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Agriculture, the land, and education : British Columbia, 1914-1929 Jones, David C. 1978

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AGRICULTURE, THE LAND, AND EDUCATION: BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1914-1929 by DAVID CHARLES JONES B.Ed. University of Victoria, 1966 M.Ed. University of British Columbia, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Educational Foundations We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1978 © David Charles Jones In present ing th i s thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ib rary sha l l make i t f r e e l y ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scho lar l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of Cot^C O^T < ^ <~fZu~~ d c^fr *^ 5 The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date -T-e-lT-SS". ' 7 7 f -Marvin Lazerson J. Donald Wilson ABSTRACT Canadian i n t e r e s t i n a vanishing r u r a l c i v i l i z a t i o n before the F i r s t War was epitomized i n the A g r i c u l t u r a l I nstruction Act of 1913. Encouraging a g r i c u l t u r a l education, the Act provided funds, expertise, and national determination i n the quest to regenerate the r u r a l areas. In B r i t i s h Columbia the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Departments of Agri c u l t u r e , the University, and the schools a l l offered a g r i c u l t u r a l education. Spurred by the Act, the schools i n p a r t i c u l a r rode a t i d e of increasing influence as the key educative i n s t i t u t i o n i n society. The programme i n B r i t i s h Columbian schools, established by J.W. Gibson, was unique i n Canada for i t s " d i s t r i c t supervisors" appointed to r u r a l mun-i c i p a l i t i e s as beacons of l i g h t and missionaries to the hinterlands. Gibson's programme focussed upon school grounds b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , school gardening, and l i v e s t o c k . At f i r s t the most important concern was gardening. The long drought, summer care d i f f i c u l t i e s , f r o s t , market ing problems, marauding, vandalism and i n f e s t a t i o n s of mice and cut worms a l l weakened the gardening mission by 1920. S k i l l f u l l y the supervisors reshaped the gardening r e a l i t y into a more v i a b l e l i v e s t o c k mission. Featuring a g r i c u l t u r a l clubs, school f a i r s , and the Coast exhibitions, the new a c t i v i t y also provided opposition to pre-established i n t e r e s t s and other expanding agencies of a g r i c u l t u r a l education. When the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act was discontinued, the fate of the work f e l l to the province. Unhappily, economic depression and the c o s t l y f a i l u r e of a g r i c u l t u r e and r u r a l settlement strained i i i educational finance. Even before the province withdrew support, however, the school's regenerative mission was f a l t e r i n g . The f a i l u r e of a g r i c u l t u r -a l education was r e l a t e d to what other educational institutions-were-, doing, to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of teachers, to the s o c i a l c l a s s views of parents and c h i l d r e n , to economic conditions, and to the a b i l i t y of the populace to finance the innovation. Moreover, at the heart of Gibson's mission l a y a myth of the land. Gibson's f i x a t i o n on the character immanent i n the s o i l and h i s opposition to vocationalism meant that schools could not concern themselves with the p r a c t i c a l i t y of r e v i t a l i z i n g r u r a l l i f e . C l e a r l y the s o l u t i o n to the hydra-headed r u r a l problem was more than the school could accomplish. By 1929 the school had a c t u a l l y worsened the r u r a l problem by f a c i l i t a t i n g the movement from the land. As the school became increasingly important i n promoting middle cl a s s r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , upward mobil i t y , and professional o r i e n t a t i o n , there was increasing public awareness of a hierarchy of occupations at the bottom of which lay farming. The disappearance of d i s t r i c t supervisors, school gardening, and Gibson's high school programme s i g n a l l e d a new, educational configuration i n the province. Halted i n a r e l e n t l e s s process of assuming more and more educative functions of society, the school withdrew and dealt more exclu-. s i v e l y with what had always been a primary focus—academic knowledge for professional preparation. If Gibson's programme f a i l e d , i t offered important commentary on the nature and purpose of Canadian schooling. Recent Canadian educational historiography has neglected the h i s t o r y of teachers and teaching, and a number of r a d i c a l h i s t o r i a n s have stressed s o c i a l control as the fundamental i v purpose of schooling. Contrasting with t h e i r emphasis on the malignant influences of s o c i a l c l a s s , racism, sexism, bureaucracy, and the f a i l u r e - of the schools to achieve equal opportunity, the experience of Gibson and his missionaries stressed the constructive purpose of schooling, the delight i n learning, the often enthusiastic interchange between teacher and p u p i l , and the concept of growth. V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT p. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS p. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS p. v i ABBREVIATIONS p. v i i CH. 1 INTRODUCTION p. 1 CH. 2 AGRICULTURE, EDUCATION AND THE AGRICULTURAL INSTRUCTION ACT p. 36 CH. 3 A LEADER, p. 71 CH. 4 THE RURAL MISSIONARIES p. 95 CH. 5 SCHOOL GROUNDS BEAUTIFICATION p. 114 CH. 6 THE GARDENING MISSION p. 133 CH. 7 THE GARDENING REALITY p. 160 CH. 8 HIGH SCHOOL AGRICULTURE, COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT AND CONSOLIDATION p. 181 CH. 9 THE LIVESTOCK MISSION p. 211 CH. 10 THE LIVESTOCK REALITY p. 236 CH. 11 A NATIONAL CRISIS p. 271 CH. 12 A PROVINCIAL CRISIS p. 296 CH. 13 THE LIMITATIONS OF SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS p. 329 CH. 14 THE LAST DAYS OF THE DISTRICT SUPERVISORS p. 369 CH. 15 THE FINAL INTERLUDE, 1925-1929 p. 396 CH. 16 CONCLUSION p. 415 SOURCES CONSULTED p. 434 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to express my sincere thanks to my supervisors Marvin Lazerson and J. Donald Wilson for t h e i r hours of h e l p f u l c r i t i c i s m and many i n s i g h t f u l suggestions at every stage of the th e s i s . For t h e i r i n t e r e s t , constructive c r i t i c i s m and patience I thank the other valuable members of my committee: George Tomkins, Jorgen Dahlie, A l l a n Smith, and N e i l Sutherland. For t h e i r assistance beyond the c a l l of duty I am grate-f u l to Kent Haworth, Brian Young, and Terry Eastwood at the P r o v i n c i a l Archives i n V i c t o r i a . For t h e i r kind help I also thank Anne Yandle, Head of Special C o l l e c t i o n s at U.B.C., my t y p i s t Alvina Tiessen, and Andy Gingera. I was pleased that Nancy Sheehan read the manuscript and that Robert Stamp read parts of i t . To my wife who greatly assisted and who endured the storm and stress of my wr i t i n g and to my family who were also a constant support, I express my fondest gratitude. v i i ABBREVIATIONS AR Annual Report of the Public Schools of B r i t i s h Columbia. BCLL B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t i v e L i b r a r y , V i c t o r i a . BCPA B r i t i s h Columbia Public Archives, V i c t o r i a . CSTA Canadian Society of Technical A g r i c u l t u r i s t s . GM General Memoranda. PP Premiers' Papers. PW Putman and Weir, Survey of the Schools, B r i t i s h Columbia. R1S1 Reel one, Series one, A g r i c u l t u r a l Education Microfilm, BCPA. (R3S2 i s Reel three, Series two, etc.) TAG The A g r i c u l t u r a l Gazette of Canada. TAJ The A g r i c u l t u r a l Journal of B r i t i s h Columbia. VC V i c t o r i a D a i l y Colonist. VCA Vancouver Ci t y Archives. VDP Vancouver Da i l y Province. VDT V i c t o r i a D a i l y Times. VS Vancouver Sun. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In the decade or so before the F i r s t War i n t e r n a t i o n a l concern over a vanishing r u r a l c i v i l i z a t i o n mounted. When members of a Royal Commission on Ag r i c u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia journeyed abroad a f t e r 1911, they spoke of anxiety i n Great B r i t a i n and A u s t r a l i a over the " d r i f t of a g r i c u l t u r a l population towards the c i t i e s In the United States President Roosevelt established a Country L i f e Commission i n 1908. " I f there i s one lesson taught by h i s t o r y , " he s a i d a few months e a r l i e r , " i t i s that the permanent greatness of any state must ultimately depend more upon the character of i t s country population than upon anything e l s e . No growth of c i t i e s , no growth of wealth can make up for a loss i n e i t h e r the number or the character of the farming population . . . We cannot a f f o r d to lose that 2 pre-eminently t y p i c a l American, the farmer who owns his own farm." In Canada a Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Training and Technical Education was established i n 1910 under the noted a g r i c u l t u r a l educator, J.W. Robertson. While the Commission's i n t e r e s t s were pr i m a r i l y i n d u s t r i a l , i t helped pave the way f o r an A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act 3 by advocating the adjustment of education to r u r a l needs. "The conservation of a vigorous, i n t e l l i g e n t and prosperous population i n the country," the Commission wrote, "stands out among the foremost 1 2 duties of the whole nation . . . " At the time of these commissions a number of books s t r e s s i n g the same themes appeared. In the United States the most s i g n i f i c a n t were several works of Lib e r t y Hyde Bailey, Chairman of the Country L i f e Commission. These included: The Nature Study Idea (1903), The Outlook to Nature (1905), The State and the Farmer (1908), The Training of Farmers (1909), and The Country-Life Movement i n the  United States (1911). Also important were S i r Horace Plunkett's The Rural-Life Problem of the United States (1910) and Evelyn Dewey's New Schools for Old ( 1 9 1 9 ) . I n Canada three s i g n i f i c a n t books appeared: John MacDougall's Rural L i f e i n Canada Its Trend and Tasks (1913)., James W. Robertson's The S a t i s f a c t i o n of Country L i f e (1913), and J.C. M i l l e r ' s Rural Schools i n Canada (1913).^ The sentiments expressed i n these books, commissions, and a host of a r t i c l e s deeply affected Canadian leaders. On the federal p o l i t i c a l front t h e i r reaction was manifested i n the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act. Assented to on June 6, 1913, the Act was motivated by a pervasive f e e l i n g that Canada's great b a s i c industry, a g r i c u l t u r e , was i n trouble. Canadians were f l o c k i n g to the c i t i e s , leaving the production of food i n proportionately fewer and fewer hands. As Martin B u r r e l l , M i n i s t e r of Agriculture explained, t h i s process resulted i n a higher cost of l i v i n g and an increase "of squalor, hunger, and crime" i n the c i t i e s . These e v i l s were i n t e n s i f i e d by the concentration of unassimilated immigrants who threatened p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . If these problems were serious, they seemed minor compared with the n a t i o n a l calamity which would attend the desertion of the field:.and 3 countryside. The health of the c i t i e s c l e a r l y depended upon the health of the country. Quoting George W. R u s s e l l , an agrarian advocate, B u r r e l l i l l u s t r a t e d : "Our princes and captains of industry with a l l they c o n t r o l — t h e high b u i l t f a c t o r i e s and t i t a n i c m i l l s — m i g h t a l l disappear without man disappearing, but cut away men from the f i e l d s and the f r u i t s of the earth and i n s i x months there w i l l be s i l e n c e i n the s t r e e t s . I t was time now to h a l t urbanization and to proclaim urgently the d e s i r a b i l i t y of a " r u r a l c i v i l i z a t i o n [to] ensure a f u l l e r and happier l i f e to those i n i t s midst and prove a source and fount of g strength to the state i t s e l f . " As B u r r e l l s a i d , i t was time to see that the " s o l i t a r y f i g u r e i n the distant furrow, that stooped form tending the hearth of the i s o l a t e d home" was a symbol of "our 9 n a t i o n a l n e c e s s i t i e s , our n a t i o n a l v i r t u e s , and our n a t i o n a l strength." The p r i n c i p a l way to a s s i s t the farmer was through education. The experience i n Europe, the M i n i s t e r t o l d the House, demonstrated beyond doubt the b e n e f i t of education. In Germany, the a g r i c u l t u r a l advance, he s a i d , was possible only a f t e r the introduction of a g r i c u l -t u r a l education i n the elementary and secondary schools during the l a s t century. In Belgium the appointment of d i s t r i c t a g r i c u l t u r a l i n s t r u c t o r s i n 1885 resulted i n "increased values of farm lands, remarkable improvement i n crop production, and a steadying of the r u r a l population." And i n France, a p r a c t i c a l system of a g r i c u l t u r a l education, established near the turn of the century resulted i n a phenomenal increase i n the annual value of crops. Education thus could have two broad e f f e c t s . F i r s t , i t could increase production, for " s c i e n t i f i c 4 researches of the past h a l f century" had " r e v o l u t i o n i z e d " the a g r i c u l t u r a l industry. Second, i t could restore the meaning of labor on the land, for as B u r r e l l quoted another unnamed r u r a l p h i l o s o p h e r — "The s o i l i s a great educator. Let men know the reason governing t h e i r e f f o r t upon i t , and every morning breaks b r i g h t e r ; a new motive power enlightens l i f e and the community moves to a higher destiny.""''^ Having proposed an educational s o l u t i o n , B u r r e l l suggested several s p e c i f i c measures inc l u d i n g the improvement of a g r i c u l t u r a l colleges; the establishment of dairy, h o r t i c u l t u r a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l schools; and the inauguration of a g r i c u l t u r a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n p u b l i c and high schools with t r a v e l l i n g teachers. The Act, however, was very general. I t stated that f e d e r a l funds would be available to the provinces for ten years beginning March 31, 1914, " f o r the purpose of aiding and advancing the farming industry by i n s t r u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e . " The amount for 1914 was $700,000 and each year thereafter $100,000 was added u n t i l 1918 when $1,100,000 was a v a i l a b l e annually u n t i l the expiration of the grant. An amount not exceeding $20,000 was given to v e t e r i n a r i a n colleges each year. Each province received $20,000 as a f l a t rate and a further sum according to i t s population. Subject to the approval of the Federal Minister of A g r i c u l t u r e , the s p e c i f i c nature of the educational programme was up to the provinces.'''"'' This study concentrates on the e f f e c t s of the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act on the schools. In the years between 1914 and 1929 f u l l - f l e d g e d a g r i c u l t u r a l programmes emerged and evolved i n the p u b l i c schools of the various provinces. Often with e a r l i e r , more modest beginnings, these programmes e n t a i l e d combinations of school gardening, 5 home gardening, and l i v e s t o c k projects which frequently d i f f e r e d among provinces and within provinces over time. Usually they included the t r a i n i n g of teachers i n what was known as r u r a l science. Sometimes they involved extension courses for those beyond the schools. Generally they encouraged the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n of school .grounds and the involvement of schools i n f a i r s and e x h i b i t i o n s . One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l education programmes i n Canadian schools i n the period occurred i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The p r i n c i p a l difference between the programme there and elsewhere was that B r i t i s h Columbia employed a dozen or so r u r a l s p e c i a l i s t s known as d i s t r i c t supervisors. This feature convinced the Director of the programme, J.W. Gibson, that B r i t i s h Columbia had the best 12 scheme i n the country. The most important p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t of the supervisor system, i n terms of h i s t o r i c a l research, was that a, goodly number of men l e f t a voluminous correspondence dealing with a l l aspects of education i n the period, i n c l u d i n g t h e i r experience as teachers i n the high schools and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with elementary teachers, p r i n c i p a l s , school boards, private c i t i z e n s , and communities. These men wrote a r t i c l e s i n magazines, l o c a l newspapers, and The A g r i c u l t u r a l Gazette of Canada. Some even prepared educational b u l l e t i n s f o r the P r o v i n c i a l Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . C l e a r l y t h i s mine of information i s no proof that B r i t i s h Columbia had e i t h e r the best or the most revealing schools' programme. While some p r o v i n c i a l comparisons w i l l be made i n due course, t h i s study w i l l not pursue such a tack. Instead, the B r i t i s h Columbian example w i l l be examined i n i t s own right as i n important v a r i a t i o n of other p r o v i n c i a l schemes. 6 The programme i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i n common with others across the country, t e l l s us much more than appears at f i r s t glance. Generally i t says something about what h i s t o r i a n s have ambiguously 13 c a l l e d "progressive education.1.' In the context of the a g r i c u l t u r a l and educational h i s t o r i e s of the province, i t reveals much about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic and educational development and educational reform. By portraying a continuing saga of those who preached s o c i a l melioration through the schools, i t reveals a portion 14 of the h i s t o r y of messianic school promoters. By i d e a l i z i n g a very s p e c i a l type of r u r a l c i t i z e n i t illuminates the h i s t o r y of character education and the myth of the l a n d . ^ And by d e t a i l i n g the desire of schoolmen to l i n k the a c t i v i t i e s and i n t e r e s t s of schools and communities and the d i f f i c u l t y of doing so, i t informs our h i s t o r y of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the school and community."*"^ Moreover, i n d e l i n e a t i n g strategies for e s t a b l i s h i n g a reform and the successes and f a i l u r e s encountered, i t adds to our h i s t o r y of curriculum interventions and educational b u r e a u c r a c i e s . ^ In depict-ing teachers struggling with the p r a c t i c a l aspects of an innovation, 18 i t t e l l s us more about the h i s t o r y of teachers and teaching. And i n showing the school i n the hands of those who would expand i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e and make i t the pre-eminent educational i n s t i t u t i o n of the time, the B r i t i s h Columbian a g r i c u l t u r a l education programme t e l l s us something of the h i s t o r y of educational configurations, the r e l a -tionships between the various i n s t i t u t i o n s which educate. Since the notion of configurations i s c e n t r a l to t h i s study, some preliminary explanation i s warranted. The concept i s an invention 7 of the noted American educational h i s t o r i a n , Lawrence Cremin, who defines education as "the deliberate, systematic, and sustained e f f o r t to transmit, evoke, or acquire knowledge, a t t i t u d e s , values, s k i l l s , 1 9 or s e n s i b i l i t i e s , as w e l l as any outcomes of that e f f o r t . 1 Such a broad d e f i n i t i o n draws attention to a host of educative agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s i n addition to schools. In each era, Cremin suggests, there i s a s p e c i f i c configuration or r e l a t i o n s h i p among the various educating i n s t i t u t i o n s . The r e l a t i v e importance of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the school, family and church varies over time. Thus i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the family was the p r i n c i p a l educating i n s t i t u t i o n and i n the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the school became most important. At the time of Gibson's programme school promoters widely believed that the school was continuing to expand i t s influence, usually at the expense of the family and church. The extension of curriculum into a g r i c u l t u r e exemplified t h i s development. Through-out the period, however, other agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s dealing with a g r i c u l t u r a l education broadened t h e i r r o l e s too. These agencies, i n c l u d i n g the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Departments of Agr i c u l t u r e and the University, cut out widening swaths of t e r r i t o r y i n t h e i r quest to provide comprehensive a g r i c u l t u r a l education. In the process they came in t o contact with each other and began doing the same things. Naturally the question arose as to which i n s t i t u t i o n s should be doing which things. Part of the reponse suggested that the school had overstepped i t s bounds and taken unto i t s e l f a function not properly i t s own. This study thus i s b a s i c a l l y a story of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the school's expansiveness. Put i n the metaphor of the configuration, the school enlarged i t s purview by extending an arm to the f i e l d of a g r i c u l t u r a l education, only to have that arm lopped o f f . The story of a g r i c u l t u r a l education i n B r i t i s h Columbian schools took place within the two broad contexts of the province's a g r i c u l t u r a l and educational h i s t o r y . Before the War s e t t l e r s encountered problems of speculation, misrepresentation, high land and c l e a r i n g costs, and t h e i r own inexperience. As farmers, they slowly learned how t h e i r c r a f t had changed. Less s e l f s u f f i c i e n t and more connected with the outside world, farming had become a business, an industry, and a science. To help the farmer adapt to these changes, make farming economically and s o c i a l l y rewarding, and encourage a love of the land and i t s v i r t u e s , four i n s t i t u t i o n s played a part. The Federal Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , working through an experimental farm system, preached the value of good seed, systematic r o t a t i o n s , the advantages of f e r t i l i z e r s , surface t i l l a g e and underdraining, and the necessity of c a r e f u l breeding, housing, feeding, and management of li v e s t o c k . The second i n s t i t u t i o n , the P r o v i n c i a l Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , expanded dramatically between 1895 and 1914. In addition to roles played by dozens of new a g r i c u l t u r i s t s , h o r t i c u l t u r i s t s , poultry and l i v e s t o c k i n s t r u c t o r s , and other s p e c i a l i s t s , the Department sponsored Farmers' I n s t i t u t e s , Women's I n s t i t u t e s , and A g r i c u l t u r a l Associations. In 1915 the t h i r d i n s t i t u t i o n came i n t o play with the beginning of the . University of B r i t i s h Columbia. S e t t i n g up a four year programme featuring the s c i e n t i f i c foundations of a g r i c u l t u r e i n the f i r s t two years and the p r a c t i c e of ag r i c u l t u r e i n the second two years, the 9 U n i v e r s i t y also gave short courses i n a l l aspects of the province's a g r i c u l t u r e , including f r u i t growing, agronomy, animal husbandry and judging. The fourth i n s t i t u t i o n and focus of t h i s study was the school. At the time of the introduction of a g r i c u l t u r e i n t o the system, schools were undergoing changes i n the scope, organization, and content of p u b l i c education. Many considered that the school's influence was expanding under the e f f e c t s of mounting attendance, the r h e t o r i c of the unity between school and l i f e , and course revisions and innovations s t r e s s i n g p r a c t i c a l i t y . The organization of schooling was s h i f t i n g from a pinnacle of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n which the Superintendent epitomized the system to greater d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n which l o c a l school boards bore more costs. Decentralization of finance was c r i t i c a l l y important to the period i n which c u r r i c u l a r innovations were attempted for i t lay the matter of r e t a i n i n g innovations i n the hands of the l o c a l s . As numbers of students and teachers increased, so did the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of supervisory personnel and teachers, l e v e l of c e r t i f i c a t i o n of i n s t r u c t o and the percentage of females i n the teaching force. Three large scale innovations i n the period involved manual t r a i n i n g , domestic science, and a g r i c u l t u r e . At f i r s t a g r i c u l t u r e alone was subsidized f e d e r a l l y , but beginning i n 1919 with the Technical Education Act, manual t r a i n i n g and domestic science were also a s s i s t e d , a factor which helped explain the r e l a t i v e success of those subjects following the discontinuance of the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act i n 1924. P a r t l y because of f e d e r a l funds and p a r t l y because of the prowess of J.W. Gibson, Director of Elementary A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n , 10 elementary school enrolment i n a g r i c u l t u r e quickly exceeded that for domestic science and manual t r a i n i n g , despite the f a c t that these had been on the curriculum f o r a longer period. As a g r i c u l t u r e came to the curriculum i n B r i t i s h Columbia, perhaps the greatest d i f f i c u l t y facing schoolmen was the s o - c a l l e d " r u r a l problem." This d i f f i c u l t y comprised a host of maladies associated with r u r a l teachers, schools, school boards, and s o c i a l conditions. The solutions proposed included Superior schools, consolidations, and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of rural-minded i n s t r u c t o r s teaching a g r i c u l t u r e . What drew the school, two Departments of A g r i c u l t u r e and the University together and f i r e d them with a common s o c i a l and moral goal was the A g r i c u l t u r a l Instruction Act of 1913. The authors of the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act possessed a sanguine f a i t h i n education i n general and schools i n p a r t i c u l a r . Those who thought about the schools believed that schools could become more than i n t e l l e c t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n s given the r i g h t leaders. They f e l t that the schools should take account of Canada's agrarian past and should try to restore some of the "greatness" of that past. They hoped that school c h i l d r e n would enter the garden, see an image of Canadian l i f e , and with the help of teachers, pattern themselves a f t e r the image. Confident that the schools could be community centres i f they linked a c t i v i t i e s with the community, these schoolmen believed that popular support and leadership would anchor the changes i n the curriculum. They assumed that teachers would w i l l i n g l y a s s i s t i n the mission. And n a t u r a l l y they a n t i c i p a t e d that a l l educative agencies would unite 1 1 in the attempt to restore an era of rural splendour and make, l i f e on the land worth living. The agricultural education programme in British Columbian schools from 1914 to 1929 was the work of John Wesley Gibson. Born in Ontario and a veteran of the Sir William Macdonald rural school movement, Gibson served as Director of Elementary Agricultural Instruction. For some of the period he also served as Director of the Victoria Summer School for Teachers, Principal of Victoria Normal School, and Supervisor of Normal Schools. Gibson possessed a passion for rural l i f e and rural education. He believed that national weal depended upon rural development and that rural development depended upon agriculture. Influenced most by R.H. Cowley, James W. Robertson, and Liberty Hyde Bailey, Gibson, like others in similar roles across the country, sharply differentiated between "educational agriculture" and "vocational agriculture." Educational agriculture concerned character building, the virtues of the land, and the personal power which visited a student when he discovered how to control nature. Vocational agriculture, on the other hand, concerned the economic, practical, and productive aspects of agriculture. The viewpoint Gibson wished to dispense was captured in Bailey's statement— "I stand for the spiritualizing of agriculture." Gibson reckoned that the dissemination of leadership replicas like himself would provide a "higher thinking and nobler doing" in rural areas. Accordingly he conceived a system of d i s t r i c t supervisors whom he stationed in rural municipalities as beacons of light and missionaries to the surrounding rural areas. The men he chose were 12 a g r i c u l t u r a l s p e c i a l i s t s imbued with a s p i r i t of service, s e l f s a c r i f i c e , and f a i t h i n education. Most were graduates of Ontario A g r i c u l t u r a l College who were connected.with each other and with men i n Gibson's past. Importantly the missionaries were to be durable, healthy Protestants. In summer, these r u r a l zealots attended u n i v e r s i t i e s across the continent or taught summer sessions at the summer school i n V i c t o r i a with important American r u r a l educators such as J u l i u s Arp and O.J. Kern. Like many newcomers, they quickly adopted an exagger-ated f e e l i n g of being B r i t i s h Columbian. I f the tendency throughout the period was for supervisors to take on more and more of the programme, the matter of school grounds b e a u t i f i c a t i o n remained l a r g e l y Gibson's preoccupation. Gibson's sense of e s t h e t i c s , i n common with landscaping philosophy of the time, stressed that b u i l d i n g s were inherently unnatural and "at war with" the grounds. His programme emphasized a r t i s t i c beauty, convenience, u t i l i t y , and economy of maintenance. He hoped that school grounds b e a u t i f i c a t i o n would be the s t a r t i n g point f o r r u r a l b e a u t i f i c a t i o n . His plan was to make the b u i l d i n g and grounds a source of c i v i c pride—models of e s t h e t i c and a r t i s t i c lessons i n home grounds management and of neatness, order, and harmony. Gibson accompanied h i s b e a u t i f i c a t i o n overtures with the o f f e r of grants, plants from a p r o v i n c i a l nursery he established, and a large c i r c u l a r on trees and shrubs t h e i r s e l e c t i o n and care. The experience i n grounds b e a u t i f i c a t i o n r e f l e c t e d a truth Inspectors had seen before Gibson's a r r i v a l — t h a t e f f o r t came where i t had already been applied. While c i t i e s and towns ra p i d l y improved t h e i r school grounds, the 13 programme was a decided f a i l u r e i n the primary target areas--the r u r a l d i s t r i c t s . Some d i s t r i c t s could not match the grant, others were not inte r e s t e d , some rejected the o f f e r because of economic conditions, others probably saw i t as a departmental imposition. Occasionally there were popular attempts to use Gibson's o f f e r for personal gain. These attempts revealed something of the outlook of c e r t a i n i s o l a t e d people toward the whole matter of s e l f improvement and suggested that monetary gain was often more s i g n i f i c a n t than any intangible measure of personal or s o c i a l growth. In the early years, school gardening was Gibson's c e n t r a l focus. Following the way of innovators Gibson made extensive claims for the therapeutic value of gardening. C i v i c v i r t u e s i n c l u d i n g private care of public property and s e l f government, p r a c t i c a l values such as manual dexterity, and ethereal q u a l i t i e s such as honesty, concentration, and appreciation of the dignity of l a b o r — a l l were said to issue from i n t e l l i g e n t i n s t r u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e . The p r i n c i p l e purpose, however, was to provide moral u p l i f t , arouse "wholesome l i f e - g u i d i n g i n t e r e s t s , " and teach the appreciation "of the values and beauties of l i f e . . . " I t was to f i l l the student with a sense of personal power through p r a c t i c a l knowledge and the s p i r i t , f o r understanding nature meant c o n t r o l l i n g i t . P l a i n l y , the primary purpose was to teach character. In the early days Gibson and h i s men were unflagging optimists. "I b elieve i t i s possible to conquer the worst piece of s o i l i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i f we go about i t i n the r i g h t way," Gibson wrote i n 1915. For a number of years he operated on t h i s premise, b e l i e v i n g 14 that trouble could issue from only two sources—"misunderstanding as to the meaning of the work, or bad management and i n d i s c r e t i o n on the part of the teacher i n carrying i t on." He thought that h i s own t r a i n i n g programmes at the summer school and i n the f i e l d would combine with the e f f o r t s of the supervisors i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with r u r a l teachers to create "rural-minded" teachers. His fundamental strategy involved a l i b e r a l a p p l i c a t i o n of p r a c t i c a l knowledge and the s p i r i t , knowledge of s c i e n t i f i c a g r i c u l t u r e and of character immanent i n the work of the s o i l , and a determination to use these, p a r t i c u l a r l y the l a t t e r , i n the task of overhauling the bleak countryside. Over a number of seasons the problems school gardening encountered were many and varied. The long drought throughout the province and the summer care d i f f i c u l t i e s e s p e c i a l l y i n the Armstrong-Enderby area were accompanied by f r o s t , marketing problems, marauding, vandalism, and i n f e s t a t i o n s of mice and cutworms. Teachers i n gardening tended to have had no previous gardens, no s p e c i a l r u r a l science t r a i n i n g , and no advanced c e r t i f i c a t i o n . In some areas the ploy to use the school as a model for r u r a l communities c l e a r l y backfired. The public disgrace of gardens i n communities l i k e Armstrong exposed the f a l l a c y i n Cowley's thinking near the turn of the century when he suggested that appearances did not matter since p u p i l character was the key. The reaction of Gibson and h i s supervisors to the troubles i n school gardening involved improving technique, dry farming, f a l l preparation, and the i n s t a l l a t i o n of s p r i n k l e r s . With the persistence of problems complex and highly r e s i s t a n t to c o r r e c t i o n , however, 15 Gibson and h i s men reduced t h e i r extravagant expectations, aligned t h e i r dreams more with r e a l i t y , and estimated j u s t l y the power of na t u r a l obstacles. They also began a s h i f t i n t o home gardening. School garden-ing thus peaked i n 1918 with 7,630 students e n r o l l e d while home gardening peaked i n 1921 or a year or two l a t e r with about 700 to 1,000 students. During the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act the annual number of teachers i n gardening of both kinds ranged from over 300 to ju s t over 160. Percentages of teachers and students of the t o t a l elementary school cohort amounted at most to 12 to 14 percent. The waning of the gardening mission about 1920 did not e f f e c t measurably the morale of Gibson's missionaries, for the s h i f t into home gardening and other home projects was done consciously i n the hopes that the next phases would rely more upon the i n i t i a t i v e and dedication of the missionaries themselves. Gibson's missionaries shared the f e e l i n g of r u r a l educators across the continent that community change wrought by teachers could be accomplished only by teachers who were part of the community. Accord-in g l y they entered t h e i r respective m u n i c i p a l i t i e s through the avenues of high school a g r i c u l t u r e and extension programmes. The high school course dealt with s o i l study, drainage, dry farming techniques, orchard p r a c t i c e , r u r a l economics, household accounting, herd improvement, i n s e c t i c i d e s , and the country l i f e movement. A l l were current concerns i n a g r i c u l t u r e . The subject matter, excursions, and experiments were clos e l y t i e d to community concerns. While of some s i g n i f i c a n c e , the extension programmes never developed f u l l y . The fac t that extension audiences were not as captive as school audiences, that the University 16 and the Provincial Department of Agriculture became involved in adult education, and that the supervisors found their hands f u l l with other work—severely retarded the growth of Gibson's extension programmes. In their rush to participate in community l i f e , the supervisors joined local organizations such as seed growers' associations, agricul-tural societies, f r u i t growers' associations, exhibition associations, teacher associations, and parent-teacher associations. The most active supervisor was J.C. Readey, stationed at the agricultural capital, Chilliwack. Readey deliberately i n f i l t r a t e d local organizations in Chilliwack in order to assist rural development generally and to influence those he considered d i s t r i c t opinion setters. In 1919 he hoped to lead the d i s t r i c t to a consolidation which dwarfed any yet attempted in the province. To arm his intellect and fo r t i f y his resolve, he accompanied Gibson on a trip East to investigate personally recent developments in rural education. When Readey returned, he engineered an elaborate, subtle cam-paign under the direction of G.H. Lockhart, a consolidation expert and architect he had met in ; Sti Paul. For various reasons the campaign failed. The farmers did not trust the schools, did not use them as community centres, and were not willing to support so costly a scheme of reform. Many considered the time was economically inopportune and some believed a less expensive solution could be found. A s p l i t between city and municipal school boards, moreover, precluded a more compre-hensive solution which many consolidation supporters advocated. Following the consolidation campaign in Chilliwack the super-visors reshaped the gardening reality into a more viable enterprise, 17 a livestock mission. The new activity featured home projects, agricul-tural clubs, school f a i r s , and the junior programme of the Provincial Exhibition. The move into projects was prepared by Gibson earlier when he suggested alternatives where gardening was not appropriate. The method employed was simply known as the project method. It involved deciding worthwhile things to be done and then working in a purposeful and orderly way toward those things. According to Gibson, the project harmonized the work of home and school, motivated a l l school studies, and dealt with real problems in a practical way. The heavy use of projects in agriculture preceded that in other subjects, and helped popularize a method which has persisted to the present. The most ambitious use of projects occurred in Chilliwack under Readey. Providing major and minor projects in agronomy, poultry, livestock, farm management, rural economics and horticulture, Readey reflected and emphasized the current state of agriculture in British Columbia with i t s stress on poultry, s c i e n t i f i c farming, expert guidance, and farm accounting. Various factors explained the rise of clubs. Many students conducting the same project, the spread of other agricultural clubs and growers' associations, and the work of boys' and g i r l s ' crop competitions established by the Department of Agriculture when Readey was S o i l and Crop I n s t r u c t o r — a l l spurred the club movement. The natural showplace for the clubs and home projects was the school f a i r . Readey's early work in Chilliwack establishing a school f a i r , and Gibson's circulars advocating fairs particularly for home gardening and project work, increased the attention paid to fairs. Beginning in 18 1919, the supervisors' reports h i g h l i g h t e d f a i r s . The largest and most successful school f a i r s i n the province were held i n d i s t r i c t s served by the supervisors. The most important f a i r was the Chilliwack E x h i b i t i o n which Gibson f e l t was "probably the f i n e s t of i t s kind i n Western Canada . . . " The success of school f a i r s , along with the subsequent growth of clubs helped turn Gibson's mind toward a grand culmination of f a i r s organized p r o v i n c i a l l y and held at the coast. Gibson a l t e r e d competi-tions at the P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n by adding g i r l s and teams. I t was important to i n t e r e s t the former i n the pursuits of the land i n order to develop r u r a l c i t i z e n s h i p and a l l e v i a t e the male surplus on the land. The notion of teams r e f l e c t e d the strong b e l i e f of Gibson, h i s men and others across the country, that another key to r u r a l improvement was cooperation. The f i n a l product at the P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n showed the very best that students could do with nature. Because i t took time to do these things, teaching centred on the project, and because the best was the goal, the p r i n c i p l e of judging was paramount. The combination of projects, clubs, f a i r s and exhibitions provided a new experience for students foreshadowing province-wide networks of high school sports of the future. At the same time, there was a sense that many developments spinning from the gardening r e a l i t y were happening without a n t i c i p a t i o n , f u l l thought, or adequate f o r e s i g h t . There were many advantages to the f i n a l structure of school-supervised home project work f u n n e l l i n g into l o c a l f a i r s and c o l l e c t i n g the best f o r the P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n . The clubs created great 19 interest in agricultural projects, extended the sympathy of the people for the work of the land, and linked the efforts of school and home. The fairs were places where one could learn more about l i f e on the land by hearing addresses and witnessing competitions, judging, and demonstrations. Fairs tended to boost interest in school gardening and later in livestock projects. Most importantly, they were gathering places where groups could reassert their sense of community and purpose. The Provincial Exhibition intensified interest and added the honour of being chosen to exhibit or judge. Especially in the early twenties, the Exhibition, spurred by Gibson and his men, paid close attention to educational features. Gibson and his men soon realized that the agricultural clubs, as organized under the Provincial Department of Agriculture, were under the influence of people who knew more about agriculture than education. Their struggle thus was an early example of the continuing confrontation,between professional educators and disciplinary experts. By calling for "more piggy and less pork" Gibson deprecated the tendency of clubs to be too concerned with production and economics and not enough with the -pedagogical principle of student readiness. His erstwhile a l l i e s , the breeder associations, he soon discovered, were more interested in using students to advance the association and breed than in any principle of student growth. Club work in the hands of non-educators, Gibson came to believe, amounted to a paltry economic "stunt," a commercialized show. Clubs, he f e l t , were meaningless divorced from regular and constant school supervision. His attempts to wrest control of the clubs from the Department of Agriculture, 20 however, failed. In the absence of an i n i t i a l policy, some school fairs in the province developed separately and others were combined witeh-the-regular agricultural f a i r . Lured by the advantages of linking school and community, Gibson at f i r s t opted for the combined f a i r established most prominently in Chilliwack, Surrey and Armstrong. The problem the supervisors faced i n combined f a i r s , however, was depicted by Readey and J.B. Munro. As Readey said, "We cannot afford . . . to allow i t to be run by those who do not understand education, by such men, for instance, as some of those who comprise our Fair Board. This is not a reflection on them. It is not their business." He urged Gibson to "assume the leadership" of the school f a i r movement so that i t would not f a l l into the hands of local organizations and the Department of Agriculture who would "misinterpret our work and ideals." Munro noted that students were ignored i n combined fairs and he advocated a separate June fa i r when students would exhibit their work in their original classes and with their original teachers. Gibson feared that separation would leave the implication that his missionaries were unwilling to cooperate with local agricultural associations. Nonetheless, in a statement which revealed the discreteness in his mind of agricultural interests and school interests, he admitted that f a l l fairs had " i n f l i c t e d on them certain t r i v i a l school exhibits." This feeling, the arguments of Readey and Munro, and his growing disgust of the "excesses" of the midway caused him to reverse his earlier stand and to advocate separate school fairs in June. His proposal of an "ideal f a i r " went to the country in 21 The A g r i c u l t u r a l Gazette but was opposed i n Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario. These provinces had pre-established f a i r patterns. In Saskatchewan f a i r s were normally held i n the least busy months of summer. Roads were bad i n June and v i l l a g e schools had been open only since March which l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In a l l three provinces a June f a i r ran against the t r a d i t i o n of an a g r i c u l t u r a l f a i r , since l i t t l e could be exhibited so early i n the crop year. Ontario, moreover, could not understand Gibson's anxiety over separate school f a i r s since there school f a i r s were already separate. Then too Ontario had no trouble with " f a k i r s " or the Midway i n school f a i r s . Gibson and his men also p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a struggle against the Vancouver E x h i b i t i o n . They believed that the commercialization, competition, gambling, and horse races a l l threatened the character values they hoped to i n s t i l l . They were, however, v i r t u a l l y helpless i n shaping the educational p o l i c i e s of the Vancouver E x h i b i t i o n . Nor could they curb "the f l e s h pots of the race track." I r o n i c a l l y , i n backing the older P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n because i t was more properly an a g r i c u l t u r a l e x h i b i t i o n , l i k e f a i r s they r e c a l l e d i n Ontario, they backed a compromise which possessed some of the objectionable features which abounded i n Vancouver's e x h i b i t i o n and which was fed by the imperfect clubs and f a i r s throughout the province. The missionaries thus ended by p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n falseness, i n clubs, f a i r s , and exhibitions which departed s i g n i f i c a n t l y from t h e i r p r i s t i n e i d e a l s . This p a r t i c i p a t i o n was part of a vast process of compromise which undermined the reforming impulse by e x o r c i z i n g i t s energy and sense of righteousness. 22 While the schoolmen v i e d a b o r t i v e l y with other educative agencies, another more immediate threat to the work appeared—the possible discontinuance of the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Act. About 1921 Gibson embarked on a rather slipshod renewal campaign. He joined the Canadian Society of Technical A g r i c u l t u r i s t s , (CSTA), a group begun i n late 1919 and dedicated to more organization, n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s and n a t i o n a l cooperation. Writing a number of s i g n i f i c a n t a r t i c l e s i n The A g r i c u l t u r a l Gazette, Gibson and his men stressed n a t i o n a l standardization of a g r i c u l t u r a l education i n such areas as teacher preparation, courses of study, and ag r i c u l t u r e as a subject for m a t r i c u l a t i o n . As noted above, Gibson also sought to standardize school f a i r s by type and season. Readey moreover published an a r t i c l e advocating projects which received n a t i o n a l response. Ontario schoolmen, l i k e J.B. Dandeno, opposed the spread of Readey's projects on the grounds that the boarding s i t u a t i o n i n Ontario precluded them. L.A. DeWolfe of Nova S c o t i a noted that students and parents "look f o r such work from some other source than the schools." He pointed to academicism i n the East and lack of " t r a d i t i o n " i n the West which allowed Readey's methodology. Gibson's standardization attempt f a i l e d miserably. A report of h i s sub-committee of the CSTA on educational p o l i c i e s i n the public and high schools i n 1924 revealed wide-provincial differences. Three provinces s t i l l centred on school gardening, three on home gardening, and three on home projects. Some provinces had no dir e c t o r of a g r i c u l t u r a l i n s t r u c t i o n . Some programmes were under the department of ag r i c u l t u r e and others under the department of 23 education. Some gave grants to school boards and teachers and others di d not. The years of compulsory high school a g r i c u l t u r e v a r i e d as did q u a l i f i c a t i o n s demanded of teachers. Continuing his renewal campaign, Gibson p a r t i c i p a t e d i n 1922 with the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e and the University of B r i t i s h Columbia i n a summary of work conducted under the A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n Grant. Later Gibson turned to Members of Parliament for B r i t i s h Columbia. While he seems to have succeeded with t h i s group, MacKenzie King's government nevertheless discontinued the grant. Gibson had v a s t l y overestimated the p o s i t i v e influence of Duncan Marshall a s - A g r i c u l t u r a l Commissioner. Indeed, Marshall had reviewed the Act for the government, pointing out problems of administration, d e f i n i t i o n , and du p l i c a t i o n . In the end, poor r e s u l t s , poor administration, federal indebtedness, and heavy taxation m i l i t a t e d against continuance. Perhaps as important, the Act had been a Conservative measure. C l e a r l y Gibson had been unable to penetrate the Federal Cabinet. Despite his claim that B r i t i s h Columbia had the f i n e s t system of a g r i c u l t u r a l education i n the country, he never once enticed Marshall i n t o even v i s i t i n g the province. Notwithstanding the emphasis on a g r i c u l t u r a l education encour-aged by the Act, a g r i c u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia fared badly, and government and private ventures i n r u r a l settlement were l a r g e l y f a i l u r e s . The structure of educational finance moreover nearly collapsed i n a depression. Between 1914 and 1923 the p r o v i n c i a l debt, spurred by i n f l a t i o n , leapt from $24 m i l l i o n s to $80 m i l l i o n s . In farming, the poultry industry of the Fraser Valley and 24 Vancouver Island suffered from overproduction and a d i f f e r e n t i a l t a r i f f rate which allowed flooding by American egg producers. The p r a i r i e s , moreover, had not been educated to buy superior B r i t i s h Columbia products. The p l a u s i b l e answer of cooperative marketing was thwarted by the need f o r an exportable surplus and an i n a b i l i t y :to secure that before a market was established. Dairymen i n the Fraser V a l l e y and on Vancouver Island, with a r e l a t i v e l y successful cooperative association, faced, nonetheless, high costs and a p r o h i b i t i v e American t a r i f f . The small f r u i t industry i n the Fraser Valley, Vancouver Island and Creston areas was troubled with high land p r i c e s , unsuitable land, lack of information, and huge i n t e r e s t payments. Some farmers, more-over, were devoting the land to more extensive c u l t i v a t i o n , such as dair y i n g . The tree f r u i t industry of the Okanagan, Salmon Arm, Keremeos, and Creston areas was a f f l i c t e d with heavy water rates, inoperant cooperatives, the unstable purchasing power of p r a i r i e farmers, and the e a r l i e r ripening of American f r u i t . Land Development Areas established under the Land Settlement Board involved land c l e a r i n g and housing, reclaiming and bringing under c u l t i v a t i o n logged o f f lands u n f i t for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes. The key a r e a s — M e r v i l l e , Sumas, and Camp L i s t e r — w e r e i n serious trouble throughout Gibson's tenure as Director of Elementary A g r i c u l t u r a l I n s t r u c t i o n and the trouble had grave implications for Gibson's programme. Drought, domestic water shortages, brush f i r e s , floods, contract problems, and Conservative denigration i n the Leg i s l a t u r e were among what Land Settlement Board Director W.S. Latta c a l l e d the "unfavorable conditions which may be said to be world-wide" and which 25 "have deprived farm l i f e of many of i t s a t t r a c t i o n s . " The f a i l u r e of land settlement schemes greatly worsened the province's finances. The post War depression meanwhile placed unbearable s t r a i n on land taxes and a burgeoning school population increased the pressure. A r e v o l t of the taxpayers against non-essentials occurred and Gibson's programme f e l t the pinch. Superintendent W i l l i s and M i n i s t e r of Educa-t i o n MacLean, • moreover , believed that the government was too l i b e r a l concerning a g r i c u l t u r a l education. Unhappily, as the province submerged f i n a n c i a l l y i n 1921, costs of Gibson's programme peaked. Unable to solve the problem of reducing school charges on the land, Premier O l i v e r struck at i n e f f i c i e n c y and duplication of e f f o r t . A g r i c u l t u r a l education i n schools was one v i c t i m and the largest budgetary item of Gibson's programme—the d i s t r i c t supervisors—was deleted from the p r o v i n c i a l estimates. When seen i n the l i g h t of a g r i c u l t u r a l and settlement h i s t o r y of the period, the most obvious c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the programme was that i t was not r e l a t e d to the s p e c i f i c nature of the B r i t i s h Columbian r u r a l problem. The story that unfolded i n the settlement areas and that which Gibson forever propagated were v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . And the difference revealed Gibson's role i n perpetuating a myth of the land's r i c h bounty. More than that, the abiding focus on character t r a i n i n g meant i n some ways the subversion of the larger quest to give the school a prominence i t had never known. This focus and the opposition of Gibson and h i s men to vocationalism meant that schools could not concern themselves with the kind of p r a c t i c a l i t y a true union of the i n t e r e s t s of schools and community demanded. I t also meant that the 26 schools could not concern themselves d i r e c t l y with what t h e i r promoters thought was t h e i r most pressing problem—the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of r u r a l l i f e . By defining character t r a i n i n g as h i s ultimate purpose and by divorcing the programme from actual attempts to get back to the land, Gibson l i m i t e d the school's effectiveness i n dealing with the r u r a l problem. Other factors also l i m i t e d t h i s e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Many people could not understand that character t r a i n i n g was the main purpose of a g r i c u l t u r a l education. Many moreover opposed the innovation. And s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of teachers i n the period severely l i m i t e d the school's p o t e n t i a l as an agent of constructive change. Despite Gibson's echoing harangue on the s i m i l a r i t y of school and community i n t e r e s t s , he had i n mind a fundamental difference. What he preached was that the "world" dealt with production and economics, and the schools dealt with minds and character. By constantly e x p l i c a t i n g this point he and h i s men undermined t h e i r unity attempts. Outright opposition to the programme r e l a t e d to popular views of the purpose of education. These stressed the c h i l d at h i s desk doing the three Rs and learning theories. Opposition also r e l a t e d to s o c i a l class views of farming as a lowly occupation. As w e l l , a g r i c u l t u r a l education suffered from an understandable neglect i n view of the demands of other subjects and the feared Entrance Examination. When Gibson wished to delete the nature study exam, he was forced to choose between an outmoded course, poorly taught from books with a modicum of enforced a t t e n t i o n — a n d a fre e r , more perfect-course with great 27 p o t e n t i a l and the p o s s i b i l i t y of profound neglect. When he chose the l a t t e r , the vast majority of teachers f e l t less need than ever to spend time on nature study. F i n a l l y , there was often d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n on the part of p r i n c i p a l s and Inspectors who f e l t that the work was "out of t h e i r hands." Teachers i n the period were t y p i c a l l y i l l - t r a i n e d i n nature study and a g r i c u l t u r e . Cancellations of some sessions of the V i c t o r i a Summer School for Teachers and the s h i f t i n g focus of that i n s t i t u t i o n weakened the r u r a l science o f f e r i n g . Vancouver Summer School never engaged i n r u r a l science and was more int e r e s t e d i n providing courses for f i r s t class and academic c e r t i f i c a t e s . The Normal Schools, more-over, l e f t students weak i n the b a s i c subjects of i n s t r u c t i o n . They gave i n s u f f i c i e n t i n s t r u c t i o n i n r u r a l science and r u r a l school work generally. This i n s u f f i c i e n c y was traceable to the dis j u n c t i o n between the crop year and the Normal School year, the lack of f a c i l i t i e s when the work went i n t o l i v e s t o c k , and the crowded course of studies. Then too, the Normal Schools were lamentably old-fangled. They were out of touch with modern s c i e n t i f i c developments, unaware of recent work i n c h i l d psychology, ignored standardized tests and measurements, and overemphasized teaching methods. Through the whole period neither i n s t i t u t i o n had f a c i l i t i e s f o r manual t r a i n i n g , i n d u s t r i a l a r t s , or home economics. Both doted on lectures and t h e i r atmosphere was repressive. When they taught nature study they appealed to books and the memory. Teachers consequently did not make proper use of t h e i r nature study classes. The v i s i o n of t h e i r Normal School i n s t r u c t o r s was 28 l i m i t e d , they could not break from the formal mode i n which they had been taught, and r u r a l science and gardening released a captive audience and confused young and uncertain d i s c i p l i n a r i a n s . In general, teacher t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the province probably f a i l e d to produce many rural-minded teachers. Beyond the problem of teacher t r a i n i n g was the dilemma of teacher transiency. Transiency, Gibson sa i d , was "probably most inj u r i o u s i n the case of school and home gardening . . . " i n that the teacher to plant was not the one to harvest. Transiency was produced by young females who l e f t the profession upon getting married, low s a l a r i e s , low supply of teachers r e l a t i v e to demand, and abominable s o c i a l conditions. A t h i r d major problem, indeed, was the s o c i a l m i l i e u of many r u r a l teachers. Local tyranny, school feuds, l o n e l i n e s s , lack of r e c r e a t i o n a l , l i b r a r y , or teaching f a c i l i t i e s — a l l increased a teacher's desire to be gone i n a few months and d r a s t i c a l l y reduced the p o s s i b i l i t y that teachers would become leaders i n remote d i s t r i c t s . The t y p i c a l teacher, i n f a c t , was much better characterized as a damsel i n d i s t r e s s than a r u r a l missionary. The s o l u t i o n to the hydra-headed r u r a l problem, thus, was more than the school could hope to accomplish. As the curtain came down upon the d i s t r i c t supervisors they were abandoned f i r s t by the f e d e r a l government, then the p r o v i n c i a l government, and f i n a l l y t h e i r l o c a l school boards. Their l a s t days were a time of i n t r o s p e c t i o n and deepening s e l f knowledge. A number had experience i n the United States which b l u r r e d the great d i s t i n c t i o n they had drawn between educational and vocational a g r i c u l t u r e . As J.B. B r i t t o n w r o te—"I am not very clear on i t . " During t h e i r f i n a l immolation the 29 missionaries underwent grievous personal anxiety. In t h e i r hour of t r i b u l a t i o n these dedicated and i n s p i r e d teachers retreated into the classrooms surrounding themselves with t h e i r charges and sharing for a f i n a l time t h e i r v i s i o n and s p i r i t . , There was poignancy to the moving spectacle of a man of Readey's c a l i b r e searching the province for a job and being forced i n the end to leave the country. Under-standably the supervisors f e l t betrayed by the school boards they had served. Evidences of board coldness and i r r a t i o n a l i t y which they perceived l e f t a legacy of bi t t e r n e s s between the Department and school boards which was an important ingredient i n the move toward large school d i s t r i c t s . The years between 1925 and 1929 provided the d e c l i n i n g substance of the f i n a l act. School grounds b e a u t i f i c a t i o n continued, but not i n r u r a l areas. With the end of the grants gardening was v i r t u a l l y abandoned by the f a l l of 1925. A few of the embers of a cooling mission brightened a moment i n home gardening i n North Vancouver before the programme was extinguished. Supervisors who were l e f t by New Years 1925 became regular teachers shorn of t h e i r former mobility and forced to continue what they could of t h e i r former exploits, outside school time. In the l a t t e r days of the programme Gibson found no s o l u t i o n to h i s differences with the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . The j u n i o r programme of the P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n collapsed without the supervisors and without l o c a l support. Sometime i n t h i s period Gibson reversed h i s f a v o r i t i s m f o r New Westminster and advocated the united f a i r which Vancouver a u t h o r i t i e s favored. The f i e r y death of':the grand o l d P r o v i n c i a l E x h i b i t i o n i n 1929 symbolized the end of an era and a 30 programme. The school which emerged from f i f t e e n years of contact and experimentation with a g r i c u l t u r e was remarkably unchanged. By the end of the period high schools were s t i l l p r i m a r i l y meeting the needs of University or Normal School aspirants. The curriculum retained most of i t s academicism and the resultant i n t e l l e c t u a l influence disparaged p r a c t i c a l and r u r a l values and favored l i t e r a r y and urban ones. As Putman and Weir concluded, "not a l l the forces making c i t i e s were economic." By o f f e r i n g s o c i a l mobility and an escape route from the hinterlands, the academic school helped to undo most of Gibson's plans. As Gibson q u i e t l y made h i s way into a new career i n correspondence education, turning h i s eye toward the more r e a l i s t i c task of helping i n d i v i d u a l s i n the remoteness, he must have sensed that he and h i s missionaries had been i n the van of the school's march in t o the community. And he must have r e a l i z e d that he had witnessed the high water mark of the school's influence as an agency for a g r i c u l t u r a l education and for enhancing l i f e on the land. 31 CHAPTER 1 FOOTNOTES 1 2 3 4 7 9 British Columbia, Full Report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture (Victoria: King's Printer, 1914), p. 315. Theodore Roosevelt, "Greatness Depends on the T i l l e r of the So i l , " in George McGovern, ed., Agricultural Thought in the Twentieth  Century (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967), p. 28. For the role of the Commission in the passage of the Agricultural Instruction Act, see J.M. Norman, "Loran Arthur DeWolfe and Rural Educational Reform in Nova Scotia," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Calgary, 1970), pp. 157-61. Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Industrial Training and  Technical Education (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1913), Part 11, p. 286. See also British Columbia, Annual Report of the Public Schools, 1920, p. C48, hereafter AR. See also O.J. Kern, Among Country Schools (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1906); K.L. Butterfield, Chapters in Rural Progress (Chicago: University Press, 1908); H.W. Foght, The American Rural School (New York: MacMillan, 1910); E.P. Cubberley, Rural Life and Education (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1914). See also Cubberley's excellent annotated bibliography. See Robert Craig Brown's introduction and bibliography in MacDougall, Rural Life in Canada (reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), especially his reference to the Lands Committee of the Commission on Conservation, Annual Reports 1911-1921; sections on agriculture in A. Shortt and A.G. Doughty, eds., Canada and Its Provinces (Toronto: Brook and Co., 1913-1914); and V.C. Fowke, Canadian Agricultural Policy: The Historical Pattern (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1947). See also Richard Allen's The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform  in Canada, 1914-1928 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973) and numerous references to the rural problem in Neil Sutherland's Children  in English-Canadian Society (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976). Canada, Debates of the House of Commons, 1912-13, vol. CV111, p. 2149. Ibid. Ibid., p. 2155. 32 Ibid., pp. 2150, 2152-53. Canada, Statutes, "An Act for the Granting of Aid for the Purpose of A g r i c u l t u r a l Instruction i n the Provinces," (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1913), p. 135. Gibson to Duncan Marshall, May 6, 1922 Reel 4 Series 4, A g r i c u l t u r a l Education, Central M i c r o f i l m Bureau, Public Archives of B r i t i s h C o l -umbia, hereafter R4S4 and PABC; Gibson to S.T. Newton, Jan. 18, 1924 R5S4. Marshall was the Dominion Commissioner of A g r i c u l t u r e and Newton was the Director of Club Work i n Manitoba. For the use of 'progressive education 1 see Lawrence A. Cremin, The  Transformation of the School (New York: Knopf, 1961); Sol Cohen, Progressives and Urban School Reform (New York: Teachers' College, 1964); R.S. Patterson, "The Establishment of Progressive Education i n A l b e r t a , " (Ph.D. th e s i s , Michigan State University, 1968); Patterson, "Society and Education During the Wars and Their Interlude, 1914-1945," i n J . Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet, eds., Canadian Education: A History (Scarborough: Prentice-H a l l , 1970). Viewing progressivism as a response to the new urban-industrial order, Cremin suggested four themes. Progressivism meant expanding the curriculum to include the new socioeconomic experience, focussing on the i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d r e n who l i v e d i n a changed world, applying s c i e n c e — an essence of that w o r l d — t o the problem of schooling, and f i n a l l y , assuring democratic sharing of be n e f i t s , knowledge, and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the new order. Some recent scholars have dealt with the period without using the term "progressive" which they f e l t i n Cremin's hands was t i e d too c l o s e l y to notions of humanitarianism, benevolence, and democracy. By focussing on the growth of mass schooling, bureau-cracy, s o c i a l c l a s s , vocationalism, and the connections between schooling and the c a p i t a l i s t system these scholars have added to the period a new complexity and a new meaning. See for example: Marvin Lazerson, Origins of the Urban School: Public Education i n  Massachusetts, 1870-1915 (Cambridge: Harvard Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1971); Lazerson and W. Norton Grubb, eds., American Education and Vocation- alism (New York: Teachers' College Press, 1974); David Tyack, The  One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974); Michael B. Katz, The Irony of Early  School Reform (Cambridge: Harvard Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1968); Katz, Class Bureaucracy and Schools: The I l l u s i o n of Educational Change i n  America (New York: Praeger, 1971); Katz, ed., School Reform: Past and  Present (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, 1971); Katz, ed., Education and American  History (New York: Praeger, 1973); J o e l Spring, Education and the  Rise of the Corporate State (Boston: Beacon, 1972); Samuel Bowles and Herbert G i n t i s , Schooling i n C a p i t a l i s t America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic L i f e (New York: Basic Books, 33 1976). Partly as a result of this work, other historians have recently tended to avoid the term "progressive" as ambiguous, partially contra-dictory, and too d i f f i c u l t to define. Canadian historians have often used the term "new" education. Neil Sutherland has remarked in a personal communication that his survey of the pre-1920 period revealed very l i t t l e use of the term "progressive" in Canada. Robert Stamp sees a sharp difference between the "new" education in Ontario occurring near the turn of the century and "progressive" education later in the thirties. (Robert M. Stamp, The Schools of Ontario, Volume 2, 1876-1976, manuscript in preparation) In this distinction Douglas A. Lawr and Robert Gidney seem to concur. (Educating Canadians, A Documentary  History of Public Education (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1973) The differences between what the terms entail, however, are hazy. The whole problem is confused by the facts that Americans tended to use "progressive" when Canadians used "new," and that even in the Ontario "progressive" period in the thirties the Canadian equivalent of the American Progressive Education Association was called the New Education Fellowship, after the British usage. If the term "progressive" education or "new" education tends to mean most of what Cremin said (minus some of the humanitarianism and more of the democracy) as well as most of what the revisionists say (less some of the excessive negativism and bitterness)—the defintion has probably become too galactic and too confusing to be useful. As Karl Kaestle has said, "One problem in dealing with Progressive education, i f the phrase is taken to mean a l l educational innovation from 1890 through the 1920s, is the bewildering variety of programs and philosophies. The liberating, conformist, individualizing, and bureaucratizing tendencies set loose in these years make almost any interpretation possible i f you look at the right group of people and statements." ("Social Reform and the Urban School," History of  Education Quarterly, X l l (Summer 1972): 216) Kaestle agrees with Peter Filene that i t is bestt to "tear off the familiar label" and recognize the ambiguity and complexity of the period. (Peter Filene, "An Obituary for 'The Progressive Movement,'" American Quarterly, XXII (Spring 1970): 34) Taking this advice and following the example of Lazerson's Origins of the Urban School, this study w i l l avoid the term. "New" education w i l l be used seldomly but wherever necessary and w i l l refer basically to curricular and methodological changes. The study w i l l deal more concretely with some issues which writers have identified with progressive education, such as: the expansion of curriculum, the acquisition of new teaching methods, the application of science to the problem of schooling (specifically agricultural education), the extension of educational bureaucracy, the a l t r u i s t i c motives of educational reformers, and the question of whether certain innovations really changed the system. 34 For recent studies of school promoters see Alison Prentice, The School  Promoters (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1977); several studies in R.S. Patterson, J.W. Chalmers, and J.W. Friesen, eds., Profiles of  Canadian Educators (Toronto: Heath, 1974), including R.M. Stamp's "James L. Hughes, Proponent of the New Education," "Adelaide Hoodless, Champion of Women's Rights," and "John Seath, Advocate of Vocational Preparation"; N.M. Sheehan's "Alexander H. MacKay, Social and Educational Reformer"; J.M. Norman's "Loran A. DeWolfe, Forerunner of Progressive Education"; and R.Sv Patterson's "Hubert Newland, Theorist of Progress-ive Education." See also Norman's "Loran Arthur DeWolfe and Rural Educational Reform." For references to missionary zeal in the period see Sutherland, Children in English-Canadian Society, ch. 11, 12; Allen, The Social Passion; Carl Berger, The Sense of Power (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), ch. 7. For recent studies of character and citizenship education see Sutherland, Children in English-Canadian Society, ch. 11, 12, 13; George Tomkins, " P o l i t i c a l SocializationrResearch and Canadian Studies," Canadian Journal of Education, Special Issue: Canadian Studies, 2 (1977): 83-91; T.H.B. Symons, To Know Ourselves: The Report  of the Commission on Canadian Studies, 2 vols., (Ottawa: Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada, 1975); George Tomkins, "Nation-al Consciousness: The Curriculum and Canadian Studies," The Journal  of Education' (Vancouver), 20 (Spring 1974): 41-61; A.B. Hodgetts, What Culture? What Heritage? (Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1968). For recent studies dealing with the myth of the land see L.R. Ricou, Vertical Man Horizontal World (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1973); Robert Craig Brown's introduction to MacDougall's Rural  Life in Canada; Marcia B. Kline, Beyond the Land Itself: Views of  Nature in Canada and the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970); McGovern, ed., Agricultural Thought in the Twentieth  Century; Cole Harris, "The Myth of the Land in Canadian Nationalism," and Carl Berger, "The True North Strong and Free," in Peter Russell, ed., Nationalism in Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1966). For recent studies dealing with some aspects of the relationship between the school and community see Sutherland, Children in English-Canadian  Society; Tyack, The One Best System; Katz, Class Bureaucracy and  Schools; Michael Katz and Paul Mattingly, eds., Education and Social  Change (New York: New York University Press, 1975); Lazerson, Origins of the Urban School; Wilson, et^ . _al. eds., Canadian Education: A  History. For recent studies of curriculum interventions see George Tomkins, "The Canada Studies Foundation: A Canadian Approach to Curriculum Intervene:'. 35 t i o n , " Canadian Journal of Education, Special Issue: Canadian Studies, 2 (1977): 5-15; John W. Kehoe, "The New S o c i a l Studies and C i t i z e n s h i p Education: A C r i t i q u e , " i n Terence Morrison and Anthony Burton, eds., Options: Reforms and A l t e r n a t i v e s f or Canadian Education (Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973). For studies of bureaucracy see Katz, Class Bureaucracy and Schools; Tyack, The One Best System; also comments of Sutherland :in Children  i n English-Canadian Society, pp. 169-71. For important pleas for more h i s t o r y about teachers and teaching see John Calam, "A Letter from Quesnel: The Teacher i n History and Other Fables," History of Education Quarterly, XV (Summer 1975): 131-45; G.J. C l i f f o r d , "Saints, Sinners, and People: A P o s i t i o n Paper on the Historiography of American Education," History of Education Quarterly, XV ( F a l l 1975): 257-72; C l i f f o r d , "Home and School i n 19thr..Century America: Some Q u a l i t a t i v e Reports from the United States," P r e s i d e n t i a l Address to the History of Education Society Annual Meeting, Toronto, .'. 1977. Lawrence A. Cremin, Public Education (New York: Basic Books, 1976), p. 27. See also Cremin's American Education: The C o l o n i a l Experience, 1607-1783 (New York: Harper and Row, 1970). CHAPTER 2 AGRICULTURE, EDUCATION, AND THE AGRICULTURAL INSTRUCTION ACT The story of a g r i c u l t u r a l education i n the schools of B r i t i s h Columbia occurred within two broad c o n t e x t s — t h e h i s t o r y of the province's a g r i c u l t u r e and the h i s t o r y of i t s education. The former helps explain the s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s of those who brought a g r i c u l t u r e to the schools, and the l a t t e r explains the m i l i e u of p u b l i c schooling when gardening and other a g r i c u l t u r a l projects began. The broader h i s t o r y of a g r i c u l t u r a l e d u c a t i o n — i n c l u d i n g the e f f o r t s of the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Departments of A g r i c u l t u r e and the University of B r i t i s h Columbia—reminds us that the school's e f f o r t was not alone. I t also foreshadows the clash between schoolmen and other educators over the scope of the school's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In the beginning, however, there was l i t t l e thought of opposition. What drew these educative agencies together, financed them, and infused them with a f i e r c e s o c i a l mission was the A g r i c u l t u r a l Instruction' Act of 1913. Between 1901 and 1931 Canada's population climbed from 5,371,315 to 10,376,786 and the r u r a l proportion dropped from 62.5 to 46.3 percent."'' At the same time B r i t i s h Columbia's population leapt from 178,657 to 694,263 and the r u r a l portion dropped from 49.5 to 43.1 percent. Throughout the period when most provinces 36 37 became in c r e a s i n g l y urban with each successive decade, B r i t i s h Columbia fluctuated, becoming i n 1921 52.8 percent r u r a l before undergoing 2 pronounced urbanization i n the next decade. The period of greatest increase i n the r u r a l areas of B r i t i s h Columbia was 1901-1911 when 3 more than 100,000 came. Agric u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1901 and 1931 shared the s p o t l i g h t with the other primary i n d u s t r i e s of mining, f o r e s t r y , and f i s h i n g . In that period the t o t a l value of a g r i c u l t u r a l production was usually second or t h i r d , behind fo r e s t r y and sometimes mining, 4 though r a r e l y , as i n 1914, i t was f i r s t . Consistent with trends i n Western Canada the t o t a l number of occupied farms climbed s t e a d i l y i n the period from 6,501 to 26,394. The area i n farms also rose s t e a d i l y from 1,497,419 to 3,541,541 acres with the greatest jump i n the f i r s t decade.^ In value of products, f i e l d crops in c l u d i n g hay, oats, wheat, and potatoes were most important from 1901 to 1921, but by 1931 these were superseded by animal products, p r i m a r i l y dairying. In 1901 the three most important phases of a g r i c u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia were f i e l d crops, animal products, and stock s o l d l i v e . By 1931 the three most important were: animal products, f i e l d crops, and f r u i t s and vegetables.^ Growth i n dairying, poultry, and f r u i t f a r m i n g was most s i g n i f i c a n t . The number of dairy c a t t l e increased from 33,953 i n 1911 to 94,816 i n 1920 and 117,143 i n 1923. 8 The number of poultry jumped from 347,000 i n 1901 to 969,000 i n 1911, 1,968,000 i n 1921, and 4,698,000 i n 1929.9 The apple crop, by f a r the main f r u i t product, leapt from 465,412 boxes i n 1913 to 1,289,980 i n 1916, 2,524,132 i n 1919, 3,131,207 i n 1921, and 4,370,819 i n 1928. 1 0 38 The average farm s i z e fluctuated, r e f l e c t i n g the idiosyncrasies of B r i t i s h Columbian a g r i c u l t u r a l development. In 1901, with the great ranches of the i n t e r i o r s t i l l t h r i v i n g , the average farm s i z e was 230.3 acres."'""'' In the next decade as Premier Richard McBride accelerated railway development and the population more than doubled, various land companies and speculators bought up large t r a c t s and 12 subdivided them. P a r t i t i o n was so h e c t i c and the growth of coast 13 c i t i e s so rapid that large areas were withdrawn from c u l t i v a t i o n . In the i n t e r i o r vast t r a c t s were chopped up for orchards and by 1914 the Royal Commission on A g r i c u l t u r e reported the "the days 1 4 of the b i g ranches w i l l be gone before very long." Largely as a r e s u l t of the s u b s t i t u t i o n of intensive h o r t i c u l t u r e : for ranching the average farm s i z e dropped to 149.8 acres i n 1911.^ With the same processes continuing, the average dropped to 130.3 acres i n 1921, before r i s i n g s l i g h t l y to 135 acres i n 1931, r e f l e c t i n g the f a i l u r e of many small farmers i n the decade and the opening of large 16 farms i n the Peace River country. These processes had a marked e f f e c t on land settlement. By 1911 much of the best land had been bought up. Indeed, McBride boasted that i n the previous seven years h i s government had s o l d two m i l l i o n acres. ^  S e t t l e r s were thus deprived of land near railways 18 and forced to preempt i n more i s o l a t e d areas. This tendency towards i s o l a t i o n was no doubt abetted by ethnic sentiments for group settlement, by the n a t u r a l i n c l i n a t i o n to think f a r pastures were greener, and by a government land p o l i c y which allowed complete 19 freedom of s e l e c t i o n by s e t t l e r s . Moreover, r e a l estate 39 misrepresentation concerning clearing costs, earning power and s u i t a b i l i t y of the land f o r c e r t a i n crops lured s e t t l e r s into i s o l a t e d 20 settlements. Before the War many s e t t l e r s moved to out-of-the-way harbours l i k e San Josef Bay on the northern t i p of Vancouver Island, Seymour Arm on Shuswap Lake, or Malcolm Island at the southeastern 21 end of Queen Charlotte S t r a i t . The Royal Commission on Ag r i c u l t u r e i n 1914 pointed out that scattered settlement led to d i f f i c u l t y i n 22 procuring roads, schools, doctors, and markets. By 1917 Premier H.C. Brewster recognized i s o l a t e d settlement as one of the 23 province's fundamental problems. Speculation and subdivision were t i e d i n another way to the hi s t o r y of settlement. They helped to produce not only i s o l a t e d pockets, but also the predominant mode of the "back to the land 24 movement"—fruit farming. By subdividing large ranches i n t o small 25 orchards land companies could reap fortunes. Fruitgrowing expanded rapidly between 1901 and 1911 when the number of trees more than quadrupled from 649,091 to 2,677,486, creating serious marketing 2 6 problems. In that period and p a r t i c u l a r l y from 1911 to 1914 trees 27 were planted i n areas completely unsuited to fruitgrowing. These err o r s , of course, were not a l l due to the malignant operations of land companies. Some companies sank fortunes i n t o development and 2 8 many errors were made through s e t t l e r and company inexperience. Speculation and subdivision also a f f e c t e d land p r i c e s . Between 1901 and 1911 the average farm value more than doubled while the 29 average farm s i z e diminished by a t h i r d . The demand of 100,000 s e t t l e r s streaming i n t o the province also forced prices up. In the 40 Okanagan, for example, r e a l estate prices jumped between 1898 and 1908 30 from $1 an acre to $1,000. The increase i n prices combined with the high cost of l i v i n g and land c l e a r i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia meant that the average s e t t l e r needed more money to e s t a b l i s h himself than he had 31 av a i l a b l e . In keeping with trends elsewhere, the Royal Commission on A g r i c u l t u r e recommended an A g r i c u l t u r a l Credit Commission to 32 provide farm loans. Accordingly, a Commission was established i n 1916 and i t s functions were taken over by a Land Settlement Board 33 created i n 1917 to take care of returned s o l d i e r s . What emerged i n B r i t i s h Columbian a g r i c u l t u r e before the F i r s t War then were a number of problems i n c l u d i n g speculation, misrepresen-t a t i o n , s e t t l e r inexperience, high land and c l e a r i n g costs, and the need f o r f i n a n c i a l and cooperative help for farmers. The fundamental r e a l i t y for those who t r i e d to solve these and other problems was that farming had become less s e l f s u f f i c i e n t . I t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s no longer l i v e d e x c l u s i v e l y off the f r u i t s of t h e i r labor; nor were they buying and s e l l i n g i n p a l t r y amounts. As t h e i r production mounted and machinery became av a i l a b l e they became more intimately connected with 34 the outside world and t h e i r p r a c t i c e became a business. "Up to the l a s t ten or f i f t e e n years," s a i d P r o v i n c i a l S t a t i s t i c i a n A.B. Tweddle i n 1918, " l i t t l e thought was given to the business side of farming, and yet i t i s probable that more farmers f a i l f i n a n c i a l l y from a lack of proper business methods and records than from ignorance i n handling 35 land, plants, or animals because of poor production." Since farming was becoming an industry i t required the a p p l i c a t i o n of science and technology to make i t e f f i c i e n t . The 41 decades before 1920 were years of great s c i e n t i f i c advances. J U The e l e c t r i c l i g h t , the automobile, and the airplane were a l l recent, as were sev e r a l discoveries i n the f i e l d of health, i n c l u d i n g the 37 tuberculosis germ and the c o n t r o l of diphtheria. "In the l a s t f i f t y years the progress has been phenomenal," exclaimed F.C. Harrison, P r i n c i p a l of Macdonald College. "Discovery has t r o d on the heels of discovery, science has l a i d bare the secrets of nature, new sciences have emerged with a leap l i k e P a l l a s Athene who sprang f o r t h from the 38 head of Zeus with a mighty war shout and i n complete armour." "The day of 'rule of thumb' farming has passed," s a i d W.E. Scott, B r i t i s h Columbia Deputy M i n i s t e r of A g r i c u l t u r e i n 1915. "In these days of keen competition, the farmer, to be successful, must c a l l science to his aid. A knowledge of the underlying p r i n c i p l e s of a g r i c u l t u r e and t h e i r proper a p p l i c a t i o n i s absolutely e s s e n t i a l i f the highest 39 r e s u l t s are to be obtained." S i g n i f i c a n t l y too, although t h i s was not stressed by promoters, the a p p l i c a t i o n of science and technology escalated c a p i t a l costs. As an increased exchange of commodities with other provinces and the rest of the world occurred, problems beyond those of simple production appeared. Problems, for example, of marketing and i n s e c t 40 and disease i n f e s t a t i o n . As one might expect, marketing i n B r i t i s h Columbia became a problem c h i e f l y where production increased dramatically i n a short period and where outside markets were needed. This occurred p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the F i r s t War with poultry and tree 41 f r u i t s . Three of the more serious i n f e s t a t i o n s and diseases through-out the period involved codling moths i n the Okanagan, the strawberry 42 root weevil on Vancouver Island and the lower mainland, and bovine 42 tuberculosis i n the Fraser Valley. To help accommodate the farmer to the new world of farm cost accounting, s c i e n t i f i c a g r i c u l t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s , cooperative marketing and disease control, and j u s t as important, to make farming s o c i a l l y rewarding and to encourage a love of the l a n d — f o u r i n s t i t u t i o n s were active: the Federal Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , the P r o v i n c i a l Department of A g r i c u l t u r e , the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, and the P r o v i n c i a l Department of Education. The Dominion Experimental Farms system was established i n 1886. In 1922 The A g r i c u l t u r a l Gazette reviewed the continuing concerns of the farms and described t h e i r role i n changing the nature of Canadian farming: - We do not understand the condition of Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e when the Farms were established. We do not r e a l i z e that i n those days the value of good seed and s u i t a b l e v a r i e t i e s was not under-stood, that systematic rotations were very l i t t l e followed, that good c u l t u r a l methods were neither studied nor p r a c t i s e d , that the use of f e r t i l i z e r s was not f a i r l y understood or systematically followed, that the advantages of surface t i l l a g e to preserve s o i l moisture on one hand, and of underdrainage on the other, had not been brought to the attention of the farmer, that the uses of leguminous plants to increase s o i l f e r t i l i t y were unknown, that the necessity of c a r e f u l breeding, feeding, hous^ ing, and management of l i v e stock was not r e c o g n i z e d , — o r i n short that a g r i c u l t u r a l education and p r a c t i c e i n the Dominion were i n t h e i r infancy.43 Just as a g r i c u l t u r a l depression i n the 1880s had led to the formation of the Experimental Farms so the rapid settlement of Western Canada and the increased n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l attention given to a g r i c u l t u r a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n from 1900 to 1910 led to a rapid expansion 44 of the system. From the o r i g i n a l f i v e farms, inc l u d i n g the 43 Central Farm i n Ottawa and the Agassiz farm i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the system expanded by 1914 to include eighteen branch farms and stations 45 and seven substations. By 1922 there were three more branch farms, 46 another substation, and two tobacco experimental s t a t i o n s . By that time B r i t i s h Columbia had branch stations at Sidney and Invermere, as w e l l as at Agassiz, and substations at Kamloops and Salmon Arm. Shortly a f t e r , an important branch s t a t i o n was established at 47 Summerland. These stations s p e c i a l i z e d i n l o c a l problems. Summerland, for example, was deeply involved i n the production of f r u i t under i r r i g a t i o n , and Sidney concentrated on bulb culture, h o r t i c u l t u r e , and 48 important poultry experiments. The second i n s t i t u t i o n to acquaint the farmer with the d i f f i c u l t i e s and changed conditions was the P r o v i n c i a l Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . From 1873 to 1893 A g r i c u l t u r e was included with the p o r t f o l i o of Finance and i t was not u n t i l the l a t t e r date that any s t a f f was attached 49 to the A g r i c u l t u r a l Department. In 1895 the f i r s t Deputy M i n i s t e r was appointed. From that point, the a g r i c u l t u r a l s t a f f grew s t e a d i l y u n t i l 1910 when there were th i r t e e n permanent members. Over the next four years, as the p r o v i n c i a l population burgeoned, so too did the s t a f f of the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e . By 1914 there were f o r t y - f i v e permanent s t a f f members and sixty-two t e m p o r a r y . A t that time the chief o f f i c e r s included a Live Stock Commissioner, Dairy Instructor, Chief I n s t r u c t o r i n Poultry, P r o v i n c i a l H o r t i c u l t u r i s t , Seed and Crop Instructor, A g r i c u l t u r i s t , Markets Commissioner, and Inspector of F r u i t Pests.^^ F i f t e e n years l a t e r , i n addition to t h i s group there were: s i x D i s t r i c t A g r i c u l t u r i s t s , four Apiary Inspectors, 44 a P r o v i n c i a l Agronomist, Chief Inspector of Imported F r u i t and Nursery Stock, P r o v i n c i a l Plant Pathologist, Recorder of Brands, 52 Superintendent of Women's I n s t i t u t e s , and an Entomologist. The Department administered the a f f a i r s of the Farmers' I n s t i t u t e s , the Women's I n s t i t u t e s , and the A g r i c u l t u r a l Associations. The Farmers' I n s t i t u t e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia began i n the Surrey-53 Langley d i s t r i c t i n 1897. Their expansion was much more rapid than i n some sections of the continent due to a concerted e f f o r t by the Department to arouse i n t e r e s t by featuring addresses by 54 eminent speakers from the eastern provinces and the United States. By 1914 there were 95 i n the province, and by 1920, 1 5 9 . T h e object of the I n s t i t u t e s was to encourage "co-operative methods i n securing 5 6 . . . supplies and . . marketing produce." They received govern-ment subsidies and were sent expert lecturers and demonstrators free of charge. Their members got stumping powder at a reduced rate as w e l l as free government b u l l e t i n s and a g r i c u l t u r a l pamphlets. The Women's I n s t i t u t e s s t a r t e d l a t e r . Following the work of Adelaide Hoodless, they spread to B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1909 through the e f f o r t s of Laura Rose of Guelph."^ The f i r s t I n s t i t u t e was, organized at Gordon Head on Vancouver Island and by 1915 there were 5 8 f i f t y - s i x . Their purpose, wrote W.E. Scott, Deputy Minis t e r of Ag r i c u l t u r e , was the "amelioration of conditions . . . a f f e c t i n g 59 women i n our r u r a l communities." A synopsis of the work of the Department of Ag r i c u l t u r e i n 1914 in d i c a t e d an extension of "the scope of usefulness" of the I n s t i t u t e s "covering co-operation between i n s t i t u t e s , school gardens, s a n i t a t i o n and domestic science 45 i n r u r a l schools, club-rooms [and] medical emergencies i n the 60 home . . . " The I n s t i t u t e s received lecturers and demonstrators from the Department for t h e i r spring and f a l l meetings as w e l l as s p e c i a l l y prepared b u l l e t i n s on matters a f f e c t i n g women free of charge. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Associations i n B r i t i s h Columbia began with the Cowichan and Salt Spring Island Association i n 1868.^ O r i g i n a l l y t h e i r purpose was "the protection and advancement of a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s " i n the province. They appear to have acted somewhat l i k e a department of agriculture i n the years before the Department was organized. Thus by 1900 there were nineteen i n existence. In the next few years as the Department assumed the larger job of p r o t e c t i n g and advancing a g r i c u l t u r e , the-Associations became more concerned with staging f a l l f a i r s . The Department p a r t i c i p a t e d by furnishing judges and f i n a n c i a l assistance. As s e t t l e r s flooded i n t o the province, the number of Associations rose sharply as did the Department's f i n a n c i a l commitment. By 1912 there were seventy-six Associations and the f a i r grants t o t a l e d $90,000—an increase of $80,000 i n j u s t three 62 63 years. The War h a l t e d the r i s i n g number of f a i r s . Following the c o n f l i c t the numbers sharply increased, reaching an a l l - t i m e high of seventy-seven f a i r s i n 1923, before d e c l i n i n g moderately f o r the 64 rest of the decade. The t h i r d i n s t i t u t i o n which a s s i s t e d the farmer was the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. A f t e r a long h i s t o r y of a g i t a t i o n , the University began operations i n the f a l l of 1915.^ The College of A g r i c u l t u r e under the Dean and subsequent President of the 46 Un i v e r s i t y , L.S. K l i n c k , provided a four year course leading to a Bachelor of Science Degree i n A g r i c u l t u r e (B.S.A.) as w e l l as a number of short courses. The f i r s t two years of the degree programme featured the s c i e n t i f i c foundations of a g r i c u l t u r e and the second two years featured s p e c i a l i z e d courses i n p r a c t i c a l a g r i c u l t u r e . * ^ The short courses, on the other hand, were "intensely p r a c t i c a l " throughout. They had neither entrance requirements nor concluding examinations. Reducing lectures to a minimum, they demonstrated problems i n fruitgrowing, agronomy, and animal husbandry, and 6 7 featured techniques i n judging crops and l i v e s t o c k . Courses i n general a g r i c u l t u r e were also established to a s s i s t returning veterans wishing to farm. Following the War the University established four-day extension schools throughout the province where experts brought farmers the p r i n c i p l e s and l a t e s t techniques of good farming. Between 1918 and 69 1922 the Un i v e r s i t y held nearly 1,500 extension classes. As w e l l , beginning most strongly i n 1920 through i t s f i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l departments—agronomy, animal husbandry, dairying, h o r t i c u l t u r e , and poultry husbandry—the University conducted a multitude of experiments, farm surveys, and advisory s e r v i c e s . ^ The fourth i n s t i t u t i o n c a l l e d upon to provide a g r i c u l t u r a l education was the public- school. S i f t i n g through the primary and secondary material on the school system between 1900 and 1930, one i s struck by three broad changes that took place concerning the purview or scope of the school, the organization of p u b l i c education, and the content of p u b l i c education. 47 There was a f e e l i n g among schoolmen i n the period that the school was becoming more important i n the l i v e s of the common p e o p l e . ^ This f e e l i n g had i t s o r i g i n s i n the erosion of the influence of the 72 family and the church i n the nineteenth century and before. In the twentieth century i t was i n t e n s i f i e d by a number of factors. F i r s t , the number and percentage of students i n elementary and secondary schools expanded enormously. Second, a group of schoolmen began to stress the unity of school and l i f e , a slogan which tended to broaden the school's horizons to include the c h i l d ' s home l i f e and community 73 l i f e . Third, a number of schoolmen introduced course revisions and innovations, changes which stressed p r a c t i c a l i t y . Advocates of c u r r i c u l a r changes argued that the introduction of such new subjects as manual t r a i n i n g , domestic science, and a g r i c u l t u r e , meant that the 74 school was expanding i t s purview. Fourth, t h i s f e e l i n g of an expanding school was buoyed by the harrowing and s p i r i t u a l experience of the F i r s t War which stressed duty, devotion to cause, and ser v i c e . The organization of pu b l i c education changed too. The system began i n 1872 with an Act and a Superintendent that imposed a highly 76 c e n t r a l i z e d Ryersonian model on the province. As time went on th i s c e n t r a l i z a t i o n weakened as the government s h u f f l e d school finance r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s onto the c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . ^ By the time of the major c o s t l y c u r r i c u l a r expansions, centring on the War years and l a t e r , a c r i t i c a l l y important force often determining the fate of the newer subjects was the school board. A board which helped finance an innovation had a strong hand i n the innovation's future. Accompanying t h i s d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of authority was a dramatic 48 increase i n the numbers of students and teachers, the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of supervisory personnel and teachers, the l e v e l of c e r t i f i c a t i o n , and the percentage of females i n the teaching force. Between 1900-01 and 1928-29 t o t a l enrolments leapt from 23,615 to 109,558, secondary enrolments skyrocketed from 584 to 14,545, and 78 the number of teachers increased from 543 to 3,784. The number of o f f i c i a l s administering the system increased from a small coterie i n c l u d i n g the Superintendent, three Inspectors, and a small Board of Examiners, to a v e r i t a b l e h o s t — i n c l u d i n g , an Assistant Superintendent f i f t e e n Elementary Inspectors, four Municipal Inspectors, two High School Inspectors, an Organizer of Technical Education, Director of Home Economics, Welfare O f f i c e r for Rural Teachers, Director of Correspondence Courses, Registrar, O f f i c e r i n Charge of Free Texts, as w e l l as the s t a f f of two Normal Schools. This s p e c i a l i z a t i o n was accompanied by a s i m i l a r trend among teachers. Before the Normal Schools, teacher t r a i n i n g was a high school r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . P r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g was l i m i t e d to a course 79 i n education amid twenty-five or t h i r t y others. Following the establishment of Vancouver Normal School i n 1901, teacher t r a i n i n g 80 was systematized. The process continued with the founding of V i c t o r i a Normal School and V i c t o r i a Summer School for Teachers i n 81 1915. With the h i r i n g of John Kyle, Organizer for Technical Education and J.W. Gibson, Director of Elementary A g r i c u l t u r a l Education i n 1914, the numbers of " s p e c i a l teachers" increased. In 1916 there were 86 and by 1928, 217. 8 2 The most important developments i n teacher c e r t i f i c a t i o n 49 entailed a reduction i n the number of third class and temporary certificates .and an increase in the numbers of academic, f i r s t , and second class certificates. In 1913 there were 320 academic, 450 f i r s t class, 422 second class, 213 third class, and 192 temporary certificates. By 1929 there were 695 academic, 1,227 f i r s t class, 1,545 second class, 92 third class, and only 27 temporary c e r t i f i -83 cates. Finally, there was a sharp increase in the numbers of females in the teaching force. From 1890 to 1929 the percentage of females jumped from 51 to 72 percent, reaching an all-time high in 1918 of 84 81 percent, before a slow but significant decline. The content of education changed as well. Both the curriculum and methodology gradually shifted, though i t seemed that the former 85 often changed before the latter. Existing courses underwent a series of revisions. From the beginning of the system in 18;72 u n t i l the 1930s there was a tendency in the basic elementary subjects to become less formal, more functional, and more closely related to everyday needs. S t i f f finger writing was replaced by the MacLean muscular movement method which was freer, quicker, and more relaxing. Spelling slowly shifted from several thousand words based on the recognition vocabulary of eduated adults to about 4,000 based 87 on the writing vocabulary of normal children. The emphasis in reading shifted from faultless oral reading to comprehension and silent reading while the stress in arithmetic changed from rule learning, d i f f i c u l t conundrums, and long involved written problems 88 to simpler, oral problems related to practical l i f e . Similar 50 89 developments took place i n the high school curriculum. Between 1899-1900 and 1939-40 a number of subjects formerly p r i z e d f or t h e i r a b i l i t y to i n s t i l l mental d i s c i p l i n e l o s t ground. Thus i n 1899-1900 algebra, arithmetic, and L a t i n ranked f i r s t , second, and f i f t h i n 90 numbers of students enr o l l e d . By 1917-18 they ranked t h i r d , seventh, 9 1 and f i f t h , and by 1939-40 they were f i f t h , fourteenth, and sixteenth. Very important too were the additions to the curriculum. The three most s i g n i f i c a n t additions were manual t r a i n i n g and i t s t e c h n i c a l 92 education s p i n o f f s , domestic science, and a g r i c u l t u r e . A l l were p r a c t i c a l and designed to o f f s e t academicism and bookishness i n the curriculum. P a r t l y because they shared these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p a r t l y because they expanded at roughly the same time, and p a r t l y because t h e i r promoters stressed t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , these subjects were 93 often considered a c l o s e l y connected group. Even t h e i r opponents often attacked more than one of them at a time. A powerful academic t r a d i t i o n succeeded i n separating the academic from the p r a c t i c a l to the extent that manual t r a i n i n g and domestic science teachers were 94 excluded from regular s t a f f meetings. The i t i n e r a n t nature of the a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t supervisors further heightened the sense of 95 separation. None of these subjects became compulsory for a l l students i n the province. Even i n the s o - c a l l e d t e c h n i c a l high schools the c u r r i c u -lum was strongly academic and i n some of these schools at l e a s t the vocational function was s e r i o u s l y compromised by a requirement forbidding 96 entry to a l l but suc c e s s f u l high school entrance candidates. Progress was slowed by lack of t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s since throughout the ent i r e period the Vancouver Normal School had no f a c i l i t i e s f o r 97 manual t r a i n i n g or domestic science. Often the new courses were 51 opposed because they were costly and sometimes because they were poorly taught and out of touch with the p r a c t i c a l needs they were supposed to 98 serve. Frequently they were opposed on grounds that the subject 99 matter was the prerogative of the home. Of the three subjects, manual t r a i n i n g made the greatest progress. I t was introduced i n t o the elementary schools i n 1900 and the high schools i n 1909 and included plasticene modelling, woodwork, and metal work. In 1908 Harry Dunnell was appointed Manual Tra i n i n g Inspector. At that point the work centred on Vancouver, New Westminster, and V i c t o r i a and roughly 2,000 boys p a r t i c i p a t e d . ^ ^ By 1915, the year a f t e r an Organizer f o r Technical Education was appointed, there were 49 manual t r a i n i n g centres, 40 i n s t r u c t o r s , 6,233 elementary 102 students, and 806 high school students. By 1928 there were 93 manual t r a i n i n g and j u n i o r high school centres, 80 i n s t r u c t o r s , 11,155 elementary students, 1,291 j u n i o r high students and 1,963 103 high school students. As w e l l , t e c h n i c a l courses were established i n Vancouver beginning i n 1916-17, V i c t o r i a , New Westminster and 104 T r a i l . F i n a l l y i n 1928 a te c h n i c a l school was established i n Vancouver. The development of domestic science was somewhat slower. The subject, which included home management, home nursing, cooking, and sewing, was introduced i n t o the elementary schools i n 1900 and the high schools i n 1909. In 1914 i t was subsumed under the stewardship of John Kyle, Organizer of Technical Education. The following year there were 39 domestic science centres, 28 i n s t r u c t o r s , 5,967 e l e -106 mentary students and 801 high school students. By 1928 there were 52 73 centres, 71 teachers, 10,079 elementary school p u p i l s , and 2,232 i . i u n -1 107 hxgh school pupxls. The h i s t o r y of agr i c u l t u r e as a school subject i n the period was f a r more spectacular. From very small beginnings before the appointment of J.W. Gibson as Director of Elementary A g r i c u l t u r a l Instruction i n 1914, a g r i c u l t u r a l education, p a r t i c u l a r l y through school gardens, made rapid s t r i d e s . By Gibson's second annual report there were more elementary students e n r o l l e d i n school 108 gardening then i n e i t h e r domestic science or manual t r a i n i n g . This s i t u a t i o n obtained at l e a s t u n t i l 1922. While secondary e n r o l -ment i n agri c u l t u r e was l e s s , there were also more schools and many more teachers involved i n a g r i c u l t u r e and gardening. In 1922 Gibson estimated that 10,000 p u b l i c school pupils were being i n s t r u c t e d by almost 300 teachers i n nearly 100 schools. As w e l l , 109 450 high school students were being taught. Gibson's d i s t r i c t supervisor system peaked that year with a dozen s p e c i a l i s t s . Due to the end of fe d e r a l funding and to problems encountered during the conduct of a g r i c u l t u r e , i n t e r e s t i n agr i c u l t u r e waned a f t e r 1924. Supervisors s t i l l l e f t at that date became regular teachers of agric u l t u r e and science i n the high schools. In terms of secondary enrolment, a g r i c u l t u r e declined from twentieth place i n 1917-18 to t h i r t i e t h i n 1939-40."'"^ With the rapid diminution of school gardening and the disappearance of the supervisors who had overseen the gardening and other home p r o j e c t s , Gibson's role as Director was terminated i n 1929. Along with these changes went a gradually changing attit u d e 53 towards the c h i l d . T h e period i n B r i t i s h Columbia, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the War, abounded with exclamations that the Age of the C h i l d 112 had arrived. Inspectors l i k e Arthur Anstey urged the teacher to abandon his " d i d a c t i c a t t i t u d e " and become "an observer, guide, and f i n a l court of appeal" i n a great cooperative e f f o r t "to t r a i n the 113 pupils i n resourcefulness, i n i t i a t i v e , and independent e f f o r t . " New methods l i k e the s o c i a l i z e d r e c i t a t i o n , the pro j e c t , and even the Dalton Plan were advocated and practis e d . These methods involved 114 student a c t i v i t y and tended to give freer r e i n to student impulses. As the century wore on, the menacing regimentation of lock-step d i s c i p l i n e and marching to c l a s s , and the f a m i l i a r echo of regular attendance, punctuality and obedience common to the s o c i a l control i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of nineteenth century Ontario historiography, and indee