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The Pierpont Morgan life and miracles of St. Edmund: some observations on the content and style of its… Fraser, Pamela Maria 1978

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THE PIERPONT MORGAN LIFE AND MIRACLES OF ST. EDMUND SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE CONTENT AND STYLE OF ITS ILLUMINATED MINIATURES by PAMELA MARIA FRASER B.A., University of San Francisco, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Fine Arts We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1978 © Pamela Maria Fraser, 1978 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I a g ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Fine Arts:  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date Oct. 10. 1978 ABSTRACT This paper i s concerned with a twelfth-century English manuscript, The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS 736), ana in particular with the thirty-two illuminated miniatures which decorate i t s opening pages. The manuscript is one of the two earliest surviving examples of an illustrated saint's Life made in England. It is also among the f i r s t English manuscripts to contain pic-tures painted in the Romanesque style. For these reasons, among others, the Morgan Life i s a fascinating book to study. The f i r s t main section briefly discusses the physical details of the manuscript-- i t s content, organization, prove-nance, dating, authorship and function. The next section deals with the story of the saint and the development of his abbey in order to place the manuscript in i t s proper historical framework. Woven in with this i s a discussion of the subject matter of the miniatures which attempts to answer the following questions: how do the illuminations relate to the text? does the choice of topics for il l u s t r a t i o n reflect the concerns and aspirations of Edmund's abbey? can the ideas and ideals exem-p l i f i e d by the pic t o r i a l narrative be connected with the thoughts and beliefs of Western society in the twelfth century? i i The f i n a l part of the paper undertakes an examination of the Morgan miniatures from a s t y l i s t i c point of view. There is a continuing controversy among art historians concerning the authorship of the St. Edmund miniatures: some scholars suggest that the a r t i s t of the Morgan Life was the same man responsible for the paintings in the St. Albans Psalter-- the famous manu-script which introduced the Romanesque style to English i l l u -mination; other scholars hold different theories of author-ship. This section consists of a comparison between the intro-ductory miniatures of the Psalter and those of the St. Edmund libe l l u s in order to determine whether or not these paintings should be attributed to the hand of one master. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT'v v i i i I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. DESCRIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT 6 Physical Composition 6 Provenance 21 Problems of Dating 23 Function 34 Footnotes 39 I I I . MS 736 IN RELATION TO THE HISTORY OF THE ABBEY AND ITS SAINT '44 Story of St. Edmund 44 Basic H i s t o r i c a l Facts 44 The Passio by Abbo of Fleury 46 Growth of Edmund's Cult 71 Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds 77 Early History to 1066 77 Development Under the Normans 90 Footnotes 110 IV. THE ILLUMINATED MINIATURES 120 I l l u s t r a t e d Saints' Lives 120 i v Page Morgan MS 736 ana tine St. Albans Psalter . . 127 The Nature of their Connection 127 Theories of Modern Art Historians . . . 131 St y l i s t i c Comparison 135 Conclusion 176 Footnotes 186 ILLUSTRATIONS 193 BIBLIOGRAPHY 221 v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS I l l u s t r a t i o n Page 1. A r r i v a l of Angles, Saxons ana Jutes 193 2. D i v i s i o n of Land among the Tribes 194 3. Eamuna Dispensing Alms 195 4. A r r i v a l of the Danes 196 5. Devastation of an East Anglian Town . ,.. . . . 197 6. Inguar Despatching the Envoy 198 7. The Envoy before Eamuna 199 8. The Envoy Returns 200 9. Eamuna Seized 201 10. Eamuna Lea Away 202 11. Eamuna Strippea 203 12. Eamuna Scourgea 204 13. Eamuna Shot with Arrows 205 14. Eamuna Beheaded 206 15. Departure of the Danes 207 16. Discovery of Eamuna*s Boay 208 17. The Wolf Guards Eamuna *s Heaa 209 18. The Heaa Carriea to the Boay 210 19. The Heaa Attachea to the Boay 211 20. Eamuna's Boay Borne on a L i t t e r 212 21. Eamuna's Bur i a l 213 v i I l l u s t r a t i o n Page 22. The Thieves Before Theoarea 214 23. The Hanging of the Thieves 215 24. Eaabricht ana Aethelwine 216 25. Aethelwine Crosses the Narrow Bridge . . . . 217 26. Aethelwine Before Swegn 218 27. Eamuna Slays Swegn 219 28. A Nobleman Announces Swegn*s Death 220 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I woula like to thank Dr. Mary Morehart for her numerous helpful suggestions and constant encouragement, -without which this paper woula not have been completed. Thanks are also due to Professor Marc Pessin for agreeing to be second reader of this paper at rather short notice. Finally, I would like to thank the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, for granting me permission to use photo-graphs of MS 736 to illustr a t e my paper. v i i i I. INTRODUCTION The twelfth century witnessed the introduction to England of a new style in European art-- a style with varying interpretations in different countries within an overall span of approximately three hundred years-- which i s referred to under the general t i t l e of "Romanesque". In Britain, a gradu-a l change from the flamboyant art of the Anglo-Saxon period to the more sombre, controlled art of the twelfth century can already be detected at the close of the eleventh century. But the St. Albans Psalter (Hildesheim, Treasure of St. Godhard's), produced about 1123 and including among i t s decorations some forty full-page miniatures, is one of the earliest and finest extant examples of a major English work in a f u l l y developed Romanesque style. Not unnaturally, the appearance of this Psalter had an immediate impact upon English manuscript illumination, and the St. Albans style spread rapidly to other scriptoria, foremost among them that of the prestigious abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. Of the books made at or for Bury i n the new manner, shortly after the production of the Psalter, the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS 736) i s the most elaborate, with i t s thirty-two full-page paintings and i t s numerous decorated or historiated i n i t i a l s . 1. 2. This manuscript, i t s place in the history of i t s abbey and i t s times, and the nature of i t s relationship with the St. Albans Psalter, i s the subject of the present paper. As well as being an excellent example of the new Roman-esque style in England, the Life and Miracles of St. .Edmund is also one of the two earliest remaining examples of an illustrated saint's Life to be produced in Britain; the other work in this genre i s a Life of St. Cuthbert (Oxford, Univer-sity College, MS 165). Because of i t s importance on these two counts, the St. Edmund manuscript has been mentioned by several art historians and discussed i n some detail by a few. However, since a complete study of the Life has never been made, and since scholars offer differing opinions on such matters as dating, authorship of the text, and the identity of the miniaturist, there i s ample room for research into diverse aspects of the manuscript. In the following pages, I w i l l explore some of these areas in the hope that a fresh look at the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund may help to c l a r i -fy i t s position in the history of manuscript illumination in early twelfth-century England. The f i r s t section of the paper w i l l deal with the physical details of the L i f e — i t s size, i t s contents and 3. t h e i r order of arrangement, i t s material makeup and s c r i p t s t y l e , the controversy over the authorship of part of i t s text, the number and subjects of i t s h i s t o r i a t e d i n i t i a l s , i t s provenance, and the problems surrounding i t s dating. This section w i l l also include a discussion of the several purposes such a luxurious book might serve within the monas-tery-- from a teaching device for the monks, to a symbol of the wealth and power of the abbey, to a b e a u t i f u l treasure i n honour of the patron saint and adorning h i s shrine. The second part of the paper w i l l examine the Morgan manuscript i n a s o c i a l rather than a physical context. I w i l l discuss the l i b e l l u s primarily i n r e l a t i o n to the h i s t o r y of the saint and his abbey. My method w i l l be to recount the development of Edmund's c u l t and the establishment of his mon-astery as these events are recorded by the illuminated minia-tures and to suggest how the episodes chosen for i l l u s t r a t i o n have special significance for the glory of either the saint or the abbey. In t h i s section, I w i l l also attempt to show how the l i b e l l u s r e f l e c t s the values and concerns of the epoch which produced i t , and to indicate that c e r t a i n modes of thought and ways of l i f e revealed by the manuscript were not purely 4. local but were part of a wider European tradition. Some as-pects of the medieval mind, i t s methods of making sense of the physical and spiritual world, are expressed through the manuscript, and I w i l l point out how the illuminations help to describe the tenets and conditions of their age. In a sense, the last part of the paper w i l l return to a consideration of the physical elements of the manuscript, since I w i l l discuss the illuminated miniatures from a sty-l i s t i c rather than a social point of view. But f i r s t l y , I w i l l b r i e f l y outline the general development of the i l l u s -trated saint's Life in Europe in order to place the St. Edmund manuscript in i t s proper art historical context. The primary purpose of this section w i l l be to compare and contrast the miniatures in the St. Edmund manuscript with those in the St. Albans Psalter in order to suggest how and i f their respective ar t i s t s are related - or i f both sets of paintings are the products of one man's hand. Therefore, I w i l l mention the differing theories which art historians concerned with the question of authorship have put forth and w i l l then begin a point-by-point comparison of the style of the two picture cycles. In this way, I hope to add something constructive to 5. the s t i l l unsolved problem of the identity of the St. Edmund miniaturist. The solution of this puzzle i s of more than purely academic interest; i f the question of the attribution of the St. Edmund miniatures can ever be satisfactorily settled, art historians w i l l be one step further in resolving the wider and more pertinent problem of the relative impor-tance of St. Albans and Bury St. Edmunds as centers of book illumination and as disseminators of a new style in English manuscript printing. 6. I I . DESCRIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT Physical Composition The L i f e and Miracles of St. Edmund, MS 736 i n the Pierpont Morgan Library i n New York, i s an excellent example of a type of book which was e s p e c i a l l y popular during the eleventh and twelfth c e n t u r i e s — the saint's l i f e which, when augmented by prayers and songs, was c a l l e d a l i b e l l u s . 1 Be-fore dealing with other aspects of the manuscript, I would l i k e to describe i t s physical composition and to discuss i t s provenance, dating, and the general function of t h i s type of book.^ As i s normal for a l i b e l l u s , the Morgan manuscript i s r e l a t i v e l y small both i n dimension and i n number of pages: the leaves, made of vellum, measure 10-3/4 by 7-1/4 inches, and there are one hundred f o l i o s i n a l l ; however, the manu-s c r i p t ends imperfectly due to a loss of several pages at the end. The handwriting of t h i s and other major products of the Bury scriptorium i n the twelfth century has been c a r e f u l l y analyzed by Elizabeth Parker ; she i d e n t i f i e s the present manuscript as one of a group written by an unknown scribe working i n the second and t h i r d decades of the century. The l e t t e r i n g i s i n a c a r e f u l l y executed miniscule, and Miss Parker 7. describes t h i s a t t r a c t i v e round hand as being a r e f l e c t i o n of the Carolingian t r a d i t i o n prevalent i n the Bury scriptorium u n t i l shortly before the second decade of the twelfth century. Yet another reminder of former practice occurs i n the format of the text which i s written i n thirty-two long l i n e s r i g h t across the page rather than i n the double columns more common 4 to twelfth century Bury books. The headings of the various chapters are worked i n small red r u s t i c c a p i t a l s , while the i n i t i a l s of the chapters are large and b e a u t i f u l l y illuminated. Whenever St. Edmund's name appears i n the text, i t i s d i s t i n -guished by being written i n gold uncials. A number of Bury books s t i l l r e t a i n their ancient bindings because they are housed i n l i b r a r i e s which have attempted to preserve the old covers.** However, MS 7 3 6 has l o s t i t s o r i g i n a l binding and i t s present olive-green morocco cover dates from the mid-nineteenth century; i t would no doubt have f i r s t been bound i n the smooth white leather f a -voured by the Bury scriptorium at t h i s time. Now to examine the L a t i n text i t s e l f , t h i s i s com-posed of three major sections plus a number of minor additions. I w i l l discuss the various items i n order of appearance rather than importance so as to give a clear idea of the actual 8. arrangement of the book. MS 736 opens with a separate quire of six leaves^ which i s probably an original part of the book, but which i s contemporary with i t at any event. These pages have a special interest with regard to the dating of the manu-script and w i l l be mentioned again below. Following normal usage, folios 1-4 would have been l e f t blank originally so that items of importance could be recorded as occasion demanded. Such additions have been made to the present vol-ume which therefore opens on fo l i o 2 with copies of two un-dated letters written to Anselm, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds from 1121 to 1148. The f i r s t letter i s from King Henry I forbidding the abbot to undertake a desired journey abroad on the grounds that the monks and knights of his abbey object to the proposal; i t i s generally agreed that this letter refers to a pilgrim-age to Composte11a which Anselm wished to make shortly after his election as abbot. As a consequence of the king's letter, Anselm did not embark upon the journey to Spain; however, most like l y as compensation for this disappointment, Henry granted the abbot an annual fair at Bury to continue for six days surrounding the feast of St. James. The second letter, also on f o l i o 2, i s from Prior Talbot and the convent ardently re-questing the abbot to return to Bury since he had apparently 9. gone farther than his original destination of Normandy and had been away too long. As Talbot speaks of o f f i c i a l crown busi-ness, i t seems likely that his letter was written to Anselm while the abbot was on a mission to Rouen in 1125 where he was sent by Henry to witness two royal charters.^ These let-ters are followed on folios 3 and 4 by a series of pittances granted by Anselm to the monks, a l i s t of the sacrist's holdings from which these allotments were to be financed, and notations of the feast days upon which the monies were to be distributed. The f i n a l additions written on the six opening folios consist of four extra lections for the v i g i l of St. Edmund, probably intended as alternatives for those found in the main body of the text. Intervening between these preliminaries and the text proper are the thirty-two illuminated miniatures with which this paper w i l l be primarily concerned. These pictures occupy folios 7 through 22 and are followed immediately by the main text which consists of three sections: a Miracula sancti Eadmundi regis et martiris in two books with a preface begins on f o l i o 23; next appears the Passio sancti Eadmundi by Abbo of Fleury, including his dedicatory letter to St. Dunstan, on 10 f o l i o 77; and f i n a l l y , on folio 87 begins the major set of offices for the v i g i l and feast of St. Edmund, which is 10. e s s e n t i a l l y a group of selections from the writings of Abbo ana archdeacon Herman interspersed with hymns, antiphons ana responses with musical notes included; these items are a l l t y p i c a l features of the l i b e l l u s . As statea above, th i s t h i r a section i s missing i t s f i n a l pages, leaving incomplete most of the actual Mass for the feast. While the second part of the main text i s a complete copy of the e a r l i e s t known Vita of Eamuna, Abbo's tenth century L a t i n work, there i s some controversy concerning the author of the f i r s t section, the Miracula. Since the i a e n t i t y of the writer i s one of the elements pertinent to the dating of the manuscript, i t w i l l be worthwhile to examine the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for authorship of the two miracle books. This p a r t i c u l a r miracle text i s a unique copy, not extant i n any other manuscript; i t has not been published to date. However, the f i r s t of i t s two books i s l a r g e l y based on the Liber ae Miraculis sancti Eaamunai, written by Herman, a monk of Bury, shortly a f t e r the t r a n s l a t i o n of the saint's r e l i c s to a new shrine i n 1095j* 1 the secona book incluaes more recent miracles not recorded by Herman. Two reasonable suggestions have been maae concerning the compiler of the miracle books: that he was a monk known as Osbert of Clare; or that he was an as yet u n i d e n t i f i e d monk working at Bury 11. 12 sometime early in Anselm's abbacy. Concerning Osbert, we unfortunately know l i t t l e about his dates and career with any 13 precision. Thanks primarily to his letters, we do know that Osbert: was a monk at the monastery of St. Peter's, West-minster; that he argued with his abbot, Herbert, sometime after 1121 when the latter was appointed; that he consequent-ly spent the years between about 1123 and 1134 in exile at both Ely and Bury; and that he was recalled to Westminster and named (or renamed) prior in 1134. We also know that Osbert wrote several lives of English saints, including Eadburge and Ethelbert, members of the royal Anglo-Saxon house; he was an especial champion of the canonization of Edward the Confessor, the last of the Anglo-Saxon kings, and to this end wrote his well-known Vita of Edward in 1138. Since he did spend time at Bury and since he had a propensity for writing about saintly English kings, i t is not d i f f i c u l t to accept the suggestion that Osbert recorded some additional miracles of Edmund at Anselm's request; however, we do not have solid proof that MS 736 contains this work. The attribution to Osbert i s made in a roundabout way via a later manuscript, Cotton MS Titus A VIII, which was compiled by Samson of Bury who was abbot from 1182-1212; this manu-script also contains the Passio by Abbo and two books of 1 2 . miracles; the prologue to book two has a marginal note in a fifteenth century hand ascribing this prologue and thirteen of the miracles to Osbert. Even though the prologue i s com-pletely different from that in Morgan 7 3 6 , and even though the thirteen miracles mentioned in the note are absent in our manuscript,1"* Arnold and Williamson, as well as recent authors following them, maintain that MS 736 represents an early form of Osbert's work because of i t s similarity to his flowery literary style. Therefore, the connection with Osbert i s rather tenuous, though not frivolous, and perhaps i t would be safer to agree with Warner and Thomson that this text i s the product of another monk, intermediate between Herman and Osbert, since the latter*s work i s extant only insofar as Samson used i t for his own version of the miracles. In support of the theory of an intermediate author, there may be a hint of his identity in a fourteenth century note at the end of a late eleventh-century manuscript, Cotton  MS Tib.B.ii, containing Herman's miracle text which he l e f t unfinished; the note mentions that six miracles are lacking in Herman and can be found in the book by Prior John of C.; we know nothing of this prior, but i t is precisely his six miracles which provide the additional material, not mentioned by Herman, which makes up book two of the Morgan miracle texts 13. The Passio by Abbo of Fleury which follows the Miracula is the basic l i t u r g i c a l text for St. Eamuna's l i f e ana martyr-aom ana i s also founa in the two extant lives of the saint which predate the present manuscript, Cotton MS Tib.B.ii and Lambeth Palace MS 362. Abbo was a monk of Fleury-sur-Loire who had been called to Ramsey abbey as a teacher by Oswald in 986, during the period of the f i r s t great monastic reform in England. As Abbo says in his dedicatory letter to Dunstan, the Passio was written at the request of the monks of St. Edmund, and i t seems that he composed the story during his two-year stay at Ramsey abbey. The history of the saint i s written in a straightforward, educated style but is quite concise, concentrating on the main flow of events without much elaboration or attention to detail. However terse the text may be, the story i s developed according to a long-estab-lished hagiographic pattern which w i l l be discussed further in connection with the genre of the libellus in general. Finally, brief mention should be made of the physical details of the miniatures and i n i t i a l s . As has been noted above, thirty-two nearly full-page miniatures are placed immediately before the main text. They occupy sixteen folios and are arranged consecutively with no text or blank pages intervening; the f i r s t miniature, depicting the Angles, 14. Saxons, and Jutes arriving in ancient Britain, appears alone on fo l i o 7 recto; the next thirty pictures are in pairs facing each other; and the closing scene, an Apotheosis of St. Edmund, is again alone on fol i o 22 verso; this f i n a l image of Edmund in glory therefore faces the opening page (folio 23 recto) of the Miracula, serving as an effective introduction to the history of the saint. The miniatures are painted on doubled vellum leaves which are slightly narrower than the text pages; the pictures themselves are enclosed within frames which mea-sure about b by 5-1/4 inches so that there i s a border of approximately 3 by 2 inches around each miniature; this blank space is sometimes used as well, since the a r t i s t does not hesitate to extend his figures or their accessories outside the frame on occasion. A l l of the scenes have been completed and are f u l l y painted and illuminated; gold is laid on in leaf but is not raised or burnished,^ and i t i s used sparing-ly-- primarily as an accent on robe edges, crowns, architec-tural details, etc.; the narrow outer band of each frame i s also g i l t . Thirty-nine illuminated i n i t i a l s accompany the text, making MS 736 one of the most decorated Bury books of the period. Scholars who have studied the subject agreed that these i n i t i a l s are by a different a r t i s t than the one respon-15. sible for painting the miniatures. Consequently, I w i l l not be discussing the i n i t i a l s again at any length, but to ignore them entirely woula be to give an incomplete ana unsatisfactory view of the manuscript; therefore, a short summary of their style ana contents follows. As far as I can ascertain, Elizabeth Parker i s the only art historian who has written in any detail about these i n i t i a l s , l i s t i n g their subjects ana aescribing their characteristics; for this reason, most of the physical information given here i s based on her research.^ Fifteen of the thirty-nine large i n i t i a l s are hi s t o r i -atea, containing scenes or figures i n some way pertaining to the text which they introauce. The remaining twenty-four are primarily ornamental, consisting of warriors, strange beasts, exhuberant foliage ana acrobatic figures. The subjects of the historiatea i n i t i a l s are not in s t r i c t l y chronological oraer, ana Miss Parker aoes not fina any particular principle guiding the choice of sections to receive narrative as opposed to orna-mental i n i t i a l s ; nor does she aiscover an unaerlying oraer in the actual characters or events portrayea in these i n i t i a l s , noting that the subjects often aeal with a topic or person mentioned in the opening paragraphs of the relevant chapter. While the fourteen (of the fifteen total) i n i t i a l s which Miss Parker l i s t s ana describes may not form a precise ana logical 16. pic t o r i a l programme, i t seems to me that there i s a certain rationale in the choice of subject matter which reveals i t s e l f in an emphasis on two underlying themes: the principal mani-festations of Edmund's sanctity; and the beneficial effect on the abbey of the saint's patronage. As for Edmund's holiness, six i n i t i a l s deal with the major indications of his sainthood: the martyrdom (f94v); the all-important witness to the hiding of the martyr's head (f96); the wolf protecting the severed head (f97); the miraculous light shining from the body (f24v); the body found incorrupt in the tomb after many years (f43v); and the cure of a fevered soldier which can stand as an example of Edmund's many healing miracles (f50). With regard to the second theme, two i n i t i a l s describe the salient parts of an event of v i t a l importance to the abbey, the demand for tribute by the Danish king Swegn, and Edmund's slaying of this king for his presumption. The i n i t i a l " I " on foli o 5, which contains the extra lection for the feast of St. Edmund, depicts the saint appearing to the monk Egelwin and instructing him to request Swegn to withdraw his unjust demand; i t can scarcely be mere coincidence that this important scene occurs at the very opening of the book. The second i n i t i a l 17. dealing with the conclusion of the same episode i s also the second historiated i n i t i a l in the manuscript; i t too occupies a prominent position, as i t is on folio 23, the f i r s t page of the Miracula text; i t w i l l be recalled that the illuminated miniature of St. Edmund in glory faces this page. It was precisely the series of events surrounding the tribute money which led to the establishment of the Benedictine abbey of Bury St. Edmunds by King Cnut which explains the inclusion of the episode here. Furthermore, there is a series of seated and standing kings represented in five other i n i t i a l s . Miss Parker feels that these kings, one of whom is Edmund himself: have caught . . . the essence of majesty and regal authority: a king reigns, dies, and i s succeeded by another king, and such i s the primary function of the monarchs in the Miracula, whose names are used chiefly to establish the relative chronology of events. This notion of the continuation of the royal line i s of course important, especially since Edmund was a member of the ancient Anglo-Saxon royalty. However, on a more practical level, i t should be remarked that, aside from Edmund, two of the other kings pictured have a special connection with the abbey: > Cnut appears twice, once as a seated monarch with sceptre and sword 19 (f41), and once as a pilgrim to the shrine (f5b) ; according to the accompanying text, the second seated king, with palm 18. ana sword, would appear to be William the Conqueror. William was a substantial benefactor of the abbey: among other things, he confirmed Pope Alexander II's grant to Bury of freedom from episcopal control; he also allowed the abbey to prosper without the despoliation and turmoil that occurred at other monasteries as a result of the Conquest. Since I have not yet outlined the history of the saint and his abbey, the above remarks concerning the relationship of the historiated i n i t i a l s to the sanctity of the king and the founding of the abbey have been extremely cursory; the significance of these two basic themes w i l l be expanded later in the discussion of the miniatures themselves. However, at this point I simply wish to suggest that most of the scenes and figures depicted within the historiated!initials were chosen with more purpose than Miss Parker believes. Arid although i t is true that the i n i t i a l s do not depend on the miniatures or vice versa for their style or iconography, I hope to show that a similar s p i r i t or point of view underlies the content of both. The thirty-two illuminated miniatures of the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund and the thirty-nine large decorated i n i t i a l s make MS 736 the most lavish of the early twelfth-century books illuminated at Bury before the production of the famous Bury Bible of c. 1135. The remainder of the approxi-19. mately twenty extant manuscripts made at Bury i n the 1120's and early 1130's are more modestly decorated, the most common type of ornament consisting of i n i t i a l s embellished with f o l i -age s c r o l l s entwined with flowers and animals; unshaded, transparent primary colours were used to produce the neat and good looking " f l a t colour" style which was a hallmark of Bury 20 books for much of the twelfth century. At f i r s t sight, i t may seem surprising that an abbey as large and powerful as St. Edmunds undoubtedly was at t h i s time should be producing rather meagrely decorated manuscripts, e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison with the magnificent contemporary work of Canterbury and St. Albans. However, the l i b r a r y and s c r i p -torium of Bury abbey were both r e l a t i v e l y young i n r e l a t i o n to those of the great monasteries mentioned above. The f i r s t books arri v e d at Bury with Uvius when he came from St. Benet's Hulme i n 1020 to be the f i r s t abbot of the new foundation. The second abbot, Leofstan, who held o f f i c e from 1044-1065, made an inventory of the books and other treasures belonging to the abbey: he l i s t e d twenty-one volumes consisting of ser-vice books and devotional aids; i n another section of the in-ventory, he noted a further t h i r t y books of unspecified subject; t h i s adds up to only fi f t y - o n e volumes available for the monks' reading p r i o r to the Conquest, which c e r t a i n l y ranks as a minor 20. c o l l e c t i o n . Strangely enough, i t does not seem as though the size of the l i b r a r y or scope of i t s c o l l e c t i o n increased great-l y during Baldwin's time, even though his abbacy (1065-1097) coincided with the monastic reform of the Normans with i t s tremendous i n f l u x of Continental culture. However, i t i s most l i k e l y during Baldwin's term that the scriptorium came into being as a permanent centre for book production,*since the f i r s t manuscripts which can confidently be assigned to the 21 House date from the l a t t e r years of his abbacy. Among these books i s one of the two previously mentioned l i b e l l i which pre-date the Morgan work, Cotton MS Tib. B i i , containing both Abbo's Passio and Herman's De M i r a c u l i s . It was apparently not u n t i l the second decade of the twelfth century, the period during which the Morgan manuscript was produced, that the scriptorium a c t u a l l y operated on a con-tinuous basis and began to copy large numbers of books of a l l kinds-- service books, p a t r i s t i c texts, and contemporary au-thors as w e l l . R.M. Thomson makes the plausible suggestion that, having had such a late s t a r t as a l i b r a r y and scriptorium, Bury had a tremendous amount of catching up to do i n an attempt to produce the numbers and v a r i e t i e s of texts which abbeys l i k e St. Albans and Canterbury already possessed; consequently, with the heavy load of w r i t i n g to be done, the abbey was "more 21. concerned to turn out modestly attractive, workmanlike products than objets d'art, and i t i s common to find Bury books of this 22 period with their decoration l e f t incomplete." The reasons for the sudden surge in book copying at this time w i l l be discussed below in connection with the history of the abbey. But Thomson's explanation helps to clear up the puzzling dearth of richly illuminated manuscripts remaining from the early decades of the twelfth century. Provenance Next we must turn to the question of provenance. MS 736 is not distinguished by an ex l l b r i s or by the special pressmark which was usually imprinted at the top of the f i r s t leaf as well as on the spines of Bury volumes. Neither i s the work li s t e d in the earliest known catalogue of the library, compiled in the late twelfth or early thirteenth centuries. Nevertheless, there i s l i t t l e doubt that at least the text 23 portions, with their i n i t i a l s , were produced by the Bury scrip-torium, and historians have long attributed the volume to the abbey. The omissions mentioned above are not really d i f f i c u l t to account for. F i r s t l y , since the original binding has been lost, we have no way of knowing whether or not i t included a 22. pressmark. Secondly, s e r v i c e books were not g e n e r a l l y kept w i t h the l i b r a r y books and would t h e r e f o r e not be marked a t a l l - -n e i t h e r on the spine nor on the f i r s t l e a f . T h i s manuscript, because of i t s splendour, was probably kept i n a secure p l a c e - -the t r e a s u r y , s a c r i s t y , h i g h a l t a r or s a i n t ' s s h r i n e — w i t h other p r e c i o u s books and o b j e c t s r a t h e r than i n the c l o i s t e r s or r e f e c t o r y . F i n a l l y , s i n c e s e r v i c e books were c o n s i d e r e d as separate from l i b r a r y m a t e r i a l s , the former were o f t e n omitted from l i s t s of books i n the abbey's p o s s e s s i o n , which e x p l a i n s the a n c i e n t catalogue's f a i l u r e to i n c l u d e the Morgan L i f e among i t s t i t l e s . The a t t r i b u t i o n of MS 736 to Bury i s based on v a r i o u s sound o b s e r v a t i o n s . To b e g i n w i t h , e v e r y t h i n g i n the l i b e l l u s p e r t a i n s d i r e c t l y to the monastery: the e n t i r e manuscript g l o r i f i e s i t s p a t r o n s a i n t ; the names of the s a c r i s t and abbot appear among the opening pages; there i s a l i s t i n g of p i t t a n c e s to be granted to Bury monks; and l e t t e r s to abbot Anselm are i n c l u d e d among the p r e l i m i n a r i e s o f the book. Furthermore, as Miss Parker has p o i n t e d out, the d i s t i n c t i v e s t y l e and o r g a n i -z a t i o n o f the s c r i p t can d e f i n i t e l y be connected w i t h the abbey and even w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r s c r i b e ; two other works by t h i s man are w r i t t e n i n the same s c r i p t hand and are s i m i l a r to MS 736 i n t h a t they are a l s o of octave s i z e and have t h e i r s c r i p t 23. arranged according to the same format of continuous lines of text rather than the more common double columns. The problem of the provenance of the miniatures w i l l be discussed below in the section dealing with these pictures. It i s likely that the libellus remained at Bury until the dissolution of the abbey under Henry VIII. Although the monastery's books were scattered in the sixteenth century, we know several of the early owners of this manuscript: the names of George Roche (sixteenth century), W. Stonehouse (seventeenth century), and Robert Parker (seventeenth century) are written on the opening pages. The manuscript was in the possession of the Parker family until about 1800; i t belonged to various English collectors during the nineteenth century arid was f i -nally purchased by the Pierpont Morgan Library from the estate of Sir George Holford in 1927. Problems of Dating The next item in these preliminary remarks concerning the basic physical details of MS 736 i s i t s probable date. Had the monks l e f t a record of the commission to write the manu script, we could have been spared the rather tedious inquiry into dating.' Unfortunately, no such record exists, and more laborious methods must be used in the attempt to accurately 24. date the li b e l l u s . The broadest possible time span for the production of the Morgan volume i s the f i r s t half of the twelfth century, but i t i s generally accepted that the book was made sometime within the second quarter of the century, with most modern scholars opting for a date between 1130 and 1135. However, there i s good evidence, both internal and external, to suggest that the work was produced toward the opening of the second quarter, and I would like to pursue this possibility as well. Whether the manuscript was made in the 1120's or the 113U's may not seem o f material importance, 'ten years or so difference appearing a rather minor discrepancy. However, i t seems to me that the more precisely one can date a particular work the better, since a more accurate idea may be gained o f the position of the booK in relation to others from the same workshop or from other workshops of the same period. Further-more, with regard to MS 736 in particular, i t s dating may influence the more important matter of the authorship of i t s artwork; that i s , the attribution of the miniatures to one or another a r t i s t or workshop is partly dependent upon the date at which the book was illuminated. A variance of ten years takes on more significance considered in relation to the development of style, presentation, iconography, etc., which may alter the 25. productions of an a r t i s t or workshop through time. Conse-quently, I feel that i t woula be worthwhile to examine the various possibilities for the aate of Morgan 736. To begin with the most concrete evidence for dating, that of paleography, I refer again to Miss Parker's i d e n t i f i -cation of the scribe responsible for the main boay of the manu-script as the man whose hand can be discerned in a group of manuscripts produced from about the mia-1120's un t i l the early 1130's. However, the separate quire of six folios at the beginning of the book has items written in different hands from that of the main text: f i r s t l y , the extra lections for St. Edmund's feast on folios 5 and 6 are in a hand contempo-rary with the principal scribe and open with an i n i t i a l " I " identical in style to those in the main portion of the text; the less elaborate, foliated i n i t i a l s of lections two and three resemble the " f l a t colour" type used at Bury during this period; the script of the two letters to Anselm beginning on f o l i o 2 is more d i f f i c u l t to place, but Thomson feels that these 25 were included shortly after the completion of the manuscript. Perhaps the similar hands in these letters belong to scribes in another group identified by Miss Parker as being contempo-rary with but different from the chief scribe of the Morgan li b e l l u s . On folios 3 and 4 are entries in later, but mostly 26. unpractised hands which l i s t the pittances granted by Anselm to the monks on specified feasts. Since i t i s d i f f i c u l t to pinpoint the dates of these informal entries on paleographic grounds, other internal evidence must be consulted. To conclude, considering only the various script hands in different sections of the manuscript, and excluding miscel-laneous entries obviously added long after the book was com-pleted, the lib e l l u s can be confidently assigned to the period of the mid-1120's and early 1130*s, but the date cannot be determined more precisely than this. To return to the copies of the two letters written to abbot Anselm, these have intrigued scholars for years: the events to which they refer; the dates of their original compo-sition and subsequent copying; and the reasons for their inclu-sion in the manuscript have been the subject of varying inter-pretations. As far as dating i s concerned, the letters serve to bolster the evidence already given by the paleography. Th e terminus ante quern non of 1135 which is now often accepted i s partly derived from the f i r s t letter, since this was written to Anselm at the behest of the king; Henry I died in 1135, and since his death i s not mentioned even in the mar-gin,! the inference i s that he was s t i l l alive when the letter 27. was copied. Furthermore, among the l i s t of pittances to the monks i s one to be given on the king's anniversary, again with no i n d i c a t i o n that Henry i s dead. While i t i s generally agreed that t h i s preliminary l e t t e r concerns Anselm's proposed p i l g r i -mage to Composte11a early i n his abbacy, and was therefore written sometime between 1121 and 1124, there i s disagreement surrounding the subject and date of the second l e t t e r from Prior Talbot. To r e c a l l the basic point of t h i s l e t t e r , i t i s a plea from the prior for Anselm to come home from Normandy as h i s of-f i c i a l business i s apparently finished and he has been delaying his return unnecessarily. The passing mentions of Normandy and a crown commission are the only clues by which to trace the occasion for t h i s communication. Warner believes that t h i s 26 l e t t e r also refers to Anselm's projected pilgrimage to Spain, probably because the abbot was sent to Rome i n 1123 with William of Corbeil to request the l a t t e r ' s pallium as Archbishop of Canterbury; however, Talbot seems to indicate that the abbot's business should take him no farther than Normandy, so perhaps the l e t t e r refers to another mission. At the other extreme, 27 Arnold dates the second l e t t e r at 1140, r e f e r r i n g to another v i s i t abroad; t h i s seems too late taking into consideration the s c r i p t style i n which the l e t t e r s were copied into the 28. manuscript. The most reasonable suggestion I have react i s given by Thomson who notes that there i s only one known instance i n which Anselm was abroad on o f f i c i a l business for Henry between his 1123 Roman t r i p and the king's death. This was a mission to Rouen i n Normandy i n 1125 where Anselm was witnessing two royal charters. It may very well be on t h i s mission that Anselm was given h i s annual f a i r at Bury on the feast of St. James since the charter granting t h i s p r i v i l e g e was witnessed at Rouen by Bishop Thurston who was there with Anselm i n 1125. Thomson argues that, i f the o r i g i n a l l e t t e r s were written quite early i n Anselm's abbacy, by 1125, i t i s possible that they were copied into the manuscript immediately upon the abbot's return from Normandy to serve as a reminder of his duties to the mon-28 a s t e r y — that i s , about 1126. This may seem a rather tenuous conclusion, but i t should be added that i t was common to copy onto the blank leaves of Gospel books i n p a r t i c u l a r , but l i b e l l i and other service books as w e l l , some important documents or p r i v i l e g e s of an abbey as a means of preservation. These books were considered e s p e c i a l l y holy and were venerated almost l i k e r e l i q u a r i e s ; consequently, i t would be sacrilegious for anyone to i n t e r f e r e with them, making their pages a safe repository for 29 precious information. Seen i n t h i s l i g h t , Thomson's suggestion 29. is more plausible: these letters were obviously regarded as containing serious matter and i t seems more likely that they would be copied into the manuscript early in the new abbot's reign while the admonitions they contained were fresh in his mind rather than that they would be casually added a few years later. If this is indeed the case, the li b e l l u s must already have been completed by 1126 or so in order for the letters to be copied onto i t s opening pages. This evidence i s far from conclusive but adds veracity to the theory that Morgan 736 may be dated early in the second quarter of the century. If the terminus ante quern non of 1135 seems uncon-vincing on the basis of the absence of any mention of the king's death, another more definite internal source may be consulted. The last entry among those listings of pittances on folios 3 and 4 mentions abbot Anselm and his sacrist Hervey as though they were s t i l l active. Hervey's term as sacrist ended in 1138 and Anselm was temporarily out of the abbacy be-tween 1136 and 11:38. This would indicate that the latest of those additions made soon after the completion of the manu-script were written before 1136. Therefore, a terminal date of 1135 i s certainly reasonable and does not, of course, ex-clude the possibility that the major portion of the book was finished well before this, especially since the latest entries 30. are made in a spiky, informal hand quite unlike that of the main text.3** I havetalready introduced the name of Osbert of Clare above, primarily because the attribution to him of the Morgan miracle text i s of some interest in connection with the dating. We have seen that Osbert was in residence at Bury off and on between about 1123 and 1134 and that he was asked by Anselm to write a collection of Edmund's miracles. Williamson believes that Osbert made his compilation about 1130 and that this early version of his work appears in Morgan 736. 3 1 If true, this dismisses the case for an early date for the l i b e l l u s . However, even though Osbert's name i s often brought up in connection with this text, there i s no solid evidence for his authorship as I have pointed out earlier. It seems more like l y that Osbert composed his miracle books during the 1140's when he also wrote a l i f e of King Ethelbert, another martyr of the royal Saxon line. Finally, even i f we do not wish to deny Osbert's authorship of the Morgan miracle text, i s i t not possible that he composed i t prior to 1130, sometime early in his exile? Aside from the clues provided by the manuscript i t s e l f , external evidence may also be helpful in determining the 31. approximate elate of the work. To this end, I would like to discuss the circumstances in which the monastery and i t s scrip-torium existed during the 1120's. Since Bury St. Edmunds abbey was o f f i c i a l l y founded in 1020, the year 1120 would have marked i t s f i r s t hundred years as a Benedictine monastery and would naturally have been a time of special significance for the community. It would seem most appropriate to commission a libe l l u s in honour of the patron saint on such an occasion, just as a new miracle text had been ordered to commemorate the translation of Edmund's re l i c s to his new shrine in 1095. A l -though no documentary proof exists, a desire on the part of the monks to pay special homage to their patron on this important anniversary seems the best explanation for the sudden appear-ance of so richly illustrated and illuminated a volume at a monastery which had not previously indulged in sumptuous manuscripts. In support of this theory for the impetus behind the production of Morgan 736 can be cited the content of some of the introductory miniatures: the last few pictures (excepting the f i n a l scene of Edmund's Apotheosis) deal with those mira-cles which led directly to the foundation of the abbey, and none of the more recent wonders worked by Edmund and recorded in the miracle text are illustrated. Such a concentration on 32. events surrounding the inauguration of the Benedictine Rule at Bury would be roost acceptable in a book intended to celebrate the abbey's centenary. If a libellus was indeed planned for the anniversary, the project was not carried out immediately; considering both 32 the script and the style of the miniatures , 1120 i s a slight-ly premature date to assign to this manuscript. Nevertheless, i t seems reasonable to suppose that the production of the saint's Vita would have been begun as soon as possible after 1120 which would support a date early in the 1120's. Two basic reasons may account for the postponement of the book. F i r s t l y , the abbey had experienced some unsettled times in the opening decades of the twelfth century because there were years when the abbacy was vacant and the terms of the abbots had tended to be: short. The period between 1119 and 1121 was one of those in which no abbot had been elected. Even though construction of the abbey church founded by Baldwin continued sporadically during the early twelfth century, work slowed down in the years of Albold's reign (1114-1119); activ-ity in the arts was certainly not at a peak at this abbot's death; the situation was not likely to change dramatically during the following vacancy, especially since a portion of the abbey's revenues were held back by the king whenever the 33. abbacy was unfilled. Secondly, since the scriptorium had not yet begun to function on a continuous basis, i t is quite likely that i t s operation was.suspended during the two year vacancy. It w i l l be remembered that the scriptorium was producing books only intermittantly in the years before 1120 and that the scribes identified by Miss Parker did not operate until after abbot Anselm's arr i v a l . With the election of Anselm as abbot in 1121 came intellectual and cultural change as well. He was an educated and well-travelled man, an Italian by birth and the nephew of St. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury. He had been the abbot of Santa Saba at Rome, and Pope Paschal had appointed him the papal legate to England because Anselm had attended school at 33 the cathedral priory at Canterbury. Anselm inaugurated a period of book copying which laid the foundations for a scrip-torium so productive that, of some two hundred f i f t y extant Bury books from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, about one hundred belong to the twelfth century alone. It seems entirely reasonable that Anselm would commission a lavish work in honour of the patron of his new abbey, especially since the centenary of i t s foundation had recently passed. And surely such a project would be carried out in the early years of his reign, perhaps as soon as a new miracle text had been composed, 34. rather than after a decade or so of rule. In conclusion, I admit that i t is s t i l l not possible to give an exact date for the Morgan manuscript. It may have been produced any time between about 1124 and 1135, judging by the available evidence. Nevertheless, I think!that a good case can be made for assigning i t to the period between 1124 and 1126 considering the early dates of the letters to Anselm, the probability that the miracle text was written prior to Osbert's version, and the likelihood that such a beautifully illuminated book would be commissioned for, or prompted by, the celebra-tions surrounding the one hundredth anniversary of the abbey's establishment. This matter of dating w i l l necessarily arise again in connection with the style of the remarkable miniature cycle. Function The f i n a l topic for consideration in this section i s the purpose for which the books of saints' lives and their expanded versions, the l i b e l l i , were made. The stories of the saints had two major functions: to exalt a particular Christian hero or heroine for the greater glory of God; and to serve as an inspiration to the faithful who read or listened to them. As for the former, the power of the saint, as manifested by 35. his miracles, was seen as an extension of the power of God; therefore, to pay special homage to a patron saint by writing a book of his l i f e was also to honour God, whose servant the saint was. Most books of saints' lives were not lavishly illustrated or illuminated; the ones which were seem to have held a place of special importance in the abbey and were regarded almost as highly as the actual r e l i c s of the saint. As with the reliquary, these highly decorated books can be seen as the outward symbol of the saint's spiritual greatness, and they were kept with the gospel books, chalices, and other 3 5 treasures of the monastery. Mention has already been made of the practice of re-cording v i t a l documents on the opening pages of such books, a proof of the esteem in which they were held. Naturally, the richness and beauty of a volume such as the Morgan libellus would also reflect favourably upon the abbey which owned i t . Pilgrims arriving at the shrine of a saint expected magnificence: wonderful surroundings— beauti-ful paintings and carvings, luxurious hangings, precious r e l i -quaries, and lavish books— created an atmosphere of grandeur which visitors wanted to experience in the presence of a power-fu l saint. The more opulent a shrine, the more effective the saint was seen to be, and the more prestige would attach to 36. 36 his abbey. The illuminated libellus was part of the trappings of the shrine and would no doubt be displayed on the altar in the saint's chapel, at least on special feast days. It would be available upon request for important guests of the abbey to see; these visitors would hopefully respond to i t s content and physical beauty with a generous donation to St. Edmund's shr ine. Aside from serving as an object of homage to the saint and as a material expression of his efficacy, the li b e l l u s was also composed to edify i t s readers, to serve as a source of inspiration for the monks in carrying out their continual round of work and prayer. Reading held a prominent place in the Benedictine Rule, and time for this activity was to be set aside each day. For reading in the refectory during meals and in private as well, the saint's l i f e gained popularity in England from the early days of her exposure to Christianity. The success of this type of literature in Britain was partly due to the similarity between the daring and often exciting tales of the saints and the heroic sagas popular in Anglo-37 Saxon oral and written tradition. These stories were espe-c i a l l y satisfying in that they showed saintly heroes triumphing over a l l kinds of enemies-- human foes, human weakness, disease, pain, natural elements such as cold and storms, and even death. 37. The recounting of so many miracles gave helpless man the comforting faith that the saints could and would help him in times of need. And the exemplary lives of these Christian warriors served as a constant impetus to the monk to carry out his service to God with dignity and piety. Since these books were spiritual guides, emphasizing the Christian ideals, moral conduct, and steadfast faith of the saints, they were not intended or expected to be historically accurate in the s t r i c t sense. Rather, the stories of "newer" saints were adapted from earlier Christian examples and a few set patterns became established as the acceptable modes for 38 recording the lives and miracles of British saints. Often, only such specifics of biography as names, dates, and places vary from one saint to another, while their basic conduct, their words, deeds and miracles strike one as being essentially the same. This practise of applying similar attributes to several saints was not limited to Britain, but was part of a European hagiographic tradition; furthermore, the repetition of conventional patterns was seen as a virtue rather than a fault and is an example of the medieval delight in the " i n f i n -39 ite adaptation of set pieces." As we shall see, the story of St. Edmund contains elements of both the heroic Anglo-Saxon saga and the general European type of saint's l i f e based on 3 8 . early Christian models. The result i s a story which f u l f i l l s the purpose of instruction and inspiration while retaining enough "local colour" to make the tale pertinent to English monks. Considering that few of the l i b e l l i were illustrated at this early date, the Morgan manuscript must have had a special impact as a teaching instrument. The miniatures— for their numbers, richness, liveliness, and quite faithful narra-tion of Abbo's original biography-- combined with the many illuminated i n i t i a l s sprinkled through the text present a stunning visual image to modern eyes; but they must have added a significant measure of reality and immediacy to the story of the long dead saint for those who meditated upon his l i f e and tended his shrine. Of course, this particular volume would not have been kept in the refectory or handed out for private read-ing, but would have to be viewed at the shrine, where the addi-tional aura of sanctity would add to rather than detract from i t s influence. Footnotes 39. Francis Wormald equates the popularity of the l i b e l l i in these centuries with the corresponding growth and prosper-ity of the monasteries; see his a r t i c l e "Some Illustrated Man-uscripts of the Lives of Saints," Bulletin of the John Rylands  Library XXXV (1952): 265-66. 'MS 736 i s described and parts of i t are illustrated i n various works: Sir George Lindsay Holford, The Holford  Collection, Westonbirt (Oxford: By the Author, 1924), pp735-36 and plates 3-5; Burlington Fine Arts Club, Exhibition of  Illuminated Manuscripts (London: Burlington Fine Arts Club, 1908), p. 9 and plate 23; Pierpont Morgan Library, Major  Acquisitions 1924-1974, 4 vols. (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1974), vol. 4: Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, no. 13; Pierpont Morgan Library, The First Quarter Century of  the Pierpont Morgan Library (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1949), plate 9; The New Paleographical Society, Facsimiles, Series I, Part V (London: The New Paleographical Society, 1907), pp. 51-58 and plates 113-115. Elizabeth Parker, "The Scriptorium of Bury Saint Edmunds in the Twelfth Century" (Ph.D. dissertation, Univer sity of London, 1965), pp. 38-48. Ibid., pp. 39-40. The New Paleographical Society, facsimiles, plate 113 illustrates two pages of the text, one of which is the opening page of Abbo's Passio. Neil Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 2d ed. (London: Royal Historical Society, 1964), pp. xxi-xxii, l i s t s the libraries which follow this practise. Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 27. The remainder of the manuscript i s sewn in gather-ings of eight folios which was the common practise at Bury and was also used in other English monasteries. 40. g Sir William Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, 3 vols. (1655, 1661, 1673); new ea., edited by John Caley, Henry E l l i s , and Bulkeley Bandinel (London: James Bohn, 1846), 111:103, gives the details of this f a i r . 9 Rodney M. Thomson, "Early Romanesque Book Illustra-tion in England: The Dates of the Pierpont Morgan Vitae  Sancti Edmundi and the Bury Bible," Viator 2 (1971) :215. 1 0The text of abbot Abbo's tenth century Passio i s printed in f u l l with an English translation by Lord Francis Hervey, ed., Corolla Sancti Eadmundi: The Garland of Saint  Edmund, King and Martyr (London: John Murray, 1907), pp.6-59. ^A brief but informative summary of Herman's career i s given by T. Arnold, ed., Memorials of the Abbey of Saint  Edmund at Bury, Rolls Series, XCVI, 3 vols. (London: Longman &Co., 1890-96) III:xxix. 12 The former view i s held by Arnold, Memorials, ana by E.W. Williamson, ed., Letters of Osbert of Clare, Prior  of Westminster (London, 1929); the latter view i s held by Sir George Warner in his remarks in The New Paleographical Society, Facsimiles, and by Tjhomson, "Early Romanesque Book Illustration." 1 3Published by Williamson, Letters. ^Warner, Facsimiles, reports that there is another note in a fifteenth century hand at the end of the Morgan miracle text, f o l i o 76, indicating that fourteen miracles lacking in this book can be found in a book in the refectory reading desk, presumably a copy of Samson's book, p. 51. 1 5 I b i d . Warner dates Cotton MS Tib. B . i i to around 1125, but i t i s now thought to be earlier. 16 Ibid., p. 52. 41. *'Parker, "The Scriptorium," pp. 102-114. Warner illustrates two of these i n i t i a l s in Facsimiles, plates 112-113. 18 Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 114. 19 V Cnut was believed to have begun the practise of offering the crown at the shrine. Although Cnut. i s the king mentioned in the text accompanying this i n i t i a l , i t would not be d i f f i c u l t to see Edward the Confessor in this role as well, since he was said to have completed his p i l -grimage to the shrine on foot (the king in the i n i t i a l leans on his walking staff) as reported by Dugdale, Monasticon, 111:100. King Edward was also a great benefactor of Bury St. Edmunds. This is Herman's story: see Arnold, Memorials, I, p. 363. ""Parker, "The Scriptorium," pp. 46-48, mentions three more elaborate decorations: Lambert Palace MS 67 has an author portrait of Boethius in red outline i n an i n i t i a l " I " ; Chester Beatty MS W. 26 has on i t s opening two pages a badly preserved archer and king facing one another which may represent a scene from Edmund's martyrdom; f i n a l l y , Oxford College MS e Mus. 36 has another outline drawing of Christ in glory accompanied by Adam and Eve and various animals in an i n i t i a l " I " . Rodney M. Thomson, "The Library of Bury St. Edmunds Abbey in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," Speculum 47 (October, 1972): 623-25. Thomson admits that i t i s possible that a small scriptorium may have existed in LeofStan's time, since the Bury St. Edmund's Psalter of ca. 1050 (Rome, Vatican Library MS Reg. 12) which includes outline drawings i n i t s margins, may have been made at the abbey. Ibid., p. 630. 23 It seems to me that this question of the authorship of the i n i t i a l s i s open to some conjecture. Miss Parker 42. assigns them to the scriptorium because the text i t s e l f was undoubtedly written at Bury. This may indeed be the case; however, since they are so much more elaborate than the usual " f l a t colour" i n i t i a l s of Bury, the possibility of outside workmen being called in should not be ignored. It would be instructive to examine the Morgan i n i t i a l s in relation to those produced by contemporary scriptoria elsewhere to see whether one might pinpoint their origin more satisfactorily. ^Parker, "The Scriptorium,", p. 75. 25 Thomson, "Early Romanesque Book Illustration," p. 216. He opts for a date of 1124-1125 for the manuscript which would place i t immediately after the St. Albans Psalter to which Morgan 736 i s closely related. 26 Warner, Facsimiles, p. 51. 27 Arnold, Memorials, Illrxxxvi. 215. 28 Thomson, "Early Romanesque Book Illustration," p, 29 Francis Wormald, "The Sherborne Chartulary," in F. Saxl: A Volume of Memorial Essays, ed. D.J. Gordon (Toron-to and New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1957), pp. 106-107. 217-18. 30 Thomson, "Early Romanesque Book Illustration," pp. 3Hl ,illiamson, Letters, p. 29. He admits, though, that MS 736 may have been the work of an earlier author, p.31. 32 The miniatures depend for their style upon the St. Albans Psalter which was not made unt i l ca. 1123. 43. 33H.W.C. Davis, "The Monks of Saint Eamuna, 1021-1148," History, n.s. 40 (1955) has a gooa summary of Anselm's l i f e , pp. 236-39. "^Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 27. 35 Worroala, "Some Illustratea Manuscripts,", p. 262. Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage; An Image of Medieval  Religion (London: Faber ana Faber, 1975), p. 153. 37 Bertram Colgrave, "The Earliest Saints' Lives Written i n Englana," in Proceeaings of the British Acaaemy, 1958 (Lonaon: The Oxfora University Press, 1959), pp. 35-6. The popularity of saga i s aiscussea by C y r i l E. Wright, The Cultivation of Saga in Anglo-Saxon England (Eainburgh ana Lonaon: Oliver ana Boya, 1939). Colgrave, "The Earliest Saints' Lives," aiscusses the various formats ana their derivations, pp. 37-40. 39 Charles W. Jones, Saints' Lives ana Chronicles in  Early Englana (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1947), p. 52. 44. III. MS 736 IN RELATION TO THE HISTORY OF THE ABBEY AND ITS SAINT Story of St. Edmund Basic Historical Facts The Morgan manuscript chronicles and illustrates the l i f e and miracles of St. Edmund, an obscure ninth century Anglo-Saxon saint who had achieved tremendous popularity in England by the twelfth century. The rise of the saint's cult was so successful that the desire to nurture and protect his shrine led to the establishment of the abbey of Bury St. Edmunds, which was destined to become one of the most prosperous and powerful religious houses in the country. In order to f u l l y appreciate the intimate relationship between the abbey and i t s saint as revealed through the libellus produced in the patron's honour, i t i s necessary to be acquainted with the basic history of this Christian hero and that of the institution founded i n his name. To begin with Edmund himself, the actual facts surround-ing his origins, kingship, and martyrdom are extremely scant. The earliest reference to the king occurs in the various surviving versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Under the 45. year 870, we are given the following information concerning Edmund and the marauding Danes: In this year the raiding army rode across Mercia into East Anglia, and took up winter quarters at Thetford. And that winter King Edmund fought against them, and the Danes had the victory, and k i l l e d the king and conquered a l l the land. The two other early secular accounts which mention Edmund, Asser's Annals of Alfred (ca. 894) and the Chronicle of Ethel-werd (ca. 975) add nothing of substance to this brief notation except to say that the king fought fiercely against the enemy. •">:v'=This hardly seems the kind of material that could raise a relatively minor king to the stature of a courageous saint.1 However, the invasion of the Danes came to be regarded as a kind of divine judgment upon the sins of the English, and those who resisted the infidels bravely and died in defense 2 of the faith were considered saints; this, coupled with the tendency, in England and on the Continent as well, to equate violent death with martyrdom and to venerate the slain hero as •a a saint, may have been the germ of Edmund's future greatness. But as Miss Whitelock speculates, something memorable must have occurred during the battle to keep the king's memory alive and 4 vivid long enough for him to become a cult figure; in this regard, Porter and Baltzell suggest that " . . . his murder was 4 6 . either unusually brutal or . . . his stand against his enemies was exceptionally heroic."^ However, no reliable contemporary evidence exists to indicate just what i t was that distinguish-ed Edmund from countless other brave warriors during these tumultuous times. Passio by Abbo of Fleury In the absence of more revealing early information, Abbo of Fleury's tenth-century rendition becomes the f i r s t written source for Edmund's illust r i o u s history. As mentioned above, the Passio was written in the late tenth century, over f. one hundred years after'the king's death. In his dedicatory preface, Abbo states that he had spent some time v i s i t i n g the guardians of Edmund's shrine and had been asked by them to com-pose a history of their patron; they were anxious for him to undertake the project as the story had never been written down and was generally not well known. Of course, since such a long time had passed between the actual events of Edmund's l i f e and Abbo's recording of them, verification of the facts was essential i f the story were to be accepted. The question of authenticity must not be taken li g h t l y , as i t was of the utmost importance to the success of a saint's cult that the basis of his sanctity, which determined 47. the honour due him, should have a firm foundation. This neces-sity for verifying the circumstances of the l i f e and holiness , of an individual was an integral part of Western hagiography in general, but i t was also an important element in contempo-rary heroic sagas, particularly Scandinavian ones which were known in Anglo-Saxon England. It was f e l t that the account of a hero— Christian or otherwise— should be 'truthful, and i t was especially satisfying i f the story could be traced from one recited to a previous one and so on back to a source in 7 contact with the event i t s e l f . Therefore, in his dedication Abbo is very careful to establish the authenticity of his Passio, and he does so i n a way which i s remarkably like the Scandinavian method: he asserts that he f i r s t learned the story from Archbishop Dunstan himself who in turn heard i t as a young man at King Athelstan's court, where an aged veteran swore that he had been armour-bearer to Edmund on the day the king was martyred; Dunstan was struck by the simplicity of the old man's account and by the sincerity of his manner and consequently came to believe in the accuracy of his reminiscences. So Abbo traces his story to an eye-witness and supports i t s truthfulness further by calling upon the authority of the highly respected Archbishop of Canterbury. Such reliance on a trustworthy witness was actually one of the 48. most important c r i t e r i a for the acceptance of miracle stories,® ana Abbo has provided an impeccable source i n Dunstan. I have lingered upon this matter of authenticity be-cause of i t s general importance, but primarily because the miniatures accompanying Abbo's text are also careful to empha-size those elements in the story which underline i t s veracity; witnesses to the events of the saint's l i f e and to his mirac-ulous deeds after death occur in strategic places to assure the viewer of the truth of the history he is following. The illuminated miniatures illust r a t e Abbo's story quite faith-f u l l y and with a good deal of s p i r i t ; therefore, instead of relating the saint's l i f e and then comparing the text with the illustrations, I think i t w i l l be more interesting to follow the progress of Edmund's history as visualized by the Morgan miniaturist. The author t e l l s us practically nothing about Edmund's immediate family or his youth; he informs us only that the saint was descended; from a line of kings which could trace i t s lineage to the Old Saxons who had come to the island many years before. In order to establish the claims of this ancient royal house and to emphasize Edmund's place as an authentic early English king from an illu s t r i o u s line, Abbo begins his story in those misty times when the German tribes f i r s t arrived in 4 9 . Britain. He relates that the Saxons, Jutes, ana Angles were asked by the Britons for assistance in war. The arrival of the foreign soldiers is depicted in the opening miniature of the book (figure 1, f7): Britain appears as a walled city set apart in a roundel in the centre of the picture; the sea surrounding the country i s f i l l e d with German ships which are arranged in three layers, most lik e l y to denote the three tribes. That the ships are sailing around the island i s suggested by the varying directions in which their oars pull. Abbo reports that these hired soldiers at f i r s t fought valiantly to defend the Britons against their enemies; however, they eventually took advantage of the reluctance of the natives to take a part in their own defence and determined to dis-g possess them. The next miniature (f7v) quite vividly i l l u s -trates the expulsion of the Britons from their land by the more aggressive and manly immigrants. This picture i s some-times taken to represent the Germans in their capacity as mercenaries, fighting the enemies of Britain; and i t has even been envisaged as a battle with the Danes. However, a good look at the scene i t s e l f clears up the matter: three groups of mounted warriors relentlessly pursue a similar number of soldiers who flee before them while looking anxiously over their shoulders. These unfortunates are surely the Britons 50. who are being quite l i t e r a l l y driven out of the scene, with only the hindquarters of their horses s t i l l visible.' This is certainly a most convincing and l i t e r a l translation of Abbo's statement that the natives were routed from their own t e r r i -tories by their former defenders. Having r i d themselves of the lazy and pleasure-loving Britons, the three tribes divided the island:among themselves, each settling in a different area, with East Anglia f a l l i n g to the Saxons. Abbo mentions that the tribes were ruled by lead-ers at f i r s t , and then by kings. But the miniaturist has chosen to depict the division of the land by showing the investiture of the three rulers as though they were already kings, possibly to lay special emphasis on the founding of the royal houses, one of which would produce Edmund (figure 2, f8). After a l l , the whole point of this introductory digression about ancient Britain was to establish a noble ancestry for the martyr king. Three different sections of the investiture ceremony are shown: on the top l e f t , a king receives the sword of office while an attendant waits with the mantle; on the right, ano-ther king receives a spear, similar i n appearance to the rod, and an attendant holds his mantle as well; the third king, in the lower half of the picture, i s wearing his mantle and has 51. just accepted the shield. It i s tempting to suggest that this miniature provides a glimpse into a part of the investiture ceremony as i t was practised in England during the eleventh and early twelfth cen-turies. It may be argued that these pictures were based on prototypes rather than on contemporary reality; nevertheless, since the English coronation service did not change drastically from Anglo-Saxon times to Norman ones, the scenes presented here should give a fa i r idea of parts of the service. In any event, among the various regalia offered to the king at his investiture were the sword and rod, both of which seem to have preceded the mantle in order of presentation as is the case here.^ However, I have not found any mention of the shield as being among the coronation insignia. The only allusion to a shield which I have come across occurs during the point in the ceremony when the nobles raised the king into his seat; this may have been a survival of the old Teutonic custom of raising the new ruler on his s h i e l d . ^ of course, the regalia which the miniaturist has chosen are those which focus on the king as a warrior-- the sword, spear-like staff,and s h i e l d — and these may have been picked to acknowledge the primary role of these early kings as military leaders. It should be mentioned that this scene is sometimes 52. referred to as the investiture ceremony of King Edmund, which is an understandable interpretation. However, the emphasis which Abbo places on the division of the territory, the fact that this picture faces the one depicting the rout of the Bri-tons, and the artist's deliberate separation of the scene into three sections with three kings makes i t quite clear that the formation of the three kingdoms is intended. Abbo includes a short section extolling the virtues of East Anglia as a desirable spot for settlement because of i t s f e r t i l e land and i t s good strategic position, but there i s no p i c t o r i a l equivalent for this. At this point, Edmundsfinally makes his entrance. His noble background has been thoroughly traced, since kinship with the royal house was an essential requirement for accession to the throne even in the days before the theories of divine right and primogeniture had become firm-ly entrenched. We are told l i t t l e of Edmund personally beyond the fact that he was physically attractive, morally virtuous, and an ardent Christian since childhood. The author brings us a l -most directly to the election of Edmund as king, a position which was practically forced upon him by an enthusiastic populace. And this important event i s the subject of the next miniature (f8v). In this quite striking picture, an imposing 53. Edmuna si t s enthronea in the centre of the miniature, his royal mantle claspea in front accoraing to traaition, while one bishop crowns him ana another hands him the sceptre of regal authority. In reality, these things would not happen simulta-neously; but this picture i s symbolic rather than s t r i c t l y narrative which accounts for i t s formal, hieratic appearance ana symmetrical design. The importance of the position of king and the reverence with which this office was regarded in Medieval England roust not be underestimated. It was truly a great honour for Bury St. Edmund's to have a patron who was both a king and a saint. The king was a true ruler with real power i n military a f f a i r s , in the appointment of officers of Church and State, and in legal matters as well. Aside from this, the coronation service, which took place in Church and which was similar i n many respects to that used for the consecration of a bishop, made the king not only a secular ruler but bestowed upon him divine authority as well. The king then became "rex et sacerdos," a member of the clergy (but without priestly functions) and a representative of God on earth. Consequently, the Medieval monarchy was surrounded by a sacred aura which 12 greatly enhanced i t s dignity and authority. And while the divine source of the king's temporal and spiritual power was 54. generally accepted throughout Christian Europe, the Anglo-Saxon royal house was imbued with a religious character unequalled by any of the other Germanic royalties; not only Edmund, but several other members of this line had achieved 13 sainthood. It i s this exalted view of kingship which i s represented by the artist's severe and stately interpretation of Edmund's coronation. One f i n a l word concerning the importance of the corona-tion. It was during the investiture ceremony that the king gave his oath, swearing on the Gospels that he would help the Church and people maintain peace, that he would dispense justice to his subjects, and suppress robbery, rapacity and other evil s ; i n other words, the king bound himself to his people as well as expecting them to support him. These promises made by the king date from the tenth century, but they were augmented with others through time; such an addition was made i n the form of a corona-tion charter at Henry I's accession in 1100, with one of the provisions being that he would respect the property of the Church. The king's promise to be mindful of the welfare of the Church was especially pertinent to Bury St. Edmunds since the abbey had close connections with the monarchy from the outset. Successive kings had increased the monastery's wealth and 55. privileges during the eleventh century, with each new king reconfirming the grants of his predecessor. However, kings could be capricious, and some tended to keep abbacies vacant for extended periods of time in order to collect the revenues themselves; this happened more than once at Bury, and the practise f i n a l l y prompted abbot Robert II at the beginning of the twelfth century to distinguish between the revenues of the abbot and those of the monks so that only the abbot's portion would be confiscated during a vacancy. In order to function properly, the monastery needed the cooperation and goodwill of the reigning monarch. Bury's patron had been a just and gracious ruler, willingly chosen by his people, as Abbo says. As well as emphasizing the splendour of kingship, this image of Edmund's coronation— with the bishops proffering him the royal i n s i g n i a — would surely c a l l to mind the solemn obligations undertaken by every king towards the Church, especially since the monarch's promises were attaining an ever-increasing prominence in the investiture ceremony. Having been unanimously chosen to rule by his fellows, Edmund proved himself a wise and generous king. In the Ordo Coronationis of Ethelred 1 1 , ^ there i s a sermon by St. Dunstan in which the archbishop admonishes the new king to protect 56. widows, orphans and strangers, and to be good to those i n want, giving alms to the needy. It i s precisely these virtues that Abbo bestows upon Edmund, and the miniature facing that of the king's coronation focuses upon h i s role as almsgiver (figure 3, f 9 ) . Edmund i s crowned and seated upon the throne personally dispensing coins to the poor and lame. While the d i s t r i b u t i o n of alms to the unfortunate became a t r a d i t i o n of the English Crown, th i s charitable act was also a most appropriate a c t i v i t y for the patron of an abbey to engage i n . For the giving of alms to the poor, espe-c i a l l y i n the form of food and clothing handed out d a i l y at the gate, was an important duty of the abbey. In addition, since Dunstan's time, each monastery was expected to provide work and shelter for a number of the needy; at Bury, as at St. Albans, there was also a group of nuns to be supported. There-fore, i t seems f i t t i n g that the miniature e x t o l l i n g Edmund's virtues should depict him as f u l f i l l i n g an ob l i g a t i o n that was also expected of h i s ministers; the good example of the patron would no doubt insp i r e the monks gathered i n his name. Because of his j u s t rule and exemplary l i f e , Edmund aroused the enmity of the d e v i l who stimulated the Danish gen-e r a l s Inguar and Hubba to ravage B r i t a i n and destroy the peace-f u l reign East Anglia was enjoying. Abbo embarks upon a long 57. ana fascinating aiatribe against the Danes ana their e v i l hab-i t s before describing their campaign in England; but as this i s a digression from the main theme, there i s no pi c t o r i a l equivalent of his angry words. Having f i r s t attacked and devastated Northumbria, the two generals arrived suddenly in East Anglia with a large fleet, set f i r e to one of the c i t i e s and massacred i t s inhabitants. The next two miniatures depict the landing of the Danes on the coast (figure 4, f9v) and their devastation of the town (figure 5, f10). The latter scene i s a particularly vivid translation of Abbo's account: flames leap from the windows below the city's battlements, soldiers with swords drawn swarm in at the gate while others already inside murder the populace; Abbo specifi-cally states that the Danish leader had given order to massacre the innocents, and the a r t i s t has treated the scene of mothers with dying infants in much the same way as the B i b l i c a l murder of babies at Herod's order i s envisaged in manuscript illumina-tion; of course, men, women, and older children are also victims of the slaughter here, but the image is s t i l l reminis-cent, and purposely so, of Herod's cruel order. The miniature departs from Abbo's text in one parti-cular though: while the author maintains that the Danes' sur*? prise attack gave the citizens no time to arm themselves, the 5 8 . i l l u s t r a t i o n shows some soldiers putting up a spirited defence— three spearmen attack a similar number of advancing Danes while an archer in the tower seems to have hit the f i r s t Dane and i s about to strike again. The inclusion of the resisting warriors injects a s p i r i t of heroism, which English audiences expected in their sagas, into an otherwise sordid episode. Inguar had heard reports that Edmund, who was staying at a town some distance from the ravaged city, was a valiant soldier. The general proceeded to march toward Edmund's d i s t r i c t , destroying on his way as many of the local countrymen as possible to prevent their coming to the king's aid. Mean-while, Inguar sent ahead a messenger to Edmund demanding that he capitulate, share his wealth and treasures, and rule as an underling of the Danes; i f the king failed to submit to these terms, death would be his reward. The despatch of the envoy to Edmund i s the subject chosen for the next miniature (figure 6, flOv), as this i s the act that set in motion the central s t ory— that of Edmund's martyrdom. Inguar gives the fatal message to his courier who stands in front of the unfortunate captives who have been forced to divulge the king's whereabouts. Upon receiving this ultimatum, Edmund consulted the bishop who acted as his personal advisor; the bishop, fearing for the king's l i f e , urged compliance or f l i g h t , but Edmund 59. staunchly refused. Abbo gives the king a long and eloquent speech here, the gist of which i s that he does not wish to outlive his slaughtered people and that he has no intention of submitting to any heathen tyrant; he w i l l be the servant of no one but God. In the miniature which illustrates this dramatic part of the text (figure 7, f11), Edmund i s speaking with the bishop in the presence of the messenger. It i s impossible to pinpoint the exact moment in the action; rather, the image can be said to sum up the entire episode— the arr i v a l of the courier, the consultation with the bishop, and the ultimate refusal to bow to the Dane. So Edmund rejected Inguar's terms, but determined to surrender himself willingly rather than face his enemy in battle because he wished to follow Christ's example. He sent back the message that, although his body might be broken, his soul would remain free, never to be enslaved by pagans. Edmund had just finished his speech when Inguar arrived at the palace with his army and immediately seized the king. Although the miniatur-i s t often condenses Abbo's story by combining various ideas in one picture, in this instance he elaborates the tale some-what by devoting an entire i l l u s t r a t i o n to a relatively minor episode. Abbo has Inguar arriving at the palace just as his courier is leaving; the general does not want to hear Edmund's 60. reply but intends to burst in upon him. But the picture (figure 8, f l l v ) seems to indicate the messenger relating the king's re-ply to Inguar who listens intently. Since this miniature i s almost identical with the one i n which Inguar despatches his courier, i t seems odd that such a repetition should occur, especially since there i s no textual basis for i t . It may be that whoever was responsible for the choice of subjects wanted to stress the fact of Edmund's refusal to come to terms by including the envoy's return with the momentous decision. It may also indicate a desire for order on the designer's part--i f a messenger is sent to deliver a communication, he should complete his mission by returning with an answer. This may seem fanciful, except that a l i t t l e farther on in the series, the Danes depart on their ships just as they had arrived (figure 15, f15); i t i s not v i t a l to the story that they be shown physically leaving, but this scene ties up the loose ends and provides a firm conclusion to one part of the action. Before continuing with the flow of events, I must acknowledge the discrepancy between Abbo's version of the Danish invasion and that quoted above in the excerpt from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. It seems that two views of the martyrdom grew up through time, the "secular" and the " c l e r i c a l " as Arnold call s them.^ ""* The brief accounts by various court chroniclers 61. report Edmund as having stood in battle against the Danes and having been overwhelmed by force of arms; this i s an emminently reasonable statement of the event. However, beginning with Abbo and continued by c l e r i c a l historians from his time onward, the notion of Edmund as having delivered himself up to certain death became the accepted version. The reason for portraying Edmund, whom Abbo characterizes as a brave and skilled soldier, as a meek and willing victim is to compare his attitude and sufferings with those of Christ. By making Edmund a Christian warrior, sacrificing his l i f e for his people and his Faith, as Christ did, Abbo raises the king from the level of a good monarch to that of a saint. Such a comparison between the l i f e of a saint and that of Christ i s a common hagiographic theme, and i t makes a very effective story in Edmund's case. The Morgan miniaturist exploits this theme f u l l y ; in the pictures which illustrate the martyrdom of the saint, he quite e x p l i c i t l y likens the king's t r i a l s to those of Christ in several instances. The series of six miniatures devoted to Edmund's martyrdom begins with the capture of the king in his palace (figure 9, f12). Edmund appears resigned and offers no resist-ance as he i s dragged from his throne, just as Christ went quietly and calmly with his captors. After the saint's 62. seizure, he was brought in chains to stand before Inguar, after which he was mocked and beaten. As a f i n a l connection with the Saviour, Edmund was tied to a tree and whipped, a l l the while remaining patient and steadfast in his Faith. The three minia-tures dealing with these events reinforce Abbo's comparison between the two martyrdoms: while Edmund is led away from the palace, firmly bound, he i s struck from behind and spat upon (figure 10, f12v); then, having reached the tree to which he is to be tied, the king's mantle i s roughly pulled over his head (figure 11, f13); f i n a l l y , in what i s probably the most masterly picture in the manuscript (figure 12, fI3v), he i s tied to the tree and ferociously whipped; this i s a very moving portrayal, and no one looking through the li b e l l u s could f a i l to regard Edmund's torture as a re-enactment of Christ's scourging. As though these sufferings were not enough, Abbo tes t i f i e s that Edmund was shot f u l l of arrows, reminiscent of the indignity visited upon the early Christian hero, Sebastian. This saint was extremely popular during the Middle Ages as a protector against the plague. The connection with Edmund was probably made because Sebastian was also a warrior— a captain of the guard under the Emperor Diocletian-- who re-fused to yield his Faith in the face of paganism. In any 63. event, the accompanying miniature (figure 13, fl4) shows Edmund pierced by the arrows of numerous archers; u n t i l the fifteenth century, Sebastian was usually depicted as an older man, beard-ed and clothed; the similarity between the two saints would therefore have been more apparent to the Medieval viewers of the libellus than to our modern eyes, accustomed as they are to Renaissance depictions of Sebastian as a practically nude youth. 1 6 When Inguar realized that Edmund would not yield to his demands, the Danish general ordered the king's execution. According to Abbo, the saint was beheaded on November 20, which remains his feast day to the present. From this point on, the story i s concerned with the miracles which began to occur as soon as Edmund was dead and which were a clear indi-cation of his sanctity; consequently, his body became a sacred r e l i c to be cherished and venerated. Such miracles were a l l -important to the Medieval mind because i t was only through the working of wonders that a person's sainthood was made manifest; and the more miracles which occurred at the shrine of a saint, the more efficacious his patronage was considered to be. After the beheading of the king, the Danes l e f t Edmund's body in the f i e l d where he was martyred, but carried his head away with them, tossing i t into the dense undergrowth of a wood 64. through which they passed on their way to attack other regions. Fortunately, one of the Christians was hiding i n the v i c i n i t y of the forest, saw the Danes enter with Edmund's head, and was able to inform his fellow survivors of i t s probable fate. One miniature (figure 14, fl4v) serves to illus t r a t e both the execution and the disposal of the head. The picture is divided horizontally, with the upper section slightly larger than the lower one. In the top portion, the executioner strikes Edmund's head off with a single blow, as Abbo speci-f i e s ; the king's soul, in the form of a dove, i s cradled in God's hand to be carried to heaven. Beneath this scene of martyrdom, we see one of the Danes thrusting Edmund's head among the brambles while the witness views the contemptuous act from the safety of a tree. The i l l u s t r a t i o n departs from the text here because Abbo maintains that the witness did not gee the actual disposal of the head, even though he surmised that i t had been l e f t in the thicket. Most lik e l y for c l a r i -ty's sake, the miniaturist places the witness i n the forest at the moment when the Danes conceal Edmund's head; certainly, the viewer is l e f t in no doubt that the head was deliberately hidden but that the deed was observed. This i s the only miniature of the thirty-two which is divided; i t occurs i n the middle of the series and illustrates 65. the climax of the story when Edmund's earthly l i f e ended and his immortal one began; i t also marks the transition between Edmund as an histo r i c a l character and as the centre of a cult--between Edmund the remote king of East Anglia and Saint Edmund the future patron of a great monastery. I believe i t i s for these reasons that the miniature combines these particular events: the compression i s certainly not because the episodes depicted are of insufficient importance to warrant separate folios.' Also, when dealing with r e l i c s , the question of authenticity arises again. Because genuine r e l i c s were so v i t a l to the success of a saint's cult, i t was absolutely essential for the guardians of his shrine to establish that the re l i c s i n their possession did indeed belong to the saint in question. This was not merely an academic matter, of interest only to theologians or philosophers; rather, i t seems that the ordinary citizens, the people who made p i l g r i -mages to the various shrines, were the ones most interested in the authenticity of r e l i c s . As Sumption asserts, "any suggestion that a r e l i c of note, was false or had been stolen provoked intense public concern."^ Consequently, in the part of his story dealing with the recovery of Edmund's head, Abbo is careful to point out that i t was truly the king's head which 6 6 . was found and subsequently joined to the body; hence, the wit-ness to the removal of the head i s an important element in the documentation of the tale. Likewise, the miniature leaves no uncertainty concerning the identity of the r e l i c : the king i s beheaded and, immediately beneath the scene of his murder, the executioner himself conceals the precious head among the 18 brambles. Their iniquitous mission i n East Anglia accomplished, the Danes departed again by sea, in search of fresh conquests elsewhere; the miniature showing the invaders returning to their ships (figure 15, fl5) has been mentioned previously as seeming to have for i t s purpose the closing of one chapter in the saga of St. Edmund. Meanwhile, the few Christians who escaped slaughter gradually emerged from their hiding places and gathered to bury the body of their king. The body was easily located, and Divine inspiration plus the testimony of the witness encouraged the people to organize a search party in the woods. They agreed to carry horns with which to signal each other in the forest so as not to miss any places or to cover ground already searched. The accompanying miniature (figure 16, fl5v) condenses three events into one, but manages to include the main elements of Abbo's narrative: Edmund's lamenting subjects discover his 67. body lying in the f i e l d where i t f e l l ; the witness, to the right of the picture, reveals the location of the head; ana two men blow horns in the background as an inaication of the signals to be usea in the search. While the searchers were combing the woods, the f i r s t two miracles connected with Eamuna occurred: f i r s t , the severed head began to speak, calling out "here, here, here," until a group of men in the search party were attracted to i t by the sound. As though this were not sufficient, when the men arrived at the spot where the head lay, they found i t cradled in the paws of a huge wolf which had been sent by God to pro-tect the r e l i c from any harm. In the appropriate miniature (figure 17, f16), the illustrator follows the text very closely, portraying the astonishment of the men upon seeing the wolf stretched out f u l l length upon the ground guarding the head like 19 a sentinel. Accompanied by the wolf, the searchers joyfully carried the head back to the king's body, carefully joined the two together, and buried their saintly monarch. They construct-ed a rough chapel over his remains since they did not have the means to provide anything finer. Abbo's text concerning the reuniting of the head to the body and the interment of the saint i s quite brief, but the theme is expanded and altered somewhat in the miniatures. 68. Four pictures are used to illustr a t e this section. In the f i r s t one (figure 18, f16v), the leader of the search party reverently carries the head in his cape while another man calls attention to the continued presence of the wolf. In the next scene (figure 19, f17), one man duly attaches the head to Edmund's body while another gently covers the saint with a blanket; but contrary to the author's statement that the wolf disappeared into the forest as soon as the head had been carried to the body, in this picture the animal crouches on the ground near the sacred head he has protected. In connection with this miniature, I should mention an important sequel to the episode which i t re-enacts. A l i t t l e farther on in the story Abbo relates that, years later when the body was examined i t was found to be perfectly preserved with the head miraculously attached: a thin red line c i r c l i n g the neck was the only sign that i t had ever been severed. This later miracle served as compelling proof of Edmund's moral vic-tory over the Danes: not only had the attempt to hide his head been foiled, but even the beheading of the saint was negated. The narrow line around Edmund's neck faintly visible in this miniature and more prominent in the next one is most likely an allusion to the miraculous joining of the two parts of the king's body. 69. In the third illumination in this group of four (figure 20, f17v), Eamuna's boay i s borne on a l i t t e r to the place of burial. The wolf trots purposefully in the centre of the page, keeping a watchful eye on his charge; this is again a depar-ture from the text, since Abbo states that the wolf accompanied the mourners to the place of entombment, which clearly indicates that Eamuna was buriea in the spot where his boay originally lay. However, the inclusion of this not s t r i c t l y necessary episode i s a successful addition to the legend: i t immediately conveys to the viewer the idea of a solemn procession to trans-late the sacred remains to the tomb; the image of the saint carried on the shoulders of his former subjects creates an atmosphere of great dignity, aa impression which i s heightened by the stern symmetry of the design; although this is a sad occasion, there i s also cause for joy because a new saint has been created, and a sense of this triumph is conveyed by the magnificent, leafy tree dominating the background. The f i n a l miniature of the four (figure 21, fl8) quite naturally depicts the actual interment. The body, wrapped in . a shroud, i s gently laid in i t s sarcophagus above which the hand of God hovers to bless the proceedings. The churchlike setting of the burial scene does not agree with Abbo's description of a rude structure, but such a poor shrine may have seemed too 70. ordinary for an honoured patron saint. One may wonder why the text and the miniatures focus so much attention on the disappearance of the head and i t s subsequent discovery and re-attachment: not only one, but two miracles are worked in connection with this event; and the illustrator devotes six and one half pages to the unfolding of • the story from the finding of the body to i t s f i n a l entombment--more than were required to chronicle the actual seizure and martyrdom of the king. Aside from the inherent fascination of this rather strange tale, I think that another more practical reason may have dictated the emphasis upon this particular aspect of the legend. Bury abbey was one of a privileged few British shrines which could claim such a prestigious r e l i c as the entire, in-, 20 corrupt body of a martyr. The significance of this becomes clear when we realize that during the Middle Ages i t was con-sidered especially important for a religious house to possess 21 the whole body of a saint, and in particular a martyr. It was even better i f this body remained in a perfect state of preservation, since such a miracle indicated unquestioned saint-hood, and was also seen as a promise to a l l men of the f i n a l 22 resurrection of the body at the Last Judgment. Because of 71. the value placed on the entire body of the saint, i t i s under-standable that such importance should be attached to the quest for Edmund's head and to the miracles which occurred to make his person truly whole again. Naturally, i f a shrine boasted such a potent r e l i c , i t would have to be prepared to defend i t s authenticity. I think i t i s reasonable to suggest that the inclusion of the wolf, as an emissary of God, in three miniatures-- from the discovery of the saint's head through the burial procession-- is in part a visual assertion that the remains were both genuine and divine-ly sanctioned. Although the wolf i s not present at the actual burial, the hand of God gestures in benediction directly above the sarcophagus. The entombment concludes the early part of Edmund's history, and the next development in the growth of his legend concerns the rise of the martyr's cult which was v i t a l to the future establishment of the abbey. Growth of Edmund's Cult Abbo relates that the saint's body remained in i t s orig-inal humble tomb for many years until the country was again relatively peaceful, which was not until the reign of Edward 72. the Elder early in the tenth century. At this time, miracles began to occur at the sepulchre and the r e l i c was removed with great pomp to a new shrine in the apparently already important--Abbo calls i t a " v i l l a regia"-- Suffolk town of Beadoricewyrth (to use one of i t s many spellings). However, Edmund's cult was already established by the time of this translation: during the reign of King Alfred, who died in 902, commemorative coins were struck in honour of Edmund on which he i s called "saint;" these coins are the earliest surviving evidence of the public veneration of Edmund as a saint. As for the question of "sainthood," i t i s uncertain i f and when Edmund was o f f i c i a l l y canonized. In the early years of the Church, only martyrs were recognized as saints and i t was not considered necessary to canonize them formally as their violent deaths for the Faith were sufficient proof of their sanctity. It seems that the Anglo-Saxon "saint-kings" like Edmund were prime examples of heroes who were popularly acclaim-24 ed as saints with the encouragement of the local clergy. It was not until the eleventh century that a process of papal canonization was developed, and even then i t was not always used; not un t i l the end of the eleventh century was a more s t r i c t system enforced by Urban II in which a certain number of authenticated miracles were required before saint-73. 25 hood would be conferred. As far as Edmund personally i s con-cerned, I have come upon references to a canonization at an 26 Oxford Council in 1122. If this were true, what a marvellous reason to produce a lavish libellus in his honour; and what a boost for the theory that Morgan 736 was made at an early date.' However, as far as I can determine, there was no council at Oxford in 1122 or anytime near that date; records exist of such a council in 1222, and since Edmund's feast day seems to have been an authorized feast day in England from the thirteenth 27 century on, i t may well be this council that granted him his o f f i c i a l sainthood or at least sanctioned the widespread cele-bration of his feast. In any event, Edmund was clearly thought of as a saint when his body was translated to the more elaborate shrine at Beadoricewyrth; a small group of clergymen administered the new church and were incorporated into a College around 925. It seems that the shrine attracted costly gi f t s and grants.of land from the beginning, and there was a tradition at Bury that King Athelstan (924-939) gave the College a charter which granted i t jurisdiction over the territory of Beadoricewyrth and freed i t from external control and taxation. This important franchise, whether or not i t was originally given by Athelstan, was re-confirmed and augmented by subsequent monarchs and was jealous-74. ly guarded by the abbey; the "liberty" of Bury St. Edmunds, as i t was known, plays a large role in the history of the monastery and w i l l be discussed below. With the increasing fame of the saint due to the mir-acles which occurred at his tomb and the consequent growth in prosperity of his resting place, i t was only natural that his followers should want a record of his l i f e and deeds. The brief accounts given by the early chronicles were far too sketchy to be satisfactory, and various stories about the heroic king must have been circulating for years. Therefore, in order to have an authentic and compelling account of their patron, the ministers of Edmund's shrine asked Abbo to write his Passio. Not long after this was completed, the monk Aelfric included an Anglo-Saxon version of Edmund's l i f e in his Lives of the Saints, composed about 990-998. Aelfric's poem was based entirely on Abbo's work, the only original addition being a greater emphasis 28 on Edmund's military prowess and courage. The production of a vernacular version of Edmund's l i f e so soon after Abbo's o f f i c i a l Latin text i s a good indication of the growing popular-ity of the saint's cult. One incident which Abbo relates with regard to the early years of Edmund's cult provides an insight into the times as well as an example of the saint's power. As has been 7 5 . mentioned, the shrine began to attract valuable gifts almost immediately, and soon after the establishment of the College an attempt was made to steal these pious offerings. Eight robbers tried to break into the church at night, and the next miniature in the series (fl8v) accurately details Abbo's description of their crime— they dig at the foundations, hammer at the bolts, and try to reach the windows by ladder. While the thieves were thus engaged, Edmund froze them i n the midst of their a c t i v i t i e s so that they could neither move nor speak. Consequently, they were easily captured the next morning and brought for t r i a l to 29 Theodred, Bishop of London. In the following i l l u s t r a t i o n (figure 22, f19), we see the eight criminals firmly bound and meekly standing before the bishop. Judging from the unhappy countenance of the foremost thief, this scene must represent the actual sentencing of the culprits, a sentence which was harsh indeed as the next picture amply indicates (figure 23, f19v). In this vivid and rather grisly representation, the eight men who so boldly defiled Edmund's precinct are being executed by hanging; almost naked, they are strung up in a row, hands bound,Beyes blindfolded, and mouths gaping. Abbo states that the bishop immediately repent-ed of his severe sentence and performed various penances to atone for his lapse of judgment. However, this is the f i n a l 7 6 . miniature to accompany the episode of the thieves— we see no-thing of Theodred's remorse; therefore, the viewer is l e f t with a strong i f unpleasant reminaer of the fate which befell those who da ed to violate Eamuna's sanctuary. The tale of the eight robbers i s an example of a common type of miracle in hagiographic literature. One of the strong-est beliefs concerning patron saints, ana one which was no doubt fostered by the ministers of their shrines, was that they coula ana aia punish those who were disrespectful to their r e l i c s or who interferea with the abbeys or churches 30 unaer their protection. The accounts of saints' lives abound with such stories, ana at least one other saint performed the very same "freezing" miracle upon the woula-be burglars of his . . 31 shrine. One reason for the frequent occurrence of such miracles was the need f e l t by the guaraians of the more popular shrines to defend their wealth. Those houses fortunate enough to have the remains of a famous saint were naturally well endowed with gifts including large tracts of land. As Sumption points out, "vigorous efforts were made by the monks to acquire intervening holdings which would consolidate their estates."" 3^ This prac-tise of attempting to enlarge the holdings they had been granted by " f i l l i n g in the gaps" was as true of Bury as elsewhere and 77. often earned the large abbeys local enemies. This helps to explain why "many miracle collections, notably the Miracles of St. Benedict, are largely concerned with showing how the saint had miraculously intervened to defend the estates of his 33 abbey. Since Abbo came from the abbey of Fleury-sur-Loire which sheltered the body of St. Benedict, he must have been well acquainted with this problem. Of course, when Abbo was writing his gagsio, Edmund's shrine was s t i l l relatively new and probably not the subject of intense jealousy. However, during the following century, the abbey which eventually replaced the original College grew to be one of the largest and wealthiest in the country, with huge landholdings-- a privileged position which i t had to de-fend fiercely. Therefore, the stress placed upon the unsavoury incident of the thieves, which merits three illustrations in the manuscript, seems especially appropriate in relation to the power and riches which Bury St. Edmunds had attained by the twelfth century when this libellus was written. Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds Early History to 1066 The conclusion of Abbo's gassio relates directly to the guardians of Edmund's shrine for whom the work was composed. 78. The author again speaks of the incorruption of the saint's body ana aaas that this wonderful conaition is a aistinction granted to virgin martyrs in particular. Tradition had i t that the king had never married and had remained chaste a l l his l i f e , earning for himself an even more exalted position in the hier-archy of saints than he would otherwise have achieved. Abbo then goes on to admonish the servants of this holy man to strive to imitate his purity of l i f e , " i f they cannot ao so with the flower of virgin modesty, let them at least steadfastly mortify their desire for pleasure . . ,"3^ As we have seen, the men who served at the shrine were not yet monks, but were what is known as secular clergy, not bound by vows of celibacy. Abbo was obviously uncomfortable about this situation and would have preferred a community of monks to administer the shrine of the virgin saint: i t was, of course, during the tenth century that the f i r s t wave of monastic reform swept Britain, led primarily by Abbo's mentor Dunstan. In any event, the closing paragraphs of the Passio were a portent of things to come, because less than f i f t y years after Abbo voiced his concerns, the Benedictine monks took over the duties of St. Edmund's shrine. The miracle text by Archdeacon Herman, commissioned by Abbot Baldwin and written soon after the latter's death in 1097, 79. provides the primary information concerning the early history of the abbey; ana i t is essentially from Herman's text that the illuminator of the Morgan miniatures arew the material for 35 his last few illustrations. The founaation of the abbey of Bury St. Eamunas took place during the reign of Cnut. With the permission of this king, Bishop Aelfwine of Elmham expelled the secular clergy in 1020 ana replaced them with twenty Benedictine monks arawn from the monasteries of Ely ana St. Benet Hulme. Uvius, a monk from the latter abbey, became the f i r s t abbot of the new establish-ment, ana i t was he who brought with him the f i r s t few books which were the basis of what eventually was to be an impressive library. The incidents which precipitated the chartering of the abbey became quite famous ana includea one of Eamuna's most spectacular miracles. Ana i t is precisely these events ana wonaers that form the subject matter of the f i n a l narrative scenes in the Morgan li b e l l u s . The caretakers of the re l i c s apparently grew lax towara the ena of the tenth century; to counteract this unacceptable situation, the local bishop appointed a devoted monk36 by the name of Aethelwine to be the chief guardian of the shrine. In the meantime, the Danes had begun their incursions again, burning ana ravaging the countrysiae ana demanding tribute to 80. pay their armies. In 1010, during one of these raids, Aethel-wine removed the r e l i c s of the saint in fear for their safety. In order to avoid any dishonour befalling Edmund's re l i c s should the Danes invade his shrine, the monk made an arduous and roundabout trip to London where he brought the body to the church of St. Gregory. While making his way to London, the monk witnessed two notable miracles which proved the power of the saint and the extent of God's concern for the dignity of Edmund's r e l i c s ; these miracles each receive an i l l u s t r a t i o n in the Morgan li b e l l u s . Aethelwine arrived in Essex and sought shelter with a priest of that region named Eadbriht. However, the priest re-fused to offer hospitality to the monk and rudely ordered him to leave with his cart bearing the precious r e l i c s . God would not accept such an insult to his saint and caused Eadbriht's property to catch f i r e and be destroyed. In the art i s t ' s depiction (figure 24>, f20), Eadbriht stands at the door of his house threatening Aethelwine with what looks like a black-jack; but as the monk moves away, the wrath of God, whose hand sheds a beam of light on Edmund's bier, has already been aroused-- flames leap from the windows of the uncharitable priest's home. The second miracle occurred when Aethelwine attempted 81. to cross a narrow, broken bridge with the r e l i c cart. As we see in the miniature (figure 25, f20v), the monk looks anxiously back at his wagon whose wheel hangs precariously over the edge of the bridge; however, the protecting hand of God i s s t i l l present as an indication that no harm w i l l come to the saint's remains; Aethelwine did, of course, arrive safely at his desti-nation. The saint's body remained in London for three years, during which time many miracles of healing occurred at Edmund's temporary shrine. Yet i t i s not these miracles which are illustrated in the Morgan book. The wonders chosen for inclu-sion are those which concentrate upon God's direct concern for ttie dignity and safety of his saint's remains and which empha-size the role of Aethelwine as caretaker of the r e l i c s . It must be remembered that Aethelwine was an important figure in the history of Bury St. Edmunds, both because of his devotion to the saint and because he served as a link between the secular 38 and monastic guardians of the abbey. He would naturally be revered by the community of St. Edmund as one of i t s original members whose exemplary conduct would serve as an inspiration to future generations of monks, including those who would use the Morgan lib e l l u s . As well as acting as a vehicle to c a l l attention to 82. Aethelwine, the episode of the inhospitable priest i s another example of the penalty paid by those who dared to insult the saint or his servants and would be popular with the monks for this reason also. It was during the sojourn in London that Edmund's fame began to spread, so much so that the local bishop wished to keep the saint's r e l i c s in his own d i s t r i c t . However, this attempt was foiled by another miracle; the bier would not budge when the bishop's men tried to move i t ; but Aethelwine and his partisans l i f t e d i t easily and brought i t back to i t s proper shrine. The f i n a l episode leading to the foundation of a mon-astery at Beadoricewyrth also involves Aethelwine and concerns Edmund's best known miracle— the slaying of the tyrant Swegn. Herman's treatise appears to bathe earliest authority for this story which may have begun as a local legend during the elev-enth century. The intervention of the saint on this occasion was destined to become the most popular of Edmund's actions and potently demonstrates the power to safeguard his property and i t s inhabitants which the patron saint was thought to possess. Both r e l i e f from the Danish tax within the saint's precinct and the establishment of a Benedictine community at the shrine were directly attributed to the working of this 63. particular wonder which merits three illustrations in MS 736. Soon after Aethelwine's return from London with Edmund's body in 1013, the Danish chief Swegn launched another of his frequent attacks against England which are reported in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Not unlike his infamous ancestor Inguar, Swegn sent messengers to Beadoricewyrth demanding the payment of a large tribute in exchange for sparing the shrine and the village which had grown up around i t . The Dane's demand was refused and prospects did not look good for the community at Bury. However, Edmund appeared to Aethelwine in a dream, instructing the monk to approach Swegn to ask for cancellation 39 of the tax. Aethelwine went to Swegn's camp to f u l f i l l this mission, and the interview between the two men i s recorded by the miniaturist (figure 26, f21) : here, the large and dignified figure of the monk confronts the Danish chief who rudely re-pulses the request for clemency; Aethelwine i s set upon by two of Swegn's retainers and the attempt to obtain r e l i e f for Beadoricewyrth f a i l s . As luck, or Providence, would have i t , Swegn died quite suddenly and mysteriously soon after this encounter— at the beginning of February, 1014, to be exact. The cause of his death is not known and the contemporary chronicles make no mention of miraculous intervention; but according to Herman, 84. Eamuna himself appeared to the Danish chief during the night ana slew him. In the fine miniature accompanying this scene (figure 27, f21v), a triumphant Eamuna clutches the money which Swegn covetea while spearing the e v i l heathen with a powerful thrust of his lance for threatening the people of Beaaoricewyrth. Like Abbo, Herman i s a careful hagiographer; he does not ask his readers to accept this marvellous story without further proof. He reveals that a sick nobleman in Essex had a dream during the night in which i t was revealed to him that Swegn had succumbed to Edmund's just vengeance. As has been mani-fested before in the Morgan work, the matter of credible witnesses was an essential element in the authentication of miracles; therefore, the f i n a l miniature in this series of three (figure 28, f22) portrays the dying noble announcing the slaying of Swegn before any o f f i c i a l news of the chief's death had reached the populace."^ This entire episode, especially as represented in the stunning image of Edmund victorious over a descendant of the invaders who had put him to death, must have been a satisfying one for the monks of Bury. Furthermore, the depiction of Edmund as an active avenger of his ministers coincides well with the ancient accounts of him as a courageous warrior as opposed to the Christ-like role he assumed during his martyr-8 5 . dom; the historiated i n i t i a l depicting the same scene ( i n i t i a l "C", f23) emphasizes the concept of Edmund as warrior even more strongly, since here the saint is attirea in his f u l l military armour. The glamour of this miracle couplea with i t s obvious appeal for the monks woula be sufficient for i t to occupy a prominent place among the illuminated miniatures. However, i t s inclusion may be attributed to other more important considera-tions as well. F i r s t l y , the immeaiate consequence of Swegn's aeath was aeliverance from both the heavy tribute ana the threatenea devastation of the town, since the Danes immediately departed with the body of their chieftain. This was a great boon to the people in St. Edmund's territory and signalled the saint's a b i l i t y to look after his own. It w i l l be seen that the abbey had need of the protection of such a powerful patron in later years, which explains the stress on miracles such as this one and that of the thieves— stories which credit the saint with fending off marauders of a l l kinds. Secondly, the most momentous, i f not so immediate, result of Swegn's death was the establishment of a monastery at Beadoricewyrth. The attention attracted by the miracles surrounding Edmund's temporary shrine in London, combined with the saint's astounding performance with regard to Swegn, had 86. made Eamuna*s name more widely revered; yet the keepers of his shrine haa apparently not improvea their conauct appreciably aespite Aethelwine's gooa example. Consequently, in 1020, King Cnut authorizea the removal of the unsatisfactory secu-41 lars in favour of a community of Beneaictines. Cnut was the son of Swegn ana haa recently managea to secure for himself the crown of a l l Englana; unlike his father, Cnut attempted to appease the people he haa conquered, married the wiaow of the Anglo-Saxon King Aethelrea, ana became a notea patron of the Church. In atonement for his father's crime against St. Eamuna, Cnut was saia to have offered his crown at the shrine, redeeming i t with costly g i f t s , a prac-42 tise which became traditional. More important to the for-tunes of the fledgling abbey than the foregoing symbolic gesture was the generous charter of liberties which Cnut granted to the monks in 1028; this stipulated that the farm at Bury was to be forever in the possession of the monks, free from episcopal jurisdiction; furthermore, whenever the English people were required to pay the "Danegelt" tax originally levied to support the Danish fleet and army, the portion 4" collected from St. Edmund's tenants would accrue to the abbey. " Considering the splendid results of Edmund's strong action against Swegn, i t is no wonder that this miracle should be a 87. favourite of the abbey's and should hold such a prominent position in the Morgan libellus.' Bishop Aelfwine, who had been instrumental in bringing monasticism to Bury, continued to play an important role in i t s early history. In 1021 or 1022, under the sponsorship of Cnut, this bishop began construction of the f i r s t stone church at the abbey which was consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1032. Furthermore, Aelfwine i s said to have renounced for him-self and his successors as bishop of Elmham any claim to episcopal control over the abbey or the territory surrounding i t for one mile. This v i t a l exemption was the one confirmed by Cnut in his charter of 1028; by formally freeing the abbey from outside ecclesiastical interference, the king placed Bury, from the outset, in possession of "the highly privileged ring of land, usually a mile in radius, known later as the banleuca, from which the episcopal as well as the royal jurisdiction was expressly excluded by royal g r a n t . T h i s early franchise i s the one upon which Bury based her tenacious claim to exemption during the two bitter controversies with the local bishop which arose during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. Bury's royal patron died in 1035, and although grants of land and other gif t s were made by private citizens and 88. clergy during the reigns of Cnut's sons Harold and Harthacnut, the next major privileges and exemptions were given to the abbey after the accession of Edward, later known as the Confessor, in 1042. Although Edward had lived in Normandy for thirty years prior to his accession to the English throne and was thoroughly Norman in education and outlook, he belonged to the ancient line of Anglo-Saxon kings which had been interrupted by Cnut. Therefore, i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to see why Edward displayed a special regard for St. Edmund as a sainted member of the old English royalty. Edward made a pilgrimage to Edmund's shrine shortly after his coronation and Herman reports that the king traversed the last mile on foot as a sign of respect to his holy kinsman. Various charters, some of them spurious, s t i l l exist which record Edward's important grant of the "eight and one 45 half hundreds" to the abbey. Control over these Suffolk hundreds was the basis of Bury's "Liberty" and had originally been given to Edward's mother by Cnut upon her marriage to the Danish king. Edward had taken them from her at his accession and almost immediately transferred them to Bury. Possession of this privilege entitled the abbot to legal jurisdiction over a l l men, not only his tenants, within this f a i r l y compact area (which now comprises West Suffolk) and to 89. a l l the revenues from land, taxes, legal fines, etc., which i t produced.^ Edward also confirmed a l l the g i f t s and franchises granted by previous kings, and toward the end of his reign allowed the abbot to mint coins^-- a rare privilege indeed. Naturally, such extensive rights also involved responsibil-i t i e s : the abbey had obligations to i t s tenants and others who lived within the precinct; the lands required a good deal of administration and undoubtedly occupied the energies of sev-eral members of the monastery; to efficiently govern the eight and one half hundreds, the abbot required the support of the king and would therefore have to spend time at court. And so i t was that, from early in her history, Bury became a large landholder with secular as well as religious concerns and with a continuing connection with the royal house which was to become even stronger under the feudal system of the Normans.^® Shortly after Edward's accession- to the throne, Bury's f i r s t abbot died and Leofstan, one of the abbey's original monks, was chosen as successor and ruled until 1065; not much is known of him except for an unsavoury story which Herman records i n which the abbot opened Edmund's casket and tugged at the head to see i f i t was truly attached.* Upon Leofstan's death, Edward "suggested" to the monks that they choose as 90. their next abbot Baldwin, a French monk ana physician to the king. Although Baldwin was appointea in the Norman manner rather than freely electea by the monks, the choice provea to be a gooa one. An able, eaucated and energetic man, an intimate of both Edward and King William after him, Baldwin inaugurated the period of Bury's development into the power-f u l , highly privileged, and architecturally noteworthy mon-astery which she was to become by the middle of the next century. Even though he was selected by Edward, Baldwin's abbacy coincided with the reign of William the Conqueror and he served his abbey well in the changing times brought about by the Norman Conquest. Development Under the Normans When William of Normandy became King of England in 1066, there were approximately thirty-five independent Bene-dictine monasteries in the country which were nationalistic and even provincial in outlook, neither dependent upon any foreign mother house nor involved in the surge of scholastic activity which was already well underway in Europe. These English monasteries were generally observant of the rules of their Order, but their monks enjoyed "a less enclosed l i f e and 49 wider external relationships" than their Norman counterparts. 91. William soon began to reorganize the English Church on the Norman model in which, among other things: the abbots were considered as barons, formally bound to the king as his tenants-in-chief; the monasteries were more s t r i c t l y cloistered and organized according to the Benedictine Rule; and the cathedral monasteries played a much more important role in the l i f e of the Church than they did in England. Although William's chief aide in this project, Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, generally f u l f i l l e d his commission in a wise and careful manner-- systematically but not precipitantly replacing English abbots with Norman ones and gradually introducing Norman intellectual thought and reforms-- there was a certain amount of resistance to the new regime in the early years and the English monks did have some justifiable grievances. Fortunately for Bury, the abbey was able to pass through the transitional period with less turmoil than others due to the influence of Baldwin who became physician to both William and Lanfranc. The l i s t of Baldwin's achievements i s impres-sive: he began an ambitious program of building, which includ-ed laying the foundations and completing the choir, crypt and a substantial portion of the walls of a huge Norman church; he enlarged the town of Bury and introduced a new grid-iron plan for i t s layout;"*^ he introduced Latin as the o f f i c i a l 92. language of the abbey; he stimulated the scriptorium at Bury, even though he seems to have concentrated upon the copying of necessary service and inspirational texts rather than on the patristic and contemporary theological works that were being produced on the Continent; he was often at court, which can be ascertained from the large number of royal charters that he witnessed, and was therefore in a position to inform the king of the needs and desires of his monastery; Baldwin was also an ardent champion of the abbey's rights and i t was probably due to his efforts that William reconfirmed the privileges which had been bestowed upon St. Edmunds by previous monarchs and added many more grants of his own. One of the most important events which occurred during Baldwin's abbacy was the d i f f i c u l t ecclesiastical controversy in which the abbey was embroiled. Herman is the primary source for our knowledge of the dispute; his account is a first-hand one since he was personally involved with the principals in this matter. As part of Lanfranc's reorganization of the Church, he instituted a policy of moving bishops' sees from remote villages to larger centres. Therefore, Lanfranc supported the proposal by the newly appointed Norman Bishop Arfast of Elmham, the diocese within which Bury lay, to move his East Anglian See to 93. Bury St. Edmunds. Had this proposal been successful, Bury would have become a cathedral >priory and would have lost the highly valued independence which was so earnestly sought after by English monasteries at this time."^ Such a serious threat to Bury's continued autonomy must have alarmed the monks considerably, and in 1070 Baldwin journeyed to Rome, with the permission of King William, to seek the protection of Pope Alexander II. This mission proved f r u i t f u l , with the result that Bury St. Edmunds was placed among those few most honoured houses which were subject to the pope alone and whose rights were not to be tampered with by any secular or ecclesi-astical authority. At this time, Alexander's grant was the only example of complete monastic immunity confirmed by papal charter to an English abbey. Unfortunately, to invoke papal authority was not 52 especially effective at this early date, and Lanfranc confiscated the document from Baldwin since the archbishop believed that the English metropolitan should have jurisdic-tion over monasteries which had been freed from diocesan control. Herman, who was at the time an archdeacon under Arfast, reports that the bishop continued to press his claim despite the pope's action. One day, while riding in a wood, Arfast was struck in the eye by a low branch and was in danger 94. of losing sight in i t - - an indication of St. Edmund's displea-sure. Herman says that he urged the bishop to see Baldwin since he was a physician.' Arfast agreed, was cured by Baldwin and promised to end his attempts to transfer his see to Bury. But Arfast soon forgot his pledge and the case was f i n a l l y heard before Lanfranc and a jury and then before a royal council at Winchester i n 1081. Unable to have recourse to his papal privilege, Baldwin was forced to fight Arfast on purely secular grounds, relying on the original privilege of King Cnut in his charter of 1028. The decision went to Baldwin, but i t was by no means a foregone conclusion that Bury would triumph. Actually, i t seems probabl that the verdict was in favour of the abbey largely due to a letter written by the new pope, Gregory II, to Lanfranc in which the former told the archbishop that 53 Arfast's claim was a slight to papal authority. William confirmed the decision of the court by a royal charter issued 54 in the same year which repeated the pope's injunction that no see should be established at Bury. Baldwin won the undying affection of the monks for his efforts on their behalf; after his death, the abbot was highly venerated and i t was even said that miracles occurred at his tomb. This decisive victory of Baldwin's seem to have 95. encouraged donations immensely, since by the time of William's Domesday Survey in 1086 the abbey was among the twelve wealth-iest i n the country in terms of yearly revenue, owned land in seven counties, and possessed about three hundred manors-- more than any other monastery listed in the Domesday book, more even than Ely with i t s vast wealth. Moreover, i t was immediately after Baldwin's triumph that the abbot, with the help of his sacrists Thurstan and then Tolinus, began construction of Edmund's new church (figure 30) which, at about five hundred feet long at i t s completion in the next century, must have been one of the largest Norman churches of i t s day. By 1094, the eastern end with i t s apse and three radiating chapels was completed and Baldwin wished to arrange for the transfer of Edmund's re l i c s to his new shrine behind the main altar. But the king was now William's son, known as Rufus, who was no friend to the Church; he agreed to the translation of the body and the simultaneous dedication of the new church, but then changed his mind. In 1095, Herman reports that a rumour went about among Rufus' courtiers that Edmund's body was not incorrupt, and they suggested that the saint's costly shrine be stripped of i t s valuables to help pay the king's troops. Such a thing never came to pass, and the translation was f i n a l l y carried out with 96. great pomp on April 29, 1095, with Bishop Walkelin of Winches^-ter o f f i ciating; at the dedication, the bishop granted a par-t i a l indulgence to a l l present and to anyone vi s i t i n g the 57 shrine on i t s anniversary. It was in honour of this occasion that Baldwin commis-sioned Herman to write his miracle text; considering the d i f f i c u l t i e s which the abbey had encountered in recent years--the dispute with Arfast and the problems surrounding the translation-- i t i s l i t t l e wonder that Herman should have recorded, probably for the f i r s t time, Edmund's vengeance against the greedy tyrant Swegn who tried to impose his w i l l on the people under the saint's protection; neither i s i t surprising that this miracle should rapidly have beome one of the most popular of the patron's actions, proclaimed as a warning to secular or ecclesiastic intruders. Although Herman often embroiders his stories with improbable events, his statement concerning the sinister designs of Rufus' courtiers upon Edmund's shrine is most like-ly based on fact, for the king's rapacity is well known. Rufus wished to use the Church's wealth for his own purposes as far as possible, and to this end made a practise of keep-ing abbacies and bishoprics vacant for long periods so that he could claim the revenues which such positions enjoyed. Bury 97. suffered in this way: when Baldwin died in 1097, the abbacy was l e f t unfilled by Rufus un t i l his own death i n 1100. The early years of Henry I's reign were not easy ones for Bury either, because the king claimed the right to select abbots of his own preference. Accordingly, soon after his accession in 1100, Henry appointed the young son of his cousin Hugh, Earl of Chester, as abbot. The monks of Bury bi t t e r l y resented this blatant disregard for their ancient right-- as set out by Dunstan in his Regularis Concordia^-- to elect their own abbot with the advice and consent of the king. As though this were not enough, there was a renewed attempt by the East Anglian See to claim jurisdiction over the abbey.' Bishop Herbert of Norwich (the city to which the see had been transferred in 1094) tried to gain papal sanction for his proposal in 1101 but failed to persuade the pope. In the following year, Herbert again unsuccessfully raised the issue with the pope; in the same year, 1102, at a solemn council called by Anselm, Lanfranc's successor as Archbishop of Canterbury, Herbert's claim was denied and the suit f i n a l l y abandoned. It was during this same Westminster council that nine abbots were deposed because of simony or other offenses, and 98. Robert of Bury was one of those who lost their positions. Anselm nominated another Robert, a prior of Westminster, and the monks elected him; but the king would not agree to his consecration and apparently appropriated whatever revenues he could during the next four years. The monks resisted Henry by refusing to accept or elect any other abbot, and Robert appears to have f u l f i l l e d the duties of this post unofficially. It was during his term of office that the revenues of the abbey were divided between the monks and the abbot to limit the amount which the king could claim. In August, 1107, Robert was f i n a l l y consecrated by Anselm, but unfortunately died the next month; the community elected a monk named Baldwin, but Henry refused to appoint him because he was an Englishman and the abbacy was again vacant--this time for seven years. Had Archbishop Anselm not died in 1109, the interregnum might not have been so long. Despite the unsettling effect which these disputes with the king and the bishop of East Anglia must have had upon the monastery, the history of Edmund's abbey in the early years of Henry's reign i s not a l l unpleasant. In 1101, Cardinal John of Tusculum was sent as a papal legate to England; while there, he granted a seven day's indulgence to pilgrims v i s i t i n g Edmund's shrine; Archbishop Anselm confirmed this indulgence 99. 60 ' ana aaaea three days to i t . This is an early aate for a papal inaulgence of this type ana may have been promptea by the increasing fame of Edmund's shrine; this fame was to extend beyona the borders of Englana i n the following years; in 1113, a group of canons from Laon who were touring Englana to raise funas for the rebuilaing of their cathearal were sufficiently impressea with Eamuna's miracles that they carriea stories of them home to the Continent.^ Construction of Balawin's church ana of new monastic builaings continuea as well: the second Robert's energetic sacrist Godfrey enlarged the original plan of the church by adding a bay to the presbytery and widening the central aisle by twenty-two feet; he also bui l t the transepts, two bays of the nave and a central tower to roof level-- for which belfry he purchased a large and costly b e l l . As well as making progress on the church, Godfrey also completed the new refec-tory, chapter-house, infirmary and abbot's residence. In 1114 the abbacy was f i l l e d with the election of Albold, a Norman prior of Nicasius at Meaux who was a friend of Anselm. Not much is known of his reign and no new building activity is recorded as having taken place during his five year rule; at his death in 1119, the abbacy was once again vacant until the election of Anselm-- nephew to Anselm of 100. Canterbury, former abbot of Santa Saba in Rome, ana one-time papal legate to England. Anselm haa previously experiencea a i f f i c u l t i e s with Henry who haa refusea to receive the monk as papal legate in 1116 ana haa kept him at Rouen for four years waiting in vain for permission to enter Englana. However, Henry's quarrel was with the pope rather than with his representative, ana once Anselm became abbot, he ana the king enjoyed quite a good relationship; this must have playea an important part in ini t i a t i n g the perioa of tremenaous prosperity accompaniea by a r t i s t i c ana intellectual growth which characterizea the abbey auring the twenty-seven years of Anselm's rule. My reason for summarizing the history of St. Eamuna ana his abbey up to the time of abbot Anselm has been to establish the backgrouna against which the Morgan libellus must be seen. There were numerous miracles associated with St. Eamuna, ana naturally they coula not a l l be aepictea in the manuscript. Due to the limitations of space, there haa to be an emphasis on particular occurrences to the exclusion of others. The choice of topics for i l l u s t r a t i o n in the thirty-two miniatures preceaing the text depended upon the primary function which these pictures were expected to serve--the glorification of the saint and the edification of his 101. followers: to this end, the major events in the l i f e and passion of the patron had to be recounted; the nobility of his ancestry and the authenticity of his r e l i c s had to be indicated; the most spectacular and best known of the saint's miracles required inclusion; and because of their location en masse at the opening of the manuscript, the miniatures had to be organized in a clear, easily followed sequence and exe-cuted in a straightforward, l i v e l y manner in order to attract, inform, and ultimately inspire the viewer even before he arrived at the text. Aside from this rather obvious necessity for the i l l u s -trations to convey the salient points in the saint's l i f e and miracles, i t seems to me that other less obvious reasons also influenced the choice of subject matter: f i r s t l y , specific conditions of l i f e and modes of thought existed during the Medieval period, some of which are reflected in the Morgan miniatures; secondly, some of the events which enlivened Bury's chequered history dictated that a few choice miracles be featured among the illuminations of the abbey's beautiful l i b e l l u s . With regard to the general historical framework of the time as i t affected the picture program, i t has been suggested in the preceding pages that: some of the current 102. notions regarding the power and responsibility of kingship may be embodied in the scenes of the investiture ceremony (figure 2, f8 and f8v) and in the one depicting Edmund's kingly v i r -tues (figure 3, f9); the insistence of Medieval man that the rel i c s he honoured be genuine is amply demonstrated by the care with which the miniaturist includes human witnesses and divine assurances of the r e l i c s ' authenticity (figure 14, fl4v; figure 17, f l 6 ; figure 21, f18); the special reverence which was reserved for those re l i c s which consisted of the entire body of a martyr helps to explain the emphasis placed upon the discovery of Edmund's head and the subsequent reuniting of the separated parts of his anatomy (figure 16, fl5v through figure 21, f18); the concern with which wealthy shrines viewed the widespread problem of pillaging is reflected in the grim episode of the thieves (figure 22, f l 9 ; figure 23, f19v); and the popular conception of the patron saint as a capable guardian of his earthly servants and of the property which they held in his name is demonstrated in the impressive series recounting the saga of Edmund versus Swegn (figure 26, f21 through figure 28, f22). But MS 736 was written to honour a specific saint and by association to shed glory on his own particular abbey; therefore, i t i s not unreasonable to expect the pictures 103. illuminating Eamuna's l i f e to pertain in some way to the commu-nity which reverea his name. Ana such is inaeea the case. The last quarter of the series i s aevotea to Eamuna's shrine ana i t s caretakers from the time when the f i r s t simple memorial was raisea in the patron's memory to the perioa immeaiately prior to the chartering of Bury abbey: the earliest manifestation of Eamuna's efficiency as a protective patron, the thwarting of the thieves, incluaes a representation of Bishop Theoarea (fig-ure 22, fl9)who was an honourea benefactor of the abbey; a special place is accoraea to Aethelwine since he servea as the transitional figure between the secular ana monastic ministers of the r e l i c s , (figure 24, f20; figure 25, f20v; figure 26, f21); ana the inciaent concerning Swegn haa a personal significance for the monks of Bury in that this araraatic episode was hela to be the reason for their existence as a religious community. Although the last group of miracles portrayea in the miniatures occurrea before the monastery was o f f i c i a l l y founaea, I believe that the iaeas which they emboay were just as perti-nent to Bury St. Eamunas in the late eleventh ana early twelfth centuries as at any time in her early history. F i r s t , to consiaer Bury's position vis-a-vis the monarchy: the abbey haa always maintainea close connections with the royal house ana coula therefore be expectea to be aaroit in her aealings with 104. successive kings. However, her relations with the Norman monarchs, especially with Rufus ana Henry I, were strainea with regara to the election of abbots since both the kings ana the monks claimea the right to choose the monastery's leaaer. Another point of f r i c t i o n was the unfortunate habit, sharea by these two kings, of leaving the abbacy vacant in oraer to expropriate a portion of the establishment's revenues. The monks considered such actions on the part of the kings as tyrannical, and they would naturally stress the reputation of their patron as an enemy of despots-- a role which is most forcefully displayed by Edmund's slaying of Swegn (figure 2/7, f21v and i n i t i a l "C", f23). By the time the libellus was illuminated, things had improved in this regard, since Anselm was accepted by both king and monks, and since limits had been placed upon the revenues which the king could claim in case of a vacancy. But Bury's impressive collection of royal grants ana privileges depended upon the continued support of the monarchy, and these recent altercations with the Norman kings had shown that a constant reminder of Edmund's vindictive capabilities might be in order. William of Malmesbury gives an example of the effectiveness of Edmund's reputation: "The exactors of taxes . . . who, i n other places, gave loose to injustice . . . ceased their cavilling at St. Edmund's bound-ary, admonished thereto by the punishment of others who had 105. • ..62 presumed: to overpass i t . " Secondly, to touch upon the ecclesiastical controversy which began in 1070 ana was not f i n a l l y settled unt i l 1102, this was a very real and serious threat to Bury's autonomy; I am convinced that, once again, the image of Edmund as the vanquisher of tyrants i s a direct warning to intruders on the abbey's freedom to beware the vengeance of her patron. Even though the monastery had emerged triumphant from her encounters with the East Anglian See, this was no cause for complacency: in 1123, abbot Anselm obtained a papal privilege which provided that, i f the abbey were ever to become the seat of a bishopric, 63 i t would only be served by monk bishops.' Obviously the abbot was not under any i l l u s i o n that the question of juris-diction was permanently settled; there was s t i l l need for vigilance and for the protection of a powerful patron. Since I have insisted upon a close connection between certain of the Morgan illustrations and the abbey's ecclesias-t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , one may ask why the episode of Bishop Arfast's mishap in the woods was not accorded a miniature; surely, to include this direct sign of Edmund's displeasure at the attitude of the abbey's most persistent foe would have been more to the point that the depiction of a remote combat with an only vaguely remembered Danish enemy? This argument 106. seems plausible on the surface, but I feel that the heroic ana truly supernatural quality of Eamuna's earlier victory i s far more effective as an example of his a b i l i t y to intervene in human affairs than is the rather munaane story of Bishop Arfast. As a conclusion to this section of my paper, I woula like to introduce one more aevelopment which began auring the Norman period ana which I think pertains airectly to the pro-auction of St. Edmund's li b e l l u s - - namely, the emergence of a sense of national identity and patriotism in Britain. When Lanfranc began his reorganization of the English Church, one of his actions which greatly upset the native monks was the demoting of many of their favourite Anglo-Saxon saints. In his zeal for reform, the Archbishop wished to purge the Church of saints whose holiness was doubtful, but sometimes not only cult figures of minor importance, but highly venerated saints were treated with suspicion as well. For example, Lan-franc questioned the worthiness of Cuthbert, one of England's most revered saints; and the Norman abbot of Abingdon refused to allow the celebration of any feast of St. Ethelwold, one of Dunstan's partners in the tenth century monastic reform, or .(sh-ot St. Edmund%. 107. However, Lanfranc was not wholly opposed to indigenous saints and he commissioned the writing of some new accounts of the better known ones. When Anselm succeeded Lanfranc as Arch-bishop of Canterbury, he encouraged a renewed respect for the customs of the Anglo-Saxon Church; as a result, there developed a tremendous interest in pre-Conquest saints: numerous lives of the old English saints were composed, preeminently by Gosce-l i n , Osbert, and Eadmer; i t i s to this period of literary activity that Herman's miracle text in honour of St. Edmund belongs. The desire to commemorate the virtues and exploits of the Anglo-Saxon saints preceded a more general fascination with a l l things English which arose during the reign of Henry I. There suddenly appeared a group of monastic historians, such as William of Malmesbury, Ordericus V i t a l i s , Eadmer, and Simeon of Durham who undertook the ambitious project of re-cording the ecclesiastical and secular history of England from Anglo-Saxon times to their own day. A sense of pride in England's history and in her people can be discerned in these works, as an example from William of Malmesbury indicates; speaking of the battle of Hastings, the historian remarks of the English defenders that "they were few in number and brave in the extreme; and sacrificing every regard to their bodies, 108. poured forth their s p i r i t for their country. Malmesbury wrote these words in his Gesta Regum about 1124-1125, just when the Morgan manuscript was being prepared. In a contemporary work, the Gesta Pontificum which includes accounts of the major English monasteries, William regarded 66 Edmund as the national saint of England, and certainly the awakening interest in the Anglo-Saxon past found an excellent focus for i t s enthusiasm in Edmund: not only was he an authen-t i c old English Christian hero, but he was also a " p o l i t i c a l " saint-- a king who had played a role in his country's history. It may well be that this contemporary concern with Britain's pre-Conquest past i s reflected in the three opening miniatures of the series (figure 1, f7 and figure 2, f8) which deal with the arrival and settling of the Germanic tribes in England. And perhaps Edmund's fortuitous position as an Anglo-Saxon saint-king in a period of dawning nationalism provides a good reason for the appearance of this luxurious libellus at a time when Bury was not otherwise producing costly decorated books. In any event, the fi n a l miniature in the series (f22v) definitely portrays Edmund as a being exalted enough to be his country's patron saint. Appropriately, this i s a s t r i c t l y hieratic representation: Edmund is enthroned in the centre of the page in an absolutely frontal pose; his wide, staring eyes 1 0 9 . and severe expression convincingly convey an impression of supernatural grandeur; the saint is surrounded by angels, two of whom swoop down from heaven to crown him with the "crown of righteousness" as Abbo describes i t while two others simulta-neously hand him a sceptre and palm, symbols of his role as king and martyr. Meanwhile, grateful for past favours and ever mindful of their dependence upon Edmund's continued good w i l l , two small monks kneel before the saint and caress the feet of their majestic patron. It is with this effective image of the national saint in view that the reader turns to contemplate the text of Edmund's l i f e and deeds. 110. Footnotes David C. Douglas, gen. ed., English Historical Documents, 5 vols. (London, Eyre and Spottiswood, 1955), vol. 1: English Historical Documents, c. 500-1042, ed. by Dorothy Whitelock, p. 177. One version calls Edmund "saint',' another mentions the names of the Danish leaders. C y r i l E. Wright, The Cultivation of Saga in Anglo- Saxon England (Edinburgh and London: Oliver and Boyd, 1939), p. 116. Abbo includes this idea in his Passio as well. Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Medieval  Religion (London: Faber and Faber, 1975), p. 280. ^Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 31-32. "*M.E. Porter, and J.H Baltzell, "The old French Lives of Saint Edmund King of East Anglia," Romanic Review 45 (1954): 82. , ' "For the dedicatory preface to the Passio, I have used the translation given by Eleanor Shipley Duckett, i n Saint Dunstan of Canterbury: A Study of Monastic Reform in the Tenth Century (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1955), pp. 204-205; for the text i t s e l f , I refer to the translation by Francis Hervey, Corolla Sancti Eadmundi: The  Garland of Saint Edmund King and Martyr (London: John Murray, 1907), pp . l l r 59 . Wright, The Cultivation of Saga, pp. 58-59. 8 Charles W. Jones has an interesting discussion con-cerning the importance of the witness and the priority of "ethical" over "factual" truth in the acceptance of miracle stories in his Saints' Lives and Chronicles in Early England (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1947), p. 75. 111. This miniature i s illustrated by Margaret Rickert, Painting in Britain: The Middle Ages (London: Penguin Books, 1954), p i . 66. ^The variety and order of presentation of the regalia changed through time as the ceremony became more elaborate. There are varying coronation "ordos" and directories in exis-tence which offer somewhat conflicting evidence of the different items presented to the king and the order in which these were given. It seems that the ceremony only became more fixed dur-ing the course of the twelfth century. For differing interpre-tations of the development of the coronation ceremony, see: Percy Ernst Schramm, A.History of the English Coronation,, trans. Leopold G. Wickham Legg (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1937), Chapters one and two; H.G. Richardson, "The Coronation in Medieval England," Traditio XIV (I960) :111-202. J. Wickham Legg, ed. Three Coronation Orders (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1891), p. x x i i i ; Schramm, A History of the English Coronation, p. 3 shays that this custom was a martial version of the ceremony of placing the new heir to the throne on the chief seat of the royal h a l l . For a concise discussion of the theory of kingship in Medieval England, see: Austin Lane Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 1087-1216, 2d ed. (Oxford: At the Claren-don Press, 1955), pp. 2-5. Marc Bloch, ed., "La Vie de S. Edouard le Confesseur par Osbert de Clare," Analecta Bollandiana XLI (1923):8. "^The copy in MS Cotton, Claud. A . i i i is published by Reverend Thomas Silver, The Coronation Service or Consecration  of the Anglo-Saxon Kings, as i t illustrates the Origin of the Constitution (Oxford: J. Parker and J. Murray, 1831). It is not certain that this ordo is the one used for the coronation of Ethelred II, but i t - i s contemporary with his period. T. Arnold, ed., Memorials of the Abbey of Saint  Edmund at Bury, Rolls Series, no. xcvi, 3 vols. (London: Longman and Co., 1890-96) I:xx. 112. '"This i s not to say that Sebastian was always shown fu l l y clothes. There is a fresco in the chapel of St. Sebas-tian in the Ola Lateran Palace, Rome, in which the saint wears only the white cloth often shown on Christ at his crucifixion. Sebastian is a bearded man though, not a youth. CR. Doawell dates this fresco to the perioa 1100-1130, making i t contempo-rary with the Morgan manuscript, ana illustrates i t in his Painting in Europe 800-1200, Pelican History of Art (Harmonasworth: Penguin Books, Lta. 1971), plate 155. Sumption, Pilgrimage, p. 39. The illustrator is not generally consistent in his portrayal of the inciaental attributes of inaiviauals; the clothing ana accessories of one person often vary from page to page, even when the action is continuous. Therefore, i t must be to iaentify the executioner as the man who hia the head that the two figures in the miniature are claa in virtually iaen-t i c a l garments ana have large, prominent swords. 19 Irene P. McKeehan, "St. Edmund of East Anglia: The Development of a Romantic Legend," University of Coloraao  Stuaies XV (1925): 19-21, gives a-brief summary of the themes of the talking heaa ana the guaraian wolf. Both are parts of the hagiographic traaition. There are variations on the theme of the heaa, in that sometimes the saint picks up his heaa ana walks with i t , and sometimes the saint revives when the head is replaced. As for the taling head i t s e l f , this i s not encountered so frequently, but i t s origins go back to classical times, as in the singing head of the dead Orpheus. As for the guardian wolf, this belongs to an even more common class of miracle-- that of the use of animals for divine purposes. The wolf in particular i s frequent in Irish legends, and another East Anglian saint, Ethelburga, had a wolf protecting her mon-astery from the Danes.; ''"in the early twelfth century, the only other British shrines which had the entire bodies of martyrs owere Durham, Shaftesbury, and St. Alban's according to Sidney H. Heath, In the Steps of the Pilgrims (London, New York, and Toronto: Rich and Corvan, 1950), pp. 48-49. This book was f i r s t pub-lished i n 1911 as Pilgrim Life i n the Middle Ages. 113. z l C l a i r e Wheeler Solt, "Relics ana Reliquaries of French Saints on the Pilgrim Roaas to Santiago in the Roman-esque Era," a paper reaa at the Meaieval Workshop, University of British-Columbia, Nov., 1976. Mrs. Solt aiscussea this matter with regard to local French patron saints, but there is no aoubt that the same woula apply to Englana. ^William of Malmesbury, Chronicle of the Kings of  Englana, trans. J.A. Giles (Lonaon: Henry G. Bohn, 1847), p.236. "wHervey, Corolla Sancti Eaamunai, p. xiv; George C. Brooke, English Coins from the Seventh Century to the Present Day_ (Lonaon: methuen ana Co. Lta. , 1950), pp. 30-31, says that these were probably mintea by Danish settlers who liked such memorial coins of saints. This i s the earliest known issue of such coins in England and was probably struck between 870-878 and may have continued u n t i l 905. Sumption, Pilgrimage, pp. 146-48, discusses the question of canonization. Heath, In the Steps of the Pilgrims, p. 212. The process of papal canonization began to be regularized in the late tenth century, the earliest known being that of St. Udalricus in 978. The papal influence grew gradually as bishops began to ask the pontiff for formal approval of their local canonizations; at f i r s t , the pope simply gave his ap-proval for the translation of the remains; not until the thirteenth century, under Gregory IX, did the papal process become pre-eminent. """Porter and Baltzell, "The Old French Lives," note 9, p. 82, mention that a feast day was assigned to Edmund at a council in Oxford in 1122 according to J.J. Herzog, Real Encykloplfdie fuer protestanische Theologie (Stuttgart, 1855), vol. I l l , p. 618. However, the New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia  of Religious Knowledge, ed. Samuel Maccauly Jackson, 12 vols. (New York and London: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1909): IV, 78, which is based on the third edition of the previous work, maintains that "whether Edmund was ever formally canonized i s doubtful, but . . . his sainthood was unquestioned in the popular estimation." 114. According to the Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 12 vols. (Roma: Istituto Giovanni XXIII della Pontificia Universita Lateranense, 1964): IV, 917, "Nel concilio nazionale di Oxford, nel 1222, la sua festa fu dichiarata di precetto." Since Edmund enjoyed a l l seven honours that derive from o f f i c i a l canonization, i.e., to have his name written in the calendar, to be invoked in prayer, to have churches dedicated in his name, to have Mass said in public in his honour, to have his day as a fe s t i v a l , and to be shown in art with a halo and a heavenly glory surrounding him (Edmund has a halo in the i n i t i a l s of MS 736), and to have his r e l i c s revered, the Council of 1222 must have been confirming an already accomplished fact just as "Equivalent Canonization" i s used by the pope to confirm the validity of authentic ancient cults. c McKeehan, "St. Edmund of East Anglia," p. 22 makes this observation about Aelfric's contribution and suggests that he was more in touch with Anglo-Saxon heroic poetry than was Abbo. Abbo speaks highly of this Bishop Theodred and asserts that i t was he who verified the wholeness and incor-tuption of the saint's body when i t was examined. Further-more, this same bishop was one of the witnesses to a charter (the text of which i s preserved in Bodley MS 297) granted by King Edmund in 945 which provided the College with substan-t i a l l y the same benefits as Athelstan's franchise was said to have done. Since Theodred was a man definitely connected with the best interests of the shrine, i t i s not surprising to find him personally included among the figures of the Morgan manuscript. Sumption, Pilgrimage, p. 41. Mrs. Soit, in her talk "Relics and Reliquaries," mentioned this in connection with-aFrench saint revered dur-ing the Romanesque period, but I do not know the name of the saint. Sumption, Pilgrimage, p. 62. 115. 33 Ibid., p. 63. 34 Hervey, Corolla Sancti Eadmundi, p. 57. 35 The earliest extant copy of Herman's De Miraculis i s found in the eleventh century Bury book, Cotton, MS Tib. B . i i , and i s published by Arnold, Memorials, vol. I, pp. 26-92. In his prologue, Herman claims to have got his story from oral tradition and from an old work in a hand d i f f i c u l t to read. 36 , Aethelwine was a self-styled monk, more or less in the manner of the desertifathers, but became a Benedictine when the abbey was founded. 37 Tales of the wanderings of saints 1 bodies are common enough in hagiography, and the remains of Durham's prestigious saint, Cuthbert, had also been moved in order to avoid the depredations of invaders. Judging from Bishop Wulfstan's famous "Sermon of the Wolf to the English," in about 1014, and translated by Dorothy Whitelock in English Historical  Documents, vol. I, pp. 855-56, Aethelwine had every reason to be worried. The Danes had no respect for churches or shrines, and Wulfstan lamented that ". . . sanctuaries are violated far and wide, and the houses of-God are entirely despoiled of ancient privileges and stripped inside of a l l that i s seemly." 3^See note 36. It w i l l be remembered that this vision of Edmund as he appeared to the monk is commemorated in the f i r s t histori-ated i n i t i a l of MS 736, I n i t i a l " I " on folio 5. The episodes of the sojourn in London and the death of Swegn have been reversed in the miniatures. Although the order in which these events areillustrated is historically accurate, this arrangement does not agree with the text. In the accounts by Herman, by the author of the Miracle text in MX 736, and also by Samson in his later twelfth century compilation, the slaying of Swegn is placed before the London fl i g h t . Miss Parker, in "The Scriptorium of Bury Saint 116. Edmunds in the Twelfth Century" (Ph.D. dissertation, Univer-sity of London, 1965), p. 101,-suggests that the k i l l i n g of Swegn may have been put at the end of the series, just prior to the "Apotheosis" miniature, because "St. Edmund's defense of his people against Swegn's threat to-their financial wel-fare appears to have been one of his most popular miracles." I agree that this i s probably the best explanation for the -alteration. It is also possible that the designer of the picture series, probably the Precentor of the abbey who had charge of such matters, wanted to be historically truthful, since the authenticity of the story of St. Edmund would be enhanced by the accuracy of such details; Herman had recorded that Aethelwine had gone to London in 1010, while the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle listed Swegn's death as occurring in 1014; this sequence of events would presumably have been known to the educated reader by the twelfth century..Why Herman should have muddled the events i s a mystery, unless he was simply copying the inaccuracies of the older writer whose manuscript he was using; i t is even less easy to explain why the author of MS 736 and Abbot Samson repeated the error, and so the whole matter remains unresolved at present. Laxity on the part of the seculars was the reason given by Herman for their removal. However, just as the theft of re l i c s was-often j u s t i f i e d in hagiography by asserting that the r e l i c s had been neglected, perhaps the alleged neglect of Edmund's remains was a convenient excuse for replacing the College with an abbey. The actual reason for installing the Benedictines probably has to do with the strength of the monastic reform which had begun in the tenth century, and Cnut obviously wished to take advantage of the support which a friendly monastery could provide him during his reign. ^Cnut's generosity toward Bury was not forgotten by the abbey: Herman speaks highly of him; and he appears twice among the illuminated i n i t i a l s of Morgan MS 736, once as a seated king with sceptre and sword ( i n i t i a l "C", f41v), and once as a pilgrim king ( i n i t i a l "C", f58). Malmesbury speaks of the tradition of offering the crown: "even kings . . . sent him their royal crown; redeeming i t * i f they wished to use i t , at a great price," Chronicle of the Kings of England, p. 242. 117. 43 Arnola, Memorials, aetails this charter which i s extant, pp. xxvi-xxvii. There i s a great aeal of original material remaining concerning Bury abbey. This monastery i s the main single source of knowleage about Ola English lana recoras in the vernacular. Numerous charters, writs, ana w i l l s referring to Bury are extant ana many have been publishea. Some extensive listings of Bury charters may be founa i n : D.C. Douglas, ea., Feuaal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St.  Eamunas, The British Acaaemy Recoras of the Social ana Econo-mic History of Englana ana Wales, vol.VIII (Oxfora: Oxfora University Press, 1932); C.R. Hart, The Early Charters of  Eastern Englana (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1966); Francis Hervey, The Pinchbeck Register, vol. II (Brighton, 1925) incluaes a l i s t of papal charters to Bury as well as a l i s t of benefactors; P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: An  Annotatea List ana Bibliography (Lonaon: Royal Historical Society, 1968); ana Dorothy Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills (Cambriage: Cambriage University Press, 1930). 44 Davia Knowles, The Monastic Oraer i n Englana, 943-1216 (Cambriage: Cambriage University Press, 1949), pp. 578-79. Knowles incluaes a lucia aiscussion of exemption in Englana. 45 Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, l i s t s three grants specifically aealing with the 8-1/2 hunareas; one of them, no. 1069, consiaerea authentic, aates from the beginning of Eawara's reign; another, no. 1084, also genuine, aates from the ena of the reign ana i s a confirmation. 46 Douglas, Feuaal Documents, p. c l i , l i s t s the t e r r i -tories incluaea in this franchise. 47 Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, no. 1085. 48 H.W.C. Davis, "The Monks of St. Eamuna, 1021-1148," History, n.s. 40 (1955): 227-39, aiscusses the aaministrative functions of the abbey ana i t s consequent "businesslike" character. 49 Knowles, The Monastic Oraer, p. 78. 118. Concerning this town-plan, see J.T. Smith, "A Note on the origin of the Town-Plan of Bury St. Edmunds," The  Archaelogical Journal 108 (1951): 162-64. Albert Goodwin, The Abbey of St. Edmundsbury (Oxford Basil Blackwell, 1931), pp. 16-17, l i s t s the advantages of exemption. 52 M. Brett, The English Church Under Henry I (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 33-39, discusses the exercise of papal authority in England. This controversy is summarized well by Davis, "The Monks of St. Edmund," pp. 233-35. V.H. Galbraith has written a most interesting a r t i c l e concerning the arguments used by Bishop Arfast in, "The East Anglian See and the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds," The English Historical Review XL (1925): 222-28. This charter i s printed i n various places, including in Douglas, Feudal Documents, no. 7. William Page, ed, The Victoria History of the  Counties of England, vol. II: History of the County of Suffolk (London: Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd., 1907): 9-11, gives various information on the abbey gleaned from the Domesday Book. Ely was second only to Glastonbury in annual income and i s credited with one hundred manors. "'"M.R. James, "On the Abbey Church of St. Edmund at Bury," Cambridge Antiquarian Society, no. xxvii (1895): 116-141, describes the church, i t s history, and i t s artwork; see also, A.B. Whittingham, "Bury St. Edmund's Abbey: The Plan, Design and Development of the Church and Monastic Buildings," The Archaeological Journal 108 (1951): 168-187. Arnold, Memorials I: 93. 119. 58 In the Chronicle of the Kings of Englana, pp. 339 ana 346, William makes stinging remarks about Rufus ana his courtiers ana incluaes their suggestions that shrines be strippea to pay the military. 59 Knowles, The Monastic Oraer, p. 396. 60 This charter i s printea in, Douglas, Feuaal Docu-ments , no. 171. Douglas feels that the original inaulgence was grantea in 1070. ^Sumption, Pilgrimage, p. 151. 62 William of Malmesbury, Chronicle of the Kings of  Englana, p. 242. 63 Brett, The English Church Unaer Henry I, p. 61. 64 Knowles, The Monastic Oraer, pp. 118-19, gives a gooa summary of this matter. 65 William of Malmesbury, Chronicle of the Kings of  Englana, p. 257. Knowles, The Monastic Oraer, p. 185, gives a quota-tion from Malmesbury to this effect. 120. IV. THE ILLUMINATED MINIATURES 11lustra tea Sa in t s 1 Lives As has been mentionea above, the Miaale Ages saw the rise in popularity of literature aealing with the lives of saints, especially of saints who were the patrons of growing monasteries. While the majority of such works were not i l l u s -tratea, the Morgan Life ana Miracles of St. Eamuna belongs to a select group of l i b e l l i which were accompanied by extensive miniature cycles ana numerous aecoratea i n i t i a l s ; these ae luxe books were proaucea primarily auring the eleventh ana twelfth centuries, ana achieved their greatest vogue in France ana Englana. Although the use of picture cycles to illustrate the lives of saints in manuscripts reachea i t s height in the twelfth century, the history of such series begins consiaer-ably earlier than this perioa. However, the most ancient extant representations of episodes from the lives of Christian heroes do not occur in manuscripts, but on the walls of churches ana on various items of church furniture. In his article concerning the aevelopment of the illustratea saint's L i f e , Francis Wormala notes that pictures of the aeeas of popular saints were usea to aecorate churches ana their 121. f i t t i n g s - - reliquaries, altars, plaques, etc.-- from as early as the fourth century, although none predating the ninth cen-tury remain in the West.^ " For the purpose of this paper, i t i s not necessary to go into detail concerning these early illustrated Lives, and I would like to mention just two examples close in time to the Morgan manuscript; The f i r s t object is a portable altar in the church of St. Francis i n Paderborn. It was made for Henry, Bishop of Paderborn, in the period 1100-1118 and may have been a product.of the famous goldsmith Roger of Helmarshausen. The altar i s made of silver with niello engraving and depicts the martyrdoms of various saints; on one of the long sides is a series of three scenes detailing in bold, energetic style the torture and beheading of St. Blaise. This is not a complete cycle of the saint's l i f e , since only his martyrdom is included, but the Passion of a martyr was a popular topic for i l l u s t r a t i o n ; since the fact of martyrdom was the most impressive proof of sainthood, i t seems quite natural that the details of this ultimate sacri-fice should be featured to the exclusion of other events, especially where space was limited-- as on portable altars and reliquaries. 122. The second: example consists of two groups of frescoes in the lower church of San Clemente in Rome. These murals were commissioned: and painted sometime between 1085 and 1115 and present episodes from the lives of St. Clement (in the narthex) and St. Alexis (in the nave). Two types of narration are employed i n these frescoes: sometimes, as in the "Translation of St. Clement's Relics to Rome," one painting describes a single event; in other pictures, such as the "Scenes from the Life of St. Alexis," several activities are portrayed in strip fashion within the same fresco, even though these may be mere-3 ly different aspects of one episode. As for the decoration of illuminated manuscripts with similar illustrations of the earthly and supernatural deeds of saints, Wormald finds that the earliest extant manuscripts in this category date from the late tenth century and that they already display certain features which were maintained and expanded during the following two centuries.^ He discusses two such manuscripts which,exemplify the different methods of arranging pictures in relation to the text which were to be-come standard in subsequent works. The f i r s t manuscript was produced at Fulda (Hanover, Nieders&chische Bibliothek, MS 189), and chronicles the lives of two saints, St. Kilian of WUrzburg and St. Margaret of Antioch; the stories of these saints are 123. illustrated by eleven and ten miniatures respectively, and in both cases the pictures are scattered throughout the text. The second late tenth-century manuscript mentioned by Wormald was once owned by the abbey of St. Bertin (St. Omer, Libraryof St. Omer, MS 764) and contains a Life of St. Wandrille. The format of this book differs from that of the previous manuscript but prefigures Morgan 736 in two respects: rather than appearing at intervals throughout Wandrille's biography, the scenes from the saint's l i f e are grouped on two pages preceding the text; also, included among these pre-liminary sketches is a depiction of the saint in glory, an image which later became a common attribute of the l i b e l l u s - -as can be seen in the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund where the Apotheosis of the saint holds a prominent position as the concluding miniature of the picture cycle. Unlike the f u l l -page, painted miniatures in MS 736, however, the pictures of St. Wandrille's l i f e consist of various rough outline drawings gathered on the two leaves. S t i l l in existence are several illustrated Lives dating from the eleventh century and produced mostly in France. It should be remembered that during this century the use of lengthy picture cycles in l i b e l l i was s t i l l unusual; i t was more common to decorate these books with carefully executed 124. large i n i t i a l s placed at the beginning of the text."* Never-theless, some fine i l l u s t r a t e d works remain, prominent among them a L i f e and Miracles of St. Amand (Valenciennes, Municipal Library, MS 502) and a L i f e of St. Quentin (St. Quentin, Chapter Library, MS 1). The former work i s i l l u s t r a t e d by thirty-two vigorous and brightly-painted scenes incorporated with the text;** the l a t t e r manuscript i s decorated with twenty pictures of the l i f e and martyrdom of St. Quentin^ i n a l i v e l y , whimsical manner which b e l i e s their serious subject matter but which i s reminiscent of the Anglo-Saxon outline drawing s t y l e . As with the St. Amand manuscript, these i l l u s t r a t i o n s are also scattered throughout the text and are intended as immediate v i s u a l counterparts of the written word. Although these and other l i b e l l i survive from the elev-enth century, the f i r s t such manuscripts made i n England (of which we have knowledge) date from the early twelfth century. Q The e a r l i e s t two are a L i f e of St. Cuthbert by Bede (Oxford, University College MS 165) from Durham and the manuscript presently under discussion-- the L i f e and Miracles of St. Edmund from Bury. It i s not cert a i n which of these l i b e l l i was produced f i r s t , although Kauffmann and PHcht place the Cuthbert L i f e s l i g h t l y ahead of the Edmund manuscript; 1"^ i n any event, the two works are contemporary with each other 125. ana offer excellent examples of the English interpretation of the illustrated saint's Li f e ; they also proviae us with representative specimens of the two aistinct methoas, inaicatea above, of integrating text ana pictures. Although the Life of St. Cuthbert opens with a paintea ana framea miniature of Beae writing the biography ana pre-senting his,finished work to the Bishop of Linaisfarne, the major decoration in the manuscript consists of a series of f i f t y - f i v e multi-colourea outline drawings depicting events ana miracles in the monk's l i f e ; one drawing accompanies each chapter with the pictures spaced throughout the book and in-corporated into the text-- each occurring among the lines of writing instead of on a separate page. This lengthy series of illustrations i s the forerunner of two later Cuthbert cycles dating from the second half of the twelfth century (Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 0.1. 64 and London, British Library, MS Add. 39 943); since there are iconographic variations among the three manuscripts, Kauffmann thinks It probable that they a l l ultimately derive from a now lost eleventh century i l l u s -trated Life of Cuthbert. 1 1 As we have seen, the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund is organized in a completely different manner, with a l l the 126. painted and framed miniatures gathered together at the beginning of the manuscript, resulting in a pictorial unit separate from the text. The Continental precedent for such an arrangement has been mentioned previously, but the use of an extensive picture cycle as an introduction to the text also has an English foundation-- in another type of service book. During the eleventh century, English artists began to i l l u s -trate Psalters with a series of full-page introductory pic-tures. A good example is a Psalter from Winchester (London, British Library, Cotton MS Tiberius C. VI) which was made about mid-century and which includes a preliminary set of coloured outline drawings depicting episodes from the lives 12 of Christ and David. More immediately related to the Morgan Life, however, is another Psalter, the famous St. Albans Psalter (Hildesheim, Treasure of St. Godehard's) produced about 1123 at St. Albans. The text of this long and elabo-rate work is prefaced by a Cristological cycle consisting of 13 forty full-page illuminated miniatures. Since Morgan 736 is closely related to the St. Albans Psalter i n style and may emanate from the same workshop, the decision to illustrate the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund with a similar prefatory cycle is probably largely due to the influence of the earlier service book. 127. In conclusion, not only i s the Life ana Miracles of St. Eamuna one of the two earliest extant examples of an illustrated saint's Life to appear in Englana, but i t i s also one of the most lavishly decoratea. It can be seen as a airect, but more elaborate, descendant of the eleventh-century l i b e l l i proaucea on the Continent; ana i t belongs to an even older tradition of cyclic representations of the lives ana martyrdoms of Christian heroes as seen in frescoes ana on church treasures. Yet i t s format also relates closely to the cyclic methoa of ill u s t r a t i o n in English Psalters-- a methoa which was aevelopea during the eleventh century, which lapsed after the Norman Conquest, ana which was renewea in the early twelfth century with the appearance of the St. Albans Psalter. Morgan MS 736 ana the St. Albans Psalter The Nature of their Connection The Life ana Miracles of St. Eamuna i s one of the most ambitious ana among the earliest of a group of manuscripts proaucea by various English scriptoria in the wake of the mag-nifici e n t St. Albans Psalter. Otto Pa"cht has list e a the sever al manuscripts which can, in his opinion, be airectly attrib-utea to the St. Albans Master, his workshop, or his immeaiate followers, ana other art historians have maae stuaies of the 128. 14 more prominent of these books. Therefore, I w i l l not attempt to reproduce their efforts but w i l l concentrate instead upon the relationship between the miniatures in Morgan 736 and those of ( the Psalter. Of course, the nature of the connection between these two manuscripts, in particular with regard to the authorship of their illustrations, has been examined to a greater or lesser degree by various art historians whose diverse theories on the subject w i l l be briefly outlined below. White i t is generally agreed that one master was responsible for the painted miniatures in the St. Albans Psalter, there is dis-agreement concerning the a r t i s t of the St. Edmund illumina-tions. Was he the St. Albans master himself? Was he a close follower in the same workshop, employed temporarily by Bury to decorate the libellus? Or was he an illuminator from Bury who introduced the new style to his own Workshop where i t became the basis for other Bury productions-- such as the twelve pages of drawings of New Testament scenes in a Gospel book formerly belonging to the abbey (Cambridge, Pembroke College, MS 120)? Since a step-by-step comparison of the style of the miniatures in these two manuscripts, comprising such features 129. as figure ana fac i a l types, arapery, background architecture, composition, etc., has not been undertaken,^ I think that such an analysis i s worthwhile and w i l l help to suggest which current theory of a r t i s t i c authorship is the most likel y . This is the investigation which I would like to make in the remain-aer of this paper. Since the St. Albans Psalter i s the point of departure for a discussion of the miniature style of Morgan 736, I w i l l b r i e f l y discuss the former manuscript before outlining the different theories of authorship and launching into a compar-ison between the two manuscripts. This splendid Psalter marks the beginning of the Romanesque style in English manuscript illumination and i s a landmark in British book painting of the early twelfth century for several reasons. F i r s t l y , i t heralds the dramatic reappearance of the fu l l y coloured and illuminated service book which had been popular with Winchester artists of the late tenth century but which had been superceded by the outline drawing technique during the next century. Secondly, as we have seen, the Psalter represents a revival of the Anglo-Saxon practice of preceding such a book with a Cristological cycle, a usage which was to become popular again during the course of the twelfth century, probably due to the impetus of the St. Albans 130. Psalter. Thirdly, this manuscript i s the earliest extant exam-ple of a luxury Psalter made for a lady of high social rank, a type of service book which was to gain i t s greatest popular-ity in the following century. The major features of the lux-ury Psalter-- lavish i l l u s t r a t i o n , elaborate psalm i n i t i a l s , and a preference for scenes from Christ's childhood and Pas-sion-- are a l l present in the St. Albans Psalter which was in a l l probability made for the fascinating recluse, Christina of Markyate, between 1119 and 1146 (with the bulk of the manuscript, including the introductory miniatures, finished by 1123). Lastly, the St. Albans Psalter ushers in a new style to replace the agitated, flamboyant Anglo-Saxon one which had i t s beginnings in the tenth century; the new emphasis is on controlled design, on gravity and monumentality rather than on the exhuberance and liveliness so characteristic of Anglo-Saxon illumination. The Psalter i t s e l f i s large and elaborate, consisting of 418 vellum pages which measure 10 x 7 - l M inches. Its text is prefaced by a Calendar, forty full-page miniatures depicting the l i f e of Christ (but beginning with the F a l l ) , a vernacular poem, "The Song of Alexis" which is accompanied by outline drawings, a letter of St. Gregory's, three more outline drawings concerning the Miracle at Emmaus, and fi n a l l y by the 131. Beatus i n i t i a l of the f i r s t psalm. Each psalm i s prefixed by *— / an historiated i n i t i a l , and there are over two hundred such i n i t i a l s sprinkled throughout the text. The Psalter closes with two more full-page miniatures, the "Martyrdom of St. Alban" and "David with his Musicians". Such an ambitious project was not the work of one man. Aside from the various scribes responsible for the text, more than one a r t i s t was at work upon the various illustrations. While scholars disagree upon the authorship of the line drawings, they are unanimous in attributing the forty f u l l y illuminated miniatures preceding the text to one a r t i s t - - the master--while recognizing another lesser hand at work upon the i n i -t i a l s . The identity of the principal a r t i s t i s not known, but he i s generally referred to as the Alexis Master, a t i t l e coined by Adolf Goldschmidt in 1895 and followed by Otto Pifcht 16 in his study of the artist's work. Theories of Modern Art Historians Of the art historians who have concerned themselves with the Morgan Life during the past twenty-five years, five have paid particular attention to the problem of the identity of the a r t i s t of i t s opening miniatures and the nature of the connection between this man and the Alexis Master. The 132. earliest of these modern scholars, Margaret Rickert detects three hands at work in the St. Albans Psalter: according to her perception, one person painted the calendar illustrations, the i n i t i a l s and the two full-page miniatures which close the Psalter (this attribution is generally accepted); one master was responsible for the forty introductory miniatures, and Rickert believes that he was a Continental a r t i s t , influenced by the Reichenau school of a century before, who was either introduced to the St. Albans scriptorium by Abbot Paul or whose miniatures were imported to decorate the book; f i n a l l y , the Beatus i n i t i a l and the outline drawings were produced by yet another a r t i s t whom Rickert equates with the master of the Life and Miracles of:tSt. Edmund. She bases the latter identification on a comparison of both this third artist's work and the Morgan miniatures with the forty introductory paintings in the Psalter; Rickert makes the general observa-tion that, in relation to the latter illuminations, the former two sets of illustrations are characterized by a less crisp painting technique, a lack of solidity in the figures, and a predilection for decorative detail."^ Otto Pa'cht disagrees quite emphatically with Rickert; he argues that there were only two artists at work on the St. Albans Psalter and that the Alexis Master was responsible for 133. the Beatus i n i t i a l and the outline drawings as well as the prefatory paintings. Furthermore, Pifcht believes that the Alexis Master and the St. Edmund master are one and the same man— an English a r t i s t from the scriptorium of St. Albans. While acknowledging the discrepancies between the full-page paintings and the outline drawings in the Psalter, PMcht main-tains that these variations are the result of the difference in technique between drawing and painting; likewise, he explains the comparatively crude appearance of the Morgan miniatures as exemplifying a later phase in the artist's development "in which a heightening of the dramatic expres-sion of the narrative i s obtained at the expense of formal-i s t i c refinement."1® Elizabeth Parker does not enter into the discussion of the number of hands at work in the Psalter, confining her observations to a study of the Morgan miniatures in relation to the forty Psalter paintings; neither does she commit her-self to a theory of authorship as unreservedly as Rickert or Pa*cht, even though she makes a more detailed comparison of the paintings than either historian. She concludes that the main differences between the St. Albans and the Morgan paintings are in the general coarsening of the drawing in the latter, coupled with an exaggeration of the Alexis Master's mannerisms 134. ana a reassertion of the Anglo-Saxon admiration for pattern ana fluttering line. Having saia this, Parker makes a number of suggestions regarding authorship: perhaps these alterations in style are the result of an aging master or perhaps they inaicate the work of a pupil; maybe the Alexis Master designed and sketched the miniatures which were then painted by others; or perhaps the illuminations were entirely carried out by a close associate, by "a professional a r t i s t closely a l l i e d with the Alexis Master 19 but not the great master himself;" i t i s this last theory which Parker tentatively accepts. Fifteen years after Plfcht's study, CM. Kauffmann s t i l l finds his suggestions of authorship convincing. He accepts Plfcht's identification of the Alexis Master as the same a r t i s t 20 who produced the Morgan Life and Miracles of St. Edmund. Most recently, Katherine Baker has attempted a fresh look at the problem of authorship and comes to a different con-clusion from any of the above authors. Examining certain ele-ments of iconography in the St. Albans Psalter, Morgan 736, and the previously mentioned Bury Gospels (Cambridge, Pembroke College, MS 120), she concludes that the a r t i s t of Pembroke 120 was also a member of the St. Albans workshop and that i t was he 135. who was responsible for spreading the new style by influencing others-- including the a r t i s t who was called to Bury to i l l u s -21 trate the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund. Baker therefore places the Morgan miniaturist within the same milieu as the Alexis Master but at a f a i r distance from him since she believes that the former was a follower of the a r t i s t of Pembroke 120 who was the primary protege of the Master. After a l l these years, the identity of the Morgan miniaturist i s s t i l l disputed.1 I w i l l now proceed with the s t y l i s t i c comparison between the St. Albans Psalter and the Morgan Life in order to add my observations concerning the d i f f i c u l t problem of authorship to those of the above-mentioned art historians. S t y l i s t i c Comparison It i s not easy to point to exact sources for the style of the Alexis Master. Previous to the appearance of the St. Albans Psalter, the scriptorium at this abbey had no particu-l a r l y distinctive style; i t s artists followed the traditional outline drawing method of il l u s t r a t i o n . Most probably, the Alexis Master received his inspiration from Ottonian as well as contemporary Byzantine and Italian sources: examples of Continental art would most likely have been available in the 1 3 6 . St. Albans library which haa been founaea by Abbot Paul in the late eleventh century ana enlargea by gifts from the influential Norman bishop, Lanfranc; more airect Byzantine influence became increasingly important after the Norman conquest of S i c i l y at the ena of the eleventh century; ana the illuminator may have journeyed to Italy himself, where he coula have seen the latest 22 developments in Italian art. However, i t is essential to remember that the Alexis Master has an individual style which cannot be tied to any particular prototype but which i t s e l f had a powerful impact upon and became the example for much English manuscript i l l u -mination in the second quarter of the twelfth century. The conception of the figures themselves i s the most striking aspect of the paintings in the St. Albans Psalter. They represent a formal, hieratic, s t r i c t l y controlled treat-ment of the human body which is in marked contrast to the sketchy, energetic style so favoured by Anglo-Saxon artists of the previous century. F i r s t of a l l , one notices the pro-portions of the figures which give the viewer a general impression of tallness and narrowness; this impression of height is confirmed by checking the relative head to body proportion 23 of various figures. For example, in the "Visitation" scene, 137. the pencil slim forms of St. Elizabeth and the Virgin measure eight and eight and one half heads high respectively, while the twin attendants on either side of the central pair stretch to an incredible nine heads.^ Aside from exaggerating the length of the body in rela-tion to the head of many characters in the manuscript, the ar t i s t has consistently drawn his figures narrower through shoulder, torso, and hip than a s t r i c t observation of nature would warrant; he was obviously not concerned with a fait h f u l imitation of the real world, and at this stage in art history i t would be highly unusual i f he were. Again using the exam-ple of St. Elizabeth standing to the right i n the "Visitation' 1 scene, the lines of her body do not describe the curves that one would expect to find in an actual person; rather, Elizabeth's cloak f a l l s i n an almost straight line from her shoulders to her feet; there is just the faintest indication of broadening at the hips which are only slightly wider than the saint's head. Such slenderness, combined with her s t i f f l y upright figure, emphasizes Elizabeth's extreme height. This narrowness and elongation of body applies to many of the figures i n the Psalter, and the overall effect of this technique i s to i n s t i l l a sense of otherworldliness in the characters and in the episodes they enact. In their general 138. physical appearance, the figures echo nature, but their unusual proportions play a part in creating the abstract, ethereal, ana very formal quality which pervades the miniatures. This i s not to imply that t a l l , slim proportions aia not exist in English manuscript painting before the Alexis Master; Anglo-Saxon line drawings are often populatea with lean giants; i f Christ in the Cotton Psalter "Harrowing of Hell" (Lonaon, British Museum, 25 Cotton MS Tiberius C. VI) were to stand erect, he woula be well over eight heads high. However, the agitated, vigorous quality of such a drawing is replaced i n the St. Albans Psalter by a calmness and solemnity which surrounds the slender figures with an aura of dignity and seriousness. The figures in the Morgan Life exhibit similar dis-tortions in height and breadth, but not to the same extent as those in the Psalter. While the majority of main characters in both manuscripts range between seven and eight heads high (which i s actually within "normal" bounds), the figures in the Psalter tend toward the latter proportion while those in the Life are more frequently of the former ratio. Furthermore, while several miniatures in the Psalter contain subsidiary figures which are nine heads high or better, only one of the characters in the Life approaches this proportion (the t a l l e s t soldier in figure 5), and few reach eight and one half heads. 139 . Also, several secondary figures in Morgan 736 are less than seven heads t a l l , an occurrence which i s rare in the Psalter. Therefore, while the figures in the Life do appear elongated, they are less so than those in the Psalter, and the impression of height which they create is probably due more to their narrowness of body than to their actual head to body pro-portions. And even though the characters enacting St. Edmund's story are undoubtedly slender, they do not generally share the same narrow verticality of their counterparts in the Psalter; they are relatively bulky and consequently heavier and less elegant than the St. Albans figures. This i s largely due to their clothing which i s f u l l e r , thicker, and more agitated than the St. Albans garments. The above observations can be checked in a comparison between two scenes with a similar arrangement, "The Three Magi 26 Before Herod" from the Psalter and "The Thieves Before Theodred" (figure 22) from the Life. In the former, the three lean kings stand eight heads t a l l ; these long and slender pro-portions are emphasized by their close-fitting robes and by the vertical lines of their cloaks. The restrained, rhythmic gestures of the kings coupled with their quiet demeanour gives them a truly regal aura and helps to impart solemnity to the 140. episode. The thieves who stand before Theodred in the Life are also quite t a l l , ranging from eight to eight and one half heads high. However, they appear larger and much less calm than the kings, partly because of their bulky, more agitated drapery, and also because of their prominent hands and awkwardly jutting out elbows. The thieves also vary .in size from right to l e f t across the picture which contrasts with the uniformity of the Magi and results in a far less settled scene. Of course, one would expect kings to be more imposing and self-possessed than thieves, but the same type of contrast between the figures in the Psalter and the Life i s evident throughout the two sets of miniatures: elegant, slim and dignified figures of arrowlike straighthess like the three kings or Elizabeth and Mary in the "Visitation" scene are common in the Psalter but relatively rare in the Life. Although i t i s generally true that the actors in the St. Albans narrative are long and thin, i t should be noted that there i s considerable variation in the head to height proportions of the figures throughout the Psalter; further-more, differences i n scale among figures can be easily discerned, with as many as three distinct sizes governing the characters in a single miniature. This variety i n the proportion and relative size of the figures seems to serve 141. several purposes: to pay homage to certain major characters such as Christ ana the Virgin; to c l a r i f y the episoae picturea by emphasizing the most important figure or group within the narrative; to harmonize the figures with their allotted space, thereby using them to organize ana pattern the picture plane; ana sometimes also to aaa drama or intensity to particular scenes. The most obvious use of size variation i s i n the treat-ment of the figure of Christ in comparison with the orainary people surrounding Him. In almost every miniature in which He appears, Christ i s manifestly larger-- t a l l e r , broader, f i l l i n g up more of the picture plane-- than anyone arouna Him. There is nothing unusual in this; portraying the aivine Person as larger than mortal men follows a long tradition i n manuscript illumination. It i s interesting, though, that Christ's size i n relation to others i s not uniform throughout, but varies from scene to scene. He reaches His most majestic stature in miniatures whose formal structure immediately signals that the scenes portrayed are didactic and hieratic rather than purely 27 narrative. For example, in the "Incredulity of Thomas" Christ completely dominates the page as He towers above the rather insignificant Apostles grouped at either side of His victorious figure; the impact of Christ's all-powerful presence 142. overshadows the personal narrative of the gospel story which becomes distinctly secondary to the portrayal of the deeper meaning of the incident— Christ's triumph over death. While this example i s drawn from the period after Christ's Resurrection when His divine nature superceded His human one, the ar t i s t uses the effective device of a large and dominating Christ in other instances as well: "The Mocking of 98 29 Christ"^ and "The Deposition" are two other examples in which the superhuman proportions cf Christ coupled with the perfectly symmetrical and centralized structure of the minia-ture combine to create a picture in which stress i s la i d on the image as a devotional object more than as a simple narrative. Conversely, there are a few (about four) pages i n which Christ appears to be about the same size as His companions; these miniatures center around the later events in Christ's l i f e and are generally well populated scenes of a busy, narra-tive nature. One such is the relatively active episode of 30 "Christ in the House of Simon" : Simon discusses with Christ the propriety of the Lord's allowing Mary Magdalen to approach Him; Mary devoutly dries Christ's feet with her hair; two other guests at the table comment upon the proceedings between them-143. selves; ana a servant stands behind Christ holaing Mary's jar of o i l while gesturing toward the assembled diners. The t e l l i n g of this colourful story in a l i v e l y manner is the main concern here. The major characters seatea at the banquet table are the same size, while Mary ana the servant are arawn to a smaller scale. However, i n this scene ana in the others i n which Christ i s not physically larger than the other main figures, He i s always set apart ana emphasized i n one way or another. There i s only one picture in which Christ i s actually smaller than another figure, ana that i s in the "Second Tempta-31 tion" where the Lord seems dwarfed by Satan who leaps from the rooftop tempting Christ to follow. I am not sure whether the a r t i s t had a pi c t o r i a l precedent for such a reversal of scale, or whether he wished to portray the enormity of the e v i l which Christ was called upon to overcome. In any event, on the 32 opposite page which depicts the "Third and Final Temptation" Christ once again towers over the defeated Satan. St. Edmund plays much the same role as Christ: he also is a king who suffers indignity, torture, and martyrdom for his people, and he too triumphs i n the end. Consequently, the saint is treated as a Christ-like figure in the miniatures, larger than the ordinary men around him. But as was true of 144. Christ i n the Psalter, Edmund also varies in size in relation to others ana appears at his most majestic in the only two formal, aiaactic pictures in the series: the "Coronation" ana the "Apotheosis" which i s the fi n a l miniature. The "Corona-tion" i s symmetrical in design, with a l l attention centerea airectly on the king; the imposing figure of the monarch is seatea in a severely frontal position as he accepts the staff ana crown from the bishops while the consenting nobles look on from either side. This picture i s clearly not simply a description of the crowning of Edmund, but conveys a l l the mystique of kingship— i t s power, sanctity, and responsibility. This is surely one of the most impressive miniatures in the Lif e , and i t s total effect i s one of solemn grandeur. The "Apotheosis", in which St. Edmund i s crowned by angels while two tiny monks from Bury kneel at his feet, i s even more obviously hieratic in appearance. In this s t r i c t l y formal picture, the saint f i l l s up most of the picture, sits in a perfectly frontal pose (in the "Coronation" Edmund's head i s at a three-quarter angle), clasps a sword in one hand and a palm leaf in the other, and stares directly ahead with wide eyes; this is clearly an image of Edmund triumphant, a power to be reckoned with and a saint worthy of veneration. While these two scenes depict Edmund as an extraordi-145. nary personage, his size i s generally not quite so large in relation to the surrounding figures. But, unlike Christ in the Psalter, Edmund is always at least marginally larger than other men-- with one exception: in the miniature depicting "Edmund Seized" (figure 9) the king i s not much larger than his tormen-tors and i s drawn to the same scale as the Danish chief Inguar; perhaps the a r t i s t has reduced the king's size here i n order to emphasize his vulnerability and meek submission to the Danes. However, once Edmund's various tortures have begun, he regains his preeminent physical presence and dwarfs his persecutors. In the Psalter, Christ is not the only figure who has the advantage of size over his companions. The Virgin i s us-ually larger than those surrounding her, notably in the "Ascension" and the "Pentecost;"3"^ an exception occurs when she appears with Christ, as in the "Deposition" where the Virgin i s naturally smaller than her Son. Likewise, the cen-t r a l character of a scene with no divine personalities may also be of heftier proportions than the minor actors; an example 35 occurs in "The Massacre of the Innocents" in which Herod dominates the scene by his size, followed by the slightly smaller figure of the central soldier who in turn i s substan-t i a l l y larger than the remaining soldiers and their victims. This use of a descending scale helps to c l a r i f y and organize 146. the scene by quickly identifying the chief characters, thereby establishing a focal point for the action. The a r t i s t of Morgan 736 uses much the same system of size variation. Major characters, other than Edmund, are also larger than less important actors. Thus, Theodred i s more imposing than the thieves (figure 22) who are in turn larger than the bishop's servant since they are of more interest than he in the context of the story. Likewise, the man bearing Edmund's head to attach i t to the saint's body (figure 18) i s a more impressive size than his companions in order to draw the viewer's attention to him and his precious burden. How-ever, the a r t i s t of the Life tends to use a greater number of sizes for the figures populating his miniatures than does the St. Albans Master. While the Psalter illustrations generally feature characters of two or three different sizes-- and occa-sionally four, as in the "Ascension"— the St. Edmund manu-script contains a number of scenes with figures of four di f f e r -ent sizes and at least two pictures have characters ranging through five sizes ("The Thieves Before Theodred/'figure 22, and the "Devastation of an East Anglian Town," figure 5). Furthermore, in the Psalter, such variations in size occur primarily to indicate the relative importance of the 147. characters and secondarily to f i t several figures comfortably within the allotted space. While the miniatures in the Life follow the same basic rules with regard to varying figure sizes, they are not so consistent as those in the Psalter with regard to their use of this technique. As an example, I w i l l compare two scenes of similar content: "The Massacre of the Innocents" from the Psalter and the "Devastation of an East Anglian Town" (figure 5) from the Life. As was mentioned above, the di f f e r -ences i n size of figures in the former miniature helps to organize the action of the scene: Herod giving his order for the massacre i s the largest figure; the king is followed in stature by the soldier to whom he gives the command; f i n a l l y , the remaining soldiers and the Innocents are the smallest actors, crowded together in two tangled groups. Next, to consider the i l l u s t r a t i o n from the L i f e , this scene is also of a massacre. However, there i s no general giving the order, and the entire miniature i s taken up with the actual assault on the town. The figures are drawn in several sizes in a more or less haphazard fashion: the Danish soldiers entering by the gate vary in size but are a l l larger than those storming the battlements; three of the defending soldiers perched on these battlements are similar to one another in size, while a fourth standing in a tower is quite tiny in comparison; 148. inside the village, the soldiers and their victims are again of several different sizes. This i s a l i v e l y and effective miniature, but i t s rather informal use of differing figure sizes does not have the orderly, unifying quality of the Psalter i l l u s t r a t i o n with i t s stricter scheme. As was mentioned above, the Alexis Master often uses figures of varying sizes to organize and pattern his pictures. 36 For instance, in the "Baptism of Christ," the imposing and rather weighty figure of Christ i s just over seven heads high and occupies the center of the miniature; St. John stretches to just over eight heads in height, while the slim attendant angels to the far l e f t and right of the picture reach more than nine heads high. Not only does Christ possess stockier proportions than the other figures, but He i s also drawn to a larger scale. The combination of both these elements--descending order of size and gradual slimming of proportions from Christ outward to the angels-- serves to emphasize the divine Person, underlines the formality of the presentation, and results in a pleasing overall design, balanced but not monotonous. This type of arrangement, with a large central figure flanked by increasingly smaller and narrower ones, is used several times in the Psalter but i s not a feature of the L i f e . There i s only one picture which is organized in a 149. similar manner, and that i s the formal Coronation scene. The St. Edmund master tends not to use characters of differing sizes as decorative elements in the design of a picture as does the Alexis Master. The overall formality and dispassionate quality charac-t e r i s t i c of the majority of the miniatures in the St. Albans Psalter i s augmented by the types of poses, f a c i a l expressions, and gestures that the a r t i s t employs. To begin with pose, the majority of figures are seen from a side view, with the head in s t r i c t profile and the body in a more three-quarter view. The a r t i s t uses a considerable repertoire of poses, but his favourite stance, repeated over and again with slight varia-tions, i s one in which the figure strides slightly forward, the farther foot stepping ahead while the closer one leans 37 backward. This typical position can be seen in the minia-38 ture of "The Expulsion" in which God, Adam, and Eve a l l share a similar walking pose with arms characteristically raised and feet in an almost tiptoe stance. A charming reversal of this pose occurs here and there throughout the Psalter: focussing on the attendants in the "Visitation," one sees that the leg closer to the viewer i s now extended in front of the figure while the farther leg bends backward, reminiscent of a d e l i -cate and formal dance step. 150. The a r t i s t of the Life uses poses much like the above, but his figures are generally more awkward and their stances are .less controlled and rhythmic than those in the Psalter. Also, the St. Edmund master makes use of a pose not found in the St. Albans manuscript at a l l : this i s a variation of the dance-like step of the attendant ladies in the "Visitation", and two versions of i t can be seen in a single miniature, "The Envoy before Edmund" (figure 7); the Danish envoy approaches the King from the right and stands in a cross-legged position with his feet spread apart but pointing towards one another; a member of the court to the l e f t of the picture also has his legs crossed and his toes pointing inward, but his feet are touching. This odd pose occurs several times throughout the manuscript and i s an exaggeration of the graceful one used i n 39 the Psalter. As a rule, the figures in both the Psalter and the Life are calm and dignified, without the frenetic movements and con-torted poses so often apparent in Anglo-Saxon works. Bodies are normally held quite erect with rather s t i f f limbs, giving a distinct impression of angularity. In fact, the figures often resemble marionettes with wooden limbs controlled by strings. Exceptions to the relative stillness of the figures occur when the narrative demands more action, such as i n the "Mocking of 151. 40 Christ" from the Psalter or "Eamuna Strippea" (figure 11) from the Li f e , both of which employ energetic figures. It i s in these more active pictures that a difference may be discerned between the two manuscripts: in such scenes, the figures in the Life tena to be more aynamic than those i n the Psalter. As an example, l e t us compare two very similar 41 episoaes, the "Flagellation" from the Psalter ana "Eamuna Scourgea" (figure 12). Both pictures are organized in much the same way, with the holy victims positioned slightly to the right of centre ana tiea to a post ana tree respectively. In both cases, three other figures occupy the picture: in the Psalter, Christ i s beaten by two men while Pilate looks on; ana St. Eamuna i s scourgea by two men as his hands are tiea by a thira. However, while these paintings have similar themes ana physical arrangements, the St. Eamuna miniature i s much more active, with the two tormentors in violent motion— hair flying, legs spreaa, boaies twisting ana arms stretchea-- in comparison with those in the Psalter. Again, the St. Eamuna ar t i s t has exaggerated poses developed by the Alexis Master, and the result i s a more frenzied, dramatic presentation. The faces of the actors in the St. Albans and St. Edmund narratives are not especially expressive. The charac-ters normally have rather matter-of-fact, passive countenances, 152. often appearing resigned and even unconcerned. However, the figures do look at each other directly with large, wide-open eyes, and sometimes open their mouths i n speech; this gives the impression that real communication i s occurring. It is primarily through these direct and often fervent gazes that a feeling of l i f e and intensity i s conveyed to the viewer. There are scenes in which action and emotion are defi-nitely called for, such as the two just discussed, and in such cases there i s a greater variety of f a c i a l expressions. In the scene of the flogging, Pilate gazes nonchalantly at Christ who grimaces in pain at His ordeal; one tormentor scowls dark-ly and the other actually bares his teeth as he prepares to strike another blow; the varied expressions of the three main figures add the dimension of reality to the episode and are quite effective in e l i c i t i n g a sympathetic response from the viewer. Much the same i s true of the scene of Edmund's flogging: the saint stares steadily at the heavens where God's hand appears from a cloud in a blessing; one tormentor opens his mouth wide as i f in an oath as he raises his arms to strike Edmund, and the other frowns as he swings his bundle of sticks. As far as facial types are concerned, the angel Gabriel and the Virgin in the "Annunciation"^ can be used as typical examples of the profile and three-quarter view heads, which 153. are the two types most often used by the Alexis Master. The completely frontal heaa ana boay i s employee only three times in the painted miniatures of the Psalter, near the ena of the series: Christ in the "Doubting Thomas" ana the "Dream of St. 43 T Martin" ana Mary of the "Pentecost." The angel possesses the usual type of the bearaless profile heaa: a firm line i s arawn a l l the way around the face, from the hairline down the nose, around the chin ana up past the jaw to meet the hairline again; the neck is extenaea s t i f f -ly from the shoulaers, a convention familiar from Anglo-Saxon works; the eyebrows are thin ana almost straight; the eyes are large ana wiae with the aark pupil placea at the top of the eye but extending almost to the bottom line; the nose is straight but curves inwara at the tip much like a Byzantine nose; the mouth is indicated by a simple line, curving slight-ly downward; there is some modelling within the face-- at the side of the nose, around the eyes, and along the line which marks the chin and jaw; the area beneath the chin i s shaded heavily half-way down the neck, and this type of shading would appear to stem ultimately from Byzantine or Ottonian sources since Anglo-Saxon artists did not generally model faces in light and shade. The Virgin's face in three-quarter view i s a smooth oval. 154. Like Gabriel, she has a curving nose, wide eyes, and straight eyebrows; her mouth is drawn with two straight lines, and a few other lines complete her features-- a small semicircle marks her chin and a straight vertical line indicates the dip beneath her nose; modelling i s the same as for Gabriel. This three-quarter pose i s rare and i s usually reserved for the head 44 of Christ or God the Father. These two fac i a l types are indicative of those through-out the Psalter, although there are variations on the basic themes: some characters have straighter noses or noses with a pronounced hump at the bridge; there are many bearded faces that seem to scowl more than the beardless ones; and there i s considerable variety among the hair and beard styles, although hair i s always neatly drawn with individual locks indicated by parallel lines or orderly rows of curls. Turning to the Li f e , one can see that the a r t i s t has based his f a c i a l types on those of the Psalter, with the pro-f i l e head being the most common, with the three-quarter view used only three times (twice for Edmund and once for a Germanic king), and with the complete frontal pose reserved for the last and most formal miniature of the series. But while the St. Edmund manuscript employs similar fa c i a l poses and features to the St. Aibans book, the drawing and painting in the Life i s 155. cruder than that of the model. For example, i f we compare a scene from the Life i n which both the beardless profile and the three-quarter view of the head are used, "Edmund Dispens-ing Alms," (figure 3) the similarities and the differences between the faces here and those in the "Annunciation" are evident: while the several profiles in the former picture are certainly like that of the angel Gabriel, none are drawn as delicately and as precisely as his-- with his perfectly rounded chin, fine nose, and careful shading around the eye and under the chin. Likewise, Edmund's face in the three-quarter view is quite like the Virgin's in the Psalter. How-ever, while Mary's head i s a graceful oval, well-proportioned in relation to her body, Edmund's i s rather large for his body and appears irregular because the features of his face do not f i t comfortably within i t . Again, the careful shading appar-ent in Mary's face i s absent i n Edmund's. With regard to this application of colour to the faces in the Lif e , Miss Parker has observed that orange and green shading i s used, as in the Psalter, but that i t i s often applied unblended over a "pasty white ground"Zf"' which contrasts sharply with the sensitive handling evident in the St. Albans manuscript. Not only i s the painting coarser, but the black outlines surrounding faces and figures in the Life are also 156. usually thicker ana" more obvious than those in the Psalter. In the same vein, while the hair ana bearas in the St. Albans manuscript are carefully indicated by fine lines applied over the paint, those in the Life are only summarily executed with a few rough strokes suggesting curls or waves. Since figures do not generally engage in energetic activity, and since faces do not reveal much sentiment, gesture becomes the primary means by which the Alexis Master enlivens the narrative. In some cases, the gestures are quite emphatic, with arms sweeping away from the body. For example, in the "Magi guided by the Star,"^ 6 the three wise men crane their necks to see the large star above, and two of them stretch their arms out to point at the b r i l l i a n t light; the hands of the gesturing figures are very large, as large as their heads in length. The use of large hands to emphasize gesture occurs throughout the Psalter, but this i s not to suggest that a l l hands are larger than normal; often, only those hands which are important to the central action of the scene are of disproportionate size. While the gestures of the two Magi are quite expansive, those of many figures in other miniatures are more restrained but s t i l l effective. Ih the scene depicting "Christ in the House of Simon," the main emphasis is on the discussion between the two major characters; 157. the a r t i s t highlights this aspect of the story through the large size ana prominent position given to Christ ana Simon ana also through the placement of their gesturing hands. Christ's l e f t ana Simon's right nana, while not especially dramatic in expression, are in close proximity to each other ana are isolated against a plain background; the hand gestures of the other two guests and of Mary Magdalen are less obvious than those of Christ and Simon, while the open hand of the servant inclines directly toward the Lord. This miniature also contains examples of the artist's most frequently used gestures of communication: the open hand, palm up, as used by Simon and the servant; and the hand, palm up or down, with three fingers curled and long curved index finger extended, as seen in both Christ's hands and in those of the two other guests. These particular gestures, economic and precise, occur over and over again; by their careful placement and s k i l l f u l variation they are quite sufficient to focus attention on the central action and to add a breath of l i f e to these formal presentations. The a r t i s t of the St. Edmund Life is also adept at using gesture to t e l l his story. He employs the same basic hand positions as the Alexis Master as well as the device of a larger hand to draw attention to the central character or 158. event. However, the former painter tends to be more repetitive in his use of hand positions, not employing the same variety of gestures as his St. Albans counterpart. Nevertheless, at his best, the St. Edmund a r t i s t can be most effective in tel l i n g his story through hand, arm and head movements. The scene depicting the confrontation between the monk Aethelwine and the Danish king Swegn i s a case in point: enthroned at the l e f t of the picture, Swegn raises his hand to order the expulsion of the monk; as i f to f u l f i l l this command, one of the king's servants raises a stick to strike Aethelwine as another man pushes the cle r i c away; the stately monk ignores these minions and stares directly at Swegn while stretching his arm toward the king as though to warn him of the consequences of his rash behaviour. It is in such episodes of dramatic content that the a r t i s t excels rather than in scenes where more subtlety i s required. As with the other aspects of the preliminary miniatures concerning the l i f e of Christ, the drapery style devised by the Alexis Master i s distinctive, consistent, and of uniformly high quality. In order to discuss the characteristics of the drap-eries, I w i l l concentrate on the figures in the "Annunciation" since the details of line, colour, and shading are illustrated very well in the colour photograph reproduced in Romanesque 159. _ . . 47 Painting. It i s generally stated that the drapery style, with i t s "damp-fold" technique and use of highlights and shadows to indi-cate the presence of the body beneath, i s derived from Byzantine sources. As Pifcht observes, this "Byzantinizing" drapery began to be used in the West around 1100 and he maintains that the earliest English examples occur in the frescoes of St. Gabriel's chapel in Canterbury Cathedral (1120-30) and in the contemporary 48 St. Albans Psalter. The whole question of Byzantine influence in drapery patterns can become very confusing, especially since i t i s d i f f i c u l t (and in the present case impossible) to point to exact prototypes. Therefore, I would prefer to outline the specifics of the Alexis Master's style i t s e l f , always bearing in mind i t s ultimate dependence upon outside sources. Looking at the "Annunciation," one can see that the clothing of the figures tends to cling quite closely to the body; this is especially true of Gabriel's robe which presses against his right leg as though water had been thrown on i t ; the same is true of Mary's gown which closely follows her legs from the knees down. Consequently, one senses the presence of a body beneath the garment which i s a definite departure from the Anglo-Saxon practice of using the body as a rack for fan-c i f u l linear draperies. Nevertheless, the clothing of Gabriel 160. and Mary does not f a l l in naturalistic folds; i t s configuration i s tightly controlled and carefully organized to accord with the artist's desire to create an harmonious, orderly design. For example, the drapery mentioned above as revealing Gabriel's leg i s at the same time quite unrealistic, since clothing would not arrange i t s e l f in such beautiful, well-defined sections; neither would the hem of the angel's gown rise and f a l l over and between his feet with such perfect symmetry. One of the constants in the Alexis Master's work i s his desire for order and simplicity in drapery design. Clusters of two or three parallel lines, either straight or curving, are used repeated-ly to define the various divisions and folds of the robes; this insistence upon repetitious, reinforcing line contributes significantly to the neat, highly structured quality of the drapery. The highlights and shadows which are employed by the Alexis Master do convey a certain sense of volume in the figure and fullness in the drapery; however, light and shade are not really dispersed over the figures in a naturalistic manner. Shadows and highlights are arranged, not according to the way light would f a l l on the figures from a consistent direction, but according to the artist's own stylized scheme. Shaded areas are used in conjunction with line to emphasize the 161. various sections into which the draperies are divided, to indi-cate the location of folds, and to mark points where parts of the body project through the clothing (e.g., Mary's knees). Shadows are also used as a f o i l for the unusual system of white highlights developed by the a r t i s t . These highlights consist of a network of thin white lines, lying on the surface of the garments and creating a l i v e l y pattern of their own; these highlights can be clearly seen tracing delicate designs over Gabriel's robes. The Alexis Master i s sparing in his use of embellish-ments for the clothing; a solid line of gold decorates the edges of the cloaks, but there are few examples of embroidered or otherwise patterned fabrics. This lack of ornamental f r i l l s adds to the simplicity of the miniatures and i s in perfect keeping with the somber mood of the entire work. The a r t i s t of the Life borrows many of the techniques of drapery arrangement developed by the Alexis Master: garments tend to cling to the body, outlining i t s limbs; striped bands cross the chests of figures in short tunics; circular lines indicate shoulders, knees and stomachs; light and shade is used in a stylized, decorative manner; and white highlighting lines punctuate the surface of many robes. But while such basic ele-ments of style are visible in both manuscripts, important 162. differences are also apparent. It has been mentioned above that the garments in the Life appear thick and bulky, with the result that they do not cling so closely to the body as their counterparts in the Psalter; they are also far less graceful in the way they f a l l , with a less sensitive and consistent use of repetitious parallel lines, white highlights, or shading. For example, let us com-pare the "Annunciation" with the depiction of "The Envoy Before Edmund" (figure 7) . In these two miniatures, both Mary and Edmund are seated in a similar position upon a cushioned, throne-like chair and both wear similar garments. However, while the drapery of Mary's gown f a l l s i n a relatively natural series of gentle curves from her lap to her feet, Edmund's clothing f a l l s in a set of sharper "v" shaped curves which are barely shaded and which drop abruptly from the horizontal fold across his lap. Again, while Mary's cloak closely follows the outline of her body and continues around her legs in an ele-gant curve, Edmund's cloak simply disappears behind his cushion, so that the clothing does not compliment his figure as well as the Virgin's drapery enhances hers. S t i l l looking at the same miniatures, the thin white lines which follow the curves of Gabriel's gown, conforming to the shape of his body beneath, become much more rudimentary in 163. the St. Edmund picture where they are used in a rather haphaz-ard fashion. For instance, the servant to the l e f t of the scene has a collection of white lines sketched over his costume which simply tend to follow certain outlines of his garments or to parallel areas of shade; on his forward leg can be seen a series of highlights drawn in the form of a circ l e with rays, a design which is purely ornamental and which does not have the additional function of shaping the garment-- a quality possessed by the triangular patterns on Gabriel's cloak. The costumes used in the Life- - short tunics with cloaks, long stockings, pointed shoes, and round or pointed caps-- certainly derive from very similar ones in the Psalter. However, the St. Edmund a r t i s t uses a greater variety of out-f i t s and accessories than are employed in the Psalter. For example, while the tunics in the St. Albans pictures are usual-ly calf-length and sometimes knee-length, those in the St. Edmund miniatures range anywhere from calf-length to very short, with a greater tendency to show the knee. Also, the Danes are garbed with an interesting assortment of knee stockings-- some plain, some striped-- and with open-toed shoes and boots as well as the usual pointed slippers. In the St. Albans Psalter, there are very few instances in which patterned fabrics appear, and then usually in demure 164. designs applied to small areas. On the other hand, ornamented garments occur more frequently in the Life, especially toward the beginning of the series and when Edmund i s featured. One of the most lavish examples i s the "Coronation" where the two bishops as well as the King wear a colourful variety of striped and spotted garments which is in vivid contrast to the restric-ted use of decorated drapery in the Psalter. The application of gold trim is similar in the two manuscripts except that while gilded haloes are abundant in the Psalter, no haloes are used in the miniatures of the Life. As a fi n a l word regarding drapery, i t should be men-tioned that the figures in the St. Edmund manuscript tend to exhibit more sway in their clothing than do their counterparts in the Psalter. For example, while the Alexis Master only employs active drapery when real motion is implied, as in "The Magi Guided by the Star," the St, Edmund a r t i s t sometimes uses swinging ends even when no movement i s indicated, as in the second thief from the l e f t in "The Thieves Before Theodred" (figure 22) . As Miss Parker points out, the appearance here and there throughout the Life of drapery with a l i f e of i t s own may signal the re-emergence of the Anglo-Saxoin love of fluttering garments which is a l l but submerged in the Psalter. 165. Colour i s an important element in setting the dominant mood of any manuscript, and the range of hues chosen by the Alexis Master i s consistent with the restraint and gravity that his figures project. The basic colours are: three shades of purple, two of blue, and a dark green; brown, orange and white are the accent colours. As can be gathered from the l i s t of principal hues, the colour scheme is aristocratic and rather austere, admirably suited to a hieratic style. Again using the "Annunciation" as an example, colours are distributed over the surface of the painting so as to cre-ate an harmonious, balanced pattern: figures are set against a background panel of blue; the colours of Gabriel's robes are complimented by those of the Virgin-- for example, the purple of the cloak visible on the lower part of his body i s repeated in the mantle which hangs from Mary's shoulders, while the orange lining at the hem of her skirt finds i t s col-our mate i n the row of orange feathers in the angel's raised wings. The muted colours of the draperies set against the panels of solid blue also serves to flatten the figures, making them appear as though pasted on the surface which in turn denies them the three dimensionality that their clinging garments suggest. The colours in the St. Edmund Life also include shades 166. of purple, blue, green, brown ana orange- However, these colours are often more intense than those of the Psalter ana include a very aark blue ana a bright orange-red. Since the colours are not generally appliea with the fine sense of balance evident in the St. Albans manuscript, the effect i s not always subtle ana i s sometimes rather garish. For example, in the scene of "Edmuna Dispensing Alms" (figure 3 ) , several vivia colours are used in relatively large patches: Eamuna wears a patterned red-orange gown covered by a dark green decorated cloak and accom-panied by bright blue stockings; these colours are repeated i n the clothing of the minor figures and in the background archi-tecture. As i f this were not b r i l l i a n t enough, the predominant shade behind Edmund is orange, so that the King does not stand out so sharply from his background as do Gabriel and Mary. The effect of so much bright colour, combined with the various patterns applied to much of the surface, is somewhat overwhelm-ing. This use of colour contrasts with the more organized, consciously harmonious tones of the "Annunciation" in which the warm orange i s reserved for the accent areas in which the background hues serve as f o i l s for the figures rather than competing with them. The f i n a l area of comparison between the two manuscripts which I would like to discuss i s that of composition, both with 167. regard to the organization of the picture plane ana to the type ana use of background elements. The basic structure of the St. Albans miniatures i s symmetrical ana centralized: the major figure or group i s either placed at the centre of the picture with minor figures grouped at each side (e.g., "The Expulsion"), or figures are arranged at either side of the central axis which may or may not be indicated by a background element (e.g., "The Fi r s t Temptation""*^ and the "Annunciation" respectively). Not every scene conforms to these basic layouts, but the two schemes appear in the majority of miniatures. It is generally true that the more static and hieratic scenes are more obvious-ly centralized and purely symmetrical thsn Jthose of a narrative character. For example, in the miniature of the "Ascension," Mary occupies the center of the picture with Christ's dis-appearing feet directly above her; the apostles are grouped at either side of the Virgin-- six on the l e f t and five on the right, with Mary's extended hand occupying the place of the missing Judas; the two angels swoop diagonally from the upper corners, wings inclined toward Mary's head and fingers point-ing to the rising Christ-- a l l in a l l an extremely formal composition. Turning to the more casual depiction of "Christ in the House of Simon," the organization seems freer and more natural. 168. Simon floes occupy a central position, with his l e f t hanfl rest-ing exactly in the miflflle of the picture; however, the sur-rounding figures are placed at unequal distances from the centre and the single form of Mary Magdalen beneath the main group precludes a perfectly symmetrical arrangement. The result, intentional I am sure, i s a far more li v e l y presenta-tion than that seen in the "Ascension." The paintings in the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund include a much smaller percentage of s t r i c t l y centralized and highly symmetrical scenes than found in the Psalter. For example, there are only three miniatures in the Life in which a main character clearly occupies the exact centre of the pic-ture and i s surrounded by balanced groups of figures (the "Co-ronation," "The Envoy Before Edmund," (figure 7 ) , and the "Apotheosis") whereas over a dozen instances occur in the Psalter."*"" The device of a clear vertical axis with figures arranged on either side (often used in the Psalter) also occurs in the Lif e , as in the scene i n which Edmund's head i s attach-ed to his body (figure 19): here, a large branching tree occupies the centre of the picture and i s surrounded by the saint's followers. However, even in this example, the central verticality is interrupted by the horizontal block of Edmund's body across the bottom, and an example of the different 169. approach to composition in these manuscripts can be seen in a 52 comparison between two similar scenes, the "Entombment" from the Psalter ana "Eamuna's Burial" (figure 21) from the Life. The latter scene i s clearly basea on the former: f i g -ures are placea at the heaa ana foot of the coffin; the archi-tectural backgrouna is aiviaea into three sections; ana the same style of sarcophagus i s featurea in both. However, while the central area in the St. Edmund miniature i s occupiea only by the Hana of Goa i n an otherwise blank space— which tends to aivert attention from the saint's boay-- the St. Albans picture includes a central column and lamp which draws the eye inwara toward the figure of Mary who bends over her Son, thus focussing attention upon the Virgin and Christ. The St. Edmund a r t i s t often creates compositions which do not have an obvious central emphasis and in which the main character i s either located at one side or slightly off centre— a device which is used to a lesser extent by the Alexis Master. For instance, in the depiction of "Edmund Scourged" (figure 1 2 ) , most of the saint's body stands to the right of centre, a posi-tion which i s emphasized by the large tree to which he i s tied; the attackers to the l e f t , one with his arms extending beyond the picture frame, also accent the non-symmetrical composition. Of course, this type of organization produces a live l y picture 170. with an emphasis on action which i s in keeping with the infor-mal, narrative quality of much of the St. Edmund manuscript as opposed to the more hieratic nature of the St. Albans work. In the St. Albans Psalter, the figures are of primary importance, with a l l other elements secondary to and supportive of them. This i s especially true of the background architec-ture which i s used in many of the illuminations. Such archi-tectural backdrops which resemble stage sets in front of which the actors move, may derive from either Italian or Ottonian sources (or b o t h ) 5 3 as they are not a featured part of Anglo-Saxon art. Whatever his inspiration, the Alexis Master uses his architecture very effectively to highlight the major char-acters and to underscore the order and harmony of his composi-tions. For instance, in the "Mocking of Christ," the Lord and His tormentors act their roles before an arcade of three arches; a large arch encloses Christ while two smaller ones articulate the mocking soldiers who attack Him. This balanced triple arch emphasizes the symmetry of the scene and sets Christ apart from the lesser men. Several of the Morgan miniatures are also decorated with architectural backgrounds. They are similar in concep-tion to the St.Albans ones as they are also backdrops against which the action is played and they too serve as organizational 1 7 1 . elements. However, the St. Albans architecture has a more definitely vertical emphasis, has greater variety from scene to scene and within individual pictures, places a greater emphasis on curves and arcades, and i s lighter and more d e l i -cate in general appearance than the St. Edmund versions. Fur-thermore, the St. Albans architecture contains i t s figures better in that the characters f i t within their allotted areas, whereas the St. Edmund actors do not always s i t comfortably within theirs. For example, in the miniature of "Edmund Dispensing Alms" (figure 3 ) , the King's crown bumps into the arch above him while the figures at the outer edges are super-imposed over the arch rather than being situated under i t . Also, the single, uninterrupted, large arch seen here and in other miniatures in the Life i s never used in the Psalter. Not only do the figures sometimes push against the confines of their framing architecture, but they also occasion-a l l y burst the bounds of their frames.' There i s only one instance in the Psalter in which part of a figure protrudes from the f r a m e t h e servant to the l e f t of the picture in "Christ in the House of Simon" holds Mary's jar of o i l outside the frame. On the contrary, in the Life there are about a dozen instances in which figures or parts of their equipment extend beyond the frame. Particularly noteworthy in this 172. regard i s the episode of "The Thieves Attacking the Shrine" i n which more than half of one miscreant's ladder leans out beyond 55 the border. In outdoor scenes where buildings are not called for, a rudimentary landscape setting i s provided by the Alexis Mas-ter-- consisting of imaginative stylized trees, bumpy ground variously resembling rows of rocks, fern fronds or snail shells, and wavy water complete with fi s h . These highly structured landscape details f u l f i l l the same function as the architec-ture : they help to organize the space, accentuate the main figures, and decorate the background. Again, the St. Edmund miniaturist uses similar types of trees and bumpy ground; but he carries the motif of the tree much further than his prede-cessor, being especially fond of large, flamboyant plants which occupy a good portion of the picture plane. In the miniature of "Edmund's Body Borne on a L i t t e r " (figure 20), the curving branches of the central tree f i l l one third of the available space; and i n the scene showing Edmund's head being attached to his body (figure 19), the spreading branches of this back-ground tree stretch right across the page. In contrast, only the opening scene of the Psalter, representing the " F a l l " with Adam and Eve eating from the tree of Knowledge,5^ features a large central tree; here, of course, 173. the tree is an important part of the story. In other places, the Alexis Master prefers to use one or more small, compact trees as accents in his pictures; he also occasionally places a narrow branch behind the head of a main character for further emphasis (e.g., behind Gabriel in the "Annunciation"), a subtle device which never appears in the Life. Even more effective than the architecture or landscape as organizers of space and f o i l s for the figures are the co-loured panels which serve as backgrounds for a l l the illumina-tions in the St. Albans Psalter. The striking effect of these panels, whose colours are always purple, green and blue, but whose shapes vary from scene to scene, is entirely lost in black and white reproductions; therefore, i t i s necessary to look at the coloured photograph of the "Annunciation" again to get an accurate idea of their function. This Psalter re-presents the earliest extant example of the use of panelled backgrounds in an English manuscript, although this system had been developed on the Continent in late Ottonian times. The Alexis Master uses this continental device masterfully to immediately isolate the major characters from their surroundings, thereby focussing the viewer's attention on the primary parts of the miniature. In the "Annunciation," Mary and Gabriel stand out clearly against their panels of solid blue;"^ this is an 174. uncomplicated picture with only two people, and one can imag-ine how much more this panelling would help to crystallize an image like the "Deposition" with i t s several figures on dif f e r -ent levels. These panels are obviously not naturalistic, as they occur in landscapes as well as i n conjunction with architec-ture; they are mostly geometric shapes which rule out any sense of depth or realism in the backgrounds. As with the architec-tural settings, the panels are designed to enhance the figures i n order to glorify the religious truths which are the essence of these narrative stories. The illuminations in the Morgan Life also have panels of different colours as background elements. However, the hues are not restricted to green, blue and purple— witness the orangevunder the arch in "Edmund Dispensing Alms" (figure 3). This same miniature points up another difference between the two works: while the panels in the Psalter generally consist of layers of different colours with a small, well-defined area behind an individual (as i n the "Annunciation"), the panels in the Life often become large areas of a single colour, as i n the expanse of orange under the arch in figure 3. Also, as can be seen in the same illumination, the panels are sometimes decorated; in the present case, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine 175. whether the blue ana green patterned arches under the gold band are intended as panels or as a part of the architecture.' It should be mentioned that there exist two examples of ornamented panels in the Psalter: in both the "Magi Guided by the Star" 58 and the "Dream of the Magi," delicate arabesques decorate one panel of the miniature. However, the pattern i s restricted to a single area in each case, unlike figure 3 in which the two arched panels plus the orange area behind the King are f i l l e d with various geometric designs. As Miss Parker remarks, these background panels are not used as s k i l l f u l l y as aids to organization as are those in the Psalter; she rightly maintains that they are in fact "often 59 eccentric in shape and unrelated to the composition." For example, in "Inguar Despatching the Envoy" (figure 6) , the several background rectangles, some plain and some patterned, tend to live a l i f e of their own rather than to contribute to the layout of the picture; this peculiar "checkerboard" type of panelling does not occur in the Psalter. The above comments about the Morgan Life in relation to the St. Albans Psalter may seem disparaging to the former manuscript. The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund i s an effec-tive work whose series of miniatures t e l l their tale in a direct, imaginative, and often vivid fashion. However, i t 176. cannot be denied that the St. Albans Psalter i s a much more sophisticated work with a consistent, logical, and tightly controlled system of figure design, colour application, and p i c t o r i a l composition which is not matched i n the L i f e . Conclusion Having looked at both the St. Albans Psalter and the Life and Miracles of St. Edmund with regard to their style, I have come to agree with Elizabeth Parker that the two picture cycles were produced by different men and that the a r t i s t responsible for the Morgan Life was a close follower, which is definitely not to say a slavish imitator, of the Alexis Master. Otto Pa*cht and CM. Kauffmann would disagree complete-ly with this conclusion since they believe that the Alexis Mas-ter was the author of both sets of illuminations. PMcht acknowledges that the Morgan Life i s characterized by a "coarsening of the style" developed in the Psalter, but de-cides that this change i s "partly conditioned as well as cornet pensated by the more dramatized treatment of the narrative" and that the Life represents a late phase in the Master's art. It i s certainly true that the scenes in the libellus are less formal and more narrative than' those i n the Psalter and that such a shift in emphasis might partially account for 177. some of the changes apparent in the later work: the increased activity of the figures; the often dramatic poses; the de-crease in the number of centralized, symmetrical compositions, especially those of static and insistently hieratic organiza-tion; and the increase in the amount of compositions which are slightly off-balance and non-centralized. Nevertheless, Pa'cht's contention that the a r t i s t has simply moved toward a more dramatic interpretation in the later manuscript does not satisfactorily account for some of the other deviations from the Psalter's style-- such as, the change in proportion of the figures from t a l l and lean to shorter and more stocky, the bulkiness of the drapery, the more awkward relationship of figures to their architectural settings, the less effective deployment of background panels to emphasize the characters and to coordinate the action, the harsher hues and less subtle use of colour as an adjunct to composition, and the obvious delight in patterned fabrics and backgrounds. It seems to me that such alterations suggest a difference i n approach to the fundamentals of style rather than a progression in one artist's vision. Furthermore, while PScht (and most others) has accept-ed a time around 1130 as the approximate date of production for the Morgan Li f e , in the second section of this paper I pre-178. sented and accepted as reasonable the arguments of R.M. Thomson who suggests a date of 1124-1126 for the l i b e l l u s which would place i t s creation immediately after that of the St. Albans Psalter of 1123. If this i s indeed the case, i t seems less li k e l y that the Alexis Master would alter his style so dramat-i c a l l y between the appearance of two quickly succeeding manu-scripts. This question of authorship i s a far from settled prob-lem, but even i f we agree that the Morgan manuscript was made by a man other than the Alexis Master, we are s t i l l faced with the puzzle of his identity. As far as the St. Edmund minia-turist i s concerned, the most that can be said is that he was either a professional from St. Albans, hired to illuminate the Bury manuscript, or that he was a Bury a r t i s t inspired by the new style of St. Albans. Of course, this matter may never be "proven" one way or the other, but I would like to suggest that a case exists for the latter possibility. It has been stated in the second section of this paper that the scriptorium of the abbey at Bury became very productive during the abbacy of Anselm, under whose leadership there was a concerted effort to build up the library's collection in order to "catch up" with the well-stocked libraries of monasteries like Canterbury and St. Albans. Granted that the Bury books surviving from the 179. early part of this period are not lavishly decorated, i t s t i l l seems reasonable to suppose that a wealthy and prestigious abbey like Bury would wish to employ i t s own illuminators on a major project like the Life rather than to rely on an a r t i s t from another monastery. Furthermore, the St. Edmund miniaturist was an accom-plished a r t i s t i n his own right and cannot be considered a minor figure in a Master's workshop. One would expect a man of such s k i l l to be employed in some capacity upon an important work like the St. Albans Psalter. And yet, despite Rickert's contention that he was responsible for the line drawings in the Psalter, I do not believe that his hand i s discernible anywhere in the St. Albans manuscript. This in turn suggests that he was not a member of the St. Albans atelier. Instead, might he be the Master of the Bury workshop, successfully embracing the amazing new St. Albans style? Whether or not the ar t i s t of the Morgan miniatures was imported from St. Albans, another question remains. Are there other works in the St. Albans idiom which were made at Bury, and, i f so, do they show a further development of the new style in a centre other than St. Albans? There i s one work in particular produced at Bury in the wake of the lib e l l u s which also follows the St. Albans style: this i s the previous-180. ly mentioned Bury Gospels (Cambriage, Pembroke College, MS 120) whose six introauctory folios contain thirty-nine tintea out-line arawings of New Testament scenes. These arawings (but not the text of the manuscript) are generally accepted as being proaucea for Bury, but as has been noted elsewhere in this paper, opinions as to their authorship vary. In her stuay of the Bury Gospels, Elizabeth Parker makes a good case for the painting ana arawing of this manu-script by the Bury workshop ana suggests that the Gospels re-ceivea their inspiration from both the St. Albans Psalter ana the Morgan Life. In connecting the Gospels with the libe l l u s , she suggests several motifs ana compositions which are founa in both of these manuscripts but not in the Psalter; the kinas of parallels which she points out between the two Bury works inaicate that the Gospels reliea on the Life rather than vice 61 versa. Katherine Baker aisputes this claim in her recent essay; as was outlinea earlier in this section, she believes that both the Morgan Life ana the Pembroke Gospels were made at St. Albans, ana that the libellus looked to the Gospels for some of i t s compositions and incidental details; consequently, she con-cludes that the Bury scriptorium did not engage in the inde-62 pendent production of any works in the St. Albans style. 181. However, i n comparison with Parker's analysis, the kinds of suggestions that Baker makes are not e n t i r e l y convincing. For example, the l a t t e r maintains that the "Apotheosis" from the l i b e l l u s represents a modified version of the depiction of "Christ Mocked" i n the Bury Gospels. Yet, as John Beckwith (among others) has pointed out, the crowning of Edmund by angels i s "a d i r e c t descendant from Ottonian coronation p o r t r a i t u r e , even to the shape of the crown," a s t r i k i n g example being the image of Christ crowning King Henry II from the Sacramentary 64 of King Henry (Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4456). There-fore, since the "Apotheosis" derives from an established coro-nation iconography, i t seems much more l i k e l y that the "enthroned" Christ of the Pembroke Gospels-- who i s blindfolded as i n the same scene i n the Psalter but seated as i n the St. Edmund miniature-- was developed from the Morgan in t e r p r e t a t i o n rather than the other way around. While Miss Baker's theory should not be dismissed with-out further study, since the influence from one a r t i s t to ano-ther could go i n either d i r e c t i o n , i t does seem that the more derivative a r t i s t of the Pembroke Gospels r e l i e d upon c e r t a i n compositions and motifs of the St. Edmund illuminator. Conse-quently, i t i s possible that there d i d e x i s t a school of paint-ers at Bury who produced works i n the St. Albans style and who 182. perhaps helped to spread the new art to other scriptoria. This would indicate that Bury played a positive, i f minor, role in the development of twelfth-century illumination even before the emergence of the distinctive style of Master Hugo as exempli-fied by the Bury Bible of ca. 1135. Whether or not the Bury scriptorium played a part i n carrying the new Romanesque art of the Alexis Master to other centres, the abbey certainly produced one of the earliest and most extensive illustrated saint's Lives to be made in England-a far from negligible achievement. This lavish book, generous in i t s use of illuminated miniatures and decorated i n i t i a l s , admirably f u l f i l l s i t s functions: i t honours the patron saint through i t s de luxe quality and i t s lengthy chronicling of his l i f e and martyrdom in words and pictures; i t points up the prestige and wealth of the abbey through i t s luxury; and i t serves as an excellent teaching vehicle through i t s uncompli-cated and vivacious pict o r i a l rendering of the deeds of the saint and his followers. This l i v e l y , narrative quality of the illustrations i s the best feature of the miniatures and proves that the a r t i s t responsible for them was a man of imagination, able to t e l l a story with freshness and v i t a l i t y . At times, his pictures capture the essence of an episode remarkably well. For 183. 65 example, in the "Expulsion of the Britons," three rows of Teutonic soldiers (representing the invading tribles of Angles, Saxons and Jutes) charge across the page from the l e f t , spears poised to attack the rapidly retreating Britons; the utter rout of the natives by the manly Germans of Abbo's story i s graphi-cally portrayed by the delightful device of depicting the Britons as dashing off the page behind the frame, with only the hindquarters of their horses remaining in view. Turning from this rather whimsical picture to the gruesome i l l u s t r a -tion of "The Hanging of the Thieves," we can see that the a r t i s t effectively conveys the essential horror of the episode by placing the bound and blindfolded thieves in assorted limp positions, their naked legs dangling and their mouths gaping open in the throes of death. Sometimes, the narrative cal l s for energetic physical activity, and in these cases the illuminator works to make his images vigorous. An especially successful example is "The Thieves Attacking the Shrine." The eight evil-doers are absorbed in their destructive task, hammering at the door, prying out nails, climbing through the window, and digging around the foundations. Besides showing the thieves busily engaged in these various criminal a c t i v i t i e s , the a r t i s t uses other elements to add vivacity to his picture: the four figures 184. s t a n d i n g i n f r o n t of the s h r i n e seem to f l o a t l i g h t l y b e f o r e the heavy a r c h i t e c t u r e of the s h r i n e ; the t h i e f i n the c e n t r e of the p i c t u r e ana the one on the f a r r i g h t have expansive g e s t u r e s ana swinging t u n i c s ; two i n t r u a e r s are a e p i c t e a i n the a c t of e n t e r i n g the b u i l a i n g , one w i t h h i s heaa d i s a p p e a r -i n g behina a aoor and another l e a n i n g i n t o an upper window; f i n a l l y , the t h i e f d i g g i n g to the l e f t of the mi n i a t u r e and the ladder behind him extend c o n s i d e r a b l y beyond the frame as though the border cannot c o n t a i n the f e v e r i s h a s s a u l t . I would l i k e t o d i s c u s s one f i n a l m i n i a t u r e which bears w i t n e s s to the a r t i s t ' s v e r s a t i l i t y as a n a r r a t o r . T h i s i s the impressive p i c t u r e i n which '•Edmund Slays Swegn" ( f i g u r e 27 ) . In the i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s momentous event, the l a r g e and noble f i g u r e o f Edmund hovers i n mid a i r above the Danish k i n g who i s l y i n g i n bed; w i t h one hand, the s a i n t p r o f e r s the t r i b u t e money which the greedy Dane demanded of the abbey, and w i t h the other hand the C h r i s t i a n k i n g s l a y s Swegn w i t h a s i n -g l e spear t h r u s t . The triumphant Edmund appears i n marked c o n t r a s t to h i s d e f e a t e d enemy who sprawls i n h i s bed, mouth agape and hands thrown a p a r t . T h i s i s a most s a t i s f y i n g por-t r a y a l o f the v i c t o r y of good over e v i l , of j u s t i c e over tyranny. Since few prototypes f o r t h i s type of manuscript e x i s t , 185. i t i s not easy to point to sources for these ana several of the other scenes in the Li f e . I think that a useful topic for fur-ther research woula be a study of the specific iconography of t n e libellus's illustrations i n oraer to aiscover i f they can be related to earlier Continental or Byzantine Lives or to other types of manuscripts. Of course, some of the Morgan scenes clearly derive from the St. Albans Psalter ana others, like the "Apotheosis," have a aefinite Ottonian origin. But there are many pictures for which no one has suggested a prototype, ana I think that an investigation of possible sources woula proviae art historians with another aimension to the artist's work. I suspect that further stuay along such lines woula reveal the St. Edmund illuminator as a more strongly original a r t i s t than he i s generally regaraed at present. 186. Footnotes Francis Wormald, "Some Illustrated Manuscripts of the Live of Saints," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library XXXV (1952), p. 253. This a r t i c l e gives a brief but good intro-duction to a neglected area in art history; according to Wormald, the longest series of scenes which can confidently be dated to the mid-ninth century occurs on the golden altar in the church of Sant' Ambrogio at Milan; enclosed in enamel-led roundels on the back of this opulent altar are twelve scenes from the l i f e of St. Ambrose rendered in g i l t bas-r e l i e f . A shorter series, also dating from the mid-ninth century, i s located in the abbey church of St. Germain at Auxerre; in a small side chapel dedicated to St. Stephen, three frescoes in lunettes il l u s t r a t e one episode each from the l i f e of the f i r s t martyr as recorded in- the Acts of the Apostles; other such examples from the ninth century on are mentioned by Wormald, and some are discussed and illustrated by C.R. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, 800-1200, Pelican Histo-ry of Art (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1971), pp. 173-4 and 184-5. This attribution is suggested by Hans Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art: The Art of Church Treasures in  North-Western Europe,""2d~ed. (London: Faber~and Faber, 1967), p. 27; one side of the altar, with the martyrdom of St. Blaise, i s illustrated i n p l . 102, f i g . 232. Coloured reproductions of the frescoes in San Clemente can be found in vol. IV, pis. 239 and 242 of Joseph Wilpert, Die RBmischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirchlichen Bauten  vom IV-XIII Jahrhundert, 4 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau, Basil, Wein: Herder ,"~1976) ; f i r s t published 1916. Wormald, "Some Illustrated Manuscripts," pp. 254-6. Ibid., p. 236. The "Ascension of St. Amand" is illustrated in colour in Andr6 Grabar and Carl Nordenfalk, Romanesque Painting from 187. the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century, trans. Stuart Gilbert, The Great Centuries of Painting (Lausanne: Albert Skira, 1958), p. 185; two other scenes are illustrated by Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, p i . 77, figs. 178-9. ^The scene depicting the "Tortures of St. Quentin" i s reproduced by C.R. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, f i g . 101 and by Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, p i . 82, f i g . 191. °Nordenfalk l i s t s other important eleventh-century manuscripts in this genre in Romanesque Painting, p. 148, and includes an i l l u s t r a t i o n of one of them, a Life and Miracles of St. Omer (Saint-Omer, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 698), p. 149; Dodwell, Painting in Europe, b r i e f l y discusses a few of these and has another i l l u s t r a t i o n from the St. Omer manu-script, f i g . 102, as well as one from the Life of St. Radegund (Poitiers, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 250), p i . 89; Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, reproduces yet another scene from the Life and Miracles of St. Omer, p i . 83, f i g . 193. yAn early twelfth-century Passionale from Canterbury (London, British Library, MS Arundel 91) i s extant, but this contains the lives of several saints and does not include mini-atures; i t has twelve historiated and sixteen decorated i n i -t i a l s ; see CM. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 1066-1190, vol. I l l of A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated i n the British Isles, gen. ed. J.J.G. Alexander, 6 vols. (London and Boston: H. Miller, 1975), p. 61. ^Kauffmann dates the Cuthbert manuscript to the period c. 1100-20, while placing the Edmund l i f e around 1130 or a b i t earlier, Ibid., pp. 66 and 73-4. Kauffmann l i s t s a l l the draw-ings, their subjects and page numbers, p. 66, and also i l l u s -trates five of these scenes, fig s . 59-63; Otto Pa"cht, The Rise  of Pictorial Narrative in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1962), mentions the Cuthbert Life as the earliest illustrated saint's l i f e i n England and illustrates two of i t s scenes, p. 14 and p i . 1, figs. 2-3. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, p. 67 188. A45,A page from this manuscript i s illustrated in colour in Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval Painting, p. 184. 13 These are a l l reproduced in proper sequence by CR. Dodwell, Otto PHcht, and Francis Wormald, The Saint Albans  Psalter (Albani Psalter) (London: The Warburg Institute, Uni-versity of London, 1960); this monograph i s a thorough and excellent study of the St. Albans Psalter. PScht includes a chapter on works by the Master of the St. Albans Psalter and his followers, Ibid., pp. 165-77; Elizabeth Parker discusses a Gospel book from Bury (Cambridge, Pembroke College, MS 120) in her a r t i c l e , "A Twelfth-Century Cycle of New Testament Drawings from Bury St. Edmunds Abbey," Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology, St. Edmund Commemorative issue (1969), pp. 263-302; M.R. James analyzes the four separated leaves of a Psalter (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MSS 724 and 521; London, British Library, MS Add. 37472 (I); London, Victoria and Albert Museum, MS 661) in his a r t i c l e , "Four Leaves of an English Psalter," Walpole Society XXV (1937), pp. 1-23; Kauffmann presents a more recent view of these Psalter leaves and of Pembroke 120 in Romanesque Manuscripts, pp. 93-5 and 74-5. 1 5 Elizabeth Parker has come closest to such an approach in "The Scriptorium of Bury St. Edmunds in the Twelfth Century" (Ph. D. dissertation, University of London, 1965), pp. 78-85. ^Adolf Goldschmidt, Der Albanipsalter i n Hildesheim (Berlin, 1895). Margaret Rickert, Painting in Britain: The Middle Ages (London: Penguin Books, 1954), pp. 78-81; she also iden-t i f i e s the St. Edmund master with the a r t i s t of the Bury Gospels (Pembroke 120). PMcht, et a l . , The Saint Albans Psalter, p. 167; PMcht assigns Pembroke 120 to a distant follower of the Alexis Master. 189. Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 84<. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, p. 73; he also agrees with Plfcht that Pembroke 120 i s by a follower of the Alexis Master, although he suggests a close rather than a distant follower. Katherine Bateman Baker, "Pembroke 120 and Morgan 736: A Reexamination of; the St. Albans/"Bury St. Edmunds Manu-script Dilemna," paper presented at the third St. Louis Con-ference on Manuscript Studies, St.Louis, Mo., 1976, p. 12. For a discussion of. the sources used by the Alexis Master, see Plfcht, et a l , The Saint Albans Psalter, pp. 99-104 and 115-123 (sources for style); pp. 54-96 (sources for iconography); Pffcht makes a convincing case for an Italian journey by the Alexis Master, p. 125. 23 Ibid., p i . 16a; this is also reproduced in colour on the page opposite the preface. "^As a basis for comparison, I am considering my own proportion of 7.4 heads to be normal. This scene from the Cotton Psalter, ca. 1050, is reproduced in colour in Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval Painting, p. 184. 26 27 PScht, et al., p i . 18a Ibid., p i . 32a, 28 Ibid., p i . 27b. Ibid., p i . 29b; PScht discusses the "Mocking of Christ" and especially the '"Deposition" in some detail, pp. 110-111; he includes a colour reproduction of the "Deposition" on the page opposite the preface. Ibia., p i . 24a. 190. Ibia., p i . 23a. 32 Ibia., p i . 23b. 33 There are coloured transparencies of both these mini-atures i n the sliae library, University of British Columbia Department of Fine Arts. The "Apotheosis" i s also reproduced in colour in John Beckwith, Early Meaieval Art, Fraegar Worla of Art Series (New York: Freaerick A. Praeger, 1964), p. 184. 34 PMcht, et al., pis. 33a ana b. 35 36 Ibia., p i . 21a. Ibia., p i . 22a. 3^"farther" ana "closer" in relation to the viewer. 38 Ptfcht, et al., p i . 15a. 39 This pose with the toes pointing inwara i s also usea by the a r t i s t of the i n i t i a l s in the Psalter in four i n i t i a l s : i n i t i a l "D," p i . 46a; "C", p i . 47c; "0", p i . 49a; ana "D", p i . 53c.-40 41 Ibia., p i . 27b. Ibia., p i . 28a. 42 Ibia., p i . 15b; ia colour reproauction of this can be found in Grabar ana Noraenfalk, Romanesque Painting, p. 171. 43 PScht, et al., pis. 32a ana b, p i . 33b. 44 The only exceptions to this rule are: the angel guaraing the gate in "The Explusion";" the Virgin in the "Annun-ciation;" ana one apostle in "Mary Magaalen Reporting the Resurrection;" Ibia., pis. 15a ana b, p i . 3lb. 191. 4 5Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 84 4 6Ptfcht, et al.,, p l . 17b. 4 7See note 42. 48Pa*cht, et al., pp. 122-123. 4 9Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 84. 5 0Plfcht, et al., p l . 22b. 5 1The opening miniature of the Lif e , the "Arrival of Angles, Saxons ana Jutes," f i g . 1, i s s t r i c t l y centralized ana symmetrical, but the islana of Britain rather than a figure occupies the middle of the page. Three other pictures, "Inguar Despatching the Envoy," f i g . 6, the "Discovery of Eamuna's Boay," f i g . 16, ana "The Thieves Attacking the Shrine" have a character who i s almost entirely in the middle; but in these cases, the centrality i s offset by the arrangement of figures or background elements around him. -^PScht, et al., p l . 30a. 5 3 I b i d . , pp. 119-120; P9cht feels strongly that the settings derive from Italian monumental art, such as the frescoes at San Pietro in Tuscania or those in the Lower Church of San Clemente in Rome. There are two other instances in which some feature protrudes slightly from the frame: in the "Massacre of the Innocents," a soldier's swordtip just extends beyond the frame, and an angel's wing does the same in the "Harrowing of Hell." There i s a coloured transparency of this scene in the slide library, University of British Columbia Department of Fine Arts. PHcht, et al-> p l . 14. 192. 57 The blue has become mottled through time. Pifcht, et ai., p l . 19a. 59 Parker, "The Scriptorium," p. 82. 60 PHcht, et a l . , p. 142, n. 1. 6 1 I b i d . , pp. 265 ana 267-268. 62 Baker, "Pembroke 120 ana Morgan 736," pp. 9-13. 63 This scene i s reproduced by Parker, "A Twelfth-Century Cycle," p l . 37. 64 Beckwith, Early Medieval Art, p. 194; the Sacramentary miniature ana the "Apotheosis" are reproduced in PScht, et a l . , pis. 138a, 139. p l . 66. 6 5 T h i s i s illustrated in Rickert, Painting in Britain, ARRIVAL OF ANGLES, SAXONS AND JUTES 195. 3. EDMUND DISPENSING ALMS 196. 1 9 7 . 5. DEVASTATION OF AN EAST ANGLIAN TOWN 200. 8. THE ENVOY RETURNS 201. 9. EDMUND SEIZED 202. 10. EDMUND LED AWAY 203. 11. EDMUND STRIPPED 12. EDMUND SCOURGED 205. 13. EDMUND SHOT WITH ARROWS 206. 14. EDMUND BEHEADED 207. 15. DEPARTURE OF THE DANES 17. THE WOLF GUARDS EDMUND'S HEAD 210. IS. THE HEAD CARRIED TO THE BODY 211. 19. THE HEAD ATTACHED TO THE BODY 21. EDMUND'S BURIAL 22. THE THIEVES BEFORE THEODRED J " 215. 23. THE HANGING OF THE THIEVES 24. EADBRICHT AND AETHELWINE 217. 25. AETHELWINE CROSSES THE NARROW BRIDGE 219. 27. EDMUND SLAYS SWEGN 220. 28. A NOBLEMAN ANNOUNCES SWEGN' S DEATH 221. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. HISTORICAL AND LITERARY WORKS Arnold, Thomas, ed. Memorials of the Abbey of St. Edmund at Bury_. 3 vols. Rolls Series, no. xcvi. London: Longman & Co., 1890-96. Barlow, Frank, ed. The Life of King Edward who rests at Westminster. Attributed to a monk of St. Bertin. London, New York, and Toronto: Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1962. Bell, Alexander. "Notes on Two Anglo-Norman Saints' Lives." Philological Quarterly 35 (1956): 48-59. Bloch, Marc, ed. "La Vie de S. Edouard le Confesseur par Osbert de Clare." Analecta Bollandiana XLI (1923): 5-131. Bradley, Edith. The Story of the English Abbeys. Vol. 3: The Eastern Counties. London: Robert Hale, Ltd., 1939. Braun, H. English Abbeys. London: Faber & Faber Ltd., 1971. Brett, M. The English Church Under Henry I. London: Oxford University Press, 1975. 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