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Douglas Lake Okanagan : phonology and morphology Pattison, Lois Cornelia 1978

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DOUGLAS LAKE OKANAGAN: PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY by LOIS CORNELIA PATTISON B.Ed. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 197 0 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS POR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Linguistics We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1978 I'CT) Lois Cornelia Pattison, 1978 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of L i n g u i s t i c s The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 D a t e A p r i l 25 . 1978 i i ABSTRACT This thesis describes aspects of the grammatical structure of Douglas Lake Okanagan, an Indian language spoken i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada. I t i s i n three parts: phonology, morphophonemics and morphology. The f i e l d research on which this study i s based was conducted on the Quilchena Reserve near Merri t t , B .C . during the summer of 1977. There are thirty-seven consonants defined by three manners: stop, spirant and resonant; and six points of ar t icula t ion : l a b i a l , apica l , l a t e r a l , velar , post velar and g l o t t a l . A contrast of glot tal ized and unglottalized occurs i n the stop and resonant series and a contrast of labia l ized and unlabialized i n the velar and post velar positions. In general, each series shows a f u l l set of oppositions except there i s no pla in la tera l stop i n the stop series, no l a b i a l spirant i n the spirant series and no labia l ized post velars i n the resonant series . The vowels are _ i , a and u. Morphophonemic changes involve consonants, vowels, syllables and stress. They include processes of assimilation, diss imilat ion, fusion, loss , epenthesis, metathesis and stress s h i f t . The morphology deals with the structure of words. Words can be simple roots or roots extended by affixes to form stems. Stems may be c l a s s i f i e d as t ransit ive or intransit ive on the basis of accompanying af f ixes . Transitive suffixes mark stems which express the action of a subject on an object. Intransitive suffixes mark stems which express an a c t i v i t y or state of a subject with no reference to an object. i i i Affixes also express four aspects: unrealized, continuative, customary and inchoative. Other prefixes are directional, locational, nominal, possessive and agentive. Other suffixes are instrumental and le x i c a l . Reduplicated stems express iteration, plurality, dirninuitivity and intensity. Two roots can be linked to form a compound stem. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page Abstract i i Acknowledgement v i i i Introduction 1 Chapter 1. Phonology 2 1.1 Consonants 2 1.2 Manner 2 1.21 Obstruents 2 1.22 Resonants 3 1.3 Position 3 1.31 Labials . . . 3 1.32 Apicals 4 1.33 Laterals 5 1.34 Velars 5 1.35 Post Velars 6 1.36 Glottals . . 7 1.4 Consonant Clusters 8 1.5 Vowels 9 1.51 i 9 1.52 a 10 1.53 u 10 1.54 Schwa 10 1.55 Position 10 V Chapter Page 1.6 Stress 11 2. Morphophonemics 12 2.1 Consonant Changes 12 2.11 Assimilation 12 2.12 Loss 12 2.13 Fusion 13 2.2 Vowel Changes 14 2.21 Epenthesis 14 2.22 Dissimilation 14 2.3 Metathesized Roots 14 2.4 Stress Changes 15 3. Morphology 16 3.1 Voice 16 3.11 Transitive 16 3.111 Active 17 3.112 Causative 17 3.113 Reflexive 17 3.12 Intransitive 17 3.121 Middle 17 3.122 Stative 18 3.123 Motion 18 3.124 State of Mind 18 3.125 Control 19 v i Chapter Page 3.13 Grammatical Range of Stems 19 3.2 Imperatives 19 3.3 Personal Reference System 20 3.31 Intransitive Pronouns 20 3.32 Transitive Pronouns 22 3.4 Aspect 23 3.41 Unrealized 23 3.42 Continuative 24 3.43 Customary 24 3.44 Inchoative 25 3.5 Further Stem Modification by Affixes 25 3.51 Prefixes 25 3.511 Directional 25 3.512 Nominalizer 26 3.513 Locative 27 3.514 Possessive 27 3.515 Agentive 28 3.52 Suffixes 28 3.521 Instrumental 28 3.522 Lexical 28 3.6 Survey of Affixes 31 3.7 Reduplicated Stems 34 3.71 Complete Reduplication 34 v i i Chapter Page 3.72 Partial Reduplication 36 3.73 Multiple Reduplication 36 3.8 Compound Stems 37 Bibliography 39 v i i i A(^0WLE1X3EMENT I am grateful to my. principal informant, Julia Paul for her interest in this project and her willingness to share her knowledge of Okanagan with me. I also thank Julia's mother, Mrs. Harriet Paul, who provided some important data and was always available to help when responses were in doubt. I thank M. Dale Kinkade for his preliminary instruction and guidance in studying North American Indian languages which greatly facilitated this work. 1 INTRODUCTION The Salish l i n g u i s i t i c family has three large divisions: the Tsamosan, Central Salish and Interior Salish groups. The Interior Salish languages can be further c l a s s i f i e d according to a North-South division. Okanagan i s part of the Southern Interior language group which consists of Columbian, Okanagan, Kalispel and Coeur d'Alene. It i s bordered on the north by Shuswap, a Northern Interior Salish language; on the east by Kutenai and on the south by Sahaptin. Its southeastern and southwestern neighbors are Salish speaking: Kalispel (southeast) and Thompson and Columbian (southwest). Okanagan i s spoken i n south-central B r i t i s h Columbia to the Columbia River i n north-central Washington. The dialect described here i s spoken i n the Douglas Lake area by members of the Quilchena and Douglas Lake Reserves. These reserves are among five i n the Nicola Valley where most of the Indians speak Thompson and on these two reserves i n particular, many speak both Okanagan and Thompson. My principal informant has been J u l i a Paul. Previous to my contact with her, J u l i a had been recording material i n her own language i n order to teach a relative who speaks a southern dialect of Okanagan. J u l i a kindly allowed me the use of the tapes and this material provided the basis for e l i c i t a t i o n . 2 1. Phonology 1.1 Okanagan distinguishes thirty-seven consonants, defined by three manners and six points of articulation. Stops Labial rH a V •rH Lateral Velar Post Ve! Glottal P lain P t c k k* q qw ? Glottalized P c k k & q q ~ Spirants s i X r X h Resonants Plain m n r l y W Glottalized » m » n ? r i Y ? w q7 1.2 There i s a fundamental division between voiceless obstruents and voiced resonants. Obstruents can be divided into stops and spirants. Both stops and resonants occur i n a plain and glottalized series. The glottalization i s usually articulated during the articulation of the consonant. 1.21 In general, the obstruents show a f u l l set of oppositions. The only asymmetry i n the stop series i s the lack of a contrastive plain lateral stop, c, c and A are affricates. The plain apical affricate has a palatalized allophone [c] with which i t i s i n free variation. Final plain stops are generally released with aspiration. 3 Before vowels, these stops are only l i g h t l y aspirated and following a nonorganic resonant, they are sometimes unreleased. Glottalized stops rarely occur word f i n a l . Spirants occur i n a l l positions except l a b i a l . The apical spirant i s i n free variation with i t s palatalized allophone [ s j . 1.22 Resonants include the nasals m,n; liquids r, 1; semivowels w, y_; and the pharyngeal S • They para l l e l the obstruents exactly back to the simple post velar position. There are no labialized equivalents to the simple post velar resonants. Glottalized resonants rarely occur i n i t i a l l y . The liquid resonant r occurs only as the second consonant of a root, not i n i t i a l l y or i n an aff i x . 1.3 Consonant Positions 1.31 Labials E p l a l grow tupl spider x l i l p floor E pum brown spsaqs nose m ma'it maybe qtimap late £ilm drying fish m milt visit #ums eyelashes q^iylm songs 4 1.32 Apicals t timi eight x^ltip wild rhubarb lat wet t? -t^ap dirty £i£im easy n nalVm sew xnumt hurt q*dn green A cancan grasshopper cplan eyebrows c citxw house sncaqmin oven sic new 6 calt cold scaqw flowers r x^rap chilled yar smooth i cart tangy sour s swit who xast good pus cat 5 1.33 Laterals A Jfxap grow xSut rook i lala? raspberries k*mln borrow p l a l thick I l i p l i p corn x*?al in a hurry sppl'ina? rabbit qwlal7 sunny 1.34 Velars Velars show an opposition of simple and labialized. k ktmap clouds c i l k s t five xndnk want kvacqn hat mkwiwt mountain peak siwlk* water kiwlx old nH&nn knife £ik young k^kwap dog £i]<wt lake 6 X xx?ap cool skmxist bear s n i k l x son-in-law XV xwuy 90 tixwt tongue R^six* geese y y u l t thick tree layan fabric cuy dark ? Y piyusm frown way (positive response) w wi?cxn finished eating cwak burned nskiw brother 's wife w niwlm wave x^ojwaw dry 1 .35 Post Velars Post velars also show the opposition of simple and labialized. Post velar resonants are frequently contiguous with a. They are rare and occur exclusively i n root morphemes. In some cases, l i t t l e pharyngeal f r i c t i o n i s discernable and the a vowel appears lengthened. The glottalized pharyngeal i s very poorly documented i n this data. 7 a q l a x w night naqs one pnimq liver gw qway blue smq*/aq*/ age i a q i l t sick p t q i n mushroom qw q"ac warm c q ^ i l p fir tree X x a c t hard xaxa? crow Isax dress x^sap fast ?ax*nt sweep nax^nax^ wife q <ian magpie cpsaflya? no good q*a$ drunk i ma^t broken G l o t t a l s ? ? i t x sleep s ? i l n ?aha? ha ? i h i ? meal time a cold ( interrogative) over there 8 1.4 The consonants form complex clusters. Many affixes are themselves single consonants or consonant clusters so when combined with roots, complex clusters are inevitable. The most common types of clusters found i n roots are: a. i n i t i a l clusters consisting of an obstruent followed by another obstruent or resonant qlaxy' night xlap morning x?al clean cmay maybe b. f i n a l clusters consisting of a resonant followed by an obstruent milt visit timl eight tarq kick n?ayp always Such consonant clusters i n roots produce the root shapes CCVC and CVCC. However, forms such as the following indicate that such root structures may be reductions of CVCVC roots by vowel loss. citx* house ccitax^ bathroom 9 x a s t good x a x a s a t very pretty £ast bad &£asat ugly qyaxy smell q i y x h u n I can smell something The most commonly o c c u r r i n g r o o t shape i s CVC. 1.5 The v o w e l s a r e . i , a and u. E a c h v o w e l has a r a n g e o f r e a l i z a t i o n s . 1.51 i i s u s u a l l y [ i ] . S t r e s s e d , i t may be r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y i n a r a n g e f r o m [ i ] t o [e ] . F o l l o w i n g a p o s t v e l a r i t i s c l o s e r t o [e ] o r [• e ] . U n s t r e s s e d , i t t e n d s t o become l o w e r e d o r l o s t a l t o g e t h e r . me me ^ i n c a ] ? i n c a [frncaken] ? i n c a k n [ q 8 e l t ] q i l t sick [csqw'alxj c x q w a l x tamarac [ ? a e s i l ] ? a s i l two [?as§la.sqt] ? a s l a s q t Tuesday [ n q w a l q v e l t a n ] n q w l q w i l t n language 10 1.52 a i s basically a low, central vowel with frequent variation to a more front allophone [ae] or lost when unstressed and to a more mid central allophone when stressed i n a short stem. [xast] ~ [xast] xast good [spae lawalx ] spalawlx hazy [sxalxalt] sxlxalt day 1.53 u ranges from a mid to high back rounded vowel. The lower allophone [o] i s often contiguous to a post velar but there are cases of free variation between [u ] and [ o ] . [xanumt] ~ [xanomt] xnumt hurt [q^oct] q~uct fat' [ntoxoxqen] ntuxuxqin noon 1.54 Two types of schwa occur i n Okanagan words. The stressed schwa varies freely with stressed a i n short stems. Unstressed schwas are epenthetic and largely predictable; therefore, they are omitted i n the phonemic transcription. 1.55 The vowels usually occur with pre-glottalization when they are i n i n i t i a l position. ?iln eat ? a s i l two ?uc ('interrogative) 11 A l l of the vowels occur i n an unstressed syllable preceding and following stress., although vowels are often lost i n those environments. Frequently epenthetic schwa rules w i l l apply when the vowel i s lost. stimtima? grandmother limlimt thank you lkapu coat naxynaxy' wife nk^upils lonely ktilus flat surface A l l of the vowels occur i n absolute f i n a l position; however, they commonly have a glottalized coda. ?inca me ?acqa? go out t a l k i very over there k^u me JJusu? pig 1.6 Each word has a single primary stress. Other syllables, are weakly stressed. 12 2. Morphophonemics Morphophonemic changes a f f e c t f u l l words and p a r t i c l e s . F u l l w ords c o n s i s t o f a r o o t and o p t i o n a l a f f i x e s . P a r t i c l e s a r e n o t accompanied b y a f f i x e s . 2.1 Consonant Changes 2.11 Consonant A s s i m i l a t i o n One c o n s o n a n t i s a s s i m i l a t e d b y a l i k e f o l l o w i n g c o n s o n a n t i n a d i f f e r e n t morpheme. lumn lum-mn spoon s n k l m u t n s n - k l - m u t - t n chair ? a l a ? i s i w i k y ? a l a ? ? i s i w l k " Here is the water 2.12 Consonant L o s s The s u f f i x - t transitive i s l o s t a f t e r n b e f o r e n o r s_. n l k i p n n l - k i p - n - t - n I open it An n f o l l o w e d b y a n s i s u s u a l l y l o s t . n U c i p s n l - k i p - n - t - s He opens it The n o f t h e p r e f i x e s P i n - first person singular possessive and a n - second person singular possessive may be o p t i o n a l l y l o s t b e f o r e s_. P i s x i l w i — ? i n s x i l w i my husband a s k ^ i s t your name ansk^uy your mother 13 The 1 of the prefix k l - possessive i s lost before s- nominalizer . kn kslaxt kn kl-s-lax-t J have a friend Root f i n a l _? i s lost i n the reduplicated element of a reduplicated stem. k^akyaPm chewing qiqi?xn cold feet Glottalized resonants in reduplicated stems lose g l o t t a l i z -ation i n the reduplicated element. k^llcwuimn tools smamim women stmtim clothes 2.13 Consonant Fusion The prefix c- customary aspect combines with a following ? to form 6. k"u c i l n k wu c-?iln We 're eating Transitive - t and a following s_ become c. plscut pul-s-t-sut suicide wikncn wik-n-t-s-n I see you 14 2.2 Vowel Changes 2.21 Unstressed morphemes often lose their vowel. That vowel i s usually replaced by an epenthetic schwa. g i l t [<?pelt] sict qlsp?us [qalspa?u& ] discouraged, depressed citxw [ citxy] house ctcitx* [6atcitx^ houses citx""tt [citx^tst] our house A schwa may also be inserted between morphemes. I t i s commonly inserted before a resonant or between two identical obstruents. ?itxx [?itxax ] Go to sleep'. kn sqiclx [ ksn sqecslx] I'm running pixm [ pixam ] hunting 2.22 Evidence of vowel dissimilation i s seen i n several reduplicated stems. xixutm young girl lalustn eyeglasses 2.3 Metathesized Roots Metathesis of root f i n a l -VC to -CV occurs with suffixes such as -p non-control and -m middle. xal' light xlap morning 1 5 kvint Take it! k*nim take 2.4 Stress Changes It has not yet been possible to analyze f u l l y the operation of stress i n this dialect but the data indicates that roots may or may not be stressed according to the suffixes which accompany them. Prefixes are never stressed. Some suffixes appear to be always stressed. These suffixes then w i l l attract stress from the root. Cjacnt Look! Qacncut look at oneself Other suffixes are sometimes stressed.and sometimes unstressed. When stressed, they draw the stress from the root, mulmn fish net sncao/nin oven Other suffixes are never stressed; therefore, the root to which they are attached w i l l retain the stress. ks?itxa?x He's going to sleep ksmijo^taPx It's going to snow Unstressed roots and suffixes often lose their vowel and in that case, frequently epenthetic schwa rules w i l l apply. 16 3. Morphology The root i s the essential element of the morphological system. Roots are usually extended by affixes to form stems but they may stand alone as f u l l words. Such unextended roots are a l l predicative. q w a c It's sunny citx* It 's a house Most stems consist of a single root accompanied by affixes. Reduplicated stems consist of a reduplicated root with optional affixes. Two combined roots with optional affixes form a compound stem. 3.1 Voice Stems generally f a l l into two categories, transitive and intransitive, when voice i s considered; that i s , when the position of the subject i n relation to the activity or state i s considered. Several subcategories may be described within each of the two major divisions. 3.11 Transitive Roots which appear as transitive stems are marked by the transitive suffix - t . These forms make reference to a subject and an object. Transitive stems generally take this form -Root -n - t Object Subject -s tarqntis Ee kicked him k*u papasilxstx You make me worried 17 • 3.111 Transitive stems i n -n may be called active stems. They involve an action of a subject upon an object. kwu ca?ntis He hit me 3.112 Transitive stems i n -s may be called causative stems. These stems involve an action or state resulting from the activity of another. kyu caSstix*' You make me ashamed 3.113 The reflexive suffix -sut marks a stem when the action of the subject i s directed toward i t s e l f . This suffix always follows - t transitive. tarqncut tarq-n-t-sut kick oneself 3.12 Intransitive Stems which express an activity or state of a subject but take no object may remain unmarked or take one of several intransitive suffixes. 3.121. The suffix -m indicates that the subject i s engaged i n an activity. I t may be called the middle suffix. knTax^m I am sweeping lkalatm She is making bread sncixm He is frying something 18 3.122 Intransitive roots may add the stative suffix - t to indicate an integral or natural characteristic of that root. <3ik* burn citft burned ma^ ' break maS't broken Many intransitive stems occur only i n their stative form. JSraxt fast xact hard c a l t cold limt happy qwuct fat slaxt friend 3.123 The suffix - l x indicates that the subject i s engaged in an activity involving motion. qiclx run lk*^ilx move away ca*icalx bathing tKiwlx climbing 3.124 The suffix - i l s expresses a state of mind. nJc*upils lonely nqwaSils crazy 19 3 . 1 2 5 Intransitive roots may suffix -p to express a lack of control on the part of the subject. ^xap grow r?xtip win csap finished kmap darkening 3 . 1 3 A root may appear as more than one type of stem. k^akwaPm chewing. (intransitive) k^ak^aPntis He is chewing on it (transitive) kniax^m I am sweeping (intransitive) ?ax"ntis She is sweeping it (transitive) cucawt clean (intransitive) cawsm wash face (intransitive) cawnt Wash it! (transitive) 3.2 Imperatives Transitive and intransitive stems may be further distinguished by their imperative form. Transitive stems without personal reference markings indicate the imperative. nllcipnt Open it! Ta^nt Sweep it! k*u cunt Tell me! 20 Intransitive stems express the imperative by suffixing -x. ?itx sleep ?itxx Go to sleep! ca'icalx bathing ca^calxx Take a bath I x^uy go xwuyx Go'. Transitive and intransitive negative imperative forms regularly prefix the second person pronoun af f i x followed by the unrealized aspect marker and nominalizer. lu t aksSancut Don't laugh'. lut aksk^nim Don't take it'. lut aksxvuya?x Don't go'. 3.3 Personal Reference System Transitive and intransitive stems take distinctive personal reference markers. These markers distinguish f i r s t , second and third person and singular and plural number. 3.31 Intransitive Pronouns The intransitive pronouns are dependent elements which may be described i n two sets. The subject pronouns include three p r o c l i t i c particles and one suffix. The possessive pronouns include two prefixes and four suffixes. 21 Subject Pronouns kn first person singular kw second person singular kwu first person plural - l x third person plural kn xvuy I go kwu xvuy We go ha kw ?aha? Do you have a cold? ha ?aha?lx Bo they have a cold? The third person plural suffix -lx serves i n both the transitive and intransitive paradigms. In intransitive stems i t refers to the subject. In transitive stems, this suffix indicates the plural form of the third person subject and object. Possessive Pronouns ?in- first person singular an- second person singular -s third person singular - t t first person plural -mp second person plural -six third person plural 22 In an unusual derivation with the reflexive suffix -sut, these possessive words are formed with the possessive pronoun affixes: isutn It's mine ansutn It's yours sutns It's his/hers sutntt It's ours sutnmp It 's yours (plural) sutnslx It's theirs 3.32 Transitive Pronouns The following transitive pronouns indicate the subject in an active transitive stem when the object i s third person singular. Third person singular object i s unmarked. Stressed Unstressed - i n -n f i r s t person singular -ix* -xw second person singular - i s -s third person singular -im -m f i r s t person plural - i s l x -six third person plural wtntin I put it there nlkipn I open it 23 maSntx* ?axwntis nlJcips xpntim kwtlqintm nltfipslx kyekwaTntislx You put it there You broke it She is sweeping it Be opens it We are eating it up We uncover it They open it They are chewing on it When the object is other than third person singular, these affixes and a proclitic particle are used. kwu first person kwu cunt Tell me /us! -s second person cuncn cu-n-t-s-n I tell you - lx third person plural cuntlx Tell them! 3.4 The Aspectual System 3.41 Unrealized Stems may be marked by the prefix k- which expresses an intentional future action or state. It is usually translated as 24 I am going to ... or I am getting .... I t always accompanies and precedes s- nominalizer and often occurs with the continuative suffix -a?x. kn ksqilta?x I'm getting sick ksqita?x It's going to vain kn ksacqa? I want to go to the bathroom 3.42 Continuative Continuative aspect i s marked by the suffix -a?x when an action or state i s considered i n progress. kn scputa?x I am celebrating sncixa?x Be is frying something kn kscaScalxa?x I am going to take a bath 3.43 Customary Customary aspect i s marked on a stem by the prefix c- to indicate a usual or expected action or state. ascJcwuT Bow is your job? n?ayp cmqwaqw It's always snowing ascitx Bow was your sleep? 25 3.44 Inchoative The i n f i x before the root vowel denotes a development to a state. qwuct fat qwpuc He got fat g i l t sick q ? i l t He got sick A developmental suffix -wilx expresses the notion of becoming. xast good xastwilx getting better c a l t coId caltwilx get cold 3.5 Further Stem Modification by Affixes Word formation involves other systems of grammatical affixes and a special group of l e x i c a l affixes. They are presented here according to a f f i x a l type. 3.51 Prefixes 3.511 Directional prefixes include 1- movement back, c- movement toward speaker and k l - down, under. Two directional prefixes may co-occur. 26 xwuy Ixyvuy c x ^ u y l e x w u y mutx k l m u t x 9o return come come back Sit! Sit down! kikmusa? k l - k m - u s - a ? cheeks (under-surface-eyes-animate) 3.512 The p r e f i x s- forms n o m i n a l stems. mgwaqw smqwaqw ? i l n s ? i l n p u l ? s p u l ' It's snowing age (how many snowfalls) eat mealtime smoking smoke Many r o o t s o c c u r c o n s i s t e n t l y w i t h s- nominalizer. s l a g y meat s q ? i m milk s t f u l bees slaqw hawk s c w i n sa Imon s n i n a ? owl 27 3.513 The locative prefix n- indicates that a location i s specified. g i l t sick nqilqn His head aches cix fry ncixmn kettle When s- nominalizer and n- locative are both prefixed to a stem, a nominative instrumental function i s expressed. An instrumental suffix usually co-occurs with this prefix combination. snca^icalxtn bathtub snklmutn chair sncaqmin oven snkiwlxtn ladder, stairs 3.514 The possessive i s marked by the prefix k l - . kn klpus I have a cat klxalas x l i l p Your floor is clean sklqayncut s-kl-qay-n-t-sut -picture (nominalizer-possessive-root-active-transitive-reflexive) 28 3.515 The prefix sx- expresses an agent. It always co-occurs with the suffix -m middle. sxk^u]jn sxmamaym sxtrqam worker teacher dancer 3.52 Suffixes 3.521 The suffixes -min and -tn form nominative instrumental stems. These suffixes may co-occur. mulmn fish net niwmn klalmin Icarmiri fan fence scissors klltmintn tkikstn nxalsaxytn fishing rod cane window 3.522 A special group of suffixes add lexical information to the root. -a? animate sama? white man skkaka? birds kilawna? male grizzly bear 29 -qin kwacqn qapqirrtn wl'qintn -cin splimcn wicin raSrna^cin -ikst cawkstm stumkst Ipikst -xan sulxn snsisuxn qaxan -us sqwtus piyusm lalustn head hat hair cover,lid mouth mouth finished eating You talk too much manual wash hands thumb glove feet frozen feet socks shoe eyes face frown eyeglasses 30 -ank nqilnk n^uSank -ikn snfonikn -ul titimul nqwnqwmul cacaxtal -itdxw sqltmix^ ilmfx^m -ulawx tmxtilawx xx?ulawx cilawx - i l p swiplp stkWlp sxaliip stomach stomach ache terribly frightened back back individual lazy person thief shy person man man chief space, an area world a cool place shade base3 bottom sheets mattress floor 31 -asqt day sraasqt Thursday tqmkstasqt Saturday scakasqt calendar 3.6 Survey of Affixes There i s insufficient contrastive material to assure an accurate description of the relative order of affixes but the available data suggests the following order from the closest to the root to the farthest from the root. Prefixes 1. c- directional 2. 1- directional 3. k l - directional 4. sx- agentive 5. k l - possessx-ve 6. c- customary aspect 7. n- locative 8. s- nominalizer 9. k- unrealized aspect 10. possessive pronouns 32 Infix -7- -inchoative Suffixes 1. lex i c a l 2. "P non-control 3. - m middle 4. - t stative 5. -lx motion 6. -n active -s causative 7. - t transitive 8. transitive pronouns 9. -sut reflexive 10. -x imperative 11. -wilx developmental 12. - i l s state of mind 13. -min instrumental 14. -tn instrumental 15. -a?x continuative aspect 16. possessive pronouns 33 Examples of stem types where both prefixes and suffixes occur or where more than one prefix or suffix occurs w i l l be illustrated here. 1. ascaqw your flowers a-s-caqw possessive pronoun-nominalizer-root 2. snqaymin writing equipment s-n-qay-min nominalizer-locative-root-instrumental 3. ?inqa?xan my shoes ?in-qa?-xan possessive pronoun-root-lexical 4 . cfevulm always working c-kWi-m customary aspect-root-middle 5. sncixm He is frying something s-n-cix-m nominalizer-locative-root-middle 6. anqapqxntn your hair an-qap-qin-tn possessive pronoun-root-lexical-instrwnental 7 . askwist your name a-s-k^is-t possessive pronoun-nominalizer-root-stative 8. scilkstasqt Friday s-cil-kst-asqt nominalizer-root-lexical-lexical 9. nsama?cn speak English n-sam-a?-cn locative-root-lexical-lexical 10. kslx^uyaPx He's going to return home k-s-J-xwuy-afx unrealized aspect-nominalizer-directional-root-continuative aspect 34 3.7 Reduplicated Stems Complete and parti a l reduplication processes occur to form complex stems. 3.71 Complete Reduplication Complete reduplication can function to express qualities, intensity, iteration and plural. In some cases the function of the reduplication i s not apparent. a. C^C., - C ^ caxt hot caxcaxt very hot limt happy limlimt thank you b. C ^ - C / ^ cit x * house ctcitx v V houses lk"\il work l^l^ulmn tools sama? white man smsama'' white people 35 A number of stems belong formally to this reduplication type but contrasting non-reduplicated forms are lacking. q^ngwant maSmaCit l i p l i p poor tiresome corn xwatxv'at nax wnax w k l k i l x ducks wife arms C 1 V 1 " C 1 V 1 sqit qaqat ram a rainshower C 1 V 1 - C 1 V 1 scuxan scucuxn foot feet 36 3.72 Partial Reduplication a. Diminutive forms occur with the reduplication of C 1 of the root. Wcyuma? tittle k^k^ap dog sJo^k^imalt baby ttwit boy sccmila? children c c i t a x w bathroom b. Plural can be indicated by the reduplication of of the root. xmal fly xxmal flies 3.73 Multiple Reduplication A stem may be modified by more than one reduplicative process. £xap grow SaxSxap old -person ^raxax&cap old people skkaka? birds 37 3.8 Compound Stems Compound stems consist of two roots and optional affixes. glsppus discouraged, depressed q i l - sp?us sick - heart sncaxtlkalat fried bread s-n- caxt - lkalat hot - bread lptmtritkw rippling of the water lpimt - -tlikwt ripples - lake Some suppletive stems for plural imperative form compounds with the root x"uy go. pulxwuy Go to bed! (plural) twistx^uy Get up! (plural) kyvilx^uy Sit down! (plural) The following numeral compounds combine ?upnkst ten with the digits one to nine. 1. naqs 6. -^aqrnkst 2. ?asil 7. sisplk' 3. kalis 8. timl 4. mus 9. xxnut • • 5. c i l k s t 38 The numbers eleven to nineteen consist of ?upnkst ten as the f i r s t element followed by the digits with the connecting morpheme ±. 11. ?upnkst 1 naqs 12. ?upnkst 1 ?as£l 13. ?upnkst 1 kalis 14. ?upnkst 1 mus 15. ?upnkst 1 c i l k s t 16. ?upnkst 1 -caqmkst 17. ?upnkst 1 sispUc 18. ?upnkst 1 tirnl 19. ?upnkst 1 xxnut In multiples of ten, ?upnkst ten i s preceded by the dig i t s . 20. ? a s i l ?upnkst 30. kal ?upnkst 40. mus ± ?upnkst 50. c i l k 1 ?upnkst 60. £qm 1 ?upnkst 70. sispllc 1 Tupnkst 80. tirnl ?upnkst 90. xxnut 1 ?upnkst One hundred i s xccikst. 39 BIBLIOGPAPHY Bouchard, Randy. 1973. How to Write the Okanagan Language. B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Language Project. Bouchard, Randy and Larry Pierre. 1975. Classified Word L i s t for B.C. Indian Languages Okanagan Version. Br i t i s h Columbia Indian Language Project. Carlson, Barry F. 1972. A Grammar of Spokan: A Salish Language of Eastern Washington. University of Hawaii Working Papers i n Linguistics 4:4. Gibson, James A. 1973. Shuswap Grammatical Structure. University of Hawaii Working Papers i n Linguistics 5:5. Kinkade, M. Dale. 1967. Uvular-Pharyngeal Resonants i n Interior Salish. UAL 33:228-34. . 1975. The Lexical Domain of Anatomy i n Columbian Salish. Peter de Ridder Press Publications on Salish Languages 1. . 1976. Interior Salishan Particles. Working Papers for the XI International Conference on Salishan Languages. Mattina, Anthony. 1973. C o l v i l l e Grammatical Structure. University of Hawaii Working Papers i n Linguistics 5:4. Reichard, Gladys A. 1938. Coeur d'Alene. Handbook of American Indian Languages 3:517-707. Thompson, Laurence C. 1973. The Northwest. Linguistics i n North America Volume 1. Thomas A. Sebeok ed. The Hague. Thompson, Laurence C. and M. Terry Thompson. 1975. Thompson, ms. Vogt, Hans. 1940. The Kalispel Language. Oslo: Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi. Watkins, Donald. 1970. A Description of the Phonemes and Position Classes i n the Morphology of Head of the Lake Okanagan (Salish). University of Alberta dissertation. . 1974. A Boas Original. IJAL 40:29-43. 


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