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Assessment of police perceptions of police drinking Shelton, Georgia 1978

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Assessment of Police Perceptions of Police Drinking by Georgia Shelton B.A., University of Colorado, 1972*-A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Psychology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1978 © Georgia Shelton In presenting th is thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date Abstract i i The law enforcement literature has recently begun to focus attention on the problem of alcohol use among police officers. However, to date the problem has been viewed within the framework of the "disease" model of alcohol addiction and the focus has been on the treatment of individual officers whose job performance has been seriously affected by heavy drinking. Anecdotal evidence, on the other hand, indicates that the heavy and consistent use of alcohol i s a widespread and accepted phenomenon among large sections of the police force. There i s a substantial body of theory which relates socialization processes and job stress problems to the development of homogeneous attitudes and beliefs. These attitudes and beliefs may, in turn, serve to support the heavy use of alcohol by police officers. The objective of the proposed study was to assess the extent of alcohol use among local police and to determine the perceptions held by this target population concerning the reasons for the existence of the problem. Particular emphasis was placed on the concept of job stress. This study i s seen as a f i r s t step toward a comprehensive understanding of alcohol abuse by police. Questionnaire results confirmed heavy and consistent use of alcohol. The prime reason cited was as a relaxant. Having to deal with the suffering of others and being the target of abuse from citizens were the most often given sources of stress, and drinking with a colleague was seen as a "safe" way to unwind and an important way of staying in touch with colleagues. Results were discussed in terms of current conceptions i n the alcohol literature. The recommendation of the report was in support of federal funding for a needed alcohol management programme. Dr. Donald G. Dutton i v Table of Contents Page Abstract i i Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Online Stressors k Cultural Stressors 6 Organizational Stressors 11 Law Enforcement Marriages 13 Objectives of Current Study 18 Methods 2 0 Subjects 2 0 Instalment 2 0 Procedure 2 0 Results 21 Discussion 3 2 Summary of Results 3 2 General Attitude Toward Alcohol Use 3 3 Estimation of Rates of Consumption 3& Stress of Occupation and Alcohol Use 3 6 The Incidence of Problem Drinkers 3 8 Drinking While Working kz Preferred Drinking Location 4 4 Problem Drinkingi Progressive Disease or Transitory Phenomenon? k$ Applications of Results Jj-9 Bibliography 51 Appendices Ai Questionnaire I 5 4 Bi Questionnaire II 6 0 Ci Cover Sheet 65 Di Variability i n Rates of Consumption 6 6 Et Graph 6 7 V Acknowledgements This study was made possible by the co-operation of several agencies. The Vancouver Police Department provided considerable support and access to employee f i l e s . In particular, Inspector Hank Starek and Sergeant Dave Zimick were often available with comments, suggestions, and insights. Both of these gentlemen showed a strong concern for the situation of the officer with a drinking problem. The British Columbia Police College has been endlessly patient and encouraging. Special thanks must go to former Co-ordinator of Recruit Programs John Lucas, whose early support and encouragement made i t f i r s t seem possible to undertake this project. Also Grant Churchill and Gib Skuce, whose time and interest have been much appreciated. The support of the Vancouver Police Union was c r i t i c a l . The executives of the Union have also expressed a strong concern for their colleagues. Ms. Margo Palmer at the Non-Medical Use of Drugs Directorate was. perhaps the most patient and encouraging of a l l . Special appreciation i s expressed to Professor Donald G. Dutton whose ideas, support, and friendship were essential, to committee members Dr. Dale Miller and Dr. David Lawson for encouragment and interest, and to Peter Ba l l i n and Susan Painter for just being there. 1 Introduction The problem of the drinking cop has begun to emerge in the law enforcement literature (Dishlacoff, 1976; Stratton, 1 9 7 5 ) . Police officers themselves have known about and experienced this problem for a considerable time. Within the police literature the conception of an alcohol use problem i s that (1) alcohol use i s only really a problem when i t reaches the stage of alcoholism; ( 2 ) alcoholism i s a disease and alcoholics are "sick"; and ( 3 ) i t i s a problem of the individual officer and must be treated at that level (Dishlacoff, 1 9 7 6 ) . Contrary to this view i s the position that alcohol i s a severely misused drug among many officers and that this misuse i s largely a function of the combined factors of police socialization on the job and enormous job-related stress. Support for this latter hypothesis i s to be found in the literature on police stress and from personal communications of police. The author, working with Dr. Donald Dutton at the University of Brit i s h Columbia, has been conducting research into police values and attitudes for the past two years. We have been told by police officers on many occasions that drinking i s a problem in the many B.C. police agencies. This information, combined with our increasing concern with the issue of occupational stress for police, led to the conception of the present study to investigate alcohol use as a function of occupational stress. Student-police confrontations in the sixties and early seventies gave rise i n many sectors to the belief that there 2 existed a "police personality" that was a dangerous element in a democratic society; "police brutality" became a common expression in the aftermath of campus demonstrations and p o l i t i c a l protests. The "personality" hypothesis, that there i s a selection for maladjustment in police recruiting procedures, has been debated by social scientists and criminologists. Some researchers (Rokeach, Miller and Synder, 1 9 7 1 . Rhead, Abraras, Trasman and Marpolis, 1 9 6 8 ; Zacker, 1972) have contended that recruiting biases have selected for a stratum whose values are at variance with those who are to be policed. Thus, by both a process of self-selection and departmental p r i o r i t i e s , officers were recruited who were high authoritarian, dogmatic, and cynical. Criticism of Rokeach et a l have pointed out that the control group against which police officers were compared consisted of university undergraduates, a group whose values are known to be at variance with the societal norm (Check and Klein, 197*0. Skolnick ( I 9 6 6 ) in a treatise on law enforcement within a democratic society traces the origin of the concept of a police personality to the ideology of police reform in the 1 9 2 G ,s. The solution to corrupt and brutal policing was seen as a matter of acquiring a different sort of person (honest) rather than locating the problem within the logic of the policing situation (p. k). The dispositional attribution, that police brutality i s an expression of a police personality, f a i l s to recognize "that the conduct of police may be related in a fundamental way to the character and goals of the institution i t s e l f (legal justice system) (p. 5 ) . Since the late sixties, however, serious 3 research about the police has begun to focus on the situational and job-related stresses that produce the police behaviours which result in public alarm and condemnation. The "personality" hypothesis does not hold up under scrutiny. Studies of New York police found that on the average the recruits had a higher I . Q . , were better adjusted (less neurotic), and were less dogmatic and authoritarian than a comparable group of c i v i l i a n s (Reiser, 1 9 7 6 ) . Further, recruits were found to have high idealism and motivated to perform an important service to society (Rafky, 1 9 7 6 ) . However, despite this early selection for lower dogmatism and better adjustment, longitudinal data demonstrate ' significant growth in authoritarianism, dogmatism, cynicism, and the incidence of stress-related diseases (Kroes, 197*M Reiser, 1 9 7 5 i Dutton and Shelton ( 1 ) ) . The accumulated evidence supports the hypothesis that police officers are not an inherently maladjusted lot, but that they are occupationally exposed to stresses and resultant socialization that have a profound shaping effect towards authoritarianism, suspicion of people in general, and emotional shutdown (Manning, 1 9 7 1 ) . The incidence of heart disease, hypertension, diabetes, and other stress-related diseases i s so disproportionately high among police officers that courts have begun to award compensations to affected officers in the evaluation that these diseases are specifically job-related (Reiser, 1 9 7 6 ) . Additionally, police marriages break up at a high rate, adding to the stress experienced by police officers. A review of the literature on police stress yields at least three categories of stressors. These can be roughly divided into ( 1 ) online stressors; ( 2 ) cultural stressors; and ( 3 ) organization-a l stressors. Law enforcement marriages are both affected by these stressors and become a further source of stress, so they w i l l be handled as a special category. Online Stressors Online stressors include the frequent possibility of physical danger and the witnessing of human suffering. It i s d i f f i c u l t to overemphasize the extent to which a working officer must keep self-protection foremost in his or her mind. The most routine incident can suddenly become a dangerous situation. This possibility w i l l shadow the officer for the length of his or her career, perhaps twenty-five years. Being witness to the consequences of t r a f f i c accidents, homicides, child abuse, wife beatings and other violent events adds additional stress. The beat cop in Studs Terkel's Working gave an account of his reactions to this kind of stress. "We get some terrible collisions. The cars are absolutely like accordions. The f i r s t week we had a head-on c o l l i s i o n on a parkway. I was just passing by when i t happened. There were parents in there and a g i r l and a boy about six years old...the father had lived u n t i l we jacked him out and he had collapsed. The whole family was DOA. It happens twenty-four hours a day. If emergency's gonna be like this I'd rather go back to Bedford-Stuyvesant (one of New York's most violent precincts)... homicides are bad. I seen the medical examiner put his finger into seventeen knife wounds. I was holding the porto-light so he could see where his finger was going. Knuckle deep and t e l l i n g me •It's hit the bone, the bullet here, the knife wound through the neck.' I figure I've seen too much. Jeez, this i s not for me...I*m afraid that after seein* so much of this I can come home and 5 hear my kid in pain and not feel for him. So far . i t hasn't happened. I hope to God i t never does... When my grandmother died a couple of months ago, I didn't feel anything. I wonder, gee, i s i t happening to me?...I never drank, but I'd stop off at a bar over here and have a few beers just to get keyed up enough to put up with the problems we knew we're gonna come up against... then get off work at midnight and s t i l l feel nervous about i t . And go for another few drinks and go home and I'd f a l l right to sleep. Two or three beers and I would calm down and feel like a husband again with the family at home." (p. 5 7 3 ) Professor George Kirkham, a criminologist who became a policeman to better understand his f i e l d , documents many of the online stressors! the adrenalin rush upon receiving a c a l l for "man with gun" only to discover i t was a fake c a l l j being attacked by someone you've tried to help; the glazed eyes of a homicide victim with a neat . 2 5 caliber hole in the bridge of his nose; the rage of domestic quarrels (Kirkham, 1 9 7 5 ) . Kirkham presses home the point that for most of us these problems are academic even i f we're in the helping professions. The problems have a past tense, "Harry...was hallucinating last night; the child was beaten a few hours ago;; the latest round in a marital dispute was fought the preceding weekend" (p. 2 2 ) . For the beat officer, however, the problems have a vivid immediacy. His job requires him to figure out what's going on while the disputants were "crying, kicking, screaming, threatening, bleeding, drunk or enraged" (ibid.). It i s one thing to "discuss Jones' chronic temper outbursts in a counselling setting", and quite another to "face the same man after he has just smashed his wife's face with a f i s t and i s angrily proclaiming his readiness to do the same to you" (ibid.). 6 The beat on which Kirkham worked was admittedly a rough one, f i l l e d with more stressors than the average officer may have to face. But in any large city there are rough beats, and always there w i l l be domestic violence and t r a f f i c accidents. These situations are complicated by the number of demands made at once. For instance, an officer may immediately have to give f i r s t aid to save someone's l i f e , question witnesses and make sure that no-one leaves the scene. Kirkham hypothesizes an adaptation to online stress that involves reaction formation, aggression to cover fear and insecurity, and callousness as a response to the horror of loss of l i f e (p. 2 3 ) . And pervasive in Kirkham's account of his l i f e as "Doc Cop" i s his belief that such defenses are necessary for the functioning of normal people who are "set apart from the rest of society by repeatedly being called upon to deal with extraordinarily d i f f i c u l t situations" (ibid.). Police work may be in fact less dangerous than police officers are taught to think. However a "cutting your losses" model i s the only sensible one to use i f you are encountering danger and your mandate i s to maintain the public order. Thus suspicion becomes "an institutionalized feature of the police role" (Stark, 1 9 7 2 , ,. p. 9 2 ) . Police officers continually look for cues that identify sources of danger. In doing so they violate norms of public behaviour such as staring at others (p. 9 2 ) . As a result the police become a breed apart. Cultural Stressors However, these online stressors may not necessarily be the worst. The worst i s possibly the growing alienation that the 7 officer begins to feel from the very society to whose service he dedicated himself as a recruit. It i s the stress of this alienation that i s the subject of several studies conceptually centered around the idea of a "police culture" (Wexler, 1 9 7 4 ) . This orientation to the study of police traces the systematic effects of occupational socialization and job stress on the development of attitudinal and value sets which are strongly homogeneous (ibid.). In this view the officer passes through "experiential stages", each of which have quite predictable effects (V/estley, 1 9 7 0 ) . They are (a) recruit schoolj (b) contact with and instruction by more experienced colleagues) and (c) experience with the public (ibid.). By the time the officer has attained f u l l acceptance by fellow officers he has also acquired a strong group outlook on his role and the public (Wexler, 1 9 7 4 ) . The basis of the "police culture" outlook are certain assumptions shared by most experienced officers. These assumptions include the premises thati people cannot be trusted; they are dangerous experience i s better than abstract rules you must make people respect you everyone hates a cop the legal system i s untrustworthy people who are not controlled w i l l break the law (Manning, 1971) These assumptions are not seen to be correlated with stable characterological t r a i t s of policemen, but rather as resulting . from "structural, interactional, and situational factors" that themselves stem from "the isolated, ambiguous and conflictual nature of police work within contemporary urban societies" (Wexler, p. 1 2 8 ) . 8 The ambiguity of police work i s experienced i n several ways. Typically the police see themselves as performing a job very important to society, yet the public ranks the prestige of policing as only forty-seventh (p. 1 3 0 ) . The public often has negative interactions with police as a consequence of the role the police are required to play in social control. The mandate of police in democratic societies i s the maintenance of public order under the rule of law. Yet Skolnick (1966) has argued that value conflicts within democratic societies have created a situation that undermines the a b i l i t y of the police to abide by the rule of law (p. 6 ) . Police operate out of the structure of a democratic bureaucracy whose ideologyt ...emphasizes i n i t i a t i v e rather than disciplined, adherence to rules and regulations. By contrast, the rule of law emphasizes the rights of individual citizens and constraints upon the i n i t i a t i v e of legal o f f i c i a l s . This tension between the operational consequences of ideas of order, efficiency, and i n i t i a t i v e , on the one hand, and legality, on the other, constitutes the principal problem of police as a democratic legal organization" (p. 6 ) . A further complication arises from the lack of any clear concept of the public good. In the absence of such a definite concept within the society, the police develop their own concept of order which i s determined by varying social conditions (the nature of the criminal law, the presence of danger i n the community, the p o l i t i c a l complexion of the community, the social dissimilarity of the population being policed (p. 1 1 ) . Even so, the police within a single community do not operate on a unitary conception of order but exercise enormous discretion in defining the legal situation. Shaver, Gilbert and Williams 9 (1975)* in a review of the discretion literature, highlight the "officer's private opinion about the statute in question and his view of the community's desire for enforcement" as factors in whether an arrest i s made (p. 4 7 3 ) . In fact, the major burden of the criminal justice system rests with this i n i t i a l decision to arrest; crime s t a t i s t i c s are a function of police discretion. The police, while operating on a de jure rationale of the public good, de facto define i t . Additionally the police must often enforce "legal moralisms" concerning drinking, drugs, gambling, obscenity, abortion, and homosexuality (p. 1 3 1 ) . Given that i t i s the police who i n i t i a t e the criminal process, they inevitably produce "infringement perceptions" upon minority populations. Wexler argues that "ambiguity hypothetically calls for a process of adaptation... the adaptation as posited becomes the unique police culture" (ibid.). Neiderhoffer has seen the normal sequence as involving two possible outcomes as the officer moves from feeling of commitment to frustration to disillusionment« ( 1 ) a new level of commitment i s found or ( 2 ) the individual becomes anomic and may be led into the "delinquent subculture" of the police (p. 1 3 2 ) . Though most may not become "delinquent", the police culture has a profound shaping effect that i s not necessarily mitigated by prior social and educational level. Kirkham, finding himself not only engaging i n acts that he would have condemned as police brutality a few months before, but also speaking the police jargon, using ra c i a l slurs, and taking on police attitudes he had deplored, was forced to aski l o "Just what happened to me during those five months? To be sure that i s a question I have struggled with many times since my return to academe last year. How did a Berkeley-educated, upper-middle-class university professor move in such a short space of time from dispassionate interest in the dynamics of police-citizen interaction to a point where he became personally caught up in a tragic cycle of aggression and counter-aggression that he had long condemned and recognized as irrational?...the scientist within me s t i l l insists that my personal educational level and (prior) socialization should have adequately insulated me from whatever pressures l i f e as a patrolman on 3 ° 5 had to offer. But they did not." (Kirkham, p. 20) Sterling has pointed out the extent to which modern urban police are caught in severe role conflict (Eisenberg, 1975» P» 5 8 ) . "Stopping the rise in crime" typifies role conflict stressors. This injunction "basically involves the conflict between maximizing efficiency i n enforcing the law on the one hand versus the guaranteeing of constitutional rights and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s , on the other hand" (ibid.). A bitter joke among B.C. police i s "law or orderi take your pick", expressing the belief that you can have one, but not both. Yet society demands that crime be stopped whenever and wherever i t happens without evgr engaging in acts that are at a l l inconveniencing of law-abiding citizens. Knowing who i s and who i s not law-abiding i s not, however, the simple task we would like i t to be. The criminal justice system i s another source of stress for the police. It i s comprised of probation agencies, corrections f a c i l i t i e s , courts, and prosecuting and defence attorneys (Eisenberg, p. 5 6 ) . Four specific stressors have been identified as coming from this sectori 11 ( 1 ) Ineffectiveness of Corrections subsystem. The failure to rehabilitate results in officers seeing the same offenders time and again. Efforts to deal with these offenders seem meaningless. ( 2 ) Unfavourable court decisions. Higher court decisions that reflect the judicial climate are seen, correctly or not, as antagonistic to police. ( 3 ) Misunderstood judicial procedure. Judicial procedure often places the police officer i n the position of having his judgment and motivations questioned severely by prosecuting and defence attorneys. While this may be an appropriate action to ensure the right of the defendant to a f a i r t r i a l , i t nonetheless induces anxiety i n the officer who knows i t i s coming and who may have to go to court for the length of his career. (k) Inefficient courtroom management. Aside from the amount of time wasted i n delays due to crowded court calendars, the scheduling of court appearances seldom takes into account the officer's working hours. Thus, the shift work cop often finds court being held during his sleeping hours. Organizational Stressors Organizational stressors are those conflict situations which arise from the structure of police agencies and the conflicting demands made upon the officer by his supervisors. Among those cited by Eisenberg arei ( 1 ) Poor supervision. Police supervisors, typically sergeants, play an important role i n the work l i f e of a police officer. 12 Given the stressful nature of police work to begin with, supervision that does not acknolwedge and provide outlets for psychological stress w i l l i n i t s e l f be stressful. Absence or lack of career development opportunities. Most police officers w i l l begin and end their careers as patrol-men. The promotion process i s seen as lacking i n fairness and objectivity, which results in frustration. Lateral entry between departments i s resisted except i n the higher echelons. Inadequate reward reinforcement system. Poor performance i s readily recognized and noted. Good performance i s seen as, the expected norm. Behavioural-monitoring systems are negative. Internal Affairs i s a watch^dog unit without a positive counterpart. Offensive policy. Lifestyles of officers are subject to close scrutiny and can easily result i n job termination. Proper use of force policies i s seen as directed against the welfare of officers. Excessive paperwork. Few occupations require the handling of as much paperwork as policing. Further, the need for much of this paper pushing i s seriously called in question by officers. Adverse work scheduling. Law enforcement work scheduling i s characterized by shift work. Several studies have indicted shift work as a major source of occupational stress (Kahn, I969t p. 37). Shift workers reported increases in strain and tension in marriages, reduced capacity to function as fathers, 13 sexual partners, and community members. Body functions are typically disrupted with the time-oriented functions, sleep, appetite and elimination, especially vulnerable. Shift workers are also more li k e l y to suffer from colds, headaches, infectious diseases, ulcers, and rheumatoid a r t h r i t i s (ibid.) Interestingly, persons whose test scores indicate some tendency toward neuroticism are less apt to be affected than those who test as better adjusted. The latter are more apt to experience low self-esteem and high anxiety when scheduled into shift work. Spouses of shift workers, typically wives, are in a position to make a shift work l i f e more or less stressful. The particular applications of this to police ,. marriages w i l l be discussed i n the following section. Law Enforcement Marriages There has been recent concern expressed over the health and sta b i l i t y of law enforcement marriages. Divorce rates vary considerably between agencies, but the general consensus i s that there i s a higher than average chance for a police marriage to end i n divorce. The personal cost of divorce i s seen to be high. Karen S. Renne, i n a survey of dissatisfactions within marriages, has concluded that i n our society a significant correlate of individual well-being i s marital satisfaction (Durner et a l , 1975* p. 4 9 ) . The cost of marital dissatisfaction cannot be accurately gauged by the divorce rate since many people find themselves i n dissatisfying marriages that never end in divorce. In the view of Durner et a l (p. 4-9), a f a i l i n g marriage i s especially stressful to police officers. A f a i l i n g marriage hits hard at an officer's needed sense of self-esteem. The officer may see his f a i l i n g marriage as an indicator of his in a b i l i t y to operate effectively both socially and professionally. Shift work has been highlighted as a special source of f r i c t i o n in police marriages. The shift worker's spouse by necessity i s usually called upon to assume a greater role in the running of family l i f e and lending support to the shift worker whose stress level has been raised. As was mentioned earlier, the worker scheduled into shift work w i l l have fewer interactions with his mate, w i l l experience a reduction in sexual responsive-ness, and can expect to have an increase i n psychosomatic illnesses. Clearly not an optimistic picture for any marriage. Dr. John Stratton has noticed some characteristics of police l i f e that may make the above stressors more acute for police officers {1975* p. ^ 6 ) . ( 1 ) Police officers have a tendency, in Stratton's view, to become overly protective of wives and families. This apparently results from the l i f e traumas and degradations they observe daily. ( 2 ) As a part of career training, officers are taught to control their emotions. A bereft policeman neither inspires public or partner confidence. There i s , however, no acceptable object of anger within the officer's working environment. ( 3 ) The masculine image of strength and power i s an important self-image among male officers. These characteristics are i n conflict with the situation i n a shift work marriage. The officer w i l l often not be home to help handle emergencies or be a source of support for his family. On the contrary, with an increase in psychosomatic illnesses, he w i l l need an increase in care. Add to this a reduction in sexual responsiveness and the masculine image of strength and power is; in for a real battering. Displaced anger (an acceptable male emotion) from supervisors and insulting citizens i s more easily, directed towards home. Tenderness and emotional vulnerability, not allowed expression on the job, and perhaps not well-reinforced in a typical male upbringing, are not apt to be expressed by anyone who finds themselves i n this situation. Communication between spouses in law enforcement marriages i s often reduced with the consent of both husband and wife. In a study of spouse expectations, Durner found that wives expected their officer husbands not to bring home information concerning their work, yet also expressed the desire that officer-husbands be openly honest and have no secrets (p. 5 2 ) . Often the officer's partner and other officers become the only safe people with whom to discuss fears. If a sh i f t ends i n the middle of the night, the partner may be the only person available for conversation. As Stratton points out (p. 46) One of the most socially acceptable ways to •let your hair down* or to 'drop your guard' i s through alcohol...after a few drinks i t i s also acceptable to admit weaknesses or failings because you are with friends and don't have to use the protective image maintained a l l day long. (Ibid.) Several factors determine how a drinking situation i s perceived (Russell and Mehrabian, 1975; Wilson and Lawson, 1976) . Setting, 16 prior emotional stake, personality, and expectations combine with level of alcohol ingestion to create a type of experience. Persons who believe they have ingested alcohol even though they have not are more apt to respond to sexual stimuli. Heterosexual males i n this condition w i l l even respond to homosexual stimuli (Wilson and Lawson, 19?6) . For the police the expectation of the after-shift drinking bout i s that i t w i l l be relaxing and conducive to comradeship. Given the problem of police isolation, the after-shift drink(s) would be very reinforcing. Since drinking f i t s with the masculine image, the officer i s "able to enhance his •he-man* image and l e t his weaknesses or concerns show at the same time" (ibid.). This activity furthers the socialization into the police culture while closing communication channels with the wife. Unwittingly the wife may be reinforcing this pattern while suffering i t s consequences. The concept of role strain (Secord and Backman, 196^ 4-) seems applicable to the police situation. When persons find themselves in well-defined roles they have strong expectations which serve both anticipatory and normative functions. The anticipatory quality of role expectations i s an important guide to behaviour when the individual enters into interaction. Attitudes are inferred from a range of subtle cues such as appearance, expression, posture, previously known and current behaviour, and the situational context in which interaction occurs (p. ^54) . Categorization simplifies the process. Having anticipated the behaviour of others, interaction assumes a contingent quality which comes to be experienced as obligatory; the other person i s not only expected to behave in the prescribed manner, he should behave in that way (p. 455). "This normative quality of expectations stems from the fact that only when one i s able to anticipate consistently the behaviours of another can one maximize one's reward-cost outcomes" (p. 455). Interaction i s thus f a c i l i t a t e d by expectations. However, members of the group must hold expectations in common and behave in line with them. I f they do not, ...the resulting strain, considered on the level of the individual personality, involves experiencing conflicting tendencies to act and feelings of inadequacy, guilt, embarrassment, and need frustration...on the level of the social system this strain i s associated with interpersonal conflict and the failure of the system to maximize the achievement of i t s goals (p. 469). This analysis i s i n line with Skolnick's description of the inherent conflict i n the policing practices of a democratic society. The emphasis upon individual i n i t i a t i v e combined with elements of random danger leads to a "crime control model" of law enforcement (Shaver et a l , 1975) that functions to maximize rewards and minimize costs. Such a model eventuates i n a perceptual focussing that includes strong categorization of groups of people and consistent behaviour towards those groups. Inevitably this behaviour i s seen as punitive and authoritarian i n a theoretically egalitarian society. For the police, the crime control model strongly reinforces suspiciousness. As an interpersonal style suspiciousness isolates one from relationships Friends find i t d i f f i c u l t to violate "legal moralisms" in front of a police officer friend. If the police officer sanctions or participates i n the violation, he i s open to charges of hypocrisy 18 (Skolnick, p. 58). To be a friend to c i v i l i a n s and a police officer becomes increasingly d i f f i c u l t . Civilians in social settings often challenge the off-duty officer to defend a conception of order implied by current statutes on legal moralisms. The officer may not believe in the law but undermines police authority i f he says so. Even i f he believes in the particular law, he knows the courts w i l l l i k e l y undermine his authority at that end of the criminal justice system. As one detective told the investigator, "Your l i f e depends on the assumption of guilt, but that assumption i s always going to offend someone." In this position, referred to in the common folk wisdom as "damned i f you do and damned i f you don't", i t i s only to be expected that police officers would attempt adaptations that promote police solidarity against the inevitable social isolation. Objectives of Current Study Given the speculative nature of the literature on police stress and alcohol use, the hope of the present investigators was to supply some very basic data. Our aim was to assess the perceptions of police officers concerning their colleagues* pattern of alcohol use, and i n what way this use was seen to be related to stress. Additionally we wanted to know whether police officers saw themselves as engaged i n a high stress occupation and what their general attitude towards alcohol use was. To this end we devised a questionnaire (Appendix A) that was later revised (Appendix B). The Police College was contacted, as was the Vancouver Police Department and the Police Union. A l l three organizations co-operated extensively. 20 Methods Subjects Subjects were 350 police officers ranging i n rank from Constable to Inspector. Exact breakdown of ranks i s not possible as stra t i f i c a t i o n was done by length of service, not rank. 304 subjects were males and 46 were females. Of the total, approxi-mately 325 were with the Vancouver Police Department. The remaining subjects were with various British Columbia law enforcement agencies. Instrument Two questionnaires were sequentially developed. Questionnaire A (Appendix A) was i n i t i a l l y used in an early phase of testing at the B.C. Police College. Changes in this instrument resulted in Questionnaire B (Appendix B). There were four changes. The f i r s t was the elimination of the section which required estimating the rate of drinking among other professional groups. Early testing strongly suggested that the police found i t d i f f i c u l t to make these estimations and resented doing so. The second change was the addition of choice E to question 1. The third change was the inclusion of three items asking what percentage rarely drink, i s your occupation a high stress occupation, and does the stress of your occupation contribute to alcohol use. Procedure The testing at the Police College was carried out in person by the investigator,. Subjects were told that the purpose of the 21 study was to gather comparative data on the perceptions of individuals in possible high stress occupations about the drinking habits of their occupation. Questionnaires were given out to subjects during regularly scheduled class times. The largest portion of the subjects was selected from the master l i s t s of the Vancouver Police Department. The Department supplied a l i s t of 3 2 0 names randomly chosen from within each strata requested. The defined strata were. 0 - 3 months 3 months - 1 year 1 year - 3 years 3 years - 7 years 7 years - 15 years Over 15 years. Three sources of bias were introduced into this otherwise random selectioni ( 1 ) a l l k6 female members of the force were included; ( 2 ) 2 0 names of known problem drinkers were included; and ( 3 ) 15 names of supervisors who had attended an alcohol awareness seminar were selected. Questionnaires were mailed out to a l l of the persons whose names had been supplied by the Vancouver Police Department. Each questionnaire included a cover sheet (Appendix C) and a stamped, addressed return envelope. From the time of mailing, three weeks were allowed for the bulk of data collection. Qualitative data from later questionnaires was included in this report but not quantitative data. Results Of the 3 5 0 questionnaires sent out or administered, 1 9 5 were returned by the end of three weeks. The women officers, identified problem drinkers, and "sensitized" supervisors did not respond in sufficiently large numbers to report their data separately. The results as presented include a l l groups then and are st r a t i f i e d by length of service where appropriate. 23 Item 1 Which of the following statements about alcohol use do you agree with. Circle ANY that you agree with. You are not restricted to just one. a. i s OK in moderation. b. should never be used. c. i s a good way to relax. d. i s a bad way to relax. e. i s an almost necessary means of relaxing. Statements were scored on a scale of 1 (very positive) to 5 (very negative). 1 = a, c, and e k = d 2 = a and c 5 - d plus b, or b alone 3 = a The combination of a and d was scored separately. Length of Service 0 - 3 months 1 . 5 3 months - 1 year 1 . 7 1 year - 3 years 1 . 9 3 years - 7 years 2.4 7 years - 15 years 2 . 3 Over 15 years 1 . 3 Combination of a and di 11% of respondents. Item 2 Estimate of rate of consumption of average person outside of law enforcement. Averages 1.7* Length of Service Per Week 0 - 3 months (No data) 3 months - 1 year 1 year - 3 years 3 years - 7 years 7 years - 15 years Over 15 years 7 . 0 8 . 1 9 . 6 7 . 2 1 1 . 6 Averagei 8 . 4 . 24 Item 3 Estimate of average police officer's drinking. Length of Service Per Week 0 - 3 months 1 4 . 4 3 months - 1 year 2 5 . 8 1 year - 3 years 1 3 . 6 3 years - 7 years 1 5 . 1 7 years - 15 years 1 5 . 4 Over 15 years 1 1 . 6 Averagei 1 5 . 7 . Item 4 What percentage of your occupation or not at a l l ? Length of Service 0 - 3 months 3 months - 1 year 1 year - 3 years 3 years - 7 years 7 years - 15 years Over 15 years Averaget 10%. Item 5 For what percentage of members of your occupation do you believe alcohol use to be a problem? Length of Service 0 - 3 months 2 1 . 9 3 months - 1 year 3 2 . 2 1 year - 3 years 1 8 . 9 3 years - 7 years 1 2 . 2 7 years - 15 years 1 5 . 8 Over 15 years 1 2 . 0 Average* 1 6 . 8 ^ . do you estimate drink rarely (No Data) (No Data) 1 2 . 4 8 . 7 9 . 6 1 1 . 6 Item 6 In what sense i s alcohol use a problem in your profession? 2 5 a. Impairs a b i l i t y to perform jobi 178 respondents. Mildly 4 4 . 9 $ Moderately 28.0% Severely 26.9% b. Causes family problems! 1 9 5 respondents. Mildly 17.7% Moderately 46.2% Severely 36.0% c. Causes health problems! 195 respondents. Mildly 3 * . 8% Moderately 4 7 . 7 $ Severely 1 5 * 9 % d. Causes financial problems! 186 respondents. Mildly 40.3% Moderately 45.7% Severely 1 4 . 0 $ Item 7 Do you believe that the stress of your occupation contributes to alcohol use? 1 9 2 respondents. Yes 7 4 . 5 $ No 2 5 . 5 % Item 8 Do you believe that your occupation should be considered a high stress occupation? 1 2 3 respondents. Yes 8 8 . 6 $ No 1 1 . 4 $ Item 9 Do you believe that alcohol use has positive side effects for members of your profession? 191 respondents. Yes 4 7 . 6 % No 5 2 . 4 $ Item 1 0 Rate each of the following in order of preferred use ( 1 , 2 , 3 For yourself» Beer Wine Liquor ( 1 ) ( 1 ) ( 1 ) 5 8 . 2 % 25.6% 28.7% ( 2 ) 2 3 . 2 % ( 2 ) 28.6% ( 2 ) 41.5% ( 3 ) ( 3 ) ( 3 ) 18.6% 4 5 . 8 % 2 9 . 8 % For most members of your profession* Beer Wine Liquor ( 1 ) ( 1 ) ( 1 ) 7 6 . 5 % 1 .9% 2 2 . 9 % ( 2 ) 2 1 . 9 % (2»: 0 . 6 % ( 2 ) 61.3% ( 3 ) ( 3 ) ( 3 ) 1 .6% 97.15% 1 5 . 8 % Item 11 Is more drinking done on» Working days 5 2 . 5 % Days off 4 7 . 5 % Item 12 Have you known your colleagues to drink while working? Yes 78.2% No 21.8% What percentage? Length of Service 0 - 3 months 6 . 3 % 3 months - 1 year 9.3% 1 year - 3 years 1 2 . 0 % 3 years - 7 years 19.8% 7 years - 15 years 25.9% Over 15 years 1 5 . 7 % Averagei 16%. Item 13 Among those who drink, where does most of the drinking take place? Listed in order of preference! Private clubs (Police Athletic Club in particular) Beer parlour 2 7 Cocktail lounges Home Designated meeting places (Choir Practice) At a friend's. Item 14 In order of preference, police drink withi A colleague Alone Spouse Non-colleague. Item 15 How often do you hear members of your profession express concern abouti Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 ^ a. Their own drinking Averagei 1.8 b. Their colleagues* drinking Average« 2 . 3 . Item 16 Is drinking an expected part of social gatherings that involve members of your profession? Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 Averagei 3•2. Item 17 Is i t a problem to avoid drinking in your profession? Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 ^ Averagei 2 . 5 . 28 Item 18 How often do you hear spouses of your colleagues express concern about drinking? Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 Average« 3.5. Responses to Second Part of Item 7 Explain the kinds of stresses that are involved and their relationship to alcohol use. 89 subjects responded to this item. Response categoriesi Feelings 60% Peer Group 2 0 % Organization 12% Shift Work 20% Judicial System 10% Percentage l i s t e d reflects how many mentioned this category. Rookie data excluded. Feelings ( 6 0 % ) Under this heading several sub-categories emerge: Distress over others' sufferings Suffering abuse from public Not allowed to express feelings Hyperactivity — over-stimulation Alienation from society. Examples Distress Over Others' Suffering Mtrauma of others that your effects can't a l l e v i a t e H "you often just can't help" "have to deal with high-strung emotional people under trying circumstances" "having to solve others' problems" 2 9 Suffering Abuse from Public "taking a lot of crap" "unrealistic public expectations" "public harrassment" "Confrontations!" Not Allowed to Express Feelings "must be •super" cool" (often expressed) "not allowed to laugh or cry on job" "tendency to deny feelings" Hyperactivity -- Over-stimulation "dangerous situations" "exciting over-stimulating job aspects" "high speed driving" "hyperactivity — though most P.C.*s won't admit i t " "pressure of unknown" "sp l i t second decisions for which you may be held personally accountable for days, weeks, or months" "your emotions can get pushed to the limit at any time" "changes from routine to highly volatile situations" "boredom-crisis alternate" Alienation from Society "Your social l i f e gets disrupted" "apathetic public" "trying to justify your job to friends and society" "can't talk to non-police" "isolation from society" Peer Group (20%) "One of the f i r s t definitions of a 'good' policeman I heard was 'he's a hard-nosed, hard-drinking man.'" "A large number of members (of this occupation) won't trust a man who doesn't drink. Abstention i s viewed as unmasculine or evidence of an alcohol problem." "inhumane officers" "social atmosphere very coercing" "Young officers need to be accepted by peer group." Shift Work (20%) "disrupts body functions" "destroys family l i f e " "long hours" "extended shifts" Organizational (12%) "sense of oppression from within" "interdepartmental stress" "conflicting demands of supervisors" "limited promotional opportunities" Judicial System (10%) "inadequate laws" "lengthy court appearances" Responses to Second Part of Item 9 Do you believe that alcohol use has positive side effects for members of your profession — i f yes, please explain. Overwhelming responses to this were of the following kindi (1) "If a member has the a b i l i t y to control the amount of alcohol ... i t can have a relaxing effect." (2) "Consumption of alcohol (after a late shift) w i l l allow you to come home, having unwound somewhat, and f a l l asleep without bothering the rest of your family." ( 3 ) "Gives member a chance to talk to others who understand his problems; a safe way to unwind." The f i r s t and second response types typically varied on the dimension of "family". Item 19 If a colleague of yours asked you where he/she could get help with a drinking problem, what would you say? Two responses were tied i n frequency« (1) Referral to AAj or t e l l him to help himself. (2) Personal physician. (3) Personnel Department (though as many said they would never trust Personnel or a supervisor) 31 Item 20 Does your department have a programme to help with drinking problems? Yes 1% No 99% Item 21 In your experience, what occupational group has the highest consumption of alcohol? Four occupations were mentioned with the same rate of frequency! police; labourers; business executives; military. Rate was expressed mostly i n qualitative terms (a lot, considerable amount, etc.) with "several ounces a day" and a "case of beer a week or i t s equivalent" being the most common quantitative terms. 3 2 D i s c u s s i o n To summarize t h e s e d a t a , i t seems t h a t o u r r e s p o n d e n t si - e x p r e s s q u i t e p o s i t i v e v i e w s on a l c o h o l u s e ( 1 . 7 ) . - d o n o t c o n s i d e r t h e p o s i t i o n t h a t w h i l e a l c o h o l use i s okay i n m o d e r a t i o n , i t i s a bad way t o r e l a x . - s e e t h e m s e l v e s a s d r i n k i n g a l m o s t t w i c e a s much a s t h e a v e r a g e p e r s o n o u t s i d e t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n . - e s t i m a t e 17% o f t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s t o have an a l c o h o l p r o b l e m . Y o u n g e r o f f i c e r s e s t i m a t e t h e p r o b l e m t o be h i g h e r t h a n o l d e r o f f i c e r s . - t h i n k t h a t a l c o h o l i s l e s s l i k e l y t o i m p a i r job pe r fo rmance t h a n cause f a m i l y s e v e r e p r o b l e m s , b u t see i m p a i r m e n t o f j ob p e r f o r m a n c e a s more l i k e l y t h a n s e v e r e h e a l t h o r f i n a n c i a l p r o b l e m s . - o v e r w h e l m i n g l y (74.5%) b e l i e v e t h a t t h e s t r e s s o f t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e s t o a l c o h o l u se and t h a t t h e y a r e employed i n a h i g h s t r e s s o c c u p a t i o n ( 8 8 . 6 % ) . -were f a i r l y e v e n l y d i v i d e d on w h e t h e r o r n o t a l c o h o l had p o s i t i v e s i d e e f f e c t s f o r t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s . - p r e f e r b e e r ( 58 .2%) , t h o u g h a r e e v e n l y d i v i d e d be tween w i n e and h a r d l i q u o r ( 2 8 . 7 % ) . - s e e t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s as b e e r d r i n k e r s (76.5%) who r a t e w i n e a s t h i r d c h o i c e ( 9 7 . 5 % ) . -have known c o l l e a g u e s t o d r i n k w h i l e w o r k i n g (78.2%) and e s t i m a t e 16% t o have d runk w h i l e w o r k i n g , w i t h t h i s e s t i m a t e i n c r e a s i n g w i t h l e n g t h o f s e r v i c e . - p r e f e r d r i n k i n g i n t h e i r own c l u b t o o t h e r p l a c e s . - d r i n k a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s . - s e l d o m h e a r a c o l l e a g u e e x p r e s s c o n c e r n a b o u t h i s own d r i n k i n g , t hough a c o l l e a g u e may e x p r e s s somewhat more c o n c e r n a b o u t a n o t h e r ' s d r i n k i n g . - e x p e c t t h a t d r i n k i n g w i l l u s u a l l y be a p a r t o f s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s w i t h c o l l e a g u e s and c o n s i d e r i t more t h a n somewhat o f a p r o b l e m t o a v o i d d r i n k i n g i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n . - h a v e h e a r d spouses more t h a n f r e q u e n t l y e x p r e s s c o n c e r n abou t d r i n k i n g . 33 -are most apt to cite feelings (distress over others' suffering; abuse from public; suppression of own feelings; overstimulation; alienation from society) as reasons for drinking, with peer group pressure and shift work next. Organizational and judicial system stresses were mentioned least often. -see drinking serving an important function in relaxation and comraderie with fellow officers. -would most l i k e l y refer a colleague with a drinking problem to AA or t e l l him to help himself. As many would refer to the Personnel Department as would never trust management. The strategy for the discussion w i l l be to take each of these points and discuss them i n terms of whichever of the following are appropriate* (1) the literature cited i n the Introduction; (b) the implications of the data taken at face value; (c) criticism of the research design; and (d) feedback from police officers on the data, the questionnaire, and the issue of alcohol use among police i n general. This last perspective w i l l allow the presentation of many of the comments, both written and verbal, that we have collected during the course of the study. General Attitude Towards Alcohol Use In line with many comments made by police officers to the investigators over the past few years, our respondents express positive views towards alcohol use. To score quite positively on this scale, i t was necessary to indicate that having a drink "is a good way to relax" (60 respondents). The most extreme position was " i s an almost necessary means of relaxing" and the highest number of officers, 77 , indicated this statement. This datum supports the view that police drinking i s connected with adaptation to stress. Unfortunately the item 34 does not allow choices to be made that would make clear i f other, non-job-related factors might be influencing this response tendency. Other items might have been included that would have asked the subjects to estimate how they would respond to this item i f they were in another occupation. Also, this item i s one that should be given to a non-police sample to determine a general score. We found i t surprising that so few (21) responded with the disjunction ("is OK i n moderation" but "i s a bad way to relax"). It i s possible that this reflects a misunderstanding of the directions ("Circle ANY that you agree with. You are not restricted to just one.") In a sampling of forty questionnaires, we found only 40% multiple responses to this item. Of these, a l l were i n the "is OK in moderation" and "i s a good way to relax" direction. It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine i f the other 6 0 % misunderstood or not. However, the strong affirmation response towards alcohol use as a relaxant (70%) stands independent of any such misunderstanding. When the investigators reported these reults to a group of experienced officers ( 6 years to 21 years), they were not at a l l surprised that so few had opted for the disjunction. Estimation of Rates of Consumption (Items 2, 3, 4) Our respondents see themselves as drinking almost twice as much as the average person outside the police profession (8.4 vs. 15.7). 12% are seen as rarely or never drinking. The variation on both the average citizen and police consumption items was quite high (Appendix D), with 25 drinks per week the typical 3 5 (by length of service) maximum for the average citizen, and 40 drinks per week the typical maximum for police officers. The discrepancy in per week consumption does not t e l l us whether our respondents also see a difference in the pattern of drinking between themselves and the average citizen with, for example, the average citizen drinking almost entirely on weekends while the police drink more on working days (item 21, 5 3 % ) . Also we do not know i f the police see the reason for the average citizen's drinking to be stress related. It would be interesting to know to what degree the police consider modern day urban l i f e (aside from the police profession) to be stressful. Preliminary results from a study of police perceptions of alcohol consumption in domestic violence indicate that the police believe alcohol to have been involved significantly more often than non-police (Joy and Dutton, in progress). These investigators hypothesize that the police may overrate the incidence of alcohol in these situations because of their own high rate of consumption. Alternatively, the present investigators suggest that the police do not see the average citizen's consumption in terms of police consumption (as indicated in the discrepancy) but may over-identify with alcohol use as a means, albeit not always successful, of dealing with stress. Future questionnaire items should be able to deal with this issue. Police ranked themselves, business executives, labourers, and the military as the highest consumers of alcohol (item 21). The stereotype of the "wet" executive luncheon seems to be quite widely held among police. When questioned about the validity of 36 the beer-drinking labourer stereotype, police officers often told the investigators that persons stopped for drunken driving were most often labourers. Military drinking was explained quite often by reference to a model similar to the one used here to explain police drinking. Boredom and peer pressure (i.e. socialization) were invokved rather than stress and socialization. Stress of Occupation and Alcohol Use (Items 7. 8. 9) 89% of our respondents saw themselves as engaged i n a high-stress occupation and 7^.5% indicated that occupational stress contributes to alcohol use. It would be helpful to know what other occupations police consider to be high stress and how they think this stress compares to police occupational stress. Again, future questionnaire items could aim at this difference. Though the police consider themselves a high-stress occupation, on the whole they express f a i r l y high job satisfaction. At two years on the force, officers rated themselves as 3 on a scale of 1 (high job satisfaction) to 10 (low job satisfaction) and were very l i k e l y to remain on the force ( 8 .2 i 1 (very l i k e l y to quit), 10 (very l i k e l y to stay on force)) (Dutton and Shelton, in progress). In the present study the most often cited stressor (item 7) were incidents having to do with citizen trauma or abuse of police by citizens. However, when asked about dissatisfactions i n police work, these were mentioned rarely while administrative (bad treatment by superiors; promotional favouritism; poor equipment) and judicial system (long court appearances; unfair treatment in court) factors were cited consistently (ibid.). 37 Dissatisfaction seems clearly demarcated from stress. The picture that emerges here i s complex. While engaging in an occupation which produces stress sufficient to contribute to alcohol use, police officers find their jobs satisfying (probably higher than most occupations) and have l i t t l e intention of leaving the profession. Whether this i s a case of dissonance reduction ( i f I'm doing something so stressful, I must like i t ) par excellence, or an indication of the elements needed for job satisfaction i s an intriguing and moot point. In talking with police officers about job stress, the investigators found a recurring age-dependent difference. While younger officers readily discussed types of stress, older officers were apt to denounce the stress notion as a red herring used to distract from the real issue of the increasing i n a b i l i t y of younger officers to take on and handle responsibility. Police College training in the social sciences and interpersonal effectiveness was seen as part of a general trend towards soft-headedness. These officers insisted that things were just as rough in their youth, but they had just toughened up and done their job. Neiderhoffer described this sort of reaction as common among older members of the force ( I 9 6 9 ) . Nonetheless, there i s some truth in the premise that people w i l l tend to explain their behaviour in the.terms sanctioned by their culture and/or experts. McClelland found that Americans who drink regularly say that they drink to reduce tension — because psychiatrists and the mass media have told them that's why they drink. Frenchmen say they drink to feel good and 38 to aid digestion — because that's what their experts t e l l them. (P. 41) Certainly, then, a criticism of the present study, insofar as i t attempted to ascertain the relationship between stress and drinking i s that we loaded the issue by stating i t in those terms. Some respondents insisted that people drink in a l l occupations and the police are not atypical in this regard. Most respondents, however, affirmed the stress-drinking relationship. How to establish this relationship independently in a questionnaire format i s unclear to us at this time; but i t i s a question that engages our attention. The Incidence of Problem Drinkers The estimated incidence of problem drinking was almost 17%. Management personnel had expressed concern, prior to the questionnaire mailing, that problem drinking might be climbing as high as 10%, a figure they found alarming. The r e l i a b i l i t y of the 17% figure w i l l doubtless be called into question, but at no length of service did the estimate f a l l below 12% (over fifteen years stratum). Again, the variabi l i t y was quite high (Appendix D), with the three months to one year stratum figure 32%. Longer length of service was correlated with lower estimate. There are several interesting things about this set of data. Younger officers were more l i k e l y to rate problem drinking as high, but they also commented ©Ifcen that many of the problem drinkers were in the older ranks. Reference was made many times to administrative officers as being especially prone to heavy 3 9 drinking. One respondent, commenting on the likelihood of an alcohol management program being successful, said, "We'll believe i t when we see the (referring to a high-ranking o f f i c i a l ) walk through the door f i r s t . " The question of just what constitutes "problem drinking" arose frequently in discussions with police officers. This never seemed an evasive response, but one which accurately reflects a more general theoretical concern of alcohologists. Overall and Patrick have found that "psychiatric patients who are subjectively anxious, depressed, and uncomfortable have a tendency to perceive their abuse of alcohol as more severe and i t s consequences more serious than do patients who do not evidence such generalized subjective discomfort" (p. 3 0 9 ) . Several respondents in the present study had decided on a criterion of problem drinkingt i f they missed a day's work due to drinking. Yet Trice's study of the job behaviour of alcoholics demonstrates that the alcoholic works regularly during incipient and middle stages ( I 9 6 2 ) . X Dishlacoff*s position (see Introduction, p. 1 ) i s clean "Alcoholism i s a disease" (p. 3 2 ) , a progressive one. This concept of problem drinking has led the legal profession to lobby on behalf of alcoholics to have them hospitalized rather than jailed (Knox, p. 111). Ironically, as this movement was getting underway, a survey of 5 8 0 American psychiatrists and psychologists revealed that the majority of them had rejected the alcoholism-as-disease concept (ibid.). Whatever the f i n a l outcome of this debate, our respondents were l e f t with a d i f f i c u l t assessment to make. The data on the nature of the problem (item 6 ) shows that 40 the effects on health and financial condition were seen to be quite similar (see graph, Appendix E ) , that i s , moderate. The responses on job impairment s p l i t i n an interesting fashion, giving the highest percentage of mild (44.9%)» the lowest percentage of moderate (28%), and the second highest of severe ( 2 6 . 9 $ ) . This s p l i t i s in accord with a hypothesis suggested by comments under "other". Cited here was the loss of reputation and trust suffered by the problem drinker. It seems li k e l y that the s p l i t on this item i s accounted for by the differential responses of heavier drinkers and officers who have never worked with a problem drinker on the one hand, and those who have worked with a problem drinker on the other. Heavy drinkers would be hypothetically less l i k e l y to see their drinking as impairing their work for defensive reasons. Officers who had never worked with a problem drinker would have no first-hand and perhaps l i t t l e secondhand information about job performance effects. Officers who had a problem drinker as a partner would be quite sensitive to any behaviour that would endanger his own safety. Safety i s a high priority concern among police and dependability a particularly salient dimension of a partner. Inexperienced drinkers may, on the other hand, over-estimate the incapacitation of an heavy-drinking partner. The inexperienced drinker, when inebriated, suffers far more loss of simple motor co-ordination than the inebriated experienced drinker (Powell, Goodwin, Bremer, 1973» p. 4 1 6 ) . Though this finding should not be used to justify the heavy drinker's tendency to over-estimate his chances of success in risk-taking 41 behaviour (Tefer, Katkin, Pruitt, 1969» p. 174), i t suggests that the inexperienced drinker may have compelling personal data to support a view of a l l drinkers as incapacitated. "Problems with family" were seen as being most severe. This probably reflects two faetorsi (1) an officer may be well aware of both his own spouse's unhappiness over his drinking and his partner's spouse's reaction. Most often officers drink with a colleague (item 14) and especially a partner; one wife stated the peer pressure cycle welli "Pressure from your husband's colleagues to go for drinks after work can make i t very uncomfortable for him. On afternoon shift when the husband could be home by l i t 3 0 plm. and s t i l l have time to spend with his wife he can be made to feel henpecked i f he doesn't go...there i s entirely too much emphasis put on alcohol as a relaxant. Alcohol i s definitely a problem to other policemen's wives I have talked to." Wife of officer from 3-7 years stratum. and (2) the well-known fact that so many police marriages break up. Knowledge of this high rate would probably predispose a respondent to assume alcohol i s a problem. On many occasions the investigators have been told by officers that one out of every two police marriages w i l l end in divorce. This figure may be high for British Columbia, but reflects the self-perceptions of police as an occupation. Only a few spouses requested questionnaires or made comments on their husbands'. We suspect that the reason for this was not disinterest, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to know. Bentinck, Miller, and Pokomy (19&9) found the wives of alcoholics to be evasive when interviewed (p. 449). They were able to discover that alcoholics 42 frequently blame their wives for their alcohol consumption. Repeated and dramatic accusations may lead to varying degrees of anxiety and gu i l t and a fear of seeming to betray the alcoholic spouse by talking to strangers. Whether this was a factor among the spouses of heavy drinking officers i s not presently possible to ascertain. We do know that spouses were seen to be more than frequently concerned about police drinking (item 1 8 ) . Drinking While Working Respondents indicated a slightly higher percentage of drinking on working days ( 5 2 . 5 % ) than days off ( 4 7 . 5 % ) . These figures are not to be taken as indicative of drinking while working. To the question "Have you known your colleagues to drink while working?" 78% answered yes. "What percentage?" yielded an average across the length of service strata of 16%. This percentage increased with length of service as compared to the estimate of problem drinkers which decreased with length of service. An unfortunate omission on the questionnaire was an item asking what percentage regularly drink while working. Several respondents pointed out this omission, arguing that many officers w i l l include the onee-a-year drinker i n the estimate. This i s a f a i r enough criticism. A stronger criticism i s that the question did not allow for a separation out of those undercover agents who must drink as a part of their investigative work. Nonetheless, the response of a group of experienced officers to these data was shock. It soon became apparent that their shock was not a function of having learned something new and disturbing, 4 3 but that so many respondents had been so candid. One quite experienced officer exploded with, "There's only one response to that question, no, no, no! It's like asking a surgeon how many knives he's l e f t in patientst" The lower estimates made by the 0 - 3 months stratum ( 6 $ ) and the 3 months to 1 year stratum (9%) were seen by these experienced officers as reflecting unwillingness on the part of experienced officers to drink around a new officer u n t i l the rookie had proven he could be trusted. Even allowing for the inflation of these estimates by the factors mentioned above (once-a-year-drihking and undercover agents), the figures are disquieting. And one wonders why the investigators were so successful i n obtaining such candor from a group considered suspicious and distrustful (Manning, 1 9 7 1 ) . Several possible reasons are suggested. One i s that our respondents genuinely feel the need for an alcohol management program and believed their candor was required. The cover letter accompanying the questionnaires certainly emphasized this aspect. Perhaps this demand characteristic even prompted respondents to exaggerate. Though this latter i s possible, i t does not f i t general impressions of the investigators about local police. They seem too,.sensitive about their public image to deliberately exaggerate about drinking while working. Then again, perhaps they were misled into over-estimating by relying on rumours rather than first-hand experience. Many discussions with groups of officers have led the investigator to believe that under the right circumstances the 44 police are remarkably candid, and in fact have a strong need to share their experiences. In studying the interviewer effect i n surveying drinking practices, Cosper (1972), found that persons who could be labelled "professional" by virtue of education and institutional a f f i l i a t i o n were given more candid responses. Further, women interviewing men also e l i c i t e d higher reports of drinking even though these reports were not li k e l y , by their nature, to impress the women. The current investigator can be said to qualify on both these points. The support of the Police Union for this research was doubtless c r i t i c a l i n this regard. S t i l l , there i s the echo of Westley's 1956 a r t i c l e "Secrecy and the Police"« ...there i s much in the nature of a secret society about the police: and past experience has indicated that to talk i s to invite trouble from the press, the public, the administration, and their colleagues" (p. 255). Does the openness accorded the investigators represent a chance in this stance of two decades ago? Preferred Drinking Location The Police Athletic Club (PAC) was by far the favourite place to drink, with beer parlours second choice. Choir practice (a term coined by Los Angeles police to designate drink-ing in a meeting place such as a park) was ruled out by Vancouver's weather. Preference for the PAC results from the need to have a private place away from possible hectors, one's "customers", and the public i n general. Drinking in public can cause a police officer a lot of d i f f i c u l t i e s , not the least of which i s the possibility of having too much to drink and ^5 appearing disorderly. The PAC insulates the officer from these d i f f i c u l t i e s . "Athletic Club" i s a misnomer, or some elbow-bending fanatic's idea of humour. There are no athletic f a c i l i t i e s i n the building. Paradoxically, the PAG has come to be seen by not a few officers as exacerbating the drinking problems of their colleagues. Now that drinking can be done out of sight of civi l i a n s , i t i s increasing, according to several respondents. And the behaviour associated with over-drinking at the PAC makes i t a place where wives are not apt to feel comfortable. One officer described the context of drinking at the PAGi "It's a peculiar thing that when policemen get together, each one makes a personal commitment only to have a couple and then go home. Several do go, but most always seem to stay u n t i l the bitter end." Another experienced officer said, in an interview, that he no longer socialized with cops because i t was almost always done in an alcohol-consuming environment. As he put i t , "You go out with these jokers and everybody inevitably has too much. Guys say and do things they shouldn't and the next day they feel like a real ass. Everybody has something on somebody else. It's not worth i t . It's a bad way to manage stress. Basically I don't like cops." The investigator was often jokingly asked to go to the PAC, but never seriously, though she expressed interest in doing so. Discussions of police drinking usually produced a lot of nervous laughter and jokes. Problem Drinkingt Progressive Disease or Transitory Phenomenon? The "disease" concept of problem drinking i s now in a dispute 46 similar to the one encountered by the concept of mental " i l l n e s s " . A long campaign has f i n a l l y secured the concept in the public mind. This new view i s probably an improvement, in a humanitarian sense, over the old character-defect/moral-laxness judgment. Unfortunately for the s t a b i l i t y of public attitudes, the thinking of alcohol researchers has begun to change. Verden and Shatterly (1971) i n their review of the assumptions of alcoholism research, claim that "Despite numerous attempts to establish a physiological or biochemical explanation of compulsive drinking, no such causes have been isolated." (p. 3 3 1 ) . I f compulsive drinking were a disease i n the sense that physicians use that term, they argue, i t i s not l i k e l y that the medical profession would have turned responsibility over to "mutual-help organizations made up of layment with a history of drinking problems" (ibid.). Beyond the fact that the disease concept lacks s c i e n t i f i c validity, Verden and Shatterly believe i t has seriously hindered research and influenced therapy and public sentiment to such an extent that sc i e n t i f i c findings related to alcohol abuse have been suppressed and distorted. Alcoholics Anonymous has been i n the forefront of the drive to label uncontrolled drinking as disease. Trice (1970, p. 540) has examined this concept i n terms of Parsons' 1951 analysis of the "sick role"t " i t appears that permanent stigmatization may be avoided i f stereotypes of behaviour disorders as forms of 'il'lness' can be successfully diffused in the community" (ibid.). The "allergy" model removes control for the development of ^7 a behaviour disorder from the alcoholic and places i t in his genes. That he has this predisposition becomes a matter of fate for the compulsive drinker and "reduces the f e l t need for personality change and may serve to raise diminished self-esteem" (p. 541). The cure i s to stop drinking, and total abstinence i s necessary to prevent disruption of the "faulty" immunological system. Contrary to this view are the findings of Selzer (in Verden and Shatterly) and Schagfer (1971). Schaefer labels the abstinence injunction a "cultural delusion of alcoholics" (p. 587). Male alcoholics who did not know the " f i r s t drink, then drunk" dictum were able to drink socially while those who believed the dictum were unable to have only one drink. Schaefer concludes that ...an alcoholic who accepts the dictum that the f i r s t drink inevitably leads to drunkenness may well use his belief in the validity of this dictum as an excuse or even as a stimulus to become inebriated when by chance, social occasion, or for some other reason, he has taken a single drink. If that i s true, then doubtless a goodly number of alcoholics are alcoholics because of a dictum which may well not be true. (P. 589). Hostility to the idea of alcoholics becoming social drinkers i s strong. Selzer was virtu a l l y ordered to "omit these •embarrassing* findings ((the alcoholics who later became social drinkers))" (in Verden, p. 3 3 3 ) . An understanding of this h o s t i l i t y must not exclude the fact that many people working in the f i e l d are "reformed" alcoholics whose beliefs include that they must never drink again (ibid.). Within the psychological literature, attention has been 48 devoted to discovering the elements of the "alcoholic" personality (Overall and Patrick, 1 9 7 2 ) . Other researchers have differentiated between alcoholics whose symptom patterns suggest a personality explanation and those whose symptom patterns emerge out of the current situation of the alooholic (Horn and Wanberg, 1 9 7 0 ) . Factor analysis of 2 0 3 2 alcoholics* responses to a social history questionnaire yielded two broad distinctions "between childhood delinquency-anxiety symptoms and parental loss and ill n e s s , and between current social and intrapersonal maladjustment" (p. 6 3 3 ) . This latter distinction further broke down into eight categories including marriage d i f f i c u l t i e s , job adjustment, psychological-physiological tenseness and anxiety-depression. Police officers frequently express the view that heavy alcohol consumption, even to "alcoholic proportions" (police constable) can be a transitory phenomenon. Several officers have mentioned in conversations that they went through a heavy-drinking phase. Usually this was when they socialized almost entirely with other officers. Yet the majority of respondents would refer a colleague to AA and subscribe to the alcoholism-as-disease concept. As one officer put i t i "the best policy for me i s to „ abstain." Calahan ( 1 9 & 9 ) found definite sociological and psychological variables that were predictive of deviant drinking behaviour, i.e. heavy drinking or abstinence. Several of these variables apply easily to policet Exposure to heavy or problem drinking or permissiveness of significant others 4 9 Social control status (existence of close personal ties to primary groups and to institutions which would encourage conformity to norms of moderation or abstinence) Personal disjunctions and alienation (bad luck, bad health, alienation from society). Those who see society and individuals as having failed them w i l l be (a) more l i k e l y to attempt to escape from their problems by heavy drinking, and (b) more li k e l y to have interpersonal d i f f i c u l t i e s concerning drinking. Attitudes towards drinking. Favorable attitudes leading to heavier drinking. The hypothesized correlation attributable to (1) adopting the attitude to justify one's own drinking and (2) drinking more heavily than average as a result of one's favorable attitudes towards drinking. (P. 239-240) Calahan found that changes over time in these variables were highly predictive of changes in drinking behaviour over time. The movement of a proportion of people into and out of the heavier-drinking population "suggests that perhaps problem drinking often i s a more transitory phenomenon than some professional alcohologists would expect" (p. 246). That police officer find themselves moving in and out of drinking phases offers further support for the effects of stress of particular assignments and the effects of peer pressure. Though the drinking may be transitory, the cost, interpersonally and jobwise, can s t i l l be severe. Applications of Results The data collected i n this study seem to substantiate the claim that the police can easily develop a conditioned association between stress and drinking reinforced by the social reinforcer of group drinking and release of tension. The 5 0 hypothesis that police drinking i s a function of job stress and occupation socialization was supported by the officers' perceptions of their situation. Although criticisms were offered of the questionnaire (ambiguous, black-and-white, vague), comments of respondents and interviewees were strongly supportive of using this study as a step towards the establishment of an alcohol management programme. The investigator recommends the establishment of two programmes, one for alcohol management and one for stress management. The latter i s recommended in acknowledgement of the need for officers to learn stress management before alcohol abuse begins. Several programmes exist i n the United States, i n Los Angeles, Dallas, Boston, New York, Denver and Chicago. The structure and effectiveness of these programmes need to be assessed to determine their applicability to the local situation. The Vancouver Police Department seems an ideal target for pilot programmes as management and Union are in agreement concerning the need and are actively seeking help. Federal funding i n this direction would be an important investment i n the quality of Canadian law enforcement. 51 Bibliography Arouri, Alan F. "Police Pride and Self-Esteem", Journal of  Police Science and Administration, December, 1 9 7 6 . Bentinck, Catherine A., Miller, Byron A., Pokorny, Alex D. "Relatives as Informants in Mental Health Research", Mental Hygiene. Vol. 53. No. 3, 1969. Bordua, D.J. The Police; Six Sociological Essays. Wiley and Sonst New York, 1967. Cahalan, Don. "A Multivariate Analysis of the Correlates of Drinking-Related Problems in a Community Study", Social  Problems, Vol. 17, No. 2, F a l l I 9 6 9 . Check, J. and Klein, J. The Personality of the American Police» A Review of the Literature! Western Association of Sociologists and Anthropologists, 1974. Cooper, Ronald. "Interviewer Effect i n a Survey of Drinking Practices", The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 13» Spring 1972. Dishlacoff, Leon. "The Drinking Cop", The Police Chief. January 1976. Durner, James A., Kroeker, Mark A., Miller, Charles R., Reynolds, William R. "Divorce — Another Occupational Hazard", The Police Chief. November 1975. Eisenberg, Terry. "Labor-Management Relations and Psychological Stress — View from the Bottom", The Police Chief. Nov. 1975. Horn, John L., Wanberg, Kenneth W. "Dimensions of Perception of Background and Current Situation of Alcoholic Patients", Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol. Vol. 3 1 , No. 3, Kahn, Robert L. "Stress From 9 to 5", Psychology Today. Sept. 1969. Kirkham, George L. "Doc Cop", Human Behaviour. May 1 9 7 5 . Kroes, William, Marpolis, Bruce, Durrell, Joseph. "Job Stress in Policemen", Journal of Police Science and Administration, June 1974. Lang, A.R., Goeckner, D.J., Adesso, V.J., and Marlatt, G.A. "Effects of Alcohol on Aggression i n Male Social Drinkers", Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 1975» 84, 508-518. 5 2 Manning, P.K. "The Policet Mandate Strategies and Appearances" in J. Douglas (ed.), Crime and Justice in America, Bobbs-Merrill, 1 9 7 1 . McClelland, David C. "The Power o f Positive Drinking", Psychology Today, Vol. 4 , No. 8 , 1971. Neiderhoffer, J. Behind the Shieldt the Police in Urban Society. Garden City« Doubleday, 1969. Overall, John E., Patrick, Jerry H. "Unitary Alcoholism Factor and Its Personality Correlates", Journal of Abnormal  Psychology. Vol. 73. No. 3 . 1972, 3 0 3 - 3 0 9 . Powell, Barbara, Goodwin, Donald, Bremer, David. "Drinking Experience versus Personality Factors as Predictors of Tolerance for Alcohol", British Journal of Psychiatry. Vol. 122, 1 9 7 3 . 415 -17 . Rafky, David M., Lawley, Thomas, Ingram, Robert. "Are Police Recruits Cynical?" Journal of Police Science and  Administration, September 1 9 7 6 . Reiser, Martin. "Some Organization Stresses on Policemen", Journal of Police Science and Administration. Sept. 1976. -. "Stress, Distress, and Adaptation in Police Work", The Police Chief. January 1976. Reiss, A.J., "Career Orientations, Job Satisfactions, and the Assessment of Law Enforcement Problems by Police Officers" in Studies in Crime and Law Enforcement in Major  Metropolitan Areas. Vol. 2 . Washington. D.C.» U.S. Government Printing Office. Russell, J.A. and Mehrabian, A. "The Mediating Role of Emotions in Alcohol Use", Journal of Studies on Alcohol. 1975. 36. 1508-1536. Secord, P. and Beckman, C.W. Social Psychology. McGraw-Hill Book Company1 New York, 1964. Schacter, S. "The Interaction of Cognitive and Physiological Determinants of Emotional State", in L. Berkowitz (ed.), Advances i n Experimental Social Psychology. New Yorki Academic Press, 19o4. Schaefer, H.H. "A Cultural Delusion of Alcoholics", Psychological  Reports. 29, 1971. 587-89. Shaver, K., Gilbert, M., and Williams, M. "Social Psychology, Criminal Justice and the Principle of Discretion* a Selective Review. Personality and Social Psychology 53 Bulletin. 1975. 1 (3). 471-484. Skolnick, J.H. Justice Without Trialt Law Enforcement in  Democratic Society. Wiley and Sons* New York, 1966. Stark, R. Police Riots. Wadsworthi Belmont, California, 1972. Stein, Kenneth B., Rozynks, V i t a l i , Pugh, Lawrence A. "The Heterogeneity of Personality Among Alcoholics", Br i t i s h  Journal of Social and C l i n i c a l Psychology. 1 0 , 1971. 253 -59. Stratton, John. "Pressure in Law Enforcement Marriages* Some Considerations", The Police Chief, November 1975. Tefer, Allan L., Katkin, Edward S., Pruitt, Dean G. "Effects of Alcoholic Beverages and their Congener Content on Level and Style of Risk Taking", Journal of Personality and Social  Psychology, Vol. 1 1 , No. 2 , 1 9 6 9 . 1 7 0 - 7 6 . Trice, Harrison M. "The Job Behaviour of Problem Drinkers" i n Society. Culture and Drinking Patterns. Pittman, D. and Snyder, C.R. (eds.), John Wiley and Sons* New York, I 9 6 2 . , Roman, Paul Michael. "Delabeling, Relabeling, and Alcoholics Anonymous", Social Problems. Vol. 17, No. 4, Spring 1970. Verden, Michael, Shatterly, Michael. "Alcoholism Research and Resistance to Understanding the Compulsive Drinker", Mental Hygiene. Vol. 55, No. 3, 1971, 331-36. Westly, William A. "Secrecy and the Police", Social Forces. 34, 1956, 254 -57. . Violence and the Police* A Sociological Study of Law. Custom, and Morality. Boston* MIT Press, T970! Wexler, M.N. "Police Culture" A Response to Ambiguous Employment" in C. Bogdell et a l (eds.), The Administration  of Criminal Justice in Canada. Wilson, G.T., and Lawson, D.M. "Expectancies, Alcohol, and Sexual Arousal in Male Social Drinkers", Journal of  Abnormal Psychology. 1976, 8ji, 587-594. Zacker, J.W. "Understanding One^ Clients* An Attempt to Improve Sensitivity and Morale i n Police Recruits", Psychological Reports, 1972, 21* 999-1008. 5 4 Appendix A This questionnaire i s part of a survey of occupational groups to determine the extent and pattern of alcohol use among these occupations. Although many occupations w i l l be surveyed* there i s particular interest i n those occupations in which there i s high stress as a result of aspects of the job (doctors, lawyers, police officers, a i r t r a f f i c controllers, transport drivers, to name a few). Your occupation has been chosen as belonging to this group. The questions are an attempt to assess the perceptions of individuals about how members of their profession use alcohol. There i s no necessary assumption that alcohol use i s detrimentals we are trying to determine whether; you think i t i s or not. Please note that you are not asked for your name but are asked for your profession, length of time i n the profession, age, and sex. This information i s important to determine i f perceptions vary within your group, and between your group and others. If people f i l l i n g out this questionnaire feel that alcohol use i s a problem within their profession that information w i l l be passed along to the appropriate professional organization or agency. You w i l l be given space to give your views on just what you believe i s the nature of the problem, i f there i s one, and what should be done about i t . Thank you for your co-operation. PROFESSION LENGTH OF TIME IN PROFESSION AGE SEX If your spouse would like to f i l l out this questionnaire we would be happy to provide one. Contact Georgia Shelton — number on last page. 55-Each of the following questions i s to be answered from your perspective. If you have to make a guess that's quite a l l righti go ahead and answer the question anyway. If you wish to indicate that your answer i s a guess rather than based on personal experience place a question mark (?) next to your answer. 1. Which of the following statements about alcohol use do you agree with. Circle any that you agree with. a. i s OK in moderation b. should never be used c. i s a good way to relax d. i s a bad way to relax 2. What do you estimate to be the average person's (outside your profession) consumption of alcohol? (Use only one line of entry, i.e., do you think the average person drinks daily, or only weekly or monthly, and how many drinks within that period) per day per week per month 3. Estimate the average rate of alcohol consumption by members of the following professions. Remember, your guess i s a l l right. Doctors Lawyers per day per day. per week per week per month per month Judges Social Workers per day per day per week per week per month per month Firemen per day__ per week. per month. Police per day per week_ per month. Air Traffic Controllers per day per week . per month Truck Drivers per day per week. per month. Nurses per day_ per week_ per month_ Mental Health Workers per day per week per month_ Airline Pilots per day_ . per week per month 4. For what percentage of members of your profession do you believe alcohol use to be a problem? 5. In what sense i s alcohol use a problem in your profession? (Check any that apply) a. impairs a b i l i t y to perform job mildly b. causes family problems moderately, severely mildly moderate ly_ severely 57 c. causes health problems d. causes financial problems e. Other (please specify). mildly. moderately, severely mildly moderately, severely 6. Do you believe that the stress of your occupation contributes to alcohol use? Yes No If "yes", explain the kinds of stress that are involved and the relationship of them to alcohol use. 7. Do you believe that alcohol use has positive side-effects for members of your profession? Yes No If yes, please explaint 58 8. Rate each of the f o l l o w i n g i n order of p r e f e r r e d use (1, 2, 3) For y o u r s e l f Beer Wine Li q u o r For most members of your p r o f e s s i o n Beer Wine Li q u o r 9. In your p r o f e s s i o n i s more d r i n k i n g done on Working days or Days o f f 10. Have you known your colleagues t o d r i n k w h i l e working? fES NO What percentage 11. Among those who d r i n k , where does most of the d r i n k i n g take placet a. a t home b. at work c. a t a f r i e n d ' s d. beer p a r l o r s e. a t c o c k t a i l lounges g. other ( s p e c i f y ) 1®. I n your occupation i s i t common f o r those who d r i n k t o d r i n k t a. alone b. w i t h a colleague c. w i t h a non-colleague 13. How o f t e n do you hear members of your p r o f e s s i o n express concern about« a. T h e i r own d r i n k i n g Not a t a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 59 b. Their colleagues' drinking Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 14. Is drinking an expected part of social gatherings that involve members of your profession? Never Sometimes Usually Always 1 5 . Is i t a problem to avoid drinking i n your profession? Not at a l l Somewhat Very Much So 16. Do the spouses of members of your profession express concern about drinking? Not at A l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 17. If a colleague of yours asked you where he could help with his drinking problem, what would you say? 18. If your occupation i s within an institution (hospital, agency, department, etc.) does that institution have a programme to help with alcohol use problems? Yes No What sort of programme i s i t ? How would you rate this programme? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 very OK excellent poor 19. Please make Sny further comments, positive or negative, about alcohol use within your profession. Write on the back of the questionnaire i f necessary. For further information about this study, i f you have other comments you would like to make, contact Georgia Shelton, Department of Psychology, UBC. Work 2286487* Home 228-9693. 61 PLEASE READi Each of the following questions i s to be answered from your perspective. If you have to make a guess that's quite a l l right. We are interested in your opinion primarily. If you wish to indicate that your answer i s a guess rather than based on personal experience place a question mark beside i t . 1. Which of the following statements about alcohol do you agree with? Circle ANY that you agree with. You are not restricted to just one. a. i s OK in moderation b. should never be used c. i s a good way to relax d. i s a bad way to relax e. i s an almost necessary means of relaxing 2. What do you estimate to be the average person's (outside your profession) consumption of alcohol? (Use only one line of entry; i.e., do you think the average person drinks daily, or only weekly or monthly, and how many drinks within that period) per day per week per month 3. What do you estimate to be the average member of your occupation's consumption of alcohol. per day per week per month 4. What percentage of your occupation do you estimate drink rarely or not at a l l ? 5 . For what percentage of members of your occupation do you believe alcohol use to be a problem? 6. In what sense i s alcohol use a problem in your profession? (check any that apply) 62 a. impairs a b i l i t y to perform job mildly_ moderately_ severely b. causes family problems mildly . moderately, severely c. causes health problems mildly . moderately, severely d. causes financial problems mildly moderately, severely e. Other (please specify). Do you believe that the stress of your occupation contributes to alcohol use? Yes No If yes, explain the kinds of stress that are involved and the relationship of them to alcohol use. Do you believe that your occupation should be considered a high stress occupation? Yes No Do you believe that alcohol use has positive side effects for members of your profession? Yes No If "yes", please explain! 63 10. Rate each of the f o l l o w i n g i n order of p r e f e r r e d use (1, 2, 3) For y o u r s e l f Beer Wine Liq u o r For most members of your p r o f e s s i o n Beer Wine Liquor 11. In your p r o f e s s i o n , i s more d r i n k i n g done on Working days or Days o f f 12. Have you known your colleagues to d r i n k w h i l e working? Yes No What percentage 13. Among those who d r i n k , where does most of the d r i n k i n g take place? a. a t home b. a t work c. a t a f r i e n d ' s d. beer p a r l o r e. a t c o c k t a i l lounges f. a t supper clubs g. other — (S p e c i f y i f other) '  14. I n your occupation i s i t common f o r those who d r i n k to d r i n k i a. alone b. w i t h a colleague c. w i t h a non-colleague d. w i t h a spouse 15. How o f t e n do you hear members of your p r o f e s s i o n express concern about 1 a. T h e i r own d r i n k i n g Not a t a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 64 b. Their colleagues* d r i n k i n g Not a t a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 1 6 . I s d r i n k i n g an expected p a r t of s o c i a l gatherings t h a t i n v o l v e members of your p r o f e s s i o n ? Never Sometimes U s u a l l y Always 1 7 . I s i t a problem to a v o i d d r i n k i n g i n your pr o f e s s i o n ? Not a t a l l Somehwat Very much s o _ 1 8 . Do the spouses of members of your p r o f e s s i o n express concern about d r i n k i n g ? Not at a l l Seldom Frequently Quite Often 1 2 3 4 1 9 . I f a colleague of yours asked you where he/she could get help w i t h a d r i n k i n g problem, what would you say? 20. I f your occupation i s w i t h i n an i n s t i t u t i o n ( h o s p i t a l , agency, etc.) does th a t i n s t i t u t i o n have a programme to help w i t h d r i n k i n g problems? Yes . No 2 1 . In your experience what oc c u p a t i o n a l group has the highest consumption of a l c o h o l ? Whajs i s the r a t e of consumption i n t h i s occupation? (your guess) Please make any f u r t h e r comments, p o s i t i v e or negative, about a l c o h o l w i t h i n your p r o f e s s i o n . Write on the back of t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e i f necessary. For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n about t h i s study, or i f you have any comments you would l i k e t o make, contact Georgia Shelton, Department of Psychology, UBC. Work 2 2 8 - 6 4 8 7 : Home 7 3 3 - 3 2 6 8 . 65 Appendix C You are being asked to participate i n a research project on alcohol use. This project has been endorsed by both your union and management. If you have not seen a bulletin about this project and wonder about i t s legitimacy, I encourage you to contact your union o f f i c i a l s and/or Inspector Sterak of the Personnel office. What we hope to accomplish with this research i s to obtain funding to set up alcohol management programmes for those officers who f e e l that they need this assistance. Programmes such as this have been working well in several U.S. c i t i e s and we hope to be able to make i t work here. In order to do this, however, we have to go to the appropriate funding agencies with data indicating that there i s a problem. Your co-operation, whether or not you believe there to be an alcohol use problem among police officers of your acquaintance, w i l l be very much appreciated. 66 Appendix D  Average Person's Rate of Consumption Length of Ser v i c e Minimum Maximum Standard D e v i a t i o n 0 - 3 months 2 25 5 . 6 3 months - 1 year 2 2 0 5.4 1 year - 3 years 1 40 8 . 7 3 years - 7 years 1 2 6 4 . 5 7 years - 15 years 3 7 0 1 5 . 0 Over 15 years 1 24 5 . 9 Average Policeman's Rate of Consumption Length of Ser v i c e Minimum Maximum Standard D e v i a t i o n 0 - 3 months 4 40 8 . 6 3 months - 1 year 2 9 9 3 5 . 6 1 year - 3 years 2 6 0 1 1 . 0 3 years - 7 years 3 40 6 . 8 7 years - 15 years 9 9 18 . 0 Over 15 years 1 40 8 . 8 Percentage of Policemen f o r Whom Dr i n k i n g i s a Problem Length of Ser v i c e Minimum Maximum Standard D e v i a t i o n 0 - 3 months 1 6 0 18 . 1 3 months - 1 year 5 98 2 9 . 5 1 year - 3 years 2 80 16 . 8 3 years - 7 years 1 40 9 . 9 7 years - 15 years 1 6 0 1 5 . 3 Over 15 years 1 5 0 9 . 7 


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