchy by developing and exhibiting such q u a l i t i e s as, for example, insight into the s t r u c t u r a l working of t h e i r society coupled with organizational s k i l l s , which also make feast-givers successful aspirants for 'rank'. Feasting also r e f l e c t s Kalasji s o c i a l organization, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r b i l a t e r a l kinship structure and the l i f e t i m e attachments of women to t h e i r natal clans. Ample d e t a i l s and examples have been included which indicate 151 that feasting i s more than a secular event. The Kalash assert that wealth i s god-given, and must be generously r e d i s t r i b u t e d through i n d i v i d u a l h o s p i t a l i t y and public feast-giving, i f the gods are to continue to bestow the i r blessings upon a man, his family, and clan. The feasts function as a kind of c u l t u r a l performance, and provide the opportunity to partake i n the a r t i s t i c forms evolved within t h i s t e c h n i c a l l y austere but o r a l l y r i c h c u l t u r a l t r a d i -tion. Feasts also provide a forum at which the Kalas #h t r i b a l community may share information and ideas i n a broader ambience than the limited c i r c l e which day to day intercourse usually permits. The h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l riches of these people deserve better than their present ethnographic obscurity. Due to the lack of written sources on the Kalash, and a t o t a l absence of documentation on the subject of t h e i r feasting exchange system, I have frequently favored exposition over brevity i n t h i s thesis in the hope that t h i s work might provide a f i r s t step towards making one of the Kalas #h's main forms of celebration more widely appreciated. Due to rapid s o c i a l changes, there appears to be an ever-diminishing opportunity i n which i t w i l l be possible to document these l a s t vestiges of K a f i r culture. However, i t i s not yet too l a t e , and i t i s my sincere hope that the f i r s t signs of a c u l t u r a l renaissance, which i s presently occurring among c e r t a i n groups of the Kalash population^will bear f r u i t for t h e i r sakes and because i t w i l l generate further opportunities for document-ing t h i s unique way of l i f e . Appendix 1: Poetry and Metaphor i) Poetry: Conversion to Islam i s on the increase among the Kalash. T r i b a l people of a l l ages and for a variety of reasons -i l l n e s s , poverty, threats from Muslims - are opting for conversion as the solution to t h e i r l i f e c r i s e s . The following vignette describes the conversion to Islam of one of the most famous contemporary composers and singers from Rombour Valley, a community which preserves more of the t r a d i t i o n a l K a f i r b e l i e f s and practices than the other two valleys. However, increasingly rapid conversion to Islam i s only one i n d i c a t i o n that Rombour society i s threatened by the same changes that are breaking down t r a d i t i o n a l culture i n B i r i r and Bomboret. I t i s t h i s type of c u l t u r a l wealth which i s being l o s t when people deny t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l culture by converting to Islam. While s t i l l a Kalash, Jouw Shah composed three love songs for his wife, a woman with whom he was deeply i n love, but, so i t seems, remained with him more out of s o c i a l convention than personal preference. Shortly after composing the l a s t of these songs i n the early 1960's, he suddenly converted to Islam. While he had been caring for his goats i n the high pastures he dreamt of making love with a mountain f a i r y . Jouw Shah's goats were l a t e r found abandoned on the slopes by some other Kalasji shepherds. I t was not u n t i l afterwards that they came to know he had f l e d to C h i t r a l and converted to Islam. He was always considered to be a highly emotional man, perhaps a l i t t l e imbalanced, and his personality i s described as "a*sh^»ki", very romantic and passionate. He now roams about the C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t as a "ma•lung" or Muslim holy man. The C h i t r a l i s have given him the name "Buzuruk" (Baraka), "the one i n touch with the s p i r i t " , more i n fun than fact. The C h i t r a l i s , as do the Kalash, consider him now to be completely deranged. He i s the constant object of mockery and teasing by the merchants as he passes through the C h i t r a l i bazaar with his wild and unkempt appearance. Since his conversion 152 153 he has never again spoken a word of Kalasjh. His wife married again to a Kalasjh man from Bomboret and his two teenage children are cared for by t h e i r grandfather i n Rombour Valley. They avoid mentioning him and ignore the frequent teasing that accompanies reports of t h e i r father's doings i n the C h i t r a l Valley. Jouw Shah's Love Songs: (Sung i n a melodically sparse, epic s t y l e of singing c a l l e d "dra.z'eiy »lik") Listen to these words my sweet, If i t were up to me our love, yours and mine, would l a s t u n t i l the end of time. Even i f just as b r i e f as the moment when the cadmuim cadence blackbird, Alights and balances upon a green nimbus slender willow, I long to catch a glimpse of you. The blossoms of the s i l v e r sallow and the pale fuchsia grape have a fragrance as sim i l a r as two s i s t e r s . That fragrance, l i k e our love I want to hold cupped inside my hands forever. That beau of yours, he's just a wild flower and I give to you t h i s warning: 'there are no surprises i n his promises. Tomorrow morning his love for you w i l l blossom but by that same evening, i t w i l l have withered away and died'. My love for you i s a l l ecstacy matched only by the b r i l l i a n c e of the f i r s t ray of l i g h t that breaks over the mountain top at dawn. This next song was composed l a t e r and s l i g h t l y predates Jouw Shah's conversion to Islam. I've searched but cannot f i n d the alpine grass that makes a l l women ache for men. Oh.' how I've searched to fi n d that grass and put some i n my pocket. And once again, I then r e c a l l that love me she does not -Oh! how I long to leave this earth! But, only i f I had that 'love grass' She's never look again into the fact of any other. In despair, I went up to the alpine meadows looking for a f a i r y lover, And when I came upon her - captured by her youth and grace She only said to me: "But you already have a lover! How i s i t that she does not f i l l your thoughts?" 154 Then I denied I had a wife, feigned ignorance, pretended I had none. Only then would she take me and I l i e d so I could bury my sorrow in her sweetness. i i ) Metaphor: The focus on merit feasting i n this thesis has i n e v i t a b l y limited the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for exploring other subjects also documented while doing fieldwork among the Kalasjh, p a r t i c u l a r l y the wealth of o r a l forms; songs, poetry, eulogies, etc. Kalash o r a l t r a d i t i o n s are abundantly r i c h i n metaphor and the following are just a few example of this c u l t u r a l wealth. a) Effects of the l o c a l ecology (fauna) upon poetic imagery: The feathers of the Himalayan pheasant are prized as symbols of bravery and rank. In Kalasjh stories and songs the image of the pheasant i s a double metaphor used to denote several d i f f e r e n t things, depending upon the context i n which i t i s used. I t may mean the act of "beating a man", with the blood running from the victim's head perceived to be as c o l o r f u l as the pheasant's head. In another context, a poet might intend the word to refer to a "beautiful woman" whose braids of hair "chu.e »ak" are likened to the r i c h , i r i d e s c e n t top knot which distinguishes the plummage of th i s monal pheasant. Only the name of the b i r d w i l l be mentioned i n the songs and the l i s t e n e r understands the meaning from the context of the whole story. b) Position as an ethnic minority: The Kalash were 'bondsmen' of the C h i t r a l i r u l e r s for centuries. Speaking a separate language gave them a cert a i n privacy or protection against these more numerous and dominant Kho people, the opportunity to express t h e i r true feelings despite the presence of 'outsiders'. Metaphors, many of which are understood only among themselves, further f a c i l i t a t e s t h i s type of honest public disclosure. There are more than a dozen d i f f e r e n t such expressions by which the Kalas#h re f e r to t h e i r Muslim neighbours, both C h i t r a l i s and Nuristanis. One name for 155 the C h i t r a l i s , and p a r t i c u l a r l y the royal family, i s "go»ra pa»ch£-rik bouw", "the army of white b u t t e r f l i e s " . This image captures t h e i r impression of the C h i t r a l i royal courts whose administrators, dressed i n fine clothes, s t r o l l e d about issuing orders to subjugated people including the Kalasji upon whose labor they maintained t h e i r l i v e s of l e i s u r e . Euphemistically, Kalash conversin to Islam i s c a l l e d "pak go »ra pa»ch«s»rik bouw t h i ouw", "a sudden 'transformation 1 into pure white 'Muslim' b u t t e r f l i e s " , c) Kinship: In Chapter 3, section v i i i , I mentioned that I was unaware of any Kalasji terms which refer to a kinship group larger than the "ku»shun" (extended family) but smaller than the "kum" (clan) such as major or minor lineage branches. There are, however, in Kalash poetry and song several metaphors which re f e r to di f f e r e n t aspects of these extended p a t r i l i n e a l kinship groups. One example i s "ma«ch£r«ik m£r", "honey-bee hive". This sym-bolizes a l l the male members who comprise the major economic units within a clan. I f the clan i s numerically small, t h i s expression would refer to a l l the clan brothers, but i f i t i s large, then i t means a l l the men of a major lineage branch who pool t h e i r energies and resources. In l i g h t of the p a r t i c u l a r symbolic values expressed i n Kalasji culture, t h i s i s a very poignant metaphor. Men are the sole keepers of the bee-hives usually b u i l t into the walls of the goat-sheds, areas which are out of bounds to women. The queen-bee i s c a l l e d "wazir", a "minister", who for the Kalasji, i s d e f i n i t e l y male. Honey i s a sacred substance that i s never consumed by women. This r e s t r i c t i o n i s part of a multiple association between the sacred male community, "grr5Vwei", honey, and the male goat, symbol of the wealth of the clan, whose meat i s also s t r i c t l y forbidden to women. The image conjured up by th i s metaphor, i s the productivity of the bees, 'men of the lineage (or clan)' whose i n d i v i d u a l works add to the prosperity of the whole hive, ('clan'). In a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t form i t i s c a l l e d "ba»loush ma*ch£r«ik mgr", "old bee hive", i n d i c a t i n g that i t xs the older, 156 more established hives, (extended households) that are the wealthiest and most productive. "Ma-ch^r «ik js«o", the " l i n e of honey bees" or "ma»ch£r»ik m£r u»gu»zis", the "swarming honey bee hive" symbolizes the expansion of the number of male members in a clan. Another most e f f e c t i v e poetic usage i s "ma»ch£r»ik m^r am«bru«chi sa»no", the "bee hive covered by vines laden with grapes" symbolizing the "men of a clan blessed with a s u f f i c i e n t number of women, s i s t e r s , wives, and daughters". Bunches of grapes on a vine are a metaphor also used to describe a woman who i s wearing a very ornate costume. If a man c a l l s out across a f i e l d to a woman thanking her for bringinghim grapes, he i s p l a y f u l l y i n v i t i n g her to be his lover. Another metaphor used to symbolize a prosperous extended household involves the special way i n which doors are contructed for domestic dwellings. These doors, hewn from single slabs of wood, are not attached with hinges but use an axle design found throughout K a f i r i s t a n . There are, from t h i s same piece of wood, projections on the top and bottom of one edge which are inserted into sockets i n the door frame. When opening and closing the door, these wooden projections revolve inside the two sockets. This feature, c a l l e d "pa«goi»yuk dur ("pa«goi«yuk shoo" i s walking with a limp!) i s used metaphorically to mean the prosperity and continuance of the occupants of the household "kutshfun". If the household i s a large one then presumably the door swings open and closed frequently with a l l t h e i r comings and goings. Appendix 2: History & Language i) History: Although presently confined to three small, secluded vall e y s , the Kalasji people have l i v e d i n the C h i t r a l area for about a millenium. Most of the information i n the following b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l account has been taken from a history of the area c a l l e d Tarikh-e C i t r a l written some years ago by a Persian, Ghulam Murtaza. Because t h i s account i s only available i n Persian or Urdu, Wazir A l i Shah kindly translated some relevant portions for me i n 19 77. It was an area close to "two of the most important migration routes used by the Indo-Aryan invaders: the Oxus-Wakkan Corridor i n the north, and the Kabul Valley i n the south." (Jettmar, 1974: ix) In the f i r s t millenium B.C., the area was controlled by the early Darian Iranians, and was the most easterly extension of t h e i r Zoroastrian province centered i n the Balk, close to the present Afghan town of Mazar-i-Sharif. (Murtaza, 19 61) The_ Chinese assumed power in the f i r s t century B.C. but were them-selves overcome by the Kushans, under King Kanishka i n the second century A.D. Along with the early pagan (perhaps Kafir) r e l i g i o n of the region, Buddhism also flourished under the Kushans, notably i n the Swat Valley and Taxila. * In the seventh century A.D. the Chinese again re-annexed the area, which they c a l l e d 'Balor'. After establishing t h e i r suzerainty they made the l o c a l populations pay annual tribute to them, including boxes of a special type of s i l k worm. In order for l o c a l rulers to r i s e to power, they .had f i r s t to appease the Chinese. At the beginning of the eighth century, during the rule of one such l o c a l chief, much of the area was converted to Islam by invading Arab forces who eventually pushed as far north and east as Chinese Turkestan. Also according to Murtaza's Persian history, the Kalasti *According to early Chinese records, one famous expedition into this area was led by a General Kao Hsien-Chih i n 747 A.D. (A. Stein, 1912:65) 157 158 arrived in the C h i t r a l area from the Bashgal region i n the tenth century. They had been pushed out by other K a f i r tribes (presumably the Kom and the Kati) who were i n turn being pressed by invading Islamic groups from the west. The l a t t e r groups were probably the PathariS;, one of the e a r l i e s t Middle Eastern peoples to embrace Islam. They themselves moved into the eastern regions of Afghanistan from about the ninth to the twelfth centuries A. E K (0. Caroe, 1958) In Kalasjh o r a l h i s t o r i e s they came o r i g i n a l l y from a place c a l l e d 'Tsiam'. Some informants guessed that i t was the area around the town of Chaga Sari i n present day eastern Afghanistan. This seems doubtful, however, and Chaga Sari was probably an area which they inhabited having migrated o r i g i n a l l y from further north. Tsiam i s reputed to be the o r i g i n a l home of the Kalas#h prophet messenger god, "Balumein", who returns annually to the valleys during the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l , "Chau MaTis", to receive the people 1s prayers. Morgenstierne was t o l d i n the f i e l d that the women's custom of wearing cowrie-studded caps also originated i n Tsiam, where the Kalasjh l i v e d before coming to l i v e i n the Waigal, a valley i n present day Nuristan. (1973:161) The Kalash o r a l h i s t o r i e s mention another place known as 'Yarkhan', which one Kalash conjectured to be somewhere i n the ancient province of Badakhshan. Yarkhand, of course, was an ancient Buddhist center located in present day western Sinkiang province of China. Many Kalash b e l i e f s and i n s t i t u t i o n s are thought to have originated i n Yarkhan. One example i s the practice of shamanism, which, as legend has i t , was taught to a Kalasjh boy named Jan Du«ragk.by the famous Yarkhan shaman, Rai'heik Ja»ra»heim. This legend "'says- that Ja»ra»heim was supposed to have died suddenly after placing the small cutting from a grape-vine into his mouth. The graper-yine sprouted out of his c o f f i n and grew grapes from which the Kalas#h made wine, t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l intoxicant. Presumably, from the above evidence, t h i s intoxicant was also a favorite i n Yarkhan. Kalash. o r a l history also refers to a metal p i l l a r , "chim»br t f l r " , which emerged out of the earth at a place i n 159 Yarkhan. This quasi-history describes a vi o l e n t wind that blew i n Yarkhan for several days. I t did not subside u n t i l the blood, of a s a c r i f i c i a l b u l l had been poured into a strange hole that had mysteriously appeared i n the earth. Subsequently, th i s slen-der (a half metre i n diameter) metal p i l l a r , covered with i n t r i -cate designs c a l l e d "ri*ki»>ni" , emerged out of the hole. The famous Kalasji shaman, Narjga D£har, (said to have l i v e d for over f i v e hundred years), copied the motifs from th i s Yarkhani metal p i l l a r by carving them into a piece of wood. He then brought the wood to"W^t•dgsh". a place in modern-day Nuristan. There he ordered a temple, "han" to be b u i l t and beautified by using these "ri«ki»ni" motifs. This temple was then dedicated to the Household (Clan) Goddess, Jesjitak, which became the f i r s t clan temple, "ri»ki»ni han" (Jeshtakhan) i n the area. In order to b u i l d s i m i l a r clan temples when the Kalasji migrated to t h e i r present habitat, branches of holly oak, symbol of Jeshtak, were brought from "W£t> djssh" to consecrate the new temples. According to Robertson, near a great temple i n "W«£t» dtjsh" (in 1892) there was a famous hole that the Kafirs said went down into the under-world. "Occasionally, not more than once i n many years, a horse i s obtained and s a c r i -f i c e d at t h i s spot " (1896:393) (See Sketch #1). There i s , however, no conclusive evidence as to where these places were actually.located. Their r e a l o r i g i n s must be traced through other avenues, such as extensive l i n g u i s t i c or archeological research. Louis Dupree, an American F i e l d S t a ff O f f i c e r i n Afghanistan up u n t i l 1978 says that: " I t i s possible that the Kafirs represent the eastern-most extension of the f i r s t major explosion (3rd-2nd millenium B.C.) of Indo-European speakers from South Russia;- and Central Asia." ( 975:10-11) The .relationship of the Kalasji to the other K a f i r groups requires further study, p a r t i c u l a r l y the tribes located i n the Waigal and Prasun valleys of present day Nuristan. Morgenstierne claims that the Kalasji moved from Tsiam 160 to the Waigal Valley before moving to the C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t . The Waigalis (now also Muslim since 1896), are one of the fi v e Afghan K a f i r groups who speak a separate language which they themselves c a l l 'Kalashum'. This i s not to be confused with the language the Kalasjh speak, which they c a l l 'Kalas^ha'. More l i n g u i s t i c work needs to be done to compare what i s known about both these languages before anything d e f i n i t e can be said * about t h e i r relationship. Throughout K a f i r i s t a n , there have been a wide range of unique c u l t u r a l features, some of them r e s t r i c t e d to p a r t i c u l a r locations and others shared by many or most of the various K a f i r groups. (Morgenstierne, 1974) The Kalash are presently neighbours of the Kom/Kati tribes who l i v e i n the Bashgal Valley. From works such as Robertson's c l a s s i c a l ethnography on the area plus a few other sources, i t i s possible to draw some p a r a l l e l s between the Kalash and the Kom/Katis which was done in t h i s thesis throughout the discussions on merit feasting. On the i r a r r i v a l into what i s now the C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t , the Kalasjh claim that they encountered an indigenous population l i v i n g in the Kunar area and i t s smaller side valleys whom they c a l l e d "Ba»la»lik ( l e i k ) " . The l a t t e r were a short, "darker-skinned" people whom the Kalash subjugated, co-opted into t h e i r armies, and eventually intermarried with. "Lik ( l e i k ) " i s a diminutive s u f f i x i n Kalash language, and i t seems too much of a coincidence that these ' l i t t l e ' or perhaps 'lesser Bala' were not the same people who occupied the e a r l i e r Chinese Empire c a l l e d "Balor". Some of the most powerful Kalash shamans are believed to have been Ba«.la»lik. In Bomboret Valley, the only v i l l a g e on • *There i s presently a clan ('Wa»ko.kaIy') i n Balanguru v i l l a g e i n Rombour Valley who are said to have come d i r e c t l y from the Waigal and who (u n t i l the time of the conversion to Islam) held ancestral lands there. I t seems also that before the conversion, there was some exchange of women between Kalas#h valleys and the Waigal and some Kalash men had "da»ri", or "blood brothers" amongst the Waigalis. 161 the south bank of the r i v e r , "Sarikjouw", ( l i t e r a l l y , the 'gathering place'), reputed to have been an old Ba«la-lik s e t t l e -* ment, was the birthplace of the very famous shaman, Nanga D^har. U n t i l the fourteenth century, the Kalash controlled the * * * whole of the southern C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t , known as Kashgar, from Ashret near Lowari Tops Pass (4,500 metres altitude) which leads over Swat Valley, north to the v i l l a g e of Reshun which marks the d i v i s i o n between upper and lower C h i t r a l . This area includes some major side valleys which were also once Kalasji speaking, such as Shishi Kui, J i n j o r e t , and Urtsun and the many v i l l a g e s of Drosh, Gahirat, Ayun, Urgotch, and C h i t r a l town i t s e l f . According to Wazir A l i Shah's tr a n s l a t i o n of the Persian manuscript, the l a s t Kalasji King of C h i t r a l was "Bu?.l$r»sin»ga". He was the a p i c a l ancestor of the present day Kalash clan of Brun v i l l a g e i n Bomboret Valley, also c a l l e d "Bu.l? lg»sin»ga". In 1320 A.D., most of Upper C h i t r a l was conquered by an Ismaili Mongul Chief, Taj Mugul, and since then the majority (about 80%) of C h i t r a l i s have belonged to the I s m a i l i sect of Islam. About the same time, a Sunni Moslem of the Rais ' t r i b e ' , c a l l e d Shah Nadir, (probably a Turkoman Chief), also swept down from the north and occupied the area up to and including C h i t r a l town. The Kalasji King Bu.>l£* sin, »ga was pushed back into Bomboret Valley. From then on, the Muslims continually encroached upon the K a f i r Kashgar region u n t i l gradually a l l of the southern centers except B i r i r , Bomboret, and Rombour had been converted to Islam. *This v i l l a g e gets i t s name from a r i t u a l c a l l e d "Saratzari", performed at the onset of the Kalasji winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . On t h i s day a l l the young people go into the forest to c o l l e c t wood and i n the late afternoon, the boys and g i r l s b u i l d two huge separate f i r e s close to "Sarikjouw". The object i s to see who can raise the biggest volume of smoke. If the smoke blows up and into the jungle, this i s an auspicious sign that the forest harvest, i e . mushrooms and a typle of edible conifer seed w i l l be p l e n t i f u l , and that health and prosperity w i l l come to the Kalasji i n the New Year. **Kashgar i s also the name of an ancient town located near Yarkhand i n Chinese Turkestan (Sinkiang). 162 The Kalash o r a l h i s t o r i e s , which are s t i l l sung at the f e s t i v a l s , are f u l l of references to these Muslim conquests of the area, i i ) Language: Due to the i s o l a t i o n of the human populations i n this mountainous region i n north west India, many separate languages and dialects have evolved over the millenium. Except for Burushaski, the language of Hunza which has no known r e l a t i v e s , a l l the languages of t h i s region belong to the Indo-Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. The languages of the Rig Veda i n India and the Avesta i n Iran are the oldest surviving representa-tives of these Indo-Iranian languages. (Morgenstierne, 1974:1) Morgenstierne's analysis shows that the languages of the Ka f i r (now Muslim) \ tribes west of the Hindu Kush are a sub-group ca l l e d ' K a f i r i ' which separated o f f much e a r l i e r from Indo-Iranian than did the languages of the Kalas#h or the C h i t r a l i s . This l i n g u i s t claims that the 'Kafiri'.languages, of which there are four or f i v e ; K a t i , Prasun (Wasi), Waigali, Ashkun, (and Demeli) represent .the languages spoken by the advance-guard of Indo-Iranian invaders moving south from Central Asia. They form a l i n k between the ancient Avestan (Iranian) languages and Old Sanskrit, and contain elements which suggest an even e a r l i e r prototype of the ancient Indo-Iranian mother language. Not being a l i n g u i s t , I am not competent to deal with the basis of thi s argument. However, without going into too much d e t a i l , one example of this i s the Avestan p a l e t a l k ; which becomes a pa l e t a l and dental s i b i l a n t sh i n Sanskrit but, i n K a f i r i i t i s a dental a f f r i c a t e t s . This l a t t e r sound opens up a whole new range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s as to what the prototype of ancient Indo-Iranian was l i k e . (Ibid:6-7) K a f i r i languages gave up a l l traces of Indo-Iranian aspiration at a very early pre-Vedic time (Ibid:6) whereas 'Kalas#ha', the language of the Kalasjh, has retained a great many of the aspirated sounds. There has been much controversy amongst l i n g u i s t s about how to c l a s s i f y the numerous language groups of 163 this area. Current views among other experts on t h i s region favor Morgenstierne' s claim that Kalasji i s a purely Old Indian language which separated o f f about or aft e r the time of Vedic Indian. S t r u c t u r a l l y , Kalasji i s closely related to Khowar and along with t h i s language, plus Kashmiri, Kohistani, Gawar-Bati (of the lower Kunar V a l l e y ) , Pashai, and T i r a h i (spoken between Jalalabad and the Khyber) are conventiently l a b e l l e d as a sub-group of Old Indian c a l l e d Dardic. Dard, however, rather than being a l i n g u i s t i c category i s a geographical one with quite i n d i s t i n c t boundaries. The distinguishing features of t h i s language sub-group i s t h e i r retention of many ancient sounds such as the aspirant sh. One of the group, Khowar, spoken by the C h i t r a l i s i s : "i n many respects the most archaic of a l l modern Indian languages, retaining a great part of Sanskrit case i n -f l e c t i o n and...many whole works i n nearly Sanskrit form." (Ibid:3) Because Kalasji language i s h i s t o r i c a l l y so cl o s e l y connect-ed to Khowar, a l l the Kalash are b i l i n g u a l and, with the ever-increasing mingling between the two people,.-it i s inevitable for an admixture to occur. I mentioned that t h i s i s presently happening i n B i r i r Valley and Khowar and may eventually absorb or obscure Kalasji language altogether, as has been the case i n many of the previously Kalasji pockets i n the Southern C h i t r a l Valley. 164 I l l u s t r a t i o n 1 : Men butchering goats at a merit feast using a technique of cleaning the intestines by blowing water through the c o i l s . This technique has sparked a poetic metaphor "chS.kur.una uk kadda", meaning a Kalas #h who c l e v e r l y works him or herself into favour with an un-suspecting person l i k e "water being blown through the c o i l -i n testines of a slaughtered animal". 165 I l l u s t r a t i o n 2 : K a l a s h o r a t o r s f rom Rombour and B i r i r v a l l e y s g a t h e r e d t o g e t h e r a t a " s a . r i » £ k " m e r i t f e a s t f o r " c l a n d a u g h t e r s " i n Rombour, O c t o b e r 1977. The man i n the c e n t e r , Uk Pirn ( " D r i n k W a t e r " ) i s one o f the most renowned s i n g e r s i n B i r i r . As a l l h i s ' g i f t s ' ( ' t r e a s u r e ' money, seed g a r l a n d s , c o t t o n k e r c h i e f s , and woven neck bands ) i n -d i c a t e , h i s s k i l l s a r e much a p p r e c i a t e d i n Rombour v a l l e y where the o r a l t r a d i t i o n s a r e s t i l l a v e r y v i t a l a s p e c t o f the c u l t u r e . 166 I l l u s t r a t i o n 3 ! Three Kalas #h d a n c i n g g i r l s a t the S p r i n g F e s t i v a l , J o e s h i , i n Bomboret V a l l e y . T h e i r d r e s s i l l u s -t r a t e s the e x a g g e r a t i o n o f costume t h a t has o c c u r e d due t o the i l l - e f f e c t s o f t o u r i s m i n the t r i b a l v a l l e y s . The hea-vy f l u t e d s i l v e r neck r i n g s , worn by the two g i r l s on the l e f t a re o b j e c t s t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e s e r v e d f o r the h i g h e s t r a n k i n g w a r r i o r s i n the B a s h g a l V a l l e y , now i n N u r i s t a n . These symbols and o t h e r s , such as the c h a i n s around t h e i r s k i r t s w hich once s y m b o l i z e d a " b i r a mor" type f e a s t done i n the B a s h g a l , have now been f r e e l y adapted by Kalas.h women as d e c o r a t i o n . The g i r l on the extreme r i g h t has s i n c e c o n v e r t e d t o I s l a m . 167 I l l u s t r a t i o n 4 J A view of the c o r r a l and shepherd's l i v -i n g quarters c a l l e d "is.th'a" i n the a l p i n e meadows of the Hindu Kush i n an area known as "Chi»mik son". This shed, made of gnarled j u n i p e r l o g s , i s used annually by the men of the Z1\rz c l a n of Balanguru v i l l a g e , Rombour V a l l e y . At about 14,500 f e e t i n a l t i t u d e , i t i s the highest pas-turage and i s u t i l i z e d from J u l y to September before mov-in g the animals back down to about 12,000 f e e t . These lower areas are used at the s t a r t of the a l p i n e season and again at the end. 168 I l l u s t r a t i o n 5 * Two c l a n plaques of the Mu»ti»mi»r^h (Kalashagrom v i l l a g e ) and the Ba« l£.-r£h c l a n ( o f Grom v i l l -age) i h Rombour V a l l e y . The a p i c a l ancestors of these two c l a n s , Mutimir and Ba»r£ were brothers and two of the fo u r sons of Ba»ji. This l a t t e r i n d i v i d u a l was the grand-son of the founding ancestor of Rombour, Adabok. These plaques are placed on a sacred altar,"ma»de»ra", which i s i n c i s e d w i t h "ri«ki«ni chot", "carved designs"(see Chapter 3 , f o o t n o t e # l ) , and then placed i n s i d e the C l a n / Household Goddess Temple, "Jeshtakhan". These ob j e c t s are adorned w i t h branches of s a c r e d ' h o l l y oak, symbols of "Jeshtak". The present h a b i t a t of the Kalasji i s not s u i t -able* r o r r a i s i n g " h o r s e s however, the carved horse-heads, a common motif on most Kalash a l t a r s , i n d i c a t e s t h e i r ear-l y o r i g i n s as Vedic equestrian herdsmen of C e n t r a l A s i a . 169 Illustration 6 : A "ja»mi•li"("clan daughter") finger-weaving a decorative neck band called "shu»man" or "chi .troy#uk", which are presented at merit feasts to 'men of rank' by the, women and by their own clan brothers. The latter request their sisters to make these prestige items in advance as they prepare to host a merit feast. 170 I l l u s t r a t i o n 7 : The sacred h o l l y oak tree l o c a t e d at the center of the *mandala-type', open-air s i t e of S a j i g o r i n Rombour. This tree has a correspondence w i t h the magical p i l l a r which leads to the underworld home of the ancestors. The goat horns attached to the trunk are m e t a p h o r i c a l l y c a l l e d " S a j i g o r sa»ri«fa", "the g i f t of (new) c l o t h e s f o r the god". These are horns from male goats s a c r i f i c e d to S a j i g o r at c e r t a i n merit f e a s t s , f o r example, " b i r a mor". They symbolize the obeisance of the f e a s t g i v e r to the god. 171 I l l u s t r a t i o n 8 : D r i v i n g the s a c r e d male goats, d u r i n g a " b i r a mor" m e r i t f e a s t up the v a l l e y t o s a c r i f i c e them t o the god, S a j i g o r . These mature male g o a t s a r e the most s a c r e d w e a l t h o f the K a l a s h and t h e i r s a c r i f i c e s y m b o l i z e s the essence o f f e a s t i n g . The h o s t has put f o u r t o s i x y e a r s o f l a b o r i n t o r a i s i n g these a n i m a l s , o n l y t o th e n s u r r e n d e r them i n a few s h o r t hours as s a c r i f i c i a l o f f e r -i n g s t o the god. 172 I l l u s t r a t i o n 9 '• B e f o r e a man can r i t u a l l y s a c r i f i c e a g o a t , he must p u r i f y h i m s e l f by f i r s t washing h i s arms and l e g s . Then a second man s p l a s h e s him w i t h w a t e r t h a t must pass through t h e smoke of a b u r n i n g j u n i p e r b r a n c h b e f o r e i t s t r i k e s him. A f t e r t h i s r i t u a l , t he i n d i v i d u a l i s c a l l -ed " o n . j e s h ' t a moch" and may touch o n l y the g o a t , t h e k n i f e , and the s a c r i f i c i a l b l o o d . Both t h e s e men, f a t h e r and son, b e l o n g t o the h e r e d i t a r y p r i e s t l y l i n e a g e o f t h e Ba-l£«r£.h c l a n i n Rombour V a l l e y . 173 I l l u s t r a t i o n 1 0 : The s a c r i f i c i a l scene a t the S a j i g o r a l t a r d u r i n g K a t a S i n g ' s " b i r a mor" f e a s t . A s a c r e d male g o a t i s b e i n g k i l l e d by an "on»jesh«ta m o c h " , " p u r i f i e d man" (se e I l l u s t r a t i o n 9 \ w h o after pours cupped h a n d f u l s o f the b l o o d onto the j u n i p e r f i r e and the n the god's a l t a r ( o f f t h e p i c t u r e t o the l e f t ) . The men b e h i n d a re c a l l i n g p r a y -e r s to ask S a j i g o r t o a c c e p t the o f f e r i n g s o f the g o a t s . P h o t o g r a p h by S a i f u l l a h J a n , Ba«ga»li«a c l a n , Rombour. 174 I l l u s t r a t i o n 11 : The Rombour shaman "d£*har", J a n d u l i Khan of the Dg.rum l i n e a g e , M u ' t i * m i * r g h c l a n . W h i l e w o r k i n g i n K a r a c h i i n the l a t e 1960's, t h i s i n d i v i d u a l dreamt he was seduced by f a i r i e s . He r e t u r n e d immediate-l y t o N o r t h e r n P a k i s t a n and became a shaman. He i s famous f o r h i s a b i l i t y t o have p r o p h e t i c dreams f o r e t e l l i n g such t h i n g s as n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s . 175 I l l u s t r a t i o n 12 : O r a t o r s a t a "sa»ri»£k" ( " f e a s t f o r t h e c l a n d a u g h t e r s " ) , r e - t e l l i n g the accomplishments of the an-c e s t o r s of the h o s t ' s c l a n . On the r i g h t i s Baraman, son o f the now deceased Lampson who i s s t i l l d e s c r i b e d as be-i n g "as sweet as the m i l k of a s p i r i t lamb". These men b e l o n g t o the h e r e d i t a r y p r i e s t l y l i n e a g e of the Ba^l£«r£.h c l a n . Baraman i s p r e s e n t l y the h o l d e r o f the " g a t c h " , " s e c -r e t songs", g i v e n t o him b y h i s f a t h e r and w h i c h he w i l l p ass on to one o f h i s own seven sons. The man on the l e f t ( f o r e g r o u n d ) i s Kush Nawaz, B a » l ^ f t h c l a n , and p r e s e n t l y the most t a l e n t e d o r a t o r i n a l l t h r e e K a l a s h v a l l e y s . 176 I l l u s t r a t i o n 13 '• "Shaqra k u n d . " a . l i " , the "markhor h i d e ( h a i r ) moccasins",symbols of rank w h i c h may be worn o n l y a f t e r a man has performed c e r t a i n f e a s t s . I f an i n d i v i d u -a l , h i s f a t h e r o r gr a n d f a t h e r , has done " b i r a mor", t h e n t h i s man ( o r boy) may wear these moccasins a t f e s t i v a l s and he must a l s o be b u r i e d i n them when he d i e s . Other f e a s t s which t h e n q u a l i f y the h o s t t o wear t h e s e shoes a r e "sha»ru.gah"(Chapter k, s e c t i o n v i ) , "g8nt wass", and "pi-ma»sa",(Chapter k, s e c t i o n v i i , a) and b ) ) . 177 I l l u s t r a t i o n 14 : Feeding the guests at "sa. ri» g,k" f e a s t f o r the 'clan daughters' hosted "by the Dra.mg/st, c l a n i n Oct-ober, 1977. (See Chapter k, s e c t i o n v.) A f t e r a man (or h i s f a t h e r or grandfather)have achieved a c e r t a i n rank by per-forming f e a s t s , they are permitted to s i t outside the house on a "han.yak", the low Kalash "stools".Witnessing the host's 'goat wealth' at a " b i r a mor", those men who have pre v i o u s -l y done t h i s f e a s t s i t on "han.yaks" on the 'pure' r o o f s of the goat sheds, t h i s being one of the highest d i s t i n c t i o n s that a man may achieve.(See Chapter 5 , s e c t i o n i i i a).) 178 I l l u s t r a t i o n 15 • C o w r i e - s h e l l w h o r l c a l l e d "kg", r a " ( s h i e l d " ) sewn on the back o f a K a l a s h woman's he a d d r e s s . T r a d i t i o n -a l l y i n the B a s h g a l , t h i s s h i e l d symbol was r e s e r v e d f o r men of the " l e y - m a c h " , " m a n - k i l l e r " rank. An o l d K a l a s h s t o r y r e -c o u n t s the b r a v e r y o f a "ja.mi»li"("daughter") o f the p r e s t i -g i o u s Ba.ra«mouk c l a n i n Bomboret. A "ti»ri»w£,»ri", "bad s p i r i t " , was e a t i n g the b a b i e s i n the m e n s t r a l h u t and the woman p l o t t e d and k i l l e d i t . A c h i e v i n g the rank of 'man-k i l l e r * , she was t h e f i r s t woman p e r m i t t e d t o wear t h e s h i e l d symbol on h e r headdress,"ko*pas". 179 I l l u s t r a t i o n 16 : "Cheis.h" ("plume") made from b r a i d e d wheat s t a l k s and t i p p e d w i t h the i r i d e s c e n t f e a t h e r s of a Himalayan pheasant. Women sometimes make " c h e i s h " f o r t h e i r l o v e r s ( l i k e the one i n the photograph) which the man w i l l a f f i x t o h i s hat b r i m . When a man i s g i v i n g a f e a s t c e l e b r a t i n g . k i l l i n g a l e o p a r d , the " c h e i s h " has t h r e e f e a t h e r s ( s t a l k s ) o r i f the v i c t i m was a man, t h e n the plume, c a l l e d "a»s^»mal" has n i n e f e a t h e r s . 180 I l l u s t r a t i o n 1? • A Kalas.h woman c o n v e r t t o I s l a m , " S h a i k h " , t h e widow o f the deceased Dra«m£«s*c. clansman, G u l a p D i n . (See C h a p t e r 4 , s e c t i o n i v . ) D e s p i t e b e i n g f o r c e d t o become M u s l i m i n the mid - 1 9 5 0 's f o r k i l l i n g a man, Gulap D i n was th e l a s t K a l a s h t o g i v e a ' m a n - k i l l e r * m e r i t f e a s t , c e l e -b r a t i n g the o c c a s i o n . The wives and c h i l d r e n o f the t h r e e men i n v o l v e d i n t h i s i n c i d e n t were a l s o f o r c e d t o c o n v e r t . Twenty y e a r s l a t e r , t h i s woman, e x c l u d e d from K a l a s h f e s t i -v i t i e s , s t i l l bemoans her l o s e o f ' K a f i r * s t a t u s . 181 I l l u s t r a t i o n 18 : A " j a » m i • l i " , " d a u g h t e r / s i s t e r " o f the Mu»ti« mi« rg,h c l a n a t K a t a S i n g ' s " b i r a mor" f e a s t , k i s s i n g h e r " w a i y " , " s h a r e " of her n a t a l c l a n ' s l i v e s t o c k as i t i s b e i n g p r e s e n t e d t o he r . I n a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the woman's work a t h e r b r o t h e r ' s f e a s t , custom p r e s c r i b e s t h a t she be g i v -en a t l e a s t one, y e a r o l d g o at. T h i s a c t i s p a r t o f the K a l a s h concept o f " r i . z a i " , " d u t y " o f a b r o t h e r towards the women of h i s c l a n . I f he i s generous towards h i s ' s i s t e r s ' , t h e y w i l l p r a y f o r h i s f u t u r e h e a l t h and p r o s p e r i t y . 182 I l l u s t r a t i o n 19 : D i s t r i b u t i n g ' c l a r i f i e d b u t t e r * a t the Dra«mfs<t c l a n ' s "sa*ri«fck", f e a s t f o r the " c l a n d a u g h t e r s " , i n Rombour, October 1977. Only a man who has h i m s e l f p e r -formed t h i s f e a s t i s p e r m i t t e d the honor o f d i s t r i b u t i n g t h e p o r t i o n s , g i v i n g an e x t r a l a d l e f u l t o each man who has performed the b i g f e a s t s , e.g. "sa.ri« •jk", " b i r a mor", o r "sha-ru'gah". The 'ghee' i s kept hot i n a "krish»na chi»din", an " i r o n C o o k i n g p o t " ( w o r t h f i v e f emale g o a t s ) , made by a B a s h g a l i c r a f t s m a n i n p r e - c o n v e r s i o n N u r i s t a n . 183 I l l u s t r a t i o n 20 : " J a . m i ' l i " , " s i s t e r s / d a u g h t e r s " o f t h e Mu»ti«mi»rth c l a n p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r " r i . z a i " , " d u t y " t o t h e i r n a t a l c l a n by c o o k i n g the l a r g e , ' d o u b l e - h a n d f u l ' b r e a d s c a l l e d " d r o . c h f n i k " , ( s y m b o l s o f w e a l t h and gen e r -o s i t y ) a t K a t a S i n g ' s " b i r a mor" i n Rombour, November 1977. (See I l l u s t r a t i o n 18.) 184 I l l u s t r a t i o n 21 : The "mi»ein moch","'divider-men o f f o o d a p p o r t i o n i n g a l l the c o r r e c t s h a r e s t o each i n d i v i d u a l i n the Rombour community, p l u s Muslims and K a l a s h g u e s t s f r o m o t h e r v a l l e y s . These ' d i v i d e r - m e n ' must know a l l t h e p e r -sons i n the v a l l e y s , as w e l l as t h e i r r a n k s and s t a t u s e s . They w i l l g i v e those who have a c h i e v e d f o r m a l rank e x t r a p o r t i o n s o f meat and b u t t e r . 185 I l l u s t r a t i o n 2 2 : Two b a s k e t f u l s of f o o d , d i s t r i b u t e d a t the Dra»m£.'S*i, c l a n ' s "sa»ri«f.k" f e a s t and d e s t i n e d f o r one Rombour h o u s e h o l d . Each f a m i l y sends two b a s k e t s , one f o r the women and one f o r the men, p l u s a t h i r d b a s k e t i f any men a r e o f f up the v a l l e y c a r i n g f o r the g o a t s . Each v a l l -ey r e s i d e n t ( K a l a s h ) o r gue s t r e c e i v e s t h r e e o f the 'double b r e a d s ' a t each meal s e r v e d a t the f e a s t , p l u s a p o r t i o n o f whatever g a r n i s h i n g accompanies them, i n t h i s c a s e ; s a l t g r a v e y , meat, and c l a r i f i e d b u t t e r . 186 I l l u s t r a t i o n 23 : Costume worn by by a K a l a s h 'man o f r a n k ' . A t t -ached to the s o f t , wool C h i t r a l i cap i s a Himalayan pheasant f e a -t h e r plume, symbol of a l e o p a r d o r " m a n - k i l l e r ' . Around h i s neck a r e "shu*man", "bands" (symbols o f r e s p e c t and p r e s t i g e ) woven by the ' c l a n d a u g h t e r s % i who a l s o make the g a r l a n d s of w a l n u t and a p r i c o t seeds, g i f t s w h i c h they g i v e t o honor p r e s t i g i o u s men and g u e s t s . He i s w e a r i n g the l o o s e , w h i t e sheep's wool pants,"boot", w h i c h s t a n d f o r h i s membership i n the "grc>«wei", " s a c r e d male comm-u n i t y o f the K a l a s h . On h i s f e e t ar e the markhor h i d e moccasins, t h a t o n l y men who have performed c e r t a i n b i g m e r i t f e a s t s a r e p e r -m i t t e d to wear. The b a r r e l - s h a p e d drum, c a l l e d "da^Ku" i s b e a t e n w i t h a s t i c k h e l d i n the r i g h t hand of the "na»moosi", ranked man. The symbols woven onto the p u t t e e s wrapped around h i s c a l v e s r e p r e s e n t horns o f the s a c r e d male g o a t s . 187 I l l u s t r a t i o n 2k : A commemorative grave e f f i g y c a l l e d "gan.douw", d e p i c t e d w e a r i n g a l l the K a l a s h symbols o f ra n k . T h i s f i g u r e i s c a r v e d one y e a r a f t e r the d e a t h o f a h i g h r a n k i n g man who has e i t h e r done the "sha.ru*.gah" m e r i t f e a s t , o r had i t performed f o r him as a f u n e r a l by h i s clansmen, (sons and b r o t h e r s ) . T h i s p a r t i c u l a r f i g -u r e i s i n the g r a v e y a r d i n K r a k a l v i l l a g e , Bomboret v a l l e y . 188 I l l u s t r a t i o n 25 ' Commemorative a n c e s t o r f i g u r e c a l l e d "kun»du»relk", c a r v e d one y e a r a f t e r the death o f a man who has performed the m e r i t f e a s t "sha•ru»gah". The f i g -u r e i s s e a t e d upon a low s t o o l , "han»yak", symbol o f rank. I t i s p l a c e d e i t h e r a t the e n t r a n c e way t o the v i l l a g e o f the deceased man o r i n one o f h i s f i e l d s . A f t e r i n s t a l l -a t i o n , the s a c r i f i c i a l b l o o d of a s a c r e d male goat i s s p l a s h e d onto i t s f a c e . T h i s s t a t u e , a t the e n t r a n c e t o B r u n v i l l a g e , Bomboret, i s f o r a Bad-zei»kaiy man who d i e d d u r i n g the 1 9 ^ 0 's. 189 I l l u s t r a t i o n 26 : Buda, a p a t r i a r c h o f the Mu t i mi»r£h c l a n and f a t h e r of the h o s t of the 1977 Rombour " b i r a mor", K a t a S i n g . Because t h i s l a t t e r i n d i v i d u a l d e d i c a t e d h i s f e a s t to Buda, he i s now e l i g i b l e f o r the s p e c i a l f u n e r a l f e a s t , "sha»ru»gah". Mounted on ho r s e b a c k , a p r i v i l e d g e r e s e r v e d f o r those who have h o s t e d " b i r mor", he i s wear-i n g symbols o f rank i n c l u d i n g a ' s i l k ' r o b e , neck bands and g a r l a n d s , and a (pheasant) f e a t h e r e d hat plume. 190 I l l u s t r a t i o n 27 : An exhausted h u t s u c c e s s f u l a s p i r a n t f o r the rank o f " b i r mor", K a t a S i n g , g i v i n g a speech on the f i n a l morning of the t h r e e day f e s t i v i t i e s . A "ja«mi«li" ( " d a u g h t e r / s i s t e r " ) o f the Mu.ti«mi»r£h c l a n i s about t o honor him w i t h a n o t h e r a p r i c o t seed g a r l a n d . 191 r I l l u s t r a t i o n 28 : A c a n d i d s h o t o f K a t a S i n g ( s e a t e d on t h e l e f t ) , h o s t o f the " b i r a mor" m e r i t f e a s t , w i t h a c h a -r a c t e r so tough and r e s i l i e n t he o f t e n appears as an exa-g g e r a t e d s e l f parody. 192 I l l u s t r a t i o n 29 : Carved wooden "ma«l£«ri" post erected at Sajigor a l t a r , and symbolizing a "bira mor" merit feast. Each time a man hosts "bira mor" i n Rombour v a l l e y , he must refurbish the Sajigor s i t e with two new, wooden ben-ches and four "rri5»lg«ri" posts. These are carved i n ab-s t r a c t , anthropomorphic shapes with a 'feathered plume' top-knot ("cheish." - see I l l u s t r a t i o n 16), a Gordian knot design incised on the 'head* and on this example, a cross-design on the 'torso'. The ho l l y oak grove i n which the Sajigor a l t a r i s located i s pictured i n the background. 193 I l l u s t r a t i o n 30 : On the f i r s t day of the a c t u a l f e s t i v i -t i e s of K a t a S i n g ' s " b i r a mor" when the Mu«ti»mi'r£h "ja«mi'li"("clan d a u g h t e r s / s i s t e r s " ) r e t u r n e d t o t h e i r n a t a l v i l l a g e and g a r l a n d e d t h e i r c l a n b r o t h e r s w i t h a p r i -c o t seed n e c k l a c e s and f i n g e r - w o v e n bands. 194 I l l u s t r a t i o n 31 • The scene on the r o o f of one o f the Mu«ti*mi*rgh clansman's house on the f i r s t morning of the f e s t i v e p r e c e e d i n g s o f Ka t a S i n g ' s " b i r a mor". A l l the men of rank from the o t h e r two v a l l e y s , B i r i r and Bomboret, g a t h e r e d on t h i s r o o f top to be f o r m a l l y g r e e t e d by the h o s t and g i v e n g i f t s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h e i r r a n k . S k e t c h #1 - The K a l a s j i a t t r i b u t e many of t h e i r b e l i e f s and i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d -i n g wine making, shamanism, and c e r t a i n r e l i g i o u s d e c o r a t i v e m o t i f s , t o an an-c i e n t c u l t u r a l c e n t e r w h i c h t h e y c a l l Y arkhan. T h i s d r a w i n g i l l u s t r a t e s a de-s i g n c a l l e d "ri«ki»ni c h o t " w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g t o K a l a s j i o r a l h i s t o r i e s , was en-g r a v e d i n t o a s l e n d e r m e t a l p i l l a r t h a t emerged, o u t o f t h e e a r t h a t a p l a c e i n Y a r k h a n . T h i s m e t a l p i l l a r i s s a i d t o have l e d drown i n t o t h e u n d e r w o r l d . The l e g e n d says t h a t a famous K a l a s j i shaman, Nanga D j h a r , c o p i e d t h e m o t i f s by c a r -v i n g them i n t o a p i e c e o f wood, w h i c h he t h e n b r o u g h t t o "W^t'dgsh"(Prasun V a l l -ey) i n f o r m e r K a f i r i s t a n . 1 There he o r d e r e d temples d e d i c a t e d t o t h e c l a n / h o u s e -h o l d goddess b u i l t and b e a u t i f i e d w i t h t h e s e d e s i g n s . % e n t h e K a l a s j i m i g r a t e d t o t h e C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t a m i l l e n i u m ago, t h e y b u i l t c l a n temples and 'decorated them w i t h t h e s e "ri«ki»ni c h o t " d e s i g n s . The f o r m i n t h e d r a w i n g on w h i c h t h e s e "ri»ki.ni c h o t " a r e shown i s a "da»dush", " c a p i t a l " , one o f w h i c h caps each o f t h e f o u r c e n t r a l wooden p i l l a r s t h a t s u p p o r t a C e n t r a l A s i a n l a n t e r n - t y p e r o o f i n t h e K a l a s j i c l a n t e m p l e s , " J e s j i t a k h a n " (see A p p e n d i x 2; H i s t o r y and Language). 196 Sajigor's ,ma»l£.'ri (Illustration 29) Wooden Plank Benches for l e s s e r / _ r a n k e c i men' Sajigor Altar, Rombour Valley. Orthographic Guide to Kalash' Language I have broken Kalasji words into s y l l a b l e s , a technique which proved to be of value while learning t h i s non-literate language i n the f i e l d and l a t e r , for remembering where the stress f a l l s i n the words. Dots which are placed 'mid-line' are used to indicate these s y l l a b i c breaks, for example "ja«mi«li" (clan daughters/sisters). This word also i l l u s t r a t e s mm the notations to show length of vowels - an " i " i s a long vowel and " i " i s a short one. The s y l l a b l e i n which a long vowel i s indicated i s most often the one given the stress i n the word. Vowels are frequently nasalized and t h i s i s indicated by a wavey l i n e above the l e t t e r , for example "ft" i n the word "gr"o»wei" (sacred male community) . Summary of Kalasji Vowels: English Equivalent i (or i) as the ee i n beet i as the i .•: !  i n b i t a (or a) as the a i n father a as the a in what u (or oo) as the oo in boot u as the u i n put o as the o i n bow e as the ee in keep e (or e) as the e i n ravel t as the e in get •VP between the a i n hat e : in get. There are also many in-between vowel sounds, e.g. e i , a i , ou, which are pronounced as a single sound rather than a diphthong as are the following. In the text, diphthongs are indicated by a drawn below the vowels, for example j»jjo ( l i n e ) . English equivalents are provided wherever possible.**'-' ie as i n the word eu as i n the word l i e u eo as i n the Chri s t i a n name Leo L° ou oi. as i n the word coin au as i n the word out a i 197 198 Consonants i n Kalash: (Kalash i s a branch of Old Indian - and since many of the consonants are si m i l a r to modern Hindi, they could be accurately rendered i n devangri script.) k, kh, g, gh, c, ch, j , jh, d, dh, n, n (as the "ng" i n the English word sing), t, th, p, ph (fh) , b, bh, s, sh, m, 1, h, w, y. Retroflex: t, th., d, dh, n, ch (as the "ch"in church), sh (as the "sh" i n the English* word shade) * r - the r e t r o f l e x r* i s commonly found aft e r many nasalized vowels e.g. "nfi£r" (hive). In some instances this retrolex r i s barely voiced as i n the word "ph<a'(r) tgun»delk" (man-killer s t i c k ) . r - because i n Kalash language i t i s always a r o l l e d r, I have l e f t i t unmarked. z - i s l i k e the "s" in pleasure or the "z" i n azure. X - i s a gutteral aspirated sound also rendered as kh, for * example, Khan. For a f u l l e r guide to the phonology and grammar of Kalas#h language see Georg Morgenstierne 1s "Notes on Kalasha", i n Indo-Iranian Frontier Languages. (1973) GLOSSARY OF KALASH WORDS & IDIOMS L i t e r a l meanings wherever included are indicated by single quotation marks. See orthography for guide to pronunciation. ai*ya mal: 'mother (double) bride-price' - the expensive (heavy) objects part of an o r i g i n a l bride-price and recompensed i n an elopement settlement to the previous husband (see 'dond') . ai«yn: m i l l e t . A»la*iy o k i a ai.ya»li za.wa dai a?: What are you doing over there? (.jucking your mothers? a l a shing: to elope. ar»man: longing or u n f u l f i l l e d sorrow. a-s£.«mal: Himalayan feathered plume with nine stalks, symbol of 'man-killer' rank. atrozan: Kati n o b i l i t y class i n pre-conversion Bashgal. Bad«zei«kaiy: prestigious clan i n Brun v i l l a g e , Bomboret Va l l e y . Ba.ga«li-a: low ranking clan with small number of households i n Balanguru v i l l a g e , Rombour Valley. Ba»gisht: protector god, responsible for i r r i g a t i o n and animal s a c r i f i c e i n pre-conversion K a f i r i s t a n . Son of f e r t i l i t y Goddess De»san-i (equivalent of Sajigor) • bai«ra: v i o l a t o r s of the Kalas|i incest rules which forbid marriage within seven generation i n the p a t r i l i n e (outcaste 'slaves'). Ba*la»lik: indigenous inhabitants occupying the present C h i t r a l D i s t r i c t when Kalash migrated into the area about tenth century A.D. Ba'l'g.r^h: one of three high ranking clans i n Rombour Valley. ba»loush dg,«wa.lat: 'old (smelly) wealth'. ba«loush ma«ch«;r»ik m£r: 'old honey bee-hive', metaphor for the prosperity of long-established clans . 199 200 Ba«lu«mein: Kalas.h prophet messenger god who annually comes on horseback from Nuristan to Bomboret and Rombour Valleys during the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l to receive the people's prayers. ba«ri: artisan craftsman 'caste' of pre-conversion Nuristan. ba«sha«le: Kalash women's menstrual hut. bash»i'k^n: women's funeral dirge. bat: stones used to count objects, e.g. one stone represents twenty goats. bat«yak: less than one year old goat. ba«ya»ka'ta": 'permanent type' land sale. ba»zu«re rouw a % t i j ga*«aiy dra»ne: to s l i p i n unnoticed through someone's sleeve (the king's) and come out at his neck with him i n f u l l , unsuspecting support. b£-gar: t r a d i t i o n a l forced labor of Kalash men to King of C h i t r a l . bg,»gar»us: a witness. bhut: a malevolent s p i r i t (bad f a i r y ) . bhut goor: a small black stone shaped l i k e a foot and regarded as the magical foot of a bad s p i r i t . b i r a mor: 'sacred male goat s a c r i f i c e ' merit feast, prerequitite to performing 'sha»ru*gah'. Brun: largest v i l l a g e i n Bomboret Valley consisting of 35 extended households, 'Ku«shun'. Bu«da»lfck: f a l l f e s t i v a l of the 'virile'shepherds i n B i r i r Valley. Bu lg.«sin«ga: small clan i n Brun v i l l a g e descended from the l a s t Kalash king of C h i t r a l , Bu« 1«^« sir)»ga. bu»teil i«dhon: heavy iron tri-pods with twisted legs made by Bashgali craftsmen, considered to be 'ai»ya mal'. cha»go«rum: C h i t r a l i measure of land equalling 2 7 metres by 2 7 metres square. chak«aiy: Kalash name for 'cha«go«rum'. 201 cha*kur»una uk kadda: working one's way into favour with an unsus-pecting . persoa -in a .round about fashion l i k e 'water being blown through the c o i l e d intestines (of a slaughtered animal)'. cha»ra*da moch: a man whose grain harvests l a s t season to season. Cha«tro*ma mu»n£: a goat horn f l u t e common to the Cha»tro*ma, the Kalash name for Bashgalis. Chau Maus: Kalasji winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . Ohe»bi n: 'Kilar' cheese skewered onto the end of a long sharpened s t i c k . erheisjl: a hat plume made from woven wheat stalks which are tipped with Himalayan pheasant feathers. chim*br tur: mythical metal p i l l a r to the underworld. Chi*mik Son: alpine pastures used by some Rombour herdsmen. c h i t : decision. chit»ti*la kromb: well-thought out work, e.g. a successful merit feast. chu*e»ak: a (women's) hair braid. chu.chu: 'dry goods' such as baskets or pots (used as part of a bride p r i c e ) . chum tara du»ni»ya: 'earth-top world' (see 'pa •la»loiy1) da*da: 'father' - g"arda da*da - father's older brother; chu*ti»yuk da*da - father's younger brother. da^hu*: barrel-shaped drum. da»i»ruk: clan brother. da»ren: a flood. das*tar: twisted cloth head turban. das*tur: Kalash t r i b a l custom or law. d£*har: shaman. den: closure by va l l e y magistrates on produce u n t i l ripe.-. 202 De»san.i: goddess of f e r t i l i t y i n pre-conversion Nuristan, Mother of Ba»gisht. dg»Va lok: divine beings. De«za»lik: Kalash goddess of p a r t u r i t i o n . De»zau: omnipotent, Omnipresent creator god. de«zik: 'to create". <y y „ di»taiy be»aiy moch, sh^,*ta»si mu»za»ro o: the man born from amongst those energetic seeds. , dond: the doubling of the bride-proce 'mal' when a woman has ..eloped, paid to previous husband of new husband. Dra^mg.s^v high-ranking clan of Rombour Valley. dra* z f i y d i k : "to drag' out one's work, epic s t y l e of singing. dri«ga zaiy, uk, na.si n'dra.neu: (a story) l i k e 'the water flowing i n a long i r r i g a t i o n channel, never comes to an end 1. du»shi»shi is«to»re: (uzuwa-mut i n Kati language) a two-headed horse including an equestrian r i d e r , symbol of rank; commemorative graveyard e f f i g y . ga•d^iy•ra«khan: 'respected elders'. gah: cow i n Kati; i r r i g a t i o n channel i n Kalash. gan»douw: carved standing anthropomorphic figure; commemorative graveyard e f f i g y (for men of 'sha»ru.gah' rank'). garj»ga«e: brass b e l l . gatch: secret song (dangerous to 'uninitiated'). gir^a.we: impermanent land transaction (land as c o l l e c t e d on loan). Gish: K a f i r (Bashgali) god of war. gont wass: Kalasjh merit feast emphasizing industry i n dairy process. go»ra pa»ch^«rik bouw: 'the army of white b u t t e r f l i e s ' - the C h i t r a l i s . 203 go»ri loush Kho»sha-,ne: the happiness of the in-laws. Gosh «i» doj.y: protector god of the goats i n the alpine pastures (see 1Sur »i.zan 1). grin»ga: heavy s i l v e r f l u t e d neck ri n g , symbol of rank. gro*wei: Kalasji sacred male community. ha»liwai: a person outwardly as sweet as candy. han»yak: low s t o o l , symbol of rank i f used outside house. har-wa:, s p i r i t or soul of the dead ancestor. ha»zar Ka«shi«ri chear pi»ouw: drinker of milk produced by a thousand snow white goats (man with the rank of 'bira mor 1). in«grok: f i r e p l a c e ish.pa«shor: father-in-law (borther-in-law). isji»p£«ri: feast of bread and cheese. isji« pon>yuk: porridge-type food made from cooked hot milk and f l o u r . ish»ti«kg,k: Kalasji formal eulogy. is»ton»gis: p u r i f i c a t i o n baptism of men and boys with the s a c r i f i c i a l blood of an animal (lamb, goat). ja«mi»li: clan daughters/sisters ja«mo: son-in-law. jan: C h i t r a l i word of 'soul'. jau»ro: walnut bread. Jazhi (Jashi): indigenous peoples of the Bashgal Valley p r i o r to the Kati/Kom migrations (see Ba«la«lik). Jesh'tak: Household/Clan Goddess. ji«reip: Persian land measure (same as 'cha»go«rum). j i z y a (u«shur, za»kut): 'Kafir' i n f i d e l head tax. 204 juno sha«ru»gah: funeral merit feast held while the 'host' i s s t i l l l i v i n g (see nash»ta sha«ru«gah). Kalasha: the name Kalasjh c a l l t h e i r language. ka»lfjn *ga«t'5|jg: (Kati) dance done by swaying body but r e s t r i c t i n g arm movement. Ka«li»mah: oath spoken when converting to Islam. ka»rus: type of m i l l e t . Kash«gar: name Kalash used h i s t o r i c a l l y for their 1 Kingdom', Ashret to Reshun i n the C h i t r a l Valley (also ancient town i n Sinkiang, China.) . ;;  kho»ji»kas: arranged marriage, khul•ta*bar»i: in-laws. k i ^ l a f : type of cheese made with powdered colostrum. ko»pas: Kalas%h women 1 s .cowrie-studded headdress. krish»na chi*din: heavy black iron cooking pot made by Bashgali 'ba»ri 1. kii»ak k'u.ak: the less expensive ' c h i l d ' objects of a 'dond' paid to cuckolded husband afte r an elopement. (•}» ku«m»da: strong tasting b a c t e r i a l cheese made i n clay pots. ku»lish peik tgt: glowing f i r e embers kum: p a t r i l i n e a l l y organized clan with single male s p i c a l ancestor. kun.du«relk: carved commemorative e f f i g y of • 'main of rank' depicted seated on a 'han»yak'. ku»shun: p a t r i l o c a l l y extended household. Ku»tu»waiy: clan in Brun v i l l a g e , previously major lineage of the Bad*ze»kaiy clan. ley mach: 'man-killer* (Kom/Kati). l i k : Kalash diminutive s u f f i x . 205 ma*ch«gr »ik m^r am«bru*chi sa.no: 'bee-hive covered with grapes' - metaphor for p a t r i l e a l clan with an abundance of women, wives, s i s t e r s , daughters. ma»ch£r «ik j £.o: 'line of bees' metaphor for numerically large clan. ^ ma»ch£r«ik mgr u»gu»zis: 'swarming bee-hive' - metaphor for numerically expanding clan. ma»gi»e»ouw: walnut breads cooked by ' j a m i l i ' for t h e i r natal clans. Mathande^o: Kalash god of warfare and agriculture )Rombour and Bomboret Valleys only). (oh) mai b£»ru Khtj, im dai: 'oh my husband (now that you are dead) what i s to become of me?' mai n'a»sa*luk hiu: 'I don't want to remain (here on t h i s earth) any longer'. mai ghu»n ja*g a i , kp pa*laiy parra?: Why do you fle e from me when you see my goat hair coat? Ma«jam: a pass between Kalasfi valleys and the Bashgal Valley. ma«ka: someone who has vio l a t e d Kalasti incest rules by marrying into t h e i r mother's clan within f i v e generations. rnal: bride-price. ma*l*j,»ri: carved anthropomorphic post i n s t a l l e d at Sajigor for 'bira mor'. maun: l o c a l weight approximately forty-two k i l o s . me'yat: 'promise' to give a merit feast. mi»rak pa»chouw: banner of s i l k robes the circumference of a f i e l d or v i l l a g e , symbolizes rank. mo«a: mother's brother. mush »tya »ruk« gum*t*a: communal grazing areas (certain h o l l y oak f o r e s t s ) . Mu»ti«mi*r^h: high ranking clan i n Rombour Valley. - na.moo.na -kromb: strange deranged) work. 2 0 6 na»moo»si moch: man of rank. nash *ta sha.ru«gah: m e r i t f e a s t f u n e r a l done f o r a man who has , performed ' b i r a mor' i n h i s l i f e t i m e . nas»war: chewing tabacco. ni»rurjg: dagger t r a d i t i o n a l l y used f o r hand to hand combat. ni»shan: 'mark1 ( w r i t t e n carved symbol) of god. u nok p t ' t i - d u r : new f i e l d made from p r e v i o u s 'jungle' (or f o r e s t ) l a n d . nom t a touw how»ow: (a good man's)'name t h a t remains behind' ( a f t e r h i s death). n'w^sh: a g a i n s t custom ('das»tur'). on»jesh»ta b i r a mor: sacred male goat s a c r i f i c e m e r i t f e a s t . on«jesh.ta dra".mi: c e r t a i n r o o f s c o n s i d e r e d to be pure space and out of bounds to women. on»jesh*ta m i . l i t : s a c r e d (magic) wealth. on«jesh«ta mach: r i t u a l l y p u r i f i e d man. on* jesh»ta> wah: sacred space i n Kalasjh houses d e d i c a t e d to Household/Clan goddess Jeshtak. o"«sha*la: cream. 6 u»stat: wood c a r v e r . pa«goi*yuk shoo: the axle o f the door of the f a m i l y home -metaphor f o r the p r o s p e r i t y o f the extended household. pa»la»loiy: underworld home of the ancestor s p i r i t s . pa •rani»ga«s&§l ; f e a s t f o r the ( v a l l e y ) community. pa«ri»an: mountain f a i r i e s , herdswomen of markhor. patch mal: f e a t h e r wealth (see 'Cheish') par«wa«za ( z e j u ) : p r a y e r s s a i d a t the graveside to accompany the deceased t o the underworld. 207 p£«ra«zeiy: 'to transform oneself',(into a wooden statue). p£«ri-shan: Urdu word i n Kalash meaning both joy and sorrow, phann: grain storage bin (basement). pha* (r) • gun»deik: carved willow s t i c k placed a 1Shing Mou1 symbolizing achievement of 'man-killer' rank. pie pa»shai»ik: to show one's female goat wealth before giving a merit feast. pi»ma»s*a: funeral feast of a man who i s without close male heirs, given before his actual death. pin z<t a«ouw:a meal of bread and cheese given to the v i l l a g e (or vaT"ley) community on the occasion of a b i r t h . pra'Cheis.h: annual autumn feast performed by the wealthiest clans i n the v a l l e y s . pre«cho"«na kotch: extra l a d l e f u l of c l a r i f i e d butter given to a l l men of rank at feasts. prg.hunk: downstream. pti«sttj,m: cowrie-studded f i l l e t for Kati/Kom man of rank i n pre-conversion Bashgal. P,ur: annual harvest f e s t i v a l i n B i r i r Valley. pure: paper-thin type of 'birch' bark used to l i n e willow bark cheese moulds. Ra.chi»Kosht d a r i : high ranking clan of Krakal v i l l a g e i n Bomboret Valley. ra«juk hon«ch*;k: 'rope p u l l ' , tug of war.between two teams of men. ra«poush: C h i t r a l i word for 'purdah' (seclusion of women) .' ri»ki»ni (chot): i n t r i c a t e geometric designs carved on wooden p i l l a r s , a l t a r s and mantlepieces (brought o r i g i n a l l y from Yarkhan). r o i y : annually appointed valley magistrates (police) who guard ^ r u i t and vegetables (see 'den'). 208 Sajigor: god (Kalash. equivalent to Bagislit) protects K a f i r r e l i g i o n , livestock, hydraulic system - central to merit feasts. sa»liss: witness. sa«ri a»m£r.yuk j i r : a person as sweet as the milk (magically) produced from a new-born s p i r i t lamb. sa»ri«£k: merit feast given by a man for his daughter. sa*ri»fa: g i f t of new clothes presented at merit feasts to 'men of rank 1. Sarikjouw: v i l l a g e i n Bomboret reputed to be old ,Ba»la»lik" settlement. sa«rus: 'sacred' juniper. sewala: potters and leather tanner of the pre-conversion Waigal Valley. sha.gai ( s t u r i ) : s i l v e r chains now worn decoratively by Kalash women - t r a d i t i o n a l l y Bashgali symbols of rank. Shah n i . s i : one day feast i n which common man presides as 'King'. sha.ra kund«a«li: markhor hide (hair) moccasins, symbols of high rank. sha.ra shing.una: (silent/unheard) inside a markhor's horn. sha.ru: autumn. Sha»ra«kut: clan i n Krakal v i l l a g e , Bomboret. Shirjg Mou: markhor horn a l t a r i n Rombour. shish ouw: 'head breads' made by men to r i t u a l l y p u r i f y t h e i r women at the winter s o l s t i c e f e s t i v a l . shi«ri»stan na<ta.a«louw: funeral dance done on (unharvested) grains, preferably m i l l e t , r i t u a l denoting high rank. shticuri/nam: Kati term of rank for a man who has done at lea s t eighteen times, a feast s i m i l a r to the Kalash 'pi.ma* sa' . shu.ra moch: (formal rank) 'man-killer'. shu.ra uphor: dance performed to achieve 'man-killer' rank. Siah Posh: wearers of the black robe, applies to Kalash, Kom, Kati . 209 so«ol«lo: man's wicker burden basket. 'stS&nk ku»ch£k: women's divination technique done with a brass bracelet. stri»ja u»bat: trouble caused i n a household be d i s s a t i s f i e d women. su»a zaj.: 'golden i r r i g a t i o n channel' i n Rombour Valley. such! such!: prayer spoken at r i t u a l to puri f y . su»chtk: to make a r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n ceremony. sur mach: Kati term for a 'man-killer' with numerous k i l l i n g s to his name. Su»ri»zan: 'goat shed god' who protects livestock wintering in the va l l e y s . Sut»aram: Bashgal (and Waigal) god, father of goddess De»san«i. thum ku«'ch£k: men's divination technique done with goat hair bow. tro«na; chear: sour milk. trush njr«una uk: (a person)working his or her way into another's good graces by being as unnoticeable as 'water flowing between the roots of wheat plants'. Tsiam: the o r i g i n a l homeland of the Kalash. U»chow: dairy f e s t i v a l i n late August i n Bomboret and Rombour Valleys. um»bu«l^k: 'to raise (oneself) up 1 - refers to shamanic trance state. us»telk z\ ni»selk: generosity and h o s p i t a l i t y at feasts and i n one's own home. Utah: hereditary p r i e s t from one-high-ranking lineage of pre-conversion Bashgal. V£tr: Kati word for f a i r y . . 210 waiy: daugher/sister's share of her natal clan's livestock. Wa«ko»kaiy: clan i n Rombour Valley that had t i e s with pre-conversion Waigal Valley. waVo": two 'maun' or approximately eighty-four k i l o s . wa»surj«gaiy bur: 'arrow sheath' (of a successful warrior) - metaphor for s o l i d a r i t y and co-operation of the clan. w^f'hunk: upstream. W£t»dgsh: Kalash name for Prasun Valley i n present day Nuristan. Xo»dai: Persian (Urdu) word for God. Yarkhan: ancient location from whence many Kalash customs come, for example, wood carving designs, wine-making, shamanism. za»na*mat: fine imposed by 'respected elders', i n attempting to resolve a dispute. y Zoe»shi: Kalash spring f e s t i v a l (tflay) . zor be«a«ne moch: man (born from) strong/forceful seeds. CM Languages i n N u r i s t a n and Adjacent .r,e^ip;fts;f;^-t;M[aix, /by^ . sLennarlb-._ Edelberg (1971). ' Bounders of the 1 l i n g i a i s ^ d t ; areas 'ac'dd^rdihg! t o Gtf'.Morgenstierne (1973) i n C u l t u r e s of the: HinduKush. S e l e c -t e d Papers From the Hindu-Kush C u l t u r a l Conference Held a t ' ;; Moes gard 1970. K. Jettmar, L.1 ^ d e l b e r g edts. Wiesbaden, 1974." , , , , ,„ ? n — BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, J.W. 1973 The Gitksan Potlach. Holt, Rinehart & Winston of Canada Ltd., Toronto, Montreal, Befu, H. 1977 Belshaw, C. 1965 "Social Exchange", Annual Review of  Anthropology. pp. 255-281. Tr a d i t i o n a l Exchange and Modern Markets. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey, Prentice H a l l . Biddulph, J. 1880 Burridge, K.O.L. 1960 Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh. Abademische Druck-und-Verlag Anstalt, Grax, Austria, 1971, rpt. Mambu. Harper & Row Publishers, New York, Evanston. Burridge, K.O.L, 1975 "The Melanesian Manager", Studies i n Anthropology: Essays i n Memory of E. Evans Pritchard, J.H.M. Beattie & R.G. Lienhardt, edts., Clarendon Press, Oxford, pp. 86-104. Caroe, Olaf, 1958 The Pathans. 550 B.C. - A.D. 1957, MacMillan & Co. Ltd., London. Codere, Helen. 1950 Cragg, Kenneth. 1969 Fighting With Property. American Ethnolog-i c a l Society Monograph 18, Seattle, University of Washington Press. The House of Islam. Dickenson Publishing Co. Inc., Belmont, C a l i f o r n i a . Dichter, David. 1967 The North-West Frontier of West Pakistan. Clarenson Press, Oxford. Douglas, Mary. 1966 Purity and Danger. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, Henley. Dupree , Louis. 1975 Edelberg, L. & Motamedi. A.A. 1968 "Introduction" The Kafirs of the Hindu-Kush. S i r George S. Robertson, (189 6), Oxford University Press, London, New York, pp. v i i - x x v i i i . "A K a f i r Goddess." Arts Asiatiques. Tome XVIII pp. 3-31, Paris. 212 213 Elphinstone, M. 1972 An Account of the Kingdom of Cabul. Vol's. I & II, Oxford University Press, Karachi, London, New York, rpt. Graziosi, Paolo 1961 "The Wooden Statue of Dezalik: A Kalash D i v i n i t y , C h i t r a l Pakistan", Man. #183,* September, pp. 149-151. Horton R. & Finnegan, R.(edts.) 1973 "Introduction", Modes of Thought. Faber & Faber, London, pp. 46-7. Jettmar, Karl. 1974 "Introduction". Cultures of the Hindu Kush. K. Jettmar & L. Edelbert (edts.), Franz Steiner, Verlag, Weisbaden, pp. IX-XIV. Jones, Schuyler. 1969 The P o l i t i c a l Organization of the Kam K a f i r s : A Preliminary Analysis. The Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters, Copenhagen. Jones, Schuyler. 1969 Jones, Schuyler. 1970 A Bibliography of Nuristan (Kafirstan) and the Kalash K a f i r s of C h i t r a l , Part Two: Selected Documents from the Secret &  P o l i t i c a l Records, 1885-1900. The Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters, Copenhagen. "The Waigal Horn Chair", Man. 5:20, pp.253-7. Jones, Schuyler. 1974 "Kalashum P o l i t i c a l Organization". Cultures  of the Hindu Kush. Weisbaden, pp. 44-50. Jones, Schuyler 1974 Men of Influence i n Nuristan. Seminar Press, London, New York. Lane, R.B, 1977 "Power Concepts i n Melanesia and North Western North America", The Anthropology  of Power. Academic Press, London, New York, San Francisco, pp. 365-374. Maus, Marcel, 1969 The G i f t . Ian Cunnison transl, West Ltd., London. Cohen & Morgenstierne, Georg. 1932 Report on a L i n g u i s t i c Mission to  North-Western India. I n s t i t u t t e t for sammen lingnende Kulturfarsknin, Serie CI-2, Oslo, pp. 50-69. Morgenstierne, Georg. 1947 "The Spring F e s t i v a l of the Kalasjh K a f i r s " , India Antigua. Leiden, pp. 240-248. 214 Morgenstierne, Georg. 1953 Morgenstierne, Georg. 1973 Morgenstierne, Georg. 1974 Murtaza, Ghulam. 1961 "Some Kati Myths and Hymns", Acta  O r i e n t a l i a . XXI:22, Kobenhaven, pp. 161-89. "Notes on Kalastia", Indo-Iranian Frontier  Languages. G. Morgenstierne, Blindern, Oslo, Norway. "Languages of Nuristan and Surrounding Regions", Cultures of the Hindu Kush. K. Jettmar, L. Edelbert (edts), Weisbaden, pp. 1-10. Ta r i k h - e - C i t r a l . Wazir A l i Shah trans., Peshawar. Palwal, R. 1969 Palwal, R. 1969 Palwal, R. 1970 Palwal, R. 1972 Palwal, R. 1974 Palwal, R. 1977 Parkes, Peter 1972 Pott, Janet 1974 Robertson, S i r George Scott 1896 "Polytheism of the K a f i r s " . Afghanistan  Journal. 214: pp. 61-88. "War, Wealth, and Social Status of the K a f i r s " , Afghanistan Journal. "The Ka f i r Religious P r a c t i t i o n e r s " , Afghanistan Journal, 23:4, pp. 24-36. The Mother Goddess i n K a f i r i s t a n . Unpub. M.A. Thesis, Louisiana State University "The Ka f i r Ranks and Their Symbols", Cultures of the Hindu Kush. K. Jettmar, L. Edelbert (edts), Weisbaden, pp.64-8 The K a f i r Status and Hierarchy and Their  M i l i t a r y , P o l i t i c a l , and Ritual Foundations. Unpub. Ph.D., Pennsylvania State University The Kalas.h K a f i r s . Unpub. M.A. Thesis, Cambridge, England. "Annex: Some Notes on Personality and Achievements of Shahzada Hussam-ul-Mulk." Cultures of the Hindu Kush. K. Jettmar, L. Edelberg (edts), Weisbaden, pp. 116-7 The Kafirs of the Hindu-Kush. Oxford University Press, Karachi, London, New York, rpt., 1975. Rosman, A & Rubel, P. 1971 Feasting With Mine Enemy. Columbia University Press, New York. 215 Sahlins, Marshall. 1965 Sahlins, Marshall, 1971 "On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange: The Relevance of Models for Soc i a l  Anthropology. Frederick A. Praeger Pub., New York, Washington. "Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief.", Conformity and C o n f l i c t . S.P. Spradley, D. McCurdy (edts) L i t t l e , Brown & Co., Boston Sii g e r , Halfdan. 1963 "Shamanism amongst the Kalasji Kafirs of C h i t r a l " , Folk. Vol. 5, pp*. 295-303. Si i g e r , Halfdan. 1974 Snoy, Peter. 1965 Snoy, Peter. 1972 Snoy, Peter. 1974 Stein, M. Aurel. 1912 Strand, Richard. 1974 Strand, Richard. 1975 Wazir A l i Shah. 1974 Wutt von Karl. 1976 "The Joeshi of the Kalas #h. Main T r a i t s of the Spring F e s t i v a l at Balangru i n 1948", Cultures of the Hindu Kush. K. Jettmar, L. Edelberg (edts), Weisbaden, pp.87-92 "Das Buch Der Kalasch", Ruperto Carola. Heidelberge, Vol. 38, pp. 158-62. Bergrolker Im Hindu Kush. P o l l i g , Hermann (edt), I n s t i t u t Fur Auslendsbezie hungen, Stuttgart. "DIZILA WAT", Cultures of the Hindu Kush. Weisbaden , pp. 84-86 Ruins of Desert Cathay. Vols. I & II, Benjamin Blom, New York, London "Principles of Kinship Organization Among the Kom Nuristani", Cultures of  the Hindu Kush. Weisbaden, pp. 51-6. "The Changing Economy of the Kom Nuristani.", Afghanistan Journal. Jg 2, Heft 4. "Notes on Kalash Folklore." Cultures of the Hindu Kush. Weisbaden, pp. 69-80. "Uber Zelchen und Ornamente der Kalash i n C h i t r a l . " Archiv fur Volkerkunde 30. Museum fur Volkerkunde Im Selbstverlad, Wien. rH CM I 0 IP 3 1 3 / N s: i 3 13 £ 2 2 is 3 vfl i 1 a 3 1* 3 10 L5 5 535 « P I 4 4 4 5 4 2 -S | 4 t U | l l 4 I 1.1 4n I i i J i i 4 3 3 N 13 < 1^  8 i 4 y ^ '3 c •43 5 J •4|g Up V s 4 £ 3 T3 3 i4ll < g p 2 2 -S to 'if I tr-CM I S fe * .g 4-l 4 i m g |41I? | i f * 4\\ i 4 — « - 4 l 4 ^ lev. -8 4j "4-^ 5. 1 ^ 1 1^1 ** 

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