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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Personality and direct assessment of behaviour Violato, Claudio 1978

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PERS0N7ALITY AND DIRECT ASSESSMENT OF BEHAVIOUR by CIAUDIO VIQLATO B . S c , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Cblurnbia, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE. PEQUIPEMENTS FOR THE DEGREE CF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATICNAL PSYQDLOGY UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA We accept t h i s t h e s i s as a x i f o n n i n g t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1978 (c) C l a u d i o V i o l a t o , 1978 In present ing th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f r ee l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t i on of th is thes is for f i nanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of Educational Psychology The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date i i A b s t r a c t The primary purpose o f the present study was t o develop the t h e s i s t h a t c o n v e n t i o n a l p e r s o n a l i t y psychology has reached i t s l i m i t s as a science and t h a t an a l t e r n a t i v e approach i s both c a l l e d f o r and c o n t r i v a b l e . A c c o r d i n g l y , the two major c l a s s e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y models — the t r a i t and psycliodynamic models — were c r i t i c a l l y analyzed i n terms o f conceptual, methodological and e m p i r i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . S i t u a t i o n i s m , — the a n t i t h e s i s o f the t r a i t and psychodynamic models w i t h r e s p e c t t o c a u s a l i t y — was examined on the same bases. And f i n a l l y , i n t e r a c t i o n i s m (the model which attempts t o i n c o r p o r a t e f e a t u r e s o f both o f the former p o s i t i o n s ) was c r i t i c a l l y analyzed. I t was con-cluded t h a t some fundamental and c r u c i a l shortcomings i n these con-v e n t i o n a l p e r s o n a l i t y psychology p o s i t i o n s , have caused p e r s o n a l i t y psychology as a sc i e n c e t o have reached i t s l i m i t s . A c c o r d i n g l y , an a l t e r n a t i v e approach based on d i r e c t assessment o f behaviour which may provide a b a s i s f o r the a m e l i o r a t i o n o f the: d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t a p p a r e n t l y i n h e r e i n the former p o s i t i o n s , was proposed. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , a p e r s o n a l i t y dimension based on accumulated evidence was suggested and o f p a r t i c u l a r concern was the e x t e n t t o which people con-s i s t e n t l y m a n i f e s t behaviour which can j u s t i f y the p o s t u l a t i o n o f two be h a v i o u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , s t y l e s o r p e r s o n a l i t y types. An e m p i r i c a l i n -v e s t i g a t i o n o f the t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y o f p e r s i s t e n c e o f beha-v i o u r o f elementary s c h o o l c h i l d r e n was re p o r t e d . The r e s u l t s g e n e r a l l y supported the hypothesis t h a t the d i r e c t assessment o f behaviour across I l l varied situations will show higher transsituational consistency of behaviour than the usual indirect assessment procedures have here-tofore indicated. The implications of this approach both for the consistency-specificity issue and personality assessment in general, were discussed. Supervisor iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I INTRODUCTION 1 General Problem and D e l i i n i t a t i o n 4 I I THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF THE PROBLEM 6 Conceptual Bases f o r the T r a i t Model 6 Conceptual Bases f o r the Psychodynamic Model 8 Research and Measurement based on the T r a i t Model 10 Research and Measurement based on the Psy<±uDdynamic Model 13 E v a l u a t i o n o f the T r a i t and Psychodynamic P o s i t i o n s 16 S i t u a t i o n i s m 18 I n t e r a c t i o n i s m : A R e s o l u t i o n t o the Problem? - 21 Conceptual Bases f o r I n t e r a c t i o n i s m 23 The Role o f Reactive V a r i a b l e s 26 M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Problems o f I n t e r a c t i o n i s m 32 E v a l u a t i o n : The S t a t e o f the A r t 36 I I I AN ALTERNATIVE APPROACH: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES 39 Transformationalism: P e r s o n a l i t y i n B e h a v i o u r a l Terms 48 Concepts From Environmental Psychology 49 Evidence from P e r s o n a l i t y Research 49 P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i s m and P e r s o n a l i t y 53 P e r s e v e r a t i o n 54 Learned " P e r s o n a l i t y " 57 General Conclusions and Summary 59 Other C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t are A s s o c i a t e d w i t h T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i s m 60 IV SUMMARY OF QUESTIONS AND RESEARCH DESIGN.. 63 The Instrumentation Issue 63 The C o n s i s t e n c y - S p e c i f i c i t y Issue 64 P e r s o n a l i t y as B e h a v i o u r a l S t y l e 66 The Questions 69 Hypotheses 71 Method. 73 O u t l i n e o f Procedures 73 A n a l y s i s 76 V RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 7 7 R e s u l t s 7 7 V CHAPTER A n a l y s i s o f Data, P a r t one: E v a l u a t i o n o f Hypothesis One 77 A n a l y s i s o f Data, P a r t two: E v a l u a t i o n o f Hypotheses Two and Three 80 D i s c u s s i o n 84. BIBLICGRAPHY 88 vi LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I Descriptive Statistics for the Sample 78 . II Intercorrelation Matrix of Persistence Data 79 III Situational Parameters 81 IV Intercorrelation Matrix of Persistence Times, IQ and Achievement 82 / V l l ACm}WI^ IX5EME3SITS Many people have contributed both directly and indirectly to the conpletion of this study but only a few can be l i s t e d here. Linda Robertson's efficiency and organizational s k i l l s made the data collection smooth and uneventful. B i l l White's help was also greatly appreciated. Thanks must also be extended to Dr. Todd Rogers and Dr. Derek McLauchlan who served as committee members. And f i n a l l y , I would l i k e to extend my sincerest gratitude to Dr. Roy Travis for a l l that he has done for me. It would be impossible enumerate a l l his contributions i n so short a space. Suffice i t :• to say that he gave freely of his wise council, friendship and time. He offered encouragement, c r i t i c a l analysis and help when they were needed most, and, by his ccaxporbment both as a teacher and a scholar, lie set an example worth following. 1. CHAPTER I JJOTROLXJCTION Teachers meet i n more-or-less formal s i t u a t i o n s w i t h c h i l d r e n and adolescents w i t h the e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t these students w i l l l e a r n . These teachers by v i r t u e o f t h e i r t r a i n i n g , have s p e c i a l s k i l l s i n h e l p i n g others l e a m . They guide and d i r e c t the l e a r n i n g o f t h e i r p u p i l s . Of paramount importance i n g u i d i n g and d i r e c t i n g l e a r n i n g a t e f f i c e n t l e v e l s , i s n ot o n l y the understanding o f the l e a r n i n g process, b u t a l s o the understanding o f the nature o f those c h i l d r e n t h a t would l e a m . U s u a l l y , the f o c i o f attempts t o understand the l e a r n e r are a b i l i t i e s and p e r s o n a l i t y . The former are however, somewhat more p r e c i s e l y , f u l l y and r e a d i l y understood than i s the l a t t e r even though both p s y c h o l o g i s t s and educators have s t u d i e d p e r s o n a l i t y as much and f o r as l o n g as they have s t u d i e d a b i l i t i e s (knowing as they do t h a t a b i l i t i e s are o f t e n subordinate t o non i n t e l l e c t i v e p e r s o n a l q u a l i t i e s ) . That i s t o say, t h a t p s y c h o l o g i s t s and educators have lo n g recognized t h a t p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s mediate, and t h e r e f o r e i n -f l u e n c e , e d u c a t i o n a l t r a n s a c t i o n s and performance. In the everyday understanding o f p e r s o n a l i t y , each one o f us, as we come i n conta c t w i t h p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s , recognizes and expects the behaviour t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e s each i n d i v i d u a l from a l l other people. As we observe a p a r t i c u l a r person over time, we n o t i c e how h i s temperament, i n t e r e s t s and a t t i t u d e s are developing, and how h i s behaviour tends t o take more-or-less c o n s i s t e n t d i r e c t i o n s . So we come t o use the term 2. " p e r s o n a l i t y " somewhat l o o s e l y as s t a n d i n g f o r t h a t degree o f con-s i s t e n c y i n behaviour by which we d i s t i n g u i s h the people we know, one from the o t h e r . I n " s c i e n t i f i c " c i r c l e s , two major c l a s s e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y models r-^-the t r a i t and psychodynamic conceptions — are, t y p i c a l l y recognized-/..(e.g. M i s c h e l , 1968). Mthough these two c l a s s e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y models d i f f e r i n s e v e r a l ways, probably the most important way i n which they d i f f e r i s i n t h e i r assessment techniques. The t r a i t model i s i n t i m a t e l y assoc-i a t e d w i t h t e s t s and q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , c l a s s i c a l t e s t theory, c o r r e l a t i o n a l techniques, f a c t o r a n a l y s i s and r e g r e s s i o n techniques. The psychodynamic model i s c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n t e r v i e w s , f r e e a s s o c i a t i o n and case h i s t o r i e s w h i l e no r i g o r o u s s t a t i s t i c a l procedures have been developed i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h i s brand o f theory. I n the l a s t few y e a r s , both the t r a i t and psychcidynamic models o f p e r s o n a l i t y have cane under severe c r i t i c i s m s from v a r i o u s sources. Some o f the assumptions which are fundamental and c e n t r a l t o p e r s o n a l i t y theory have been s e r i o u s l y undermined and' l a r g e l y thrown i n t o doubt as a r e s u l t o f e x t e n s i v e e m p i r i c a l d a ta t h a t has accumulated i n r e c e n t y e a r s . As a r e s u l t , p s y c h o l o g i s t s are c u r r e n t l y arguing about the s t a t u s o f the n o t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y and some even r e f e r t o i t as a myth (e.g. see Helson & M i t c h e l l , 1978). Indeed, the whole area o f p e r s o n a l i t y asses-sment and r e s e a r c h has f a l l e n i n t o d i s a r r a y . Helson and M i t c h e l l (1978) f o r example, sum up the s t a t e o f the a r t t h i s way: P e r s o n a l i t y psychology has...been seen as the domain o f a l i t t l e group o f r a t i o n a l t e c h n i c i a n s who s p e c i a l i z e i n 3. c r i t i c i z i n g each other's measure o f the i n s i g n i f i c a n t , then conclude t h a t the e x i s t e n c e o f the obvious i s doubt-f u l , then doubt whether the study o f p e r s o n a l i t y i s worth-w h i l e . . . T h i s c a r i c a t u r e had a base i n r e a l i t y (p. 579-580). Such pronouncements are d e v a s t a t i n g f o r p e r s o n a l i t y psychology as a s c i e n c e . But what i s the nature o f the l i m i t a t i o n s o f p e r s o n a l i t y psychology? The nature o f these l i m i t a t i o n s may be more r e a d i l y understood by c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t the u s e f u l n e s s o f a theory i s u s u a l l y assessed w i t h regard t o the generation o f f a l s i f i a b l e p r e d i c t i o n s and p r o p o s i t i o n s concerning r e l e v a n t events. I t seems, t h a t i t i s e x a c t l y i n t h i s con-n e c t i o n t h a t p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s have l a r g e l y f a i l e d . They are d e s c r i p t i v e but not e s p e c i a l l y f e r t i l e f o r making p r e d i c t i o n s which can be r e a d i l y submitted t o a t e s t . The r e s u l t s are a l l t o o o f t e n e q u i v o c a l . A l l i n a l l , p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s have shown l i m i t e d u s e f u l n e s s and seemingly un-l i m i t e d problems. One o f the major problems t h a t i s seen as imposing severe l i m i t a t i o n s on p e r s o n a l i t y psychology, i s t h a t the t i e s between measurement and ob-s e r v a t i o n s and h y p o t h e t i c a l a b s t r a c t i o n s w i t h i n vague t h e o r i e s , are very weak. One s t r a t e g y t h a t may h o l d some hope f o r circumventing t h i s problem, but which has, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , been p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i n p e r s o n a l i t y r e s e a r c h , i s t h a t o f o b s e r v i n g , r e c o r d i n g and c l a s s i f y i n g s i g n i f i c a n t behaviours i n circumstances o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t . Such an approach allow s f o r a de-emphasis o f the search f o r h y p o t h e t i c a l m o t i v a t i o n a l f o r c e s t h a t are assumed t o g i v e b i r t h t o behaviour. Accord-i n g l y , i n t e r e s t may be s h i f t e d away from the attempt t o "look i n s i d e " the 4. organism and toward d i s c o v e r i n g the morphology o f observable behaviour. As Skinner (1975) suggested, t h i s path t o understanding " p e r s o n a l i t y " may not be "so steep and thorny a f t e r a l l " (p. 49). The f o r e g o i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s p r o v ide the g e n e r a l b a s i s f o r the present t h e s i s which, through the r e f o r m u l a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y c o n s t r u c t s and assessment procedures and an e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f a p e r s i s -t e n t and c e n t r a l problem i n p e r s o n a l i t y psychology, o f f e r s a modest i n d i c a t i o n of p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r r e s o l v i n g some thorny i s s u e s . The a p p l i c a -t i o n o f e t h o l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e s f o r observing and r e c o r d i n g behaviour as w e l l as the development o f p e r s o n a l i t y p r i n c i p l e s based on broad formula-t i o n s t h a t have been generated from r e c e i v e d theory and d a ta from v a r i o u s sources seems promising s i n c e such a p p l i c a t i o n s have not been e x p l o r e d completely. A c c o r d i n g l y , the problem i s addressed from t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e . General Problem and D e l i m i t a t i o n The present study i s an attempt t o develop the t h e s i s t h a t r e c e i v e d p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s and t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e measurement models have n o t shown themselves t o be v e r y f r u i t f u l as bases f o r r e s e a r c h , and t h a t an a l t e r n a t i v e approach i s b o t h c a l l e d f o r and c o n t r i v a b l e . Three i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s are seen as b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e f o r g i v i n g r i s e t o problems o f such magnitude t h a t they are not r e c o n c i l a b l e w i t h i n already developed approaches. Furthermore, they do not appear t o be r e c o n c i l a b l e i n the f u t u r e . These f a c t o r s are: 1) the weakness o f t i e s between measurement and o b s e r v a t i o n and h y p o t h e t i c a l a b s t r a c t i o n s o f vague t h e o r i e s , 2) the l a c k o f p r e d i c t i v e power and r e l i a b i l i t y o f i n d i r e c t l y c o l l e c t e d d a t a and 5. data from tests and questionnaires which i s the modus operandi of traditional personality research, and the problems inherent i n nonpublic c l i n i c a l data as a basis for theory building, and 3) limited agreement among theorists about the appropriate conclusions to be drawn from sets of observations. The present study cannot and does not attempt to disolve a l l these problems. I t does however, include a conceptualization of how these matters might be addressed. Accordingly, an alternative approach based on direct measurement of observable behaviours i n natural and contrived situations of particular interest i s proposed. More specifically, a personality dimension based on accumulated evidence i s suggested; and of particular concern i s the extent to which people consistently manifest behaviour which can jus t i f y the postal at ion of two behavioural orienta-tions, styles, or personality types. The problem then, becomes tripartate: 1) to delimit and analyze the major measurement and conceptual problems that are inherent i n the t r a i t and psychodynamic positions, 2) to propose an alternative approach to personality conceptualization and assessment i n terms of behavioural orientation or "styles", and 3) to explore the consistency-specificity of directly assessed behaviour across situations. 6. CHAPTER I I THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF THE PROBLEM AND RFJVTEW OF RELATED LITERATTJRE I n the preceding chapter mention was made o f the two gene r a l c l a s s e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y models t h a t are g e n e r a l l y recognized as having g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d research and theory i n psychology. An a n a l y s i s o f these approaches, the t r a i t model and the psychodynamic model (which share s e v e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s when compared on s e v e r a l dimensions),lays bare some sources o f the present problem. Conceptual Bases f o r t h e T r a i t Model According t o the c l a s s i c t r a i t model o f p e r s o n a l i t y , observable be-haviours are ordered by gen e r a l o r i e n t a t i o n s t o the w o r l d which are ac-q u i r e d i n the f i r s t few years o f l i f e and which p e r s i s t throughout. These s o - c a l l e d t r a i t s are used t o e x p l a i n observed behaviours (Endler, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b; Ekehammar, 1974; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1973a). The f a c t o r s determining behaviour are co n s i d e r e d t o be w i t h i n the person h i m s e l f and i t i s supposed, serve as p r e d i s p o s i t i o n a l b a s i s f o r c o n s i s t e n c y o f behaviour i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s . In the des-c r i p t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s , the i n t e r e s t f o r those who adhere t o t h i s model l i e s i n the r e l a t i o n between responses and l a t e n t d i s p o s i t i o n s f o r which the responses are supposed t o be i n d i c a t o r s . So, i n a d d i t i o n t o p r o v i d i n g a d e s c r i p t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y dimensions such as aggressiveness, dependency, i n t r o v e r s i o n , a n x i e t y and the l i k e , attempts are made t o measure t r a i t s and d i f f e r e n c e s i n such measurements are used t o e x p l a i n observed i n -7. d i v i dua l d i f ferences i n present or future behaviour. I t i s considered then, that t r a i t s are the main sources o f behavioural d i f ferences such that the rank order of i nd i v idua l s wi th respect to a ce r ta in behaviour, i s consistent across d i f f e r en t s i tua t ions (e.g. Stagner, 1976, p.121). The t r a i t model emphasizes that i nd i v i dua l behaviour i s re la ted p r imar i l y to factors w i th in the person and accordingly, i n d i v i d u a l d i f ferences i n overt behaviour are not considered to be de -pendent upon the s i t ua t i on i n which the behaviour occurs (e.g. A l l p o r t , 1966, p . l ) . Assumptions of t h i s sor t l ed A l l p o r t (1937) to conceive of t r a i t s as general and enduring pred ispos i t ions to respond independently to s p e c i f i c s t i m u l i . S i m i l a r l y , Ca t te l (1950, 1957, 1965) and Gu i l f o rd (1959) conceived of t r a i t s i n the same way, such that t r a i t s became the bas ic un i t s to be studied i n persona l i t y . Ca t t e l (1965) d is t inguished between surface t r a i t s — overt t r a i t elements or responses — and source t r a i t s — the underlying var iab les or causal e n t i t i e s that determine the surface responses. Although t r a i t theor i s t s d i f f e r w i th regard to the number and character of s p e c i f i c t r a i t s (compare Ca t t e l (1957) t o Gu i l f o rd (1959), f o r example) they seem to agree i n general , that t r a i t s are the prime determinants of behaviour. At the same t ime, one can discern d i f -ferences i n the character o f t r a i t theor ies that appeared at d i f f e r en t times. The ea r l y theor ies proposed by A l l p o r t (1937) and Thurstone (1947), had d i f f e r en t theo re t i c a l formulations than do the modern ones such as those suggested by Ca t t e l (1965) and Stagner (1976). The f o r e -runners of the t r a i t theor ies , the typology theor ies (e.g. Jung, 1923; 8. Sheldon, 1949) which emphasized a b i o l o g i c a l and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l element, represent.a c a t e g o t i c a l view o f p e r s o n a l i t y s i n c e d i s c r e t e c a t e g o r i e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y were assumed. Sheldon's (1949) c a t e g o r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n i n terms o f ectomorphy, endomorphy, and mesomorphy f o r example, i s a case i n p o i n t . Concerning the o n t o g e n e t i c o r developmental aspects o f p e r s o n a l i t y , the t r a i t t h e o r i s t s represent t r a i t s as s t a b l e d i s p o s i t i o n s which are a f f e c t e d t o seme degree by m aturation, but are n o t markedly i n f l u e n c e d by environmental s t i m u l i . A ccording t o t h i s conception then, there i s l i t t l e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r major changes i n p e r s o n a l i t y once the t r a i t s have become s t a b a l i z e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l (Endler & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b). Conceptual B a s i s f o r Psychodynamic Models Psychc>dynamic t h e o r i e s , the p r e c u r s o r s o f t r a i t t h e o r i e s , r e s t on the assumption t h a t t here i s a b a s i c p e r s o n a l i t y core which serves as a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n a l b a s i s f o r behaviour i n v a r i o u s s i t u a t i o n s (Berne, 1961; A. Freud, 1946; H a l l & Lindzey, 1970). L i k e the t r a i t p s y c h o l o g i s t s , p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i s t s assume t h a t the determinants o f behaviour l i e w i t h i n the person. Psychodynamic t h e o r i e s such as t h a t o f Freud (1959) f o r example, are p r i m a r i l y concerened w i t h p e r s o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e s , dynamics and development. The elements o f p e r s o n a l i t y s t r u c t u r e as Freud construed them were the i d , ego and superego and p e r s o n a l i t y dynamics e n t a i l p r i m a r i l y , the continuous i n t e r a c t i o n s between these s t r u c t u r e s (Freud, 1959). The a n x i e t y aroused by these i n t e r a c t i o n s i n s t i g a t e s the development and employment o f defense mechanisms which defend a g a i n s t t h i s a n x i e t y . F u r t h e r -more, w i t h i n t h i s conception, e x p e r i e n t i a l f a c t o r s are seen t o serve 9. p r i m a r i l y as i n f l u e n c e s on the e x p r e s s i o n o f i n s t i n c t u a l impulses. Freud (1959) put much emphasis on the i n v a r i a n t o r d e r i n g o f psycho-s e x u a l stages i n the development o f p e r s o n a l i t y . On the o t h e r hand, E r i c k s o n (1963), one o f the neo-Freudians, has de-emphasized i n s t i n c t s and psychosexual stages and has focussed on the ego, s o c i a l f a c t o r s and the p s y c h o s o c i a l stages o f development. U n l i k e the t r a i t model w i t h i n which i t i s assumed t h a t the rank o r d e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h r e s p e c t t o a c e r t a i n behaviour i s c o n s i s t e n t across d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s , proponents o f the p s y c h o a n a l y t i c a l model do n o t always assume t h i s . Because defense mechanisms are o p e r a t i v e , e m i t t e d behaviour i s l a r g e l y dependent on s i t u a t i o n a l s t i m u l i t h a t e l i c i t c e r t a i n p s y c h i c o r c o v e r t defense mechanisms t h a t i n t u r n determine o v e r t responses. The drama o f the depths i s what seems t o be com p e l l i n g . Con-v e r s e l y , l i k e the t r a i t model, the psychodynamic p o s i t i o n emphasizes t h a t i n d i v i d u a l behaviour i n manifested as the phenotypic e x p r e s s i o n o f u n d e r l y i n g i n t r a p s y c h i c genotypic s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n a person. When c o n s i d e r i n g the ontogenetic o r developmental aspects of p e r -s o n a l i t y as i t i s manifested i n a c t u a l , present day behaviour, t h e t r a i t and psychodynamic p o s i t i o n s d i f f e r markedly. The t r a i t t h e o r i s t s pay l e s s a t t e n t i o n t o developmental aspects than do the psychodynamic t h e o r i s t s . For proponents o f psychodynamic the o r y , the l a t e n t d i s p o s i t i o n s d e t e r -mining a c t u a l behaviour are seen as having been formed on the b a s i s of e a r l y i n t e r p e r s o n a l experiences m o d i f y i n g the e x p r e s s i o n o f i n h e r i t e d i n s t i n c t s o r m o t i v a t i o n a l f o r c e s ( H a l l & Lindzey, 1970). As a l r e a d y men-t i o n e d , the t r a i t model t h e o r i s t s h o l d t h a t environmental f a c t o r s are n o t of primary importance i n i n f l u e n c i n g the development o f the l a t e n t d i s -10. p o s i t i o n s which are manifested i n expressed behaviour. Thus, e n v i r o n -mental s t i m u l i i n the t r a i t p o s i t i o n are not seen as b e i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n a f f e c t i n g e m i t t e d isesponses. Research and Measurement Based on the T r a i t Model Of r e c e i v e d models, the t r a i t model has been the most i n f l u e n t i a l i n g u i d i n g research i n p e r s o n a l i t y psychology. T e s t s and q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , c l a s s i c a l t e s t theory, c o r r e l a t i o n a l techniques, f a c t o r a n a l y s i s and r e g r e s s i o n techniques are a l l i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d t o the t r a i t model. Of these s t r a t e g i e s , c o r r e l a t i o n a l techniques have been so popular t h a t Cronbach (1975) dubbed the t r a i t model as one o f two d i s c i p l i n e s o f s c i e n t i f i c psychology and c h a r a c t e r i z e d i t as "systematic c o r r e l a t i o n " (p. 125). The t r a i t model i s based on the a s s u p t i o n t h a t t r a i t s e x i s t and are s t a b l e l a t e n t d i s p o s i t i o n s which determine a person's m a n i f e s t ob-s e r v a b l e behaviour t h a t i s c o n s i s t e n t i n the rank o r d e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s across v a r i o u s s i t u a t i o n s . A c c o r d i n g l y , a c r u c i a l i s s u e t h a t a r i s e s f o r t r a i t psychology i s whether behaviour i s s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c o r whether the rank o r d e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h r e s p e c t t o a p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e shows t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y . T h i s i s the s o - c a l l e d c o n s i s t e n c y -s p e c i f i c i t y i s s u e . The two major approaches t o the r e s o l u t i o n o f the i s s u e a r e : a) a multidomensional v a r i a n c e components s t r a t e g y , and b) a c o r r e l a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h s t r a t e g y (Endler & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b). The m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l v a r i a n c e components technique, assesses v i a v a r i a n c e components d e r i v e d from a n a l y s i s o f v a r i a n c e , the r e l a t i v e v a r i a n c e con-t r i b u t e d by s i t u a t i o n s and persons t o behaviour and e s p e c i a l l y the con-11. t r i b u t i o n s o f p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n s . The c o r r e l a t i o n approach which i s a more d i r e c t t e s t o f the c o n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y i s s u e , i n -v o l v e s s t u d y i n g the c o r r e l a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l rank order s f o r a s p e c i f i c p e r s o n a l i t y v a r i a b l e across d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s . E n d l e r and Hunt (1966), Raush, Dittman and T a y l o r (1959) and Raush, Farbnan and L l e w e l l y n (1960) were the f i r s t t o t e s t the c o n s i s t e n c y -s p e c i f i c i t y i s s u e u s i n g the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l components technique. A r g y l e and L i t t l e (1972), Bishop and W i t t (1970),Endler (1973), E n d l e r , Hunt and Rosenstein (1962), Ekehammar, Magnusson and R i c k l a n d e r (1974), G r i n d e r and M u t t e r e r (1969), Moos (1968, 1969, 1970) and W i s e n t h a l , E n d l e r and G e l l e r (1972) employed a v a r i a t i o n o f the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l v a r i a n c e components s t r a t e g y and found t h a t the major source o f v a r i a n c e i n be-h a v i o u r a l a n a l y s i s was due n e i t h e r t o the person nor the s i t u a t i o n b u t was due t o a person by s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n . The r e p o r t e d person v a r i a n c e i n these s t u d i e s r a r e l y exceeded 10%. These s t u d i e s i n c l u d e d v a r i o u s be-haviours and p e r s o n a l i t y c o n s t r u c t s from p o p u l a t i o n samples v a r y i n g i n age, s o c i a l c l a s s , g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n and mental h e a l t h . A r e c e n t assessment o f these s t u d i e s y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n : ...persons...per se are l e s s important sources o f b e h a v i o u r a l v a r i a n c e than are p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n s (Endler & Magnusson, 1976b, p. 964). The c o r r e l a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h s t r a t e g y t o t e s t the c r o s s - s i t u a t i o n a l s t a b i l i t y o r c o n s i s t n e c y o f behaviour was o r i g i n a l l y employed by Hartshome and May (1928) i n t h e i r now famous study o f honesty. I n t h i s study, c h i l d r e n were exposed t o d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s i n which they had o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o cheat and l i e and measures o f honesty on each c h i l d were procured. I t was found t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n o f honesty scores f o r . 12. any one c h i l d across the d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s d i d not exceed 0.30. More r e c e n t l y , Burton (1963), E n d l e r and Magnusson (1977), E n d l e r and Magnusson (1976a),Endler and Okado (1975), Magnusson and H e f f l e r (1969), Magnusson, Gersen and Nyman (1968) , Magnusson, H e f f l e r and Nyman (1968) , Newccmb (1931), Rushton (1976) and Rushton and E n d l e r (1977) have used the same approach t o t e s t the c o n s i s t e n c y hypothesis and have found t h a t the c o r r e l a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y do not exceed ±0.30 which i s about 9% o f the r e l e v a n t v a r i a n c e . T h i s l i n e o f rese a r c h then, seems t o produce some agreement w i t h the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l v a r i a n c e components technique as t o the p r o p o r t i o n o f the va r i a n c e a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the person f a c t o r i n the a n a l y s i s o f behaviour. S e v e r a l authors have e v a l u a t e d the t r a i t p o s i t i o n (Argyle, 1975; Ar g y l e & L i t t l e , 1972; Bowers, 1973; Byrne, 1974; E n d l e r , 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b, 1977; Ekehammar, 1974; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1969, 1973b, 1972; P e r v i n , 1968; Vernon, 1964) and have i n d i c a t e d t h a t there i s l i t t l e support f o r the b e l i e f i n t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c i e s o f behaviour. P e r s o n a l i t y v a l i d i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s o b t a i n e d u s i n g v a r i o u s methods and v a r i o u s v a r i a b l e s such as l e a d e r s h i p , a n x i e t y , h o s t i l i t y , r i g i d i t y , s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and honesty, range from 0.20 t o 0.50 w i t h a mean c o e f f i c i e n t value o f 0.30 (Endler, 1973; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1969). The v a r i o u s r e s e a r c h methods however, a l l shared s e v e r a l c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e s , namely, the i n d i r e c t measurement o f h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s i n imagined s i t u a t i o n s . These common f e a t u r e s form the b a s i s from which sources o f c r i t i c i s m s o f the research methods a r i s e . These c r i t i c i s m s . w i l l be o u t l i n e d i n some d e t a i l l a t e r i n t h i s paper. 13. Hunt (1966) has questioned the b e l i e f i n f i x e d i n t e l l i g e n c e , b u t there i s some evidence f o r s t a b i l i t y over time and f o r c a x s s - s i t u a t i o -n a l c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h r e s p e c t t o i n t e l l e c t u a l and c o g n i t i v e f a c t o r s (Endler, 1977; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1969; Rushton & E n d l e r , 1977). Neve r t h e l e s s , from the f o r e g o i n g evidence, i t becomes c l e a r t h a t although c r o s s - s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y i s l o g i c a l l y i m p l i c a t e d i n the t r a i t p o s i t i o n , i t i s not e m p i r i c a l l y supported. The e m p i r i c a l evidence from the v a r i a n c e com-ponents s t u d i e s and from the c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , g i v e s r i s e t o s e r i o u s questions about some o f the assumptions which are c e n t r a l and funda-mental t o t r a i t theory o f p e r s o n a l i t y and i t s measurement techniques. Research and Measurement Based on the Psychodynamic Model U n l i k e the el e g a n t and r i g o r o u s s t a t i s t i c a l techniques t h a t have been developed i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the t r a i t model, f o r measuring assumed p e r s o n a l i t y dimensions, psychodynamic t h e o r i s t s have shown l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the measurement problem (Mi s c h e l , 1973a). Information g a t h e r i n g procedures such as i n t e r v i e w s and f r e e a s s o c i a t i o n are the methods o f the psychodynamic model w h i l e the case h i s t o r y o r the case d e s c r i p t i o n are deemed as ap p r o p r i a t e f o r p r e s e n t i n g the r e s u l t s . The t h e r a p i s t , u s i n g dream a n a l y s i s , f r e e a s s o c i a t i o n and so f o r t h , attempts t o r e c o n s t r u c t the h i s t o r y o f the c l i e n t . I t has been amply demonstrated however, t o be n o t o r i o u s l y d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n even a p a r t i a l l y accurate r e c o n s t r u c t -i o n o f p e r s o n a l events l o n g a f t e r they have taken p l a c e s i n c e even such c l o s e eyewitnesses as parents simply f o r g e t the b u l k o f what happened 14. ( M i s c h e l , 1968). This l a r g e d i f f i c u l t y i n r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the c l i e n t ' s p a s t and hence understanding h i s " i n t r a p s y c h i c f u n c t i o n i n g " , makes a c a u s a l a n a l y s i s based on amorphous i n t e r n a l determinants more than some-what c h a l l e n g i n g . Thus, Bandura's (1977) c o n c l u s i o n t h a t i n s i g h t i n t o supposedly i n t r a p s y c h i c causes o f behaviour " i s more l i k e a b e l i e f con-v e r s i o n [to the t h e r a p i s t ' s p o i n t o f view] than a s e l f d i s c o v e r y p r o -cess" (p. 5) i s understandable even though i t i s a sweeping and ha r s h judgment. Fo r each "sc h o o l " o f p e r s o n a l i t y there i s a d i f f e r e n t focus and o r i e n t a t i o n such t h a t the hypotheses and e x p e c t a t i o n s o f the i n v e s t i g a -t o r a f f e c t what he lo o k s f o r and what i s found i n both res e a r c h and psychotherapy (Bandura, 1977; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1973b). W i t h i n the frame-work o f the psychodynamic model, p e r s o n a l i t y i s an a b s t r a c t i o n o r hypo-t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n which i s connected w i t h behaviour o n l y i n d i r e c t l y , whereas behaviour i t s e l f c o n s i s t s o f observable events. A c c o r d i n g l y , Freud (1933) emphasized t h i s p o i n t — the n e c e s s i t y f o r making a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between the h y p o t h e t i c a l o r a b s t r a c t nature o f p e r s o n a l i t y and behaviour (observable events) — when he r e f e r r e d t o i n s t i n c t s as m y t h i c a l e n t i t i e s : The t h e o r y o f i n s t i n c t s i s t o say our mythology. I n s t i n c t s are m y t h i c a l e n t i t i e s , m a g n i f i c e n t i n t h e i r i n d e f i n i t e n e s s . . . T h e unshakable b i o l o g i c a l f a c t Lis t h a t ! the l i v i n g i n d i v i d u a l . . . i s a t the command o f two [forces] o f t e n i n c o n f l i c t : the spe c i e s p r e s e r v a t i v e o r s e x u a l impulses; and the s e l f p r e s e r v a t i v e impulses. The former curbed by the l a t t e r are o f t e n i n c o n f l i c t . . . ( p . 95). P e r s o n a l i t y , w i t h i n the psychodynamic conception, d e s c r i b e s the i n -f e r r e d , hypothesized, mediating i n t e r n a l s t a t e s , s t r u c t u r e , and o r g a n i z a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s . A c c o r d i n g l y , i t i s contended t h a t a l l responses from 15. a person u l t i m a t e l y r e v e a l h i s enduring b a s i c problems and p e r s o n a l i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n i f the u n d e r l y i n g meaning o f behaviour i s i n t e r p e r t e d p r o -p e r l y . M i s c h e l (1968) p o i n t s out t h a t adherents t o t h i s v a r i e t y o f theory b e l i e v e t h a t i n an u n s t r u c t u r e d , ambiguous o r p r o j e c t i v e s i t u a t i o n the person's responses r e v e a l h i s b a s i c p e r s o n a l i t y c o n f i g u r a t i o n . A l l aspects o f h i s behaviour are i n t e r p e r t e d as p o t e n t i a l l y r e v e a l i n g the b a s i c " u n d e r l y i n g " p e r s o n a l i t y , o r g a n i z a t i o n ( H a l l & Lindzey, 1970). Psychodynamic t h e o r i s t s l o n g ago r e j e c t e d the i d e a o f b e h a v i o u r a l con-s i s t e n c i e s across s i t u a t i o n s ( M i s c h e l , 1973a) but i n s t e a d they emphasize t h a t behaviour v a r i e s such t h a t d i v e r s e b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s serve the same enduring and g e n e r a l i z e d u n d e r l y i n g dynamic o r m o t i v a t i o n a l d i s -p o s i t i o n s . The search f o r d i s p o s i t i o n s thus r e s t s on a d i s t i n c t i o n be-tween su r f a c e behaviours and the motives t h a t they serve. T h i s i n v o l v e s the d i s t i n c t i o n between the phenotypic and the genotypic and e n t a i l s an i n d i r e c t r a t h e r than a d i r e c t measurement model (M i s c h e l , 1968). The psychodynamic approach thus shares w i t h the t r a i t approach a d i s i n t e r e s t i n behaviours except as they serve as s i g n s o f g e n e r a l i z e d d i s p o s i t i o n s . The u t i l i t y o f the d i r e c t s i g n approach t o d i s p o s i t i o n s depends on the value o f the i n f e r e n c e s p r o v i d e d by the c l i n i c a l judge. Consider f o r example, the f o l l o w i n g e x c e r p t i n which i n t e r n a l "mental" s t a t e s about a p s y c h o t i c p a t i e n t , are being i n f e r r e d from her behaviour. T h i s p a t i e n t r a t h e r c l e a r l y e x h i b i t e d three d i f f e r e n t ego s t a t e s . These were d i s t i n g u i s h e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n her posture, manner, f a c i a l e x p r e s s i o n , and o t h e r p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Beme, 1961, p. 30). The r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y o f the c l i n i c a l judgment then, becomes c r u c i a l . M i s c h e l (1968, 1969, 1972) has i n v e s t i g a t e d i n d e t a i l the 16. e x t e n s i v e e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s on the i s s u e o f the u t i l i t y o f c l i n i c a l judgments i n i n f e r r i n g broad d i s p o s i t i o n s i n d i r e c t l y frcm symptomatic s i g n s and u n r a v e l l i n g d i s g u i s e s i n order t o uncover the m o t i v a t i o n a l d i s p o s i t i o n s t h a t might be t h e i r r o o t s . M i s c h e l concluded: Surveys o f the r e l e v a n t r e s e a r c h g e n e r a l l y showed t h a t c l i n i c i a n s guided by t h e i r concepts about u n d e r l y i n g genotypic d i s p o s i t i o n s have n o t been ab l e t o p r e d i c t behaviour b e t t e r than the person's own s e l f - r e p o r t , simple i n d i c e s of d i r e c t l y r e l e v a n t past behaviour, demographic v a r i a b l e s , o r , i n same cases, t h e i r s e c r e t a r i e s (1973b, p. 339). The l a c k o f p r e d i c t i v e power as w e l l as the f r e q u e n t l y e q u i v o c a l t h e r a -p e u t i c e f f e c t s o f the psychodynamic approach, undermine i t s r a i s o n d ' e t r e . Bandura (1969) i n s i n u a t i n g t h a t t h e r e are o t h e r m o t i v a t i o n a l f a c t o r s which u n d e r l i e the continued and stubborn adherence t o psychodynamic approaches t o b e h a v i o u r a l change i n c l i n i c a l s e t t i n g s , u n k i n d l y suggested t h a t : ... t h i s t h e r a p i s t - c e n t e r e d value system would change r a p i d l y i f t h e r a p e u t i c c o n t r a c t s r e q u i r e d f i n a n c i a l remuneration t o be made a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y c o n t i n g e n t upon the amount o f demonstrable change achieved by c l i e n t s i n the i n t e r p e r s o n a l problems f o r which they seek h e l p (Bandura, 1969, p. 81) The bases f o r utterances o f the f o r e g o i n g s o r t mark the g r e a t v u l n e r a b i l i t y t o t e l l i n g c r i t i c i s m o f r e c e i v e d psychodynamic approaches. E v a l u a t i o n o f the T r a i t and Psychodynamic Models The g r im e v a l u a t i o n s o f the psychodynamic and t r a i t models t h a t have been passed down i n the l a s t few years n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , c e r t a i n proponents o f these models o f human p e r s o n a l i t y , s t a u n c h l y defend the t h e o r i e s (e.g. Stagner, 1976; Wachtel, 1973) . The controversy t h a t has a r i s e n i n e v a l u a t i n g 17. and i n t e r p e r t i n g the r e s u l t s o f p e r s o n a l i t y research stems from a f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h between p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s as models o f psycho-l o g i c a l processes and the measurement models t h a t are r e l e v a n t t o these t h e o r i e s (Endler, 1977). The e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s have i n the main, f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e evidence f o r t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y (Bandura, 1977; Byrne, 1974; Crcnbach, 1975; En d l e r , 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b; F i s k e , 1974; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1969; Petersen, 1968). The c r i t i c i s m s o f t r a i t and psychodynamic models based on these r e s u l t s have been d i r e c t e d a t the t r a i t and psychodynamic measurement models (or r a t h e r , the l a c k o f a measurement model i n the case o f psycho-dynamic t h e o r i e s ) , w h i l e the defenders o f t r a i t s have focussed on the t r a i t and c o n s t r u c t p e r s o n a l i t y theory. Adherents t o the psychodynamic p e r s p e c t i v e have depended upon i n t e r v i e w s , case h i s t o r i e s , and i d i o g r a p h i c v e r b a l d e s c r i p t i o n s whereas those who have attached themselves t o i t s o f f s p r i n g , the t r a i t model, have r e l i e d upon q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , r a t i n g s and t e s t s . M i s c h e l (1968) emphasizes t h a t the psychodynamic t h e o r i s t s have shown l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n developing a measurement model based on q u a n t i t a t i v e data. The methodological shortcomings o f t h i s brand o f theory then, be-ccme obvious. Thus, the o v e r a l l c o n c l u s i o n reached i s t h a t n e i t h e r the t r a i t model nor the psychodynamic model o f human p e r s o n a l i t y r e t a i n much premise as a bases f o r r e s e a r c h s i n c e they are not very u s e f u l f o r e n a b l -i n g one t o make accurate p r e d i c t i o n s . With such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n mind, T y l e r (1965) concluded t h a t : ...the most important reason I see f o r q u e s t i o n i n g the adequacy o f t h i s way o f l o o k i n g a t t h i n g s i s t h a t we are no longer making the progress w i t h i t t h a t we have a r i g h t t o expect (p. 501). 18. A change i n course, appears t o be c a l l e d f o r . S i t u a t i a n i s m When same o f the b a s i c assumptions o f the t r a i t and psychodynamic models o f p e r s o n a l i t y were s e r i o u s l y undermined by e x t e n s i v e e m p i r i c a l data, s i t u a t i c n i s m (a term coined by A l l p o r t (1966, p. 3) ) — the a n t i t h e s i s o f the t r a i t and psychodynamic models w i t h r e s p e c t t o c a u s a l i t y — came i n t o prominence w i t h M i s c h e l (1968, 1969, 1972, 1973a, 1973b) bein g i t s c h i e f proponent. T h i s p o s i t i o n regards the s t i m u l i i n the s i t u a t i o n as the main determinants o f i n d i v i d u a l behaviour. I t i s t r u e however, t h a t some s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i s t s (e.g. C o t t r e l , 1942; Mead, 1934) as w e l l as s o c i a l l e a r n i n g t h e o r i s t s (Bandura,"1971; Bandura & W a l t e r s , 1963; B l a s s , 1977) have always maintained t h a t s i t u a t i o n s are the main sources o f b e h a v i o u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Since the c r i t i c a l onslaught o f t r a i t and psychodynamic t h e o r i e s were so s u c c e s s f u l , t h e o r i z i n g as t o the prime determinants o f behaviour swung i n t o the " s i t u a t i a n i s t s ' " favour. The t r a i t and psychodynamic p o s i t i o n s h e l d t h a t the prime determinants o f behaviour r e s i d e d i n the person w h i l e the s i t u a t i a n i s t s took the opposing p o i n t o f view t h a t behaviour i s p r i m a r i l y determined by the d e t a i l s o f the s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s o f the s i t u a t i o n o f i n t e r e s t (Bandura, 1971, 1977; Skinner, 1953, I960, 1975, 1977). As A l l p o r t (1966) p o i n t e d out, the s i t u a t i a n i s t s are those — e s p e c i a l l y s o c i o l o g i s t s and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s — who p r e f e r t o e x p l a i n behaviour i n terms o f the "outside s t r u c t u r e " r a t h e r than the " i n s i d e s t r u c t u r e " (p. 3 ) . Bowers (1973) suggested t h a t the word " s i t u a t i a n i s m " i s employed 19. i n s t e a d o f the much more maligned term "behaviourism", l a r g e l y because the former connotes the e x p l a n a t o r y b i a s espoused by i t s proponents. The s i t u a t i o n a l modus operandi i s e i t h e r t o i g n o r e i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s completely o r t o regard them as s u b s i d i a r y t o the primary impact o f the e x t e r n a l s t i m u l u s whereby a connection between cause and e f f e c t i s e s t a b l i s h e d . Hence, M i s c h e l (1972) argued t h a t a person w i l l behave c o n s i s t e n t l y across s i t u a t i o n s o n l y t o the e x t e n t t h a t s i m i l a r behaviour l e a d s , o r i s expected t o l e a d t o , s i m i l a r consequences across the c o n d i t i o n s . I f s i t u a t i o n s have the same meaning f o r s u b j e c t s , then response con-s i s t e n c y w i l l o c cur whereas i n c o n s i s t e n c y o f responses w i l l be expected i f s i t u a t i o n s have d i f f e r e n t meanings. Bowers (1973) has r e c e n t l y spoken out a g a i n s t s i t u a t i o n i s m and p r o v i d e d an e x t e n s i v e c r i t i c i s m o f t h i s p a r t i c u l a r view p o i n t i n terms o f i t s metaphysical, p s y c h o l o g i c a l , and methodological assumptions. The l a r g e appeal o f s i t u a t i o n i s m Bowers (1973) suggested, l i e s i n the s i t u a t i o n i s t a n a l y s i s o f behaviour u s i n g stimulus-response (S-R) u n i t s t h a t seem t o e n t a i l an e x p l i c i t l y c a u s a l a n a l y s i s . In c o n t r a s t , the t r a i t and psychodynamic models are p r i m a r i l y response-response (R-R) models which are d i s d a i n f u l y dubbed "merely c o r -r e l a t i o n a l " (Bowers, 1973, p. 309). The c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t r a t e g i e s l i m i t c o n c l u s i o n s about r e l a t i o n s h i p s between v a r i a b l e s t o p r e d i c t i v e s t a t u s ; t h a t i s , knowledge about one v a r i a b l e a l l o w s p r e d i c t i o n about the nature o f i t s c o r r e l a t e d counterpart. On the o t h e r hand, s i t u a t i o n i s t s p u r p o r t t h a t the S-R paradigm i s a cause-and-effeet r e l a t i o n s h i p . However, t h i s i s not a j u s t i f i a b l e p o s i t i o n t o uphold because, as Bowers (1973) argued: I f c a u s a l i t y depends upon a t h e o r e t i c a l understanding o f 20. observable r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f e i t h e r the S-R o r R-R v a r i e t y / then the experimental method l o s e s some o f i t s mystique; one cannot simply conclude t h a t antecedent c o n d i t i o n s ( s t i m u l i ) cause the consequent responses (p. 311). The i m p l i c i t f o r m u l a t i o n s i n the s i t u a t i o n i s t p o s i t i o n t h a t u l t i m a t e l y i t i s the s t i m u l i s p e c i f i c t o the s i t u a t i o n t h a t accounts f o r behaviour as i s emphasized by Bandura and Walters (1963), M i s c h e l (1968, 1969), and Skinner (1953, 1971), as w e l l as o t h e r s , are n o t t e n a b l e . According t o the s i t u a t i o n i s t p o s i t i o n , a l a r g e m a j o r i t y o f the v a r i a n c e i n be-h a v i o u r a l a n a l y s i s should be accounted f o r by s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s . Bowers (1973) analyzed 11 s t u d i e s t h a t were p u b l i s h e d s i n c e 1959 and t h a t d e a l t w i t h the i s s u e over whether the s i t u a t i o n o r the person accounts f o r more o f the vari a n c e i n b e h a v i o u r a l a n a l y s i s . Employing trie m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l v a r i a n c e components technique, Bowers analyzed the v a r i a n c e as e i t h e r due t o the person ( p e r s o n a l i t y f a c t o r s ) , s i t u a t i o n ( s e t t i n g ) and a person by s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n . In a l l e l e v e n s t u d i e s analyzed, the v a r i a n c e a r i s i n g from the person by s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n component was l a r g e r than the va r i a n c e a r i s i n g from e i t h e r o f the two main e f f e c t s alone. The mean va r i a n c e due t o persons was 12.71%, the mean v a r i a n c e due t o s i t u a t i o n s was 10.17% and the mean v a r i a n c e due t o the person by s i t u a t i o n i n t e r -a c t i o n was 20.77%. Saronson, Smith and Diener (1975) surveyed a t o t a l o f 508 s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h the person versus the s i t u a t i o n i s s u e c a r r i e d out from 1970 t o 1972. I t was concluded t h a t the s l i g h t l y h i g h e r propor-t i o n o f the v a r i a n c e accounted f o r by s i t u a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s i s n o t s t r i k i n g enough f o r them t o be considered prepotent by comparison. The v a r i a n c e due t o the i n t e r a c t i o n component was c o n s i s t e n t l y l a r g e r than e i t h e r o f the two main e f f e c t s alone. E n d l e r (1975, 1976) cog e n t l y argues t h a t 21. the issue over which factors are more important i s actually a pseudo-issue since neither situation variables nor person variables are as important when taken alone as i s their interaction. Bowers (1973) s l y l y states: ...situations are as much a function of the person as the person's behaviour i s a function of the situation, and then concludes that, interactionism views main effects as a sort of behavioural percipitate that does not readily dis-solve in the f l u i d interaction of organism and en-vironment (p. 327). Situatianism then, seems to be as limited as t r a i t and psycho-dynamic models as a f u l l y adequate means of construing human conduct. The interactionism model which attempts to incorporate features of both of the former positions, has recently become popular and as Endler sug-gests, probably " i s the present Zeitgeist of research in personality" (1977, p. 345). Interactionism: A Resolution to the Problem? The interaction model focuses on the multidirectional interaction between an individual and his environment. Actual behaviour i n this model, i s considered to be the result of an irreducible interaction between the. person and the situation he encounters and i n many cases, other persons form an integral part of the situation. This does not imply that neither the person nor the situation i s an unimportant source of behavioural variance. Accordingly, neither person factors nor situational factors determine behaviour; the important element i s the person by situation interaction unit. The four basic features of interactionism according 22. t o E n d l e r (1977) are: 1) A c t u a l behaviour i s a f u n c t i o n o f a continuous process o f m u l t i -d i r e c t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n o r feedback between the person and the s i t u a t i o n ( i n c l u d i n g o t h e r persons) t h a t he o r she encounters. 2) The person i s an i n t e n t i o n a l and a c t i v e agent i n the i n t e r a c t i o n process. 3) With r e s p e c t t o the person, c o g n i t i v e f a c t o r s are the e s s e n t i a l d e t e r -minants o f behaviour i n the i n t e r a c t i o n process. 4) With r e s p e c t t o the s i t u a t i o n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l meaning o f the s i t u a t i o n f o r the person i s the important cteterraining f a c t o r . The e m p i r i c a l evidence t o support an i n t e r a c t i o n i s t view p o i n t has come mainly from those researchers who have used the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l v a r i a n c e components technique (Endler, 1966). T h i s technique a l l o w s f o r the comparison o f r e l a t i v e v a r i a n c e c o n t r i b u t i o n s and En d l e r and Hunt (1968) have done t h i s w i t h r e s p e c t t o the v a r i a b l e s o f anxiousness and h o s t i l i t y ; and E n d l e r and Magnusson (1977) have done t h i s w i t h r e s p e c t t o anxiousness. T y p i c a l l y , the v a r i a n c e components a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the r<v' p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n i s l a r g e r than the v a r i a n c e oonponents a t t r i -b u table t o e i t h e r persons o r s i t u a t i o n s . Recent evidence o f the same nature demonstrates the prepotence o f the i n t e r a c t i o n u n i t : Cohen (1977) f!i who s t u d i e d the ^ impact o f t r a i t s and s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n the psycho-lo g y o f dreaming s l e e p ; Rushton and E n d l e r (1977) who examined academic ^ achievement; Magnusson and R i c k l a n d e r (1974) who i n v e s t i g a t e d the i n t e r -a c t i o n i s t a n x i e t y model; E n d l e r and Magnusson (1977) who focussed an s t r e s s f a c t o r s i n an examination s i t u a t i o n , as w e l l as Wiesenthal, E n d l e r ^ and G e l l e r (1973) and.Endler, Coward and Wiesenthal (1975) who shared an 23. i n t e r e s t i n conforming behaviour, a l l showed t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n u n i t accounts f o r more o f the v a r i a n c e than e i t h e r o f the two main e f f e c t s alone. Other areas o f p e r s o n a l i t y r e s e a r c h which supports the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model o f p e r s o n a l i t y i n c l u d e s F i e l d e r ' s (1974) work on l e a d e r s h i p ; Berkowitz's (1973) m a t e r i a l en aggression; the l i t e r a t u r e an l o c u s o f c o n t r o l (e.g. Baron, Cowen, Garz & McDonald, 1974); some work on s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n (e.g. Altman & Haythom, 1967), as w e l l as o t h e r more i n d i r e c t t e s t s o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m . T h i s apparent s o l i d body o f s u p p o r t i v e evidence n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g however, t h e r e appears t o be shortcomings i n the i n t e r a c t i c n i s t approach as i t stands today. These a r i s e from con-c e p t u a l , methodological and e m p i r i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Conceptual B a s i s f o r I n t e r a c t i o n i s m The t r a i t model o f p e r s o n a l i t y i s b a s i c a l l y a reponse-response (R-R) theory which r e s t s on the assumption t h a t the determinants o f behaviour r e s i d e w i t h i n the person (B = f (P)) . S i t u a t i o n i s m i s a stimulus-response model (S-R) wherein i t i s assumed t h a t the primary determinants o f be-h a v i o u r are due t o the s p e c i f i c s t i m u l i o f the s i t u a t i o n (B = f(S)). The i n t e r a c t i o n a l model encompasses f e a t u r e s o f b o t h o f the former f o -c u s s i n g on m u l t i d i r e c t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n between an i n d i v i d u a l and h i s envircment. Thus, w i t h i n the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model, behaviour i s seen as r e s u l t i n g from both person and s i t u a t i o n f a c t o r s (B = f ( P , S ) ) . While the shortcomings o f the t r a i t model have been adequately demonstrated (e.g. M i s c h e l , 1968) and the s i t u a t i o n i s t s ' f o r m u l a t i o n s have a l s o been 24. s u c c e s s f u l l y a s s a u l t e d (e.g. Bowers, 1973), l i t t l e c r i t i c i s m has been l e v e l l e d a t the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model, perhaps because o f i t s i n h e r e n t l o g i c a l appeal. The i d e a t h a t behaviour i s a f u n c t i o n o f both the environment ( s i t u a t i o n ) and the organism (person) i s h a r d l y new as o u l i n e d by Ekehammar (1974). In recent p u b l i c a t i o n s (Endler, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1976a, 1976b) however, there i s the i m p l i c i t suggestion t h a t " i n t e r a c t i o n i s m " i s a new and r e v e a l i n g c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n . While E n d l e r (1973) goes as f a r as a s s i g n i n g i n t e r a c t i o n i s m t o new paradigmatic s t a t u s , C a t t e l (1965) f o r example, n e a r l y a decade e a r l i e r , r e a d i l y r e -cognized the importance o f s i t u a t i o n a l s t i m u l i . Thus, he wrote: Lack o f allowance f o r the s i t u a t i o n i s one o f the main causes o f misjudging p e r s o n a l i t y (p. 27). A t the same time, M i s c h e l (1973a) has i n d i c a t e d t h a t the language o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m and moderator v a r i a b l e s s i m p l y p r o v i d e s another way o f t a l k i n g about the i d i o s y n c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n o f behaviour and i t s de-pendence upon s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s . Before i t can c l a i m t o p r o v i d e a new d i r e c t i o n f o r p e r s o n a l i t y theory, i n t e r a c t i o n i s m must be p r e d i c t i v e r a t h e r than merely d e s c r i p t i v e . I t must on an a p r i o r i b a s i s , p r e d i c t moderator v a r i a b l e s from c l a s s e s o f behaviour o r r e a c t i o n s t h a t w i l l be u s e f u l i n a n a l y z i n g behaviour. The i n t e r a c t i o n s t u d i e s t h a t have r e c e n t l y been conducted by E n d l e r , Hunt and Magnusson as w e l l as o t h e r s , as E n d l e r (1977) r e a d i l y admits "do n o t t e l l us why {the v a r i a n c e i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the i n t e r a c t i o n component]'' (p. 352), but merely demonstrates t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n component accounts f o r more o f the v a r i a n c e than e i t h e r 25. o f the two main e f f e c t s alone. Furthermore, these s t u d i e s have not as y e t e x p l a i n e d the nature o f the o b t a i n e d i n t e r a c t i o n s between persons and s i t u a t i o n s and no one has demonstrated t h a t accurate p r e d i c t i o n s can be made a p r i o r i about i n d i v i d u a l behaviour. The a t t r i b u t i o n o f the va r i a n c e t o the i n t e r -a c t i o n component might l e a d one t o conclude t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n s have demonstrated c o n s i s t e n t and p r e d i c t a b l e behaviours across a v a r i e t y o f s i t u a t i o n s . But t h i s o f course, i s not the case. The va r i a n c e com-ponents s t u d i e s are d e s c r i p t i v e b u t not p r e d i c t i v e . I n the abscence o f an e x p l a n a t i o n o f how i n t e r a c t i o n s take p l a c e p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , "the emph-a s i s , on i n t e r a c t i o n i s m . . .Q3ecomes~} l i t t l e more than the proclammation o f a t r u i s m " ( M i s c h e l , 1973a, p. 257) . C l e a r l y , the b a s i c q u e s t i o n o f how the person.and s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i n determining behaviour remains t o be c l a r i f i e d and t h i s i s a f t e r a l l , the q u e s t i o n t h a t A n a s t a s i (1958) posed some 20 years ago. I n the u n i -d i r e c t i o n a l n o t i o n o f i n t e r a c t i o n , persons and s i t u a t i o n s are t r e a t e d as independent e n t i t i e s t h a t combine t o produce behaviour (Bowers, 1973). Person and environmental f a c t o r s however, do not f u n c t i o n as independent determinants b u t r a t h e r determine each o t h e r and persons cannot be con-s i d e r e d t o be independent o f t h e i r behaviour. Since i t i s l a r g e l y through t h e i r a c t i o n s t h a t people produce the environmental c o n d i t i o n s t h a t a f f e c t t h e i r behaviour i n a r e c i p r o c a l f a s h i o n , the experiences o f c o n d i t i o n s generated by behaviour a l s o p a r t l y determine what a person becomes and does w h i c h , i n t u r n , e f f e c t s subsequent behaviour (Bandura, 1977). The modem conception o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m acknowledges t h a t 26. behaviour i s overdetermined and determinant; but persons, and s i t u a t i o n s are d e p i c t e d as independent causes o f behaviour as though i t were o n l y a product t h a t does n o t f i g u r e i n the c a u s a l p r o c e s s . C l e a r l y however, behaviour i s a l s o an i n t e r a c t i n g determinant and not s i m p l y an outcome o f a p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n . C e r t a i n b e h a v i o u r a l responses would e f f e c t subsequent behaviour such t h a t n e i t h e r the person nor the s i t u a t i o n would remain s t a t i c but r a t h e r each would be i n c o n t i n u a l concommitant f l u x w i t h r e c i p r o c a l e f f e c t s . Such analyses are n o t pos-s i b l e i n the r e c e i v e d v e r s i o n o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m . The Role o f Reactive V a r i a b l e s • En d l e r (1977), one o f the most e n t h u s i a s t i c supporters o f i n t e r -a c t i o n i s m , s t r e s s e s the n e c e s s i t y f o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between b e h a v i o u r a l v a r i a b l e s ( t y p i c a l l y conceived o f as r e a c t i v e v a r i a b l e s ) and med i a t i n g v a r i a b l e s ( t r e a t e d as h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s ) . He s t r e s s e s t h a t t h e r e i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p between the e m i t t e d be-hav i o u r and i n t r a s p h y c h i c f u n c t i o n i n g a t the h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t l e v e l . T h i s i s merely a restatement o f t±ie phenotypic^genotypic d i s -t i n c t i o n t h a t was made by M i s c h e l (1968) and which has p r o v i d e d a con-c e p t u a l t r a p f o r p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s . The i n t e r a c t i o n i s t t h e o r i s t , who does as the t r a i t and psychodynamic t h e o r i s t s , and r e l e g a t e s ob-ser v a b l e behaviour t o the " r e a c t i v e v a r i a b l e " s t a t u s , faces problems. The i n t e r a c t i o n a l model was developed b a s i c a l l y on a n x i e t y r e -search (Endler, 1966; Endler,& Hunt, 1966; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1977). In recent f o r m u l a t i o n s (Endler, 1977) about the nature o f a n x i e t y , two 27. components have been d i s t i n g u i s h e d : t r a i t and s t a t e a n x i e t y . T r a i t a n x i e t y i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t which i s thought t o be a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and has a t v a r i o u s times, been c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a t r a i t , as a motive, and as a d r i v e (Shedlesky & E n d l e r , 1974). S t a t e a n x i e t y i s a l s o c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a h y p o t h e t i c a l e n t i t y b u t i s considered t o be a t r a n s i t o r y emotional con-d i t i o n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a n x i e t y , whether s t a t e o r t r a i t , i s viewed as a h y p o t h e t i c a l e n t i t y w i t h i n a person t h a t "causes" behaviour which i s a t the same time, dependent on s i t u a t i o n a l s t i m u l i t o some degree. A n x i e t y has i n the past,been o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o many d i v e r s e c r i t e r i a and as a consequence has gi v e n r i s e t o c o n s i d e r a b l e i m p r e c i s i o n and c o n f u s i o n i n psychology. S a r b i n (1968) takes the p o s i t i o n t h a t s i n c e a n x i e t y i s t y p i c a l l y used w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o a mental s t a t e i t be-comes o n t o l o g i c a l l y m y t h i c a l . He goes on t o suggest t h a t i n q u i r y must be s t e e r e d away from hypo the t i c a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d s t a t e s o f mind which have been the source o f much f u t i l e s p e c u l a t i o n . The modern day i n t e r a c t i o n i s t s however, s t i l l r e l y on the h y p o t h e t i c a l "stote-of-mind" approach which leads i n t o the i n t r a c t a b l e and complex problem o f d i s c o v e r i n g c a u s a l f a c t o r s and determining the nature o f those c a u s a l f a c t o r s . S p e c u l a t i o n s concerning these i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s l e a d t o a galaxy o f " c o n s t r u c t s " , " t r a i t s " and " d i s p o s i t i o n s " f o r which there i s l i t t l e i n the way o f c o n v i n c i n g evidence. Searching f o r these " s t a t e s o f mind" leads d i r e c t l y i n t o the s t r a t e g y o f c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y . The i n v e s t i g a t o r u s i n g t h i s approach, takes as the c r i t e r i o n , a p a r t i c u l a r behaviour which i s not i n t r i n s i c a l l y meaningful Qr o f i n t e r e s t 28. i n i t s own r i g h t . Rather, he regards, on t h e o r e t i c a l grounds, such " r e a c t i v e v a r i a b l e s " as " s i g n s " o r " t e s t responses" f o r i n d e x i n g some u n d e r l y i n g t r a i t o r d i s p o s i t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s search f o r an i n n e r system v i a r e a c t i v e v a r i a b l e s , has, as S k i n n e r (1975) puts i t , "proved t o be one o f the most f a s c i n a t i n g a t t r a c t i o n s along the path o f d a l l i a n c e " (p. 43). Cronbach (1975) sp e c u l a t e s t h a t the whole n o t i o n o f c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y i t s e l f i s becoming a q u e s t i o n a b l e s t r a t e g y . Because o f the apparent t r a n s i t o r y nature o f c o n s t r u c t s and t r a i t s , Cronbach (1975) s t a t e s : This puts c o n s t r u c t v a l i d a t i o n . . . i n a new l i g h t . Because Meehl and I were i m p o r t i n g i n t o psychology a r a t i o n a l e developed out o f the p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s , we spoke as i f a f i x e d r e a l i t y i s t o be accounted f o r . . . R a r e l y i s a s o c i a l o r b e h a v i o u r a l phenomenon i s o l a t e d enough t o have t h i s steady-process p r o p e r t y An a c t u a r i a l t a b l e d e s c r i b i n g human a f f a i r s changes from s c i e n c e t o h i s t o r y b e f o r e i t can be s e t i n type (p. 123). Cronbach (1975) goes on t o argue t h a t because two-way p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n s are themselves n e a r l y always mediated by h i g h e r - o r d e r i n t e r a c t i o n s , i t i s probably wise t o abandon our search f o r u n i v e r s a l , t r a n s h i s t o r i c a l p r i n c i p l e s o f human behaviour. Cronbach seems t o be b a l k i n g i n the face o f h e r e t o f o r e unsuspected complexity i n p e r s o n a l i t y w i t h apparent h i g h e r - o r d e r i n t e r a c t i o n s . However, abandoning the search f o r laws governing behaviour as they apply u n i v e r s a l l y does n o t seem t o be a w i s e d e c i s i o n . Even i f behaviour i s t o t a l l y random, then t h a t i s a law worth e s t a b l i s h i n g . Whitehead (1925) a s s e r t s t h a t science i t s e l f was o n l y able t o r i s e i n Western s o c i e t y because o f Man's i n h e r e n t b e l i e f i n the o r d e r l i n e s s and p r e d i c t -29. a b i l i t y o f nature. I t would do us l i t t l e good then, t o c a s t away these b e l i e f s as they apply t o p e r s o n a l i t y — i n c o n s i s t e n c y i t s e l f may be a p e r s o n a l i t y dimension (Campus 1974) and change over time may be a general p r i n c i p l e governing behaviour. I t i s worthy t o search f o r what laws there be i f we are t o n i a i n t a i n the s c i e n t i f i c m e n t a l i t y , which i n s t i n c t i v e l y h o lds t h a t a l l t h i n g s g r e a t and s m a l l are conceivable as e x e m p l i f i c a t i o n s o f g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s which r e i g n throughout the n a t u r a l o r d e r (Whitehead, 1925, p. 5 ) . E n d l e r ' s (1973, 1975, 1977) conception o f the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model then, s t i l l f l o u n d e r s on the problem o f d i s c o v e r i n g c a u s a l " p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s " and " i n t e r n a l c o n s t r u c t s " which again leads i n t o the s t r a t e g y o f con-s t r u c t v a l i d i t y wherein i t i s assumed t h a t c o n s t r u c t s and t r a i t s are f i x e d s t e a d y - s t a t e processes which are t o be accounted f o r . The i n t e r a c -t i o n i s t p o i n t o f view then, (which merely adds s t i m u l i s p e c i f i c t o the s i t u a t i o n as another dimension) i s o n l y a s m a l l c o n s e r v a t i v e s h i f t i n view-point from t h a t h e l d by t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i t and psychc>dynamic t h e o r i s t s r a t h e r than a "new paradigm" i n the Kuhnian (Kuhn, 1970) sense. An examination o f t h i s approach r e v e a l s t h i s and more. P e r v i n (1976) demonstrated the modus operandi o f the i n t e r a c t i o n i s t approach. Subjects were allowed t o d e s c r i b e s i t u a t i o n s , s i t u a t i o n t r a i t s , f e e l i n g s and behaviour t h a t were a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e i r r e a l l i f e . From these data, Pervin (1976) attempted t o i n f e r , I n what ways, and why, do people remain s t a b l e (con-s i s t e n t ) i n t h e i r behaviour and f e e l i n g s , and i n what ways do they vary according t o which s i t u a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (p. 446). Examples o f behaviour given a r e : s e n s i t i v e , ambitious, compulsive, c a r i n g , 30 . emotional, i n t r o v e r t e d and so f o r t h . Why these are l i s t e d as behaviours i s n o t a l t o g e t h e r c l e a r s i n c e they are merely a d j e c t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n s o f some i n f e r r e d s t a t e . There i s l i t t l e reason t o suppose t h a t such a d j e c t i v e s have anything a t a l l t o do w i t h behaviour per se ( M i s c h e l , 1968). The P e r v i n (1976) study i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n assuming t h a t t h e r e i s something t o gained by t h i s k i n d o f assessment procedure. N o t i c e Of Skinner's (1977) warning, seems ap p r o p r i a t e i n t h i s connection: The r e a l l y s e r i o u s mistake i s t o i n f e r a d r i v e s t a t e as an e x p l a n a t o r y e n t i t y simply from the behaviour t o be e x p l a i n e d (p. 1010). Other attempts i n a s s e s s i n g p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n s (Ekehammar & Magnusson, 1973; Magnusson & Ekehammar, 1975) i n v o l v e the use o f q u e s t i o n n a i r e s r a t h e r than d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n o f behaviour. I n these s t u d i e s , the s u b j e c t i s asked how he would "behave" o r " f e e l " i n a hypo- t h e t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . The s u b j e c t ' s responses are taken as r e l i a b l e i n -d i c a t o r s o f what he would i n f a c t do i f presented w i t h such a s i t u a t i o n . Snyder and Tanke (1976) however, found t h a t there i s l i t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e r s o n a l i n t e n t i o n s and o v e r t behaviour. M i s c h e l (1968) has a l s o demonstrated t h i s iricongruence and has argued t h a t the o v e r t be-h a v i o u r o f i n t e r e s t be s t u d i e d r a t h e r than r e l y i n g on a t t i t u d e s and i n -t e n t i o n s o f s u b j e c t s t o p r e d i c t a c r i t e r i o n behaviour. I n the same v e i n , Wicker (1971), s t u d y i n g a t t i t u d e s toward the church and r e l a t e d c r i t e r i o n behaviours, showed t h a t i n d i v i d u a l behaviour cannot b e , p r e d i c t e d very w e l l from a t t i t u d e s and p e r s o n a l i n t e n t i o n s . He used f o u r s e l f -r e p o r t p r e d i c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g three v e r b a l measures s t a t i n g i n t e n t i o n s about church attendance, monetary c o n t r i b u t i o n s and p a r t i c i a p t i o n i n c h u r c h - r e l a t e d a f f a i r s . For attendance and c o n t r i b u t i o n s , a l l f o u r p r e -31. d i c t o r s accounted f o r approximately 25% o f the va r i a n c e i n the c r i t e r i o n behaviours ( a c t u a l attendance and a c t u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s ) l e a v i n g 75% t o be e x p l a i n e d ; f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , 94% o f the v a r i a n c e was unaccounted f o r . Evidence o f t h i s s o r t r a i s e s doubts about the v i a b i l i t y o f the qu e s t i o n n a i r e research s t r a t e g y . To the c u r r e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i s t , the o v e r t behaviour t h a t i s mani-f e s t e d i n a given s i t u a t i o n i s u s u a l l y not taken t o be o f i n t e r e s t p e r . se. E n d l e r and Magnusson (1977) used a " p h y s i o l o g i c a l " measure o f an-x i e t y — s e l f - r e p o r t e d h e a r t r a t e — t o i n d i c a t e v a r i a b l e l e v e l s o f a n x i e t y i n an examination s i t u a t i o n . T h i s " o b j e c t i v e " measure o f a n x i e t y was n o t o f i n t e r e s t i n i t s e l f but was s i g n i f i c a n t o n l y inasmuch as i t r e v e a l e d c o n d i t i o n s about c a u s a l f a c t o r s o f a n x i e t y . A c c o r d i n g l y , p e r s o n a l i t y assessment i n the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model s t i l l f l o u n d e r s on the measurement d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t have plagued the t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i t and psychodynamic approaches. F i s k e (1974) has argued t h a t the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making c o r r e c t i o n s between h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s and s e l f - r e p o r t and o t h e r i n d L r e c t l y c o l l e c t e d d a t a , have caused the c o n v e n t i o n a l s c i e n c e o f p e r s o n a l i t y t o have reached i t s l i m i t s . Three i n t e r r e l a t e d c o n d i t i o n s are seen as r e -s p o n s i b l e : 1) most o f the d a t a are the products o f complex i n t e r p r e t i v e judgment processes w i t h i n observers; 2) the agreement between s e t s o f observations i s l i m i t e d ; and 3) the t i e s between o b s e r v a t i o n and concepts i s l i m i t e d . I n s e l f - r e p o r t d a t a , the c o v a r i a t i o n between s p e c i f i c - i t e m s i s lew and r e p r o d u c i b i l i t y over accasians i s poor. I n judgment by o t h e r s , there appears t o be l i t t l e hope f o r improving the l e v e l o f agreement when the task r e q u i r e s complex d e c i s i o n processes ( F i s k e , 1974). The i n -32. t e r a c t i o n i s t s s t i l l focus on concepts w i t h inadequate s p e c i f i c a t i o n s and tenuous l i n k a g e s t o measuring procedures. Since the severe l i m i t -a t i o n s t o progress i n p e r s o n l a i t y r e s e a r c h i s due t o r e l i a n c e an words as ex p l a n a t o r y d e v i c e s , dependence on complex observer judgments a r -r i v e d a t by p r o c e s s i n g d i v e r s e p e r c e p t i o n s w i t h low agreement between observers, F i s k e (1974) was moved t o conclude t h a t , As l o n g as t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n t o the f i e l d p e r s i s t s , l i t t l e can be dene t o escape these funda-mental handicaps (p. 10). Metho d o l o g i c a l Problems o f I n t e r a c t i o n i s m C a r t w r i g h t (1975) argued t h a t the S-R Inventory o f Anxiousness de-veloped by E n d l e r , Hunt and Rosenstein (1962) and subsequently r e f i n e d by E n d l e r and Hunt (1966) and which has become the instrument of the champions o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m (Endler, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1977), i n -a p p r o p r i a t e l y combines v a r i a n c e from s i t u a t i o n s and modes of response i n the t o t a l v a r i a n c e p o o l a g a i n s t which the component of v a r i a n c e due t o i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i s e v a l u a t e d . I n the o r i g i n a l study (Endler e t a l , 1962) the S-R Inventory showed t e s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f i -c i e n t s o f 0.97 and 0.95 which i n d i c a t e s t h a t 97% and 95% of the v a r i a n c e i n t h i s i n v e n t o r y i s due t o t r a i t - l i k e d i f f e r e n c e s between i n d i v i d u a l s . The d a t a a n a l y s i s however, suggested t h a t o n l y 5% o f the v a r i a n c e was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s . T h i s d i s c r e p a n c y , C a r t w r i g h t (1975) suggests, a r i s e s depending upon whether the i n v e n t o r y i s . u s e d as a t e s t i n the u s u a l sense o r i s used as an experimental d e s i g n . C l e a r l y , depending upon whether the i n v e n t o r y i s used as a t e s t i n the u s u a l sense o r i s used as an experimental desig n , d i f f e r e n t o p e r a t i o n s became ap-p r o p r i a t e l e a d i n g t o d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s o f a n a l y s i s . I n the experimental 33. design, modes o f responses c o n t r i b u t e the l a r g e s t amount o f v a r i a n c e which i s t y p i c a l l y about 25%. I n d i v i d u a l s however, respond through the modes o f response and n o t t o the modes o f response so t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s f o r the modes can a t most suggest t h a t respondents have a common preference upon the modes o f response. Although t h i s p reference * might be o f i n t e r e s t i n i t s own r i g h t , such f a c t s are not o f i n t e r e s t i n the experiment and should not be allowed t o i n f l a t e the t o t a l p o o l -o f .variantian and g i v e an erroneous impression o f the s i z e o f treatment i n f l u e n c e s (Cartwright, 1975) . F u r t h e r , the word anxious i s used i n the Inventory t o mean e i t h e r anxiousness of a n x i e t y o r anxiousness o f p l e a -sureable a n t i c i p a t i o n so t h a t two f a c t o r s govern the* modes o f response. I t should not be s u r p r i s i n g then, t h a t these f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e the g r e a t e s t v a r i a n c e ; b u t Carwright (1975) suggests t h a t these components should not be allowed t o c o n t r i b u t e t o the t o t a l v a r i a n c e a g a i n s t which other v a r i a n c e sources are ev a l u a t e d . The s i t u a t i o n s i n the S-R Inventory v a r y w i d e l y on the degree o f t h r e a t t h a t they present and as E n d l e r and Hunt (1966) noted, such a s t a t e o f a f f a i r s l eads t o a s p u r i o u s l y i n f l a t e d v a r i a n c e camxjnent due t o s i t u a t i o n s . The range o f s i t u a t i o n s w i t h regard t o the degree o f o f t h r e a t should n o t be e x c e s s i v e by c o n t r a s t w i t h the range o f s u b j e c t s w i t h regard t o degree o f anxiousness (Cartwright, 1975). Since the p e r -centage o f v a r i a n c e c o n t r i b u t e d by a f a c t o r i s e v a l u a t e d a g a i n s t the t o t a l amount o f v a r i a n c e and the t o t a l becomes l a r g e r o r s m a l l e r depending upon what separate c o n t r i b u t i o n s are added t o i t , t h e r e l a t i v e s i z e o f v a r i a n c e c o n t r i b u t e d by one source becomes l a r g e r o r s m a l l e r c o r r e l a t i v e l y . C a r t w r i g h t (1975) e x p e r i m e n t a l l y made the s i t u a t i o n s more homogeneous 34. and found t h a t l e s s v a r i a n c e was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o s i t u a t i o n s than t o persons. He concludes t h a t as an experimental d e s i g n , the Inventory a l l o w s l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f v a r i a n c e from u n j u s t i f i e d sources t o e n t e r i n t o the t o t a l v a r i a n c e a g a i n s t which the i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s com-ponent i s evaluated. T y p i c a l l y , the source-of-variance paradigms decompose a person (p) X s i t u a t i o n (s) X mode of response (r) data m a t r i x by standard a n a l y s i s o f v a r i a n c e procedures and the obta i n e d mean squares are s o l v e d f o r a l l o b t a i n a b l e v a r i a n c e component e s t i m a t e s . Then a l l p o s s i b l e cmega-2 squared; (to ) r a t i o s which p u r p o r t e d l y a s s i g n the p r o p o r t i o n o f va r i a n c e a t t r i b u t a b l e t o each component, i s formed. Bowers' (1973) examination o f the 11 s t u d i e s i n v o l v e d the formation o f three c r i t i c a l l y important 2,2 "' 2 , 2 r a t i o s : a p ' C T x 0 t a l ^ " e " P 6^ 3 0 5" 1 v a r i a n c e ) , ° s / axptal (i*e« s i t u a t i o n " — 2 o variance) and a /a (person X s i t u a t i o n v a r i a n c e ) . G o l d i n g (1975) ps T o t a l suggests t h a t the cmega-squared r a t i o s are i n a p p r o p r i a t e s t a t i s t i c s t o use i n t h i s k i n d o f a n a l y s i s f o r s e v e r a l reasons: 1) This s t a t i s t i c r e s t s on the assumption t h a t scores on measuring i n -struments have absolute value both i n a measurement sense and a psycho-l o g i c a l sense; t h a t i s , i t assumes t h a t the obt a i n e d v a l u e has meaning as an absolute q u a n t i t y . T h i s k i n d o f r a t i o d a t a o f course, i s never a v a i l a b l e i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l measurement. The b e s t t h a t can be done i s t o p r o v i d e " q u a s i - i n t e r v a l " d a t a . 2) The s i z e o f the obtained i n t e r a c t i o n s are s p u r i o u s l y i n f l a t e d be-cause o f v a r i o u s measurement a r t i f a c t s and c e i l i n g and f l o o r effeetSiWhose i n f l u e n c e i s u s u a l l y unknown. 35. 3) The t r i p l e i n t e r a c t i o n i n the t y p i c a l paradigm i s confounded w i t h 2 e r r o r v a r i a n c e which i n f l a t e s o_ components and i s not independently ps e s t i m a b l e . 4) The t h e o r e t i c a l importance o f such i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h o u t reference t o an e m p i r i c a l examination o f t h e i r s t r u c t u r e which has as y e t not been done, can n e i t h e r be a s s e r t e d nor denied. Bowers' (1973), and more r e c e n t l y , E n d l e r ' s (1977) p o s i t i o n t h a t maintains t h a t i n t e r a c t i o n i s m accounts f o r more vari a n c e i s as '< untenable as M i s c h e l ' s (1973) p o s i t i o n t h a t maintains t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n i s t p a t t e r n s are h i g h l y i d i o s y n c r a t i c . To a s s e r t the former, a demonstration t h a t the obt a i n e d i n t e r a c t i o n s can be m e a n i n g f u l l y decomposed i n t o r e -p l i c a b l e p a t t e r n s i s necessary (Golding, 1975). The l a t t e r p o s i t i o n r e q u i r e s a demonstration t h a t the o b t a i n e d i n t e r a c t i o n s are n o t s y s t e m a t i c o r p a t t e r n e d . G o l d i n g (1975) suggests t h a t the omega-squared r a t i o s be r e p l a c e d by g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s which circumvent the shortcomings o f the former s t a t i s t i c . N e i t h e r omega-squared r a t i o s nor g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y , c o e f f i c i e n t s however, can overcame the l a c k o f a stxong d a t a base. C u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e d a ta are too fragmentary, method s p e c i f i c , o r con-founded t o make the k i n d o f c o n c l u s i o n s about c o n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y t h a t have been made by some (e.g. E n d l e r , 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1977). Most o f the s t u d i e s r e l y on s e l f - r e p o r t behaviour i n imagined s i t u a t i o n s (e.g. E n d l e r & Hunt, 1966; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1977) o r more r a r e l y , b e h a v i o u r a l o b s e r v a t i o n s o f qu e s t i o n a b l e g e n e r a l i t y o r importance. Moos (1969) f o r example, observed frequency o f head nods, l e g movement, s c r a t c h i n g o r smoking b u t these h a r d l y r e p r e s e n t behaviour from which 36. we might o a n s r t u c t g e n e r a l t h e o r i e s o f human behaviour o r p e r s o n a l i t y . A f i n a l problem t h a t i s inh e r e n t i n the c u r r e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i s t model i s the a r b i t r a r i n e s s w i t h which s i t u a t i o n s are d e f i n e d . Bowers (1973) p o i n t e d out t h a t i t i s common p r a c t i c e t o reason t h a t i f i n d i v i d u a l s behave d i f f e r e n t l y the s i t u a t i o n s were d i f f e r e n t , and i f they behave s i m i l a r l y , the s i t u a t i o n s were not d i f f e r e n t . This c i r c u l a r reasoning does not provide f o r independently d e f i n e d and c a l i b r a t e d i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s and s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s . Although Magnusson (1971) has made i n i t i a l attempts a t a n a l y z i n g and d e s c r i b i n g the d i m e n s i o n a l i t y o f i n -d i v i d u a l judgments o f s i t u a t i o n s , the e f f o r t has met w i t h l i t t l e suc-cess. A c c o r d i n g l y , E n d l e r (1977) suggests t h a t : We need t o make p r e d i c t i o n s i n s t u d i e s i n which we simultaneously examine v a r i o u s s i t u a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s ...[which1 w i l l enable us t o i n v e s t i g a t e and p r e d i c t the nature o f p e r s o n - b y - s i t u a t i o n i n t e r -a c t i o n s i n e f f e c t i n g behaviour (p. 352). Th i s suggestion i s commendable but, the i n t e r a c t i o n a l approach as i t i s c u r r e n t l y a p p l i e d w i l l n o t y i e l d such i n f o r m a t i o n . F o r as G o l d i n g (1975) has noted: ...the e x i s t e n c e o f i n t e r a c t i o n terms cannot be u n c r i t i c a l l y accepted as s u p o r t i v e o f the i n t e r -a c t i o n i s t v iew-point u n l e s s they are shown t o be n o n - a r t i f a c t u a l , r e p l i c a b l e , and me a n i n g f u l l y patterened (p. 287). E v a l u a t i o n : The Sta t e o f the A r t The i n t e r a c t i o n i s m paradigm o f human behaviour which has a r i s e n as a compromise between two opposing p o i n t s o f view — t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i t t h e o r i s t s versus s i t u a t i o n a l i s t s — i s both i n t u i t i v e l y appealing and 37. t h e o r e t i c a l l y sound. In i t s present day o p e r a t i o n a l form however, i t i s l i t t l e more than the proclammation o f a t r u i s m . I t s g r e a t e s t c o n t r i b u t i o n t o p e r s o n a l i t y theory i s t h a t i t has e m p i r i c a l l y demon-s t r a t e d the n e c e s s i t y f o r t a k i n g i n t o account both s i t u a t i o n and p e r -s o n a l i t y v a r i a b l e s when attempting t o account f o r human behaviour. The methodology used i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the i n t e r a c t i o n a l paradigm, r e v e a l s s t a t i s t i c a l i m p r o p r i e t i e s and heavy r e l i a n c e on s e l f - r e p o r t d a t a and other i n d i r e c t measurement procedures f o r a n a l y z i n g behaviour. C i r c u l a r reasoning attempting t o p o s t d i c t whether " s i t u a t i o n s " were o r were not d i f f e r e n t , i s a severe handicap o f the model. D i r e c t l y observ-able behaviours i n t h i s approach, are merely regarded as " r e a c t i v e v a r i a -b l e s " which i n d i c a t e the nature o f some u n d e r l y i n g h y p o t h e t i c a l t r a i t o r c o n s t r u c t . The i n t e r a c t i a n i s t s then, i n attempting t o e x p l a i n the nature and e x i s t e n c e o f h y p o t h e t i c a l t r a i t s and c o n s t r u c t s , face the same apparently insurmountable o b s t a c l e s t h a t have caused these hypo-t h e t i c a l e n t i t i e s t o elude t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i t t h e o r i s t s t o date. S e v e r a l p s y c h o l o g i s t s (Byrne, 1974; Cronbach, 1975; F i s k e , 1974; G o l d f r e i d & Kent, 1972; Phares & L a m i e l l , 1977; Sechrest, 1976; T y l e r , 1959) have i n d i c a t e d t h a t p e r s o n a l i t y as a s c i e n c e has reached i t s l i m i t s i n em-p l o y i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n i n v o l v i n g i n d i r e c t assessment o f h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s . Sechrest (1976) concluded t h a t , ...most r e s e a r c h — the v a s t p r o p o r t i o n o f re s e a r c h — i n p e r s o n a l i t y i s i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l 7 t r i v i a l and p o i n t l e s s even i f i t i s w e l l done... [ the ] st a g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y study has a r i s e n f r o m . . . i t s preoccupations and methods: i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s , s e l f - r e p o r t ' s c a l e s ' , abnormal behaviour, c o r r e l a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h , d e s c r i p t i o n , therapy (p. 2-5). 38. Phares and L a m i e l l (1977) are not more o p t i m i s t i c : Many f e e l t h a t s o c i a l psychology i s i n a p e r i o d o f c r i s i s . There i s no reason t o f e e l t h i n g s are much d i f f e r e n t f o r those who study p e r s o n a l i t y (p. 113). Byrne (1974) speculates t h a t the reason t h a t p e r s o n a l i t y psychology i s i n such a poor s t a t e , i s t h a t i t may be i n the random f a c t g a t h e r i n g stage o f a preparadigmatic s c i e n c e . A p e r u s a l o f the l i t e r a t u r e however, r e v e a l s very few r e l i a b l e and enduring f a c t s i n p e r s o n a l i t y theory and res e a r c h . As f o r the i n t e r a c t i o n a l model, one o f i t s p r o g e n i t o r s , Moos, i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h i s t o o has reached i t s l i m i t s . He i s re p o r t e d by M i s c h e l (1973a) t o have s a i d : F r a n k l y t h i s i s why I have stopped doing s t u d i e s o f t h i s s o r t [ i . e . i n t e r a c t i o n a l ] ; . I t seems t o me t h a t the p o i n t has now"been amply demonstrated, and i t i s time t o get an w i t h o t h e r matters (p. 256). C l e a r l y , a new conception i s demanded. 39. CHAPTER I I I AN ALTERNATIVE APPROACH: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES In the face o f a widespread r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t l i t t l e n o t i c e a b l e progress has been made i n g a i n i n g p r e d i c t i v e powers through p e r s o n a l i t y research, s e v e r a l authors have i n d i c a t e d the need f o r r e f o r m u l a t i n g the questions asked by p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s (e.g. Byrne, 1974). Ac-c o r d i n g l y , we observe a v a r i e t y o f attempts a t r e f o r m u l a t i o n i n c u r r e n t work. T y l e r (1965, 1959) f o r example, having recognized the l i m i t s o f c o n v e n t i o n a l " i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s " psychology, suggested t a k i n g an approach which analyzes " s t r a t e g i e s " o f behaviour i n p l a c e o f t r a i t s as the u n i t o f i n t e r e s t . Given the over-use o f Rutin's (1970) term "new paradigm" — i t s unfortunate, abundant s p r i n k l i n g throughout the p e r -s o n a l i t y l i t e r a t u r e — one h e s i t a t e s t o apply the term t o T y l e r ' s i n -n o v a t i o n . A l k e r (1972), apparently undissuaded by such c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , suggests t h a t the work o f Kogan and Wallach (1964, 1967) on r a t i o n a l versus i r r a t i o n a l r i s k t a k i n g , c o n s t i t u t e s the appearance o f a new p a r a -digm. Bern (1972), perhaps o v e r - e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y , concurrs w i t h A l k e r ' s (1972) p r o p o s a l t h a t the "moderator v a r i a b l e " approach as seen i n the work o f Kogan and Wallach represents a u s e f u l "paradigm" f o r p e r s o n a l i t y research. Wallach and Legget (1972) (Wallach b e i n g the second author o f the Kogan and Wallach team) however, do n o t agree w i t h these a s s e r t i o n s and p o i n t out t h a t the moderator v a r i a b l e approach a c t u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e s o n l y a s m a l l c o n s e r v a t i v e s h i f t i n v i e w p o i n t from t h a t h e l d by t r a d i t i o n a l 40. t r a i t t h e o r i s t s . Another suggestion o f paradigmatic i n n o v a t i o n ccmes from E n d l e r (1973) who s t a t e s t h a t i n t e r a c t i o n i s m meets the r e q u i r e -ments o f a paradigmatic s h i f t i n p e r s o n a l i t y i n v e s t i g a t i o n . As has been shown above however, i n t e r a c t i o n i s m a l s o represents o n l y a s m a l l and c o n s e r v a t i v e change i n o r i e n t a t i o n when compared t o t r a d i t i o n a l models o f p e r s o n a l i t y . Bern and A l l e n (1974) as w e l l as E n d l e r (1977), E n d l e r and Magnusson (1976a, 1976b) and Magnusson (1971), suggest t h a t p e r s o n a l i t y r e s e a r c h must concentrate an determining the p s y c h o l o g i c a l importance o f s i t u a t i o n s which w i l l g i v e r i s e t o new p r o d u c t i v i t y i n our understanding o f p e r s o n a l i t y . F i n a l l y , Bern and M i e n (1974), B l a s s (1977), Campus (1974), Hayden and M i s c h e l (1976) and Snyder and Tanke (1976), a l l suggest t h a t c o n s i s t e n c y - i n c o n s i s t e n c y may i t s e l f be a p e r -s o n a l i t y dimension wherein c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h i s dimension w i l l l e a d t o new and f r u i t f u l d i r e c t i o n s f o r r e s e a r c h . For the present w r i t e r , the l a t t e r suggestion appears t o be e s p e c i a l l y fecund. A c c o r d i n g l y , i t r e c e i v e s f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n below. Meanwhile, i t i s s u f f i c i e n t t o note t h a t by i t s e l f , t h i s suggestion l i k e a l l o t h e r s , f a i l t o account f o r the c r u c i a l change needed i n p e r s o n a l i t y i n v e s t i g a t i o n — the need f o r m ethodological and measurement improvements. The assessment o f p e r s o n a l i t y has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been done through the use o f s e l f - r e p o r t s and tests which are i n d i r e c t measures o f as-sumed q u a l i t i e s . The accumulation o f t h i s customary p r a c t i c e has l e d t o a widespread d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h p e r s o n a l i t y tests ,and u l t i m a t e l y has l e d t o the r e j e c t i o n by some, o f the concept o f g e n e r a l p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s . M i s c h e l (1968) f o r example, s t a t e s : ...the phrase " p e r s o n a l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t " might be c o i ned 41. t o d e s c r i b e the c o r r e l a t i o n between .20 and .30 which i s found p e r s i s t e n t l y when v i r t u a l l y any p e r s o n a l i t y dimension i n f e r r e d from a q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s r e l a t e d t o almost any conceivable c r i t e r i o n i n v o l v i n g responses sampled i n a d i f f e r e n t medium — t h a t i s , n o t by another q u e s t i o n n a i r e (p. 78). Even the n o t i o n o f c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y as c o n v e n t i o n a l l y a p p l i e d t o t r a -d i t i o n a l psychometric theory and c l a s s i c a l t e s t score t h e o r y , has r e c e n t l y been doubted by Cronbach (1975). Cronbach (1975) suggests t h a t the r e f e r e n t s f o r c o n s t r u c t s l i k e t r a i t s are apparently n o t . r e a l f i x e d e n t i t i e s as i t was once assumed, and hence t r a d i t i o n a l psychometric techniques are i n a p -p r o p r i a t e means t o t r y and account f o r p e r s o n a l i t y dimensions. The n o t o r i o u s l y poor i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n used i n p e r s o n a l i t y assessment i s probably the c r u c i a l f a c t o r t h a t has l e d p e r s o n a l i t y as a s c i e n c e t o reach i t s l i m i t s ( c f . F i s k e , 1974). Skinner (1975, 1977) has a s s e r t e d t h a t the development o f a s c i e n t i f i c d i s c i p l i n e o f human behaviour has been impared by d i g r e s s i o n and d i -v e r s i o n — p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s have been d i v e r t e d i n t o attempting t o "look i n s i d e " the organism. S a i d Skinner (1975): When the important t h i n g i s a r e l a t i o n t o the e n v i r o n -ment, as i n the phylogeny and ontogeny o f behaviour, the f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h an i n n e r system becomes a simple d i -g r e s s i o n . . .We have not advanced more r a p i d l y t o the methods and instruments needed i n the study o f behaviour p r e c i s e l y because o f the d i v e r t i n g preoccupation w i t h a supposed o r r e a l i n n e r l i f e (p. 46). This search f o r the " i n n e r l i f e " has l e d t o g a l a x i e s o f " c o n s t r u c t s " , " t r a i t s " , and " p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s " which are supposed t o be u n d e r l y i n g causes o f behaviour. Throughout Skinner's work (e.g. 1953, 1960, 1975, 1977) the s u b t l e but profoundly important d i s t i n c t i o n which separates 42. Skinner from those who attempt t o e x p l a i n human behaviour i n terms o f v a r i o u s p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s , can be seen. While p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s have attempted t o look inward t o d i s c o v e r "mental s t a t e s " t h a t "cause" behaviour, Skinner simply assumes t h a t "the organism behaves" (Skinner, 1953, p. 284). Thus Skinner by assuming t h a t man by nature i s an a c t i v e and behaving organism, can f r e e h i m s e l f from the apparently u n f r u i t f u l p u r s u i t o f those o b d u r a t e l y e l u s i v e i n t e r n a l s t a t e s o f the organism which are a l l e g e d t o g i v e b i r t h t o observable behaviour. J u s t as A r i s t o t l e 1 s cosmology floundered on the m i s d i r e c t e d search f o r the cause o f motion i t s e l f , p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s have had d i f f i c u l t y g e t t i n g o f f the ground on t h e i r search f o r the " i n n e r " l i f e which causes behaviour. Only by abandoning the search f o r the cause o f motion i t s e l f and r e -s t r i c t i n g h i m s e l f t o e x p l a i n i n g changes i n motion, was Newton able t o advance the science o f p h y s i c s . So to o , Skinner, by assuming t h a t by nature man "behaves", i s he ab l e t o d i s r e g a r d the very confused n o t i o n s o f motives (de Charms, 1968), d r i v e s (Berlyne, 1975), needs (Maslow, 1968), d e s i r e s (Freud, 1959), w i l l (James, 1890), and the l i k e , i n which the many students o f p e r s o n a l i t y have had t h e i r v i s i o n and i m a g i n a t i o n im-pr i s o n e d . Thus, Skinner does not need t o assume t h a t man i s a c t i v e towards any p a r t i c u l a r ends as d i d Mas low f o r example, who, i n h i s z e a l f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a business d e l i v e r e d pax-Americana (Wilson, 1972), t r e a t e d us t o h i s f a n c i f u l n o t i o n s about s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n (Maslow, 1968). A second o f Skinner's assumptions, namely t h a t man i s by nature an organism t h a t l e a r n s from the i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h h i s environment, 43. holds w i t h i n i t s e l f the oonept o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m t h a t has r e c e n t l y re-emerged i n p e r s o n a l i t y theory. T h i s t r u i s m t h a t behaviour i s a f u n c t i o n o f the organism's i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i t s environment, has been s t a t e d i n p e r s o n a l i t y theory t o mean t h a t behaviour r e s u l t s from the i n t e r a c t i o n between person f a c t o r s and s i t u a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s (Endler, 1973). A t h i r d p o s t u l a t e i n Skinner's philosophy about the nature o f man, can be seen as the p e r c i p i t a t e t h a t r e s u l t s from the j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f the f i r s t two assumptions, namely, t h a t man i s no t h i n g more o r no t h i n g l e s s than an a c t i v e l e a r n i n g organism. Such a conception o f man i s u s e f u l f o r r e s e a r c h because i t a l l o w s one t o de-emphasize the r o l e o f needs, d r i v e s , c o n s t r u c t s and so f o r t h , and a c c o r d i n g l y , e f f o r t and a t -t e n t i o n can be s h i f t e d t o the systemat i c g a t h e r i n g and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f human behaviours t h a t are em i t t e d i n s i t u a t i o n s o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t . I n o t h e r words, such an assumption a l l o w s a science which, i n t h i s case, endeavours t o undertake 1 f u n c t i o n a l analyses o f behaviour, t o s t e e r away from the f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h an "i n n e r l i f e " . S k inner, both f o r t u n a t e l y and u n f o r t u n a t e l y , has d e a l t mostly w i t h c a r e f u l l y and d e l i b e r a t e l y c i r c u m s c r i b e d c o n s t e l l a t i o n s o f mole c u l a r behaviour and has made a c o n j e c t u r a l e x t r a p o l a t i o n o f a f a i r l y fancy s o r t i n a s s e r t i n g t h a t a l l behaviour can be f u n c t i o n a l l y analyzed as a h i s t o r y o f the reinforcement p a t t e r n s o f an i n d i v i d u a l . Moreover, w h i l e the concept o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s m i s n ot o n l y present, but c e n t r a l t o Skinner's t h e o r e t i c a l framework (Skinner, 1953), h i s methodology has been one t h a t 44. almost exclusively focused on one organism at a time. Employing this strategy makes i t virtually impossible to see how different situations (especially those entailing the presence of other persons) affect different individuals differently. The very possibility of an inter-action term disappears. The shortcomings of a Skinnerian functional analysis of behaviour has clearly been pointed out by Bowers (1973) such that an explanation of molar behaviours in these terms, becomes as tenuous as does explanations offered by trait theorists. Nevertheless, the adoption as a first postulate of the proposition that man by nature is nothing more than an active learning organism, allows one to take the first step towards the construction of a theory of human behaviour which avoids the pitfalls that apparently inhere in approaches which center on hypothetical inner states and traits. Then, adopting such an approach, we can, as Newton did, abandon the search for causal factors of action and declare as our motto: Hypotheses non fingo^ Philosophers from Aristotle through to Kepler had been concerned with the question of why objects, particularly celestial bodies, move. Attempts to answer such questions invariably led to the construction of a Grand Theory which attempted to explain everything and as a consequence, ultimately explained nothing. The early Greek philosophers, to offer such explanations, found i t necessary to invoke such concepts as God or a First Cause and Newton's resolute "Hypotheses nan fingo" was intended to underscore the fact that he was abandoning the search for a first cause as a means of explaining motion. The parallel drawn here is in-tended to indicate that personality theorists have typically fabricated all encompassing theories, wherein, they have found i t necessary to attempt to discover the nature of an "inner life". As Skinner (1975) has reminded us, this search for an inner system "has proved to be one of the most fascinating attractions along the path of dalliance" (p.43). For a comprehensive discussion of Newton's ideas and science, see: Bell, A.E. Newtonian science. E. Arnold: London, 1961. 45. Although p e r s o n a l i t y theory i s i n no p o s i t i o n a t the present t o o f f e r laws and g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about c a u s a l f a c t o r s t h a t change behaviour, we are i n a p o s i t i o n t o s y s t e m a t i c a l l y gather and c l a s s i f y human b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s which are g e n e r a l and o f i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r own r i g h t . Elms (1975) s t r e s s e s t h i s need f o r g a t h e r i n g b e h a v i o u r a l census d a t a as do other w r i t e r s (Bronf enbrenner, 1976; F i s k e , 1974; G o l d f r e i d & Kent, 1972; Phares & L a m i e l l , 1977; Sechrest, 1976; Tunnel, 1977; Wallach & Legget, 1972). T h i s approach i n v o l v e s combining c o n t r o l l e d experimentation i n st a n d a r d i z e d c o n d i t i o n s (Cronbach,.1975) w i t h e x t e n s i v e f i e l d o b s e r v a t i o n s i n n a t u r a l i s t i c s e t t i n g s . Another element o f t h i s approach i n v o l v e s keeping permanent records on f i l m o r videotape and audio tapes as w e l l as o t h e r r e c o r d i n g procedures. T h i s i s b a s i c a l l y an approach u s i n g the techniques borrowed from the study o f animal behaviour which has been r e c e n t l y extended by E i b l - E i b e s f e l d t (1970). The a p p l i c a t i o n o f etho-l o g i c a l methods t o human behaviour a l l o w s f o r s y s t e m a t i c g a t h e r i n g o f da t a about b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s . Such a n a l y s i s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a l l o w s the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f s i t u a t i o n s and behaviour t h a t i n s h o r t , i s the con-t e n t o f b e h a v i o u r a l census. Since the observer i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e c o r d e r and n o t p r i m a r i l y a s y n t h e s i z e r o r i n t e r p e r t e r , the d i f f i c u l t i e s presen-t e d by t r a d i t i o n a l p e r s o n a l i t y assessment can be circumvented. Thus, c r i t e r i o n behaviours o f i n t e r e s t can be observed d i r e c t l y and a f u l l e r understanding o f them can be gained i n r e l a t i o n t o s i t u a t i o n a l v a r i -a b l e s . Furthermore, b e h a v i o u r a l t e s t s may u l t i m a t e l y be developed by working backwards from c r i t e r i o n measures. A sampling i s o b t a i n e d f i r s t , a f t e r which an attempt i s made t o develop e f f i c i e n t measurement proce-46. dures f o r a s s e s s i n g these behaviour-environment i n t e r a c t i o n s ( G o l d f r e i d & Kent, 1972). T u n n e l l (1977) o f f e r s an expanded d e f i n i t i o n o f f i e l d r e s e a r c h which i n c o r p o r a t e s t h ree t h e o r e t i c a l l y independent dimensions commonly used in f i e l d designs — " n a t u r a l " behaviour, " n a t u r a l " s e t t i n g s and " n a t u r a l " treatments. A n a t u r a l behaviour i s one t h a t i s not e s t a b l i s h e d or main-t a i n e d f o r the s o l e o r primary purpose o f conducting r e s e a r c h ; the behaviour i s p a r t o f the person's e x i s t i n g response r e p e r t o i r e . The t r a d i t i o n a l methods o f data c o l l e c t i o n i n p e r s o n a l i t y i n v o l v i n g s e l f - r e p o r t s are n o t con-s i d e r e d t o be " n a t u r a l " behaviours because e x p e r i m e n t a l l y induced s e l f -r e p o r t s are a r t i f i c i a l s i n c e persons i n r e a l l i f e r a r e l y respond t o a d j e c t i v e c h e c k l i s t s o r q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , even i f the instrument i s desinged t o assess some " n a t u r a l " behaviour i n the person's p a s t (Tunnel, 1977). A " n a t u r a l " s e t t i n g i s considered t o be one t h a t i s p e r c e i v e d as not having been e s -t a b l i s h e d f o r the s o l e o r primary purpose o f conducting r e s e a r c h . The " n a t u r a l " treatment r e f e r s t o n a t u r a l l y o c c u r i n g d i s c r e t e events t h a t the s u b j e c t would have experienced w i t h o r w i t h o u t the presence of the observer. I n v e s t i g a t i o n s t h a t combine these three dimensions of 'naturalness" g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e both mundane and experimental realism (Arxmson & Carlsmith, 1968). A c c o r d i n g l y , a t l e a s t t h ree advantages have been accrued by these k i n d s o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n s : 1) new e m p i r i c a l laws have been d i s c o v e r e d , 2) the resea r c h has been made more c r e d i b l e t o p a r t i c i p a n t s thereby i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r n a l v a l i d i t y , and 3) the re s e a r c h has been g i v e n g r e a t e r e x t e r n a l v a l i d i t y ( T u n n e l l , 1977). Bronfenbrenner (1976), r e s t r i c t i n g h i m s e l f t o e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g s , 47. o u t l i n e s three b a s i c r e q u i s i t e s t h a t are t o be met i f progress i s t o be made i n the s c i e n t i f i c study o f e d u c a t i o n a l systems and processes. The f i r s t requirement i s t h a t research must be c a r r i e d o u t i n r e a l l i f e s e t -t i n g s and must n o t be r e s t r i c t e d o n l y t o the l a b o r a t o r y . T h i s i s e s s e n t -i a l l y e q u i v a l e n t t o Tu n n e l l ' s (1977) dimension o f n a t u r a l n e s s t h a t r e -q u i r e s the employment o f n a t u r a l s e t t i n g s f o r d a ta c o l l e c t i n g . The second c r i t e r i o n , designated the ecology o f ed u c a t i o n , r e q u i r e s the i n -v e s t i g a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s between the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the l e a r n e r and h i s environment, both i n the formal e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g and i n s i t u a -t i o n s which are o u t s i d e the s c h o o l . The e c o l o g i c a l experiment c o n s t i t u t e s Bronf enbrenner"s t h i r d and f i n a l p r e r e q u i s i t e and i n v o l v e s the i n v e s t i - , g a t i o n o f person-environment f a c t o r s simultaneously. A c c o r d i n g l y , the approach taken i n t h i s study attempts t o combine the "dimensions o f n a t u r a l n e s s " w i t h the d i r e c t assessment o f behaviours i n s i t u a t i o n s o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t . T h i s i s the s t r a t e g y (which has been p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i n p e r s o n a l i t y research) o f ob-s e r v i n g what people a c t u a l l y do i n c e r t a i n circumstances. Sheridan (1971) suggests t h a t the r e t a r d a t i o n o f the i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f a c t u a l behaviour i s due t o the "unfounded i n s i s t e n c e " t h a t human behaviour i s unmanageably complex. However, " . . . i f one l o o k s a t human behaviour w i t h an unbiased eye, he cannot h e l p b u t recognize a remarkable s i m p l i -c i t y " (Sheridan, 1971, p. 24). The m y s t i f i c a t i o n o f behaviour by t r a d i t i o n a l p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i s t s as w e l l as by c u r r e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i s t s w i t h t h e i r r e l i a n c e on h y p o t h e t i c a l c a u s a l e n t i t i e s , obscures t h i s "remarkable s i m p l i c i t y " o f behaviour and t h e r e f o r e seems t o beckon Occam's r a z o r : E n t i a non sunt m u l t i p l i c a n d a p r a e t e r necessitatem. 48. Scare recent recorrmendatians ( F i s k e , 1974; Phares & L a m i e l l , 1977; Sechrest, 1976) which urge the n e c e s s i t y f o r s h i f t i n g i n t e r e s t t o the accumulation o f "behavioural census" d a t a on behaviours which are g e n e r a l i z a b l e , g l o b a l and p r e d i c t a b l e w i t h i n a t h e o r e t i c a l framework, may i n d i c a t e a means o f circumventing conceptual and methodological confusions. The r o l e o f the s o - c a l l e d r e a c t i v e v a r i a b l e s then, would change from t h a t o f b e i n g merely " s i g n s " o r " t e s t s " o f u n d e r l y i n g d i s -p o s i t i o n s t o t h a t o f becoming the primary u n i t s o f i n t e r e s t . This i s fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from both the r e c e i v e d i n t e r a c t i o n i s t and the more co n v e n t i o n a l t r a i t and psychodynamic procedures. Transformationalism: P e r s o n a l i t y i n B e h a v i o u r a l terms The purpose o f t h i s s e c t i o n i s t o present and s y n t h e s i z e evidence from v a r i o u s domains o f i n q u i r y which are ap p a r e n t l y , d i s p a r a t e . A " p e r s o n a l i t y dimension", b e h a v i o u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n o r " s t y l e " which appears a t the most ge n e r a l l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s , a n i n t e r e s t i n g u n i t o f behaviour, i s i n d i c a t e d by t h i s s y n t h e s i s . A c c o r d i n g l y , a reconoeptua 1 i z a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y t h a t seems t o account f o r t h i s evidence, i s proposed Concepts from Fjriviranmental Psychology A major theme which u n d e r l i e s much o f the r e s e a r c h i n environmental psychology and which i s u s e f u l f o r p r e s e n t purposes, i s t h a t o f human-environment o p t i m i z a t i o n ( S t o k o l s , 1978). T h i s concept i s based on a c y c l i c a l , feedback model o f human behaviour and p e r t a i n s b r o a d l y t o human t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h the soci©physical environment. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the o p t i m i z a t i o n theme suggests t h a t people o r i e n t 49. t o t h e i r environment i n terms o f e x i s t i n g g o a l s and e x p e c t a t i o n s ",: V such t h a t they operate on t h e i r environment i n an attempt t o t r a n s f o r m those c o n d i t i o n s which are incongruent w i t h c e r t a i n e x p e c t a t i o n s i n o r d e r t o "optimize" t h e i r environment. T h i s "optimal environment "of course, i s an i d e a l s t a t e which, because o f myriad c o n s t r a i n t s , can never be achieved. The b e s t t h a t can be done i s t o adapt t o e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s o r t o " s a t i s f i o e " ( S t o k o l s , 1978) — t o achieve l e s s than o p t i m a l improvements o f the surroundings. I n t h i s view, people are seen t o a c t on t h e i r environment and t h e i r e n v i r o n -ment, i n a r e c i p r o c a l f a s h i o n , a c t s on them. I n s h o r t , t h e person a c t s on the environment and the environment ( s i t u a t i o n a l s t i m u l i ) a c t s an the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h e f f e c t s on subsequent behaviour. The emphasis here then, i s p l a c e d on person-environment t r a n s a c t i o n s and i s e s s e n t i a l l y e q u i v a l e n t t o the " i n t e r a c t i o n i s t " view o f human p e r s o n a l i t y d i s c u s s e d above. " Fo r the purpose o f the present d i s c u s s i o n , the major i n t e r e s t l i e s i n the "modes" o r " s t y l e s " o f o r i e n t a t i o n t o the environment t h a t can be d i s c e r n e d among v a r i o u s people. The d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s then, r e p r e s e n t " p e r s o n a l i t y " c a t e g o r i e s viewed i n b e h a v i o u r a l terms. As i s o u t l i n e d i n the foldxswing pages, the accumulated evidence seems t o suggest t h a t a t the most g e n e r a l l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s , t h e r e are two d i s t i n c t c a t e g o r i e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y which can be viewed i n b e h a v i o u r a l terms. Evidence from P e r s o n a l i t y Research McFarlane (1963, 1964, 1975) r e p o r t e d l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d i e s i n which a l a r g e sample o f s u b j e c t s were s t u d i e d from i n f a n c y t o adulthood wherein, the most c o n s i s t e n t dimension obtained by c l u s t e r s o f v a r i a b l e s over a lcqjg time span 50. (8 to 16 years) re la ted to s ty les o f behaviour: namely, " react ive-expressive" or " r e txac t i ve- i r ih ib i t ed " . Consistency and p r e d i c t a b i l i t y were otherwise low f o r every other "persona l i t y " dimension measured. Thomas, Chess and B i r ch (1970) turn up s im i l a r evidence i n a report an t h e i r New York Longitudinal study on the temperament o f the "easy", "slow to warm up" a n d " d i f f i c u l t " ch i l d ren . The most c lear-cut and enduring factors that they found were the "approach-withdrawl" and the adaptab i l i t y dimensions. The approach or withdrawl category describes the tendency fo r a c h i l d to move toward—approach—new s t i m u l i o r to move away — withdraw — from such s t i m u l i . Adaptab i l i t y re fers to the ease or d i f f i c u l t y that a c h i l d has i n adjust ing to a new s i t u a t i o n . In, t h i s same stream, Campus (1974) shows that i nd i v idua l s can best be character ized by one o f two " s t y l e s " : a) an act ive coping s t y l e , or b) a passive coping s t y l e . Seeking the extent to which "persona l i t y " cha rac te r i s t i c s transcend cu l tu re , Butcher and Pancheri (1976) i n an ambitious undertaking, revealed that, i n the parlance o f the MMPI, Overcontrol and Soc ia l Introvers ion were two factors that snowed very s i m i l a r structures i n samples o f seven countr ies (Pakistan, I s r a e l , I t a l y , Japan, Mexico, Switzerland and the U.S.) Moreover, mean p r o f i l e d i f ferences fo r many other factors (e.g. factors on the c l i n i c a l and 1 : i. v a l i d i t y scales) were markedly d i f f e r en t f o r various c u l t u r a l groups. Overcmtro l i n other words, re fers to act ive or approach behaviour whi le Soc ia l Introversion can be otherwise termed passive o r withdrawl behaviour i n r e l a t i on to other people. Apparently then, t h i s evidence supports the not ion of the genera l i ty and (Culturally independent nature o f the " active—passive" dimension whi le many other factors on the MMPI appear to be c u l t u r a l l y bound. 51. Another interesting piece of work casts these same ideas i n different termi-nology. Salter (1961) recognized two major categories of personality which he called the "excitatory personality" and the "inhibitory personality". The excitatory person i s "direct. He responds outwardly to his environment. When he i s confr-onted with a problem, he takes immediate constructive action" (p. 45) while the inhibitory person displays an undue "desire for acceptance by his environment" (p. 48) . According to this conception then, an excitatory person acts on his environment to transform unpleasant and bothersome conditions while the inhibitory person acquiesces to environmental conditions i n an attempt to cope with bothersome conditions or he may withdraw from them altogether. Taken on prima facie basis, the foregoing evidence seems unrelated. However, the various works a l l incorporate material which supports the notion that there are two broad categories of behavioural styles. Whether called "reactive-expressive - retractive inhibited", passive-active, Over-con trol-Social Introversion, excitatory-inhibitory or "approach-withdrawl", these descriptions a l l support the same underlying notion of behavioural styles. The f i r s t category of mode of orientation includes those behaviours wherein an individual actively transforms or attempts to transform the external environment by intervening i n events occuring around him and hence the term "transformational interventionist" w i l l be used here to refer to this dimension. The second category of personality i s represented by the transformational noninterventionist orientation wherein individuals do not actively engage i n changing noxious environmental stimuli but rather they acquiesce to them or withdraw from them. 52. Using a Freudian (1959) psychoanalytic analysis, the difference between these two personality categories become clearer. The nanenterventionist simply makes more use of defense mechanisms to transform, repress, distort, deny or otherwise alter the objective r e a l i t y intrapsychically so that events .and conditignsLi..-can be readily assimilated. /Accomodation within both i n t e l l e c t i v e and affective structures can be made so that r e a l i t y with i t s often troublesome conditions can be made more palatable. Conversely, the transformational intervent-i o n i s t appears less ready to make extensive and continued use of elaborate defense mechanisms, but rather, he views r e a l i t y more objectively. Accordingly, he actively engages i n attempts to a l t e r conditions which are noxious and bothersome. Both personality types then, a l t e r the objective r e a l i t y ; the noninterventianist does so intrapsychically; the interventionist attempts to change the actual environment. This i s not to say of course, that people make exclusive use of only one mode of orientation; both modes can be employed and which mode i s used, may be greatly affected by situational qualities. The predominance or frequency with which persons orient themselves to situations of a l l sorts allows us the opportunity to discover the extent to which the typology has use value. The noninterventionist's general style of adapting to the environment by acquiescing to or withdrawing from noxious conditions may, i n part, be due to the phenomenon of learned helplessness. Seligman (1975) suggests that because of an i n a b i l i t y to control certain events people Learn to behave helplessly i n the face of these events and hence make no attempts to change them. When events are noncontingent upon attempts to manipulate 53. a v e r s i v e s t i m u l a t i o n , h e l p l e s s n e s s i s l e a r n e d . Furthermore, H i r o t o and Seligman (1975) suggest t h a t l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s g e n e r a l i z e s from one s i t u a t i o n t o another. That i s , f a i l u r e t o c o n t r o l events i n one s t i m u l u s s e t t i n g produces " h e l p l e s s n e s s " behaviour i n o t h e r s t i m u l i s e t t i n g s . The i m p l i c a t i o n here then, i s t h a t because o f repeated impotence i n changing o r a l t e r i n g c e r t a i n environmental c o n d i t i o n s , i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l adopt a g e n e r a l s t y l e o f " h e l p l e s s n e s s " o r w i t h d r a w l i n adapting t o t h e i r e n v i r o n -ment (de Charms & Muir, 1978). P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i s m and P e r s o n a l i t y Probably the most c l e a r - c u t example o f the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - n o n i n t e r -v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y types i s i n the a r e a o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s m . I t i s w e l l known t h a t c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s r e a d i l y p a r t i c i p a t e and a c t i v e l y engage themselves i n attempts t o change, v i a p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s m , the s o c i a l m i l i e u x i n which they l i v e . The v a s t m a j o r i t y o f o t h e r s s i m p l y withdraw from, o r acquiesce t o and become p a s s i v e w i t h r e s p e c t t o c e r t a i n e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s which may be unpleasant. They make no attempt t o a l t e r these c o n d i t i o n s . In l i g h t o f t h i s , one may v e r y w e l l ask who the a c t i v e m i n o r i t y are and what f a c t o r s c h a r a c t e r i z e them. T r a v i s (1975), i n a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s , concluded t h a t the i n t e r v e n t i o n -i s t s may b e s t be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as b e i n g g e n e r a l l y " w e a l t h i e r , b e t t e r educated, p o l i t i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y c r i t i c a l , a r t i c u l a t e , e x p r e s s i v e and d e v i a n t i n a p r o g r e s s i v e d i r e c t i o n " (p. 245) than are the n o n i n t e r v e n t i a n i s t s . G e n e r a l l y , the a c t i v e e l i t e s i n p o l i t i c a l matters, are those who posses s o c i o -economic advantages which c o n f e r power on t h e i r possessors. According t o the t h e s i s developed here, we should expect the wealthy hence powerful people t o e x h i b i t d i f f e r e n t " p e r s o n a l i t i e s " than do t h e i r l e s s powerful 54. counterparts. The wealthy do not leam helplessness. Quite the contrary because, The possession of power enables one to produce effects. People who possess such power might be expected to ac-quire the habit of using i t (Travis, 1975, p. 259). Since changes resulting from exercise of power are apparently reinforcing, (Mahoney & Thorensen, 1974) i t is expected that the probability of the ma-nifestation of subsequent instrumental behaviour will be increased after a reinforced action. The less wealthy(and hence less powerful) people in society are often ineffectual in gaining changes in conditions that are unpalatable and hence do not acquire the habit of behaving in an in-strumental way. The wealthy and powerful then, are more likely to employ an interventionist mode of orientation while their less privileged counter-parts are more likely to be noninterventionists. Perseveration Gaining changes in environmental conditions is, largely, contingent upon perseverating behaviour. That is, the more persistent one is in attempting to alter environmental conditions, the greater the likelihood that one will produce changes. The interventionist who is in the habit of producing effects, would, one can conjecture, exhibit more behavioural persistence than a person who does not intervene. This behavioural per-sistence might be considered in relation to achievement motivation theory. McClleland, Atkinson and co-workers have developed a theory of achievement motivation wherein they posit the existence of an achievement motive or the need for achievement. (Atkinson, 1964). In this conepticn, i t is assumed that 55. i n an achievement s i t u a t i o n , — i . e . a s i t u a t i o n i n which persons; not o n l y see themselves as r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a somewhat u n c e r t a i n outcome but know t h a t the outcome f o r which they are r e s p o n s i b l e w i l l be e v a l u a t e d a g a i n s t a standard o f e x c e l l e n c e — two c o n f l i c t i n g p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s w i l l be e n e r g i z e d : a motive t o a v o i d success and a motive t o a v o i d f a i l u r e . These c o n f l i c t i n g motives are assumed t o be p a r t o f the person's enduring p e r s o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n and t h a t the r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h o f these two motives w i l l v a r y from person t o person. The e m p i r i c a l data t h a t has accumulated over the years based on t h i s t h e o r y , has been l a r g e l y e q u i v o c a l and the theory o f achievement m o t i v a t i o n has f a l l e n from i t s former l e v e l o f preeminence. The major c r i t i c i z m s t h a t have been l e v e l l e d a t achievement m o t i v a t i o n r e s e a r c h may be summarized as f o l l o w s : (see Weiner, 1972; a l s o Maehr & Sjogren, 1971) 1) poor i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n f o r measuring the v a r i a b l e s i n the proposed models, 2) l a c k o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y o f the "achievement motives", 3) confounding o f the s e l f - c c s t p e t i t i v e and s o c i a l l y c o m p e t i t i v e v a r i a b l e s ; t h a t i s , are the behaviours o f people who l i k e t o w i n (over others) b e i n g d e s c r i b e d , o r s i m p l y , as i s i m p l i e d i n the t h e o r y , are the behaviours o f people who l i k e t o do w e l l i n terms o f e i t h e r e x t e r n a l o r i n t e r n a l standards b e i n g described? 4) l a c k o f p r e d i c t a b i l i t y f o r women u s i n g the proposed model, and 6) l a c k o f p r a t i c a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y . In s h o r t , the t h e o r e t i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n s which are l o g i c a l l y i m p l i c a t e d by the assumption o f a "need" f o r achievement have not gained c o n v i n c i n g e m p i r i c a l support. The whole n o t i o n o f the e x i s t e n c e o f ai "success motive" and a " f a i l u r e 56. motive" has,been thrown into serious doubt. De Charms (1968) developed a theory of motivation wherein he suggested that the manipulation of the environment alone may determine "achievement rrotivation". Thus, the proffered "need" for achievement is actually a learned phenomenon rather than a basic or universal motive. Those who are impotent in controlling their environment are made to feel like "pawns" and they wil l therefore be less achievement oriented than those whose behaviours are instrumental i.e. are reinforced by the completion of a task. In any case, whether or not striving .for' achievement is the manifestation of a "need" or i s simply a learned predisposition, we note that certain people are high in "need achievement" while others show l i t t l e desire to gain changes in their environment or otherwise attempt to achieve standards of exceHence. Cast in the terms of the proposed typology, one would expect that the interventionist, who would be in the habit of having his instru-mental behaviour reinforced by the effects he produces, would became high in "need achievement" and consequently see tasks through to their com-pletion. Now, i t has been amply demonstrated that those who are high in need achievement — success oriented as opposed to failure threatened in the jargon of achievement motivation theory — persist longer at tasks which are difficult and require effort and perseverance (Feather, 1962; Halisch & Heckhausen, 1977; Revelles & Michaels, 1976; Weiner, 1974). Acxx>rdingly, the interventionist personality may also be characterized by high behavioural persistence while the ncointerventionist may show low perseverating beha-viour. 57. Learned " P e r s o n a l i t y " I t i s expected t h a t those a d u l t s who are a c t i v e , a s s e r t i v e , e x p r e s s i v e and i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t w i l l i n f l u e n c e t h e i r o f f s p r i n g t o develop s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w h i l e t h e i r more p a s s i v e , a c q u i e s c i n g and withdrawing counterparts are a l s o expected t o pass on these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n . T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n i s d e r i v e d from s o c i a l l e a r n i n g p r i n c i p l e s ( T r a v i s , 1975) as enunciated by Bandura (1969, 1971, 1977) and by Bandura and Walters (1963) . These r e s e a r c h e r s , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r a s s o c i a t e s , have amassed impressive e m p i r i c a l evidence which demonstrates t h a t behaviour can be m o d i f i e d through o b s e r v a t i o n a l l e a r n i n g or m o d e l l i n g as w e l l as by c l a s s i c a l conditioning,'! operant c o n d i t i o n i n g , e x t i n c t i o n procedures and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n t r a i n i n g . O b s e r v a t i o n a l l e a r n i n g , o t herwise l a b e l l e d " i m i t a t i o n " and " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " i n o t h e r realms o f psychology, is that process whereby one person reproduces the a c t i o n s , a t t i t u d e s o r emotional responses exhibited by a r e a l - l i f e person o r a symbolic model. A model t h a t is especially v i s i b l e , a t t r a c t i v e , e x p r e s s i v e , a s s e r t i v e , s n c c e s f u l , p r e s t i g i o u s , powerful, the r e c i p i e n t o f a d u l a t i o n as w e l l as other social r e i n f o r c e r s , is more likely to be emulated by an observer than would be a model who lacks these characteristics. The i m i t a t o r s o f these models are those who are a t t e n t i v e , dependent, relatively i n e f f e c t u a l , e m o t i o n a l l y l a b i l e persons who have been reinforced in the past for i m i t a t i n g the l e s s i n t r o v e r t e d models d e s c r i b e d above (Bandura, 1977, p.22-29). Thus, observers who are dependent and who are r e l a t i v e l y i n e f f e c t u a l tend to i m i t a t e models who possess rewarding power and who are observed to be more 58. competent and successful i n procuring reinforcers that the observer i s ineffectual in procuring for himself. Such a relationship — powerful model and an ineffectual observer — i s typified by the parent-child relationship. The child, v i s a vi s the parent, i s dependent, .passive, and ineffectual and hence i s l i k e l y to reproduce those behaviours of the parents for which reinforcement i s gained. Hence the children of wealthy, powerful, assertive and coercive parents who are the "shakers" and "movers" of •the world, are l i k e l y to develop similar behavioural characteristics. Accordingly, we observe that the p o l i t i c a l activists i n the late 1950's and the early 1960's were comprised of tiny e l i t e s who were the sons and daughters of parents that were generally wealthy, highly educated, p o l i t i c a l l y and culturally c r i t i c a l (Travis, 1975, p.245). These qualities of the early activists were inherited (following social learning principles) from their parents who were regarded as being highly nurturant. And the less powerful and less socially assertive majority appear to reproduce themselves by passing on their passive and intra-psychic defensive styles to their offspring. That children of economically advantaged circumstances are able to develop personalities unique to the wealthy.- due to their privileged circumstances, i s supported by Coles' (1977, 1978) extensive studies of affluent families. Coles (1977) insists that, ...wealth does govern the minds of privileged children, gives them a peculiar kind of identity which they never lose.. .There J . L i s , I think, a message that v i r t u a l l y a l l quite well-off American families transmitt to their children — an emotional expression of •those familiar, classbound prerogatives, money and power (p.54) 59. Coles c a l l s t h i s emotional e x p r e s s i o n " e n t i t l e m e n t " (1977, p.55). When these c h i l d r e n take t h e i r power and advantaged circumstances f o r granted, t h e i r s o c i a l surroundings are a s s i m i l a t e d and transformed i n t o a p s y c h o l o g i c a l phenomenon. In support o f Coles c o n t e n t i o n s , W e i n s t o c k i s (1967) e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n can be c i t e d . Weinstock shows t h a t coping s t y l e s and adaptive techniques o f c h i l d r e n are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the f a m i l y circumstances. Fttrthermore, these e a r l y a c q u i r e d " s t y l e s " may become r e l a t i v e l y f i x e d aspects o f the a d u l t c h a r a c t e r s t r u c t u r e . P a s s i v i t y i n the f a t h e r i n the e a r l y f a m i l y environment r e s u l t s i n the heaoy r e l i a n c e an d e n i a l and r e p r e s s i o n as coping s t y l e s of the c h i l d r e n . E x p r e s s i v e coping s t y l e s o f the f a t h e r i s l i k e w i s e t r a n s m i t t e d to the c h i l d r e n . Such evidence suggests then, t h a t b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s t h a t are adopted by i n d i v i d u a l s are i n f l u e n c e d by the f a m i l y environment. General Conclusions and Summary From the f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n , s e v e r a l c o n c l u s i o n may be drawn: 1) A f u l l y adequate understanding o f human behaviour •may be s u b s t a n t i a l l y advanced by f u r t h e r s t u d y i n g person-environment t r a n s a c t i o n s , 2) A c t u a l behaviour i s a f u n c t i o n o f a continuous process o f m u l t i d i r e c t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n between persons and the s i t u a t i o n s which they encounter; and other people may comprise p a r t o f the s i t u a t i o n , 3) Evidence from v a r i o u s sources i n d i c a t e s t h a t two major " p e r s o n a l i t y " types can be recognized a t the most g e n e r a l l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s : a) t r a n s -f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t , and b) t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t , 4) In the realm o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h economic advantage, h i g h e r education, 60. and above average i n t e l l i g e n c e , and 5) B e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s can be and are l e a r n e d through two major ways: a)modelling e f f e c t s , and b) through i n s t r u m e n t a l l e a r n i n g processes. Other C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t are A s s o c i a t e d w i t h T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i s m Research i n other areas o f i n q u i r y i s a l s o h e l p f u l f o r p r o v i d i n g evidence as t o which c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y . As has al r e a d y been mentioned, power d e r i v e d from weal t h i s such a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . In our s o c i e t y , i n t e l l i g e n c e i s a l s o a s s o c i a t e d w i t h wealth. That i s , i t i s w i d e l y recognized t h a t i n t e l l i g e n c e as i t i s g e n e r a l l y conceived i s s t r o n g l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h sctcioecmomic s t a t u s (e.g. Henderson, 1976). Although i t i s not a l t o g e t h e r c l e a r why people from p r i v i l e g e d circumstances g e n e r a l l y appear t o be more i n t e l l i g e n t than o t h e r s who are n ot so p r i v i l e g e d , Henderson (1976) argued f o r c e f u l l y t h a t i t . i s . probably these very circumstances t h a t are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i g h e r i n t e l -l i g e n c e . He concluded: . . . i t i s due t o t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n t h a t people are i n t e l l i g e n t . . . [and) they are t h e r e f o r e able t o ensure t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n become i n t e l l i g e n t (p. 148). Furthermore, i t i s the advantaged c l a s s e s t h a t d e f i n e i n t e l l i g e n c e and so i n t e l l i g e n c e i s d e f i n e d i n r e l a t i o n t o those behaviours t h a t the r u l i n g c l a s s h olds as b e i n g important. R e l a t e d t o both i n t e l l i g e n c e and socioeconomic s t a t u s i s achievement. I t i s w e l l understood t h a t h i g h a c h i e v e r s i n e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g s are p r e -dominantely those from p r i v e l e g e d economic c o n d i t i o n s (e.g. Bowles, 1976; 61. K a r i e r , 1973) who are a l s o more i n t e l l i g e n t than t h e i r l e s s e conomically p r i v e l e g e d c o u n t e r p a r t s . /And o f course, r e l a t e d t o h i g h achievement i s b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . The i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t one might guess, i s he o r she who can p e r s i s t a t a t a s k f o r l o n g p e r i o d s o f time and pursue i t t o i t s completion w i t h gusto and endurance, and so i s more l i k e l y t o . achieve standards o f e x c e l l e n c e than i s the n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t who q u i c k l y g i v e s up i n the face o f d i f f i c u l t y . F i n a l l y , i t i s expected t h a t there should be sex d i f f e r e n c e s i n the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y dimension. G e n e r a l l y , males tend t o be more a c t i v e and domineering than females i n c o n t r o l l i n g events which a f f e c t them (Bern,. J.974; S h i e l d s , 19,7.5').. Breer (1960) (as c i t e d i n A r g y l e & L i t t l e , 1972, p. 52) found t h a t the v a r i a b l e s o f importance i n p r e d i c t i n g who would dominate whom i n a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n are: age, sex, and s o c i a l c l a s s . Thus an o l d e r , more upper-class male u s u a l l y dominates a younger, more lower c l a s s female. I t i s o f course as y e t unknown what k i n d o f i n t e r a c t i o n s w i l l o c c u r between sex and the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y dimension. From the f o r e g o i n g broad f o r m u l a t i o n s , a s e r i e s o f s p e c i f i c p r e -d i c t i o n s can be made: 1) Two types o f p e r s o n a l i t y can be found o r i d e n t i f i e d by d i s t i n c t p a t t e r n s o f behaviour. These are: a) t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t , and b) t r a n s -f o r m a t i o n a l n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t . 2) I n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s w i l l show h i g h e r b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e than w i l l n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s . 3) . I n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s w i l l be more l i k e l y t o a c t i v e l y engage i n attempts t o control the parameters of situations in which they find themselves i . than wil l the noninterventionists who wi l l be more passive and with-drawing. 4) The interventionist personality is associated with higher socio-economic status. 5) The interventionist personality is associated with above average intelligence. 6) The interventionist personality is associated with above average achievement. 7) Sex differences exist in relation to this personality dimension. 63. CHAPTER TV SUMMARY OF QUESTIONS AND RESEARCH DESIGN The research hypothesis and experimental design are detailed i n this chapter. But f i r s t , since throughout the foregoing discussion, several important questions and issues have either been implicitly or e x p l i c i t l y .raised, i t i s appropriate to now l i s t and summarize these issues and questions. The Instrumentation Issue The usual procedures of assessing personality has been to use either projective techniques or tests and questionnaires. • As has been amply demonstrated throughout the preceeding chapters, these assessment procedures have not produced particularly useful sorts of data. In light of this, might i t not be more productive to attempt to assess behaviour directly? That i s , a useful alternative approach to the usual test and questionnaire assessment of personality may be the collection of "behavioural census" data i n situations of particular interest. Since i n this conceptual framework assessment i s of behaviour per se rather than of hypothetical abstractions, the connection between theory and observations may be more readily made. In this way i t may be possible to circumvent the measuremental d i f f i c u l t i e s which have heretofore bedevilled us. Accordingly, a s o l i d data base collected within this theoretical framework may allow for more accurate and systematic predictions of behaviour. Analysis of the behavioural census data for,each person may y i e l d patterns, styles or order which have 64. been hypothesized but which have been extremely e l u s i v e when d a t a has been gathered by i n d i r e c t assessment procedures. The C o n s i s t e n c y - S p e c i f i c i t y Issue The data c o l l e c t e d i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the " c c n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y " i s s u e has been used t o r a i s e doubts about some o f the assumptions c e n t r a l and fundamental t o the t r a i t p o s i t i o n i n p e r s o n a l i t y psychology. T h i s d a t a however, has been, f o r the most p a r t , data from t e s t s and q u e s t i o n n a i r e s i n attempts t o assess h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s . The ensuing c o n c l u s i o n s based on t h i s data i s t h a t behaviour i s l a r g e l y s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c . In one o f the e a r l i e s t s t u d i e s c a r r i e d out i n r e l a t i o n t o t h i s q u e s t i o n (Hartshorne & May, 1928; see Chapter I I ) a s e r i e s o f complex behaviours were observed i n an attempt t o assess a h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t c a l l e d "honesty". I n t h i s study, the a c t u a l observed behaviours d i d not h o l d any i n t e r e s t i n and o f themselves but were used as " s i g n s " and " t e s t s " o f "honesty". Based an t h e i r r e s u l t s Hartshorne and May (1928) concluded t h a t "honesty" i s l a r g e l y s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c . This study i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f more r e c e n t s t u d i e s (see Chapter I I ) which a r r i v e a t s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s about behaviour based on the assessment o f h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s . However, such c o n c l u s i o n s may be unwarranted s i n c e d i s c o v e r i n g t h a t a t h e o r e t i c i a n ' s h y p o t h e t i c a l con-s t r u c t (e.g. honesty, a n x i e t y , a g g r e s s i o n , and the l i k e ) doesn't show t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y s t i l l doesn't address the q u e s t i o n o f the c o n s i t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y o f behaviour per se. In attempts t o r e c o n c i l e these r e c e n t developments i n p e r s o n a l i t y 65. research, a number o f i n v e s t i g a t o r s (Endler, 1977; E n d l e r & Magnusson, 1977; Rushton & E n d l e r , 1977) suggest t h a t the c o n s i s t e n c y o f mediating o r i n t e r -vening v a r i a b l e s depend on whether such v a r i a b l e s are content, s t r u c t u r a l , o r m o t i v a t i o n a l i n nature. In t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n , content v a r i a b l e s r e f e r t o s i t u a t i o n a l l y deterrnined i n f o r m a t i o n (e.g. the content o f a n x i e t y a r o u s i n g s i t u a t i o n s ) ; m o t i v a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s r e f e r t o motives, d r i v e s , needs and the l i k e ; s t r u c t u r a l v a r i a b l e s r e f e r t o i n f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s i n g v a r i a b l e s such as i n t e l l i g e n c e . These researchers a s s e r t t h a t s t r u c t u r a l v a r i a b l e s show h i g h t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y w h i l e content and m o t i v a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s are s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c . However, s i n c e behaviour, i n r e l a t i o n t o t h i s i s s u e , has been h e r e t o f o r e assessed o n l y i n d i r e c t l y , one may very w e l l ask whether t h i s apparent s i t u a t i o n a l s p e c i f i c i t y might not be an a r t i f a c t o f the measuring instruments used i n r e l a t i o n t o i l l d e f i n e d and vague h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s r a t h e r than a g e n e r a l p r o p e r t y o f behaviour i t s e l f . Based an the u s u a l i n -d i r e c t assessment procedures i t has been concluded by some (see Chapter I I ) t h a t behaviour i s l a r g e l y s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c . To shed some l i g h t on t h i s q u e s t i o n , the obvious step i s t o assess some behaviours which are s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t and o f i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r own r i g h t , d i r e c t l y , across v a r i e d s i t u a t i o n s . I n t h i s way an i n i t i a l attempt t o pursue the q u e s t i o n o f what k i n d o f c o n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y evidence a r i s e s from d i r e c t assessment o f behaviour can be made. Based on c a s u a l o b s e r v a t i o n s and anecdotal i n f o r m a t i o n , Bern and A l l e n (1974) argued t h a t behaviour manifested from u n d e r l y i n g " p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s " i s somewhat more c o n s i s t e n t across d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s than the d a t a r e p o r t e d by same might suggest (Endler & Magnusson, 1977; E n d l e r & Okado, 1975; 66. M i s c h e l , 1968; Rushton, 1976). However, no c o n v i n c i n g e m p i r i c a l data has been r e p o r t e d t o s u b s t a n t i a t e these c l a i m s . C l e a r l y , more be-h a v i o u r a l census data o f the k i n d d e s c r i b e d above i s r e q u i r e d . P e r s o n a l i t y as Be h a v i o u r a l S t y l e Should t h i s b e h a v i o u r a l census data p r o v i d e evidence t o i n d i c a t e t h a t behaviour i s n o t as s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c as the i n d i r e c t l y c o l l e c t e d d a ta suggests, then t h i s i s a good base upon which t o suppose t h a t " p e r s o n a l i t y " can be c a s t i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s . Based on the k i n d o f d a t a t h a t suggests t h a t behaviour i s h i g h l y s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c , i t would make l i t t l e sense t o attempt t o assess p e r s o n a l i t y i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s s i n c e no such s t y l e s would be measure ab l e . Should d i r e c t l y assessed behaviour however, i n d i c a t e a f a i r l y h i g h degree o f t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y , then i t would be promising t o attempt the assessment o f p e r s o n a l i t y i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s . I n t h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n , the t h e o r e t i c a l p o i n t o f departure from t r a i t psychology i s s m a l l . T r a i t s , r a t h e r than b e i n g c a s t i n terms o f such h y p o t h e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s as a l t r u i s m , honesty, a n x i e t y , shyness and the l i k e , which must, by d e f i n i t i o n , be meausred i n d i r e c t l y , can be r e c a s t i n terms o f " s t y l e s " o f behaviour. S t y l e s o f behaviour then, w i l l be used as the u n i t s o f p e r s o n a l i t y d e s c r i p t i o n and assessment i n p e r s o n a l i t y psychology. These b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s , s i n c e they can be observed and measured d i r e c t l y , may be more r e a d i l y t i e d t o t h e o r e c t i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n s thereby a v o i d i n g the measurement'Xiifficulties i n h e r e n t i n t r a d i t i o n a l p e r s o n a l i t y psychology. o 67 • More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the p r o p o s i t i o n s i n Chapter I I I about the e x i s t e n c e o f the two c a t e g o r i e s o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s a t the most g e n e r a l l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s — i . e . t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l non-i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t — may be submitted t o e m p i r i c a l t e s t s . T h i s k i n d o f assessment procedure, i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s would a l l o w f o r the o b s e r v a t i o n , r e c o r d i n g and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s w i t h i n t h i s framework t h a t may e v e n t u a l l y l e a d t o the e x t r a p o l a t i o n o f s y s t e m a t i c p a t t e r n s and e m p i r i c a l laws. In t h i s way a s o l i d d a t a base upon which more accurate p r e d i c t i o n s can be made, might be generated. The importance o f p r o v i d i n g such a data base i s obvious. Not o n l y may a more complete and p r e c i s e understanding o f human behaviour i n g e n e r a l be gained, b u t a l s o some l i g h t may be shed on the e t i o l o g y o f h e r e t o f o r e p u z z l i n g maladaptive b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s . K i n g (1978) f o r example, s t r e s s e s t h a t i n the abscence o f such a d a t a base, the e t i o l o g y o f s o c i a l l y p a t h o l o -g i c a l behaviour may never be understood. Of s p e c i a l methodological concern i n d e a l i n g w i t h psychopathology i s the whole i s s u e o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l compara-b i l i t y . T his i s s u e has been d e a l t w i t h m o s t l y i n terms o f the assessment, o f p e r s o n a l i t y by tests and q u e s t i o n n a i r e s across v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s . K i n g (1978) concludes: Can behaviour be p r e d i c t e d from any o f these approaches? The answer i s an u n q u a l i f i e d no.. .We have o n l y s c a t t e r e d i s l a n d s o f hard data based on sound procedures, fragments o f uncoordinated v a l i d i n f o r m a t i o n whose s i g n i f i c a n c e i s obscure. So perhaps the f i r s t immediate i m p l i c a t i o n i s the need t o c o r r e c t the methodological problems now so p e r v a s i v e i n the l i t e r a t u r e (p.425-427). 68. A u n i f i e d and comprehensive d a t a base developed by assessing^perrf-s o n a l i t y i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l s t y l e s may be o f v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e i n p r o v i d i n g c l u e s about the e t i o l o g y o f some p a t h o l o g i c a l b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s . In e d u c a t i o n a l s e t t i n g s , a c l e a r e r understanding o f c o n t r a s t i n g s t y l e s o f adapting t o t a x i n g s i t u a t i o n s would a l s o prove h e l p f u l . An understanding o f who does what and how much under a v a r i e t y o f c o n d i t i o n s may a l l o w us t o cetermine the l i m i t s o f s i t u a t i o n a l determinants o f behaviour. Educators however, have commonly presumed t h a t m o t i v a t i o n a l d e f i c i t s are e n t i r e l y remediable through a l t e r a t i o n s o f the s i t u a t i o n s i n which students are expected t o l e a m . The evidence, together w i t h the aforementioned i n s i g h t t h a t behaviour i s an i n t e r a c t i o n a l f u n c t i o n o f the person and s i t u a t i o n (see Chapter I I ) suggests t h a t the educators' presumption s h o u l d be s t u d i e d c r i t i c a l l y . F o r no matter how we s t r u c t u r e the s i t u a t i o n , people seem t o s o r t themselves i n c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n s w i t h regard t o l e v e l o f a c t i v i t y , i n t e r e s t , performance and achievement. For these reasons, i t is necessary t o d i r e c t l y study the person f a c t o r ( i n the p e r s o n - s i t u a t i o n f u n c t i o n ) more c l o s e l y . A d a ta base c o l l e c t e d w i t h i n t h i s framework may l e a d t o a b e t t e r understanding as t o the l i m i t a t i o n s o f the customary p r a c t i c e o f c o n c e n t r a t i n g a t t e n t i o n on the a l t e r a t i o n and m o d i f i c a t i o n o f environmental parameters w i t h the assumption t h a t m o t i v a t i o n a l d e f i c i t s are e n t i r e l y remediable by such i n t e r v e n t i o n . 69. The Questions In any case, there are good reasons both from a t h e o r e t i c a l and a p r a c t i c a l p o i n t o f view t o i n v e s t i g a t e the t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s -tency o f d i r e c t l y assessed behaviour. The c o n t r a s t i n g s t y l e s o f adap-t i n g t o t a x i n g s i t u a t i o n s which have been d i s c u s s e d above and more thoroughly i n Chapter I I I , appear t o be r e l a t e d t o o r e n t a i l b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n i s , i n p a r t , d e r i v e d from the work o f Feather (1962) and Weiner (1974, 1972). These researchers have shown t h a t , i n the temdriology o f achievement m o t i v a t i o n theory, s u b j e c t s who are success o r i e n t e d show c o n s i s t e n t l y h i g h e r p e r s i s t e n c e o f be-ha v i o u r on t a s k s which they have e i t h e r undertaken on t h e i r own o r t o which they have been assigned, than do f a i l u r e o r i e n t e d s u b j e c t s (Weiner, 1972, p.241-247). The f a i l u r e threatened s u b j e c t s are more l i k e l y t o g i v e up on, and d e c l a r e f r u s t r a t i o n w i t h , t a s k s t h a t are n o t e a s i l y com-p l e t e d o r s o l v e d through r e l a t i v e l y simple a c t i o n s , than are the success o r i e n t e d s u b j e c t s who, i n f a c t , when gi v e n a c h o i c e , p r e f e r t o undertake r e l a t i v e l y more complex and d i f f i c u l t t a s k s (Weiner, 1972, 1974). F a i l -ure threatened s u b j e c t s on the other hand, are more l i k e l y t o p r e f e r r e -l a t i v e l y simple t a s k s when gi v e n a choice among t a s k s t h a t vary i n de-gree o f d i f f i c u l t y . T h i s evidence seems t o be u s e f u l when c o n s i d e r i n g the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - n a n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p e r s o n a l i t y dimension. The i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s (some o f whom may be success o r i e n t e d ) have, apparently, l e a r n e d , b o t h through exposure t o s u c c e s s f u l models and because o f the i n s t r u m e n t a l e f f e c t s o f some o f t h e i r p a s t behaviour, t o undertake r e l a t i v e l y d i f f i c u l t and 70. c h a l l e n g i n g t a s k s on which, they sliow h i g h b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . Conversely, the n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s may not have had s u s t a i n e d ex-posure t o s u c c e s s f u l models and may have had experienced g e n e r a l l y n e g a t i v e i n s t r u m e n t a l e f f e c t s consequent t o much o f t h e i r p a s t o v e r t behaviour, so t h a t they have adopted a preference f o r simple and r e l a t i v e l y n o n c h a l l e n g i n g t a s k s which do not r e q u i r e high l e v e l s o f p e r s e v e r a t i o n . B e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i s a l s o o f i n t e r e s t i n i t s own r i g h t be-cause i t i s important i n determining performance on d i f f i c u l t t a s k s (Cartledge & M i l b u r n , 1978; Gilmor, 1978; Maehr & Sjogren, 1971, p. 147). /Accordingly, s i n c e the p e r s i s t e n c e o f behaviour appears t o be r e l a t e d t o , o r be entailed in> the c o n t r a s t i n g o r i e n t a t i o n s t o the environment which have been d i s c u s s e d above; and s i n c e i t i s o f i n t e r e s t i n i t s own r i g h t , t h i s v a r i a b l e was choosen f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n an i n i t i a l attempt t o address the c o n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y i s s u e by d i r e c t b e h a v i o u r a l assessment. Furthermore, i t was suggested i n Chapter m t h a t a c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f v a r i -ables t h a t may be: a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t -t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l n c n i n t e r v e n t i c r i i s t p e r s o n a l i t y , can be explored.. I t was suggested t h a t two important v a r i a b l e s t h a t seem t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s p e r s o n a l i t y dimension are achievement and a b i l i t i e s . F o r the purpose o f t h i s study, the p e r s o n a l i t y dimension t h a t was conceived as b e i n g manifest i n the c o n t r a s t i n g s t y l e s o f adapting t o t a x -i n g s i t u a t i o n s , was b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . A c c o r d i n g l y , i t was expected t h a t achievement and a b i l i t i e s should be p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h h i g h b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . 71. That i s , those s u b j e c t s who show h i g h p e r s i s t e n c e a t a d i f f i c u l t t a s k are expected t o be those s u b j e c t s who are above average i n i n t e l l i g e n c e and above average achievers i n s c h o o l r e l a t e d work. Three b a s i c questions then, were addressed: 1) What k i n d o f data can be produced by d i r e c t assessment o f behaviour i n r e l a t i o n t o the c c n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c r j t y i s s u e ? 2) What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t behaviour (as manifested by b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e ) and achievement? 3) What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e r v e n t i c n i s t-noninte rven t i o n i s t behaviour (as manifested by b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e ) and a b i l i t i e s (e.g.<IQ)? Questions o f t h i s nature might a p p r o p r i a t e l y be addressed by an ex-p l o r a t o r y study o f the c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h which g i v e n persons e x h i b i t be-h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s . Furthermore, such an e x p l o r a t o r y study might p r o v i d e a means o f d e r i v i n g some p r e l i m i n a r y i n -d i c a t i o n o f the c h a r a c t e r o f data l a r g e s c a l e s t u d i e s ( e n t a i l i n g d i r e c t assessment o f b e h a v i o u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s across s i t u a t i o n s ) might y i e l d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , an e x p l o r a t i o n o f the e x t e n t t o which g i v e n c h i l d r e n e x h i b i t e d c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i n three d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s was assumed t o be a reasonableiway o f e x p l o r i n g the m e r i t s o f undertaking l a r g e s c a l e d i r e c t assessment s t u d i e s o f be-ha v i o u r a l l y d e f i n e d p e r s o n a l i t y dimensions. I t was assumed t h a t the e x t e n t o f i n t r a s u b j e c t c o n s i s t e n c y o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e across three s i t u a t i o n s would be i n d i c a t e d by the e x t e n t t o which i n t e r s u b j e c t rank o r d e r o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i n each o f these same th r e e s i t u a t i o n s , was maintained. 72. When personality dimensions are behaviourally defined and directly assessed, we might expect to find indices of cross-situational con-sistency of behaviour to d i f f e r from the usual ±0.30 correlation indices yielded by studies entailing indirect assessment of personality dimensions of the more usual abstract sort. If such indices yielded by correlational analysis of the data from the present study are greater than ±0.30, we w i l l take this as evidence that this exploratory study provides some j u s t i -fication for expending greater time, e f f o r t and resources an large scale studies designed to explore the v i a b i l i t y of some of the ideas about the proposed interventicnist-ncnintfirventionist personality dimension. Based on the foregoing discussion and the discussion throughout the preceding chapters, specific hypotheses are proposed. Hypotheses 1) Direct assessment of behavioural persistence at d i f f i c u l t tasks across varied situations (described below) w i l l produce correlation coefficients (the indices of intrasubject consistency described above) which exceed the typical ±0.30 coefficients produced by the usual indirect assessment techniques, 2) Achievement as measured by standardized achievement tests (e.g. the Metropolitan Achievement Test) w i l l be positively correlated with behavioural persistence, and 3) A b i l i t i e s (e.g. I.Q. as measured by the Goodenough-Harris Draw a Man Test) w i l l be positively correlated with behavioural persistence. 73. METHOD Subjects A complete s e t o f data f o r 22 o f the 48 c h i l d r e n e n r o l l e d i n the second grade o f a p u b l i c elementary school i n E a s t Vancouver, was pr o c u r a b l e . Due t o absenteeism and f a i l u r e t o g a i n p a r e n t a l consent f o r s u b j e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the study, o n l y p a r t i a l o r no data was a v a i l a b l e f o r 26 c h i l d r e n . How-ever, s i n c e there was no apparent b a s i s f o r s u s p e c t i n g a sy s t e m a t i c e f f e c t o f a u n i d i r e c t i o n a l s o r t due t o t h i s sample s i z e d i m i n u t i o n , and s i n c e t h i s i n i t i a l study was an e x p l o r a t o r y one, the complete d a t a y i e l d e d from the 22 su b j e c t s was thought t o be adequate f o r present purposes. A c c o r d i n g l y , only these 22 c h i l d r e n (10 males and 12 females) were i n c l u d e d i n the study. The ages' o f the c l i i l d r e n ranged from 79 t o 109 months w i t h a mean age o f 95.46 months and a standard d e v i a t i o n o f 6.79 months. O u t l i n e o f Procedures A l l Ss were: a) t e s t e d f o r a measure o f i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y , and b) exposed t o th r e e d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s wherein an index o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e was procured f o r each S. S i t u a t i o n 1 A p e n c i l and paper maze p u z z l e was ad m i n i s t e r e d t o a l l Ss as a group. Each S was t o t r a c e a l i n e b e g i n n i n g a t the " s t a r t " through the a p p r o p r i a t e channels t o a r r i v e a t the "end". The maze was judged by b o t h the r e g u l a r classroom teacher and t l i e two experimenters present, t o be tod d i f f i c u l t f o r the Ss. T h i s assumption was supported by the f a c t t h a t no Ss_ suc-c e s f u l y completed the maze. The f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s were g i v e n t o the Ss: "Here i s a p u z z l e I would l i k e you t o t r y and s o l v e . The p u z z l e you have i s l i k e t h i s one ( i n d i c a t i n g a l a r g e v e r s i o n o f a s i m i l a r maze a t rite f r o n t ) . You s t a r t here ( i n d i c a t i n g the s t a r t ) and t r a c e along the paths t o 74. the centre where you w i l l f i n d the t r e a s u r e . These are fences and these are gates. You can o n l y go through a gate b u t not through a fence. Can I go here ( i n d i c a t i n g a s o l i d l i n e ) ? Can I go here ( i n d i c a t i n g a space between the l i n e s ) ? Now watch c a r e f u l l y as I f i n d the t r e a s u r e i n t h i s p u z z l e . I would l i k e you t o f i n d the t r e a s u r e on your maze. When you have found the t r e a s u r e on the f i r s t maze o r when you have t r i e d your b e s t t o f i n d the t r e a s u r e , t u r n the page over and t r y t o f i n d the t r e a s u r e on the second maze". Time working on the f i r s t maze, o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d as t e r m i n a t i n g when the page was turned over (a d i f f e r e n t maze was. p r i n t e d on the. r e v e r s e s i d e o f the page), was taken as an index o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . Two experimenters, each w i t h a stopwatch and a s e a t i n g p l a n o f the classroom, recorded the time t o termination o f task f o r each S_. S i t u a t i o n 2 Each S_, i n a p r i v a t e room w i t h o n l y experimenter A present, was asked t o s o l v e a w i r e p u z z l e . The s o l u t i o n o f the p u z z l e occured when two metal r i n g s were taken apart. T h i s p u z z l e was a l s o judged t o be d i f f i c u l t beyond the Ss's c a p a b i l i t i e s and t h i s assumption .was again supported by the f a c t t h a t no Ss s u c c e s f u l y s o l v e d the p u z z l e . The f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s were given t o each S: "Here i s a sheet o f paper (Gcodenough-Harris Draw a Man T e s t ) . On the paper I would l i k e you t o f i l l i n the blanks w i t h your name, whether you are a boy o r a g i r l , your age and your b i r t h d a y " . A f t e r the c h i l d had completed the task as d e s c r i b e d , the experimenter proceeded w i t h 75. the f o l l o w i n g remarks: "On t h i s page I would l i k e you to draw a p i c t u r e o f a man. Draw the b e s t man t h a t you can. But f i r s t I would l i k e you t o t r y and s o l v e t h i s p u z z l e . Now watch c a r e f u l l y as I take the r i n g s apart. See how easy i t i s ! I w i l l p ut them together a g a i n . Now once more — here i s how they come apart. See, I d i d n ' t f o r c e them o r bend them. You must not f o r c e them because t h a t i s c h e a t i n g . They come apart e a s i l y i f you do i t r i g h t . Remember no f o r c i n g . When you have taken the r i n g s a part o r have t r i e d your b e s t t o take them apart, put them down here and go ahead and draw the p i c t u r e o f the man". Time attempting t o s o l v e the p u z z l e was o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d as b e g i n -n i n g when Ss were handed the r i n g s and t e r m i n a t i n g when Ss_ p u t them down. S i t u a t i o n 3 Each S_ , i n a p r i v a t e room w i t h o n l y experimenter A pre s e n t , was asked t o reproduce, t o the b e s t o f h i s c a p a b i l i t i e s , a p r i n t e d c o l o u r p i c t u r e . The f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s were g i v e n t o each S_: •. " I would l i k e you t o l i s t e n t o a tape on t h i s c a s s e t t e r e c o r d e r . There are funny jokes and music on the tape. I would l i k e you t o l i s t e n t o the music and the jokes and then t e l l me i f you l i k e them. But f i r s t , I would l i k e you t o draw a p i c t u r e . Here i s a p i c t u r e i n t h i s book t h a t I would l i k e you t o draw. We are having a c o n t e s t t o see who can draw a p i c t u r e t h a t looks the most l i k e t h i s one. The c h i l d who draws a p i c t u r e t h a t looks most l i k e t h i s one w i l l win a s u r p r i s e p r i z e . Here i s a sheet o f paper and here are some crayons. When you have drawn the b e s t p i c t u r e t h a t you can, you can l i s t e n t o the tape". Time on ta s k was taken as an index o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e and was 76. o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d as beginning when Ss put the crayon on the paper and t e r m i n a t i n g when Ss d e c l a r e d completion. The M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement Test Scores on the M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement Test which v a s administered t o the Ss s h o r t l y a f t e r the procedures o u t l i n e d above were c a r r i e d out, were procured from the s c h o o l r e c o r d s . A n a l y s i s Scores o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e (as d e f i n e d above) were procured f o r each S_ i n s i t u a t i o n 1, s i t u a t i o n 2, and s i t u a t i o n 3. From t h i s a mean p e r s i s t e n c e score (MPS) was computed f o r each S_. The aggregate scores across the th r e e s i t u a t i o n s were then i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d u s i n g the Pearson product-moment c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t . Scores obtained from the M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement Test (ACH) were c o r r e l a t e d (Pearson product-moment c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t ) i n t u r n t o s i t u a t i o n 1 scores ( S I ) , s i t u a t i o n 2 scores (S2), s i t u a t i o n 3 scores (S3) and MPS s c o r e s . S i m i l a r l y , scores from the Goodenough-Harris Draw a Man T e s t (IQ) were c o r r e l a t e d t o S I , S2, S3, and MPS s c o r e s . I n a d d i t i o n , d e s c r i p t i v e s t a t i s t i c s (mean, mode, v a r i a n c e , standard d e v i a t i o n , skewneras, k u r t o s i s and range) f o r age, ACH, IQ, S I , S2, S3, and MPS were c a l c u l a t e d . The c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s produced when S I , S2, S3 ;were i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d were taken as i n d i c e s o f t r a n s s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y . 77. CHAPTER V RESULTS AND DISCUSSION T h i s f i n a l chapter i s broken down i n t o two major p a r t s — a p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the r e s u l t s f o l l o w e d by a d i s c u s s i o n . The r e s u l t s are presented^ i n two p a r t s . I n both p a r t s the Pearson produce-moment c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t was used t o assess the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the f i n d i n g s . T h i s parametric s t a t i s t i c was used f o r two reasons. F i r s t , the purpose o f the a n a l y s i s was t o a s c e r t a i n the degree o f c o v a r i a t i o n t h a t e x i s t e d between p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e s and second, t h e r e were no reasons t o suppose t h a t the v a r i a b l e s were r e l a t e d i n other than a l i n e a r manner. P a r t one i s an e v a l u a t i o n o f the f i r s t hypothesis i n terms o f an a n a l y s i s o f the " p e r s i s t e n c e " data across the three s i t u a t i o n s . P a r t two i s an e v a l u a t i o n o f hypotheses two and three i n terms o f an a n a l y s i s o f the data from the M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement Test, the Gcodenough-Harris Draw a Man Test, and the p e r s i s t e n c e data across the three s i t u a t i o n s . A mean p e r s i s t e n c e time f o r each S was c a l c u l a t e d from the t h r e e p e r s i s t e n c e s c o r e s . The d e s c r i p t i v e s t a t i s t i c s f o r a l l the v a r i a b l e s are shown i n Table I . A n a l y s i s o f Data, P a r t One: E v a l u a t i o n o f Hypothesis One The f i r s t h y p o t hesis p r e d i c t e d t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s o b t a i n e d by examining data from d i r e c t b e h a v i o u r a l assessment o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s -tence across 3 s i t u a t i o n s , would be g r e a t e r i n magnitude than the t y p i c a l ±0.30 c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s produced by the u s u a l i n d i r e c t assessment procedures. The i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n m a t r i x produced from the d a t a obtained i n s i t u a t i o n 1 ( S I ) , s i t u a t i o n 2 (S2), and s i t u a t i o n 3 (S3) i s shown i n Table I I . Table I D e s c r i p t i v e S t a t i s t i c s f o r the Sample* Me t r o p o l i t a n Goodenough-Harris Age S i t u a t i o n 1 S i t u a t i o n 2 S i t u a t i o n 3 Mean Time Achievement Test Draw-a-Man Test (months) (seconds) (seconds) (seconds) (seconds) Mean 3.2 98.46 95.46 357.91 536.86 1223.41 706.72 Variance 0.44 555.21 46.07 58209.89 819522.0 13222.7 258117.63 Standard D e v i a t i o n 0.66 23.56 6.79 241.27 286.27 114.99 508.05 Skewness 0.22 -0.22 -0.15 2.05 1.29 1.79 1.61 K u r t o s i s -0.51 -1.09 0.81 5.31 0.51 2.83 1.78 Range 2.37 82.00 30.00 1102.0 952.0 4013.00 1773.0 *n = 22 Table II I n b e r c o r r e l a t i o n M a t r i x o f P e r s i s t e n c e Data* S i t u a t i o n 1 S i t u a t i o n 2 S i t u a t i o n 3 (Maze) (Puzzle) ( P i c t u r e ) S i t u a t i o n 1 o n (Maze) — ' 8 1 « 4 8 S i t u a t i o n 2 r f . (Puzzle) ' J b S i t u a t i o n 3 (Picture) *n = 22 80. These data c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e support f o r the f i r s t h y p o t h e s i s . The d i f f e r e n c e i n magnitude o f the c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s i s worth n o t i n g . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the c o r r e l a t i o n between s i t u a t i o n 1 d a t a and s i t u a t i o n 2 data i s the l a r g e s t i n magnitude s i n c e the t a s k s i n s i t u a t i o n 1 (maze) and s i t u a t i o n 2 (puzzle) shared unambiguous t e r m i n a l s o l u t i o n s • — o r ends whereas the t a s k i n the t h i r d s i t u a t i o n ( p i c t u r e ) was not so c l e a r l y one which was u n e q u i v o c a l l y and unambiguously d i s o l v e d through r e l a t i v e l y simple a c t i o n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , these d a t a c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e support f o r the f i r s t hypothesis and i ^ - ^ a n s s i t n a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e i n r e l a t i o n t o the s i t u a t i o n s as designed i s remarkable when compared t o the u s u a l i n d i r e c t l y produced data. The major parameters which d e s c r i b e the s i t u a t i o n s and. t h e i r c o n t r a s t i n g d i f -ferences and s i m i l a r i t i e s are shown i n Table I I I . A n a l y s i s o f Data, P a r t Two: E v a l u a t i o n o f Hypotheses Two and Three The second hypothesis p r e d i c t e d t h a t achievement as measured by the M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement Test would be p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d t o the a c q u i r e d index p f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . The t h i r d hypothesis p r e d i c t e d t h a t i n t e l l i g e n c e as measured by the Goodenough-Harris Draw a Man T e s t would a l s o be p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the a c q u i r e d index o f b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e . The i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between achievement (ACH), i n t e l l i g e n c e (IQ), S I , S2, S3 and mean p e r s i s t e n c e time (MPT) are shown i n Table IV. None o f the c o e f f i c i e n t s are i m p r e s s i v e . N e i t h e r o f these two hypotheses were c l e a r l y supported. This f a c t may be e x p l a i n e d by two c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : 1) The s u b j e c t s were very young (mean age = 95.46 months) and a c c o r d i n g l y , t h e i r b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e " s t y l e " may not as y e t have become i n t e g r a t e d V 81. Table I I I S i t u a t i o n a l Parameters S i t u a t i o n 1 S i t u a t i o n 2 S i t u a t i o n 3 Group administered I n d i v i d u a l l y admininstered I n d i v i d u a l l y a d m i n i s t e r e d Maze (Clear t e r m i n a l s o l u t i o n ) Two experimenters and teacher present P u z z l e (Clear terminal s o l u t i o n ) Experimenter A pr e s e n t P i c t u r e (No c l e a r terminal s o l u t i o n ) Experimenter A pr e s e n t No i n c e n t i v e S i n r e g u l a r classroom s e a t s No i n c e n t i v e S i n p r i v a t e room I n c e n t i v e ( l i s t e n t o music, p r i z e ) S i n p r i v a t e room P e n c i l and paper t a s k Not p e n c i l and paper t a s k P e n c i l and paper 82. Table IV I n t e r c o r r e l a t i c n M a t r i x o f P e r s i s Times, IQ and /Achievement* ACH IQ SI S2 S3 MPT ACH — .35 .04 .31 .24 .23 IQ — .23 .14 .30 .21 51 — .81 .48 52 — .56 53 — MPT — *n = 22 83. w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e i r a b i l i t i e s and achievement. To probe t he v a l i d i t y o f t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i t w i l l be necessary .to. conduct s j j t o l a r . 4 ^ a n s s i t u a t i o n a l b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e s t u d i e s w i t h o l d e r s u b j e c t s . 2) The v a l i d i t y o f the i n t e l l i g e n c e d a t a from the Goodenough-Harris Draw a Man Test i s suspect. T h i s a s s e r t i o n comes from two c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : a) the t e s t was administered i n an unusual f a s h i o n i n t h a t the c h i l d r e n under-took another task between the time i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the Draw-a-Man Te s t were g i v e n and the time when the a c t u a l drawing was done, and b) the IQ scores c o r r e l a t e d o n l y 0.35 (Table TV) w i t h the achievement d a t a — an u n u s u a l l y low c o r r e l a t i o n f o r these v a r i a b l e s . Furthermore, t h e scores from the Goodenough-Harris, i n d i c a t e d t h a t 3 o f the s u b j e c t s would be c l a s s i f i e d as profoundly r e t a r d e d w h i l e 6 more would be c l a s s i f i e d as m i l d l y r e t a r d e d . A l l these s u b j e c t s however, scored above t h e i r grade l e v e l en the M e t r o p o l i t a n Achievement t e s t and r e p o r t s from the classroom t e a c h e r i n d i c a t e s t h a t these s u b j e c t s are normal i n t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l f u n c t i o n i n g . These f a c t s i n d i c a t e t h a t the d a t a from the Goodenough-Harris are pr o b a b l y i n v a l i d . I n any casei^ n e i t h e r hypothesis t h r e e n o r hypothesis 2 gained any c l e a r - c u t support. 84. D i s c u s s i o n The present study was an attempt t o develop the thesis that received personality t h e o r i e s and t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e measurement models ISave not shown themselves t o be very f r u i t f u l as bases for r e s e a r c h , and that an alternative approach i s both c a l l e d f o r and c o n t r i v a b l e . This problem was addressed in three p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t was an attempt t o outline,- d e l i m i t sand-analyze the major conceptual and methodological problems t h a t are i n h e r e n t i n the t r a i t and psychodynamic p o s i t i o n s . The second p a r t was an attempt t o develop the argument t h a t a more u s e f u l and f r u i t f u l approach t o p e r -s o n a l i t y study may be found through the d i r e c t assessment o f behaviour. I t was con j e c t u r e d t h a t such b e h a v i o u r a l census data may y i e l d be-h a v i o u r a l " s t y l e s " which might comprise the rudiments o f a recon-ceptualized, p e r s o n a l i t y typology. The t h i r d p a r t was an e m p r i r i c a l i n -v e s t i g a t i o n designed t o ex p l o r e f u r t h e r the " c o n s i s t e n c y - s p e c i f i c i t y " i s s u e i n terms o f behaviour which i s d i r e c t l y assessed. The r e s u l t s o f the e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n d i c a t e t h a t the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t behaviour i s l a r g e l y s i t u a t i o n s p e c i f i c (Argyle, 1975; Argyle & L i t t l e , 1972; E n d l e r , 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977; M i s c h e l , 1968, 1973a; Pervin, 1968) may be premature due t o the nature o f the data produced by the usual i n d i r e c t assessment procedures. C l e a r l y , at l e a s t the personality variable i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study (behavioural p e r s i s t e n c e ) shows much higher trans-s i t u a t i o n a l c o n s i s t e n c y t h a n w o u l d have been p r e d i c t e d based an the data c o l l e c t e d in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the t r a i t and psychcidynamic models of personality. The apparent s p e c i f i c i t y o f behaviour t h a t has shown up from these kind of data may be, as has l o n g been suspected (e.g. Wallach & Legget, 1972), artifacts 85. of the pencil and paper and projective assessment techniques. Thus, there i s not only a theoretical basis for attempting to assess personality by direct observation of behaviour, but there i s now also a modest empirical basis for supposing that behaviour i t s e l f may show much higher transsituational con-sistency than soma of the data that has been reported heretofore, would suggest. Furthermore, predictions based on the Endlerian scheme of personality (Endler, 1977; Magnusson & Endler, 1977; Rushton Endler, 1977) would have suggested that behavioural persistence across the three situations out-lined in this study, would show l i t t l e transsituational consistency since persistence on these tasks was supposedly determined by content and motivational variables which, according to this conception, should be highly situation specific. Clearly, the jury i s s t i l l out on such matters and the adequacy cf the Endlerian schema must avait further investigation especially of the type discussed i n this paper. At least three conclusions are warranted on the basis of this study. 1) Behaviour may be much less situation specific than the data produced by indirect assessment of personality based on the t r a i t and psychodynamic models might suggest. 2) Actual human behaviour i s a function of a continuous process of multi-directional interaction between persons and the situations which they encounter.- That i s , behaviour i s an interactional function of person.and situation factors. . Accordingly, an adequate understanding of human behaviour might be advanced by simultaneously exairrining both the person 8 6 . and s i t u a t i o n f a c t o r s . In t h i s way, i t may be p o s s i b l e t o e x p l a i n the nature o f the i n t e r a c t i o n s between s i t u a t i o n s and persons and how these i n t e r a c t i o n s occur p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y . This i s a monumental t a s k because un-f o r t u n a t e l y , the c l a r i t y o f our understanding o f both persons - and s i t u a t i o n s i s l e s s than b r i l l i a n t . 3) Attempts t o understand the person f a c t o r i n the i n t e r a c t i o n a l u n i t has heretofore, r e l i e d f o r the most p a r t , on the psy<±icdvnamic and t r a i t models o f p e r s o n a l i t y . As a r e s u l t o f the i n d i r e c t assessment procedures t h a t have been used t o study the person, we have o n l y a vague and u n r e l i a b l e under-standing o f the person f a c t o r . To gain a c l e a r e r understanding o f the person f a c t o r , we i r i g h t more p r o f i t a b l y focus our a t t e n t i o n on s t u d y i n g r e l e v a n t and s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t behaviours d i r e c t l y so t h a t a b e t t e r d e s c r i p t i o n o f the morphology o f p e r s o n a l i t y may be achieved. One p o s s i b i l i t y t o accomplish t h i s goal may be t o r e c a s t p e r s o n a l i t y i n terms o f b e h a v i o u r a l " s t y l e s " — perhaps i n terms o f the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t - t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l n o n i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t dimension as proposed. W i t h i n t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework, behaviour can be s t u d i e d d i r e c t l y . Thus, "behavioural s t y l e s " would replace t r a i t s as the u n i t s by which p e r s o n a l i t y i s t o be d e s c r i b e d and assessed. Only f u r t h e r e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n can shed some l i g h t as t o the promise h e l d i n t h i s approach. Unfortunately, f o r the e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n c a r r i e d o ut i n t h i s study, no s p e c i f i c s o c i c e c m c m i c data was a v a i l a b l e f o r the s u b j e c t s . However, t o begin t o explore the k i n d s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s about b e h a v i o u r a l 87. p e r s i s t e n c e and sociceccnamic s t a t u s , i t w i l l be necessary t o procure d e t a i l e d S.E.S. d a t a f o r s u b j e c t s p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n "beha v i o u r a l census" s t u d i e s o f the k i n d d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . A c o n t r a s t i n g examination o f s u b j e c t s from the extreme ends o f the S.E.S. d i s t r i b u t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e , may prove p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g . To summarize then, the i n v e s t i g a t i o n c a r r i e d o ut i n t h i s study i n d i c a t e s t h a t ;assessment o f p e r s o n a l i t y i n terms o f d i r e c t l y observable'behaviour may be premising. 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