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The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited : a Finnish-Canadian millenarian movement in British.. Salo, Allan Henry 1978-02-26

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THE KALEVAN KANSA COLONIZATION COMPANY, LIMITED: A FINNISH-CANADIAN MILLENARIAN MOVEMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA B. A., University of British Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Anthropology) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1978 (c) Allan Henry Salo, 1978 ALLAN HENRY SALO In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date 6 October 1978 Abstract This thesis is primarily concerned with the activities of a group of Finnish-Canadians in British Columbia. They attempted to found an Utopian community on Malcolm Island between 1901 and 1905• The activities of these people, the Kalevan Kansa or descendants of Kaleva, an ancient Finnish mythological figure, were millenarian in nature. During this period there were distinct changes in their social relations and their new undertakings predicted the arrival of a different and more ideal form of social organization. The content of that organization was revealed to them by their leader, Matti Kurikka, who proposed to make a joint-stock company the basis of the new community. The subsequent settlement scheme was known as the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. Indicative of their aspirations, Kurikka and his followers named their new community Sointula, the place of harmony. In order to explore more fully the millenarian activities this thesis also investigates their roots in the historical development of Finnish identity and the ability of Finns to fulfill those perceptions in day to day activities. In addition, the thesis focuses on the related problems concerning identity encountered in the aftermath of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company by those settlers who remained at Sointula. ii iii The activities which were undertaken in the relatively brief period between 1901 and 1905 represented a rapid coalescing of ideas and aspirations into activities. Among the Vancouver Island Finns who were primarily coal miners the new society appeared immanent. To them and to others who came from various parts of the United States, Canada and Europe the vision of the joint-stock company encompassed recognizable characteristics of a more ideal form of social organization. As such the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company provides an empirically accountable and distinctive aspect of the Kalevan Kansa movement. From its description and aims it is possible to make suggestions about the intellectual and charismatic appeal of Matti Kurikka and about some of the aspirations of the participants themselves. However, the fundamental nature of the energy released by the Utopian vision largely remains to be inferred. The first chapter of the thesis presents a brief ethnographic introduction to the activities of the Kalevan Kansa during this period. In addition, it proposes some relevant methodological considerations reflective of the content of millenarian situations. These considerations influence the direction and content of the following chapters. The approach which is taken remains open ended inasmuch as the activities of the Kalevan Kansa are seen as part of a much broader historical process which is reflective of the ethnographic situation as well as of certain more universal iv anthropological problems. The method adopted cannot provide an explicit account of why the activities took the direction they did nor why they occurred at a particular time. However, it does focus on the dynamics inherent within a continuing set of problems and contradictions to be resolved. As such it has permitted a form of discussion which has not been totally bound to the contingencies of the situation. Yet, the character of the Utopian activity of the Kalevan Kansa remains significant in terms of its all consuming nature and its attempt to institute an idealistic social order. As such, it was clearly religious in nature and represented a societal rite of passage. The second chapter is primarily historical. By taking into account the historical background of the Kalevan Kansa, further light is shed onto the goals and activities of the group. The past has provided only a partial answer to questions of origin since the movement in many aspects remained independent of its historical legacy. However, it provided a point of departure. Inasmuch as the method employed and suggested by the content and focus of this chapter remains applicable to other situations it is anthropological. The third chapter explores the Utopian activities in detail. Chronologically, the discussion moves from a point where the Finns were regarded as being morally and materially inferior to others. From there the chapter moves to a discussion about the redefinition of power and the V nature of individual obligations articulated by the chosen leader, to the eventual attempt to realize the new way of being in terms of appropriate social relationships. Progressively it was apparent among the Kalevan Kansa that the vision of the joint-stock company could not provide the emotional and intellectual unity which could overcome individual and ideological differences. As increasing numbers of the participants began to ignore their obligations without sanction the energy of the movement was consumed by conflicting interests. The activities of the Kalevan Kansa can, however, be differentiated from the more mundane forms of political and economic unrest among disparate groups by the sudden emergence of emotional and moral passion focused and activated by their leader, Kurikka. The final chapter looks at Sointula during an active period of socialist politics after the failure of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. In conjunction with these activities which were largely group-oriented, the chapter also focuses on the content of individual experiences among a particular group within the community. Insights are derived from fieldwork interviews and from a thematic and structural analysis of a corpus of narrative songs. Throughout the thesis the focus remains on the central issues of identity and the moral implications that its varying definitions have implied. The ethnographic detail provides an indication of how a particular group of people vi chose to confront the problem and of how its constituents were reformulated through a series of encounters in a historical time span. In this series the millenarian act ivities of the Kalevan Kansa were the most unique and profound in their intensity and appeal. A comprehensive bibliography of relevant sources in English and Finnish follows the text. The thesis also contains six appendixes. The first is my translation of Matti Halminen's first hand account of the Utopian activities at Sointula and his role in them. The next four appendixes contain copies of documents relevant to the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. The last appendix is a collection of Finnish song texts recorded at Sointula in 1973. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii List of Tables ix List of Diagrams x Acknowledgement xi Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 The Accumulation of Traditions and Experience: The Legacy of Finnish Society on its Emigrants, 1870-1903 31 Chapter 3 Traditions, Experience and Circumstance Combined in the Quest of an Utopian Community: Bffatti Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, 1880-1904 72 Chapter k Expectations Modified: Sointula After the Collapse of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, 190^-19^0 160 Selected Bibliography 218 Appendix I Matti Halminen, Sointula: Kalevan  Kansan .ia Kanadan Suomalaisten  Historia [Sointula: The History of the Kalevan Kansa and Finnish vn Appendix II Canadians!] trans. Allan H. Salo 231 This Agreement made the twenty-ninth day of November, A. D. 1901, Between HIS MAJESTY THE KING, represented by the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, of the first part, and "THE KALEVAN KANSA COLONIZATION COMPANY, LIMITED," hereinafter called ?the Company," of the second part. 400 Appendix III Articles of Association of "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited." 402 Memorandum of "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited." 405 Agreement between the "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited" and "the settler". 406 Finnish-Canadian Songs Collected at Sointula, B. C, 15 August 1973 by Allan H. Salo. Transcribed in 197^ by Allan H. Salo. 408 Appendix IV Appendix V Appendix VI LIST OF TABLES Table I List of Dramatis Personae and a Concordance of Their Attributes 19^ ix LIST OP DIAGRAMS Diagram 1 A Representation of the Semantic Categories and the Relationships Between Them 198 Diagram 2 Thematic Structure of the Corpus 200 x Acknowledgement For the support and encouragement which assisted me in the completion of this thesis I am indebted. Primarily, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. K. 0. L. Burridge. His continued interest in students and in this project in particular, has been unfaltering. Throughout the various facets of this research his provocative questioning, considered criticism and direction has proven to be invaluable. Thank you. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee who have contributed their time and resources. Specifically, I would like to acknowledge Dr. J. Powell for his spontaneous commentary and enthusiasm and Dr. Michael Kew for his support and discussion at a time when they were most needed. I would like to recognize the initial contribution made by Dr. Elli Kongas Maranda. Assistance was also given to me by the University of British Columbia and the Department of Anthropology and Sociology in the form of scholarships and assistantshipsj by the provincial government of British Columbia through grants for fieldwork and translation and by the National Museum of Man for an initial opportunity to undertake fieldwork. The archivists at the British Columbia Provincial Archives assisted me in finding obscure yet relevant xi xii materials as did the staff of the Special Collections Division of the University of British Columbia Library. The support of fieldwork informants who gave of their time and of themselves has been fundamental. The debt to my colleague and friend, Linda Hale, remains immeasurable in all ways. To everyone who has given me assistance, including my parents, John and Bertha Salo, and my great grandfather, Oscar Johnson, who recognized the importance of learning and of their heritage and my friend, Reg Raby, with whom I have shared talks and ideas, I offer my sincere thanks. The efforts of everyone concerned have enriched this thesis, while its shortcomings are, of course, attributable to me. Chapter 1 Introduction In the five years between 1900 and 1905 a group of Finnish-Canadians set about creating an idealistic community on Malcolm Island on the coast of British Columbia.1 During this period they thought of themselves as the Kalevan  Kansa. a people descended from Kaleva, an ancient mythological figure associated with the genesis of Finnish culture. The settlement they started under the guidance of their charismatic leader, Matti Kurikka, was called Sointula or place of harmony. Although the community was formally organized on the principle of a joint-stock company, registered as the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited; its character was determined more by elements drawn from Finnish tradition, Christianity and the experience of immigrant life in early British Columbia. This thesis attempts to focus not only on the scope of the Kalevan Kansa activity but also on the accumulated legacy of Finnish history which formed the early experience of Finnish immigrants and determined to a degree the goals of the movement. In addition, the final chapter is concerned with how the legacy of experience including the Kalevan Kansa activity was reconciled with the necessities of obtaining a livelihood after the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited collapsed. 1 2 The Kalevan Kansa movement brought together a collection of ideas about the nature of society and these were trans lated into activities intended to bring about and eventually define an Utopian community. The goals as well as the means proposed to obtain them stood apart from the pursuits of Finnish immigrants elsewhere Under the visionary leadership of Matti Kurikka the Kalevan Kansa undertook to redefine the basis of their ethnic character by participating in the formation of an idealistic community. In their enthus iasm to create a more equitable social order they simul taneously advocated a way of life which would require the refashioning of individual personalities. It remains difficult to articulate with certainty all the origins of the strength and ideals of the movement. However, it can be suggested that, while the activities which occurred during the four years appeared enigmatic, they were uniquely drawn from "the experiences of being Finnish and of being an ethnic minority. In the mining camps at Wellington, Extension, Ladysmith and Nanaimo, and later in the new settlement on Malcolm Island, the Kalevan Kansa set out to form a society whose principles were engendered by the legacy of their indigenous culture, their recent familiarity with revivalist forms of Christianity, the stress on education, nationalism and socialism in Finland, and the difficulties of immigrant and frontier life in western British Columbia. The popularity of the vision of a better society into which these elements were combined 3 attracted participants from Finland, Australia and the United States. From these reservoirs of content the Kalevan Kansa proposed to establish the moral guideposts for a society which could exploit the natural wealth of the environment to the spiritual and material advantage of its members. It is unlikely that single theoretical explicans can account for all the varying features the the Kalevan Kansa activity.-^ Rather than dogmatically relying on the structures of specific explanatory paradigms it appears more fruitful to concentrate first on the activities them selves. In this context a relevant discussion encompasses some consideration of events prior to the rise of the Kalevan Kansa movement and subsequent to its collapse. The activities then appear as a process where ideas and experiences are accumulated, acted upon and modified. In this investigation the event (the Kalevan Kansa movement 1900-1905) is constituted not only by the activites themselves but also by the discussions and orations about them.^ That collection of information is expanded by placing it into the more elaborate context of Finnish history and cultural development. Still other facts are revealed by exploring the relationship between conditions current in British Columbia at the turn of the century and the Finnish immigrant's sense of tradition, history and identity. The idealistic projections of the Kalevan Kansa were reflections of how that relationship was perceived and eventually translated into a set of founding principles for ordering community life. The experiences of Sointula residents after the failure of the Utopian scheme not only highlight its shortcomings but they focus on the enduring aspects of some of their aspirations which continued to influence their relationships with contemporary society elsewhere. The members of the Kalevan Kansa did not inherit an understanding of their tradition and history which was unique from other Finns. However, it was among these individuals that specific aspects of their heritage were discussed, re-evaluated and eventually incorporated into a vision of an idealistic society. The majority of the early participants who formed the core of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, readily accepted the visionary ideas articulated by their leader, Kurikka. Later, on the basis of the ideas being expressed, the following grew to D include prospective settlers from elsewhere. The appeal of Sointula was not bound solely to local economic disadvantages or even to the ethnic peculiarities which helped to generate it. Instead, the impetus was lodged in the question of identity. The Utopian ideals expressed a social context in which it appeared possible to recognize the moral delineations by which people could become individuals of worth.9 Espousal of the new principles of order put forth by Kurikka in his conception of an egalitarian community demanded the appraisal of contemporary notions of moral responsibility. As such, the Kalevan Kansa movement shared characteristics with other social phenomena which attempt to question and alter epistemological paradigms.10 Despite its popular appeal, even among some non-Finns, the origins of the Kalevan Kansa movement cannot be isolated from the legacy of Finnish experience. It would be short sighted to discuss the energy and priorities assumed by the Kalevan Kansa without reference to the historical growth of Finnish identity and sovereignty in Europe.11 Placed in this context, the activities of the Kalevan Kansa fall into a broader category of concern. In the brief four year period of Utopian activity on Malcolm Island the Kalevan Kansa attempted to consolidate a gamut of ideas about society and people into a coherent functioning community. The residual question hinged on organization. How could the desired egalitarian relationships among its members be fostered within a social setting in which the values of a hierarchical society were increasingly intruding? How could the socialist aspirations of some of the participants be fulfilled within a capitalist framework like the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited? How might the individual obligations which defined its organization be manipulated so that they would continue to express the identity of all the participants concerned in a meaningful way? In the historical sequence outlined above the Kalevan Kansa activity of 1900-1905 appeared as one of a series of attempts, albeit unusual in its strength and imagination, at 12 coming to terms with the question of identity. Of this 6 series at least three instances warrant discussion. The first predates the Kalevan Kansa activities in British Columbia and centres around Lonnrot's publication of the Kalevala. a series of narratives about Finland's mythical 13 past. -'The second encompasses the activities of Matti Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa on Vancouver Island and later at Sointula. The third arises from the content of a corpus of song texts collected from a Sointula singer which reflect the experiences of some of the members of the community after the demise of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited.1**" In the following discussion of the Kalevan Kansa's Utopian ideals and their attempted implementation into a viable form of social organization,: the terms egalitarian and hierarchical correspond to the categories of oppositions which Burridge has categorized under the headings of subsistence and complex.1-* He argues that in situations where one series is dominant factors will arise which evoke consideration of the other. The applicability of this is clearly evident in the <aspirations and undertakings of the Kalevan Kansa since they were concerned with instituting the primacy of egalitarian values within a substantially hierarchical ambiance. Consideration of these oppositions within the period in question provides a point of departure. From there it is possible to suggest that the Kalevan Kansa was predominantly interested in instituting new kinds of social relationships which they felt could better define 7 individual identity and worth. As Burridge has suggested, sueh a movement from one form of being to another results when there is an "engagement of one or more of the series of oppositions."1^ This then "constitutes the 'mise en scene* of a millenarian movement."1^ In New Heaven New Earth Burridge further suggests that "there is no human activity which cannot assume religious importance" and that "when it does so it has an overriding importance. It points to that which permeates and informs a whole way of life, and, more crucially, it indicates sources or principles of power which are regarded as particularly creative or destructive." In such instances, as an awareness grows among a particular group, some communal truths which demand consensus give way to new assumptions which will form the basic truths of the following generations. From these are derived the rules of conduct to which men in community are bound. The process is continuous and this thesis focuses primarily on this aspect of the historical sequence of which the Kalevan Kansa activity is a part. Existence in community entails existence in a network of obligations and the process by which individuals attempt to discharge their obligations in relation to the moral rules 19 of the community is the redemptive process. 7 When assumptions about power and the rules governing its use and control can no longer guarantee individuals the truth about things, the kinds of activity represented in the Kalevan Kansa movement are generated. This activity attains 8 religious importance because it is of overall importance and concerns the ordering of power. At the centre of the Kalevan Kansa activities was a concern for finding a more adequate way of gaining prestige and of defining the criteria by which the content of manhood could be measured.20 In this context it is important to consider aspects of the physical situation as well as the activities themselves. In the two decades prior to 1900 many Finnish immigrants to British Columbia sought and found work in the coal mines on Vancouver Island. The work was heavy and hazardous, accidents occurred with regularity and the wages were low. The only accommodation for the miners and their families was to be found in the camps around the mines. The housing had formerly been occupied by Chinese workers who had left it in a state of squalor. To many of the Finnish miners it appeared pointless to repair the houses since they were continually moved from one mine site to another according to the demand for labourers. Within the settlements there were no readily perceptible norms by which individual behaviour and activity could be judged. Drunkenness, fighting and factional rivalries were common among the Finns and a large proportion ofitheir wages was channeled into these pursuits. In turn, the mine owners eagerly extended credit in order to maintain a constant source of cheap white labour. In an ambiance characterized by a multiplicity of races, ethnic backgrounds, languages, customs and interests it was impossible to win benefits from the employers which would 9 promote the well-being of the miners generally. The situation was particularly acute for the Finnish workers since most of them had a direct link with the agrarian lifestyle current in the subsistence communities of Finland. There the character of daily affairs had been judged more by qualitative standards than was the case in the moneyed ambiance of Vancouver Island. Participation in a society where social worth was determined by the ability to acquire and use money was foreign to most of them. The continued focus on money increased the distinctions they perceived between the comparatively simpler life in rural Finland and the present situation of chaos. Since money and its control is capable of creating, breaking, ennobling and enforcing relationships, virtue appeared to be a matter of 21 choice exercised by those in control, the employers. Self worth and community status reckoned by the old values of their agrarian background appeared worthless. Hard conscientious work brought minimal returns and irresponsibil ity was often rewarded by an extension of credit. Many Finnish miners thought of themselves as inferior to those other workers and employers who prospered better under the system. Since there appeared to be little likelihood of finding common objectives it appeared that the Finnish settlements were embarked on a path leading to the disintegration of personal relationships and values. However, in the 1890s changes began to occur among a small group of the miners. After a series of informal 10 meetings and discussions they organized a temperance society, library and a Finnish marching hand. These associations were clearly reflective of changing perspectives concerning the circumstances of camp life. As a group these miners became more persistent in their desire to change the conditions they construed as being responsible for the oppression. Their spirited discussions during the meetings reaffirmed their willingness to participate in new kinds of relationships which could effectively change their situation and guarantee them access to what Burridge has referred to as the redemptive process. In the course of events which led to the formation of the temperance societies and the band, the stressed values encompassed notions of brotherhood and independence, qualities denied to them in their present existence. In order to carry these sentiments further into actual activities they encouraged Matti Kurikka, a contemporary Finnish reformer, socialist and author, to join them on Vancouver Island. After receiving passage money Kurikka eagerly left Australia, where he had tried to form a Finnish colony, and arrived in Nanaimo in the late summer of 1900. Kurikka immediately undertook a series of lecture tours in the nearby as well as the more distant Finnish settlements. In all his affairs with Finns and non-Finns alike he appeared capable of judging correct avenues of activity from the wrong. His undertakings with the public, businessmen and politicians met with considerable success. The circle of 11 ardent supporters which had gathered around him recognized in him qualities of a superior person, revealing to them something of the nature of the new society which awaited them. Kurikka's standing as an acceptable leader depended on his ability to present alternative ideas about social organization in a manner which seemingly could be understood by those around him and on his ability to operate success fully within the structures of the larger society. In addition, he appeared to share many of the life experiences of the miners. A further element of Kurikka's appeal among the landless poorly rewarded wage workers arose from the circumstances which characterized Finland during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The society was clearly divided by class distinctions, yet the authority for those distinctions was being increasingly questioned. Within this milieu Kurikka rose from a rural background and gained both an education and a position of acceptance and influence in upper class Helsinki society. Through a series of encounters with various people and groups he came to regard the upper classes with contempt, although they had nurtured him. Nothing in his education, his knowledge of traditional Finnish culture and particularly his commitment to Christian brotherhood could any longer substantiate the existent situation. As he began to disseminate this understanding, erasing the distinctions between classes, power was gradually 12 transferred to, him by the situation itself. The decision by the Vancouver Island miners to bring Kurikka to British Columbia arose from their recognition of the singular nature of his foresight. He alone appeared capable of fulfilling their aspirations. Throughout Kurikka's talks he spoke of intellectual problems and of religious figures; of knowledge and under standing which, to those denied his educational opportunities, appeared as the property of a man with access tolpowers beyond their grasp. Kurikka was efficient and capable in the early negotiations for land with the provincial govern ment. His settlement scheme quickly gained support from all quarters. To the. Finns who were involved in these trans actions he appeared as an extraordinary individual who had a vision for their salvation. But he also appeared eminently able to cope with the larger society for the common good of those he represented. To the outsider he seemed to pose no direct threat, on the contrary, he was as concerned as they were about the future prosperity of Vancouver Island and its environs. Kurikka's arrival in the area precipitated the trans lation of sentiments into action. His confidence extended to others. It was reported that when he entered a room 22 where "disorder held sway; his manner brought harmony." At times he was harshly critical about the conditions around him and about the inadequacies he perceived in his supporters Their dependence on him for leadership became an avenue for 13 procuring further favours as was the case in the founding of the Aika {/The Time]] newspaper in 1901 which soon became the main vehicle for his plans. The newspaper, like the proposed colony he spoke of, was to be founded on the principles of a joint-stock company into which investors initially bought a membership. Kurikka1s first references to the company were in terms which had little to do with the legalities by which it would operate. In these discussions he would regress to ideas he had earlier expressed in the pamphlet The Godless Church. "If the whole universe, such as we see it and conceive it to be, is one great being, whose spirit visibly or invisibly appears in us; then, is it difficult for us to know what that love is which must be uppermost in us? Just as the great celestial bodies of the universe form one harmon ious entity so nature in us, human beings seeks harmony. Wherever we find harmony in sound, colour, in gatherings, we are conscious of a lofty poignant spiritual satisfaction that we cannot explain."23 In an early edition of Aika he continued: "Do unto others what you wish them to do unto you. But what prevents us from doing unto others as we wish them to do unto us? A society based on competition and internal strife and our instincts. The problem is to set about harmonizing society and the conflicting instincts."2** The elusive vision presented in the first statement was translated into a more materialistic idiom which could not contain it but nevertheless attempted to explain it in the second. His supporters were asked to accept on faith the first by comprehending the second. Throughout his speeches and writings Kurikka maintained that spiritual values should dominate over materialistic 14 concerns as a measure of man's worth. But, it was the emphasis on the glowing rewards derived from the proposed lifestyle based on the supreme values which brought the vision into focus in the minds of many of the Kalevan Kansa. The understanding that social well-being presupposed a society in which labour and its ^products are justly distributed explained in material terms the physical direction needed to gain the spiritual rewards which would define individual integrity. In the initial confusion and enthusiasm which accompanied the settlement scheme Kurikka's description of the capitalist-oriented joint-stock company seemed to encapsulate the aspirations of the ardent socialists as well. Throughout the early part of 1901 support for the Kalevan Kansa settlement scheme continued to increase among the Finns on Vancouver Island. Several trips were made to Victoria by representatives of the Kalevan Kansa until finally they selected Malcolm Island as a desirable location; inexpensive, removed but not completely isolated from shipping routes and markets. After a delay by the govern ment in granting the island to the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, Kurikka attempted to maintain the euphoria by making some pragmatic disclosures about the company's and the settlement's day to day operation. 1. Everything will be done co-operatively including the sharing of meals, child rearing and the various necessary tasks. 2. The company will employ all its men and women at an equal rate of pay, one dollar per day. 15 However, some tasks which are more strenuous will require fewer hours per day. 3. The company will meet the needs of all the children, the infirmed and the aged. 4. All meals, washing and clothing will be supplied by the company and they will be considered as part of the pay. 5. The wages in terms of cash will not need to be high since the majority of the daily needs will be met by the company. However, each individual will receive a dividend of 5% on his share of stock. Half of that amount will be put aside into a common fund for recreation, cultural pursuits and other benefits. 6. Every member will be expected to pay $200.00 for his share of company stock. Of this amount $50.00 will go toward membership rights in the community.25 Finally, by the end of November 1901 the provincial govern ment had straightened out its commitments with the Industrial Pulp and Power Company which had earlier been promised timber rights on Malcolm Island. On the 29th of the same month the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, was granted rights to the 20,000 acre island under a number of stipulations: 1. The company must obtain one settler for every 80 acres of land. 2. It must complete $2.50 worth of improvements per acre. 3. It must construct its own wharves, bridges, roads and public buildings according to government specifications. 4. The settlers must become British subjects and the children must be educated in English language schools. 5. If after seven years all the stipulations were met the company would receive full title to the land.26 In the meantime several factors had started to work against the proposed colonization scheme. The undue delay of the land grant had dampened the spirits of Kurikka and 16 some of the others. For a time it appeared that if the Finns were granted rights to the island it would not include rights to the natural resources, and some prospective settlers became skeptical about the opportunities for obtaining a livelihood. Kurikka's competence was in question among some of those who had earlier committed their money and there were discussions about abandoning the scheme altogether in favour of another location in fithe United States. In light of the pessimism expressed by some Finns on Vancouver Island others were more reluctant to contribute $200.00 until the plans were more definite. Others paid the minimum entry fee of $50.00 with a promise to discharge the remainder of the obligation through labour. Still others came without any financial resources at all and had to be accepted into the fold. Further consideration about Kurikka's stipulations about the company led to speculation about the nature of equality in a community characterized by different classes of memberships and varying values placed on tasks. However, when Kurikka proclaimed to the present and future members of the Kalevan Kansa the news of the land grant many shared his feeling of jubilance. He wrote in the Aika that "we have reached the summit of the hill after a year's arduous climb. The harmonious vision of an utopia is at hand. What say now the oppressed people of Finland.w27 Shortly thereafter the first group of Kalevan Kansa men left for Malcolm Island. During the trip their sailboat was damaged, the weather proved to be inclement and the 17 captain of the vessel was injured and eventually needed hospitalization after a firearm accidently discharged. Upon reaching the island the rest of the crew found a meager shelter in an abandoned shack. For the remainder of their stay the weather was bad and they left the island cold, wet and hungry. Despite the initial misadventures, bleak reports and confusion about the nature of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, enthusiasm continued to thrive and additional members were attracted to the settlement scheme. Most, however, either chose not to or could not make the $200.00 payment, which heightened the tension between those who recognized it as a capitalist venture and those who anticipated a socialist Utopia to emerge. What had started out as an idealistic quest for a community based on brother hood was slowly becoming a venture embroiled in organizational difficulties reflective of the different perspectives of the participants. The first annual report in 1902 indicated that the company was already burdened with a substantial debt. Years later in his memoirs Makela, an ardent socialist and the company's secretary, recalled that: "Proudly though we turned our backs to the capitalist world, we were nonetheless dependent upon it in every way. The first boat load of goods brought to the island was bought on credit. We were always in the same predicament: purchases had to be made first, payments dragged even father and farther behind."28 His statement clearly emphasizes the confusion. They never turned their backs to the capitalist world since the 18 joint-stock company was itself a representation of capitalist ideology. In response to the government stipulations and Kurikka»s own statements the colony was forced to accept the poor, the misfits, the untrained and the poorly equipped. Still others arrived expecting to see a thriving company, and upon finding a few shacks and a little clearing either remained to criticize or left to spread news of their discontent. Since the venture was handicapped from the start by a lack of capital there were continuing shortages in supplies, equip ment and food. In addition to the poor financial management by Kurikka and the other officers, the company was forced to provide facilities and materials for poorly trained cobblers, tailors and other craftsmen. Often the supplies were as expensive as the finished product elsewhere. Attempts at sawmilling were hampered by a lack of knowledge about mill construction and operation, the quality of timber available, the quality of equipment, the distance from markets, the ill feeling which arose when attempts were made to organize work crews. Whenever there were specific allocations of duties, rights or property, disputes proliferated. In the midst of these shortcomings some of the initial enthusiasm managed to survive, partly because organizational matters were often left aside and the majority of the colonists worked at their random interests. Work was started on all fronts. A visitor to the island later told the Daily Colonist that in "five years they will overrun the whole country up there. You never saw such men to work . . . the settlement is rapidly taking shapew.2^ In the interim Kurikka's and Makela's diverging philosophical viewpoints had grown into fundamental confrontations concerning the affairs of the company. Since it had become increasingly apparent that some of Kurikka's idealistic achievements could not be met, many of the settlers were starting to look toward Makela for more pragmatic suggestions. His observa tions were, however, only slightly less ephemeral than Kurikka's. He thought of bringing Finland's persecuted socialists to Sointula on board a vessel especially constructed for that purpose, while Kurikka was willing to have them drawn there by the strength of his intellectual and spiritual appeal P° Neither seemed to appreciate that many of the prospective settlers were drawn to the island community by the possibility of economic advantages. The annual report for 1903 suggests that the colony was having its most successful year despite its constantly increasing debts. Work on the myriad projects related to agriculture, fishing and lumbering had progressed and indicated some chance of success. The irreconcilable quarrels over the size and location of home sites, the allocation of work, the nature of recompense, constitutional matters, education, child rearing, the status of women and women's occupations and the issue of free love were lulled by participation in other kinds of pursuits. A band and choir had been inaugurated, a library and reading room 20 started, the Aika was again in print and two volumes of idyllic songs about the Utopian aspirations were created and prepared for publication. For a time it appeared that Kurikka had been able to turn the minds of the colonists toward the kinds of nonspecific:ideals which 3iad engendered and helped foster the initial fervour. The renewed enthusiasm was short-lived. Kurikka's efforts to obtain further credit brought an inspector to the colony to audit its financial records and holdings. During the audit a fire broke out in the only substantial building in the colony, the three storey communal living and crafts quarters. The majority of the settlers escaped as did Kurikka and the auditor. However, eleven people were killed, and the records of the company were destroyed. The destruction of the communal building which was the prime representation of their collective and ideological achievement reflected the fate of the community. The fire brought to an end what little cohesionsexisted among the settlers. Suspicion and blame was cast upon Kurikka and his supporters by those who had lost all their material possessions and, in some cases, their family members. For many the fire appeared to confirm the failure of the colonization scheme and it substantiated their earlier suspicions about mismanagement and the company's dubious financial status. Makela's dream of an idyllic village with treed streets, parks, promenades along the seashore, schools, public 21 buildings and picturesque farms and workshops populated by-enthusiastic and spirited people proved to be as unrealistic as Kurikka's vision of a ring of harmonious Sointulas which would cure the blemishes of the existent larger society.-^1 Life in the pristine wilderness had resulted in only a small number of the cultural achievements anticipated by Kurikka. It had not provided the cradle from which man's true spiritual concern for one another would arise. Instead, in the continual controversy over matters of personality and property self-interest assumed precedence over concerns for brotherhood. After the fire the more ardent socialists among the Kalevan Kansa began to recognize in Kurikka the character istics of a stereotypic evil entrepreneur. The arrangement he had made with Dunsmuir, the largest local mine owner, was again brought to the attention of the membership. Kurikka was strongly rebuked for misappropriating his authority over the Kalevan Kansa workers. By making a secret agreement with the capitalist employers to supply cheap labour for their mines he had contradicted the essence of socialist aims, the control over labour. Additionally, he was accused of having a secret bank account, of embezzling company funds and of selling the Sointula song books strictly for his own profits. The final confirmation of Kurikka's inept entre preneurial nature came with his attempts to secure a contract to build two bridges in North Vancouver. In truth, Kurikka 22 saw it as the last opportunity to keep the company in operation and himself in a position of authority. However, he miscalculated badly. The Sointula sawmill supplied the best of its wood products for the project. Between eight to nine thousand Kalevan Kansa man hours went uncompensated. The $3,000.00 received in payment did not cover the cost of the other supplies which were purchased. Upon his return to Malcolm Island the old issues which had plagued the colony since its inception once again flared up. Presently they focused around matters related to free love and mother hood outside of wedlock, and in the resultant turmoil Kurikka and his supporters were forced to leave. After Kurikka,s departure in 1904 Makela and his supporters attempted to keep the colony alive. But it was clear that the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, could not survive. After some of their prime lumber was embezzled by their manager, and the rest seized by creditors in Vancouver, the company was liquidated on May 27, 1905. The activities which transpired between 1901 and 1904 on Malcolm Island represented a coming into synthesis of a dialectic relationship between the failure of the existing assumptions about society to offer access to the redemptive process and the simultaneous revelation of a new order envisioned by Kurikka. Sointula was to become a model socialist community where day to day activities would be able to guarantee meaningful relationships among its members. According to Kurikka, discharging obligations in such a 23 manner would result in a personal knowledge of the unity which exists in all things. The period characterized by the activities associated with the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited defined a transitional phase in a societal rite of passage for the proposed community. It was a time given for testing and instruction. A span of activity which attempted to put the individuals and the group temporarily in a close rapport with the generative powers of the universe which seemed to transcend human secular activity in purpose and spirit. Like all transitional phases it was a time of potency and power, and simultaneously a period inherently destructive and unpredictable since it required the laying bare of the newly acquired moral assumptions held by its participants and by the accredited leader, so that they could be validated through use. In such transitional rites there is a period when those passing from one situation to another are temporarily subject to no rules at all.-^2 Such activity occurs when the participants are becoming acquainted with the new rules but are not yet acting within them.-^ The Utopian activity on Malcolm Island represented such a social genesis. It required the suspension of the human condition, the subjection to rules, be they capitalist or socialist in origin, as a necessary stage in the progression to a new set of moral discriminations. The problem faced by the Kalevan Kansa is present in the broader historical context of which their activities form a part. In it neither category of oppositions, subsistence nor complex, as referred to earlier, has operated to the exclusion of the other. At specific periods one has appeared dominant over the other. Diagrammatically the fluctuations can be represented as follows. Kalevala Kalevan Post Kalevan Kansa Kansa Sointula subsistence complex sub com. complex (egalitarian) (hierarchical) 1850 1900-1904 While the headings do not reflect absolute distinctions, they do indicate predominant social values and therefore point toward the desirablility of specific kinds of social organization. The Kalevan Kansa activity of 1900-1904 represents a dramatic attempt to reorder assumptions about power. While not providing the final solution it moved the question in such a way that it could be expressed in a different idiom. The situation necessarily generated conflict since the individuals operating within one set of assumptions only partly comprehended those of the next. Furthermore, the issue of power was brought into the open by its association with Kurikka, the appointed leader. In all three instances under consideration; the publication of the Kalevala. the activities of the Kalevan Kansa and the performances of local singers, such an individual has been present. First Lonnrot, then Kurikka and later a narrative singer and story teller from Sointula were able to articulate aspects of a shared tradition and 25 their experience of the immediate situation in a manner which seemed meaningful to those around them. In their activities and being each confirmed what others, held to be true and worthwhile. Their activities and individual attributes provided an integrated model of the content of their ideas. In turn, each was rejected as their actions ceased to guarantee the truth of the situation.^ For the Kalevan Kansa, tradition helped define the immediate problem to be confronted and Kurikka the new directions to be tried. For these Finns tradition encompassed not only the •traditions' of a people whose roots were within an oral culture but also the effects of a lengthy association with a literate 'tradition'. As Turner suggests, tradition is processual. For these Finns it left "its special stamp on the metaphors and models in the heads of men involved with one another in an unending 3-5 flow of social existence."^^ For the Kalevan Kansa it presented a standard, albeit one given to change, by which interpretations of the world about them could be made through a succession of points of view mirrored in a series of activities. Tradition not only validated the accepted execution of ideas but it also imparted a practical form of knowledge which was understood rather than taught and learned. It provided a "social bond uniting . . . people over and above any formal bonds which are due to the existence of regulated social relations."-^ This aspect of tradition became prominent when Kurikka articulated ideas 26 and sentiments which were commonly held. The problems which later arose among the Kalevan Kansa ensued from the need to impose structure as a means to regulate individual interests in a collective enterprise. For those Finns who remained at Sointula after the collapse of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited the activities and aspirations which constituted the move ment became entrenched in their experience. In turn, that knowledge tempered their future relationships with others in the community and elsewhere. The analysis of the song texts in the final chapter indicates the manner in which the requirements of tradition and experience were reconciled with the pragmatic considerations of day to day living. 27 Notes 1 At the turn of the century Malcolm Island was a remote and uninhabited island about 150 miles north of Vancouver in the southern extremity of Queen Charlotte Sound. For an in depth description see F. E. Leach, "Malcolm Island," in the "Report of the Minister of Lands, November 16, 1914," British Columbia, Sessional Papers .1915. pp. D168-D170. . 2 For a discussion of Kaleva and the other shamanic characters of the Kalevala stories see the Kalevala (Helsinki, 1947). ^ The company was organized under the 1897 statute, "An Act for the Incorporation and Regulation of Joint-Stock Companies and Trading Corporations." British Columbia, Statutes,. 60 Vict., c. 2. 4 Matti Halminen, Sointula; Kalevan Kansa ia Kanadan fuomalisten Historia [Sointula: The History of the Kalevan ansa and Finnish CanadiansJ (Helsinki, 1936), pp. 1-11. See Appendix I for a translation of this book by A. Salo. See also Y. Raivio, Kanadan Suomalisten Historia LThe History of the Finns in Canada J ('Vancouver, iy/5), pp. 201-228 and 280-294. See, for example, K. 0. L. Burridge, New Heaven  New Earth: A Study of Millenarian Activities (Toronto. 1969), PP. 117-140. ^ For example, Halminen, 1936 and K. Jaaskelainen [A. B. Makela J, Muisto.ia Malkosaarelta : Kuvia .ia Kuvaukssia  Sointulassa. Malcolm Saarela. British-Columbian Rannikolla. KanadassaT v. 1901-1904 LMemoirs from Malcolm Island: Pictures and Reflections about Malcolm Island on the Shores of British Columbia in CanadaJ (Helsinki, 1907). See also various issues of the Daily Colonist (Victoria, B. C), I899-1905 and the Vancouver Province, 9 April 1901. For additional information see A. Salo, "Annotated Bibliography of the Kalevan Kansa and Modern Sointula," University of British Columbia, 1974, rev..1977. See also the various issues of the Aika [The TimeJ newspaper between 1901 and 1904. 7 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-22. 8 See J. D. Wilson, "Matti Kurikka: Finnish Canadian Intellectual," B. C. Studies 20 Winter 1973-74): ^0-65 and j. I. Kolehmainen, "Harmony Island: A Finnish Utopian Venture in British Columbia," British Columbia Historical Quarterly 5 (1941): 111-123. 9 For a discussion of what constitutes an individual of worth see Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 4-8. 1° <JPP for example, K. 0. L. Burridge, Mambu (New York, 370) and j! IgbiaSf^^V ft nWTJfcatic Movement Svanston, 1971). 28 For a discussion on the relevance of history in anthropological writing see C. Levi-Strauss, Structural  Anthropology, vol. 1, trans. C. Jacobson (New York, 1967), pp. 23-25; I. C. Jarvie, The Revolution in Anthropology (London, 1964), pp. 144-14-6 and 198-207; and Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, p. 118. 12 In this discussion the idea expressed by 'identity* is directly related to social organization. Amongst people with a recent subsistence background the question is of fundamental importance since a person's identity is defined by the categories which define organization. Part of the focus of this paper is concerned with problems which ensue when the categories are no longer meaningful in a broader context or in relation to the 'identity* which is perceived. ^3 The publication of the Kalevala by Lonnrot is a landmark in Finnish history not only for its content but for the role it occupied in the transformation of Finland's subsistence rural population in the late 1800s. For a good English translation of the adventures of Kaleva and his descendants see the Kalevala compiled in this form by Elias Lonnrot in 1849, translated by F. B. Magoun, (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). These songs were collected by me during a fieldwork trip to Sointula in 1973. In 1974 they were transcribed and translated. See below, chapter 4 for the English texts and Appendix VI for the Finnish texts. The following is adapted from Burridge, New Heaven  New Earth, p. 144. a known and ordered the advent of an unknown and environment unordered power quality qualitative measures of man binary differentiation reciprocity part-time specialization treasure articles subsistence economy political power based on segmentary oppositions shared values with equal access to rewards number quantitative measures of man factorial differentiation nonreciprocity full-time specialization money complex economy political power based on superiority-inferiority shared values with privileged access to rewards 29 egalitarian or binary-distribution of power polytheism 16 power distributed between the prophet (one) and others (many) monotheism 17 18 19 20 21 Ibid., p, Ibid. Ibid., p, 145. 4. Ibid., pp. 5-6. Ibid., pp. 8-11. Religion and Society Seminars, K. 0. L. Burridge, University of British Columbia, 1973-74 and Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 146-149. 22 K. Oberg, "Sointula, A Communistic Society in British Columbia," (B. A. essay, University of British Columbia, 1928), pp. 3-4. Kurikka as cited in ibid., pp. 13-14. 23 ?4 Halminen, 1936, pp. 32-33. 2^ Daily Colonist, 8 September 1901. British Columbia, Department of Lands and Works, ThisAgreement made the twenty-ninthlday of November, A. D. 1901, Between His Majesty The King, represented by the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, of the first part, and "The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited," herein after called "the Company" of the second part. McBride Papers, Agreements and Lists, 1905» file 1019. See Appendix II. 27 28 29 30 Aika. 8 November 1901. A. B. Makela, as cited in Kolehmainen, 1941, p. 115. Daily Colonist, 21 August 1902. See, for example, J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, pp. 57-58. 31 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 56-59 and J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, p. 59. 32 Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, p. 166. 33 Ibid., p. 167. 3^ see below, pp. 49-53. 98-132 and 175-206. 30 JD V. Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: Symbolic  Action in Human Society (Ithaca. 1974). pp. 43-44. ^ F. Znanieki, The Method of Sociology (New York, 1936), chapter 3. Chapter 2 The Accumulation of Traditions and Experience: The Legacy of Finnish Society on its Emigrants, 1870-1903 In the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century Finnishness as a defined entity encompassed an accumulation of criteria. Scholarship, influenced by prevailing intellectual and pol itical standards, had supplied a multitude of approaches by which such knowledge might be gained. Lonnrot and the Kalevala had provided an awareness separate from scholarship which allowed the majority of Finland's people to momentarily grasp at seemingly workable aspirations. How ever, an exegesis of that knowledge in terms of social organization was not forthcoming. The transitional process by which most Finns from a subsistence background could become moral participants in a complex society did not occur. Instead, social life remained segmented. To many in Finland, emigration appeared to offer an avenue away from the seemingly irreconcilable confusion in the homeland. The major exodus of emigrants from Finland to North America occurred between 1870 and 1905.1 In Finland this period coincided with numerous events which made it imperative for the majority of the country's population to participate in a complex economy. Although the process 31 32 had been underway since at least the Reformation, it did not gain prominence until a large number of people needed to seek their livelihood away from the land. This situation occurred later in Finland than it did elsewhere in Europe since: if it happened at all it took decades, even centuries for new ideas, inventions ... to penetrate from the outside world. Every ounce of energy went into the struggle to support a bare and primitive existence . . . the small hunting, fishing Cand farming] settlements lived at a subsistence leve1.3 The confrontation between the two modes of ordering social life was most acutely felt by the cotters and squatter families who were still on the land or who had recently migrated to the urban areas. Paradoxically, among the upper class of Finnish society the growing interest in nationalism promoted feelings which exaggerated the importance of adhering to egalitarian sentiments thought to be represent ative of life within Finland's archetypal epoch. The mass emigration of the late nineteenth century was partly a response to the inability of a large segment of the Finnish population to resolve the fundamental dilemma. The categories which defined the structure of Finnish society could not be manipulated in ways which would allow the major ity of individuals to express their identity as moral individuals. Yet, there remained an intense pressure upon them to exalt aspects of their native culture. This uncertainty remained to be reconciled and was endemic among Finnish immigrants to North America. Most had been nurtured in a strong Protestant tradition with 33 stress on faith, austerity and a belief in spiritual transcendence. In addition, some were cognizant of the broader political and philosophical issues including the popularization of various perspectives on socialism. The legacy of this experience was embedded in the ideals and the subsequent aspirations of the Kalevan Kansa. The four years of Utopian activity on Malcolm Island constituted a societal rite of passage in which the participants attempted to incorporate the various facets of their experience into a viable form of social organization.^ The actions of Matti Kurikka and the other founding members of the Kalevan Kansa were consistent with some of the reform sentiments of the time. More significantly, it can be suggested that while their ideas were derived from their cultural heritage their experience of that legacy enabled them to evaluate it and to generate new conceptual izations about the nature of community. The four years of hardship and strife on Malcolm Island were sustained by a belief in the "new path" proposed by Kurikka. The majority of his followers remained confident that it could be put to the test and made workable by the new people of Kaleva. By the mid-nineteenth century abundant materials for articulating the specific constituents of Finnish ethnic identity had been amassed. Elias Lonnrot had compiled and published a collection of oral narratives dealing with the ancient heroes and their adventures in Kaleva.. Upon its completion, the Kalevala was heralded as the supreme 34 chronicle of Finnish antiquity, and it quickly became the centre of scholarly and popular interest. Subsequently, the first generations of Finns outside the upper class were afforded public education, mostly through the study and memorization of Kalevala passages. The road toward the current sense of national and individual identity encompassed a lengthy process which had been enlivened three hundred years earlier by the Reformation scholars. The intensity with which the accumulation of insights was presently felt, particularly by scholars and others enthusiastic about national identity, permeated society with an uneasy sense of immediacy and change. In turn, these feelings were trans lated into specific activities attracting a broad following from all sectors of society. Countless nationalist organ izations, revivalist and temperance groups, educational committees and groups advocating reform in land tenure and labour practices grew in popularity well into the twentieth century. However, fundamental obstacles remained to be resolved. The political turmoil on Finland's immediate boundaries warned of an uneasy future. During the nineteenth century the territory which eventually became Finland in 1919 was alternately under the control of either Sweden or Russia. By the second half of that century the majority of Finns lived and worked on land which was the Grand Duchy of Finland governed by the authority of the Russian Tsar. Other deeply rooted internal problems remained as well. 35 In the past decades the majority of the landed aristocracy, clergy and burgers had become more Swedish than Finnish in their interests and language.-' Many regarded Finnish language and customs with contempt. During the early years of the nineteenth century the most ardent resistence to the restoration of Finnish political and cultural autonomy came from within the Finnish upper class.^ The powerful individuals, whose political ties were first bound to Sweden and subsequently to Russia, took little interest in the pursuits of clerics and scholars "who sought to know who they were by knowing who they had been."' Consequently, they saw no point in perpetuating traditions which they regarded as barbarian. Significant demographic changes also were occurring. In the southern and western areas of Finland a growing number of people migrated to the local towns and cities. Motivated by overcrowding, crop failures and an increasing perception of life beyond their local communities these individuals left the land which had provided for their families in past generations. In the urban centres many became aware that their individual expectations as well as their disillusionments were shared by others. Drawn into the ambiant atmosphere of change many were recruited into the numerous reform groups headed by a host of activists* When confronted by the complexities of a new and different lifestyle they no longer continued to share all the expect ations of their forefathers, particularly their passive 36 exclusion from the political process. Nevertheless, the alternatives which were advocated by the new leaders were ambiguous, undeveloped and often contradictory. Since the Reformation diverse perspectives concerning the meaning of Finnishness had emerged. Of these the earliest contributions came from religious scholars. Their objectives and the content of their teachings often appeared to be at cross purposes with the indigenous traditions of the people they sought to serve. These early clerics assumed that the relationship of Christianity to local customs would be antagonistic and competitive. For them the ancient oral epics about the shamanic inhabitants of Kaleva were particularly problematic. They recognized that many of the rural people felt a spiritual kindred with these legendary figures. In addition, Protestant church officials associated these pieces of traditional lore with pre-Reformation Catholicism.^ The early Mendicant friars and Dominicans who travelled to Scandinavia were willing to accommodate elements of the indigenous culture within their teachings.10 Their presence in Finland dating back to the middle of the twelfth century had added to the character of Finnish traditions notions of self--denial, a belief in "the glory of poverty and the wickedness of wealth"11 and a reverence for simplistic devotion. Despite the prolonged efforts of the Protestant officials the oral narratives and lore continued to be venerated and occupied a foremost position in the social life of the subsistence communities. 37 In the 1540s, Agricola, a Reformation scholar, authored several pamphlets which rendered spoken Finnish into a written language. In addition, he worked on translations of Biblical stories and church documents from Latin into 12 Finnish. In their enthusiasm to strengthen the popularity of Protestant teachings, scholars like Agricola felt bound to denounce the traditional beliefs as pagan. They recognized that since these beliefs were intrinsically tied to almost all aspects of daily life they approached religious signifi-13 cance. Consequently, their most stern condemnation was directed toward the epic narratives which venerated the baroic exploits of God-like Kaleva and his sons and which formed the central activity of community gatherings and competitions. In place of what they regarded as pagan lore later clergymen like Finno, a Lutheran pastor, attempted to institute collections of hymns which would replace the 14 shameful and "ungodly verses sung by the common people." The attitude taken by some of these early churchmen is evident in the introducation to Finno*s hymnal in 1582. "Because there were no sacred songs for the people to learn, they began to practice pagan rites and to sing shameful, lewd and foolish songs . . . they sing them to pass the time at their festivals and on journeys, they hold contests with them, they defile and debauch the young with wicked thoughts and shameful speech, they tempt and encourage them to live a lewd and filthy life and to practice wicked ways. And because the devil, the source of all wickedness, also inspired his poets and singers into whose minds he entered and in whose mouths he shaped the right words, they were able to compose songs easily and quickly, which could be learned by others and remembered more quickly than divine and Christian songs could be learned and remembered.-O 38 The passage above not only indicates the lack of ontological understanding which existed but it reveals the fundamental importance of indigenous traditions within these subsistence communities. The determination by early scholars to suppress traditional beliefs heightened the interest of later gener ations of scholars. In the intervening years the periodic insistence of a few influential church scholars and officials to denigrate traditional beliefs placed the intentions of the church under suspicion. Not all the Protestant clergy were as antagonistic as Finno towards the study, preservation and utilization of traditional lore. Prolonged disputes occurred between those who remained intent upon the pristine teaching of Christ ianity and those who favoured couching their Christian message within traditional idoms. Among the latter, Christ ian and indigenous aspects tended to fuse one within the other. The identity of God, Biblical persona and historical events combined with that of the shamanic 17 founders of Kaleva and the Finnish landscape. ' By stressing the transient nature of the present in terms of one's life time, both groups instilled notions of change in a seemingly static environment. Furthermore, both affirmed the uniqueness of certain individuals while confirming the generalized values of brotherhood and solidarity. These perspectives generated notions which were deeply entrenched within the experience of many Finns. Among them was a belief in the literal content of tradition, a belief 39 in the existence of extraordinary persona who could create new epochs, faith in the inevitablity of transcendence and an espousal of the values of austerity, brotherhood and community life. Characteristically, these qualities were reiterated in the varying expressions of individual and national identity. In North America, the initial confidence to begin a Utopian community depended on a recognition of these 18 qualities. The members of the Kalevan Kansa felt they could create an equitable social order on the strength of their ethnic experience. That experience was most clearly articulated by the charismatic leader, Matti Kurikka, who integrated the various facets within himself. Through that representation some of the outstanding contradictions between egalitarian and hierarchical were temporarily set aside. His discussion of Sointula, the future home of the Kalevan Kansa, brought together ideas which were quite different.19 Fellowship in conjunction with inherent ethnic proclivities would manifest themselves in a community characterized by comraunitas and material well-being. The values of an idealistic and spiritual form of socialism would arise from the foundations of a joint-stock company. Although the subject of individual and ethnic identity had been discussed by Finnish scholars for a long period of time, their suppositions remained lifeless until they were recognized in community life. Among people tied to the land and each other in insular settlements, individual worth was 40 reckoned through co-operation. Since individual families and kinsmen occupied land in close proximity to one another the ensuing obligations between them were paramount. Within the self-sufficient estates nearer to centres of urban population the well-being of individual crofter families was intricately tied to the well-being of others. Ideal-istically, shared enterprise guaranteed shared recompense. In an ambiance characterized by community solidarity on the one hand, and external rivalries on the other hand, the 20 tradition of epic singing prospered. The breadth of this activity extended into several directions. First, it con tributed to a broad sense of cultural identity among diverse groups. Second, it provided the means by which cultural artifacts were transmitted to groups of people otherwise isolated, particularly those distant from the southern cities. Third, the performances of singers provided occasions for experiencing and assessing culture since the success of a singer depended on his ability to be creative without violating the constraints enforced by the tradition. In the milieu the singer represented an institutionalized mechanism by which culture could be interpreted and evaluated and by which individual and group identity could be recognized. Both the activity and its substance provided a cultural yardstick against which other measures could be made. The intervention of the clergy led to a decrease in the number of epic narratives to be created but not in the popular appeal of the performance. Paralleling the 41 increased influence of the church was a contiguous realign ment of allegiance among the upper class. As a result, the distinction imposed by social rank appeared more pronounced since participation in Finnish traditions fell into the purview of the subsistence and intinerant population. Not until the eighteenth and nineteenth century did a substantial number of the upper class take an interest in these trad itions. In addition to its religious duties the church provided access to formal education for some iof its parishioners. Beyond that its presence within the rural areas expressed a complexity of organization outside the experience of most of the population. In the generations which followed Agricola the seemingly unchanging social environment disintegrated into considerations which were ^progressively less straightforward. Access to and the use of money, a quantity by which individual value was easily reckoned, brought to the forefront concerns about ownership, enfranchisement, employment and working conditions. The intensity of these sentiments was reflected in the popularity of groups committed to idealized notions of egalitarianism and comeraderie. In response to the interest and urgency expressed by a few church scholars the State Antiquary was founded in the sixteenth century.21 Its central aim was to collect "•all kinds of chronicles and histories, immemorial legends, poems about famous persons, monasteries, castles, dwellings of kings . . . [and] heroic poems and incantations.'"22 The previously undocumented pieces of verbal culture collected under its auspices provided the substance for innumerable studies and argumentations concerning Finnish identity. It remained a chief repository for cultural artifacts up to the nineteenth century, at which time it was augmented by a commitment to more rigorous fieldwork. By the seventeenth century many church scholars urged their conservative superiors to respect indigenous trad itions as sources of information about Finnish antiquity.2-^ The believed that the narratives reflected not only an actual historical period but that they exemplified the es sence of Finnish ideals. Others readily composed imaginary phantasmagorias about a noble nation prior to its defeat oh. by unscrupulous powers. For the next century and a half many Finnish scholars remained preoccupied with recon structing Finland's unrecorded past. As a result, the content of literature about Finnish culture included not only the materials extracted from the oral traditions but also the idealized histories which had been constructed around them.2-* By unshrouding the character and adventures of Vainamoinen, Ilmarinen, Lemminkainen and Kaleva they hoped to impress upon their contemporaries the plausibility 26 of approaching the greatness of ancient times in the future.*° In the eighteenth century the fanciful reconstructions 27 were replaced by more empirical studies. They focused not only on the customs but also on the milieux from which 43 they were collected. This change in perspective was due in part to the circumstances confronting the clergy in the out lying areas. They were resolutely occupied with their work in the hinterlands and found themselves immersed in the ambiance of traditional lore. Although primarily concerned with ecclesiastical duties, it was increasingly difficult for them to ignore the vitality with which the indigenous 28 practices survived. Their position within these communities was further complicated by a shift in the intellectual interests and pursuits of the upper class. The subject of Finnish identity was drawing interest among some who exercised political, economic and intellectual authority. In turn, they initiated and sponsored additional research. In Finland, as elsewhere in Europe, objectivity was the measure of scientific enterprises. Among Enlightenment 29 scholars "impetuous passion" 7 was replaced by the pursuit of reason. Folklore scholarship, particularly that based upon field study, prospered under the spirit of rationality. However, the intellectual clarity heralded by such commit ments was clouded by the confusion which surrounded political affairs. The Swedish-Finnish armies of Charles XII suffered defeat in the eighteen year Great Northern War. The peace agreements of Uusikaupunki in 1721 and Turku in 1743 forced Sweden to relinquish control of her eastern territories to Russia. That segment of the Finnish aristocracy which had aligned itself with Sweden saw its confidence misplaced. Since Sweden could no longer offer the desired security and leadership, they began to look more favourably toward their former foes.^0 In turn, Russia tolerated and at times encouraged activities in Finland which negated its ties with Sweden. Groups committed to independence and reform in the institutionalized structure of the church flourished during this liminal period between the transfer of auto cratic powers. The fervour created by the nationalists in the last decades of the seventeenth century failed to provide solutions to the disharmony. No significant changes were introduced into the organization of the society. Rather, the existing distinctions between the 'Swedish functionaries' and the majority of the population was further complicated. Reflecting the uncertainty of the period, the interests of the former group were divided among Sweden, Russia and to a lesser degree Finland. Much of the scholarship undertaken in the early 1880s was predicated on the belief that the natural laws of science extended into the affairs of people. Since the universe was fundamentally orderly, the human condition was not only comprehensible but capable of being directed through the application of reason.Within the Finnish intellectual ommunity the writings of Locke were popular. His treatise on the psychic unity of mankind along with his observations about the influence of culture on group variabilities supported the more elaborate ideas put forth by Montesquieu. Together, the two offered an intellectual premise for the c 45 largely emotional appeal of the early nationalists. Scientific investigation could uncover criteria by which one group of people are differentiated from another.32 The destiny of Finland and the Finnish people appeared to be in the hands of those willing to pursue it. By the late nine teenth century this had become a moral imperative among many in the academic community. Montesquieu's work provided scholars with a framework in iwhich to discuss the function and distribution of contem porary customs. In Finland his suppositions about the relationship between environment and people were readily incorporated into a methodology since they satisfied both the demands of science and practical experience. Examples of heartiness, strength, perseverance in hardship and their eventual triumph abounded in the descriptive passages of the narratives. Similar observations were made about the daily fare of the subsistence population.33 These discoveries became criteria upon which further observations were drawn. Since they could be extracted from material which in itself represented a continuum of time from the ancient Kaleva period to the present they were legitimized as exemplars of qualities in the national character. When a century later Kurikka reminded his followers in British Columbia that they were obliged to procure by hard work that which the world refused to bestow spontaneously he was admonishing them for not relying on their inherent strengths.-' Given the milieu from which his followers were recruited the statement 46 carried social as well as environmental implications./ These qualities were also attributed to Finns by those outside their ethnic group. The desirability of Finnish immigrants was discussed in the province"s newspapers. Their sentiments were reiterated by people in other parts of Canada and by various branches of the federal government.-^ In 1901 the Kalevan Kansa was awarded Malcolm Island, primarily on the belief that they were the ideal people to exploit its resources.^ Public opinion about Finnish immigrants stressed that they were select people to make permanent settlements in the hinterlands. The pursuits of Enlightenment scholars had brought together two ideas which strongly contributed to the intellectual climate and activities of the following gener ations. The notion of man's existence being shaped by divine purpose was enjoined with a belief in the efficacy of applying reason to the study of historical social phenomena. The pursuit of reason fulfilled divine purpose as a means to temporal and earthly happiness. In Finland, as elsewhere in Europe this spirit heralded the advent of the Romantic-Nationalistic Age. As a consequence of the renewed enthusiasm in folklore scholarship, theories about Finnishness encompassed addition al elements. The propositions Tput forth by German scholars like Wolf found immediate acceptance among Finnish intellectuals.^8 They too believed the purposeful end of scientific inquiry to be reflected in the well-being of the 47 state. The traditions preserved and practiced by the common people were recognized as the best means to understand the workings of the uninhibited imagination. Inspired by Romantic ideals, many contemporary scholars felt that the essence of Finnishness was encapsulated within the indigenous culture. The ideas expressed by Wolf readily accommodated the more elaborate convictions of his countryman Herder.39 In Finland his writings were considered efficacious for two primary reasons. First, they postulated that man's most natural state of existence was in society. Furthermore, they stressed that man's humanness is engendered by his associations in a social group. These ideas were popular among the growing group of people concerned with independence. Conjecture about the new nation implied thoughts about morality. The well-being of the state would require a form of organization which could guarantee the well-being of the majority of its citizens. Second, Herder's emphasis on the individual nature of people and nations directly contributed to the vitality of the Finnish nationalistic movement. His discussion of national character reinforced existing notions of progress. 1. Each nation is by nature and history a distinct organic unity with its own unique culture. 2. If a nation is to survive it must develop in such a way as to remain true to its national character which is reflected in its past. 3. All nations are progressing toward a state of Humanitat, a harmonious expression of their characters. Each nation can progress to this state by following its own particular cultural tract. 48 4. Each individual achieves a personal state of Humanitat through the salvation of the state. 5. The cultural and historical pattern of a people is best expressed in its own language, particularly through its folk traditions. 6. Should the continuity of a nation's progress be interrupt ed, its identity can only be regained through the collection of its national traditions and from their subsequent use as a foundation.40 Only through the knowledge gained from a people's traditions could both they and the nation progress to a state of Humanitat. National identity was a prominent concern among Finnish scholars and politicians at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The intensity of this burgeoning feeling was sufficient to force the formulation of new questions. Pragmatically, the nationalists could no longer totally ignore the presence of the rural and itinerant population. Intellectually, they were compelled to seek an expression 41 of themselves through the traditions of these people. Although their work failed to produce significant immediate changes in the social organization of the country, their enthusiasm precipitated activities which would. The accentuated wish to gather, acknowledge, study and disseminate knowledge in all fields was reflected in the formation of groups such as the Aurora Society at Turku University. Organized around a group of scholars, clergymen, court officials, titled landowners and government officials, it advocated the "concept of a Finnish nation as a unique nation which had its own language, its own period of ancient 49 history, its ovm national character and its own customs." The renewed enthusiasm instigated by Porthan and later by his students and others at Turku University continued to gain in popularity throughout the nineteenth century, despite the final transfer of political authority from Sweden to Russia. The agreement reached at Tilsit between Napoleon and Alexander I of Russia ended Sweden's control of Finland. In the winter of 1808 the Diet of Porvoo officially severed the six hundred year long ties and Finland became a Russian Grand Duchy. As such, it was an autonomous state with its own constitution and Diet authorized to act in internal matters which did not impinge on the authority of the Tsar.^ Under the control of an initially tolerant master the cause of Finnish nationalism continued to attract followers. Within the academic community, the relationship between nationalism and folklore scholarship was mutually supportive, one contributing strength to the other. By the third quarter of the nineteenth century most Finns were exposed to some formal education which utilized extensive amounts of traditional materials. It was an unprecedented period of individual and collective activity aimed toward securing a sense of identity and political independence. The works of Elias Lonnrot as well as the qualities within his own character were largely responsible for the renewed wave of enthusiasm. Not only was he instrumental in bringing the epic narratives together in the Kalevala but 50 his life's activities translated into action the aspirations felt by other Finns. For many he appeared to epitomize the successful transformation from subsistence to complex. He shared the beginnings of the majority of his countrymen yet was able to gain success in an ambiance which appeared unmanageable. Lonnrot was born at the parish of Sammaatti in Usimaa, formerly Swedish Nyland, in 1802. His father was a tailor and his mother was the daughter of a rural family. During his lifetime he was a noted physician, scholar, translator, geographer, folklorist and patriot. His elementary education was undertaken at Tammisaari, Turku, and in the company of a local curate whose tutelage gave him an understanding of Finnish as well as Swedish. At university his interest in Finnish antiquity and particularly in the narratives about ancient Kaleva times was co-existent with training in Latin and medicine. In 1822 he began to research the substantial collections of material concerning the ancient divinities of Finland. In 1827 he produced a Master of Arts thesis on 44 the culture hero Vainamoinen. Although his interests remained primarily within the humanities, he undertook further medical training at a cholera hospital in 1828 and subsequently became a medical inspector for northern Finland. In 1832 he was awarded a medical degree from the university at Helsinki for his dissertation on the magical medicine 45 of the Finns. J in I83I Lonnrot organized for publication four volumes 51 of epic songs about the adventures of the Kaleva heroes under the title Kantele. After considerable fieldwork that collection expanded into the Proto-Kalevala, which was pre dominantly concerned with the adventures of Vainamoinen. In 1835 an early form of the unified epic entitled the Old Kalevala was published and in 1849 the Kalevala appeared 46 in its current form. It was immediately accepted as the centralmost unifying force in Finnish society. Based on his experience as a fieldworker Lonnrot doubted that the historic epic had been collected in its entirety. However, he was positive it had once existed. Although it was well known that the epic was a composite of songs and that the songs themselves were often composites of different variants, Finns to the "present day contend that these individual poems are genuine folklore little altered by Lonnrot and that they serve as mirrors of the Finnish soul".^ Lonnrot*s contribution to Finnish nationalism was unquestionable. His contemporaries and those in succeeding generations heralded him as the last and greatest of the singers, the one who brought the remnants of Finnish heritage back together. Esteem and veneration for the Kalevala grew rapidly in Finland and abroad. Shortly after its publication it was translated into foreign languages and gained international recognition. Within Finland it became the centre of the educational curriculum. Since "only by means of popular education could the country be brought to a full realization of the needs of the hour and a wholehearted acceptance of ho the creed of nationalism" the Kalevala and Finnish identity remained inseparable. Unlike previous attempts to found a base for Finnish identity, the Kalevala augmented the enthusiasm of the scholars by precipitating a different sort of experience. The knowledge within the Kalevala could be shared and imparted from one individual to another and as such it provided an occasion during which the existing structures of order appeared slightly less rigid. The Kalevala facilitated the collective expression of shared emotions while simultaneously disavowing itself from the distinctions which separated members of Finnish society from one another. Inasmuch as Lonnrot articulated the substance of the sentiments which were experienced by his countrymen, he was recognized as a representative of their interests. Lonnrot, like those who studied the Kalevala. believed that the stories were about actual people and events. Even those who were dubious about -the shamanic attributes of Vainamoinen and the others recognized within the passages strengths which could be put to an advantage. Together Lonnrot and the Kalevala stood out as representatives of a new era. As a fieldworker, folklorist, medical practioner, translator, geographer, agricultural expert, jurist, author and poet he transcended the complexity of particular skills and their associated social distinctions. As a represent ative of the new Finn he was avpart of all Finns, capable of translating his experience into a collective, albeit temporal, vision of a new society.**'9 After the publication date of the Kalevala and its acceptance into the mainstream of Finnish life there were rapid alterations in the composition of society. The expansion of educational opportunities was a central objective. A substantial rise in the number of Finnish language newspapers occurred and their editorial policy was committed to issues concerning identity and independence.-*0 By i860 Finnish along with Swedish was recognized as the working language within all the courts of law and by 1880 all public officials were required to be conversant in Finnish.^ The movement toward legitimizing Finnishness was paralleled by technological innovations and subsequent changes in demography. Between 1818 and 1875 the number of landholders remained constant while the number of nonland-holding individuals increased five-fold.^2 Many of these people were drawn into the urban centres by prospects for a better livelihood, seemingly higher social standing and a more diversified lifestyle; none of which were readily forthcoming. After the famine of 1867-68 in southern and western Finland an additional 10,000 persons of a formerly agrarian and immobile class left the land.53 No longer deterred by the anti-vagrancy laws which until 1869 had tied nearly everyone within the 'legal protection' of a country landlord or city burger, these individuals tended to migrate 54 toward the major townships and cities.^ The decade of the seventies was the Great Finnish Migration from rural areas to urban.Particularly in the first half of the decade, this migration extended beyond the country's borders.^ Most of the emigrants were attracted to 'America' which was experiencing a period of prosperity.-^ in Finland during the two decades after 1870 the population of cities like Helsinki doubled.-'8 Among this largely transient population the birth rate increased by 16 percent per decade as a result of modest prosperity brought about by a need for labourers and tradesmen. y However, the prosperity was short-lived. After mid-century the parcelling of farm land into allot ments too small to support the families of cotters and squatters led to financial ruin for the small landholders as well as for their tenants. An estimated 170,000 unskilled workers^0 had migrated to the cities by 1880. For many Finns, particularly those who were male, unmarried and under thirty years of age, the prospect of migrating from one area to another or of emigrating was high. Apart from the increase in mobility resulting from the inability of the land to support larger populations there were other fundamental changes. These brought to the fore front questions which were directly related to social organization. The newly urban population of itinerant workers straddled the gap between their subsistence past and the necessity of participating in a complex society. Since the method of reckoning individual worth was 55 constructed from a different premise it was impossible for them to fulfill what Burridge has referred to as the redemptive process. Money, which had put an end to the subsistence barter economy, was introduced widely into Finnish society with the boom in sawmilling, lumbering and railway construction. These projects depended on a large supply of rootless labourers. Since they were exempt from the obligatory nature of life characteristic of sub sistence communities their well-being depended on their ability to earn. Accompanying money as a factorial evaluation of individual worth was a complex diversification of occupations.^ Simultaneously, within the more accessible rural areas there was a transition from grain to dairy 6k cattle which by their existence emphasize quantification. By the 1870*s there was a dramatic increase in the demand for consumer goods. The shift away from subsistence organization was clearly reflected in the seven-fold increase in retail outlets within non-urban areas.^ How ever, there were no corresponding changes in local or regional political institutions. As a result of the increase in births the number of individuals without direct influence on the political Diet increased by thirty percent in the decade between 1880 and 1890.66 The political organization which had maintained order in the past grew progressively weaker without any attempt to account for the growing group of people who were marginally participating in the wage economy. Politically Finland remained a society based on 56 estates. Throughout this period the Tsarist government of Russia had tolerated, if not supported, the changes which were taking place. Prior to mid-century the Tsarist forces interceded only in matters which were regarded as fundamental to the question of emigration. However, by the last decades of the century the Russian government began to obstruct the course of events in Finland. Their desire to have previous ties with Sweden broken no longer outweighed the threat of Finnish independence. Ironically, these actions prompted by the shift in perspective by the Russian government fundamentally contributed to the second large wave of emigration which reached its peak in 1902.^ With support from the Slavic nations the Russian govern ment began to assimilate the Finnish Grand Duchy into the Russian Empire. In 1899 the conscription bill directed the majority of Finland's able workforce into compulsory military service in the Imperial Army. Strong emotional reaction against this move ensued in Europe and as far abroad as North America. There, public opinion concurred with the protests 69 of European "nations, scholars and artists" 7 who condemned the action. The provincial newspapers in British Columbia urged both the provincial and the federal governments to encourage the desirable Finnish immigrants to come to Canada. These sentiments expressed by Canadian politicans, although not altogether altruistic in aim, gave many of the Finns 70 who contemplated emigration the incentive to leave. The image of a new society engendered by Lonnrot and the Kalevala did not come about. Instead, rural poverty, low wages in the urban and resource occupations, poor credit facilities, lack of protective legislation for tenants and workers, conscription and a constantly changing measure of personal worth confronted over half the population. This ambiance of alienation was compounded by a religious, political and financial hierarchy who, although no longer resentful of Finnish customs and language, were opposed in fact and spirit to total enfranchisement, universal education and organized reform. According to the editorials which appeared in Finnish newspapers they believed that such changes would be undeserved and unjust. "The fare of the working class has earlier consisted of herring, bread, potatoes, sour milk and porridge. The great majority of the working class despises such food now. Wheat bread was formerly scarce except on the days before Christmas and Easter. Now it is, on the contrary, quite a common merchandise and the wheat loaves are now falling into the hands of workingmen's wives."'1 While recognizing in themselves, and to a lesser degree in others, qualities of the Kaleva Finns, the privileged classes were unwilling to see that many of their countrymen were caught in a complex of social obligations which they were ill-prepared to manipulate. For many of these individuals emigration appeared to resolve the dilemma of an awareness of individual and national identity on the one hand and a gradual disintegra tion of the opportunity to express it within the social context on the other hand. For reformers and activists 58 like Matti Kurikka, emigration offered the only viable solution. As a lecturer, poet and playwright and advocate of Christian socialism, Kurikka gathered a substantial following during the late 1800s. When his play Tower of Babel was poorly received and criticized by the academic community and the Church, he became involved in the general milieu of the reform movement.^2 After he was rejected by the social ambiance which had nurtured him, he undertook a further series of lecture tours in Finland and northern Europe. Upon his return he again became involved with socialist ideas and joined other activists like A. B. Makela and Minna Canth who were working in the emerging socialist press. From there his reputation spread throughout Finland and even to communities in North America.7-^ Unlike his more radical compatriots, Kurikka was a theosopher and an advocate of Christian ideals and of life based on brotherhood. From the reputation which had grown around him he was thought of as a man of immense stature and "great vitality. These attributes along with the mystique which surrounded accounts of his birth categorized him among the ageless culture heroes who could reshape society and who had the power to 74 create and destroy. Kurikka left Finland in 1899 to found a Finnish settle ment in Australia75 and from there he travelled to Nanaimo, British Columbia in 1901.76 In Finland, Kurikka had not been the only one to advocate mass emigration. But most such attempts at exodus failed before departure. Still, others, mostly young single men detached from the land and employed as itinerant labourers or farm workers were individually more successful. For them emigration, no matter how uncertain the new land might be, offered a viable alternative to a social ambiance characterized by a myriad of nonrewarding and seemingly contradictory paths. In Finland, large numbers of individuals remained firmly opposed to emigration. The upper class represented by some clergy, publishers, officials and gentleman farmers condemned the departure of Finns and engaged in vigorous campaigns of propaganda. To curtail mass emigration they proposed to form anti-emigration societies to deal with 77 matters the Diet was incapable of acting upon.' Their sentiments were clearly expressed in the editorials of newspapers. "The general opinion among us does not look on the immigration (sic) movement with sympathetic eyes. It is seen as a danger to the peaceful and natural development of the fatherland."78 Among many church officials failure to remain in Finland was seen not only as unpatriotic but as a breach of an individual's moral responsibility. Young people who decided to emigrate were chastised for ignoring their responsibilitie to repay their education and upbringing, thereby clearly 79 excluding them from the category of moral individual. Bishop Gustof Johansson and churchman Wilhelm Malmberg emphasized the deficiencies in the characters of those who 80 were unable to resist the lure of emigration. Not only were they spiritually weak, but they were clearly alienated from God. Emigration was represented as the cause of all immoral conditions current within Finland. Because male emigrants were motivated by sensual pleasures and greed their wives were left behind to become adulteresses and their children public charges.81 Additionally, it was hypothesized that these immoral emigrants would eventually 82 return from the ravages and exploitation of America with wives obtained without the sanction of the church.8-^ Such marriages would remain unrecognized and therefore illegit imate in the eyes of God. Such marriages, should they occur, were regarded as further evidence of emigrants being misled by false freedom and succumbing to secular pleasures while failing to meet their religious obligations. Missionary reports from America stressed that country's preoccupation with drinking, fighting and uncivilized language. Within such an ambiance of decay Finnish women and particularly girls arriving in North America would find themselves on the doorstep of ruin.85 For many emigrants the decision to leave was accompanied by a break with the institution of the state church, although not with its subject matter. The participants within the Kalevan Kansa movement were individuals nurtured within this milieu of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Most were educated and introduced to the political process at a time when the fervour of independence prompted exploration and 61 evaluation of the culture. In addition, this was a period when vast numbers of the country's heretofore subsistence population encountered the complexities of a money oriented or factorial society. The Finns who emigrated to North America and who were the core of the Kalevan Kansa were intimately aware of their cultural heritage. Yet, they were people who were unable to find in Finnish society the kinds of opportunities which would make their relationships and obligations meaningful in relation to the ideas they held about their identity as Finns. In British Columbia many Finns felt that if Matti Kurikka's vision of an ideal istic community founded on the principle of a joint-stock company could be realized it would permit its members to articulate their perceptions of Finnishness into an ideal istic form of social organization. 62 Notes 1 T. Orta, "Finnish Emigration Prior to 1893: Economic, Demographic and Social Backgrounds," in M. Karni, M. Kaups and D. Ollila, eds., The Finnish Experience in the  Western Great Lakes Region: New Perspectives. Migration Studies C 3 (Turku, Finland, 1975). pp. 21-36. W. Hoglund, "No Land for Finns: Critics and Reformers View the Rural Exodus from Finland to America Between the 1880s and World War II," in ibid., pp. 36-55* 2 orta, 1975. PP. 23-33. 3 M. Kuusi, K. Bosley and M. Branch, eds. and trans., "Introduction," Finnish Folk Poetry: Epic. An Anthology in  Finnish and English (Helsinki. 197/), P. 26. 4 For a discussion of liminality and rites of passage see A. Van Gennep, The Rites of Passage (Chicago, I960). See also V. Turner. The Forest of Symbols (Ithaca, 1967), pp. 93-112. 5 E. N. Setala, ed., Mikael Agricolan Teokset [The Writings of Michael Agricola] 3 vols, as cited in W. A. Wilson, Folklore and Nationalism in Modern Finland (Bloomington, 1976), pp. 4-10. 6 Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977. p. 27 and W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 8-73. 7 W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 8. 8 Orta, 1975. PP. 23-33 and Hoglund, 1975, pp. 37-38. 9 Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977. pp. 45 and 54-55 10 Ibid., p. 55. 11 ibid., pp. 55-56. 12 W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 6-7. 15 Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977, p. 73• ^ J. P. Finno, Yxi Wanha Suomenkielinen Wirsikir.ia [An Ancient Finnish Language HymnalJ as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 8. 1^ As cited in Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977, P. 28. 16 M. Kurikka, "Uudelle Uralle" [Toward a New Path] as cited in Halminen, 1936, pp. 29-34. 17 Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977, pp. 52-56. 63 -I o Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-59. 19 Oberg, 1928, pp. 13-14. For comparison see Halminen, 1936, pp. 28-33 and the Daily Colonist. 2 November lyui. 20 Kuusi, Bosley and Branch, 1977, pp. 68-75. 21 A. Sara3as, Suomen Kansanrunouden tuntemus 1500-1700-luku.ien Kir .jail isuudessa [Familiarity with Finnish Folk Poetry in the Scholarly Literature of 1500-1700], p. 60 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 9. Similar historiographic societies giving support to emerging national states appeared elsewhere in Europe as well: the Society for British Antiquities (London, 1572-1604); L'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Paris, 1663); the Society for Antiquaries (London, 1717). For a discussion of these societies see J. S. Slotkin, ed., "The Transmission and Accumulation of Information," Readings in Early Anthropology (Chicago, 1965), pp. vii-viii. 22 Sarajas, ibid., p. 30 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 9. 23 A. R. Niemi, "Kalevan Kokoonpano: I. Runokokous Vainamoisesta" [Assembling the Kalevala: A Compilation of Poetry about VainamoinenD as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 9-11* See also Sarajas, ibid., as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 9-11. These sentiments were not universally shared. In 1649 Bishop Rothovius issued a strong declaration against the use of and interest in traditional folk materials. W. A. Wilson, ibid. 2^ The following indicate the various forms that these reconstructions took. Sarajas, ibid., as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 10. King Gustavus II Adolphus published a dictum suggesting that Finland was an old nation and that other nations had sprung forth from her people. _ Matti Haavio, Piispa Hendrik .ia Lalli [Bishop Hendnk and LalliJ, as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 11 and 232-233. Sigfrid Aronus Forsius wrote a chronicle about the famous Bishop Henry who was martyred when he brought Christianity to Finland. J. Messenius, Scondia Illustrata, as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 10. Working from his collection of local traditions Messenius produced a "historical" (my emphasis) account of the various Finnish rulers who were descended from Noah's son Shem. M. Haavio, "Kalevalakultti" [The Kalevala Cult] in Hastesko and Haavio, eds., Kalevalan Kansallinen aare: Kir.ioitelmia kansallisepoksen Vaiheilta [The Kalevala as a 64 National Treasure: Articles Concerning the National Epic"), as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 10. Haavio makes a refer ence to Chtonicon Finlandiae which was published in the 1670s. It speaks about a time before Swedish rule when Finland had been the world hub and had dominated even Russia. K. A. Bomansson, Bidrag till Finlands Historia. as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 10. In 1674 ihe scholar J. Cajanus put together an account which identified Kaleva and his twelve sons as actual living human beings who had conquered even Russia. J. Cajanus, Lingvarum Bbraeae et Finnicae Convenientia. as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 11. Toward the turn of the century Cajanus published the above study which attempted to show a generic relationship between the Finnish language and classic Hebrew. Henricus Florinus, Wanhain Suomalaisten Twawaliset  .ia Suloiset Sananlascut LThe Ordinary and Delightful Proverbs of the Ancient FinnsJ, as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 11-12. This work is the best documented of a number of such undertakings investigating folk materials in order to give support to philological studies. E. Ahlman, trans., Yanha .ia Uusi Turku [The New and Old TurkuJ, as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 13-16. With this study, first /published in 1700, the tradition reached its extreme and end. In Vanha .ja Uusi Turku the author lavished praise on everything that could be recognized as Finnish. In addition, he argued that Finnish was one of the original languages created at the 'confusion of tongues' and that other languages such as Polish, Russian and Hungarian were derived from it. In his understandings the Finns had been led north by Noah's grandson Magog and the Amazons of Greek mythology had once lived in Finland. The Finns had given science and the letters to the Swedes who in turn has passed them on to the Romans. However, the Swedes being an envious people, had eventually conquered Finland and tried to destroy all records of this. Despite the Swedes* best efforts evidence of this epoch can still be found "in the traditional songs". Kalevala is the father of the other three characters. Each one is accredited with special attributes; for example, Vainamoinen is the 'eternal sage' and supernaturally 'gifted singer'; Ilmarinen is the 'eternal smith' who forged the magic Sampo at North Farm and Lemminkainen is a renowned lover. For further information see Magoun, texts and "Glossary of Proper Names," in his 1963 translation of E. Lonnrot's compilation of the Kalevala, pp. 393-394, w5> 392 and 395-396. 27 For a discussion of this change in emphasis as expressed in the European context see R.. Palmer and J. Colton, History of the Modern World (New York, 1965), pp. 259-288. For a detailed discussion of the importance of •evidence' see ibid., p. 276. J. S. Slotkin, 1965, pp. 80-174 provides a good account of the scientific foundations of ethnography and ethnology. 28 For a discussion concerning the relationship of Christianity and indigenous beliefs in Europe see R. R. Lund et al., eds., A History of European Ideas (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), pp. 105=Tk~T' 29 E. Jutikkala and K. Pirinen, A History of Finland, trans. P. Sjoblom (New York, 1974), pp. 140-177 and 180-184. 30 Ibid., p. 138. 31 For a discussion of the relationship between the natural laws of science and the laws of human organization see Palmer and Colton, 1965, pp. 270-277. J J. Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government (1690; reprint ed. London, 1884) as cited in Slotkin, 1965, pp. 172-174. The following quotation is taken from Locke's discussion about the difference between an Englishman and a person of a different origin, "the exercise of his facilities were bounded within the ways, modes and notions of his country and never directed to further inquiries." Ibid., p. 173. 33 Montesquieu, De 1'esprit des lois (1748; reprint ed, Cinncinati, 1873 trans, by T. Nugent) as cited in Slotkin, 1965, pp. 395-396. In the section entitled "Of Laws as Relative to the Nature of the Climate" Montesquieu sets the following qualities as typifying individuals from cold climates: vigorous; strong of heart; courageous; frank and superior in strength, warfare, hunting, travelling and drinking wine. 3^ For a ready although somewhat superificial listing of the Kaleva characters and their attributes see the section "Glossary of Proper Names" by Magoun in Lonnrot, 1849; 1963, pp. ^85-406. For articles written by non-Finns which describe Finns as physiologically suited to exploit the northern wilderness of British Columbia see, for example Daily Colonist, 29 August 1899 and ibid., 29 November 1899. For an open letter to the provincial government from Kurikka emphasizing the ability of Finns to do hard labour and therefore become desirable settlers and citizens, s;ee ibid. 8 September 1901. 35 ibid., See also ibid., 29 August 1899 and ibid., 29 November 1899. 36" see, for example, Halminen's reference to the Ox pamphlet, p. 6. 37 "The Kalevan Kansa Limited," Daily Colonist. 2 November 1901. 38 See W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 21-23. 40 39 Lund et al., 1962, pp. 248-263 and 265. Ibid., and W. A. Wilson, "Herder, Folklore and Romantic Nationalism," Journal of Popular Culture 4 (1973): 819-835. See also Slotkin, 1965, pp. 285-293": 41 J. G. Herder, Ideas Toward a Philosophy of Mankind. (1784-1791) as cited in Lund et al., 19627 p. 263 and A. I Arwidsson, Tutkimuksia .ia kir.ioitelmialResearches and Articles J part III Suomalaisuuden syntysano.ja LThe Birth of Finnish IdentityJ (Helskini, 1909) as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 35. "'We must return to the furthest roots of all its native power, strength and energy; to the pure spring of poetry. Everything must be built upon a native foundation." 42 G. Castren, Sallskapet Aurora. 2 vols., and M. G. Schybergsson, Hendrick Gabriel Porthan: Lefbnadstechning. as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 23-26. 43 J The substantial number of emigrants from Finland was of concern to the Russian authorities. Periodically they favoured making political concessions within Finland which were not popular among the aristocracy there. See Hoglund, 1975, PP. 40-47. , ^ Lonnrot's Master of Arts thesis, finished in 1827, was entitled "De Vainamoine, priscorum fennorum numine" [Vainamoinen: a Divinity of the Finnsj. All copies of the thesis were destroyed in a fire later in 1827 at Turku University. ^5 For a condensed English language translation of a biography of Lonnrot, see Magoun "Materials for the Study of the Kalevala," in Lonnrot, 1849; 1963, PP. 3^1-362. Lonnrot's thesis for his M. D. at Helsinki University in I832 was entitled "Om Finnarnes magiska medicin" LThe Magical Medicine of the FinnsJ. It was publishedin 1842 in Finska Lakaresallskapets Handlingar [Transactions of the Finnish Medical Society] 1 (imz): 179=244. ^ For a description of the Kalevala and the works which lead to its publication see Suomen Kir.iallisuus [Finnish Literature] 3, p. 139 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 30-44. **7 W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 40. ^ J. H. Wuorinen, Nationalism in Modern Finland (New York, 1931), P. 159. See also Kalevala. trans. M. A. Castren (Helsinki, 1841) as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976 67 p. 43 and Jacob Grimm, "Om det Pinska Epos." Fosterlandskt Album 2 (1845): 60-102 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 43-44. The Kalevala was translated into German and Swedish and even before the translation was complete Grimm lectured on its significance. Passages of the Kalevala were fused into all aspects of Finnish education, W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 40. 49 y The ability of Lonnrot to articulate the require ments of the situation and to bring together the interests of the various groups within Finnish society can be apprec iated throughsthis published works and accomplishments. 1827 Master of Arts thesis at Turku University "De Vainamoine, priscorum fennorum numine" [Vanamoinen: a Divinity of the Ancient Finns] 1829- published his collection of songs in 4 fascicles I83I as Kantele [The Harp] 1831 first secretary of the Suomen, later Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura [Finnish Literature Society] 1832 M. D. from Helsinki University, thesis "0m Finnarnes magiska Medicin" [The Magical Medicine of the Finns] 1833 published Alku-Kalevala [Proto-Kalevala] 1834 published a Finnish translation of Gustafva Schartau's pamphlet Hyvantahtoisia neuvoia  katovuosina [Well-intentioned Advice in Crop-Failure Years] 1835 published the Old Kalevala founded the first Finnish language periodical Mehilainen [The Bee] which was intented to publish different kinds of traditional poetry and articles (appeared 1836-37 and 1839-40) 1837 serialized Von Becker's translation of a history of antiquity; Juhana Fredrik Cajan's history of Finland and a history of Russia adapted by Gustav Ticklen and others 1839 adapted Carl Nordblad's Sundheta-larobok for  menlge Man [Health-Manual for the Common people] to Suomalaisen talonpo.ian koti-laakari [The Finnish~Peasant's Home Doctor] 1840 published Kanteletar [The Spirit of the Harp] contributed to the Helsingfors Morgonblad [Helsingfors Morning Journalj established the scholarly and patriotic periodical Suomi [Finland] 1842 published Sanalaskut [Proverbs] 1844 published Arvoitukset [RiddlesJ contributor to Maamiehenystava [The Farmer's Friend] contributor to Saima 1847 undertook the preparing of Ruotsin, suomen ja  sakan tulkki [A Swedish, Finnish and German Interpreter] undertook the preparing of the Finnish part of Agathon Meurman's Russian-Swedish dictionary 68 1847- edited with Snellman, Litteraturblad for allman 1849 medborgerlig Bildning [literary Journal for General Civic Culture] 1849 published the New Kalevala 1852 accepted the chair at Helsinki University for Finnish Language and Literature 1852- edited the Oulu Wiikko-Sanomat [The Weekly News] 1853 I853 defended his thesis "Om det Nord-Tschudiska spraket" [The North Tschud Language] became professor of Finnish Language and Liter ature, retired 1862 published Ueber den Enare-lappischen Dialekt [The Inari-Lapp Dialect J ~" 1857 published Neuvoja erasten iakalain kavttamisesta  ruuaksi [Advice on Using Certain Lichens as Food] 1859 published Minkatahden cuolee Suomessa niin pal.ion  lapsia ensimmaisella ikavuodellanse? [Why Do So Many Children in Finland Die in Their First Year?] 1860 published Flora Fennica: Suomen kasvisto [The Flora of FinlandJ I863 translated Johan Philop Palmen's La *in opillinen  kasikir.ia yhteiseksi siyistykseksi I Judicial Handbook for General Enlightenment] 1866- published in 14 parts Suomalais-ruotsalainen 1880 sanakir.ia [Finnish-Swedish Dictionary] 1872 published Suomalainen virsikir.ia valiaikaiseksi  tarpeeksi LA Finnish Hymnal for Temporary Use] 1880 published Suomen kansan muinaisia loitsoruno.ia [Old Metrical Charms of the Finnish People] 1881 published Turo, kuun ,ia auringon pelastaja. Inkerin kansarunoista kokoon sovixtanut Elias  Lonnrot LTuro, Savior of the Sun and the Moon. From Ihgrian Songs concatenated by Elias Lonnrot] 1887 posthumously published rearranged and expanded version of Kanteletar F. P. Magoun provides more detailed information about Lonnrot's publications, fieldwork and academic positions in Lonnrot, 1849; 1963, pp. 341-382. 50 The number of Finnish language newspapers increased from one in 1835 to over 90 by the turn of the century. In addition, the papers represented a uniform view concerning Finnish nationalism. See below. The number of entries within the archives of the Finnish Literary Society increased fourfold during the same period. See W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 47-51. "'In terms of what is to come, it LThe Kalevalaj is for us a prophetic seer of the historical future, for such a nation that has originally lived under the influence of this kind of poetic power cannot be destined to disappear without a,trace from the fields of history.*" "Kalevala," Karialtar, 6 March 1885 as cited in W., A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 48-49. "'The publication of the Kalevala marks the turning point in our national life: our national life only begins at that point. In the Kalevala the Finnish nation learned to 69 know itself and to trust itself . . . . »" "Kalevalan juhlat," Raumon Lehti. 28 February 1885 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, p. 48. In addition there was a rapid increase in public education. For a discussion of these events see N. Liakka, Vappa .ia Vapaaehtoinen Kansansiyistysto Suomessa [Free and Voluntary Public Education in Finland] (JyvaskylaT 1942) as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 45-49. See also J. H. Wuorinen, 1931, PP. 155-165. In 1870 the epic was adopted as a textbook for all elementary schools and in 1876 the primary reader Maammekir.ia [About Our Country] based on excerpts from the Kalevala earae into use. The following information indicates the rapid changes occurring within the Finnish educational system during this period. The first Finnish language secondary school was founded in Jyvaskyla in 1858, a state supported primary school system came into being in 1866 and a teacher training college in 1873. By 1874 nearly 16,000 students were being given instruction and by 1900 the number of students educated solely in Finnish outnumbered those being taught in Swedish. In 1904 there were 3,678 schools giving instruction to 125,870 students. In addition, a number of adult educational facilities were established to give instruction in economic, practical affairs (agriculture, medicine, etc.) and nationalism. Centermost within all these educational endeavours was the study of the Kalevala. For a discussion of adult education see "Kansavallstus Seura," [The Society for Public Enlightenment], in N. Liakka, 1942 as cited in W. A. Wilson, 1976, pp. 45-49. 51 Jutikkala and Pirinen, 1974, p. 212. 52 Hoglund, 1975, PP. 37-38. 53 Orta, 1975, PP. 22-23. 5^ 55 56 Ibid., p. 31. Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., p. 3^. 57 C. Erickson, "The Impact of Push and Pull,- Nordic Emigration Reseach Conference in Uppsala, 1969. Proceedings, Uppsala, 1970, pp. 26-28, as cited in Orta, 1975, p. 22. 58 orta, 1975, p. 33. 59 Ibid., p. 30. 60 Ibid., p. 26. ^1 Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 4-8. 62 Orta, 1975, PP. 23-24 and Annual Report of the 70 Provincial Governor of Kuopio for 1880, Papers of the former office of the Secretary of Finland, St. Petersburg Public Archives, Helsinki, Finland as cited in ibid., p. 27. 6? ^ See, for example, sawmilling; sawyers, cutters, floaters, drivers and loaders. Each of these were then further differentiated into skilled, semi-skilled and labourers. Workers were remunerated according to the distinctions created by their occupations. AL Apart from the changes in labour organization implied by a change to grain and cattle farming there is a further consideration. Both grain and cattle are readily quantified and cattle like money have an inherent incremental quality. Anthropology Lecture by K. 0. L. Burridge, University of British Columbia, 6 February 1975. 65 66 67 Orta, 1975. P« 32. Ibid., p. 33. Hoglund, 1975. PP. 48-49. 68 Jutikkala and Pirinen, 1974, pp. 227-228. The assimilation program began with a unification of the Finnish postal system, exchange system and legal system with Russia. The authority formerly granted to the Finnish Diet was revoked. In addition, Russian administrators imposed their language into the courts and their curriculum into the educational system. 69 Ibid., p. 227. See also, "Settlers for the Island," Daily Colonist. 29 November 1899. 70 "Finns for the Coast," ibid., 23 August 1899; "The Finns Delegation," ibid., 27 August 1899; "An Important Visit," ibid., 29 August 1899; "Finnish Immigration," ibid., 2 February 1901; "An Immigration Scheme," ibid., 2 February 1901; "Russian Finns Seek Home," Vancouver Province, 9 April 1901. Canadians expressed an interest in obtaining suitable immigrants to develop the northern areas. It was believed that since Finns were used to a cold climate and to hard work, they would make ideal settlers. From the start the emphasis was less on integrating Finnish settlers into the general milieu of the English speaking population and more on using this potential work force to settle the wilderness or to Iprovide employees for the national railroad. See also, Halminen, 1936, pp. 6-7. 71 Abo Underrattelser, Sweden, 1887, p. 1 as cited in Orta, 1975. p. 34. 72 Oberg, 1928. See also, J. D. Wilson, 1973-74. 71 73 J Some of my fieldwork informants recall that Tyomies was distributed to North America and that it was often the only reading available to Finns in remote areas. 74 ' Oberg, 1928, p. 5« Among the popular stories about Kurikka was one about his birth. Reportedly his mother had a dream that her son would some day stand astride a church building while tearing shingles from its roof and casting them to the wind. The dream was related as a metaphor for Kurikka's desire to tear apart the old order and to restore a more natural and inherently just form of society. 75 J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, pp. 53-54. 76 Halminen, 1936, p. 18. 77 Hoglund, 1975. PP. 48-50. 78 Paiva Lehti (Helsinki), 5 March 1890. 79 Uusi Aura (Turku, Finland), 5 March 1899. 80 Hoglund, 1975, PP. 40-45. O-i „. , JN Pfrgl-sy°mf?S5?- (Helsinki), 10 July 1891; Kaiku (Oulu, Finland), 18 July 1891 and ibid., 24 February 1897!: Vasan Lehti (Vasa, Finland), 8 December 1881 and ibid., 18 June 1881. See also Suomalainen (Jyvaskyla, Finland), 1 April 1892. 83 Kaiku, 8 September 1893. E. Narju, "Kirje Amerikasta" [Letter from America], Hengellinen Kuukaus-lehti 8 (1895): 118-119 and M. Tarkkanen, Poytakir.iaj .ioka tehtiin 8;ssa yleisessa pappiskokouksessa  Turussa heinakuun 27-29 paivina 1897 LMembership List Which Was Made At the Meeting or the Clergy.at Turku, July 27-29, 1897J (Uusikaupunki, 1897). PP. 85-87 as cited in Hoglund, 1975. P. 43. 85 See Hoglund, 1975, P. 43. See also Panelius, Wuoskertomus antanot Suomen merimes lahetysseuran iohtokuntaa, 1889-LAnnual Report of the Finnish Seaman's Directorship, IW] (Helsinki, 1889), as cited in Hoglund, 1975, p. 43. Chapter 3 Traditions, Experience and Circumstance Combined in the Quest for an Utopian Community: Matti Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, 1880-1904 This chapter is concerned with the rise of the Kalevan Kansa movement, its subsequent activities and its eventual decline. Chronologically the events proceed from the middle 1880s to 1905. Within this time span there are three less distinct although significant periods, each characterized by specific kinds of activities. The first stretches from the 1880s to the turn of the century. In the intervening years a small number from among the Finnish miners became increasingly concerned about the social ambiance around them and about their role within it. Their efforts to improve the situation led to the founding of two temperance societies and the expansion of their small reading and social circle along with the formation of a Finnish marching band. In their search for a central guidepost by which individual activities and behaviour could be evaluated they became increasingly involved with fundamentalist Christianity and the traditional lore and mythology of their Finnish background. Although they did not articulate clear goals for themselves or for the other 72 Finns in the area they were aware of a need for change. They also believed that the changes they had experienced amongst themselves might eventually be extended beyond their small circle. The second period began with the arrival of Matti Kurikka and started to dissipate when the Kalevan Kansa set about building Sointula. To the Finnish miners Kurikka represented the fulfillment of their aspirations. He was articulate in his speeach and definite in his manner. He manipulated the contemporary Vancouver Island society in a manner the others only marginally understood. Yet, he shared with them a past history characterized by hardships and defeats, and by his own example he indicated that those experiences could be transformed into a perception of society which was meaningful and powerful in its appeal and apparent success. His revelation of the joint-stock company which would become the basis of their new community seemed to incorporate both the appeal of a successful financial venture and the lure of a society based on a more equitable distribution of wealth. During this time Kurikka increasingly assumed the duties of leadership and reinforced his earlier notions about an idealistic community formed on the principles of a joint-stock company by founding the Aika newspaper on the same premise. He encouraged the participants in the emerging movement by constant references to a shared sense of the past, to the transforming quality of true Christian living and brotherhood and to the legacy of greatness embodied in traditional Finnish mythology and lore. For a short time it appeared that the enthusiastic experiencing of comradeship among the Kalevan Kansa would override the structural distinctions inherent in the affairs and interests of individual people. The third period encompassed the majority of the activities of the Kalevan Kansa at Sointula on Malcolm Island, the site of their proposed Utopia. The experience of communitas was short-lived. As soon as the Kalevan Kansa began to deal with the specific requirements of forming their new community they were embroilled in conflicts of personality and in matters of self interest. The entire event can be viewed as a societal rite of passage. For a time Kurikka was able to move his followers from the chaotic yet structured ambiance of life in the Vancouver Island communities into a liminal state. He failed, however, to provide the necessary guidance which would see them into the structure of a more equitable and workable society. The inevitability of conforming to the apparatus of structure took place before the Kalevan Kansa had formally embarked on founding Sointula, There was no substantial transformation of being among the membership, and the spirit of brotherhood quickly disintegrated as the participants increasingly began to interpret the situation according to their private interests. No exact-figures are available for the number of 75 Finnish immigrants who arrived in British Columbia in the latter decades of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth centuries.1 However, information obtained from a variety of sources indicates that Finnish immigrants began to arrive in this part of Canada in substantial numbers as early as the 1880s. A few Finns moved south from the area of the Aleutian Islands when Russia forfeited her claim to Alaska in 1867. However, the majority came later, attracted by the expansion of the logging and mining in dustries in the western United States and into British Columbia.^ still others came to British Columbia from the prairies and Ontario as construction and maintenance workers with the Canadian Pacific Railway. These early Finnish immigrants were primarily single men and they tended to follow employment opportunities across the country. When the work ended on the transcontinental railway, many of them drifted toward the coal mines on Vancouver Island to seek jobs.5 For a few of these early Finnish immigrants, life in North America provided an opportunity to carry on a manner of life similar to what they had known in rural Finland.^ But among those who settled in the more urban centres and in the company settlements around mining communities on Vancouver Island, the daily routine was arduous and its 7 pace seemed to be beyond the control of individual members. The vision of prosperity, self-sufficiency and ethnic identity offered by emigration remained elusive. Neither of these alternative ways of gaining a livelihood was able 76 to bring about the measure of well-being which they had envisioned and which had served as a catalyst for their emigration. The conditions of early immigrant life at the coastal mining communities like Nanaimo, Wellington and Extension were not conducive to earning and accumulating money or to participation in traditional cultural undertakings. Further, the living conditions did not facilitate the fulfillment of individual perceptions of what a descendant of a Kalevala Finn ought to be. Elsewhere, the opportunities seemed slightly closer at hand, especially in the static and more coherent agriculturally based Finnish communities in Saskatchewan and Ontario in which individuals and families Q could remain largely self-sufficient. However, in the mining communities where the majority of workers were immigrants,"1'0 readily distinguishable by their diverse traditions and languages, daily routine appeared to be more complex.11 Apart from failing to cope with the complexities inherent within a strongly money oriented society in which moral obligations appeared transitory, these immigrant workers were subject to manipulation and scrutiny according 12 to the whims of employers, landowners and politicians. This dominance was accentuated in the Nanaimo district where one of the principal employers (James Dunsmuir) was also a major landowner and a prominent politician. For many of the Finnish workers in the mines around Wellington the central questions which had made identity an issue in Finland were yet to be answered in a new environment which entailed additional burdens. Despite the moral condemnation in Finland directed against those who wished to emigrate, there remained some sense of homogeneity which breached: their economic and class differences. This did not exist in North America. In the mining communities on Vancouver Island Finns were clearly a minority and, in the view of some segments of the public, a marginally desirable one at that. Their reputation as hard workers was often offset by reports of their rowdiness and brawling within the settlement.13 Local employers and politicians recognized in the influx of immigrants a vital resource which could be used to develop the natural wealth of the province.^ To them, Finns appeared to be a preferable alternative to other racial1-* and ethnic groups.1^ They would provide the needed hardy stock of settlers who could exploit and eventually settle the frontier.1'' Furthermore, they would not arouse the emotional turmoil which surrounded the use of Asian and native Indian labourers. Throughout the 1880s and into the next decade attitudes to Finnish immigrants and their proposed large scale settle ment in British Columbia remained ambiguous. The various sentiments were reflected in public opinion and in govern ment policy.18 At times Finns were recognized as esteemed workers, capable exploiters of the province's resources; competent and biologically and historically suited settlers for the remote areas.19 Additionally, they were often thought to be well educated, well versed in financial and technological matters, and a multi-lingual and cultured people forced to abandon their progressive homeland by the 20 tyranny of the Russian Tsar. In opposition to these laudatory claims designed to arouse passion and public interest in support of Caucasian immigrants were the realities of the immigrant experience. The Finnish immigrants who arrived in British Columbia seldom had skills apart from those applicable to their agrarian background. They often had only limited knowledge about financial matters. They were rarely multi-lingual and less often competent in English. As such, the transient workers tended to gather in areas where other Finns were employed, farmed or owned boarding houses. In the worker settlements of the predominantly urban communities on Vancouver Island, 21 they were noted for their fighting and often gained the 22 dubious distinction of being "bad Russian Finns". Equally confusing were the number of reports indicating the scale of Finnish immigration.23 Among the public and more reluctantly among the members of the provincial govern ment it was held that large numbers of Finnish immigrants 24 would be an asset to the provincial economy. Newspapers on Vancouver Island were quick to note that Finns were ideally suited to settle in the outlying areas of the Bulkley Valley and the northern tip of the island, not in the current centres of population.25 They maintained that unlike a large influx of transient workers from the United States the Finlanders would establish permanent settlements which would endure beyond the immediate interests of the 26 resource companies. Initially, they argued, the Finns could provide a labour force for the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway and subsequently they could settle in the outskirts of the towns to harvest the resources and to grow agri-27 cultural products. From the start politicans and mine owners looked upon the Finns as a guaranteed and potentially renewable supply of labour. Many of the new immigrants who came to Vancouver Island found work in the mines abhorrent. Working in the mines entailed constant danger and considerable hardship. Lax enforcement of safety regulations, utilization of men unskilled in coal mining and the inadequate mining technology of the period all contributed to creating numerous mining 29 accidents resulting in permanent disabilities or death. Furthermore, work underground and life in the company town-sites was generally alien to the cultural experience of 30 these formerly rural people and to their expectations,J Additionally, these individuals who had been educated and indoctrinated about their Finnishness and their heroic past in the Kalevala came to North America with a sense of zeal and anticipation.31 The need to express a sense of self as a reflection of superior ethnicity became more emphatic as the opposition to emigration grew in the home land, in North America, the descendants of Kaleva thought that they would be able to strive for and exercise their inherent talents and capabilities to provide the physical and social circumstances needed for exemplar material and psychic well-being. Despite their initial enthusiasm, the means to bring about the desired state of affairs in these communities remained elusive. The majority of Finns who worked in the mines at Wellington and Extension had come from small subsistence farms or from the recently burgeoning urban centres in Finland.32 As such they were for the most part people with social conventions reflective of a subsistence environment where individual responsibility and worth was primarily reckoned by how well immediate responsibilities were discharged among others who shared their narrow perspectives.33 However, life in the mining communities required participation in a social ambiance which was essentially hierarchical and alien. There, definitions of community and personal worth engendered by the practices around them appeared complex and ambiguous. Old criteria based on quality of labour and exchanges clashed with the present circumstances where relationships between employer and employees as well as among themselves seemed non-reciprocal. 3^ Finnishness was not recognized as an especially desirable attribute in relation to other Caucasian ethnicies.35 Hard and conscientious work brought minimal access to money and material goods which were fundamental in defining the value of individuals and their tasks. 81 Without the security of a central cultural guidepost-^ by which individual activities and values could be judged, life in the ethnic community was ambivalent. Drunkenness, brawling, factional rivalry-^ and neglect of responsibilities toward family and fellow workers did not result in ostra-cization nor discrimination.-^8 instead, these practices were often reinforced and rewarded by the employers who by their position at the top of the hierarchy ought to have exemplified •proper' morality. Rather, the employers regularly brought deliveries of alcohol to the work areas to maintain a general state of disunity and indebtedness. The small wages accrued from work were often quickly con sumed and credit was extended by employers who wanted to be Jin sure of a continuing source of labour. Among a group with immediate roots in a subsistence background the situation appeared particularly chaotic. On the one hand, the credit relationship reinforced notions about exchanges which could be characterized as (A*EEKB) but on the other hand the employer was free to manipulate the situation by modifying his obligations with money and the power inherent in its possession. For many of the Finns it seemed an impossible task to discern correctly the rules of the existent social setting. Without a meaningful central objective by which the current situation could be evaluated and rationalized, the route to personal integrity remained elusive.^ In a setting where values appeared to be transitory the right avenues 82 were not clearly distinguishable from the wrong. The daily fare of immigrant workers and their families viewed in relation to that of others around them who better understood the complexities of the situation appeared so different that the Finns almost despaired of comprehending the principles of organization. The seeming complexity was inherent in the situation itself. The majority of these immigrant workers were caught in the midst of two contradictory perceptions of order represented, on the one hand, by the experience of rural subsistence Finland and the idealistic desire to extend that experience into the future and, on the other hand, by the necessity to 'participate in the values and commerce of Lo a moneyed society on Vancouver Island. The interaction of these opposing experiences drew to the forefront questions which concerned individual identity and worth, community organization and human nature. J In turn, these questions of man's nature and worth returned to money. Money, its acquisition and use, provided the criteria by which to substantiate the value of each individual. For the majority of these early Finnish workers, the means to obtain substantial amounts of money were restricted. Even in the most conservative existences, the small wages of $1.50 to $3.00 per day paid to the miners were quickly consumed by the necessities of food, clothing and shelter, most often purchased or leased from the company.^ In addition to these difficulties there was no form of job security.^ Furthermore, without adequate 83 facility in English and in legal matters, there was very little possibility of striking out from the security of some form of employment. The modest savings which were acquired by a few of the workers were lost in the purchase of alcohol 46 or they became misappropriated by other means. The indebtedness and lack of organization among the workers placed them in a continuing relationship with their employers which was difficult to evade. Entrepreneurs like James Dunsmuir recognized and utilized the miners* inability to 47 handle money other than as a treasure article. They clearly capitalized on the longevity of relationships based on credit. Seen from the perspective of these immigrant workers, proper morality reflected in the actions of the well-to-do and politically powerful within these communities appeared to hinge on the ability to break relationships and obligations at will. Actions which formerly would have resulted in social ostracization and retribution were left unchallenged.^8 The degree of disorganization among Finns in the mining community and the extent of the authoritarian attitudes held by the employers was clearly reflected in matters concerning homes. Few immigrants could accumulate sufficient money to buy land or to build their own dwellings. Company housing, when available, was virtually uninhabitable.^9 If repairs to company owned accommodation were needed there was no recompense or assistance and sometimes the mine owner required that the entire community move their lodgings 84 to a site nearer to a more productive mine or in response to other arbitrary decisions.^° When there were discussions about common interests among the miners, employers were willing to shut down entire mines as a reminder to the workers of their power.^1 The alternative of venturing into the hinterland as single individuals or as families was most often not feasible due to a lack of capital, inappropriate skills, poor facility in English and a lack of familiarity with political and legal matters pertaining to land acquisition.^2 Additionally, the desired renaissance of Pinnishness could not come to flower among solitary settler families scattered in remote areas. Throughout the 1880s there was a gradual decline in the well-being of Finnish workers in the mining communities, particularly at Extension and Wellington. Popular recog nition of the value of Finns as an ethnic group decreased. As an outcome of the declining perception of self, matters of individual integrity and ethnic identity expressed in terms of community acceptability became more prominent among the group of miners. Their concern about the dis integration of values and individual relationships within the immigrant settlements was influential in preparing a foundation for change. First, it separated them as a group from others and reinforced the inherent feeling that Finns had qualities which set them apart. Second, by setting themselves apart it was possible to recognize that they, as a group, not as individuals, were divorced from the 85 avenues to material well-being and the opportunity to become individuals of worth within the community. Beyond labouring as modestly or poorly paid wage-workers, the Finns had not been able to realize and participate in activities which could validate perceptions of what a successful man ought to be, either in terms of their traditional perspectives or the values of the present society. In a social setting established on principles of hierarchy determined by race, ethnicity and wealth the Finns as a group felt themselves to be increasingly ignored and despised by both the Anglo-Saxon population and the Oriental and native groups who represented the polarities of the social continuum.5-^ Those who held positions of authority and wealth looked upon the Finnish immigrants as an available commodity. Among the Oriental population Finns were often seen as a threat to 54 their opportunities for employment and housing.-' In the fifteen years after 1880 Finns in the mining communities of Vancouver Island increasingly began to think of themselves as a minority. However, it was not until the middle of the 1890s that this awareness grew into a more coherent understanding defined by objectives. Without adequate facility in English and an understanding of the principles of organization within these new Canadian communities, Finns had remained without access to political power and representation. They had been and to a large extent remained powerless to alter their working conditions, their living circumstances and subsequently their position within 86 the greater society. At the Wellington and Extension mines they were allotted arduous and dangerous tasks which had previously been done by the Chinese and other Asian workers.55 In turn, this work which traditionally should have been rewarded only realized the poorest of housing vacated by the > a 57 Chinese miners5^ and the lowest amounts of pay given to 'white* workers. Without firm commitments to collective cultural endeavours among the Finns or participation within the broader community, there were no measures by which individual activities could be evaluated other than by money. As Halminen points out, in these mining communities the immed iate acquisition and dispersal of money was the focus of attention.58 Within this ambiance, inter-personal relation ships and values were continually subject to redefinition and notions of what constituted proper behaviour in a given circumstance appeared impossible to predict.^7 However, the growing recognition that Finns were a distinct minority, albeit a disreputable one, within these communities tended to shift the focus away from money. Contradicting the intrusion of moneyed values onto people unfamiliar with its nature and its social implications was a growing sense of togetherness. The revitalized interest in themselves as a distinct group was reflected in the meetings which were held at the homes of various individuals at the mining camps.^° These meetings were often devoted to vague discussions about the need for brotherhood and comradeship61 87 which in turn were connected to ideas about society and its members. Among these Finns discussion pivoted around thoughts related to social organization. On the one hand, they wanted a feeling of ethnic brotherhoodD,c and, on the other hand, they desired to guarantee for themselves the material well-being and political power from which they had been excluded. These early aspirations toward a more equitable form of social organization than that which presently existed were reflected in the formation of the marching brass band and the various temperance societies.63 Each enhanced the spirit of commonalty while simultaneously providing avenues for individual expressions of ideas and achievements. For the Finns at Wellington and particularly for those who were associated with the marching band and the temperance societies, the direction appeared to lie in the synthesis of traditional values and aspirations with the present circum stance, in the welding together of brotherhood and economic prosperity. The desirability of the cultural legacy of the Kalevala and the egalitarian mode of traditional Finnish rural life was given further impetus by the renewed interest AL in fundamentalist Christianity. Among this small group any recognition from other Finns and especially from within the general public was seen as validation of the process of transformation which was thought to be occurring.6^ The formation of a temperance group, for example, was viewed favorably by those Nanaimo residents belonging to locals of several active temperance groups in the town.66 The changes 88 which were taking place were not solely motivated by economic disadvantages but also drew their inspiration from the historical past of the Finns and their current enthusiasm with religious matters. When the Utopian activity of the Kalevan Kansa began to occur in 1900 it was generated from a synthesis of contradictory notions. Traditional values and experience were juxtaposed against the present situation which tended to promote perceptions of social order in primarily economic terms.67 Although the actual Kalevan Kansa activity did not take place until 1900 there were earlier indications of the goals which would become paramount. By the mid 1890s a rudimentary awareness of a need for change had started in the community of Finnish miners at Wellington. The former situation of having singular individuals or families acting 68 against or competing with one another was changing. Increasingly this group of Finns saw themselves united in their opposition to external authorities, particularly to those who appeared to exercise control over their moral values as well as their economic circumstances. These undesirable characteristics were most often associated 69 directly with powerful individuals like James IDunsmuir. 7 Among the Finns these authoritarian figures grew to be unsympathetically regarded as representations of an object ionable form of otherness. The general milieu, in which individual disagreements, squabbles and rivalries among the Finnish workers had already decreased, now took on specific 89 orientation as the situation further coalesced into binary camps. In the next two decades these divisive sentiments even prevented many Finnish workers from actively partic ipating in the formation of unions, unless they were clearly representative of Finnish interests.70 From a milieu which had presented seemingly endless avenues and directions for discharging individual affairs the perception of a we-they situation brought into consid eration thoughts which were more concrete. These most often defined the we by associating them with ways of day to day interaction which could be differentiated from the behaviour found objectionable within the present situation. Although 71 there were no concrete plans it was generally felt that values more reflective of an egalitarian community would be preferable.72 In daily affairs the distinctions engendered by wealth, property and possessions should be subsumed by a spirit of brotherhood and well-being for all.7^ Self-reliance and production within an ethnic community should take priority over working for others and the purchasing of daily requirements.7^ In turn, life in a unified settlement focused toward common concerns and goals would further instil the needed pristine values which would take precedence over the multifarious expressions of morality current within the mining communities. Once these values were clearly apparent they would attract others to the community which :they defined. These kinds of thoughts about community remained intimately linked with two aspects of social life within the Finnish mining communities, the marching brass band and the temperance society.7-* The interest and enthusiasm surrounding these groups spread beyond their memberships. In the late 1880s the band was an active participant in various celebrations on Vancouver Island.76 it gathered recognition among both Finns and non-Finns.77 In his book Halminen recalls the pride and jubilance he felt as he observed the band at a Nanaimo temperance rally.78 For him and other Finns, especially those who had already been active in temperance circles, the band's presence at the various functions promoted a sense of immediacy and together ness. It symbolized a collective spirit and an acceptable expression of Finnishness. As such it drew additional people into the circle of miners interested in improving their situation. The pride and acceptance with which the Finnish band was viewed helped to attract and to bring together single and otherwise unattached men within the mining communities. For the first time it provided a substantive focus of common interest, reflecting and to a degree glorifying their ethnicity. The association formed by its members and followers grew to include further obligations among fellow workers. The activities surrounding the formation of the temper ance societies both complimented and reflected the spirit of comradeship associated with the band. The Lannen Rusko and Aallotar societies were founded at North Wellington and 91 their memberships grew steadily.79 At the meetings, held initially at private homes80 and later at the meeting halls,81 Finnish miners and others gathered to discuss religious and secular matters and to participate in forms of social inter action distinctly divorced from the debauchery they saw around them. The Finnish language library established in the meeting hall contained material on politics, economics, history, Finnish customs and lore and religion. Halminen's account indicates that it was well used by the members as a forum which encouraged further speculation about social problems.8-^ Additionally, the strongly Puritan values and attitudes expressed by the core group of temperance men progressively defined the values which would become fundamental among the Kalevan Kansa. Apart from the rudi mentary discussions concerning politics and religion the meetings provided a forum in which a generalized feeling of affection and recognition of common concerns outweighed Oh individual interests. The attention paid to moral issues in conjunction with fundamentalist Christianity created a powerful impetus for change, combining idealistic secular speculation with religious fervour. Since it was urgently agreed that the present situation which existed in large segments of the Finnish community was unacceptable, thoughts and talks were foicused toward an immediate future which would provide a preferable alternative. The discussions at the meeting hall never reached the stage of formalized plans of action. 0 Instead, they 92 remained as intuitively felt notions about morality expressed in terms of individual activity and behaviour. They took their direction partly from the situation itself. Changes in individual selves, as defined by a temperate way of life in opposition to that of the prior situation, were transposed into the realm of social relations. At the centre, the nature of self, properly defined and articulated through behaviour would provide the footing for an equitable social order. The feeling was further enhanced by two additional sources of inspiration. The first originated from the Christian example of metanoia, characteristically a part of fundamentalist and revivalist activities. The second arose from a strong renewal of interest in the essence of 87 ethnic identity, primarily encountered through the Kalevala. The Christian example provided the avenue by which one kind of people could become another while the reliance on traditional culture provided the essence of what would constitute the proper Finn. That these feelings came into prominence in the late 1800s is directly related to the existence of the band and the temperance societies. Apart from the instruction that these associations might have spread among their followers, they epitomized a state of unstructured togetherness temporarily allowing for the expression of collective interests while ignoring or assimilating individuality. From the beginning the band and the temperance meetings brought and held Finns together by placing a sense of 93 immediacy and moral importance upon their activities. The all consuming nature of the enthusiasm conferred upon the activities a religious significance. Individual shortcomings and divergences were tolerated because the nature of the change which was felt to be at hand remained at the level of awareness rather than as an articulated doctrine. Addition ally, the activities of the band and the societies promoted an image of responsibility and respectability in the eyes of the non-Finnish society on Vancouver Island. They provided for their members, and to a lesser degree to the Finnish community as a whole, an enduring external recognition of worth which, in turn, increased the popularity of being associated with such activities. In the past decades such recognition had been revoked as often as con ferred. Now, however, temperance activity represented an avenue of reform understood by the community at large and oo quickly gained popular support. This favourable attitude toward Finns on the part of the larger community was heightened by the Finnish Conscription Crisis of 1899 which 8< was sympathetically reported in the local island newspapers. On the basis of the example provided by this core group of miners additional Finnish immigrants were encouraged to 90 come to British Columbia.-7 The number of Finnish immigrant workers in the raining communities of Vancouver Island continued to increase through the last decade of the nineteenth century. Canada was eager to attract new immigrants and British Columbia 94 was among several places within the Dominion where they were Ql encouraged to settle.7 Representative delegations of Finlanders were welcomed to the province as spokesmen for a class of •desirable* immigrant.92 By 1900 the number of emigrants leaving Finland was reaching its highest level,93 and many of them had travelled to different parts of the QL world, only to leave again. Since America, which included Canada as well as the United States, was considered to offer the best opportunities, some of the emigrants who had gone elsewhere eventually came to North America.9-* Among such travellers were a group of men who had accompanied Matti Kurikka to Australia in 1899,96 and who subsequently arrived at Wellington in 1900. Unlike some of the others who had followed Kurikka in his attempt to begin a colony away from 97 Finland these men still held him in very high regard. * When they came into contact with Matti Halminen and other temperance men at Wellington they introduced these miners to 98 some of the recent writings and ideas of Kurikka.-7 Although many of the miners in British Columbia were already 99 familiar with Kurikka*s reputation and earlier works77 the presence of the former members of his expedition to Australia provided an immediate and tangible link between themselves and Kurikka who appeared to them as a figure larger than life.100 In the spring of 1900 this group of approximately twenty temperance men elected to have Halminen correspond with Kurikka in Australia. It seemed to them that Kurikka 95 articulated solutions to many of the problems with which they had been concerned and they consequently encouraged him to come to British Columbia.101 Since Kurikka's plans for an Australian settlement had disintegrated, and he was in ill health and without finances, he readily agreed to travel, if provided passage.10-5 He arrived in Nanaimo in 1901 and shortly thereafter began a series of speaking engagements in the various Vancouver Island communities where there were 104 groups of Finnish workers. Upon listening to Kurikka speak on those occasions about his thoughts concerning a new settlement, Halminen recalls that it was as if suddenly the ideas with which they had wrestled became clear and appeared practical and workable.105 Kurikka's rapidly rising popularity within the Finnish community arose from several factors. Primarily, he was found acceptable and thrust into the duties of leadership because someone with ideas and personal attributes like his was needed and in this sense anticipated. His presence confirmed the aspirations which Halminen and the others already had. The changes that had occurred in their lives, and to a lesser extent in the mining communities as a result of the temperance activities, needed to be taken a step further by someone who could expand the breadth of the changes. The ideas and feelings which had been generated in the earlier discussions required someone who could by his own example give them authority. Kurikka presented himself as such an individual. He appeared to be a person who 96 genuinely shared their concerns. Further, he was someone immediately capable of exercising the necessary decisions required to fulfill the expectations in day to day affairs. Secondarily, his forthright character and successful accomplishments were in keeping with the expectations of what a Kalevala Finn ought to be. He appeared capable in financial, legal and political matters, even in an English speaking world.106 His actions indicated that he could readily discern the correct avenues of behaviour and actions from the wrong thereby giving credence to the binary dis tinction the miners recognized between themselves and others. He professed a willingness to strive for the perfection which following the correct avenues was assumed to provide. To his audiences at the mining communities and elsewhere, the strength of his character seemed capable of moulding circum-107 stances to fit its demands. ' Yet, the heroic aspects of his being were tempered by a life history which appeared as a series of personal defeats and transformations, not unlike those experienced by the temperance men, but as one which •I f\Q had progrssed further in its insights. Kurikka's presence on Vancouver Island was a fundamental determinant in the rise of the Kalevan Kansa and the founding of Sointula. The success and subsequent shortcomings of the activities which were undertaken were substantially attributable to his abilities. His followers recognized in him qualities which they understood to be part of themselves. In addition to these attributes reflective of ordinary 97 individuals, Kurikka's experiences endowed him with qualities which set him apart. In Weber's terms he appeared to have "'specific gifts of body and mind'"109 which his followers recognized as a valid basis for embarking on "'an extra ordinary programme of action'"110 with him. The community of Finnish miners and later others saw in his personality, experiences and writings aspects of an ideal kind of Finn, freed from bureaucratic domination and the general confusion characteristic of their lives.111 Although the members of the Kalevan Kansa gave their allegiance to the man Kurikka, they were primarily attracted by the power which seemed to 112 reside in his personal attributes and activities. Much of the initial appeal of Kurikka arose from the ambiguity which surrounded his life. Repeatedly he had been separated socially and temperamentally from those in his immediate circle. Yet, he was able to remain at the fore front of public recognition and to affect at least modest changes around him. His empathy with the disillusionment experienced by groups of people deprived of the benefits of the existent milieus of which he was a part attracted others. They became his supporters and followers when he denied the validity of the present, when he was able to translate their shared experiences into visions of more appropriate ways of being. As his various perceptions of a better way of being failed to be realized in day to day activities, he was rejected. Kurikka translated this series of affirmations and rejections into a personal charisma 98 which associated the failures not with himself or with the ideas but with those who opposed him. When Kurikka began to organize the miners at Wellington into the core group of Kalevan Kansa members they were clearly aware of his reputation.113 However, with Kurikka's help they saw in themselves and in the present circumstances qualities which would enable them to envision and bring into being an ideal community where others had failed. The complexity of Kurikka's life added to the intrigue which drew people to him. He was born of Finnish farming parents in eastern Finland near Petrograd, Russia, in I863. Although the land traditionally worked by his family was still part of Sweden-Finland, numerous political changes had altered their pattern of livelihood in the preceding years.11-* Formerly his family had been prosperous and land owning. However, the westward occupation of territories lost in the war between Sweden-Finland and Russia resulted in the family becoming landless labourers. Oberg describes Kurikka's childhood as that of a "common boy"116 who lived in the vicinity of those persons who Kurikka referred to as the despised Inguland Finns whom "Charles XII of Sweden had 117 left on the outskirts of Peter the Great's capital." During his childhood the land worked by his family was alternately under the control of the Swedes or the Novgorodians. It was considered fortunate for children of his generation and locality not to be pressed into compulsory military training by the encroaching powerful Russians. 99 Unlike most children of isolated rural families, Kurikka received a lengthy education. Despite this opportunity, during his early school years he felt distanced from both his country and its people outside the capital of Helsinki.118 In his brief university career which he interrupted to follow an interest in the formation of co-operatives,119 he was primarily occupied by the study of philosophy. There he acquired a familiarity with the writings of Tolstoy, Saint-Simon, Owen, Fourier, Hegel, Herder and numerous Finnish 120 folklorist-historians. His later writings reflected the influences of these writers as well as the ideas of Voltaire and Rousseau and he was fond of quoting Christian, Buddhist 121 and Moslem texts. His later views on socialism also reflected his education, especially his fondness for Tolstoy 122 and Christian idealism. After leaving university he married into the Finnish aristocracy and became an active participant in the activities of the upper class of Helsinki society.123 During these years prior to 1890 he travelled extensively in Germany and Denmark with his wife's family. There he became captivated by the ideas of socialist writers and later he translated •I oh some of their works into Finnish. Still later he departed from their ideas and sought to foster a more spiritual and brotherly form of socialism. J In 1890 he became the editor, a shareholder and eventually the owner of the popular Finnish newspaper Vipurin Sanomat.126 While editor his interest in labour 100 matters continued to grow and he was elected president of a 127 labour society. His moderate advocacy of change in matters relating to workers and the landless transients in Finland quickly expanded into a life-long confrontation and bitterness with the clergy. With increasing rancour he argued that the church had no comprehension of the plight of the working class and the landless. His editorials and pamphlets lambasted church officials, accusing them of being antiquated, power hungry, arrogant and reactionary. However, in his writings and talks he was careful to distinguish between church officials and true Christianity. He argued that true Christianity, based on the teachings of Christ, should be the supreme guide in human affairs. Christ, he observed was the first and most enlightened of all socialists. This avenue for voicing his criticisms closed in 1894 as he forfeited ownership of the Vipurin Sanomat and the majority of his possessions as a result of 129 alcoholism and poor financial management. y In British Columbia this distant aspect of his career intimately tied his experience to that of many of the men in the temperance society. When Kurikka prostelitized the need to embark on a "new path" away from the debauchery of saloon life, his audience recognized the validity of the idea in his own example.13° T0 them, Kurikka represented the successful transformation of being which they sought to accomplish for themselves, and reaffirmed his superior stature as well as his humanity. 101 During the 1890s temperance and theosophy were primary motivations in Kurikka's life. He maintained a keen interest in the activities of the newly rising and largely dispossessed working class in Finland.131 His zealous advocacy on behalf of these concerns led to his eventual ostracism from the social milieu of upper class Helsinki. With the publication of his play, Tower of Babel, his career as a popular play wright came to an end.132 Its harsh portrayal of the religious and political hierarchies and their alleged decadence and lack of social conscience exiled him from the milieu which had nurtured him. Like many of the members of the Kalevan Kansa who had suffered the condemnation of church officials for their decision to emigrate, Kurikka was outcast and stripped of moral stature. Subsequently, he and many of the immigrant workers at Wellington and elsewhere133 had chosen to participate in more immediate and funda-134 mentalist forms of Christian association. J For Kurikka, individual and collective emancipation required freedom for the human soul to express itself. To him, Christ's teachings were not simply examples of outdated 135 scripture. Rather, they were the ideas of a man JJ endowed with supreme vision and understanding. Religion, Kurikka maintained, could only be understood by practicing it in day to day affairs. It is the moral duty of all men to seek the essence of Godliness in their relationships with others and in their creations. People must attempt to strip away the outer garments of doctrines and creeds until they are able 102 to grasp at the genuine idea. Since this understanding was to be intuited rather than reasoned, felt rather than articulated, it could most readily be perceived away from the confines of an ignorant, unsympathetic and structured society.1-56 These ideas developed into a consuming passion in Kurikka's thinking during the time he edited a small news paper in eastern Finland,^ and later, when he travelled extensively in Scandinavia and northern Europe as a representative for a life insurance firm.1-58 m his travels he came into contact with a variety of people who were impoverished, disfranchised and, from his perspective, denied the benefits which a more ideal form of social life could provide. When he took over the editorship of the influential newspaper, Tyomies, he had an opportunity to express these 1 TO 140 views. Jy Here he renewed his contact with A. B. Makela, 141 a firm supporter of Minna Canth, a prominent suffragette, 142 and a group of more materialistically oriented reformers. Although this was the most energetic period of his career, the majority of his fellow workers and organizers regarded him as an unreliable dreamer.1^ He subsequently fell into 144 disfavour with those who advocated more radical upheaval. After his resignation from the Tyomies in 1898, he continued to expound his thoughts on prohibition, religion, censorship and nationalism.1**6 For his vehement stand against Russia during the February Manifesto on Russification in 1899 he was deserted by the majority of his fellow 103 socialists. ^7 Kurikka was clearly alienated from the leaders of the working class as well as from the upper classes. However, his image among the workers themselves had taken on qualities of martyrdom, and he was celebrated in'the traditional medium of folk songs. 7 His popularity among these people continued to grow as he became more prominent in his advocacy of emigration and criticism of the present situation in Finland. During this period he began to formulate his ideas about idealistic societies. However, they were largely ignored as was the descriptive title Kalevan Kansa which he proposed to call these altruistic Finns. 1-*° In 1899. after having gained some encouragement from the Australian government,1^1 he left Finland with a group of settlers to found a colony. The attempt ended in failure as the group quickly disbanded.1-*2 In Australia, Kurikka was not only separated from the various groups which had for a time supported him in Finland but also from his homeland. With Russification and severe censorship seemingly at hand it appeared to him impossible to return to attempt to create a better society.1^3 Like many of the immigrants who had gone to North America, he felt cut off from his homeland but not from the legacy of its culture. When he arrived at the Finnish settlements around Nanaimo his talks about the injustices in the current society along with the solutions he proposed to use to correct them satisfied the intuitive aspirations of his audience. He had only scanty knowledge about the historical background and social circumstances particular to Vancouver Island, but he was able to share his experiences of oppression with the miners, and he encouraged their aspir ations with plans for an Utopian community. He told them that, as the descendants of Vainamoinen1-^ and the other heroic characters of the Kalevala, they had the unique ability to bring about the difficult task of creating a new society which would eventually reform those around them.1-*-* Throughout his initial stay on Vancouver Island, Kurikka inspired an absolute sense of certainty and success through his own actions. Interest and support for the proposed community seemed forthcoming from all directions 1*56 including the general public and the provincial government. ^ By the confidence he displayed in his writings and meetings with representatives of the community at large he raised the confidence of his followers and supporters.1-*7 At these meetings he was personable and encouraged a sense of excitement. Members of the audience recall that on his speaking tours to different communities "•interrupt ions were silenced and criticism ceased while the hearers listened to the fiery (sic) minded tall man, with the long black hair and flashing dark eyes.'"1^8 He was a man of irresistible persuasive abilities, capable of recklessly attacking everything he disliked. Yet he was also a sympathetic individual capable of sincere compassion for 105 those he felt were oppressed.1-*9 His oratory was often provocative and rhetorical."1'60 Its evangelistic fervour was appealing and familiar to an audience experienced with revivalism and temperance activity. He would begin his talks slowly, pondering and searching for the proper words until he appeared to be carried adrift by the strength of his subject.161 The image of the new society which he postulated ultimately would unite all segments of the population, including non-Finns, into a true state of Christian brotherhood set on abolishing subservience. The talks, which brought together large groups of Finns, illustrated his ideas about a settlement through songs, readings and inspired addresses.16-5 The key to perfecting social conditions resided in the improvement of each individual's moral character. Consequently, Kurikka encouraged his audience to begin the process toward eman cipation from moral and social bondage by changing their individual outlooks. As Oberg recalls, Kurikka defined this process as socialism from "the head" and the heart, not from the "stomach" as was advocated by Marx and Finnish 16k socialists of the time. The new way of being anticipated by many of the Finnish temperance men was described by Kurikka in his discussions about the joint-stock company which he proposed to call the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company. He conceived of it as a form of co-operative in which the collective productivity of the members would provide the requirements of material 106 well-being as well as spiritual needs.165 In order to bring the desired state of brotherhood and prosperity into existence in a capitalist ambiance, the company's future members would be required to make a sizeable initial invest ment. The obligation could be discharged preferably by a cash payment or otherwise through communal labour. Later, the participants could simply rely on their collective talents, inherited abilities and spiritual togetherness for continued prosperity and security. For a time the confusion which surrounded the descriptions of the joint-stock company and the Utopian scheme appeared to present a synthesis. In it the conflicting aspirations of the capitalists and the socialists within the Kalevan Kansa seemed to be enjoined in common purpose. Spiritual strength as it was conceived of by Kurikka was revealed in the bonds of comradeship which united individuals in common pursuits, in the innate qualities of oneness in the universe, and in the perfection and great ness of the Finnish history revealed in the Kalevala stories.167 For Kurikka, faith in the supremacy of spirituality was the cornerstone of Christianity. Its workings had faciliated the changes already experienced by the temperance men in themselves and it would guide the actions of the Kalevan Kansa. Contrary to the opinions of the majority of his critics in North America, Kurikka was not anti-Christian. Officials in the established Lutheran congregations were eager to 107 denounce and discredit him for his attitudes toward the established clergy whom he felt to be tardy in their recognition of the Christian imperative to reform.168 The institutionalized church would not have a part in the formation of the idealistic community. Contrary to the opinion of the clergy, Kurikka maintained that the activities of the Kalevan Kansa would reflect the true meaning of l69 Christ's teachings. 7 The new society would operate in the spirit of harmony and everyone would share equally in the rewards offered by social life lived in the spirit of brotherhood. The achievements of civilization would not need to be abandoned, except for those aspects which contributed to oppression. For Kurikka these included all aspects of social life which he understood to differentiate individuals.170 Curiously, the basis of this new community, the joint-stock company, encompassed in its concepts many of the inherent evils Kurikka and the others recognized elsewhere. It distinguished classes of membership, values attributed to different forms of labour and social worth determined by sex and ethnicity. The vision of the ideal secreted in KurikkaJs talks about the joint-stock company revealed a society which, on the surface, was an antithesis to the blights of moral, mental and physical degeneration generally attributed by the miners to capitalist society. Kurikka postulated that in the new community people would work according to their skills and the needs of their fellow residents. They would be 108 rewarded not only by relationships with one another free of outstanding obligations but by cash dividends. Later, the reformer's zeal and Utopian idealism was carried further by the imagination of others. A. B. Makela, the company's secretary, for instance, envisioned a prospering agrarian township with treed streets, parks, schools, places of industry and idyllic settings for human and animal life.171 Kurikka and his followers remained convinced that such a community could not be established within the sordid ambiance of settled Vancouver Island. It could be realized only by withdrawing from the existing society and beginning afresh in virgin territory rich in its natural resources. There in the midst of nature, away from the competitive characteristics of other settlements, true Christian harmony inherent in the hearts of the participants would flourish. There the Kalevan Kansa could hew from nature the necessary material requirements, and from their relationships the desired spiritual values. However, if ;the community was not too remote, they proposed to make use of existing shipping lanes to take their surplus commodities to market. Through out, their aspirations and affairs were continually embroiled in contradictions which were inherent in the venture itself. The appeal of fashioning a community from the wilderness, among a people with an immediate subsistence and agrarian background, was further heightened by casting onto practical 172 manual work a redeeming quality. ' The euphoria engendered by these early discussions was maintained because the participants saw themselves in a redeeming role not unlike that of the early Christians.173 Although few in number, they felt themselves to be nearing a new way of being which would bring together enlightened individuals.Questions about specific details remained to be asked, and the necessary complications arising from individual claims and personalities were not yet factors to be dealt with. As a result, the feeling of fraternity continued to grow among a greater number of followers. By the autumn of 1900 specific attempts were undertaken by Kurikka and the others to acquire suitable land.17^ Numerous trips were made to Victoria, government officials were consulted and coastal maps and diaries were studied. From the start Kurikka's settlement plans attracted attention and gained support within the larger society as well. He met most of the current expectations of what a 176 "good class of immigrant" would be. He was conversant in English, well read, and knowledgeable about political and economic matters. The immigration scheme he proposed would increase the population of Vancouver Island without 177 taxing the present well-being of its residents. In the information supplied to local newspapers he suggested that the majority of the:newly arriving Finnish immigrants would be equally competent as he in these matters and that they were primarily interested in developing the province's agriculture and lumbering.178 Although some of the immigrants might initially want to work in the mines they would not endanger the security of those already employed there by accepting smaller wages as some other racial and ethnic groups had done.179 Furthermore, he suggested that the additional Finnish immigrants attracted to British Columbia by the settlement plans would help Vancouver Island to rise to a dominant economic and cultural position. It would quickly assume the same relationship to the rest of Canada as England had to Europe and Japan had to Asia.180 His evaluation of Finnish immigrants was supported by a report from the Dominion Immigration Commissioner who characterized Finns as industrious, frugal, hard working, 181 easily contented and desirous of peace. The report stated that as many as 2,000,000 Finnish immigrants might arrive in Canada to escape the tyranny of Russia and the -1 Op imperialian of the Greek Orthodox Church. In the midst of a predominantly protestant and Anglo-Saxon population both the Russians and the Greek Orthodox Church were regarded as oppressive. The readers of Vancouver Island newspapers took an interest in the proposal of establishing a settlement founded upon a joint-stock company. To satisfy the demand for more information among Finns and non-Finns alike, Kurikka submitted his preliminary ideas to the Daily Colonist for publication. In his article he suggested, among other things?,, that all aspects of daily life would be treated co-operatively; all the members would be paid equally although the duration of time allotted to the various tasks Ill might vary; the company would assume responsibility for the maintenance of the children, the sick and the aged; and the company would iprovide food, clothing and shelter for its members as part of their wages.183 He further indicated that an initial investment of $200.00 would be required from all members and that persons of all nationalities would be 184 welcome. His plans projected a later dividend of 5$ to be paid to each member, who was in turn expected to contribute one half of that sum to a fund for education, music and common benefit.18-* This description reassured local business men and politicans that the Pinlanders had interests and aspirations in some respects similar to their own. Non-Finnish workers viewed the scheme as a desirable, if not viable option. Support for the settlement plans from the greater community was encouraging to the Finns as well. When it became apparent that the Finns were primarily interested in obtaining land in an unsettled area the former opposition 186 to a free land grant to prospective newcomers dwindled. After additional trips to Victoria to confer with various government officials about possible areas of settlement, Kurikka and the others chose Malcolm Island located about 150 miles north of Vancouver in the vicinity of the already existing community of Alert Bay.187 Their decision was determined by the availablity, the resources and the physical description of the island. The information contained in the preliminary reports prepared by government surveyors partially 112 coincided with descriptions of North Farm in the Kalevala -i go narratives. In the narrative the mythical descendants of Kaleva transformed the gloomy area of North Farm into a prosperous Viking settlement by constructing a magic windmill (Sampo) which provided grain, salt and gold.189 in British Columbia, Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa proposed to trans form the bleak and previously uninhabitable island into a place of harmony with the aid of the joint-stock company.190 As the settlement activites gained in momentum among Kurikka and his followers, the Kalevala narratives played an increasingly prominent role in their activities. The Kalevan Kansa thought that they would become the new people of Kaleva.191 At the meetings and rallies where Kurikka spoke he reminded his audiences of their distant fore fathers' accomplishments at the time of Kaleva. Repeatedly they were told of Vainamoinen, the most popular, steadfast and gifted singer and musician? of Ilmarinen the eternal smith who forged the vault of heaven and who created a gold and silver bride for himself; and of Leminkainen the 192 reckless, erotic and handsome man with a far-roving mind. As the sons and daughters of a great Finnish tradition, Kurikka appealed to his followers to recognize their inherent abilities. Since his supporters accepted Kurikka as a representation of an ideally suited Finn, they attributed these characteristics to him. They observed in his public activities with politicians, businessmen, news papermen and supporters qualities of an independently 113 minded individual capable of reshaping the activities and personalities of others. When he was enthralled with his ideas he seemed to be possessed by an intense sexual and spiritual power.19-5 Kurikka's appeal for others to join the Kalevan Kansa reached beyond the local meetings and his lecture tours through the Aika newspaper which he founded as a joint-stock company in 1901.19^ In the early issues he instructed the descendants of Vainamoinen's people to come together and to reject the dismal existence present society offered.19-> In turn, correspondents to the paper told of the impact that his appeal had on them. Some stated that they were lit erally swept off their feet. For example, one person claimed, **It opened my eyes from blindness" . . . "it threw me on my back because I was so entrenched in the old [present] habits."196 The writer continued by saying that he now had a fresh understanding of God's true purpose, of his own heritage and of his present circumstance: "Now that the lit candle" of our real nature had been allowed to shine he needed Kurikka to "take the mind prisoner before it wandered astray."197 The complexity of Kurikka's argument which brought together indigenous traditions, Christian theology and contemporary sociology engendered a sense of creative ecstacy and urgency. In turn, its appeal was furthered by constant references to the mythical past and a rethinking of the Kalevala. As Burridge has suggested, familiarity with such narratives focuses the mind toward 114 particular kinds of comprehension, that is why narratives persist through time and why words, "phrases or events are capable of speeding the mind through the entire gamut of culture."198 The ability to understand the enduring qualities of traditional modes of thinking and doing as well as their manipulation by imaginative individuals like Kurikka presents a difficult problem. Under his leadership the Kalevan Kansa perceived and acted upon specific aspects of their cultural heritage. Yet, the character of their activities was radically different from those of other Finns in North America and Finland. The historical data which exists concerning their Utopian activity suggests that Kurikka was able to bring his followers to a unique comprehension of themselves and their abilities. By manipulating elements from their shared mythical past in conjunction with the situation current in British Columbia, he was able to convince them of the feasibility of founding an idealistic community, Sointula. In an effort to more fully comprehend the understanding which gave authority to the Kalevan Kansa activity, field-work was undertaken at Sointula and elsewhere among descendants of the settlers.1" The implicit assumption underlying the task was that aspects of the Kalevan Kansa*s experience would persist in the thoughts and daily affairs of the children and grandchildren of the original settlers. The task initially appeared unfruitful. Among those who 115 had recollections about the beginnings of Sointula and the Kalevan Kansa, the conversations tended toward vaguely descriptive comments or to expression of some form of political ideology. Their specific relevance to the Kalevan Kansa activity of their forefathers seemed unconnected.200 Like their anecdotes about the Kalevala stories, these observations were offered as examples of truisms to be simultaneously credited or discredited in the present form. Some of the goals of the Kalevan Kansa, they thought, had been realized over time although perhaps not in the form 201 that they were anticipated. Among the members of the Kalevan Kansa who chose to remain at Sointula, the potential of the situation determined by geography, climate, locality and resources merged with the requirements of the Utopian ideals through a series of problems worked out in time. The community has remained clearly unique but in ways which are not immediately tangible. The presence of a visionary like Kurikka blurred the distinctions between a mythical past and the situation at the turn of the twentieth century at Wellington. His presence did promote unusual activities. The activities bogged down in matters related to human nature and never reached completion. The Kalevan Kansa's Utopian vision did affect the lives of many local Finns of the time and as such tended to encourage a faster 202 and more dramatic form of change. However, on the basis of the information derived from interviews and from conversations it remained difficult to perceive fully the 116 character of the understanding which led them to found Sointula. Two other pieces of fieldwork data collected at the same time from Sointula are worth considering in relation to this problem. Although neither address the Kalevan Kansa*s Utopian activities directly, they provide information which permits a general comment, applicable to the original problem, to be made. Both groups of data suggest more clearly the extent to which past cultural traditions influence activities which are later undertaken. Both hint at how tradition and circumstance can transcend or limit one another in terms of new fields of comprehension and expression, particularly when they are manipulated by a skilled technician who has an understanding of both situations. The first focuses primarily on traditions and concerns examples of material culture, more specifically the construction, use and maintenance of the sauna bath. In Sointula nearly all of the early Finnish home sites had a separate building for the family sauna and many of these still survive.203 Most modern Finnish homes also have a sauna but it is often a part of the living structure. Under both circumstances the sauna is considered to be a uniquely Finnish tradition expressing an avenue to moral as well as physical cleanliness.204 when asked, Finns readily dis tinguish between bathing and taking a sauna. Many inform ants feel that sauna transforms the act of bathing into an 205 event capable of altering the psychic state of the bather. 117 It facilitates relaxation which in turn permits a closer and more open approach to matters of concern.206 Beyond this, sauna has a social character. As a central and unifying cultural symbol it brings family members and circles of acquaintances together in a setting where day to day distinctions based on sex, age, kinship and socio-economic 207 status are less important. ' On these occasions the rel evant criteria for inclusion/exclusion are most concerned with shared qualities such as cleanliness, friendship and 208 love. The sauna as an entity is a predominant and continuing aspect of Finnish tradition which facilitates a form of social cohesion not restricted by the regimentation of daily affairs among specified groups of people. Sauna as a traditional element facilitates forms of integration separate from the structural elements of daily relationships. Despite the recent changes in population composition at Sointula, the sauna has remained a central focus among most Finns. The enduring component of the tradition is reflected in the expenditure and sacrifice of valuable space which are often involved. Saunas are by and large built and maintained by 'individual people' who 'know' 209 as opposed to builders who have formal blueprints. Yet, they remain substantially the same despite time and locality. People are quick to recognize and voice 211 inadequacies and intrusions within the tradition. As such, the physical structures of the saunas present a dialogue between what is traditionally acceptable and 118 innovatively possible. Since the physical properties of the structures as well as their patterns of use have remained relatively constant despite pressures to change (available materials, space, craftsmanship abilities, time and social acceptance) they are an expression of an intuitively shared awareness of what 212 is appropriate. Each example of a sauna represents a synthesis which confines the potential for change within the requirements of remaining static. Like those of visionary leaders, the individual imaginations of the builders were set free as long as they communicated their insights meaningfully in relation to intuitively held cultural standards. The second illustration concerns the popular appeal of folk medicine and folk healers in some Finnish-Canadian communities. In some ways the role of the successful healer echoes that of Kurikka among the Kalevan Kansa. 213 Until recently healers were active in British Columbia. J They were often peripheral in their residence, unkempt or otherwise peculiar in their appearance and lax in terms of moral standards. In the process of curing they often took things from nature or from material which had been 2i« somehow discarded and gave them a viable use in their work. -Their position within a community with normative expectations and relationships was precarious since they, like other figures invested with authority, were under constant scrutiny and evaluation. When they were called upon to perform a cure, everyday ailments were handled with accepted 119 methods. However, the success with which they administered cures and the course of their actions when confronted by unusual difficulties brought the healer into prominence.216 If his being and actions constantly fulfilled predictions he was soon recognized as a person with some knowledge. If the solutions appeared totally foreign, outside the realm of anticipation, he was soon regarded as a fool or hoax.217 In order that the institution of the healer be given credence, his actions and paraphernalia needed to account for both the expected and the unexpected by transforming one into the other through his experience. To be successful these healers took the materials at hand and translated them into a different sphere of comprehension by the power and cred ibility invested in their office. As such the demands of their role closely paralleled that thrust upon leaders like Kurikka who were charged with constantly translating one set of ordering principles in relation to another. Much of the initial appeal of the Kalevan Kansa»s Utopian vision sprang from the constant recombination of symbols by Kurikka. He accomplished this through his frequent lecture tours and speaking engagements where he presented his emphatic yet changing and often ambiguous ideas about traditional egalitarian values, commercial enter prises and Finland's mythical past. Through the Aika he managed to extend the appeal beyond his range of travel. Apart from his inspired yet diffuse representations of a new way of being, the content of the early issues of the 120 newspaper concentrated on material which would enhance the appeal of the immigration scheme. A typical edition of Aika contained a synopsis of the Kalevan Kansa's affairs, local news concerning matters of interest to the community of workers, comments on temperance activities, reports on the progress of socialism elsewhere, relevant passages and commentary from philosophical literature and from The Bible. news from Finland, stories of human tragedy in a capitalist 21 fl society and a serialized catechism about money. For a time Kurikka was engrossed with the newspaper which gave him unprecedented freedom to express his ideas about Finnish nationalism, spiritual idealism, anticlericalism, anti-capitalism and socialism.219 The Aika was founded largely as a test of Kurikka's power among his followers. When some of the authority and enthusiasm he initially commanded had dwindled, he indicated his willingness to abandon the group which had gathered around him unless they could provide a means for him to articulate the ideas to a wider audience. His plans to travel to Astoria, Oregon, to edit Lannetar were quickly put aside when the miners gathered together the capital and 220 equipment to begin Aika. A list of subscribers in the 18 October 1901 issue showed a wide circulation and the success of the proposed settlement's appeal was indicated in the number of supporters who travelled to Vancouver Island.221 From the outset the Aika's purpose was intended to be didactic. Its editorials were written to instruct, to 121 convert, and to lure. To the distant reader it often seemed that the Utopian community was already in progress. For a time Kurikka's sense of urgency managed to camouflage inherent discrepancies in his editorials. For example, in one issue, an article advocated a mode of living completely defined by relationships characterized by brotherly love and sharing. In the same issue another article stressed the social importance of understanding the nature and use of money. Its misuse was discussed at length in a serialized narrative set in an idealized locality of subsistence Finland. Each of the entities within the story; money, banking, lending, borrowing and interest brought havoc to the agrarian community as they intermingled in the lives of unaware 222 inhabitants. All forms of traditional relationships were upset as the members of the subsistence community attempted to gain superiority over one another by acquiring and manipulating money. Amongst a following of miners already familiar with subservience the discussion tended to promote further interest in singularity and the expression of power not just in matters of egalitarianism. The unintended and covert message within the story was antithetical to the seeds of comradeship which Kurikka tried to nurture among his followers. By reintroducing money as a primary consid eration he reinstated the confusion which for a time had been largely subsumed in the euphoria of the past activities. The emphasis on money helped to foster the appeal of the stock company. However, the problems encountered in the 122 interplay of subsistence values and those of a complex society reflected in capitalist and socialist interests were brought to the forefront in the activities which were undertaken by participants in the company. The difficulty was intrinsic within the movement and the individual dilemmas which ensued from it were conspicuously present among most 223 of the Kalevan Kansa members. J The apparent heralding of a new state of being seemingly free of such contradictions continued for only a short period of unstructured togetherness. In the mundane activities before leaving for Malcolm Island, Kurikka failed to provide the example and impetus which would have carried the Kalevan Kansa through the liminal 2?4 period. There were prolonged delays, apparent set-backs, suspected failures in leadership and attempts to delineate specific objectives which the nebulous vision could ill afford. The deteriorating situation was clearly reflected in Aika, in the variety of embittered atacks against other members, including Kurikka, and in the authoritarian manner in which Kurikka expressed his thoughts.225 increasingly, Kurrika's viewpoint was presented to the exclusion of others as the situation moved from one of mutual participation to one of leader and followers. Shortly after the Aika had begun to publish, Kurikka had initiated plans to attract his former co-worker, A. B. Makela, to British Columbia. Makela's role was to be that of a 226 brake to the speeding train which was Kurikka. As such he would not only help to guide the settlement scheme 123 through unforeseen difficulties but his presence in relation to Kurikka would produce a dynamic, the reconciliation of which would add to the enlightenment of the Utopian vision. Makela's Marxist-oriented or "stomach" socialism would confront Kurikka's theosophic or "head" socialism, eventually to be reconciled in a higher perception of idealistic life represented in the social organization of the new community.22'' Kurikka's hopes did not materialize. Despite Makela's position as secretary of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company and as editor of the Aika, he often disagreed bit terly with Kurikka, particularly about matters concerning religion.228 Halminen recalls that in the beginning the debates between Kurikka and Makela were engaging. 7 However, as the enthusiastic fervour of the enterprise gradually declined, the depth of the ideological schism became more apparent. Among the members of the Kalevan Kansa the diverging viewpoints added to the confusion and eventually contributed to the disintegration of the cohesion within the idealistic movement Kurikka had initially,talked about. Makela's views were often found more acceptable, particularly by the newcomers who were arriving daily in anticipation of going to the settlement. Since they had not been part of the enthusiasm which surrounded Kurikka's arrival on Vancouver Island, and since they were often more familiar with the thinking of other Marxist socialists than with Kurikka's concepts of theosophy, they tended to 230 support Makela. 124 After Kurikka1s plans for a settlement were unveiled to the public there was pressure from local politicians, news papers and the public in aid of the Finlanders' cause.231 However, the Malcolm Island land grant continued to be delayed until 1901 because the provincial government had previously granted a pulp and paper company rights to the island's timber.232 Although the delay permitted a greater number of future settlers to gather at Nanaimo in antici pation of going to Sointula, and thereby heightened the venture's apparent popularity, it was costly.233 The initial excitement was declining, Kurikka's charismatic ability was called into question because of his failure to expedite the affairs of the Kalevan Kansa with the government, and the thus far ephemeral state of the colonization scheme was beginning to be questioned as the attention of the member ship moved more toward problems of organization,Z^ The number of prerequisites which needed to be met in the stipulations of the land grant agreement further eroded the sense of communitas upon which the intial appeal of the 235 idealistic settlement had rested. JJ When the first members of the Kalevan Kansa arrived on the deserted and inhospitable shores of Malcolm Island only the basic organization of most of their activities in the proposed Utopian settlement had been determined. The "Articles of Association of 'Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited'" detailed the financial, legal and voting responsibilities of membership.236 The "Memorandum of 125 'Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited'" outlined the long term objectives, immediate goals in resource exploit ation and the financial responsibility of the shareholders,2-5'' The "Agreement between His Majesty The King and The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited" further stipulated the required capital improvements to be made on the land, the ratio of settlers to land, the nature of agreements which could be entered into by settlers, the necessity of becoming British subjects, the need to conform with the prevailing political doctrines and laws of the province, the need to bear arms in wartime, and the necessity of educating children in public schools in English.2-58 The agreement further specified the conditions under which the company would be in default. These requirements were outlined again in the agreement signed by a representative of the Kalevan Kansa 239 Colonization Company, Limited and the individual members. J7 These objectives imposed a definite predetermined structure upon an undertaking which was initially entered into in the spirit of communitas. Not only did these rules determine the collective obligations of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company to the external society but they also stipulated the mode of internal organization. The rules prescribed distinctions based on sex, age, physical ability, skills and eventually financial status. They also outlined the activities which needed to be embarked upon regardless of other priorities. The subsequent three years of Kalevan Kansa activity at Malcolm Island were consumed by day to day 126 affairs directed toward the implementation of the require ments as well as surviving a difficult existence in the wilderness. An estimated 2,000 people travelled to Sointula in the four years of Kalevan Kansa activity although only a small fraction of that number joined or remained. In 1902 at least 24 memberships were recorded, in 1903 an additional 242 79 and in 1904 20 more. At its height there were between 600 and 800 settlers on the island. Kolehmainen's description of the colony as a "lodestone which drew to its uneasy bosom all kinds of cranks, pseudo-philosophers, spiritualists, advocates of perpetual motion, supporters of free love and windbags", is only partly correct.2*''3 It was not until the latter stages after 1904 that such individuals 244 arrived in any number. More often groups of transient men travelled to the island to seek work in Kurikka*s company and left when they saw none was available.2**-* To survive, the settlement needed capital. Much of Kurikka*s activity on the island was concerned with securing loans and in inducing others to come in the hope that they 246 could meet their membership fee in cash. Often they did not and they needed to be accommodated when there were no lodgings available, particularly for women and children.2*1"7 Others were extremely disappointed on arrival, expecting to see the Utopian community in full bloom, yet, remained to criticize it.2*18 Still other prospective settlers, more accustomed to urban comforts, left the settlement 127 embittered. Upon returning to Vancouver and other urban centres, they often agitated against the aims of the 249 community and especially against Kurikka. 7 As the pressure to bring the envisioned ideals into practice increased, Kurikka was put into a position where he needed to describe his plan in more precise detail. At this point his power, which rested partly on charismatic authority, was in a balance. In order to maintain his position of undisputed leadership he needed to "provide his anxious audience with clearer information about the course which lay ahead.250 However, the more he surrendered to structure by detailing his vision in terms of organization the more he was open to scrutiny and criticism.251 For a short period of time the work of creating Sointula, the place of harmony, progressed in the spirit first envisioned by the Kalevan Kansa.252 However, their enthusiasm and proposed well-being were soon dampened by 253 economic difficulties. JJ The problems extended into all spheres of daily activity including shelter, clothing and food.25** In an ambiance characterized by material as well as human shortcomings the spirit of brotherhood was severely strained. Bitter arguments erupted over the size and quality of the proposed land allotments, the amount and form of labour to be contributed toward the common good, the physical organization of the community, the exercising of individual skills, the class value of discharging member ship dues, the philosophical aims of the community and all 128 2*5 5 financial matters. These were heightened by the group's inability to successfully exploit the island's resources for its own needs, by the failure of the company to produce a marketable surplus, by the distance from markets for the materials which eventually were produced, and a series of mishaps and mismanagement.2-*6 In the isolated settlement individual and group shortcomings and frustrations could only be focused onto other members. Particularly onto those who most appeared to be in charge or onto those.whose philosophical perspectives were most clearly recognized as impeding the community's collective well-being. Since Kurikka most often suffered the brunt of these attacks power tended to drift toward Makela who had become a counter force in the community and whose proposals were still largely untried. In the beginning, Kurikka's role within the Kalevan Kansa was one of participation within a collective endeavour. However, when specific activities were undertaken to bring the Utopian community into existence, the members of the Kalevan Kansa increasingly thrust the responsibilities of leadership into his willing hands. When the settlement plans were still diffuse and later when the first stages of settlement were starting, he managed to provide leadership by his own example. By manipulating and reordering elements from traditional narratives and proverbs, in conjunction with references to Biblical events and the ultimate supremacy of spiritual values expressed in his concept of socialism, he 129 was able to bring his followers to a point where they were temporarily removed from the authority of daily routine.257 He encouraged the Kalevan Kansa to rejoice in their new freedom by expressing their true sentiments in idyllic songs in praise of the community they were creating.258 At this point Kurikka was needed as a reassurance that the mundane organization of day to day activities would ensue and that the aspirations embodied in the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company could be made workable. As matters became more difficult in the absence of deliberate and workable objectives Kurikka was increasingly obliged to rely on personal slander and attacks, coercion and deceit to maintain authority. J When it eventually appeared impossible to hold the community together and to maintain his position of leadership he entertained thoughts of destroying it. These thoughts later contributed to his downfall when a fatal fire broke out in the communal living quarters in the winter of 1903. The fire destroyed the residence hall housing the living quarters, dining, meeting and crafts areas. With it the prime symbol of the Kalevan Kansa's ideological aspirations and achievements was gone. In the aftermath which followed the loss of lives, property and inspiration, Kurikka made a final grasp at power and at preparing the circumstances from which an ideal society might arise. He hoped to obliterate the destructive tendencies apparent in the actions of Sointula residents by bringing about a situation suggestive of a 130 chaotic "beginning where the rules of organization were not 26l formalized. To accomplish this he renewed his attack on the institution of marriage. Earlier Kurikka had written and spoken about the -oppressive nature of marriage. In Sointula his views were apparent in the attempt at forming a co-operative for raising and educating children, in the communally organized workshops for women and in the value attached to their activities.26-5 However, in late 1904 he proposed to intro duce more radical changes. The Aika published an ideological discussion about free love and childbirth outside of 264 wedlock. His renewed emphasis on free love was partly influenced by a pragmatic consideration. He hoped that freer access to women might entice some of the single men who had accompanied him back from an ill-fated bridge contract in North Vancouver to remain at Sointula and to work for the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company.265 More importantly, however, he viewed it as a means to reaffirm his personal and political authority on the island. His omnipotence in tearing apart the fundamental relationship would grant him authority which would encourage faith in his other undertakings. Additionally, since the principles of social organization are ultimately rooted in the relation ships which define relations between men and women, he believed that the abolition of the current rules would bring about a period of confusion from which it would be possible 266 to generate new rules. 131 In the intervening time, however, Kurikka's position as charismatic leader had eroded. His secret deal with James Dunsmuir to supply Finnish labourers from among the Kalevan Kansa at low rates of pay had become public knowledge. He was widely criticized by other Finnish workers, union organizers and socialists as well as by the people within the Kalevan Kansa,267 especially for violating the basic principle of socialist doctrine, to maintain control over labour. His attempts to gain support for the company from capitalist entrepreneurs in the eastern United States was also exposed and it further eroded his credibility among the 268 socialists. Additionally, his plans to have men from the Kalevan Kansa work at a Victoria pulpmill were found out.269 The fire had brought the full extent of the Kalevan Kansa's debts into the open and Kurikka's former image as a versatile 270 manager was in question. The collective guilt of the company's mismanagement was cast upon Kurikka. Furthermore, his personal failures and purported extravagances were 271 brought to the forefront. Kurikka's movement from a position of an equal to that of a leader placed him into a situation where he was account able for not only his own failures but also those of the community as a whole. In the closed circumstances of a tightly bound settlement, removed from contact with the external society, Kurikka's role as a charismatic leader turned into that of a sorcerer. The life force within him which his followers had recognized as antithetical to daily 132 routines in the larger society had turned from a positive goal into its opposite. Kurikka's perspectives regarding the nature of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, for instance, remained relatively constant "but that viewpoint was increasingly recognized by the Kalevan Kansa as evil and dangerous. They no longer saw in it the means to an idyllic state of being characterized by equality and material well-being. Characteristically, Kurikka's personality "aggravated 272 rather than mitigated the situation." ' The community strenuously denied the validity of his ideas about free love and marriage.273 In turn, Kurikka denied his respons ibility for them and was readily condemned. Elsewhere Finnish religious leaders branded him as the "devil's vicarn,^7^ The provincial government proposed to investigate Sointula and particularly Kurikka for the purported immoral conduct.27-* Marxist socialists and trade unionists lambasted the entire Utopian venture and especially Kurikka for failing to support the true cause of class conflict.276 In the midst of the accusations Kurikka and those who still supported him were banished from Sointula. With Kurikka's departure the Utopian aspect of the Kalevan Kansa activity 277 came to an end. In early 1905 the burden of leadership was assumed by A. B. Makela.278 After a series of pragmatic attempts at keeping the affairs of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited solvent,. Makela and the remainder of the Kalevan Kansa were forced to forfeit the assets of the company.279 134 Notes 1 The early issues of the Canadian census do not classier Finns as a separate ethnic group, nor do "they accurately account for specific groups of people in areas smaller than electoral subdistricts. See, for example, Canada/Census of Canada 1901. vol. 1, pp. 284-285, 332-333 and 406-407. 2 Vancouver Province. 18 June 1938 and E. Van Cleef, "Finnish Settlement in Canada," Geographical Review 42 (April 1952): 253-266. 3 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 7-16. See also Raivio, 1975. PP. 282-285 and 373-396 ^ Halminen, 1936, pp. 8-15. 5 M. Matheson, "Some Effect of Coal Mining Upon the Development of the Nanaimo Area," (unpublished M. A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1950), p. 8. 6 In some agrarian communities like Uusi Suomi [New Finland] in Saskatchewan, founded in the 1880s, Finns could exist on small subsistence farms and remain relatively isolated from the outside world. The majority of their material and social needs could be met from within the community and consequently there was little need to partic ipate in the commerce of neighbouring towns. ' In the more urban settlements around Vancouver Island mines it was not possible to achieve a way of life character ized by interdependence. Individual obligations extended beyond a closed community. The diversity of such obligations was wider and the avenues for discharging them were less clear, particularly for a people unfamiliar with the complexities of a moneyed society. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-26. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-15. See also above, pp. 8-10, 47-53. 9 See, for example, footnote 6 above. Similar circum stances existed in Finnish communities in Ontario, Manitoba and in the interior of British Columbia. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 5-10 and Raivio, 1975. PP- 228-232, 278-280 and 264-268 for examples of Finnish communities elsewhere. 10 See Halminen, 1936, p. 20. 11 Halminen suggested that the mixture of races and ethnic groups in the mines made it impossible to come to a consensus about common interests. See pp. 19^22. 135 12 Halminen stated that on several occasions the Finnish miners were obliged to dismantle their shacks and to move them to another location. Often this attitude extended into all aspects of life since their landowner, employer and politican was often the same person. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 13-22. 13 J For a discussion of Finns as hardy workers see the Daily Colonist. 29 November 1899- For a discussion of the rowdiness of camp life see Halminen, 1936, pp. 13-22. 14 See, for example, Daily Colonist. 2 February 1901. See, for example, ibid. For an indication of the strong anti-oriental sentiments expressed by local and national labour leaders see, for example, the "Legislative Platform of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, 1898" as cited in T. Loosmore, "The British Columbia Labor Move ment and Political Action, 1879-1906" (unpublished M. A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1954), p. xiv; the "Canadian Labor Party Platform, 1906" as cited in ibid., p. xxxvj the "Platform of the Provincial Progressive Party" 1902 as cited in ibid., p. xxvii and the "Nanaimo Working-man's Platform, 1894" as cited in ibid., p. xi. For a detailed discussion of anti-orientalism in British Columbia during this time see, for example, W. P. Ward, "White Canada Forever: British Columbia's Response to Orientals, 1858-1914" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Queen's University, 1972). 16 xo Daily Colonist, 2 February 1901. The Finns were thought of as a far better class of immigrant than the Doukhobours for example, who were thought to be hardy but otherwise objectionable. See also, ibid., 28 June 1901. 17 See, for example, ibid., 29 August 1899. Finns would be ideal settlers for nothern Vancouver Island, the Atlin country, the Nechaco Valley or the Bulkley Valley. See also the Vancouver Province, 11 April 1901 which suggested that the Quatsino and Queen Charlotte Island areas would be ideal locations for Finnish settlers. The Daily Colonist. 27 June 1901 mentioned "the waste spaces of northern B. C." and the fertile valleys of the Cassiar and the Cariboo as suitable areas for Finnish settlement. 18 See, for example, Daily Colonist, 29 November 1899. 19 Ibid., See also ibid., 27 June 1901; ibid., 27 June 1901; ibid., 2 November 1901 and E. Van Cleef, "The Finns of the Pacific Coast of the United States and the Consider ation of the Problem of Scientific Land Settlement," Annals  of the Association of American Geographers 30 (1940): ,25-38. 20 See, for example, Daily Colonist, 23 August 1899; ibid., 27 August 1899? ibid., 29 August 1899; ibid., 136 2 February 1901; ibid., 11 April 1901 and ibid., 8 September 1901. 21 Halminen, 1936, pp. 13-22. 22 See ibid., p. 14. 23 J See, for example, Daily Colonist, 23 August 1899; ibid., 2 February 1901 and various issues of the Aika published in Nanaimo in 1901. 2k ^ Daily Colonist. 29 November 1899. 25 Ibid., 29 August 1899. See also footnote 17 above. Daily Colonist, 2 February 1901. 27 Ibid., 29 November 1899. 28 Ibid., 2 February 1901. See also Vancouver Province, 25 November 1901. 29 For accounts of deaths in the Nanaimo area collieries see, for example, British Columbia, "Report of the Minister of Mines, 1879." Sessional Papers 1880, pp. 250-251; British Columbia, "Report of the Minister of Mines, 1884," Sessional Papers 1885, pp. 432-434 and British Columbia, "Report of the Minister of Mines, 1887," Sessional Papers 1888, pp. 283-289. 3° See above, pp. 9 and 53-61. See also, E. Van Cleef, "The Finn in America," Geographical Review 6 (September 1918): 185-214 and Van Cleef, 1952, pp. 253-266. 31 See above, pp. 47-50. See also, W. Hoglund, Finnish  Immigrants in America. 1880-1920 (Madison, I960), pp. 17-59. 32 See above, pp. 53-61. See also, "The Rural Exodus," in Hoglund, I960, pp. 3-17. 33 por the ethnographic details see Halminen, 1936, pp. 13-24. For a discussion of the argument see K. 0. L. Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 143-145. 3^ Halminen, 1936, pp. 13-16. 35 Ibid., pp. 13-16 and 20-23. 36 ibid., pp. 12-13. 3? ibid., p. 12. Raivio also mentions that there were Finns in the area who made illegal liquor and ran saloons. Raivio, 1975, P« 283. 137 38 Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-15-39 Ibid., p. 12. ^° Ibid. ^ There were no commonly held criteria by which the value of individual pursuits could be judged and by which a measure of individual worth could be obtained. See ibid., pp. 12-13. ^2 See Burridge, Mew Heaven New Earth, pp. 43-49 and above, pp. 6-8. ^ H. F. Stein and R. F. Hill, The Ethnic Imperative (University Park, 1977), P. 7. 44 Halminen, 1936, pp. 12-25. ^ Matheson, 1950, pp. 89-90. Halminen, 1936, p. 12. 46 ^7 See ibid, for the ethnography. See Burridge, New. Heaven New Earth, pp. 25, 42, 45 and 132 for a discussion of money used as a treasure article. 48 Halminen, 1936, pp. 11-15-**9 Ibid., pp. 11-22. 50 Halminen interpreted Dunsmuir's decision to force some of his Extension mine employees to move to his new townsite at Ladysmith as a partly arbitrary decision on Dunsmuir's part, motivated by his desire to commemorate the victory of the British forces at Ladysmith, South Africa, during the Boer War. See ibid., pp. 14-15. This view regarding Dunsmuir's motivation is not shared by the British Columbia historian Margaret Ormsby who states that "on hearing the good news of the relief of Ladysmith, James Dunsmuir decided to name his new company town near the Extension Mine, 'Ladysmith', and to give all its streets the names of British generals." See Ormsby, British Columbia: A History, student edition (Vancouver, 1971), p. 328. 51 Halminen, 1936, p. 49. The author recalled that James Dunsmuir) decided to close down the Alexandria mine when he discovered that a number of the workers had gone to Nanaimo to participate in a union organization meeting. See also, British Columbia, "Report of the Minister of Mines, 1902," Sessional Papers 1903. p. H 270 for a report of the closure of this mine. This coal seam was not worked again until 1917. See "Report of the Minister of Mines, 1917," Sessional Papers 1918. vol. 1, p. F 410. 138 52 Halminen, 1936, pp. 18-19. JJ Ibid., p. 20. The hostile feelings among Anglo-Saxon workers became prominent when it was learned that Kurikka had made arrangements with James Dunsmuir to obtain Finnish workers at a lower rate of pay than the standard. This disclosure confirmed what others had feared. See, for example, Vancouver Province, 25 November 1901. ^ Halminen, 1936, p. 22. The author recalled the discriminatory nature of the employment practices in the mines where similar tasks were rewarded by unequal amounts of pay according to race and ethnicity. Despite his willing ness to work for a low rate of pay the Chinese worker had no security since politicians were advocating anti-Asiatic restrictions which would eventually exclude them from the labour force. See, for example, Daily Colonist. 2 February 1901. 5$ Halminen, 1936, pp. 14-25. 56 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 11-15. 60 Ibid., p. 21. Halminen stated a few of the miners 57 58 59 started to gather in the evenings to discuss the situation around them. The occasions were informal and usually took place at the home of one of the workers. 61 Ibid. It is not clear from Halminen's accout whether these discussions were in part influenced by Finnish language literature from elsewhere. In the United States numerous temperance groups had already formed and they were active in distributing literature to other Finnish communities. See Hoglund, I960, pp. 4 and 53-97. Further more, temperance activity was widespread in Finland at the time many of the emigrants left Finland. See, for example, ibid., pp. 53-56 and the biographies of A. B. Makela and Matti Kurikka in H. Soikkanen, Tiennaytta.ia [PathfindersJ, vol. 1 (Helsinki, 1967), PP. 207-237 and 277-319. 6? Halminen, 1936, pp. 16-25. The language barriers which had kept many Finns outside of the general ambiance of social activities in these early mining communities was now seen as a way of excluding others from their activities. The feeling of exclusiveness was further promoted by Kurikka in the Aika. See, for example, 23 August 1901. 139 63 ibid., pp. 11-14. The first temperance society-entitled Lannen Rusko [Western Sunset] was formed in 1890 at North Wellington. Halminen stated that it was patterned after the Finnish National Temperance Brotherhood founded in Michigan in January 1889. In 1891 the Aallotar society was founded and in 1893 the Finnish brass band was formed. For a brief discussion of Finnish-American temperance societies see J. Kolehmainen, The Finns in Americai A Students' Guide to Localized History (New York; 196B). p. 20 and R. Jalkonen, ed., The Finns in North America; A  Social Symposium (Hancock, Mich., 1969)» p. 67. 64 Halminen, 1936, pp. 12-15. Temperance groups were closely aligned with evangelical church sects partly due to their common crusade against liquor. In many Finnish-American communities the memberships of temperance groups and church groups were almost identical. See, for example, Hoglund, I960, pp. 56-57. 65 66 67 68 Halminen, 1936, p. 14. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 20-21. Ibid., pp. 10-15. 69 See, for example, Halminen's discussion about Dunsmuir's demand that the Finns move their lodgings from one site to another and his discussion about Dunsmuir's attempts to keep the miners from engaging in collective activities. Ibid., pp. 15-16. 70 ' This aspect of Finnish history will be dealt with in more detail in a future discussion of Sointula after the collapse of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. See below, for post-Kalevan Kansa Sointula, pp. 160-217. 71 Halminen, 1936, pp. 10-16. 72 Ibid., pp. 10-14. 73 Ibid., p. 14. Halminen referred to these ideas which were eventually articulated during the Kalevan Kansa activity as the beginning of "a new epoch among Vancouver Island Finns." 7k Ibid., pp. 13-15-75 Ibid., p. 15. Halminen credited the temperance societies and the marching band for transforming daily life onto a better footing. 140 See, for example, Halminen's references to the large temperance rally at Nanaimo in 1896. Ibid., p. 14. 77 Ibid., pp. 13-14. 78 Ibid., p. 14. 79 '7 Although the temperance societies were founded at North Wellington they functioned for a time at East Wellington, Extension and Nanaimo. As the workers moved from one mine to another as a result of work stoppages, closures and employment prospects, the temperance society moved with them. Ibid., pp. II-15. 80 The temperance activities were first conducted in the individual homes of the members. This continued to be the ease when mining communities moved and the 'halls' were vacated. Ibid., pp. 12-14. 81 The first temperance hall in which the Lannen Rusko functioned was the former residence of a number of Chinese workers who had been killed in the mine. A less modest temperance hall was constructed for the Aallotar society at North Wellington. Ibid., pp. 13-14. 82 Ibid., p. 14. 83 Ibid. 84 Forty years later Halminen clearly and fondly recalled the sense of brotherhood which existed at the temperance meetings. Ibid., p. 13. 8-* Halminen suggested that the various issues were discussed, argued over and thought about and that the eventual outcome was a more acute awareness of their position. Ibid., p. 14. 86 For a meaningful discussion of 'metanoia' see K. 0. L. Burridge, "Missionary Occasions," in Mission, Church and Sect in Oceania (forthcoming). 87 See Halminen, 1936, p. 14 and above, pp. 47-53. 88 Halminen, 1936, p. 14. 89 See, for example, Daily Colonist, 29 November 1899. 90 Ibid., and ibid., 2 February 1901 and ibid., 28 June 1901. 91 See, for example, ibid., 23 August 1899 and ibid., 27 August 1899. See also, Canadian Pacific Railway, 141 Taydellisia tieto.ia Manitoban .ia liansipoh.iais Kanadan  maista .ia muista seikoista. Siirtolaisille Kanadaan LComplete Information about the Geography of Manitoba and Ganda's North-West and Other Matters for Immigrants to Canada], (Montreal, 1889), which was distributed by the railway in an effort to encourage further immigration. 92 y See, for example, Daily Colonist. 23 August 1899 and ibid., 29 August 1899. 93 See above, p. 56. 94 7 Apart from North America some Finnish emigrants travelled to Australia, the Caribbean and South America. See, for example, V. Niitemaa, "Emigration Research in Finland" and K. Virtanen, "Problems of Research in Finnish Re-emigration," in Karni, Kaups and Ollila, 1975* PP« 12-21 and 202-212. 95 Ibid, and Hoglund, I960, pp. 6-16. 96 Halminen, 1936, p. 16. See also, A. Hautamaki, "Matti Kurikka," in Soikkanen, 1967. pp. 277-319. 97 Ibid., pp. 294-296. See also, J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, pp. 54-55 and V. Niitemaa, "Australiansuomalainen Erakko-seura. w. 1902-1904" [Australian-Finnish Wilderness Colony, 1902-1904], Turun Yliopisto Siirtolaishhistoria 7 (1971): 166-179. 98 Halminen, 1936, p. 16. 99 See, for example, Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 277-319. 100 Ibid., and Halminen, 1936, p. 16. 101 Ibid. 102 Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, PP- 295-296 and Niitemaa, 1971, p. 179. 103 Halminen, 1936, pp. 16-18. Ibid., p. 18. Kurikka first spoke at the major centres of temperance activity in the Finnish mining communities. 10$ Ibid. 106 Ibid., pp. 18-20. See also, Daily Colonist, 2 February 1901 and ibid., 27 June 1901. 142 107 Halminen, 1936, pp. 18-50. -I r\0 Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 277-319. 109 7 Max Weber, Economy and Society (New York, 1968), p. 112 as cited in T. E. Dow, "An Analysis of Weber's Work on Charisma," British Journal of Sociology 30 (1978): 83. 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid., pp. 83-85. See also, Halminen, 1936, pp. 18-32 and above, pp. 10-14 and 57-59. 112 The Finnish miners recognized in Kurikka the power to transform their present situation. His presence immed iately focused the ideas which they had pondered into a specific plan of action. Halminen, 1936, pp. 18-19. They were willing to suffer his rebuke for access to the power inherent in his presence. See, for example, ibid., pp. 26-27. See above, footnotes 64 and 97. See below, pp. 10-11 and 57-50« Halminen, 1936, pp. 23-26. 115 See K. Oberg, 1928, p. 5 and above, p. 49 116 Oberg, 1928, p. 5. 117 Aika. 15 December 1903 as cited in Oberg, 1928, P. 5. 118 Ibid. Kurikka spoke about his early childhood and his education. He recalled that his travels on a train between Helsinki and his home were often undertaken alone and that he felt estranged from the people and places he saw on the way. 119 Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, PP. 278-280. 120 Ibid., pp. 277-281. See also, Oberg, 1928, p. 6 and J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, pp. 52-53, 57 and 59-60. See also, various issues of Aika. For example, "Leo Tolstoy's Scriptures," Aika, 15 July 1904; "Voltaire," ibid., 15 March 1904 and a continuing series of articles entitled "Recollections from Antiquity," ibid., various issues, 1904. 121 Ibid. See also, "What is Creation?" ibid., 1 July 1904; "The Path, The Truth and Life," ibid., 15 June 1904 and "The Future of Mankind," ibid., 1 September 1904. 122 Ibid., 15 March 1904. 143 123 Oberg, 1928, pp. 5 and 7 and Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, p. 280. 1 oh, Kurikka was especially enthusiastic about the writings of Axel Porschowsky, a Danish socialist. Ibid. 125 Ibid., pp. 283-288 and 289-293. See also, Oberg, 1928, p. 8 and J. D. Wilson, 1973-74, p. 52. 126 See Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967. p. 281. 127 128 129 Ibid. Ibid., pp. 281-282. Ibid., p. 282. 130 J In 1901 Kurikka made an appeal for Finns everywhere to join him in the formation of an idealistic community. In an article entitled "Toward a New Path" published in the Aika he suggested that even those who are at the very depths of debauchery can overcome their present situation and embark on the path which is their spiritual birthright. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 28-33. 131 See Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 282-288. 132 See Oberg, 1928, p. 7. 133 See above, pp. 59-60. See also, Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 283-284. For a general discussion about religious evangelism among Finnish immigrants see Hoglund, I960, pp. 52-58. For further information about the changes which occurred in immigrant communities in connection with religious and church matters see W. Kukkonen, "Process and Product: Problems Encountered by the Finnish Immigrants in the Transmission of a Spiritual Heritage," in Karni, Kaups and Ollilla, 1975, PP. 130-143. 13^ Ibid., pp. 130-143. 135 Kurikka stressed the human aspect of Christ's existence. Although Christ was the Son of God and the spiritual guide for all mankind he was foremost a man with supreme abilities. In this way Kurikka was able to inter twine his own foresight into a spiritually ordained path. Like Christ he would gather his folk from among the less fortunate and the downfalien. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 28-33. 136 See-ibid, pp. 22-25. See also, Hautamaki in Soikkannen, 1967, p. 293-137 Ibid., p. 282. 138 Ibid. See also, Oberg, 1928, p. 6. He noted that Kurikka was employed as an agent of The Mutual Life Insur ance Company of New York. 139 J7 Ibid, and Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 283-285. Amongst the many pamphlets which Kurikka authored during this period was one entitled "Away from the Enslave ment of Alcoholism". In it he proposed that the current state of disorder was due to the stressing of physical well-being at the expense of the spiritual aspects of life. If people were permitted to develop according to their conscience the discord would disappear. Furthermore, if one could combat alcoholism then one could combat capitalism in its present form since they were one and the same. 140 Kurikka referred to Makela as his best and most trusted friend when he suggested to the newly formed Kalevan Kansa members that they sould invite Makela to British Columbia to assist with the editor's duties at the Aika. The association between Kurikka and Makela stretched back to the years when they had worked together at the Virpurin Sanomat and later when Makela took over the editor ship of the Tyomies from Kurikka in 1898. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 32^3^ S"ee also, E. Salomaa, "A. B. Makela," in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 207-236. Both Kurikka and Makela were acquainted with Minna Canth and the group of radical intellectuals gathered around her. Makela's Marxist socialism reflected the ideas of this group and her influence on Kurikka's thoughts was apparent in his ideas about marriage, women's rights and child rearing. The difference in views about socialism held by Kurikka and Makela was clearly evident in the latter's description of "theosophy as the seventeenth form of religion they have tried to force upon me." See Salomaa in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 207-236. See also, K. Jaaskelainen LA. B. MakelaJ, 1907, PP. 119-123. Among these reformers was Edvard Valpas who authored the last section of Halminen's book about Sointula. After Kurikka was ousted from Sointula the viewpoints expressed by these individuals became more prominent on Malcolm Island as Makela assumed the position of leadership. See H. Soikkanen, "Edvard Valpas," in Soikkanen, 1967, pp. 69-120. See also, Halminen, 1936, pp. 123-143. ^ Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, PP. 286-288. 1244 Ibid., pp. 288-290. The majority of his writings were concerned with prohibition and theosophy. They often talked of trans forming the present inadequacies into a Utopian existence but they rarely presented the kinds of firm ideas which 1*5 would regain the support of other socialists. Ibid., pp. 290-294. 146 After a series of his articles were censored by the Tsar's Governor-General in Finland, Bobrikov, Kurikka became an outspoken critic of all aspects of Russian society. This further alienated him from some Finnish socialists who had an ideological link with segments of the Russian proletariat. Ibid., pp. 288-289. For a discussion of the repressive Russification undertaken in Finland by Bobrikov, including the Conscription Law of 1901 see Jutikkala and Pirinen, 1974, pp. 232-239. Bobrikov was assassinated in June 1904 by the Finnish patriot Schauman. ^ Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, p. 288. lif8 Ibid., p. 290. lk9 Ibid., pp. 290-291. This further added to the mythical stature of Kurikka and enhanced the mystery which people associated with his birth. See above, p. 58. 1-*° Kurikka conceived of the idea of Kalevan Kansa (the true people or descendants of Kaleva) while still in Finland. However, it seemed to pass unnoticed until he proposed it to the miners in British Columbia. Ibid., P. 293. The Queensland government assisted Kurikka and a small group of followers to obtain passage to Australia. However, the colonization attempt failed to get further support from the government and Kurikka's experiment failed. Instead of taking on the spiritual ways Kurikka had anticipated and setting a pattern for the whole world the group became embroiled in internal arguments and began to disband. See Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, PP. 293-295 and Niitemaa, 1971, PP. 165-181. In British Columbia Kurikka told the readers of the Daily Colonist that the Australians were "set against the coming of the Finlanders" who they "thought were a source of cheap labour" and a "half barbarous people." As a result, about 200 "educated, literate and potentially good citizens" were deceived. Daily Colonist, 8 September 1901. 1->2 Kurikka claims the settlers were lured away from their idealistic goal by employment opportunities which netted them 12 shillings a week and which was soon lost to alcohol and gambling. See Niitemaa, 1971, pp. 179-180 and Halminen, 1936", pp. 16-18. «3 iMd. see above, pp. 57-59. 146 Kurikka observed that when Sointula began to flour ish others would grow around it. When these all prospered they would form an alliance which would eventually assume control. The joint-stock company he proposed to call the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited would provide the base from which the new way of being would begin. Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, p. 316 and Halminen, 1936, pp. 51-89. 156 Por an indication of the public's support see, naily flnlnnJRt,, 2 November 1901; ibid., 22 June 1901 and ibid., 28 June 1901. Por the government's attitude see, Vancouver Province. 24 November 1901. The scheme was also supported by some labour candidates and members of the opposition, see, Nanaimo Herald, 31 August 1901. 157 Halminen, 1936, pp. 18-50. 158 Oberg, 1928, p. 4. 159 Ladysmith Chronicle, 18 January 1962. 160 He is described as having "charm, a moving force and fluency" which he used "to captivate his audience and to hold them spellbound." His physical actions consisted of "waving of arms, jumping up and down on his toes and continual movement about the stage." Ibid., 11 January 1962. 161 See above, footnote 160. See above, footnote 155 for Kurikka's federation of mankind. See also, Aika, 16 May 1902. Kurikka's theosophical viewpoint is reflected in the editorial which stated that there is a "naturalistic development which starts from movement of particulars in the universe, passes through mineral, plant, animal and human eras towards the period of Utopian idealism for people, when all limitations disappear and people participate in this world in eternal godly living." 163 Kurikka thought that man's spiritual greatness was best revealed in the products of his creativity since they were in part free from day to day conventionality. "Since nature as we perceive it and know it to be is one single entity" man's creativity reflects its greatness. Kurikka as cited in Hautamaki in Soikannen, 1967, PP. 312-313. 164 Oberg, 1928, p. 17. 165 Daily Colonist, 8 September 1901. See also, "Articles of Association of 'Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited'" in Appendix III, p. 401. Kurikka proposed that there would be two ways of discharging the initial cost of membership. The first and preferable way was the $200.00 cash payment. The second would require a partial payment with the remainder to be paid through labour for the company. This became a problematic issue since the small number of people willing to pay the $200.00 limited the cash base of the company. Furthermore, the two options engendered class distinctions based on membership duties and privileges among the members. It directly contradicted the communal spirit of equality which had given impetus to the movement. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 22-35. 167 Kurikka was positive that even human nature free from the restrictions imposed by contemporary society would tend toward harmony. He claimed that with reason man can separate the worthwhile from the rubbish, right from wrong and knowledge from falsehood. He observed that harmony and love build while hate destroys and that Jesus was the first and greatest socialist. He maintained that the phrase "do unto others as you would have them do unto you" was the true expression of the intelligence of civilization. See Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967» pp. 312-316. See also, Kurikka's Aika editorial quoted in Halminen, 1936, pp. 28-33. 168 Amongst his major opponents in the clergy was Rev. Lundell, a Lutheran pastor. His distrust of Kurikka extended to petitioning the provincial government to investigate Sointula. As a consequence of the agitation initiated by Lundell and others, the British Columbia Minister of Immigration wrote a memorandum to the lieutenant-governor-in-council recommending that the Malcolm Island settlement be investigated. In his memorandum he stated that "'A Finland clergyman who represents another wing of the Finlanders stated to me that Matti Kurikka was the leader of an element which was socialistic and atheistic and that he personally was an advocate of what is known as Free Love and that his endeavours were all in the direction of moulding the Colony on those lines.'" As cited in Secretary, Department of Immigration to Henry A. Sherwood, n.d., (draft letter) McBride Papers, 1905, file 1019. The minister's memorandum resulted in the formation of an order-in-council directing him to initiate an investigation of the Kalevan Kansa settlers. See ibid. See.also, Raivio, 1975, PP. 393-394. 169 See, for example, Halminen, 1936, pp. 28-30. 170 Kurikka associated capitalism with the majority of discriminations within contemporary society. Those aspects of social life which he most stressed as valuable were collective and creative. Several years after the 148 failure of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company he wrote about the practicality and feasibility of Sointula in a publication entitled Elama [Life]. He wrote that "'true harmony was at hand when three hundred people shared a meal. Pride and hunger for power eventually destroyed Sointula but for awhile love had conquered them.'" As cited in Hautamaki in Soikkanen, 1967, p. 299. 171 Halminen, 1936, pp. 56-64. 172 ' See, for example, an editorial entitled, "Religion and the Workers Movement" in which Kurikka praised the work that the Kalevan Kansa will do as something which will sustain material well-being and thereby engender a feeling of spiritual togetherness. Aika, 30 August 1901. 173 ngy faith we can bring about our Utopian way of life." Ibid. 174 ' In the same issue Kurikka wrote further that true socialism can turn the direction of people's lives completely around. The new way of being will allow people to love one another and to do for one another. Ibid. 175 see Halminen, 1936, pp. 22-50. See also, Vancouver Province, 11 April 1901; ibid., 11 July 1901; Daily Colonist, 22 June 1901 and ibid., 27 June 1901. 176 See, for example, ibid., 2 February 1901. 177 See, for example, ibid, and Vancouver Province, 24 November 1901. 178 Daily Colonist, 2 February 1901. 179 Ibid. 180 Ibid. 181 Ibid. 182 Ibid. 183 nailv Colonist, 8 September 1901. Ibid. Ibid. 184 185 186 Vancouver Province, 24 November 1901. There is an assurance from Mr. Dunsmuir that "no white men in the area [around Malcolm Island] will suffer" from the land grant. 149 187 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 23-24 for a description of Malcolm Island and the surrounding area. 188 For a physical description of Malcolm Island see Halminen, 1936, p. 23 and Leach, 1915. For a description of the Kalevala North Farm see Lonnrot, 1849? 1963, pp. 68-75. 103-113, 123-131 and 260. In an article about Finns and geography Van Cleef stated that in terms of residence the geographically desirable qualities are import ant independent of economic considerations. See E. Van Cleef, 1940, pp. 25-38. The appearance of Malcolm Island corresponds closely to the description of North Farm in the mythical Kalevala tales. 189 190 Ibid. See above, footnote 155. 191 See, for example, various editions of Aika. 1901. 192 See above, footnote 188. See also, Lonnrot, 1849; 1963, the various narratives, pp. 3-330 and Magoun in Lonnrot, 1849; 1963. pp. 391-405. 193 see, for example, Ladysmith Chronicle, 11 January 1962. 194 7 The Aika was a joint-stock company like the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. It was origin ally founded by the early participants in the Kalevan Kansa activity to ensure that Kurikka would stay. A 1901 issue of the paper indicates that its list of subscribers was widely distributed. For example, it was sent to Portland, Oregon; Toronto, Ontario; Fitchburg, Mass.; Chicago, 111.; Quincy, Mass.; Alaska; San Francisco, Calif.; Leadville, Col.; Minnesota; Newbe, N. Dak.; Fort Bragg, Calif.; Hancock, Mich.; Waino, Wise; Brooklyn, N. Y.; Astoria, Or eg.; Norfolk, Vir.; Carlton, Wyom.; Ironwood, Mich.; Bute, Mont, and elsewhere. Aika. 18 October 1901. It was also sent to Finland and Australia. Raivio, 1975. PP. 380-394. 195 See, for instance, the appeal quoted by Halminen in Halminen,. 1936, pp. 28-33. See also, Aika, 23 August 1901. "Come here you proper sons and daughters of Finnish mothers who comprehend that freedom is at the start and the finish of man's purpose .... Come here to live with us in such freedom where all are equal in the harmony of shared thoughts and find satisfaction and pleasure in the protection of the weak.M 196 Aika, 30 August 1901. 197 Ibid. 150 198 K. 0. L. Burridge, Tangu Traditions (Oxford, 1969), p. 202. 199 All the people referred to in connection with the following observations had parents or grandparents who were involved with the Kalevan Kansa movement. Some still live at Sointula, others elsewhere in the southwestern part of British Columbia. 200 The majority of those who claimed to know about the events at the turn of the century spoke about ideas which did not appear to relate specifically to Sointula. Generally they were in support of one or another political viewpoint, referred to the trials of pioneer life and the comparative poverty of the past and passed on reminiscences about the community prior to the arrival of electricity, the media and tourists. Others spoke about fishing and the co-operative store. However, most felt that there would not be a community with a specific Finnish-Canadian history without the Kalevan Kansa. 201 Many Sointula residents became prosperous, their children became well educated and many of the social benefits envisioned by Kurikka have been realized. 202 Although the idealistic aspects of Sointula were not realized in the Kalevan Kansa activity that aspect of the past made them more conscious of the things they needed to strive for. This in part encouraged some of the island's residents to become active in socialist politics. 203 In the past the sauna was taken for granted. Many of the old saunas still exist although fewer are still in use. Historically, they are an example of an intermediate period of sauna construction. Heat is derived from a firebox covered with stones, not from the old method of burn ing embers beneath stones. Some are log construction, others are frame. Both utilize indigenous as well as foreign materials. At Sointula, as elsewhere, Finns maintain that they invented and perfected the sauna as a structure and as a method of bathing. People were eager to suggest that a sauna is an experience which surpasses bathing in that it involves the psyche as well. In support, numerous stories were collected about the consequences of abusing the accepted routine of taking a sauna; the result of which ended in illness or other difficulties. 205 See above, footnote 204. Some of the people I spoke with told of how a good sauna induced a feeling of relaxation which in turn allowed them to deal with other matters without the clutter of daily problems. The act 151 of taking a sauna washed away some of the psychological mess as well as the physical dirt. 206 Ibid. 207 ' Sointula residents told me that taking a sauna with family and friends was a communal activity like taking a meal together. Partly as a reaction to the number of saunas in the community, they found it unlikely that people would sauna together for political or economic advantage as some of my urban informants suggested they did. 208 The prospect of having a sauna with people for reasons other than communal ones was further discounted since there would be no control :over such fundamental matters as cleanliness. Stories were recounted of how on occasion famous people would dock at the village and eventually request the use of a sauna only to be turned down. The proliferation of sauna baths led to a passing correspondent to call Malcolm Island a "coastal Eden" and "one of the oddities of a coastal cruise". He continued by suggesting that the practices were "disgusting to the sensibilities" and that there should be distinctions between "what was proper for natives to do and what was proper for whites to do." Vancouver Province. 16 August 1938. 209 All the saunas I visited were built by individuals, most often by the family head or elder sons. No one admitted to having plans or to the need of having them. Saunas were built, they said, according to common knowledge about proportions and materials. This reservoir of knowledge extended into the patterns of use as well. 210 The majority of saunas were similar. Most had two rooms or compartments and a few had a third. One room was set aside for taking heat, a second for washing and the third for sitting and relaxing. Often measurements for rooms, distances between landings, height, size of door and window openings and draft vents differed by less than two inches from one sauna to another. 211 Two saunas were clearly recognized as violating the requirements of tradition. The first contained toilet facilities and was considered unclean. The second was located in an old storage building which made it too high. Furthermore, its overly elaborate system of heating water earned it the nickname "boiler factory". 21 2 See above, footnotes, 209, 210 and 211. Many of my informants said that it was necessary for them as Finns to have a sauna. Most claimed they would become unclean and unhealthy without it. Beyond that, saunas were built according to what was assumed to be appropriate and according 152 to the skills which were available. 213 Until recently healers used to travel from one centre of Finnish population to another or at times they took up residence nearby a community. My personal contact has been limited to a hydrotherapist who no longer practices but who was thought by others to have special abilities. 21ZL Pattika Johnson was a healer known to several people I spoke to. He was described as being very short, obese and otherwise disreputible. He was often accused of taking liberties with female clients. 21-* Johnson would carry with him objects such as buds from a poplar tree, a variety of burned grain and outdated medicines such as 'Troop Oil'. These, when properly applied, provided cures. Additionally, he would provide the services of a cupper. 216 According to my informants Johnson's methods for enacting a cure were not consistent but they were most often successful. One informant recalled that Johnson had stopped the bleeding from an axe wound suffered by his father through concentration followed by the application of a herb or leaf paste. 21? prom the conversations I have had with people who recalled Johnson it seems that he was able to combine expected solutions with novel yet acceptable innovations in ways which would permit his clients to have confidence in his abilities. In addition to pragmatic solutions he was able to inspire confidence, in the unusual or untried. 218 See, for example, Aika. 27 September 1901. 219 The Aika permitted Kurikka freedom of thought and speech. In it he expressed his ideas without the censor ship which had plagued him in Finland. Many of his contro versial ideas went unchallenged by the non-Finnish reading public. As a result he was able to maintain his duplicity by telling different versions of the situation to his English and Finnish speaking listeners and readers. 220 Halminen, 1936, pp. 25-28. 221 Prospective settlers for Sointula came from Europe and from various parts of the United States. Many came under great hardship and brought the majority of their possessions and resources to aid in the formation of the settlement. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 45-125; Vancouver Province, 4 April 1902; ibid., 12 June 1902; ibid., 28 November 1902; Daily Colonist, 8 June 1902; ibid., 19 June 1902; ibid., 20 August 1902; ibid., 21 August 1902; ibid., 153 4 October 1902; ibid., 1 January 1903 and Kolehmainen, 1941, pp. 111-123. 222 Kurikka titled the series of articles "The Mystery of Money" and from issue to issue there were subheadings such as "From Well-being to Misery" to keep the reader's attention. See, for example, Aika. 22 October 1901 and ibid., 25 October 1901. 223 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 50-124. See also, Koleh mainen, 1941, pp. 111-123 and Vancouver Sun. 31 November 1953-224 For a discussion of liminality see A. Van Gennep, Rites of Passage (Chicago, I960), pp. 15-26 and 166-189. See also, V. Turner, The Ritual Process (Chicago, 1969)» pp. 94-165. Kurikka was able to bringthe Kalevan Kansa together for a time into a period of commonality. However, he was unable to direct his followers through the liminality or period of no rules and the situation deteriorated into a period characterized by individual and conflicting interests. The societal rite of passage which the Kalevan Kansa activity might have accomplished never surpassed the liminal period between the foresaken past and the anticipated future. 225 See, for example, Halminen, 1936, pp. 117-126. See also, Aika, various issues, 1903 and 1904. 226 Halminen, 1936, p. 33-227 Ibid., pp. 33-41. See also, Oberg, 1928, pp. 17-18. See, for example, footnote 141 above. 229 Halminen, 1936, pp. 53-64. 230 Literature from Finland was circulated in North America. Kurikka's philosophical standpoint was supported by a minority of Finnish socialists and therefore most of the literature tended to voice the ideas of the Marxists. For a discussion of the strength of radical Finnish socialists in the United States during this period see Hoglund, I960, pp. 104-121 and Kolehmainen, 1968, pp. 21-27. 231 See above, footnote 156. 232 Halminen, 1936, pp. 22-50. See also, Daily Colonist. 8 September 1901; ibid., 22 June 1901 and ibid., 27 June 1901. 233 See, for example, footnote 221. 154 ZyUr Halminen, 1936, pp. 53-123. 2-^ See the "Agreement between His Majesty The King and The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited" in Appendix II, pp. 399-400. 236 See the "Articles of Association of 'Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited'" in Appendix III, pp. 401-403. 237 See the "Memorandum of 'Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited'" in Appendix IV, p. 404. 238 See above, footnote 235. 239 Ibid. See also, Appendix V, pp. 405-406. See Halminen, 1936, pp. 53-123. See also, footnote 166 above. 24l Halminen stated that some Finns came to Sointula but left shortly thereafter, Halminen,