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Certain aspects of the Dutch influence on Papiamentu Bouscholte, Jacoba Elisabeth 1978

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CERTAIN ASPECTS OF THE DUTCH INFLUENCE OCT PAPIAMENTU JACOBA ELISABETH BOUSCHOLTE B.A., The Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1978 Jacoba E l i s a b e t h Bouscholte, 1978 i n In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requ i rement s f an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I ag ree tha the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rpo se s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d tha t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date Mav T l . 1 Q 7 R . - i i -ABSTRACT The subject of t h i s study i s the influence which Dutch has had on Papiamentu. The f i r s t chapter deals with the h i s t o r y of the Benedenwindse Eilanden of the Netherlands A n t i l l e s i n order to explain the reason f o r the "mixed" nature of the language. The second chapter i s devoted to the influence which the various component parts of the population have had or may have had on the language. It f u r t h e r shows how Papiamentu developed from a pidgin into a Creole and subsequently into an independent language. This growth i s demonstrated by statements from writers on the language. The t h i r d chapter concerns i n p a r t i c u l a r the Dutch element i n Papiamentu. A f t e r a short d e s c r i p t i o n of the various categories i n which Dutch influence i s apparent, an analysis i s made of the presence of words and expressions from those categories i n Ora Solo Baha, a c o l l e c t i o n of children's s t o r i e s by P i e r r e Antoine Lauffer. In t h i s analysis a t t e n t i o n i s given to the l e x i c o n as well as to syntactic caiques. Words and expressions have been explained not only on the basis of present-day Dutch, but, as f a r as possible, also i n the l i g h t of t h e i r occurrence i n e a r l i e r forms of Dutch, the seventeenth-century language, or i n the West F r i s i a n and Zealandic d i a l e c t s , as well as i n c o l l o q u i a l Dutch. I l l TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Acknowledgement i v Introduction v i I. The H i s t o r i c a l Background of the T e r r i t o r y Where Papiamentu Is Spoken 1 I I . The Influence of the History of the Benedenwindse Eilanden Upon the Development of Papiamentu 27 I I I . The Dutch Element i n Twentieth-Century Papiamentu 80 Conclusion 246 Bibliography 250 i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT During the time I have dedicated to t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , I have received support from many people. In p a r t i c u l a r , I would l i k e to thank Dean Walter H. Gage f o r the warm i n t e r e s t he has shown over the years i n my endeavours at The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. The l a t e Dr. Geoffrey B. Riddehough of the Department of C l a s s i c s encouraged me i n various ways over many years to continue my work on Papiamentu. I regret very much that he did not l i v e to see i t completed. The Faculty of Graduate Studies has obliged me by i t s patience and understanding, and I must also express my gratitude to the Un i v e r s i t y L i b r a r i a n , Mr. B a s i l Stuart-Stubbs and h i s Staff f o r t h e i r co-operation and forbearance. I wish to extend my sincere thanks to the Department of Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies and e s p e c i a l l y those of i t s members who were d i r e c t l y concerned with t h i s study. In the early stages of Chapter One on the h i s t o r y of the Benedenwindse Eilanden, I was able to benefit from Professor H.V. Livermore's advice and i n t e r e s t i n the subject. Dr. Arsenio Pacheco was also generous with h i s time and assistance. A sp e c i a l word of thanks must go to Dr. Derek Carr f o r the care with which he read my material and f o r h i s invaluable assistance i n the preparation of the f i n a l d r a f t . The greatest debt of gratitude I owe to my t h e s i s d i r e c t o r , Dr. K a r l Kobbervig, f o r h i s constant encouragement. V F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to say "masha masha danki" to the many "landskinderen" who have helped me gain a better i n s i g h t into "nan dushi Papiamentu", i n p a r t i c u l a r Mr. O.E. van Kampen, Mr. 0. Specht, Mr. Antoine J. Maduro, Dr. Luis H. Daal, Drs. Raul G. Rb'mer and Mr. Pi e r r e Antoine Lauffer. v i INTRODUCTION My i n t e r e s t i n Papiamentu was aroused during a course on the H i s t o r y of the Spanish Language at The University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Prom the sample texts prescribed f o r study, i t was evident that the contributions from the Dutch language were more numerous than could be r e a d i l y detected by non-native speakers of Dutch. I t was clear, therefore, that there was scope f o r a d d i t i o n a l research into Dutch influence on Papiamentu. This was a challenge f o r me to study the language fu r t h e r . However, there was very l i t t l e primary source material a v a i l a b l e on Papiamentu or the Netherlands A n t i l l e s i n the Uni v e r s i t y Library, and the secondary sources were i n some cases out-of-date. When I received permission to make the influence of Dutch on Papiamentu my thesis t o p i c , i t was, therefore, necessary to go elsewhere to gather the required information. Por that purpose I went to The Netherlands f o r short stays i n 1970, 1971 and 1973, and to the three Benedenwindse Eilanden f o r six weeks i n the Summer of 1971. In these places I have met with generous co-operation from l i b r a r i e s , u n i v e r s i t i e s , associations, government agencies and i n d i v i d u a l s — among whom were authors, poets and actors — who provided me with documentation, allowed me to make tape recordings and introduced me to various aspects of A n t i l l i a n c u l t u r e . v i i This study i s devoted to the l e x i c o n and syntax of Papiamentu as f a r as Dutch influence i n t h i s respect can be detected. However, i n order to explain how Papiamentu came to be a language composed of so many d i f f e r e n t l i n g u i s t i c elements, i t was f e l t necessary to devote the f i r s t chapter to the h i s t o r i c a l background of the t e r r i t o r y where Papiamentu i s spoken. The second chapter investigates the influence which the h i s t o r y of the Benedenwindse Eilanden has exerted upon the development of Papiamentu. I t shows, furthermore, how i t passed from the state of a pidgin to that of a Creole and subsequently into an independent language. Quotations from writers on the language from 1704 on are given to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s growth. Attention i s also paid to documents and publications i n the language from the l a s t quarter of the eighteenth up to the end of the nineteenth century. The t h i r d chapter i s devoted to the Dutch element i n twentieth century Papiamentu. It gives f i r s t a short d e s c r i p t i o n of the various categories i n which the Dutch language, i n i t s e a r l i e r forms, the seventeenth-century idiom, as well as present-day speech has l e f t i t s impact. As f a r as possible, references are made to d i a l e c t a l influences, mainly from West F r i s i a n . The remainder of the chapter concerns the presence of Dutch elements i n the usage of Papiamentu by a prominent A n t i l l i a n writer, P i e r r e Antoine L a u f f e r , i n h i s c o l l e c t i o n of children's v i i i s t o r i e s Ora Solo Baha. In the conclusion a break-down of the proportion of Dutch elements i n the running word count of two of the s t o r i e s "Mushe Raton" and "Bas P i p i i su barika-hel" i s given. No a t t e n t i o n i s paid i n t h i s study to the phonology of Papiamentu. There i s a c e r t a i n amount of influence from Dutch i n that respect, but to go deeper into that subject would not be j u s t i f i e d by the scope of t h i s work. The l a c k of a uniform s p e l l i n g system i s a considerable disadvantage f o r those who wish to study the l a n d s t a a l of the Benedenwindse Eilanden, since, as a r e s u l t , there i s no up-to-date d i c t i o n a r y . One can only consult word-lists from before 1953. Many attempts have been made to a r r i v e at a standard orthography. However, t h i s aspect of Papiamentu i s not dealt with i n t h i s study e i t h e r . It should further be noted that no emphasis has been placed on the differences i n the Papiamentu of the three i s l a n d s . The v a r i e t y discussed i s that of Curacao. - 1 -CHAPTER ONE THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OP THE TERRITORY WHERE PAPIAMENTU IS SPOKEN Papiamentu"'" is spoken, besides the official language, which is Dutch, on part of the Netherlands Antilles, that is, on the three islands Aruba, Bonaire and Curacao, some-times called the ABC Islands when listed in alphabetical order rather than in geographical sequence. Prom West to East this would be Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire. They are located in the Caribbean Sea, to the North of Venezuela, at a distance varying from 30 to 90 km off its coast, between latitudes 12° and 13° N. and longitudes 68° and 71° W. The distance between Aruba and Curacao is about 78 km, between Curacao and Bonaire about 52 km. These islands form the southern part of the lesser Antilles, the northern part of which lies at a distance of 900 km to the North East. I have chosen this spelling, since the word is pronounced and written that way by native speakers. English-speaking scholars, such as, for instance, Robert A. Hall, Jr. of Cornell University, Douglas Taylor of Dominica, and R.W. Thompson of the University of Hongkong, also use i t . In Spanish the language is called papiamento. In Dutch publications one may find, spread over the centuries: Papiamentoe, Papiamentu, Papiamentsch, Papiaments, Papiamento or, recently Papiament. The latter is an improvement on the un-Dutch noun Papiaments(ch). (See Joh. Hartog, Curacao: Van  Kolonie tot Autonomie (Aruba, N.A.: D.J. de Wit, c. 1961, Part I, pp. 431-32.) Raul G. Romer of the Spaans Seminarie of the Gemeentelijke Universiteit van Amsterdam has sugges-ted Papyamentu (1970). He is a native speaker of the lan-guage and was asked to draw up an official spelling for i t . The lack of one has resulted in much discussion, the non-publication of many a literary work and the frustrating absence of any up-to-date dictionary. - 2 -The o f f i c i a l Dutch name of the southern group i s Eilanden Beneden de Wind or Benedenwindse Eilanden (Spanish: l a s Xslas de Sotavento), "Leeward Islands". However, the B r i t i s h gave t h i s group the name "Windward Islands". The Dutch t r a n s l a t i o n f o r t h i s would be quite the opposite, that i s , Eilanden Boven de Wind or Bovenwindse Eilanden, l i t e r a l l y "Islands Above the Wind". In Dutch, Spanish as well as i n French t h i s concept i s used f o r the northern group of the Lesser A n t i l l e s , three of which, Saba, Sint Eustatius and h a l f of Sint Maarten, are also part of the Dutch Realm. As an amusing but confusing r e s u l t the former B r i t i s h Leeward Islands are surrounded by what the Dutch and French would c a l l t h e i r Windward I s l a n d s . T h i s reference to the wind r e f l e c t s the great importance of the trade winds i n the days of the s a i l i n g v e s s e l . Curacao i s the l a r g e s t of the three i s l a n d s , covering an area of 472 km2. I t i s the seat of the Government. Before September 8, 1948, when a r e v i s i o n of the Netherlands Constitution was accepted, the name Curacao was used to designate the whole t e r r i t o r y of what i s now c a l l e d the Netherlands A n t i l l e s , encompassing the above-mentioned s i x "^ To avoid confusion i n t h i s study the phrase Benedenwindse  Eilanden w i l l be used. At a short distance from Curacao, to the South-East, l i e s Klein-Curacao ( L i t t l e Curacao). I t s surface i s 1 km2. From 1871 to 1913, i t was an important supplier of phosphate. i s l a n d s . Bonaire has a surface of 281 km2 and Aruba of 190 km 2. 1 In 1972, the number of inhabitants was 150,000, 62,000-and 8,200 re s p e c t i v e l y , a t o t a l of about 220,000. When, on December 29, 1954, Her Majesty Queen Ju l i a n a gave Royal Consent to the Statuut (Statute, Charter), The Netherlands, the Netherlands A n t i l l e s and Surinam were incorporated into the Kingdom of The Netherlands as three autonomous parts and as equal partners. On November 25, 1975, Surinam withdrew from that status i n order to gain complete p o l i t i c a l independence. I t i s estimated that there are at present about 200,000 speakers of Papiamentu. Included i n t h i s f i g u r e are those who l i v e on the ABC Islands, immigrants from Surinam, from other parts of South-America and from other i s l a n d s i n the Caribbean Sea, who came i n search of work and l a t e r went back to t h e i r own habitat using Papiamentu there as a sort of secret language* Examples of t h i s are the Island of St. Thomas and, on the Paraguana Peninsula, R i c l a (Adicora), Porta Seconde (Puerto Escondido) and Punta Macamba. There i s also a considerable number of speakers of Papiamentu who have now s e t t l e d i n The Netherlands. These are students, people i n various occupations, c i v i l servants, persons on welfare and r e t i r e d people. The number of Dutch c i t i z e n s At a distance of about 2 km to the East of Bonaire l i e s the uninhabited Klein-Bonaire ( L i t t l e Bonaire), used "as.?, grazing land f o r goats and f o r r e c r e a t i o n a l purposes. I t measures 6 km2. from the West Indies (Surinam and the A n t i l l e s together) was 70,.000 i n 1972, hut i t i s l i k e l y that not a l l who had entered The Netherlands to remain had r e g i s t e r e d as residents. The greatest portion by f a r of these were from Surinam. In 1974, the f i g u r e s were 80,000 and 10,000 f o r people from Surinam and the Netherlands A n t i l l e s r e s p e c t i v e l y . More than 30?6 of the t o t a l population of Surinam l i v e d i n The Netherlands i n 1975. For the Netherlands A n t i l l e s i t was During my v i s i t to Curacao, Aruba and Bonaire as well as during my stay i n The Netherlands i n search of informants, I found the statement that everyone l i v i n g on those islands or who had l i v e d there f o r a c e r t a i n length of time would speak Papiamentu to be i l l - f o u n d e d . The employees of S h e l l brought out from The Netherlands often did not acquire the language, since they l e d a rather secluded l i f e . People who come to the Benedenwindse Eilanden from Holland or elsewhere f o r a contract of two or three years do not always f e e l i n c l i n e d to take the trouble to l e a r n Papiamentu. This explains the difference i n the number of inhabitants of the three Benedenwindse Eilanden (220,000) and the estimated figur e f o r speakers of the language .(.about 200,000). I t i s true, however, that Papiamentu i s spoken by the landskinderen of a l l l e v e l s of society: the white, i n c l u d i n g the Jews, who have come from various parts of the world and at d i f f e r e n t times i n h i s t o r y , speak i t among themselves, with t h e i r employees and servants. So do the black and mulatto parts of the population, among themselves and with other groups. C h i l d r e n o f t e n do not l e a r n Dutch u n t i l they go to s c h o o l , t h a t i s , not u n t i l they are s i x years o l d . Landskinderen ( l i t e r a l l y " c h i l d r e n of the country") i s the term used f o r those who are horn on the three i s l a n d s , a l b e i t of I n d i a n , European, South-American o r other descent, and have, t h e r e -f o r e , Dutch c i t i z e n s h i p . Chapter Two w i l l go i n t o more d e t a i l about the develop-ment of Papiamentu from a p i d g i n i n t o a Creole language and now an independent language. S u f f i c e i t to say here that i t can be considered a "mixed language" because i t i s com-posed of a v a r i e t y of elements. I t s grammar i s not complin cated. I t s vocabulary i s about three q u a r t e r s I b e r i a n . I have chosen t h i s term, s i n c e i t i s not my i n t e n t i o n to explore i n t h i s study the v a l i d i t y of the arguments whether the Romance base may be a t t r i b u t e d to Portuguese, Spanish, G a l i c i a n , Bable (the A s t u r i a n d i a l e c t ) or C a t a l a n i n f l u e n c e s . Many s c h o l a r s , such as Antoine J . Maduro, H.L.A. van Wirjk, R i c h a r d E. Wood, Tomas Navarro Tomas, German de Granda and J.P. Rona, have entered i n t o d i s c u s s i o n s on t h i s matter. The other q u a r t e r of the l e x i c o n c o n s i s t s f o r the main part of Dutch or Dutch-derived words; some words from Prench, some from E n g l i s h . I n the names of f l o r a and fauna, as w e l l as i n geog r a p h i c a l names one can recognize t r a c e s of I n d i a n languages. I n the sound system and f o l k - l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l as i n o l d songs there are undoubtedly reminiscences of A f r i c a n s u b s t r a t a . - 6 -In order to explain these characteristics this chapter will he devoted to the historical background of the islands Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire in so far as i t had an influence on the development of Papiamentu. The various groups of people will be discussed according to their origin and not in the chronological order of their arrival. As far as can be established, these islands were already separated from the continent before the early inhabitants, the Indians, had reached the Americas. The assumption is that these people came about 10,000 years B.C. from Asia via the strip of land that connected at that time the Asian and American continents, but is now covered by the waters of the Bering Strait. As far as indications of the presence of Indians on the Benedenwindse Eilanden is concerned, there is one settlement-, which can be identified as dating from the Meso-Indian period (5000 to 1000 B.C.) and that is Rooi Rincdn, a hiding-place in the rocks on Curacao. Radiocarbon dates for five earthen-ware fragments found at a Neo-Indian (1000 B.C. to 1500 A.D.) settlement at Santa Cruz, Aruba, fa l l between 260-290 B.C. and + 120 A.D.1 "'"These data were taken from the Encyclopedie van de Neder-landse Antillen, Chief Editor: H. Hoetink (Amsterdam and Brus-sel: Elsevier), 1969. The remainder of this chapter is based on data from the same Encyclopedie as well as on J. Hartog, Curacao: From Colonial Dependence to Autonomy (Aruba, Nether-lands Antilles: De Wit Inc., 1968), which is the English version of his Curacao: Van Kolonie tot Autonomie, 2 vols.; L.C. Vrijman, Slavenhalers and Slavennandei (AmsTerdam: P.N. van Kampen & Zoon, N.V., 1943); W.R. Menkman, De Geschiedenis  van de West-Indische Compagnie (Amsterdam: P.N. van Kampen & Zoon, N.V., 1947). Also consulted were the Grote Winkler  Prins Encyclopedie (Amsterdam and Bruxelles: Elsevier, l9~74) -and Supplement (1976). - 7 -Bonaire and Curacao, and probably also Aruba, were dis-covered in 1499 by Alonso de Ojeda, one of the Conquistadores of Venezuela, who called them the "Islas de los Gigantes" because of the size of the Indians he encountered there. It is not clear whether Amerigo Vespucci-, with whom Ojeda set sail from Spain, was s t i l l with him at that time. Hartog expresses doubts as to whether Ojeda himself was with the expedition at the moment of discovery. These doubts are based upon the contents of a letter from Vespucci to a friend, upon documents pertaining to legal proceedings which arose from the question of whether i t was indeed Columbus who had discovered Margarita island and the adjacent coast, as well as upon the fact that Ojeda apparently did not write any report about the discovery."^ The Spanish did not consider the islas adyacentes (Curacao, Bonaire and Aruba) important because they found no pearls or gold there. For that reason they were declared, in 1513, to be islas inutiles. They were used only to pro-tect Spain's sea routes to her possessions in Central and South America. Moreover, Spain did not want to fight the Island-Caribs, whom Columbus and his men found on the p Antilles. These were fierce cannibals who claimed their ancestors had arrived a few generations before as con-querors of the Arawak-speaking inhabitants. They had come 1Hartog, Curacao, pp. 24-33. 2The word "cannibals", Sp. canibales or caribales, was derived from Caribe. mainly to abduct the women. Most of the men had been k i l l e d . The Indians of Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire i n Columbus's days spoke an Arawak rather than a Carib language. They belonged to the Caquetios, peace-loving people, who also inhabited Falcon, Venezuela. However, i t i s not c e r t a i n whether those of Aruba were of the same group as the ones on Curacao and Bonaire. It seems more l i k e l y that there was contact between the inhabitants of Aruba and the mainland, because of i t s proximity, than between Aruba and the two other islands from which i t i s separated by very rough passages. In 1494, Queen Isabel forbade the sale of Caribs who had been brought to Spain. She declared that only she her-s e l f had the r i g h t to decide the f a t e of the prisoners of war and ordered the "servants" from the Caribbean to be returned to t h e i r homeland, since they were free men. Four years l a t e r , she decreed that those who did not obey her orders to set Caribs free would be sentenced to death."*" In the colonies, however, no a t t e n t i o n was paid to t h i s decree, and, a f t e r her death i n 1504, the treatment of slaves got out of hand. In 1512, the Indios were o f f i c i a l l y recog-nized as free people, but the whites could exercise some 2 form of "tutelage". Twenty-five years l a t e r , Pope Paul I I I issued a b u l l to the same e f f e c t . In 1515, about two thousand Indians were brought to Hispaniola as slaves to work i n the gold mines. However, Vrirjman, Slavenhalers, pp. 19-20. Vrijman, p. 21. - 9 -in 1527, Juan Martinez de Ampues, factor of Hispaniola since 1511 and in 1526 appointed factor and corregidor of "Gurazao, Ouruba y Baynari" was given the task of peaceful coloniza-tion of the Islas de los Gigantes. To this end he returned a number of Arawaks to the three Benedenwindse Eilanden. He then saw to it that the slave-hunters were forbidden access. He also entered into an agreement with an Indian chief on the mainland which made possible the transport of the lat-ter' s prisoners of war as slaves to the three islands. The Indians were used to help the Spanish in the exploit, tation of the forests and in raising herds of sheep and goats. These animals, as well as donkeys and possibly cows and horses, had been brought from Spain. The orange, pome-granate and lemon, as well as tobacco and sugar also were introduced on the Benedenwindse Eilanden by the Spanish. Skins and brazilwood (.Haemaoxylono-brasile11o) were exported. During the fifteenth century, there was a great com-petition between the Portuguese and Spanish with regard to the possession of discovered and still-to-be-discovered distant lands. Although Columbus had come to "the Indies" in 1492, he was unable to report this fact to Queen Isabel until early 1493. She immediately requested Pope Alexander VI, a Valencian, to give Spain the rights of possession over this territory. He drew a line of demarcation, running from pole to pole, a hundred leagues West of the most wes-tern point of the Cape Verde Islands or the Azores. - 10 -Everything to the West or South (!) of that l i n e would f a l l to Spain. John II of Portugal d i d not agree with t h i s par-t i t i o n , which accorded the whole of the A t l a n t i c to Spain, and a new tr e a t y , known as the Treaty of T o r d e s i l l a s , was signed i n 1494. I t established the l i n e of demarcation 270 leagues f u r t h e r westward, running roughly from the mouth of the Amazon to the coast where Sao Paulo i s located now. In other words, B r a z i l , which was to be discovered i n 1500 f e l l within Portugal's sphere of i n f l u e n c e . In the centuries which followed, outposts West of that l i n e were established, so that the l i n e was replaced, i n 1750, by one based on the p r i n c i p l e of u t i p o s s i d e t i s . A considerable amount of land was involved i n t h i s new agreement. S t i l l more was gained by the Portuguese, i n 1777, by the Treaty of San Ildefonso. In 1529, with the settlement of the Moluccas question, a s i m i l a r l i n e of demarcation had been drawn on the other side of the Americas. The English, French, Butch, and l a t e r the Danes, also set out to share i n the riches of t h i s continent. For the Dutch there were several reasons f o r sending expeditions to t h i s part of the world. In the second h a l f of the sixteenth and the f i r s t h a l f of the seventeenth centuries, except f o r the Twelve Year Truce from 1609 to 1621, they were at war with Spain and, hence, with Portugal (including B r a z i l ) during the years that i t came under the Spanish crown (1580 to 1640). As a r e s u l t , they had no access to Portuguese ports and were also cut'' o f f from the s a l t supplied by the - 11 -Portuguese s a l t pans. The l i v e l i h o o d of the inhabitants of the West-Frisian c i t i e s of Hoorn, Medemblik and Enkhuizen depended mainly upon t h e i r f i s h i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y of herring, f o r whose preservation s a l t was an e s s e n t i a l commodity. They began to s a i l to the Peninsula of Punta de Araya (Venezuela) and the Island of Tortuga i n order to obtain i t from other sources. This involved smuggling, since normal trade with the Spanish colonies was forbidden to a l l f o r e i g n nations. Another des t i n a t i o n f o r the vessels sent out to load s a l t was Bonaire, where the Indians had known how to extract s a l t from seawater before the a r r i v a l of the Spanish. Brazilwood was another product of Bonaire sought by the Dutch. They obtained from i t a red dye f o r t h e i r woollen c l o t h . They c a l l e d t h i s wood verfhout, which means dye-wood. Sugar and tobacco also played an important r o l e i n t h e i r trade with the Americas. Naturally, the Dutch traders were equally interested i n the precious stones, gold and s i l v e r which the Spanish brought back from the New World. However, these treasures were not p r i m a r i l y what made them desirous of capturing the Spanish ships. Foremost i n t h e i r minds was the f a c t that t h i s wealth made i t possible f o r Spain to pay f o r her wars, inc l u d i n g that with the Dutch. I f the ships were i n t e r c e p -ted, Spain would not have the means to prolong those wars and would be w i l l i n g to open peace negotiations. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Spain brought a great f l e e t to the Caribbean Sea i n order to - 12 -prevent the p r i v a t e e r i n g , i n which the B r i t i s h and French were involved as w e l l . As a r e s u l t the Dutch merchants had to j o i n forces and, so, the West-Indische Compagnie (West India Company) was founded on June 3, 1621, with the help of the States-General, which also promised m i l i t a r y a i d , i f necessary. The Company obtained a charter granting i t f o r twenty-four years the monopoly of the trade and shipping on the West coast of A f r i c a between the Tropic of Cancer and the Cape of Good Hope, the East and West coast of America, except that part of the East coast which l i e s North of the southern point of Newfoundland (Terra Nova), as well as the discovered or s t i l l - t o - b e - d i s c o v e r e d Austraelsche Zuyder-landen, t e r r a a u s t r a l i s incognita "Southlands", which were located between the Cape of Good Hope and the eastern point of New Guinea. The Company was given the r i g h t to trade i n those parts, to acquire possessions there and to enter into t r e a t i e s with the aborigines, as well as to wage war. I t s monopoly was renewed several times. However, the W.I.C. was dissolved at the end of 1674, when i t was taken over by the Tweede West-Indische Compagnie (Second West India Company). The l a t t e r had no m i l i t a r y o b l i g a t i o n s . I t l a s t e d u n t i l 1792. The management of the Company was divided among f i v e chambers, that i s , those of Amsterdam, the Maas (composed of the c i t i e s of Rotterdam, D e l f t and Dordrecht), Zeeland (Middelburg, V l i s s i n g e n and Veere), the Noorderkwartier (Northern Quarter), that i s , the three West F r i s i a n c i t i e s - 13 -of Hoorn, Enkhuizen en Medemblik, and Groningen and Friesland. There were nineteen members in the Board of Directors, called the Heeren XIX. Amsterdam and Zeeland were the most influential ones. When, in 1628, certain possessions were placed under the supervision of specific chambers, most of those on the mainland and the Bovenwindse Eilanden in the Caribbean were placed under the jurisdiction of Zeeland. The Benedenwindse Eilanden Curacao, Aruba and Bonaire were to come under Amsterdam. The coat of arms of that city is s t i l l part of that of Curacao. Besides the objectives of weakening the enemy by cutting him off from his main resources, which lay in his overseas territories, and to get hold of those resources for the Company and The United Provinces there was a strong desire to convert the heathen natives to the Christian faith, that is, Protestantism in its Calvinistic form. Later, this was extended to include "the blacks and the Portuguese and Spanish". However, the preachers in the employ of the West India Company neglected this part of their task, often as a result of circumstances beyond their control. In the first twenty years of its existence, the Company was quite successful, although Piet Hein was the only one who was .able to seize a Spanish "silver-fleet" (1628). In 1623, its ships started to get salt and brazilwood from Bonaire and in the years following called at the three islands, not always peacefully. In the year 1634, the Amsterdam Chamber decided to capture Curacao and to - 14 -e s t a b l i s h there a centre f o r i t s trade and make i t a strong-hold against the enemy. Johannes van Walbeeck did so i n the same year. The Spanish who l i v e d on the i s l a n d were allowed to leave f o r Venezuela i n order to avoid the p o s s i b i l i t y of treason and also because i t was feared that the food sup-ply may run out. However, seventy-five Indians, men, women and c h i l d r e n remained on Curacao. Thus, the i s l a n d became almost completely Dutch, though subsequently other Indians returned. In 1648, the -Spanish ceded Curacao to the Dutch. Already i n those days "Curacao" included Aruba and Bonaire (with' Klein-Curacao and Klein-Bonaire) and even the Aves and Roques Islands. I f Curacao proper was meant, i t would be r e f e r r e d to as "the Island of Curacao". Bonaire, which had played a r o l e i n the conquest of Curacao by serving as a spring-board, and also Aruba were taken i n 1636. The l a t t e r was at that time p r a c t i c a l l y uninhabited, but Indians from the mainland came to s e t t l e there, a t t r a c t e d by the p o s s i b i l i t y of s t u d - r a i s i n g . I t was no longer permitted to use Indians as slaves. They used to l i v e rather i s o l a t e d from the other r a c i a l groups. When the Indians on Aruba had been allowed by the West India Company to possess p l o t s of land, they had as slaves other Indians, captured on the Wilde Kust, l i t . "Wild Coast", located between the mouths of the Orinoco and the Amazon, and smuggled onto the i s l a n d . These were the so-called roode slaven or rod slaven "red slaves". In 1800, the Indians on Curacao no longer formed a separate group of the - 15 -population, p a r t l y because of the increase i n the number of black slaves. Early i n the nineteenth century, there were s t i l l over f i v e hundred Indians of pure blood on Aruba. 1 In comparing the population on the two islands Aruba and Bonaire i n our time from the point of view of physical type, one could say that on the former the people are more reminiscent of the Indians, the Spanish conquerors and other Hispanic people, the Dutch s e t t l e r s and the descendants of mixed blood of the d i f f e r e n t groups than on Bonaire, where there i s a preponderance of negroid features. One of the reasons f o r t h i s may be that Bonaire was used as a penal settlement f o r blacks, and sometimes also f o r whites. I t i s noteworthy that a Royal Decree of July 9» 1816, con-tained a clause saying that Convicts i n the colonies /T.e. Curacao and the Dutch East I n d i e s / s h a l l experience no fur t h e r impediment to t h e i r l i b e r t y than such as i s necessary to prevent t h e i r return to Europe.^ As a consequence, the members of t h e ( d i f f e r e n t groups could f r e e l y mix. It was the i n t e n t i o n to e s t a b l i s h an a g r i c u l t u r a l colony. The i s l a n d of Curacao was to become agrarian, Joh. Hartog, Aruba: Zoals Het Was, Zoals Het Werd (Aruba: Gebroeders De Wit, 1955)", „~p". 223;" 'English - edition:" Aruba: Past and Present (Oranjestad, Aruba: D.J. de Wit, 19bl), p. 217. - 16 -Bonaire would supply s a l t and maize, and Aruba was meant to become a stud-ranch. Many of the explorers of the New World, the privateers and traders had been Protestant, persevering Zeelanders, t r y i n g to f i n d the freedom of r e l i g i o n they could not obtain under Spanish occupation. They formed the most important contingent of the s e t t l e r s who came to Curacao from 1635 on. Then there were Hollanders, that i s , persons from the two Provinces of Holland (North- and South-Holland), not to be confused with Nederlanders, which name denotes nowadays a l l people of Dutch n a t i o n a l i t y . Among those from the Province of North-Holland, the West F r i s i a n s should be mentioned i n p a r t i c u l a r . In the l a s t quarter of the seventeenth century, set-t l e r s .began to come to Curacao from other European coun-t r i e s as well: Germans, Danes, French, Spanish, Walloons and Flemings, Greeks, Swiss and some En g l i s h . Indeed, so many French and Spanish came that, i n 1747, i n view of the developments i n Europe, a l l these were ordered to leave the i s l a n d , unless they were w i l l i n g to swear an oath of al l e g i a n c e , which s i x t y - f i v e persons did. The order was given toward the end of the combined Anglo-Spanish War (1739-48) and War of Austrian Succession ( 1741 -48 ) . In the l a t t e r war, the Dutch were involved as a l l i e s of the B r i t i s h , i n the defense of the B a r r i e r Fortresses i n the Southern Netherlands, meant as a protecti o n from France, but they d i d not take part i n the Anglo-Spanish War. They - 17 -appear to have wished to n e u t r a l i z e the Benedenwindse Eilanden. This would explain the expulsion of the French and Spanish."^ Other groups of people of European o r i g i n came to regions of the New World, a l b e i t not to the three i s l a n d s . However, i n d i v i d u a l s from among them — or t h e i r descen-dants — may have come at a l a t e r stage. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that they worked side by side with black slaves who then took over c e r t a i n words from t h e i r vocabulary p r i o r to t h e i r being transported elsewhere, f o r instance, to the Dutch pos-sessions. Examples of t h i s are a group of i n d i v i d u a l s who s a i l e d from the Dutch i s l a n d of Texel i n 1623. Since almost a l l had French names, i t i s assumed that they were Huguenots. A f t e r 1626, a group of Swedes s e t t l e d near the Delaware, where they were joined by Dutch emigrants from the Province of Utrecht. In 164-4, a group of four hundred persons who had f l e d the Portuguese i n B r a z i l a r r i v e d i n Curacao, but were sent on to Nieuw-Amsterdam (now New York) by P i e t e r Stuyvesant. Around 1650, a regular export of young people, many of whom were s t i l l almost ch i l d r e n , took place from France (Dieppe,le Havre, Saint-Malo, Brest and l a Rochelle) to the t e r r i t o r i e s around the Caribbean Sea. They were c a l l e d engages or servants and were treated l i t t l e better than slaves. Dr. J.M. Norris of the Department of History, The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, has most kindly provided me with t h i s information concerning the events i n Europe. - 18 -Between 1683 and 1688, Cornells van Aerssen, Governor of Surinam, another territory in the hands of the Dutch, brought compatriots but also foreigners, among them many French refugee families, to that country."'" In the British West Indies political prisoners or prisoners-of-war and Irish Catholics sold to the Antilles were used for the heavy work. As the Spanish had realized earlier, the French and British came to the conclusion that the import of white wor-kers was a failure. Towards the end of the seventeenth cen-tury, they no longer made use of whites as slaves on their islands. The importation of black slaves became, therefore, a necessity. The Spanish had also brought inhabitants from the Canary Islands, the Islenos. They were the Guanches, pro-bably of Berber descent. Spain's sovereignty over the Canary Islands was recognized in 1479, after lengthy quar-rels with Portugal about their possession.2 Access to these islands had greatly facilitated the voyages to the New World as a result of their favourable position in the trade winds. Once the Guanches had been converted to Christianity, the Spanish no longer wanted to take them to the West-Indies as slaves, since they had now become "human beings". Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie, pp. 32-33. !Winkler Prins Encyclopaedie, 1949 ed., V, 460. - 19 -The idea to make use of Negroes (or others, f o r that matter) as slaves was not a new one f o r the Spaniards. Even before the Portuguese Goncalvez kidnapped some Negroes on the coast of Guinea, i n 1443, the Portuguese had already captured Moors on the West Coast of A f r i c a , a f t e r taking Ceuta i n 1415, and sold them i n S e v i l l e , which became an important slave market, as did Cordoba, Granada and Lisbon. The r e a l trade began i n 1444, i n which year a company was established f o r the sole purpose of slave hunting i n A f r i c a . In 1448, the Portuguese established t h e i r f i r s t post f o r the trade i n Negroes and gold i n Arguin, where they also b u i l t a f o r t f o r protection. A second such f o r t , the famous c a s t l e Sao Jorge da Mina, was erected i n 1481. A f t e r the Portu-guese had established themselves i n Arguin, the export of black slaves increased greatly. That Spain was an important buyer may be concluded from the f a c t that there was a great number of them i n Spain i n the second part of the f i f t e e n t h century. They had t h e i r own cofradias and were not without r i g h t s or a c e r t a i n protection. On the other hand, there were also severe laws dealing with punishment f o r offences committed by slaves."'" As f a r as the Dutch were concerned, the course of events was as follows. Among the ships they captured there were, of course, slave-ships en route to the Spanish colonies. At This information i s taken mainly from>L.C. Vrijman, Slavenhalers, passim. - 20 -f i r s t , they had no p o l i c y f o r the disposal of the slaves. They e i t h e r l e t them run o f f into the woods, once they had landed, or allowed the ships to go. However, t h i s was soon to be changed. In 1621, they had taken r i c h sugar-plantations i n B r a z i l . In 1624, they conquered Bahia and i n 1630 Olinda and the Recife (Pernambuco), so that the northern part of B r a z i l had come under the rule of the West India Company. The l a t t e r was t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h a colony there under Johan Maurits van Nassau, governor from 1636 to 1644. For that reason great pressure was put on him to supply labou-r e r s , that i s , black slaves. As elsewhere, the Indians had proven too d e l i c a t e to do the heavy work which was expected of them and died i n large numbers. White labourers had a l s o come, eithe r to f l e e oppressive s i t u a t i o n s i n Europe or because they were criminals sent to the Americas f o r punish-ment. Some had been lured into going there by i r r e s p o n s i b l e traders. A large number of them perished. Besides, they were expensive and needed more protect i o n as well as better food than the A f r i c a n s . One black was known to be able to do as much work as three or four Indians. He could, also stand the hot climate. The great problem with which the West India Company had to cope i n order to s a t i s f y the need f o r Negro workers was the f a c t that a l l slave-ports were i n the hands of the enemy. The Company f e l t , therefore, that i t was necessary to take possession of the former Portuguese ports used i n connection - 21 -with the slave-trade on the A f r i c a n coast ("former" because Portugal was now under the Spanish crown). Elmina (another name f o r the c a s t l e Sao Jorge) was captured i n 1637 with l i t t l e e f f o r t . Prom that moment on, the Company was engaged i n the slave-trade, and regarded that trade as i t s exclusive monopoly. This state of a f f a i r s was maintained by the Company's successors u n t i l 1734. Another expedition was sent to Sao Paulo de Luanda i n 1641. The town and the country of Angola were seized f o r the Company. This was a blow to the Spanish, who were i n great need of the slaves from that region. The advantage f o r the Company was that i t took a f a r shorter time to bring the slaves to the Americas from there than from Elmina. In 1640, a ten-year truce was concluded with the Portu-guese. In 1645, the B r a z i l i a n Portuguese, freed Negroes and people of mixed blood rose against the Dutch. In 1654, they were driven completely out of B r a z i l . E a r l i e r , they had given up the A f r i c a n possessions. As a r e s u l t , Curacao became a centre of the slave-trade — as i t had been f o r red slaves during the Spanish period^" — however, c h i e f l y f o r t r a n s i t , since on the i s l a n d i t s e l f A f r i cans were used mainly as house-servants. A few worked on the plantations. They were not badly treated. A threat to send them to Surinam was enough to keep them under con-2 t r o l . S t i l l , there were two slave uprisings on the i s l a n d . Hartog, Curacao, End. ed., p. 40; Dutch ed., p. 88. Vrijman, Slavenhalers, p. 121. - 22 -One was in 1751, instigated by new arrivals from Africa. The other took place in 1795, inspired by the French Revolution of 1789 and the resulting emancipation of slaves on Santo Domingo. The last slave-ship is said to have arrived in Curacao in 1778.1 After that date, no further imports were neces-sary, since the population increase by birth was sufficient p to meet the demands. In 1814, The Netherlands abolished the slave-trade. The emancipation of the slaves on the Benedenwindse Eilanden came into effect in 1863. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, many Sephardic Jews arrived in Curacao. These were the descen-dants of the Jews who had been expelled from Spain in 1497, had then gone to Portugal, from where they had to flee again when it was conquered by Spain in 1580. A great number of them then went to Amsterdam, others to Brazil, which they had to leave in order to escape the Inquisition once more. Prom the former they came to Curacao because they were attracted by the success of the West India Company. Origi-nally they were supposed to cultivate the land, but, because of the condition of the soil, this could not be done suc-cessfully. They became, therefore, involved in commercial undertakings. In 1651, the Company granted Joao de Illan permission Hartog, Curacao, Dutch ed., p. 446; Eng. ed., p. 169. Hartog, Du., p. 446; Eng., p. 169. - 23 -to bring f i f t y Jewish c o l o n i a l s to Curacao. Many Jews came from B r a z i l between 1654 and 1659 Again, i n 1659» "the W.I.C. offered Isaac de Acosta favorable conditions and p r i v i l e g e s f o r bringing Jewish c o l o n i a l s from Amsterdam to Curacao. The Jews formed a very close community with strong family t i e s , but came into contact withuthe other ethnic groups through t h e i r commerce. Prom the beginning, Ashkenazim had also come to the Island, but i n very small numbers. Not u n t i l 1926, did they a r r i v e — as an a f t e r -math of the F i r s t World War — i n greater numbers, most of them from Romania. And, again, a f t e r the Second World War, many of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s came from Europe. In 1970, there were some one hundred Ashkenazim f a m i l i e s i n Curacao (about 400 persons). Many Venezuelans and Colombians, among others B o l i v a r , established themselves i n Curacao at the beginning of the nineteenth century f o r p o l i t i c a l or economic reasons. Aruba has always had a great a t t r a c t i o n f o r Venezuelans who have remained there f o r various periods of time. ^Hartog writes on p. 336 of the Dutch e d i t i o n of Curacao, 1961, that the v a l i d i t y of t h i s a s s e r t i o n has not been pro-ven. However, t h i s comment i s l e f t out on p. 131 of the En g l i s h e d i t i o n , which was published i n 1968. This would seem to in d i c a t e that he had revised h i s views on the mat-te r by then. 2 Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , p. 316; and Isaac and Suzanne A. Emmanuel, History of the Jews of the  Netherlands A n t i l l e s , V o l . I, History; ( C i n c i n n a t i : American Jewish'Archives, 1970), p. 496. - 2 4 -In Holland the Bataafsche Republiek came int o being i n 1795, a f t e r the invasion of the country by the French. As a r e s u l t , the stadhouder, Prince William V, who had f l e d to England, gave orders to the Dutch colonies to grant access to the B r i t i s h . The French t r i e d to gain influence over Curacao, taking advantage of the f r i c t i o n between Orangists and Francophiles. 1 They attacked i t , as a precautionary measure, i n September 1800. Governor Johann Rudolf Lauffer, i n charge of the Comite m i l i t a i r e , did not want to surrender to the French and put the i s l a n d under the protection of the B r i t i s h . He was i n charge, i n name, of the c i v i l govern-ment. One of the s t i p u l a t i o n s of the Peace of Amiens, con-cluded between the B r i t i s h and French i n 1802, was that the Dutch Benedenwindse and Bovenwindse Eilanden were to be returned to the Bataafsche Republiek. From 1803 to 1806, Curacao was back under Dutch r u l e , but i n 1807, the B r i t i s h took i t again, t h i s time by force, and i t remained i n t h e i r hands u n t i l 1816, although already i n 1814, by the Convention of London, the Benedenwindse and Bovenwindse Eilanden had been given back to Holland, which i n the next year, 1815, was re i n s t a t e d as The Kingdom of The Netherlands under the House of Orange. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the o i l industry has brought considerable changes to the Beneden-windse Eilanden. S h e l l chose Curacao f o r i t s t r a n s f e r Hartog, Curacao, Dutch ed., pp. 472-76; Eng. ed., pp. 190-92; and rEmmanuel, p. 283. station in 1915; Lago decided to establish one on Aruba in 1925. Royal Shell opened its refineries on Curacao in 1918 and on Aruba in 1928. Lago did the same on .Aruba in 1929. This meant an influx of employees from The Netherlands, Britain and the United States. In this century Portuguese immigrants arrived again. This time, they were working-class people who left Portugal for political reasons or because they were unable to find work there. As a result of the events that took place in the Dutch East Indies — later Indonesia — in the nineteen forties and fifties, a certain number of Dutch people from those parts settled in Curacao. They often felt more at home in another overseas territory than in the mother country, partly because of the climate, partly because of the way of l i f e . At this point, it is interesting to note two items in the Antilliaanse Nieuwsbrief of May 27, 1977, published by the Cabinet of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the Netherlands Antilles in The Hague. One quotes figures con-cerning the number of voters for the elections in Curacao of June 17, 1977. There were 89,681 persons eligible. Of those 73,515 were born on Curacao, 1874 were Arubans, 3235 Bonairians, 1452 from the Bovenwindse Eilanden, 3670 from The Netherlands, 1670 from Surinam and 4265 "from else-where". It is unfortunate that "from elsewhere" is not - 26 -specified, since it-could have shed more light on the diver-sity of the population. The second item refers to the elections on Aruba of the same date. The number of persons eligible to take part in the elections was 36,927. These persons were born in no fewer than 74 countries or islands. Among these were Australia, Morocco, Egypt, Sarawak, New Guinea, Malacca, Turkey, Iran, China. The majority were born on Aruba: 25,060; followed by Curacao: 1985; The Netherlands: 962; the Dominican Republic: 685; Bonaire: 659; Sint Maarten: 617; Surinam: 573 and Colombia: 483. It is obvious that the events and movements of people described above have left their mark on the language. CHAPTER TWO THE INFLUENCE OF THE HISTORY OF THE BENEDENWIND SE EILANDEN UPON THE DEVELOPMENT OF PAPIAMENTU The aim of t h i s chapter i s to trace the influence which the presence of the many varied groups during the centuries has exercised upon the landstaal "language of the country". This term r e f e r s to Papiamentu on the three i s l a n d s to d i s -t i n g u i s h i t from Dutch, which i s the o f f i c i a l language hut not n e c e s s a r i l y the mother tongue of a l l of the inhabitants. The word Papiamentu i s derived from papear, which i s found i n Old Spanish, G a l i c i a n and Portuguese. I t has many meanings r e f e r r i n g to o r a l communication: to scream, babble, ta l k , express one's f e e l i n g s , whisper, t a l k a great deal, give away secrets; hablar s i n c o n o c i m i e n t o T h e D i c i o n a r i o  Pratico Ilustrado l i s t s PAPEAR, v . i . (outra forma de p i p i a r ) . F a l a r muito, palrar, papaguear, c h i l r e a r . Cochichar.2 and under p i p i a r : PIPIAR, v . i . ( l a t . p i p i a r e ) . 0 mesmo que p i p i l a r . S.m. 0 piar.;"das aves.3-'^ Antoine J . Maduro, Procedencia d i Palabranan Papiamentu i  Otro Anotacionnan, part II ( Curac.ao. n.p., 1 9 . 0 6 ) p . 15 . 2 Di c i o n a r i o Pratico Ilustrado (Porto: L e l l o & Irmao, 1966) , p. 869 . ^Dicionario, p. 916. - 28 -Martin Alonso gives: PAPEAR. intr. S..XIII. Hablar sin conocimiento, confusamente. . . . ^  In Papiamentu the verb "to talk" is papia. In Puerto Rico the word papiamento means a "non-full-fledged lan-2 guage". Proof that a form of papear is used in other parts of the world as well may be found in the section dealing with the lexicon in Baltasar Lopes da Silva, 0 Dialecto Crioulo  de Gabo Verde, where one reads: papear - papia and in the statement by Bernard Anwar Kamawidjaja that «Papiah> es el nom donat al portugues parlat a Tugu. Es el mateix dialecte de portugues parlat a Malacca. Malacca esta. plena de records portuguesos, i hi ha una comunitat portuguesa de milers de persones.^ It is.found further in titles of publications such as Luis Chaves, "0 'cristao1, 'papia cristao', ou 'serani'. 0 por-tugues de Malaca em apontamentos folcloricos" and of an unpublished paper by Ian P. Hancock (March 1970) "600-item Martin Alonso, Enciclopedia del idioma, III, (Madrid: Aguilar, 1958), p. 3131. 2 This would seem the best translation of .I.Dutch taalt.je, which is given as the equivalent of the Puertorican papia-mento in the Encyclonedie van de Nederlandse Antiilen T p. 440. 3 Baltasar Lopes da Silva, 0 Dialecto Crioulo de Cabo Verde (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional de Lisboa, 1957), p. 333. 4 Bernard Anwar Zamawidjaja, "La influencia portuguesa a Indonesia," Vida Nova, 61 (1974),18. ^Published in Lingua Portuguesa, 3(1933), 169-78, and l i s -ted in John E. Reinecke et al., A Bibliography of Pidgin and  Creole Languages (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1975)« p. 104. - 29 -l e x i c a l c h e c k l i s t f o r Papia Kristang" (from an unpublished l e x i c o n of Malac.can C r i o u l o ) . 1 In order to give a precise p i c t u r e of Papiamentu one would have to deal with each of the isla n d s separately and, f o r Curacao, perhaps even with the d i f f e r e n t d i s t r i c t s of Willemstad, the c a p i t a l , as well as the kunuku, that i s , the countryside; f o r Aruba, with the differences between the various towns and between the towns and the r u r a l area. Pur^ ther d i s t i n c t i o n s could be made according to age, s o c i a l and r a c i a l background, r e l i g i o n and education. However, that would r e s u l t i n more d e t a i l than i s j u s t i f i e d by the scope of t h i s paper. As mentioned i n Chapter One, Indians were the f i r s t i n -habitants of the area i n question. I t i s not always an easy task to define whether a c e r t a i n word a c t u a l l y had i t s o r i g i n i n an Indian language. There i s , perhaps, a tendency to ascribe a word or phrase to Indian or A f r i c a n influence when i t does not seem to f i t i n t o the pattern of the languages represented by the European s e t t l e r s . This may r e s u l t i n erroneous conclusions. Maduro has made a thorough study of Papiamentu etymology, i n c l u d i n g the Indian element, and has 2 reported h i s findings on the l a t t e r i n many of h i s works. p. 104. Procedencia, passim. Reinecke, 2 Mainly i n - 30 -M.D. Latour, O.P. has studied the subject of Indian words as w e l l . 1 I t would be safe to say that the contribution from Indian languages to Papiamentu may be found mainly i n the names of f l o r a and fauna, i n toponyms and some u t e n s i l s . Examples: rucu (Bixa o r e l l a n a L.) - a plant from which a dye i s extracted f o r the colouring of food, such as butter and cheese; Aruba: waltaca, a small l i z a r d ; mampiri or mompiri - a very small f l y ; mapiri - a basket with handle. Kunuku, a word i n every-day use, "countryside, country seat, p l a n t a t i o n " also i s of Indian o r i g i n . I t must be pointed out, though, that there are Dutch names as well f o r animals, trees, plants and flowers. At times, they were given to animals or plants of a species d i f f e r e n t from the ones f o r which the name i s used i n Holland. On consulting the Encyclopedie van de Mederlandse A n t i l l e n one w i l l immediately see how many of those Dutch names there are. The sea-gull, Dutch meeuw, i s c a l l e d meuchi, no doubt from the diminutive meeuwtje. One of the names f o r Dutch fregatvogel (Pregata  magnificens) " f r i g a t e - b i r d , hurricane b i r d or weather b i r d " i s Papiamentu skerchi, derived from the diminutive of Dutch schaar ( d i a l e c t a l scheer or skeer) " s c i s s o r s " because i t can make s c i s s o r - l i k e movements with i t s t a i l . M.D. Latour, O.P., "Vreemde Invloeden i n het Papiamento',!1  l e s t - I n d i s c h e G-ids. 17e Jaargang (1935/36), 18e deel (1936), 390-92; and "De Taal Papiamento" i n De Taal Papiamento en  Haar Oorsprong (Curacao and Hilversum, 1953), p. 14. - 31 -Interesting is one of the Papiamentu names which the Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen lists for the pelican, namely ganshi (Pelecanus occidentalis), whereas Dutch gans is "goose". G.PI Jansen gives Pap. pelican for Dutch pelikaanRichard E. Wood has gans (not ganshi, which does not appear in his lexicon of words of total or partial Dutch origin) for "goose". He refers to rdgans "pelican". Under rdgans he says "pelican Du. rotgans •5 •wild goose'. . . pelecanus fuscus." Maduro mentions under ganshi that it has changeduimeaning and gives as origin Dutch gans and Spanish and Portuguese ganso.^ " For rogans (note the difference in stress with Wood's version) he writes: rogans (Aruba; na Corsou: ganshi, Pelecanus occiden-tal is) — Parce deformacidn di e palabra ulandes r o o d g a n s (Branta ruficollis),? Other birds are the visdief.1 e (Sterna hirundo) l i t . "little fish-thief", "common tern"; dwergstern (Sterna 1G.P. Jansen, Diccionario Papiamentu-Holandes (Curacao, 1945), p. 117. ? Richard Elliot Wood, "Papiamentu: Dutch Contributions," Diss. Indiana 1970, p. 127. 5Wood, •'." Papiamentu*1,1 p. 188. 4 Maduro, Ensayo pa Yega na un Ortografia Uniforme pa nos  Papiamentu (Curasao: M . S T L . Maduro, 1953), p. 79. 5 Maduro, Procedencia, II, 27. It should be noted that Maduro does not italicize Latin phrases. - 32 -a l b i f r o n s ) l i t . "dwarf tern", that i s , " l i t t l e tern"; and geelsnavelstern (Sterna sandvicensis eurygnatha) l i t . "yellow-beaked tern", that i s , the "sandwich tern". Another example of change i n meaning as well as a d i f f e r e n c e of appel-l a t i o n on the three i s l a n d s i s p a t r i s h i . Jansen translates i t as p a t r i j s , which i s "partridge". Maduro writes i n 1953: "patrushi; p a t r i s h i (Ar.) (Coturnix curassavica) -p a t r i j s ( j e ) ( u l . ) " . 2 In I960: patrushi Benaming voor de |!socle' (kuifkwartel) op Aruba en voor de 'aladuru' op Bonaire. Op Curacao: het jong van een 'buladeifi1.3 ^k"uifkwartel = tufted quail/ and in 1967: patrushi (patrishi) - (Aruba; na Corsou: cocoi, socle, sloke) Colinus cristatus (L.). Kuifkwartel. patrushi - (Boneiru; na Corsou: aladuru). Leptolila verreauxi. Soort wilde duif. ./Sort of wild pigeon/ patrushi - Corsou. Pichon di buladeifi). Zenaidura auriculata vinaceo-rufa (RMgway). Soort wilde duif. Como e pichonnan di buladeifi (mardn-shinishi cu strepi blancu irregular) ta masha diferente di e buladeifi grandi (adulto), pueblo di Corsou ta mir'e pa un otro sorto di para. Djei ta bini qu nan a duna e pichonnan aqui un otro nomber, esta: patrushi.4 /para = birdj7 xJansen, p. 116. 2 Maduro, Ensayot p. 105. Maduro, Proverbio-, Refran-, Dicho- i Expresionnan i nan  Nificacion na Ulandes (Corsou: n.p., 1967), p. 51. 4 Maduro, Loque a Sobra den e Macutu di JJicho, Refran, Proverbio, Frase i Palabranan di nos Lenga i nan Nificacion  na Ulandes'HOorsou:'Cardoze, I960), p. 142» - 33 -As for the flora, kelki gel, also spelled kelki heel, is the name of a shrub with yellow flowers (Tecoma stans) "yellow blossom" from Dutch kelk "chalice" and geel "yellow". There are interesting explanations for the names of the three islands. The Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch  West-Indie, 1914-17, mentions the following possibilities, without claiming certainty. Aruba could be of Indian origin and may be found on old maps as Oruba and Orua, which could have been derived from Oirubae and mean "com-panion", that is, to Curacao. However, another possible derivation would be from ora "shell" and oubao "island", hence "island of shells". This seems more likely. The Encyclopaedie rejects the suggested Pro hubo "there was gold once"."'" Hartog also rejects i t since the name of our island would in that case be Spanish. This would not be impossible in itself, but i f Aruba really meant 'goldland', it is hard to explain why Diego Colon counted i t among the "value-less islands".2 It should not be forgotten, however, that in 1824 gold was indeed found on Aruba. The production of gold from ten places resulted in 1,338,628 kg over the years 1824-1916, plus an unknown quantity for the period 1830-54. Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie, p. 56. Hartog, Aruba; Past and Present, pp. 32-33. Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen, p. 263. - 34 -Hartog quotes other theories, based on analogies with the Bay of Oruba, i n lake Maraoaibo, where the same kind of Indians with s i m i l a r customs were l i v i n g , and with the Gulf of Uruba, which would mean Gulf of the Canoes and which i s now known as the Gulf of Darien. 1 He r e f e r s also to l a t e r occurrences of Curava, Arouba and Aruba. The Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n suggests that oruba could be the Indian word f o r "well-situated", that i s , with regard to the mainland. "Bonaire" suggests "good a i r " , as i n the old Spanish r e n d i t i o n "Buen-Ayre". However, t h i s r e s u l t of f o l k -etymology seems a l e s s probable,explanation than the one based on the f a c t that the o r i g i n a l inhabitants were Indians and that, according to the Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch West-Indie, the name must have come from a Guarani word 2 meaning "the low i s l a n d " . The Encyclopedie van de  Nederlandse A n t i l l e n r e f e r s to a Carib word banare with that same meaning. James C e r r u t i mentions the word "Bojnaj", pronounced somewhat l i k e 'Boh-nah'".^ Latour maintains 5 that the o r i g i n a l name was Bona-Iri. In a written eom»ent Hartog, Aruba; Past and Present, p. 33. 2 Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie, p. 143. 'Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , p. 224. ^James C e r r u t i , "The Netherlands A n t i l l e s : Holland i n the Caribbean^" National Geographic Magazine, January 1970, p. 137. ^Latour, "Vreemde Invloeden i n het Papiamento," p. 390. - 35 -prepared for me by Maduro on 25 June 1971, he mentions that documents from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries talk about Buinare and Buynare. Prom p. 32 of this study it may be seen that he himself used Boneiru in I960, and on p. 9 reference is made to Baynari. The name Curacao for the largest of the three islands, although of even more uncertain etymology, seems to stem from the original Indian inhabitants known as the Indios Curacaos. The oldest known spelling of the name on maps from 1519 and 1527 is Curasote, which could be cora uacu "the large plan-tation" plus the Spanish suffix -ote, thus distinguishing i t from the tiny island nearby, now called Klein-Curacao in Dutch, Klein-Corsow in Papiamentu and Curazao chico in Spanish. The Indian name for it was Adioora and the Spanish called i t Nicula in 1634. Whether they did this because discoverers often gave new names to the discovered territo-ries, since they did not know the original one, or whether Nicula is a distortion of Adicora is difficult to decide. Other sixteenth century versions of Curacao were Carasao and Corazao, Corazante, Curacante, Curacote, Curasaote and Curasaore. In about 1620, the Spanish began to write Curacao or CurazaoThe Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse The information concerning the names for Curacao has been taken from the Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie, pp. 251-52; the Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse  Antillen, p. 224; and Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., p. 27. - 36 -A n t i l l e n f u r t h e r suggests the following possible derivations: corossol a f t e r the f r u i t zuurzak, which abounds on the is l a n d ; corauacu, spelled d i f f e r e n t l y from the above-mentioned cora uacu, "large p l a n t a t i o n " and with the added meaning of "black" or "high" mountain; curacan, which i s supposedly a Garib combination of oblong and powerful; and the Spanish corazo'n or Portuguese coracgo, since on old maps the i s l a n d i s given the shape of a heart. The present Papiamentu name f o r i t i s Kbrsow, also spelled Korsou or C. or sow, Other Indian-derived toponyms are of h i l l s , caves and settlements. It i s noteworthy that most of the words of Indian o r i g i n which Latour l i s t s end i n a vowel (a, e, i , o, u) or a diphthong (ao, o i , ou) and very few i n a consonant.. During the Spanish r u l e , which, i n r e a l i t y , did not begin u n t i l 1527 and l a s t e d u n t i l 1634, that i s , a l i t t l e more than a century, the Spanish must have taught t h e i r language to the Indians. I t may be that the s a i l o r s and so l d i e r s who came did not speak t h e i r own language very c o r r e c t l y and passed t h e i r imperfect Spanish or d i a l e c t a l and popular forms on to the Indians. Another f a c t o r i s , of course, that when two peoples of a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of c i v i l i z a t i o n come into d a i l y contact with one another there i s a tendency to use i n t e n t i o n a l l y c h i l d i s h speech i n ah attempt to f a c i l i t a t e communication with people who are assumed to be c h i l d l i k e i n t h e i r understanding. This type - 37 -of language has a minimum of grammar, the main features of which w i l l he discussed on pages 46 and 47. When the Spanish, at t h e i r request, were allowed to leave by the Dutch, the Indians went with them or were sent away to the mainland of South America. The language i n the t e r r i t o r y (Aruba was almost uninhabited at the time) became obviously Dutch, a l b e i t with d i a l e c t a l d i f ferences i n voca-bulary and pronunciation, since, again, s o l d i e r s and s a i l o r s formed the l a r g e r part of the Dutch a r r i v i n g on the islands and they came mainly from the s p e c i f i c regions of The United Provinces mentioned i n Chapter One. The number of Indians said to have remained d i f f e r s according to the various researchers and t h e i r sources. 1 2 W. Brada puts i t at f i f t y , Hartog at seventy-five. The Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n mentions that twenty or so Indian f a m i l i e s , or as many as wanted to stay, •5 were excepted from the forced departure. Wood states that thirty-two Spanish women were captured and were not allowed to leave.^ This seems u n l i k e l y i n view of the statement i n the Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n and by Hartog that the Spaniards who l e f t the Island and t h e i r f a m i l i e s Brada, O.P., Pater Schabel S.J., 1704-1713 (n.p.: n.p., n.d.), p. 73• 2 Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., p. 59. Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , p. 229. ^Wood, "Papiamentu, 1 1 p. 7. - 38 -numbered thirty-twoMore precise figures about the popu-lation of the Island are given in a document of 24 October 1635 which declares that there were fifty Indians, six of whom were women, and 412 Europeans, that is 350 soldiers, 32 sailors, 20 non-combatants, ten civil and military autho-2 rities. At a later stage, some of the Indians returned and others came for the first time from the mainland. No doubt, the language of communication between the Dutch and those Indians was mainly Spanish. This possibility has often been overlooked. Educated Dutchmen have always been interested in foreign languages, both for commercial pur-poses and out of cultural interest. Already in the fifteenth century, there existed Flemish-French glossaries and voca-bularies, often in the form of dialogues and reprinted in many editions. In the sixteenth century Spanish manuals were composed as well. The great majority of them were printed in Antwerp, a few in Amsterdam and one in Delft. In 1598, an octolingual Colloquia was published in Delft also. The foreword was dated November 1585. The eight languages represented in this dictionary were Latin, French, Flemish, German, Spanish, Italian, English and Portuguese, quoted in that order in a handwritten note in the volume. The addition of Portuguese may be explained by the arrival of the-.-Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen, p. 229;; Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., p. 58. Hartog, Curacao, Du. ed., p. 196. - 39 -Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam.''' It should be kept in mind that The United Provinces were the largest carriers of trade in Europe, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean and that, from 1530 to 1660, Spain was 2 their best customer. This meant that sailors also came in touch with their Spanish counterparts and, hence, acquired at least a superficial knowledge of their tongue. It is not surprising, then, that there are Butch-derived words in Spanish and Spanish-derived words in Dutch, albeit no longer recognizable as such. Naturally, the presence of Spanish rulers during the sixteenth century also played a role in bringing speakers of Dutch and Spanish into contact. That, however, would affect the administrators in Spanish service, who. came primarily from the upper classes. The aversion towards the occupier was stronger in the northern part of The United Provinces than in the southern part, where the seat of the Spanish regent was located, because, after 1590, the popu-lation there was mainly Roman Catholic, whereas the nor-thern provinces were mainly Protestant. The knowledge of Portuguese became also wide-spread. Many countries used it as the language of diplomacy until "''Simon A. Vorsters, "Lope de Vega en de Nederlandse Lexicografie," in Verslagen en Mededelingen van de Konink- li.ike Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, Aflevering 3 (Gent, 1970), passim. 2 Again, I am indebted to Dr. J.M. Norris.for this infor-mation. - 40 -French began to f u l f i l that function. Queen Elizabeth I of England and Prince Maurits of Nassau are known to have con-ducted their .correspondence with Asian princes at the turn of the sixteenth century in Portuguese.1 As for traders and seamen, they would come in contact with Portuguese in foreign ports and, thus, acquire some knowledge of the idiom. As has been seen, the Dutch became involved in the trade of slaves in 1637, in order to sell them to the Americas. Prom 1648 on, they brought them to Curacao as a transit point before they were transported to their destina-tion, mainly territories occupied by the Spanish, who, as a result of the demarcation line of 1494, were themselves unable to obtain slaves in Africa. During the waiting period in Curacao, the majority of the slaves were kept in restricted quarters, so that they did.not come into contact with the inhabitants of the Island. However, a certain num-ber of them were kept by the Dutch to serve as workers on the plantations, in the gardens and as house servants. In the early twentieth century, there would s t i l l be black ser-vants, that is, one woman, a girl and a boy, in many house-holds. Thus, there was a necessity to find means of com-munication on an every-day basis, that is, a lingua franca or contact vernacular, not only between master and servant, C .R. Boxer, "The Portuguese in the East (1580-1800)," in Portugal and Brazil: An Introduction, ed. H.V. Livermore (Oxford': Clarendon, 1953; rpt. 1970), p. 238. - 41 -but also between the servants themselves, since.they had come from various parts of A f r i c a and spoke d i f f e r e n t languages. Another point to be considered here i s that when the black captives had been brought to the West coast of A f r i c a , they had to await transport to the Americas, sometimes f o r a considerable length of time. Perhaps the ones from the coast, i f not the ones who were taken from th;e i n t e r i o r parts, had already been i n contact with the Portuguese i n t h e i r own habitat and were now i n trading posts where they were addressed i n Portuguese. They may have come from regions where. Portuguese men had chosen to remain and married A f r i c a n women — despit,e the f a c t that t h i s was frowned upon by t h e i r government - and would speak Portuguese, mixed with Africanisms, to t h e i r wives and o f f s p r i n g . No doubt, the Dutch continued the habit of speaking Portuguese with the traders and slaves a l i k e and, perhaps, those Dutch who had a command of the language continued to do so a f t e r the l a t t e r had ar r i v e d i n Curacao. C e r t a i n l y t h i s would be the case f o r those l i v i n g on t h i s i s l a n d whose native tongue was Portuguese. I t has been suggested by several sources that the slaves l e a r n t Portuguese or Spanish on the ships that brought them to t h i s continent, but that does not seem l i k e l y because of the r e l a t i v e l y short time i t took to cross the ocean, that i s , from two ;to three months. Besides, the crews, who were not n e c e s s a r i l y Iberians, were forbidden to mingle with the blacks who, i n any case, were l e t on deck f o r short periods - 42 -only and the conditions i n the holds of the ships were not such as to encourage f r a t e r n i z a t i o n . However, a few phrases, most l i k e l y commands, could well have been l e a r n t . This may explain, f o r instance, the verb bai "to go", from v a i i or jvaya! Sometimes, black women were allowed to serve at the tables of the o f f i c e r s and crew. By the time that the blacks began to make t h e i r appear-ance on the Island, people of Sephardic background were a r r i -ving too, some from Amsterdam, others from B r a z i l . In t h e i r household the ,ja,ja (yaya), the black children's maid, played an important r o l e . This was the case also i n the Dutch f a m i l i e s . One could not say that they were always completely part of the family, since often some distance was kept, but over the centuries there have remained strong t i e s between .jarjas and those who as c h i l d r e n were once entrusted to t h e i r charge. The European mothers were unable to look a f t e r t h e i r many children properly because of t h e i r other duties as wives and housewives i n a country with a t r o p i c a l climate which l e f t them with l i t t l e energy. The yaya had, there-fore, a great influence on the upbringing of the chi l d r e n , on the language they spoke and i n other aspects by t e l l i n g them s t o r i e s belonging to t h e i r own culture, such as the ta l e s about Nanzi, the clever spider. These cuenta'i nanzi are known i n other parts of the Caribbean as w e l l . They originated i n West A f r i c a where the spider Ananzi plays an important r 6 l e i n the f o l k l o r e . Other characters i n these f a b l e s are Shi Maria, Nanzi's wife; Shon A r e i , the king; - 43 -Compa Sese, an acquaintance of Nanzi; and Tja,Tiger, the tiger. 1 Although this study deals with the landstaal of the Benedenwindse Eilanden, one cannot ignore the similarities that exist between Papiamentu and contact vernaculars spoken in other parts of the Caribbean in so far as Indian, African and Iberian elements are concerned, and in other parts of the world for African, Iberian and Dutch influences. It should not be forgotten that the Portuguese and Spanish travelled and traded widely over the globe — as did the Dutch and later the British — and that slaves from Africa were also taken to Asia and later from Asia, where a Creole Portuguese, the so-called Crioulo, had developed, to other parts of Africa. In this connection Malayo-Portuguese should be mentioned. In the Chapter on Creole Portuguese in A Bibliography  of Pidgin and Creole, compiled by John E. Reinecke and others, the following statements appear: In some parts of Asia Creole Portuguese (Crioulo or Creoulo) was s t i l l used as a lingua franca during the early nineteenth century, long after the Portuguese trader-empire had collapsed. In a few spots in West Africa pidgin Portuguese was displaced by pidgin English only after 1850.* Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen, p. 395. The existence of the Nanzi figure in the Caribbean as well as in Africa was confirmed by students from those areas at present at The University of British Columbia. 2 Reinecke et al., A Bibliography of Pidgin and Creole  Languages, p. 75. - 44 -In several places the use of Crioulp was continued by the Dutch and B r i t i s h successors to Portuguese rule.1 In Batavia, on the i s l a n d of Java, where the Portuguese never set foot other than as prisoners of war or as i t i n e -rant traders, the Dutch mixed-blood community and t h e i r servants used Portuguese or Grioulo i n preference to and sometimes to the exclusion of t h e i r own language. This continued u n t i l about 1800, and i n the nearby Tugu the p d i a l e c t was used u n t i l a f t e r 1900. Among the A f r i c a n slaves who had been brought to Portugal there had developed a Negro-Portuguese, just as i n Spain one could speak of a Negro-Spanish. .Black slaves from these two countries often went to the New World with t h e i r masters. F i r s t , Ferdinand and Isabel had given the Governor of Hispaniola i n s t r u c t i o n s not to permit entry to Moorish or Jewish slaves, but, instead, to f o s t e r impor-t a t i o n of Negro slaves, born i n Spain as the possession of white C h r i s t i a n s and baptized and i n s t r u c t e d i n the Catholic f a i t h . Later, the governor asked permission to f o r b i d the entry of these slaves because they were d r i v i n g the Indian •5 ones to insubordination and urging them to run away. Reinecke, p. 75. p Reinecke, p. 77; Boxer, "The Portuguese i n the East,",, p. 239; Kamawidjaja, "La i n f l u e n c i a portuguesa," p. 18. •5 Yrijman, Slavenhalers, p. 22. - 45 -As a r e s u l t , Queen Isabel then decreed that white slaves only could be brought there. A l l those imported labourers were, n a t u r a l l y , another source of A f r i c a n and Iberian influence on the languages spoken i n the New World. Out of the contacts of the various groups i n the Benedenwindse Eilanden grew a pidgin language. Robert A. H a l l , J r . describes such a language as follows; / " " i / t often happens that, to communicate with each other, two or more people use a language i n a v a r i e t y whose grammar and vocabulary are very much reduced i n extent and which i s native to neither s i d e . l In c i t i n g the example of I t a l i a n guides i n museums he says: ,If only one side were to speak t h i s way, and the other were to use normal I t a l i a n , then we do not c a l l the reduced language a pidgin; i t would simply be "broken I t a l i a n " . 2 and f u r t h e r : For a language to be a true pidgin, two conditions must be met: i t s grammatical structure and i t s vocabulary must be sharply reduced . . . and also the r e s u l t a n t language must be native to none of those who use i t . . . . Pidgin languages can be found at a l l s o c i a l l e v e l s and i n a l l kinds of s i t u a t i o n s , but they have ar i s e n most frequently i n short contacts between per-sons d e s i r i n g to trade or do other things i n which d e t a i l e d exchange of information or minute co-ordina-t i o n of a c t i v i t y i s not required.3 •''Robert A. H a l l , J r . , Pidgin and Creole Languages (Ithaca and London: Cornell U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969), p. x i i . 2 . . H a l l , p. x i l . ^ H a l l , p. x i i . - 46 -The name "Pidgin" was originally given to the lingua  franca used in trade between the Chinese and British and is said to be a distortion by the Chinese of "business". Hall considers i t more likely that i t came from the name of the local Indians at the mouth of the Oyapock where the English tried to establish a colony in 1605 and 1606, that is, the Pidians.1 This opinion does not seem to have ob-tained much support. According to E. Schultze, the name was derived either from "business" or from pidjom, the Hebrew word for "trade" or "business". Pidjom English was p the idiom spoken in the Jewish quarter of London. A more modern linguistic term is the earlier quoted "contact ver-nacular". Otto Jespersen speaks about a "makeshift" or "minimum" language. This kind of language disregards the conjugation of verbs and declensions, restricts the use of tenses, omits prepositions, has truncated words and uses reduplication to indicate an absolute superlative, a plural or an action that took place repeatedly. It is known for its circumlocutions, such as, for instance, in Melanesian "'"Hall, Pidgin and Creole Languages, p. 7. E. Schultze, "Sklaven- und Dienersprachen," Sociologus, 9 (1933), 377-418, as quoted by L.L.E. Rens, The Historical  and Social Background of Surinam's Negro-English, Diss. Amsterdam (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1953), p. 48. Otto Jespersen, Language: Its Structure, Development and  Origin (New York: Norton, 1964), p. 232. - 47 -Pidgin, screw belong leg "knee", grass belong head "hair".1 Rens quotes other examples without specifying the region: basket belong trousers "a pocket", lamp belong Jesus "the sun", bullamakau banana "a sausage" (bullamakau being the word for "beef"). They aifcso occur in Papiamentu, for example, buscuchi di pia "knee cap"; pal'i' pia (palu di  pia) "shin"; patata (di brasa) "biceps". When the contact vernacular becomes the mother tongue — or as William J. Samarin puts i t , a "natural language" as opposed to a pidgin which is not — for the offspring of the speakers of that substitute language, i t is called a Creole language. This phrase originated in the French West Indies and Louisiana where the slaves' language was called Creole, using the French word for "indigenous" (from Spanish criollo "native").^" However, in other parts of the world "creole" was used to denote a person of European origin who had settled in one of the colonies of the Americas. The Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen indicates that the word creolen xHall, Melanesian Pidgin English (Baltimore, Md.: Linguistic' Society of America, 1943)> pp. 138 and 140. 2 Quoted by Rens in Surinam's Negro-English, p. 39. •5 William J. Samarin, "Lingua francas, with Special Reference to Africa," in Study of the Role of Second  Languages in Asiar Africa, and Latin America, ed. Frank A. Rice (Washington, D.C: Center for Applied Linguistics of the Modern Language Association of America, 1962), p. 56. 4 Hall, Pidgin and Creole Languages,, p. x i i i . - 4 8 -was o r i g i n a l l y used to denote those who were horn i n the Spanish colonies as descendants of persons coming from the mother country, but that i n Surinam the members of the negroid part of the population are described as creolen and that t h i s meaning of the word i s gaining ground a l l the time. 1 For the purpose of t h i s study the following d e f i n i t i o n s of creole languages are of i n t e r e s t . D.C. Hesseling under-stands them to be de tal e n die i n overzeese gewesten u i t Europese t a l e n i n de mond van Afrikanen, Aziaten, A u s t r a l i e r s of Amerikanen z i j n ontstaan, en dan l a t e r ook d i k w i j l s door Europeanen of hun afstammelingen z i j n gesproken.' and Suzanne Comhaire-Sylvain states: On appelle Creoles en l i n g u i s t i q u e une se r i e de langues mixtes nees, dans l e s colonies, du contact du blanc, parlant une langue europeenne, avec 1 1 i n d i -gene ou l'esclave importe. Ge^terme, qui ne couvrait d'abord que l e s langues negro-aryennes, s'est peu a peu generalise, s i bien qu'on parle du Creole anglais de Chine (pidgin-english), du C r e o l e f r a n c a i s d'Annam, du creole portugais des Indes . . . ^Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , p. 136. 2 D.C. Hesseling, Het Negerhollandsch der Deensche A n t i l -l e n (Leiden: n.p., 1 9 0 5 ) , p. 5 0 , as quoted by Rens, Surinam's Negro-English, p. 4 7 , f.n. 6. Suzanne Sylvain, Le Creole h a i t i e n : morphologie et syn- taxe (Wetteren: n.p., 1 9 3 6 ) , p. 7 , as quoted by Rens, p. 4 7 , f . n . 7 . - 49 -Rens adds to that statement: The stress i s now placed on the fusion of Aryan and non-Aryan tongues, and the Creole language i s found both i n the Western and i n the Eastern hemisphere.1 A creole language may develop a l i t e r a r y standard, as i s the case with Papiamentu. At t h i s point i t may well be asked what influence the A f r i c a n languages have had on Papiamentu. Not many traces are l e f t i n the vocabulary. Nanzi the spider, as mentioned e a r l i e r , i s one of them. Zumbi "a ghost, a s p i r i t " , another. This word i s known — with s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n s i n form and meaning — i n a l l parts of the Caribbean area, as well as i n A f r i c a . Maribomba "wasp" may also be quoted. Experience shows that one has to be extremely c a r e f u l i n drawing conclusions i n the f i e l d of etymology. For instance, nan "they", " t h e i r " and also used f o r the formation of the p l u r a l of nouns and sometimes of adjectives, i s generally considered to be of A f r i c a n o r i g i n . Other opinions are that i t comes from an Indian source. (See Maduro, Proceden-c i a , I I , 10.) However, one example quite c l e a r l y i ndicates A f r i c a n influence. R.S. Rattray states i n The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland that i n the Mole language group, which represents ten of the languages spoken on the Gold Coast, the numbers from eleven to nineteen are formed i n the p following fashion: 1 0 + 1 , 1 0 + 2 , 1 0 + 3 , etc. The same Rens, Surinam's Negro-English, p. 38. p R.S. Rattray, The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland, I (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), 47. - 50 -phenomenon e x i s t s i n Papiamentu i n the numerals > diesun, diesdos, d i e s t r e s , etc. In an a r t i c l e ( s t i l l i n manuscript i n 1973) by L. Perraz of the Un i v e r s i t y of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, on the "African Influences on Principense Creole" — which i s a Portuguese-based creole spoken on the i s l a n d of Prin c i p e i n the Gulf of Guinea — some f a c t s may be found which deserve mention i n connection with Papiamentu. Some of these are quoted here and i l l u s t r a t e d by equivalent phenomena i n Papiamentu and followed by other comments; others w i l l be re f e r r e d to l a t e r i n t h i s chapter as well as i n Chapter Three. On page 8 of h i s paper, Perraz states: Bantu words are t y p i c a l l y consonant-commencing and vowel-ending, with a C V C V structure, where C may represent either a single consonant or a con-sonant c l u s t e r . The structure of Principense words i s also t y p i c a l l y C V C V, although other phono-l o g i c a l patterns may occur. Because of the C V C V pattern of Principense, a Portuguese i n i t i a l vowel may be deleted when absorbed i n Principense, as i n : Ptg entender -^/te'de/ "to understand" 8 » " . . . . . « Ptg acucar -»/'suke/ "sugar" One may compare these examples with Papiamentu tende "to hear" (although i n t h i s case one should r e a l l y speak of the d e l e t i o n of an o r i g i n a l s y l l a b l e rather than a consonant) and sucu "sugar", Sp. azucar and Port, acucar. (lap. sucu means "dark", Sp. and Port, obscuro. In t h i s sense suku - 51 -exists also in Guyanese meaning "pitch dark".)"*" Other examples may be found on page 52 below. The following two quotations are taken from p. 9 of Ferraz's paper. A paragogic vowel may be added to a Portuguese word ending in a consonant, to conform to the Principense C V C V pattern, as in: Ptg mal /'mali/ "badly" Ptg sol -* /U'SDIU/ "sun" Compare with Pap. malu and solo, with same meanings. If a final vowel is not added to the end of a Por-tuguese word ending in a consonant, the final con-sonant of the Portuguese word may be deleted to make the Principense word vowel-ending, as in Ptg as vezes /az 'veze/ /az 'veze/ "sometimes" " calor /ka'lo/ *heat" Examples of this phenomenon in Papiamentu are the verbs ending in -a, -e, and - i instead of -ar, -er, and - i r ; and the nouns in -do instead of -dor. An epenthetic vowel may be used to separate the liquid from the second consonant in the cluster. This process, however, is seldom used. The following is an example: Ptg calma -> Pr /'kalima/ "calm" (Ferraz, p. 10). Compare Papiamentu calacuna from Dutch kalkoen "turkey". Marguerite Saint-Jacques Fauquenoy, "Guyanese: A French Creole," in Pidgins and, Creoles: Current Trends and Prospects, eds. David DeCamp and Ian F. Hancock (Washington* D.C: Georgetown University Press, 1974), p. 35. I t i s obvious that the C V G V pattern described by Perraz also played a r o l e i n the formation of Papiamentu, f o r instance, i n amarrar> mara "to moor a ship"; arrancar ^ ranca "to p u l l out"; a g u i l l o n > bidn "sharp hook"; apurado \ pura "hurriedly". As f o r "C" representing a con-sonant c l u s t e r , examples l i k e escuchar > skucha and espantar \ spanta may i l l u s t r a t e the same phenomenon i n Papiamentu. The C V G V pattern may explain why so many Dutch words were taken over i n t h e i r diminutive form, which end as a ru l e i n a vowel. Exceptions are, f o r instance, those older and poetic forms as kindekein " l i t t l e c h i l d " and vogelein " l i t t l e b i r d " . Furthermore, the work of the seventeenth-century Dutch author Hooft shows an abundance of nouns with paragogic -.e.1 The majority of scholars agree that the complicated pattern of p i t c h i n Papiamentu points to a strong A f r i c a n influence. I t might be worthwhile to investigate the Indian languages of the Caribbean i n t h i s regard as well . The stress pattern follows i n most instances the Spanish one and i n Dutch-derived words the Dutch rules apply. I t i s , however, not the intent of t h i s paper to dwell on the phonology of Papiamentu, which i s a tone language. In the early stages of what was to become Papiamentu, the main influence was Portuguese, i n pure or pidgin form. A. Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse Taal (Zutphien: Thieme, n.d.), p. 11. Words l i k e ainda, na, pretu (which could also be old-Spanish) seem to confirm t h i s . The often quoted porta and porco may-well be the r e s u l t of what could be c a l l e d the r e v e r s a l of diphthongization or, as Maduro suggests, may have come from other Iberian languages or d i a l e c t s . Other important f a c t o r s are the period i n h i s t o r y during which a c e r t a i n Iberian word was absorbed into the language and the sound pattern i n the mother tongue of those who made i t part of t h e i r vocabulary. Deletion or a d d i t i o n of c e r t a i n phonemes occurred according to the a b i l i t y of groups of speakers to pronounce sounds or consonant c l u s t e r s h i t h e r t o unknown to them. The same can be said of the Dutch vocabulary that found i t s way into Papiamentu. For instance, Dutch knoflook "gar-l i c " became konoflo; knijpen "to pinch": k i n i p i ; knikker "a marble": k i n i k i (Aruba; i n Curacao n i n i c h i or malftu -from southern Dutch malbel, d i a l e c t a l marmel); rookvls.es (a p a r t i c u l a r kind of smoked meat): r o k o f l e s . On the other hand, knollet.je "tuber, turnip" became knolchi and knoops-gat "buttonhole": knopskat. In other words, there was i n these l a s t two words no ad d i t i o n of an epenthetic vowel. I t could be that these words came into the language when there were no longer newcomers a r r i v i n g from A f r i c a and the o f f s p r i n g of the e a r l i e r immigrants had adjusted to the Dutch speech pattern or because, at a c e r t a i n time i n h i s t o r y , slaves were brought i n from other regions of A f r i c a than before and, hence,..spoke d i f f e r e n t languages i n which the C V C V system did not e x i s t . This would - 54 -explain why there are i n Papiamentu words ending i n con-sonants, such as haf, Du. haven "harbour"; vloot " f l e e t " ; toh, Du. toch "just the same", "anyhow"; t r a n k i l " t r a n q u i l " . Another explanation f o r the presence of epenthetic vowels i n Papiamentu may be that the same phenomenon could occur i n seventeenth-century Dutch words i n which the l i q u i d s - r - and -1- were grouped with other consonants. Weijnen l i s t s examples such as e l l i c k f o r elk "each"; errenst f o r ernst "seriousness"; gelas f o r glas "glass"; gerager f o r grager "rather"; geladde f o r gladde "smooth"."'" Epenthesis i s s t i l l a feature of modern Zeelandic. I t i s found i n West F r i s i a n as well, f o r instance: e l l e f f o r e l f "eleven"; twalef f o r twaalf "twelve"; z e l l e f f o r z e l f " s e l f " ; mellek f o r melk "milk"; kleremaker f o r kleermaker 2 " t a i l o r " . Prom the foregoing one may conclude that i n Papiamentu there are two possible sources f o r the phenomenon of epenthesis. In Dutch f a m i l i e s the black servants would n a t u r a l l y hear a great deal of Dutch and, no doubt, the Dutch house-wives would speak i t to them or address them i n a kind of Spanish, perhaps even Portuguese, mixed with Dutch words, since they were unfamiliar with Spanish names f o r household Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse Taal, p. 32. 2H. Langedigk, He, Is Pat Westfries? (Hoorn: 'West-Fr i e s l a n d ' , 1971),' p. 131. - 55 -u t e n s i l s , vegetables, spices, etc. This would explain the presence of words l i k e panchi, Du. pannetje "pan"; kanika, Du. kanneke "pitcher"; netumuskat, older and d i a l e c t a l Dutch neutemuskaat now nootmuskaat "nutmeg"; rdsamarein (Rosmarinus o f f i c i n a l i s ) , Du. rozemari.jn "rosemary", an a l t e r a t i o n of "rosmarine"; bonchi, Du. boont.je "bean"; (bonchi) ertu, Du. erwt "pea"; pruimu^/Du.. p,ruimv--"plum"; .ras.ehehi,,Bu.-'rozijntje " r a i s i n " ; nechi, Du. nootje "nut". A number of professions and trades got t h e i r names f r Dutch, f o r instance, n o t a r i s "notary p u b l i c " or "lawyer"; mesla or metsla, Du. metselaar "mason"; verfdo, Du. verver (now more frequently c a l l e d s c h i l d e r ) "painter". I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note here that the word verfdo i s the com-binati o n of a Dutch root v e r f - and an Iberian s u f f i x : -dor The same i s the case with blekero, Du. b l i k s l a g e r " t i n -smith", formed from the noun b l i k " t i n " plus the Spanish s u f f i x -ero. Also i n the f i e l d of m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s and administration a number of words have been accepted from the Dutch, f o r instance, copra, Du. korporaal "corporal"; sergeant or sershan or serzjant, Du. sergeant "sergeant"; komandant, Du. commandant "commander"; general, Du. generaal "a general"; matroos, Du. matroos " s a i l o r " ; marinier, Du. marinier "a marine"; admiral, Du. admiraal "admiral". The writers on Papiamentu have t r i e d to show how cer-t a i n categories of words came from Spanish, c e r t a i n others from Dutch. A number of word-lists have been compiled i n accordance with these categories. However, i t i s more cor-r e c t to state that i n a given category only a general pre-ponderance of the words proceeds from one l i n g u i s t i c source. There are a number of exceptions f o r which explanations can-not always be found. Por example, the names of the months are taken from Dutch, without any change: Januari, Februari, Maart, A p r i l , Mei, Juni, J u l i , Augustus, September, October, November, December, but those of the days, with the exception of one, from Spanish: Diadomingo, Dialuna, Diamars — but Diarason from Spanish dia plus a corrupted form of Dutch rantsoen i n i t s older form ransoen because Wednesday was the day on which the slaves got t h e i r food rations — Diahuebes, Diabiernes, Diasabra. Por the l a t t e r there may have been an influence of Dutch Zaterdag on Spanish sabado. Other instances are colours. Black i s pretu (Portu-guese and older Spanish)} white - blancu, which may just as well have come from Dutch blank, an older and poetic form of wit; red - corra ( c f . c o r a l ) ; green - berde, Spa. verde; but blue i s blau, Du. blauw (Maduro ascribes i t to Catalan blau); yellow i s geel (or heel) as i n .Dutch; purple i s puus, a cor-ruption of Dutch paars; pink i s roos, Du. rose; brown i s br e i n (with a normal sound change from Du. b r u i n ) . However, we f i n d also moran, which i s Iberian-derided. I n t e r e s t i n g expressions are black pretu and black geel, which are "black shoe p o l i s h " and "yellow shoe p o l i s h " r e s p e c t i v e l y . The points of the compass are also Dutch: noord, dost, zuid or seid, west. There are also Papiamentu circum-lo c u t i o n s f o r them, but not Spanish equivalents. - 57 -Another f i e l d where one can f i n d Dutch-derived names as well as Iberian-derived ones i s that of the parts of the body, f o r instance, wenkbrauw, Du. wenkbrauw "eyebrow"; kenchi, Du. kin(net,je); l i p , Du. lip-; " l i p " ; scouder, Du. schouder "shoulder"; h i l c h i , Du. hiei>(t.je) "heel". One may j u s t i f i a b l y wonder why the Iberian influence i n Papiamentu was so much greater than the Dutch one. Usually the Dutch are blamed f o r t h i s phenomenon. They are said to have been unwilling to teach t h e i r language to the black servants i n order to keep them at a distance. How-ever, another consideration i s expressed by Van Wijk as follows: Este fenomeno tiene su e x p l i c a c i o n en e l hecho de que l b s holandeses nunca se han preoc^ipado de d i f u n d i r su propia lengua, esforzandose a l contrario, por hacerse con l a de l o s pueblos sometidos. A s i es que en e l s i g l o XVII l o s eapitanes de l a f l o t a de l a Compafiia de l a s Indias Occidentales estaban bastante f a m i l i a r i z a d o s con e l portugues por razdn de su frecuente paso por el A f r i c a Occidental y e l B r a s i l . l Another reason could be that the ministers sent out by the West India Company did not do t h e i r duty to convert the Africans to the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h . Soon, t h i s task was taken over by Spanish Roman Catholic p r i e s t s who came at f i r s t c l a n destinely, l a t e r with permission, from the mainland and, n a t u r a l l y , used Spanish i n t h e i r work among the slaves. This would explain why so many r e l i g i o u s terms are of Spanish Van Wiik, "Origenes j evolucldn del papiamentu," Neophilologus, 42 119587,172. d e r i v a t i o n where the Roman Catholic church i s concerned (80$ to 90fo of the population of the Benedenwindse Eilanden i s Roman C a t h o l i c ) , whereas Dutch-derived words are used i n connection with the Protestant form of worship: k e r k i , Du. kerk "church" (the Roman Catholic church b u i l d i n g i s c a l l e d misa); preekstoel " p u l p i t " ; dommi, Du. dominee "minister"; dop, Du. doop, beside bautismo f o r the Roman Catholic, "bap-tism". Again, some overlapping takes place here too: i n both r e l i g i o n s Hemelvaartsdag e x i s t s beside Ascencidn • "Ascension Day". The Lord's Supper i s c a l l e d Nachtmaal, Du. Avondmaal• (Nacht = night; avond = evening; maal = • meal.) Prom 1776 on, the Spanish p r i e s t s began to be replaced by Dutch ones i n Curacao. On Aruba i t started i n 1791. By that time, Papiamentu had already developed and the Dutch Franciscans used i t i n t h e i r teaching beside Dutch and Spanish. An i n t e r e s t i n g d e t a i l i s that they had to know French i n order to be appointed. Naturally, they made, at times, errors i n Papiamentu, mainly by t h e i r s t r e s s i n g the wrong s y l l a b l e or using the wrong p i t c h , thus changing the meaning of what they were t r y i n g to say considerably. As a r e s u l t , the f a i t h f u l were not always able to suppress t h e i r laughter and maintain the required solemnity during the sermons I am indebted to W.M. Brada f o r t h i s information. - 59 -U n t i l 1816, there had been only private teachers and private schools. In that year, education was o f f i c i a l l y introduced by the government while the former were allowed to continue t h e i r task. In 1824, M.J. Niewindt, a p r i e s t , founded a Roman Catholic school. Another category of Dutch words from the f i e l d of i n s t r u c t i o n entered into the l a n -guage, i n c l u d i n g words such as.skol, Du. school "school"; pen, Du. pen "pen"; ink, Du. inkt "ink"; potlood, Du. pot-lood " p e n c i l " ; g r i f , Du. g r i f f e l •"-slate-pencil"; buki, Du. boek "book"; s k r i f , Du. s c h r i f t "notebook". It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine at what point the black slaves abandoned t h e i r own languages i n favour of Papiamentu. I t happened probably i n the l a t t e r part of the eighteenth century and was, of course, a gradual process. For some time, there s t i l l existed a language c a l l e d Gene (from Guinea), a sort of secret A f r i c a n creole language of which there were even four d i f f e r e n t d i a l e c t s corresponding to the plantations Lagun, Knip, Portomarl and Savonet. The d i s t r i c t of Bandariba also had a d i a l e c t of i t s own, though V. Brenneker (who also signs h i s works at times as Paul Brenneker or Pader Brenneker) wrote i n 1961 that no one could speak i t any more and that i t was known only i n a hundred or so songs and some f i x e d expressions. 1 Other names f o r i t are geni, lenga d i luango, macamba, masopaso and makwiba. V. Brenneker, O.P., Curacaoensia (Curacao: Boekhandel St. Augustinus, 1961), pp. 61-63,. - 60 -Gene may also have the meaning of a "gene-speaking slave". Furthermore, i t may be used to i n d i c a t e > that something has an ambiguous or i n s i n u a t i n g meaning. Formerly, slaves would have worksongs i n t h i s Gene, sung on the plantations and at the s a l t pans. There were d i f f e r e n t songs f o r the various kinds of work performed. 1 They were often s a t i r i c a l songs about t h e i r white masters. However, the slaves would even-t u a l l y sing them without knowing what the words meant. Brenneker has recorded and studied them, as well as other Papiamentu songs. Some are completely i n Gene, others only p a r t i a l l y so. The age of h i s informants ranges from 50 to 90 years. In Sambubu Wo. 2 (1970) he includes a picture of a baas d i gene, M a r t i l i P i e t e r s , one of the few master 2 singers who are s t i l l able to sing i n the slave language. Since these informants had no idea of what the words meant, with few exceptions, one may conclude that they had l o s t t h e i r meaning i n the l a s t quarter of the nineteenth cen-tury. This may, well be the r e s u l t of the emancipation of the slaves i n 1863. Brenneker t e l l s us that the kind of animals which are mentioned i n the songs point to t h e i r A f r i c a n o r i g i n , as i n t h i s one about a t i g e r who encounters a l i o n : Brenneker, Curaeaoensia, p. 232. p Brenneker, Sambubu: Volkskunde van Curacao, Aruba en  Bonaire . 2 (Curacao: Paul Brenneker, 1970), p. 398. - 61 -Tjaka main bovi djama main "bovi "bovi jetan tajka contra bovi anto hou-hou.l A few words from Gene are kanga "empty, poor"; jecan "sea-t u r t l e " ; 'ftpcan "Indian"; kambao " i n v a l i d , neglected". Some fi x e d expressions: Dama si l w e l a "the sea beats against the rocks"; S a i t a nora "shut up"; Avu babe "you are l y i n g " . 2 Hartog gives the Papiamentu f o r these three expressions as laman ta b a t i , keda ketu, and bo ta gana (Curacao,,. p. 158) , As i n Dutch, there are words and phrases of Hebrew o r i g i n i n Papiamentu. Some examples from Emmanuel, History  of the Jews of the Netherlands A n t i l l e s (p. 482) are: Beshimantob, from the Hebrew Bessiman tob "with good augury", used f o r someone who has concluded or l i q u i d a t e d a matter i n a r a d i c a l manner; Beth Haim ta spok, where Beth Haim or. Beth  Hahaim i s cemetery; ta i s the Papiamentu verb f o r "to be", and spok comes from Dutch spoken "to haunt" or "to walk l i k e a ghost". The phrase means "the ghosts of the Jewish cemetery are s t a l k i n g " . This i s said of a hungry person. Panim beganab, instead of the Hebrew panim shel ganab, meaning a dishonest face. Hohkma, the Ashkenazi equivalent of Hohom, r e f e r r i n g to the a i r s of importance a person gives himself. Kidusin, from the Hebrew kiddushin "marriage", "wedding r i n g " . There can also be traced an influence of Brenneker, Sambubu 5,> p. 1033. Brenneker, Curaeaoensia, p. 63. the Ladino of the Sephardic Jews of the Balkans. One example: Su Mala, from Spanish su and the Hebrew ma * a l a "highness", meaning the Chief Rabbi. The words of French o r i g i n i n Papiamentu may have come from d i f f e r e n t sources: through the Huguenots, through con-ta c t with people from the French Caribbean i s l a n d s or also from Sint Maarten, which i s h a l f Dutch, h a l f French, and from the French s e t t l e r s . The most l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y i s that they entered the language v i a Dutch, which has a large number of French or French-derived words i n i t s l e x i c o n . Examples are: petitpwas (also known i n Venezuela) from p e t i t s pois; chandelier; trasher or trashet from etagere; s h i l e t or z j i l e t from g i i e t "waistcoat". A c o l l o q u i a l form of address i s Mushe with the name of a person, from monsieur. This i s also found i n Guyanese."1" As f o r the English-derived words, they are mainly modern terms, such as tayer " t i r e " ; waya "wire"; brek "brake"; r i n "ring of the telephone"; rim "rim of a car::.. 1wheel"; f.jus "fuse"; t,jub "tube"; swichi " l i g h t switch"; and zip "zipper". A l l the above are..words connected with goods imported from the United States. Other words of E n g l i s h o r i g i n are muf "to move" and chens "chance". The following are taken from an a r t i c l e by Maduro: berom "bay-rum"; b u l f a i t " b u l l f i g h t " (a wild dancing party); Marguerite Saint-Jacques Fauquenoy, "Guyanese," p. 31. djuboks "juke-box"; hodok "hot dog"; l e s "to l a c e " . Of e a r l i e r date are the following n a u t i c a l terms: tentu .^turn p to"; d j i p " j i b " . Strangely enough, the period of B r i t i s h r u l e did not leave any traces i n the language. Dutch remained the o f f i c i a l language during that time and most government documents had to be translated. The only word I have noticed that may have come from the Dutch East Indies i s toko "shop". Naturally, Malay has words of Portuguese o r i g i n which also f i g u r e i n Papia-mentu, f o r instance, sepatu "shoe" i s Pap. sapatu; bendera, Port, bandeira, Pap. bandera. Both these words could well have entered Papiamentu from Spanish. The Portuguese who arr i v e d i n the twentieth century were gardeners, garbage c o l l e c t o r s and ice-cream s e l l e r s i n the s t r e e t s , jobs which the native coloured b l u e - c o l l a r workers do not l i k e to do, p a r t i c u l a r l y not the gardening. A f t e r more than a century since the emancipation of the slaves, t h i s kind of work remihds/them s t i l l too much of the labours of t h e i r ancestors on the plantations. The presence of these Portuguese immigrants does not seem to have any influence on modern Papiamentu. At the same time as Papiamentu became the mother tongue f o r the slaves, i t started to be the means of communication Maduro, "Enkele Opmerkingen over Richard Wood's A r t i k e l over 'The Engl'ish Loanwords i n Papiamentu.,'" Nieuwe West- Indische Gids '48 (1971), 190-92. 2These terms were brought to my at t e n t i o n by A.J. Maduro. be tween t h e P o r t u g u e s e - s p e a k i n g S e p h a r d i c Jews and t h e D u t c h - s p e a k i n g p a r t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . I n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t he n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t he use o f P a p i a m e n t u became w i d e - s p r e a d . Many D u t c h f a m i l i e s p r e f e r r e d t o speak i t r a t h e r t h a n D u t c h , a l t h o u g h t h e r e were o b j e c t i o n s t o t h a t f r o m t h o s e who c o n s i d e r e d i t h a r m f u l t o t h e c h i l d r e n ' s i n t e l l i g e n c e , and t o t h e i r s p e e c h h a b i t s i n D u t c h . Among t h o s e who h e l d t h i s o p i n i o n were G e r a r d u s B a l t h a z a r B o s c h , a P r o t e s t a n t m i n i s t e r , who made a s t a t e m e n t t o t h a t e f f e c t -] 2 i n 1815 , and G o v e r n o r C a n t z ' l a a r , who d i d so i n 1823 . P a p i a m e n t o began t o r e p l a c e n o t o n l y D u t c h , b u t a l s o P o r t u g u e s e and S p a n i s h . By 1800, one c o u l d no l o n g e r speak o f any i n f l u e n c e o f P o r t u g u e s e on P a p i a m e n t u . The E n c y c l o p e d i e v a n de N e d e r l a n d s e A n t i l l e n ( p . 464) p l a c e s t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f P o r t u g u e s e a s t h e mothe r tongue o f t h e S e p h a r d i c Jews a t a r o u n d t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n -t u r y . F i r s t , i t was r e p l a c e d p a r t l y by S p a n i s h , l a t e r i n g e n e r a l by P a p i a m e n t u . U n t i l r e c e n t l y , many c o n t i n u e d t o c o n s i d e r P a p i a m e n t u as an i n f e r i o r l a n g u a g e . However , i t does n o t meet w i t h t he contempt t h a t o t h e r C r e o l e l a n g u a g e s have e x p e r i e n c e d a t t i m e s . I n o r d e r t o o b t a i n an i n s i g h t i n t o t h e d i f f e r e n t o p i n i o n s abou t t h e n a t u r e o f P a p i a m e n t u as a l a n g u a g e d u r i n g Van Wijk, "OrigenesJ" p. 1 69 . Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., p. 298 . - 65 -the last three centuries, the following statements may be of interest. In 1704, Michael Alexius Schabel, S.J. made his often quoted statement that the Negro slaves on Curacao spoke a "broken Spanish". According to Latour, Schabel, a Jesuit from Bohemia, knew European languages such as German, French, Spanish and Polish. He wrote two works in Latin and had a certain command of Flemish. He was also acquainted with some Indian languages of Venezuela.1 Hartog comments: "Having no Portuguese, he was unable to trace the Portuguese 2 elements in what he heard." However, Maduro feels that 3 Schabelfs judgement must have been correct. The Prefect Agustin de Gaysedo asked in a letter writ-ten in the year 1732 for more priests, stipulating that they had to know el idioma del pais. Since he mentions Dutch, Spanish and Portuguese in the same letter, that phrase must refer to whatever stage Papiamentu found itself in at that time. An ordinance of 1769 was read to freed Negroes "in the creole tongue of those people".^" A Father Schinck described the language, in 1786, as being Spanish with Dutch words in i t and felt that i t could be learnt in half a year. xLatour, "De Taal Papiamento en Haar Oorsprong," p. 3. 2 Hartog, Curacao, p. 157. Maduro, Papiamentu: Origen i Formacion (Corsou: n.p., 19.65)*, p. 5. ^Hartog, Curacao, p. 157-- 66 -In a report by the co-governor William Garlyle Hughes of August 18, 1802, Hartog found the first mention of the language as such by the name PapimentoA few years later, in 1805> the governor Pierre J. Changuion wrote in a letter p about an officer "who understands Papiments". Father Johannes Stoppel, O.F.M., who arrived in 1816, mentions that the early Mass was conducted in Papiamentu, which he calls Papiamentice, the following one, the tussen-mis "the intermediate Mass" in Spanish, and late Mass in Dutch. Only in a few Protestant churches were the services conducted in Papiamentu. In the others they were in Dutch. This is s t i l l the case in our time. Mr. A. Jesurun of Curacao declared in 1897, in the first annual report of the Geschied-, Taal-, Land- en Volkenkundig Genootschap of Willemstad: Op het eiland Curacao en de naburige eilanden Bonaire en Aruba wordt algemeen gebruik gemaakt van een patois of volkstaal, die oud-Spaans of Portugees tot grondslag heeft en waarin een niet onaanzienlijk aantal Hollandse woorden, meestentijds met een zeer gewijzigde uitspraak, voorkomt. and: Le regels der taal zijn weinig. Verschillende vormen om een zelfde denkbeeld uit te drukken, worden daar niet aangetroffen. Abstracte denkbeelden mogen met de woorden Hartog, Curacao, Dutch ed., p. 453; Eng. ed., p. 157. Hartog, Curacao, Dutch ed., p. 433. 'Hartog, Dutch ed., p. 433; Eng. ed., p. 157. - 67 -d i e r v o l k s t a a l n i e t behandeld worden. Het i s slechts een t a a l voor dagelijks gebruik. Het dient dan ook n i e t voor l i t t e r a t u u r . •t Is n i e t s anders dan een gesproken t a a l , die e i g e n l i j k dus geen s p e l l i n g h e e f t . l N.J. Evertsz says i n the Prdlogo to h i s Compendio de  l a gramatica del papiamento i n 1898: No es nuestro objects hacer una Gramatica 6 un D i c c i o n a r i o del papiamento (tarea muy d i f i c i l por c i e r t o ) sino dar algunas ideas de' e l hasta donde nos l o permitan nuestros humildes conocimientos, con e l deseo d e " f a c i l i t a r a l o s Venezolanos, Colombianos, Dominicanos, etc., que con frecuencia v i s i t a n esta I s l a , e l aprendizaje de nuestro d i a l e c t o . En e l papiamento (que se habla en estas i s l a s de Sotavento) se distiriguen t r e s d i a l e c t o s : 1°. e l de l a s personas i n s t r u i d a s en e l castellano, que se aproxima a l a pronunciacion y l a orto-g r a f i a espanolas; 2°. e l de l o s holandeses, que p a r t i c i p a de l a pro-nunciacidn y l a o r t o g r a f i a holandesas; y 3°. e l del pueblo, que p a r t i c i p a de estos dos idiomas, suprimiendo, cambiando 6 combinando una 6 mas l e t r a s . Solo nos mueve, a l publicar esta o b r i t a , e l deseo de s e r v i r en algo a l a s personas que se dignen hacer uso de e l l a , y de c o n t r i b u i r a l a vez con un grano de arena a l conocimiento de nuestro pobre idioma . . . . G.J. Eybers, a Protestant minister, who l i v e d f o r a long time i n Curacao and Aruba, and under whose' supervision Quoted by;,.Latour i n "De Taal Papiamentu," pp. 5 -6 . N.J. Evertsz, Compendio de l a gramatica del papiamento, d sea metodo para aprender a hablarlo y a e s c r i b i r l o en  corto tiempo (Curazao: T i p o g r a f i a Bethencourt, 1898), Prologo, n. pag. - 68 -a number of Aruban l a d i e s translated the whole New Testament into Papiamentu i n 1916, wrote i n the Amigoe d i Curacao of October 2, 1915: Wanneer een Colombiaan of Venezolaan, om van een Spanjaard n i e t eens te spreken, h i e r komt, dan kan h i j Papiamentu onmogelijk verstaan, en omgekeerd een Curacaoenaar, die nooit Spaans geleerd of gehoord heeft, verstaat eenvoudig geen Spaans. Papiamentu i s plus minus voor d r i e kwart Spaans, maar i s zozeer van de hoofdtaal afgeweken, dat hoofdtaal en afwijking elkander n i e t meer verstaan. Zo i s dus Papiamentu, hoewel van Spaanse oorsprong, geen d i a l e c t van net Spaans, maar wel d e g e l i j k een t a a l op z i c h z e l f . In hoofdzaak z a l het h i e r beweerde wel n i e t t;egengespro-ken kunnen worden. Een tweede verbreide mening onder de ontwikkelde of onontwikkelde Benedenwindse e i l a n -ders i s deze: Papiamentu i s een mengelmoes van a l l e t a l e n (alweer door hen uitgesproken met een soort minachting). In de eerste plaats i s het n i e t waar. In hoofdzaak i s het Spaans. Daarna v r i j sterk de invloed ondervonden van het Hollands en v e r r i j k t met Hollandse woorden; verder een stuk of wat Portugese, Engelse en Pranse en misschien z i j n er nog wel enkele Ka f f e r - of Indiaanse woorden onder.1 and: Ik z e l f ben h i e r ruim zeven jaar en kan zeggen, dat i k wel i e t s van Papiamentu afweet en t o t nog toe z i j n er heel wat terreinen i n Papiamentu, waarop i k n i e t thuis ben en ook heb i k tot nog toe geen vreemdeling ontmoet, ' t z i j t i e n of twintig jaar of langer i n de.Kolonie, die het Papiamentu met zuiver accent en vloeiend spreekt. I t would seem that Ds. Eybers was the f i r s t to consider Papiamentu an independent language i n i t s own r i g h t . The 1Quoted i n Latour, "Le Taal Papiamentu," p. 6; and Maduro. Origen, p. 6. 2Latour, "De Taal Papiamentu," p. 7. - 69 -term mengelmoes, to which he objects, may also be found i n a passage from De Regenboogkleuren van Nederlands Taal by Jac. van Ginneken and J . Endepols. I t reads: West-Indische mengtaaltjes• Vertoonde het Nederlandsch a l s zelfstandige t a a l weinig expansie-vermogen, van meer gewicht i s de r o l , die het speelde a l s samenstellend element van ver s c h i l l e n d e i n West-Indie heerschende mengtaaltjes. Merkwaardig i s het mengelmoes van sommige dezer mengtaaltjes. Er z i j n er, die n i e t u i t twee maar u i t v i e r of v i j f v e r s c h i l l e n d e t a l e n z i j n ontstaan. Zoo wordt 1°. i n een deel van Nederlandsch Guyana een meng-t a a l t j e het Djoe-Tongo gesproken, dat ontstaan.. i s u i t het Portugeesch-Hollandsch van naar West-Indie'getrok-ken Portugeesch-Amsterdamsche Joden. Y/ij vinden er 2°. het Neger-Engelsch (Ningre-Tongo) van slaven en plantage-bezitters. Nederlandsch, Portugeesch, Joodsch, Engelsch en Afrikaansche negerdialecten vormen samen de bestanddeelen van deze talenpoespas. Op Curacao, Aroeba, enz. wordt 3°. het Neger-Spaansch of Papiamentoe gespro-ken, dat behalve op de reeds genoemde talen, vooral nog op het Spaansch en een Caraibische inboorlingentaal berust.1 and further on: Het Neger-Spaansch. Het Neger-Spaansch of Papiamentoe (a f g e l e i d van papia = spreken, beteekent: t a a l ) i s een vermenging van Spaansch, negerdialecten, Portugeesch en Nederlandsch. Het Spaansch, sterk gecreoliseerd, vormt het voornaamste bestanddeel van deze mengtaal, ongeveer 90$. De overige 10$ z i j n overwegend Nederlandsche elementen. Het Nederlandsche deel van het Papiamentoe bevat honderden woorden en uitdrukkingen, maar ook h i e r herhaalt z i c h het boven besproken v e r s c h i j n s e l ; het z i j n meestal lage cultuurwoorden en a l s zoodanig behoorende tot de meest alledaagsche en g e b r u i k e l i j k e . Zoo komen er de volgende woorden voor: toch, net, hopi (hoopje = v e e l ) , oen t i k i ('n t i k j e ) , danki Dios (Go.d Jac. van Ginneken-^a^rfcLif. Endepols, D'e Regenboogkleuren  van Nederlands Taal (Nijmegen: Malmberg, 1917), p. 237 Cp. 222 i n the 1931 e d i t i o n ) . I t i s noteworthy that the only difference between the two editions i s that the pejora-t i v e talenpoespas has been changed to talenmengsel. /poes- pas = hotchpotch; mengsel = mixture; t a l e n = of languages/ - 70 -dank), ba(a)s, winkel, skol, stem, keire (kuieren), flesji, oen koker di pen (een pennekoker), oen rampi di skeif (een schuifraam) . . . . Het Papiamentoe maakt dezelfde ontwikkeling door als het Neger-Engelsch. Ook hier verdringen de Nederland-sche woorden langzamerhand te Spaansche negerwoorden. Ook hier geschiedt dit van de steden uit. Merkwaardig is echter, dat de Spaansche elementen meer weerstand bieden aan de vernederlandsching dan de Engelsche in het Neger-Engelsch. De toestand is nog altijd van die aard, dat een huisvrouw op Curacao op straffe van niet door haar ondergeschikten verstaan te worden, dit mengtaaltje moet gebruiken.l Rodolfo Lenz, considered by many the greatest expert on Papiamentu calls it "el mejor ejemplo de una lengua criolla que se ha levantado hasta el nivel de 'una lengua de alta 2 cultura.'" In his "Observaciones sobre el papiamento," Tomas Navarro gives an adicion fonetica to Lenz's work. The following evaluation is taken from i t : Como se ha visto, no se trata en realidad sino de un dialecto afroportugues desarrollado en Curacao desde el siglo XVII bajo la dominacidn holandesa, al que el contacto con el espanol le ha hecho adquirir elementos que le han ido enriqueciendo, hispanizahdo y desacriollando.3 Further quotations would lead to a discussion of the opinions of modern linguists. They are not included here because they are mainly concerned with non-Dutch elements """Van G-inneken and Endepols, Regenboogkleuren, 1917, p. 238; 1931, pp. 224-25. 2 Rodolfo Lenz, El papiamento: la lengua criolla de  Curazao: la gramatica mas sencilla (.Santiago de Chile: Universidad, 1926), p^  33• 3 f Tomas Navarro, "Observaciones sobre el papiamento," Nueva Revista de Filologia Hispanica, 7 (1953), 189. - 71 -i n Papiamentu. Since H a l l has been r e l i e d upon f o r d e f i n i -tions, the l a s t quotation i s taken from Pidgin and Creole  Languages, where he states:-Along the south shore of the Caribbean, to the west and o f f the coast of Venezuela, are the is l a n d s of Curacao, Aruba and Bonaire, where an old-established Creole named Papiamentu . . . i s spoken. I t i s often stated that Papiamentu i s an outgrowth of an e a r l i e r Pidgin Portuguese, but a l l of i t s regular phonetic and morphological correspondences point rather to a Spanish o r i g i n . I t may well represent a f u s i o n of two e a r l i e r pidgins or Creoles—one based on Spanish (which constitutes the dominant element i n present-day Papiamentu), and one based on Portuguese. 1 R.G. Rb'mer mentioned i n 1958, i n h i s "Geheimen van het Papiamentu," that i t had been spoken f o r a hundred and seventy-five years and written f o r a hundred and p twenty^five. This would bring the beginnings of the spoken language to around 1783 and would mean that one could expectyto f i n d correspondence or printed material from around 1830 on. As f o r the written word, i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n - s i x t i e s , the discovery of a l e t t e r written i n 1775 "by Abraham de David da Costs Andrade, J r . , to Sarah de Isaac Pardo y Vaz Parro, as well as two documents concerning a law s u i t i n H a l l , Pidgin and Creole Languages, pp.. 17-18. 2R.G. Romer, "Geheimen van het Papiamentu," i n De Neder-landse A n t i l l e n i n de A c t u a l i t e i t , ed. J . van de Walle (Amsterdam: Wereldbibliotheek, 1958), pp. 120-29. - 72 -1776 1 were of great i n t e r e s t to every scholar concerned with Papiamentu. Not only did i t push back the date of the e a r l i e s t known written Papiamentu by f i f t y years, i t also provided important information concerning the f e a -tures of Papiamentu at that point i n time. A photograph of a fragment of the l e t t e r may be found i n Emmanuel, History of the Jews of the Netherlands A n t i l l e s between pages 256 and 257. Unfortunately, the l e t t e r i t s e l f d i s -appeared mysteriously from the archives where i t was kept; at least, i n 1975 there was no trace of i t . D e t a i l s of the l e g a l case i n which Abraham de Andrade and Sarah Parro were p involved may also be found i n Emmanuel. A word-list of Papiamentu seems to have been composed •5 i n 1790 , but no copies appear to be extant. As f a r as i s known, the oldest printed text was the catechism published i n 1825 or 1826 by Mgr. M.J. Niewindt, V i c a r Apostolic of Curacao: Declaracion C o r t i c u d i Catecismo  pa Uso di C a t o l i c a d i_ Curacao. This may have been l o s t Maduro, Bon Papiamentu ( i un Appendix interesante) (Korsou, 1971), pp. 55-57; Wood, "New Light on the Origins of Papiamentu: An Eighteenth-Century L e t t e r , " Neophilologus, 7 (1972), 21-28; Prank Martinus, B i b l i o g r a f i e van het  Papiamentu (Curacao-Amsterdam, 1966-72)7 pp. xix-xx; and German de Granda, " E l re p e r t o r i o l i n g u i s t i c o de l o s sefar-d i t a s de Curasao durante l o s s i g l o s XVII y XVIII y e l problema del origen del papiamento," Romance Philology, 28 (1974) , 1-16. 2 Emmanue1, History of the Jews of the Netherlands  A n t i l l e s , pp. 271-75. •3 Pather Brada provided me with t h i s information during a conversation. - 73 -during the fire in Curacao in May 1969. If this is so, then the Catecismo Corticu pa Uso di Catoliconan of 1837, also by Mgr. Niewindt, would be the oldest existing cate-chism in Papiamentu.1 Manuel Alvarez Nazario of the University of Puerto Sico has drawn attention to a Papiamentu song, composed in 1830 by an anonymous author for the festivities in connection with the celebration in Puerto Rico of the marriage, con-tracted in 1829, of Ferdinand VII, King of Spain and the Indies, to Maria Christina de Bourbon, Princess of Sicily, p and of the birth of their daughter, the future Isabel II. Since 1766, immigrants from Curacao — white, mulattoes, blacks, freed slaves, who came for economic reasons — had been settling in Puerto Rico. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, slaves had been brought from Curacao to Puerto Rico.^ Papiamentu translations of the Gospels according to St. Matthew and St. Mark were published in 1844 and 1865 respectively. Martinus, Bibliografie, pp. vi and 56. %anuel Alvarez Nazario, "Un texto literarib del papia-mento documentado en Puerto Rico en 1830," mimeographed, n.d., p. 6; and "El papiamento: Ojeada a su pasado his-tdrico y vision de su problematica del presente," mimeo-graphed, n.d., pp. 3-r4-Alvarez Nazario, "El papiamento," p. 3. Alvarez Nazario, "Un texto literario," p. 2. - 74 -J . J . Putman, a Roman.:Catholic p r i e s t , published, with h i s s i s t e r , the Meditashon arieba Soefrimeentoe d i Noos  Senjoor Hesoe Kriestoe; P a r t i e r na H i s t o r i a , Exemplo i  Orashon. The t i t l e page continues: pa J . J . Putman, Pastoor; i soe roeman, Joanna Adr. Putman, fundadora d i skool pa moetsja moeheer pober na s t . Rosa:.'. Imprimier na s t . Roaa. 1853. The following passages may serve to i l l u s t r a t e the orthography used i n the middle of the nineteenth century. Sienjameentoe a d i l a n t i . Meditameentoe di pasjon i moorto d i noos salbadoor ta oen debosjon d i mas koestoemaar bau d i bon k r i s -tiaan; eel mesteer ta i eel poor ta tambe oen d i mas saloedabel debosjon, i koe toer ees eel ta pa moetsij-oe he:ehde d i poko p r o b e t s j i (p. 111). And on page 3: Hesoes noos exemplo. 1. Hesoes ta deen h o f f i d i Getsemani oen exemplo pa noos. E e l a jega deen d i mas t e r i e b e l ansja. i l o noos kieer anto, k i toer seemper toer d i s -goestoe, toer ansja i miedoelo ta aleeuw foor d i noos? 2. Deen soe ansja d i mas grandi Hesoes tabata reza. Pakiko anto noos ta bisa: „mi ta moetsjoe ansjaar -mi no poor reza?" Hoestameentoe deen momeentoe d i ansja, orasjon ta noos oenikoe joedanza, ta'hoesta-meentoe ees ora, k i noos t i e n d i mesteer d i mas tantoe d i klama na Dioos. Por those who know Dutch the s p e l l i n g used may not be too much of a hindrance. I t shows how p r i e s t s and mis-sionaries t r i e d to represent the sounds of Papiamentu according to Dutch orthography. H a l l c a l l s t h i s - 75 -"ethnophonemic". I t also shows us a great deal about the way i n which Papiamentu was pronounced i n Putman's time. Some bibliographies r e f e r to a Nederlandsch-Papiamentsch-Spaansch Woordenboekje by P.H.J.A. van Ewijk, dated 1875. A word-list with t h i s t i t l e , published i n Curasao, but printed i n Arnhem, The Netherlands, i s at my dis p o s a l . I t does not bear an author's name. The foreword i s i n Dutch and i t i s signed "H. Mei 1875". There would seem to be no doubt that t h i s i s the one by Van Ewijk. I t provides an excellent i n s i g h t into the nature of Papiamentu as a "mixed" language. In 1885, a Woordenlijst en Zamenspraak i n de Nederland-sche en Curacaosche l a n d s t a a l door N./Lista d i Palabranan  i Kombersasjoon na Leenga Oelandees i Papiamentoe pa N., G-edrukt en te ve r k r i j g e n b i j C . J . & A. W. Neuman Fz., Curasao 1885, was published. Like other pub l i c a t i o n s of that nature i t l i s t s words according to subject, nouns and numbers. Then there are f i v e pages with adverbs, adjectives, prepositions, and four-and-a-half pages with verbs, and then more nouns. The word-list i s forty- t h r e e pages long, the Zamenspraak ("dialogues") part, i n r e a l i t y phrases, t h i r t y -eight pages. Evertsz divides h i s Compendio de l a gramatica del papia-mento d sea metodo para aprender a hablarlo y a e s c r i b i r l o  en corto tiempo (1898) into three parts. In the f i r s t he deals with the alphabet, s p e l l i n g , pronunciation, stress, grammar and a l i s t of verbs which i n Papiamentu d i f f e r s l i g h t l y - 76 -or completely from the Spanish equivalent. The second part i s devoted to a Spanish-Papiamentu vocabulary according to subject (also one headed Miscelanea). He marks Papiamentu words which are the same as i n Spanish, and the ones of Dutch o r i g i n i n two d i s t i n c t ways. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to say whether he was biased i n favour of Dutch or whether Papiamentu has changed since, but the a s t e r i s k s marking Dutch words are very numerous indeed, so that the figure of 10°/o f o r the proportion of Dutch elements i n Papiamentu given by Van G-inneken i n 1917 and 1931 and by others doe.s:hot seem to be accurate. The l a s t t i t l e of the nineteenth century at my d i s -posal i s also the l a s t one to be included here. It i s the Gramatica corticoe d i Idioma Papiamentoe by Alfredo P. Sintiago, published i n 1898 i n Curacao and printed by Bethencourt. It i s written i n Papiamentu. In h i s preface he says: Mi no ta kere mi un autoridad, pues mi ta pfrece es Gramatica corticoe d i idioma Papiamentoe pa loke e. ta, deseando pa'pago d i mi trabao, koe l e haja un bon acohida. cerca toer hende. Pronto es boeki aki l o mira luz na hoelandes i span?.-j o l , a f i n koe PAPIAMENTOE por ta extendi na toer camina. Many catechisms and other r e l i g i o u s publications were put out i n the nineteenth century as well, but were not accessible during the preparation of t h i s study. - 77 -Three i n t e r e s t i n g points may be i n f e r r e d from the information given i n the foregoing pages. In the f i r s t place, the clergy has played an important r o l e i n the propagation of Papiamentu; secondly, with one exception, the books were published i n Curacao i t s e l f ; and t h i r d l y , the number of books on Papiamgntu b e l i e s the frequently repeated statement that there was or i s a l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n i t . The p r i n t i n g of books also reveals the presence of a p r i n t i n g press. The Emmanuels report that: Although nothing i n the old archives of Curacao or i n the inventories of decedents' estates (of C h r i s -tians and Jews a l i k e ) d e f i n i t e l y says so, there must have been a p r i n t i n g shop on the i s l a n d i n the second h a l f of the 18th century. The inventory of the estate of Jeosuah Guidon Mendes (d. 1797) l i s t e d among other belongings "a small p r i n t i n g press". The Scotsman William Lee i n s t a l l e d a p r i n t i n g shop i n Curacao i n 1812. During the second h a l f of the 19th century a number of p r i n t i n g houses burgeoned. . . .1 Hartog claims that before 1812 government communications had to be duplicated by hand or to be sent abroad f o r 2 p r i n t i n g , usually to New York. He mentions fu r t h e r that Niewindt saw to i t that the V i c a r i a t e had two p r i n t i n g o f f i c e s at i t s disposal, one i n Barber, established i n 1843, another one at Santa Rosa, i n 1848. Putman brought a p r i n t i n g press for the l a t t e r and also a p r i n t e r . Between Emmanue1, History of the Jews of the Netherlands A n t i l l e s , p. 464. 2 Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., p. 227. - 78 -1850 and 1901, the mission published seventy-two t i t l e s : grammars, school texts and church books. In 1867, Agustln Bethencourt, a poet of Isleho descent, who l i v e d on Curacao from 1860 to 1885, founded the Publishing and P r i n t i n g Company A. Bethencourt e H i j o s , where works of authors and composers (he was an amateur musician himself) of Curacao and surrounding countries were p r i n t e d . A great number of newspapers, weeklies and l i t e r a r y p e r i o d i c a l s — some•in Papiamentu, others i n Spanish or Dutch, some b i l i n g u a l — also came into being during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some had a short l i f e , others s t i l l e x i s t . The s p e l l i n g of Papiamentu has been and s t i l l remains a thorny question. For almost a century, there have been attempts to a r r i v e at a uniform system. Studies have been made, by i n d i v i d u a l s as well as committees formed f o r that purpose, and commissions have been given to scholars i n the f i e l d . They have come f o r t h with extensive documents con-t a i n i n g worthwhile proposals. Newspapers and p e r i o d i c a l s have published arguments f o r and against those proposals. However, by August 1977, no decision had been made. C l e a r l y , a whole chapter could be devoted to t h i s subject. S u f f i c e i t to say that the lack of an o f f i c i a l s p e l l i n g f o r Papiamentu i s a serious handicap. In t h i s paper quotations from Papiamentu sources appear i n the s p e l l i n g used by the respective writers. In the next chapter no attempt w i l l be made to regularize the orthography. In f a c t , an author may change h i s s p e l l i n g from one work to another or even from one part of an anthology to another. Moreover, i t may happen that a word i s spelled i n various ways within one composition. So f a r , t h i s study has dealt with the h i s t o r y of Papiamentu and the impact which the various contributing elements have had on i t . The next chapter w i l l be con-cerned with i t s present form and the extent to which the Dutch language i s represented i n i t . - 80 -CHAPTER THREE THE DUTCH ELEMENT IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY PAPIAMENTU The influence of the Dutch language on Papiamentu has va r i e d over the centuries. The extent to which Dutch was spoken at d i f f e r e n t periods depended on the number of people of Dutch descent on the is l a n d s and upon t h e i r status. I t was replaced by Papiamentu i n the f a m i l i e s of a lower l e v e l of education already i n the beginning of the nineteenth century. 1 Among the senior c i v i l servants and t h e i r f a m i l i e s Dutch was maintained u n t i l the F i r s t World War, although the women would speak Papiamentu with the servants. At that time, the number of native speakers of Dutch who came to the A n t i l l e s increased considerably. Their Dutch must have been d i f f e r e n t from that which was current on the i s l a n d s , since a language spoken i n geo-g r a p h i c a l l y separated areas i n v a r i a b l y develops l o c a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s . Perhaps the new a r r i v a l s harboured a cer-t a i n sense of s u p e r i o r i t y about t h e i r language. In any case, at that time most of the Dutch speaking people born on the Benedenwindse Eilanden began to use Papiamentu as t h e i r main language, pos s i b l y to set themselves apart from the new-comers. This information i s • taken from the -Enby.^  de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , pp. 405-406, 441-442; and. Hartog, Curacao, Eng. ed., pp. 305-306. - 81 -Aft e r the Second World War, the influence of Dutch grew stronger because of the ever-increasing governmental involvement i n the a f f a i r s of the isl a n d s , the greater attention given to the educational system and the large number of A n t i l l i a n students who went to The Netherlands f o r t h e i r u n i v e r s i t y or other post-secondary education and returned to the isla n d s afterwards. Many of them had married Dutch women whom they brought back with them. This i s s t i l l the case today. It i s a d i f f i c u l t task to determine p r e c i s e l y the extent of the Dutch element i n Papiamentu. The influence of the Dutch language on the la n d s t a a l covers several areas: l e x i c o n , grammar and syntax. I t i s also present i n Papiamentu phonology, but, except i n s p e c i a l instances, t h i s w i l l not be discussed i n t h i s study. During the e a r l i e s t stages of research on the present study i n 1969, i t became c l e a r through reading Papiamentu texts that there are a great number of caiques on Dutch i n the language. That aspect of Dutch influence had long been neglected. This opinion was shared by Van Wijk, who wrote i n 1958: Sin duda por desconocimiento del neerlandes l o s eruditos extranjeros descuidan con exceso l o s abundantes calcos neerlandeses semanticos en vocablos y expresiones curazolenas.^ Van Wijk, "Origenes y .Ivolucion del papiamentu," p. 178. - 82 . -More recently, Wood has dealt with the subject of syntactic caiques in his Ph.D. thesis, s t i l l listed as unpublished in 1971, but made available through an authorized facsimile in 1973.1 His conclusions are confirmed by many of my own findings. Jespersen defines a .caique as a "translation loan word" and describes words of that nature as "modelled more or less closely on foreign ones, though consisting of native speech-2 material". In other words, a caique is a word or phrase which came into a language by translating the component parts directly. Sometimes, that involves a literal trans-lation, at others, the transfer of a meaning. The word "sky-scraper" is a good example. In Spanish i t became rascacielos, in French gratte-ciel, through a literal trans-lation, but in Dutch wolkenkrabber "cloud-scraper" the meaning was transferred. The same applies to German Wolkenkratzer. Rumanian has zgirie-nori from zgiria "to scratch, scrape" and nori "clouds". However, caiques do not consist of borrowing of words only. They may involve sentence structure. In that case "loan translation" is one of the term used. A significant number of the Papiamentu caiques on Dutch are of this kind. In this study, no distinction will be made between the two applications of the term "caique". Only this term will be used rather than "loan translation" or "loan word". Wood, "Papiamentu :•Dutch Contributions." - 83 -The reason f o r t h i s i s that the word "loan" or "borrowing" conveys the meaning of a temporary state of a f f a i r s , whereas the words and expressions which come into a language by t h i s process of adoption remain i n i t . Dutch influence on Papiamentu may be divided into the following categories: A. Words adopted from standard Dutch. Examples: belasting taxes (also belaster, see under B.) bleek pale b r i l glasses (also b r e l , see under B.) Chines Chinese dokter doctor dozijn dozen duim (as measurement) an inch f l u i t (also spelled f l e i t ) a f l u t e or to whistle geel yellow geheel adv. t o t a l l y However, Du. geheel, adj., "complete" i s (h)enter. glas glass (un) gros (a) gross gulden ( c f . f l o r i n ) g u i l d e r (pronounced heeldu) - 84 -stem voice Words adopted from d i a l e c t a l , non-standard or e a r l i e r forms of Dutch. Example s  Papiamentu belaster b l a c h i b r e l dashi d i k i d ipchi hap pelushi s e l i g a stonkene Dutch be l a s t i n g blaadje b r i l das(je) dik duhbeltj e c o l l . : dupje gapen v i t t e r i g E n g l i s h taxes (See also under A, p. 83} l e a f o_r page glasses (See also under A, p. 83.) t i e f a t dime to jawn n i t - p i c k i n g , nagging, fussy Pelushi must have, come, with a change of meaning, from Du. plij.is.ie " b i t of f l u f f " , pluusje; d i a l . G-roningen: ploes, with metathesis: p e l u s h i . The Papiamentu adjective also means "jealous" and "envious 1 The verb i s pelusha "to f i n d f a u l t " , "carp at", "nag". ze i l g a r e n yarn to re p a i r s a i l s stommeknecht -_a_ hat-and-eoat stand i . e . kapstok l i t . a mute v a l e t - 85 -tayd t e l l o o r Zeeland d i a l . < Fr. t a i l l o i r "chopping board" a plate f o r food G. Words with Dutch or Romance etymologies, Example s: bote Du. boot palco p a r t i t r i s t u cur a Du. balcon Du. part Du. t r i e s t ( e ) Du. kraa l Sp. bote Sp. baleon Sp. parte Sp. t r i s t e Sp. c o r r a l Port, c u r r a l boat bal c ony part sad kraal or c o r r a l = grounds, yard Jan de Vries writes under kraal 2 . . . . 'veekraal, inboorlingendorp•, ouder-nl. koraal <• port, c u r r a l , c o r r a l ^ And: 'inboorlingen-2 dorp', vroeger koraal < portug. c u r r a l . I t must have come into Dutch from Afrikaans, which has words from Portuguese. The s p e l l i n g "kraal" i n E n g l i s h shows that i t came int o the language v i a South A f r i c a , as the Oxford d i c t i o n a r y says "adoption from Colonial Dutch, adoption from Portuguese U. Jan de V r i e s , Nederlands Etymologisch Woordenboek (Leiden:? B r i l l , 1971), p. 355. 2De V r i e s , Etymologisch Woordenboek: Waar Komen Onze Woorden Vandaa'n? (Utrecht: Het Spectrum, 1971), p. 121. - 86 -famla Du. f a m i l i e , but o l d - Pr. f a m i l l e r e l a t i v e s fashioned pronunciation / f a ' m i j a / shofer Du. chauffeur Sp. chofer chauffeur D. Words adopted from another language v i a Dutch. Examples: b i f s t i k Du. biefstuk from Eng. beefsteak canope Du. canape from Pr. canape (17th century)^ or: I t . canape 4 mlat. canopeum ^ canape l a t . conopeaum < G-r. ko"nopeion "sofa". d j e l e i Du. g e l e i from Pr. gelee, possibly also also: from Port, gelea " j e l l y " , z j i l e i , z j i l e a djem Du. jam from Eng. jam. enfin Du. enfin, sometimes a f i j n from Pr. e n f i n " i n short". potmoni Du. portemonnaie from Pr. portemonnaie "purse". - 87 -•E. • Words b'r.--;B!to aji&yI-berjfan' elements-. 1 Example s: barika-gel or; barika heel esei ke meen un of otro traha smid scarsedad boda d i coper jagmentu s u i k e r d i e f j e from Sp. barriga " b e l l y " and Du. geel "yellow"; name of the mocking b i r d . Sp. eso quiere d e c i r and Du. verb menen (root meen), here i n the sense of betekenen "to mean". of i s Du. f o r or. It occurs i n Papiamentu only before a vowel. Before a consonant i t i s o_. traha from Sp. trabajar "to work" . and Du. smid "smith": "to forge". Du. schaars "scarce" plus Sp. s u f f i x -dad. Du. koperen b r u i l o f t , l i t . "copper wedding anniversary" from Sp. bo|la "wedding" and Du. koper "copper". Du. jacht "hunt from Du. verb .jagen (root: jaag) "to hunt" plus Spanish s u f f i x -mento. These are words or phrases which are a combination of a Dutch root or word with an Iberian s u f f i x , or words whose component parts are taken from Dutch and an Iberian language. stoeimentu - 88 -"horseplay" from Du. verb stoeien "to romp" plus Sp. s u f f i x -mento. verloofmentu Du. verlo v i n g "engagement to be married" from Du. root v e r l o o f plus Sp. s u f f i x -mento. subi f l i Du. een v l i e g e r oplaten "to f l y a k i t e " from Du. v l i e g e r plus Sp. subir• blekero Du. b l i k s l a g e r "tinsmith" from Du. b l i k (M.N. b l i c or blec) plus Sp. s u f f i x -ero. verfdd Du. verver "painter" from Du. root verf plus Sp. s u f f i x -dor (with apocopation of the - r > -do). In t h i s category would also f a l l the verbs with a Dutch root and Spanish verb ending -ar (with apocopation of the - r ) , f o r instance, bora, Du. boren "to d r i l l " ; f e r f e l a , Du. vervelen "to bore"; f u l a Du. voelen "to f e e l " ; f ura, Du. voeren "to l i n e clothes" (Sp. f o r r a r ) ; l e s a , Du. lezen "to read"; raporta, Du. rapporteren "to report"; sara, Du. sarren "to pester"; spoela, Du. spoe-le n "to r i n s e " ; s t r i c a , Du. s t r i j k e n ( d i a l , strieken) "to i r o n " . I t should be mentioned here that i n most parts of The Netherlands the f i n a l -n of the verb ending i s not pronounced. Another explanation f o r the ending -a could, therefore, be that the remaining /'9 / ending became -a i n Papiamentu. Sometimes a Dutch-derived verb - 89 -ends i n -u, e.g. fangu, Du. vangen "to catch"; ferdwalu, Du. verdwalen "to lose one's way"; f l e k t u , Du. vlechten "to braid"; l e k t u , Du. l i c h t e n "to l i f t " . Noteworthy i n the verb-group are the past p a r t i c i p l e s i n Dutch-derived verbs, e.g. gebukt, Du. gebukt "bent over"; gebuk, Du. geboekt "booked"; gedruk, Du. gedrukt "printed"; gehap, Du. gegaapt "yawned"; gemors, Du. gemorst " s p i l l e d " ; gezaag, Du. gezaagd "sawn". I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that the verb dal "to beat" a l s o forms i t s past p a r t i c i p l e i n t h i s fashion: gedal or hedal. This may be due to the f a c t that i t endslin a consonant, r e s u l t i n g , no doubt, from the apocope of the f i n a l -e_ of the imperative dale pegas (golpas), and, thus, g i v i n g i t the appearance of a Dutch verb form. In many cases there i s redundancy. For instance: sapatu d i voetbalschoen Du. voetbalschoen (heard i n a record by E l i s Juliana) "soccer shoe" or " f o o t b a l l shoe". luna ta volmaan Du. Het i s vollemaan. "It i s f u l l moon." Both luna and maan mean "moon". Bio sunu i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example. Bio = Du. bloot = "naked"; sunu from Sp. desnudo = "naked". Bio sunu i s "stark-naked". In other words, the i n t e n s i t y i s not represented here by r e d u p l i c a t i o n (sunupsunu or blor-blo), - 90 -but by elements from two composing languages i n which they have the same meaning. Although they w i l l not be assigned to a separate cate-gory, mention may be made of some words which have changed meaning. A few .examples: l a f , which i n Dutch means "cowardly" (persons) or " i n s i p i d " (food), has i n Papiamentu the meaning of " d u l l " , Du. saai; Du. pret i s a noun: "fun", whereas Pap. pret i s an adjective: "witty", Du. geestig; Du. kr i,jt i s "chalk" (for w r i t i n g ) ; i n Papiamentu i t i s used f o r that same substance, but also f o r "pl a s t e r " , Du. p l e i s t e r or gips. Caiques. Examples: mita d i diez tur dos Du. h a l f - t i e n , l i t . "half ten", "half past nine". Sp. l a s nueva y media, which found i t s way into Aruban nueve i mei. Du. a l l e b e i , l i t . " a l l both".., "both" • Sp. l o s dos or ambps. fuera d i esei Du. bovendien or buitendien, l i t . "above or outside of that", "besides". tres ana pasa Du. dr i e .jaar geleden, l i t . "three years past!^, "three years ago", Sp. hace tres anos trabou f o r s a Du. dwangarbeid "hard (forced) labour", whereas Spanish has p l u r a l : trabajos f o r -zosos or forzados. The examples cited above are taken from vocabularies and word-lists compiled up to 1953, and serve only to illustrate general tendencies. In order to obtain a more precise picture of the extent of Dutch influence in modern Papiamentu, a prose work by a prominent author will be analyzed. The results of this analysis will be divided into categories similar to those already indicated above. Prom the works at my disposal Ora Solo Baha, a collection of children's stories by Pierre Antoine Lauffer, was chosen, since i t seemed to be the most suitable for the purpose of this study.1 The eleven stories in the collection were written between 1964 and 1968; some of them are based on the folklore of Curacao. The translation of the title is When the Sun Goes  Down. It is the time when parents — or grandparents for that matter — tell their children or grandchildren stories. As a Dutch title Schemeruurtje ( l i t . "twilight-hour") would reflect precisely the atmosphere which Lauffer describes in his introduction. Pierre Antoine Lauffer was born in Curacao in 1920. He was a student at the St. Thomas College (Praters van Tilburg), where great ..attention was paid to the writing of compositions concerning works of well-known Dutch Pierre Lauffer, Ora Solo Baha (Corsou: Libreria Salas, 1968). - 92 -authors, in which task Lauffer excelled. After his school years, he was in business and also held various positions with governmental agencies, including the Ministry of Education, until 1970, when he became a teacher of English and subsequently of Papiamentu. Lauffer has published collections of poetry, including Patria, Kumbu, and Kantika pa Bientu, for which the Cultureel Centrum awarded him the Pri.js pa Literatura. Furthermore, he has written short stories, such as M.japa, Raspa, and Lagrima i Sonrisa. Besides Ora Sola Baha,. for which he obtained the Cola Debrot Pri.js in 1969, he has written other children's stories: Un Dia Tabatin, and Mangusa. Lauffer is the author of a great number, of text-books which are used in the local schools, and he has contributed to the literary periodical "Kristof". In 1975, he received the STICUSA  Prijs voor Litteratuur and in 1976, a special committee paid him homage for his accomplishments in the fields of literature and music, for Lauffer is also a composer, among other things of tumbas, waltzes and danzas. - 93 -In the analysis, the context of the words l i s t e d i s indicated by givi n g the t i t l e , page and l i n e number of each story. The abbreviations are as follows: Introduction I n t r . Mushe Raton M.R. Bas P i p i ku e barika-hel B.P. Awa d i wowo na labizhan Awa Masu Boro Masu Ngano ku Mali Ng. Peperin, D j o d j i i Shi Bitwel Pep. D o l f i Do. Chiku i su kabai Chi. Klof d i Shinshon Klof Nati a bula bai Nati Manuel i Menatao MM - 94 -Dutch Elements i n the Papiamentu of Qra Solo Baha  Words adopted from standard Dutch. 1 Examples: Papiamentu Dutch M.R. 5.27 row, also spelled rouw M.R. 7.25 B.P. 9-t i t l e rouw stem Bas stem Baas B.P. 9.3 ?mashin", d i trapnaaimachine B.P. 10.15 Awa 13.9 p i a • s t u l b l a r Awa : 13.14 lamoengras sto e l hlaar; he_rej, .plur. blaren both lamoen and gras are Dutch words, but lamoengras i s not E n g l i s h mourning voice boss sewing machine with traedle c h a i r b l i s t e r lamoen "carriage pole"; gras " gra s s*4; lamoen- gras i s a plant Masu 17.4 dak dak roof Attention must be drawn to the f a c t that Du. -aa- /a:/ i n closed s y l l a b l e s may be found represented i n Papiamentu "by -a- or -aa-; Du. -ee- /e:/ i n closed s y l l a b l e s by -e_-or -ee-; Du. -oo-/o:/""by -£- or -oo-. Masu 18.3 Pa Cheli Masu 18.14 Om Dani Masu 19.27 flur Pep. 25.22 owel Pep. 26.21 dam Pep. 26.29 un remedi 3-0.- 32.7 wilnan; plur. of wil Pap. i = A / Do. 32.7 muzik Do. 33.4 glas Do. 33.6 mest Do. 33.14 smak Do. 37.13 stap Pa l i t . father, but here used as a form of address Oom a form of ad-dress; l i t . uncle; cf. Sp. tio vloer floor oh, wel oh, well dam dam een remedie; now remedy more fig.; usual: genees-middel w-iel : wheel muziek glas mest smak stap music glass (for drinking) manure taste step Do. 37.20 presis precies precisely, exactly Do. 38.13 vakansi(nan) vacantie(s) holidays Chi. 39.24 stal stal stable Chi. 41.10 tas tas briefcase Chi. 41.18 los los maken to loosen Du. los is anc. ajd., here used as a verb. Chi. 41.26 Klaas Klaas boy's name: Claus Chi. 41.28 bog(nan) boog (bogen) arch(es) Klof title Klof Kloof Cave Klof 49.5 auto auto car Klof 49.6 glas glas, but here (car) window with the older meaning of raamp ,i e Klof 49.16 Indjan(nan) Indianen Indians Klof 49.31 men menen, root: meen, to mean but here modern Du. would be betekenen • Klof 50.27 tent tent tent Klof 50.28 hagel hagel small shot Klof 52.25 net e • net op het moment at the very momentu moment - 97 -Klof 53.12 nort Noord (pronounced: North; here: Noort) or Noorden; adj. nor-here: adj. = thern noordelijk Klof 53.14 oost Oost or Oosten East Klof 53.14 west West or Westen West Klof 53.29 meter meter a meter Klof 55.31 kap kappen to cut (wood or tree) Klof 55.32 graf graf a grave Nati 58.30 blow (also blauw (Maduro: blue spelled also Galician blau /or blao and Catalan blauw) blau) MM 61.1 dek dek a deck MM 61.15 matroo s matroo s a sailor, seaman MM 62.4 anker anker an anchor MM, 62.10 mangel popular form of almond amandel In West Frisian a mangeltfje is a kind of candy (zuur tje). This exists also in Papiamentu. MM 65.3/4 smal smal narrow MM 67.* 5 plat plat flat - 98 -MM 68.13 l a t l a a t l a t e .MM 71.33 slap slap lax, limp B. Words•adopted from d i a l e c t a l , non-standard or e a r l i e r forms  of Dutch. 1 Examples; I n t r . d j i s j u i s t just l i n e 1 The most prevalent opinion i s that i t came from . Eng. " j u s t " . However, people of mixed parentage i n the Dutch East Indies used to pronounce j u i s t as d j u i s t or d j u i s . Wood s p e l l s i t with y_: /yf'yst/ and /y<£wst/. In t r . hopi hoopje, dim, of many, very l i n e 2 hoop l i t . "a heap of" Hopi i s often;';reg.arded as the most frequently used word of Dutch o r i g i n . Dutch hoop i n > ; t h r s sense i s "a heap of", hoopje "a small heap of". Een hele hoop "very many", Pap. masha hopi. The Dutch diminutive does not neces s a r i l y denote small s i z e . I t i s often used i n an endearing capacity. Maatje or moedertje does not mean a l i t t l e mother hut a dear mother. Maatje gave Pap. Machi, sometimes used f o r "grand-mother" . Words i n t h i s category may have been taken over without change i n the period when they entered the language, e.g. under d i a l e c t a l influence of because of the form which they had i n the Dutch of the time. - 99 -There are several reasons why Dutch words entered Papiamentu i n t h e i r diminutive form. In the f i r s t place, there i s a wide-spread use of the .dim-inuj7iye.^in ;the_Butbh language. The s u f f i x i s b a s i c a l l y - j e , but epenthetic vowels or consonants or vowels plus consonants are added according to the f i n a l l e t t e r of the word i n question. In West F r i s i a n the diminutive ending - i e , with or without epenthetic consonant, occurs very f r e q u e n t l y . 1 In other parts of The Netherlands the ending - i e may be heard i n c o l l o q u i a l speech, but only i f the diminutive i s formed by - j e . A second reason f o r the a d d i t i o n of - i _ may well be the presence of the C V C V system. Besides, most of the words l i s t e d by Latour as taken from an Indian language end i n a vowel, and among these the ones i n - i are in.:the majority. Then:,, the unstressed Portuguese e_, pronounced / i / , i s also present i n Papiamentu: d i l a n t i . I t should, furt h e r , be kept i n mind that the l a r g e s t proportion of Spanish words end i n a vowel and that Aragonese and Leonese seem to favour an ending i n unstressed - . i , rare i n G a s t i l i a n . Dutch used to have a great number of words with a f i n a l vowel, i n casa -e_, already i n the seventeenth century, but i n many t h i s -e_ has been l o s t . ^-Langedijk, He, Is Dat Westffies?, p. 130. - 100 -I n t r . stupi stoepje front-door step; l i n e 3 i n Pap.: porch at the back or f r o n t of the house I n t r . kura k r a a l or koraal c o r r a l (for c a t t l e ) l i n e 4 Whether the Portuguese took the word over from the Dutch i n A f r i c a or whether the Dutch took i t from Portuguese i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. See p. 85. I n t r . ma maar but (Sp. mas) l i n e 9 Since there has been a tendency to drop the f i n a l -t ( c f . the Papiamentu verbs and the noun-suffix -do) rather than the -s, i t seems j u s t i f i e d to take Dutch as the source language f o r ma. Maduro writes: E 'r' f i n a l . . . no ta un konsonante ku nos pueblo ta gusta^pronunsia. A l kontrario, nos ta s i n t i mas bien repugnansia p ' e . l Pero i s also used. A quick count shows about an equally divided number of occurrences i n Ora Solo  Baha. However, although ma and pero are used side by side, i n some of the s t o r i e s ma i s more pre-valent, i n others pero. 'Maduro, Bon Papiamentu, p. 51. - 101 -M.R. 5.3 dams dame; p l u r a l ; lady-dames In Papiamentu dams i s singular and p l u r a l , although under c e r t a i n conditions i t takes the p l u r a l ending -nan. This i s a case where a Papiamentu word has been taken from a Dutch p l u r a l , no doubt because i t i s mostly used i n that number. M.R. 5.4 krenchi krentje l i t . " l i t t l e cur-rant", meaning a small portion, "a l i t t l e b i t " Both Maduro and Wood give as etymon greint.je 1, which i s the diminutive of grein, c f . French grain " p e l l e t " . Greintje i s used mainly i n the negative geen g r e i n t j e with the noun i n apposi-t i o n i n order to express "not even $he smallest amount of", "not a grain of", "not a f r a c t i o n of", "not one t i t t l e " . In krentje there i s the same idea of something very small. The Dutch word krent, l i k e E n g l i s h currant, i s a corruption of Corinth, where the early Dutch traders went to Maduro, Ensayo, p. 80; Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 151. - 102 -get t h e i r wares. I t s old form was karent, i n which form i t s t i l l e x ists i n Papiamentu. 1 M.R. 5.10 s k e i r u schuieren to "brush, to sweep The sk sound i s d i a l e c t a l i n Zealandic and West F r i s i a n , which are of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t f o r t h i s study, but i s also heard i n regional speech i n other parts of The Netherlands. In Zealandic the diphthong ui_ i s s t i l l pronounced e i . M.R. 5.11 baki bakje ( c o l l . : a cup, small or bakkie) large bowl M.R. 5.11 h o f i hofje l i t t l e garden Hof i s an obsolescent and l i t e r a r y word f o r garden. M.R. 5.18 plaka plak money The words pifyacke, plecke, plac were already used i n Middelnederlands "Middle Dutch", henceforth referr e d to as M.N. Among other things, a plac was a coin of copper, s i l v e r or gold. The older generation of West F r i s i a n s i s s t i l l f a m i l i a r with the name 'n plak f o r a two-and-a-half cents p piece. The -a ending i n Papiamentu plaka may have been influenced by Spanish p l a t a " s i l v e r " „ •'"Wood, on der i v i n g krenchi from greint je, states that t h i s i s the only case where gr> kr. 2Langedijk, He, Is Dat Westfries? p. 35 . - 103 -or, at l e a s t , have been re i n f o r c e d by i t , but could well be a version of plaeke, c f . the Dutch-derived verbs i n -a, such as f u l a and s t r i k a . Plaka i s an important concept i n the Benedenwindse Eilanden. Amounts of money are expressed i n i t , f o r example: diez placa i s "a quarter"."'' M.R. 5.20 d r e i draaien to turn Mvl. 5.22 kurashi courage, pronounced: courage /ku • ra :j? a/ cj? /ku 1 ra :^  i / M.R. 5.25 Mushe Raton a k i n i p i e dams un wowo. Mushe Raton gaf de dame een knipoogje. Mushe Raton winked an eye at the lady. M.R. 6.1 pikete, pik§t. . term used i n f encing M.R.. 6.3 frepostu v r i j p o s t i g impudent (-ig = /dx/) M.R. 6.12 angel engel /'iljal/ angel (Sp. angel) Since i t i s often spelled anguel, the sound thus represented may ind i c a t e Dutch o r i g i n . M.R. 6.22 kuki koekje cookie (also from Dutch) Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n , p. 391. - 104 -M.R. 6.25/26 In these two l i n e s one f i n d s : Mesora mi ta drenta e sosiedad d i mal h a l t u . Mi ta b i r a persona d i a l t a kategoria. Not only i s the s p e l l i n g of the adjective d i f f e r e n t , i t i s also noteworthy that i n the second instance use i s made of the Spanish feminine form i n -a. Papiamentu adjectives do not show the d i s t i n c t i o n between masculine and feminine. Only i n some cases have the forms i n -a become standardized f o r both genders, f o r example: bunita " b e a u t i f u l " ; coqueta "coquettish", marga " b i t t e r " . M.R. 6.27 damsnan dames ;' l a d i e s (See also p. 101.) M.R. 7.13 razu razend furious M.R. 7.32 sunchi zoentje a k i s s (dim.) Du. zoentje i s a noun; Pap. sunchi i s used both as a noun and a verb. The Dutch verb i s zoenen "to k i s s " , which i s meant here. B.P. 9.1 snejru obs.: s n i j d e r t a i l o r Note -u where Du. has /a/ + a nasal or l i q u i d , f or e-xaffljple: ,t&e~Xabove» raz.u; f l e k t u , Du. viechten "to b r a i d " ; wordu, Du. worden "to become, to be"; mespu,, Du. mispel "medlar". - 105 -B.P. 9.4 wak waken to watch The use of wak f o r "to see" i s becoming more frequent i n modern Papiamentu. However, the Papiamentu f o r "to see" i s mira, Sp. mirar "to look, watch" or weta from Am. Span, agiieitar and d i a l e c t a l Spanish guaitar. Maduro d i s -approves of t h i s use of wak. B.P. 9.13 k l a k l a a r ready Another case where the - r has been deleted. In other instances k l a = Du. klaar i n the sense of duideli.jk "clear", Sp. c l a r o . Also k l a = klaar " l i g h t " i n the sense of l i g h t - c o l o u r e d . B.P. 9.14 bachi baadje or kind of jacket baatje or baaitje B.P. 9.21 tamarein tamarinde tamarind Sp. tamarindo. This name came o r i g i n a l l y from Arabic tamr hind!-, Indian date . 1 B.P. 9.22 laga Although t h i s verb i s derived from Iberian l a r g a r t there has been, no doubt, the influence of Dutch l a t e n "to l e t , to leave". Further d i s -cussion of t h i s w i l l follow under sy n t a c t i c calques, f pp. 215-217. De V r i e s , Nederlands Etymologisch YJoordenboek, p. 721. - 106 -B.P. 9.23 d i k i dik f a t , t h i c k ; The - i _ can he explained only by the G V G V preference, the influence from languages other than Dutch or an analogy with the diminutives, since dik i s an adjective and no diminutives are formed i n Dutch on a d j e c t i v e s . B.P. 9.28 b r e l b r i l glasses B.P. 9.28 nanishi neusje nose (dim.) Maduro: from Sp. p l u r a l n a r i c e s . I f t h i s i s so, then .j;t was possibly reinforced by Du. neusje. B.P. 10.4 wardami wacht op mij wait f o r me or me Sp. aguardar, but reinforced by wachten. B.P. 10.5 un t i k i een t i k j e or a l i t t l e b i t een t i k k e l t j e c o l l . een t i k k i e (See also under caiques.) B.P. 10.7 'tajo o_r .> tel-ropr , • . i ... p late or--dish tajd f o r food This word i s s t i l l i n use i n Zeeland. I t existed already i n M.N. (+ 1200 to + 1500) as t a e l j o o r and d i f f e r e n t other s p e l l i n g s , denoting l ) a dish, above a l l serving f o r the c u t t i n g of meat; 2) a cut. Prom French t a i l l o i r " c u t t i n g board",' a derivation, of . t a i l l e r ; Ir.. TAilARE "t©: split-, -- 107 -to cut". In other regions of The Netherlands i t i s t e l l e r with emphasis on the f i r s t s y l -l a b l e . T e l l o o r i s stressed on the l a s t one. B.P. 10.11 pik pikken to pick B.P. 10.15 l e n leunen to lean B.P. 10.16 un doshi d i een l u c i f e r s d o o s j e a match-box lusafe Dutch distinguishes between een l u c i f e r ( s ) -doos.je, which i s the container i> and een  doosje l u e i f e r s , which i s "a box of matches". Papiamentu does not seem to make that d i s t i n c -t i o n . In t h i s text Papiamentu has di_, the equivalent of E n g l i s h "of" and Sp. de, whereas i n Dutch the two nouns are i n apposi-t i o n . The word f o r "match" on Bonaire i s fofo from Sp. fdsforo, and on Aruba swafu from Dutch zwavel "sulphur". B.P. 10.29 danki B.P. 11-.-1 B.P. 11.4 dank ij e or dank U or dank neshi . nest je t/< ,r\-. . . mi ta gusta mi p l e i z i . thank you or: 4 thanks. • _ n-es\.(!dim:.'-')--,' . . . dat doet me p l e i z i e r . . . . that gives me pleiasure. Another case of the d e l e t i o n of - r . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the use of gusta as a personal verb with mi as subject, whereas - 108 -Spanish gustar i s an impersonal verb with me as i n d i r e c t object. Noteworthy too i s the tautology of the Spanish gustar and Dutch p l e i z i e r "pleasure". B.P. 11.16 k&fi k o f f i e coffee B.P. 11.18 pik bek (with which a beak b i r d picks — Du. root: p i k — and taps. No doubt influenced by Sp. pico. B.P. 11.26 kusinchi kussentje pillow, cushion Wood f e e l s that the word comes d i r e c t l y from French coussin, since the stress f a l l s on the second s y l l a b l e . As was seen i n t e l l o o r and t e l l e r , stress may change. Moreover, kussen already existed i n M.N., also with the s p e l l i n g cussi.jn, which would in d i c a t e that the l a s t s y l l a b l e was stressed, and cussin, diminutive cussenkijn. This i s noteworthy i n connection with what Maduro writes i n Ensayo (p. 64): "cushinki, cusinchi coxim (port., pron. coshin); cojxn (sp.) kussen(tje) ( u l . ) " . In other words: cushinki must be r e l a t e d to cussenkijn. - 109 -B.P. 12.6 kamber kamer room, M.N. camere bedroom L. CAMERA and CAMARA Old Spanish i s camera, modern Spanish camara, i n other words, the i n t e r t o n i c L a t i n vowel was not lo;st, so that i n Spanish the normal develop-ment of m' r ) mbr ( c f . HOMINEM hombre, Pap. homber) did not take place. However, Maduro (Ensayo, p. 87) l i s t s besides "kamer ( u l . ) " also "(cambra, gay. ant. /J5l& G a l i c i a n / ) " . The same phenomenon takes place i n Du. emmer > Pap. ember " p a i l , bucket", probably by analogy with kamber. The opposite took place i n PLUMBUM") Sp. plomo. B.P. 12.13 bora B.P. 12.14 k l a B.P. 12.17 kashi Awa 13.17 katuna geboord,, past part-.. of boren klaar .kast j e katoen d r i l l e d ready chest of drawers cotton or cotton-wool. I t i s also a shrub. katunbom = kapok "kapok" The equivalent i n Dutch of the expression baha  na katuna i s het hazenpad kiezen, l i t . "to choose the hare's path" or: zi.jn h i e l e n l i c h t e n "to take to one's heels". Baha na katuna must - 110 -r e f l e c t the f a c t that an animal hides himself under the shrubs. Awa 13.28 trupa troep f l o c k Awa 13.28 rondona to surround I t would seem that t h i s verb i s based on the Dutch prepo s i t i o n rondom "around". The verb to express rondona would be omringen, l i t . 'to put a r i n g ( c i r c l e ) around something", Sp. rodear. Awa 13.29 beheit commotion Although t h i s word would point at a d e r i v a t i o n from a Dutch word, I could not f i n d a s a t i s -factory explanation f o r i t . P o s s i b i l i t i e s were: laweit "noise, r i o t by workmen", now more common: lawaai "noise"; h e i b e l "a brawl, uproar" from Hebrew hewel "vanity"; hejbei, which i n the northern Netherlands means "a fussy, snappish woman", i n the southern Netherlands " f u s s " 1 , now haaiebaai "an aggressive woman". Then, I found i n Langedljk (p. 28): zo'n beheeftig  vent,je "such a fidgety, nervous fellow". Since i n seventeenth-century Dutch ee_ at times became e i (Weijnen, p. 30) and hi.j h e i t i s low-standard f o r hi.j heeft "he has", the West F r i s i a n beheeftig may be a p l a u s i b l e etymon f o r beheit. 1N. van Wijk, Franck's Etymologisch Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal ( 1s-Gravenhage: Martinus N i j h o f f , 1912 ;' r p t . 1949), p. 240. De Vr i e s , Nederlands Etymologisch  Woordenboek, p. 244, gives "coarse, quarrelsome woman". - I l l -The ee>ei_ change could also have taken place i n the M.N. beheeten "to threaten with something". Furthermore, behept met " a f f l i c t e d with" was f e l t to have a connection with hebben "to have" (De Vries) and could be the etymon of beheit, as could h e f t i g "turbulent, boisterous" with the p r e f i x -be. S t i l l another p o s s i b i l i t y — and perhaps the most p l a u s i b l e one - - i s the adjective heet "hot", i n Old North Frankish h e i t . In other words, beheit would be "a heated debate". Awa 13.31 warda d i p o l i s politiewachtpost p o l i c e station p o l i t i e pronoun-ced: ,/pc-"Mlsi/ Awa 14.5 hinca hinken to limp, hop play at hop-scotch Normally hinca means "to put i n , to put under", from Sp. hincar "to thrust, drive, plant". I t appears i n t h i s sense i n Awa 14.2: E l a  hinka e dos webunan bow d i su brasa "He stuck the two eggs under h i s arm". "To hop" i s Papiamentu coha from Sp. cojear. Awa 14.25 wak waken, u i t k i j k e n to look here: k i j k e n Masu 15.7 skol school school - 112 -Masu 15.9 Tur mainta e mama mester a lanta masha trempan. Iederen morgen moest de moeder heel vroeg opstaan. Every morning, the mother had to get up very early. Spanish haber menester; Portuguese: mister. Change of word c l a s s , which i s one of the phenomena of creole languages, but also influenced by Dutch mo est(en), past tense of moeten "must". Masu 15.10 famia f a m i l i e , o r i g . family pronounced /fa'mijs/ Wood l i s t s f o r f a m i l i e : f a m i l i and contrasts i t with /famia/ "family; family, surname"."'" For "surname, family" he l i s t s also "fam — Du. van, prep., "of, from!. Unusual development prep.^> noun." However, i n Dutch van i s i n t h i s context considered to be a noun: Wat (Hoe) i s  z i j n van? "What i s h i s l a s t name?" This must stem from the f a c t that so many Dutch names st a r t with van, i n d i c a t i n g o r i g i n , which was i t s e l f the r e s u l t of the Napoleonic decree that everyone should have a l a s t name. "Wood, ^Papiamentu," p. 117. "Wood, p. 116. - 113 -Masu 15.15 un "bleki d i buscuchi , een b i s c u i t b l i k j e a b i s c u i t t i n Buscuchi could be "from Dutch biscuit,]e "cookie" o r "beschuit je "Dutch rusk". In M.N. beschuit occurred i n the following forms; bischoo.t, bischuut, bischot, b i s c o t , bischuyt, buscuut. Cf. also Sp. bizcocho. Masu 15.29 popchi d i botter poppetjes van f l e s s e n gemaakt d o l l s made out of b o t t l e s An obsolete word f o r f l e s was b o t t e l . Masu 15.31 merdia middag or afternoon, noon, 's middags at noon Although derived from Sp. mediodia, the - r - may be by analogy with Dutch middernacht "midnight". Cf.. Diasabra, Sp. sabado with possible influence of Du. Zaterdag. Masu 16.'; 12 skref schreef l i n e drawn with p e n c i l or chalk, l i m i t ; here: s l i t Masu 16.33 "bio bloot only Dutch bloo.t has d i f f e r e n t meanings: adj. bloot "uncovered, naked"; as. adj. and adv. "simple, simply; sole, s o l e l y " . - 114 -Masu 17.11 skorpidn schorpioen scorpion Although the zo o l o g i c a l term i n Spanish i s escorpidn, the usual name i s alacran. Masu 17.22 welek weerlicht l i g h t n i n g Masu 17.31 mesla metselaar mason Masu 18.3 l u r loeren to peer, spy Masu 18.30 awa a skuma het water schuimde the water was foaming Masu 18.31 sak zakken to sink Masu 19.13 keshi kaasje cheese (dim.) Although the d i a l e c t a l form kees f o r kaas i s very wide-spread, Sp. queso and Port, .cjueijo may have reinforced the /e/. Masu 19.15 wairu waaier a fan Maduro in d i c a t e s that wairu i s popular language, whereas waaier i s used by cultured speakers of Papiamentu. Waya i s the verb "to fan oneself". (Ensayo, p. 130.) Masu 19.25 s t r o i s t o s t r o o i s t e r t j e f l o w e r - g i r l at a wedding Cf. strooien "to -strew". Ng. 1 2 0 . 5 krikinan krekels Du. krekel i s onomatopeic. al s o . c r i c k e t s Pip. k r i k i probably - 115 -Ng. 21.4 manera s a l d i n c h i a l s sardientjes ( i n een b l i k j e ) l i k e sardines ( i n a t i n ) Note the confusion of the l i q u i d s - r - and -1-. This phenomenon takes place i n other languages also, c f . Sp. p l a t i c a from L a t i n PRACTICAM.1 Ng. 21.4 stiwa stuwen to stow Ng. 21.8 haf haven a harbour Ng. 21.9 k l a klaar ( i n the clearly-sense of d u i d e l i j k ) Ng. 21.10 Sorsaka Zuurzak l i t , sour This i s the name of a pla n t a t i o n i n Curasao l a i d out before 1725. Sorsaca i s a plant, Anona muricata or sour-sop, zuurzak. d u l t i v a t e d on the Benedenwindse Eilanden, wild and c u l t i v a -ted on the Bovenwindse Eilanden. The name of the f r u i t zuurzak i s a folk-etymological corrup-t i o n of Tamil s i r u - s a k k e i . Ng. 22.5 plenchi p l e i n t j e a square (dim.) Ng. 22.4 hadrei gaanderij or a g a l l e r y , g a l e r i j verandah Pap. hadrei i s now "'aroom i n a house, the l i v i n g room.!1,. Galeri.j comes from Pr. g a l e r i e , I t . ' - gaT-leifia^ - 'Be" VMe s*. :tr a c e s ;--i t as - far'.? baVk a s "'"Robert K. Spaulding, How Spanish Grew (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967), p. 96. - 116 -G a l i l e a . 1 G-aelderie, with an epenthetic -d-between a l i q u i d and -er-, existed already i n M.N., galdery i n the seventeenth century. G-aanderi j i s a folk-etymological form of g a l e r i j , influenced by the verb gaan "to go". Ng. 22.20 koki kok (masc.) a cook kokkin (fern.) In the Dutch East Indies the cook was c a l l e d kokkie a l s o . Ng. 22.25 jonkuman Ng. 23.4 span Ng.. 23.5 huki Pep. 25.21 wal Pep. 26.8 k e i r u j onkman, j ongman, jongeman spannen, here: opensperren or inspannen hoekje walgen a young man to open wide o_r to s t r a i n a corner (dim.) to become nauseated to walk, s t r o l l kuieren; i n Zea-landic e i 3 u i i s normal Pep. 26.32 Su plumanan ta hole masha s t i n k i • Z i j n veren stinken v e r s c h r i k k e l i j k . His feathers are t e r r i b l y smelly. An i n t e r e s t i n g combination of hole, Sp. oler and stinki.,: .ad j . and adv., from Du. verb stinken. De V r i e s , Nederlands Etymologisch Woordenboek, p. 181. - 117 -Pep. 26.34 gom d i palu gom (and not: gum, r e s i n houtlijm! ) or hars Palu means tree, wood, pole. Pep. 26.34 (maron) k l a klaar; here: l i g h t - c o l o u r e d ; l i c h t van kleur, here: l i g h t i n casu: l i c h t - brown bruin Pep. 27.17 un klompi grandi d i gom een grote klomp gom a big chunk of r e s i n Pep. 27.32 pa e ankra su kurpa om z i c h te verankeren to anchor himself Pep. 28.4 sara gesard; past part, pestered of sarren Pep. 28.5 un bon sota d i bulpes (also spelled bolpees or bolpes) een goede slag met de bullepees a firm lash with the b u l l whip Pep. 28.6 s l a slaag (noun of a beating slaan); pak slaag Pep. 28.8 rondo prep., rondom around Pep. 28.10 dobbel Pep. 28.19 kowchi or; kouchi - 118 -double cage, p a r t i -c u l a r l y f o r bi r d s . Also chicken run, which i s the case here. short f o r Adolphus carriage, cart a l l e y , s t r e e t , narrow stre e t threshold, d o o r s i l l Thank you very much. o_r Well, thank you. Do. 29.23 tantan tante aunt In Papiamentu i t does not ne c e s s a r i l y show blood r e l a t i o n s h i p . Gf. Sp. t i a Mar-£a. Do. t i t l e D o l f i Do. 29.14 garoshi Do. 29.. 15 hanchi Do. 29.17 drempi dubbel; c o l l . and d i a l . : dobbel kooitje;. regional: kouwtje; M.N. couwe; kowchi d i ga-l i n j a = kippenren Dolf or Dolph or D o l f j e karosje (kar or wagen) gangetje drempel Do. 29.22 Bon danki. Wel bedankt. or Goed, dank U. Do. 29.23 Mena Mina, abbrev. of Wilhelmina g i r l 1 s name - 119 -Do. 29.24 bio here: slechts only Bio tof e r ku su galinjanan. Ze prutst a l l e e n maar (slechts) met haar kippen. A l l she does i s occupy h e r s e l f (fuss with) her hens. Do. 29.24 tofer Do. 29.28 un t i k i t r i s t u Do. 29.30 rankanan (plur.) Do. 29.31 pampuna (Cucurbita  pepo) Do. 29.32 baki l i t . toveren een t i k j e t r i e s t here: with adj. ranken (plur.) pompoen l i t . to prac-t i s e magic a l i t t l e sad sta l k s squash, pump-kin c i s t e r n Do. 30.5 seldu or selder Do. 30.11 kanika celery small jug, j a r bak (here not a diminutive) s e l d e r i j or sel d e r i e kanneke, now: kannetje -ke i s another s u f f i x f o r the diminutive. I t occurs mainly i n d i a l e c t s , but i s extensively used i n Flemish. I t may be preceded by epen-th e t i c l e t t e r s where necessary f o r ease of pronunciation. Do. 30.15 boshinan (plur.) bosjes bunches - 120 -Do. 30.19 lesa lezen to read Do. 30.28 Pero Pa Chein a wak un chens. Here: wak = Du. afwachten. Translation: However, father (no relationship) Chein was waiting for a chance. Sp. would be esperar• Do. 31.31 mespu mispel medlar (fruit) Do. 31.32 garashi garage garage Do. 32.2 banki bankje seat, bench Do. 32.5 ajo ajo good-bye, farewell Though from adios, i t may have come into Papiamentu from Malay-Portuguese via Dutch (Dutch East Indies). Do. 32.6 klap klappen, laten to crack (a klappen whip) Do. 32.6 zjwip ^sicj zweep whip also spel- M.N. swiep led shwiep Other M.N. forms were: swepe, zwepe, sweep, swiepe, suepe. Du. verb: zwiepen, "to swish, to lash". Do. 32.6 blachi blaadje leaf of a plant - 121 -Do. 32.16 r a l raar odd, strange, also: r a r rare, unwell and raar The -1 may well be under influence of Iberian r a l o , which came, with interchange of the two l i q u i d s -1- and - r - from L. RARUM. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that i t i s a case of d i s s i m i l a -t i o n . Do. 32.21 pushi poesje pussy, cat Do. 32.28 papa pap mush Do. 32.30 flektunan vlechten braids Do. 32.30 zoja or •" . zwaaien to swing, sway, zoya turn Some comment i s c a l l e d f o r with regard to the etymon zwaaien for. z d j a . The context i s : Tantan  Mena su dos flektunan tabata zoja bai b i n i . . . "Aunt Mena's two braids were swaying back and f o r t h . " Maduro mentions i n Procedencia, I I , 56, that Latour thought at f i r s t that the o r i g i n was to be found i n Du. zwaaien, but that, sub-sequently, he changed h i s mind. Unfortunately, no i n d i c a t i o n i s given concerning the l o c a t i o n of Latour's statement or about h i s l a t e r opinion as to the o r i g i n of zoya. Maduro himself gives Sp. a r r u l l a r "to l u l l " , claiming that the Spanish - r r - i s responsible f o r the z of zoya. - 122 -Jansen lists in his Nederlands Papiaments  Handwoordenboek: "zwaaien - zwaai, bira"; and in his Papiaments Mederlands Handwoordenboek: "zo ja - wiegen, schommelen". Maduro states further that the Dutch zwaaien does not have the meaning of "making a child sleep, lulling a child to sleep". Dutch says een kindje wiegen, that is, "to rock in one's arms". Jansen gives for wiegen; Pap. wieg, zoja. Schommelen =. to rock. It is noteworthy that a schommelstoel (schommel = swing; stoel = chair) "rocking chair" is stoel di zo.ja in Curacao. In Aruba, where we find more Spanish-derived words, i t is stoel di rabu l i t . "a chair with a ta i l " . "Suja, suja, kindje" is found in a Dutch lullaby. Do. 33.2 • lampi lamp lamp Do. 33.22 prikichinan parkietjes parakeets Prikichinan is the plural of prikichi, which came — with metathesis — from Du. parkietje. Do. 33.29 fula voelen to feel Do. 34.3 rek rekken to stretch Here: El a rek su kurpa "He stretched his body", that is, "he stretched himself". Papiamentu has no reflexive pronoun. It uses either the per-sonal pronoun or su kurpa. For more on the reflexive see pp., 185-189. - 123 -Do. 34.7 minit (pop.) minuut minuut ( c u l t . ) Do. 34.16 "Bon. Papia numa." minute (time) Could be from " A l r i g h t . Speak Dutch: "Goed. up then." Praat nu maar." Do. 35.5 wak Do. 35.7 skop bala Do. 35.11 konenchi Do. 35.15 f l e k t u waken, but here: to watch k i j k e n naar de bal schoppen to k i c k the b a l l k o n i j n t j e ( s ) r a b b i t ( s ) (dim.) Do. 35.22 plenchi vlechten ( t h i s time the verb) p l e i n t j e Do. 35.25 l a g a d i s h i to p l a i t , weave a square; here: an open space i n the woods l i z a r d (dim.) hagedisje Maduro derives i t from Sp. l a g a r t i j a "wall l i z a r d " ; Port, l a g a r t i x a (x = /^/) (Ensayo, p. 90). De Y r i e s (Nederlands Etymologisch  Woordenboek, p. 231) i s not c e r t a i n about the etymology of Dutch hagedis. I t i s a West Ger-manic word and i t may be, folk-etymology that has l e d to a connection with haag "hedge". M.N. was egedisse, egetisse, eggedisse, beside hagetisse, which meant " l i z a r d " as well as "witch", "hag" (Du. heks). Wood thinks of a mixed form from hagedisje and Sp. l a g a r t i j a . He also gives the a l t e r n a t i v e form r a g a d i s i . - 124 -Sti l l another possibility is that lagadishi' originated from el hagedisje, in other words, from the combination of the article and the noun, as is the case in lareina (although one may also find reina) "queen", laria "air", lama-n- "sea". Do. 36.7 stropi Do. 36.17 masashi stroopje massage, pro-nounced with syrup, treacle here: honey massage Sp. masa.je Do. 36.20 kalbas ' 3 ' kalebas pumpkin, squash, gourd The ultimate origin of the word is uncertain. It is found in Dutch since the sixteenth century, from Pr. calebasse, which came into French from Sp. calabaza in the sixteenth century."1' It seems most likely that kalbas came into Papiamentu via Dutch. Do. 36.30 kishiki onomatope to tickle The Dutch sav~kiesh-kiesh when tickling a child. The verb is kietelen". -'"Albert Dauzat, Dictionnaire etymologique de la languor  francaise (Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1938j, p. 129* - 125 -Do. 37.8 . kinipi this time; knijpen to pinch, to knip Do. 38.6 sen cent(en) cent or or or money cen geld Chi. 39.3 spula spoelen to rinse Chi. 39.4 tranke di datu is a phrase which should not go unnoticed. The Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse  Antillen lists "trankeer, omheining . . . van cactuszuilen, waarmee erven en tuinen of akkers worden afgezet", .in other words, "a fence formed by a row of cactus plants". The word must be derived from Sp. tranquera "palisade". In com-mercial documents,: wM t i en::..-in .Du,t.ch, sent from Curacpao to Holland around the year 1700, -the' •..; words trankeer and trankeeringe are found. The latter is particularly interesting, since i t would represent a Spanish word with a Dutch suf-fix. Chi. 39.7 konchi kommetje a small bowl or komchi Chi. 39.8 un pida suku di klenku Note di and compare with line 26/27: un pida suku  klenku• Por absence of di see section on caiques, p. 227. suku is suiker "sugar"; klenku, Du. klinker - 126 -"brick". Suku (di) klenku (Jansen s p e l l s sucu  k l i n k e r ) i s harde bruine suiker i n klinkervorm "hard brown sugar i n the shape of a b r i c k " . Chi. 39.10 kantu d i porta aan de kant van de deur at the side of the door The usual expression i s banda d i . Chi. 40.2 kui kooi cage to cafch also spelled game or a trap cui or cui f o r birds Cf. kowchi "bi r d cage", once the b i r d has been caught. In t h i s case the diminutive s u f f i x -t,je serves to indicate an actual diminutive. Chi. 40.18 f l o r i n f l o r i j n g u i l d e r Chi. 40.30 baki d i awa waterbak c i s t e r n Chi. 40.31 rbskam roskammen to curry Ros already i n M.N., v a r i a n t ors, "horse". Kammen i s "to comb". Chi. 41.1 k e i r u kuieren to s t r o l l Chi. 41.12 hember emmer p a i l , bucket For -mb- see kamber, p. 109. In l i n e 21, the s p e l l i n g i s hember. Jansen reserves t h i s f o r Du. gember, which occurs i n Maduro (Ensayo, p. 79) as ehember (Zingiber o f f i c i n a l i s ) "ginger". - 127 -Chi. 41.17 F o r t i het Fort the Fort Chi. 42.1 plenchi d i F o r t i het p l e i n t j e vddr het Fort the square i n front of the Fort Here plenchi i s a c t u a l l y a "square". In D o l f i 35.22 i t was an open space i n the woods. Chi. 42.12 trompet trompet trumpet Maduro believes t h i s word comes from Catalan. Chi. 42.13 jama ajo ajo roepen to c a l l good-bye, to bid farewell Ajo was used i n the Dutch East Indies and also i n Holland, although i t comes from Iberian adids. Chi. 43.2 Shon Carlo l o bin buska mi drechi. Shon Carlo z a l d i r e c t naar me komen zoeken. Shon Carlo w i l l s hortly come to look f o r me. I f the assumption that drechi comes from Dutch d i r e c t i n the sense of onmiddellijk "without delay" i s correct, then t h i s i s a case of e l i s i o n rather than addit i o n of a vowel. This would -be explained by the f a c t that d i r e c t i s often pronounced d'rek i n low-standard speech. - 128 -Chi. 45.19 I ramanan a sker su pia di karson. En de takken scheurden zijn broekspijpen. And the branches tore the legs of his trousers. Contrast sker /sk£r/ = Du. schaar "scissors" with sker /sker/ = Du. scheur, scheuren "a tear" and "to tear". In seventeenth-century Dutch e_e would, at times, replace eu (Weijnen, p. 27). Chi. 45.33 mik mikken to aim Note: mik riba, Du. mikken op "to aim at". Por comment on riba, see under caiques, pp. 172-178. Chi. 45.34 el a lbs e bala hij loste een schot he discharged the bullet Chi. 46.13 pushi-pushi zo zachtjes als een poes.je loopt as softly as a pussy walks Reduplication to indicate intensity. Chi. 46.14 un triki Chi. 47-15 respet Klof 50.23 kamper Klof 50.27. dekel Klof 53.26 kuu Klof 55.26 Spanjonan Nati 57.3 wak Nati 57.14 skerpi een trucje respect kamperen (root: kampeer) deken koeren (onomatope) Spanjolen bewaken scherp(e) a l i t t l e trick respect to be camping blanket to coo Spaniards to watch over sharp - 129 -Nati 58.28 zwai su zwaaien met z i j n to wave one's mannan handen hands Note that here zwai i s used and not zoya or zoja (see pp. 121-22 under Do. 32.30). Nati 58.29 Wespen Westpunt West Point This i s a v i l l a g e at the West Point Bay at the northern t i p of Curasao. heel klaar Nati 58.31 k l a - k l a Reduplication f o r i n t e n s i t y . very c l e a r l y MM 61.26 master 62.4 zoja mast already M.N.: mast and maste_ here: schommelen, wiegen, heen en weer zwaaien mast to swing, rock, r o l l . . . e barku a keda zoja r i b a anker . . . het schip bleef aan het anker heen en weer wiegen . . . the ship was rocking on i t s anchor Por zoja and zwaaien, see pp. 121-22. MM 62.11 d r i f or d r i ef .64.1 t r b s h i d r i j v e n , d i a l . : drieven tr o s j e to soar cable (nautical) e a r l i e r : bunch - 130 -64.1 jola jol dinghy, yawl MM 64.23 . . . i landa bai na e jola. . . . en hi] zwom weg naar de jol. . . . and he swam away to the dinghy. Here: na = Du. naar "to, toward". For further comment on na see pp. 168-172. MM 66.9 vlandam vlammen flames Vlandam is an interesting plural form. Nor-mally, i t would be vlamnan. Cf. apeldam, plural of apel, Du. appel "apple". MM , 66.28/29 rondo di e kandela rondom het vuur around the fire Note Spanish influence in di through analogy with alrededor del fuego. MM 66.32 penchi pinnetje or l i t t l e peg pennetje MM 67.15/16 Manuel a realisa ku loke el a mira move . . . Manuel realiseerde zich, dat wat hij had zien bewegen . . . Manuel realized that what he had seen moving . . . . The Spanish verb realizar "to accomplish" has not the same meaning as Pap. realisa. Dutch zich realiseren is a reflexive verb. As seen earlier, "bon papiamentu" has no reflexive - 131 -pronoun. Further comment on this subject may be found on pp. 185-189. MM 67.28 varios sorto di flecha allerlei soorten pijlen a l l sorts of arrows It would seem more likely that Pap. sorto came from Du. soort rather than from Sp. suerte. However, Portuguese has sorte. MM 67.29 Manuel a forsa pa . . . . Manuel forceerde zich . . . . Manuel forced himself . . . . Again, absence of a reflexive pronoun. MM 70.33 bom di e jola de bodem van de jol the floor of the dinghy MM 71.29 nodi nodig necessary MM 72.23 Spanja Spanje Spain MM 73.24 kokchi kokertje an elongated round case MM 73.24 kashi kastje cupboard - 132 -C. Words with Dutch or Romance etymologies. Where necessary f o r the context, a whole sentence may be quoted. Unless indicated otherwise, Spanish w i l l be the Romance source f o r the words i n the following l i s t . Exampie s: M.R. 5.4 Mushe Raton a hanja ku e mester subi un krenchi . . . . Mushe Raton vond, dat h i 3 wat op moest klimmen . . . . Mushe Raton f e l t that he had to climb somewhat . . . . Mester, Sp. haber menester "to need", ser  menester "to be necessary". The noun menester has changed i t s word cl a s s from noun to verb, which i s a normal phenomenon i n creole languages. No doubt, there i s an influence of the Dutch verb moeten "must", more p a r t i c u l a r l y of the past tense moest(en), though one can not ignore the Portuguese mister i n t h i s respect either. M.R. 5.8 The following example strengthens further the suggestion of Dutch influence: Sigur mester tabatin un den nan . . . . Er moest zeker een van hen z i j n . . . . For sure, there must be one of them . . . . - 133 -Papiamentu Dutch Romance English M.R. 5.10 pomada pommade pomada pomade M.R. 5.15 mama mama mama mother M.R. 5.24 koketa coquet coqueta coquettish (-t_ pro-nounced ) As mentioned on p.104 a few adjectives appear i n Papiamentu i n the Spanish feminine form. M.R. 5.1 pikete piquet piquete a fencing term M.R. 6.6 t r i s t u t r i e s t ( e ) t r i s t e sad M.R. 6.10 his a h i j s e n ; Pr. h i s s e r to h o i s t , d i a l . ; Sp. i z a r and haul hieschen Port, i c a r Both De Vri e s and Dauzat claim that Pr. h i s s e r (sixteenth century) came from Netherlandic. To t h i s should be added: i n i t s M.N. form, that i s , hischen. De Vries quotes "1461". M.R. 6.24 Mi ta b i r a persona d i a l t a kategoria. Dan word i k iemand van goeden stand. Then I become a member of the upper classes. B i r a i s obviously derived from Spanish v i r a r , a n a u t i c a l term f o r "to wind, twist". Pap. b i r a i s "to turn, s t i r , turn over, turn around, become". Por the l a t t e r , Spanish uses, among others, - 134 -another verb with the meaning of "to turn" i n order to express the sense of "to become", that i s , volverse. However, Pap. b i r a may well be the r e s u l t of a reinforcement by the regional past tense of the Dutch verb worden: seven-teenth-century and d i a l e c t a l wier (standard form: werd). Worden i s the a u x i l i a r y f o r the passive voice, but as an independent verb i t has also the meaning of to become. I t should be noted that the verb wieren "to turn, revolve" i s found i n M.N. M.S. 7.11 f i n i f i j n (fien) f i n o f i n e B.P. 9.25 hala halen halar to haul, (naut.) p u l l , rub, massage B.P. 10.22 ma maar mas but, however As mentioned on p.100, since the - r of the o r i g i n a l etymon i s often dropped, Dutch deri v a t i o n , rather then Romance, seems more l i k e l y . B.P. 11.9 un par d i een paar un par de a couple of (used i n l i t . a p a i r apposition) However, un par d i dia, Du. een paar dagen "a couple of days" i s i n Spanish unos dias. - 135 -Awa 13.28 trupa troep tropa Awa 14.2 Awa 14.3 polis politie policia warda di polis politie(wacht)post guardia de policia police guard, police station Awa 14.7 warda (verb) Awa 14.24 hiba Awa 14.18 , skupi (verb) Awa 14.19 skupi (noun) Awa 14.26 riska Masu 15.32 suku Masu 18.4 ronka wachten, also bewaken, bewaren heffen (cf. German heben) spugen with meta-thesis spuug (with meta-thesis) riskeren suiker ronken guardar llevar escupir a crowd, multitude flock police to wait, guard protect keep to bring, take, carry to spit escupido spittle arriesgar risk, dare azucar sugar roncar to snore - 136 -Ng. 20.12 solda soldaat soldado s o l d i e r Ng. 20.17 ataca attaqueren atacar to attack Ng. 20.18 lanza lans lanza lance Ng. 21.4 barku bark Pr. barque ship, Sp. barco ve s s e l boat Ng. 22.16 munstra demonstreren mostrar to show -n- through the influence of Dutch. Ng. 23.5 ;isaku zak saco sack Ng. 23.20 • -kalmu kalm calmo calm Ng. 23.29 b r i s a b r i e s b r i s a breeze Pep. 25.7/8 Dj o d j i t a b a t i n e mal mania . . . . D j o d j i had de manie . . • • D j o d j i had the bad habit . . . . I t should be. mentioned that Dutch manie i s stressed on the l a s t s y l l a b l e . Pep. 27.1 Do. 29.4 Do. 29.7 tronkon tronk s i h t i z i n t u i g porta poort tronco tree stump sentido brain, sense Port. door, gate-porta way Sp. puerta The /o/ may be ascribed to Dutch influence of poort or of Sephardic Spanish. Do. 29.30 planta planten plantar t© plant - 137 -Do. 29.32 palu paal palo s t i c k , pole Sp. palo i s " s t i c k , pole, timber, log, wood", but Pap. palu has here the Spanish American meaning "tree". There are many names of trees with palu: palu d i seda "cedar tree"; palu d i  f r u t a " f r u i t tree", as well as of objects made out of wood: palu d i c o r t i n a " c u r t a i n rod"; p a l 1 i h i l u "bobbin". F i g u r a t i v e l y : palu d i pia "shin" Do. 31.27 bolo bolus (a special Sp. bollo kind of pastry) Do. 31.34 kwartu kwart or cuarto kwartier Do. 35.34 kalma kalmeren calmar (verb) Do. 36.9 na naar Port. b6lo cake, pastry a quarter (of an hour) to calm to, toward Port, na Por more extensive comments on na see pp. 168-172. Do. 37.11 papa mushy, pasty papperig, p a p a pappig noun: pap In the combination papa soda" i t i s kletsnat, Sp. empapado "soaking wet (with p e r s p i r a t i o n ) " ; otherwise: papa mohd. - 138 -Do. 37.31 ripiti Do. 38.1 Do. 38.5 Chi. 39.6 demonstra repeteren or from  noun repetitie demon-streren conjugated  form of repetir demostrar to repeat to show Papa papa papa father fornu fornuis _ Iberian: stove f orno Beside fornu exists forneshi, which leaves no doubt as to derivation. It is from Dutch fornuisje . W e i j n e n l i a t a forneyzen for fornui-z e r r i n the seventeenth century. Chi. 42.5 ordu Chi. 42.22 komando Chi. 42.22 komandant Chi. 43.12 kalkula Chi. 44.7 patruja Chi. 46.23 lora order commando commandant calculeren patrouil-leren Lorre, name for a parrot orden comando comandante calcular patrullar loro, Span.-Am. lora order command commander to cal-culate to patrol parrot 13© -Chi. 46.30 bordo boord Chi. 47.12 bira loko (here: bira with ad j. ) Klof 50.1 fantasia Klof 51.9 rasca Klof 52.7 lanternu gek worden (wier) See pp. 133-134. fantasie (stress on last syl-lable) with meta-thesis of bordo (which itself may have come '/from Dutch) virar • board of ship < Dutch boord to become crazy fantasia phantasy rascar to scratch krassen lantaren or 1interna lantaarn lantern Old-Sp.: lanterna M.N. lanterne, laterne, latterne, dial, lanteren. Klof 52.18 te Klof 54.32 homber blanku Nati 57.1 grupo MM 64.9 detaje thee /te/ te de blanken los biancos MM 65.11 boto groep detail /detaj/ boot grupo detalle bote tea the white men group detail boat - 140 -MM 67.26 karko karakol caracol s n a i l From the context i t becomes cle a r that kuchu  traha d i karkd are knives made out of s n a i l -s h e l l . MM 71.11 kantu kant canto edge, border Noteworthy i s that here kantu d i te r a i s used fo r shore l i n e and that kantu d i awa i s found i n Ohiku 45.25 to express the same concept. MM 71.17 senjal signaal senal signal / s i f a l / D. Words adopted v i a Dutch from another language. Examples; Awa t i t l e labizhan dame-Jeanne Fr. dame- demijohn j eanne Masu 15.10 famia f a m i l i e Fr. f a m i l l e r e l a t i v e s (formerly pronounced /fa'mija/) Do. 52.24 Pai paai Port, pai da'ddy N. van Wijk states that paai probably developed from M.N. pade (now: peet) "godfather". 1 De Vries i s of the opinion that i t came from N. van Wijk, Etymologisch Woordenboek, p. 484. - 141 -Malayo-Portuguese, most l i k e l y v i a the Dutch East Indies. I t exists also i n Afrikaans. MM 7K23 pagai pagaaien Malay: pengajoeh paddle (verb) (noun: (for a pagaai) canoe) De Vries gives as etymon Malay pengajoeh. Gorominas l i s t s : PAGAYA, 'especie de remo •, 1884. Del malayo pangayong, por conducto del holandes y del f r . pagaye, 1686.1 G.B. van,Haeringen comments that older New Netherlandic pangaai was cl o s e r to the 2 Malay form. MM 71.23 kajuka kajak Eskimo: kayak kayak E. l o r d s or phraser combining Dutch, and Iberian elements., Examples: M.R. 5.7 barika-gel o_r barika-heel Iberian barriga " b e l l y " plus geel or gel or heel, Du. geel "yellow" gave barika-geel. The Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse A n t i l l e n ^-Joan Corominas, Breve d i c c i o n a r i o etimoldgico de l a Lengua -castellana (Madrid: Gredos, 1961). 2G.B. van Haeringen, Franck's Etymologisch Woordenboek der  Nederlandsche Taal, Supplement, 1936. - 142 -re f e r s from t h i s word to s u i k e r d i e f j e , l i t . " l i t t l e sugar t h i e f " (Coereba f l a v e o l a ) and gives as second name: Yellow breast. This may well be the bird's name on the E n g l i s h -speaking Bovenwindse Eilanden. Pep. 25.17 old s t i n k i Sp. olor "smell" plus a form of the Dutch verb stinken, possibly the gerund stinkend "stinking". Old i s here a noun; s t i n k i an adjective. Of. 26.32: Su plumanan ta hole masha s t i n k i , where hole i s a verb, Sp. ol e r "to smell", and s t i n k i and adverb. Do. 37.16 "Kon bo ke men?" Combination of Spanish: — ;.Que quieres decir? and Du. "Hoe meen je (dat)? "What do you mean?" Chi. 41.10 tas sera Du. tas(ch) "handbag, brie f c a s e " and Sp. cerrado "closed, locked", i n other words, "a bag with a lock". Chi. 41.24 hopi be Dutch derived hopi "many" and Sp. veces, "many times, often". - 143 F. Caiques. The caiques on Dutch in Ora Solo Baha may be divided into two sub-categories: 1) lexical caiques; i i ) syntactic caiques. Caiques that could be based on Dutch or Spanish form are not included. i) Lexical Caiques. Examples: Intr. Nos komo mucha . . . . line 5 Wij als kinderen We as children . • • • • M.R. 5.4 manera op de manier van like (adv.) M.R. 5.11 banda Since banda has numerous meanings, it will be dealt with under a special heading of its own. See pp. 164-166. M.R. 5.25 Mushe Raton a kinipi e dams un wowo. Mushe Raton gaf de dame een knipoogje Mushe Raton winked at the lady. - 144 -M.R. 6.3 Ma e para d i misa a traha un kara masha frepostu. Maar de kanarie trok een heel vri.jpostig gezicht. But the canary pulled a very i n s o l e n t face. M.R. 6.4/5 B'a mirami pa kende loko? Zag j i j mij voor gek aan? Did you take me f o r a f o o l ? M.R. 6.15 E blenchi a g r i t a h a r i . De c o l i b r i e g i l d e van het lachen. The humming b i r d screamed with laughter. M.R. 6.22 T'esei ta mi kuki. Dat i s voor mij gesneden koek. That i s my cup-of tea. -l i t . That i s my cookie. M.R. 7.2 sera kabes de hoofden aaneensluiten, Sp. cerrar  now: de hoofden b i j elkaar steken to get together i n order to scheme M.R. 7.3 Kestion ku t i n , De kwestie i s . . De zaak l i g t zo,*' dat. . . . En zo. . . . Hoe het z i j . . . . l i t . The question (case) i s that. . . . And, therefore. . . . Whatever the case may be. . . . - 145 -M.R. 7.9 Su dianan siguiente This is an idiomatic expression which is dif- . ficult to explain. It is in itself not a caique on De volgende dagen "the following days", but may have been influenced by the Dutch expression op zijn ouden dag "in his old age", l i t . "old days". M.R. 7.16 morto kansa doodmoe dead tired M.R. 7.19 pa pon'e traha mata su kurpa oi hem zich te laten doodwerken to have him work himself to death M.R. 7.21 Mushe Raton a sinti e palabranan korta te den  su alma. Mushe Raton voelde de woorden tot in zijn ziel snijden. Mushe Raton felt the words cut into his soul. M.R. 8.4 Mushe Raton i e dams raton a kasa su mes manise, Mushe Raton and juffrouw Muis zijn nog den vol-genden dag getrouwd. Mushe Raton and Miss Mouse got married the very next day. The very day may be translated into Dutch by de eigenste dag. For the use of mes in Papiamentu for the reflexive and, hence, cases where Spanish would have prppio see under mes - 146 -pp.185-189. I t should be noted that su mes her.e \is not the equivalent of -se i n Spanish casarse. For su see M.R. 7.9, p. 145. M.R. 8.5/6 te dia d i awe tot op den dag van heden u n t i l today B.P. 10.10 e barika-hel a b a t i a l a het s u i k e r d i e f j e heeft z i j n vleugels uitgeslagen the yellow breast spread i t s wings B.P. 10.26 te jena su barika jen-jen tot buikje-vullens toe u n t i l her b e l l y was f u l l l i t . u n t i l f i l l i n g her b e l l y f u l l - f u l l B.P. 11.3 Bas P i p i a dal un g r i t u h a r i . Bas P i p i gilde van het lachen. Bas P i p i screamed with laughter. Bas Pipi. went into screams of laughter. B.P. 11.20 "Bosnan sa kiko." "Weten j u l l i e wat." "You know what." B.P. 11.27/28 Un kentura a dal mi abow. Koorts heeft me neergeslagen. A fever has struck me down. - 147 -B.P. 12.8 a basha kansjon st o r t t e liedj.es u i t poured out songs B.P. 12.20 jama danki dank-je roepen to c a l l out "thank you" B.P. 12.26/27 te su dedenan a hasi dwe tot z i j n vingers p i j n deden u n t i l his..flingers hurt B.P. 12.28 Nan a . . . pasa un p l e i z i d i g r i t a Z i j hadden een gev/eldig ( l i t . schreeuwend) pleizier., They had a marvellous time l i t . They had a shouting fun Dutch om van te schreeuwen, Pap. d i g r i t a "to shout about" i s used to express the sense of excessive(ly), awful(ly), f o r example, een schreeuwend onrecht "a fl a g r a n t i n j u s t i c e " ; schreeuwend duur "outrageously expensive". Awa 13.26 . . . d i k i t a sombre, l i t . om je petje (hoed) voor af te nemen, i n other words, something fo r which you show respect (to take o f f your hat f o r ) . F i g u r a t i v e l y , something great, - 148 -impressive. Here: un zundra d i kita, sombre een geweldige s c h e l d p a r t i j a v i o l e n t brawl Masu 16.1 tramerdia (tras + mediodia) i n den namiddag i n the afternoon Masu 16.15 e chubatu d i ka b r i t u de geitebok ( l i t . de bok van de geiten) he-goat.; ( l i t . the buck of the goats ) Kabritu i s one of the non-Dutch words which appeared i n the commercial reports from around the year 1700. I t was made into kabriet, Iberian c a b r i t a " l i t t l e she-kid". There are about twenty words i n Papiamentu which show a differe n c e i n the gender of a person or animal,-and chubatu "buck" and k a b r i t u "goat" are an example of t h i s . In other cases the gender i s expressed by additi o n of some other words, such as homber "man", muhe "woman", hembra "female", chubatu, machu "male". 1 • E..R.; Goilo, Papiaments Leerboek (Aruba, N.A.: De Wit, 1968), P . 79. - 149 -Masu 17.8 Mi nomber ta G r i s t a l i n a . Mijn naam i s C r i s t a l i n a . My name i s C r i s t a l i n a . This can also be expressed by Mi jama C r i s t a l i n a , Du. i k heet C r i s t a l i n a . I f jama (also spelled yama) means "to c a l l " , ta has to be added. Mi jama Klaas = Ik heet Klaas "I am c a l l e d Claus", whereas Mi ta jama Klaas = I am c a l l i n g Claus. Masu 17.22 manera welek a l s de bliksem (het weerlicht) l i k e l i g h t n i n g Masu 18.27 dal un g r i t a een kreet slaken (slaken i s a cognate of slaan) to shout Masu 19.24 Tur hende a kome ran barika jen. Iedereen at z i j n buikje v o l . Everyone ate as much as he could. Ng. 20.4 Tabatin un fr i w ta korta. Het was snijdend koud. I t was b i t t e r ( l i t . cutting) cold. Ta + i n f i n i t i v e i s used to replace the present p a r t i c i p l e . - 150 -Ng. 20.26 koh'e" presu nam haar gevangen (cf. also pri.jsmaken) made her prisoner Ng. 2d.28/29 Nunka mas Mali a tende algu d i su mama. Nooit heeft Mali meer i e t s van haar moeder gehoord. Mali has never heard anything any more from her mother. This i s a case where there i s no double negative i n the Papiamentu sentence. This i s , no doubt, due to modern Dutch influence. On the other hand, i t should be mentioned that i n seventeenth-century Dutch there was also a double negative beside the single one (Weirjne'n, p. 7 7 ) . Ng. 20.31 hopi dia largu vele dagen lang (and not: vele lange dagen) many a day (and not: many long days) See also below, Pep. 26.23. Ng. 22.33 '' -kamb'er grandi de grote kamer l i v i n g room Ng. 23.21 luna maan(d) (and not Sp. mes) month - 151 -Pep. 26.15 drecha mi kold om mijn kleur recht te zetten i n order to make my colour r i g h t Pep. 26.25 un ora la r g u een uur lang (not een lang uur) one hour long, that i s , f o r the duration of an hour (not one long hour). Cf. Ng. 22.33 above. Pep. 27.15 e l a b a t i a l a bai hij' vloog klapwiekend weg he flew away, flapping h i s wings Por bai see syntactic caiques, p. 223. Pep. 27.16 manera hende loko op de manier van een gek l i k e a madman Pep. 27.25 hamber a but'e bai lew May be: h i j v i e l flauw van den honger he f a i n t e d f o r hunger However, from the context i t i s obvious that the rooster died.of hunger. This makes the caique a l l the more i n t e r e s t i n g , since i t shows a confusion of Du. vergaan /var'xa:n/ with stress on the l a s t s y l l a b l e , which means "to perish", with Dutch vergaan, with stress on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e , /'vgrxain/ "to go f a r " . - 152 -Pep. 27.25/26 den un r a t u d i ora i n den t i j d van een uur or i n een uur t i j d s ti.jds i s a genitive i n an hour's time Do. 29.21 "Kon ta ku tur hende?" "Hoe i s het met iedereen?" "How i s everyone?" l i t . "How i s i t with everyone?" Do. 29.27 maske ta un dos d i a a l i s het maar een paar dagen even i f i t i s f o r a couple of days maske = although, Sp. aunque. However, t h i s would not seem to f i t in t o the context. I t i s possible that misschien, d i a l e c t a l misskien "perhaps, possib l y " exerted some influence here. Do. 30.28 wak un chens naar een kans u i t k i j k e n here: z i j n kans afwachten to wait f o r a chance to await a chance Do* 31.17 D o l f i no por a pega sonjo drechi. D o l f i kon de slaap n i e t d i r e c t vatten. D o l f i could not immediately f a l l asleep. pegar i s klemmen "to clasp, get a hold of, to g r i p " . De slaap vatten i s l i t . "to grasp sleep". Por drechi see p. 127, Chi. 43.2 - 153 -Do. 32.2 d i l a n t i den e garoshi voor i n den wagen i n the f r o n t of the cart Do. 32.21 Mena a s a l i bin kontra nan, ku kacho ku pushi su t r a s . Mina kwam naar buiten om hen tegemoet te komen met de hond en de kat achter haar aan. Mena came out i n order to meet them with the dog and the cat following i n the rear. bin kontra = tegenkomen or: tegemoetkomen. bin = to come; kontra — l i t . against. Tegen-komen gives i n the f i r s t person: i k kom tegen, and tegemoetkomen: i k kom tegemoet, both mean "to meet". However, the f i r s t i s "to meet by chance", the second "to meet on purpose i n order to greet or welcome a person or to speak to him". Su tras i s i t s e l f not a complete caique: achter comes before haar (su) and only aan comes a f t e r haar (su). However, Nan ta kamna  su tras would be: Z i j lopen haar achterna. In other words, achterna comes behind ha?ar (su). An example of t h i s appears l a t e r i n this study, i n Ng. 20.25/2 6: un d i e soldanan a kore su  tr a s , Du. een van de soldaten rende haar  achterna "one of the s o l d i e r s ran a f t e r her" (see p. 219). - 154 -Do. 33.12 "Bati'e aden. . ." "Sla net naar binnen. . ." "Stuff i t down. . ." Do. 33.29 tur dos a l l e b e i both bo a dal e klabu r i b a su kabes je hebt de s p i j k e r op de kop geslagen you have h i t the n a i l on the head nos di nos banda wij van onze kant we f o r our part "Kiko asina?" "Wat dan zo a l ? " "Like what?" Do. 37.9 rondo d i e palu rondom de boom around the tree Instead of rondom de boom lopen Dutch would now use: om de boom heen lopen, both meaning "to walk around the tree". Maduro suspects influence from Catalan rodo. Rondom i s s t i l l current with a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t meaning. Do. 34.29 Do. 35.2 Do. 35.3 - 155 -Chi. 39.12 tanta grandi oud-tante l i t . groot(e) tante great-aunt Great-aunt i s Du. oud-tante, l i t . old-aunt. Pap. tanta grandi, l i t . grote tante, must "be by analogy with Du. grootmoeder "grand-mother". In Van Dam's Dutch-Spanish di c t i o n a r y oudje i s given as abuelito (?-a), vie.jecito (-a). Chi. 41.25 • . .ku jama Klaas . . .die Klaas heet . . .whose name i s Klaas Chi. 44.31 kore kabai paardrijden to go on horseback (to ride a horse) Cf. Sp. cabalgar. Chi. 42.12 supla alarma alarm blazen to" sound the alarm ( l i t . to blow the alarm) Chi. 43.4 nos mester para k l a wij moeten klaarstaan we have to be (stand) ready The caique i s based upon the word order i n the conjugated form, f o r instance, wij staan klaar. More about t h i s w i l l be said i n the section on separable verbs, p. 218. - 156 -Chi. 43.23 hanja 6rdu di order krijgen om to get the order to In Dutch krijgen "to get" and vinden "to find" may, in certain expressions, be interchanged: Ik heb het niet kurmen krijgen (when shopping) "I was unable to get i t " is often heard instead of Ik heb het niet kunnen vinden. Chi. 43.28 e garoshi a para ketu de wagen bleef stilstaan the wagon stopped This is a case of tautology, since para by itself is already stilstaan "stand s t i l l " , "to stop" and ketu is also s t i l . Chi. 44.21 Chiku a kunsumi te bira furioso Chiku at zich op van woede Chiku was consumed by fury (anger) Dutch consumeren = to eat Note: no reflexive in this sentence. Por comments on the reflexive see pp. 185-189. Chi. 46.11 Chiku por a hari te lora bow Chiku kon wel omrollen van het lachen Chiku could have rolled over from laughter om is here omver, that is, landing on the ground, which is reflected by bow "down". - 1 5 . 7 -Chi. 4 6 . 1 0 hala bai pariba gaan optrekken (or oprukken) to push on to, to move to Halar i s normally trekken i n i t s t r a n s i t i v e meaning "to p u l l something up". Note: pariba. Chi. 4 6 . 3 3 pero e biaha a k i maar deze r e i s but t h i s time, l i t . " t h i s journey" Modern Dutch i s maar deze ( d i t ) keer, maar.; d i t maal. Reis i n t h i s sense i s s t i l l found i n d i c t i o n a r i e s from the n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s . Chi. 4 6 . 3 4 kaminda grandi de grote weg highway Chi. 4 7 . 5 "Pero kiko a para ku e Fransesnan?" "Maar wat i s er met de Pransen gebeurd?" "But what happened to the Frenchmen?" Para should not be confused with pasa, Sp. pasar, Du. passeren, although the sentence could be translated by "Wat i s den Fransen  gepasseerd?" However, the caique i s on the phrase te staan komen, which means, among other things, "to r e s u l t i n " , although ku r e f l e c t s the met i n gebeurd met. - 158 -Chi. 47.10 e komandant a bin kontra nan dos de commandant kwam hen beiden tegemoet the commander came out to meet the two of them For bin kontra see Do. 32.21, p. 153. Note also: nan dos, Du. hen beiden, l i t . "them two", where Spanish would have los dos. Chi. 47.14 dia mi bira grandi als ik groot word when I grow up ( l i t . become big) Spanish would have 'fengrandecer or crecer  dia = when, that is, the day when ora = when, that is, the hour when Klo. 49.3 vakansi grandi grote vacantie summer holidays (for schools) l i t . great holidays Klo. 50.22 grandinan (noun, plural) grote mensen = volwassenen; here: ouders grown-ups, adults (groot = great) here: parents Grandi may also mean grootje, colloquial for grootmoeder "grand-mother"; also Du. oudje, diminutive of oud, Pap. bieu "old, an old person" or "little old grandmother". Grandi also "grandparents". See also Klof 55.26, p. 161. Klof 51.9 piedra tabata bio lora de stenen bleven maar (= slechts) roll en the stones did nothing but roll Klof 51.14 asina tantu zd zeer so much Although asina itself figures in older forms of Spanish and in dialects, the phrase asina tantu would seem to be a caique on Dutch zd zeer. Klof 51.21 i a wak ariba en keek op (= naar boven) and looked up Klof 51.22 Nan no por hole ku nos ta aki bow. Zij kunnen niet ruiken (figuratively), dat wij hier beneden zijn. They cannot smell that we are down here. Klof 52.6 nan a bati pan ku keshi zij sloegen brood met kaas naar binnen they gulped down bread and cheese Klof 52.17 pa siguransa voor alle zekerheid to be certain - 160 -Klof 52.25/26 nan a b i r a lomba z i j z i j n teruggekeerd they turned back B i r a < Sp. v i r a r "to twist", Du. keren (root: keer) "to turn"; lomba, Iberian lomo "back"; Du. rug. Sp. volverse de espaldas. In other words, z i j keerden naar de rugkant "they turned to the back". In Klof 52.24/25, the caique i s l e s s c l e a r : e muchanan a b i r a lomba pa bai de jongens keerden z i c h om om weg te gaan the boys turned around i n order to leave terugkeren = to return to a spot at a c e r t a i n distance; omkeren = to turn around on the spot. Klof 52.26 un f l e c h a a ronka pasa een p i j l snorde v o o r b i j an arrow whizzed by Du. snorren i s r e l a t e d to snorken "to snore". Another word f o r snorken i s ronken "to snore, to drone". Klof 52.27 tur dos a l l e b e i both Klof 52.27 Klof 52.27/28 Klof 52.32 Klof 53.6 Klof 53.15 Klof 55.16 Klof 55.26 morto spanta doodsbang frightened to death Ku rosea tur kortiku Helemaal buiten adem l i t . met zijn adem helemaal kort completely out of breath halando rosea pisa  zwaar ademhalend breathing heavily saka un kareda een weg nemen to take a road kla pa tira klaar om te schieten ready to shoot un par di klompi chiki een paar kleine klompjes a pair of small l i t t l e chunks su biewnan zijn ouders or grootouders his parents or grandparents - 162 -Klof 56.1 e muchanan a tuma despedida de jongens namen afscheid the boys said good-bye Nati 57.4 hanja sedu dorst krijgen to get thirsty For han.ia. = Du. krijgen see Chi. 43.23, p. 156, Nati 57.13 ku rabia den nan bista met woede in nun gezicht with an expression of anger on their faces Confusion of Sp. vista "sight" with Du. gezicht "sight, face". Nati 58.8 te ainda tot nog toe; nog steeds s t i l l Nati 59.18/19 Nati a ganj'e kara seku Nati loog tegen hem met een droog gezicht Nati was lying to him with a poker face l i t . a dry face - 16:3 -MM 64.5 bon na son jo wel i n slaap sound asleep MM 64.8 f a l s u v a l s mean MM 64.23 e l a sera djente h i j sloot z i j n kiezen op elkaar (also klemde) he closed h i s mouth t i g h t MM 64.32 d i s i d i d u gedecideerd (adv.) decidedly MM 65.10 Manuel su kurason tabata b a t i te den su garganta Manuel z i j n hart klopte hem i n de keel Manuel's heart was i n h i s mouth l i t . beat him i n h i s throat MM 67.6 no a dura muchu ku. . . het duurde n i e t lang, totdat i t did not take long u n t i l . . . MM 67.25/£6 p a r t i paden binnengedeelte (or: binnenkant) the inside MM 69.8 saku di karson broekzak pocket ( i n trousers) MM 73.16 bon bow goed onder well under A number of l e x i c a l caiques appear so frequently i n the pages of Ora Solo Baha that i t i s desirable to l i s t them under separate headings. In t h i s way, more j u s t i c e can be done to nuances of meaning. Banda ( d i ) . This preposition has been taken from one of the meanings of the Spanish noun banda "bank, border, edge", used, however, i n the extended sense of "neighbourhood", Du*, buurt, that i s , the part within the borders. I t may indicate place and d i r e c t i o n : i n de buurt van = naast "beside, near, next to" or time: omstreeks "around", composed of om "around" plus streek "region", hence an extension of buurt, plus the genitive - j s . Por naast c f . z i j n naaste "one's neighbour". Examples: M.R. 5.11 Mushe Raton a. . .bai para banda d i baki d i awa. Mushe Raton ging naast de waterbak staan. Mushe Raton put himself beside the c i s t e r n . B.P. 12.3 Bas P i p i tabata para banda d i bentana. Bas P i p i stond i n de buurt van het raam. Bas P i p i was standing near the window. - 165 -Chi. 40.15 e tabata sinta banda di pos hij zat naast de put he was sitting beside the well Klof 49.19 banda di Ascension in de buurt van Ascencion (a former plantation) near Ascencion Banda ,(d?i) may also be used with a personal pronoun or as an adverb. Examples: B.P. 12.30 banda di dje naast hem near him Nati 57.20 . para banda di dje naast'hem staande standing beside him B.P. 9.5 Tur hende ei banda tabata konose Bas Pipi. Iedereen in die buurt kende Bas Pipi. Everyone in that neighbourhood knew Bas Pipi. Chi. 46.19 den un kweba ei banda in een hoi daar in de buurt in a cave near there - 166 -Nati 59*33 banda d i seru d i San K r i s t o f i n de buurt van de San K r i s t o f berg near the San K r i s t o f mountain In i n d i c a t i o n of time; Masu 16.6 banda d i dies or d i mainta omstreeks t i e n uur i n den morgen around ten o'clock i n the morning B.P. 12.14 banda d i a t a r d i omstreeks den namiddag around the afternoon At times, banda may mean kant "side". Nos d i nos banda, Du. wij, van onze kant "we f o r our part". K l o f 49.16 Indjanan a bringa na banda d i Spanjonan. De Indianen vochten aan de kant van de Spanjaarden. The Indians fought on the side of the Spanish. Wood's statement concerning the prepositions " i n " and "on", that i s , that i n Papiamentu there i s a three-way d i s t i n c t i o n , /den/ "i n s i d e " , /na/ " i n " and / r i b a / "on" 1 does not seem to be supported by Lauffer's use of the various prepositions. The following may be said about them. Den " i n , i n s i d e " came from Iberian dentro "inside, within". However, Dutch i n "ln{' i n s i d e " may have had a r e i n f o r c i n g "H/ood, "Papiamentu," p. 60. - 167 -influence. It i s even possible that standard expressions such as i n den beginne " i n the beginning" or i n den dienst  van " i n the service of", where den i s a c t u a l l y the accusative masculine singular of the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e d_e, played a r 6 l e . In some cases, Pap. den has the meaning of por dentro "inwardly". Examples of den used i n the sense of ^ i n t o " , Du. i n or binnen, both of which may also be placed a f t e r the noun, are the following: Nati 59.1 Shon a laga tirami den pos. De Shon l i e t me i n de put gooien. The Shon had me thrown in t o the p i t . Nati 59 .19 /20 ta den mondi mi mester a bai ik moest het bos binnen (or in) gaan I had to enter the woods MM 65.7 kai den awa i n het water v a i l e n to f a l l i nto the water Compare, however, na awa i n MM 6 9 . 6 : . . . t i r a e k a r n i . . .na awa . . .het v l e e s . . . i n het water te gooien . . .throw the meat. . .into the water Other examples could be quoted to show that i n the s t o r i e s i n Ora Solo Baha, den and na are interchanged i n c e r t a i n expres-sions, and where den does not have the meaning of " i n s i d e " , - 168 -but rather "on": den tera, Du. op den grond ."on the ground" (Klof 53.1); a kai den dek, Du-. v i e l op het dek "on the deck" (MM 69.11); den bom d i e .jola "on the bottom of the dinghy" It should be mentioned here that i n seventeenth-century Dutch i n was sometimes also used with verbs of motion instead of aan or naar " t o " . 1 Na. Pap. na i s taken from Port, na = em " i n , at" plus a, the feminine singular d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e . However, i t must have been reinforced by Dutch naar or naar. . .toe "to, i n t o , on, toward", sometimes with the meanings of "from, a f t e r , at"; also aan. . .bi,j,..naar. . .beneden "onto"; tot.,- • .aan, t o t . . .o_p_ "as f a r as, u n t i l " . I t should be noted that i n the seventeenth century Du. na " a f t e r " and p naar were used i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y . Goilo states i n h i s Papiaments Leerboek that the Dutch prepos i t i o n naar remains untranslated i n most cases. His examples are: Mi ta bai cas. Ik ga naar huis. Mi ta bai cine. Ik ga naar de bioscoop. Mi ta bai stad cu auto Ik r i j d naar de stad. Mi ta bula bai Amsterdam. Ik v l i e g naar Amsterdam. Mi ta bai (mi) trabou. Ik ga naar mijn werk. Mi ta bai ar i b a . Ik ga naar boven. Mi ta bai abou. Ik ga naar beneden. Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse Taal, p. 105. Weijnen, p. 103. - 169 -The t r a n s l a t i o n of these sentences i s : I am going home. I am going to the movies. I am d r i v i n g to town (or downtown). I am going to my job. I am going u p s t a i r s . I am going downstairs. Goilo goes on to say that naar i s translated by na c h i e f l y when i t means "toward a thing". His examples: Mi ta bai na porta. Ik ga naar de^deur. Mi ta bai na bentana. Ik ga naar het raam. Mi ta bai (na) borchi. Ik ga naar het bord. Translated: I am going to the door. I am going to the window. I am going to the blackboard. He further states that with parts of a house, naar i s translated by den. His examples: Mi ta bai den mi kamber. Ik ga naar mijn kamer. Mi ta bai den cushina. Ik ga naar de keuken. Mi ta bai den banu. Ik ga naar de badkamer. Translation: I am going to my room. I am going to the kitchen. I am going to the bathroom. When naar indicates "to a person" i t i s transMed by cerca (G-oilo's s p e l l i n g ) : Mi ta bai cerca Meneer B. Ik ga naar Mijnheer B. toe. Mi ta bai (na) (cerca) Ik ga naar de dokter. dokter. - 170 -Translation: I am going to Mr. B. , I am going to the doctor. Examples of na i n Papiamentu with the value of Dutch naar i n Ora Solo Baha are: Chi. 44.19 Chiku a s i n t i k l a kon r a b i a a subi na su kabes. Chiku voelde d u i d e l i j k , hoe boosheid naar z i j n hoofd steeg. Chiku f e l t c l e a r l y how anger went up to h i s head. Chi. 46.25 k o r j e n d o d i un punta na otro van het ene punt naar het andere rennend running from one point to the other K l o f 54.9 e l a hi s a man na l a r i a h i j l i c h t t e z i j n handen op naar de hemel he l i f t e d h i s hands up to the skjr K l o f 55.19 Nan a hiba e Indjam na nan tentnan Z i j brachten den Indiaan naar nun tenten. They brought the Indian to t h e i r tents. MM 70.52 Nan a landa bai na e j o l a . Z i j zwommen weg naar de j o l . They swam o f f to t h e i r dinghy. G-oilo, Papiaments Leerboek, ,:5th ed., p. 44. - 171 -Naar in the sense of tot "to": Do. 36.9 E palabrua a dirigi palabra na e lagadishinan. De uil richtte zijn woorden tot de hagedissen. The owl addressed his words to the lizards. Naar in the sense of "into": M.R. 6.7 Mushe Raton a sinti kon lagrima a hera di basha na su wowo Mushe Raton voelde, hoe tranen bijna tot in zijn ogen opkwamen. Mushe Raton felt that tears almost welled into his eyes. Naar in the sense of "onto": Klof 54.26 e Indjan a kai drumi boka bow na swela de Indiaan is met zijn gezicht naar beneden op de grond gaan liggen .the.Indian went to lie down on the ground with his face down Note that naar beneden is here expressed by abow and op_ by na. Naar with the meaning of aan, bij• . .aan. MM 66.11 el a pone su dos man na boka hij zette zijn twee handen aan zijn mond cf. bracht zijn twee handen naar zijn mond he put both his hands to his mouth Do. 35.19 nan a jega na un seru zij kwamen bij een berg aan they arrived at a mountain - 172 -MM 69.7 Ora e l a jega na e karabela. . . Toen h i j b i j de karavel aankwam. . . When he a r r i v e d at the caravel. . . In the two foregoing examples the meaning of jega has been reinforced by na. Naar i n the sense of tot aan, tot op "as f a r as, u n t i l " : Ng. 21.10 te na e asiento tot aan de asiento as f a r as the asiento Chi. 45.4 te na ora reinforced by te tot op het uur u n t i l the hour Riba. Pap. r i b a i s derived from Spanish a r r i b a "above, high, on high". However, i t has adopted the meaning of Dutch o_p_ and i n "on" and " i n " . Occasionally i t kept the o r i g i n a l Spanish meaning. Examples: 0 £ I n t r . - s i n t a - r i b a : s t u p i l i n e 2/3 . " ... opr.de -stoep z i t t e n to s i t on the potfch B.P. 12.17 n^n- a keda drumi r i b a kashi z i j z i j n b l i j v e n slapen op_ het kastje they stayed '(overnight) sleeping on the chest - 173 -Do. 33.34 Compare: D o l f i a k a i drumi pechu ar i b a ; D o l f i ging met z i j n borst naar boven liggen, i n other words: op z i j n rug; D o l f i l a y down with h i s chest up, that i s , on h i s back; and: r i b a su pechu, which would mean op z i j n borst "on h i s chest" ( i n other words: with h i s back up_). Do. 34.29 a dal e klabu r i b a su kabes sloeg de«;spijker op_ *.<&-e--' kop he h i t the n a i l on the head Do. 37.2 a kargu'e r i b a e paniweri legden hem op_ de brancard put him on the stretcher Chi. 40.9 pa e sinta r i b a dje om er op_ te z i t t e n to s i t on i t ( i . e . , the horse) Chi. 42.14 el a keda manera kos pega r i b a e banki h i j bleef a l s vastgeplakt op_ de bank z i t t e n he remained seated on the bench as i f glued to i t - 174 -Klo f 55.23 i s i g u i biba r i b a kdsta d i Venezuela en bleef op_ de kust van Venezuela wonen and continued to l i v e on the coast of Venezuela MM 70.30 r i b a dek op het dek also: aan dek on deck At other times, one may f i n d den dek. Ng. 23.2 gatiando r i b a man ku p i a op handen en voeten sluipend crawling on a l l four F i g u r a t i v e l y : K l o f 50.30 nan a s a l i r i b a kaminda z i j z i j n o_p_ weg gegaan they got under way Klof 51.1 no tabatin muchu t r a f i k o r i b a kaja er was n i e t v e e l verkeer p_p_ straat Note not op de straat there was not much t r a f f i c i n the street Klof 53.9 lastrando r i b a nan barika op nun buik kruipend crawling on t h e i r b e l l i e s - 175 -Direction: M.B. 17.5 i a bai para riba muraja en hij ging staan o_p_ de muur and he went to stand on the wall Chi. 42.23 a sali riba plenchi is op het pleintje naar buiten gekomen came out onto the square Chi. 43.19 pon'e riba un garoshi en zetten hem op_ een kar and put him on a wagon Chi. 45.9 subi riba e kabai op het paard te gaan zitten to mount the horse Chi. 45.32 el a pone drumi e skopet riba e baranka hij legde het geweer op_ de rots neer he put the gun on a rock Nati 58.17 a subi para riba un baranka zij zijn op_ een rots gaan staan they put themselves on a rock MM 67.8 buta nan man riba su kabes legden hun handen oj_ zijn hoofd put their hands on his head - 176 -In time expressions: M.R. 5.1 riba un bon dia op een goeden dag l i t . on a good day B.P. 11.7 riba e mesun dia op denzelfden dag Miscellaneous: B.P. 10.5 sinta riba mi bentana l i t . zittend op_ mijn raam raam must be raamkozi.jn "window s i l l " here sitting on my window (sill) An interesting phenomenon is its use in the following phrases: Pep. 25.7 tabatin rabia riba hij was boos op_ he was angry with Chi. 43.10 su bista a kai riba e kaha grandi zijn oog viel op_ de grote kist his eye fel l upon the large chest Chi. 44.14 • • .a tira riba nan . . . schoot op_ hen . . .fired at them - 177 -Chi. 46.4 el a mik riba hij mikte op_ he aimed at Klof 51.14 e amhiente stranjo a traha asina tantu riba e dos amigunan, ku. . . de vreemde atmosphere heeft zodanig op de twee vrienden ingewerkt, dat. . . the strange atmosphere had such an impact on the two friends that. . . Klof 54.7/8 el a mira e dos skopetnan di-rig.i rjLba dje hij zag de twee geweren o_ zich gericht he saw the two guns directed towards him MM 68.8 munstrando riba e pos wijzende op_ de put pointing at the well With the sense of Du. over "over, about" Do. 30.8 Dolfi a papia riba baimentu Dolfi sprak over het gaan Dolfi talked about going Chi. 48.7 El a pasa man riba e kabai su klina Hij liet zijn hand gaan over de manen van het paard He passed his hand over the manes of the horse - 178 -Nati 58.29 te nan a pasa r i b a Wespen totdat z i j over We.stpunt vlogen u n t i l they flew over Westpoint The following usage i s i n t e r e s t i n g : Awa 14.16 E l a pensa r i b a kos t r i s t u H i j dacht aan i e t s treuri-gs He thought about something sad. Spanish would have pensd en "thought about". Span, en = Du. op_, i n , Pap. r i b a . Hence the quoted phrase with pensa r i b a . Spanish pensar  de "to think of, have an opinion of" i s Dutch dertken over. However, Du l l a e r t wrote i n 1657: eer dat i k op te landen dacht, which would now be eer i k aan landen dacht "before I was thinking of landing"j(Weijnen, p. 84). One may conclude from t h i s example that there may well have been reinforcement from seventeenth-century Dutch i n the case of pensa r i b a . Ng. 20.7 Su s i n t i a pasa r i b a tur e amargura. . . Haar gedachten gingen over a l l e b i t t e r e dingen. . . Her mind went over a l l b i t t e r experiences. . . - 179 -Serka. Spanish cerca "near, close by, nigh" has taken on a different meaning in Papiamentu serka (also spelled cerca), namely that of Dutch bi.j "at, with", probably because cerca is in Dutch vlak bij "close by". Serka may also mean naar "to, toward". Examples; Do. 29.27 bo ta bin pasa un dos. dia serka nos ,-ji-j komt een paar dagen bi.j ons doorbrengen you will come to spend a few days with us Do. 32.22 Dolfi a bin serka nos Dolfi is naar ons toegekomen or: bi.j ons gekom Dolfi has come to us Do. -37.13 "Nos ta ban serka tantan Mena?" "Gaan we naar tante Mina?" "Are we going to Aunt Mina?" Do. 38.3 Dolfi a bolbe serka su hendenan Dolfi is bi j zijn familie teruggekomen Dolfi has returned to his family Chi. 43.34 e no a keda serka e kabai hij is niet bi.j de paarden gebleven he did not stay with the horses - 180 -Nati 58.7 D j o w i l i a jega serka Nati D j o w i l i i s bi.j Nati aangekomen D j o w i l i came to Nati Jega i s here used with serka, since Nati i s a person. In MI 69.7 (p. 172) .jega i s used with na because of karabela "the car a v e l " . However, serka has, at times, also the Spanish meaning of "close by", Du. vlak b i j , d i c h t b i j , dichterbi.j. For d i , also spelled f o i or f o ' i . The Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie* mentions t h i s as possibly from an "Indian" source. 1 Although i t was more l i k e l y derived from Port, f o r a , Sp. fuera de "out of, outside of, besides, i n addit i o n to", the Papiamentu phrase f o r d i i s used f a r more i n the sense of Dutch van. . .af; van. . . u i t ; r e s p e c t i v e l y vanaf, vanuit, which were f o r a long time not accepted as correct Dutch; van. . .af aan; van. . .£p_; van. . .weg; u i t "from. . .down; out of. . .; from. . .on; from. . .up; away. . .from, from", i n other words, i n the meaning of Spanish de or desde. Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-Indie, p. 548. - 181 -Examples: Chi. 45.26/27 e l a baha f o r d i kabai h i j kwam van het paard af he came down from the horse Chi. 42.29 f o r d i awe marduga vandaag, van den vroegen morgen af aan today, from daybreak on Chi. 39.11 f o r d i seis or d i mainta van zes uur i n den morgen af aan from s i x o'clock i n the morning on M.R. 6.26 f o r d i ora ku van het uur, dat. . .af aan from the time that he entered on B.P. 11.16 f o r d i sink'or van v i j f uur af from f i v e o'clock on Klo f 51.33 f o r d i den l a r i a van de lucht u i t from the sky K l o f 53.11 f o r d i direkshon vanuit de r i c h t i n g from the d i r e c t i o n Chi. 43.16 for di swela van de grond op_ from the ground (up) Pep. 26.13 for di mi kurpa van mij weg away from me Nati 57.24 for di e luga aki van deze plek weg away from this spot Masu 15.14 for di e shon su kas uit de Shon zijn huis from the Shon's house Chi. 39.6 for di den fbrnu uit het fornuis out of the stove Chi. 39.2 e lanta for di sonjo hij staat op uit zijn slaap he gets up from his sleep Pep. 28.5 . . .lastra Djodji for di den awa . . .haalde Djodji uit het water . . .dragged Djodji from the water - 183 -Klo f 54.3 nan a bula s a l i f o r d i rama z i j z i j n van tussen de takken u i t te voorschijn gesprongen they jumped f o r t h from among the branches MM 71.16 e l a mira . . . s a l i f o r d i e mangelnan h i j zag . . . u i t de amandelbomen steken he saw . . . come out from among the almond trees Indications of time and parts of the day form another group worth mentioning separately. In Ora Solo Baha the following may be found: Masu 16.1 tramerdia (tras + mediodia) i n den namiddag i n the afternoon Masu 16.2 te kwat'or d i a t a r d i t o t v i e r uur i n den middag u n t i l four ©J-clock i n the afternoon The context i s i n t e r e s t i n g . The complete sentence reads: Anto tramerdia nan ta drumi  te kwat'or d i a t a r d i . Do. 31.34 Kwartu pasa d i un Kwart over een At a quarter past one Note: no preposition before kwartu and kwart. - 184 -Chi. 41.6 tur Diaweps mainta iederen Donderdagmorgen every Thursday morning Klof 50.30 Dialuna mainta tempran Maandagmorgen vroeg early Monday morning Klof 51.5 banda di och'or di mainta omstreeks acht uur fs morgens or: omstreeks acht uur in den morgen around eight o'clock in the morning Klof 53.18/19 Un tres kwartu di ora despwes Een drie kwartier later Three quarters of an hour later Note un = Du. een "a" before tres, and also the use of the singular in Dutch kwartier after drie "three". After a numeral no plural ending is necessary in Papiamentu, unless the numeral is preceded by the definite article or a possessive adjective. It can, therefore, not be determined here whether kwartu is in the singular or the plural. Klof 56.1 Diasabra mainta Zaterdagmorgen Saturday morning - 185 -K l o f 59.15 Banda d i un or d i merdia Omstreeks een uur 's middags At about one o'clock i n the afternoon Note here merdia not tramerdia. Dutch varies also between 's middags and namiddags. Nati 59.17 awe mainta hedenmorgen t h i s morning MM 62.1 mitar d i sinku h a l f v i j f . h a l f past four In contrast to the Spanish method of i n d i c a t i n g time f o r example, l a s ocho "eight o'clock", Dutch uses the singular, acht uur and not uren. One may wonder whether t h i s accounts for Pap. or instead of ora, which i s singular and under c e r t a i n circumstances also p l u r a l . Mes. Papiamentu mes i s derived from Iberian mesmo or mismo. Papiamentu does not d i f f e r from the contributing languages Dutch and Spanish i n that the pronouns are the same f o r the d i r e c t object, i n d i r e c t object and the r e f l e x i v e i n the f i r s t and second persons singular and p l u r a l . However, there i s a difference i n the t h i r d person singular and p l u r a l , where Dutch has z i c h and Spanish s_e f o r both - 186 -singular and p l u r a l . Papiamentu has four p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r expressing the t h i r d person r e f l e x i v e , that i s , by 1) kurpa "body" preceded by the possessive adjective; 2) e_ (singular) and nan ( p l u r a l ) ; 3) e_ mes (singular) and nan mes ( p l u r a l ) ; 4) su mes ( s i n g u l a r ) . The following comments may be made concerning the above: 1) Maduro considers the use of kurpa preceded by the possessive adjective the purest way to express r e f l e x i v i t y i n a l l persons singular and p l u r a l . 1 An example from Ora  Solo Baha i s the following: Pep. 27.17 pa e ankra su kurpa om z i c h te verankeren i n order to anchor himself 2) This use of the d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t object pronoun f o r the r e f l e x i v e as well was also a feature of seventeenth-century Dutch (Weijnen, p. 49), so that t h i s could be a case where Dutch exerted an influence on Papiamentu. A West F r i s i a n never uses z i c h i n speech, but says H i j wast 'm "he washes himself" (Langedijk, p. 83). 3) The a d d i t i o n of mes to the pronoun i s becoming more frequent and i n places where Spanish would not add mismo• I consider t h i s , therefore, a caique on the Dutch use of the Maduro, Bon Papiamentu,-pp. 7-8; Observacion- i Apuntenan  tocante E l papiamento: l a lengua c r i o l l a de Curazao (Santiago"  de C h i l e , 1928j d i Dr. Rodolfo Lenz (Corsou: n.p., 1967), pp. 12-17; and Papiamentu: Errornan d i Diccion i Traduccion (Corsou: n.p., 1966), passinu - 187 -personal pronoun plus zelf, where zelf does not necessarily serve to indicate emphasis. This may be confirmed by the fact that in seventeenth-century Dutch forms like sijn selve(n), zijn zelf, syn eigen selven, sy selven appear for the third person reflexive, beside sick, sigs, sichs. In' the second person one may find di jn selven "yourself" (Weijnen, p. 49). In the southern part of The Netherlands or in the speech of older or uneducated people this would be the possessive adjective plus eigen, l i t . "own". This may account for the fact that Papiamentu applies mes also in cases where Spanish would have propio. 4) The above-mentioned use of eigen may also explain why in the third person singular su mes, no doubt a caique on zijn eigen, z'n eigen, exists beside e mes and is more frequently used than the latter. Often, the concept of reflexivity is not expressed at a l l , for example: Chi. 44.21 Chiku a kunsumi te bira furioso Chiku at zich op van woede l i t . Chiku ate himself to the point of getting furious Certain verbs which are now reflexive in Dutch were not so in the seventeenth century. Por example: vermaken, now zich vermaken "to amuse oneself" and verblijden, now zich  verblijden "to rejoice" (Weijnen, p. 74). This phenomenon could have been of influence on Papiamentu. - 188 -In other instances, r e f l e x i v i t y i s expressed by circum-lo c u t i o n s , such as b i s t i pana "to dress (oneself); k i t a  pana "to undress (oneself)", whose equivalents i n Dutch and Spanishare ref1exive. Mes f u r t h e r assumes the meaning of Dutcii z e l f s , nog and z e l f s nog "even", " s t i l l " , "the very". Examples taken from Ora Solo Baha are the following: M.R. 6.16/17 • • • rebaha mi mes mi i.jzelf vernederen lower myself Nati 60.1 Nati a mara su mes Nati bond z i c h z e l f vast Nati t i e d himself M.R. 8.3/4 su mes manise nog den volgenden morgen the very next morning Awa 13.6 Ta nada mes z e l f s n i e t s not even a thing Masu 18.13 masha duru mes  z e l f s nog harder even louder - 189 -Pep. 28.3 i a basha poko g r i t u masha mahos mes en h i j stootte enkele z e l f s nog l e l i j k e r kreten u i t and he uttered a few s t i l l u g l i e r c r i e s Chi. 40.12 su mes kabai z i j n eigen paard hi s own horse Papiamentu does not follow the Spanish pattern of verb + r e f l e x i v e pronoun f o r the r e c i p r o c a l r e f l e x i v e , but uses otro to express r e c i p r o c i t y . Although t h i s could have been taken from the Spanish uno(s) a o t r o ( s ) , which i s added only f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n or emphasis, i t i s f a r more l i k e l y that otro i s a caique on Dutch elkaar = elkander (elk + ander) "each other". Examples: Kl o f 50.21 Nan a p r i m i n t i otro Z i j beloofden elkaar They promised each other MM 73.11 E dos amigunan a keda mira otro De twee vrienden bleven elkaar aankijken The two f r i e n d s kept looking at each other The assumption that otro i s a caique on elkaar i s confirmed by MM 73.12: s i n papia ku otro, Du. zonder met elkaar te praten "without t a l k i n g to each other"; and MM 65.13: tras  d i otro, Du. achter elkaar "one a f t e r the other". - 190 -It i s debatable whether the demonstrative adjectives and pronouns are a caique on Dutch. The adjectives are, with buki "book": e buki a k i , e buki e i and e buki aya " t h i s book", "that book" and "yonder book". The Dutch emphatic forms are d i t boek h i e r , dat boek daar and dat  boek ginder. Since t h i s t h r e e f o l d d i s t i n c t i o n i s common to both Dutch and Iberian, e.g. Spanish aqui (aca), a hi, a l i i ( a l i a ) , the Dutch usage may have acted as a r e i n f o r c e -ment. The demonstrative pronouns are esaki, e s e i , esaya; 1 Dutch deze or d i t ( h i e r ) , die or dat (daar) and die or dat (ginder) " t h i s one", "that one", "that one yonder". Again, the Dutch forms may be considered a reinforcement. However, the demonstratives enter into phrases such as e i fo, aki den, pa esei = pesei, den esei , e i banda, which d e f i n i t e l y appear to be caiques on Dutch daarbuiten "out there"; hierbinnen " i n here"; daarom, daarover "for that reason, because of i t " ; daarop = op dat ogenblik "at that moment"; da a r b i j , daar i n de buurt " i n that neighbourhood". E i i s used not only f o r daar, Sp. a l i a , but also f o r Dutch er, i n i t s meaning "there" (unstressed). Esun ku„.-is • compar'abl-e -to-Dutch - degene, die or diegene, die "he who", "she who", "those who", "the one who". Degene i s formed from de_ plus gene "the" + "yonder one". The d e r i v a t i o n of the Papiamentu forms i s as follows: ei<ahi, aya ( a j a ) f a l i a , esei either from e plus e_i with connecting -s-, or from e_s, an older form of the demon-s t r a t i v e pronoun, plus ei_. Likewise esun<e plus -s_- plus un, or e_s plus un. - 191 -Examples: M.R. 5.13 den esei daarop on that moment M.R. 5.19 djei = den ei daarop thereupon M.R. 6.22 T'esei ta mi kuki Dat is voor mij gesneden koek That is my cookie M.R. 7.17 ei bow daar beneden down there B.P. 9.5 ei banda daar in de buurt in that neighbourhood Do. 35.20 ei tras daarachter behind i t Do. 35.22 ei den daarin therein - 192 -Chi. 42,,34 aki den hierbinnen in here Chi. 43.1 ei fo daarbuiten out there Chi. 45.19 pesei = pa esei daarover l i t . over dat about that Chi. 46.4 ei tras daarachter behind it . l i t . behind there Chi. 48.1 pa e kabai ei voor dat paard daar for that horse there Chi. 48.4 p'e mucha aki (p'e = pa e) • voor dezen jongen hier for this boy here Klof 49.25 pesei daarom for. that reason Klof 51.19 aki bow hier beneden down here - 193 -Klof 51.10 ei daar there MM 62.17 nan sa kaba ku nos t'ei (= ta ei) zij weten al, dat we er zijn they know already that we are there Nati 57.23 esun ku kome salu degene die zout eet the one who eats salt The adverbs paden; pafo and patras are, no doubt, . caiques on Dutch naar binnen; naar buiten and naar achteren. Examples: MM 71.4- bai paden naar binnen gaan to go inside Ohi. 44.23 sali pafo kwam naar buiten came outside MM 72.31 mas patras verder naar achteren farther behind - 194 -Patras may be found as a prepo s i t i o n as w e l l : Do. 32.3 E saku . . . a bai patras den garoshi De zak . . . ging achter i n de wagen The bag . . . went into the back of the cart and paden occurs as the a d j e c t i v a l part of a compound noun i n : MM 67.25/26 ku nan p a r t i paden kora met hun rode binnengedeelte with t h e i r red inside - 195 -i i ) Syntactic Caiques. The subject of syntactic caiques forms possibly the most challenging part of t h i s study because an attempt w i l l be made to show that c e r t a i n of the features considered generally to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of pidgin or creole l a n -guages as a r e s u l t of s i m p l i f i c a t i o n may, i n the case of Papiamentu, very well be due to Dutch influence,, e s p e c i a l l y seventeenth-century Dutch. The syntactic caiques may be categorized as follows: 1. Omission of the D e f i n i t e A r t i c l e . One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l i s t e d by H a l l i s the use of nouns without d e f i n i t e or i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e . 1 Goilo states i n h i s Papiaments Leerboek that the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e £ has a very demonstrative meaning and i s used only when i t i s absolutely necessary to indicate a d e f i n i t e person or object. I f one says e buki, e mesa, e s t u l , one i s r e f e r r i n g to a s p e c i f i c book, table or chair. Por that reason the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e £ i s omitted i n many cases .-or, replaced by un. He gives the following examples: De vrouw i s de g e z e l l i n van de man. Muhe ta companera d i homber £r Un muhe ta companera d i un homber. De koning van Engeland. Rey di In g l a t e r r a . H a l l , Pidgin and Cr eole.'Language s, p. 8. - 196 -But: E rey cu a muri na ana. . . . De koning, die i n het jaar . . . gestorven i s , De pauw i s een mooie vogel. Un pauwis ta un para bunita. In West F r i s i a n , one of the contributing d i a l e c t s , the phenomenon of the i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e ' s r e p l a c i n g the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n statements of general f a c t occurs as w e l l . Langedijk gives the following example: Een koe i s 'n herkauwend dier, Dutch De koe i s een herkauwend dier "the cow i s a ruminating -animal" (p. 129). Marguerite Saint-Jacques writes the following about the omission of the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n Guyanese: In Guyanese, nouns do not have to be accompanied by a determinant l i k e the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e f o r French and therefore may occur i n the utterance without any determination, f o r instance /zozd sate/ 'birds sang'. In the absence of any determinant, the noun standing alone expresses a generic concept or an undetermined p l u r a l i t y and i t corresponds to French des. However, when a determinant i s used, i t w i l l have a greater p r e c i s i o n than i n French l e , l a ; French l a femme could mean either 'any woman1 or 'a c e r t a i n woman'; i n Guyanese /fam-a/ always points to a s p e c i f i c woman 'the one about whom I speak'. Therefore, /a/ i n Guyanese stands between the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e and the demonstrative.2 However, i n the case of Papiamentu, a comparison may be made with seventeenth-century Dutch usage i n the omission of the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e .','Weijnen o f f e r s the following examples. The d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i s often l a c k i n g before a proper noun ^Goilo, Papiaments Leerboek, p. 15. Marguerite Saint-Jacques Fauquenoy, "Guyanese: A French Creole," pp. 33 -34 . - 197. -preceded by an a d j e c t i v e , e.g. s t e r c k e n Samson "strong Samson"; w i t h nouns which i n d i c a t e t h a t something i s unique i n i t s k i n d , e.g. a l l e deelen van C h r i s t e n h e i t " a l l p a r t s of Ghristiandom" ( i n Hooft, B r i e v e n ) ; onder maen "under /Jthe/moon"; i n hemel " i n /ftiJ7sky". The d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i s f u r t h e r omitted, i f the nouns are s u f f i c i e n t l y d e f i n e d from the context: d i e v i n g e r op den mont l e i .it "who l a y s /his/ f i n g e r on h i s mouth"; ,naer s t a d t "to town"; op s t r a n d "on /they 7 beach". Some of these examples show t h a t E n g l i s h does not always add the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e e i t h e r , whereas modern Dutch does. One of the authors of the p e r i o d , S i x , omits the a r t i c l e before the name of the r i v e r Mansannares; Goster w r i t e s voor aer, modern Dutch voor den ander " f o r the other". Other authors, too, leave out the a r t i c l e before ander. Another case where the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i s omitted i s w i t h s i n g l e nouns which represent an o f f i c e , rank or p o s i t i o n . Weijnen g i v e s the example: Rechtschapen vaendrigh  moet en w i l by 't vaendel sterveni. "/the7 r i g h t e o u s ensign must and w i l l d i e by the banner". On the other hand, Bredero does use the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e before a proper noun. I t a l s o stands before a class-noun p l u s proper name: De  Keyzer Geta "the emperor Geta"."1" Other than the examples from G o i l o quoted on p. 195, the absence of a d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e may be found i n the s e c t i o n Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse T a a l , p. 70. - 198 -on na, pp. 168-172 of t h i s study, e.g. hai cine, na porta, na bentana, den cushina, na l a r i a , na swela, unless one would consider the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e to be included i n na, as i t i s i n Portuguese na. In some cases Lauffer leaves out the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e with rank, even i f a s p e c i f i c person i s r e f e r r e d to. In others he adds i t . Examples: Chi. 48.1 gobernador a puntra de gouverneur vroeg the governor asked Chi. 48.9/10 G-obernador ku komandant Pe gouverneur en de_ kommandant The governor and the commander Chi. 44.25 e l a bi s a e_ komandant h i j z e i tegen den komandant he said to the commander 2. Omission of the i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e before otro. Lauffer writes i n Ora Solo Baha sometimes otro and some-times un otro f o r "another". The former i s Spanish, the l a t -t e r Dutch usage, een ander. - 199 -Examples: Chi. 46.6 tras di otro baranka achter een andere rots behind another rock but Chi. 46.5 di un otro franses van een andere Fransman of another Frenchman One may wonder whether in the following example the absence of the definite article in seventeenth-century Dutch before ander influenced Papiamentu: Chi. 46.25 di un punta na otro, where modern Dutch would have: van het eene punt naar het andere (note first het) from one point to the other 3. The Use.of the Possessive Adjective. Another feature which Papiamentu has in common with Dutch is that instead of using the definite article: with parts of the body and articles-of clothing, as is usual in Spanish, i t takes the possessive adjective. Examples: M.R. 5.19 pa mi penja mi kabei om mijn haar te kammen in order to comb my hair - 200 -Awa 14.2 e l a hinka e dos webunan bow d i su brasa hij stopte de twee eieren onder z i j n arm he stuck the two eggs under h i s arm Pep. 27.31 i a span su pianan en strekte zi,jn poten and stretched h i s legs Chi. 40.29 habri su kurason z i j n hart open te leggen to open up h i s heart Nati 58.18 nan a span nan brasanan z i j strekten nun armen u i t they stretched out t h e i r arms Chi. 45.18 i ramanan a sker su p i a d i karson en de takken scheurden z i j n broekspijpen and the branches tore the legs of h i s trousers 4• The adverb. There are three kinds of adverb of manner i n Papiamentu: 1) those that are taken over i n the exact form i n which they appear i n Spanish, that i s , formed on the feminine form of the adjective, which does not exi s t i n Papiamentu, plus -mente. Examples from Ora Solo Baha are: MM 65.24: rapida-rn ente ; MM 66.19: unikamente; B.P. 10.30: libremente and i n B.P. 11.3: libramente. 2) those which are constructed with circumlocutions, which i s also Dutch and Spanish usage: Pap. cu cariffo; Du. met l i e f d e ; Sp. con c a r i n o . " l o v i n g l y " . - 201 -3) In most instances, Papiamentu follows the Dutch example where adverbs have the same form as the corresponding a d j e c t i v e . In a few idiomatic expressions Dutch has wel and Papiamentu the a d j e c t i v a l form bon. An i n t e r e s t i n g feature of the Papiamentu adverb i s that, as i n Dutch, i t may take the diminutive form. In Dutch one f i n d s flauwtjes. " f a i n t l y " , s t i l l e t j e s " quietly", i n Chi..46.18: a kuminsa b i r a sukuritu " i t began to get a l i t t l e dark". Examples from Ora Solo Baha are: Nati 57.14/15 E punta . . . a buta e bestianan su p i a sangra masha mahos. De punt . . . deed de poten van de koeien heel l e l i j k bloeden. The point . . . made the legs of the cows bleed very badly. Nati 57.15/16 Dolo a buta e bakanan g r i t a t e r i b e l t r i s t u . De p i j n deed de koeien v r e s e l i j k t r e u r i g l o e i e n . The pain made the cows low t e r r i b l y sadly. Examples of adverbs and adverbial phrases of place and time may be found on pp. 183-185 and 191-194. 5• Genitive marker a f t e r nouns. Papiamentu has two ways of i n d i c a t i n g possession. One i s the use of su " h i s " and nan " t h e i r " a f t e r the noun de-noting the possessor. This i s a caique on c o l l o q u i a l Dutch z'n ( z i j n ) f o r the masculine singular and nun f o r the mas-culine p l u r a l , d'r (haar) "her" f o r both feminine singular and p l u r a l . Por instance, de pastoor z'n koe "the p r i e s t ' s cow", l i t . "the p r i e s t h i s cow"; de pastoors nun koeien "the p r i e s t s ' cows", l i t . "the p r i e s t s t h e i r cows". One - 202 -may even hear de pastoors d'r koeien. The same phenomenon occurred i n seventeenth-century Dutch. Both i n c o l l o q u i a l Dutch and Papiamentu t h i s use of the genitive p a r t i c l e i s permitted when the possessor i s animate. Su and nan may also be used i n t h i s fashion a f t e r pronouns and other parts of speech denoting that group. Examples: B.P. 11.8 den Bas P i p i su kura op Bas P i p i z 1n erf i n Bas P i p i ' s yard Masu 15.14 Mi shon su kasa Mevrouw d'r man Mylady's husband MM 67.6 Manuel su kurason Manuel z 1 n hart Manuel 1s heart Lauffer seems to use su instead of nan f o r the t h i r d person p l u r a l , which would indicate an influence from the Spanish possessive adjective f o r the t h i r d person singular and p l u r a l : su. The following i s an example of t h i s . Chi. 43.23/24 e Fransesnan su intenshon de Fransen hun bedoeling the Frenchmen's i n t e n t i o n - 203 -B.P. 10.16 e para s_u kans j on de vogel z'n l i e d the bird's song Chi. 46.5 esei su skopet die z'n geweer h i s (with emphasis) gun MM 64.30 e eseinan su k l a r i d a d die d'r helderheid the c l a r i t y of those Klof 50.26 Kada uno su b i s i k l e t a Ieder z'n f i e t s Each one's b i c y c l e The second way i n which Papiamentu may i n d i c a t e posses-sion i s by dir. •_ _ Examples: Pep. 26.29 un amigu d i mi een vriend van mij a f r i e n d of mine i n which d i mi i s a caique on Dutch van mi j , c f . Sp. un amigo mio, but also un amigo de e l . Masu 17.11 un k r i a d_i nos een bediende van ons a servant of ours Cf. Sp. un criado nuestro - 204 -Chi. 48.25 e kabes d i su kabai het hoofd van z i j n paard the head of h i s horse Ng. 20.27 tur e kasnan d i su t a t a a l l e huizen van haar vader a l l of her father's houses In other words, a construction which ex i s t s both i n Dutch and i n Spanish. Du. also a l  haar vader*s huizen. The question a r i s e s whether t h i s construction was made necessary by the presence of tur i n t h i s case. 6. The Use of k i i n Exclamations. Lenz quotes two exclamatory sentences: Ki un d i s t a n c i a denter estado d i bjda d i nan dos! -iCuanta d i s t a n c i a entre e l estado de vida de e l l o s dos! and F r i t s a yega kas, ma den k i un estado! -Frederico l l e g o a su casa, pero ien que estado! Lenz adds t h i s observation: Aqui se t r a t a probablemente de una imitacion s i n t a c t i c a de una frase holandesa, correspon&i.ente - a l Ingles ,what a state.1 Lenz, E l papiamento, p. 165. - 205 -The D u t c h t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e s e s e n t e n c e s w o u l d he : Wat een  v e r s c h i i i n ( l i t . a f s t a n d t u s s e n ) de s t a n d v a n hen b e i d e n "What a d i f f e r e n c e i n s t a t u s be tween t h e two o f t h e m ! " and F r i t s kwam t h u i s , maar i n wat v o o r een t o e s t a n d ! " F r e d came home, b u t i n what a s t a t e ! " Wood c i t e s t he se ^examples and giv.es. t h e f o l l o w i n g comment apou t t h e l a t t e r : The mode l i s c l e a r l y Du . wat een t o e s t a n d . Such a c o m b i n a t i o n o f " w h a t " and t h e i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e wou l d be i m p o s s i b l e i n S p a n i s h ; c o n t r a s t Sp . i e n que e s t a d o ' . l A l t h o u g h i n t h e s e n t e n c e f r o m Mushe R a t o n ( 6 .16/17 ) K i m i s h i  ami a k i r e b a h a mi mes i k a s a ku un l a d r o n ( w h i c h ha s t o be t r a n s l a t e d f r e e l y a s ¥/at z o u i k me met een d i e f i n l a t e n  en me v e r n e d e r e n d o o r met hem t e t r o u w e n ! "Why w o u l d I g e t i n v o l v e d w i t h a t h i e f and l o w e r m y s e l f by m a r r y i n g h i m ! " ) k i i s n o t f o l l o w e d by t h e i n d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e , one may wonder w h e t h e r i t i s a n o t h e r c a s e o f D u t c h i n f l u e n c e i n an e x c l a m a -t o r y s e n t e n c e . Two o b s e r v a t i o n s s h o u l d be made h e r e : l ) i n t h e c o n s u l t e d copy o f L e n z , E l p a p i a m e n t o , a w r i t t e n n o t e i n t he m a r g i n s a i d poco c o r r i e n t e , w h i c h may e x p l a i n why t h e s e n t e n c e q u o t e d above i s t h e o n l y example f ound i n Ora S o l o Baha ; and 2) Lenz d i d n o t know D u t c h , b u t ba sed h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s on h i s knowledge o f German and E n g l i s h . I n Ora S o l o Baha a l l o t h e r e x c l a m a t o r y s e n t e n c e s a r e i n t r o -duced by e s t a , e . g . M.R. 6 . 12 : A i , e s t a un a n g e l b u n i t a . "Oh , what a b e a u t i f u l a n g e l ! " 'Wood, " P a p i a m e n t u , " pp . 6 6 - 67 . - 206 -7. Pa. Por the use of p_a under Dutch influence, Wood gives the example "/ta taha pa huma/ 'no smoking, i t i s forbidden to smoke' Du. verboden te roken." 1 Verboden te roken i s short f o r Het i s verboden om te roken. Pa serves here as the l i n k i n g element between the two verb forms. Wood con-t r a s t s t h i s with Spanish se prohibe fumar, es / s i c / 7 pro-p hibido fumar. In the examples which Lenz gives f o r p_a (which he c a l l s a preposition) where i t stands f o r Spanish para que, the Dutch meaning i s om te "to, i n order to". He writes further: La frase con p_a espresa l a idea del j u i c i o apodictico que en espanol se i n d i c a por e l uso del subjuntivo. Es notable que esta construccion del i n f i n i t i v o con pa corresponde exactamente a l uso de l o s i n f i n i t i v o s en! l a s lenguas jermanicas /si£7 c o n l a s preposiciones to en ingles, _te en holandes, zu en aleman, que indican l a d i r e c t i o n , e l f i n del verbo gramatical-It should be kept i n mind that, i n the seventeenth century, Dutch knew the use of a preposi t i o n before an i n f i n i t i v e without the i n t e r p o l a t i o n of te, as i s required now. Weijnen states that the group om + i n f i n i t i v e i s p a r t i c u l a r l y frequent i n writings of that period."^ This Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 64. Wood, p. 64. Lenz, E l papiamento, p. 181. "Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse Taal, p. 83-- 207 -may explain the f a c t that i n Papiamentu p_a i s not followed by ku (as i n Sp. para que) and that joa i s present before i n f i n i t i v e s i n the f i r s t place, since Spanish has i n such cases simply the i n f i n i t i v e . The pa-construction may, therefore, j u s t i f i a b l y be ascribed to Dutch influence. That p_a governs a subjunctive may be concluded from the f a c t that the verb following i s not preceded by ta. Dutch opdat = p_a may be used with the subjunctive. Among the examples taken from Ora Solo Baha there are also a number where p_a i s Du. zodat "so that", the meaning of which i s only s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from opdat. The difference i n usage i n Papiamentu and Spanish i s that p_a with a f i n i t e verb may be used — and, indeed, i s f a r more frequent i n Ora Solo Baha than with an i n f i n i t i v e — even when the subjects of the main and subordinate clauses are the same. Although ta does not appear i n subjunctive forms — since ta i s i n essence the Spanish esta of the , progressive tense, which i s only very r a r e l y used i n the subjunctive — the f i n i t e verb can s t i l l be distinguished from the i n f i n i t i v e by the presence of the personal pronoun, Dutch allows both constructions: Ik ga naar huis om nog wat te lezen "I am going home ( i n order) to s t i l l read a l i t t l e b i t " and Ik ga naar huis, zodat (or opdat) ik nog wat kan  lezen "I am going home, so that I w i l l s t i l l be able to read a l i t t l e b i t " . It i s , therefore, again quite possible to see i n the Papiamentu use of p_a an influence from Dutch. Pa and ku may both appear a f t e r ke "to want" and other verbs which take the subjunctive, such as propone "to - 208 -propose", i n order to introduce the subordinate clause. In other words, p_a may take the meaning of "that" i n such cases. Prom the more than eighty examples from Ora Solo Baha the following may s u f f i c e . ( i t should be noted that i n Papiamentu the subjunctive e x i s t s i n the present tense only.) K l o f 55.17 Ademas ta duru p_a molestia e Indjan su sintimentu. Bovendien i s het hard om de Indiaan's gevoelens te_ kwetsen. Besides, i t i s cru e l to hurt the Indian's f e e l i n g s . MM 63.13/14 Ojeda l o s a l i . . ., pa bai deskubri . . . . Ojeda z a l . . . uitvaren om te gaan ont-dekken . . . . Ojeda w i l l go out . . . i n order to d i s -cover. . . . MM 67.20/21 Menatao a kombida Manuel p_a bai mira kas d i su t a t a . Menatao heeft Manuel uitgenodigd om het huis van z i j n vader te gaan bekijken. Menatao i n v i t e d Manuel to go to look at his father's house. MM 62.18 Ban tera anto jaa mos mira. Laten wij dan aan land gaan, opdat we kunnen gaan k i j k e n . Let us go ashore then i n order that we can have a look. - 209 -63.9 Manuel a keda ketu, p_a Juan Luis no rabia mas ku ne Manuel h i e l d z i c h s t i l , opdat Juan Luis niet nog bozer op hem zou worden Manuel kept quiet, so that Juan Luis would not be s t i l l angrier with him 63.19 i p i d i ' e p_a bai ku ne en vroeg hem met hem mee te gaan or: om met hem mee te_ gaan and asked him to come along with him MM 69.14 p_a e por kore bai skonde zodat (opdat) h i j z i c h zou kunnen verschuilen i n order that he would be able to hide himself Nati 57.29 ku ta masha d i f i s i l p_a kome kuminda s i n salu dat het erg m o e i l i j k i s om voedsel te_ eten zonder zout that i t i s very hard to eat food without s a l t Do. 37.24 Pa Chein no ke p_a bo bolbe b i r a mankaron Pa Chein wil n i e t , dat j l j weer mank wordt Pa Chein does not want you to get lame again MM 62.6/7 Vespucci a propone p_a nan drent'e, p_a hanja . Vespucci stelde voor, dat z i j hem zouden binnengaan om . . . te_ vinden Vespucci proposed to enter i t (the i n l e t ) i n order to f i n d . . . - 210 -8. Ta. Ta i s the verb "to be". It i s ,used. before most verbs i n the present tense. Such an i n d i c a t o r i s very common i n Creole languages. I t i s obvious that Pap. ta i s derived from Iberian estar, used to form the progressive tense. I t was, therefore, heard frequently by those who were exposed to Iberian speech. This o r i g i n may be shown by the fa c t that c e r t a i n verbs do not take ta, such as ta i t s e l f , t i n "to have", por "to be able to", sa or sabi "to know how", conoce "to know",that i s , "to be acquainted with", mester "must", ke_ "to want". Papiamentu d i f f e r s from Spanish i n that ta i s followed by the i n f i n i t i v e , rather than by the present p a r t i c i p l e . I t should be added here that Dutch has to use circumlocutions f o r the progressive tense and that the combination of the verb zi.jn "to be" plus a present p a r t i c i p l e i s rare. Esta llorando has to be trans l a t e d by hi.j i s aan het hu i l e n "he i s crying", c f . Portuguese estar a chorar "to be crying". Dutch-derived verbs and dal do not have a present p a r t i c i p l e . The progressive tense i s l i t t l e used i n Papiamentu and mostly replaced by other forms, e.g. by the simple tense or by a phrase of na plus noun formed on the verb i n q u e s t i o n p l u s -mentu. Goilo gives the following examples;. Mi y i u a b i n i cas na yoramentu "My son came home crying"; Nos a pasa brug na cantarnentu "We crossed the bridge singing"- (G-oilo, p. 95). In order to express - 211 -emphasis, that i s , to imply "I am eating at t h i s very moment", one can use the progressive tense: Mi ta comiendo, but also Ta come mi ta come. In t h i s construction ta i s added to verbs with which i t normally i s not used, e.g. ta ke mi ke, ta mester mi mester. Mi a han'e skirbiendo may also be expressed by Mi a han'e ta s k i r b i ' (which ..could well be under the influence of Dutch Ik vond hem aan het schrijven) "I found him w r i t i n g " . 1 Perhaps the same may be true of Do. 29.16 ta den jega "he i s a r r i v i n g " . There are other uses of ta where Dutch influence i s more evident. One of them i s ta f o r Du. er i s , er z i j n "there i s " , there are", Sp. hay. .Awa 13.6 Ta nada mes. . . Er i s z e l f s n i e t s . . . There i s not even a thing. . . .Ta: may also i n d i c a t e emphasis, probably as a caique on Dutch Het i s . . ., e.g. Het i s n i e t mijn 66m maar mijn tante, die verhuizen w i l , shortened to: Niet mijn 66m maar mijn  tante w i l verhuizen "(It i s ) not my uncle but my aunt (who) wants to move". Examples from Ora Solo Baha: Awa 13.24 Ta mi amigu t o t e k i a regala mi nan. Het i s mijn v r i e n d i n de boomhagedis, die ze mij gegeven heeft. (Mijn v r i e n d i n de boomhagedis. . .) My f r i e n d the tree l i z a r d has given them to me. These examples are taken from G-oilo, p. 95. - 212 -Pep. 25.9 Sigun Peperin ta e so tabatin drechi d i kanta kokojoko. . . . Volgens Peperin was h i j de enige, die het recht had te kraaien. . . According to Peperin, he_ was the only one who had the r i g h t to crow. . . . Ghi. 47.26/27 Ta e mucha aki a skapa nos t u r . Het i s deze jongen, die ons a l i e n gered heeft. It i s t h i s boy who has saved us a l l . I t should be noted that Papiamentu omits the ku, die "who". The inverted form i s het i s used i n Dutch to place emphasis i n a question. Por example: Is het morgen of  overmorgen, dat de boot vertrekt? "Is i t to-morrow or the day a f t e r to-morrow that the boat i s leaving?" and Is het n i e t zo, dat mussen u i t Europa z i j n gekomen? "Isn't i t that sparrows have come from Europe?" In Papiamentu the inversion of subject and verb does not take place i n questions, as i t does i n Dutch. In cases where the sentence does not s t a r t with an i n t e r r o g a t i v e , i n t e r r o g a t i o n has to be indicated by intonation or the question has to be introduced by ta_, following the Dutch pattern of a sentence with emphasis, even where Dutch would not have i t . The combination of ta plus i n t e r r o g a t i v e may also be found. - 213 -Examples: Awa, 13.21 "Unda b'a s a l i ku webu?" "Waar ben je met de eieren vandaan gekomen?" "Where did you come from with the eggs?" Nati 59.16 "Ta unda b'a hinka bo kurpa?" "Waar had je je verborgen?" "Where did you hide y o u r s e l f ? " Klof 55.15 "Ta kwantu or. . .?" "Hoe l a a t . . .?" "At what time. . .?" Ng. 22.24 "Ta ken ta Ngano?" "Wie i s Ngano?" "Who i s Ngano?" Ta appears also i n i n d i r e c t questions: MM 67.34/ Manuel su lenga a k i s h i k i pa puntra Menatao 68.1 ta unda nan ta hanja oro. Manuel's tong was geprikkeld om Men..-atao te.vragen, waar z i j goud vonden. Manuel's tongue was i t c h i n g to ask Mena-tao where they found gold. Papiamentu uses ta plus i n f i n i t i v e where Spanish would have the present p a r t i c i p l e or que + a f i n i t e verb and Dutch the i n f i n i t i v e . - 214 -Example: M.R. 7.17 Den esei el a tende dos t r u p i a l . . . ta  bisa . . . Op dat ogenblik hoorde h i j twee tr o e p i a l e n . . . zeggen . . . At that moment he heard two t r o o p i a l s . . . saying . . . Spanish: Entonces entendi dos t r u p i a l e s . . . diciendo (or: que decian) . . . 9• The r e f l e x i v e . For comments on the r e f l e x i v e see pp. 185-189. 10. The passive voice. Maduro devotes a chapter i n Bon Papiamentu to the wrong use of the passive voice and states that Papiamentu adheres to the active form (pp. 43-45). Wood writes: The passive voice i s formed with the a u x i l i a r i e s /wordu/-/wdrde/ or /ser/, which are not distinguished semantically. Most speakers appear to use both i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y ; some conservative speakers, mainly i n country d i s t r i c t s , use no passive at a l l , and both forms appear to be the r e s u l t of comparatively recent l i t e r a r y influences, probably during the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century.^ G-oilo mentions the usage with worde, from Du. worden and ser, from Iberian languages (Papiaments Leerboek, p. 114). There are no examples of worde (more often spelled wordu, r a r e l y wordo) or ser i n the passive voice i n Ora Solo Baha. Wood, "Papiamentu," pp. 71-72. - 215 -I t should he kept i n mind that Dutch and the Romance languages which have contributed to the formation of Papiamentu prefer to avoid the use of the passive voice. Ferraz writes i n "African Influences on Principense Creole" (p. 11): Westermann and Bryan (1952) /T.e. D. Westermann and M.A. Bryan, The Languages of West A f r i c a (Oxford;, U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1952/. state that the passive voice does not occur i n the Kwa languages. In Principense likewise there i s no passive transformation. As Marguerite Saint-Jacques points out, the absence of the passive voice i s also a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Guyanese and other French C r e o l e d i a l e c t s . 1 11. Laga. Although laga i s derived from Iberian l a r g a r "to loosen, slacken, l e t go, set f r e e , leave", i t must have been re i n f o r c e d by Dutch l a t e n " l e t , allow, have o_r make someone do something, cause to be, leave", Sp \ dejar. The use of laga as a u x i l i a r y of the imperative i s a caique on the Dutch imperative f o r the f i r s t person p l u r a l : l a t e n wij + verb " l e t us" + verb, and further on expressions such as l a a t me. . . " l e t me;,i..V!; l a a t hem.. " l e t him. . ."; l a a t ons. . . " l e t us. . ."; l a a t hen (for persons) l a a t ze (.for objects). . . " l e t them. . . "fi The form with laga e x i s t s beside the one used f o r the "Guyanese: A French Creole," p. 34. - 216 -second person only, i . e . the verb without ta and, i n c e r t a i n cases, a change i n stress i n the verb. Dutch influence i s also apparent i n laga bay, Du^ l a t e n  gaan, l a t e n varen "to l e t go"; laga kay, Du. l a t e n v a l l e n "to l e t f a l l , to drop"; laga para, Du. l a t e n staan "to leave standing". Examples: M.R. 6.13 Lagami dedika Laat mij wijden Let me dedicate B.P. 11.20 Laga nos pasa Laten wij door . . . gaan Let us go through Masu 18.10 Lagami bai Laat me gaan Let me go This i s an example of both the imperative and the combination of laga and bai• Chi. 47.26 Lagami bisabo> Laat me U zeggen Let me t e l l you MM 63.8 Laga d i ta sonja lant a Laat af van dagdromen Laat dagdromen varen Stop day-dreaming - 217 -MM 71.34 Menatao a laga su garganta bai Menatao l i e t z i j n (= J o s e l i t o ' s ) keel gaan (los) Menatao l e t go of h i s (= J o s e l i t o ' s ) throat Nati 59.1 Ata Shon a laga tirami den pos. Zie hoe de Shon me i n de put heeft l a t e n gooien. See how the Shon has had me thrown into the p i t . Masu 18.11 Ami lagabo bai? Ik je l a t e n gaan? Me, l e t you go? 12. Separable Verbs. A c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of Dutch influence on Papiamentu i s found i n the caiques on the phenomenon of the Dutch separable verbs. These are compound verbs consisting of a preposition or an adjective serving as a p r e f i x to the i n f i n i t i v e of a root-verb, e.g. neerleggen "to put down"; doodslaan M t b beat to death"; klaarmaken "to make ready". In the simple tenses the p r e p o s i t i o n or adjective comes a f t e r the verb, disconnected, thus playing the r o l e of an adverb; i n the compound tenses i t precedes the verb with which i t i s connected, i n t h i s case, with the p r e f i x of the past p a r t i c i p l e , i . e . ge-. In other words, neer-leggen gives i n the present tense i k l e g neer; imperfect: • ik'legde neer;. perfect: i k heb neergelegd; future: i k z a l  neerleggen. Por doodslaan these forms would be: i k s l a dood, i k sloeg dood, i k heb doodgeslagen, i k zal. doodslaan. - 218 -For klaarmaken: i k maak klaar, i k maakte klaar, i k heb  klaargemaakt, i k z a l klaarmaken. In Papiamentu the root-verb i s always placed f i r s t . In a subordinate clause the p r e f i x has the same place as with the i n f i n i t i v e : Ik hoor, dat ,je a l t i . j d vroeg op-staat "I hear that you are always up early." In cases where there i s a compound tense i n the subordinate clause, there are two p o s s i b i l i t i e s : 1) Ik hoor, dat je vroeg bent opge-staan or 2) Ik hoor, dat je vroeg op bent gestaan, y i hear that you got up early. The number of words or s y l l a b l e s that may come between the root-verb and the separable p r e f i x i s more r e s t r i c t e d i n Papiamentu than i n Dutch. However, some of the examples from Ora Solo Baha show that the occurrence of a separation by more than two or three s y l l a b l e s i s more frequent than Wood v c l a i m s • 1 The following examples show the separable p r e f i x as found i n Ora Solo Baha. a) Caiques on Dutch verbs consisting of a p r e p o s i t i o n plus  root-verb. Do. 33.1 D o l f i a wak rondo d i e komedor. D o l f i keek de kamer rond. D o l f i looked around i n the room. Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 59. - 219 -B.P. 11.20 Laga nos pasa den j a l u s i bai paden. Laten wij door de ja l o u z i e naarbinnengaan. Let us go inside through the Venetian blinds., Lo. 33.24/25 Pa Ghein ta butabo aki bow un ratu. Pa Ghein zet je h i e r een poosje neer. Pa Chein i s putting you down here f o r a while. Chi. 43.15 Dos solda a kamna jega serka. Twee soldaten z i j n naderbijgekomen. or: Twee soldaten kwamen naderbi j • Two s o l d i e r s approached. Ng. 20.25/26 un . . . a kore su tras ee"n . . . rende haar achterna one . . . ran a f t e r her The i n f i n i t i v e i s achternarennen. Contrast t h i s with the following: M.R. 7.26/27 Mushe Raton a b i r a i topa ku un dams raton para su t r a s . Mushe Raton keerde z i c h om en botste op tegen een muizendame, die achter hem stond. Mushe Raton turned around and c o l l i d e d with a lady mouse who was standing behind him. There i s no such verb as acht erst aan. Hence, achter i s here a prep o s i t i o n . - 220 -b), Caiques on Dutch verbs co n s i s t i n g of an adjective plus  root-verb. Klof 5.2.17/18 i a pone nan machete k l a en legden hun machete klaar and put t h e i r machete i n readiness Chi. 41.1 pa. . . nan hanja nan kabai k l a zodat z i j hun paarden klaar zouden vinden i n order that they may f i n d t h e i r horses ready Chi. 45.4 Te na ora ku fransesnan t i r ' e mata Totdat de Fransen hem doodschieten U n t i l the French shoot and k i l l him Nati 59*5 Solo ta kimabo mata De zon brandt je dood The sun scorches you to death MM 70.17 pa t i r a tur e porkonan mata om a l die zwijnen dood te schieten i n order to shoot and k i l l a l l those swine Chi. 44.22 E l a dal e tapa d i e kaha habri H i j sloeg de deksel van de k i s t open He threw the l i d of the chest open Masu 18.22 Om Dani a korta barika d i Masu Boro habri Oom Dani sneed Masu Boro's bulk open Uncle Dani cut Masu.Boro's b e l l y open - 221 -Masu 16.30 Michi a k i e r a dal porta d i patras habri Michi zou de achterdeur hebben w i l l e n openslaan Michi would have l i k e d to throw the backdoor open c) Caiques on Dutch doen and l a t e n . Although they do not f a l l i nto the category of separable verbs, there are other instances i n Papiamentu of a separation i n verb phrases which does not ex i s t i n Spanish, but i s a caique on the groups of the Dutch verbs doen and laten , i n the sense of "to make" and "to l e t " , plus i n f i n i t i v e . The following examples may be found i n Ora Solo Baha: B.P. 9.22 Bas P i p i a laga su mashin para Bas P i p i l i e t z i j n machine stoppen Bas P i p i l e t h i s machine stop Pep. 27.6 Solo a buta su plumanan lombra De zon deed z i j n veren glanzen The sun made h i s feathers shine Nati 57.14/15 . . . a buta e bestianan su p i a sangra . . . deed de beesten nun poten bloeden . . . made the animals" legs bleed MM 68.19 Vlandam . . . a buta e klompinan d i oro lombra De vlammen deden de klompjes goud glanzen The flames . . . made the chunks of gold shine - 222 -13. Change in word-class. In earlier,, parts of this study cases were cited of words changing their word-class when adopted into Papiamentu, e.g. the Papiamentu verb mester from the Spanish noun menester; the Papiamentu indefinite numeral hopi from the Dutch noun hoop; sunchi from the noun zoentje which also became a verb. This phenomenon falls into the category which Hall describes as "the passage of a word from one part of speech to another, without any suffix or other formal outward indication of the change in form-class. In English we can use many words as nouns, verbs, or adjectives: we can fa l l in a faint, we can faint, or we can feel faint." 1 Hall makes a distinction in the phenomenon of class-change as may be seen from a further statement: In a number of instances pidgins and C r e o l e s show a drastic restructuring of various words, in their assignment to different functions from those they had in the languages from which they came: compare the split of English give into two separate words in Sranan, /gi(bi)/"give", stressed, as a verb, and /gi/ "to, for", unstressed, as a preposition. . . . These are the same type of structural shift that we find in the hWs-to-ry of "normal" full-sized languages, as when the Old English noun dun " h i l l " became Modern English down (adverb). . . . A very large group to which this statement may be applied in Papiamentu is the verb which has taken on the role of an Hall, Pidgin and Creole Languages, p. 65. 2Hall, pp. 79T80. - 223 -adverb. Por that reason, i t may be considered an extension of the separable verb construction, and thus a case of Dutch influence. There i s a considerable number of these verbs i n Ora  Solo Baha. They are: bai "to go" f o r "away", Du. weg  baha "to go down" f o r "down", Du. naar beneden  b i n i "to come" f o r "toward", e.g., nan a kore b i n i , Du. zi.j z i j n komen aanrennen, that i s , "they came running to . . . ; b i r a "to turn" f o r "back", as i n b i r a wak "to look back", Du. omkijken; bolbe "to return" f o r "again", Du. weer; drei "to^turn" f o r "back", e.g., "to look back", Du. om or achterom; drenta "to enter" f o r "into", Du. binnen, de . . . i n ; drumi "to l i e " f o r "down", Du. neer; f o r context see Chi. 45.32, p. 225; jega "to a r r i v e " f o r "at", Du. aan; lanta "to l i f t up", "to get up" f o r "upward", Du. op; para "to stop" f o r " s t i l l " i n "to stand s t i l l " , Du. s t i l ; pasa "to pass through" f o r "through", Du. door; s a l i "to go out" f o r "outside", Du. buiten; subi "to mount, climb, go up" f o r "on" or "onto", Du. aan, as i n the example from Chi. 46.29, p. 226. - 224 -Examples: M.R. 6.17 e blenchi a "bula bai het b l i n k e r t j e i s weggevlogen or: vloog weg the e o l i b r i flew away Masu 18.29 e l a kore baha h i j rende naar beneden he ran down Masu 18.14 nan a kore b i n i z i j z i j n komen aanrennen they came running (to) Klo f 54.5 E Indjan a b i r a wak tur dos De Indiaan keek naar hen beiden om The Indian looked back at both of them Masu 17.14 mi ta,bolbe b i r a e mucha muhe word i k weer het meisje I become again the g i r l M.R. 5.20 s i n s i k i e r a d r e i mira zonder z e l f s maar om te kij k e n without even looking back Awa 14.25 s i n d r e i wak patras zonder achterom te k i j k e n without looking back This i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example. There are two adverbials, one a verb: d r e i , the other a genuine adverb: patras. - 225 -Awa 13.14 e l a bula drenta e neshi h i j vloog het nestje i n (or: binnen) he flew i n t o the nest Chi. 45.32 e l a pone e skopet drumi h i j legde het geweer neer he put the gun down Klof 51.4 nan a bin jega na K l o f z i j kwamen b i j de Kl o f aan they a r r i v e d at the Klof Do. 31.22 D o l f i a bula l a n t a Dolf je sprong o_p_ D o l f i jumped up Masu 17.18 Lanta para. Sta opj or: Opstaan! Get up! Note the d i f f e r e n t word order. This may be due to the f a c t that there i s an imperative involved here. Ghi. 46.12 e fransesnan a bai para de Pransen z i j n gaan s t i l staan the Frenchmen stopped Masu 17.24 nan a bula pasa den e buraku z i j z i j n door het gat gevlogen they flew through the hole - 226 -B.P. 12.23 e l a s a l i bai h i j i s uitgegaan he went out Note word order: s a l i precedes bai Do. 36.11 lagadishinan a kore s a l i de hagedisjes z i j n weggerend the wall l i z a r d s ran away This time, s a l i follows kore Chi. 46.29 nan tur a kore subi bordo z i j renden allemaal aan boord they a l l ran aboard A borderline case would seem to be the phrase kai s i n t a , i n which kai i s "to f a l l " and s i n t a "to s i t " . The verb si n t a has, i n t h i s case, taken on the adverbial meaning neer "down", so that kai s i n t a becomes ne e r z i t t e n or neer-v a l l e n ( i n a c h a i r ) . (See also p. 240.) 14. Omission of l i n k i n g elements. Various phenomena i n Papiamentu f a l l under t h i s heading: a) Apposition, of nouns. In h i s Pidgin and Creole Languages, H a l l l i s t s as one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l l pidginized E n g l i s h "the juxtaposition of two nouns without the preposition of or - 227 -any possessive s u f f i x (Justice Peace)." 1 Later, r e f e r r i n g to pidgins and Creoles i n general, he writes: In t h e i r o r i g i n many of these constructions are the r e s u l t of the omission of c e r t a i n l i n k i n g elements, p a r t i c u l a r l y prepositions, which are present i n the corresponding phrase-types of the European language on which the pidgin or C r e o l e i s based. Papiamentu knows both constructions, one with the l i n k i n g preposition d i (Iberian d_e), the other without d i , as a caique on the Dutch structure of apposition of nouns. That i t i s due to the l a t t e r may be best seen from the com-bination un t i k i + noun, since, as seen i n the l e x i c a l part of t h i s study, i t i s derived from Dutch een t i k j e "a b i t of" plus noun. Een tik.je plus adverb i s " s l i g h t l y " (e.g. MM 68.3: un t i k i nervioso, een t i k j e nerveus " s l i g h t l y nervous"). However, apposition also occurs with pida, een  stukje "a piece of", "a b i t of". Examples: Masu 16.1 e t i k i kuminda het beetje eten the l i t t l e b i t of food B.P. 10.20 kome pida bakoba een'stukje bacove eten to eat a piece of bacove (kind of banana) Note absence of un before pida. H a l l , Pidgin and Creole Languages, p. 8. 2 H a l l , p. 74. - 228 -Chi. 39.8 pida suku (without indefinite article) een stukje suiker a bit of sugar Chi. 39.26 un pida suku (with indefinite article) een stukje suiker a bit of sugar B.P. 9.2 e pida kura het stukje erf the l i t t l e bit of yard Papiamentu does not follow the Dutch example in all instances. Dutch has apposition with words indicating quantity (see the above) and for containers: een glas water "a glass of water"; een doos.je lucifers "a box of matches"; een trommeltje  biscuitjes "a tin of cookies". In Ora Solo Baha the last two are un doshi di lusafe and un bleki di buscuchi. And, as far as an expression of quantity or shape is concerned, in-MM 67.34, MM 68.17 and 19 we find klompi di oro, where Dutch would have klompjes goud "chunks of gold". b) Place of the personal pronoun. The subject, whether noun or pronoun, always precedes the verb, in contrast with both Dutch and Spanish, where variations are possible or, at times, obligatory. Only the particle lo_, which indicates the future, is placed before the unstressed personal pronouns of the first, second and third - 229 -person singular: mi, bo and e_. In most cases i t comes a f t e r the stressed ones ami, aho, and e_ (when i t i s emphasized), while i t may he placed before or a f t e r the personal pronouns of the f i r s t , second and t h i r d person p l u r a l : nos, boso and nan. Lo i s probably derived from Iberian logo "afterwards, l a t e r " , although an i n t e r e s t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e etymology i s found i n Pokker: Niettemin b l i j f t het aannemelik, dat het kar a i b i e s een zekere invloed op de nieuwe t a a l gehad heeft. Zo — om enkele punten te noemen, want de j u i s t e grenzen der verschillende invloeden vast te s t e l l e n , l i j k t me ondoenlik — z a l de vorming der presens-, futuur-, en perfekt-vormen wel naar •t model van *t i n die t a a l gebruikelike geschied z i j n : n l . door het bezigen van een eenlettergrepig p a r t i k e l . Men zegt b.v. l o nos  papia, wij z u l l e n spreken; l o e b i n i prontoe? z a l h i j ( z i j ) spoedig komen? Dit l£ i s vermoedelik identiek met net l£ van 't negerhollands van Sint Tomas, door Professor Hesseling i n ' t aangehaalde werk vermeld, n l . hollands loop i n de z i n van gaan (frans je v a i s l e d i r e , i k z a l 't zeggen, sp. va a Hover, het gaat regenen).-*-In Papiamentu the d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t object follow the verb and where the two are combined the i n d i r e c t object precedes the d i r e c t one. This applies to nouns and pronouns a l i k e . As f a r as the single use of e i t h e r d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t object pronoun i s concerned, Papiamentu usage i n a l l tenses i s s i m i l a r to the Dutch i n the simple tenses. In Ora Solo  Baha the following examples occur f o r the d i r e c t object pronoun: A.A. Pokker, "Het Papiamentoe of Basterd-Spaans der West-Indiese Eilanden," T i j d s c h r i f t voor Nederlandsche Taa l-en Letterkunde, 33 (1914), p. 62. - 230 -Pep. 28.16 mi ta vendebo i k verkoop je I am s e l l i n g you In the perfect tense t h i s would be: i k heb  je verkocht; i n the future: i k z a l je ver-kopen; i n other words, i n Dutch the personal object pronoun follows r i g h t a f t e r the a u x i l i a r y verb. In Papiamentu i t also f o l -lows the main verb i n these cases. Pep. 26.13/14 E krus grandi . . . ta spanta nan. Het grote kruis . . . maakt hen bang. The big cross . . . scares them. Pep. 28.12 Buchi Albu a . . . mar'e ku kadena. Buchi Albu bond hem vast met een ke t t i n g . Buchi Albu • . . t i e d him with a chain. For the i n d i r e c t object pronoun: Nati 57.29 su mama a bis'e z i j n moeder vertelde hem his mother t o l d him Nati 58.11 loke mi bisabo wat i k je zeg what I am t e l l i n g you - 231 -Although Wood f e e l s that the phenomenon of the personal pronoun following the verb i s . a case of Dutch i n f l u e n c e 1 , i t should be kept i n mind that i n older forms of Spanish the object pronoun could also follow the f i n i t e verb. Another possible explanation f o r the pronoun following the verb may be that, i f ta i s indeed the Spanish esta of the progressive form, mi ta bisabo i s the equivalent of Spanish estoy  diciendole . Furthermore, i t should not be forgotten that i n Spanish the object pronouns also follow the a f f i r m a t i v e imperative and the i n f i n i t i v e . In Dutch they follow the af f i r m a t i v e and negative imperative, but they precede the i n f i n i t i v e . As f o r the combination of d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t object pronoun, normally the sequence i n Dutch i s d i r e c t + i n d i r e c t . However, i n order to put stress on the i n d i r e c t object, or what comes a f t e r i t , i t may be placed f i r s t and also when the subordinate expresses a cause or purpose. For example, i k geef het je "I am gi v i n g i t to you"; i k geef je  het nu "I am giving i t to you now" or i k geef je het, omdat  je het nodig hebt "I am giving i t to yqji because you need i t " . Stress may also be indicated by the prepos i t i o n aan "to", i n which case the i n d i r e c t object, again, has to come second. The reversed order i s very seldom used with the t h i r d person singular masculine hem "him". Pap. E ta dun'ele, Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 68. - 232 -Du. H i j geeft het hem or Hi.j geeft het aan hem "He gives i t to him". Pap. E ta duna nan e, Du. H i j geeft het hun or H i j geeft het aan hen "He gives i t to them". The l a s t example was chosen, since the t h i r d person p l u r a l pronoun i s the only instance where there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between the Dutch d i r e c t object, i.e., the accusative hen "them" and the i n d i r e c t object, i . e . , the dative hun, often replaced by aan hen "to them". An example of the construction i n d i r e c t + d i r e c t object  pronoun taken from Ora Solo Baha i s : Awa 13.24 . . . a regala mi nan . . . heeft ze me gegeven or gaf ze me . . . has given them to me In the construction verb + i n d i r e c t object pronoun + d i r e c t object noun Papiamentu and Dutch follow a pattern s i m i l a r to that f o r the single use of the d i r e c t object and of the i n d i r e c t object, i n other words, the sequence i s the same, but the p o s i t i o n d i f f e r s i n the compound tenses. Example s: Do. 35.12 . . . i a duna nan komando . . . en gaf hun het commando or: en heeft hun het commando gegeven . . . and gave them orders Ghi. 48.3 Nos ta r e g a l 1 e e kabai Wij geven hem het paard We are g i v i n g him the horse - 233 -c) Omission of a l i n k i n g element with t h e . i n d i r e c t object noun. The absence i n Papiamentu of a p r e p o s i t i o n equivalent to the Spanish a to introduce the i n d i r e c t object noun cannot be ascribed, or at l e a s t not s o l e l y , to p i d g i n i z a t i o n or c r e o l i z a t i o n because Dutch follows the same construction. The phenomenon may, therefore, considered to be a caique on the l a t t e r . It should be added, though, that i n the l a s t decades the concept of the dative i n t h i s case and others has been f e l t l e s s strongly than i n the past, so that Dutch may add prepositions, such as aan or tegen "to" with cer-t a i n verbs as w e l l . Examples of d i f f e r e n t verbs + i n d i r e c t object noun without a taken from Ora Solo Baha are: Do. ',33.16 Ghein a b i s a Mena Chein z e i Mina (or: tegen) Chein said to Mina M.R. 7.28 e l a konta e dams raton h i j vertelde juffrouw Muis (or: aan) he t o l d Miss Mouse Do. 32.12 A parse D o l f i ku Het kwam D o l f i voor, dat I t seemed to D o l f i that - 234 -Masu 15.20 ku nada no ta pasa e muchanan dat den kinderen n i e t s overkomt that nothing happens to the c h i l d r e n Do. 31.29 el a p r i m i n t i P o l i n h i j beloofde Pauline (or: aan Pauline) he promised Pauline Do. 37.12 e l a puntra D o l f i h i j vroeg D o l f i (or: aan D o l f i ) he asked D o l f i d) Lack of l i n k i n g element with the group i n d i r e c t object  noun + d i r e c t object noun. As mentioned above, i n Papiamentu the d i s t i n c t i o n between i n d i r e c t and d i r e c t object i n a sentence i s made by word order, which i s on the whole s t r i c t e r i n Papiamentu than i n ei t h e r Spanish or Dutch. The i n d i r e c t object precedes the d i r e c t one. Where both are nouns, there i s the same sequence i n Dutch, although prepositions may be added to the i n d i r e c t object noun i n Dutch. I f t h i s i s done, the sequence becomes verb + d i r e c t object + preposition  + i n d i r e c t object. Because of the f i x e d word-order- i n Papiamentu there i s no need f o r an i n d i c a t o r of the i n d i r e c t object. - 235 -Examples: Awa 14.20 e p o l i s a entrega e t o t o l i k a su dos webunan de p o l i t i e a g e n t overhandigde het steenduifje haar twee eieren the policeman handed the rock-dove her two eggs Chi. 41.12 pa e duna e k-abai awa zodat h i j den paarden water kon geven or: zodat h i j water aan de paarden kon geven i n order that he may give water to the horses e) Lack of personal a. An equivalent to the Spanish personal a i s superfluous i n Papiamentu because the s t r i c t word-order o f j s u b j e c t +  verb + d i r e c t object determines c l e a r l y the subject and object of the verb. I t i s the f l e x i b l e word sequence i n Spanish that made the intr o d u c t i o n of the personal a necessary. In connection with the subject + verb + d i r e c t  object construction, i t should be mentioned that Papiamentu does not observe the i n v e r s i o n of subject and verb which must take place i n Dutch when the main clause begins with a word or phrase other than the subject. Otherwise subject  + verb + d i r e c t object a p p l i e s . Examples: Chi. 46.27 pa spanta e Pransesnan om de Pransen bang te maken i n order to scare the French - 236 -Chi. 47.4 pa bai juda su amigu Chiku om z i j n vriend Chiku te gaan helpen i n order to go and help h i s f r i e n d Chiku f ) Lack of a l i n k i n g element with verbs. H a l l (Melanesian Pidgin English, p. 38) makes the f o l -lowing observations on the absence of a l i n k i n g element with verbs i n pidgin and creole languages: Combination of clauses into utterances of more than one clause i s e f f e c t e d by the following means: . . . PARATAXIS, which i s the most common means of j o i n i n g clauses i n compound sentences. Under t h i s heading may be l i s t e d : 1. Juxtaposition of suc-cessive clauses, without the use of introductory w o r d s . . . . Examples of t h i s may be found i n Do. 37.3/4 nan a plama e paniweri na pida-pida, disparse den mondi z i j namen de brancard u i t elkaar en verdwenen i n het bos they took the stretcher apart and disappeared i n the woods MM 72.14 Manuel a bolbe na bordi d i e karabela, bai drumi Manuel ging terug aan boord van het karavel en ging slapen Manuel returned on board the caravel and went to sleep In Pidgin, and Creole Languages (p. 78) H a l l also points out that "often, several verbs occur i n a s e r i e s , each as the complement of the preceding one. . . . " - 237 -Examples; Do. 36 .32 /33 bo ta lanta kamna su d i l a n t i sta 2±2 °P ®n loopt voor hem u i t you get up and walk i n front of him Do. 3 7 . 1 ' 2 E konenchinan a kargu'e r i b a e paniweri, bolbe bai but'e bow d i e palu De k o n i j n t j e s laadden hem op de brancard en legden hem weer neer onder de boom. The rabbits loaded him on the stretcher and put him under the tree again. and further "often a verb i s followed by another verb that serves as a complement of purpose, r e s u l t , or coni- .-. r d i t i o n . . . . " .(Hall,, p. 7 8 ) . Examples: Do. 32.21 Mena a s a l i bin kontra nan Mina kwam naar buiten om hen tegemoet te komen Mina came outside ( i n order) to_ meet them MM 69.13 J o s e l i t o a kore bin weta J o s e l i t o kwam aanrennen om te zien J o s e l i t o came running ( i n order) to see The above examples could be ascribed to c r e o l i z a t i o n , since the phenomenon which they represent cannot be found i n any of the European contributing languages. However, there are other instances where one fi n d s a l i n k i n g element i n the Iberian languages, but not i n Dutch. Such cases are either caiques on Dutch or a dual a p p l i c a t i o n of a - 238 -non-European and European language construction. Examples are given i n the following section. g) Lack of l i n k i n g element with a u x i l i a r y verbs of motion. The semantic content of these VERB + VERB combinations, however, i s often of markedly non-European type, r e f l e c t i n g the substratum of A f r i c a n (Melanesian, etc.) speakers. This phenomenon i s e s p e c i a l l y noticeable i n the Central American Creoles, which have a common West A f r i c a n substratum, and i n which there i s a common semantic pattern i n the use of verbs of motion followed d i r e c t l y by verbal complements ( H a l l , Pidgin and Creole  Languages, p. 11). Papiamentu has t h i s construction too. However, t h i s may not nec e s s a r i l y be due to a West A f r i c a n substratum or c r e o l i z a t i o n because the Dutch language shows the same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The a u x i l i a r y verbs of motion can be divided into two groups: a) verbs i n d i c a t i n g the beginning of an action, and b) verbs i n d i c a t i n g continued a c t i o n . Into the f i r s t category f a l l bai "to go" and b i n i "to come", followed by an i n f i n i t i v e , whereas Spanish i n s e r t s the preposition a. In Ora Solo Baha there are around t h i r t y instances of groups with bai + i n f i n i t i v e and approximately f i f t e e n f o r b i n i + i n f i n i t i v e . The following examples w i l l s u f f i c e : M.R. 5.11 i a bai para en ging staan and he went and stood - 239 -Nati 58.33 Nati, bin juda bo mama Nati, kom je moeder helpen Nati, come and help your mother As f a r as seventeenth-century Dutch i s concerned, Yondel (1587-1679) sometimes omitted te with beginnen "to begin", Pap. kuminsa. Examples with the verb kuminsa from Ora Solo Baha are: M.R. 7.15 Mushe Raton a kuminsa b i r a f l a k u Mushe Raton begon mager te worden Mushe Raton began to be t h i n Do. 32.1 D o l f i a kuminsa kanta D o l f i begon te zingen D o l f i began to sing Wood places the verb s a l i , Du. uitkomen, uitgaan "to leave, to go out" i n t h i s category as well.He gives the example " / e l a s a l i bay k i y r u / 'he went out (to go) f o r a walk'; c f . Du. ...te gaan kuieren." 1 There i s no example i n Ora Solo Baha of t h i s use of the verb. As a matter of f a c t , the Dutch idiom f o r the phrase quoted i s H i j ging  u i t kuieren, so that s a l i would rather belong to the category of a verb used as an adverb (see Section 13). Gf. also Pep. 26.8: Peperin a bai kamna keiru, Peperin i s  gaan (Iopen) kuieren "Peperin went f o r a stroll"... Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 62. - 240 -Another verb which Wood includes i n t h i s group i s kay "to f a l l " i n the phrase kay s i n t a . He writes: /kay s i n t a / ; c f . Du. gaan z i t t e n . This i s misunder-stood by Lenz, 171-172, who mistranslated (/el/) /a kay s i n t a / "(he) sat down" as "se sentd de golpe". Actually, just as Du. gaan z i t t e n corresponds to Eng. " s i t down" not "go and s i t down", /kay s i n t a / has no content implying v i o l e n t or p r e c i p i t a t e a c t i o n , and none of the sense of " f a l l " of Sp. caer, the etymon of /kay/, remains. Lenz' phrase i s based, s t r u c t u r a l l y upon Du. ( h i j ) ging zitten.1 The f i r s t part of t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s corr e c t . However, as f a r as the reference to "to f a l l " i s concerned, i t must be noted that Dutch has the idiom i n or o_ een  stoe l neervallen (depending on whether one r e f e r s to an armchair or a st r a i g h t one). Neervallen r e f e r s to the way i n which one s i t s down and does not indicate an i n c i p i e n t a c t i o n . In M.R. 7.16 e l a kai s i n t a bow d i un watapana "he sat down under a watapana", Mushe Raton did so when he was exhausted. Again, i n Klof 51.10, E i nan a kai s i n t a "There they sat down", i t happened when they were bon kansa "very t i r e d " . Do. 33.34, D o l f i  a kai drumi, D o l f i ging liggen (not slapen "to sleep") " D o l f i lay down" may be a borderline case. One could wonder whether k a i indi c a t e s the beginning of an acti o n . I t i s more l i k e l y a case of a verb used as an adverb, i . e . kai has the meaning of neer "down". " D o l f i lay down" could be obsolete D o l f i legde z i c h neer. Ging could also be Wood, "Papiamentu," p. 62. - 241 -trans l a t e d into Papiamentu as a b i n i • For the sake of comparison, the following phrase may be quoted from Pep. 26.5-* Peperin a bai s i n t a den un palu d i watapana, Peperin ging i n een watapana boom z i t t e n "Peperin went to s i t down i n a watapana tree". (He had to go there f i r s t . ) Although the lack of a l i n k i n g element points to Dutch influence on the verb + verb construction, one should not forget the Portuguese phrase f o i ver, where t h i s kind of juxtaposition also takes place. The two verbs denoting continued action, keda and s i g i are caiques on the Dutch verb b l i j v e n , which takes the i n f i n i t i v e without a l i n k i n g element. In Spanish, quedar as well as seguir are followed by p a r t i c i p l e s . Cf. Pap. e keda s i n t a , Du. h i j b l i j f t z i t t e n , Sp. queda  sentado "he remains seated"; Pap. e s i g i g r i t a , Du. h i j  b l i j f t schreeuwen, Sp. sigue gritando "he continues (kee on) shouting". Examples from Ora Solo Baha: B.P. 11.33 Bo ta keda drumi B l i j f t U maar liggen Remain l y i n g down B.P. 12.33 e famia d i barika-hel a keda biba het gezin van de barika-hel i s b l i j v e n wonen the family of the barika-hel kept on l i v i n g . . . - 242 -B.P. 9.18/19 Bas P i p i a s i g u i kanta Bas P i p i bleef doorzingen Bas P i p i went on singing The meaning of bli,jven i s often r e i n f o r c e d by door. Besides keda and s i g u i ( s i g i ) one should mention sin t a , Du. zitten-; "to s i t " ; para, Du. staan "to stand"; drumi, Du. l i g g e n y t o l i e " ; kamna, Du. lopen "to walk" as verbs i n d i c a t i n g continued a c t i o n . They are caiques on Dutch z i t t e n , staan, liggen, lopen plus the i n f i n i t i v e , f o r example: z i t t e n eten, staan praten, l i g g e n lezen, lopen denken. In the simple tenses one has to add te, f o r example, h i j z i t te denken "he s i t s thinking"; h i j  la g te slapen "he lay sleeping". I t should be noted that i n the seventeenth century the verbs lopen, gaan, z i t t e n and komen "to walk", "to go", "to s i t " and "to come" were, at times, not preceded by t e . 1 Examples from Ora Solo Baha: M.R. 7.23 kaminda e por si n t a jora e so waar.hi j a l l e e n kon z i t t e n huilen where he could s i t by himself crying Masu 17.12 m'a para h a r i bleef i k staan lachen I stood laughing Weijnen, Zeventiende-eeuwse Taal, p. 81. - 243 -MM 73.6 E spanjonan a kamna weta De Spanjaarden hebben lopen kijken The Spanish walked looking h) Other verbs which do not require a l i n k i n g element i n  Dutch and Papiamentu. There are other verbs i n Dutch which are used i n juxtaposition with t h e i r dependent verb i n the compound tenses. Two of these are modal a u x i l i a r i e s : hoeven and durven. Miet hoeven i s Pap. no mester "need not"; durven i s Pap. r i s k a , t r i b i ^ "to dare". Example: Awa 14.26 nunka mas Mushe Raton a r i s k a horta Mushe Raton heeft nooit meer durven stelen Mushe Raton has never dared to s t e e l again Already i n the seventeenth century, leren, Pap. si n j a ' " t o teach" and to lea r n " was found without _te (Weijnen, p. 83) to connect i t with the dependent verb. This i s s t i l l the case i n present-day Dutch. An i n t e r e s t i n g feature of s i n j a i s that, l i k e Dutch leren, i t has both the meaning of "to teach" and "to learn", whereas i n Spanish there are two words: ensenar, from which s i n j a was derived, and aprender• Example: Do. 30.19 e mama tabata s i n j a D o l f i z i j n moeder leerde D o l f i lezen h i s mother taught D o l f i to read - 244 -Another such verb i s helpen, Pap. juda. Examples: Nati 59.22 Nati a juda su mama kamna bai kas Nati h i e l p z i j n moeder naar huis lopen Nati helped h i s mother to walk home MM 63.16 pa judami kushina om mij te helpen koken to help me cook MM 64.31 a jud'e mira h i e l p hem zien helped him to see MM 72.20 pa juda karga om te helpen dragen to help carry-In studies on creole languages.one may often f i n d the phenomenon of series of verbs without l i n k i n g elements being ascribed to c r e o l i z a t i o n . In the case of Papiamentu i t would seem to be, i n many instances, the r e s u l t of Dutch inf l u e n c e . Three examples chosen at random, one from Papiamentu and the others from Dutch, show that both languages have such s e r i e s , a l b e i t as the outcome of d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r a l norms. Papiamentu: MM 69.14/15, pa e por kore bai skonde "In order to be able to run away and hide himself", Du. om weg te kunnen rennen en z i c h te  verschuilen. In Dutch, there would be nothing a r t i f i c i a l i n a series of verbs i n the i n f i n i t i v e without l i n k i n g element i n a sentence l i k e t h i s : H i j zou mogen b l i j v e n  z i t t e n k i j k e n "He would be allowed to remain seated looking". Somewhat unusual, but s t i l l acceptable, would be: Ik zou jou wel eens w i l l e n zien durven bli.jven z i t t e n  ki.jken "I would l i k e to see you daring to remain seated looking". - 2 4 6 -CONCLUSION From t h i s study i t i s apparent that the Dutch elements i n Papiamentu r e f l e c t e a r l i e r stages of the Dutch language as well as present-day Dutch. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the form i n which Dutch words appear i n the l a n d s t a a l , but even more c l e a r l y by the caiques on Dutch, which may be due to the f a c t that the Dutch on Curacao, who were not native speakers of Spanish or Portuguese, wanted to address the Indians, t h e i r servants, and subsequently the inhabitants of Iberian background on the i s l a n d s , i n those languages and, i n e v i t a b l y , had frequent recourse to l i t e r a l trans-l a t i o n s from Dutch. Furthermore, i t has become evident that c e r t a i n features of Papiamentu, ascribed by l i n g u i s t s to phenomena of C r e o l e languages, f i n d t h e i r counterparts i n present-day Dutch or i n the idiom of the seventeenth century. Dutch d i a l e c t a l influences have also had t h e i r impact on Papiamentu. At times, Dutch influence has r e i n f o r c e d Spanish usage or C r e o l e features. From the analysis of the l e x i c o n i t has been seen that adoptions from Dutch concern a l l areas of the language, not only modern tech n i c a l terms, but basic items of vocabulary, such as parts of the body, household u t e n s i l s , vegetables, spices, wind d i r e c t i o n s , f l o r a and fauna, some professions and trades, administration and m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s . Various estimates of Dutch influence have "been put forward. In 1914, Pokker stated that at least 9$ of Papiamentu words were Dutch ("Het Papiamentoe of Basterd-Spaans der West-Indische Eilanden," p. 54). Prom the statistics given by Lenz in 1928 for the words analyzed in El Papiamento (pp. 259-60) one may conclude that they represent 35.5$ of the total number of words examined in that study. Maduro stated that 28$ of the words studied in his Ensayo pa yega na un Ortografia uniforme pa nos  Papiamentu (1953, p. 134) were of Dutch origin. Hall (Pidgin and Creole Languages, 1966, p. 99) refers to the 25 per cent or more of Papiamentu words from Dutch. This study has been concerned with the present-day language as used by a recognized contemporary author, Pierre Antoine Lauffer, in a collection of short stories. As an indication of his usage of the language a running word count was made of two of the stories in Ora Solo  Baha: "Mushe Raton" and "Bas Pipi ku e barika-hel". Not included in the calculation were the articles (definite or indefinite), personal pronouns (subject, direct or indirect object), possessive adjectives and proper nouns. All other words were included as often as they occurred. The results of this count are as follows: - 248 -"Mushe Raton" contains 872 running words from a l l etymons. The contributions from Dutch number 196 or 22.5$. The following break-down may be made: 66 adoptions from Dutch. 26 from either Dutch or Iberian 104 caiques on Dutch, i . e . , 11 words 31 phrases 62 syntactic caiques For "Bas P i p i i su barika-hel" those f i g u r e s are: 1270 running words from a l l etymons, of which 267 or 21$ were Dutch contributions, namely: 78 adoptions from Dutch 21 from eith e r Dutch or Iberian 168 caiques on Dutch, i . e . , 20 words 45 phrases 103 syntactic caiques The two s t o r i e s together contain 2142 etymons other than the exceptions mentioned; they have 463 Dutch con-t r i b u t i o n s , so that the average percentage would be 21.5$. As may be seen from the present study, Papiamentu remains e s s e n t i a l l y a Romance language with the bulk of i t s vocabulary from Iberian sources. 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