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Political economy and higher education in the nineteenth century Maritime Provinces Darville, Richard Tulloss 1977

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POLITICAL ECONOMY AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY MARITIME PROVINCES by RICHARD TULLOSS DARVILLE B.A., Un i v e r s i t y of Kansas, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 1977 © R i c h a r d T u l l o s s D a r v i l l e , 1977 In present ing th is thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT This study i n the sociology of knowledge investigates how i n t e l l e c t u a l p r a c t i c e s , e s p e c i a l l y those associated with higher edu-cation, contributed to create successive forms of r u l i n g . I t focuses on 'ruling ideas' i n the active shaping of hegemony, dealing empiri-c a l l y with the B r i t i s h North American Maritime colonies before the mid-nineteenth century. Dominant c o l o n i a l o l i g a r c h i e s there representing and l i v i n g o f f B r i t i s h mercantile and state i n t e r e s t s were supplanted by an i n d i -genous p e t i t bourgeoisie. Economically t h i s transformation was accom-pl i s h e d through the development of l o c a l enterprises i n a g r i c u l t u r e , small manufacturing, f i s h i n g and regional trade. Representatives from communities based on such enterprises sought state f i n a n c i a l and l e g a l r i g h t s , and eventually an expropriation of o l i g a r c h i c a l powers and a thorough control of the state, through responsible government. In domination and i t s transformation, r u l i n g ideas and higher education took active part. Colleges opened up to sons of the dominant classes the 'highest p o s i t i o n s ' i n the society, the state and the professions — those i n these pos i t i o n s managed the s o c i a l organi-zation, the l e g a l , medical, r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l boundaries of l i f e • by providing the i n t e l l e c t u a l s k i l l s and c r e d e n t i a l s required for t h e i r p r a c t i c e . The educated made e x p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l ideology, j u s t i f y i n g r u l e , among r u l e r s and to t h e i r subordinates. Education contributed to form the boundary of authority,- demarcating those with speaking r i g h t s from those whose ignorance rendered them without authority. Colleges were one context of r e l a t i o n s h i p among those who ruled. i v I m p e r i a l p l a n n i n g f o r t h e c o l o n i e s i n t e n d e d a n i d e o l o g i c a l h e g e m o n y , o r g a n i z e d t h r o u g h C h u r c h a n d K i n g ' s C o l l e g e s ( W i n d s o r a n d F r e d e r i c t o n ) . A n g l i c a n i d e o l o g i s t s ' s o c i e t a l i m a g e j o i n e d o r t h o d o x y , l o y a l t y a n d s o c i a l o r d e r , a n d p i t t e d a g a i n s t t h e m r e l i g i o u s d i s s e n t , p o l i t i c a l s u b v e r s i o n a n d s o c i a l c h a o s . T h e y u s e d e p i t h e t s o f ' i g n o r a n c e ' i n d e n y i n g t h e a u t h o r i t y o f r e l i g i o u s a n d p o l i t i c a l s p e e c h t o t h o s e b e y o n d t h e ( e d u c a t e d ) o l i g a r c h y . B u t i n t h e i r a c t u a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y i n c a p a b l e o f w i n n i n g t h e s e t t l e r s , c o n f r o n t e d b y a n e x p a n d i n g l o c a l l y g r o u n d e d i d e o l o g i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e A n g l i c a n C h u r c h a n d c o l l e g e s a b a n d o n e d h e g e m o n i c i n t e n t i o n s a n d b e c a m e e x c l u s i v e b a s t i o n s . M e a n w h i l e , e d u c a t e d p r e a c h e r s , j o u r n a l i s t s a n d p o l i t i c i a n s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e r i s i n g b o u r g e o i s i e e n g a g e d i n w o r k c o n s e q u e n t i a l f o r t h a t c l a s s ' m o v e m e n t i n t o r u l i n g . B y e x p l i c i t i n s t r u c t i o n t h e y p r o -p a g a t e d t h e t e c h n i c a l c a p a b i l i t y a n d m o r a l d i s c i p l i n e r e q u i r e d b y u p r i g h t e n t r e p r e n e u r s . I n f o r m i n g d e v e l o p e d c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n s , o p p o s e d t o e v a n g e l i s t i c r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e , t h e y f u r t h e r e d t h e s e l f -c o n t r o l , q u a s h i n g t e m p t a t i o n s t o e c s t a s y a n d i n a r t i c u l a t e n e s s , a p p r o -p r i a t e t o a c l a s s w h o s e m e m b e r s c o n t r o l l e d p r o d u c t i o n . T h e y a r g u e d a n d o r g a n i z e d f o r l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s . T h e y s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y w o r k e d t o f o r m t h a t a b s t r a c t c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h i c h u n d e r s t o o d e v e n t s a s s i g n i -f i c a n t n o t l o c a l l y b u t w i t h i n t h e f o r m a l s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h e a c a d e m i e s a n d c o l l e g e s o f d i s s e n t e r s a n d C a t h o l i c s t a u g h t t h e i n t e l l e c -t u a l s k i l l s , a n d c r e a t e d t h e s e n s e o f l e g i t i m a c y a n d t h e p e r s o n a l i n t e r -c o n n e c t i o n s , w h i c h f i t t e d m e n f o r t h e h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n s . V In b u i l d i n g churches and schools for t h i s work, the bourgeois i n t e l l i g e n t s i a confronted the r e s i s t a n t oligarchically-dominated state, and so joined movements for i t s transformation. When l o c a l repre-sentatives acquired state power, they l e g i s l a t i v e l y allowed an apparatus of higher education that was as extensive and as p l u r a l i s t i c as the economic development and the r e l i g i o u s organization of each of the provinces: i n Nova Scotia, Pictou Academy, Dalhousie, St. Mary's and St. Francis Xavier; i n New Brunswick, Mt. A l l i s o n , the University of New Brunswick and the College St. Joseph; i n Prince Edward Island, the Charlottetown Academy and St. Dunstan's. The colleges' governance and finance c l e a r l y t i e d them to dominant classes. Before 1850, c o l l e g i a t e curriculum and i n s t r u c t i o n were t r a d i t i o n a l l y c l a s s i c a l , although between a r i s t o c r a t i c and bourgeois colleges conceptions of what students acquired s h i f t e d , from gentle-manly character to useful mental powers. Correspondingly emphasis moved from the hermetic p u r i t y of knowledge to i t s service i n f i t t i n g men for active employments. CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. THE NEW MARITIMES 37 CHAPTER I I . IDEOLOGY AND COLLEGE IN IMPERIAL RULE . . 78 CHAPTER I I I . DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY 143 CHAPTER IV. PROFESSIONS, CHURCHES AND LEARNING . . . 197 CHAPTER V. COLLEGE POLITICS 290 CHAPTER VI. BOURGEOIS COLLEGES 348 CONCLUSION 370 SELECT .BIBLIOGRAPHY 387 4£ INTRODUCTION This book i s an h i s t o r i c a l account informed by a s o c i o l o g i c a l question as i t s framework. The t a l e i s that of higher education i n the Maritime provinces, i n the period l y i n g roughly between the L o y a l i s t migration and the middle of the nineteenth century. The question i s that of the sociology of knowledge, e l u c i d a t i n g the forms of the 'high-er' knowledge that i n part make up a society. This introduction i s intended to provide i n s t r u c t i o n s for reading and understanding the substantive text and conclusions that follow. I t includes several matters, several modes of d e f i n i t i o n of the_point from which the text i t s e l f has been thought. I t defines a the problematic within/sociology of knowledge. I t o f f e r s a few preliminary remarks on higher education as a t o p i c and on the Maritimes as a locus f o r studying i t . I t provides a summarizing overview of the work as a whole. And there ds some r e f l e c t i o n on the method of the work. 1 2 This study addresses the place of knowledge i n society. I t i s concerned with the r e l a t i o n of society to the forms of consciousness, e s p e c i a l l y learned consciousness, that are produced i n making i t up. I t i s a study i n the sociology of knowledge. The argument, most broad-l y stated, i s that knowledge, including the forms i n which i t i s organ-iz e d and p r a c t i c e d as a d i s t i n c t endeavour, contributes to make up the r u l i n g c l a s s . I t i s not that a class already i n existence determines knowledge. Rather there i s an elaborate s o c i a l a c t i v i t y which produces and reproduces that c l a s s . There i s — and t h i s defines the r u l i n g c l a s s — i t s c o n t r o l over the means of production. Among the a c t i v i t i e s that make up and sustain a r u l i n g c l a s s there are ideas and learned p r a c t i c e s of domination i n many regards. This problem was i n i t i a l l y posed i n the work of K a r l Marx, most sharply i n .those early writings i n which he defined the m a t e r i a l i s t method, for understanding human l i f e as an active process i n which pro-duction to s a t i s f y needs also produces s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and conscious-ness . As i n d i v i d u a l s express t h e i r l i f e , so they are. What they are, therefore, coincides with t h e i r production, both with what they produce and with how they produce.... Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious existence, and the existence of men i s t h e i r actual l i f e process (Marx 1970:42, 47). Now Marx developed h i s approach i n the context of a strong polemic against the German philosophers of the time. Against t h e i r idealism he asserted that the r e l i g i o u s sentiment does not e x i s t outside the h i s t o r i c a l pro-cess (Marx 1970:121-3). And he analyzed and harangued against modes of explanation i n which, ...the 'conception' of the people i n question about t h e i r r e a l p r a c t i c e , i s transformed i n t o the sole determining 3 active force, which controls and determines t h e i r prac-t i c e (Marx 1970:60). He maintained, on the contrary, that, ...the ideal„is nothing else than the material world r e f l e c t e d by the human mind, and translated into forms of thought. (Tucker, 1972:197). The negative force of these arguments, the preeminent concern with economic issues i n Marx's l a t e r work, and the en t i r e complex of i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l circumstances surrounding the subsequent development of Marxism (cf. Lichteim: 1965.,;), have made possible a common but mistaken understanding of Marx's view as a m a t e r i a l i s t i c determinism. . In f a c t he understood consciousness as part of the active shaping of r e a l i t y . His famous aphorism, that s o c i a l being determines consciousness, i s , properly understood, only a tautology (Avineri, 1970:65-77)*. Production and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and understanding change together. In the Grundrisse Marx wrote: The act of reproduction i t s e l f changes not only the objective conditions — e.g., transforming v i l l a g e i n t o town, the wilder-ness i n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l c l e a r i n g s , etc. — but the producers change with i t , by transforming and developing themselves i n production, forming new powers and new condeptions, new modes of intercourse, new needs and new speech (Marx 1962:92-3). The r u l i n g of a society of course i t s e l f i s r e f l e c t e d i n and occurs through consciousness. I t i s worthwhile to quote at length. The ideas of the r u l i n g c l a s s are i n every epoch the r u l i n g ideas: i . e . , the c l a s s which i s the r u l i n g material force of society, i s at the same time i t s r u l i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l force. The class which has the means of material production * Marx's concern, adopted here, i s thus d i s t i n c t from the l a t e r formu-l a t i o n of the sociology of knowledge developed by K a r l Mannheim. Mannheim's work i s t i e d to the epistemological problem of whether thought i s contaminated by i t s determination. I t bi f u r c a t e s s o c i a l existence and thought, and takes as i t s problem the dependence of high i n t e l l e c t u a l products upon the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s and perspectives of those who produce them, or the e x i s t e n t i a l conditioning of thought (Mannheim 1936 and 1952; Merton 1957). 4 at i t s d i s p o s a l , has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to i t . The r u l i n g ideas are nothing more than the i d e a l expression of the dominant material r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the dominant material r e l a t i o n s h i p s grasped as ideas; hence of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s which make the one class the r u l i n g one, therefore, the ideas of i t s dominance. The i n d i v i d u a l s com-posing the r u l i n g class possess among other things conscious-ness, and therefore think. Insofar, therefore, as they r u l e as a class and determine the extent and compass of an epoch, i t i s s e l f - e v i d e n t that they do t h i s i n i t s whole range, hence among other things r u l e also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the ideas of t h e i r age: thus t h e i r ideas are the r u l i n g ideas of the epoch.... The d i v i s i o n of labour, which we already saw above as one of the c h i e f forces of h i s t o r y up t i l l now, manifests i t s e l f a l so i n the r u l i n g c l a s s as the d i v i s i o n of mental and material labour, so that inside t h i s c l a s s one part appears as the thinkers of the c l a s s ( i t s a c t i v e , conceptive i d e o l o g i s t s , who make the p e r f e c t i n g of the i l l u s i o n of the cl a s s about i t s e l f t h e i r c h i e f source of l i v e l i h o o d ) , while the others' a t t i t u d e to these ideas and i l l u s i o n s i s more pas-sive and receptive, because they are i n r e a l i t y the active members of t h i s c l a s s and have less time to make up i l l u s i o n s and ideas about themselves. Within t h i s c l a s s t h i s cleavage can even develop into a c e r t a i n opposition and h o s t i l i t y between the two parts, which, however, i n the case of a prac-t i c a l c o l l i s i o n , i n which the c l a s s i t s e l f i s endangered, auto-m a t i c a l l y comes to nothing, i n which case there also vanishes the semblance that the r u l i n g ideas were not the ideas of the r u l i n g c l a s s and had a power d i s t i n c t from the power of t h i s c l a s s (Marx 1970:64-5). Clear enough: r u l e r s , among other things, think.* Production, exchange, and t h e i r r u l i n g , and the forms of con-sciousness that make them up, vary. They vary with the forms of property ownership, and, r e l e v a n t l y to the concerns of t h i s study, with the pre-dominant forms of property-holding c a p i t a l : large landholding, mercan-t i l e , p e t i t bourgeois, i n d u s t r i a l . The. economic surplus — the excess of production, .over what i s required to sustain the l i v e s of the pro-ducers — flows to the holders of c a p i t a l . This makes possible, among In C a p i t a l (Vol.. I Ch. . 14' Sect. 5) these concerns appear i n the analysis of how i n t e l l e c t u a l potencies appear as a r u l i n g power i n production i t s e l f . This analysis has been continued by Braverman (1974) 5 other things,, the support of the thinkers of the c l a s s . The state i s co n s i s t e n t l y implicated i n the exercise of c a p i t a l -i s t r u l i n g — though i t should be emphasized that the use of the term ' r u l i n g ' here r e f e r s to the t o t a l i t y of modes of domination i n a society, economic, r e l i g i o u s , and not only to p o l i t i c a l . The state provides the l e g a l framework of production and exchange, contributes the b u i l d i n g of the non-profit-making i n f r a s t r u c t u r e f o r production and exchange, i t s e l f holds and dispenses property, and i s the locus of much b a t t l e over the modes of domination i n the society. The pr a c t i c e s of a r u l i n g c l a s s involve i t s domination of the state — eff e c t e d through various forms of party and a l l i a n c e , and through various admini-s t r a t i v e forms and various d i s t r i b u t i o n s of power among the branches of the state — and a l l t h i s i s material f o r empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Production and exchange and the state are a l l bases of the moral, r e l i g i o u s and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e of society. Ordinary a c t i v i t y and conduct i n them are of course conscious, and s p e c i f i c a l l y are con-tinuous i n diverse ways with forms of learning and with d i s t i n c t l y c onstituted bodies of knowledge. There i s tutored s k i l l implicated i n administering the society, providing j u s t i f i c a t o r y ideology f o r i t s forms of domination, forming character and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e as are needed i n i t . Among the means u t i l i z e d i n the transforming of society by a r i s i n g c l a s s are these forms of consciousness and learning. A l l these forms of the 'superstructure' are transformed along with the productive 'base.' These, too, are matters f o r empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . One of the modes i n which knowledge i s implicated i n r u l i n g i s the formulation of ideology, those b e l i e f s and modes of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n 6 and judgments of value, about the actual or r i g h t f u l nature of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n a society. The making up of ideology aims to create common understanding, within and beyond the p a r t i c u l a r group which creates i t . I t i s a r t i c u l a t e d elaborately and p u b l i c l y , so that i t may be communicated among i t s authors, and to others who may not have shared i n i t s making. The p r a c t i c a l foundation of such a form of d i s t i n c t sense-making discourse i s the development of forms of organization and con t r o l of society that are themselves d i s t i n c t a c t i v i t i e s , conducted by persons with s p e c i a l entitlement, perhaps located away from the immediate scene of a c t i v i t y . As d i s t i n c t structures of c o n t r o l have been formed i n r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l and economic domains, i n church, state and c l a s s d i v i s i o n s , forms of i d e o l o g i c a l discourse have been made as one of t h e i r means. Ideological discourse i s a r t i c u l a t e d as an intended element of r u l i n g , as a d i r e c t i o n and l i m i t a t i o n of conscious-ness . Central among the uses of ideology i s to j u s t i f y or other-wise favourably present authority, both within dominant or r i s i n g classes and from them to those who are dominated. Whether by denying domination, or portraying i t as serving the greatest good, or showing that those who exercise i t do so r i g h t f u l l y by t h e i r excellence, ideo-logy puts domination i n a favourable l i g h t , ... so as to n e u t r a l i z e or eliminate the c o n f l i c t between the few and the many i n the i n t e r e s t of a more e f f e c t i v e exercise of authority (Bendix 1963:13). The need and quantity of i d e o l o g i c a l production tends to be e s p e c i a l -l y great at times of transformation i n the forms of subordination (Bendix 1963:413-4). Indeed the very naming of ideology occurred within the era of the democratic and i n d u s t r i a l revolutions, i n the l a t e 7 eighteenth and e a r l y nineteenth centuries. I t was one of the means by which the changes of that era were fought out, (Lichteim 1967; Bendix 1950; Hobsbawm 1962:258-98). So Otto Hintze wrote: Wherever i n t e r e s t s are vigorously pursued, an ideology tends to be developed also to give meaning, re-enforcement and j u s t i f i c a t i o n to these interests. And t h i s ideology i s as ' r e a l ' as the r e a l i n t e r e s t s themselves, for ideology i s an indispensable part of the l i f e - p r o c e s s which i s expressed i n a c t i o n . And conversely: wherever ideas are to conquer the world, they require the leverage of r e a l i n t e r e s t s . . . . (quoted i n Bendix 1960:47). A further contribution of ideology to modes of r u l i n g i s i t s part i n forming a whole conventional pattern of everyday l i f e , of char-acter, i d e n t i t y and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e . Personal a c t i v i t y i s given a mind-mediated shape. There are made up vocabularies of motive ( M i l l s n.d.). Of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to the present study, psychological impulses o r i g i n a t i n g i n a r t i c u l a t e forms of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f have ' a f f i n i t i e s ' or correspondences with p a r t i c u l a r forms of s o c i a l and economic con-duct. (This i s of course the theme of much of Max Weber's work i n the sociology of r e l i g i o n . See Weber 1958:91-7; for a summarizing exegesis, see Bendix 1960:esp. 257-81.) The form of i d e o l o g i c a l discourse i s d i s t i n c t i v e and l i m i t e d . Observables i n any immediate scene of activity-are taken as elements of an account that i s contructed of i t , from the places of r u l i n g . Such observables, once removed, may be f r e e l y associated, without reference to t h e i r linkage i n p r a c t i c e . The process of removal i s not entered i n t o the account which i t i s the means of making up (Marx 1970:66-7; Smith 1974). Ideology has d e f i n i t e l i m i t a t i o n s because i t s purpose i s l i m i t a t i o n , c o n t r o l , the s e t t i n g of boundaries. Id e o l o g i c a l discourse comes to be conducted i n organizations whose s p e c i a l task i s the making and conveying of general images of the 8 society — i n churches, schools, media of communication, l e g i s l a t u r e s . These organizations may c o l l e c t i v e l y be termed the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus (Althusser 1971). Ideology i s thus one of the products of d i s t i n c t l y formed i n s t i t u t i o n s of knowledge. Consciousness and knowledge also, and more d i r e c t l y than i n ideology, serve as means of r u l i n g when s o c i a l organization i t s e l f i s rendered a work of c e r t a i n d i s t i n c t i n t e l l i g e n t p r a c t i c e s . There are learned s k i l l s of r u l i n g , of operating the forms of s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n through which some exercise domination over, form the boundaries of the l i v e s of, others. In part these are administrative s k i l l s , record-making, f i n a n c i a l accounting, law-making. L i t e r a t e p r a c t i c e s , as Levi-Strauss argued, have served as a means of administra-t i v e domination from t h e i r invention: ...the only phenomenon which, always and i n a l l parts of the world seems to be linked with the appearance of w r i t i n g . . . i s the establishment of h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t i e s , consisting., of masters and slaves, and where one part of .. the population i s made to work f o r the other part (Char-bonnier 1973:18). Within forms of government, o r a t o r i c a l and debating a b i l i t i e s a lso become prominent i n the exercise of r u l i n g . The s o c i a l o rganizational, boundary-making p r a c t i c e s most co n s i s t e n t l y associated with higher education have been those of the ' c l e r i s y , ' the three learned professions. Law manifestly comes i n t o being with a d i s t i n c t p r a c t i c e of governance, and a r t i c u l a t e s p r i n -c i p l e s of r i g h t and o b l i g a t i o n , p r e s c r i p t i v e and p r o s c r i p t i v e statement, and t r a d i t i o n s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i n making up and enforcing the boun-daries of s o c i a l order and r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t s within i t . The ministry or priesthood a r i s e s within an elaborate e c c l e s i a s t i c a l organization; 9 i t s form of thought, theology, has been intimately r e l a t e d to p o l i t i c a l order and i t s j u s t i f i c a t i o n ; i t s work i s defi n i n g the l i m i t s of the mundane,'the r e l a t i o n of worldly l i f e to that which grounds, sustains and out l a s t s i t . Medicine, f i n a l l y , attends to the body, when i t s l i m i t s may be remade, or i t s existence ended, by i n j u r y or disease. In the professions, the r u l i n g of these boundaries of experience — s o c i a l , transcendant and bodily — i s rendered the domain of'knowledgeable persons. In the transformations of r u l i n g , access to these r u l i n g po-s i t i o n s i s transformed. To a r t i c u l a t e a d i s t i n c t r u l i n g structure where none existed before, or to a l t e r one already i n existence, requires an expropriation of powers, including those of i n t e l l i g e n c e , from t h e i r former or ordinary places. D i s t i n c t p r a c t i c e s of knowledge i n p art make up such expropriations. Among those p r a c t i c e s which make up the s o c i a l organization of the r u l i n g c l a s s and i t s powers i s the formation of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n which knowledge i s conducted as a d i s t i n c t enterprise. Colleges and u n i v e r s i t i e s are our concern here — although many of the same con-siderations should apply to l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c s o c i e t i e s or salons (Coser 1963), informal gatherings of the l o c a l gentry (L a s l e t t 1971:185-94), etc. Colleges and u n i v e r s i t i e s , on t h e i r own terms concerned with the creation, teaching, preservation and honouring of the highest forms of knowledge (Ben-David), have been accessible to, or the means of entry i n t o , r u l i n g means and p o s i t i o n s . They have a l t e r e d and expanded to include, accept new r u l i n g groups as they a r i s e — indeed making higher education has been one of the methods of making up a r i s i n g r u l i n g c l a s s . 10 Higher education has:.directly done i d e o l o g i c a l work, t r a i n i n g the youth of the r u l i n g class i n right-mindedness, and protecting them from an i d e o l o g i c a l t a i n t i n g at the hands of others. Higher education also has provided or trained others to provide the s k i l l s of r u l i n g . The key_positions, i n the process i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were lawyers, j o u r n a l i s t s and preeminently ministers. Much of t h i s preparation occurred from an e a r l y time through a l i t e r a r y education, concerned with creating a f a m i l i a r i t y with and a b i l i t y to reproduce r e f i n e d expression. Learning i t s e l f , i n ways more diffuse.than i t s s p e c i f i c contributions to ideology and administration, has contributed to form what might be c a l l e d the boundary of authority. Learning has pro-vided members of the r u l i n g c l a s s with the assurance of having r i g h t -f u l authority. In part t h i s has worked through the b u i l d i n g up of the modes of consciousness and the character of the r u l i n g type — always as.a t o t a l d i s c i p l i n e of l i f e , whether the gentlemanly bearing and l e i s u r e d i n t e r e s t s of an a r i s t o c r a t i c i d e a l , or the i s o l a t e d , p r a c t i c a l consciousness and the upright morality of the i d e o l o g i s t s of the entre-preneurship, always searching f o r something useful to do (deTocqueville 1967). Knowledge ..also makes the boundary of authority by marking o f f the ignorant on i t s other side. The invocation of 'knowledge' always orders s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , including prerogatives and re-s p o n s i b i l i t y , among those i n the s e t t i n g where i t i s named: as i n conversation, so i n the t o t a l organization of society. A s o c i a l d i s t r i -bution of knowledge enters i t i n t o power. Knowledge confers r i g h t s 11 to speak and define. As i t i s other than the ordinary, those who possess i t become other than the ordinary themselves. With learnedness can come i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a discourse or t r a d i t i o n , so that the knowledgeable can speak as i f they were the tongues of the world or the society, rather than the tongues of the p a r t i c u l a r f l e s h (rather, some-times l i t e r a l l y , than the vernacular). Learning makes possible the view of others as usurpers.or s i l e n t — by means of a demarcating d i s -t i n c t i o n between v u l g a r i t y , d i r t , animality and ignorance, on the one hand, and r u l i n g , c l e a n l i n e s s , refinement and learnedness, on the other (Douglas 1966). F i n a l l y , by college::acquaintanceships and the penetration of c o l l e g i a t e l i f e i n t o the community through reunions and open c e l e -brations , higher education':has contributed to b u i l d up interconnections among members of the cla s s or an e l i t e within i t . The making up of d i s t i n c t i n s t i t u t i o n s of knowledge themselves, t h e i r linkage to other p r a c t i c e s of r u l i n g , i s i t s e l f a part of the pr a c t i c e of making up a r u l i n g c l a s s . In a break to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , knowledge takes on a self-conscious organization. Knowledge then becomes not something that i s ordinary and occasional with the routines of d a i l y l i f e , but i s continual.. . I t i s f o c a l , i t i s the organizing term i n a set of events. Knowledge does not f l i c k e r out of occasions but i s that brightness of the mind that defines them. This e f f e c t i s achieved through a whole s o c i a l organization. This d i s t i n c t i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of knowledge, and the r e l a t i o n s to .other parts of society that are made up i n i t , i s not only an a n a l y t i c a l question. On the contrary, the p r a c t i c e of making 12 knowledge a separate endeavour makes i t s lineaments and r e l a t i o n s a question for p a r t i c i p a n t s . In making up i n s t i t u t i o n s of knowledge, these issues become conscious; i n the experience of the p r a c t i t i o n e r s of knowledge they are l i v e d and suffered; i n any event, the issues must be formulated i d e o l o g i c a l l y and made tasks of p o l i t i c s . In the formation .of a d i s t i n c t i n s t i t u t i o n of knowledge, c e r t a i n general exigencies must be dealt with p r a c t i c a l l y and concept-u a l l y . Some of these.-concern the necessary conditions of knowledge — its.background. Some involve the immediate a c t i v i t i e s involved i n making up a .'.finite province of knowledge' (Schutz 1967:245ff) i t s e l f — i t s foreground. Both of these, i n some of t h e i r aspects, are made up i n r e l a t i o n to r u l i n g . Let us consider the background f i r s t . The formation of i n s t i -tutions of higher education i s at one with c o n t r o l of the state, which provides l e g i t i m a t i o n , protection, supervision and l i k e l y a part of the surplus. Surrounding the p o l i t i c a l background there are contests and compromises, and an elaboration of j u s t i f i c a t o r y ideas. A c l a s s ' c o n t r o l of the state may make educational formations straightforward, or eduational issues may become p o l i t i c a l l y prominent, and elaborate polemics surrounding them make c l e a r the manner i n which the control of r u l i n g boundaries i s at stake. But state c o n t r o l i s not enough.., The management of i n s t i t u t i o n s of knowledge and t h e i r back-ground i s i t s e l f a process of organizational a r t i c u l a t i o n . In t h i s process — w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century — t h e place of the church was c e n t r a l . Churches were the most pervasive media of information and i n t e l l i g e n c e extending beyond the routines of d a i l y l i f e , the preeminent form of organization of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y beyond the s t r i c t l y economic 13 or p o l i t i c a l , and the chief source of demand for education, and the forms through which others sources-of demand were a r t i c u l a t e d . Now the a c t u a l governance of i n s t i t u t i o n s has been exercised — i n North America — through external boards. The s h i f t i n g membership of these boards r e f l e c t s the dominance of the r u l i n g classes of various eras. When an i n s t i t u t i o n i s defined by the knowledge attended to i n i t , then other ..things must be disattended. In the immediate occasions of knowledge, the bodies of the knowers and t h e i r needs, hunger, t h i r s t , l o n e l i n e s s , must be put aside. This requires, among other things, a s o c i a l organization which d i v e r t s the economic surplus to the purposes of knowledge. Higher education has r e l i e d upon four immediate sources of the economic surplus, i n widely varying proportions: donations to and the property of churches, ta x a t i o n revenues of the state, p h i l -anthropy from i n d i v i d u a l income that would otherwise go i n t o savings or luxury consumption, and fees paid by students. The nature of these immediate sources depends upon the nature of the r u l i n g c l a s s to Iwhich the surplus adverts. F i n a l l y , the background of knowledge i s determined i n p r a c t i c e s of recruitment and i n the l a r g e r careers of students and teachers. The s p e c i f i c a t i o n of these matters i s important i n d e f i n i n g the c l a s s and i d e o l o g i c a l s i t u a t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n s of knowledge. The foreground of knowledge, that which i s a c t u a l l y attended to i n i t s conduct,largely partakes of t r a d i t i o n , but i s also made up i n r e l a t i o n to r u l i n g . The foreground requires a place i n which knowledge i s found — c o n s i s t i n g of c e r t a i n p h y s i c a l locations, recognized modes of expression, recognized possessors, and l i n e s of exclusion. The locations are most obvious — the rooms and f u r n i t u r e , for meeting, reading, 14 l e c t u r i n g , experimenting. The modes of expression may be some d e f i n i t e d e x t e r i t y or c r a f t (dance, silversmithing) but are p r o t o t y p i c a l l y some i c o n i c , symbolic or l i n g u i s t i c representation (diagram, formula, t e x t ) . Performance or expression makes up knowledge as an object which knowers can o r i e n t to as continual and as independent of any p a r t i u c l a r body or consciousness. Knowledge i s also organized with respect to a s p e c i f i c and demarcated group of knowers — t y p i c a l l y selected from or having interconnections with r u l i n g groups — created through e x p l i c i t procedures of c e r t i f i c a t i o n , admission, explusion and sanctioning. Among these there i s an e x p l i c i t organization of r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l -l y d e f i n i n g some who co n t r o l the prere q u i s t i e s or means of knowledge-work, and others who are subject or excluded. F i n a l l y , the contents and forms of knowledge i t s e l f — in-curriculum and i n r h e t o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s — are demarcated from other forms of conscious r e l a t i o n to the world. Knowledge i s rendered contrastive with ignorance, error and opinion; knowledge as science i s distinguished from mere a r t ; knowledge as high c l a s s i c texts i s distinguished from i n f e r i o r expressions. The drawing of these boundaries — around knowers and objects of knowledge — i s of course made most c l e a r at moments of challenging contact between a l t e r n a t i v e expressions. Given the l a r g e l y t r a d i t i o n a l determination of the curriculum, i t s r u l i n g r e l a t i o n to r u l i n g and other p r a c t i c e s i s o r d i n a r i l y argued as a matter of a f f i n i t i e s and c a s u i s t i c a l l y argued relevances and unspecified benefits. None of t h i s i s to say that i n providing f o r the background of knowledge or i n i t s own immediate p r a c t i c e s , there i s a simple deter-mination of i t s character by outside forces. An i n s t i t u t i o n of know-15 ledge may also have.its reasons, s t r i k e i t s bargains, f i n d i t s own wea-pons — i n the c o n t r o l of i t s own wealth, i n the c o n t r o l of knowledge i t s e l f , i n the claim to t r u t h , i n the creation of a universe of d i s -course which cuts across the boundaries of l o c a l p r a c t i c a l i t y . The substantive portion of t h i s work — of which a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n appears here — examines the p o l i t i c a l economy and the character of r u l i n g , i n the nineteenth century Maritimes. The Maritimes, during the period of concern here, underwent a transformation for a thorough Imperial domination, whose c l e a r e s t economic face was extractive mercantile c a p i t a l i s m and whose p o l i t i c a l face was an oligarchy of Imperial o f f i c i a l s , landowners and l a t e r merchants; to a domination by an indigenous p e t i t bourgeoisie which came to not only economic but also p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l ascendancy. The burden of t h i s work i s to examine these transformations of property r e l a t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l hege-mony, and to f e r r e t out the place of knowledge and i t s d i s t i n c t i n s t i -tutions ,as components of a l l the s o c i a l - r e l a t i o n s of the society. (For the programmatic statement on society and education, see Bailyn: 1960). This r e l a t i o n of knowlege to society i s an empirical problem, not one.to be solved by any t h e o r e t i c a l f i a t , or not even by the posing of a ready-made formulation to be proved or disproved. ,It perhaps should be c l e a r that, before Confederation, the Maritimes were one centre of the economic, p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l currents of B r i t i s h North America. Their economic p o s i t i o n was, u n t i l the mid-nineteenth century, as strong as that of Canada. I n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e i n the Maritimes included.in Joseph Howe one of the outstanding 16 i d e o l o g i s t s of responsible government; i n Thomas C. Haliburton, the recognized dean of Canadian humourists; and i n the late-century Fred-e r i c t o n school of Roberts and Carman, the beginnings of the f i r s t d i s t i n c t i v e movement of Canadian poetry. The Maritimes also provided much academic leadership for other regions of Canada i n the post-Confed-e r a t i o n generation, i n c l u d i n g William Dawson, a geologist of i n t e r n a t i o n -a l stature and President of M c G i l l ; George Munro Grant, P r i n c i p a l of Queen's; Walter Murray, President of the University of Saskatchewan; and George Parkin, who r e v i v i f i e d Upper Canada College at the turn of the century. Maritime higher education can lay claim to being f i r s t . The e a r l i e s t colleges i n English-speaking B r i t i s h North America were there: charters came to King's College Windsor i n 1789 (a quarter-century before any Canadian c o l l e g e ) , and to Kitig'-S College Fredericton i n 1828. The p o l i t i c s of higher education were b i t t e r , intense and protracted; and eduational programmes and purposes correspondingly a r t i c u l a t e . (Ideas don't appear only i n polemical nexes, but they are often most elaborate and a r t i c u l a t e there.) This was due i n part to the r e l a t i v e l y great and early p r o l i f e r a t i o n of denominational i n t e r -ests i n education, to the prominent p o s i t i o n of educational issues i n the struggles for p o l i t i c a l reform, and to the strength of l o c a l l y based resistance to u n i v e r s i t y development. The Maritime colonies began as staple-producing dependencies of European empires, jea l o u s l y watched i n war but l a r g e l y neglected i n peace, l i t t l e s e t t l e d before the mid-eighteenth century when there were Imperially shaped movements of population. B r i t i s h p o l i c y then s h i f t e d , to e s t a b l i s h a m i l i t a r y outpost, deport the Acadians, and encourage 17 settlement, e s p c i a l l y from New England. In consequence, by about 1775, the most accessible areas were inhabited and the population about 18,000. This number was more than doubled by.the fabled migration of L o y a l i s t s at the end of the American revolution, to the haven which B r i t a i n had promised them. Unavoidably, a c e r t a i n c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n the c a p i t a l s followed from the nature of the c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g and the commercial and m i l i t a r y purposes of Empire — with o f f i c i a l s despatched from England, large ocean-going traders given preferences, the l o c a t i o n of m i l i t a r y forces i n the centres, the vesting of land c o n t r o l i n (land-interested) Imperial o f f i c i a l s . Such a concentration of authority also followed from a deliberate rethinking of c o l o n i a l order. Imperial o f f i c i a l s engaged i n t h i s . So d i d the p o l i t i c a l l y i n s p i r e d e x i l e s , awaiting the outcome of the war i n the i d e o l o g i c a l hothouse of New York, and i n theiconfusion, p r i v a t i o n and p l a c e - b a t t l i n g that followed i n the Maritimes. The L o y a l i s t s wanted compensation i n land and o f f i c e s f or what they had l o s t i n the 'rebel usurpation.' They and reactionary o f f i c i a l d o m a l i k e wanted an order which would squelch the excesses of democracy and dissent which they saw at the source of the r e v o l t . They envisioned i d e o l o g i c a l l y a society of s o l i d l o y a l t y and deportment. In the circumstances t h i s was a dream, even i n the new province of New Brunswick, formed i n 1784 as a bastion of Loyalism, and i n Prince Edward Island, p a r c e l l e d out i n 1769 i n t o massive estates. There was made up an oligarchy, monopolizing o f f i c i a l functions on a quasi-hereditary basis, c o n t r o l l i n g land, often to their:.own advan-tage, i n t e g r a t i n g the Church of England with state p o l i c y and p r i v i l e g e . F i n a l power of p o l i t i c a l d e cision was executive, shared by Governors 18 and Councils. Large traders were a l s o parts of the r u l i n g oligarchy. Before 1800 these were o r d i n a r i l y m i l i t a r y suppliers and f i s h shippers. Other trade was subordinated to the Americans. But an i l l - a d v i s e d American military-commercial strategy which r e s t r i c t e d imports and exports, and B r i t i s h wartime needs f o r timber, brought about a boom i n Maritime trade, with timber, l i n k s to the West Indies, and smuggling. These developments s o l i d i f i e d the place of mercantile c a p t i a l i n the Maritime provinces, and brought merchants to p o l i t i c a l prominence. Bounties and trade regulations were made to serve Imperial traders more than l o c a l production or c o l o n i a l revenue. Over and against t h i s oligarchy, there was a mess. The means of Imperial r u l e were not such as to e f f e c t a thoroughgoing domination of the f r o n t i e r . The L o y a l i s t settlement i t s e l f was a scene of fear, jealousy and resentment, with antagonisms between new and o l d Maritimers, between ordinary and p a t r i c i a n L o y a l i s t s . And as the bulk of the popu-l a t i o n s e t t l e d i n t o t h e i r work i n l a r g e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l areas (hampered by B r i t i s h land p o l i c y ) , movements of opposition to the oligarchy arose. Those excluded from p r i v i l e g e and power by o l i g a r c h i c a l c o n t r o l — c o u n t r y people, the landless, small traders, r e l i g i o u s d i s -senters — sought easy a v a i l a b i l i t y of land, road and bridge grants, r e l i g i o u s p r i v i l e g e and parliamentary r i g h t s (including the i n i t i a t i o n of money b i l l s ) within the Assemblies. This oppositiommade for a rash of pamphleteering, b i t t e r e l e c t i o n b a t t l e s and the emergence of popular leaders and i l l - f o r m e d 'parties.' Between oligarchy and opposition there was some accomodation. The former could not t o t a l l y dominate, and the l a t t e r could not dislodge them. There were concessions. Assemblies got ordinary parliamentary 19 powers and much f i n a n c i a l i n i t i a t i v e . The crassest forms of e c c l e s i a s -t i c a l monopoly were averted. There was also repression. O f f i c i a l s used patronage and veto to good advantage, used a n t i - s e d i t i o n law, drove opposition leaders out of the colonies. In any case the opposition.was hampered by the transience of i t s leadership, the r e s t r i c t i o n of i t s i d e o l o g i c a l work (town meetings suppressed and no free p r o v i n c i a l press), and the lack of a r t i c u l a t e s k i l l . There were places where a l l t h i s economics and p o l i t i c s became knowledgeable. In production i t s e l f there was no gap between abstract and concrete p r a c t i c e s , no t e c h n i c a l l y conducted labour or c o d i f i e d administrative procedure. But i n the professions and the state there were indeed abstract preparations and competences. Legal and administra-t i v e a b i l i t i e s were r e q u i s i t e f o r the operation of the government. The bearing and accent of the learned marked them o f f as the dominant e l i t e that they were. Conversely, the epithet of ignorance j u s t i f i e d the exclusion of most people from the spheres of r u l i n g — i n both p o l i t i c s and r e l i g i o n . The professions^,managing the l i m i t s of s o c i a l l i f e i n general, were open to the learned and privileged... The Anglican church and college were from the outset c o n s t i -tuents of the system of Imperial r u l e , and as key parts of a r u l i n g i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus, they were objects of much thought i n the devising of a r e l i a b l y l o y a l s o c i a l order. Religion was emphatically a know-ledgeable matter. In the E r a s t i a n ideology of the Church of England, orthodoxy, l o y a l t y and order were of a piece, as were dissent, l e v e l l i n g and s o c i a l chaos. Consonant with t h i s the church i n i t i a l l y hoped to win the adherence of the population as a whole, by providing the means of worship before people could do so for themselves.., The college was 20 envisioned to.serve the Church and i t s i d e o l o g i c a l ambitions, f i r s t by imparting r i g h t p r i n c i p l e s i t s e l f and sb preserving youth from p e r n i - . cious republicanism, second by t r a i n i n g up ministers (hopefully more numerous, d i l i g e n t and obedient than those of B r i t i s h background) to s t a f f the Church. In these i d e o l o g i c a l matters, as i n p o l i t i c s i t s e l f , there was an unstable stand-off. The actual means of r u l i n g a v a i l a b l e to the oligarchy were more e f f e c t i v e i n exclusion than i n domination. I t s l i n k s with o l i g a r c h i c a l r u l e were enough.- to provide the Church of England with s p e c i a l prerogatives, including a long-standing monopoly of higher education. But the Church i t s e l f lacked 'proper establishment;' i t s revenues were r e l a t i v e l y s l i g h t , and r e l i g i o u s l i -berty was formally allowed i n the province. Anglican i n s t i t u t i o n s , of higher::education, formed ~ in...' Windsor and Fredericton by the turn of the nineteenth century, revealed the features of the Imperial apparatus i n the colony. Boards were made up of p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l officaldom, l i n k i n g the management of the colleges to r u l i n g . Finance came l a r g e l y from B r i t i s h church and state revenues, with some a i d from c o l o n i a l duties. Embattled and f a i l u r e s at p r o s e l y t i z i n g , along with the Church, the colleges underwent a reactionary consolidation, including r e l i g i o u s r e s t r i c t i o n s on both students and f a c u l t y . Thus at Windsor, the president and pro-fessors had to be of Oxford pedigree, students had to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine A r t i c l e s at matriculation ( l a t e r graduation) and were f o r -bidden ..to attend dissenting meetings. To such r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s there was various l i b e r a l opposition, too weak to have e f f e c t . The colleges' exclusive character was further formed i n t h e i r cost, t h e i r locations 21 i n a r i s t o c r a t i c preserves, and p r a c t i c e s such as the hazing of students of common o r i g i n . Being not domestically grounded, the colleges met trouble at whatever points they were dependent upon l o c a l support — for enrol-lments, f o r the support of the l o c a l e l i t e i t s e l f i n administration and benefaction, indeed i n construction; c o l o n i a l remoteness made the supply and q u a l i t y of teachers problematic. In the immediate conduct of knowledge and i n the i d e o l o g i c a l expressions which located knowledge i n the i n d i v i d u a l and i n society, i t was c l e a r that the colleges aimed to demarcate a s o c i a l e l i t e . The curriculum was that of medieval t r a d i t i o n — c l a s s i c s and mathematics. Learning was associated with the highest p o s i t i o n s . I t s possession was a n o b i l i t y . What i t formed i n the i n d i v i d u a l was the s o c i a l type of the gentleman: character and c u l t i v a t i o n , not any vulgar expertise. I t was likewise f o r professors, themselves gentlemen who could as teachers switch back and f o r t h among the subjects of a gentleman-scholar's mastery. A f t e r the turn of the nineteenth century, the colonies grew more 'settled.* In production t h i s meant the spread of p e t i t bourgeois endeavours, mostly farms, and some small manufacturers. The good land i n Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, along the St. John River v a l l e y and the south shore of New Brunswick, was l a r g e l y f i l l e d . Con-temporary descriptions commonly noted that sober, industrious, and prudent farmers could gain the necessaries of l i f e , or even grow r i c h . But a l s o the want of such regular habits, and of good a g r i c u l t u r a l know-ledge and roads, were commonly seen as sources of a g r i c u l t u r a l weakness. 22 Manufacturing was i n i t i a l l y confined to those goods i n un i v e r s a l d a i l y use but not domestically produced: i n i t i a l l y grain m i l l s and breweries; l a t e r tanneries, b r i c k - k i l n s , f u l l i n g and carding m i l l s . For a l l of t h i s , there were a n c i l l a r y s e r v i c e s , attorneys, insurance agents, ho t e l and tavern-keepers. Small shippers p r o l i f e r a t e d i n the coastal trade within the provinces and the north A t l a n t i c region, encouraged by the ease of entry i n t o shipping from many harbours and by r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t i n i t i a l c a p i t a l demands. This p i c t u r e , then, presents a b a s i c -a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l region with some trade, whose growth and whose expan-sion i n t o manufactures was l i m i t e d by the e f f i c i e n c y and d i l i g e n c e of i t s own producers, and by c a p i t a l shortage. Another p i c t u r e , however, shows the continuing ragged ends of Imperial e x p l o i t a t i o n . A g r i c u l t u r e was l i m i t e d by Imperially-created benefices i n a l l the provinces, by timber reserves making up most of New Brunswick, and..toy absentee.:. landholding i n Prince Edward Island. Large mercantile a c t i v i t y undercut s o l i d l o c a l economic growth, by making for h i g h - l i q u i d i t y c a p i t a l markets and i n any event by exporting much of the surplus. The forms of l o c a l production i t created were always vulnerable to i n t e r n a t i o n a l market f l u c t u a t i o n s . But f i s h e r i e s and t h e i r suppliers i n Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island could take the form of family firms, f i t t i n g to the general consolidation of p e t i t bourgeois economic l i f e . Timbering i n New Brunswick, however, had a stronger tendency to create a fragmentary c o l l e c t i o n of resource-extractors. Entrepreneurs and workers a l i k e were a t t r a c t e d by the promise of a free and easy l i f e and wealth, but were s p o r a d i c a l l y used and highly scattered i n the places and forms of t h e i r work. 23 There.was then t h i s contradictory development. On the one hand, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , small production which accumulated an economic surplus l o c a l l y , r e s u l t i n g i n the development of patches of indigenous petit-bourgeois prosperity. On the other hand, c o l o n i a l l i m i t a t i o n and mercantile c a p i t a l i s t e x p l o i t a t i o n , with consequent f.economic stag-nation due to surplus export and f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r i c t i o n , and/social disorganization :due to i r r e g u l a r and scattered work organization. A f t e r the i n i t i a l upheavals over the existence of p o l i t i c a l units and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l powers and p e r q u i s i t e s , p o l i t i c a l b a t t l e s had been tamed by a combination of concession and repression. But new forms of c o n f l i c t arose, among three groups: Imperial appoint-ees; the quasi-hereditary oligarchy of landowners and o f f i c i a l s , l a t e r joined by merchants; and l o c a l representatives, t i e d to the increasing a r t i c u l a t i o n of l o c a l c a p i t a l , communities and voluntary organization. Local p o l i t i c i a n s wanted con t r o l of t a r i f f s and road and bridge expend-i t u r e s , f or the support of trade and as p r i z e s for sustaining p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . In New Brunswick the l e g i s l a t u r e wanted to wrest Crown lands p o l i c y and revenues from Imperial control which s t i f l e d l o c a l enterprise and settlement. In Prince Edward Island there was steady demand, s t e a d i l y negated, for the escheat of absentee p r o p r i e t o r s . In a l l the provinces, churches serving the l o c a l communities required l e g a l r i g h t s to r e l i g i o u s functions and to charters and grants f o r fo r educational i n s i t u t i o n s . For these ends, and for the r e l a t e d p o l -i t i c a l reconstruction, representatives everywhere wanted to expropriate the oligarchy, i t s veto power embedded i n the Councils, i t s revenue-absorbing sinecures, i t s a b i l i t y to d e f l e c t opposition by using rewards and appointments. 24 A l l these needs coalesced i n t o an aim to a l t e r the structure of government. By l o c a l demand and Imperial concession, government was gradually reformed' a f t e r the 1830s, u n t i l f i n a l l y i t was decreed that executives should be responsible to .l e g i s l a t u r e s . What resu l t e d was a d i s t r i b u t i o n of state powers i n a pattern of c e n t r a l i z e d sectionalism. Money and governmental machinery were at the centre, but decisions were always made by the representatives for s e c t i o n a l ends. Only l o g - r o l l i n g p o l i t i c i a n s survived. Cabinets were i n t i t i a l l y formed as c o a l i t i o n s which had d e l i c a t e l y to balance i n t e r e s t s . They were unstable, and unable to budget e f f e c t i v e l y or to plan projects on a p r o v i n c i a l scale. E f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l d i s c i p l i n e at a p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l — i n p a r t i e s and cabinets — was only gradually b u i l t , coming f i n a l l y when railway i n -debtedness made the provinces vulnerable to external pressures f o r c e n t r a l i z i n g reform. As production was incr e a s i n g l y consolidated i n p e t i t bourgeois forms and i n i t s associated communities and voluntary organizations, and as c o n t r o l of the state was made av a i l a b l e to l o c a l forces, a new cla s s came in t o predominance. New structures of education were needed to prepare i t s people f o r the highest p o s i t i o n s of the society and f o r forming i t s boundaries. The l o c a l accumulation of the surplus made such i n s t i t u t i o n s possible, and p o l i t i c a l transformation cleared the way. Where abstract schemata and knowledge entered i n t o ordinary a c t i v i t y , there was a break to c e r t a i n d i s t i n c t works and organization of i n t e l l i g e n c e . This s t i l l predominantly meant the c l e r i s y . But l e t us consider more c l o s e l y the relevances of learning. In production, most s k i l l s , both of act u a l work processes and of s o c i a l organization, could s t i l l be acquired within the work i t s e l f , invented or passed on 25 from experienced producer to novice. There was an a g r i c u l t u r a l improve-ment l i t e r a t u r e , which de a l t with the proper use of breeds, seeds and s o i l s , and which had a strong moral emphasis,aimed at b u i l d i n g that entrepreneurial s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e which was the bridge between i s o l a t e d work and the abstract r a t i o n a l i t y of the market system. I t attacked the stagnation of a g r i c u l t u r e , and the d i s s i p a t i o n , s l o t h , sybaritism and want of ambition, that both accompanied and caused i t . Contrariwise, recommended were foresight, the f r u g a l i t y of simple l i v i n g and moral r e s t r a i n t , constant attention to duty. As the l o c a l communities developed they came to the society's regulative and a l l o c a t i v e functions, where p o l i t i c s was learned, and learning p o l i t i c a l . When possibl e , the enemies of reform pointed to theudearth of i n t e l l e c t and education as i n c a p a c i t a t i n g for government. In general, a consciousness ordered at the l e v e l of the p o l i t i c a l organ-i z a t i o n as a whole, and so emancipated from the l i m i t a t i o n s of the l o c a l and everyday, was required. The discourse p r a c t i c i n g t h i s was worked up by j o u r n a l i s t s and clergymen as well as by lawyers and p o l i t i c i a n s . More p a r t i c u l a r l y , to assault o l i g a r c h i c a l c o n t r o l , there were needed o r a t o r i c a l powers and a c e r t a i n manifest clerverness and assertiveness, to defend l o c a l needs and denounce the e v i l s of monopoly. A s p e c i f i c l e g a l expertise was needed to form c o n s t i t u t i o n a l arguments on the r i g h t s of B r i t i s h subjects and of the lower houses of l e g i s l a t u r e s . Taking over state power, l o c a l representatives needed s p e c i f i c s k i l l s of management — f o r budgeting, d r a f t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n , envisioning the new administrative forms required as the state's tasks a l t e r e d . And they.needed to extend t h e i r r h e t o r i c a l and organizational capa-b i l i t y , f o r coalescing diverse i n t e r e s t s i n t o viable d i s c i p l i n e d p o l i t i c a l 26 p a r t i e s . The expropriation of l o c a l s e c t i o n a l powers i n t o an organi-zation l a r g e r i n scale meant that the merely l o c a l mind came to be seen as no longer s u f f i c i e n t . C r u c i a l i n t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l development were the churches, the c h i e f voluntary organization i n the communities, and the i n i t i a t o r s of educational forms. In the developed church organization existed that learned function f o r which higher education was most p r e s s i n g l y required. In their.:concern with morality, the churches contributed to create, and brought to t h e i r highest a r t i c u l a t i o n , forms of s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e consistent with the t o t a l organization of the society. In moulding r e l i g i o u s expres-sion, the church recapitulated the forms of character and awareness regnant i n the society as a whole. Right r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e i n the church had a knowledgeable, d o c t r i n a l , e x p l i c i t character. I t was e s s e n t i a l l y mediated by learning. This followed from a theology which had human beings with a p r i s t i n e d e f i c i e n c y , r e q u i r i n g r e p a i r by a minister apt to teach. Now the open e v a n g e l i s t i c organization of r e l i g i o n which swept over the r u r a l regions of the Maritimes at the end of the nine-teenth century rather had r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e as eruptive, e c s t a t i c , overwhelming — with none of the deathly externals of the churches. To the churchly a l l t h i s was fanaticism, a burlesque of genuine r e l i g i o n . The Anglicans saw i t as - p o l i t i c a l subversion.. Other churchmen thought i t d i a b o l i c a l or savage and req u i r i n g repression; some thought i t merely f o o l i s h . . To a l l i t was untutored, and so had to be r e c t i f i e d f o r the proper formation of the church. This improve-ment of religious-expression was at one with the d e f i n i t i o n of dogma, the consolidation of c l e r i c a l compensation and i n t e l l i g e n c e , and the general education of the denominations — a s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of church organization, most elaborately traceable among Bapti s t s , also present f o r Presbyterians, Methodists and even Roman Catholics. Refinement of the i n t e l l i g e n c e of r e l i g i o n , and the education of the c h i l d r e n of the brethren, were understood not as immanent but as t i e d to increases i n r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , advancement, and the changing character of t o i l , i n short, to t o t a l change i n the organization of the society. With the penetrations into r u r a l regions of commodity markets, entrepreneurial c a l c u l a t i o n and the state apparatus, production, exchange and r u l e were a l l i n c r e a s i n g l y s o c i a l i z e d , i n c r e a s i n g l y involved envisioning of consequence, even a r t i c u l a t e strategy. So there were steps for the moral and j t h i c a l improvement of a g r i c u l t u r -a l i s t s , and concern f o r f i t t i n g people p o l i t i c a l l y to c o n t r o l and improve t h e i r society. As l i v e s were more s o c i a l and i n t e l l i g e n c e quotidian brought i n t o being by the abstract orderings of market and l e g i s l a t u r e — so the p r a c t i c e s of r e l i g i o n became more s o c i a l and i n t e l l i g e n t . I t s questions allowed as answers not the eruption of God's love but measured assent to the a r t i c l e s of b e l i e f . A l l t h i s — opening up the highest p o s i t i o n s i n the society to anew c l a s s , reforming the p r a c t i c e s i n which the boundaries of s o c i a l experience were formed — required colleges. The Anglican colleges had s e t t l e d i n t o place as reactionary bastions. The educational foundations of Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists and Roman Catholics were a l l understood to have both these aims. As such they were r e s i s t e d by the o l d powers. The p o l i t i c s of higher education was at one with the changing of "state power. A rash of dissenting educational a c t i v i t y coincided with the making of a f u l l y voiced challenge to the oligarchy 28 i n the 1820s and 1830s, and the wave of denominational college formations came ju s t as the t r a d i t i o n a l oligarchy l o s t i t s veto over government actions. Opening up education, i n the circumstances — the l o c a l econ-omy and p o l i t i c s being s e c t i o n a l and l o c a l needs having many f o c i of a r t i c u l a t i o n — meant that educational organization would be p l u r a l i s t i c . There was thus defined the p o l i t c i a l issue, of whether a l o c a l l y based i d e o l o g i c a l p l u r a l i s m would be granted the sanction of l e g i t i m a t i o n and finance by government.. This constituted an important l i n e of b a t t l e , both symbolic and p r a c t i c a l , between the r i s i n g communities and the oligarchy. Nova Scotia had the most substantial "middle c l a s s , ' the most elaborated forms of voluntary organization, the most extensive education-a l a c t i v i t y , and the most elaborate of educational b a t t l e s , of the three Maritime provinces. The f i r s t attempt to broaden higher educa-t i o n a l a c c e s s i b l i t y was made by Lt.-Gov. Dalhousie, i n s p i r e d by a dim view of both the prospects and the p o l i c i e s of King's College Windsor, which he intended to supplement with a college open to a l l C h r i s t i a n s . But i t s l i b e r a l character was a r t i f i c i a l , antedating the developments which would give s u b s t a n t i a l content to the terms used i n i t s j u s t i f i c a -t i o n s , as making knowledge of service to the populace. Dalhousie, and occasional e f f o r t s to merge King's College Windsor with i t , were squelched for two decades by a majority of those government.. o f f i c i a l s who sat on the boards of both i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Presbyterian academy at Pictou, and i t s charters and finances, were f o r 25 years a prime focus of c o n f l i c t between oligarchy and popular forces. When Baptists.entered the educational f i e l d , they too came to face the intransigence of the Council. 29 By the l a t e 1830s, with an array of u n s a t i s f i e d dissenting educational e f f o r t s and crumbling reacitonary power, i t appeared that the s i t u a t i o n was r i p e f o r change. There was a movement to form a pro-v i n c i a l u n i v e r s i t y , not denominationally l i m i t e d . A b i l l was passed to open Dalhousie on t h i s basis, but the p r o f e s s o r i a l appointments made by the reactionary rump board l e f t the college e x c l u s i v e l y Presby-t e r i a n . What then transpired was not the intended p r o v i n c i a l univer-s i t y but a rush of sectarian college formations, Baptist Acadia, Roman Catholic St. Mary's and St. Francis Xavier, Methodist Mt. A l l i s o n (which received Nova Scotian grants). Dalhousie i t s e l f collapsed. The :::moment of interdenominational co-operation was wasted. E f f o r t s soon made to create a s i n g l e , e f f i c i e n t , i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y respectable p r o v i n c i a l u n i v e r s i t y , and to suppress the s e c t i o n a l colleges, were shattered on the rocks of established denominational i n t e r e s t . They were i n advance of the p r a c t i c a l circumstances, the c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l organization, and, beyond i t , the broader economic forms, which would make them po s s i b l e . King's College Windsor was reformed, under denom-i n a t i o n a l rather than p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . There was established a p r i n -c i p l e and p r a c t i c e of higher education as a network of competing denom-i n a t i o n a l c o l l e g e s . In New Brunswick, where..extractive mercantilism sustained a reduced development of l o c a l l y based routines of production, and where l o c a l p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s had fragmented a f t e r gaining the Crown lands, i d e o l o g i c a l development usually occurred l a t e r than i n Nova Scotia and by a s p l i t t i n g p f f from i t . Dissenting educational a c t i v i t y was not c r u c i a l i n the reform process. There was l e s s an a r t i c u l a t i o n of popular educational needs than the p e r i o d i c h u r l i n g of a c e r b i t i e s at 30 exclusive, expensive, outmoded King's College Fredericton. The Baptist academy was r e s i s t e d i n the Council, but t h i s ended a f t e r 1840, when also the Methodist academy i n S a c k v i l l e was chartered. King's College Fredericton underwent some formal l i b e r a l i z a t i o n . . i n 1845 but to l i t t l e r e a l e f f e c t . With no l o c a l forms at the c o l l e g i a t e l e v e l , the t r a n s i t i o n to the p r o v i n c i a l u n i v e r s i t y f i f t e e n years l a t e r was hampered les s by vested i n t e r e s t s than by a resistance to higher education i n general. Local development was also r e l a t i v e l y stunted i n Prince Edward Island. Educational struggles there took the form of opposition between a government sponsored predominantly Protestant academy at Charlotte-town, and the Roman Catholic i n s t i t u t i o n s , ..St. Andrew's and St. Dunstan's. Each advance i n the status and funding of the Protestant i n s t i t u t i o n , the Catholics sought to have matched; but never with f u l l success. The colleges themselves had governance under the auspices of church and state — those two l a r g e s t massive organizations defining the boundaries and sense of s o c i a l l i f e . Governance bridged i n s t i t u t i o n s to t h e i r circumstances. Boards were selected from the e l i t e s of l o c a l organization — always e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , and with varying p a r t i c i -pation by lawyers and merchants. The means by which the surplus was diverted from i t s holders to c o l l e g i a t e finance was of a piece with other features of the co l l e g e s . The colleges of the p e t i t bourgeois era r e l i e d upon numer-ous small donations, supplemented by state revenues as p o l i t i c a l circumstances made these a v a i l a b l e . A l l the academies and colleges c o l l e c t e d t u i t i o n and a l l began with l o c a l c o l l e c t i o n s — most dramatic with the B a p t i s t s , whose Acadia was indeed b u i l t and sustained by a 31 mass of small donations. Occasionally there was i n d i v i d u a l p h i l a n -thropy of much greater magnitude than the ordinary run of g i f t s . In the educational p r a c t i c e of the colleges, much remained fundamentally as i t had been i n older forms. Curriculum continued to r e s t on the t r a d i t i o n a l basis of c l a s s i c s and mathematics, although human studies came by mid-century to have tinges of the i n v e s t i g a t i v e and explanatory, with the introductions of modern languages, and p o l i t -i c a l economy and natural philosophy. A close and thorough d i s c i p l i n e of student l i f e continued.. And teachers were s t i l l men whose moral and r e l i g i o u s character was considered to be of d e c i s i v e s i g n i f i c -ance. The bond ..of the students to college and teachers was sentimentally f u l l , concretized i n a panoply of r i t u a l objects and p r a c t i c e s . Though much remained the same., there was yet a sense of novelty i n the p r a c t i c e and e s p e c i a l l y the descriptions of the colleges. Much ideology about the r e l a t i o n s of knowledge to society r e f l e c t e d the basis of the colleges i n a r i s i n g bourgeoisie. In p a r t i c u l a r , the ideasc which came to hold sway were l i b e r a l . They were so. f i r s t i n the r e l a t i v e l y narrow sense of advocating equality of r i g h t , as against the sense of r e s t r i c t i o n and enforced p r i v i l e g e that had char-a c t e r i z e d the Anglican colleges. There was also a broader l i b e r a l sense that human destiny was the free making of the world, rather than any reverence or humility. Knowledge i t s e l f was described i n novel u t i l i t a r i a n terms. In a r t i c u l a t i n g t h e i r antagonism to t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i n d e f i n i n g a s e n s i b i l i t y about the new forms of education they were creating, men spoke of a knowledge f u l l of advantage, and leading to prosperity. These themes only took on a more concrete s i g n i f i c a n c e when they became a critque of the c l a s -32 s i c a l curriculum, as conceits not suited to the active employments of l i f e , and when natural science — as i f a new era were announced — provided a new lexicon and syntax of knowledge as u t i l i t y , as the a p p l i c a t i o n of p r i n c i p l e s to labour. The r h e t o r i c a l linkage of knowledge and prosperity, the s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s of retirement and a c t i v i t y , luxury and u t i l i t y , asserted i d e o l o g i c a l l y but did not explain the linkage of the colleges to the developing society. No c u r r i c u l a r content with d e f i n i t e u t i l i t y f i l l e d the r h e t o r i c . The colleges d i d not serve the production of wealth d i r e c t l y . But they did indeed serve that c l a s s whose expansion constituted prosperity, opening up to i t the r u l i n g p o s i t i o n s and t h e i r learned means. F i n a l l y , the l i b e r a l r h e t o r i c of knowledge as power also pene-t r a t e d the d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s lodging i n the i n d i v i d u a l . I t was s t i l l commonly sa i d that the aim of learning was a t o t a l character — but the definiteness of s i g n i f i c a t i o n o f ' t h i s changed. In the new forms of accounting f o r the place of knowledge within :the i n d i v i d u a l , the mind- — l i k e a l l the r e s t of the entrepreneurial character — was looking for something useful to do. The terms of mental d e s c r i p t i o n became powers, c a p a c i t i e s and f a c u l t i e s . The e f f e c t of education on them was not only d i s c i p l i n e but also improvement and enlargement. The powers of mind made the powers of society. Research for t h i s study began with c o l l e g i a t e h i s t o r y , dealing with the formal organization of i n s t i t u t i o n s , foundings, charters, statutes; struggles surrounding those; and l a r g e l y with p e r s o n a l i t i e s . Most c o l -lege^histories... are thick with l c y a l t y , with great accomplishments, ad-33 v e r s i t i e s and enemies overcome, even intramural errors and v i l l a i n s . More anecdotal sources — reminiscences, autobiographies and the l i k e — t o l d more about the immediate conduct of knowledgeable a c t i v i t i e s . S t i l l within the college walls — within events defined by t h e i r occur-rence within i n s t i t u t i o n a l boundaries — knowledge was not yet seen as part of society. The next requirement was e c c l e s i a s t i c a l ..history and some s o c i o l o g i c a l conceptualization of i t ; a l l the colleges were t i e d to churches, i f not by d i r e c t sponsorship then at l e a s t by l e s s structured l o y a l t y and opposition. F i n a l l y needed were economics and p o l i t i c s , or p o l i t i c a l economy. College and church h i s t o r y were them-selves i n part matters of p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t i e s and sanctions, and thus matters of state ..control. Likewise college and church depended upon l e v e l s of prosperity, upon the demand for educated p r a c t i t i o n e r s of various occupations, and indeed upon the t o t a l i t y of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s obtaining i n the society. Research found contiguity and correspondence and f i t of the various elements-of the society, the r e s t i n g point of explanation i n the whole. The production of the society/, and a l l that organized and aided i t were equally p o l i t i c a l and economic. Religious p r a c t i c e d i d not e x i s t outside of work and residence and p o l i t i c a l struggles f or r e l i g i o u s r i g h t s , outside a l l the other s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of those who worship, the mystery of those r e l a t i o n s , and the danger of a l l that tempts people away from them. The p r a c t i c e s and organizations of know-ledge were continuous with a l l the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the society. Research began within the p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere of the higher knowledge and then proceeded to a l l the other s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the society, as necessary to complete explanation. The 34 s p h e r e s o f t h e s o c i e t y t h e n t u r n e d o u t t o h a v e a c o n t i n u o u s c h a r a c t e r , s o t h a t I m a d e a p h r a s e , p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y a n d h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n . M y i n t e n t i o n t u r n e d o u t t o h a v e b e e n t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s o c i e t y w h o l e c l o t h . T h e o r d e r o f t h e w r i t i n g r e v e r s e s t h e o r d e r o f t h e r e s e a r c h . T h e f o c a l p o i n t o f h i s t o r i c a l m e t h o d ( f o r a l l t h o s e w r i t i n g a b o u t e v e n t s n o t w i t h i n l i v i n g m e m o r y ) i s t h e p l a c e o f d o c u m e n t s b e t w e e n e v e n t s t h e m s e l v e s a n d t h e i r h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l p r e s e n t a t i o n . T h e e v e n t s a r e p a s s e d , p a s t , b u t t r a c e s o f t h e m r e m a i n : b u i l d i n g s , w o r n s t a i r s a n d c h a i r s , p e r h a p s t r u n k f u l s o f c o l l e g e m e m o r a b i l i a s t o r e d a w a y i n a t t i c s . R e l i e d u p o n h e r e , d i r e c t l y o r i n d i r e c t l y , a r e d o c u m e n t s o f o n e s o r t o r a n o t h e r : l a w s , r e p o r t s o f l e g i s l a t i v e c o m m i t t e e s , s p e e c h e s , n e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e s , m i n u t e s a n d r e p o r t s o f c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d c o l l e g e b o a r d s o f g o v e r n o r s , r e m i n i s c e n c e s o f p a r t i c i p a n t s , a u t o b i o -g r a p h i e s , l e t t e r s , s o n g s , t r a v e l o g u e s , f i c t i o n s . O r i g i n a l d o c u m e n t s a r e p r o d u c e d b y t h e l i t e r a t e a n d s o m e -t i m e s a r t i c u l a t e o r e l o q u e n t p a r t i c i p a n t s i n e v e n t s , w h i c h t h e y a i m t o p r e s e n t t o o t h e r s d i s t a n t f r o m t h e m , i n t i m e , s p a c e o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g . D o c u m e n t s o f t e n f i t i n t o t h e g o v e r n a n c e o f a c t i v i t y , d e s c r i b i n g a c t i -v i t i e s a n d e x p e n d i t u r e s t o r e s p o n s i b l e s u p e r i o r s , p r o p o s i n g p r o g r a m m e s o f a c t i o n , c i r c u l a t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n t o t h o s e r e s p o n s i b l y c o n c e r n e d . D o c u m e n t s r e c o r d , a c c o u n t , d i s p l a y , v i n d i c a t e , c e l e b r a t e , d e n o u n c e , e x -p l a i n , e x p r e s s , o b s c u r e . T h e y a r e p r o d u c e d w i t h i n t h e m i l i e u o f t h e e v e n t s t h e y r e p o r t , b a s e d u p o n i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h t h e i r a u t h o r s , p o s s e s s a s p a r t i c i p a n t s , w r i t t e n t o b e r e a d b y o t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t s , d e s i g n e d w i t h t h e p u r p o s e o f t h e e v e n t s i n m i n d , u s i n g t h e . ^ o r d i n a r y m e t h o d s o f t h e i r s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s f o r m a k i n g a c c o u n t , a n d a s s u m i n g a s b a c k g r o u n d k n o w -l e g e w h a t t h e o r d i n a r y m e m b e r s o f t h e s c e n e w o u l d k n o w . 35 To write h i s t o r y one must acquire some of the competences of some of the members of the society, competences to read documents — i n order to display a c e r t a i n sense that they have. To read the documents, I had to learn to implicate my own understanding within the methods of de s c r i p t i o n used by those who produced them. To display t h e i r sense, I had to f i l l i n the society behind them, the background they leave out. i s In part thai/ f a c t u a l background: what i s the SPCK, how much money d i d Dalhousie get from the Nova Scotian l e g i s l a t u r e , who was Francis Wayland? There i s much background beyond such i n i t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n a l query, which i s p o t e n t i a l l y i n f i n i t e . Every answer can be questioned The f i l l i n g i n of the documentary background • t h a t i i s , of the society — i s i n pr a c t i c e defined i n the narrative and t h e o r e t i c a l structure of written h i s t o r y . The displayed sense of the documents then becomes the sense that they have for the h i s t o r i a n and the h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l problematic. Also used here are other h i s t o r i e s , accounts made up by other writers about what I write about. They provide most se l e c t i o n s from primary sources. Interpretations here are lin k e d with t h e i r s i n mult i f a r i o u s ways: used, reproduced, agreed with, extended, integrated, assimilated, made thematically e x p l i c i t , and opposed, found inadquate, ignored i n t h e i r b a n a l i t i e s . A l l t h i s i s occasionally v i s i b l e i n quotations, footnotes and e x p l i c i t discussion; and the process i s l a r g e l y t a c i t . The ordering and th e o r i z i n g of h i s t o r i c a l documents i s th i c k w i t h - i n e x p l i c i t procedure. Between o r i g i n a l events and historiography l i e s past document-making and -preserving procedures, and the present work of using and i n t e r p r e t i n g the documents and the information they bear. Document-making does not aim at objective reporting f o r h i s t o r i a n s 36 and s o c i o l o g i s t s . Interpretation does not proceed i n accordance with a f u l l y e x p l i c i t method. In a l l parts of the process there are undoubt-edly overlooking, error, ambiguity, s e l e c t i v i t y , ' i n e x p l i c i t n e s s of purpose, and the l i k e . There i s no ru l e that can lead through t h i s t h i c k e t with c l a r i t y and certainty/.- Some safeguards, however, I have attempted, a. Be e x p l i c i t about documentary sources of information and the context i n which they were produced, e.g., that the Anglican Bishop wrote a l e t t e r to his superiors i n England, i n condemnation of r e l i g i o u s enthusiasts, (b) Quote extensively, so that readers can follow i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n s , or dispute them. (cX Be c l e a r about the use of a document-ary account — whether taken over and used d i r e c t l y as de s c r i p t i o n , or mined f o r fact s that f i t present arguments, or presented as a v i s i b l e instance of some general pattern of a c t i v i t y or consciousness. My aim has been to formulate what people have done,.the p r a c t i c a l and conceptual c o n s t i t u t i o n , bodily a c t i v i t y ordered, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s assembled and accounted f o r , consciousness directed, i n making potatoes and square timber and country roads and railways and convocation ceremonies and Greek r e c i t a t i o n s and c o l l e c t i o n s of st u f f e d birds and denominational colleges. The t e s t or value of t h i s h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l account i s not p r e d i c t i o n , or completeness, but resonance i n experience. Does t h i s serve to order the material and the understanding of history? Can you use the h i s t o r i c a l questions and analysis yourself to make sense of i t , to make sense of other information, as a means of under-standing the production and experience of knowledge? CHAPTER I THE NEW MARITIMES This study deals substantively with higher education i n the Maritime provinces, dating from near the end of the eighteenth century. I t deals t h e o r e t i c a l l y with the s o c i a l conditions of the production of 'knowledge' i n that context. I t i s a sociology of knowledge which asks how knowledge arose as relevant to the a c t i v i t y of the society as a whole, how i t was i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , made a d i s t i n c t l y constituted form of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e . Let us begin with some h i s t o r i c a l background, the character of s o c i a l l i f e i n the Maritime provinces from the begin-nings of B r i t i s h sponsored settlement into- the nineteenth century. This consideration aims to explore the s i t u a t i o n of knowledge or learning (the terms were not then d i s t i n c t ) within the t o t a l way of l i f e , how the society's ordinary a c t i v i t i e s provided relevance to i t s knowledge-able a c t i v i t i e s . In p a r t i c u l a r we must consider the 'si t u a t i o n of 37 38 knowledge' with regard to the mode of production and to the p r a c t i c e of p o l i t i c s , out of which knowledge i s supported and which i n turn i t supports. We must begin with c e r t a i n matters of Empire, immigration and settlement — the immediate p o l i t i c a l determinations of early Maritime h i s t o r y . North America was, i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, an outpost of several competing European centres of world empires. The p a r t i c u l a r s of Maritime h i s t o r y must be understood within t h i s global p o l i t i c a l and economic, context. A f t e r the Revolution of 1642-9, England began to move aggres-s i v e l y forward i n struggles f o r trade and colonies. In the 1650s and .1660s, by a combination of r e s t r i c t i v e trade l e g i s l a t i o n and warfare, i t superseded Holland as the world's leading trading power, and captured New Holland. From the 1660s to the 1680s both England and France experienced growing North American imperial ambitions, focused on the con t r o l of i n t e r i o r f u r trade t e r r i t o r y and A t l a n t i c f i s h i n g grounds. In nearly a century of off-and-on warfare punctuated by peace t r e a t i e s , England gradually won imperial ascendancy. In North America i t secured Acadia, French Newfoundland, and Hudson Bay, by the Treaty of Utrecht i n 1713; Canada, by the Peace of Paris i n 1763 (Ryerson I960:130-98) . B r i t a i n had become the leading European imperial power, the centre of a global p o l i t i c a l and economic u n i t containing advanced and dependent economies. The dependent sectors produced a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-ducts and raw materials, purchased manufactured goods, and accepted c a p i t a l goods and migration. The colonies were e s s e n t i a l to B r i t a i n ' s wealth, economic expansion, and technological development i n the l a t e eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. I t i s arguable that the Empire was the c r u c i a l f actor i n c a t a l y z i n g the c l u s t e r of economic preconditions for the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution, providing the market expansion that made technological innovation possible or even necessary, explaining why i t began i n B r i t a i n i n the l a t e eighteenth century rather than another place or time. I t i s c l e a r at any rate that the Imperial ex-port market f o r B r i t i s h goods, divested of competition by war and c o l o n i z a t i o n , was of increasing importance i n the era before and during the development of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l society i n the Maritimes: between 1700 and 1770 export i n d u s t r i e s increased t h e i r output more than ten times as much as domestic industries.(Hobsbawm 1969:35-6, 48-54). P o l i t i c a l developments with England i t s e l f had brought the ascendancy of landlords and merchants, marked by c e r t a i n renowned pieces of l e g i s l a t i o n — the Navigation Acts, the Enclosure Acts, the Corn Laws. England's wealth and i t s l i b e r t y rested on trade and enter-p r i s e , i t s power on a'<.trade-minded navy. Mercantile i n t e r e s t s , and the maintenance of a navy for trade protection, were i d e n t i f i e d with the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t (MacNaughton 1947:1-5). The I n d u s t r i a l Revolution was not yet obvious or predominant, but private enterprise i n a l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l m i l i e u c e r t a i n l y was. A r i s t o c r a t s , wealthy and powerful though they were, knew to t r u s t i n commerce. Even the economy of r u r a l regions was pervaded by commodities, both produced and consumed. Already i n government p o l i c y , manufacturing i n t e r e s t s (protecting the B r i t i s h market and securing export markets) could hold t h e i r own against purely commercial i n t e r e s t s (free import and export trade) (Hobsbawm 1969:23-32). French Acadia, become B r i t i s h Nova Scotia, was slow to grow. I t was l i t t l e s e t t l e d before 1763, with perhaps 5000 inhabitants i n 40 the e n t i r e area. I t s settlement and development were generally ignored by the B r i t i s h , as they had been e a r l i e r by the French. The St. Lawrence, rather than the St. John, led to the great i n t e r i o r f u r -bearing areas, and monopoly was d i f f i c u l t to enforce i n the Maritimes. Generally speaking, to o f f i c i a l France and England Acadia seemed unimportant i n i t s e l f , but i n time of war i t assumed importance because of i t s r e l a t i o n to French and English i n t e r e s t s elsewhere. For external reasons, therefore, the country frequently changed hands but i n times of peace both France and England tended to neglect it.(MacNaughton 1947:27). The B r i t i s h d i d understand Acadia to have a c e r t a i n s t r a t e g i c s i g n i f i c a n c e , but only as a 'closed f r o n t i e r , ' a t e r r i t o r i a l b a r r i e r to the expansion of the r e s t i v e New England colonies. When Acadia was ceded by France, every e f f o r t was made to check New England influence i n the area. B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s were as jealous as the French o f f i c i a l s had been of the i n t e r -ference of Boston traders.... Throughout the period 1713 to 1744 B r i t i s h authority on the continent as well as French was s t e a d i l y increased at the expence of the freedom of acti o n of American peoples.... (Clark 1959':30). Individual s e t t l e r s were furthermore discouraged, e s p e c i a l l y i n the mainland area beyond the Isthmus of Chignecto, by the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y tenuousness of the area (MacNaughton 1947:27)... Communities of Acadian farmers, the m i l i t a r y and trading post at Annapolis, and a f i s h i n g v i l l a g e at Canso were v i r t u a l l y the only settlement u n t i l Hal-i f a x was established as a m i l i t a r y post i n 1749, and Lunenberg was s e t t l e d by German Protestants sh o r t l y thereafter. S h i f t s i n the extent and p o l i c y of the B r i t i s h Empire massively a l t e r e d the character of s o c i a l l i f e i n the Maritimes during the second h a l f of the eighteenth century. B r i t i s h p o l i c y f o r Nova Scotia f i r s t a l t e r e d during the f i n a l stages of the imperial struggles with France, i n order to combat Acadian and French influences i n the area. Much of the Acadian population of 10,000 was deported i n 1755, to l i m i t French 4 ! influence and protect the northeastern flank of New England, and to make the f e r t i l e dyked marshlands of the Acadians a v a i l a b l e f or r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . Then the p o l i t i c a l status of Nova Scotia was changed, to win needed New England m i l i t a r y support and to encourage settlement. In 1758, the year of the f a l l of Louisbourg, Nova Scotia was made a r o y a l colony with representative government and guarantees of r e l i g i o u s freedom — at the ins i s t e n c e of the Board of Trade and against the resistance of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s , i ncluding Governor Charles Lawrence. An i n v i t a t i o n to settlement was extended to New England farmers and fishermen i n 1759. This i n v i t a t i o n was given added force by the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which, i n order to provide time to p a c i f y troublesome Indians, had halted settlement west of the Alleghenies, and designated Quebec and Nova Scotia no longer mere outposts of the f i s h and fur trade but places where 'planting, perpetual settlement and c u l t i v a t i o n ought to be encouraged.' St. John's and Cape Breton Islands were annexed to Nova S c o t i a i n 1763, although the former again received a separate government i n 1769 (Creighton 1957:147-8; MacNutt 1965:57-61; MacNaugh-ton 1947:29-31; Clark 1959:35; Hamilton 1970a:86-8). The new B r i t i s h p o l i c y was followed by a northern migration, what Edmund Burke c a l l e d 'an overflowing of the exuberant population of New England,' from Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, i n t o Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Nova Scotia. In Nova Scotia the migrants s e t t l e d through the Annapolis V a l l e y and i n coas t a l towns along the south shore and the Bay of Fundy, Liverpool, Yarmouth, Annapolis Royal, Cobequid and Chignecto.(Hamilton 1970a:4-9). i n the lush mainland area, a r u s t i c community grew up at Maugerville on the St. John, and a number of traders operated from the mouth of the r i v e r . When the Acadians 42 were permitted i n 1764 to r e s e t t l e i n dispersed groups, a number located themselves on the Bay of Chaleur i n the northeast. Further settlement was i n h i b i t e d by the co n t r o l of r i c h areas along the lower St. John by monopolistic land speculators. As freehold tenure was the common form of landholding i n the colonies, few would accept the p o s i t i o n of tenants (MacNutt 1963:1-7). The New England migration was slowed by the opening of the Ohio Va l l e y to settlement i n 1768 (MacNaughton 1947:31). Nova Scotian population increased, between 1763 and 1775, from 2000 to 18,000, inclu d i n g perhaps 2000 Foreign Protestants, 1000 immigrants from Yorkshire, and a few Scots. New Englanders made up h a l f the population.(Creighton 1957:150; Beck 1957:6; Hamilton 1970a 5) . The migration brought a l a s t i n g New England influence: Every family narrative and every d e s c r i p t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l development — churches and schools — ind i c a t e how completely the new Nova Scotia was the c h i l d of New England. Ministers and schoolmasters came along with the farmers and t h e i r imprint upon the impressionable society was so deep that the inflow of b i t t e r and determined L o y a l i s t s two decades l a t e r could not efface i t . To many Nova Scotians f o r several decades, New England was considered home.. (M.L. Hansen, The Mingling of  the Canadian and American Peoples, New Haven, 1940, 35, quoted i n Hamilton 1970a':"7; c f . Clark 1959:69-70). A second famed migration from the south occurred at the end of the American Revolution. Perhaps one-third of the residents of the 'revolting colonies' (in the estimate of John Adams, among others) main-tained l o y a l t y to the Crown. Most middle and southern colonies had at l e a s t large m i n o r i t i e s of l o y a l inhabitants; New York, Pennsylvania, and Georgia had m a j o r i t i e s . Although they came from a l l c lasses, ''the L o y a l i s t s were most numerous among those classes which had most to lose by the change, and l e a s t numerous among those classes which had l e a s t to lose! (Wallace 1921:16). Various motivations f o r l o y a l t y were expressed: 43 sympathy with conservative p r i n c i p l e s , e s p e c i a l l y those of the English Tory Party, resentment of early mob violence by the r e b e l l i o u s c o l o n i s t s , outrage at the r e b e l l i o n ' s unexpected s h i f t to the aim of independence, even miscalculated opportunism. Some L o y a l i s t s , Imperial o f f i c i a l s and wealthy landowners, were charged with treason. Some fought alongside B r i t i s h troops i n the f i f t y or so L o y a l i s t u n i t s , whose a t r o c i t i e s , magnified i n the t e l l i n g , fanned a n t i - L o y a l i s t resentments. Some simply refused to support the rebels, and then to subscribe to p a t r i o t i c t e s t s . They suffered mob actions against themselves and t h e i r property, i n c l u d i n g personal p h y s i c a l humiliations such as t a r r i n g and feathering and r i d i n g the r a i l s . L egally, they were subjected f i r s t to disarming and r e t e n t i o n , then to t e s t s of l o y a l t y , and f i n a l l y to f i n e s and taxes upon and confiscations of t h e i r property (Wallace 1921:7-44; E l l s 1967: 45-9) . As the war proceeded, thousands of L o y a l i s t s crowded in t o Long Island, a B r i t i s h stronghold and L o y a l i s t r e t r e a t . 'Unfortunately, an unwarranted optimism and a pathetic b e l i e f i n the power and w i l l of the B r i t i s h government to r i g h t t h e i r wrongs, combined with a flamboyant l o c a l press pitched upon that note, had not prepared them f o r the shock which was to come.'. (Bradley 1932:114). That shock was the end of war and the Peace of P a r i s . In 1782 the North ministry i n England f e l l , and the Whigs under Shelburne came in t o o f f i c e , ready to end the war, and to p r o p i t i a t e the Americans to secure t h e i r goodwill i n trade. B r i t i s h negotiators at V e r s a i l l e s were p r o f l i g a t e with the t e r r i t o r y and resources of the future B r i t i s h North America. At the outset they were even prepared to surrender Nova Scotia and Canada. In the end they ceded to the rebels fur trade t e r r i t o r y i n the west, f i s h i n g r i g h t s i n " 44 Nova Scotia and Newfoundland inshore waters, and r i g h t s to land on c e r t a i n unsettled shores f o r curing and drying. For the L o y a l i s t s , B r i t i s h bargainers could secure only the recommendation of the Congress to the States that property be returned to those who had not fought against the United States, and that there be no more prosecutions or c o n f i s c a t i o n s . These recommendations were ignored.(Wallace 1921:42-52; Bradley 1932:115-16; MacNutt 1965:36-9; MacNutt 1963: 12-15). Shelburne became a bete noire to L o y a l i s t s , who f o r the moment could see themselves as i s o l a t e d , surrendered to the vengeful Americans by the betraying B r i t i s h . Guy Carleton, Commander i n Chief of B r i t i s h forces i n America, faced disorder and i n c i p i e n t r e b e l l i o n at New York. He made plans f o r a massive emigration, and promised L o y a l i s t s a haven outside the revolted colonies (MacNutt 1963:17-19). Altogether one hundred thousand L o y a l i s t s l e f t the t h i r t e e n colonies. About one-third of these returned to England, in c l u d i n g most of the wealthy and i n f l u -e n t i a l . Twenty to t h i r t y thousand went to F l o r i d a and the West Indies, and s i x thousand to Quebec. T h i r t y thousand, i n the estimate of Governor John Parr, a r r i v e d i n Nova Scotia by the end of 1783, more than doubling the e x i s t i n g population. Among the population of a new colony, a m i l i t a r y outpost, place of f r o n t i e r settlement and staple trade, and haven f o r p o l i t i c a l refugees, there came to be seen c e r t a i n needs of knowledge and i n s t i t u t i o n s to p r o v i d e l i t . I want here to consider the background against which t h i s perception occurred. Spheres existed i n which a c t i v i t y was conducted with regard to formalized and abstract components, to developed bodies of knowledge and l i t e r a t e p r a c t i c e s of administration — i n the realms of the preconditions of production, i n the state and the professions. The conceptualization of knowledge and ignorance, and place f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of knowledge, a l l had reference to r u l i n g , to the management of the boundaries of s o c i a l l i f e , to domination within economic and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . In p a r t i c u l a r , the i n t e l l e c t u a l apex of the society was manned by members of i t s p o l i t i c o - e c c l e s i a s t i c a l o l igarchy. The discourse surrounding the formation of the e a r l i e s t colleges was a l l r e l a t e d to the state and the s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of Imperial r u l e . Let us consider the state and p o l i t i c s . P o l i t i c s , controversy and decision-making within the state, i s the t r a d i t i o n a l s t u f f of h i s t o r i e s . P o l i t i c s i s accessible through documents. Within i t the general character of the society and i t s oppositions i s manifested. At the same time the s i g n i f i c a n t lineaments of the society are there so c l o s e l y focused, conducted within merely i m p l i c i t boundaries, clouded by accidents of leadership s k i l l and convenient c o a l i t i o n and v i c i s s i t u d e s of strategy, that they may be d i f f i c u l t to discern. My w r i t i n g here about p o l i t i c s i s therefore purposefully schematic, abstracted. The themes of p o l i t i c s showed an underlying s i m i l a r i t y i n the various provinces, i n s p i t e of t h e i r various circumstances of founding and sources of population. That basic pattern — m o s t roughly stated, that Imperial r u l e , with i t s concomitant mercantile e x p l o i t a t i o n and p a r a s i t e o l i g a r c h i e s , was seen to hamper l o c a l development and on that account was b i t t e r l y opposed — suggests an underlying s i m i l a r i t y of c l a s s s i t u a t i o n s and extent of p o l i t i c a l development. The character of l o c a l domination followed from the Imperial domination (cf. Clark 1959:235). Government as the creation of an external 46 Imperial force was c e n t r a l i z e d as a matter of course, posted from England or r a i s e d i n the colonies, based i n the p r o v i n i c a l c a p i t a l s . C e n t r a l i z a t i o n was consistent with the anti-democratic tenor of Imperial thinking, with the system of Imperial economic e x p l o i t a t i o n which gave p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment to large traders with t i e s to the c o l o n i a l centres, with the land-granting powers of o f f i c i a l s (who often had land i n t e r e s t s themselves), with the intended r e l i g i o u s hegemony of the Church of England, and with the concentration of defence forces i n c o l o n i a l centres. There was created then a concentration of p o l i t i c a l and economic and e c c l e s i a s t i c powers i n the hands of l o c a l o l i g a r c h i e s . The colonies were p o l i t i c a l l y r uled and economically exploited by o f f i c i a l s , landowners, merchants and Churchmen, the l o c a l b e n e f i c i a r i e s and representatives of the Imperial system. These groups assumed the guise of petty a r i s t o c r a c i e s , apeing En g l i s h ways. The popular assemblies bestowed upon the Maritime provinces (and, a f t e r 1791, upon Upper and Lower Canada) were r e l a t i v e l y weak, and came only gradually to assert t h e i r powers over the next h a l f century. I n i t i a l l y , the f i n a l power of p o l i t i c a l d e cision was executive. I t was shared by Governors, answerable to London, and quasi-hereditary Councils, composed of members of the o f f i c i a l , landholding and mercantile e l i t e , growing r i c h on the proceeds of administration and commerce. The formation of the oligarchy commenced with the B r i t i s h Conquest. I t had been expected i n some quarters that the Conquest would bring a revolution i n the p o l i t i c a l organization of the northern colonies, make Nova Scotia a copy of the older colonies and turn Quebec to rfree enterprise, democracy and Protestantism. But B r i t i s h p o l i c y a f t e r 1764 aimed rather to r e - e s t a b l i s h the l i n e s of the French Empire, g i v i n g the 47 northern colonies not the l i b e r t i e s and trade r e l a t i o n s of New England but r e s t r i c t i v e governments and d i r e c t trading l i n k s to Europe.(Clark 1959:39-40; on Quebec c f . Ryerson 1960:204-9) . Governor Lawrence i n Nova Scotia ran an o l i g a r c h i c government, while the p r o v i n c i a l . Assembly was c o n t r o l l e d by Hal i f a x i n t e r e s t s , o f f i c i a l s and e s p e c i a l l y the clique of merchants and war contractors whose ch i e f was Joshua Mauger. In the f i r s t Assembly (1758), 17 of 22 members were from Ha l i f a x (Hamilton 1970a:27). The most elaborated a r t i c u l a t i o n of o l i g a r c h i c a l r u l i n g , both p r a c t i c a l l y and i d e o l o g i c a l l y , took place within the 'second B r i t i s h North American Empire.' At the close of the American revolution, Nova Scotia abruptly assumed a new s i g n i f i c a n c e . I t was the main centre of English-speaking population to remain within the Empire. I t was the haven promised to L o y a l i s t s . And i t was a candidate f o r the o l d commer-c i a l p o s i t i o n of the revolted colonies, e s p e c i a l l y i n the t r i a n g u l a r trade. Likewise the population was suddenly dominated by p o l i t i c a l l y i n s p i r e d 'honourable e x i l e s ' (as they were s t y l e d by the Bishop of Oxford i n a sermon of 1784) (Hind 1890:11-12). Forced on p o l i t i c a l grounds to abandon t h e i r homes i n the t h i r t e e n colonies, they were prone to strong anti-American and anti-republican sentiments. They c e r t a i n l y were concerned with the economic and p o l i t i c a l order and v i a b i l i t y of t h e i r new colony. Among both B r i t i s h Imperial o f f i c i a l s and L o y a l i s t leaders there was, during and a f t e r the revolution, a rethinking of c o l o n i a l order and the means of making i t r e a l i a b l y l o y a l , conducted at a distance from the actual circumstances of Nova Scotia. This rethinking can be interpreted as an attempt to preserve the impact of B r i t i s h 48 conservatism: ...many of the B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s , many L o y a l i s t s , and l a t e r many immigrants f e l t t h i s conservatism very strongly. I t was an inchoate desire to b u i l d , i n these co l d and f o r b i d -ding regions, a society with a greater sense of order and r e s t r a i n t than freedom-loving republicanism would allow. I t was no better defined than a kind of suspicion that we i n Canada could be less lawless and have a greater,, sense of propriety than the United States (Grant 1965:70) . This vague sense of propriety was held dear, but there were also more concrete d e f i n i t i o n s of the good society. Post-revolutionary I m p e r i a l i s t and L o y a l i s t i d e o l o g i s t s thought i n consciously reactionary terms about the c o n s t i t u t i o n of a p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l order i n which the conditions that had encouraged r e v o l t i n the t h i r t e e n colonies would not be repeated. The view that there had been an excess of democracy allowed the o l d colonies, an excess which should be c u r t a i l e d , was prevalent. I t was argued that dissenters had fomented revolution, and that the orthodox state church ought be f i r m l y embedded i n the remaining colonies. Some claimed that an agrarian a r i s t o c r a c y was the r e q u i s i t e foundation of l o y a l t y to the King. In Britain,..for example, William Knox, Undersecretary i n the American Department between 1770 and 1782, and thereafter u n o f f i c i a l advisor to government ministers and an active member of the Society f o r the Propagation of the Gospel ('the twin p i l l a r s of his conviction were the Laws of Trade and Navigation and the establishment of the-" Church of- England') had already proposed the establishment of a New Ireland i n the area north of Massachusetts, ruled by a landholding gentry and a Council which would curb the democratic power, with an established Church of England to insure l o y a l t y (MacNutt 1963:11-12, 42-46). 49 In North America, there was a g i t a t i o n f o r a new order which f i r s t and foremost would recognize that L o y a l i s t s had stood by the Empire, and reward them f o r i t . As one pamphlet put i t , In d i r e c t consequence of t h i s virtuous and meritorious conduct t h e i r persons have been at t a i n t e d , t h e i r estates confiscated, sold and appropriated to the use of the rebel usurpation, and many of them, possessed of affluence and a degree of happiness surpassed by that of no people i n any country upon earth, have devoted the whole of t h e i r fortunes and t h e i r f e l i c i t y to a r e l i g i o u s observance of the conditions and duties of society, and to the national s a f e t y . ( E l l s 1967:52). Furthermore the B r i t i s h government had a f t e r 1775 co n s i s t e n t l y held out promise of rewards f o r l o y a l t y , and L o y a l i s t s expected at l e a s t to be compensated f o r t h e i r losses ( E l l s 1967:52-4). Although many Loyal-i s t s may have wanted merely a chance to begin l i f e anew, there i s d i s c e r n i b l e among the prominent and powerful an ambition f o r a .society dominated by a L o y a l i s t e l i t e whose basis of supremacy was i n land p r o p r i e t o r s h i p and Imperial government. L o y a l i s t i n f l u e n t i a l s , however, found t h e i r eminence contested i n Nova S c o t i a . O f f i c e s and even land grants were slow to be won. .. In these circumstances the formation of a separate L o y a l i s t province was conceived, a c i t a d e l of conservatism and propriety among the settlement along the St. John River, where numerous L o y a l i s t s , some prominent, had been att r a c t e d by the glowing reports of t h e i r agents. One s a i d : At the mouth of the r i v e r i s a fine harbour, accessible at a l l seasons of the year.... There are many s e t t l e r s along the r i v e r upon the i n t e r v a l land, who get t h e i r l i v i n g e a s i l y . The i n t e r v a l l i e s on the r i v e r , and i s a most f e r t i l e s o i l , annually matured by the overflowing of the r i v e r , and produces crops of a l l kinds with l i t t l e labour, and vegetables i n the greatest p e r f e c t i o n (quoted i n Wallace 1921: 72). The area was a t t r a c t i v e too because of i t s distance from Halifax authority. There was some o f f i c i a l encouragement to settlement, for m i l i t a r y console . 50 i d a t i o n . Fourteen thousand L o y a l i s t s , including the ' p r o v i n c i a l army,' had come to the north of the Bay of Fundy, the future New Brunswick (MacNutt 1963:25-9, 41; Wallace 1921:71-3). L o y a l i s t leaders i n New York had already schemed for a separate province, and t h e i r desire to elude the c o n t r o l of Governor Parr whetted t h e i r i n t e r e s t . They received support from Guy Carleton, who, convinced that L o y a l i s t domination was e s s e n t i a l to continued B r i t i s h r u l e , advocated the s p l i t i n London. (Carleton had not only been Commander-in-Chief of B r i t i s h forces i n America, but also was a former Governor of Quebec who had been much taken by i t s h i e r a r c h i c a l and a u t h o r i t a r i a n temper, and had delayed the introduction of English law and representative government:) They received support a l s o from the B r i t i s h government advisor William Knox, who hoped to see h i s image of New Ireland r e a l i z e d i n New Brunswick. In June of 1784 the new province was created. Thomas Carleton, brother of Guy, accepted the Governorship. He s a i l e d from England, bringing with him a retinue of successful office-seekers, Massachusetts and New York L o y a l i s t s with c l e r i c a l , l e g a l , and m i l i t a r y backgrounds. A man of e x c l u s i v e l y m i l i t a r y i n t e r e s t s , Carleton i s said to have en-v i s i o n e d the c o l o n i z a t i o n 'after the fashion of a Roman occupation of a l i e n t e r r i t o r y ' (MacNutt 1963:48). The old inhabitants, and likewise most of the new, were unrepresented i n the new government of L o y a l i s t p a t r i c i a n s (Wallace 1921:77-81; E l l s 1967:55-9; MacNutt 1965:91, 95-102; MacNutt.1963:11-12, 42-53; Creighton 1957:172-3, 175-6). As the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p e r q u i s i t e s of power came to be s e t t l e d a f t e r the L o y a l i s t i n f l u x , those representing the imperial '... i n t e r e s t and those fortunate to command i t s favour were entrenched i n 51 each province. The operation of New Brunswick p o l i t i c s before 1800 i s described i n t h i s way by S.D. Clark: ...trade had not developed to the point where i t had become a major force i n government, and the concentration of power rested upon a simple but highly e f f e c t i v e system of e x p l o i - ; t a t i o n of the colony's two main resources of the time, land and o f f i c e s , by a small, s o c i a l l y p r i v i l i g e d group of people situated l a r g e l y i n the c a p i t a l of the province, the c i t y of Fredericton. The a c q u i s i t i o n of much of the best land of the colony by a few favoured L o y a l i s t s , the l o c a t i o n of the c a p i t a l i n Fredericton rather than i n the older and more highly developed c i t y of Saint John, the appointment of the l o c a l land-owning a r i s t o c r a c y to p o s i t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e , the continuous and over-riding concern of the govern-ment with problems of defence to the neglect of the i n t e r e s t s of commerce, the deep d i s t r u s t , on the part of the Lt.-Governor and the o f f i c i a l s surrounding him, of any expression of a democratic s p i r i t — a l l these r e f l e c t e d the dominance i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the province of a c l a s s whose main preoccupa-t i o n became that of maintaining i t s p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n (Clark 1959:164-5). That c l a s s ' s dominance was marked i n the New Brunswick Council, which was e n t i r e l y Anglican u n t i l 1817, was both an executive body and the upper house of the l e g i s l a t u r e u n t i l 1833, and met i n secret u n t i l 1834. Longevity and nepotism made f o r the continued ascendancy of a few f a m i l i e s , among whom.the word 'democracy' was a curse (MacNaughton 1947: 38) . ..: o .. Much the same d e s c r i p t i o n could be made of Nova Scotia, except f o r the continuing s i g n i f i c a n c e of merchants i n i t s p o l i t i c a l e l i t e . L o y a l i s t s too won place i n that e l i t e , which was c e r t a i n a f t e r the accession of John Wentworth to the Governorship i n 1792. Wentworth was a L o y a l i s t , a s t r i c t conservative with strong fears of republicanism, and a s k i l l e d p r a c t i t i o n e r of patronage. The Nova Scotian Council was a l s o both executive and l e g i s l a t i v e , and i t s members were often linked by family connections. The Chief J u s t i c e was a member u n t i l 1837, the Anglican Bishop u n t i l 1851 (Hamilton 1970a:27, 67^8). 52 Prince Edward Island too had i t s oligarchy, of o f f i c i a l s and landowners. There were continuing personal and family t i e s among them, although there were also unique d i v i s i o n s , of conservative landowners on the one hand, and those o f f i c i a l s who favoured escheat as conducive to settlement and prosper i t y , on the other. Contrary to the sentimental hopes of Imperialist and L o y a l i s t thinkers, p u b l i c l i f e i n the Maritime colonies did not r e a l i z e a model of the s e t t l e d a r i s t o c r a c y with firm l o y a l t y and gentlemanly deportment. B i t t e r f i g h t s f i l l e d a l l t h e i r e a r l y years. From the outset i t was c l e a r that the id e a l s of so many L o y a l i s t apologists had no true basis i n r e a l i t y ; instead of unity and obedience the great p o l i t i c a l f a c t was dissent (MacNutt 1963:63). Opposition to the oligarchy i n each of i t s aspects arose from the deprived^ i n each of t h e i r s . The c a p i t a l s were opposed by country people, mercantile i n t e r e s t s by s e t t l e r s and small traders, landlords by the landless, Anglicans by dissenters, the elegant by the poor. From the ea r l y New England s e t t l e r s i n Nova Scotia there were p e t i t i o n s against Governor Lawrence, h i s a r b i t r a r i n e s s and contempt fo r trade, industry and a g r i c u l t u r e ; against the appropriation of pu b l i c funds for p r i v a t e uses; f o r s u f f i c i e n t laws, f o r bounties to encourage the l o c a l economy, and f o r the allowance of town meetings. Governor Francis Legge, who a r r i v e d i n 1773, even made an attack on f i n a n c i a l corruption.(MacNutt 1965:77-80). But against these attacks government and the Ha l i f a x c l i q u e that dominated government and commerce proved s o l i d l y entrenched. Local representatives d i d not s i g n i f i c a n t l y augment t h e i r powers. Dissent was l i m i t e d by the poverty and fragmentation of the outsettlements, the lack of town meetings and a l o c a l press. P o l i t i c a l 53 calm was reported u n t i l o f f i c i a l fear increased as the r e v o l t of the older t h i r t e e n colonies neared (Clark 1959:41-2, 53-6; Creighton 1957:150). One needs not invoke a repugnance f o r republican p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and American d i s o r d e r l i n e s s , or an unswerving l o y a l t y to the King, to explain the f a i l u r e of the northern colonies to j o i n i n the r e v o l t of the 1770s. There were i n Nova Scotia, e s p e c i a l l y i n o u t l y i n g communities, both grievances and support for the r e v o l u t i o n . Much a c t i v i t y during the revolutionary period -- smuggling, town meet-ings, the Newlight r e l i g i o u s r e v i v a l — were i m p l i c i t l y subversive, ' l o c a l uprisings of population d i r e c t e d against a l l outside authority.' There were some l o c a l m i l i t a r y organization and e f f o r t s to make contact with American forces, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Cumberland peninsula and the west. As the fears of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s grew, town meetings were outlawed. Of course, revolution was held i n check. General Washington and the Continental Congress, seeing the necessity of long supply l i n e s and doubting active l o c a l support, refused to sanction an invasion (although a small force came anyway, from Maine). B r i t i s h m i l i t a r y and e s p e c i a l l y naval s u p e r i o r i t y was c l e a r . Resistance broke down with B r i t i s h force. And as Maritime communities began to s u f f e r from rebel p r i v a t e e r i n g r a i d s , there was more f e e l i n g against the revolution and more hope f o r B r i t i s h protection (Clark 1959:56-74, 103-10; MacNutt 1963:7-10; MacNutt 1965:81-6; Ryerson 1960:219-21). The settlement of L o y a l i s t s and the working out of an accomo-dation of a l l the groups resident i n the Maritimes, added to the sources of p o l i t i c a l complexity and contentiousness. The circumstances of the 54 i n i t i a l L o y a l i s t settlement produced an atmosphere to which W.S. MacNutt applies such epithets as chagrin, jealousy, resentment and suspicion. The i n f l u x was an administrative nightmare and, f o r many, a personal horror. The colony was nicknamed Nova Sc a r c i t y . The supply of B r i t i s h largesse i n the form of t o o l s , provisions, and b u i l d i n g materials was uncertain. D i s c i p l i n e began to break down i n the p r o v i n c i a l army, and leaders feared mass violence, e s p e c i a l l y as the p r i v a t i o n s of the f i r s t winter worsened (Bradley 1932:160-61). Furthermore, the L o y a l i s t s clashed with established power i n the Maritimes on many-levels. L o y a l i s t experience and ambitions combined to produce a strong antipathy to a l l the e a r l i e r inhabitants of Nova Scotia, Acadians, previous New England immigrants, established merchants and o f f i c i a l s . They had not suffered i n the revo l u t i o n , indeed had often benefited from i t ; and they stood i n the way of L o y a l i s t hegemony. L o y a l i s t aims were p a r t i c u l a r l y thwarted by the entrenched cabal of o f f i c i a l s , merchants and war contractors who dominated the Hal i f a x l e g i s l a t u r e and had strong influence i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . They were seen as war p r o f i t e e r s who had won opulence i n the war that ruined L o y a l i s t s , and were suspected of a republican turn of mind or a s e l f i s h n e s s which harboured further disorders. The governor was John Parr, a Shelburne appointee whom L o y a l i s t s detested, an old s o l d i e r who wanted to f i n i s h out his days i n t r a n q u i l l i t y but was burdened with the L o y a l i s t s . He was seen to oppose L o y a l i s t i n t e r e s t s , or, at best, to be incompetent, bungling land grants and the pr o v i s i o n of supplies. L o y a l i s t i n s i s t e n c e on s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e and ambition to serve as government functionaries i n turn roused p r e - L o y a l i s t i r e . Their r e l e n t -l e s s p e t i t i o n s f o r o f f i c e s , and f o r haste i n the granting of land, evoked 56 administrative resentment. To Parr the L o y a l i s t s were 'a cursed set of dogs...they f r e t and vex me.' Parr's imminent replacement was at f i r s t widely expected. Then a change i n the B r i t i s h ministry restored h i s confidence, and he became more f o r c e f u l . In e f f e c t he took the side of small freeholders i n land disputes i n the St. John V a l l e y , causing a number of the l a r g e r land grants to be cut (Beck 1957:14; MacNaughton 1947:23-5; MacNutt 1963:36-8). F i n a l l y , there were ample bases f o r contention among L o y a l i s t s themselves. P o t e n t i a l oligarchs were few, and many others had reason to oppose them. Most of the r i c h had returned to England. MacNutt writes: Contrary..to a great deal that has been written, they could not be considered a s e l e c t group of the population of the former t h i r t e e n colonies. For a time there was a surplus of educated gentlemen i n search of o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . A few great households appeared.... But education and wealth were i n equally short supply. The L o y a l i s t s represented a good cross-section of the population of the r e b e l l i o u s colonies. The vast majority d i d not have a superior education (MacNutt 1963:41).. Many of the Maritime s e t t l e r s were ordinary ccraftsmen, mechanics and farmers. The men i n the f i r s t shipload of L o y a l i s t s entering what would become New Brunswick were 24 craftsmen and 36 farmers.(Baird 1890:121). Many were subsistence farmers, even among those who aspired to a more gentlemanly s t y l e of l i f e but found that with no tenants a v a i l a b l e when freehold land was common they had to go i n t o the f i e l d s themselves. Their new r u r a l neighbours included people who had been revolutionary sympathizers. F i n a l l y many L o y a l i s t s , contrary t o the assumption of t h e i r leaders, were non-Anglicans.;. and c e r t a i n l y not sympathetic to a clergy which thought i t s e l f e n t i t l e d to generous l i v i n g s (Bumstedc'1967:48) . Governor Parr even blamed the newly heated p o l i t i c a l atmosphere on the 57 L o y a l i s t s themselves. The tendency of the Nova Scotia Assembly to attack the Council and the j u d i c i a r y , he said, ' e n t i r e l y proceeds from a cursed factious party s p i r i t , which was never known here before the emigration of the L o y a l i s t s , who brought with them those l e v e l l i n g repub-l i c a n p r i n c i p l e s ' (quoted i n Clark 1959:133; c f . MacNutt 1963:150-6). The i n i t i a l c o n f l i c t s that divided L o y a l i s t s concerned land. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y there were widespread rumours of in t r i g u e s to deprive people of land. The c l e a r e s t focus of t h i s s t r i f e was perhaps the memorial of 55 L o y a l i s t 'gentlemen, clergy and merchants' who claimed to have l o s t fortunes and superior s o c i a l standing i n the t h i r t e e n colonies, and asked f o r land grants of 5000 acres each. Against what could be seen as the ambition f o r a landholding a r i s t o c r a c y , there was widespread pamphleteering, some of the 55 were personally attacked, and dissensions appeared among them over who was r i g h t f u l l y e n t i t l e d to such s p e c i a l consideration. The eventual i n s t r u c t i o n s of the B r i t i s h government with regard to land grants d i d not acceed to the memorial (MacNutt 1963:32-6; MacNaughton 1947:23; Wallace 1921:73-7). A f t e r the accomodation of the L o y a l i s t s by t h e i r reward within Nova Scotia and the separation of New Brunswick, they f i t i n t o t h e i r various natural places within the oppositions of c a p i t a l s and commercial centres versus farmers and small traders i n the outsettlements, oligarchs versus popular representatives, Anglicans versus dissenters. Their o r i g i n s perhaps a l t e r e d sentiment and r h e t o r i c , but seldom d i s c e r n i b l y influenced p o l i t i c a l alignment. The ent i r e period from the L o y a l i s t settlement i n t o the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century was p o l i t i c -a l l y highly^ contentious. The issues that were recu r r e n t l y d i s r u p t i v e can be summarized under a few headings. 58 The pervasive o l i g a r c h i c a l c o n t r o l of the o f f i c i a l functions of the society was frequently c r i t i c i z e d , often challenged and sometimes changed. The ubiquity of the Nova Scotian oligarchy, was noted i n the Assembly's opposition to the chartering of a p r o v i n c i a l bank at whose head were the f a m i l i a r names of leading merchants and o f f i c i a l s . One Assemblyman sai d : Yes s i r give them only a bank, allow them only to issue paper, permit them to deal i n bonds and s e c u r i t i e s you confirm t h e i r power, you give them new influence, you enable them to lay t h e i r paw upon every freeholder i n the country.... (quoted i n Beck 1957:30). The remoteness of l e g a l and administrative functions concentrated i n the c a p i t a l s was a source of inconvenience and resentment to the people i n the outsettlements. For some time only a tenuous p o l i t i c a l t i e l i n k e d H a l i f a x to Nova Scotian outsettlements (Clark 1959:138). In New Brunswick, judges refused to hold c i r c u i t c ourts;.for which they were not paid expenses. The l e g a l monopoly of Fredericton was e s p e c i a l l y resented i n the growing commercial port of St. John, which was even governed by provincial-appointed o f f i c e r s of a c i t y corporation, created by Thomas Carleton. The high s a l a r i e s , l a v i s h expenditures and corruption of o f f i c i a l s were a l s o singled out f o r attack. The most s i g n i f i c a n t episode was the widely supported attack by two L o y a l i s t republican attorneys i n Nova Scotia i n the 1790s, on apparent j u d i c i a l abuses among c e r t a i n j u s t i c e s of the Supreme Court (Clark 1959:131-3; Ryerson 1960:288; MacNutt 1965:124). The country people, at l e a s t u n t i l some came to be dependent on the Imperial staple trade, had no i n t e r e s t i n bounties and trade r e s t r i c t i o n s that protected Imperial commerce and larger traders i n 59 St. John's and H a l i f a x , and no i n t e r e s t i n t a r i f f s except as a source of revenue. In f i s h i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , big traders wanted f i s h bounties paid on the number of quintals exported to the West Indies, while outports fishermen, often smuggling to New England, wanted them paid on the tonnage of f i s h i n g vessels. The prerogatives of the Anglican Church were not a major focus of c r i t i c i s m during t h i s period, as there were not other.organizations with churchly pretensions. I t s claim to exclusive p r i v i l e g e s i n the marriage sacrament, however, di d impinge upon many and was sharply attacked. More p o s i t i v e l y , country people wanted f o r themselves govern-ment p o l i c i e s and expenditures which would f a c i l i t a t e land settlement — f i r s t the easy a v a i l a b i l i t y of land grants and the taxation of unim-proved lands (Beck 1957:46), and l a t e r , road and bridge b u i l d i n g grants. Within the p o l i t i c a l sphere i t s e l f , l o c a l representatives a l s o sought r i g h t s to i n i t i a t e money b i l l s and to name commissioners of l o c a l works, and payment for t h e i r services. The House of Assembly opposed the Governor and Council, i n circumstances reminiscent of the pre-revolutionary s i t u a t i o n i n the t h i r t e e n colonies, as p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s assumed t h e i r most c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and ominous guise. This confrontation . was most dramatic i n New Brunswick, where the Assembly, with s t e a d i l y increasing opposition strength, came to loggerheads with the Council, e s p e c i a l l y over ^defence appropriations and pay for Assemblymen. The conference system f o r reaching agreement between the two bodies broke down, and public services were halted from 1795 to 1799. (Importers p r o f i t e d , as duties went uncollected but p r i c e s were unchanged.) (MacNutt 1965:123-7; MacNutt 1963:104-9). 60 These issues engendered b i t t e r struggles, manifest i n a g i t a t i o n a l pamphlets, the emergence of popular leaders and even i l l - f o r m e d p a r t i e s , elongated and d i s o r d e r l y e l e c t i o n periods, and of course i n l e g i s l a t i v e c o n f l i c t s proper. Much of t h i s p o l i t i c a l fray, however, had the aspect of a t r a n -s i t i o n a l period, a period of 'nation b u i l d i n g , ' before the sense of the state's legitimacy and the channels of routine p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t were established (cf. L i p s e t 1967). Accomodations between diverse i n t e r e s t s had not been worked out, the l i n e s of domination and acquies-cence had not been set. The very bitterness of c o n f l i c t s arose from t h i s lack of d e f i n i t i o n . Two decades of p o l i t i c a l b a t t l i n g were required before a s e t t l e d understanding of the resources and r i g h t s of the various p a r t i e s was p o s s i b l e . Movements of opposition to the c o l o n i a l o l i g a r c h i e s represent-ing Imperial rule were intense but not yet s o l i d l y based. With c e r t a i n notable exceptions, attacks were piecemeal and ephemeral. There was not yet a l o c a l organization of c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l or i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e which could sustain the a r t i c u l a t i o n of diverse oppositio