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The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited : a Finnish-Canadian millenarian movement in British.. 1978

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THE KALEVAN KANSA COLONIZATION COMPANY, LIMITED: A FINNISH-CANADIAN MILLENARIAN MOVEMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA B. A., University of British Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Anthropology) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1978 (c) Allan Henry Salo, 1978 ALLAN HENRY SALO In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying o f this thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department o r by his representatives. It is understood that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f this thesis f o r financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 Date 6 October 1978 A b s t r a c t T h i s t h e s i s i s p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h the a c t i v i t i e s o f a group o f Finnish-Canadians i n B r i t i s h Columbia. They attempted to found an U t o p i a n community on Malcolm I s l a n d between 1901 and 1905• The a c t i v i t i e s o f these people, the Kalevan Kansa or descendants o f K a l e v a , an a n c i e n t F i n n i s h m y t h o l o g i c a l f i g u r e , were m i l l e n a r i a n i n n a t u r e . During t h i s p e r i o d there were d i s t i n c t changes i n t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and t h e i r new undertakings p r e d i c t e d the a r r i v a l of a d i f f e r e n t and more i d e a l form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The content of t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n was r e v e a l e d to them by t h e i r l e a d e r , M a t t i K u r i k k a , who proposed t o make a j o i n t - s t o c k company the b a s i s o f the new community. The subsequent settlement scheme was known as the Kalevan Kansa C o l o n i z a t i o n Company, L i m i t e d . I n d i c a t i v e of t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s , K u r i k k a and h i s f o l l o w e r s named t h e i r new community S o i n t u l a , the p l a c e o f harmony. In o r d e r t o explore more f u l l y the m i l l e n a r i a n a c t i v i t i e s t h i s t h e s i s a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e s t h e i r r o o t s i n the h i s t o r i c a l development o f F i n n i s h i d e n t i t y and the a b i l i t y o f F i n n s t o f u l f i l l those p e r c e p t i o n s i n day to day a c t i v i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , the t h e s i s focuses on the r e l a t e d problems concerning i d e n t i t y encountered i n the aftermath o f the Kalevan Kansa C o l o n i z a t i o n Company by those s e t t l e r s who remained a t S o i n t u l a . i i i i i The a c t i v i t i e s which were undertaken i n the r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f p e r i o d between 1901 and 1905 r e p r e s e n t e d a r a p i d c o a l e s c i n g of i d e a s and a s p i r a t i o n s i n t o a c t i v i t i e s . Among the Vancouver I s l a n d F i n n s who were p r i m a r i l y c o a l miners the new s o c i e t y appeared immanent. To them and to o t h ers who came from v a r i o u s p a r t s o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s , Canada and Europe the v i s i o n of the j o i n t - s t o c k company encompassed r e c o g n i z a b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a more i d e a l form o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . As such the Kalevan Kansa C o l o n i z a t i o n Company p r o v i d e s an e m p i r i c a l l y accountable and d i s t i n c t i v e aspect of the Kalevan Kansa movement. From i t s d e s c r i p t i o n and aims i t i s p o s s i b l e t o make suggestions about the i n t e l l e c t u a l and c h a r i s m a t i c appeal of M a t t i K u r i k k a and about some of the a s p i r a t i o n s of the p a r t i c i p a n t s themselves. However, the fundamental nature o f the energy r e l e a s e d by the U t o p i a n v i s i o n l a r g e l y remains t o be i n f e r r e d . The f i r s t chapter of the t h e s i s p r e s e n t s a b r i e f ethnographic i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the a c t i v i t i e s of the Kalevan Kansa d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . In a d d i t i o n , i t proposes some r e l e v a n t m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s r e f l e c t i v e o f the content of m i l l e n a r i a n s i t u a t i o n s . These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n f l u e n c e the d i r e c t i o n and content of the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s . The approach which i s taken remains open ended inasmuch as the a c t i v i t i e s o f the Kalevan Kansa are seen as p a r t of a much broader h i s t o r i c a l p r ocess which i s r e f l e c t i v e o f the ethnographic s i t u a t i o n as w e l l as of c e r t a i n more u n i v e r s a l iv anthropological problems. The method adopted cannot provide an explicit account of why the acti v i t i e s took the direction they did nor why they occurred at a particular time. However, i t does focus on the dynamics inherent within a continuing set of problems and contradictions to be resolved. As such i t has permitted a form of discussion which has not been totally bound to the contingencies of the situation. Yet, the character of the Utopian activity of the Kalevan Kansa remains significant i n terms of i t s a l l consuming nature and i t s attempt to institute an i d e a l i s t i c social order. As such, i t was clearly religious i n nature and represented a societal r i t e of passage. The second chapter i s primarily h i s t o r i c a l . By taking into account the historical background of the Kalevan Kansa, further light i s shed onto the goals and acti v i t i e s of the group. The past has provided only a partial answer to questions of origin since the movement i n many aspects remained independent of i t s histor i c a l legacy. However, i t provided a point of departure. Inasmuch as the method employed and suggested by the content and focus of this chapter remains applicable to other situations i t i s anthropological. The third chapter explores the Utopian acti v i t i e s in detail. Chronologically, the discussion moves from a point where the Finns were regarded as being morally and materially inferior to others. From there the chapter moves to a discussion about the redefinition of power and the V nature of individual obligations articulated by the chosen leader, to the eventual attempt to realize the new way of being i n terms of appropriate social relationships. Progressively i t was apparent among the Kalevan Kansa that the vision of the joint-stock company could not provide the emotional and intellectual unity which could overcome individual and ideological differences. As increasing numbers of the participants began to ignore their obligations without sanction the energy of the movement was consumed by conflicting interests. The activities of the Kalevan Kansa can, however, be differentiated from the more mundane forms of p o l i t i c a l and economic unrest among disparate groups by the sudden emergence of emotional and moral passion focused and activated by their leader, Kurikka. The f i n a l chapter looks at Sointula during an active period of socialist p o l i t i c s after the failure of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited. In conjunction with these ac t i v i t i e s which were largely group-oriented, the chapter also focuses on the content of individual experiences among a particular group within the community. Insights are derived from fieldwork interviews and from a thematic and structural analysis of a corpus of narrative songs. Throughout the thesis the focus remains on the central issues of identity and the moral implications that i t s varying definitions have implied. The ethnographic detail provides an indication of how a particular group of people v i chose to c o n f r o n t the problem and o f how i t s c o n s t i t u e n t s were r e f o r m u l a t e d through a s e r i e s o f encounters i n a h i s t o r i c a l time span. In t h i s s e r i e s the m i l l e n a r i a n a c t - i v i t i e s o f the Kalevan Kansa were the most unique and profound i n t h e i r i n t e n s i t y and a p p e a l . A comprehensive b i b l i o g r a p h y of r e l e v a n t sources i n E n g l i s h and F i n n i s h f o l l o w s the t e x t . The t h e s i s a l s o c o n t a i n s s i x appendixes. The f i r s t i s my t r a n s l a t i o n of M a t t i Halminen's f i r s t hand account of the U t o p i a n a c t i v i t i e s a t S o i n t u l a and h i s r o l e i n them. The next f o u r appendixes c o n t a i n c o p i e s of documents r e l e v a n t t o the Kalevan Kansa C o l o n i z a t i o n Company, L i m i t e d . The l a s t appendix i s a c o l l e c t i o n o f F i n n i s h song t e x t s r e c o r d e d a t S o i n t u l a i n 1973. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i List of Tables ix List of Diagrams x Acknowledgement x i Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 The Accumulation of Traditions and Experience: The Legacy of Finnish Society on i t s Emigrants, 1870-1903 31 Chapter 3 Traditions, Experience and Circumstance Combined in the Quest of an Utopian Community: Bffatti Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 0 4 72 Chapter k Expectations Modified: Sointula After the Collapse of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, 190^-19^0 160 Selected Bibliography 218 Appendix I Matti Halminen, Sointula: Kalevan Kansan .ia Kanadan Suomalaisten Historia [Sointula: The History of the Kalevan Kansa and Finnish v n Appendix II Canadians!] trans. Allan H. Salo 231 This Agreement made the twenty- ninth day of November, A. D. 1901, Between HIS MAJESTY THE KING, represented by the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, of the f i r s t part, and "THE KALEVAN KANSA COLONIZATION COMPANY, LIMITED," hereinafter called ?the Company," of the second part. 400 Appendix III Articles of Association of "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited." 402 Memorandum of "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited." 405 Agreement between the "Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited" and "the settler". 406 Finnish-Canadian Songs Collected at Sointula, B. C , 15 August 1973 by Allan H. Salo. Transcribed i n 197̂  by Allan H. Salo. 408 Appendix IV Appendix V Appendix VI LIST OF TABLES Table I L i s t o f Dramatis Personae and a Concordance of T h e i r A t t r i b u t e s 19^ i x LIST OP DIAGRAMS Diagram 1 A R e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the Semantic C a t e g o r i e s and the R e l a t i o n s h i p s Between Them 198 Diagram 2 Thematic S t r u c t u r e o f the Corpus 200 x Acknowledgement For the support and encouragement which assisted me i n the completion of this thesis I am indebted. Primarily, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. K. 0 . L. Burridge. His continued interest i n students and in this project in particular, has been unfaltering. Throughout the various facets of this research his provocative questioning, considered criticism and direction has proven to be invaluable. Thank you. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee who have contributed their time and resources. Specifically, I would like to acknowledge Dr. J. Powell for his spontaneous commentary and enthusiasm and Dr. Michael Kew for his support and discussion at a time when they were most needed. I would like to recognize the i n i t i a l contribution made by Dr. E l l i Kongas Maranda. Assistance was also given to me by the University of British Columbia and the Department of Anthropology and Sociology i n the form of scholarships and assistantships j by the provincial government of British Columbia through grants for fieldwork and translation and by the National Museum of Man for an i n i t i a l opportunity to undertake fieldwork. The archivists at the British Columbia Provincial Archives assisted me i n finding obscure yet relevant x i x i i materials as did the staff of the Special Collections Division of the University of British Columbia Library. The support of fieldwork informants who gave of their time and of themselves has been fundamental. The debt to my colleague and friend, Linda Hale, remains immeasurable in a l l ways. To everyone who has given me assistance, including my parents, John and Bertha Salo, and my great grandfather, Oscar Johnson, who recognized the importance of learning and of their heritage and my friend, Reg Raby, with whom I have shared talks and ideas, I offer my sincere thanks. The efforts of everyone concerned have enriched this thesis, while i t s shortcomings are, of course, attributable to me. Chapter 1 Introduction In the five years between 1900 and 1905 a group of Finnish-Canadians set about creating an i d e a l i s t i c community on Malcolm Island on the coast of British Columbia.1 During this period they thought of themselves as the Kalevan Kansa. a people descended from Kaleva, an ancient mythological figure associated with the genesis of Finnish culture. The settlement they started under the guidance of their charismatic leader, Matti Kurikka, was called Sointula or place of harmony. Although the community was formally organized on the principle of a joint-stock company, registered as the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited; i t s character was determined more by elements drawn from Finnish tradition, Christianity and the experience of immigrant l i f e i n early British Columbia. This thesis attempts to focus not only on the scope of the Kalevan Kansa activity but also on the accumulated legacy of Finnish history which formed the early experience of Finnish immigrants and determined to a degree the goals of the movement. In addition, the f i n a l chapter i s concerned with how the legacy of experience including the Kalevan Kansa activity was reconciled with the necessities of obtaining a livelihood after the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited collapsed. 1 2 The Kalevan Kansa movement brought together a collection of ideas about the nature of society and these were trans- lated into ac t i v i t i e s intended to bring about and eventually define an Utopian community. The goals as well as the means proposed to obtain them stood apart from the pursuits of Finnish immigrants elsewhere Under the visionary leadership of Matti Kurikka the Kalevan Kansa undertook to redefine the basis of their ethnic character by participating i n the formation of an i d e a l i s t i c community. In their enthus- iasm to create a more equitable social order they simul- taneously advocated a way of l i f e which would require the refashioning of individual personalities. It remains d i f f i c u l t to articulate with certainty a l l the origins of the strength and ideals of the movement. However, i t can be suggested that, while the act i v i t i e s which occurred during the four years appeared enigmatic, they were uniquely drawn from "the experiences of being Finnish and of being an ethnic minority. In the mining camps at Wellington, Extension, Ladysmith and Nanaimo, and later i n the new settlement on Malcolm Island, the Kalevan Kansa set out to form a society whose principles were engendered by the legacy of their indigenous culture, their recent familiarity with revivalist forms of Christianity, the stress on education, nationalism and socialism i n Finland, and the d i f f i c u l t i e s of immigrant and frontier l i f e i n western British Columbia. The popularity of the vision of a better society into which these elements were combined 3 attracted participants from Finland, Australia and the United States. From these reservoirs of content the Kalevan Kansa proposed to establish the moral guideposts for a society which could exploit the natural wealth of the environment to the spiritual and material advantage of i t s members. It i s unlikely that single theoretical explicans can account for a l l the varying features the the Kalevan Kansa activity.-^ Rather than dogmatically relying on the structures of specific explanatory paradigms i t appears more f r u i t f u l to concentrate f i r s t on the act i v i t i e s them- selves. In this context a relevant discussion encompasses some consideration of events prior to the rise of the Kalevan Kansa movement and subsequent to i t s collapse. The ac t i v i t i e s then appear as a process where ideas and experiences are accumulated, acted upon and modified. In this investigation the event (the Kalevan Kansa movement 1900-1905) i s constituted not only by the activites themselves but also by the discussions and orations about them.^ That collection of information i s expanded by placing i t into the more elaborate context of Finnish history and cultural development. S t i l l other facts are revealed by exploring the relationship between conditions current i n British Columbia at the turn of the century and the Finnish immigrant's sense of tradition, history and identity. The i d e a l i s t i c projections of the Kalevan Kansa were reflections of how that relationship was perceived and eventually translated into a set of founding principles for ordering community l i f e . The experiences of Sointula residents after the failure of the Utopian scheme not only highlight i t s shortcomings but they focus on the enduring aspects of some of their aspirations which continued to influence their relationships with contemporary society elsewhere. The members of the Kalevan Kansa did not inherit an understanding of their tradition and history which was unique from other Finns. However, i t was among these individuals that specific aspects of their heritage were discussed, re-evaluated and eventually incorporated into a vision of an i d e a l i s t i c society. The majority of the early participants who formed the core of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, readily accepted the visionary ideas articulated by their leader, Kurikka. Later, on the basis of the ideas being expressed, the following grew to D include prospective settlers from elsewhere. The appeal of Sointula was not bound solely to local economic disadvantages or even to the ethnic peculiarities which helped to generate i t . Instead, the impetus was lodged i n the question of identity. The Utopian ideals expressed a social context i n which i t appeared possible to recognize the moral delineations by which people could become individuals of worth. 9 Espousal of the new principles of order put forth by Kurikka i n his conception of an egalitarian community demanded the appraisal of contemporary notions of moral responsibility. As such, the Kalevan Kansa movement shared characteristics with other social phenomena which attempt to question and alter epistemological paradigms. 1 0 Despite i t s popular appeal, even among some non-Finns, the origins of the Kalevan Kansa movement cannot be isolated from the legacy of Finnish experience. It would be short- sighted to discuss the energy and prio r i t i e s assumed by the Kalevan Kansa without reference to the historical growth of Finnish identity and sovereignty i n Europe. 1 1 Placed i n this context, the ac t i v i t i e s of the Kalevan Kansa f a l l into a broader category of concern. In the brief four year period of Utopian activity on Malcolm Island the Kalevan Kansa attempted to consolidate a gamut of ideas about society and people into a coherent functioning community. The residual question hinged on organization. How could the desired egalitarian relationships among i t s members be fostered within a social setting i n which the values of a hierarchical society were increasingly intruding? How could the socialist aspirations of some of the participants be f u l f i l l e d within a capitalist framework like the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited? How might the individual obligations which defined i t s organization be manipulated so that they would continue to express the identity of a l l the participants concerned i n a meaningful way? In the historical sequence outlined above the Kalevan Kansa activity of 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 0 5 appeared as one of a series of attempts, albeit unusual in i t s strength and imagination, at 12 coming to terms with the question of identity. Of this 6 series at least three instances warrant discussion. The f i r s t predates the Kalevan Kansa acti v i t i e s i n British Columbia and centres around Lonnrot 's publication of the Kalevala. a series of narratives about Finland's mythical 13 past. -'The second encompasses the act i v i t i e s of Matti Kurikka and the Kalevan Kansa on Vancouver Island and later at Sointula. The third arises from the content of a corpus of song texts collected from a Sointula singer which reflect the experiences of some of the members of the community after the demise of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited.1**" In the following discussion of the Kalevan Kansa's U t o p i a n i d e a l s and t h e i r a t tempted i m p l e m e n t a t i o n into a viable form of social organization,: the terms egalitarian and hierarchical correspond to the categories of oppositions which Burridge has categorized under the headings of subsistence and complex.1-* He argues that i n situations where one series i s dominant factors w i l l arise which evoke consideration of the other. The applicability of this i s clearly evident i n the <aspirations and undertakings of the Kalevan Kansa since they were concerned with instituting the primacy of egalitarian values within a substantially hierarchical ambiance. Consideration of these oppositions within the period i n question provides a point of departure. From there i t i s possible to suggest that the Kalevan Kansa was predominantly interested i n instituting new kinds of social relationships which they f e l t could better define 7 individual identity and worth. As Burridge has suggested, sueh a movement from one form of being to another results when there i s an "engagement of one or more of the series of oppositions." 1^ This then "constitutes the 'mise en scene* of a millenarian movement."1^ In New Heaven New Earth Burridge further suggests that "there i s no human activ i t y which cannot assume religious importance" and that "when i t does so i t has an overriding importance. It points to that which permeates and informs a whole way of l i f e , and, more crucially, i t indicates sources or principles of power which are regarded as particularly creative or destructive." In such instances, as an awareness grows among a particular group, some communal truths which demand consensus give way to new assumptions which w i l l form the basic truths of the following generations. From these are derived the rules of conduct to which men i n community are bound. The process i s continuous and this thesis focuses primarily on this aspect of the historical sequence of which the Kalevan Kansa activity i s a part. Existence i n community entails existence i n a network of obligations and the process by which individuals attempt to discharge their obligations i n relation to the moral rules 19 of the community i s the redemptive process. 7 When assumptions about power and the rules governing i t s use and control can no longer guarantee individuals the truth about things, the kinds of activity represented i n the Kalevan Kansa movement are generated. This activity attains 8 religious importance because i t i s of overall importance and concerns the ordering of power. At the centre of the Kalevan Kansa acti v i t i e s was a concern for finding a more adequate way of gaining prestige and of defining the c r i t e r i a by which the content of manhood could be measured.20 In this context i t i s important to consider aspects of the physical situation as well as the a c t i v i t i e s themselves. In the two decades prior to 1900 many Finnish immigrants to British Columbia sought and found work i n the coal mines on Vancouver Island. The work was heavy and hazardous, accidents occurred with regularity and the wages were low. The only accommodation for the miners and their families was to be found in the camps around the mines. The housing had formerly been occupied by Chinese workers who had l e f t i t i n a state of squalor. To many of the Finnish miners i t appeared pointless to repair the houses since they were continually moved from one mine site to another according to the demand for labourers. Within the settlements there were no readily perceptible norms by which individual behaviour and activity could be judged. Drunkenness, fighting and factional r i v a l r i e s were common among the Finns and a large proportion ofitheir wages was channeled into these pursuits. In turn, the mine owners eagerly extended credit i n order to maintain a constant source of cheap white labour. In an ambiance characterized by a multiplicity of races, ethnic backgrounds, languages, customs and interests i t was impossible to win benefits from the employers which would 9 promote the well-being of the miners generally. The situation was particularly acute for the Finnish workers since most of them had a direct link with the agrarian l i f e s t y l e current i n the subsistence communities of Finland. There the character of daily affairs had been judged more by qualitative standards than was the case i n the moneyed ambiance of Vancouver Island. Participation i n a society where social worth was determined by the a b i l i t y to acquire and use money was foreign to most of them. The continued focus on money increased the distinctions they perceived between the comparatively simpler l i f e i n rural Finland and the present situation of chaos. Since money and i t s control i s capable of creating, breaking, ennobling and enforcing relationships, virtue appeared to be a matter of 21 choice exercised by those i n control, the employers. Self worth and community status reckoned by the old values of their agrarian background appeared worthless. Hard conscientious work brought minimal returns and irresponsibil- i t y was often rewarded by an extension of credit. Many Finnish miners thought of themselves as inferior to those other workers and employers who prospered better under the system. Since there appeared to be l i t t l e likelihood of finding common objectives i t appeared that the Finnish settlements were embarked on a path leading to the disintegration of personal relationships and values. However, i n the 1890s changes began to occur among a small group of the miners. After a series of informal 10 meetings and discussions they organized a temperance society, library and a Finnish marching hand. These associations were clearly reflective of changing perspectives concerning the circumstances of camp l i f e . As a group these miners became more persistent i n their desire to change the conditions they construed as being responsible for the oppression. Their spirited discussions during the meetings reaffirmed their willingness to participate i n new kinds of relationships which could effectively change their situation and guarantee them access to what Burridge has referred to as the redemptive process. In the course of events which led to the formation of the temperance societies and the band, the stressed values encompassed notions of brotherhood and independence, qualities denied to them i n their present existence. In order to carry these sentiments further into actual act i v i t i e s they encouraged Matti Kurikka, a contemporary Finnish reformer, socialist and author, to join them on Vancouver Island. After receiving passage money Kurikka eagerly l e f t Australia, where he had tried to form a Finnish colony, and arrived i n Nanaimo i n the late summer of 1900. Kurikka immediately undertook a series of lecture tours i n the nearby as well as the more distant Finnish settlements. In a l l his affairs with Finns and non-Finns alike he appeared capable of judging correct avenues of activity from the wrong. His undertakings with the public, businessmen and politicians met with considerable success. The c i r c l e of 11 ardent supporters which had gathered around him recognized i n him qualities of a superior person, revealing to them something of the nature of the new society which awaited them. Kurikka's standing as an acceptable leader depended on his a b i l i t y to present alternative ideas about social organization i n a manner which seemingly could be understood by those around him and on his a b i l i t y to operate success- f u l l y within the structures of the larger society. In addition, he appeared to share many of the l i f e experiences of the miners. A further element of Kurikka's appeal among the landless poorly rewarded wage workers arose from the circumstances which characterized Finland during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The society was clearly divided by class distinctions, yet the authority for those distinctions was being increasingly questioned. Within this milieu Kurikka rose from a rural background and gained both an education and a position of acceptance and influence i n upper class Helsinki society. Through a series of encounters with various people and groups he came to regard the upper classes with contempt, although they had nurtured him. Nothing i n his education, his knowledge of traditional Finnish culture and particularly his commitment to Christian brotherhood could any longer substantiate the existent situation. As he began to disseminate this understanding, erasing the distinctions between classes, power was gradually 12 transferred to, him by the situation i t s e l f . The decision by the Vancouver Island miners to bring Kurikka to Br i t i s h Columbia arose from their recognition of the singular nature of his foresight. He alone appeared capable of f u l f i l l i n g their aspirations. Throughout Kurikka's talks he spoke of intellectual problems and of religious figures; of knowledge and under- standing which, to those denied his educational opportunities, appeared as the property of a man with access tolpowers beyond their grasp. Kurikka was efficient and capable i n the early negotiations for land with the provincial govern- ment. His settlement scheme quickly gained support from a l l quarters. To the. Finns who were involved in these trans- actions he appeared as an extraordinary individual who had a vision for their salvation. But he also appeared eminently able to cope with the larger society for the common good of those he represented. To the outsider he seemed to pose no direct threat, on the contrary, he was as concerned as they were about the future prosperity of Vancouver Island and i t s environs. Kurikka's arrival i n the area precipitated the trans- lation of sentiments into action. His confidence extended to others. It was reported that when he entered a room 22 where "disorder held sway; his manner brought harmony." At times he was harshly c r i t i c a l about the conditions around him and about the inadequacies he perceived i n his supporters Their dependence on him for leadership became an avenue for 13 procuring further favours as was the case i n the founding of the Aika {/The Time]] newspaper i n 1901 which soon became the main vehicle f o r h i s plans. The newspaper, l i k e the proposed colony he spoke of, was to be founded on the p r i n c i p l e s of a joint-stock company into which investors i n i t i a l l y bought a membership. Kurikka 1s f i r s t references to the company were i n terms which had l i t t l e to do with the l e g a l i t i e s by which i t would operate. In these discussions he would regress to ideas he had e a r l i e r expressed i n the pamphlet The Godless Church. " I f the whole universe, such as we see i t and conceive i t to be, i s one great being, whose s p i r i t v i s i b l y or i n v i s i b l y appears i n us; then, i s i t d i f f i c u l t f o r us to know what that love i s which must be uppermost i n us? Just as the great c e l e s t i a l bodies of the universe form one harmon- ious e n t i t y so nature i n us, human beings seeks harmony. Wherever we f i n d harmony i n sound, colour, i n gatherings, we are conscious of a l o f t y poignant s p i r i t u a l s a t i s f a c t i o n that we cannot e x p l a i n . " 2 3 In an early e d i t i o n of Aika he continued: "Do unto others what you wish them to do unto you. But what prevents us from doing unto others as we wish them to do unto us? A society based on competition and i n t e r n a l s t r i f e and our i n s t i n c t s . The problem i s to set about harmonizing society and the c o n f l i c t i n g i n s t i n c t s . " 2 * * The elusive v i s i o n presented i n the f i r s t statement was translated into a more m a t e r i a l i s t i c idiom which could not contain i t but nevertheless attempted to explain i t i n the second. His supporters were asked to accept on f a i t h the f i r s t by comprehending the second. Throughout h i s speeches and writings Kurikka maintained that s p i r i t u a l values should dominate over m a t e r i a l i s t i c 14 concerns as a measure of man's worth. But, i t was the emphasis on the glowing rewards derived from the proposed l i f e s t y l e based on the supreme values which brought the vision into focus i n the minds of many of the Kalevan Kansa. The understanding that social well-being presupposed a society i n which labour and i t s ^products are justly distributed explained i n material terms the physical direction needed to gain the spiritual rewards which would define individual integrity. In the i n i t i a l confusion and enthusiasm which accompanied the settlement scheme Kurikka's description of the capitalist-oriented joint-stock company seemed to encapsulate the aspirations of the ardent socialists as well. Throughout the early part of 1901 support for the Kalevan Kansa settlement scheme continued to increase among the Finns on Vancouver Island. Several trips were made to Victoria by representatives of the Kalevan Kansa u n t i l f i n a l l y they selected Malcolm Island as a desirable location; inexpensive, removed but not completely isolated from shipping routes and markets. After a delay by the govern- ment i n granting the island to the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, Kurikka attempted to maintain the euphoria by making some pragmatic disclosures about the company's and the settlement's day to day operation. 1. Everything w i l l be done co-operatively including the sharing of meals, child rearing and the various necessary tasks. 2. The company w i l l employ a l l i t s men and women at an equal rate of pay, one dollar per day. 15 However, some t a s k s which are more strenuous w i l l r e q u i r e fewer hours per day. 3. The company w i l l meet the needs o f a l l the c h i l d r e n , the i n f i r m e d and the aged. 4. A l l meals, washing and c l o t h i n g w i l l be s u p p l i e d by the company and they w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d as p a r t o f the pay. 5. The wages i n terms o f cash w i l l not need t o be h i g h s i n c e the m a j o r i t y o f the d a i l y needs w i l l be met by the company. However, each i n d i v i d u a l w i l l r e c e i v e a d i v i d e n d o f 5% on h i s share o f s t o c k . H a l f o f t h a t amount w i l l be put a s i d e i n t o a common fund f o r r e c r e a t i o n , c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s and other b e n e f i t s . 6. E v e r y member w i l l be expected t o pay $200.00 f o r h i s share of company s t o c k . Of t h i s amount $50.00 w i l l go toward membership r i g h t s i n the community.25 F i n a l l y , by the end o f November 1901 the p r o v i n c i a l govern- ment had s t r a i g h t e n e d out i t s commitments wi t h the I n d u s t r i a l P u l p and Power Company which had e a r l i e r been promised timber r i g h t s on Malcolm I s l a n d . On the 29th o f the same month the Kalevan Kansa C o l o n i z a t i o n Company, L i m i t e d , was gra n t e d r i g h t s t o the 20,000 acre i s l a n d under a number o f s t i p u l a t i o n s : 1. The company must o b t a i n one s e t t l e r f o r every 80 a c r e s o f l a n d . 2. I t must complete $2.50 worth o f improvements per a c r e . 3. I t must c o n s t r u c t i t s own wharves, b r i d g e s , roads and p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s a c c o r d i n g to government s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . 4. The s e t t l e r s must become B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s and the c h i l d r e n must be educated i n E n g l i s h language s c h o o l s . 5. I f a f t e r seven years a l l the s t i p u l a t i o n s were met the company would r e c e i v e f u l l t i t l e t o the land.2 6 In the meantime s e v e r a l f a c t o r s had s t a r t e d t o work a g a i n s t the proposed c o l o n i z a t i o n scheme. The undue d e l a y o f the l a n d grant had dampened the s p i r i t s o f K u r i k k a and 16 some of the others. For a time i t appeared that i f the Finns were granted rights to the island i t would not include rights to the natural resources, and some prospective settlers became skeptical about the opportunities for obtaining a livelihood. Kurikka's competence was i n question among some of those who had earlier committed their money and there were discussions about abandoning the scheme altogether i n favour of another location i n fithe United States. In light of the pessimism expressed by some Finns on Vancouver Island others were more reluctant to contribute $200.00 u n t i l the plans were more definite. Others paid the minimum entry fee of $50.00 with a promise to discharge the remainder of the obligation through labour. S t i l l others came without any financial resources at a l l and had to be accepted into the fold. Further consideration about Kurikka's stipulations about the company led to speculation about the nature of equality in a community characterized by different classes of memberships and varying values placed on tasks. However, when Kurikka proclaimed to the present and future members of the Kalevan Kansa the news of the land grant many shared his feeling of jubilance. He wrote i n the Aika that "we have reached the summit of the h i l l after a year's arduous climb. The harmonious vision of an utopia i s at hand. What say now the oppressed people of Finland. w 27 Shortly thereafter the f i r s t group of Kalevan Kansa men l e f t for Malcolm Island. During the t r i p their sailboat was damaged, the weather proved to be inclement and the 17 captain of the vessel was injured and eventually needed hospitalization after a firearm accidently discharged. Upon reaching the island the rest of the crew found a meager shelter in an abandoned shack. For the remainder of their stay the weather was bad and they l e f t the island cold, wet and hungry. Despite the i n i t i a l misadventures, bleak reports and confusion about the nature of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, enthusiasm continued to thrive and additional members were attracted to the settlement scheme. Most, however, either chose not to or could not make the $200.00 payment, which heightened the tension between those who recognized i t as a capitalist venture and those who anticipated a socialist Utopia to emerge. What had started out as an id e a l i s t i c quest for a community based on brother- hood was slowly becoming a venture embroiled i n organizational d i f f i c u l t i e s reflective of the different perspectives of the participants. The f i r s t annual report i n 1902 indicated that the company was already burdened with a substantial debt. Years later in his memoirs Makela, an ardent socialist and the company's secretary, recalled that: "Proudly though we turned our backs to the capitalist world, we were nonetheless dependent upon i t in every way. The f i r s t boat load of goods brought to the island was bought on credit. We were always i n the same predicament: purchases had to be made f i r s t , payments dragged even father and farther behind."28 His statement clearly emphasizes the confusion. They never turned their backs to the capitalist world since the 18 joint-stock company was i t s e l f a representation of capitalist ideology. In response to the government stipulations and Kurikka»s own statements the colony was forced to accept the poor, the misfits, the untrained and the poorly equipped. S t i l l others arrived expecting to see a thriving company, and upon finding a few shacks and a l i t t l e clearing either remained to c r i t i c i z e or l e f t to spread news of their discontent. Since the venture was handicapped from the start by a lack of capital there were continuing shortages i n supplies, equip- ment and food. In addition to the poor financial management by Kurikka and the other officers, the company was forced to provide f a c i l i t i e s and materials for poorly trained cobblers, tailors and other craftsmen. Often the supplies were as expensive as the finished product elsewhere. Attempts at sawmilling were hampered by a lack of knowledge about m i l l construction and operation, the quality of timber available, the quality of equipment, the distance from markets, the i l l feeling which arose when attempts were made to organize work crews. Whenever there were specific allocations of duties, rights or property, disputes proliferated. In the midst of these shortcomings some of the i n i t i a l enthusiasm managed to survive, partly because organizational matters were often l e f t aside and the majority of the colonists worked at their random interests. Work was started on a l l fronts. A vi s i t o r to the island later told the D a i l y Colonist that i n "five years they w i l l overrun the whole country up there. You never saw such men to work . . . the settlement i s rapidly taking shape w. 2^ In the interim Kurikka's and Makela's diverging philosophical viewpoints had grown into fundamental confrontations concerning the affairs of the company. Since i t had become increasingly apparent that some of Kurikka's i d e a l i s t i c achievements could not be met, many of the settlers were starting to look toward Makela for more pragmatic suggestions. His observa- tions were, however, only slightly less ephemeral than Kurikka's. He thought of bringing Finland's persecuted socialists to Sointula on board a vessel especially constructed for that purpose, while Kurikka was willing to have them drawn there by the strength of his intellectual and spiritual appeal P° Neither seemed to appreciate that many of the prospective settlers were drawn to the island community by the possibility of economic advantages. The annual report for 1903 suggests that the colony was having i t s most successful year despite i t s constantly increasing debts. Work on the myriad projects related to agriculture, fishing and lumbering had progressed and indicated some chance of success. The irreconcilable quarrels over the size and location of home sites, the allocation of work, the nature of recompense, constitutional matters, education, child rearing, the status of women and women's occupations and the issue of free love were l u l l e d by participation i n other kinds of pursuits. A band and choir had been inaugurated, a library and reading room 20 started, the Aika was again i n print and two volumes of i d y l l i c songs about the Utopian aspirations were created and prepared for publication. For a time i t appeared that Kurikka had been able to turn the minds of the colonists toward the kinds of nonspecific:ideals which 3iad engendered and helped foster the i n i t i a l fervour. The renewed enthusiasm was short-lived. Kurikka's efforts to obtain further credit brought an inspector to the colony to audit i t s financial records and holdings. During the audit a f i r e broke out i n the only substantial building i n the colony, the three storey communal l i v i n g and crafts quarters. The majority of the settlers escaped as did Kurikka and the auditor. However, eleven people were k i l l e d , and the records of the company were destroyed. The destruction of the communal building which was the prime representation of their collective and ideological achievement reflected the fate of the community. The f i r e brought to an end what l i t t l e cohesionsexisted among the settlers. Suspicion and blame was cast upon Kurikka and his supporters by those who had lost a l l their material possessions and, in some cases, their family members. For many the f i r e appeared to confirm the failure of the colonization scheme and i t substantiated their earlier suspicions about mismanagement and the company's dubious financial status. Makela's dream of an i d y l l i c village with treed streets, parks, promenades along the seashore, schools, public 21 buildings and picturesque farms and workshops populated by- enthusiastic and spirited people proved to be as unrealistic as Kurikka's vision of a ring of harmonious Sointulas which would cure the blemishes of the existent larger society.-^ 1 Life i n the pristine wilderness had resulted i n only a small number of the cultural achievements anticipated by Kurikka. It had not provided the cradle from which man's true spiritual concern for one another would arise. Instead, i n the continual controversy over matters of personality and property self-interest assumed precedence over concerns for brotherhood. After the f i r e the more ardent socialists among the Kalevan Kansa began to recognize in Kurikka the character- i s t i c s of a stereotypic e v i l entrepreneur. The arrangement he had made with Dunsmuir, the largest local mine owner, was again brought to the attention of the membership. Kurikka was strongly rebuked for misappropriating his authority over the Kalevan Kansa workers. By making a secret agreement with the capitalist employers to supply cheap labour for their mines he had contradicted the essence of socialist aims, the control over labour. Additionally, he was accused of having a secret bank account, of embezzling company funds and of selling the Sointula song books s t r i c t l y for his own profits. The f i n a l confirmation of Kurikka's inept entre- preneurial nature came with his attempts to secure a contract to build two bridges i n North Vancouver. In truth, Kurikka 22 saw i t as the last opportunity to keep the company i n operation and himself i n a position of authority. However, he miscalculated badly. The Sointula sawmill supplied the best of i t s wood products for the project. Between eight to nine thousand Kalevan Kansa man hours went uncompensated. The $3,000.00 received in payment did not cover the cost of the other supplies which were purchased. Upon his return to Malcolm Island the old issues which had plagued the colony since i t s inception once again flared up. Presently they focused around matters related to free love and mother- hood outside of wedlock, and i n the resultant turmoil Kurikka and his supporters were forced to leave. After Kurikka ,s departure i n 1904 Makela and his supporters attempted to keep the colony alive. But i t was clear that the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited, could not survive. After some of their prime lumber was embezzled by their manager, and the rest seized by creditors in Vancouver, the company was liquidated on May 27, 1905. The activities which transpired between 1901 and 1904 on Malcolm Island represented a coming into synthesis of a dialectic relationship between the failure of the existing assumptions about society to offer access to the redemptive process and the simultaneous revelation of a new order envisioned by Kurikka. Sointula was to become a model socialist community where day to day a c t i v i t i e s would be able to guarantee meaningful relationships among i t s members. According to Kurikka, discharging obligations i n such a 23 manner would result i n a personal knowledge of the unity which exists in a l l things. The period characterized by the acti v i t i e s associated with the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited defined a transitional phase i n a societal r i t e of passage for the proposed community. It was a time given for testing and instruction. A span of activity which attempted to put the individuals and the group temporarily i n a close rapport with the generative powers of the universe which seemed to transcend human secular activity i n purpose and s p i r i t . Like a l l transitional phases i t was a time of potency and power, and simultaneously a period inherently destructive and unpredictable since i t required the laying bare of the newly acquired moral assumptions held by i t s participants and by the accredited leader, so that they could be validated through use. In such transitional r i t e s there i s a period when those passing from one situation to another are temporarily subject to no rules at a l l . - ^ 2 Such activity occurs when the participants are becoming acquainted with the new rules but are not yet acting within them.-^ The Utopian activity on Malcolm Island represented such a social genesis. It required the suspension of the human condition, the subjection to rules, be they capitalist or socialist i n origin, as a necessary stage i n the progression to a new set of moral discriminations. The problem faced by the Kalevan Kansa i s present i n the broader historical context of which their ac t i v i t i e s form a part. In i t neither category of oppositions, subsistence nor complex, as referred to earlier, has operated to the exclusion of the other. At specific periods one has appeared dominant over the other. Diagrammatically the fluctuations can be represented as follows. Kalevala Kalevan Post Kalevan Kansa Kansa Sointula subsistence complex sub com. complex (egalitarian) (hierarchical) 1850 1900-1904 While the headings do not reflect absolute distinctions, they do indicate predominant social values and therefore point toward the d e s i r a b l i l i t y of specific kinds of social organization. The Kalevan Kansa activity of 1900-1904 represents a dramatic attempt to reorder assumptions about power. While not providing the f i n a l solution i t moved the question i n such a way that i t could be expressed i n a different idiom. The situation necessarily generated conflict since the individuals operating within one set of assumptions only partly comprehended those of the next. Furthermore, the issue of power was brought into the open by i t s association with Kurikka, the appointed leader. In a l l three instances under consideration; the publication of the Kalevala. the activities of the Kalevan Kansa and the performances of local singers, such an individual has been present. F i r s t Lonnrot, then Kurikka and later a narrative singer and story t e l l e r from Sointula were able to articulate aspects of a shared tradition and 25 their experience of the immediate situation i n a manner which seemed meaningful to those around them. In their a c t i v i t i e s and being each confirmed what others, held to be true and worthwhile. Their act i v i t i e s and individual attributes provided an integrated model of the content of their ideas. In turn, each was rejected as their actions ceased to guarantee the truth of the s i t u a t i o n . ^ For the Kalevan Kansa, tradition helped define the immediate problem to be confronted and Kurikka the new directions to be tried. For these Finns tradition encompassed not only the •traditions' of a people whose roots were within an oral culture but also the effects of a lengthy association with a literate 'tradition'. As Turner suggests, tradition i s processual. For these Finns i t l e f t " i t s special stamp on the metaphors and models i n the heads of men involved with one another i n an unending 3-5 flow of social existence."^^ For the Kalevan Kansa i t presented a standard, albeit one given to change, by which interpretations of the world about them could be made through a succession of points of view mirrored i n a series of a c t i v i t i e s . Tradition not only validated the accepted execution of ideas but i t also imparted a practical form of knowledge which was understood rather than taught and learned. It provided a "social bond uniting . . . people over and above any formal bonds which are due to the existence of regulated social relations."-^ This aspect of tradition became prominent when Kurikka articulated ideas 26 and sentiments which were commonly held. The problems which later arose among the Kalevan Kansa ensued from the need to impose structure as a means to regulate individual interests in a collective enterprise. For those Finns who remained at Sointula after the collapse of the Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited the a c t i v i t i e s and aspirations which constituted the move- ment became entrenched i n their experience. In turn, that knowledge tempered their future relationships with others in the community and elsewhere. The analysis of the song texts i n the f i n a l chapter indicates the manner i n which the requirements of tradition and experience were reconciled with the pragmatic considerations of day to day l i v i n g . 27 Notes 1 At the turn of the century Malcolm Island was a remote and uninhabited i s l a n d about 150 miles north of Vancouver i n the southern extremity of Queen Charlotte Sound. For an i n depth description see F. E. Leach, "Malcolm Island," i n the "Report of the Minister of Lands, November 16, 1914," B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers .1915. pp. D168-D170. . 2 For a discussion of Kaleva and the other shamanic characters of the Kalevala s t o r i e s see the Kalevala (Helsinki, 1947). ^ The company was organized under the 1897 statute, "An Act f o r the Incorporation and Regulation of Joint-Stock Companies and Trading Corporations." B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes,. 60 V i c t . , c. 2 . 4 Matti Halminen, Sointula; Kalevan Kansa i a Kanadan fuomalisten H i s t o r i a [Sointula: The History of the Kalevan ansa and Finnish CanadiansJ (Helsinki, 1936), pp. 1-11. See Appendix I f o r a t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s book by A. Salo. See also Y. Raivio, Kanadan Suomalisten H i s t o r i a LThe History of the Finns i n Canada J ('Vancouver, i y / 5 ) , pp. 2 0 1 - 228 and 280-294. See, f o r example, K. 0. L. Burridge, New Heaven New Earth: A Study of M i l l e n a r i a n A c t i v i t i e s (Toronto. 1969), PP. 117-140. ^ For example, Halminen, 1936 and K. Jaaskelainen [A. B. Makela J, Muisto . i a Malkosaarelta : Kuvia .ia Kuvaukssia Sointulassa. Malcolm Saarela. British-Columbian Rannikolla. KanadassaT v. 1901-1904 LMemoirs from Malcolm Island: Pictures and Reflections about Malcolm Island on the Shores of B r i t i s h Columbia i n CanadaJ (Helsinki, 1 9 0 7 ) . See also various issues of the Daily Colonist ( V i c t o r i a , B. C ) , I899-1905 and the Vancouver Province, 9 A p r i l 1901. For additional information see A. Salo, "Annotated Bibliography of the Kalevan Kansa and Modern Sointula," University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974, rev. . 1 9 7 7 . See also the various issues of the Aika [The TimeJ newspaper between 1901 and 1904. 7 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 1 1 - 2 2 . 8 See J . D. Wilson, "Matti Kurikka: Finnish Canadian I n t e l l e c t u a l , " B. C. Studies 20 Winter 1973-74): ^ 0 - 6 5 and j . I. Kolehmainen, "Harmony Island: A Finnish Utopian Venture i n B r i t i s h Columbia," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly 5 (1941): 111-123. 9 For a discussion of what constitutes an i n d i v i d u a l of worth see Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 4 - 8 . 1° <JPP f o r example, K. 0. L. B u r r i d g e , Mambu (New York, 370) and j ! I g b i a S f ^ ^ V ft n W T J f c a t i c Movement Svanston, 1971). 28 For a discussion on the relevance of history i n anthropological writing see C. Levi-Strauss, Structural  Anthropology, vol. 1, trans. C. Jacobson (New York, 1967), pp. 23-25; I. C. Jarvie, The Revolution i n Anthropology (London, 1964), pp. 144-14-6 and 198-207; and Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, p. 118. 12 In this discussion the idea expressed by 'identity* i s directly related to social organization. Amongst people with a recent subsistence background the question i s of fundamental importance since a person's identity i s defined by the categories which define organization. Part of the focus of this paper i s concerned with problems which ensue when the categories are no longer meaningful i n a broader context or i n relation to the 'identity* which i s perceived. ^3 The publication of the Kalevala by Lonnrot i s a landmark in Finnish history not only for i t s content but for the role i t occupied i n the transformation of Finland's subsistence rural population in the late 1800s. For a good English translation of the adventures of Kaleva and his descendants see the Kalevala compiled in this form by Elias Lonnrot i n 1849, translated by F. B. Magoun, (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). These songs were collected by me during a fieldwork t r i p to Sointula i n 1973. In 1974 they were transcribed and translated. See below, chapter 4 for the English texts and Appendix VI for the Finnish texts. The following i s adapted from Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, p. 144. a known and ordered the advent of an unknown and environment unordered power quality qualitative measures of man binary differentiation reciprocity part-time specialization treasure articles subsistence economy p o l i t i c a l power based on segmentary oppositions shared values with equal access to rewards number quantitative measures of man factorial differentiation nonreciprocity full-time specialization money complex economy p o l i t i c a l power based on superiority-inferiority shared values with privileged access to rewards 29 egalitarian or binary- distribution of power polytheism 16 power distributed between the prophet (one) and others (many) monotheism 17 18 19 20 21 Ibid., p, Ibid. Ibid., p, 145. 4 . Ibid., pp. 5-6. Ibid., pp. 8-11. Religion and Society Seminars, K. 0 . L. Burridge, University of British Columbia, 1973-74 and Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, pp. 146-149. 2 2 K. Oberg, "Sointula, A Communistic Society i n British Columbia," (B. A. essay, University of British Columbia, 1928), pp. 3-4. Kurikka as cited i n ibid., pp. 13-14. 2 3 ?4 Halminen, 1 9 3 6 , pp. 3 2 - 3 3 . 2 ^ Daily Colonist, 8 September 1901. British Columbia, Department of Lands and Works, ThisAgreement made the twenty-ninthlday of November, A. D. 1901, Between His Majesty The King, represented by the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, of the f i r s t part, and "The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company, Limited," herein- after called "the Company" of the second part. McBride Papers, Agreements and Lists, 1905» f i l e 1019. See Appendix II. 27 28 29 3 0 Aika. 8 November 1901. A. B. Makela, as cited i n Kolehmainen, 1941, p. 1 1 5 . Daily Colonist, 21 August 1902. See, for example, J. D. Wilson, 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 , pp. 5 7 - 5 8 . 3 1 See Halminen, 1936, pp. 5 6 - 5 9 and J. D. Wilson, 1973 -74, p. 5 9 . 3 2 Burridge, New Heaven New Earth, p. 1 6 6 . 3 3 Ibid., p. 1 6 7 . 3 ^ see below, pp. 4 9 - 5 3 . 9 8 - 1 3 2 and 175 - 2 0 6 . 30 J D V. Turner, Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: Symbolic  Action i n Human Society (Ithaca. 1974). pp. 43-44. ^ F. Znanieki, The Method of Sociology (New York, 1936), chapter 3. Chapter 2 The Accumulation of T r a d i t i o n s and E x p e r i e n c e : The Legacy o f F i n n i s h S o c i e t y on i t s Emigrants, 1870-1903 I n the l a s t decades of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y and the f i r s t decade of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y F i n n i s h n e s s as a d e f i n e d e n t i t y encompassed an accumulation o f c r i t e r i a . S c h o l a r s h i p , i n f l u e n c e d by p r e v a i l i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l - i t i c a l standards, had s u p p l i e d a m u l t i t u d e o f approaches by which such knowledge might be gained. Lonnrot and the K a l e v a l a had p r o v i d e d an awareness separate from s c h o l a r s h i p which allowed the m a j o r i t y o f F i n l a n d ' s people t o momentarily grasp a t seemingly workable a s p i r a t i o n s . How- ever, an exegesis o f t h a t knowledge i n terms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was not forthcoming. The t r a n s i t i o n a l p r o c e s s by which most F i n n s from a s u b s i s t e n c e background c o u l d become moral p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a complex s o c i e t y d i d not occur. Instead, s o c i a l l i f e remained segmented. To many i n F i n l a n d , e m i g r a t i o n appeared t o o f f e r an avenue away from the seemingly i r r e c o n c i l a b l e c o n f u s i o n i n the homeland. The major exodus of emigrants from F i n l a n d t o North America o c c u r r e d between 1870 and 1905.1 In F i n l a n d t h i s p e r i o d c o i n c i d e d w i t h numerous events which made i t imp e r a t i v e f o r the m a j o r i t y o f the country's p o p u l a t i o n t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n a complex economy. Although the process 31 32 had been underway s i n c e a t l e a s t the Reformation, i t d i d not g a i n prominence u n t i l a l a r g e number of people needed t o seek t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d away from the l a n d . T h i s s i t u a t i o n o c c u r r e d l a t e r i n F i n l a n d than i t d i d elsewhere i n Europe s i n c e : i f i t happened a t a l l i t took decades, even c e n t u r i e s f o r new i d e a s , i n v e n t i o n s . . . t o penetrate from the o u t s i d e w o r l d . E v e r y ounce o f energy went i n t o the s t r u g g l e t o support a bare and p r i m i t i v e e x i s t e n c e . . . the s m a l l h u n t i n g , f i s h i n g Cand farming] se t t l e m e n t s l i v e d a t a s u b s i s t e n c e leve1.3 The c o n f r o n t a t i o n between the two modes of o r d e r i n g s o c i a l l i f e was most a c u t e l y f e l t by the c o t t e r s and s q u a t t e r f a m i l i e s who were s t i l l on the l a n d or who had r e c e n t l y migrated t o the urban a r e a s . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , among the upper c l a s s o f F i n n i s h s o c i e t y the growing i n t e r e s t i n n a t i o n a l i s m promoted f e e l i n g s which exaggerated the importance of adhering t o e g a l i t a r i a n sentiments thought t o be r e p r e s e n t - a t i v e o f l i f e w i t h i n F i n l a n d ' s a r c h e t y p a l epoch. The mass em i g r a t i o n o f the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was p a r t l y a response t o the i n a b i l i t y o f a l a r g e segment of the F i n n i s h p o p u l a t i o n t o r e s o l v e the fundamental dilemma. The c a t e g o r i e s which d e f i n e d the s t r u c t u r e o f F i n n i s h s o c i e t y c o u l d not be manipulated i n ways which would a l l o w the major- i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l s t o express t h e i r i d e n t i t y as moral i n d i v i d u a l s . Yet, there remained an i n t e n s e pressure upon them t o exalt aspects o f t h e i r n a t i v e c u l t u r e . T h i s u n c e r t a i n t y remained t o be r e c o n c i l e d and was endemic among F i n n i s h immigrants t o North America. Most had been n u r t u r e d i n a s t r o n g P r o t e s t a n t t r a d i t i o n w i t h 33 s t r e s s on f a i t h , a u s t e r i t y and a b e l i e f i n s p i r i t u a l transcendence. In a d d i t i o n , some were co g n i z a n t o f the broader p o l i t i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l i s s u e s i n c l u d i n g the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n o f v a r i o u s p e r s p e c t i v e s on s o c i a l i s m . The l e g a c y o f t h i s experience was embedded i n the i d e a l s and the subsequent a s p i r a t i o n s o f the Kalevan Kansa. The f o u r y e a r s of U t o p i a n a c t i v i t y on Malcolm I s l a n d c o n s t i t u t e d a s o c i e t a l r i t e o f passage i n which the p a r t i c i p a n t s attempted t o i n c o r p o r a t e the v a r i o u s f a c e t s o f t h e i r experience i n t o a v i a b l e form of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . ^ The a c t i o n s o f M a t t i K u r i k k a and the other founding members o f the Kalevan Kansa were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h some o f the reform sentiments o f the time. More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t can be suggested t h a t while t h e i r i d e a s were d e r i v e d from t h e i r c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e t h e i r experience o f t h a t l e g a c y enabled them to evaluate i t and t o generate new c o n c e p t u a l - i z a t i o n s about the nature o f community. The f o u r years o f h a r d s h i p and s t r i f e on Malcolm I s l a n d were s u s t a i n e d by a b e l i e f i n the "new pa t h " proposed by K u r i k k a . The m a j o r i t y of h i s f o l l o w e r s remained c o n f i d e n t t h a t i t c o u l d be put t o the t e s t and made workable by the new people o f K a l e v a . By the mid-nineteenth c e n t u r y abundant m a t e r i a l s f o r a r t i c u l a t i n g the s p e c i f i c c o n s t i t u e n t s o f F i n n i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y had been amassed. E l i a s Lonnrot had compiled and p u b l i s h e d a c o l l e c t i o n o f o r a l n a r r a t i v e s d e a l i n g w i t h the a n c i e n t heroes and t h e i r adventures i n Kaleva.. Upon i t s completion, the K a l e v a l a was h e r a l d e d as the supreme 34 c h r o n i c l e o f F i n n i s h a n t i q u i t y , and i t q u i c k l y became the ce n t r e o f s c h o l a r l y and p o p u l a r i n t e r e s t . Subsequently, the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n s of F i n n s o u t s i d e the upper c l a s s were a f f o r d e d p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n , mostly through the study and memorization o f K a l e v a l a passages. The road toward the c u r r e n t sense of n a t i o n a l and i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y encompassed a l e n g t h y process which had been e n l i v e n e d three hundred years e a r l i e r by the Reformation s c h o l a r s . The i n t e n s i t y w i t h which the accumulation o f i n s i g h t s was p r e s e n t l y f e l t , p a r t i c u l a r l y by s c h o l a r s and others e n t h u s i a s t i c about n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , permeated s o c i e t y w i t h an uneasy sense o f immediacy and change. In t u r n , these f e e l i n g s were t r a n s - l a t e d i n t o s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s a t t r a c t i n g a broad f o l l o w i n g from a l l s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y . C o u n t l e s s n a t i o n a l i s t organ- i z a t i o n s , r e v i v a l i s t and temperance groups, e d u c a t i o n a l committees and groups a d v o c a t i n g reform i n l a n d tenure and l a b o u r p r a c t i c e s grew i n p o p u l a r i t y w e l l i n t o the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . However, fundamental o b s t a c l e s remained t o be r e s o l v e d . The p o l i t i c a l t u r m o i l on F i n l a n d ' s immediate boundaries warned of an uneasy f u t u r e . During the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y the t e r r i t o r y which e v e n t u a l l y became F i n l a n d i n 1919 was a l t e r n a t e l y under the c o n t r o l o f e i t h e r Sweden or R u s s i a . By the second h a l f of t h a t century the m a j o r i t y o f F i n n s l i v e d and worked on l a n d which was the Grand Duchy o f F i n l a n d governed by the a u t h o r i t y o f the R u s s i a n T s a r . Other deeply r o o t e d i n t e r n a l problems remained as w e l l . 35 In the past decades the majority of the landed aristocracy, clergy and burgers had become more Swedish than Finnish i n their interests and language.-' Many regarded Finnish language and customs with contempt. During the early years of the nineteenth century the most ardent resistence to the restoration of Finnish p o l i t i c a l and cultural autonomy came from within the Finnish upper class.^ The powerful individuals, whose p o l i t i c a l ties were f i r s t bound to Sweden and subsequently to Russia, took l i t t l e interest i n the pursuits of clerics and scholars "who sought to know who they were by knowing who they had been."' Consequently, they saw no point i n perpetuating traditions which they regarded as barbarian. Significant demographic changes also were occurring. In the southern and western areas of Finland a growing number of people migrated to the local towns and c i t i e s . Motivated by overcrowding, crop failures and an increasing perception of l i f e beyond their local communities these individuals l e f t the land which had provided for their families i n past generations. In the urban centres many became aware that their individual expectations as well as their disillusionments were shared by others. Drawn into the ambiant atmosphere of change many were recruited into the numerous reform groups headed by a host of activists* When confronted by the complexities of a new and different l i f e s t y l e they no longer continued to share a l l the expect- ations of their forefathers, particularly their passive 36 exclusion from the p o l i t i c a l process. Nevertheless, the alternatives which were advocated by the new leaders were ambiguous, undeveloped and often contradictory. Since the Reformation diverse perspectives concerning the meaning of Finnishness had emerged. Of these the earliest contributions came from religious scholars. Their objectives and the content of their teachings often appeared to be at cross purposes with the indigenous traditions of the people they sought to serve. These early clerics assumed that the relationship of Christianity to local customs would be antagonistic and competitive. For them the ancient oral epics about the shamanic inhabitants of Kaleva were particularly problematic. They recognized that many of the rural people f e l t a spir i t u a l kindred with these legendary figures. In addition, Protestant church o f f i c i a l s associated these pieces of traditional lore with pre- Reformation Catholicism.^ The early Mendicant f r i a r s and Dominicans who travelled to Scandinavia were willing to accommodate elements of the indigenous culture within their teachings. 1 0 Their presence i n Finland dating back to the middle of the twelfth century had added to the character of Finnish traditions notions of self--denial, a belief i n "the glory of poverty and the wickedness of wealth" 1 1 and a reverence for simplistic devotion. Despite the prolonged efforts of the Protestant o f f i c i a l s the oral narratives and lore continued to be venerated and occupied a foremost position i n the social l i f e of the subsistence communities. 37 In the 1540s, A g r i c o l a , a Reformation s c h o l a r , authored s e v e r a l pamphlets which rendered spoken F i n n i s h i n t o a w r i t t e n language. In a d d i t i o n , he worked on t r a n s l a t i o n s of B i b l i c a l s t o r i e s and church documents from L a t i n i n t o 12 F i n n i s h . In t h e i r enthusiasm t o s t r e n g t h e n the p o p u l a r i t y o f P r o t e s t a n t t e a c h i n g s , s c h o l a r s l i k e A g r i c o l a f e l t bound to denounce the t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s as pagan. They r e c o g n i z e d t h a t s i n c e these b e l i e f s were i n t r i n s i c a l l y t i e d t o almost a l l a s pects o f d a i l y l i f e t hey approached r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i - 13 cance. Consequently, t h e i r most s t e r n condemnation was d i r e c t e d toward the e p i c n a r r a t i v e s which venerated the baroic e x p l o i t s of G o d - l i k e K a l e v a and h i s sons and which formed the c e n t r a l a c t i v i t y o f community g a t h e r i n g s and c o m p e t i t i o n s . In p l a c e o f what they regarded as pagan l o r e l a t e r clergymen l i k e Finno, a Lutheran p a s t o r , attempted t o i n s t i t u t e c o l l e c t i o n s o f hymns which would r e p l a c e the 14 shameful and "ungodly v e r s e s sung by the common p e o p l e . " The a t t i t u d e taken by some o f these e a r l y churchmen i s e v i d e n t i n the i n t r o d u c a t i o n t o Finno*s hymnal i n 1582. "Because there were no s a c r e d songs f o r the people to l e a r n , they began t o p r a c t i c e pagan r i t e s and to s i n g shameful, lewd and f o o l i s h songs . . . they s i n g them t o pass the time a t t h e i r f e s t i v a l s and on journeys, they h o l d c o n t e s t s w i t h them, they d e f i l e and debauch the young w i t h wicked thoughts and shameful speech, they tempt and encourage them to l i v e a lewd and f i l t h y l i f e and t o p r a c t i c e wicked ways. And because the d e v i l , the source o f a l l wickedness, a l s o i n s p i r e d h i s poets and s i n g e r s i n t o whose minds he entered and i n whose mouths he shaped the r i g h t words, they were a b l e t o compose songs e a s i l y and q u i c k l y , which c o u l d be l e a r n e d by o t h e r s and remembered more q u i c k l y than d i v i n e and C h r i s t i a n songs c o u l d be l e a r n e d and remembered.-O 38 The passage above not o n l y i n d i c a t e s the l a c k o f o n t o l o g i c a l understanding which e x i s t e d but i t r e v e a l s the fundamental importance o f indigenous t r a d i t i o n s w i t h i n these s u b s i s t e n c e communities. The d e t e r m i n a t i o n by e a r l y s c h o l a r s t o suppress t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s heightened the i n t e r e s t o f l a t e r gener- a t i o n s o f s c h o l a r s . In the i n t e r v e n i n g y ears the p e r i o d i c i n s i s t e n c e o f a few i n f l u e n t i a l church s c h o l a r s and o f f i c i a l s t o d e n i g r a t e t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s p l a c e d the i n t e n t i o n s o f the church under s u s p i c i o n . Not a l l the P r o t e s t a n t c l e r g y were as a n t a g o n i s t i c as Finno towards the study, p r e s e r v a t i o n and u t i l i z a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l l o r e . Prolonged d i s p u t e s o c c u r r e d between those who remained i n t e n t upon the p r i s t i n e t e a c h i n g o f C h r i s t - i a n i t y and those who favoured couching t h e i r C h r i s t i a n message w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n a l idoms. Among the l a t t e r , C h r i s t - i a n and indigenous a s p e c t s tended t o fuse one w i t h i n the ot h e r . The i d e n t i t y o f God, B i b l i c a l persona and h i s t o r i c a l events combined w i t h t h a t o f the shamanic 17 founders o f Ka l e v a and the F i n n i s h landscape. ' By s t r e s s i n g the t r a n s i e n t nature o f the presen t i n terms o f one's l i f e - time, both groups i n s t i l l e d n o t i o n s o f change i n a seemingly s t a t i c environment. Furthermore, both a f f i r m e d the uniqueness o f c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s w h ile c o n f i r m i n g the g e n e r a l i z e d v a l u e s of brotherhood and s o l i d a r i t y . These p e r s p e c t i v e s generated n o t i o n s which were deeply entrenched w i t h i n the experience o f many F i n n s . Among them was a b e l i e f i n the l i t e r a l content o f t r a d i t i o n , a b e l i e f 39 i n the e x i s t e n c e o f e x t r a o r d i n a r y persona who c o u l d c r e a t e new epochs, f a i t h i n the i n e v i t a b l i t y o f transcendence and an espousal o f the v a l u e s o f a u s t e r i t y , brotherhood and community l i f e . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , these q u a l i t i e s were r e i t e r a t e d i n the v a r y i n g e x p r e s s i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l and n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y . In North America, the i n i t i a l c o nfidence t o b e g i n a Utopian community depended on a r e c o g n i t i o n o f these 18 q u a l i t i e s . The members o f the Kalevan Kansa f e l t they c o u l d c r e a t e an e q u i t a b l e s o c i a l order on the s t r e n g t h o f t h e i r e t h n i c experience. That experience was most c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d by the c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r , M a t t i K u r i k k a , who i n t e g r a t e d the v a r i o u s f a c e t s w i t h i n h i m s e l f . Through t h a t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n some of the o u t s t a n d i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between e g a l i t a r i a n and h i e r a r c h i c a l were t e m p o r a r i l y s e t a s i d e . H i s d i s c u s s i o n o f S o i n t u l a , the f u t u r e home o f the Kalevan Kansa, brought t o g e t h e r i d e a s which were q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . 1 9 F e l l o w s h i p i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h i n h e r e n t e t h n i c p r o c l i v i t i e s would m a n i f e s t themselves i n a community c h a r a c t e r i z e d by comraunitas and m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g . The va l u e s o f an i d e a l i s t i c and s p i r i t u a l form of s o c i a l i s m would a r i s e from the foundations o f a j o i n t - s t o c k company. Although the s u b j e c t o f i n d i v i d u a l and e t h n i c i d e n t i t y had been d i s c u s s e d by F i n n i s h s c h o l a r s f o r a l o n g p e r i o d o f time, t h e i r s u p p o s i t i o n s remained l i f e l e s s u n t i l they were r e c o g n i z e d i n community l i f e . Among people t i e d t o the l a n d and each other i n i n s u l a r s e t t l e m e n t s , i n d i v i d u a l worth was 40 reckoned through c o - o p e r a t i o n . S i n c e i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s and kinsmen occupied l a n d i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o one another the ensuing o b l i g a t i o n s between them were paramount. W i t h i n the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t e s t a t e s nearer t o c e n t r e s o f urban p o p u l a t i o n the w e l l - b e i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l c r o f t e r f a m i l i e s was i n t r i c a t e l y t i e d t o the w e l l - b e i n g o f others. I d e a l - i s t i c a l l y , shared e n t e r p r i s e guaranteed shared recompense. In an ambiance c h a r a c t e r i z e d by community s o l i d a r i t y on the one hand, and e x t e r n a l r i v a l r i e s on the other hand, the 20 t r a d i t i o n o f e p i c s i n g i n g prospered. The breadth o f t h i s a c t i v i t y extended i n t o s e v e r a l d i r e c t i o n s . F i r s t , i t con- t r i b u t e d to a broad sense o f c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y among d i v e r s e groups. Second, i t p r o v i d e d the means by which c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s were t r a n s m i t t e d to groups o f people otherwise i s o l a t e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y those d i s t a n t from the southern c i t i e s . T h i r d , the performances o f s i n g e r s p r o v i d e d o c c asions f o r e x p e r i e n c i n g and a s s e s s i n g c u l t u r e s i n c e the success of a s i n g e r depended on h i s a b i l i t y t o be c r e a t i v e without v i o l a t i n g the c o n s t r a i n t s enforced by the t r a d i t i o n . In the m i l i e u the s i n g e r r e p r e s e n t e d an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d mechanism by which c u l t u r e c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d and e v a l u a t e d and by which i n d i v i d u a l and group i d e n t i t y c o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d . Both the a c t i v i t y and i t s substance p r o v i d e d a c u l t u r a l y a r d s t i c k a g a i n s t which other measures c o u l d be made. The i n t e r v e n t i o n o f the c l e r g y l e d to a decrease i n the number o f e p i c n a r r a t i v e s t o be c r e a t e d but not i n the popular appeal of the performance. P a r a l l e l i n g the 41 i n c r e a s e d i n f l u e n c e o f the church was a contiguous r e a l i g n - ment of a l l e g i a n c e among the upper c l a s s . As a r e s u l t , the d i s t i n c t i o n imposed by s o c i a l rank appeared more pronounced s i n c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n F i n n i s h t r a d i t i o n s f e l l i n t o the purview o f the s u b s i s t e n c e and i n t i n e r a n t p o p u l a t i o n . Not u n t i l the e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y d i d a s u b s t a n t i a l number of the upper c l a s s take an i n t e r e s t i n these t r a d - i t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n t o i t s r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s the church p r o v i d e d access t o f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n f o r some iof i t s p a r i s h i o n e r s . Beyond t h a t i t s presence w i t h i n the r u r a l areas expressed a complexity o f o r g a n i z a t i o n outside the experience o f most of the p o p u l a t i o n . In the g e n e r a t i o n s which f o l l o w e d A g r i c o l a the seemingly unchanging s o c i a l environment d i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which were ^ p r o g r e s s i v e l y l e s s s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . Access t o and the use of money, a q u a n t i t y by which i n d i v i d u a l v alue was e a s i l y reckoned, brought t o the f o r e f r o n t concerns about ownership, enfranchisement, employment and working c o n d i t i o n s . The i n t e n s i t y o f these sentiments was r e f l e c t e d i n the p o p u l a r i t y of groups committed t o i d e a l i z e d n o t i o n s of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m and comeraderie. In response t o the i n t e r e s t and urgency expressed by a few church s c h o l a r s the S t a t e A n t i q u a r y was founded i n the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 2 1 I t s c e n t r a l aim was t o c o l l e c t " • a l l k i n ds of c h r o n i c l e s and h i s t o r i e s , immemorial legends, poems about famous persons, monasteries, c a s t l e s , d w e l l i n g s of k i n g s . . . [and] h e r o i c poems and i n c a n t a t i o n s . ' " 2 2 The p r e v i o u s l y undocumented p i e c e s o f v e r b a l c u l t u r e c o l l e c t e d under i t s a u s p i c e s p r o v i d e d the substance f o r innumerable s t u d i e s and argumentations concerning F i n n i s h i d e n t i t y . I t remained a c h i e f r e p o s i t o r y f o r c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s up to the n i n e t e e n t h century, a t which time i t was augmented by a commitment to more r i g o r o u s f i e l d w o r k . By the seventeenth century many church s c h o l a r s urged t h e i r c o n s e r v a t i v e s u p e r i o r s to r e s p e c t indigenous t r a d - i t i o n s as sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n about F i n n i s h a n t i q u i t y . 2 - ^ The b e l i e v e d t h a t the n a r r a t i v e s r e f l e c t e d not o n l y an a c t u a l h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d but t h a t they e x e m p l i f i e d the es- sence of F i n n i s h i d e a l s . Others r e a d i l y composed imaginary phantasmagorias about a noble n a t i o n p r i o r to i t s d e f e a t oh. by unscrupulous powers. For the next c e n t u r y and a h a l f many F i n n i s h s c h o l a r s remained preoccupied w i t h r e c o n - s t r u c t i n g F i n l a n d ' s unrecorded p a s t . As a r e s u l t , the content of l i t e r a t u r e about F i n n i s h c u l t u r e i n c l u d e d not o n l y the m a t e r i a l s e x t r a c t e d from the o r a l t r a d i t i o n s but a l s o the i d e a l i z e d h i s t o r i e s which had been c o n s t r u c t e d around them.2-* By unshrouding the c h a r a c t e r and adventures of Vainamoinen, Ilmarinen, Lemminkainen and Kaleva they hoped t o impress upon t h e i r contemporaries the p l a u s i b i l i t y 26 of approaching the greatness of a n c i e n t times i n the future.*° In the e i g h t e e n t h century the f a n c i f u l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s 27 were r e p l a c e d by more e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s . They focu s e d not o n l y on the customs but a l s o on the m i l i e u x from which 43 they were c o l l e c t e d . T h i s change i n p e r s p e c t i v e was due i n p a r t t o the circumstances c o n f r o n t i n g the c l e r g y i n the out- l y i n g a r e a s . They were r e s o l u t e l y occupied w i t h t h e i r work i n the h i n t e r l a n d s and found themselves immersed i n the ambiance o f t r a d i t i o n a l l o r e . Although p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d u t i e s , i t was i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t f o r them to ignore the v i t a l i t y w i t h which the indigenous 28 p r a c t i c e s s u r v i v e d . T h e i r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n these communities was f u r t h e r complicated by a s h i f t i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s and p u r s u i t s of the upper c l a s s . The s u b j e c t o f F i n n i s h i d e n t i t y was drawing i n t e r e s t among some who e x e r c i s e d p o l i t i c a l , economic and i n t e l l e c t u a l a u t h o r i t y . I n t u r n , they i n i t i a t e d and sponsored a d d i t i o n a l r e s e a r c h . In F i n l a n d , as elsewhere i n Europe, o b j e c t i v i t y was the measure of s c i e n t i f i c e n t e r p r i s e s . Among Enlightenment 29 s c h o l a r s "impetuous p a s s i o n " 7 was r e p l a c e d by the p u r s u i t of r eason. F o l k l o r e s c h o l a r s h i p , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t based upon f i e l d study, prospered under the s p i r i t o f r a t i o n a l i t y . However, the i n t e l l e c t u a l c l a r i t y h e r a l d e d by such commit- ments was clouded by the c o n f u s i o n which surrounded p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . The Swedish-Finnish armies o f C h a r l e s X I I s u f f e r e d d e f e a t i n the e i g h t e e n year Great Northern War. The peace agreements o f Uusikaupunki i n 1721 and Turku i n 1743 f o r c e d Sweden to r e l i n q u i s h c o n t r o l o f her e a s t e r n t e r r i t o r i e s t o R u s s i a . That segment o f the F i n n i s h a r i s t o c r a c y which had a l i g n e d i t s e l f w i t h Sweden saw i t s c o n f i d e n c e m i s p l a c e d . Since Sweden c o u l d no l o n g e r o f f e r the d e s i r e d s e c u r i t y and l e a d e r s h i p , they began to l o o k more f a v o u r a b l y toward t h e i r former f o e s . ^ 0 I n t u r n , R u s s i a t o l e r a t e d and a t times encouraged a c t i v i t i e s i n F i n l a n d which negated i t s t i e s w i t h Sweden. Groups committed to independence and r eform i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s t r u c t u r e o f the church f l o u r i s h e d d u r i n g t h i s l i m i n a l p e r i o d between the t r a n s f e r o f auto- c r a t i c powers. The f e r v o u r c r e a t e d by the n a t i o n a l i s t s i n the l a s t decades o f the seventeenth c e n t u r y f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e s o l u t i o n s t o the disharmony. No s i g n i f i c a n t changes were i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s o c i e t y . Rather, the e x i s t i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s between the 'Swedish f u n c t i o n a r i e s ' and the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n was f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t e d . R e f l e c t i n g the u n c e r t a i n t y o f the p e r i o d , the i n t e r e s t s o f the former group were d i v i d e d among Sweden, R u s s i a and t o a l e s s e r degree F i n l a n d . Much o f the s c h o l a r s h