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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Administrative organization to support Indian community development in British Columbia Read, Simon Charles 1978

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A D M I N I S T R A T I V E O R G A N I Z A T I O N T O S U P P O R T I N D I A N C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T I N B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A by S I M O N C H A R L E S R E A D B . A . , S i m o n F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , 1973 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S i n T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S S C H O O L O F C O M M U N I T Y A N D R E G I O N A L P L A N N I N G We a c c e p t this t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A A p r i l 1978 (c) S i m o n C h a r l e s R e a d , 1978 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements fo an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of C o m m u n i t y and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 Date A p r i l 28, 1978. -6 i i A D M I N I S T R A T I V E O R G A N I Z A T I O N T O S U P P O R T I N D I A N C O M M U N I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T IN B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A A B S T R A C T L e v e l s of l i v i n g i n B. C. I n d i a n R e s e r v e c o m m u n i t i e s a r e s u b s t a n t i a l l y b e l o w t h o s e i n t h e r e s t of t h e p r o v i n c e . I m p r o v e m e n t of t h i s s i t u a t i o n r e q u i r e s t h a t m a x i m u m e f f e c t be d e r i v e d f r o m t h e a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s , b u t s m a l l s i z e , s c a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s a n d d i v e r s i t y o f s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n h i b i t l o c a l p r o v i s i o n of a h i g h s t a n d a r d of p l a n n i n g a n d o t h e r d e v e l o p m e n t a l a d v i s o r y s e r v i c e s . D e c e n t r a l i z e d d e l i v e r y of c o m m u n i t y a d v i s o r y s e r v i c e s i s r e c o m m e n d e d t o m a k e s p e c i a l i s t s a v a i l a b l e t o g r o u p s of c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h b r o a d l y s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n a l n e e d s . T h e a n a l y s i s l e a d i n g t o t h i s c o n c l u s i o n b e g i n s b y o u t l i n i n g t h e s e q u e n c e of h i s t o r i c a l e v e n t s w h i c h h a v e l e f t I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s i n a d i s a d v a n t a g e d p o s i t i o n . A t w o p a r t m o d e l o f c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t i s s t a t e d . T h e f i r s t p a r t r e l a t e s c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t t o p l a c e m e n t ( l o c a t i o n ) i n a n u r b a n / r e m o t e c o n t i n u u m a n d s u g g e s t s t h a t e x t e r n a l e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s g r e a t l y l i m i t t h e r a n g e of d e v e l o p m e n t o p t i o n s . T h e s e c o n d r e l a t e s d e v e l o p m e n t o p t i o n s t o f a c t o r s w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e m o d e l i s t e s t e d u s i n g d a t a f r o m a s a m p l e of c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e r e s u l t s c o n f i r m t h e e x i s t e n c e of s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s a m o n g b r o a d g r o u p s of c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d i d e n t i f y p r o x i m i t y to u r b a n c e n t r e s a s a n i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r . E c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t f i n a n c i n g i s a n a l y s e d t o t e s t t h e s e c o n d p a r t of t h e m o d e l . T h i s s h o w s t h a t , i n t h e p a s t s u c c e s s h a s b e e n r e l a t e d to s m a l l s c a l e a n d l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e , f i n d i n g s w h i c h a r e a t t r i b u t e d to c o n g r u e n c e of p r o j e c t r e q u i r e m e n t s w i t h l o c a l h u m a n r e s o u r c e s . E x a m i n a t i o n of I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e l i g h t of t h e s e f i n d i n g s s u p p o r t s t h e c u r r e n t p o l i c y t o d e c e n t r a l i z e the c o m p r e h e n s i v e p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n , b u t t w o m a j o r c h a n g e s a r e r e c o m m e n d e d . T h e f i r s t i s t o p r o v i d e a s e p a r a t e s e r v i c e t o m e e t the n e e d s of u r b a n I n d i a n r e s e r v e c o m m u n i t i e s i n a l l p a r t s of t h e p r o v i n c e . S e c o n d l y , t h e p r o c e s s of p l a n n i n g b y c o m m u n i t i e s s h o u l d be e m p h a s i z e d o v e r p l a n n i n g f o r t h e m . It i s s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e s a m e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s a r e a l s o v a l i d f o r o t h e r a d v i s o r y s e r v i c e s of t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h i n B. C. A d i s c u s s i o n of s h o r t c o m i n g s i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d a t a f r o m I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s i s a p p e n d e d . S u p e r v i s o r i i i A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T T h i s t h e s i s r e f l e c t s c o n t r i b u t i o n s f r o m m a n y p e o p l e , a l l of w h o m I w i s h t o t h a n k , a l t h o u g h o n l y a f e w c a n be m e n t i o n e d h e r e . D o u g W e b s t e r , a s f i r s t r e a d e r , l e d m e to m u c h of the l i t e r a t u r e o n d e v e l o p m e n t a n d e v a l u a t i v e r e s e a r c h w h i c h s h a p e d the a n a l y s i s . L a t e r , H e n r y H i g h t o w e r , i n the s a m e r o l e , a s s i s t e d m e to t i g h t e n u p t h e e x p o s i t i o n , h e l p i n g t o s t r u c t u r e the l o c a t i o n a l m o d e l of d e v e l o p m e n t o p p o r t u n i t y i n C h a p t e r 2, a n d s u p e r v i s i n g r e v i s i o n of the f i n a l d r a f t . M i k e K e w ' s c o u r s e o n I n d i a n s of C a n a d a p r o v i d e d m e w i t h a s o l i d b a c k g r o u n d t o the m a t e r i a l u s e d h e r e . S u b s e q u e n t l y , he d i r e c t e d m e to m a n y of the c a s e s t u d i e s w h i c h e n r i c h the b a l d s t a t i s t i c s d e r i v e d f r o m o t h e r s o u r c e s . H e h a s a l s o c o n t i n u a l l y t e m p e r e d the e c o n o m i c e t h n o c e n t r i c b i a s w h i c h t e n d s to c r e e p i n t o m y w r i t i n g . Of the m a n y s t a f f a t the r e g i o n a l o f f i c e of the I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h i n V a n c o u v e r w h o a s s i s t e d w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n , A l a i n C u n n i n g h a m m u s t be s i n g l e d o u t f o r h i s e n c o u r a g e m e n t a n d c o m m e n t s , b o t h w h i l e I w o r k e d f o r h i m a n d s i n c e . I h a v e a l s o b e n e f i t e d f r o m P a u l K a r i y a ' s e x p e r i e n c e w i t h d a t a c o l l e c t i o n a n d a n a l y s i s f o r I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . F o r t h e i r t o l e r a n c e of m y i n e x p e r i e n c e , a n d f o r t he o p p o r t u n i t y to o b s e r v e a n d l e a r n , I t h a n k the I n d i a n s of t h e b a n d s w i t h w h i c h I h a v e w o r k e d d u r i n g the p a s t t w o y e a r s . It i s to t h e i r n e e d s t h a t t h i s s t u d y i s d e d i c a t e d , a n d I h o p e i t w i l l be of s o m e u s e . F i n a l l y , I w a n t t o t h a n k J o y J e n s e n a n d V e r o n i c a A l e x f o r t h e i r p e r s e v e r a n c e i n t y p i n g t h e f i n a l d r a f t . A s i s u s u a l , the e n t i r e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a c c u r a c y , r e l i a b i l i t y a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s m i n e . S i m o n R e a d V ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION TO SUPPORT INDIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i LIST OF TABLES i x INTRODUCTION 2 CHAPTER I. BACKGROUND .TO INDIAN SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 8 The History of Contact 11 The Role of Education 34 The Indian Dilemma - I s o l a t i o n and Identity 39 CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY - DEVELOPMENT THEORY, AND RESEARCH PROCEDURE 42 Development Theories 42 A Locational Model of Development Opportunity 53 Framework f o r Analysis of Community Development 59 Hypotheses Subject to Empirical Test 74 v i CHAPTER 3. COMPARATIVE SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 76 Sample S e l e c t i o n 76 Demographic V a r i a b l e s 81 Employment R e l a t e d V a r i a b l e s 84 Measures of W e l l - B e i n g 99 Change W i t h Time: Comparison W i t h D a t a From The Hawthorn Survey 106 C o r r e l a t i o n s Between V a r i a b l e s 108 Examples o f Community Types 118 C o n c l u s i o n s W i t h Regard t o E m p i r i c a l Hypotheses 132 CHAPTER 4. THE IMPACT OF GOVERNMENT PROGRAMS ON DEVELOPMENT OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES 135 Summary o f Programs Which C o n t r i b u t e D i r e c t l y t o W e l f a r e o f I n d i a n Communities 136 U n i f o r m i t y o f Program E f f o r t 144 F i n a n c i a l Impact of Economic Development Programs 145 C o r r e l a t i o n o f Development F i n a n c i n g W i t h S o c i o -Economic I n d i c a t o r s 151 Summary D i s c u s s i o n o f Economic Development Program E f f e c t i v e n e s s 155 CHAPTER 5. IMPLICATIONS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESSES FOR THE DELIVERY OF DEPARTMENT OF INDIAN AND NORTHERN AFFAIRS SERVICES 168 F a c t o r s L i m i t i n g I n d i a n Community Development 168 P r i n c i p l e s f o r O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Government S e r v i c e t o Support Community Development 179 I m p l i c a t i o n s o f the O r g a n i z a t i o n a l P r i n c i p l e s f o r t he R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g F u n c t i o n s o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s 188 BIBLIOGRAPHY 197 APPENDIX A MONITORING SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGE: DATA RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY FOR POLICY PLANNING AND PROGRAM EVALUATION 209 APPENDIX B STATISTICAL DATA FOR SAMPLE INDIAN RESERVE COMMUNITIES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 218 v i i L IST OF FIGURES F i g u r e 1 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f I n d i a n Bands and P o p u l a t i o n on I n d i a n R e s e r v e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 1 F i g u r e 2 I n d i a n Band S i z e D i s t r i b u t i o n , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1974 4 F i g u r e 3 Economic O p p o r t u n i t y M a t r i x 55 F i g u r e 4 I n t e r v e n i n g V a r i a b l e A n a l y s i s 63 F i g u r e 5 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Sample of I n d i a n Communities i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 78 F i g u r e 6 H i e r a r c h y o f D e c i s i o n s i n H o u s i n g P r o j e c t D e s i g n 183 LIST OF TABLES v i i i T a b l e I P e r C a p i t a Incomes on I n d i a n R e s e r v e s and f o r A l l B r i t i s h C olumbia 1960 and 1970 51 T a b l e I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: Band Membership On-Reserve and Average F a m i l y S i z e 82 T a b l e I I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m bia: E d u c a t i o n a l A t t a i n m e n t o f P e r s o n s Aged 15 and Over, Not A t t e n d i n g S c h o o l F u l l Time 85 T a b l e IV Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: R a t i o o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n t o L a b o u r F o r c e , and Unemployment Rate 87 T a b l e V Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: D i v e r s i t y o f Employment by I n d u s t r y and O c c u p a t i o n 89 T a b l e V I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o lumbia: P e r c e n t a g e o f Employment i n M a j o r I n d u s t r y C l a s s e s 91 T a b l e V I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : P e r c e n t a g e of Employment i n M a j o r O c c u p a t i o n a l C l a s s e s 92 T a b l e V I I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: Employment Incomes by Sex, P r o p o r t i o n o f Women Employed, and Employment Income R e l a t i v e t o t h e G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n 94 T a b l e IX Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: P e r C a p i t a Employment Incomes, A b s o l u t e and as a P e r c e n t a g e o f R e g i o n a l E q u i v a l e n t s 96 i x T a b l e X Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a t i o n Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e f o r Economic Reasons 98 T a b l e X I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : Mean P e r C a p i t a and F a m i l y Incomes 101 T a b l e X I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o lumbia: P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a t i o n Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e 103 T a b l e X I I I Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m bia: Number o f P e r s o n s P e r Adequate D w e l l i n g U n i t 104 T a b l e XIV Hawthorn Sample Communities i n t h e 1970's: Income, E d u c a t i o n , and S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e 107 Table XV Sample I n d i a n Communities by Groups: S i g n i f i c a n t Rank Order C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s of P e r C a p i t a Income W i t h Other V a r i a b l e s 111 Table XVI Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s and O t h e r Government Program E x p e n d i t u r e s C o n t r i b u t i n g t o I n d i a n Community Development i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1975/76 138 T a b l e X V I I P e r C a p i t a E x p e n d i t u r e s o f Government Programs C o n t r i b u t i n g t o I n d i a n Community Development, 1970/71 t o 1975/76 143 T a b l e X V I I I Sample I n d i a n Communities: C o r r e l a t i o n o f P e r C a p i t a Income, Dependence on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e , and Change i n Dependence, W i t h P e r C a p i t a E x p e n d i t u r e by M a j o r Economic Development F i n a n c i n g Programs 152 T a b l e XIX Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: P e r C a p i t a Income as a P e r c e n t a g e o f P r o v i n c i a l P e r C a p i t a Income, as a P e r c e n t a g e o f R e g i o n a l P e r C a p i t a Income and Showing Impact o f L a r g e F a m i l y S i z e 172 T a b l e XX Sample I n d i a n Communities: Key t o T a b l e s X X I I I Through XXIX x 219 T a b l e XXI D i s t r i b u t i o n by A d m i n i s t r a t i v e D i s t r i c t s o f T o t a l and Sample I n d i a n Bands and P o p u l a t i o n , a t December 31, 1975 221 T a b l e X X I I T o t a l I n d i a n R e s e r v e L a b o u r F o r c e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m bia: Employment by I n d u s t r y , 1961 and 1971 223 T a b l e X X I I I Sample I n d i a n Communities: Census and I n d i a n A f f a i r s P o p u l a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s 225 T a b l e XXIV Sample I n d i a n Communities: P o p u l a t i o n Growth R a t e s , R a t i o o f Males t o Females and F a m i l y S i z e , 1969-75 228 T a b l e XXV Sample I n d i a n Communities: L e v e l of E d u c a t i o n , L abour F o r c e and Employment, 1971 232 T a b l e XXVI Sample I n d i a n Communities: Employment D i s t r i b u t i o n by I n d u s t r y , 1971 236 T a b l e X X V I I Sample I n d i a n Communities: Employment D i s t r i b u t i o n by O c c u p a t i o n , 1971 238 T a b l e X X V I I I Sample I n d i a n Communities: Employment, F a m i l y and P e r C a p i t a Incomes, 1970 241 T a b l e XXIX Sample I n d i a n Communities: H o u s i n g C o n d i t i o n s , 1973 245 T a b l e XXX Sample I n d i a n Communities: L e v e l of Dependence on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e , 1975/76 249 T a b l e XXXI Sample I n d i a n Communities: A p p r o x i m a t e P e r C a p i t a D i s t r i b u t i o n o f F i n a n c i n g From M a j o r Economic Development Programs, 1970-76 252 Figure 1. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Indian Bands and Population on Indian Reserves i n B r i t i s h Columbia 2 ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION IN SUPPORT OF INDIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA INTRODUCTION Within the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia are almost two hundred units of l o c a l government which f a l l outside the administrative purview of the p r o v i n c i a l government". Instead, administration i s a f e d e r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and i s directed from the regional o f f i c e of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch based i n Vancouver. V i r t u a l l y everyone i s aware that natives"*" are generally poorly off i n r e l a t i o n to other B r i t i s h Columbians. The s t a t i s t i c s which are a v a i l a b l e emphasize that, on the average, they have lower income, worse It i s important to d i s t i n g u i s h between the commonly ascribed meaning of "native" or "Indian" and the d e f i n i t i o n given i n the Indian Act (R.S.C. 1970, c. 1-6). For c l a r i t y , terms are used i n the same context throughout t h i s study. Native i s used as the more general term to describe a l l persons who would commonly be considered to be "Indian" or "native" on the basis of r a c i a l or s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Indian i s used to mean only persons defined as Indians under the Indian Act, sometimes referred to as "status Indians". Persons who are native but not Indian are referred to as non-status Indians where i t i s necessary to i d e n t i f y them as a separate group. Two other terms are also used with respect to status Indians. On-reserve Indians are those with t h e i r normal place of residence on an Indian reserve. This i s the group with which t h i s study i s fundamentally concerned, Off-reserve Indians are status Indians, not resident on a reserve. 3 health, more accidents, worse housing and more s o c i a l problems than the rest of the population. This picture i s supported by a l l the conventional s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s which are a v a i l a b l e . In general, what i s true for the e n t i r e native population i s also true for status Indians l i v i n g on reserves i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The desire to a l l e v i a t e the d i s p a r i t y i s an important s o c i a l goal and provides one dimension of the administrative problem confronted by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. The second dimension i s p h y s i c a l . The administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t y extends to over 50,000 Indians grouped i n 192 bands, which have over 1,600 reserves between them. Forty per cent of these Indians reside off reserves, some nearby, many i n urban areas, The remainder are scattered i n small communities a l l over the province (See Figure 1 ). Only one band has more than a thousand members l i v i n g on reserve. Fewer than twenty have more than four hundred (See Figure 2) . The small si z e of these communities seriously l i m i t s t h e i r a b i l i t y to support l o c a l l y a high standard of government services, since there i s usually too small a need to j u s t i f y employment of s p e c i a l i s t p r o f e s s i o n a l s . The opportunity for providing services j o i n t l y to groups of communities i s made d i f f i c u l t by distance, and by the enormous d i v e r s i t y of s o c i a l and economic circumstances faced by even neighbouring communities. Geography makes B r i t i s h Columbia Indian communities a p a r t i c u l a r l y extreme example of t h i s , more so even than Indian communities i n the rest of Canada, which are t y p i c a l l y twice the s i z e . The theme most prevalent i n discussions of the Indian s i t u a t i o n 4 F i g u r e 2. Indian Band S i z e D i s t r i b u t i o n . B r i t i s h Columbia. 1974. Percent of On-reserve P o p u l a t i o n T o t a l 32030 40 - -35 11071 30 -25 7975 20 5109 15 3771 10 2738 5 388 978 on-reserve p o p u l a t i o n size 0 . •... i 1 _i 0-25 26-50 51-100 101-200 201-400 401-800 801+ 5 4 -• 10 14 -15 25 20 - 34 -38 -25 37 40 Percent Of Bands T o t a l 192 Source: Based on R e g i s t e r e d Indian P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and Residence. 1974, Departmental S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n , Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. i n B r i t i s h Columbia today i s one v a r i a t i o n or another on how best to improve the Indian s o c i a l and economic s i t u a t i o n . The administrative problem confronted by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i s how to apply l i m i t e d f i n a n c i a l and s t a f f resources to best contribute to t h i s objective. It i s the thesis of t h i s study that the multitude of l o c a l s i t u a t i o n s prevents a si n g l e p o l i c y f or d e l i v e r y of services by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch from being optimal. On the other hand, p o l i c i e s must be structured on some basis i f a s i t u a t i o n of c r i s i s management i s not to r e s u l t , i n which only the loudest voices are l i s t e n e d t o . I t i s argued that e x i s t i n g s t a t i s t i c a l data, while imperfect, are s u f f i c i e n t when combined with a clear development model to i d e n t i f y groups of communities with s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s to which a common d e l i v e r y system can be f i t t e d . Further, examination of notable past successes or f a i l u r e s i n each group provides an important guide to the best d i r e c t i o n f o r development strategy for the future. It i s assumed at the outset that there w i l l be no s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s which contribute to present s o c i a l and economic conditions i n Indian communities. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s assumed that v i l l a g e s on Indian reserves w i l l continue to exist as d i s t i n c t u nits of l o c a l government, and that an organization, such as the present Indian A f f a i r s Branch, w i l l s t i l l be required to perform s p e c i a l i s t functions which i n d i v i d u a l communities cannot a f f o r d . This assumption constrains the scope of the study e s s e n t i a l l y to the present operating environment of Indian communities and the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, which i s embedded i n the f a b r i c of the larger Canadian society, but i s defined p a r t i c u l a r l y by the B r i t i s h North America Act and the Indian Act. A consequence of t h i s i s that areas of s t r u c t u r a l change, such as settlement of native claims and l e g i s l a t i v e reform, which are the focus of e f f o r t by most Indian organizations, are mentioned only i n passing. This i s not to deny the importance of s t r u c t u r a l change. On the contrary, such change i s e s s e n t i a l i f Indians are to j o i n i n a f u l l share of the national wealth. The purpose here i s to focus on the organizational problems of supporting development, which exist now, and w i l l continue to e x i s t , as long as there are separate Indian communities. Chapter 1 provides h i s t o r i c a l background to the present condition of Indian communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The destruction of t r a d i t i o n a l Indian culture, and the loss of economic and p o l i t i c a l power to non-Indians are traced. It i s also shown how the three i n s t i t u t i o n s of church, government and school, despite good intentions, have contributed to a marginal status for Indians, and some of the consequences are described. In Chapter 2, the research procedure i s developed i n d e t a i l . F i r s t several development theories are reviewed and elements useful'- to the present analysis are i s o l a t e d . The major processes are combined into a model which r e l a t e s community development to d i f f u s i o n of the metropolitan i n d u s t r i a l system. The model provides a basis for grouping Indian communities with s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s and suggests that urbanization w i l l 7 have a major impact. The remainder of Chapter 2 i s used to develop an a n a l y t i c a l framework against which the l o c a t i o n a l model can be tested, using r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e s o c i a l and economic i n d i c a t o r s . In t h i s context, data for a sample of communities i s analyzed i n Chapter 3, Communities grouped according to the model are found to have s i g n i f i c a n t s i m i l a r i t i e s as predicted. Those i n urban areas are also found to be much better off than the more r u r a l ones. At the end of the Chapter, more detai l e d descriptions are given of several representative cases. In the fourth chapter, the analysis i s extended to examine the impact of government financing on community development. I t i s found that the most successful r e s u l t s are associated with small scale and l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e , rather than large scale and t e c h n i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n . Matching of human resources with c a p i t a l and natural resources i s i d e n t i f i e d as the c r u c i a l element i n success. The conclusions of e a r l i e r chapters are drawn together i n Chapter 5, and from them, p r i n c i p l e s for the d e l i v e r y of government services are derived. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch performs many functions f o r Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and the organization of each could be related to the p r i n c i p l e s described i n the concluding chapter but t h i s i s a task which goes f a r beyond the scope of the study. Instead, the implications are discussed for only one advisory function, that of comprehensive planning. 8 CHAPTER 1. BACKGROUND TO INDIAN SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS: HISTORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE PERSPECTIVES The o r i g i n a l inhabitants of B r i t i s h Columbia t r i c k l e d down from the north i n small bands perhaps ten to twenty thousand years ago. A l l of them l i v e d by hunting and gathering, taking the f i s h , game and plants most a v a i l a b l e i n each area, Successive waves of migrants brought d i f f e r e n t languages with them, and, when they s e t t l e d , the mountains is o l a t e d and preserved these d i f f e r e n c e s , The land was r i c h , and, as a r e s u l t , became home to a t h i r d of a l l the Indians i n Canada, and also to more d i v e r s i t y of culture and language than anywhere else on the continent. Two dozen languages, belonging to seven of the eleven language f a m i l i e s i n Canada were spoken (Duff, 1964: 8). At the same time, s i m i l a r climate and resources encouraged the development of s i m i l a r patterns of l i v i n g over wide areas. Environmental contrasts dictated considerable di f f e r e n c e s between coast cultures, which had year round access to marine resources, and i n t e r i o r cultures, which did not have t h i s advantage. The I n t e r i o r t r i b e s shared three important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F i r s t , they had evolved a l i f e s t y l e c l o s e l y tuned to the rythmns of nature, and t h i s was integrated into t h e i r b e l i e f s and actions'. Second, seasonal migrations meant that only a minimum of personal possessions were acquired. Third, and perhaps 9 most important for the future, the fundamental s o c i a l unit was the extended family, and the autonomy of each meant that p o l i t i c a l unity extended only as f a r as kinship t i e s . The coast Indians enjoyed a more secure resource base, which made possible the establishment of substantial permanent v i l l a g e s which could be l e f t f o r a few weeks at a time for berry picking, to go to a r i v e r mouth for a salmon or oolachan run, or to attend a p o t l a t c h . Coastal resources supported a population density which i s exceptionally high for a non- a g r i c u l t u r a l people, and permitted the production of s u f f i c i e n t surplus that a culture could develop beyond the l e v e l of subsistence. Duff had t h i s comment: At the time of contact the Indians of t h i s area were among the world's most d i s t i n c t i v e peoples....The coastal t r i b e s were i n some ways d i f f e r e n t from a l l other American Indians. Their languages, true enough were members of American f a m i l i e s , and p h y s i c a l l y they were American Indians, though with decided t r a i t s of s i m i l a r i t y to the peoples of north-eastern A s i a , Their cultures, however, had a pronounced A s i a t i c tinge, evidence of basic kinship and long-continued contact with the peoples around the North P a c i f i c rim. Most of a l l , t h e i r cultures were distinguished by a l o c a l richness and o r i g i n a l i t y , the product of vigorous and inventive people i n a r i c h environment. Kinship t i e s were extremely important i n a l l y i n g v i l l a g e s with the same, and i n some cases, d i f f e r e n t languages. Since the proprietary r i g h t s to resource s i t e s , prime hunting, f i s h i n g and gathering areas, were je a l o u s l y guarded, these t i e s were p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n the creation of r e c i p r o c a l obligations f o r defence and also the sharing of p a r t i c u l a r l y abundant harvests. This r e c i p r o c i t y reached i t s highest and most i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d form i n the po t l a t c h . The pot l a t c h ceremony was the manifestation of a value set, i n which status accrued to the most productive i n d i v i d u a l s and fa m i l i e s i n the society, not for amassing wealth, but for d i s t r i b u t i n g i t . The important economic features of the coast cultures at contact can also be summarized i n three points. F i r s t , the culture had evolved so that high status accrued to those who could secure and d i s t r i b u t e the most wealth. Second, t h i s encouraged e f f i c i e n t use of a l l the a v a i l a b l e natural resources, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n according to comparative advantage, trade characterized by e x p l o i t a t i o n of every bargaining advantage and rapid response to perceived opportunities to secure more wealth. Third, although the r e c i p r o c a l o bligations among kin provided for larger p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s than among i n t e r i o r Indians, status accrued p r i m a r i l y to the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s immediate family, and th i s limited the extent of cooperation at anything larger than the v i l l a g e l e v e l when economic advantage was at stake. 11 THE HISTORY OF CONTACT I n 1770, t h e r e were about one hundred thousand I n d i a n s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , l i v i n g i n e q u i l i b r i u m w i t h each o t h e r and t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . I n 1929, t h e r e were o n l y a q u a r t e r of t h a t number and p r e d i c t i o n s of e x t i n c t i o n f o r t h e n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n were s t i l l c u r r e n t . I n d i a n i n s t i t u t i o n s had been d i s p l a c e d , t h e i r s o c i a l systems were d i s i n t e g r a t i n g , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l economy was b e i n g e l i m i n a t e d w i t h o u t a l t e r n a t i v e r o l e s o p e n i n g i n t h e new one, and government a d m i n i s t r a t o r s d i c t a t e d I n d i a n l i f e . How had t h i s r a d i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from autonomy t o m a r g i n a l i t y o c c u r r e d ? I n r e t r o s p e c t , i t a l m o s t a p p e a r s t h a t a d e l i b e r a t e g e n o c i d a l p l a n was c a r r i e d o u t . I n f a c t , numerous c i r c u m s t a n c e s of h i s t o r y and t h e c o n f l i c t i n g c u l t u r e s combined t o p r o d u c e t h e same e f f e c t . S e v e r a l w r i t e r s have d e s c r i b e d t h e p r o c e s s e s a t work. D u f f (1964) p r o v i d e s an e x c e l l e n t summary, F i s h e r (1974) d e s c r i b e s t h e main h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s up t o 1890, and a r e c e n t t h e s i s by P r i t c h a r d (1977) sheds c o n s i d e r a b l e l i g h t on t h e p e r i o d from 1890 t o t h e 1950's. C o n s i d e r a b l y more comprehensive s t a t i s t i c a l and d e s c r i p t i v e m a t e r i a l i s a v a i l a b l e s i n c e t h a t t i m e , but t h e major r e f e r e n c e s i n c l u d e Hawthorn and h i s a s s o c i a t e s (1958, 1966, 1 9 6 7 ) , t h e work of F i e l d s and S t a n b u r y (1973) and S t a n b u r y and S i e g e l (1975) . Only an o u t l i n e of t h e m a i n f a c t o r s w i l l be i n c l u d e d h e r e , w h i c h r e l i e s h e a v i l y on t h e r e f e r e n c e s j u s t l i s t e d . The h i s t o r y from 1878 t o t h e p r e s e n t d i v i d e s c o n v e n i e n t l y i n t o t h r e e major p e r i o d s , dominated by t h e f u r t r a d e , t h e s e t t l e m e n t f r o n t i e r and t h e i n d u s t r i a l economy. 12 THE FUR TRADE ERA From the f i r s t contact with the Cook expedition, u n t i l the mid 1820's, trading vessels from Russia, England and the United States came annually to several trading centres on the coast to obtain.furs, e s p e c i a l l y the prized sea o t t e r , spending increasing lengths of time as competition made i t harder to amass a p r o f i t a b l e cargo. The maritime fur traders blended well with the coast trading network, t h e i r needs complementing the Indians', The t r i b e s which occupied the major ports benefited most from t h e i r monopoly, but the main e f f e c t was a vast increase i n riches among the coast t r i b e s , and some adjustment i n status, based on trading wealth. Adverse circumstances included the s t a r t of a slow d e c l i n e i n population as a r e s u l t of introduced European diseases, and more devastating t r i b a l wars associated with the s h i f t i n the balance i n power which resulted from the introduction of firearms to some of the more aggressive t r i b e s . Alexander Mackenzie was guided to the coast over native trading routes i n 1793, and followed i n the early 1800's by permanent trading posts, beginning i n northeastern B r i t i s h Columbia. This did for i n t e r i o r Indians what the maritime trade had done for the coast t r i b e s , and had three major e f f e c t s . F i r s t , the trade which had previously been conducted with coastal Indians was now p a r t i a l l y r e d i r e c t e d to the Northwest Company posts, Second, increased emphasis was placed on trapping fur bearing animals instead of food animals, although food was 13 supplied to the traders. Third, new traps and guns increased e f f i c i e n c y , o so that the reduced emphasis on hunting for subsistence was o f f s e t . Perhaps the only s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the l i f e s t y l e of the roving northern bands was that t h e i r proprietary i n t e r e s t s i n trapping t e r r i t o r i e s began to increase. The Hudson's Bay Company and Northwest Company merged i n 1821. Coastal trading posts were established beginning i n 1824, and, by the end of the 1830's the Hudson's Bay had established a monopoly. During t h i s time, Indians took f u l l advantage of the p r i c e competition, and even accentuated i t , acting as middlemen i n many instances. Indian v i l l a g e s , such as Fort Simpson, grew up around the trading posts. This occasionally resulted i n c o n f l i c t (Duff, 1964: 58), but on the whole, the land based trade was not destructive of Indian culture. The traders did not i n t e r f e r e with Indian society, except to encourage the production of more furs for the trade. In f a c t , through intermarriage, and i s o l a t i o n from other Europeans, the traders were as l i k e l y to adopt Indian s o c i a l forms as were Indians to take up European economic p r a c t i c e s . Fisher sums up the fur trade period as one of "non-directed culture change" but suggests that i t was poor preparation f o r meeting the s e t t l e r s who followed. 14 THE SETTLEMENT ERA In 1849, i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of impending settlement, Vancouver Island was made a B r i t i s h colony to f o r e s t a l l claims l i k e l y by American s e t t l e r s from the south. At t h i s time the white population was about 450, compared to 35,000 coast Indians (La V i o l e t t e , 1973: 9, 78). Although concerned about the impact of settlement on the fur trade, James Douglas, then Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, r e l u c t a n t l y accepted the post of governor, and under his leadership, Indian-white r e l a t i o n s remained f a i r l y harmonious u n t i l 1858. He adopted a p o l i c y of negotiating t r e a t i e s with Indians on the settlement f r o n t i e r . His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o l o n i a l p o l i c y was l i b e r a l , e s s e n t i a l l y reserving f o r Indians any land they wanted, making guarantees of hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s i n unoccupied t e r r i t o r y , and small payments for the land ceded. In t h i s way fourteen separate t r e a t i e s were negotiated i n the areas f i r s t s e t t l e d on Vancouver Island. Apparently neither party to these t r e a t i e s foresaw the extent of European settlement and resource use, which now covers v i r t u a l l y the whole is l a n d with timber harvesting lic e n c e s , farms, roads and settlements. Under t h i s p o l i c y , the fur • trading and settlement :eras merged, the one engendering the other. The d i f f e r e n c e i n a t t i t u d e towards Indians, between fur traders and s e t t l e r s , was c r u c i a l to the future treatment of Indian r i g h t s i n the province. Fisher s u c c i n c t l y describes the dominant a t t i t u d e s of the t ime: 15 Europeans always feared being reduced to the l e v e l of "savages" and so from the f i r s t contacts on the north-west coast they tended to emphasis those things that established t h e i r separateness from the Indians, rather than those features that demonstrated th e i r common humanity (1974: 116-117). While s e t t l e r s were i n c l i n e d to make r a c i a l generalizations about a l l the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, the fur trader had some awareness of i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s , and an even greater consciousness of t r i b a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Not a l l the Indians were equally admired or d i s l i k e d ; so that many of the fur traders' judgments were not . r a c i s t but rather the r e s u l t of comparing one group of Indians with another (1974: 123). Therefore one might expect that i f the s e t t l e r image was l a r g e l y based on prejudice and ignorance there would be l i t t l e i n t h e i r p o l i c i e s to benefit the Indian, and that as a t t i t u d e s became more abusive, so d i d treatment of the Indians (1974; 143). Beginning i n 1858, three events occurred which were to have a devastating impact on the p o l i t i c a l and economic p o s i t i o n of Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The discovery of gold on the mainland i n that year brought an end to the domination of the fur trade. In Fisher's words "San Francisco drained into Vancouver" and the sudden i n f l u x of sin g l e minded treasure seekers overwhelmed the incremental settlement p o l i c i e s which had been followed up to that time. The B r i t i s h government was forced into a defensive p o s i t i o n simply to maintain order. Mainland B r i t i s h Columbia was made a colony i n 1858 and Douglas resigned from the Hudson's Bay Company to govern the new colony as w e l l as Vancouver Island. Gold commissioners with wide administrative and j u d i c i a l powers were appointed to keep order i n the gold f i e l d s , and only firm diplomacy and p o l i c i n g by these o f f i c i a l s and Douglas averted actual warfare;.. 16 As they swept through the province, the gold miners formed an advance shock wave for s e t t l e r s . When the gold ran out, many remained to s e t t l e land from which Indians had been driven, but which they s t i l l regarded as t h e i r own. The s e t t l e r s who followed saw land as t h e i r path of advancement. I t was the reason they came and i t brought them into d i r e c t c o n f l i c t with Indian i n t e r e s t s . Douglas' e a r l i e r p o l i c y of negotiating t r e a t i e s and of reserving land for Indians on the basis of t h e i r own requests was neutralized, because he no longer had access to Hudson's Bay stores to s e t t l e the Indian t i t l e . The gold rush had devastating impact on Indians throughout the provinces as prospecting a c t i v i t y d i f f u s e d into the i n t e r i o r and northward. The pattern set at that time continues to the present. Indians i s o l a t e d and sheltered from the rest of the province are abruptly overwhelmed by resource e x p l o i t a t i o n of their t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y , and i n the past have not r e a l i z e d what was happening u n t i l the t r a n s i t i o n was i r r e v e r s i b l e . The second blow to Indian well being was the smallpox epidemic of 1862. The c a r r i e r a r r i v e d from San Francisco i n the summer, when thousands of Indians were congregated at V i c t o r i a f o r excitement, trading and employment opportunities. Smallpox spread r a p i d l y through the crowded encampments, and the a u t h o r i t i e s , fearing an epidemic i n the white community responded by d r i v i n g the Indians away, including the l o c a l band, and razing t h e i r houses. As they returned home, the natives spread the disease up the coast and f a r into the i n t e r i o r . Only the most is o l a t e d bands escaped the epidemic. The combination of mor t a l i t y from smallpox, lower resistance to other diseases, and the d i s r u p t i o n of t h e i r subsistence a c t i v i t y lowered the Indian population by one t h i r d i n two or three years, and a rapid d ecline continued f o r at least the next twenty. The repercussions on s o c i a l organization continued into the present century. The t h i r d h i s t o r i c a l milestone was the retirement of Governor Douglas i n 1864. Lacking the tolerance fostered by the fur trade, his successors were deeply involved i n the society of the s e t t l e r s and shared t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards Indians and development of the two colonies. Joseph Trutch, the c o l o n i a l Lands Commissioner, and l a t e r Lieutenant Governor, who shaped much of Indian p o l i c y during t h i s era, considered reserves of ten acres per family adequate at a time when Treaty Number 3 with Indians i n southwestern Ontario (1873) provided 640 acres per family. Despite a request i n 1861 for money from London to s e t t l e Indian t i t l e , the c o l o n i a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments a f t e r 1864 have co n s i s t e n t l y refused to recognize the concept of Indian t i t l e or a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s , and have permitted, or even encouraged, encroachment by s e t t l e r s on previously Indian t e r r i t o r y . Fisher summarizes the change which occurred a f t e r 1864: When Douglas had been appointed Governor of Vancouver Island, i t was p a r t l y because, as a fur trader, he would protect the Indians from "mere caprice of ordinary s e t t l e r s , " but now Indian p o l i c y was f i r m l y i n the hands of those same capricious s e t t l e r s . (1974: 240). Later he quotes Berkhofer that "the most s i g n i f i c a n t turning point i n the hi s t o r y of an Indian t r i b e was the loss of p o l i t i c a l autonomy" (1974: 259) . No longer could Indians adapt s e l e c t i v e l y to European c u l t u r e . The period of non-directed change was at an end, and Indians found themselves increasingly directed from without by a s e t t l e r -oriented government. As settlement expanded, Indians were more and more often squeezed out of the economic mainstream. T r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e s became f i r s t d i f f i c u l t , and then impossible, as land was cleared and population grew i n many areas. In contrast to the fur trade, the new a g r i c u l t u r a l economy had l i t t l e need of Indian labour. Rather than being an e s s e n t i a l part of the economy, Indians were now competitors and were systematically excluded from the best land without compensation. Many Indians t r i e d to adapt to the changing economic s i t u a t i o n , and, by 1890, were engaged i n occupations such as longshoring, commercial f i s h i n g and canning. Often these were only temporary or marginal jobs. For the most part, Indians were i s o l a t e d i n confined " r u r a l ghettos" and unwelcome i n s e t t l e r society. Fisher concludes: The h i s t o r y of Indian and European r e l a t i o n s a f t e r 1890, at l e a s t u n t i l the Indian resurgence of the middle of the twentieth century was simply a reassertion of what had already been established by the consolidation of settlement (1974:311). THE INDUSTRIAL ERA By 1890, B r i t i s h Columbia Indians had been deprived of most of the phy s i c a l resources which had previously supported them. What remained were t h e i r human r e s o u r c e s , t h e p e r s o n a l s k i l l s , q u a l i t i e s and s o c i a l p a t t e r n s w h i c h made them good longshoremen, f i s h e r m e n and c a n n e r y w o r k e r s , and w e l l s u i t e d I n d i a n s f o r employment i n many of t h e new r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r i e s . The s i t u a t i o n changed d u r i n g t h e s u c c e e d i n g s e v e n t y y e a r s . I n d i a n s were i s o l a t e d from t h e main stream by f e d e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e m a c h i n e r y , and p h y s i c a l l y t i e d t o s c a t t e r e d r e s e r v e s . Changes i n m a r k e t s and t e c h n o l o g y l e f t I n d i a n s s t r a n d e d o u t s i d e t h e s o c i e t y t h e y were e x p e c t e d t o j o i n . A 1954 o c c u p a t i o n a l s u r v e y o f I n d i a n s i n d i c a t e s t h a t by f a r t h e most i m p o r t a n t i n d u s t r i e s i n terms of numbers employed were f i s h i n g and f i s h p r o c e s s i n g , l o g g i n g and s a w m i l l i n g , f a r m i n g and t r a p p i n g (Hawthorn, 1958: 7 5 ) . F i s h i n g was by f a r t h e l a r g e s t e m ployer, and t r a p p i n g much l e s s i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e o t h e r s . A r e v i e w o f t h e 1961 and 1971 census f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e s i t u a t i o n r e m a i n s g e n e r a l l y t h e same, e x c e p t t h a t t r a p p i n g i s now v i r t u a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t as a s o u r c e of employment. D e s p i t e s m a l l g a i n s i n t r a d e and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h e m a j o r i t y o f I n d i a n s i n t h e p r o v i n c e s t i l l work as c a s u a l l a b o u r e r s , i n p r i m a r y i n d u s t r i e s o r i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d s e c o n d a r y i n d u s t r i e s s u c h as lumber m i l l i n g , f i s h p a c k i n g and f r u i t p r o c e s s i n g . S i n c e t h e s e t t l e m e n t p e r i o d began, some I n d i a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s have always been a b l e t o f i n d a n i c h e i n t h e economy w h i c h p r o v i d e d a l i v i n g income f r o m h a r d i n d e p e n d e n t e f f o r t . U s u a l l y e n t e r p r i s e s have been t o some e x t e n t r e s t r i c t e d t o m a r g i n a l a r e a s of o p e r a t i o n w h i c h had n o t 20 been claimed by non-Indians. Indian economic h i s t o r y since 1890 i s a pic t u r e of marginality, with occasional periods of prosperity. The more prosperous times were co n s i s t e n t l y ended by the invasion of competing whites and government regulations to conserve the resource, or by external changes which al t e r e d whole i n d u s t r i e s . As marginal labourers, i n many cases, Indians were the l a s t to be hired and the f i r s t to be l a i d o f f . For those with any amount of c a p i t a l equipment, there was always the threat of lo s i n g i t to c r e d i t o r s . Indians, who with great e f f o r t b u i l t up a small stake, were highly vulnerable to i n d u s t r i a l change. Their response to c r i s i s was l i m i t e d by two f a c t o r s . F i r s t , they could not, as Indians, obtain c r e d i t e a s i l y . Second, the reserve system discouraged t h e i r m o b i l i t y . For Indians, each resource industry has i t s own problems which w i l l be summarized b r i e f l y . AGRICULTURE Ag r i c u l t u r e was promoted from the e a r l i e s t years by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch as part of i t s strategy of Indian "improvement." A r e l a t i v e l y high portion of funding was devoted to such things as i r r i g a t i o n systems and to the purchase of l i v e s t o c k . In addition, many Indian c h i l d r e n received at least rudimentary i n s t r u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e , working i n the f i e l d s of the church-run i n d u s t r i a l schools. This sustained e f f o r t has resulted i n a number of successful commercial farms 21 and ranches, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Okanagan,. and as a supplement to hunting and intermittent wage labour, small scale farming and ranching generates a subsistence base for many Indians i n the i n t e r i o r . However, the p o l i c y was i l l - c o n c e i v e d for B r i t i s h Columbia, where Indians have very l i t t l e prime a g r i c u l t u r a l land. In a g r i c u l t u r a l regions, much of the best reserve land i s leased to non-Indian tenants who many combine i t with off-reserve holdings to achieve a v i a b l e economic u n i t . Recently, some Indian band developments have adopted the same procedure to consolidate holdings on a reserve, and operate them as a sing l e farm. By encouraging agriculture,- Indian A f f a i r s has been promoting an industry which remains a dec l i n i n g source of employment. Production may increase, but the emphasis i s on large scale and e f f i c i e n c y . Lacking land, c r e d i t and i n many cases, water and adequate grazing land, Indians have generally been poorly placed to achieve these conditions. By 1961, a g r i c u l t u r e was the primary income source of only about ten per cent of employed Indians l i v i n g on reserve, and by 1971, t h i s had f a l l e n to les s than seven per cent according to census records. TRAPPING The trapping industry i s now a very minor source of income for Indians, although for some i t i s an important l i n k with t r a d i t i o n s of which they are proud. Indians hold almost two t h i r d s of a l l t r a p l i n e s , and i n the northern part of the province, perhaps half of them are used. 22 The i n d u s t r y remained p r o f i t a b l e f o r I n d i a n s , and a major s o u r c e of income u n t i l s e v e r a l f a c t o r s began to c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e i r d i s p l a c e m e n t (Hawthorn 1958: 101) . N o n - I n d i a n s began t o e n t e r t h e i n d u s t r y i n l a r g e numbers and i n r e s p o n s e c o n s e r v a t i o n r e g u l a t i o n s were imposed by t h e p r o v i n c i a l government, I n d i a n s were t y p i c a l l y t h e l a s t t o know about t h e r e g u l a t i o n s , and many adopted t h e p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e y were e n t i t l e d t o t r a p as a m a t t e r of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t . W h i t e t r a p p e r s s e c u r e d p e r m i t s f o r many a r e a s w h i c h had been e x c l u s i v e l y I n d i a n , and d i s p l a c e m e n t became e s p e c i a l l y s e v e r e d u r i n g t h e 1930's when l i t t l e o t h e r employment was a v a i l a b l e . O nly t h e n d i d t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h i n t e r c e d e w i t h t h e Game Commission t o p r e v e n t f u r t h e r d i s p l a c e m e n t . B u t , many of t h e b e s t t r a p p i n g a r e a s had been t a k e n and p u r c h a s e was u s u a l l y beyond t h e means of a s p i r i n g I n d i a n t r a p p e r s . I n t h e e a r l y 1950's changes i n f a s h i o n s and c o m p e t i t i o n from l a r g e s c a l e f u r r a n c h e s r e d u c e d f u r p r i c e s . T r a p p e r s were c a u g h t i n a c o s t - p r i c e squeeze, and i n i s o l a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s , w i t h no a l t e r n a t i v e employment a v a i l a b l e , whole bands were re d u c e d f r o m s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y t o a l m o s t t o t a l w e l f a r e dependence, v i r t u a l l y o v e r -n i g h t . FISHING B r i t i s h Columbia I n d i a n s t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e l i e d h e a v i l y on t h e P a c i f i c salmon. The main I n d i a n s e t t l e m e n t s on the c o a s t had been p l a c e d t o t a k e advantage of t h e salmon r u n s , and when c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g began i n t h e 1870's, t h e i n d u s t r y and f i r s t c a n n e r i e s f o c u s s e d on t h e same l o c a t i o n s . There were few s e t t l e r s i n t h e s e p l a c e s , so I n d i a n l a b o u r became c r u c i a l t o t h e i n d u s t r y , t h e men m a i n l y i n f i s h i n g and t h e women i n t h e c a n n e r i e s , The employment demands of the i n d u s t r y c o u l d be f i t t e d i n t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s e a s o n a l p a t t e r n , and I n d i a n s a d a p t e d r e a d i l y t o i t . From t h e s t a r t , f o u r changes c o n t r i b u t e d t o l e s s e n I n d i a n s e c u r i t y . The f i r s t was g r o w i n g c o m p e t i t i o n from o t h e r f i s h e r m e n , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e s o u t h . Second, r e g u l a t i o n s were imposed t o c o n s e r v e salmon s t o c k s , w h i c h p l a c e d a premium on t h e e f f i c i e n c y w i t h w h i c h f i s h c o u l d be t a k e n . T h i r d , f i s h i n g t e c h n o l o g y became more complex, and c o n s e q u e n t l y more e x p e n s i v e . F o u r t h , improvements i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and c o l d s t o r a g e i n c r e a s e d t h e range of t h e l a r g e r f i s h i n g b o a t s and of f i s h p a c k e r s , r e s u l t i n g i n g r e a t e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n of t h e i n d u s t r y . Between 1920 and 1970 t h e number of c a n n e r i e s d e c r e a s e d from 59 a t w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d l o c a t i o n s t o 15 c o n c e n t r a t e d i n Vancouver and P r i n c e R u p e r t (Hawthorn 1958: 115, Burns 1976; 1 1 1 ) . I n d i a n employment i n t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y peaked d u r i n g t h e Second World War, but i n t h e f a c e of i n t e n s e c o m p e t i t i o n and r i s i n g c o s t s , has d e c l i n e d e v e r s i n c e . I n 1954, t h i r t y per c e n t of employed I n d i a n s were f i s h e r m e n , many w i t h t h e i r own b o a t s . A n o t h e r f i f t e e n per c e n t were employed i n t h e p r o c e s s i n g i n d u s t r y , Comparable d a t a a r e not a v a i l a b l e f o r more r e c e n t p e r i o d s , but F r i e d l a e n d e r (1975) shows t h a t f r o m 1964 t o 1973, t h e r e was a f o r t y f o u r p e r c e n t d e c l i n e i n t h e number of I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n , w h i c h r e p r e s e n t e d a d e c l i n e from 19 t o 12 per c e n t of a l l f i s h e r m e n i n t h e p r o v i n c e . 24 The number of f i s h i n g vessels dropped almost as much, but by the end of the period, the Indian Fishermen's Assistance Program (IFAP) had slowed the decline to l e s s than that of the industry as a whole, and i n 1973, Indian fishermen, for the f i r s t time, had average gross returns above the rest of the industry. Recently, several f i s h processing plants have been opened by Indian cooperatives i n the wake of closures by the major packing companies which had displaced large numbers of native shoreworkers. Indian fishermen now enjoy a r e l a t i v e l y secure p o s i t i o n i n the industry, Federal programs have overcome the main f i n a n c i a l problems of the past, and incomes w i l l probably r i s e further as a r e s u l t of present salmon enhancement p o l i c i e s . However, there are substantial b a r r i e r s , both f i n a n c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l , to new entrants. Processing employment w i l l probably not increase e i t h e r , For coast f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s with growing populations, t h i s implies a search for a l t e r n a t i v e employment, substantial outmigration, or reduced incomes and increased dependence on welfare. FORESTRY The early logging industry used hand too l s , and was open to anyone, including Indians, who could get together a few tools and perhaps a team of horses, As i n f i s h i n g , a series of i n s t i t u t i o n a l and technological changes have worked to reduce Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Imprudent government p o l i c i e s early in. the century resulted i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of most of the better timber r i g h t s i n the province by speculators. Later regulations were geared to large operations and e f f e c t i v e l y alienated the rest of the economic timber resources. Indians had very l i t t l e chance to acquire timber harvesting r i g h t s , and Pritchard (1977) has shown how independent Indian loggers were r e s t r i c t e d to timber no one else wanted during the early part of the century. The complexity and cost of logging methods has increased s t e a d i l y , u n t i l even a small operation costs several hundred thousand d o l l a r s to set up, In the same period, improved tugs and s e l f -dumping barges increased the range'over which logs can be moved to m i l l s , further increasing concentration i n the industry. When the Hawthorn survey was done i n 1954, the logging and sawmilling industry was the second most important employer of Indians. Nineteen per cent depended on the industry for t h e i r primary source of income and many others supplemented t h e i r income with seasonal work, logging, or as labourers i n m i l l s , (1958: 75). The industry has probably become more important to Indians since that time. During the 1960's, employment of Indians increased i n logging, sawmilling and r e l a t e d longshoring, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n areas such as Vancouver Island, the Queen Charlottes, and the Nass and Skeena v a l l e y s , where displacement from f i s h i n g has been most severe (Hawthorn 1966: 146) . Census figures show that the forest industry share of Indian employment increased to about twenty per cent by 1961, and twenty-two per cent by 1971. 26 In the i n t e r i o r , the process of concentration was p a r t i c u l a r l y rapid during the 1960's and early 1970's. Several integrated f o r e s t products m i l l s were b u i l t during t h i s period. However, the increase i n capacity coincided with a soft world market for many products, which forced many of the older and smaller m i l l s to shut down, or to operate only i n t e r m i t t e n t l y . Although some Indians, notably at Burns Lake, have been able to p r o f i t from recent development, the shutdown of smaller logging and m i l l i n g operations has meant the disappearance of many jobs. Some opportunities f o r i n d i v i d u a l enterprise s t i l l e x i s t doing contract logging, or hauling logs f o r the large companies. The combination of depressed p r i c e s with the many other f a c t o r s which a f f e c t Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy means that any expansion of Indian employment i n the forest industry over the next few years i s problematic. The large f o r e s t products companies w i l l replace labour with automated equipment as long as they expect cost savings from t h i s . Second, so long as pr i c e s remain low, construction of new m i l l s i s l i k e l y to be postponed or cancelled. The usual d i f f i c u l t y of r a i s i n g funds f o r Indian projects w i l l be compounded by d i f f i c u l t y i n showing that f o r e s t r y projects are v i a b l e , and any that are financed w i l l face a d i f f i c u l t s t a r t up period. This i s demonstrated by the recent f a i l u r e of the m u l t i -m i l l i o n d o l l a r Ehattesaht development. MISSIONARIES AND ADMINISTRATORS Two i n s t i t u t i o n s arrived i n the wake of the c r i s i s of the 1860's 27 w h i c h added t o t h e o n s l a u g h t on t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n c u l t u r e . B o t h were d e d i c a t e d t o m o l d i n g the I n d i a n i n t o a model c i t i z e n i n the new o r d e r c o m p l ete w i t h a work e t h i c , C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y and r e s p e c t f o r t h e law; b u t i n t h e end, b o t h c o n t r i b u t e d t o keep I n d i a n s from f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t he b e n e f i t s o f t h a t o r d e r . As l a t e as 1859, t h e r e were o n l y e l e v e n m i s s i o n a r i e s a t work i n th e t w i n c o l o n i e s ( L a V i o l e t t e , 1961: 3 1 ) . However, from t h i s t i m e on, t h e advance of s e t t l e r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s seemed t o go hand i n hand. W i l l i a m Duncan o f t h e A n g l i c a n Church M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y , who began work a t F o r t Simpson i n 1857, e p i t o m i z e s m i s s i o n a r i e s a t t h e end of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . D u f f d e s c r i b e s him: Duncan was the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s o f t h e t i m e : he had immense f a i t h and co u r a g e , and t h e g i g a n t i c a u d a c i t y r e q u i r e d t o move u n i n v i t e d i n t o a l a r g e community o f f o r e i g n and h o s t i l e p e o p l e and s i n g l e - h a n d e d l y assume a b s o l u t e c o n t r o l and r e s h a p e t h e i r l i v e s (1964: 9 2 ) . Duncan f a i l e d i n n o t p r o v i d i n g f o r t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f h i s work. C o n t r a r y t o t h e p o l i c y o f h i s s p o n s o r s , he d i d n o t t r a i n T s i m s h i a n p a s t o r s to s u c c e e d him. By p e r s o n a l l y c o n t r o l l i n g e v e r y a s p e c t o f l i f e i n t h e community he d e p r i v e d t h e I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r own f u t u r e , and a f t e r he l e f t , t h e y r e v e r t e d p a r t i a l l y t o t r a d i t i o n a l ways. On t h e o t h e r hand, L a V i o l e t t e s u g g e s t s t h a t Duncan's a c t i v i t y and, by i n f e r e n c e , t h a t o f o t h e r m i s s i o n a r i e s , was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n p r e c i p i t a t i n g a l a r g e number of n o r t h c o a s t I n d i a n s f u l l y i n t o a p e r i o d o f e x t e n d e d c r i s i s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l c r e a t i v i t y , w h i c h s u b s e q u e n t l y gave r i s e t o i m p o r t a n t n a t i v e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s (1961: 3 0 ) . Where s e t t l e r s wanted r e m o v a l and c o n f i n e m e n t o f I n d i a n s u n t i l s u c h t i m e as t h e y d i e d o u t , m i s s i o n a r i e s wanted them "i m p r o v e d " . T h i s c r e a t e d some c l a s h e s o v e r t h e l a n d q u e s t i o n , b u t m i s s i o n a r i e s l a c k e d t h e p o l i t i c a l power to be e f f e c t i v e . U n l i k e f u r t r a d e r s , m i s s i o n a r i e s were d e t e r m i n e d to i n t r o d u c e s o c i a l change i n t h e i r e f f o r t s t o " i m p r o v e " I n d i a n s . Because t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s d i d n o t s e p a r a t e w e s t e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y and Western c i v i l i z a t i o n t h e y approached I n d i a n c u l t u r e as a t o t a l i t y and demanded a t o t a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n p r o s e l y t e . T h e i r aim was the complete d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e g r a t e d I n d i a n way o f l i f e ( F i s h e r , 1974: 218-219). I n t h i s , : m i s s i o n a r i e s l a r g e l y s u c c e e d e d , b u t t h e y g e n e r a l l y f a i l e d a t t u r n i n g I n d i a n s i n t o w h i t e men. Many s o u l s were saved b u t no i n t e g r a t e d way o f l i f e on e a r t h was e s t a b l i s h e d t o r e p l a c e d t h e one w h i c h had been d e s t r o y e d . B r i t i s h C o l umbia j o i n e d C o n f e d e r a t i o n i n 1871, about t h e t i m e s e t t l e r s f i r s t outnumbered I n d i a n s . By C l a u s e 13 o f t h e Terms o f U n i o n , the F e d e r a l government was made r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e w a r d s h i p o f I n d i a n s i n the p r o v i n c e and t h e t r u s t e e s h i p of a l l l a n d s r e s e r v e d f o r them. The C l a u s e s t a t e s i n p a r t : 29 The charge o f I n d i a n s , and t h e t r u s t e e s h i p and management o f l a n d s r e s e r v e d f o r t h e i r use and b e n e f i t , s h a l l be assumed by t h e Dominion Government, and a p o l i c y as l i b e r a l as t h a t h i t h e r t o p u r s u e d by the B r i t i s h C o l umbia Government a f t e r t h e U n i o n (R.S.C. 1970: A p p e n d i c e s 284). As n o t e d above, t h e l a n d p o l i c y o f t h e s e t t l e r dominated l e g i s l a t u r e was a n y t h i n g but l i b e r a l , and i f a n y t h i n g , became l e s s so once r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was t r a n s f e r r e d t o t h e f e d e r a l government. I n d i a n s c o n t i n u e d t o p r e s s f o r t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s , e s p e c i a l l y on the N o r t h w e s t C o a s t , b u t t h e i s s u e was s c r u p u l o u s l y a v o i d e d by b o t h governments. The f e d e r a l o f f i c i a l s hoped v a i n l y t h a t generous a l l o c a t i o n of r e s e r v e s w o u l d s e t t l e the i s s u e , b u t n a t i o n a l p r i o r i t i e s p r e v e n t e d a d o p t i o n o f a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n t o a c h i e v e even t h a t much ( D u f f 1964: 6 7 ) . By 1883, e i g h t I n d i a n Agents had been a p p o i n t e d t o o v e r s e e t h e a c c u l t u r a t i o n o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a I n d i a n s . Over the n e x t e i g h t y y e a r s , a g e n c i e s were added and d i v i d e d u n t i l , by 1963, t h e r e were t w e n t y , p r o v i d i n g d e c e n t r a l i z e d g e n e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of I n d i a n s t h r o u g h o u t B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f a g e n c i e s c l o s e l y matched t h e development o f an i n d u s t r i a l r e s o u r c e - b a s e d economy i n the p r o v i n c e . S i n c e 1963, improvements i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , as w e l l as I n d i a n p r o t e s t s , have r e d u c e d t o e i g h t the number o f a g e n c i e s , w h i c h a r e now c a l l e d d i s t r i c t s . The b u l k o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s d i r e c t e d from t h e r e g i o n a l and d i s t r i c t o f f i c e s l o c a t e d i n Vancouver. R e c e n t l y , t h e t e n d e n c y has been t o d e c e n t r a l i z e r o u t i n e l o c a l s e r v i c e s t o band s t a f f , and c o n c e n t r a t e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a nch s t a f f i n fewer o f f i c e s . However, 30 t h e r e i s a c o u n t e r v a i l i n g movement underway to d e c e n t r a l i z e t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l a d v i s o r y p e r s o n n e l who have, u n t i l now, been l o c a t e d o n l y a t the r e g i o n a l o f f i c e . The convergence appears t o be towards o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o f i v e " s u p e r - d i s t r i c t s " o r a r e a o f f i c e s w h i c h w i l l p e r f o r m a wide range o f t e c h n i c a l and h i g h e r l e v e l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s but l e a v e day t o day a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o l o c a l I n d i a n band s t a f f . I n t h e e a r l y y e a r s , t h e I n d i a n A g e n t s ' a c c u l t u r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s were m a i n l y t o count heads and a s s i s t i n l a y i n g o u t r e s e r v e s . The f i r s t I n d i a n Agents s h a r e d t h e m i s s i o n a r y v i e w t h a t t h e o n l y f u t u r e f o r t h e i r wards l a y i n "improvement", and g r e a t l y r e s p e c t e d t h e m i s s i o n a r y e f f o r t s w i t h i n d u s t r i a l s c h o o l s and m o r a l r e f o r m . From t h e i n f a n c y o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e 1870's, L a V i o l e t t e s a y s : . . . t h e p o l i c y o f w a r d s h i p and a c c u l t u r a t i o n had a l r e a d y been f o r m u l a t e d . I t was t h o u g h t , f o r example, t h a t a l a n d economy woul d have t o be d e v e l o p e d f o r t h e salmon-f i s h i n g I n d i a n s so as t o s e t t l e t h e m . . . I n d i a n a t t i t u d e s w o u l d have to be changed, i t seemed o b v i o u s , i f the I n d i a n s were to become s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g . I t was c l e a r t h a t t h e I n d i a n Agent was i n t h e f i e l d . . . t o be t h e p l a n n e r , t h e d i r e c t o r and t h e r e p o r t e r of p r o g r e s s i n t h e programmes o f P a r l i a m e n t and t h e Department o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s (1961: 3 2 ) . By 1880, s e v e n d e n o m i n a t i o n a l s c h o o l s on t h e c o a s t were r e c e i v i n g f e d e r a l g r a n t s t o a s s i s t i n e d u c a t i n g I n d i a n c h i l d r e n . T h i s p r a c t i c e was c r i t i c i z e d by t h e Hawthorn s t u d y team because o f t h e s e g r e g a t i n g and f a c t i o n a l i z i n g t e n d e n c y o f much d e n o m i n a t i o n a l s c h o o l i n g (1967: 15, 61-62) and has s i n c e been a l m o s t c o m p l e t e l y phased o u t . 31 I n the e a r l y 1880's, m i s s i o n a r y , as w e l l as o t h e r w h i t e , a t t e n t i o n was f o c u s s i n g on the p o t l a t c h i n s t i t u t i o n . The p o t l a t c h was more t h a n i m m o r a l ; i t had come to be d e f i n e d as t h e g r o s s e s t o f o b s t a c l e s t o t h e C h r i s t i a n development of t h e I n d i a n s . . . . A p r o f o u n d p r o b l e m o f m o r a l i t y had become d e f i n e d as s i g n i f i c a n t t o I n d i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as w e l l as t o the c h u r c h e s (La V i o l e t t e 1961: 3 7 ) . The " a n t i - p o t l a t c h l a w " o f 1884 was a consequence o f t h e s e a t t i t u d e s . F i s h e r (1974: 304) a r g u e s t h a t t h e p o t l a t c h was so i n t e g r a l t o c o a s t c u l t u r e t h a t t o e l i m i n a t e i t was t o d e s t r o y t h a t c u l t u r e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h e l a w p r o v e d d i f f i c u l t t o e n f o r c e , and d e s p i t e m i s s i o n a r y p r o t e s t a t i o n s , enforcement was spasmodic u n t i l t h e s e c t i o n was dropped f r o m t h e I n d i a n A c t i n 1951. The a n t i - p o t l a t c h law was a s e r i o u s o b s t a c l e to the I n d i a n A g ents ( l a t e r s u p e r i n t e n d e n t s ) i n e s t a b l i s h i n g any k i n d o f r a p p o r t w i t h most o f t h e I n d i a n s i n the p r o v i n c e , t o f u l f i l l t h e r e s t o f t h e i r a c c u l t u r a t i v e t a s k . T h i s t a s k , as i t d e v e l o p e d t o the 1950's was enormous to the p o i n t o f b e i n g i m p o s s i b l e . The a u t h o r s o f t h e f o l l o w i n g q u o t e , a f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the j o b , go on t o say t h a t , i n s p i t e o f a genuine human c o n c e r n f o r I n d i a n s , t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s of t h e j o b f o r c e t h e I n d i a n s u p e r i n t e n d e n t t o adopt a b u r e a u c r a t i c a p p roach. The n e t r e s u l t s a r e two. The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s i n f a c t m a n a g e r i a l and r e l a t e d to p r o p e r t y ; i t i s n o t e d u c a t i v e i n t h e b r o a d s e n s e . And the I n d i a n s a r e r e s e n t f u l of t h e 32 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n because i t seems to r e g a r d them as c i p h e r s t o be m a n i p u l a t e d and n o t as p e r s o n s (Hawthorn 1958: 487). The t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e g r a t e d l i f e s t y l e had been r e p l a c e d by a n o t h e r i n t e g r a t e d l i f e s t y l e i n w h i c h a p a t e r n a l i s t i c I n d i a n Agent a c c o m p l i s h e d a l l t h e i m p o r t a n t b u s i n e s s o f l i v i n g , and a p a r t from o c c a s i o n a l l e c t u r e s , p l a c e d no p r e s s u r e on i n d i v i d u a l s t o become ( o r remain) s e l f - r e l i a n t . M o r e o v e r, t h e absence o f any e d u c a t i o n a l programs, a p a r t from o b l i g a t o r y s c h o o l a t t e n d a n c e up t o age f i f t e e n , d i d n o t h i n g towards d e v e l o p i n g t h e human r e s o u r c e s w h i c h w o u l d a l l o w I n d i a n s t o become s e l f - r e l i a n t . THE RESERVE SYSTEM D e s p i t e c o n t i n u e d p r o t e s t by I n d i a n s , r e s e r v e s were e s t a b l i s h e d and, s i n c e r a t i f i c a t i o n by the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments of the R e s e r v e Commission R e p o r t i n 1924, have remained v i r t u a l l y unchanged e x c e p t f o r a c o n t i n u a l e r o s i o n o f v a r i o u s r i g h t s o f way f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and u t i l i t i e s . A f t e r t h e A l l i e d T r i b e s o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a had t h e i r c l a i m d i s m i s s e d by a s p e c i a l J o i n t Committee o f P a r l i a m e n t i n 1927, t h e l a n d t i t l e s i s s u e submerged u n t i l t h e N i s h g a c a s e r e a c h e d t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a C o u r t o f A p p e a l s i n 1970 (Cumming and M i c k e n b e r g , 1972: 192). R e s e r v e s average about s i x t e e n a c r e s f o r each I n d i a n , w h i c h i n c l u d e s a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n of l a n d w i t h l i t t l e o r no c u r r e n t economic v a l u e . The r e s e r v e s y s t e m i s p i t i f u l l y i n a d e q u a t e , even f o r t h e p o l i c y under w h i c h i t was i n s t i t u t e d , o f p r o v i d i n g I n d i a n s w i t h a l a n d base as a s t a k e i n t h e modern economy. Not o n l y i s i t a c o n s t a n t d e n i a l o f I n d i a n " a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s t o l a n d , b u t i t r e s u l t s i n g r o s s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . I t s e t s I n d i a n s a p a r t i n p r i m a r i l y r u r a l g h e t t o s , where t h e y have a semblance o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t and a g u a r a n t e e d miminum o f s e c u r i t y — and from w h i c h the economy can draw l a b o u r f o r m a r g i n a l o c c u p a t i o n s i n t i m e o f need. I t i s ' n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a p a r a l l e l has been drawn w i t h a p a r t h e i d i n South A f r i c a ( C a r s t e n s , 1971). A u t h o r s who have examined th e r e s e r v e s y s t e m from e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s of v i e w have remarked upon t h e f a c t t h a t i t c r e a t e d a r t i f i c i a l c ommunities and t h e n f r o z e them i n s i t u a t i o n s where communities i n t h e n o r m a l c o u r s e o f e v e n t s w o u l d have d i s s o l v e d o r m i g r a t e d because o f l a c k o f economic o p p o r t u n i t y ( D u f f , 1964; Hawthorn, 1967: 164). An I n d i a n l a w y e r s a y s : A r e we t o e x p e c t I n d i a n s t o come v o l u n t a r i l y and a n x i o u s l y i n t o a s o c i e t y t h a t a t one t i m e a v o i d e d them? They a r e coming, b u t t h e y come i l l p r e p a r e d . They do n o t have t h e e d u c a t i o n t h a t i s n e c e s s a r y to s u c c e s s f u l l y compete i n a c a p i t a l i s t i c s o c i e t y . They come w i t h mixed f e e l i n g s , w i t h mixed c u l t u r e s , w i t h c o n f u s i o n and w i t h f e a r and h e s i t a t i o n . . . . I t was n o t e n t i r e l y t h e f a u l t o f t h e non-I n d i a n Canadians t h a t such c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t . I t was a c o m b i n a t i o n o f f a c t o r s o f t h a t p a r t i c u l a r p e r i o d i n h i s t o r y . R e s e r v a t i o n s a r e now c o m p l e t e l y o u t o f d a t e . We no l o n g e r need r e s e r v a t i o n s ; t h e i r f u n c t i o n has changed and i t i s t i m e t o change them. I f we were t o put any group o f p e o p l e on r e s e r v e s and l e a v e them t h e r e f o r a c e n t u r y w i t h o u t g i v i n g them m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n , e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s o r t h e n e c e s s a r y n o u r i s h m e n t to keep body and s o u l t o g e t h e r , t h e y would u n d o u b t e d l y become a p r e t t y h e l p l e s s group (Wuttunee, 1971: 1 1 3 ) . 34 THE ROLE OF EDUCATION The e x p e r i e n c e o f W o r l d War I I and t h e boom w h i c h f o l l o w e d i t , f o s t e r e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e change i n a t t i t u d e s towards I n d i a n s , and some o f t h e i r p e r s i s t e n c e was rewarded. R e s u l t s o f t h e new a t t i t u d e s i n c l u d e d e x t e n s i o n o f the p r o v i n c i a l v o t e t o I n d i a n s i n 1949, and t h e •  m ajor r e v i s i o n o f t h e I n d i a n A c t i n 1951, w h i c h e l i m i n a t e d t h e most b l a t a n t l y d i s c r i m i n a t o r y s e c t i o n s . The decade a l s o b r o u g h t an i n c r e a s e d c o n c e r n f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n o f I n d i a n s i n t o t h e new p r o s p e r i t y . Hopes were p i n n e d on t h e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n and f o r the f i r s t t i m e , t h e government became d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n s c h o o l i n g . Compulsory a t t e n d a n c e was e n f o r c e d . The c o n c e p t was sound b u t the means were n o t , and t h e e x p e c t e d r e s u l t s d i d n o t m a t e r i a l i z e , a l t h o u g h u n f o r e s e e n s y s t e m i c consequences d i d . Remote communities w h i c h had p r e v i o u s l y been i n d e p e n d e n t were re d u c e d t o w e l f a r e dependence a l m o s t o v e r n i g h t when c h i l d r e n had t o l e a v e t h e bush f o r c e n t r a l s c h o o l s , and t h e i r p a r e n t s f o l l o w e d them to t h e s e t t l e m e n t r a t h e r t h a n b r e a k up t h e f a m i l y t o c o n t i n u e t r a p p i n g and h u n t i n g a t a d i s t a n c e . The c h i l d r e n emerged from s c h o o l w i t h no more e c o n o m i c a l l y u s e f u l e d u c a t i o n than when t h e y went i n , and moreover had a l s o been d e p r i v e d o f t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o l e a r n bush s k i l l s . The r e s u l t was r e d u c e d s e l f - r e l i a n c e and more dependence i n s t e a d o f l e s s . 35 The creation of a compulsory school system did not produce education, and the Hawthorn study showed i n considerable d e t a i l why (1967). E s s e n t i a l l y , the problem lay i n the d e f i n i t i o n , of education as a process of exposing children to a standard curriculum, taught by teachers with standard q u a l i f i c a t i o n s i n a standard i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g . There was no recognition of Indian c u l t u r a l d ifferences, of incongruity between school and home or of the extent to which pre-school t r a i n i n g and home support complement the classroom s i t u a t i o n . Seven year old Indian children were being thrust into a foreign environment for which they had no preparation. When the lessons of that environment penetrated, they had no r e l a t i o n to the home environment and the r e s u l t i n g dissonance caused new problems. I f the c o n f l i c t was resolved i n favour of the home environment, the c h i l d would put i n the minimum attendance required u n t i l he was l e g a l l y of age to drop out. Others, a f t e r overcoming the i n i t i a l culture shock, ris k e d a l i e n a t i o n from family and community and struggled through high school. In 1964, the Hawthorn group found that ninety-four per cent of students did not complete high school. For those that did, schooling frequently provided no better chance of employment. They could stay i n the community, from which they had been alienated by t h e i r education, and be unemployed, or they could leave i n hope of f i n d i n g better opportunity elsewhere. E i t h e r way there was no demonstration to the r e s t of the community that schooling was valuable. Integration into p r o v i n c i a l schools which was begun i n the 1960's merely compounded the problem. To the foreign culture of teacher and school, were added foreign students 36 who c l e a r l y had no d i f f i c u l t y . I n d i a n c h i l d r e n , t h r o u g h b e i n g r e p e a t e d l y t o l d o f i t , and f r o m comparing w i t h t h e s e o t h e r s , began t o b e l i e v e i n t h e i r own i n f e r i o r i t y , p e r p e t u a t i n g t h e c y c l e of independence. The Hawthorn r e s e a r c h team c o n c l u d e d t h a t i t was n e c e s s a r y t o improve the s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g on r e s e r v e s b e f o r e s c h o o l i n g c o u l d be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e , b u t i t was a l s o n o t e d t h a t an improved s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g meant more th a n s i m p l y t h e d e l i v e r y o f new houses and t h e o t h e r m a t e r i a l t r a p p i n g s t h a t go w i t h i t i n N o r t h A m e r i c a (1967: 164, 1 6 9 ) . The f i n d i n g s o f o t h e r s complement t h i s v i e w . Deprez (n.d.) has shown t h a t i n c r e a s e d e d u c a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e s t o income o n l y when t h e r e i s employment a v i l a b l e , and shows t h a t much h i g h e r incomes c o r r e l a t e w i t h r e g i o n a l income r a t h e r t h a n w i t h e d u c a t i o n l e v e l s . He recommends t h a t e d u c a t i o n a l programs be p a i r e d w i t h economic development. At a n o t h e r l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s , N a g a t a (1973: 18) f o u n d t h a t " t h e major cause f o r t h e n e a r absence of I n d i a n b u s i n e s s ( i n t h e Tuba C i t y a r e a ) i s n o t t h e l a c k o f i n c e n t i v e s on t h e p a r t o f I n d i a n s , b u t t h a t o f i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l and m a n a g e r i a l s k i l l s . " The i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s i n c o m b i n a t i o n i s t h a t f o r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c development, t h e s t r e s s must be on a c o m b i n a t i o n o f j o b c r e a t i o n and j o b t r a i n i n g . C o n v e n t i o n a l s c h o o l i n g i s more e f f e c t i v e o n l y l a t e r when community e x p e c t a t i o n s have been r a i s e d , a l t h o u g h s p e c i a l programs d e s i g n e d f o r l o c a l needs, such as p r e - s c h o o l p r e p a r a t i o n and t u t o r i n g programs, can make t h e c o m p u l s o r y passage t h r o u g h grade s c h o o l l e s s t r a u m a t i c . 37 EXPECTATION AND MOTIVATION I t i s a l s o q u i t e c l e a r t h a t the h i g h drop o u t r a t e o f I n d i a n s t u d e n t s i s n o t due t o i n h e r e n t l a z i n e s s , o r a l a c k o f d e s i r e . I n c o n t e x t i t makes sense . F o r t h e s t u d e n t who i s overwhelmed by the i n i t i a l c u l t u r e shock o f s c h o o l , i t becomes an o r d e a l he does n o t u n d e r s t a n d , so he tunes out and s i m p l y p u t s i n time u n t i l t h e f i r s t o p p o r t u n i t y t o l e a v e . P r o s p e c t s of employment and s t a n d i n g i n t h e community a r e n o t t h e l e a s t b i t a f f e c t e d by t h i s d e c i s i o n i n many c a s e s . The p r o s p e c t s e i t h e r way a r e f o r a l i f e o f dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e supplemented w i t h s p o r a d i c c a s u a l employment. S t u d e n t s who overcome t h e i n i t i a l o b s t a c l e s and d e c i d e t o r e m a i n i n h i g h s c h o o l a f t e r t h e y a r e o f l e g a l age t o l e a v e (about Grade 10) g e n e r a l l y c o n t i n u e to g r a d u a t i o n (Hawthorn, 1967: 131). They a r e u s u a l l y h i g h l y m o t i v a t e d , sometimes i n p a r t by t h e i r I n d i a n n e s s . The e x p r e s s i o n of h a v i n g t o t r y h a r d e r than o t h e r s t o s u c c e e d because o f I n d i a n s t a t u s i s t y p i c a l o f o t h e r m o t i v a t e d y o u t h i n s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s ( c f . Hawthorn, 1967: 142; and G o t t l i e b , 1969). The p a t t e r n w h i c h emerges i s grounded i n t h e congruence o f a s p i r a t i o n s and e x p e c t a t i o n s . W i t h t e l e v i s i o n as u b i q u i t o u s as i t i s , I n d i a n s d e v e l o p the same a s p i r a t i o n s as most o t h e r p e o p l e i n terms o f m a t e r i a l p o s s e s s i o n s , w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s . When th e y l o o k around them, i n many i n s t a n c e s t h e r e i s no one t o whom t h e y can r e l a t e , who has a c t u a l l y r e a c h e d t h e l e v e l a s p i r e d t o . Thus, e x p e c t a t i o n s a r e down graded t o a l e v e l w h i c h i s more r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f 38 perceived opportunities. Much of the adjustment has to do with the amount of control an i n d i v i d u a l believes he has over h i s own future. When i t i s patently very l i t t l e , motivation suffers accordingly. The discrepancy between aspirations and expectations r e s u l t s i n considerable f r u s t r a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n , which r e s u l t s i n discontent with the e x i s t i n g state of a f f a i r s . Several responses r e s u l t ; withdrawal and dependency, e f f o r t s at reform and innovation, or antagonism and s t r i k i n g out at the symbols of the abandoned a s p i r a t i o n s . A l l are evident i n Indian communities. Frequently, the l a s t response i s directed at other members of the community, who have higher expectations and are motivated to continue working towards them. Apathetic withdrawal, p o l i t i c a l action and v i o l e n t confrontation a l l have t h e i r roots i n a s i t u a t i o n of powerless-ness and f r u s t r a t i o n . S t i l l , the Hawthorn study team was able to remark that there was s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e mental i l l n e s s and s o c i a l pathology on Indian reserves considering the prevalence of poor conditions and i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints on progress (1967: 146-147). In a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , some of the malaise i s concealed, but i t i s true that many Indian communities also r e t a i n a remarkable degree of i n t e g r i t y and optimism. ...most of the people on the reserve are burdened with chronic pervasive and severe poverty. Yet few of the reserve residents consider themselves "victims," nor do they appreciate being regarded as poverty s t r i c k e n unfortunates whose l i v e s are without meaning or hope. They r e s i s t being l a b e l l e d as problems with the same strength and tenacity that they have r e s i s t e d i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e defeat by the circumstances that have encroached upon them over the past century ( M i t c h e l l , 1976:297). 39 THE INDIAN DILEMMA - ISOLATION AND IDENTITY The preceding h i s t o r y shows that, from the time settlement of B r i t i s h Columbia by European immigrants began about 1850, Indians were almost systematically deprived of the resources on which they depended, and excluded from the mainstream of development i n the province. The actions of fur traders, missionaries, s e t t l e r s and administrators reinforced each other i n disrupting and suppressing the t r a d i t i o n a l cultures. Indians l o s t land to s e t t l e r s who appropriated as much f o r themselves as possible. The early attitude of the p r o v i n c i a l government was shaped by s e t t l e r i n t e r e s t s , and, once r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Indians had been assigned to the federal government i n 1871, the p r o v i n c i a l administration proceded to ignore them. The forest and mineral resources of the province have been dispensed without regard for Indian i n t e r e s t s . Indians were the l a s t to know when resources rights were being assigned, and were frequently displaced from land they regarded as t h e i r own. As a replacement for the economy from which they were r a p i d l y being excluded, they had the Federal Indian A f f a i r s Branch. The Branch offered welfare and an Indian Agent who took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l Indian business a f f a i r s as w e l l as l i a i s o n with other government agencies. A f t e r a century of dependence, most Indians were excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the benefits of the r i c h p r o v i n c i a l economy, by lack of job s k i l l s , by prejudice compounded of ignorance, by t h e i r separate l e g a l status and by years of f r u s t r a t i o n . 40 Since the condition of being Indian closed many opportunities open to other B r i t i s h Columbians, Indians clung to the few resources they retained. These consisted p r i m a r i l y of a share i n a small amount of reserve land, a persistent c u l t u r a l unity grown out of a common past and a common present, a share of a b i l i t i e s s t i l l needed i n a number of extractive i n d u s t r i e s and the dubious b e n e f i t of a r i g h t to subsidies from the fe d e r a l government when the other resources were i n s u f f i c i e n t to survive on. The r e s u l t was a c r u e l dilemma. Indians were i s o l a t e d from a mainstream economy by being Indian; but Indian status provided a guarantee of access to a miminum se c u r i t y . I t i s t h i s dilemma which shapes the economic p o s i t i o n of most Indians today. They lack the command of resources, both natural and human, which permit f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy. As a r e s u l t , they c l i n g to reserve l i f e . Because the s i t e s of reserves were o r i g i n a l l y selected on the basis of t h e i r s u i t a b i l i t y to a t r a d i t i o n a l economy which has gone, and because Indian A f f a i r s administration creates an i n s t i t u t i o n a l fence around them, reserve Indians are i s o l a t e d from the centres where economic opportunities are growing. The r e s u l t i s that over s i x t y per cent of the employable reserve Indians are without regular work (Indian Labour Force Survey, July, 1971), and of those who have work, over h a l f are employed i n resource industries with d e c l i n i n g labour requirements. This i s not a s i t u a t i o n that can be resolved, simply by doing away 41 with Indian status, the reserve system and a l l the associated i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints. The legacy of the past hundred years weighs more heavily than that. For Indians to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n Canadian society they must have control of a f u l l share of the nation's resources. This i s more than control of the land and natural resources on which a b o r i g i n a l claims centre, although that i s a major part. There i s a corresponding d i s p a r i t y to be made up i n control of human resources, taking into account factors such as n u t r i t i o n , health, education and job s k i l l s . S o c i a l resources constitute a t h i r d component, and include the backlog of housing and community i n f r a -structure needs. Thus, even i f the major i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints are removed, and. s u b s t a n t i a l control of resources derived from a b o r i g i n a l claims, major obstacles w i l l remain to be overcome, although the range of options and degree of independence w i l l have increased enormously. From t h i s , i t follows that, for the forseeable future, Indian communities w i l l continue to need s p e c i a l i s t developmental assistance. Organizational p r i n c i p l e s applicable within the present i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r a l w i l l s t i l l apply to some extent. The major difference would be much, more intensive e f f o r t and more rapid rates of change than at present. 42 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY - DEVELOPMENT THEORY, AND RESEARCH PROCEDURE This chapter consists of three sections. In the f i r s t s ection, several theories of development are reviewed to derive concepts useful to analysis of Indian community development i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In the second part, these concepts are applied to create a model which relates community development opportunity to l o c a t i o n . F i n a l l y , a framework for analyzing community-specific factors i s spelled out. 'The purpose of t h i s methodology i s to provide a way of organizing and i n t e r p r e t i n g socio-economic data on Indian communities, which i s useful for p o l i c y analysis, s p e c i f i c a l l y , of the organization of developmental advisory se r v i c e s . The purpose i s not to test empirically any of the competing development theories, although some conclusions can be derived which are i n c i d e n t a l to the primary purpose of the study. Most of the empirical data on which the analysis i s based have been included i n appendices, so that others can put them to d i f f e r e n t use. DEVELOPMENT THEORIES There are numerous theories which explain development or under-development. Frequently, theories are presented i n opposition to each other, and prescribe v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t approaches to improve conditions or eliminate d i s p a r i t i e s . However, the theories are based on observation of the same phenomena, and are generally compatible with each other. R i v a l development theories are found to contain useful descriptions of d i f f e r e n t processes at work simultaneously, although the dominant process and appropriate theory may vary from case to case, and depending on the purpose of study. Theories from several d i s c i p l i n e s have shaped the way i n which the present analysis i s c a r r i e d out. Six t h e o r e t i c a l constructs, from four d i s c i p l i n e s , which have been useful to the present study, are summarized b r i e f l y below. Economics provides the c a p i t a l theory of development. A s o c i o l o g i c a l model opposed to th i s i s dependency theory. Anthropological theories of c u l t u r a l change are associated with these two opposing theories; a c c u l t u r a t i o n corresponds to the economic model, while the metropolis-hinterland view i s based on dependency theory. Geography provides theory to explain the organization of a c t i v i t i e s i n space, and the roots f o r information, or transaction, based theories of growth. CAPITAL THEORY Standard economic theory says that development comes from c a p i t a l . C a p i t a l i s accumulated by the saving and investment of surplus product, and contributes, subsequently, to increased p r o d u c t i v i t y . In this model, development i s equated with the economies of "advanced" countries such as Germany, the United States or Japan, w h i c h a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i g h t e c h n o l o g y , l a r g e c a p i t a l s t o c k and i n v e s t m e n t , and h i g h mass consumption o f m a t e r i a l goods and s e r v i c e s . D u r i n g t h e 1960's, t h e n o t i o n o f human c a p i t a l was e v o l v e d t o e x p l a i n some a n o m a l i e s i n n a t i o n a l economic growth ( S c h u l t z , 1960, 1963; B e c k e r , 1964). I n t h i s t h e o r y , i n v e s t m e n t i n e d u c a t i o n , t r a i n i n g , o r b e t t e r n o u r i s h m e n t and h e a l t h , c o n t r i b u t e s t o i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y o f w o r k e r s , and t h e r e f o r e t o economic growth. Johnson (1970) f u r t h e r expanded t h i s a n a l y s i s i n t o a f o u r p a r t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f c a p i t a l t o i n c l u d e : a) c a p i t a l goods ( p r i v a t e / p h y s i c a l c a p i t a l ) , b) human c a p i t a l ( i n c l u d e s s k i l l s , a t t i t u d e s and m o t i v a t i o n , and i s c o n t r o l l e d by the i n d i v i d u a l s embodying i t ) , c) s o c i a l c a p i t a l ( i n f r a s t r u c t u r e o u t s i d e t h e market s y s t e m ) , d) i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p i t a l (knowledge, w h i c h can be used by anyone w i t h o u t r e d u c i n g i t s a v a i l a b i l i t y t o o t h e r s ) . O r g a n i z a t i o n can be seen as a c o m b i n a t i o n o f human and i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p i t a l i n t h i s c o n t e x t . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e economic model, underdevelopment o c c u r s because a c o u n t r y , o r p e o p l e , have n o t a c c u m u l a t e d enough c a p i t a l , o r a l l t y p e s , to r e s u l t i n t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y w h i c h p r o d u c e s h i g h incomes. A r e l a t e d model o f underdevelopment i s " b o t t l e n e c k " t h e o r y , i n w h i c h o n l y one t y p e o f c a p i t a l , o r o t h e r f a c t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n i s l a c k i n g . The o b v i o u s s o l u t i o n to underdevelopment i s to supply, or coerce from, underdeveloped people enough c a p i t a l , d o l l a r s and education, to rai s e them to the l e v e l of the mainstream. The concept of d i f f e r e n t types of c a p i t a l as the e s s e n t i a l basis for producing income i s basic to the analysis of th i s study. A related concept i s that c a p i t a l must be employed i n an economic, that i s , p r o f i t a b l e way, i f long term benefits are to r e s u l t . The converse of this i s that, i f no economic opportunities are ava i l a b l e , a community must remain poor, unless i t i s subsidized although i n d i v i d u a l s may migrate to locations where opportunity i s better. DEPENDENCY THEORY This r i v a l theory of underdevelopment refutes the p o s s i b i l i t y of underdeveloped areas becoming developed. In t h i s theory, developed o r i g i n a l l y i n a Latin-American context (Frank, 1967), i t i s argued that development and underdevelopment are complementary. Power i s held i n one group which uses this power to obtain a r e l a t i v e advantage over other groups. This r e s u l t s i n development and further concentration of power i n the former at the expense of the l a t t e r . Underdeveloped areas function to provide cheap labour and resources required by industries under the control of cen t r a l economic i n t e r e s t s . In t h i s model, less developed nations are s a t e l l i t e s of more developed ones, less developed regions 46 s a t e l l i t e s of more d e v e l o p e d r e g i o n s , and, a t a community l e v e l , l e s s d e v e l o p e d e t h n i c groups a r e s a t e l l i t e s o f more p o w e r f u l ones. A l t h o u g h d e v e l o p e d i n i t i a l l y on the b a s i s o f a M a r x i a n paradigm, dependency t h e o r y r e q u i r e s o n l y t h a t groups w i t h power a c t i n t h e i r own s e l f i n t e r e s t s , s i n c e t h i s w i l l s e r v e t o c o n s o l i d a t e t h e power and i n c r e a s e r e l a t i v e d i s p a r i t i e s . The a n a l y s i s has been extended t o Canada by D a v i s (1971, 1 9 7 2 ) , and a r e c e n t o v e r v i e w i s p r o v i d e d by Matthews (1977). METROPOLIS-HINTERLAND Dependency t h e o r y has been s e i z e d upon by some a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s as an e x p l a n a t i o n of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l change, and as b e i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y v a l i d t o t h e s i t u a t i o n o f N o r t h A m e r i c a n n a t i v e s . Jorgenson (1971) a p p l i e d t h e model t o I n d i a n s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , and D a v i s (1971) quotes examples of b o t h Quebecois and I n d i a n h i n t e r l a n d ( s a t e l l i t e ) s t a t u s i n Canada. The model has been a p p l i e d t o e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s i n C h u r c h i l l ( E l i a s , 1975) and t o employment o f n a t i v e s i n t h e V i c t o r i a a r e a (Mooney, 1976). I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o remember t h a t m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d r e f e r s t o c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s , as w e l l as i n t e r - r e g i o n a l ones ( D a v i s , 1971: 1 2 ) , so t h a t , as w e l l as a r u r a l / u r b a n d i s t i n c t i o n , i t can i n c l u d e c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n an urba n c o n t e x t , i n a remote v i l l a g e , o r i n c o r p o r a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n . 47 ACCULTURATION The o l d e r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r y o f c u l t u r a l change complements the c a p i t a l t h e o r y o f development. C u l t u r e s a r e v i s u a l i z e d as o c c u p y i n g a continuum from " p r i m i t i v e " t o " c i v i l i z e d " . C o n t a c t between c u l t u r e s g e n e r a l l y r e s u l t s i n t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e more d e v e l o p e d o r " c i v i l i z e d " c u l t u r e i n an a r e a f o r m e r l y o c c u p i e d e x c l u s i v e l y by t h e l e s s d e v e l o p e d c u l t u r e . A c c u l t u r a t i o n i s t h e p r o c e s s o f m u t u a l a d j u s t m e n t o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n t h e two c u l t u r e s , but t h e tendency i s f o r change to be u n i d i r e c t i o n a l . A d u a l economy i s e s t a b l i s h e d , and t h e l e s s d e v e l o p e d c u l t u r e " a c c u l t u r a t e s " o r t a k e s on t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the more d e v e l o p e d c u l t u r e , u n t i l i t i s f u n c t i o n a l l y i d e n t i c a l and t h e c u l t u r e i s " d e v e l o p e d . " I t i s p o s s i b l e f o r t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to rem a i n i f they do n o t i n t e r f e r e w i t h f u n c t i o n i n t h e ma i n s t r e a m s o c i e t y , a l t h o u g h t h e means f o r r e t a i n i n g e t h n i c i d e n t i t y a r e s e r i o u s l y r e s t r i c t e d . A c c u l t u r a t i o n t h e o r y i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e l e g i s l a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n g o v e r n i n g I n d i a n s i n Canada, and i s t h e p e r s p e c t i v e w h i c h has been adopted by most p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s o f Ca n a d i a n I n d i a n s (e. g . Hawthorn, 1966, 1967). SYSTEMS OF CITIES AND INFORMATION FLOWS Much of geographic theory has grown up around explanations of patterns of a c t i v i t y l o c a t i o n i n space, and subsequently, over time. The 48 b a s i c c o n c e p t , w h i c h was o r i g i n a t e d by C h r i s t a l l e r , and w h i c h has been e l a b o r a t e d by a number o f g e o g r a p h e r s , b u t p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i a n B e r r y ( 1 9 6 7 ) , i s t h a t d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s r e q u i r e d i f f e r e n t s i z e d p o p u l a t i o n s t o s u p p o r t them, and t h i s g i v e s r i s e t o a h i e r a r c h i c a l s y s t e m o f c e n t r a l p l a c e s i n w h i c h t h e l a r g e s t s u p p o r t t h e g r e a t e s t number o f f u n c t i o n s and dominate t h e most e x t e n s i v e a r e a . B e r r y (1964) has d e f i n e d t h r e e d i m e n s i o n s i n w h i c h economic growth d i f f u s e s . These a r e : a) f r o m u r b a n c e n t r e s t o urban f i e l d s , b) from h i g h e r o r d e r c e n t r a l p l a c e s t o l o w e r o r d e r c e n t r a l p l a c e s , and c) f r o m h e a r t l a n d t o h i n t e r l a n d . More r e c e n t l y , h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s ( P r e d 1966, 1973; T o r n q u i s t 1973) have s u g g e s t e d t h a t l a r g e c e n t r e s tend t o grow f a s t e r t h a n s m a l l ones, and t h a t much o f t h e cause can be t r a c e d t o a l a r g e r volume o f t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h i n them, e s p e c i a l l y i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w s . O t h e r s , such as M e i e r (1962, 1974) have gone so f a r as t o s u g g e s t t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w s a r e t h e b a s i c c a u s e , n o t o n l y o f u r b a n growth, b u t a l s o o f economic growth. SUMMARY OF DEVELOPMENT THEORIES T h i s b r i e f s u r v e y o f t h e o r i e s b r i n g s out two dominant themes. The f i r s t i s t h a t t h e r e a r e s t r o n g p r o c e s s e s a t work w h i c h t e n d t o r e i n f o r c e e x i s t i n g centres of development and power, possibly, but not necessarily, at the expense of less developed areas. The dependency theory i s consistent with a l l three dimensions of the d i f f u s i o n of development posited by geographers, and also with the increasing concentration of development indicated by the information based theories and many economic models. The other theme which appears repeatedly i s that information i s c r u c i a l to development. The metropolis-hinterland model expresses t h i s i n terms of concentration of power which maintains the-status quo, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , i n terms of the means of change, which i s for the dependent group to organize i n preparation f o r r a d i c a l change ( F r e i r e , 1974). The importance of information i s obvious i n the information or transactions based theories. The economic c a p i t a l and acculturation theories tend to r e f e r to education rather than to information as being c e n t r a l to growth. However, possession of f u l l information i s one of the underlying assumptions of economic theory, and some authors stress the importance of ensuring t h i s i n order to produce e f f i c i e n t working of an economy. I t i s postulated here that the information component of general education (and s o c i a l i z a t i o n ) i s one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t motivating, and therefore causative, factors i n the development or acculturation of underdeveloped communities. A native view of t h i s idea was c r y s t a l l i z e d by a band education co-ordinator, i n discussion of a proposed planning study, "Everybody asks us what we want, but we don't know what we can do. 50 OPPOSING FORCES OF CONCENTRATION AND DIFFUSION IN ECONOMIC GROWTH From t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f s a t e l l i t e I n d i a n communities i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the c r u c i a l i s s u e would appear t o be whether the s t r o n g c e n t r a l i z i n g t e n d e n c i e s a r e outweighed by b e n e f i t s s p r e a d i n g t h r o u g h t h e t h r e e p l a n e s o f growth d i f f u s i o n from m e t r o p o l i t a n " s o c i a l r e a c t o r s " ( M e i e r , 1974: 2 8 ) . A s t u d y o f I n d i a n s i n t h e g r e a t e r V i c t o r i a a r e a by K a t h l e e n Mooney (1976) was framed t o t e s t t h e r i v a l a c c u l t u r a t i o n and m e t r o p o l i s -s a t e l l i t e t h e o r i e s . T h i s s t u d y showed t h a t I n d i a n s o c c u p i e d a l o w e r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c n i c h e t h a n n o n - I n d i a n s . Hypotheses o f i m p r o v i n g c o n d i t i o n s based on t h e a c c u l t u r a t i o n t h e o r y were n o t c o n f i r m e d , and t h o s e of s t a t i c l o w e r s t a t u s b a s e d on t h e m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e t h e o r y were s u p p o r t e d . Mooney's a n a l y s i s showed an almo s t s t a t i c I n d i a n o c c u p a t i o n a l and employment s i t u a t i o n . T h i s a l l o w s f o r t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t r e a l income improved s u b s t a n t i a l l y , perhaps even r e l a t i v e t o t h e n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s would n o t r e f u t e t h e m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e t h e o r y , b u t would d e m o n s t r a t e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f b e n e f i t f o r t h e s a t e l l i t e group i n s u c h a r e l a t i o n s h i p . A c o m p a r i s o n o f income d a t a f r o m t h e 1961 and 1971 Census o f Canada was made t o t e s t t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . The r e s u l t s a r e shown i n T a b l e I . 51 T a b l e I . P e r C a p i t a Incomes on I n d i a n R e s e r v e s and f o r A l l B r i t i s h C o l umbia 1960 and 1970 P e r C a p i t a Income I n c r e a s e 1960 1970 1960-1970 $ '•$ % I n d i a n R e s e r v e s 205 920 350 A l l B r i t i s h C o l umbia 965 2,580 170 T a b l e I must be i n t e r p r e t e d c a u t i o u s l y f o r two r e a s o n s . F i r s t , between 1961 and 1971, t h e r e was an i n c r e a s e i n t h e number o f n o n - I n d i a n s r e s i d e n t on r e s e r v e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n urban a r e a s . I f t h e s e p e r s o n s had s u b s t a n t i a l l y h i g h e r incomes than I n d i a n s , the amount o f change would be e x a g g e r a t e d . To c o n t r o l f o r t h i s , t h e c o m p a r i s o n was made a second t i m e , e x c l u d i n g a l l r e s e r v e s w i t h more th a n t e n p e r c e n t n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . Ranked by p e r c e n t improvement, t h i s e x c l u d e d e l e v e n c a s e s f r o m t h e t o p q u a r t i l e , t h r e e from t h e second q u a r t i l e , f o u r from the t h i r d and s i x from t h e b o t t o m q u a r t i l e , b u t a c t u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n a s l i g h t i n c r e a s e i n the average amount o f improvement. The second q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s more s e r i o u s . The 1961 census r e p o r t s wage and s a l a r y income, but e x c l u d e s income from s e l f - e m p l o y m e n t . T h e r e f o r e the amount o f i n c r e a s e i n income i s o v e r s t a t e d . T h i s would n o t be a p r o b l e m i f I n d i a n s d e r i v e d t h e same p r o p o r t i o n o f income from s e l f -52 employment as n o n - I n d i a n s i n 1960. However, i f I n d i a n s d e r i v e d r e l a t i v e l y more of t h e i r income from s e l f - e m p l o y m e n t t h a n n o n - I n d i a n s , t h e r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i s a l s o o v e r s t a t e d . The l a t t e r i s b e l i e v e d t o be t h e c a s e , s i n c e a l a r g e number o f I n d i a n s i n 1960 were t e c h n i c a l l y s e l f - e m p l o y e d as f i s h e r m e n , f a r m e r s o r t r a p p e r s . A s e n s i t i v i t y t e s t shows t h a t i f t h i s p r o p o r t i o n approached h a l f o f I n d i a n income, t h e a p p a r e n t f i f t e e n p e r c e n t r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e would be e l i m i n a t e d . Fragmentary e v i d e n c e , i n c l u d i n g t h e Hawthorn s u r v e y ( 1 9 6 6 ) , s u g g e s t s t h a t between t w e n t y - f i v e and t h i r t y p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n income was d e r i v e d from s e l f - e m p l o y m e n t i n 1960. I t i s t h e r e f o r e c o n c l u d e d t h a t I n d i a n s d i d b e n e f i t from a r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i n income from employment between 1960 and 1970. I t i s c o n s e r v a t i v e l y e s t i m a t e d t h a t average I n d i a n r e a l income d o u b l e d d u r i n g t h i s t i m e and t h a t t h i s r e p r e s e n t e d a g a i n o f between f i v e and t e n p e r c e n t r e l a t i v e t o the p r o v i n c i a l a v e r a g e . C o n s i d e r i n g t h a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l a v e r a g e was s t i l l more t h a n d o u b l e t h e I n d i a n average i n 1970, t h i s i s s m a l l p r o g r e s s , but does i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e i s a s l o w d i f f u s i o n o f b e n e f i t s t o I n d i a n c ommunities. The s m a l l r a t e o f change s u g g e s t s t h a t m a j o r s t r u c t u r a l change i s n e c e s s a r y i f I n d i a n l e v e l s o f l i v i n g a r e t o c l o s e w i t h t h o s e o f t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n . However, t h i s does no t p r e v e n t making t h e b e s t use o f p r e s e n t l y a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s , and t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e has been some r e d u c t i o n i n d i s p a r i t y g i v e s hope t h a t some improvements can be made w i t h i n the p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e . 53 A LOCATIONAL MODEL OF DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITY I n the i n t r o d u c t i o n i t was s u g g e s t e d t h a t i t i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h e Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s t o a p p l y u n i f o r m p o l i c y t o development t h r o u g h o u t B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The f o r e g o i n g a n a l y s i s o f development t h e o r i e s s u g g e s t s t h a t , q u i t e a p a r t from i n t e r n a l community r e s o u r c e s , development i s shaped i n l a r g e p a r t by e x t e r n a l f o r c e s w h i c h cannot be c o n t r o l l e d a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l . The o b v i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t development s t r a t e g i e s s h o u l d be a d a p t e d t o t h e s e e x t e r n a l f o r c e s . Program e f f i c i e n c y w o u l d p r o b a b l y be s e r v e d b e s t i f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n c o r r e s p o n d e d t o t h e development s t r a t e g i e s . T h i s w o u l d encourage c o o p e r a t i o n between s t a f f engaged i n d i f f e r e n t program a c t i v i t i e s and t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f m u l t i -d i m e n s i o n a l development programs w i t h maximum c o s t e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Perhaps the b e s t example o f t h i s t y p e o f comprehensive approach i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a o c c u r s w i t h the Burns Lake N a t i v e Development C o r p o r a t i o n and Community Development A s s o c i a t i o n , w h i c h work t o g e t h e r on t r a i n i n g , b u s i n e s s development, j o b c r e a t i o n , and c o o r d i n a t i o n w i t h a m u l t i t u d e o f f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , l o c a l and p r i v a t e a g e n c i e s . A t e n t a t i v e model o f t h e e x t e r n a l economic e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h a n a t i v e community must f u n c t i o n s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e a r e t h r e e major t y p e s o f s e t t i n g s . These c o r r e s p o n d t o a f r e q u e n t l y s u g g e s t e d a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s ( c f . Hawthorn 1966: 36, 1 4 0 ) , b u t , i n the p r e s e n t context, are considered to be rel a t e d f i r s t to d i f f u s i o n of the i n d u s t r i a l economy. At one extreme are remote areas, which have no resources to a t t r a c t major development, and where the natural environment has been r e l a t i v e l y undisturbed. The next s e t t i n g i s r u r a l , and i s characterized by resource development of a l l types, varying by region. This includes both primary extractive operations and the often c l o s e l y associated secondary processing i n d u s t r i e s . I t also includes many towns which are d i r e c t l y dependent on resouree for t h e i r existence. Most Indian communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia f a l l into t h i s category. The t h i r d d i s t i n c t environment i s urban. This i s the s e t t i n g i n which information theorists f i n d the greatest volume of information flows, and consequently the most p o t e n t i a l for socio-economic growth. Corresponding to the l o c a t i o n a l pattern i s a range of economic opportunity. In the remote s e t t i n g , economic opportunity focuses on the natural environment for subsistence a c t i v i t i e s such as hunting, f i s h i n g and gathering, and c l o s e l y a l l i e d , extensive land use such as trapping and guiding. In the present context, t h i s economic base i s l a b e l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l , which describes a pattern of resource use, but does not necessarily exclude the use of advanced technology. The r u r a l s e t t i n g has already been characterized as one of resource based industry.- C l e a r l y there are major differences between d i f f e r e n t regions of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the focus of t h i s a c t i v i t y . F ishing and f o r e s t r y dominate the coast. A d i f f e r e n t type of foresty, U l U l ranching and a g r i c u l t u r e are dominant i n the i n t e r i o r , and mining i s important i n some locat i o n s . Accordingly, r u r a l development strategy needs to d i s t i n g u i s h between broad resource regions. The major d i s t i n c t i o n s are environmental, and are the same ones which have determined resource use since a b o r i g i n a l times. The important aspect of resource based regions for this d e s c r i p t i v e model i s that economic development prospects focus almost excl u s i v e l y on resource development. A l i m i t e d amount of t e r t i a r y development i s possible i n favoured loc a t i o n s , but, i n general, the population base i s too small to support much. The f i n a l category of economic opportunity i s d i v e r s i f i e d , and corresponds generally to the urban s e t t i n g . In this category, sales and service occupations predominate, but there i s a f u l l range of a c t i v i t i e s . S o c i a l l y , the increased l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i o n makes access to any a c t i v i t y easier, e i t h e r because tolerance increases with exposure to d i v e r s i t y , or because the number of opportunities i s much greater. The two dimensions j u s t described, which may be termed c e n t r a l i t y and d i v e r s i t y , define a f i e l d within which a community's resources may be developed to produce increased welfare. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d schematically by the matrix i n Figure 3. The categories shade into one another, so that one r u r a l area may have a more d i v e r s i f i e d economic base than another, or an area which i s f a i r l y remote may exhibit a dual economy with i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y e x i s t i n g concurrently with t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . Urbanization, however, i s incompatible with a t r a d i t i o n a l economy. Conversely, many economic a c t i v i t i e s require access to a market which i s not found i n remote areas, so that a d i v e r s i f i e d economy i s not possible i n the remote s e t t i n g : These r e s t r i c t i o n s are shaded i n Figure 3. In between, are areas with more, or l e s s , opportunity. The r e s u l t i s that the e f f e c t i v e area of development opportunity for a l l communities i s a diagonal from t r a d i t i o n a l / remote to d i v e r s i f i e d / u r b a n . Im an expanding economy, there i s a tendency for areas to evolve through t h i s sequence, although few reach the urban stage i n a t h i n l y populated country such as Canada. Remote areas are generally l i t t l e a f fected by the i n i t i a l contacts with b i g game hunters, adventurous t o u r i s t s , researchers and other antennae of the metropolitan centres. The f i r s t major change usually comes as a r e s u l t of the i n t r u s i o n of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , t y p i c a l l y a highway or railway l i n k i n g more developed areas. Examples i n remote parts of B r i t i s h Columbia include the Kitwanga-Meziadin highway, and the flooding of W i l l i s t o n Lake. The f i r s t i n d u s t r i a l development c l o s e l y follows (or i s sometimes the cause of) transportation improvement. Logging i s now the leading industry i n most cases. If the volume of primary a c t i v i t y warrants, a processing plant, such as a sawmill, i s l i k e l y to follow. Frequently, natural transportation corridors r e s u l t i n i t s l o c a t i o n at the same s i t e as a centre of the t r a d i t i o n a l economy, r e s u l t i n g i n maximum impact. I f the i n d u s t r i a l base i s large enough, service industry, including some government functions, i s also attracted and a small town begins. Such a town can grow quite large, and serve as the centre for a large resource region i n the province, without losing i t s basic dependence on a s i n g l e industry. The t r a n s i t i o n to urban appears to be associated primarily with locations which permit a few resource towns to develop roles as trans-shipment points, and to acquire a d d i t i o n a l functions as central places for large areas. An a l t e r n a t i v e path to urban status can occur when a centre serves a region with several d i f f e r e n t resource i n d u s t r i e s , such as a g r i c u l t u r e , f o r e s t r y and tourism. E i t h e r path includes a s i t u a t i o n i n which a high l e v e l of information and transactions flow encourages more rapid growth than i n other s i m i l a r l o c a t i o n s . Once a centre develops an edge i n s i z e , i t i s l i k e l y that i t w i l l overshadow nearby centres which otherwise might have had equal p o t e n t i a l . For Indian communities, development opportunities are l i k e l y to be constrained by t h i s sequence of development. Reserves i n urban locations already have s u b s t a n t i a l p o t e n t i a l . Those nearby may be able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n exurban development, or to a n t i c i p a t e urbanization i n the future. Reserves i n r u r a l areas are l i k e l y to f i n d too small a population for development of t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s , and to be l a r g e l y constrained to resource based a c t i v i t y . Remote communities, by d e f i n i t i o n , are constrained to " t r a d i t i o n a l " economic a c t i v i t i e s . For these communities, the t r a n s i t i o n to a r u r a l phase i s likel y - to be opportunistic. The model does not r u l e out the p o s s i b i l i t y that a community may be located where there i s very l i t t l e economic opportunity. Permanent socio-economic betterment i n such a case depends on s t r u c t u r a l change, or one of two 58 options: a conscious p o l i c y decision to subsidize the community permanently, or re l o c a t i o n to a more favourable s e t t i n g . The model suggests that an administrative structure to serve a l l bands should divide into several areas, each defined by a common economic base. Each administrative area would include s p e c i a l i s t s i n the relevant economic a c t i v i t i e s . An important feature of such an organization would be f l e x i b i l i t y to adjust as regional trends unfolded. Special attention would be required f o r communities at t r a n s i t i o n a l stages. The theory also suggests that urban areas provide a range and depth of services which no single organization can match. The imp l i c a t i o n i s that only minimal services would be provided by Indian A f f a i r s Branch advisory s t a f f , to Indian communities i n urban areas, and that funds should be supplied instead to purchase necessary s e r v i c e s . In the past, the Indian A f f a i r s Branch has had a strongly r u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n . The argument that urban Indian communities have q u a l i t a t i v e l y and q u a n t i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t needs i s supported by the formation i n recent years of the A l l i a n c e . This i s an association, of pri m a r i l y urban Indian bands, which i s working a c t i v e l y to resolve common problems, such as r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed on reserve land management by the Indian Act. The v a l i d i t y of this l o c a t i o n a l model of development opportunity w i l l be examined i n Chapter 3 and 4. 59 FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT The analysis begins with four general observations: a) The socio-economic welfare of Indian communities varies greatly (Kariya, 1974; Hawthorn, 1966), b) Indian communities are situated i n a wide v a r i e t y of geographic, economic and c u l t u r a l environments, c) The Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s and other agencies operate many d i f f e r e n t programs intended to improve s o c i a l and economic conditions i n Indian communities, d) There i s a large amount of information a v a i l a b l e i n cen t r a l locations which describes Indian communities throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. Although not integrated, t h i s information includes measures of socio-economic welfare (such as income), descriptions of community environments, and information on program inputs. These observations suggest that i t may be possible to i d e n t i f y r e l a t i o n s h i p s between socio-economic welfare, the environment of a community and the l e v e l and type of development programs delivered. I d e a l l y , these r e l a t i o n -ships would be i d e n t i f i e d i n such a way that cause and e f f e c t could be established. To the extent that this i s possible, development programs can be evaluated, and us e f u l recommendations made with regard to the optimum mix and l e v e l of program delive r y . 60 EVALUATIVE RESEARCH DESIGN The i d e a l approach j u s t o u t l i n e d i s c l e a r l y e v a l u a t i v e . There i s e x t e n s i v e l i t e r a t u r e on e v a l u a t i o n , and w i d e s p r e a d agreement on what c o n s t i t u t e s the i d e a l e v a l u a t i v e s i t u a t i o n (Suchman, 1967; C a r t e r and Wharf, 1973; Weiss and R e i n , 1972). The major c o n d i t i o n s i n c l u d e : a) C l e a r l y d e f i n e d program o b j e c t i v e s and c r i t e r i a f o r m e a s u r i n g them,. b) The a v a i l a b i l i t y o f matched, o r randomly s e l e c t e d s u b j e c t and c o n t r o l c o m m u n i t i e s . c) B e f o r e and a f t e r measurement o f b o t h s u b j e c t s and c o n t r o l s . d) S t a b i l i t y o f t h e program and o u t s i d e i n f l u e n c e s d u r i n g an e v a l u a t i o n p e r i o d w h i c h i s l o n g enough f o r r e s u l t s t o be c l e a r . i The program o b j e c t i v e has been d e f i n e d above as s o c i o - e c o n o m i c b e t t e r m e n t o f I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s . W h i l e more g e n e r a l t h a n the o b j e c t i v e s o f some o f t h e economic development programs o f i n t e r e s t , t h i s b r o a d g o a l i s s u i t a b l e f o r e v a l u a t i n g t h e j o i n t e f f e c t s o f d i v e r s e program a c t i v i t y . S o c i o - e c o n o m i c w e l f a r e i s a l s o s u b j e c t to measurement i n terms o f a v a r i e t y o f i n d i c a t o r s w h i c h w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below. C l e a r l y , t h e r e i s no q u e s t i o n o f s e l e c t i n g s u b j e c t and c o n t r o l communities when a program e v a l u a t i o n i s i n i t i a t e d i n midstream. However, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o a d j u s t f o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l d i f f e r e n c e s , and s i n c e program 61 d e l i v e r y i s n o t u n i f o r m , i t s h o u l d be p o s s i b l e t o a c h i e v e c o n t r o l by co m p a r i s o n among communities. The t h i r d c o n d i t i o n c o u l d n o t be s a t i s f i e d . U s i n g e x i s t i n g census and program r e c o r d s , i t was n o t p o s s i b l e t o o b t a i n c o n s i s t e n t measure o f t h e same i n d i c a t o r s b o t h b e f o r e and a f t e r o p e r a t i o n o f t h e m a j o r programs. The o n l y u s e f u l r e c e n t i n d i c a t o r a t t h e community l e v e l was s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e d a t a . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , o n l y two y e a r ' s d a t a was a v a i l a b l e . The o n l y c o n s i s t e n t income measures a v a i l a b l e a r e c o n t a i n e d i n d e c e n n i a l census r e c o r d s , b u t the b u l k o f economic development program a c t i v i t y has been s i n c e t h e 1971 c e n s u s , so t h a t e v a l u a t i o n based on census r e c o r d s w i l l have t o w a i t u n t i l a f t e r 1981. Review and a d j u s t m e n t o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c programs i s a c o n t i n u o u s p r o c e s s . As w e l l as changes i n o r g a n i z a t i o n and d e l i v e r y , e n t i r e l y new programs come i n t o b e i n g . I t may be assumed t h a t t h i s r e s u l t s i n b e t t e r s e r v i c e . I t c e r t a i n l y makes t h e e v a l u a t i o n p r o c e s s more d i f f i c u l t , and when problems a r e i d e n t i f i e d , a l l o w s a d m i n i s t r a t o r s t o p l a c e t h e i r f a i t h i n a new a c t i v i t y w h i c h i s e x p e c t e d t o produce p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s a t some ti m e i n t h e f u t u r e . However, t h e major measures of program e f f o r t , e x p e n d i t u r e and s t a f f t i m e , a r e common to a l l a c t i v i t i e s . T h e r e f o r e t h e f o u r t h c o n d i t i o n can be a p p r o x i m a t e d , by u s i n g m a t h e m a t i c a l methods t o s e p a r a t e program i m p a c t s . Because of t h e l a c k o f adequate b e f o r e and a f t e r measures, t h e i d e a o f d o i n g a r i g o r o u s program e v a l u a t i o n was abandoned. The a l t e r n a t i v e o f e v a l u a t i n g t h e d e l i v e r y system was a l s o d i s c a r d e d , f o r t h r e e r e a s o n s . F i r s t , i t w o u l d r e q u i r e a f o c u s away from t h e community l e v e l w h i c h i s the p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t o f t h i s s t u d y . Second, i t would be r e d u n d a n t . There were t h r e e c o n c u r r e n t s t u d i e s underway i n t h e R e g i o n a l O f f i c e o f the I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h , w h i c h were l o o k i n g a t a s p e c t s o f economic development program d e l i v e r y , when m a t e r i a l f o r t h i s s t u d y was b e i n g assembled. From t h i s came t h e t h i r d r e a s o n . A systems e v a l u a t i o n r e q u i r e s s u b s t a n t i a l c o o p e r a t i o n from program s t a f f , w h i c h c o u l d n o t be e x p e c t e d i n the wake o f the o t h e r s t u d i e s . INTERVENING VARIABLE ANALYSIS A l t h o u g h a r i g o r o u s e v a l u a t i o n o f program a c t i v i t i e s was n o t a t t e m p t e d , the e v a l u a t i v e framework was r e t a i n e d f o r a n a l y t i c a l use. Suchman (1967: 172-175) p r e s e n t s a h i e r a r c h i c a l model f o r c l a r i f y i n g cause and e f f e c t i n e v a l u a t i o n s . The model has been a d a p t e d t o t h i s s t u d y to show the l i n k a g e of m a j o r I n d i a n A f f a i r s programs t o s o c i o -economic w e l f a r e ( F i g u r e 4 ) . Suchman d e f i n e s f o u r b a s i c s t a g e s o f c a use and e f f e c t : s e t s o f p r e c o n d i t i o n s , c a u s e s , e f f e c t s and consequences. Program a c t i o n can be a t t e m p t e d between any two s t a g e s t o change the s ubsequent outcome. A t i t h e l e v e l f u r t h e s t removed f r o m t h e u l t i m a t e t a r g e t ( w e l l - b e i n g ) Figure 4. INTERVENING VARIABLE ANALYSIS SUCHMAN STAGES SUMMARY LABEL PRECONDITIONS• CAUSES -EFFECTS• 'ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS' • 'CONTROL OF RESOURCES'-»'INCOME' • CONSEQUENCES -•'WELL-BEING' COMPONENTS le g a l I n s t i t u t i o n a l s o c i a l economic location resources demographic ca p i t a l s k i l l s experience , education organization opportunity employment income physical welfare psychic welfare PROGRAM INTERVENTION PRIMARY finance education training organization SECONDARY job creation relocation TERTIARY income support health & welfare services housing subsidy INDICATORS Showing desirable d i r e c t i o n of change A V regional income distance to c i t y family siz e // of businesses A II of organizations A education l e v e l A s k i l l s A years work experience A c a p i t a l assets A land value A unemployment rate employment income per capita r e l a t i v e aggregate average dollars i n dollars out man-hours students dollars i n man-hours t o t a l income A per capita r e l a t i v e income distribution housing standard A so c i a l assistance V dollars i n dollars out case load O J i s a set or preconditions. These are defined to be outside the e f f e c t i v e realm of intervention. Thus, while a community i s set i n a p a r t i c u l a r ph y s i c a l l o c a t i o n , with a given climate and natural resources, i t i s also set i n an e s s e n t i a l l y fixed environment of i n s t i t u t i o n s , law, and economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . At a higher l e v e l of analysis, some of these are also subject to change, generally through p o l i t i c a l action. Demographic f a c t o r s , such as the population and age structure of the community, are also considered to be preconditions, at l e a s t i n the short term. Preconditions define the "rules of the game" within which a community i s constrained to operate. They determine the type, quantity and value of resources which a community controls. These include natural resources, s k i l l s and a b i l i t i e s demanded i n labour markets, organization, knowledge, development c a p i t a l and the opportunities to put these to use. This l e v e l has been summarized as "control of resources" and i s what each community has to generate income. It i s at this primary l e v e l that most Indian A f f a i r s and other development programs operate. Economic development a c t i v i t i e s contribute financing, knowledge and some organization. Education a c t i v i t i e s add knowledge and job s k i l l s . Local government workers contribute to knowledge and organization. If these a c t i v i t i e s are successful, they have " e f f e c t s " summarized here under "income," This includes earnings from employment, both within and outside the community, and income from community c o n t r o l l e d businesses or resource development. Program a c t i v i t y at the secondary l e v e l may con-t r i b u t e at this l e v e l by creating jobs, or by moving i n d i v i d u a l s to jobs. Canada Manpower programs frequently operate at t h i s l e v e l . The Canada Works program i s one example. In contrast to primary intervention, secondary intervention involves d i r e c t job creation and does not r e l y on economic success. Funding f o r band s t a f f wages can be viewed i n a si m i l a r l i g h t , since i t must be renewed each year, i n contrast to non-Indian communities where pa y r o l l s are met out of tax revenue. Perhaps the best example of the d i s t i n c t i o n between primary and secondary program intervention i s offered by the Special ARDA program of the Department of Regional Expansion. When financing i s provided to Indian controlled businesses, the program operates at the primary l e v e l . When financing i s provided to non-Indian businesses, which employ Indians, the program operates at the secondary l e v e l . Income from employment has d i r e c t "consequences" f o r s o c i o -economic well-being. Two components of well-being can be distinguished. One i s psychic and re s u l t s p r i m a r i l y from f i l l i n g a recognized and respected r o l e i n society. The other i s ph y s i c a l and i n most of Canadian society i s associated with the a b i l i t y to purchase food, s h e l t e r , c l o t h i n g and services. Program intervention at the t e r t i a r y l e v e l i s generally only necessary when the system, inc l u d i n g higher l e v e l program action has 66 f a i l e d to produce adequate means to obtain a minimum standard of w e l l -being. The major program a c t i v i t y here i s payment of income supports. Some goods and services may also be provided, such as a housing subsidy, medical care, or at the community l e v e l , i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Between each stage of t h i s process there i s room for leakages i n program e f f e c t s , or for unanticipated consequences to a r i s e . Since i t i s impossible to specify a l l elements of the system, each cause-e f f e c t l i n k i s p r o b a b i l i s t i c . From t h i s i t i s clear that t e r t i a r y programs have the most d i r e c t and predictable e f f e c t s on welfare. However, such programs are self-perpetuating because they do not address the causes of poverty, but only the symptoms. Primary l e v e l intervention, i n contrast, attacks causes, and can be expected to have a l a s t i n g e f f e c t . However, the e f f e c t on well-being i s i n d i r e c t and less c e r t a i n because of the intermediate stages which must be negotiated. For instance, financing a business i n a community w i l l not benefit residents i f they do not have the s k i l l s to be employed i n i t , or i f the wages are very low. The e f f e c t w i l l only be temporary i f the business i t s e l f i s non-competitive. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS Although a v a i l a b l e data did not permit a rigorous program evaluation to be c a r r i e d out, a s u b s t a n t i a l volume of material was assembled. This could be interpreted i n the context of the a n a l y t i c a l framework j u s t 67 d i s c u s s e d , and the development t h e o r i e s w h i c h were r e v i e w e d above. S y s t e m a t i c c o m p a r i s o n o f d a t a f o r a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample o f communities s h o u l d y i e l d a p a t t e r n o f s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s i n e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s , i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s and u l t i m a t e measures o f community w e l f a r e . A b a s i c i s s u e t o be c o n f r o n t e d a t t h i s p o i n t i s t h e number o f communities t o be examined. A t one extreme a s i n g l e " t y p i c a l " community can be examined i n g r e a t d e t a i l and compared to cas e s t u d i e s i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e , t h e o r e t i c a l models of development and g e n e r a l knowledge o f o t h e r communities. ( e . g . P r i t c h a r d , 1977). C o n s i d e r a b l y more u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n i s l i k e l y t o r e s u l t i f t h i s t y p e o f s t u d y can be c a r r i e d out on two communities matched i n most, b ut n o t a l l , r e s p e c t s , ( e . g . B r i n k , 1974). The d i f f i c u l t y w i t h t h e case s t u d y a p p r o a c h i s t h a t c o n c l u s i o n s can o n l y be g e n e r a l i z e d t o s i m i l a r c o m m u n i t i e s , r e s t r i c t i n g i t s u s e f u l n e s s e x c e p t f o r homogeneous r e g i o n s . As d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r 1, t h i s i s m a n i f e s t l y n o t the c a s e f o r I n d i a n communities i n B r i t i s h C o l u mbia. As w e l l as d i v e r s e p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g s and a m u l t i t u d e o f c u l t u r a l r o o t s , t h e r e a r e degrees of u r b a n i z a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t economic p a t t e r n s . As a consequence, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o s e l e c t communities w h i c h happen t o i l l u s t r a t e any o f a number of arguments f o r p a r t i c u l a r development s t r a t e g i e s , and e q u a l l y p o s s i b l e t o s e l e c t o t h e r examples t o r e f u t e t h e s e arguments. 68 The o p p o s i t e extreme would be t o s u r v e y a l l o f t h e 192 bands i n the p r o v i n c e . A t t h i s l e v e l , c o m p a r i s o n tends t o become l o s t i n numbers and t o be l i m i t e d t o q u a n t i f i a b l e d a t a w h i c h can be m a n i p u l a t e d u s i n g s t a t i s t i c a l t e c h n i q u e s . ( e . g . K a r i y a , 1 9 7 4 ) . Under c e r t a i n s t r i n g e n t c o n d i t i o n s t h i s a p p r o a c h can be v e r y e f f e c t i v e , s i n c e l a r g e . q u a n t i t i e s o f d a t a can be a n a l y z e d f o r s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h minimum e f f o r t . T h i s approach a l s o l e n d s i t s e l f t o use i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h r e g u l a r m o n i t o r i n g programs. M a j o r c o n d i t i o n s f o r such an approach i n c l u d e : a) A model w h i c h r e l a t e s t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s , program i n p u t s , and s o c i o - e c o n o m i c i n d i c a t o r s t o each o t h e r t h r o u g h c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . U s u a l l y i t i s n e c e s s a r y t h a t t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s be a t l e a s t a p p r o x i m a t e l y l i n e a r , b) S t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s w h i c h a r e v a l i d f o r the v a r i a b l e s i n the model, and a r e e q u a l l y v a l i d f o r a l l communities s u r v e y e d , c) Complete, r e l i a b l e and c o n s i s t e n t l y a v a i l a b l e d a t a on t h e s e l e c t e d i n d i c a t o r s . None of t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s c o u l d be s a t i s f i e d i n t h e p r e s e n t c a s e . P o s s i b l y the f i r s t two c o u l d have been a p p r o x i m a t e d , b u t t h e r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e d a t a was i n a d e q u a t e t o e x p e c t m e a n i n g f u l r e s u l t s . The problems o f d a t a c o n s i s t e n c y and r e l i a b i l i t y a r e d i s c u s s e d i n more d e t a i l i n Appendix A. 69 The approach that was eventually selected i s midway between these two extremes. I t i s more comprehensive than a case study, but allows more s e l e c t i v e analysis than a purely s t a t i s t i c a l approach. It was decided that a sample of about t h i r t y would provide a good cross-section of the circumstances faced by Indian communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The method used was to search for general patterns, and-exceptions to them, i n s t a t i s t i c a l data, and then to i n t e r p r e t them i n the context of any other material which was a v a i l a b l e . This has been c a l l e d h o l i s t i c use of s t a t i s t i c s (Diesing, 1971) and i s a highly e f f e c t i v e means of cross-checking information from d i f f e r e n t sources. I t allows adjustments to be made to inaccurate data when more r e l i a b l e information is'-available from other sources, and also provides a basis for generalizing p a r t i a l data when i t i s consistent with other complete i n d i c a t o r s . For t h i s study, i t was possible to draw upon unpublished census material, Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s s t a t i s t i c a l reports and admin-i s t r a t i v e records, and survey reports covering r e l a t e d material. Employment with the Department provided d i r e c t f i e l d material on s i x communities, as w e l l as secondary material on several others. Recent case studies provided v i c a r i o u s experience of another h a l f dozen so that considerable d e t a i l was a v a i l a b l e for about f i f t e e n communities included i n the sample. General background was derived from an extensive l i t e r a t u r e survey which crossed the d i s c i p l i n e s of h i s t o r y , anthropology, sociology, p o l i t i c a l science and law, as well as books and a r t i c l e s written for popular consumption.-70 SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDICATORS One of t h e advantages o f t h e a n a l y t i c a l framework used h e r e i s t h a t i t i s r e l a t i v e l y easy t o i d e n t i f y d a t a s e r i e s w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d w i t h each s t a g e o f t h e c a u s e - e f f e c t sequence. From t h e wide range o f p o s s i b l e measures, can be s e l e c t e d t h o s e w h i c h b e s t f i t t h e needs o f t h e c u r r e n t s t u d y , based on c r i t e r i a o f v a l i d i t y , c o n t i n u i t y , c o m p r e h e n s i v e n e s s , a v a i l a b i l i t y and consensus on w h i c h d i r e c t i o n o f change i s d e s i r a b l e ( P a l y s , 1 9 7 3 ) . At t h e l e v e l o f p r e c o n d i t i o n s , some f a c t o r s may be dropped from c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n a c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s s u c h as t h i s , because t h e y a r e common t o a l l the communities i n v o l v e d . These f a c t o r s i n c l u d e t he g e n e r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Canadian economy as a m i x t u r e o f p r i v a t e and p u b l i c c o n c e r n s , w i t h p r o f i t g e n e r a t i o n t h e p r i m a r y g o a l o f economic a c t i v i t y . A n o t h e r common f a c t o r i s t h e l e g a l system, b o t h t h a t g o v e r n i n g C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y as a whole, and t h e s p e c i a l p r o v i s i o n s a p p l i c a b l e o n l y t o I n d i a n s and l a n d s r e s e r v e d f o r I n d i a n s . I n t h e e v a l u a t i v e framework, t h e i m p o r t a n t e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s a r e t h o s e w h i c h u l t i m a t e l y have consequences f o r the w e l f a r e o f co m m u n i t i e s . Some o f t h e more e c o n o m i c a l l y i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s i n c l u d e t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e community and of t h e r e g i o n , t h e g e n e r a l l e v e l o f economic a c t i v i t y i n t h e r e g i o n , t h e volume o f s o c i a l and economic t r a n s a c t i o n s i n t h e a r e a , and p r o x i m i t y t o s p e c i f i c j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s . I n t h e s h o r t r u n , a t l e a s t , t h e demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a community w i l l have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on w e l f a r e . 71 Community p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e s can be e s t i m a t e d u s i n g t h e v a r i e t y o f a p p r a i s a l t e c h n i q u e s a d a p t e d t o r e a l e s t a t e , f o r e s t r y , p l a n t and equipment, m i n i n g and so on. However, the volume o f work e n t a i l e d i s l i k e l y t o neg a t e t h e u t i l i t y o f d o i n g a g e n e r a l s u r v e y . At a r e g i o n a l l e v e l , b r o a d a r e a s w i t h s i m i l a r r e s o u r c e s can be d e f i n e d , and the-communities under s t u d y examined s e p a r a t e l y f o r each r e g i o n as w e l l as i n t o t a l . I f economic a c t i v i t y i s assumed t o c o r r e s p o n d c l o s e l y t o economic o p p o r t u n i t y , t h e n more d i r e c t measures a r e a v a i l a b l e , s u c h as r e g i o n a l p e r c a p i t a income, o r unemployment. These p e r m i t the e f f e c t o f r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n t o be i s o l a t e d from community v a r i a t i o n . I n f o r m a t i o n based development models s u g g e s t t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n - f l o w t r a n s a c t i o n s ' w i l l be g r e a t e s t i n u r b a n a r e a s , so t h a t p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y t o an urban c e n t r e , o r t o a . , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o r r i d o r , c o u l d a l s o be used as a measure of t h i s t e n d e n c y . A l l o f t h e s e measures r e f l e c t f a c t o r s beyond t h e community w h i c h d i c t a t e t h e l e v e l o f o p p o r t u n i t y f o r i m p r o v i n g s o c i o -economic w e l f a r e w i t h i n i t . I n t h e s h o r t r u n , l i t t l e change can be made i n demographic f a c t o r s s u c h as f a m i l y s i z e , w i t h o u t u n a c c e p t a b l e c o e r c i o n . The same a p p l i e s to many a s p e c t s o f l i f e s t y l e s w h i c h a r e d e e p l y i n g r a i n e d and may t a k e y e a r s t o a l t e r . The Hawthorn r e p o r t d i s c u s s e s t h i s i s s u e i n some d e t a i l w i t h r e s p e c t t o e d u c a t i o n (1967: 109-127). Whether such community f a c t o r s a r e t r e a t e d as p r e c o n d i t i o n s o r as causes w h i c h a r e s u b j e c t t o change, i s l i k e l y t o depend on the ti m e h o r i z o n , and l e v e l o f i n t e r v e n t i o n b e i n g examined. I n an a n a l y s i s o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c development, t h e r e i s a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l u n c e r t a i n t y o v e r how t o t r e a t e d u c a t i o n . I n p a r t , e d u c a t i o n a l p r o c e s s e s c o n t r i b u t e t o s o c i a l i z a t i o n and job s k i l l s which are important factors i n development. In other respects, education i s a consumptive a c t i v i t y which i s a r e s u l t of development. V a l i d measures of education are d i f f i c u l t to obtain, since a large part of what i s included may be non-productive, or even counter-productive, i n the development process. Conversely, much learning takes place outside formal educational systems, and w i l l not be r e f l e c t e d i n measures of education, although a part relevant to development may be captured i n measures of job s k i l l s and experience. At the l e v e l of causes, a large number of community rel a t e d measures are a v a i l a b l e . Measures of education l e v e l and s k i l l s were discussed above. Physical c a p i t a l can be appraised, although, for a general survey, an h e u r i s t i c measure of resources or p h y s i c a l plant may be the most p r a c t i c a l approach. A re l a t e d v a r i a b l e i s the amount of c a p i t a l financing a v a i l a b l e , and care must be taken to avoid double counting of assets purchased out of project finance, or to separate t h i s as a cause-effect linkage. Organizational measures generally include counts of the number of businesses or other active organizations. More v a l i d measures r e f l e c t power structures and the decision-making process, but may be d i f f i c u l t to quantify. The e f f e c t s l e v e l i n t h i s analysis i s equated with income generation. The major measures here are employment, expressed e i t h e r i n i n d i v i d u a l s , man years, or as a rate. S i m i l a r l y , income can be measured by a v a r i e t y of measures including gross, average per employee, per 73 member of the labour force, or per capita. Problems occur i n the complete-ness of income measures, p a r t i c u l a r l y where there i s a large amount of self-employment, or earnings i n kind. Well-being can only be estimated i n d i r e c t l y . Real income i s one measure. Consumption can also be measured and compared to minimum or average standards. Housing standards, consumer durables, automobiles, u t i l i t y services and e l e c t r i c a l appliances are common measures of welfare. So c i a l well-being i s commonly measured by the incidence of disease, accidents, mortality, crime, and mental health problems. At the community l e v e l , voter turnout and membership i n organizations are regarded as indi c a t o r s of well-being. Psychic well-being i s d i f f i c u l t to measure without f a i r l y elaborate questionnaires, but many community l e v e l s t a t i s t i c s r e f l e c t psychological elements as well as phys i c a l ones. This applies p a r t i c u l a r l y to such indicators of s o c i a l pathology as suicide rates, alcoholism and crime. S o c i a l assistance payments may r e f l e c t attitudes of dependence and apathy as much as poverty. Measures of program intervention may be defined at two l e v e l s a d d i t i o n a l to those j u s t described. At the highest l e v e l are program inputs. These share two common measures, budget, and s t a f f . The measure of s t a f f i s usually equivalent to manyears, which abstracts from differences i n effectiveness of d i f f e r e n t categories. This i s a d i f f i c u l t issue to resolve i f programs with disparate organizations are being evaluated. The second l e v e l of program measures are of operational outputs. 74 These vary by programs, but include d o l l a r s of financing i n economic programs, reports or hours of time for advisory a c t i v i t i e s , enrollment i n education programs, and numbers of cases f o r many s o c i a l programs. At the next l e v e l , program outputs are equivalent to some of the general community measures, such as numbers of businesses, functioning organizations, education l e v e l s , jobs and s o c i a l assistance payments. HYPOTHESES SUBJECT TO EMPIRICAL TEST The model of development i n this chapter suggests a number of hypotheses which should be subject to empirical v e r i f i c a t i o n . The range and q u a l i t y of a v a i l a b l e data l i m i t s the range and r e l i a b i l i t y of possible t e s t s , but the following hypotheses are subject to examination i n the next chapter: a) Much of the discrepancy between socio-economic welfare i n Indian communities and p r o v i n c i a l averages i s due to t h e i r l o c a t i o n i n r u r a l or otherwise less developed regions. This can be examined by comparing community in d i c a t o r s with both p r o v i n c i a l and regional averages. b) Communities within each category of the four part l o c a t i o n a l model should have more i n common than when a l l communities are compared. For major i n d i c a t o r s , e s p e c i a l l y income, there should be less variance within groups than there i s between them. c) Urban communities should have higher per capita incomes than r u r a l communities, and r u r a l communities higher per capita incomes than remote communities. Since, h i s t o r i c a l l y , there have been fewer b a r r i e r s to use of resources and transportation i n coastal areas than i n i n t e r i o r ones, i t i s also l i k e l y that r u r a l coast communities are better o f f than r u r a l i n t e r i o r ones. d) The range of employment by both industry and occupation should be greatest i n urban communities, less i n r u r a l ones, and l e a s t i n remote communities. e) Increased opportunity and/or reduced discrimination should r e s u l t i n urban workers receiving wages cl o s e r to the regional average than those i n r u r a l or remote areas. f) It has been suggested that dependence re s u l t s i n part from administrative subrogation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r community and i n d i v i d u a l welfare. Communities which have h i s t o r i c a l l y been more exposed to administrative control should exhibit more dependence. Communities i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l state, that i s i n areas which have recently experienced a r a d i c a l change, are also l i k e l y to contain a high percentage of dependent population. Both these tendencies should be r e f l e c t e d i n a higher dependence on s o c i a l assistance payments. g) Housing q u a l i t y i s negatively r e l a t e d to family s i z e and dependence on s o c i a l welfare. 76 CHAPTER 3 COMPARATIVE SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA SAMPLE SELECTION An i n i t i a l sample o f t h i r t y o u t o f 192 was c o n s i d e r e d t o g i v e a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e c r o s s - s e c t i o n o f I n d i a n communities i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . S e l e c t i o n was c o n t r o l l e d by a t t e m p t i n g t o i n c l u d e a p r o p o r t i o n a t e s h a r e o f t h e sample p o p u l a t i o n from each of t w e l v e Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s t r i c t s , and, w i t h i n each d i s t r i c t , f r o m communities of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i z e . S i n c e i t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t d a t a might n o t be a v a i l a b l e i n a l l t h e c a t e g o r i e s s o u g h t , f o r a l l c o m m u n i t i e s , a l t e r n a t e s were i n c l u d e d i n the s e l e c t i o n f o r each d i s t r i c t . S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h r e e i n f l u e n c e s c o n t r i b u t e d t o i n c r e a s e t h e s i z e o f the sample and t o b i a s i t s i g n i f i c a n t l y towards communities o f l a r g e r t h a n average s i z e . The f i r s t i n f l u e n c e r e s u l t e d from t h e s e l e c t i o n of a l t e r n a t e s where i m p o r t a n t d a t a was n o t a v a i l a b l e . U s u a l l y , t h e communities f o r w h i c h d a t a was u n a v a i l a b l e , o r a v a i l a b l e o n l y i n a g g r e g a t e d form, a r e the s m a l l e s t . S u b s t i t u t i o n i n e v i t a b l y r e p l a c e s s m a l l communities w i t h l a r g e r ones. T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e o f census d a t a , i n w h i c h a l m o s t one t h i r d o f I n d i a n communities a re n o t s e p a r a t e l y i d e n t i f i a b l e . The second i n f l u e n c e was t h a t a l l n i n e communities i n c l u d e d i n t h e 1964 Hawthorn Survey (1966) 77 were i n c l u d e d i n t h e p r e s e n t sample t o p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r e s t i m a t i n g change. The Hawthorn sample was d e l i b e r a t e l y b i a s e d towards l a r g e r bands, and as i t happened, i n c l u d e d t h r e e f r o m a s i n g l e d i s t r i c t ( N o r t h C o a s t ) . The t h i r d i n f l u e n c e r e s u l t e d from t h e p r o c e d u r e o f g r o u p i n g communities i n t o u r b a n , r u r a l and remote c a t e g o r i e s . Census d a t a f o r s e v e r a l u r b a n communities was d i s c o v e r e d t o be b i a s e d by the i n c l u s i o n o f l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n s of non-I n d i a n s , and i t was n e c e s s a r y to add t o t h e sample to compensate f o r t h e e x c l u s i o n o f t h e s e . The f i n a l sample i n c l u d e d f i f t y c o m m u n i t i e s . The Squamish Band was t r e a t e d as s e p a r a t e r u r a l and urban c o m m u n i t i e s , so t h e sample i n c l u d e d f o r t y - n i n e bands, o r j u s t o v e r one q u a r t e r o f t h e t o t a l . However, t h i s i n c l u d e s n e a r l y h a l f t h e I n d i a n s l i v i n g on r e s e r v e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s o f t h e sample may be j u d g e d from T a b l e X X I i n A p p e n d i x B. Only the N o r t h Coast d i s t r i c t i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y o v e r - r e p r e s e n t e d w i t h r e g a r d t o p o p u l a t i o n , b u t even i n the W i l l i a m s Lake a r e a , a l m o s t one q u a r t e r i s i n c l u d e d . The median sample community i s n e a r l y t h r e e t i m e s t h e s i z e (260) o f t h e median f o r a l l I n d i a n ;bands ( 9 5 ) . However, t h i s i s n o t as s i g n i f i c a n t when i t i s r e f l e c t e d t h a t most I n d i a n s i n t h e p r o v i n c e r e s i d e i n l a r g e r communities. H a l f l i v e i n communities o f more t h a n 310, compared t o 410 f o r the sample. I t s h o u l d a l s o be n o t e d t h a t t h i r t y - f i v e bands have fe w e r t h a n t w e n t y - f i v e members r e s i d e n t on t h e i r own r e s e r v e s , and t h e r e a r e f i v e w i t h no o n - r e s e r v e members. The sample t h e r e f o r e r e f l e c t s t h e c o n d i t i o n s Figure 5. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Sample of Indian Communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia under which the large majority of Indians i n the province l i v e . The communities (bands) included i n the survey, and t h e i r locations are shown i n Figure 5. GROUPING OF SAMPLE COMMUNITIES Rough control for differences i n environmental conditions was achieved at the outset by grouping the sample communities into four categories suggested by the model presented i n Figure 3. These categories are remote; r u r a l coast and r u r a l i n t e r i o r ; and urban. Remote communities are defined as those beyond the d i r e c t impact of the i n d u s t r i a l or resource based economy. In the i d e a l case, the only economic i n t e r a c t i o n with mainstream society would be at the d i s c r e t i o n of in d i v i d u a l s i n the community. In fac t , there are only four Indian communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia which approximate t h i s degree of i s o l a t i o n , a l l of which have been affected by major i n d u s t r i a l projects (including a complete r e l o c a t i o n of one) and a l l of which are l i k e l y to be thrust into the r u r a l i n t e r i o r category by other developments i n the near future. Rural coast communities were generally those i n the area where f i s h i n g and fo r e s t r y are the major resource a c t i v i t i e s . The boundary between coast and i n t e r i o r communities i s blurred, but several d i s t i n c t i o n s are useful. One i s access to marine resources i n aborig i n a l times. Another i s 80 r e l i a n c e on a town i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n f o r m i d d l e l e v e l s e r v i c e s . A t h i r d i s l o c a t i o n west o f the Coast M o u n t a i n s and, a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s , t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n f o r e s t i n d u s t r y o p e r a t i o n between t h e l a r g e t r e e s and r a p i d growth o f the c o a s t r a i n f o r e s t , and t h e s m a l l e r t r e e s , s l o w e r i n g r o w t h , o f th e i n t e r i o r . I n t e r i o r communities a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r e s o u r c e economies b a s e d on f o r e s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e o r r a n c h i n g . Urban communities were c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h o s e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to c i t i e s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s g r e a t e r than 40,000 i n 1971. T h i s r e s u l t e d i n a s e v e r e l i m i t a t i o n i n the s i z e o f t h i s sample group s i n c e o n l y n i n e I n d i a n communities f o r w h i c h census d a t a i s a v a i l a b l e a r e w i t h i n twenty m i l e s o f l a r g e c i t i e s . Three o f t h e s e were dropped f r o m t h e a n a l y s i s b e c a u s e t h e census r e c o r d s i n c l u d e a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f n o n - I n d i a n s . These t h r e e a r e a p p a r e n t l y more u r b a n , i n terms of l o c a t i o n and economic a c t i v i t y , t h a n s e v e r a l w h i c h remained i n the group, and t h e i r e x c l u s i o n has p r o b a b l y r e d u c e d the amount o f c o n t r a s t between t h e u r b a n and o t h e r g r oups. A l l s i x o f t h e r e m a i n i n g communities a r e i n t h e s o u t h w e s t c o r n e r o f t h e p r o v i n c e , s i n c e t h o s e i n t h e i n t e r i o r had t o be e x c l u d e d . F o r income v a r i a b l e s i n the a n a l y s i s an a l t e r n a t i v e method was used t o c o n t r o l f o r d i f f e r e n c e s i n r e g i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s was done by e x p r e s s i n g s t a t i s t i c s f o r t h e sample communities as a p e r c e n t a g e o f the e q u i v a l e n t r e g i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s , w h i c h e l i m i n a t e s a l a r g e measure o f d i s p a r i t y due t o c o n d i t i o n s beyond t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e community. 81 I n t h e f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s , summary f i n d i n g s a r e p r e s e n t e d f o r each v a r i a b l e i n c l u d e d i n t h e s t u d y . Average i n d i c a t o r v a l u e s a r e p r e s e n t e d f o r the u r b a n , c o a s t , i n t e r i o r and remote groups s e p a r a t e l y , f o r t h e t o t a l sample, and f o r a l l B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a where c o m p a r i s o n i s m e a n i n g f u l . The p r e s e n t a t i o n f o l l o w s t h e o r d e r o f F i g u r e 4, w i t h measures o f community r e s o u r c e s coming f i r s t and i n d i c a t o r s o f w e l l - b e i n g l a s t . DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES Three demographic measures a r e i n c l u d e d i n the s t u d y . The f i r s t i s t h e number o f I n d i a n s i n each community. I n most cases t h i s i s i n e x c e s s of n i n e t y p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . The o t h e r v a r i a b l e s i n c l u d e d a r e the p e r c e n t a g e o f band membership r e s i d e n t on r e s e r v e , w h i c h i s a rough i n d i c a t o r of m o b i l i t y , and average f a m i l y s i z e w h i c h i s a r o u g h measure o f the p o p u l a t i o n age s t r u c t u r e . These demographic v a r i a b l e s a r e p r e s e n t e d i n T a b l e I I . D a t a a r e as o f December 31, 1975, u n l e s s o t h e r w i s e n o t e d . The sample bands v a r y g r e a t l y i n s i z e so no p a r t i c u l a r c o n c l u s i o n may be drawn from the f i g u r e s i n t h e t a b l e . I n g e n e r a l , bands i n the i n t e r i o r a r e s m a l l e r t h a n t h o s e on the c o a s t . The I n t e r i o r group i s b i a s e d more t h a n t h e o t h e r s t o above average s i z e by the i n c l u s i o n of f i v e o f a p o s s i b l e seven bands w i t h more t h a n f o u r hundred p o p u l a t i o n . I n g e n e r a l , the p e r c e n t a g e o f band members r e s i d e n t on r e s e r v e v a r i e s r e m a r k a b l y l i t t l e . A few o f t h e more i s o l a t e d bands have fewer members on r e s e r v e because l o c a l economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e e x t r e m e l y l i m i t e d . A c o a s t / i n t e r i o r d i f f e r e n c e 82 T a b l e I I . Sample I n d i a n Communities by Group: Band Membership On-Reserve and Average F a m i l y S i z e Sample Mean number P e r c e n t a g e o f Average Group o f band members band membership f a m i l y s i z e o n - r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t o n - r e s e r v e (1969-1973) Urban 280 67 4.8 Co a s t 393 64 4.8 I n t e r i o r 296 67 5.4 Remote 140 57 5.4 T o t a l Sample 320 65 5.1 S o u r c e s : Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s , R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and R e s i d e n c e , 1975; B i e n n i a l H o u s i n g Survey 1969-1973 83 i s quite evident i n family s i z e although there i s wide v a r i a t i o n , and some overlap, between groups. There i s no noticeable tendency for urban communities to be made up of smaller f a m i l i e s , as might be expected. This may be due i n part to the method of designating f a m i l i e s used i n the membership r e g i s t e r s . Children are included i n t h e i r parent's family u n t i l they marry or reach majority. Therefore, i f the average age of marriage i s l a t e r , or there are more common-law marriages i n urban communities, the average family s i z e w i l l tend to be overstated. EDUCATION LEVEL The 1971 census provides information on the l e v e l of education attained by persons aged f i f t e e n and over for each enumeration area. The information i s grouped into seven l e v e l s between "less than Grade 5" and "University Degree." However, the rounding procedure used by S t a t i s t i c s Canada to preserve c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y of census returns makes data from small c e l l s u n r e l i a b l e . For instance, p r o b a b i l i s t i c random rounding to f i v e s means that a f i v e count for one area may represent one person, or nine, although the true count i s probably close to f i v e . S i m i l a r l y , a zero may represent up to four persons. Since these are values which appear frequently i n the data for Indian communities, the seven education l e v e l s were combined into two which appear to capture the most economically important differences. The d i v i s i o n was made between the three lowest l e v e l s ; and the four highest, which include "Grade Eleven to Thirteen," and three categories of post-84 s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n . These were c o n v e r t e d i n t o p e r c e n t a g e s so t h a t t h e y c o u l d be compared between communities and t h e r e s u l t s a r e summarized i n T a b l e I I I . The p e r c e n t a g e o f p e r s o n s h a v i n g a t t e n d e d u n i v e r s i t y i s shown as w e l l . The e v i d e n t t e n d e n c y i s f o r the more u r b a n i z e d bands t o have the most e d u c a t e d members. The major v a r i a t i o n o c c u r s i n t h e i n t e r i o r g roup, i n w h i c h s o u t h e r n communities g e n e r a l l y have more e d u c a t e d members t h a n n o r t h e r n ones. I n f a c t , s e v e r a l n o r t h e r n communities have no members ed u c a t e d p a s t Grade 10. The u n i v e r s i t y c a t e g o r y i s comparable t o S t a n b u r y ' s f i n d i n g s (1973: 27) from the 1961 census. The I n d i a n p o s i t i o n i mproved c o n s i d e r a b l y d u r i n g t h e t e n y e a r p e r i o d . I n 1961, 8.4 p e r c e n t o f th e p r o v i n c i a l p o p u l a t i o n aged 15 and o v e r had a t t e n d e d u n i v e r s i t y , b u t o n l y 0.4 p e r c e n t of the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s compares t o 1971 p e r c e n t a g e s o f 12.9 and 2.4 r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n T a b l e I I I . The l a t t e r v a l u e i s c l o s e t o th e comparable f i g u r e f o r I n d i a n s l i v i n g o f f r e s e r v e s : 2.3 p e r c e n t ( S t a n b u r y , 1973: 3 4 ) . EMPLOYMENT RELATED VARIABLES The f o l l o w i n g s e t o f i n d i c a t o r s c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e "Income" l e v e l o f th e i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e a n a l y s i s , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e r a t i o o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n t o l a b o u r f o r c e , w h i c h i s a l l i e d t o t h e demographic v a r i a b l e s p r e s e n t e d above. 85 T a b l e I I I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : E d u c a t i o n a l A t t a i n m e n t o f P e r s o n s Aged 15 and Over, Not A t t e n d i n g S c h o o l F u l l - T i m e Sample Group Mean p e r c e n t a g e o f p o p u l a t i o n h a v i n g a t t a i n e d : Grade 10 o r l e s s Grade 11 o r h i g h e r Some U n i v e r s i t y Urban Coast I n t e r i o r Remote 79 83 85 94 21 17 15 6 3.5 2.2 2.4 T o t a l Sample 84 16 2.4 A l l B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 47 53 12.9 S o u r c e : 1971 Census 86 RATIO OF TOTAL POPULATION TO LABOUR FORCE There i s r e m a r k a b l y l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n i n t h i s v a r i a b l e , shown i n T a b l e I V , e i t h e r between groups o r between c o m m u n i t i e s , and i t s h o u l d be t r e a t e d c a u t i o u s l y . I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e e x c l u s i o n o f w i v e s from t h e e s t i m a t e o f p o t e n t i a l l a b o u r f o r c e i s l i k e l y t o have i n c r e a s e d t h e r a t i o . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t l a b o u r f o r c e as shown i n the s u r v e y i s an e s t i m a t e i n many cases r a t h e r t h a n a more e x a c t count. Note t h a t t h e v a l u e g i v e n i s b a s e d on t o t a l l a b o u r f o r c e r e g a r d l e s s o f unemployment. To e s t i m a t e t h e number of dependent p e r s o n s p e r employed p e r s o n , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o a d j u s t f o r t h e number unemployed. UNEMPLOYMENT RATE A g a i n , t h e r e i s l e s s v a r i a t i o n t h a n m ight be e x p e c t e d . A c e r t a i n amount o f under c o u n t i n g i s e v i d e n t i n t h e s u r v e y , a l t h o u g h u n d e r -c o u n t i n g o f b o t h l a b o u r f o r c e and t h e number employed appears t o have r e s u l t e d i n an a c c u r a t e unemployment r a t e , a t l e a s t i n s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s where d e t a i l e d d a t a c o u l d be checked. Unemployment appears to be h i g h e r on the c o a s t , w h i c h s u g g e s t s t h a t i n c r e a s i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n c o a s t a l r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r i e s has s t r a n d e d a number o f communities w i t h few employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . S e v e r a l c o m p a r a t i v e measures o f unemployment a r e a v a i l a b l e . The d a t a p r e s e n t e d h e r e a r e comparable to the " U l " used by S t a n b u r y (1972) i n a s u r v e y o f I n d i a n s l i v i n g o f f - r e s e r v e . H i s v a l u e o f 46.5 p e r c e n t f o r 87 T a b l e IV. Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: R a t i o o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n to L a bour F o r c e , and Unemployment Rate Sample Group Mean r a t i o o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n t o p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e Mean p e r c e n t a g e of l a b o u r f o r c e unemployed Urban 4.9 56 Coast 5.1 64 I n t e r i o r 5.1 54 Remote 5.0 54 T o t a l Sample 5.0 59 S o u r c e : Department o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s and N o r t h e r n Development, I n d i a n L a b o u r F o r c e S u r v e y , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a R e g i o n , 1971. 88 a l l I n d i a n s o f f - r e s e r v e i s c o n s i d e r a b l y l o w e r t h a n t h e 59 p e r c e n t f o r I n d i a n s o n - r e s e r v e shown i n T a b l e IV. U s i n g t h e " o f f i c i a l " d e f i n i t i o n of unemployment, w h i c h r e q u i r e s a p e r s o n t o be a c t i v e l y s e e k i n g work to be c o u n t e d among th e unemployed, r a t e s b a s e d on the 1961 and 1971 census can be compared f o r a l l r e s e r v e s . The r a t e s a r e about 13 p e r c e n t and 16 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n d i c a t i n g a s l i g h t i n c r e a s e i n unemployment between c e n s u s e s . T h i s c o u l d a l s o be e x p l a i n e d by more a c c u r a t e r e p o r t i n g i n 1971. The d a t a s u g g e s t t h a t " l a t e n t " unemployment of I n d i a n s i s c l o s e t o f o u r t i m e s the " o f f i c i a l " r a t e . The comparable unemployment r a t e f o r B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was around s e v e n p e r c e n t i n 1971. T h e r e f o r e , I n d i a n unemployment was c e r t a i n l y more tha n d o u b l e , and p r o b a b l y c l o s e r t o t e n t i m e s , t h e p r o v i n c i a l r a t e . A r e c e n t s u r v e y by Mooney (1976) examined employment o f I n d i a n s i n t h e G r e a t e r V i c t o r i a a r e a , and i n d i c a t e d an unemployment r a t e of 36 p e r c e n t among I n d i a n men. A l t h o u g h t h i s s u r v e y i n c l u d e d I n d i a n s b o t h on and o f f s e r v e , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t t h e method o f r e s e a r c h r e s u l t e d i n unemployment b e i n g u n d e r s t a t e d . The comparable r a t e f o r the o n - r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e s i x bands i n c l u d e d i s 63 p e r c e n t i n t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s L a b o u r F o r c e S u r v e y . A s t u d y o f one o f t h e s i x bands ( M i t c h e l l , 1976: 193) i n d i c a t e s s e r i o u s underemployment of between 52 and 63 p e r c e n t o f t h e male l a b o u r f o r c e , and between 66 and 73 p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l l a b o u r f o r c e , depending on whether underemployment i s d e f i n e d as l e s s t h a n e i g h t o r l e s s t h a n f o u r months employment. The employment r a t e f o r the same band f r o m t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s L a b our F o r c e Survey used i n t h i s s t u d y i s 67 p e r c e n t , even though the l a b o u r f o r c e i s u n d e r e s t i m a t e d by o n e - t h i r d . 89 T a b l e V. Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: D i v e r s i t y o f Employment by I n d u s t r y and O c c u p a t i o n Sample Mean number o f census c a t e g o r i e s Group w i t h any employment I n d u s t r y C l a s s e s O c c u p a t i o n a l (maximum 9) (maximum Urban 4.3 4.2 Coast 4.6 3.7 I n t e r i o r 3.4 2.7 Remote 1.5 3.0 T o t a l Sample 4.0 3.3 S o u r c e : 1971 Census 90 INDUSTRIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL DIVERSITY Because of l i m i t a t i o n s i n the use of census data f o r small c e l l s , only simple counts of occupational categories are presented i n Table V. Even t h i s i s s u f f i c i e n t to show that d i v e r s i t y i n both industry and occupation increases with urbanization. Occupational d i v e r s i t y i s a more r e l i a b l e i n d i c a t o r , as closer analysis of i n d u s t r i a l d i v e r s i t y shows that the high value for coast communities i s associated p r i m a r i l y with a number of towns (such as A l e r t Bay, Skidegate and B e l l a Coola) where Indians form a sub s t a n t i a l minority of the population, rather than with more i s o l a t e d communities. The Urban measure of i n d u s t r i a l d i v e r s i t y i s biased downward by two a t y p i c a l cases, without which the value increases from 4.3 to 5.5. Table VI shows thetproportion of labour force f o r each group by industry and Table VII does the same by occupation. This further substantiates the d i f f e r e n t character of the urban communities, which r e l y less on primary and extractive occupations, and have more manufacturing and greater penetration into service and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. In s p i t e of t h i s , a s u b s t a n t i a l d i s p a r i t y remains i n comparison with the general population, as shown i n the tables. The apparently anomalous values for the remote group are discounted because there are only two communities i n the sample, and the figures are based on a very small number of employed i persons. 91 T a b l e V I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u mbia: P e r c e n t a g e o f Employment i n M a j o r I n d u s t r y C l a s s e s Sample P e r c e n t a g e of employment by i n d u s t r y c l a s s Group P r i m a r y Secondary T e r t i a r y T o t a l Urban 41 19 40 100 Coast 53 23 24 100 I n t e r i o r 57 13 30 100 Remote 20 0 80 100 T o t a l Sample 52 20 28 100 B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 16 23 61 100 Source: Based on T a b l e XXVI,. A p p e n d i x B 92 T a b l e V I I / . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : P e r c e n t a g e o f Employment i n M a j o r O c c u p a t i o n a l C l a s s e s Sample Group F a r m i n g , f i s h i n g , M a n u f a c t u r i n g P r o f e s s i o n a l l o g g i n g , m i n i n g , & c o n s t r u c t i o n c l e r i c a l , and o t h e r p r i m a r y t r a d e s and s e r v i c e T o t a l Urban 42 24 34 100 Coast 65 16 19 100 I n t e r i o r 67 18 15 100 Remote 67 9 24 100 T o t a l Sample 63 17 20 100 B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 20 24 56 ' 100 S o u r c e : Based.on T a b l e X X V I I , A p p e n d i x B. 93 EMPLOYMENT INCOME When the focus i s on economic development, as opposed to welfare, income from employment provides a set of useful i n d i c a t o r s . Census data on average employment incomes i s shown i n Table VIII, f o r a l l persons with employment income, and for men and women separately. The comparison of employment incomes with regional averages indicates what posit i o n s i n the occupational structure Indians are f i l l i n g . With the exception of urban communities, employment incomes are f a r below the reference regions, i n d i c a t i n g that Indians are concerntrated i n low income and intermittent employment. The same data also provide a basis for estimating the proportions of employed men and women. They show that about one quarter of employed Indians are women. This compares with 36 percent of a l l p r o v i n c i a l employees. The most s t r i k i n g aspect of Table VIII i s that urban communities do very w e l l , with employment income approaching the regional average i n many cases. That t h i s relates to greater opportunities i n the urban s e t t i n g can be i n f e r r e d from the r e l a t i v e l y high p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women. The same holds true for many of the small coast service centres, but coastal bands also do well.because access to resources and employment i n the f i s h i n g and forestry i n d u s t r i e s i s r e l a t i v e l y open, the ind u s t r i e s are s t i l l comparatively dispersed and the formal requirements for entry are low. Indians have been w e l l represented i n these industries h i s t o r i c a l l y , which reduces b a r r i e r s to entry for young persons, i n contrast, workers from 94 T a b l e V I I I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: Employment Incomes by Sex, v P r o p o r t i o n o f Women Employed, and Employment Income R e l a t i v e t o t h e G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n Sample Group Mean income from employment $ Average Men Women Women as a p e r c e n t a g e o f t o t a l employed p e r s o n s Average employment e a r n i n g s as a p e r c e n t a g e o f r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t a v erage Urban Coast I n t e r i o r Remote 4560 3620 2720 2940 5660 4350 3300 3310 1410 1910 1360 1520 27 27 22 21 81 65 49 53 T o t a l Sample 3390 4090 1620 25 60 Source: Based on 1971 Census 95 i n t e r i o r communities e a r n o n l y about h a l f t h e r e f e r e n c e l e v e l , w h i c h i s a l s o g e n e r a l l y l o w e r t h a n i n c o a s t a l o r urban r e g i o n s . I n many communities o f t h e n o r t h e r n i n t e r i o r , e a r n i n g s a r e l o w e r s t i l l , r e f l e c t i n g s h o r t t e r m o f employment, w h i c h i s o f t e n combined w i t h s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , and sometimes supplemented w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l s o u r c e s o f f o o d . I n t h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s , average employment e a r n i n g s a r e as low as o n e - q u a r t e r o f t h e r e g i o n a l a v e r a g e . PER CAPITALINCOME FROM EMPLOYMENT T h i s i n d i c a t o r was used i n the Hawthorn s u r v e y (1966) as a measure o f economic development, and i s i n c l u d e d h e r e f o r t h e same r e a s o n s . T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i m p l i e s a v a l u e judgement t h a t equates p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the main s t r e a m economy w i t h development. I n T a b l e I X , t h e f a m i l i a r p a t t e r n i s a g a i n d e m o n s t r a t e d . Urban communities a r e s u b s t a n t i a l l y b e t t e r o f f (more d e v e l o p e d ) t h a n the o t h e r s , and c o a s t a l communities a r e b e t t e r o f f t h a n t h o s e i n the i n t e r i o r . There i s a w i d e range o f v a r i a t i o n o f t h i s i n d i c a t o r w i t h i n each group. A few c o a s t communities w i t h l a r g e s u c c e s s f u l f i s h i n g f l e e t s s t a n d out above t h e o t h e r s and a few i n t e r i o r communities w i t h l a r g e a g r i c u l t u r a l o r r a n c h i n g o p e r a t i o n s a l s o s t a n d o u t . P a r t o f t h e v a r i a t i o n can be e x p l a i n e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n g e n e r a l economic c o n d i t i o n s o f r e g i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s o f t h e p r o v i n c e . As shown i n T a b l e I X , a d j u s t i n g f o r t h i s f a c t o r a c c o u n t s f o r a s u b s t a n t i a l 96 T a b l e I X . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: P e r C a p i t a Employment Incomes, A b s o l u t e and as a P e r c e n t a g e o f R e g i o n a l E q u i v a l e n t s Sample . Mean P e r C a p i t a Income from Employment Group A b s o l u t e P e r c e n t a g e o f p e r c a p i t a employment income o f : Adj a c e n t r u r a l o r u r b a n F e d e r a l p o p u l a t i o n B r i t i s h e l e c t o r a l R e g i o n a l o f r e g i o n a l ($) C o lumbia d i s t r i c t s d i s t r i c t s d i s t r i c t Urban 1260 49 46 48 48 Coast 980 38 44 42 42 I n t e r i o r 720 28 34 32 35 Remote 810 31 35 33 39 T o t a l Sample 910 35 40 38 40 Source: Based on 1971 Census d a t a . 97 p a r t of the d i f f e r e n c e between the i n t e r i o r , c o a s t and urban c o m m u n i t i e s . V a r i a t i o n i n r e g i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h about twenty p e r c e n t of t h e t o t a l v a r i a t i o n i n mean p e r c a p i t a employment income 6§ the sample communities, and somewhat l e s s o f the v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n g r oups. The amount of v a r i a t i o n a c c o u n t e d f o r i n t h i s way depends on the s i z e o f r e g i o n d e f i n e d f o r c o m p a rison and w i l l be r e v i e w e d i n more d e t a i l below. SOCIAL ASSISTANCE FOR ECONOMIC REASONS The f i n a l employment r e l a t e d i n d i c a t o r , shown i n T a b l e X i s t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f p o p u l a t i o n dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r economic r e a s o n s . The f i g u r e s do n o t show any d e f i n i t e r e g i o n a l p a t t e r n , and t h e r e i s s u b s t a n t i a l v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n groups as w e l l . I t appears t h a t t h i s i s an u n r e l i a b l e i n d i c a t o r , as has been found p r e v i o u s l y ( S t a n b u r y , 1972:46). Two r e a s o n s f o r t h i s s u g g e s t t h e m s e l v e s . One i s t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f "economic r e a s o n s " i s q u i t e c l e a r , i n o p e r a t i o n t h e r e i s room f o r a c e r t a i n amount o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , so t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r case may be i n c l u d e d under " h e a l t h r e a s o n s " by one a d m i n i s t r a t o r , " s o c i a l r e a s o n s " by a n o t h e r and "economic r e a s o n s " by a t h i r d . A p o s s i b l e example w o u l d be a woman a b l e to do l i g h t work, b u t l i m i t e d t o some e x t e n t by p o o r h e a l t h , and a l s o h a v i n g dependent c h i l d r e n who are l o o k e d a f t e r i n p a r t by o t h e r c l o s e r e l a t i v e s . However, t h e major r e a s o n f o r the u n r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h i s i n d i c a t o r i s t h a t i t o n l y c a p t u r e s p a r t o f t h e unemployed work f o r c e . Many a r e a b l e t o r e l y on unemployment i n s u r a n c e f o r e x t e n d e d p e r i o d s , and o t h e r s may be a b l e t o t i e t o g e t h e r a s u c c e s s i o n o f c a s u a l j o b s , t r a d i t i o n a l f o o d s o u r c e s , T a b l e X. Sample I n d i a n Community Groups: P e r c e n t a g e of P o p u l a t i o n Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e f o r Economic Reasons Sample Mean P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a t i o n Group Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e f o r Economic Reasons Urban 5.7 Coast 4.7 I n t e r i o r 3.5 Remote 6.7 T o t a l Sample 4.7 Source: Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s r e c o r d s f o r 1974/75 t o 1975/76. 99 assistance from friends and occasional s o c i a l assistance into a steady, a l b e i t low, income. MEASURES OF WELL BEING Tables XI, XII and XIII provide a comparative summary of ind i c a t o r s most d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to we l l being. I f program intervention i s e f f e c t i v e i n improving socio-economic welfare, these i n d i c a t o r s should change i n the desired d i r e c t i o n , other things being equal. Changes may also r e s u l t from independent forces, such as a change i n the general economic s i t u a t i o n , or disaster s i t u a t i o n s such as a flood or a f i r e . PER CAPITA INCOME The primary measure of socio-economic w e l l being presented here i s per capita income. The high income of urban communities i s immediately evident. Coast communities are about 25 percent lower, and those i n the i n t e r i o r lower s t i l l . A l l of the differences are s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l or better, except between the urban and remote, and between the i n t e r i o r and remote groups which are l i m i t e d by small sample si z e (n=2 for remote communities). The urban-remote differ e n c e i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l . For the t o t a l sample of communities per capita income i s only h a l f (49 percent) of the p r o v i n c i a l f i g u r e . The c o e f f i c i e n t of v a r i a t i o n f o r the enti r e sample i s .38, and 22 percent of the variance i s associated 100 w i t h d i f f e r e n c e s i n r e g i o n a l income. P a r t o f t h i s v a r i a n c e i s e l i m i n a t e d by t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o u r b a n , c o a s t , i n t e r i o r and remote g r o u p s , w h i c h have r e s p e c t i v e c o e f f i c i e n t s o f v a r i a t i o n o f .38, .31, .33 and .12. FAMILY INCOME F a m i l y income f o l l o w s a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n t o p e r c a p i t a income. Urban communities have the h i g h e s t average f a m i l y incomes, c o a s t communities f o l l o w , and t h o s e i n the i n t e r i o r have g e n e r a l l y l o w e r f a m i l y incomes. F a m i l y incomes approach the p r o v i n c i a l average more c l o s e l y t h a n do p e r c a p i t a incomes, a v e r a g i n g 57 p e r c e n t , compared to 49 p e r c e n t , and a r e f r e q u e n t l y used t o compare I n d i a n w e l f a r e w i t h t h a t o f t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n (see S t a n b u r y , 1975). I n making s u c h a c o m p a r i s o n i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o n o t e t h a t I n d i a n f a m i l i e s a r e g e n e r a l l y l a r g e r t h a n n o n - I n d i a n , and t h a t I n d i a n s n o t l i v i n g i n f a m i l i e s have r e l a t i v e l y h i g h e r incomes. The r e s u l t i s t h a t income p e r p e r s o n i n I n d i a n f a m i l i e s i s a c t u a l l y l e s s t h a n h a l f t h e p r o v i n c i a l a v e r a g e . SOCIAL ASSISTANCE The second major i n d i c a t o r o f w e l l b e i n g , w h i c h i s shown i n T a b l e X I I , i s the average p e r c e n t a g e o f p o p u l a t i o n dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . There i s v e r y l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n between groups i n t h i s s t a t i s t i c , i f t h e two T a b l e X I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u mbia: Mean P e r C a p i t a and F a m i l y Incomes Sample Group' Mean p e r c a p i t a income •-.($) Mean F a m i l y Income ($) Urban Coast I n t e r i o r Remote 1980 1540 1190 1310 7480 6090 4710 5080 T o t a l Sample 1460 5720 B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2991 10019 S o u rce: Based on 1971 Census 102 communities i n t h e remote group a r e d i s c o u n t e d ; A l t h o u g h t h e r e i s some s e a s o n a l v a r i a t i o n , a t any ti m e about o n e - t h i r d of the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n depends on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . T h i s i s about seven t i m e s the comparable p r o v i n c i a l f i g u r e , o r s l i g h t l y l e s s t h a n the r a t i o found by F i e l d s and St a n b u r y i n 1966 t o 1968 (1973:57). However, t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e has i n c r e a s e d about t h i r t y p e r c e n t o v e r t h e 1968 l e v e l . The l e v e l o f dependence v a r i e s g r e a t l y between c o m m u n i t i e s , and t h e r e i s no c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between g r o u p s . The o v e r a l l range i s from l e s s t h a n t e n p e r c e n t t o o v e r e i g h t y p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , w i t h a median a t about t h i r t y p e r c e n t . HOUSING STANDARD S i n c e s h e l t e r i s a b a s i c need, a h o u s i n g i n d i c a t o r has been shown i n T a b l e X I I I . The f i g u r e s s u g g e s t t h a t u r b a n communities have g e n e r a l l y b e t t e r h o u s i n g t h a n o t h e r s . The amount o f . v a r i a t i o n i n l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , f a m i l y s i z e , income, c l i m a t e and o t h e r v a r i a b l e s makes any f u r t h e r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n r i s k y . I t appears t h a t t h e h o u s i n g s u b s i d y program has had a l e v e l l i n g e f f e c t on h o u s i n g s t a n d a r d s i n communities t h r o u g h o u t t h e p r o v i n c e . A l t h o u g h t h e r e i s c o n t i n u i n g improvement, g e n e r a l h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s a r e f a r below t h e p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s and t h e r e i s s e r i o u s o v e r -c r o w d i n g i n many p l a c e s . 103 T a b l e X I I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a t i o n Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e Sample P e r c e n t a g e o f P o p u l a t i o n Group Dependent on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e Urban 34.9 Coast 33.5 I n t e r i o r 33.7 Remote 64.7 T o t a l 35.4 B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 5.2 S o u r c e s : Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s r e c o r d s , Vancouver (1975-76). B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Department o f Human R e s o u r c e s , A n n u a l R e p o r t , 1975. B.C. f i g u r e e x c l u d e s mincome payments, w h i c h a r e made to a n o t h e r 4.9 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n 104 T a b l e X I I I . Sample I n d i a n Community Groups and B r i t i s h C o l u mbia: Number o f P e r s o n s p e r Adequate D w e l l i n g U n i t Sample Group Number o f band members on r e s e r v e d i v i d e d by t h e number o f houses i n good o r f a i r c o n d i t i o n Urban 6.6 Coast 8.1 I n t e r i o r 7.7 Remote 10.1 T o t a l 7.9 B r i t i s h C o l umbia 3.4 S o u r c e s : Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s , B i e n n i a l H o u s i n g Survey  1969 t o 1973. 1973 f i g u r e s were u s e d , u n l e s s u n a v i l a b l e o r a p p a r e n t l y i n e r r o r . U n i t s i n poor c o n d i t i o n e x c l u d e d . The f i g u r e f o r B r i t i s h C o l umbia does n o t t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t c o n d i t i o n of h o u s i n g , b u t e x c l u d e s overcrowded u n i t s . Based on S t a t i s t i c s Canada d a t a . 105 REGIONAL COMPARISONS AND OPERATIONAL ECONOMIC AREAS I n a t t e m p t i n g t o c o n t r o l f o r r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o s e l e c t r e g i o n s f o r comparison w h i c h encompass t h e m a j o r a c t i v i t i e s o f c o n c e r n . I n the p r e s e n t c o n t e x t , employment i s t h e most i m p o r t a n t a c t i v i t y and the a p p r o p r i a t e r e g i o n w i l l i n c l u d e t h e l a b o u r market w i t h i n w h i c h r e s i d e n t s o f each community o p e r a t e . I f r e g i o n s are d e f i n e d w h i c h a r e t o o l a r g e , p a r t o f the r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n may be m i s s e d . I f t h e r e g i o n s d e f i n e d a r e t o o s m a l l , a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n o f a c t i v i t y may c r o s s t h e b o u n d a r i e s , and s p u r i o u s v a r i a t i o n may appear i n t h e c o m p a r i s o n . D i f f e r e n t r e g i o n a l d i v i s i o n s were examined f o r t h e s e e f f e c t s , u s i n g p e r c a p i t a employment income f o r t h e c o m p a r i s o n . The r e s u l t s a r e shown i n T a b l e IX. The amount o f v a r i a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h r e g i o n a l income d i f f e r e n c e v a r i e s f r o m e l e v e n t o twenty p e r c e n t f o r t h e sample communities. E l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s , w h i c h have a p o p u l a t i o n o f about 100,000, were t h e l a r g e s t u n i t u s e d, and a c c o u n t e d f o r t h e most v a r i a t i o n . The f i n e s t breakdown, t o r u r a l and u r b a n d i v i s i o n s o f r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t s , i s c l e a r l y too s m a l l . F o r I n d i a n s , r u r a l r e s i d e n c e i s f r e q u e n t l y d i c t a t e d by r e s e r v e l o c a t i o n , so t h a t many commute to work i n urb a n a r e a s . Most r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t s have t h i r t y to f i f t y t h ousand r e s i d e n t s , and an i n t e r m e d i a t e amount o f v a r i a t i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h v a r i a t i o n i n r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t incomes. I t appears t h a t much employment a c t i v i t y a l s o c r o s s e s r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t b o u n d a r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r i e s i n w h i c h most I n d i a n s work. On the b a s i s o f t h i s a n a l y s i s , i t i s c l e a r t h a t f a i r l y b r o a d 106 r e g i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n i s l i k e l y t o r e s u l t i n the g r e a t e s t a s s o c i a t e d v a r i a n c e . P r o b a b l y l e s s t h a n t e n r e g i o n a l d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h e p r o v i n c e w o u l d be o p t i m a l . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s s u p p o r t e d by the g r o u p i n g used i n t h e p r e s e n t a n a l y s i s . The f o u r groups used a c c o u n t f o r 19 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l v a r i a n c e . G e n e r a l l y , r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n appears to a c c o u n t f o r about twenty p e r c e n t o f t h e v a r i a t i o n i n employment incomes f o r t h e sample communities. T h e r e -f o r e t h e r e m a i n i n g e i g h t y p e r c e n t can be a t t r i b u t e d t o community s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s . CHANGE WITH TIME: COMPARISON WITH DATA FROM THE HAWTHORN SURVEY The n i n e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a communities i n c l u d e d i n t h e 1964 Hawthorn s u r v e y were i n c l u d e d i n the p r e s e n t sample t o o b t a i n some i d e a o f change up t o 1971. T a b l e XIV summarizes the co m p a r i s o n f o r f o u r v a r i a b l e s w h i c h a r e f a i r l y c l o s e l y comparable. The p i c t u r e w h i c h emerges i s one o f g e n e r a l , b u t n o t u n i f o r m , improvement. P e r c a p i t a income f r o m employment has i n c r e a s e d , a l t h o u g h p r o b a b l y no f a s t e r t h a n t h a t o f the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n . The s m a l l change i n a verage employment income i s a l a r m i n g , s i n c e i n f l a t i o n o f about 25 p e r c e n t between 1964 and 1971 means t h a t , i n t h r e e c a s e s , r e a l income a c t u a l l y d e c l i n e d . However, t h i s may be due t o t h e i n c l u s i o n o f income i n k i n d i n t h e 1964 f i g u r e s , and u n d e r - r e p o r t i n g i n the 1971 census r e t u r n s . The most s i g n i f i c a n t improvement i s i n e d u c a t i o n , b u t e n t h u s i a s m h e r e s h o u l d be tempered b e c a u s e e d u c a t i o n c r e d e n t i a l s f o r many j o b s i n c r e a s e d . Table XIV. Hawthorn Sample Communities i n the 1970's: Income, Education, and Social Assistance Community Per capita income Annual average , Dependence on from employment 1 employment income' Educated population^ s o c i a l assistance 1964 1970 X 1964 1970 X 1964 1971 X 1964 1976 % Change Change Change Change ($) ($) 1964-70 ($) ($) 1964-70 X X 1964-71 % % 1964-76 Skldegate 1252 1650 32 4642 5294 14 - - ~ Sheshaht 664 1110 67 4400 5052 15 3.6 24 20 3.4 32.9 29.5 Squamish 630 1380 119 3427 4427 29 3.9 23 19 28.5 32.0 3.5 Maaset 336 730 117 1428 2482 74 - - - - - -Port Simpson 325 870 167 2729 3834 40 2.9 8 5 29.4 19.0 (10.4) Kamioops - - - - - - - - - 13.7 ' 19.5 5.8 Williams Lake 291 630 116 1708 1949 14 7.1 21 14 27.0 14.5 (12.5) Saint Mary's 249 540 116 1320 2615 98 3.4 19 16 - - -Fort Saint John 161 1120 595 931 4236 355 0 6 6 7.4 23.1 15.7 Mean Change 166 • 80 13 5.3 Sources: Hawthorn, 1966, Tables 1, I I , XIV, XVI; 1971 Census; Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s records, Vancouver. Note: 1. 1964 fig u r e s include a small allowance f o r the value of home consumed produce, i . e . from f i s h i n g , farming, etc. No adjustment has been made to 1971 figures. 2. 1964 fi g u r e i s percentage of population with Grade 9 or higher. 1971 figure i s percentage of population with Grade 10 or higher. O 108 The s o c i a l assistance figures are very mixed. A s l i g h t o v e r a l l increase p a r a l l e l s the general trend. The p a r t i c u l a r l y large change i n income f o r the Fort Saint John band resulted from the high paying labouring jobs which became available with dam construction on the Peace River during the l a t e 1960's. I t appears that this has been followed by increased dependence on s o c i a l assistance. CORRELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES Up to t h i s point, data on t h e sample communities has been presented i n summary form, one va r i a b l e at a time. In this section, c o r r e l a t i o n s between variables are examined i n an attempt to i d e n t i f y some of the important r e l a t i o n s h i p s associated with development. I n i t i a l l y four i n d i c a t o r s were selected for analysis with the others: per capita income, dependence on s o c i a l assistance, per capita income from employment, and dependence on s o c i a l assistance f o r economic reasons. From the model in Chapter 2, the f i r s t two are indi c a t o r s of well-being, while the other two should measure economic development. I t was discovered that the s o c i a l assistance variables had s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s only with each other. Per capita income from employment correlated s i g n i f i c a n t l y with education, and f o r the i n t e r i o r group and the t o t a l sample, with the employment rate. However, per capita income showed stronger, and more consistent, c o r r e l a t i o n s with these v a r i a b l e s , as well as others, so only the analysis f o r this v a r i a b l e i s presented here. 109 G C o r r e l a t i o n a n a l y s i s was c a r r i e d out f o r p e r c a p i t a income a g a i n s t t h i r t e e n o f t h e v a r i a b l e s p r e s e n t e d above. M u l t i p l e r e g r e s s i o n a n a l y s i s was c o n s i d e r e d , b u t i t d i d n o t seem p o s s i b l e t o s p e c i f y a m e a n i n g f u l l i n e a r e q u a t i o n w i t h t h e a v a i l a b l e d a t a because o n l y some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t i n p u t s t o development have been q u a n t i f i e d . F o r i n s t a n c e , a measure o f c a p i t a l a s s e t s i s c r u c i a l . A l s o i m p o r t a n t t o such an e q u a t i o n a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s , assuming t h e s e can be q u a n t i f i e d . Nor i s t h e r e any p a r t i c u l a r r e a s o n t o e x p e c t l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p s among v a r i a b l e s , a l t h o u g h t h i s c o u l d p r o b a b l y be a c h i e v e d u s i n g a p p r o p r i a t e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f t h e d a t a . I n summary, i t was f e l t t h e b e s t use o f the d a t a c o u l d be made by computing s i m p l e r a n k o r d e r c o r r e l a t i o n s , and u s i n g t h e r e s u l t s as a gu i d e t o more s p e c i f i c a n a l y s i s . The s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s a r e p r e s e n t e d i n T a b l e XV. The remote group o f communities was n o t a n a l y z e d s e p a r a t e l y because d a t a f o r most v a r i a b l e s was a v a i l a b l e f o r o n l y two communities. GENERAL PATTERN OF CORRELATIONS There i s a d e f i n i t e t e n d e n c y f o r c o r r e l a t i o n s t o be s t r o n g e r w i t h i n the r e g i o n a l groups t h a n w i t h i n t h e sample as a whole. Employment and e d u c a t i o n r e l a t e d v a r i a b l e s s t a n d out as h a v i n g t h e s t r o n g e s t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T h i s has been found i n o t h e r a n a l y s e s as w e l l (Hawthorn, 1966; K a r i y a , 1 9 7 5 ) . 110 EMPLOYMENT RELATED VARIABLES The c o r r e l a t i o n of per capita income with per capita employment income i s obvious, since employment income accounts f o r most of a l l income received. Relative employment income correlates highly because i t r e f l e c t s the extent to which Indian workers are integrated into the dominant economy and have access to the higher paying and more stable occupations. The group of variables re l a t e d to d i v e r s i t y of employment are p a r t i c u l a r l y important. Although only a crude measure of d i v e r i s t y was used, s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s were obtained f or the t o t a l sample. A more s e n s i t i v e measure accounting f or the concentration of workers i n some occupational or i n d u s t r i a l groups, and inc l u d i n g more categories, would r e s u l t i n stronger c o r r e l a t i o n s . D i v e r s i t y of employment i s also re l a t e d to community economic s t a b i l i t y , r i s k and returns. Thus the general trend i s for incomes to be proportional to d i v e r s i t y of employment. However, a number of communities depend heavily on one or two resource based industries and must deal with year to year f l u c t u a t i o n s . In a good year, these communities have high incomes and stand out above the general trend, but i n a bad year, they f a l l back to converge with the trend l i n e . The high incomes of good years compensate fo r the r i s k of bad years, but such communities are p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to permanent s t r u c t u r a l changes i n an industry. This pattern i s t y p i c a l of many coast Indian v i l l a g e s which depend on f i s h i n g and f o r e s t r y , such has the I l l T a b l e XV. Sample I n d i a n Communities by Group: S i g n i f i c a n t Rank Order C o r r e l a t i o n C o e f f i c i e n t s o f P e r C a p i t a Income w i t h O t h e r V a r i a b l e s V a r i a b l e P e r c a p i t a employment income Employment income r e l a t i v e t o r e g i o n P o p u l a t i o n e d u c a t e d p a s t Grade 10 D i v e r s i t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s P r o p o r t i o n o f women i n employed l a b o u r f o r c e D i v e r s i t y o f i n d u s t r i e s Unemployment r a t e P e r c e n t o f band members on r e s e r v e Dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e Dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r economic r e a s o n s T o t a l Urban C o a s t I n t e r i o r Sample .94 .88 .94 .92 * .76 .63 (.84) - .71 .50 .44 (.60) .39 * (.37) * * (-.60) (-.32) * - * (.31) * (-.49) - * * (-.47) N o t e s : C o e f f i c i e n t s i n b r a c k e t s a r e s i g n i f i c a n t a t .05 l e v e l , o t h e r s a t .01 l e v e l . * S t r o n g c o r r e l a t i o n , b u t n o t s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . O t h e r v a r i a b l e s i n c l u d e d b u t w h i c h d i d n o t show s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n were: F a m i l y s i z e - Weak n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n , a p p r o a c h i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r t h e i n t e r i o r group and t o t a l sample. H o u s i n g q u a l i t y - Weak n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n f o r t h e I n t e r i o r group o n l y . V i l l a g e s i z e - No c o r r e l a t i o n e v i d e n t . 112 v i l l a g e o f K l e m t u , w h i c h was e c o n o m i c a l l y s t r a n d e d when i t s c a n n e r y was shut down i n 1969, and t h e r e n t a l f i s h i n g v e s s e l s went w i t h i t . R e l a t e d t o d i v e r s i t y o f employment i s t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f employed women. The c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h income appears t o be an i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s i n c e women g e n e r a l l y have low e a r n i n g s and seldom c o n t r i b u t e more t h a n t e n p e r c e n t of t o t a l employment income i n a community. R a t h e r , women t e n d t o be employed p r e d o m i n a n t l y i n c l e r i c a l and s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s . These a r e a v a i l a b l e m a i n l y i n urban a r e a s , w h i c h have g r e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a l l w o r k e r s . Thus h i g h incomes t e n d t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o x i m i t y to urban c e n t r e s o f a l l s i z e s , w h i c h a l s o o f f e r employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r women. As m i g h t be e x p e c t e d , t h e unemployment r a t e w i l l show a s i m i l a r l y s t r o n g c o r r e l a t i o n , b u t i n t h e i n v e r s e d i r e c t i o n v The d a t a used h e r e a r e n o t adequate t o show t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s t r o n g l y , but do tend t o c o n f i r m t h a t communities w i t h h i g h incomes a r e c l o s e t o u r b a n s e r v i c e c e n t r e s , even when r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r y p r o v i d e s t h e economic base. B e s i d e s t h e communities i n the urban group, t h e r e a r e examples n e a r A l e r t Bay, Campbell R i v e r , Queen C h a r l o t t e C i t y , P o r t A l b e r n i , Vernon and M e r r i t t . EDUCATION The c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between e d u c a t i o n and income i s n o t e d i n most s t u d i e s o f t h i s t y p e , b u t t h e d i r e c t i o n o f c a u s e and e f f e c t i s open t o 113 q u e s t i o n . I t appears t h a t i n s i t u a t i o n s where e d u c a t i o n a l c r e d e n t i a l s a r e n o t r e q u i r e d t o e n t e r employment, t h e c o r r e l a t i o n i s weak. T h i s e x p l a i n s the low c o r r e l a t i o n f o r the c o a s t a l group, s i n c e a c c e s s t o t h e f i s h i n g and f o r e s t employment w h i c h dominates t h i s r e g i o n depends m a i n l y on knowing p e r s o n s a l r e a d y employed i n t h o s e i n d u s t r i e s . I n g e n e r a l , t h e v a l u e o f e d u c a t i o n depends on t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o use i t . Thus, t h e r e i s a s t r o n g r e g i o n a l p a t t e r n t o l e v e l s of e d u c a t i o n , w i t h the l o w e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f e d u c a t e d p e r s o n s i n i s o l a t e d communities i n the n o r t h , and t h e h i g h e s t i n u r b a n a r e a s . There seem to be two f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h i s p a t t e r n , n e c e s s i t y and o p p o r t u n i t y . E d u c a t i o n i s more f r e q u e n t l y r e q u i r e d f o r a c c e s s t o p r e f e r r e d employment i n u r b a n a r e a s , b u t t h e o p p o r t u n i t y of o b t a i n i n g i t i s a l s o more a v a i l a b l e . I n a c o m p e t i t i v e u r b a n j o b market, e d u c a t i o n becomes a n e c e s s a r y , but n o t s u f f i c i e n t , c o n d i t i o n f o r s u c c e s s . The e v i d e n c e o f o u r sample communities i s c l e a r on t h i s . Of t h e seven communities w i t h t h e h i g h e s t incomes, o n l y one, a c o a s t a l f i s h i n g v i l l a g e , has fewer t h a n twenty p e r c e n t of i t s p o p u l a t i o n w i t h more t h a n Grade 10. C o n v e r s e l y , of t h e t w e l v e communities w i t h the h i g h e s t e d u c a t i o n l e v e l s , o n l y one i s below the sample median f o r income. MOBILITY The p e r c e n t a g e of band membership r e s i d e n t o n - r e s e r v e i s a r o u g h measure o f m o b i l i t y . I n g e n e r a l , I n d i a n s p r e f e r t o l i v e on a r e s e r v e i f o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment a r e e q u a l , s i n c e t h e y a r e e l i g i b l e f o r a range o f s p e c i a l b e n e f i t s , as w e l l as b e i n g c l o s e t o f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . 114 A s u b s t a n t i a l part of the population off-reserve i s transient, leaving f o r a period of months, or years, for employment or other reasons, but v i s i t i n g r e g u l a r l y and always regarding the reserve as home. The proportion of band members leaving the reserve appears to r e f l e c t a r e a l i s t i c a ppraisal of the economic opportunities a v a i l a b l e there, since generally, more remain i n communities with higher incomes. Two factors o f f s e t t h i s trend. One i s that Indians often reside off-reserve, but nearby, when there i s an acute housing shortage on the reserve. This may r e s u l t i n a low on-reserve population for a r e l a t i v e l y high income community. The other factor i s the reverse of the economic opportunity argument. For i n d i v i d u a l s who lack the q u a l i t i e s demanded by labour markets o f f the reserve, which at the minimum consist of having a strong back, there i s no advantage to leaving. They are better o f f to remain i n the f a m i l i a r environment of the reserve, with government programs to guarantee t h e i r basic subsistence. A f i n a l consideration r e l a t e d to mobility which escapes the measure used here relates to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l opportunity i n the reserve community. I f a l l avenues of advancement are c o n t r o l l e d by one f a c t i o n , whether i t i s a family, generation, or economic clique, then other ambitious persons have no choice but to look elsewhere, even i f - the community i s otherwise w e l l o f f . DEPENDENCE ON SOCIAL ASSISTANCE The two in d i c a t o r s included here show the expected negative c o r r e l a t i o n 115 with income, i n the urban and coast groups, although the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y strong. The c o r r e l a t i o n f o r the i n t e r i o r group also approaches s i g n i f i c a n c e i f one anomalous case i s excluded from the an a l y s i s . Closer examination of the data shows that the negative trend i s strongest for the lower income communities. For the eleven highest income communities i n the sample,there i s a c t u a l l y a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between income and dependence on s o c i a l assistance. This can be explained i n terms of a dual economy model. The pattern of success f or Indians i n the mainstream economy has not been one i n which the band or community has been the operational economic un i t . Success has accrued to i n d i v i d u a l s (or sometimes families) who have s u c c e s s f u l l y adopted the ways and means of the wider .society and obtained the necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and resources to compete i n i t . Possibly t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l success comes at the expense of t r a d i t i o n a l values of sharing along kinship l i n e s , and "helping out" r e l a t i v e s i n need. At times i t has almost c e r t a i n l y been at the economic expense of less e n t e r p r i s i n g band members. The r e s u l t of this pattern i s that, even i n the most economically successful communities, as ranked by average income, there remains a proportion of i n d i v i d u a l s who are marginal to the mainstream economy and depend heavily on s o c i a l assistance. A r e l a t e d aspect of the dual economy i s that the advance of the i n d u s t r i a l economy frequently eliminates the base for a previously viab l e , independent, subsistence economy. The t r a n s i t i o n from independent, s e l f -116 r e l i a n t s u b s i s t e n c e t o dependent, e c o n o m i c a l l y m a r g i n a l s u b s i s t e n c e has been documented r e p e a t e d l y . The case o f F o r t S a i n t John was n o t e d above i n t h e s e c t i o n on Change W i t h Time. R e c e n t l y , t h e B e r g e r Commission emphasized t h i s p r o c e s s i n r e l a t i o n t o development i n t t h e Yukon and N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s ( 1977). The same p r o c e s s e s a r e a t work i n t h e C a r i b o o and n o r t h e r n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , and u n d e r l i e r e c e n t p r o t e s t s a g a i n s t l o g g i n g by t h e Nazko Band (Vancouver Sun, 1 977), and a g a i n s t t h e Dease Lake R a i l w a y e x t e n s i o n by the MacLeod Lake Band ( S t i l l , 1977). U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the t r a n s i t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l to i n d u s t r i a l appears i n e v i t a b l e . The t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d f r e q u e n t l y r e s u l t s i n the d i v i s i o n o f communities between t h o s e who seek a s h a r e o f the s h o r t r u n b e n e f i t s o f "development" and t h o s e who v a l u e t r a d i t i o n a l ways and seek t o m a i n t a i n t h e same v a l u e s i n t h e c h a n g i n g economy. Which e v e r group d o m i n a t e s , i t i s c l e a r t h a t the b e n e f i t s o f the new economy a r e n o t e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . Most o f t h e h i g h income communities c o n t a i n a p r o p o r t i o n o f dependent i n d i v i d u a l s whose l i v e l i h o o d has d i s a p p e a r e d , and who have been u n a b l e t o adapt t o t h e new s i t u a t i o n . Where the t r a n s i t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y o v e r w h e l m i n g , as i t o f t e n i s , t h e s o c i a l c o n t e x t o f t h e community a l s o d i s a p p e a r s and t h e f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a t i o n may be s t r a n d e d w i t h o u t l e a r n i n g a p p r o p r i a t e economic r o l e s . Thus even i n t h o s e communities o f t h e sample w h i c h have been i n v o l v e d i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy f o r a g e n e r a t i o n o r more, a r e r e l a t i v e l y u r b a n i z e d , and have the h i g h e s t incomes, i t i s n o t uncommon f o r t h i r t y o r f o r t y p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n t o be dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . 117 SIGNS OF SUCCESS - CHARACTERISTICS OF HIGH INCOME COMMUNITIES The c o r r e l a t i o n analysis makes i t possible to generalize about the conditions which are associated with greater well-being as indicated by per capita income. Generally, high income i s re l a t e d to the degree of urbanization. Proximity to urban centres, even of a few thousand population, increases the d i v e r s i t y of employment opportunity and r e s u l t s i n increased employment, e s p e c i a l l y of women. R e l a t i v e l y high l e v e l s of education are associated with t h i s , and, althoughccause and e f f e c t i s not cle a r , t h i s also seems to be correlated with higher paying occupations. High incomes do not appear to be r e l a t e d to the resources found on reserves. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g considering the h i s t o r i c a l context i n which reserves were established. In most of the province, reserves mark h i s t o r i c a l campsites and v i l l a g e s and never did support the resident population. Economic a c t i v i t i e s ranged over a much wider area than the present reserves. This pattern i s preserved by many of the coastal f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s . Where reserves were allocated with an a g r i c u l t u r a l economy i n mind, i t was frequently only a f t e r the best land had already been pre-empted by s e t t l e r s , so that much of the reserves i s composed of marginal land. In general, the economic conditions for which reserves were selected no longer apply and i t i s f o r t u i t o u s that some reserves are located close enough to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the new urban centered economy. Only i n the coastal area have some communities remained economically v i a b l e through extensive p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f i s h i n g and logging which approximately preserve h i s t o r i c patterns of 118 resource use. Even i n this area, the most successful communities are close to small urban centres. Since the focus of economic a c t i v i t y i s outside the reserve, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that v i l l a g e s i z e has l i t t l e to do with prosperity. Rather, the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s to the s i z e of the largest urban centre within commuting distance. The on-reserve resource which does correlate with income i s human, shown here i n a cause-effect l i n k from income to migration. S k i l l e d persons remain i n t the community when they f i n d economic opportunity there. Otherwise they are l i k e l y to leave. A r e l a t e d v a r i a b l e appears to be dependence on s o c i a l assistance. Low income communities tend to have a high proportion of dependent persons. Prosperous communities may also include a moderate proportion of persons dependent on s o c i a l assistance, although extremely highrrates of dependence are u n l i k e l y . EXAMPLES OF COMMUNITY TYPES The most successful communities within each of the sample groups appear to match c l o s e l y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s summarized above. In the urban group, the Squamish Band best exemplifies the q u a l i t i e s of success. On the coast, Skidegate, and i n the i n t e r i o r , the Okanagan Band are s i m i l a r l y successful. 119 SQUAMISH The C a p i l a n o and M i s s i o n r e s e r v e s o f t h e Squamish Band a r e w i t h i n the u r b a n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f West and Nor'th V a n c o u v e r , and a r e the most h i g h l y u r b a n i z e d o f any i n B r i t i s h C o l u mbia. The band i s a c t u a l l y an amalgamation o f s i x t e e n s m a l l e r groups most o f w h i c h s h i f t e d f r o m t h e Squamish V a l l e y t o the p r e s e n t l o c a t i o n about e i g h t y y e a r s ago. Squamish Band members have a l o n g h i s t o r y o f employment i n l o n g s h o r i n g and t h e lumber i n d u s t r y w h i c h s t i l l c o n t i n u e s . Today, employment has become more d i v e r s i f i e d and t h e l a r g e s t p a r t o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e i n 1971 was engaged i n t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s s u c h as t r a d e , s e r v i c e and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . About one e i g h t h were i n p r o f e s s i o n a l o r t e c h n i c a l o c c u p a t i o n s . However, h a l f o f the l a b o u r f o r c e was s t i l l i n u n s k i l l e d c a t e g o r i e s . I n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e u r b a n economy i s c o n t i n u i n g and c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e Hawthorn s u r v e y (see T a b l e XIV)- shows t h a t employment income more t h a n d o u b l e d from 1964 t o 1971. I n the same t i m e t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f e d u c a t e d p e r s o n s i n c r e a s e d f r o m l e s s t h a n f o u r p e r c e n t t o t w e n t y - t h r e e p e r c e n t . I n s p i t e o f i m p r e s s i v e g a i n s o v e r the s e v e n y e a r p e r i o d , a v e r a g e income remained l e s s t h a n h a l f t h e r e g i o n a l average and a t h i r d o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n depends on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . H o u s i n g problems f o r l o w e r income band members a r e c h r o n i c . These problems a r e b e i n g a d d r e s s e d by an a c t i v e and r e s p o n s i b l e band c o u n c i l s u p p o r t e d by a l a r g e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a f f . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n was commented on i n Hawthorn (1967: 236). S i n c e t h e n , the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a f f has i n c r e a s e d and has been a s s i g n e d more s p e c i a l i z e d t a s k s , u n t i l t h e r e a r e now more t h a n t h i r t y on the r e g u l a r p a y r o l l . I n t h e p a s t , t h e Sqiuamish Band has n o t o b t a i n e d t h e maximum b e n e f i t from t r a n s a c t i o n s i n v o l v i n g one o f t h e i r most v a l u a b l e r e s o u r c e s , t h e s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d r e s e r v e s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s t o be a v o i d e d i n t h e f u t u r e , and, as p a r t o f a s t r a t e g y to t h i s end, e x t e n s i v e p l a n n i n g c u l m i n a t e d r e c e n t l y i n the u n v e i l i n g o f a hundred m i l l i o n d o l l a r development p l a n f o r t h e C a p i l a n o r e s e r v e . However, s u c c e s s f u l development w i l l a l s o depend on i n v o l v i n g t h e band membership. (See Kozey, 1977, f o r o b s e r v a t i o n s i n t h i s r e g a r d ) . I n b a l a n c e , the p r o s p e c t s f o r the Squamish u r b a n communities a r e v e r y f a v o u r a b l e . SKIDEGATE S k i d e g a t e , l o c a t e d i n t h e Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , c o n t i n u e s t o be one o f t h e most i s o l a t e d communities i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . However, t h i s i s o l a t i o n has p e r m i t t e d t h e community t o d e v e l o p a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the l o c a l economy, s i n c e c o m p e t i t i o n from o u t s i d e r s has been l e s s t h a n e l s e w h e r e . S k i d e g a t e Band members have p a r t i c i p a t e d f u l l y i n t h e c o a s t a l economy s i n c e a b o r i g i n a l t i m e s , i n c l u d i n g the f u r t r a d e e r a . Much l i k e Squamish, S k i d e g a t e p e o p l e came from abandoned v i l l a g e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e s o u t h e r n Queen C h a r l o t t e s . The c o n c e n t r a t i o n f o l l o w e d t h e s e r i o u s d e c l i n e 121 i n p o p u l a t i o n d u r i n g t h e 1860's. I n t h e 1870's S k i d e g a t e I n d i a n s became a c t i v e i n the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y and r e l a t e d p r o c e s s i n g . I n t h e e a r l y 1900's, f o r e s t r y was added t o t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . These i n d u s t r i e s c o n t i n u e to be t h e major s o u r c e o f employment and income a t S k i d e g a t e , w i t h f o r e s t r y now most i m p o r t a n t . S k i d e g a t e a l s o p r o v i d e s p a r t o f t h e l o c a l s e r v i c e f u n c t i o n s , s h a r i n g them w i t h n e a r b y Queen C h a r l o t t e C i t y . As a r e s u l t , n e a r l y h a l f of the l a b o u r f o r c e i s engaged i n s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s . About t e n p e r c e n t i s i n p r o f e s s i o n a l o r m a n a g e r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s , and most o f t h e r e m a i n d e r i s i n s k i l l e d c a t e g o r i e s . S k i d e g a t e was a l s o i n c l u d e d i n the Hawthorn s u r v e y i n 1964, and a t t h a t t i m e , had the h i g h e s t income o f t h e e n t i r e sample. S i n c e t h e n , a l t h o u g h t h e r e has been o n l y a s m a l l i n c r e a s e , S k i d e g a t e remains among t h e most p r o s p e r o u s I n d i a n communities i n t h e p r o v i n c e , w i t h incomes comparable t o s u r r o u n d i n g n o n - I n d i a n communities. N e a r l y a q u a r t e r o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n a r e e d u c a t e d beyond Grade 10, and dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i s l o w e r t h a n any o t h e r community i n t h e sample, about e i g h t p e r c e n t . S k i d e g a t e i s a c o h e s i v e community and has a l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f a c t i v e and r e s p o n s i b l e l e a d e r s h i p . I n p h y s i c a l terms the community i s t h e e q u a l o f any i n t h e r e g i o n and i t s l e a d e r s a r e now w o r k i n g t o e x t e n d c o n t r o l o v e r t h e r e s o u r c e s v i t a l t o economic development. T h i s i n c l u d e s a l e a d i n g r o l e i n i n i t i a t i n g c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l h e r r i n g r o e on k e l p h a r v e s t and p r e s e r v i n g t h e community l e a d i n t e r t i a r y b u s i n e s s e s ; as w e l l as more g e n e r a l a b o r i g i n a l c l a i m s . A l t h o u g h growth p r o s p e c t s a r e n o t g r e a t , i t i s clear that Skidegate w i l l continue to make the most of available opportunities. OKANAGAN The Okanagan Band has several reserves, but the largest, where most of the population l i v e s , surrounds the head of Okanagan Lake between ten and twenty miles from Vernon. Like the previous two bands, t h i s one i s descended from several a f f i l i a t e d family groups which have s e t t l e d together, and some d i v i s i o n s remain. In 1964, one group separated fo form the Westbank Band. Although the population i s f a i r l y dispersed and residence i s r u r a l , the community i s close enough to Vernon for some p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urban service sector. Ranching began i n the North Okanagan during the 1870's and band members were soon involved. Today, ranching remains the most important occupation on the reserve, although logging and sawmill employment, mostly o f f the reserve, generates more income. About one quarter of the labour force i s active i n the service and administrative sector. Although the census shows only six percent i n professional or managerial occupations, a s u b s t a n t i a l number of others are self-employed ranchers and some of those i n logging and transportation are self-employed contractors. Despite the high degree of entrepreneurial a c t i v i t y , a t h i r d of the labour force i s i n the u n s k i l l e d category, and depends mainly on casual or seasonal work. 123 I n f o r m a t i o n on development s i n c e t h e 1960's i s l i m i t e d , b u t the o c c u p a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n appears to have remained f a i r l y s t a b l e . E d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t i n 1971 was t h e h i g h e s t o f any community i n t h e sample, w i t h t h i r t y - s i x p e r c e n t i n t h e h i g h e r c a t e g o r i e s . Incomes a r e a l i t t l e more t h a n h a l f the r e g i o n a l a v e r a g e . Dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e a p p e ars t o be a l i t t l e l e s s t h a n the median o f t h e sample communities. A l t h o u g h t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e f r a g m e n t a t i o n a l o n g v a r i o u s l i n e s , and band members a r e t y p i c a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t , t h e band c o u n c i l i s v e r y a c t i v e . The d i v e r s i t y o f c o n d i t i o n s t o be met has l i m i t e d a c t i o n , b u t p a s t p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e a s u c c e s s f u l band s a w m i l l , and r e c e n t l y , a t w e l v e u n i t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t u s i n g r e l o c a t e d m o t e l u n i t s . C o n s i d e r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e i s a t t a c h e d t o e d u c a t i o n . Band s t a f f a r e t a k i n g an i n c r e a s i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e t h e l o c a l I n d i a n A f f a i r s o f f i c e was c l o s e d f o l l o w i n g I n d i a n p r o t e s t s . P r e s e n t emphasis i n c l u d e s r e s o l u t i o n o f l a n d t e n u r e d i s p u t e s and e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f p o l i c i e s t o g u i d e l a n d development. The Okanagan Band has y e t t o e x p e r i e n c e t h e f u l l p r e s s u r e s f o r l a n d development w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e Okanagan V a l l e y , b u t w i t h e f f e c t i v e l e a d e r s h i p , s h o u l d be a b l e t o b e n e f i t from them i n the f u t u r e . OTHER HIGH INCOME COMMUNITIES A l t h o u g h t h e communities j u s t d e s c r i b e d a r e among t h e most s u c c e s s f u l and i l l u s t r a t e t h e most t y p i c a l c o m b i n a t i o n s o f v a r i a b l e s , none 124 of them i s at the top of i t s group i n the sample. To some extent, those income s communities with the highest.are a t y p i c a l and owe t h e i r prosperity to unusual circumstances. In other respects they r e f l e c t the common trends. The Squamish community ranked t h i r d i n the urban sample. The highest case r e f l e c t s a concentration of economic advantage i n a small proportion of the population, and r e l a t i v e l y high dependence of the rest. The second ranked case i s a good i l l u s t r a t i o n of some of the development processes described f o r Squamish: high income, high education and high employment i n the secondary and t e r t i a r y sectors a l l go together, but i n s u f f i c i e n t background was a v a i l a b l e to i n t e r p r e t the data i n more depth. Skidegate had the t h i r d highest income of the coast sample. The second ranked community i n the group r e f l e c t s a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n . However, employment i s more concentrated i n f o r e s t r y , there i s less penetration of the t e r t i a r y sector, and a moderate dependence on s o c i a l assistance. Similar patterns are also displayed by the fourth and f i f t h ranked communities of the coast group, one depending most heavily on f i s h i n g , and the other on f o r e s t r y . A l l of these communities are adjacent to regional service centres. The highest income band of the coast group owes i t prosperity to heavy concentration i n the f i s h i n g industry, although i t i s also on an i s l a n d not far from a regional centre and there i s a modest amount of service employment. High income has resulted i n low dependence on s o c i a l assistance and i t appears that high l e v e l s of education had not been found e s s e n t i a l up to 1971. 125 The Okanagan community ranked second i n the i n t e r i o r sample, and has much i n common w i t h the t h i r d r a n k e d community. The h i g h e s t income community appears t o f i t t he "crown c o r p o r a t i o n " t y p e d e s c r i b e d i n Hawthorn (1967: 1 8 1 ) . H i g h income i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h employment on a s i n g l e m a j o r p r o j e c t and i s c o u p l e d w i t h high'(dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , s i n c e most o f t h e work i s l i m i t e d t o a s h o r t s e a s o n . O t h e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e v e r y l i m i t e d , and a l t h o u g h the p o p u l a t i o n e x h i b i t s a h i g h l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n , t h e r e appears t o be a low p r o p e n s i t y t o m i g r a t e i n s e a r c h o f b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t y . LOWER INCOME COMMUNITIES A t t h e o t h e r end o f the s p e c t r u m from t h o s e j u s t d e s c r i b e d , a r e communities w h i c h , f o r one r e a s o n o r a n o t h e r , have l o w e r incomes. F o r co m p a r i s o n , one sample community has been s e l e c t e d f r o m each group t o c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e h i g h income c a s e , T s a r t l i p from t h e urban c o m m u n i t i e s , Masset from t h e c o a s t and S t u a r t T rembleur Lake from the i n t e r i o r . TSARTLIP A d e t a i l e d study, o f the T s a r t l i p community i s a v a i l a b l e w h i c h r e v e a l s a g r e a t d e a l about t h e economic f a c t o r s a t work t h e r e ( M i t c h e l l , 1 976). I n the r a n k i n g o f u r b a n communities i n t h e sample, T s a r t l i p i s l a s t 126 by a wide m a r g i n . M i t c h e l l ' s d a t a shows t h a t p e r c a p i t a incomes a r e c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r than shown by t h e c e n s u s , $1,305 compared t o $820, but t h i s does n o t a l t e r t h e r a n k o r d e r . The d i s c r e p a n c y may be due t o t h e f a c t t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f income i s d e r i v e d from m a r g i n a l and i n t e r m i t t e n t a c t i v i t i e s o u t s i d e t h e u s u a l l a b o u r m a r k e t s , s u c h as k n i t t i n g "Cowichan" s w e a t e r s , c l a m d i g g i n g , b e r r y p i c k i n g and " g r e e n i n g " ( g a t h e r i n g g r e e n e r y f o r f l o r i s t s ) . T s a r t l i p i s l o c a t e d w i t h i n S a a n i c h D i s t r i c t M u n i c i p a l i t y , about t e n m i l e s n o r t h o f V i c t o r i a , and f r o n t s on S a a n i c h I n l e t . The a r e a i s beyond the c o n t i n u o u s l y b u i l t up u r b a n a r e a , b u t s u b j e c t t o u r b a n p r e s s u r e s as e v i d e n c e d by t h e e x t e n t o f s u b d i v i s i o n and c o n s t r u c t i o n on a d j a c e n t l a n d . In;':the l a t e 1800's, and up to t h e D e p r e s s i o n y e a r s , T s a r t l i p band members p a r t i c i p a t e d a c t i v e l y i n t h e r e g i o n a l economy, r u n n i n g farms t o s u p p l y t h e V i c t o r i a market and c o n t r a c t i n g t h e i r equipment to l e s s p r o s p e r o u s f a r m e r s . W o r l d War I I b r o u g h t renewed income i n wage l a b o u r , much o f w h i c h c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h the 1950's. C o a l l o a d i n g was i m p o r t a n t but ended w i t h t h e decade. S i n c e t h e n , T s a r t l i p r e s i d e n t s appear to have been i n a r e l a t i v e l y m a r g i n a l s i t u a t i o n . Employment i n t h e u r b a n c o r e i s l i m i t e d t o t h o s e w i t h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the l o w e r s k i l l e d o c c u p a t i o n s a r e fewer t h a n i n r e g i o n s w i t h more o f an i n d u s t r i a l b a s e . M i t c h e l l i n d i c a t e s t h a t n i n e t y p e r c e n t o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e i s i n t h i s c a t e g o r y . L e s s t h a n t h i r t y p e r c e n t has r e g u l a r employment, a l t h o u g h n i n e t y - s i x p e r c e n t had some employment income i n 1971 ( M i t c h e l l , 1976: 1 9 3 ) . A s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s i s h i g h dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e and a r e l a t i v e l y low l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n , f o u r t e e n p e r c e n t b e i n g e d u c a t e d p a s t Grade 10. 127 I n the p a s t , t h e band c o u n c i l has d i s c o u r a g e d development p r o p o s a l s from o u t s i d e , r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t band r e s o u r c e s must be d e v e l o p e d t o r e t u r n the maximum b e n e f i t t o band members, r a t h e r t h a n t o o u t s i d e r s . The o n l y c o m m e r c i a l p r o j e c t w h i c h has met t h e s e c r i t e r i a so f a r i s a band run c a m p s i t e w h i c h p r o v i d e s income to two f a m i l i e s as w e l l as a supplement t o t h e band budget. As i n o t h e r a r e a s , development p r o s p e c t s appear t o h i n g e on the e x t e n t o f employment o p p o r t u n i t y i n the r e g i o n a l economy. F u t u r e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f t h e r e g i o n may improve t h i s a t T s a r t l i p , and may have a l r e a d y have had some impact a t a n e i g h b o u r i n g I n d i a n community w h i c h i s on the main highway to V i c t o r i a . MASSET The o t h e r I n d i a n community on t h e Queen C h a r l o t t e s , M a s s e t , s h a r e s many c o n d i t i o n s w i t h S k i d e g a t e and y e t r a n k s n e a r t h e b ottom o f t h e c o a s t sample w i t h r e s p e c t t o income; s i x t e e n t h o f n i n e t e e n . The e a r l y h i s t o r y of Masset i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t a t S k i d e g a t e , b u t subsequent e v e n t s e l i m i n a t e d much o f t h e economic base. Two i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s : a r e n o t a b l e . S k i d e g a t e r e c e i v e d a m a n u f a c t u r i n g p l a n t t e n y e a r s b e f o r e i t s f i r s t r e s i d e n t m i s s i o n a r y ; a t M a s s e t , the m i s s i o n a r y came f i r s t . The Queen C h a r l o t t e I n d i a n Agent was a l s o l o c a t e d a t M a sset f r o m 1910, so the M a s s e t H a i d a were s u b j e c t t o the i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y b e f o r e t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l freedoms. The r e v e r s e was t r u e a t S k i d e g a t e . Masset had an a c t i v e b o a t y a r d d u r i n g the 1930's and 1940's w h i c h s e r v e d t h e f i s h i n g 128 i n d u s t r y . D u r i n g t h i s t i m e , Masset w o r k e r s were a c t i v e i n b o t h f i s h i n g and f o r e s t r y , a l t h o u g h t h e y were at a r e l a t i v e d i s a d v a n t a g e i n the l a t t e r s i n c e t h e m a j o r t i m b e r r e s o u r c e s were on t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t o f t h e i s l a n d s , c l o s e r t o S k i d e g a t e . I n c r e a s e d c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y i n the l a t e 1940's and 1950's caught many Masset f i s h e r m e n i n a c r e d i t squeeze w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n the l o s s o f t h e i r b o a t s . The b o a t y a r d a l s o c l o s e d . I n 1971, M asset had a h i g h r a t e of unemployment and much o f t h e r e m a i n i n g work was s h a r p l y s e a s o n a l . About f i v e p e r c e n t a r e employed i n f o r e s t o p e r a t i o n s and about t e n p e r c e n t i n f i s h i n g . T w o - t h i r d s a r e i n u n s k i l l e d o c c u p a t i o n s . T h i s i s a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t from t h e 1964 Hawthorn f i g u r e s , w h i c h show twenty p e r c e n t i n f i s h i n g , none i n f o r e s t r y , and about h a l f i n u n s k i l l e d and c a s u a l l a b o u r . About one s i x t h a r e i n t h e s e r v i c e and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s e c t o r . P e r c a p i t a employment income a p p r o x i m a t e l y d o u b l e d d u r i n g t h i s t i m e , b u t t h i s r e f l e c t s the g e n e r a l t r e n d f o r the r e g i o n . I t i s l i k e l y t h a t the 1971 income f i g u r e s a r e i n f l a t e d by a few r e l a t i v e l y h i g h incomes f o r l o g g e r s , s i n c e f i s h i n g incomes a r e l o w e r t h a n a v e r a g e ( F r i e d l a e n d e r , 1 9 7 5 ) . P e r c a p i t a income i s l e s s t h a n h a l f t h e r e g i o n a l l e v e l . Many Masset women a r e employed, but t h e m a j o r i t y c o n t i n u e t h e l o n g e s t a b l i s h e d p a t t e r n o f a few weeks work each y e a r i n f i s h p r o c e s s i n g . R e c e n t l y an i n c r e a s i n g number o f men, m a i n l y d i s p l a c e d f i s h e r m e n , have a l s o been w o r k i n g i n t h e f i s h p a c k i n g p l a n t s . E d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t a t M a s s e t i s r e l a t i v e l y low, w i t h s e v e n t e e n p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n e d u c a t e d p a s t Grade 10, and dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i s m o d e r a t e l y h i g h - more th a n f o u r t i m e s the r a t e a f S k i d e g a t e . 129 Although Masset has experienced a s e r i e s of economic setbacks, the community does not seem to have the same powers of adaptation as Skidegate. A general tendency of Skidegate to be s e l f - r e l i a n t , and of Masset to be dependent has been noted, and the Skidegate council described as more e f f e c t i v e (Brink, 1974: 169-205). Masset leadership currently appears to focus more on general issues such as a b o r i g i n a l claims, rather than on matters more clo s e l y r e l a t e d to economic development within the community. In contrast the Skidegate leadership divides i t s e f f o r t between community and more general issues. Much improvement i n conditions at Masset w i l l require a rev o l u t i o n i n community consciousness f i r s t . STUART TREMBLEUR LAKE Located i n the lake country north of Fort Saint James, the Stuart Trembleur Lake Band i s t y p i c a l of several i n the northern i n t e r i o r , which remained outside the mainstream economy u n t i l recently, but are now confronting i t head on. With the decline of trapping i n the 1950's,,. such communities were l e f t with an economic base consisting of subsistence hunting and f i s h i n g and intermittent wages from guiding and casual labour. Recently, the forest industry has reached some of the areas so that a few jobs are available i n logging or sawmilling. Stuart Trembleur Lake i s another band i n which separate family groups amalgamated i n response to administrative pressure, and s t i l l consists of separate communities on three reserves. 130 The Stuart Trembleur Lake communities have low cash incomes which place them f i f t e e n t h of the sixteen communities i n the i n t e r i o r sample. The census indicates very l i t t l e employment, including only about f o r t y people from a population of four hundred. This implies an unemployment rate of about eighty percent of the p o t e n t i a l working population. Total per capita income, including s o c i a l assistance, i s l e s s than t h i r t y percent of the regional average. The major categories of employment are p u b l i c administration and casual labour, with a few employed i n a sawmill. Very few women have employment, but t h e i r average earnings exceed those of employed men. Dependence on s o c i a l assistance i s only moderately high, presumably because the few employment incomes are spread through r e l a t i v e l y large f a m i l i e s , and supplemented by hunting and f i s h i n g . Only a few persons have more than a minimum of education. The band leadership has adopted a m i l i t a n t p o s i t i o n with regard to economic development i n the region, i n c l u d i n g actions such as banning government s t a f f from the reserves and demonstrating against railway construction. T r a d i t i o n a l values are s t i l l strong but i t has been r e a l i z e d that a new economy i s surrounding the community and that the band must exercise the maximum negotiating strength i t has, i f i t i s to obtain a share i n the i n d u s t r i a l system, and maintain i t s own i n t e g r i t y . That development on the r i g h t l i n e s i s welcome i s indicated by the entrepreneurial attitudes of several members of the band who have seized on government assistance for small businesses. I t appears that u n t i l now Stuart Trembleur Lake has been constrained mainly by a lack of commercial opportunity. 131 REMOTE COMMUNITIES F o l l o w i n g t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h i s c h a p t e r and t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f S t u a r t T r e m b l e u r Lake, i t appears t h a t the remote communities have a g r e a t d e a l i n common w i t h t h o s e o f t h e n o r t h e r n i n t e r i o r . I t i s c o n c l u d e d t h a t none of t h e f o u r remote communities f i t s t h e pur e case o f t h e t y p o l o g y i n t r o d u c e d i n C h a p t e r 2. A l l have e x p e r i e n c e d t h e f i r s t i mpact o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l economy and t h e t r a n s i t i o n t o f u l l i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h i t i s now imminent o r i n p r o g r e s s . I s k u t w i l l be a f f e c t e d when t h e l a s t l i n k on t h e T e r r a c e -C a s s i a r highway i s upgraded. Both I s k u t and T e l e g r a p h Creek w i l l e x p e r i e n c e the consequences o f f u t u r e c opper m i n i n g i n the r e g i o n , o f t o u r i s m and, e v e n t u a l l y , o f r a i l w a y e x t e n s i o n and f o r e s t r y . The n o r t h c e n t r a l c o m m u n i t i e s , F o r t Ware and I n g e n i k a may remain i s o l a t e d a l i t t l e l o n g e r , a l t h o u g h t h e l a t t e r has a l r e a d y been r e l o c a t e d by t h e f l o o d i n g o f W i l l i s t o n L a ke, and a r o a d i s b e i n g b u i l t a l o n g t h e l a k e s h o r e . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t , f o r development p u r p o s e s , a more u s e f u l d i s t i n c t i o n can be made between communities o f t h e n o r t h e r n and s o u t h e r n i n t e r i o r . T h i s would b r i n g a l l t h e communities w h i c h a r e making t h e economic t r a n s i t i o n f rom i s o l a t i o n to im m e r s i o n i n t o t h e same group, a l o n g w i t h t h o s e w h i c h have made the t r a n s i t i o n o n l y r e c e n t l y , and t h o s e w h i c h have y e t t o e n t e r i t . I n t h e f i r s t c a t e g o r y , we f i n d Nazko w h i c h r e a c h e d t h e s t a g e o f c o n f r o n t a t i o n when f o r e s t o p e r a t i o n s r e a c h e d t h e community i n 1974. I n t h e second, a r e t h o s e l i k e M o r i c e t o w n w h i c h have p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s i t i o n w i t h o u t a c q u i r i n g a s t a k e i n the new system, and i n t h e t h i r d , a r e tho s e l i k e F o r t Ware. CONCLUSIONS WITH REGARD TO EMPIRICAL HYPOTHESES 132 The analysis to this point provides answers to the hypotheses advanced at the end of Chapter 2. a) It shows that part of the discrepancy between Indian incomes and the p r o v i n c i a l average i s due to the l o c a t i o n of most Indian communities i n non-urban areas. Looking at per ca p i t a employ-ment income compared to e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s i n Table IX, we fi n d that this accounts for fourteen percent of the difference i n the t o t a l sample. Within the urban group the adjustment reduces r e l a t i v e income by s i x percent. However, i n th i s case, comparison to regional d i s t r i c t s i s more v a l i d since the metropolitan regional d i s t r i c t encompasses several e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s which form a single job market. This comparison re s u l t s i n only a two percent reduction. Adjustment f o r e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t variance adds sixteen percent to incomes i n the coast group, twenty-one percent i n the i n t e r i o r and th i r t e e n percent i n the remote group. However, even a f t e r adjustment f o r regional v a r i a t i o n , Indians earn only about f o r t y percent as much per capita as others i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The hypotheses i s therefore supported, but the e f f e c t i s not as large as expected. b) , The separation of communities i n t o four categories generally reduced the variance within groups as compared to the t o t a l sample. We conclude that the broad regional grouping accounts 133 f o r about twenty p e r c e n t o f t o t a l v a r i a n c e i n income, and t h a t e i g h t y p e r c e n t i s due t o community s p e c i f i c c i r c u m s t a n c e s . The h y p o t h e s i s t h a t the groups do have i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e s i n common i s s u p p o r t e d . I t i s s t r e n g t h e n e d by t h e f i n d i n g t h a t some s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n groups o c c u r w h i c h a r e s t r o n g e r t h a n t h o s e i n the t o t a l sample ( T a b l e X V ) . c) Urban communities do have h i g h e r incomes than r u r a l ones and c o a s t communities g e n e r a l l y have h i g h e r incomes th a n i n t e r i o r ones. The remote c a t e g o r y was found t o be i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h i s a n a l y s i s . However, i f n o r t h e r n i n t e r i o r c o m m u n i t i e s , w h i c h a r e g e n e r a l l y n o t f a r o u t o f t h e remote s t a g e a r e compared t o o t h e r r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s , t h e y a r e found t o have s u b s t a n t i a l l y l o w e r incomes; $1,100 compared to $1,330 i n the s o u t h e r n i n t e r i o r , and $1,540 on t h e c o a s t . T h e r e f o r e t h e h y p o t h e s i s i s s u p p o r t e d w i t h t h i s m o d i f i c a t i o n . d) T a b l e V c o n f i r m s t h a t d i v e r s i t y o f b o t h o c c u p a t i o n and i n d u s t r y o f employment i n c r e a s e s p r o g r e s s i v e l y w i t h t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m remote to u r b a n i z e d . e) Urban I n d i a n w o r k e r s do r e c e i v e s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r employment' incomes th a n t h o s e i n r u r a l o r remote a r e a s . T a b l e V I I I shows t h a t w o r k e r s i n c o a s t a l communities a l s o t e n d t o have h i g h e r incomes th a n o t h e r r u r a l a r e a s and t h i s t r e n d has been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o x i m i t y t o s m a l l e r u r b a n communities on the c o a s t , f u r t h e r s u p p o r t i n g t h e h y p o t h e s i s . f ) The h y p o t h e s i s t h a t communities w h i c h have been more exposed 134 to administrative control are more dependent i s neither confirmed nor refuted, due to i n s u f f i c i e n t data. It i s possibly applicable i n the cases of Masset and Cowichan, but others such as B e l l a Coola show a contrary tendency. The hypothesis that communities which have recently undergone a r a d i c a l economic t r a n s i t i o n r e f l e c t d i s l o c a t i o n i n high rates of dependence i s not supported. There i s no tendency for communities which have recently l e f t a t r a d i t i o n a l economy to show a high rate of dependence, or for high dependence on s o c i a l assistance to re l a t e to recent major economic t r a n s i t i o n s , g) As expected, housing q u a l i t y was negatively r e l a t e d to family s i z e , and a weak negative c o r r e l a t i o n was found between housing q u a l i t y and the amount of dependence on s o c i a l assistance. The f i r s t c o r r e l a t i o n i s j u s t short of s t a t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , and the second i s too weak to be s i g n i f i c a n t . This hypothesis i s not supported. 135 CHAPTER 4 THE IMPACT OF GOVERNMENT PROGRAMS ON DEVELOPMENT OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES Up t o t h i s p o i n t , the a n a l y s i s has d e a l t w i t h i n d i c a t o r s o f s o c i o -economic c o n d i t i o n s w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g t h e e x t e n t o f program i n t e r v e n t i o n u n d e r t a k e n to improve t h o s e c o n d i t i o n s . I n t h i s c h a p t e r , a summary o f government programs w h i c h d i r e c t l y a f f e c t I n d i a n communities i s p r e s e n t e d and an at t e m p t made t o l i n k t h e program i n p u t s w i t h o b j e c t i v e measures o f w e l f a r e . The s e p a r a t e program a c t i v i t i e s s h o u l d be v i e w e d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f the o v e r a l l budget f o r I n d i a n A f f a i r s programs. Between 1970/71 and 1975/76, t o t a l e x p e n d i t u r e s f o r t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n ch i n Canada i n c r e a s e d 58 p e r c e n t a f t e r a l l o w i n g f o r i n f l a t i o n . The budget i s now i n exc e s s o f h a l f a b i l l i o n d o l l a r s a n n u a l l y . The 1975/76 budget f o r t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a R e g i o n was about 67 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , o r f i f t e e n p e r c e n t o f the t o t a l . A l m o s t n i n e t e e n p e r c e n t o f t h e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n , and an even h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f bands, communities and r e s e r v e s a r e l o c a t e d i n a m u l t i t u d e o f c u l t u r a l and economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A f t e r a d j u s t i n g f o r i n f l a t i o n , t he budget f o r t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a R e g i o n d i d not i n c r e a s e between 1970/71 and 1975/76. A t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l , the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e budget among t h e 136 major programs has been r e l a t i v e l y constant i n recent years, with about for t y percent going to education, f o r t y percent to community a f f a i r s and less than ten percent to economic development. The share of the l a s t program has been increasingly slowly each year. The 1975/76 budget i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Region has a generally s i m i l a r d i s t r i b u t i o n , with f o r t y -one percent going to education, forty-seven percent to community a f f a i r s and seven percent to economic development. Only community a f f a i r s expenditure was much d i f f e r e n t from the nationa l pattern, and the difference appears to be associated with the s o c i a l assistance component of expenditure. SUMMARY OF PROGRAMS WHICH CONTRIBUTE DIRECTLY TO WELFARE OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES Table XVI presents a summary of the major government programs which provide financing or d i r e c t goods and services to Indian communities. An attempt has been made to include a l l of the major program expenditures at the community l e v e l , although the l i s t i s not exhaustive. In p a r t i c u l a r , the administrative costs of providing t e c h n i c a l services such as property management, business counselling, l o c a l government advice, design services and planning advice are not included. These costs are concealed i n the general administrative budget, and there are methodological problems to t r y i n g to i s o l a t e them at a community l e v e l . F i r s t , i t i s necessary to d i s t i n g u i s h between service which a s t a f f advisor gives to an Indian community and the r o l e of the same i n d i v i d u a l i n meeting with administrative requirements of the government department which pays him. This i s 137 i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e p o s i t i o n o f a b u s i n e s s s e r v i c e s o f f i c e r who may be b o t h g i v i n g d i r e c t management a d v i c e t o a s m a l l b usinessman a t one p o i n t , and e n s u r i n g t h a t the payments on the same businessman's l o a n a r e made t o t h e I n d i a n Economic Development Loan Fund. The second m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m i s t h a t i t i s by no means c l e a r t h a t t i m e s p e n t i n " a d v i s i n g " I n d i a n communities r e s u l t s u n i f o r m l y i n improvement o f c o n d i t i o n s i n them. I t has been s u g g e s t e d f r e q u e n t l y t h a t e x c e s s i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n by o u t s i d e a d v i s o r s may p r e v e n t I n d i a n communities from d e v e l o p i n g t h e i r own e x p e r t i s e , w h i c h i s e s s e n t i a l t o l o n g term advancement (Hawthorn, 1958: 487; 1967: 239-241) . The economic development programs shown i n T a b l e XVI e s s e n t i a l l y p r o v i d e i n v e s t m e n t c a p i t a l . A l t h o u g h t h e b u l k o f funds shown h e r e a r e l o a n s , a c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r t i o n o f t h e i n t e r e s t and repayment was d e f e r r e d o r funded as g r a n t s d u r i n g the few y e a r s t h e programs have o p e r a t e d . W i t h o u t knowing t h e p r e c i s e repayment f o r m u l a s , i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o a r r i v e a t an a c c u r a t e e s t i m a t e o f p r e s e n t v a l u e f o r t h i s f u n d i n g . I n a d d i t i o n a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e p o r t i o n o f l o a n s have t o be w r i t t e n o f f , so t h a t t h e y a r e i n e f f e c t c o n t r i b u t i o n s . The t h r e e I n d i a n A f f a i r s programs f u n c t i o n b a s i c a l l y as l e n d e r s o f l a s t r e s o r t f o r I n d i a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s , a l t h o u g h i n t e r e s t r a t e s a r e s l i g h t l y below market r a t e s , and c o n t r i b u t i o n s a r e made as w e l l . From i t s i n c e p t i o n i n 1970/71 t o August 1976, t h e I n d i a n Economic Development Fund (I.E.D.F.) p r o v i d e d about f o u r t e e n m i l l i o n d o l l a r s o f development f i n a n c i n g t o about 138 T a b l e XVI. Department o f Ind l a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s and O t h e r Government Program E x p e n d i t u r e s C o n t r i b u t i n g t o I n d i a n Community Development i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1975/76 Program E x p e n d i t u r e ($ '000) Economic Development Programs I n d i a n Economic Development Fund (IEDF) 6,446 I n d i a n Fishermen's A s s i s t a n c e Program (IFAP) 2,853 I n d i a n C r a f t s m e n ' s A s s i s t a n c e Program (ICAP) 140 Department o f R e g i o n a l Economic E x p a n s i o n S p e c i a l ARDA Program (SpARDA) 2,829 S u b - t o t a l 12,268 Human Development Programs E d u c a t i o n ( O p e r a t i o n ) 25,168 E d u c a t i o n ( C a p i t a l ) 2,325 B.C. M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n S p e c i a l Programs 1,564 Canada Manpower T r a i n i n g & Job C r e a t i o n 2,240 Canada Manpower L o c a l Employment A s s i s t a n c e Program (LEAP) 372 S u b - t o t a l 31,669 Community Support Programs Community Improvements 8,678 C.M.H.C. On-Reserve H o u s i n g Program 1,392 P r o v i n c i a l F i r s t C i t i z e n ' s Fund 1,673 S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e 17,216 Band A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and Core F u n d i n g 4,400 Canada Manpower L o c a l I n i t i a t i v e s Program 4,441 S u b - t o t a l 37,800 TOTAL 81,737 Sou r c e : Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s R e c o r d s , Vancouver Department o f R e g i o n a l Economic E x p a n s i o n r e c o r d s , V i c t o r i a E x p e n d i t u r e s a r e f o r f i s c a l y e a r 1975/76 o r f o r the n e a r e s t c a l e n d a r y e a r a v a i l a b l e , e i t h e r 1975 o r 1976. 139 two hundred b u s i n e s s e s . N e a r l y h a l f i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n s i x l a r g e p r o j e c t s . S i x t y - o n e p e r c e n t i s i n t h e form o f l o a n s , f o u r t e e n p e r c e n t i n g r a n t s and c o n t r i b u t i o n s and t w e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t i s g u a r a n t e e s o f l o a n s from o t h e r l e n d i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t t h e l o a n g u a r a n t e e s c o v e r a l a r g e p a r t o f p r i v a t e s e c t o r f u n d i n g o f I n d i a n b u s i n e s s e s , m a i n l y i n t h e l a r g e p r o j e c t s . S m a l l e r l o a n g u a r a n t e e s a r e p r i m a r i l y t o t h e Farm C r e d i t C o r p o r a t i o n . The major s e c t o r a l emphasis o f t h e I.E.D.F. has been i n a g r i c u l t u r e and f o r e s t r y , ( i n c l u d i n g m i l l i n g ) . I n 1975/76, a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o j e c t s a c c o u n t e d f o r one f i f t h o f the funds a p p r o v e d , f o r e s t r y a l i t t l e more tha n h a l f , and i n d u s t r i a l , c o m m e r c i a l and r e a l e s t a t e p r o j e c t s t o g e t h e r , a q u a r t e r . The I n d i a n F i s h e r m e n ' s A s s i s t a n c e Program (IFAP) i s a d m i n i s t e r e d s e p a r a t e l y f r o m t h e IEDF by i t s own b o a r d . Begun i n 1968/69 t h e program has been an i m p o r t a n t s u p p o r t f o r I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n a g a i n s t t h e f e d e r a l Department o f t h e E n v i r o n m e n t ' s program t o weed o u t i n e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c e r s i n the i n d u s t r y . Up t o the end o f September 1976, t h e program d i s b u r s e d n e a r l y t w e l v e m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , t h u s r i v a l l i n g t h e IEDF i n s c a l e . A l m o s t n i n e t y p e r c e n t was made a v a i l a b l e t o f i s h e r m e n f o r p u r c h a s e o f b o a t s and equipment, and c l o s e t o h a l f o f t h i s was p r o v i d e d d i r e c t l y as g r a n t s and c o n t r i b u t i o n s . The I n d i a n C r a f t s m e n ' s A s s i s t a n c e Program (ICAP) p r o v i d e s s i m i l a r f u n d i n g t o a s s i s t c r a f t s m e n t o o b t a i n m a t e r i a l s and market t h e i r p r o d u c t s . A s u b s t a n t i a l amount of financing i s provided f o r development projects i n Indian communities under the Special ARDA Program. A s p e c i a l Rural Development Agreement with the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia provides for active p r o v i n c i a l involvement i n job t r a i n i n g and cost sharing f o r projects which w i l l benefit Indians resident i n r u r a l areas. For projects on reserves costs are e n t i r e l y a federal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Administrative p r a c t i c e of the Department of Regional Economic Expansion i s to share up to f i f t y percent of the costs with the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s (IEDF). E f f e c t i v e l y , DINA f i l l s the r o l e played by p r o v i n c i a l governments for non-Indian projects under General Development Agreements. The e n t i r e amount of Special ARDA funding takes the form of outright contributions. The human development programs shown i n Table XVI also operate at the primary l e v e l of intervention and represent investment i n human c a p a b i l i t i e s . The i n c l u s i o n of the e n t i r e DINA education budget overstates the impact at the community l e v e l , since not a l l of the e f f o r t expended contributes to improvement on reserves. Some i n d i v i d u a l s leave the community and take t h e i r education and t r a i n i n g with them. Others attend school only because i t i s compulsory, and probably derive no b e n e f i t from i t . O f f s e t t i n g these factors are the advisory services which were mentioned above, and are not shown i n the table. School construction expenditures are regarded here as an i n t e g r a l part of educational investment, rather than as community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . 141 The f i n a l category i n the table i s community support programs, which are s u b s t a n t i a l l y funded by l o c a l taxes and pr i v a t e savings i n most communities. They operate mainly at the t e r t i a r y l e v e l of intervention, although the job creation and support operates at the next higher l e v e l . Possibly, part of the investment i n community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e has a long.. term economic pay-off i n the health of the residents, and could be regarded as a primary l e v e l intervention, but, i n general, funding from t h i s category i s to meet immediate needs and i s not regarded as an investment. The DINA Community Improvements-Program i s the main source of funds f o r i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n Indian communities. As well as housing, services, such as roads, sewer and water, and some rec r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s are funded from t h i s source. The p r o v i n c i a l F i r s t C i t i z e n ' s Fund provides grants f o r a wide range of s o c i a l projects, but has been concentrated i n recreation. Along with the wages av a i l a b l e f or short term community projects from the Local I n i t a t i v e s Program and i t s successor, Canada Works, i t provides the major source of funds for s o c i a l projects i n reserve communities. These programs are frequently used together for projects, with materials and non-resident expertise paid f o r from F i r s t C i t i z e n ' s Grants, and wages from Canada Works. Band Administration and core funding has been included i n t h i s category since i t represents a c t i v i t y which non-Indian communities usually fund autonomously from l o c a l taxes. Few Indian communities have eit h e r the means or the c o l l e c t i v e w i l l to do t h i s . From a broader perspective the s o c i a l needs i n many of these communities are extremely acute and funding beyond the t y p i c a l l e v e l s 142 of small m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i s j u s t i f i e d at l e a s t u n t i l some of the problems are a l l e v i a t e d . In the longer term, work i n band administration i s also valuable experience f o r i n d i v i d u a l s , who then have more opportunities to move into r e l a t e d work i n the regional job market. Although there are gray areas between the categories used, the emphasis i n TableXVI i s quite c l e a r . The largest part of pu b l i c expenditure i n Indian communities i s f o r maintenance programs, compensating for e x i s t i n g inadequacies. Less goes to education and even less to developing marketable employment s k i l l s . Expenditure on economic development programs i s l e a s t of a l l . The largest s i n g l e expenditure category i n the Department of Indian A f f a i r s Regional budget i s for s o c i a l assistance payments. Considerably greater emphasis needs to be placed on developmental programs r e l a t i v e to maintenance programs i f s o c i a l and economic conditions i n Indian communities are to close with those i n the rest of the province. The information from Table XVI i s recast i n Table XVII, where i t i s expressed as per c a p i t a expenditure, which can be related to the per capita income data presented i n the l a s t chapter. Depending on whether programs are generally a v a i l a b l e , or operate only on reserves, the base population used for the conversion i s , respectively, t o t a l Indian population, or on-reserve Indian population. Where av a i l a b l e , t o t a l program expenditure f or the period 1970/71 to 1975/76 i s also shown. Table XVII i l l u s t r a t e s dramatically the f i n a n c i a l emphasis of the d i f f e r e n t program categories. More than h a l f the funds and services reaching reserves i s i n 143 T a b l e X V I I . P e r C a p i t a E x p e n d i t u r e s o f Government Programs C o n t r i b u t i n g t o I n d i a n Community Development, 1970/71 t o 1975/76 Program C u m u l a t i v e P e r C a p i t a P e r C a p i t a P r o p o r t i o n E x p e n d i t u r e E x p e n d i t u r e o f T o t a l 1970/71 t o 75/76 1975/76 1975/76 $ $ % Economic Development Programs IEDF 267.3 123.3 6.3 IFAP 217.2 54.6 2.8 I CAP 7.3 2.7 0.1 S p e c i a l ARDA 105.2 54.1 2.8 S u b - t o t a l 597.0 234.7 11.9 Human Development Programs E d u c a t i o n ( O p e r a t i o n s ) — 481.4 24.5 E d u c a t i o n ( C a p i t a l ) 224.8 70.3 3.6 M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n S p e c i a l Programs 72.5 29.9 1.5 T r a i n i n g & Job C r e a t i o n - 67.8 3.4 LEAP - 11.3 0.6 S u b - t o t a l 297.3 660.7 33.6 Community S u p p o r t Programs Community Improvements 1269.9 262.5 13.4 O n - r e s e r v e H o u s i n g Program 102.4 42.1 2.1 F i r s t C i t i z e n ' s Fund 153.3 32.0 1.6 S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e - 520.8 26.5 Band A d m i n i s t r a t i o n & Core F u n d i n g - 133 6.8 L I P - 80 4.1 S u b - t o t a l 1525.6 1070.4 54.5 TOTAL 2419.9 1965.8 100.0 Source: Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s R e c o r d s , V a n c o u v e r Department o f R e g i o n a l Economic. E x p a n s i o n R e c o r d s , V i c t o r i a C u m u l a t i v e f i g u r e s a r e shown o n l y where i n f o r m a t i o n was a v a i l a b l e f o r t h e e n t i r e p e r i o d , i n c l u d i n g programs w h i c h began d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v a l . 144 the Support Category. Less than a quarter as much i s spent on economic development programs. UNIFORMITY OF PROGRAM EFFORT Most of the expenditure i n the human development and community support categories i s f a i r l y uniformly d i s t r i b u t e d . Grade school education i s provided to a l l school age children and uniform standards apply throughout the province, although they may be exceeded i n some areas. This accounts fo r eighty percent of the education spending and i t s impact should be f a i r l y even. Community improvements funds are al l o c a t e d using needs formulas which vary from year to year as attempts are made to f i n d a more equitable way of d i s t r i b u t i n g a budget which always f a l l s f a r short of the demands on i t . In prac t i c e p o l i t i c a l considerations work to keep the d i s t r i b u t i o n approximately uniform when expenditure i s averaged over a few years, since perceived i n e q u i t i e s r a p i d l y create pressure f o r r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . S o c i a l assistance i s the largest per capita expenditure, and i s also uniformly a v a i l a b l e . As has been shown, there i s a wide range of dependence on s o c i a l assistance, but the c o r r e l a t i o n with other i n d i c a t o r s of welfare i s only weakly negative. There i s no i n d i c a t i o n that dependence by some members of a community prevents others from r a i s i n g t h e i r own l e v e l of l i v i n g . This i s not to say that the problems associated with the imbalanced welfare d i s t r i b u t i o n are unimportant, but they are not subject to analysis at a l e v e l as general as t h i s . 145 The only other expenditure i n the human development and community support categories which exceeds f i v e percent of the t o t a l i s band administrative funding, which i s d i s t r i b u t e d uniformly on the basis of a formula which takes into account the requirements of d i f f e r e n t s i z e d communities. The remaining programs add up to thirteen percent of the t o t a l , but only the three or four percent i n manpower t r a i n i n g and job creation programs would be expected to have much e f f e c t on socio-economic development. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of Canada Manpower e f f o r t has not been examined, but a general comment i s possible. In the past,Canada Manpower has operated almost exclu s i v e l y from o f f i c e s i n the largest urban centres. Recently this has been changing through such a c t i v i t i e s as Outreach, and Manpower services have become av a i l a b l e i n some of the smaller towns i n the province. Access to Canada Manpower programs should therefore exhibit considerable covariance with the degree of urbanization, which has been shown above to be a major f a c t o r i n the success of Indian communities. FINANCIAL IMPACT OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS In Chapter 2, development finance was i d e n t i f i e d along with s k i l l s t r a i n i n g and organization as one of the most important inputs at the primary l e v e l of program intervention. It i s therefore expected to have a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on economic a c t i v i t y and ultimately on w e l l -being. However, as the model shows, other development factors must also be present, and there i s no guarantee that even i f they are, the benefits 146 o f an o p e r a t i n g p r o j e c t w i l l d i s s e m i n a t e w i d e l y i n t h e community. A c c e p t i n g t h i s c a v e a t , how much e f f e c t c o u l d be e x p e c t e d from the amount o f development f i n a n c e shown i n T a b l e s XVI and X V I I ? W h i l e r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c s a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e , a rough upper l i m i t f o r t h e income f l o w i n g from t h i s development f i n a n c e can be c a l c u l a t e d . The J u l y 1977 monthly a c t i v i t y r e p o r t f o r S p e c i a l ARDA shows a c u m u l a t i v e e x p e n d i t u r e o f $4,939,000 and 443 f u l l t i m e j o b s c r e a t e d . Remembering t h a t ARDA c o n t r i b u t i o n s a r e l i m i t e d t o a maximum o f f i f t y p e r c e n t o f p r o j e c t c o s t , t h e s e f i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t a minimum c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t o f $22,000 p e r j o b . A p p l y i n g t h i s f i g u r e t o t h e c u m u l a t i v e economic development f u n d i n g under a l l programs r e s u l t s i n an e s t i m a t e o f 1400 f u l l t ime j o b s , o r t h e e q u i v a l e n t i n p a r t time and s e a s o n a l work. Assuming an average wage o f e i g h t t h o u s a n d d o l l a r s p e r y e a r , t h i s amounts t o a d d i t i o n a l p e r c a p i t a income of about $210 i n 1975. To t h i s s h o u l d be added a p e r c a p i t a s h a r e o f t h e r e t u r n on t h e i n v e s t m e n t c a p i t a l . R e c e n t l y t h i s has been l e s s t h a n t e n p e r c e n t a n n u a l l y on l o n g term i n v e s t m e n t s . Based on c u m u l a t i v e p e r c a p i t a i n v e s t m e n t of $597, t h i s amounts t o no more t h a n s i x t y d o l l a r s . T h e r e f o r e an upper l i m i t t o the economic b e n e f i t s o f t h e s e programs i s $270 p e r c a p i t a a n n u a l l y . There a r e s e v e r a l r e a s o n s t o t h i n k t h a t t h e b e n e f i t s a r e i n f a c t l e s s t h a n t h i s . F i r s t , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t p e r j o b c r e a t e d c i i s h i g h e r t h a n t h e e s t i m a t e u s e d , perhaps more t h a n t w i c e as much. T h i s w o u l d reduce the number of j o b s c r e a t e d . Second, t h e assumed average wage i s p r o b a b l y a l s o too h i g h . T h i r d , many o f t h e p r o j e c t s funded a r e n o t 147 s u c c e s s f u l . An IEDF p r o j e c t assessment i n l a t e 1976 i n d i c a t e d t h a t c l o s e t o a t h i r d o f t h e p r o j e c t s w i t h o u t s t a n d i n g l o a n s a t t h a t t i m e were i n s e r i o u s f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y , and t e r m i n a t i o n was recommended. More th a n h a l f o f t h e r e m a i n i n g p r o j e c t s were a l s o e x p e r i e n c i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h e a v e r a g e amount o f f i n a n c i n g was l e s s f o r t h e s u c c e s s f u l p r o j e c t s t h a n f o r t h e ones w i t h p r o b l e m s , $30,000 compared t o about $70,000. The l a r g e s t p r o j e c t s a r e amoung t h o s e i n d i f f i c u l t y . A n o t h e r f a c t o r r e d u c i n g t h e i m p a c t o f development f i n a n c i n g i s t h a t t h o s e employed i n new j o b s a r e l i k e l y t o be t h e most h i g h l y s k i l l e d o r e x p e r i e n c e d members o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e , and t h e r e f o r e t h e most l i k e l y t o have h e l d j o b s e l s e w h e r e p r e v i o u s l y . U n l e s s t h e v a c a t e d j o b i s f i l l e d by a n o t h e r •member o f the community, t h e impact of new j o b c r e a t i o n i s r e d u c e d . One f a c t o r c o u l d a c t t o r a i s e t h e e s t i m a t e d f i g u r e , b u t i t i s n o t one f o r w h i c h t h e r e i s o b j e c t i v e e v i d e n c e . I n d i s c u s s i o n , economic development program s t a f f p l a c e d s t r e s s on t h e r o l e o f t h e IEDF as a l e n d e r o f l a s t r e s o r t , and i n d i c a t e d t h a t a p p r o x i m a t e l y e q u a l f i n a n c i n g was b e i n g r a i s e d f r o m b o t h o t h e r government a g e n c i e s and the p r i v a t e s e c t o r . However, f o r t h i s t o i n c r e a s e t h e impact of t h e program, p r i v a t e and o t h e r agency c a p i t a l w o u l d have to be a t t r a c t e d i n t o p r o j e c t s w h i c h w o u l d n o t have been e n t e r e d w i t h o u t IEDF s u p p o r t . The most c o n s i s t e n t example o f t h i s i s the S p e c i a l ARDA program w h i c h i s a l r e a d y i n c l u d e d i n t h e e s t i m a t e above. The most o u t s t a n d i n g example o f p r i v a t e s e c t o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h i s . t y p e i s i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y , and w i l l p r o b a b l y r e q u i r e t h a t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r payment o f a l a r g e g u a r a n t e e d l o a n be assumed by t h e IEDF. 148 C o n s i d e r i n g a l l t h e s e f a c t o r s , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h e o v e r a l l i m p a c t o f t h e s e development p r o j e c t s i s n o t more t h a n f i f t y d o l l a r s p e r c a p i t a , a l t h o u g h t h e f u n d i n g i s n o t e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d and a g r e a t e r e f f e c t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d i n t h o s e communities w h i c h have r e c e i v e d the most. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , d a t a w h i c h p e r m i t t h e i m p a ct t o be measured s t a t i s t i c a l l y do n o t e x i s t . The major f u n d i n g programs have been i n o p e r a t i o n o n l y s i n c e 1970, and t h e most r e c e n t income d a t a a v a i l a b l e i s t h a t o f t h e 1971 census w h i c h , e x c e p t i n a few c a s e s , w i l l n o t r e f l e c t any i m p a c t . Comparison can be made w i t h r e c e n t dependency r a t e s as shown by s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e s t a t i s t i c s , b u t as was seen above, s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e dependence i s n o t v e r y c l o s e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h income l e v e l s . R i g o r o u s e v a l u a t i o n demands b e f o r e and a f t e r measurement o f the i n d i c a t o r s o f w e l l - b e i n g , and an e s t i m a t e o f t h e program i n p u t s i n e ach community. We have o n l y c r o s s s e c t i o n a l d a t a , and l i m i t e d c o n t r o l o v e r some o f the e x t e r n a l i n f l u e n c e s on the i n d i c a t o r s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s d a t a i s compared t o the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f program i n p u t s b e l o w , on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t major t r e n d s w i l l be s t r o n g enough t o show i n s p i t e of t h e d a t a s h o r t c o m i n g s . DISTRIBUTION OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FUNDING A c c u r a t e e s t i m a t i o n o f program i n p u t s w o u l d r e q u i r e c o m p i l a t i o n from the hundreds o f i n d i v i d u a l p r o j e c t r e c o r d s , and w o u l d i n v o l v e c o n s i d e r a b l e c r o s s c h e c k i n g o f d a t e s and amounts, a f o r m i d a b l e t a s k . The d i f f i c u l t y i s compounded by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . F i r s t , l o a n f i l e s a r e c o n f i d e n t i a l , as t h e y s h o u l d be, and n o t a v a i l a b l e f o r a n a l y s i s . Second, i t 149 i s not uncommon for a project approval to be amended, perhaps c a n c e l l i n g a previous funding committment at the same time. Third, funds are frequently disbursed as needed during a period of time a f t e r the i n i t i a l approval, and the f u l l amount may not have been spent. Fourth, even where detail e d information i s a v a i l a b l e , i t may not be possible to r e l a t e i t to a si n g l e community. More r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i s information on the number of approvals and t o t a l expenditure by administrative d i s t r i c t . Some information on s p e c i f i c projects i s a v a i l a b l e , mainly for the largest ones, and information on grants i s usually also p u b l i c . The procedure adopted, making use of t h i s information, simulates the actual d i s t r i b u t i o n of funding. The figures which r e s u l t are not actual expenditures, but should approximate t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y for larger projects. The procedure used was to take the number of projects and t o t a l expenditure f o r each administrative d i s t r i c t and use t h i s information to a r r i v e at a per capita f i g u r e . Any s p e c i f i c project information at hand was used to modify this general approach. For instance, the expenditure on a large project would be deducted from the d i s t r i c t t o t a l , decreasing the general per capita f i g u r e , then assigned to the community involved. The existence of a handful of such large projects accounts for a high l e v e l of per capita funding i n a few communities. For the Fishermen's Assistance Program a s l i g h t l y more sophisticated 150 s i m u l a t i o n was p o s s i b l e . F r i e d l a e n d e r (1975) p r o v i d e s a summary of f i s h i n g e f f o r t by communities. The i n f o r m a t i o n i n c l u d e s t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of b o a t s by t y p e , and average c a p i t a l i z a t i o n f o r each t y p e . Added t o t h e g e n e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n on the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f fun d s by d i s t r i c t , number o f a p p r o v a l s , and the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a p p r o v a l s by t y p e o f b o a t , t h i s s h o u l d r e s u l t i n a f a i r l y a c c u r a t e e s t i m a t e o f IFAP f u n d i n g i n p u t t o each community. A l s o added t o t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of l o a n s and g r a n t s was e x p e n d i t u r e f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n o f s h o r e f a c i l i t i e s i n s e v e r a l c o m m u n i t i e s , s i n c e t h i s r e p r e s e n t s i n v e s t m e n t i n t h e i n d u s t r y as w e l l . F o r t h e S p e c i a l ARDA program, a l i s t o f p r o j e c t s was a v a i l a b l e , so t h a t e s t i m a t i o n o f i m p a c t f o r t h i s program i s c o n f i n e d t o t h e communities where t h e s e p r o j e c t s a r e l o c a t e d . The r e s u l t s o f t h e s i m u l a t i o n a r e i n c l u d e d i n T a b l e XXXI, A p p e n d i x B. I t i s c l e a r t h a t development funds a r e n o t e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . IEDF and S p e c i a l ARDA f u n d i n g i s h e a v i l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n a few l a r g e p r o j e c t s , a l t h o u g h s m a l l p r o j e c t s have been funded i n most c o m m u n i t i e s . IFAP f u n d i n g i s n a t u r a l l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n c o a s t communities and w i t h i n t h i s group, q u i t e e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n has been a c h i e v e d . There a r e about f i v e hundred I n d i a n owned f i s h i n g v e s s e l s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and, i n the f i r s t s i x y e a r s o f i t s o p e r a t i o n , IFAP a c c u m u l a t e d n e a r l y f o u r hundred l o a n a c c o u n t s . T h i s compares t o a p p r o x i m a t e l y two hundred IEDF p r o j e c t s between 1970 and 1976. 151 CORRELATIONS OF DEVELOPMENT FINANCING WITH SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDICATORS As d i s c u s s e d above, t h e d a t a f o r r e l a t i n g economic development funds to i m p r o v i n g w e l f a r e i s l e s s t h a n adequate. Rank o r d e r c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s have been c a l c u l a t e d f o r f i n a n c e w i t h income, dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e and a d e r i v e d i n d e x o f change i n dependence. The r e s u l t s a r e shown i n T a b l e X V I I I and a r e i n t e r p r e t e d below. None of t h e c o e f f i c i e n t s i s s i g n i f i c a n t a t the .05 l e v e l a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e t h r e e w h i c h approach s i g n i f i c a n c e . The c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e n o t s t r o n g , w h i c h i s t o be e x p e c t e d s i n c e f i n a n c i n g i s o n l y one o f s e v e r a l i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s , w h i c h need n o t a l l o p e r a t e i n the same d i r e c t i o n . F o r each program, o n l y communities w h i c h r e c e i v e d some funds a r e i n c l u d e d i n t h e a n a l y s i s . CORRELATION WITH PER CAPITA INCOME S i n c e most economic development f u n d i n g has been p r o v i d e d s i n c e 1970, t h e c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h income do n o t i n d i c a t e t h e e f f e c t of the programs. They s u g g e s t more about t h e c r i t e r i a f o r a l l o c a t i n g f u n d s . A p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t more funds go t o communities w h i c h a r e a l r e a d y b e t t e r o f f . T h i s s u g g e s t s e i t h e r t h a t members o f such communities a r e more adept a t j u s t i f y i n g t h e i r p r o j e c t s ( t h e squeaky w h e e l t h e o r y ) , o r t h a t such communities a r e more f a v o u r a b l y s i t u a t e d w i t h r e s p e c t t o r e s o u r c e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s and a r e t h e r e f o r e more l i k e l y t o prod u c e f e a s i b l e p r o j e c t s . The se c o n d p o s s i b i l i t y i s n o t i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h 152 T a b l e X V I I I Sample I n d i a n Communities: C o r r e l a t i o n o f P e r C a p i t a Income, Dependence on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e , and Change i n Dependence W i t h P e r C a p i t a E x p e n d i t u r e by M a j o r Economic Development F i n a n c i n g Programs Program F i n a n c i n g C o e f f i c i e n t o f Rank Order C o r r e l a t i o n W i t h : P e r C a p i t a Income 1970 Dependence on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e 1975/76 R e d u c t i o n i n Dependence 1970 t o 1976 IEDF -.18 ,28* -.26* SpARDA SpARDA/lEDF ,25 .23 .36 .45 .03 -.02 IFAP ,24 -.48* .31 A l l Programs Combined ~ .14 -.14 -.09 Source: Based on T a b l e XXX and XXXI, A p p e n d i x B Note: C o e f f i c i e n t s marked w i t h an a s t e r i s k (*) approach s i g n i f i c a n c e , and a r e between t h e .12 and .06 l e v e l o f s i g n i f i c a n c e 153 the f i r s t . Further, i t supports the f i n d i n g of the previous chapter, that better o f f communities are those closer to urban centres, which provide more opportunities, and i n c i d e n t a l l y , house the o f f i c i a l s who can a s s i s t with the process of obtaining f i n a n c i a l assistance. The negative c o r r e l a t i o n with IEDF financing could possibly be explained by a "worst f i r s t " approach to financing i n which the most needy communities receive p r i o r i t y . This would help to explain the high rate of f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y for IEDF projects since there i s good reason to suspect that the most depressed communities are those which lack viable economic opportunities. However, none of the c o r r e l a t i o n s with income are strong enough to treat t h i s , or the other suggestions, as more than hypotheses at t h i s point. CORRELATION WITH DEPENDENCE ON SOCIAL ASSISTANCE Since development financing creates jobs, and therefore income, i t seems reasonable that reliance on s o c i a l assistance should be reduced following the investment of a large amount of funds i n a community. A rigorous test of t h i s hypothesis requires before and a f t e r records of s o c i a l assistance. However, i n a large enough sample, i t i s to be expected that the a f t e r records alone w i l l , on the average, reveal lower dependence on s o c i a l assistance i n communities which have received more development financing. Table XVIII reveals that the expected c o r r e l a t i o n does hold for IFAP financing. The c o e f f i c i e n t i s on the borderline of s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (OC = .06). However, the table suggests that dependence on 154 s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e t e n d s t o be h i g h e r i n communities w h i c h have r e c e i v e d t h e most IEDF and S p e c i a l ARDA f i n a n c i n g . The c o e f f i c i e n t s f o r t h e s e programs a r e not s i g n i f i c a n t , b u t a r e h i g h enough t o be r e g a r d e d s e r i o u s l y . Does t h i s mean t h a t IEDF f u n d i n g i n c r e a s e s dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e ? P o s s i b l y o t h e r f a c t o r s a c c o u n t f o r t h e app a r e n t anomaly, b u t i t w i l l be r e v i e w e d w i t h some examples a f t e r t h e l a s t s e t o f c o r r e l a t i o n s i n T a b l e X V I I I i s d i s c u s s e d . CORRELATION WITH REDUCTION IN DEPENDENCE A l t h o u g h s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e d a t a was a v a i l a b l e f o r o n l y one p o i n t i n t i m e , a p r o x y measure o f dependence c o u l d be d e r i v e d f r o m census d a t a . The method used was t o s u b t r a c t p e r c a p i t a employment income from t o t a l p e r c a p i t a income. The r e s i d u a l i s made up p r i m a r i l y o f t r a n s f e r payments, i n c l u d i n g r e t i r e m e n t p e n s i o n s , unemployment i n s u r a n c e b e n e f i t s , and d i s a b i l i p e n s i o n s a l o n g w i t h s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . A l t h o u g h n o t d i r e c t l y comparable t o t h e 1975-76 s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e r a t e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o r a n k communities on the b a s i s o f b o t h measures and the n use t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n r a n k s f o r each community as a measure o f t h e change i n dependence. The r e s u l t i n g measure must be r e g a r d e d c a u t i o u s l y , s i n c e t h e r a n k i n g b a s e d on census d a t a i s s u b j e c t t o a l a r g e amount o f v a r i a b i l i t y w h i c h does n o t a f f e c t t he s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e r a n k i n g . The r e s u l t i s t h a t much of t h e a p p a r e n t change i n dependence may be s p u r i o u s . However, w i t h a l a r g e enough sample, t h e c o r r e c t g e n e r a l d i r e c t i o n o f change s h o u l d be a p p a r e n t , a l t h o u g h i t w i l l be weakened by t h e o t h e r e f f e c t s . 155 L o o k i n g now a t T a b l e X V I I I , we f i n d t h a t t h e Fishermen's A s s i s t a n c e Program a g a i n shows the p r e d i c t e d p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h i s degree o f c o r r e l a t i o n w o u l d o c c u r by chance about one t i m e i n f o u r . S p e c i a l ARDA f u n d i n g shows no p a r t i c u l a r c o r r e l a t i o n , b u t a g a i n , IEDF f i n a n c e i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a n e g a t i v e e f f e c t . The communities w h i c h r e c e i v e d t h e most IEDF a s s i s t a n c e a l s o t e n d e d t o show t h e l a r g e s t r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i n dependence on t r a n s f e r income. The n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n cannot be e a s i l y d i s m i s s e d s i n c e i t i s s t r o n g enough t o approach s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . There i s o n l y one chance i n e i g h t t h a t t he c o r r e l a t i o n i s a random e f f e c t . SUMMARY DISCUSSION OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM EFFECTIVENESS The I n d i a n Fishermen's A s s i s t a n c e Program appears t o have t h e most p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s i n t h e communities i t r e a c h e s . I t i s a l s o t h e most e q u i t a b l e program, r e a c h i n g t h e m a j o r i t y of I n d i a n f i s h b o a t o p e r a t o r s i n t h e p r o v i n c e . From IFAP s t a t i s t i c s , i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e program has been s u c c e s s f u l i n i n c r e a s i n g t h e q u a l i t y o f t h e I n d i a n f i s h i n g f l e e t , w i t h a s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e i n t h e number o f s e i n e v e s s e l s . However, t h e t o t a l number of v e s s e l s has d e c l i n e d , and so has t h e number of l i c e n s e d I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n ( F r i e d l e n d e r , 1975: 1 6 ) . The d e c l i n e o ver t h e decade ended i n 1973 amounted t o o v e r f o r t y p e r c e n t . A l t h o u g h the s h a r e o f I n d i a n v e s s e l s i n t h e i n d u s t r y has i n c r e a s e d s i n c e IFAP began o p e r a t i o n , i t i s n o t c l e a r t h a t t h e same i s t r u e f o r the number o f f i s h e r m e n . Thus, a l t h o u g h IFAP i f c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o 156 the successful a c t i v i t y of Indian fishermen, i t appears that some of those who were previously at least marginally active i n the industry are being forced out. F i n a l l y , the success of IFAP i s c l o s e l y linked to the h i s t o r i c place of Indians i n the f i s h e r y , and the enterprise of the i n d i v i d u a l fishermen. This enterprise has extended to the construction and operation of successful f i s h processing f a c i l i t i e s by native cooperatives to replace some of those shut down by the major packing companies. The native f i s h i n g industry i s characterized by the autonomy of i t s p a r t i c i p a n t s , and has not r e l i e d on outsiders to i n i t i a t e p r o j e c t s . The success of IFAP may be contrasted with the apparent problems experienced by the IEDF. Special ARDA w i l l be treated as one with the IEDF for t h i s discussion, since IEDF funding i s involved i n alli:the major Special ARDA projects. The f i r s t difference to note i s the r e l a t i v e concentration of IEDF funds i n a few large projects. Over f o r t y percent i s committed to s i x large p r o j e c t s , and several others account f o r much of the re s t . Second, the IEDF provides r e l a t i v e l y less grant money than IFAP and most of that i s concentrated i n the largest projects. Special ARDA contributions make up for part of t h i s discrepancy, but they too are concentrated i n large projects. The concentration can be p a r t i a l l y j u s t i f i e d by the small amount of funding available i n r e l a t i o n to the needs, since the projects are no bigger than many other private sector ventures. I f i t takes only twenty thousand do l l a r s to create a workplace, then two hundred m i l l i o n , plus a s u b s t a n t i a l 157 i n v e s t m e n t i n j o b s k i l l s , a r e needed t o t a k e c a r e o f I n d i a n unemployment i n B r i t i s h C olumbia. T h i s compares w i t h t h i r t y - o n e m i l l i o n p r o v i d e d up t o 1976, under t h e programs b e i n g d i s c u s s e d h e r e . From t h i s , i t can be argued t h a t c o n c e n t r a t i o n i s j u s t i f i e d i f l a r g e p r o j e c t s a r e t h e most e f f e c t i v e means t o improve I n d i a n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s , however, i s d e m o n s t r a b l y not t h e c a s e . None o f t h e s i x l a r g e s t p r o j e c t s i s i n a s e c u r e f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n . The most s u c c e s s f u l p r o j e c t s a r e s m a l l s c a l e ones r u n by e n t r e p r e n e u r s who see an o p p o r t u n i t y and t a k e i t . They u s u a l l y o p e r a t e i n a b u s i n e s s and a t a s c a l e w i t h w h i c h they a r e f a m i l i a r . Many use IEDF f u n d i n g as a supplement to o t h e r f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s , r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g dependent on i t . Once a g a i n t h e key t o s u c c e s s seems to r e s t w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l . P r o j e c t s b a s e d on e x p e r i e n c e and f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s a r e more l i k e l y t o s u c c e e d t h a n show p i e c e developments p a r a c h u t e d on t o a community f r o m o u t s i d e . The c o r r e l a t i o n a n a l y s i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t IEDF f u n d i n g i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n dependence on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . The h y p o t h e s i s s u g g e s t e d i s t h a t IEDF economic development f u n d i n g causes i n c r e a s e d dependence. T h i s p a r a d o x i c p o s s i b i l i t y w i l l be d i s c u s s e d w i t h r e l a t i o n t o t h r e e o f the l a r g e s t p r o j e c t s , w h i c h f a l l w i t h i n the sample communities-.-158 DEPENDENCE ON LARGE PROJECTS The t h r e e p r o j e c t s a r e t h e Cowichan Farm Co-op, S e a b i r d Developments L i m i t e d , and t h e Inkameep V i n e y a r d a t Osoyoos, and a l l i n v o l v e f u n d i n g i n the o r d e r o f a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s . A l l t h r e e happen t o be a g r i c u l t u r a l , t h e f i r s t p r o d u c i n g v e g e t a b l e s and hay, t h e second c a t t l e , and t h e t h i r d , g r a p e s . The l a s t two have a l s o p r o d u c e d t a b l e v e g e t a b l e s as a revenue supplement. The Cowichan Farm c r e a t e d work f o r about 125 p e o p l e but i t i s s h a r p l y s e a s o n a l and amounts t o t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f t e n o r t w e l v e f u l l t i m e j o b s . S e a b i r d Developments employed t h r e e o r f o u r p e o p l e on a r e a s o n a b l y s t a b l e b a s i s w h i l e i t was o p e r a t i n g . Inkameep V i n e y a r d has been d e s c r i b e d as " l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e " b u t , a l t h o u g h peak employment r e a c h e d about f o r t y p e r s o n s , t h i s was l i m i t e d t o l e s s t h a n f o u r months a y e a r . There a r e f i v e f u l l t i m e p o s i t i o n s and t o t a l employment amounts t o about t e n man y e a r s . Summarizing, o v e r t h r e e m i l l i o n d o l l a r s i n v e s t e d t o 1976 p r oduced a t o t a l o f t w e n t y - s i x a n n u a l man-years of employment, at a c o s t o f about $115,000 p e r man' y e a r . One p r o j e c t was i n a c t i v e , t h e second i n s e r i o u s f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y , w h i l e the t h i r d has r e c e i v e d a d d i t i o n a l f u n d i n g and i s m e c h a n i z i n g t o reduce i t s peak l a b o u r r e q u i r e m e n t and improve h a r v e s t e f f i c i e n c y . P r o j e c t s o f t h i s s c a l e r e q u i r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e l e v e l o f management a b i l i t y , and knowledge and e x p e r i e n c e s p e c i f i c t o t h e i n d u s t r y . S i n c e few 159 Indians have had the opportunity to acquire t h i s kind of experience, most large projects depend c r i t i c a l l y on non-Indian managers, or exceptional Indian businessmen. The two projects i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y ran into trouble because the manager was s i c k for an extended period, and there was no one to replace him to keep the operation running. At Inkameep, the non-Indian manager i s t e c h n i c a l l y e f f i c i e n t , but the same c r i t i c a l dependence e x i s t s . Some t r a i n i n g of band members i s occurring, but i t i s supervisory and c l e r i c a l , rather than managerial. A consequence of t h i s pattern of dependence i s that most of the work available to Indians i s seasonal, only s e m i - s k i l l e d and low-paid. Since minimal provision i s made f o r t r a i n i n g at management l e v e l s , a c q u i s i t i o n of management s k i l l s by the native community i s very slow and the long term s t a b i l i t y of such projects i s dubious. Viewed i n t h i s l i g h t , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the three communities involved i n these projects have high rates of s o c i a l assistance and the reduction i n dependence index i s also poor. Seasonal a g r i c u l t u r a l work does l i t t l e to a l l e v i a t e year round poverty. I t i s i n any case r e a d i l y available around these communities without investing i n m i l l i o n d o l l a r projects to create i t . I t can even be argued that the creation of seasonal work may increase dependence on s o c i a l assistance by providing p e r i o d i c cash income, above the welfare subsistence l e v e l , which makes l i f e i n the community more to l e r a b l e , and reduces the incentive to seek more remunerative employment elsewhere. Another process l i k e l y to cause high dependence re s u l t s from the collapse of some projects. The disadvantage 160 of many I n d i a n s i n l a b o u r market c o m p e t i t i o n i s q u i t e o b v i o u s . A l l t h r e e p r o j e c t s d i s c u s s e d h e r e began i n t h e l a t e 1960's, and c o n s i d e r a b l e dependence on them has r e s u l t e d f o r a few i n d i v i d u a l s . I f t h e p r o j e c t ceases o p e r a t i o n , t h e n t h e y may remain unemployed f o r a l e n g t h y p e r i o d . The t r a n s i t i o n to s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e s u b s t i t u t e s one t y p e o f dependence f o r a n o t h e r . The i m p a c t of t h e s e p r o j e c t s on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e may be j u d g e d from Inkameep. Based on census d a t a , t h e Osoyoos band had h i g h e r p e r c a p i t a income t h a n any o t h e r i n t e r i o r community i n o u r sample. Of t h e 2200 d o l l a r s p e r c a p i t a , e i g h t hundred r e s u l t e d from t h e v i n e y a r d p a y r o l l . I n 1976, f i v e p e r s o n s had permanent employment ( t e n months) a t t h e v i n e y a r d . A n o t h e r t e n worked e i g h t o r n i n e months. D u r i n g t h e peak s e a s o n o f about f i v e months, a n o t h e r t w e n t y t o t w e n t y - f i v e were employed, b u t n o t a l l were r e s i d e n t band members (many of whom have s t a t e d t h e i r a v e r s i o n t o l a b o u r i n g f o r p i e c e r a t e s when th e y can o b t a i n as much o r more income from unemployment i n s u r a n c e o r s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e ) . I n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n , i t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t t h e p o s i t i o n of t h e v i n e y a r d manager i s i n h e r e n t l y c o n f l i c t - p r o d u c i n g . As an o u t s i d e r , w i t h a g r e a t d e a l o f economic power i n t h e community, h i s day t o day d e c i s i o n s w i l l i n e v i t a b l y be the s u b j e c t o f c r i t i c i s m and r e s e n t m e n t , j u s t i f i e d o r n o t . The p o t e n t i a l peak l a b o u r f o r c e o f t h e community, i n c l u d i n g a l l p e r s o n s between t h e ages o f f i f t e e n and s i x t y - f i v e i s about e i g h t y . H a l f t h i s number a r e younger t h a n t w e n t y - f i v e , s i n c e t h e community has an u n u s u a l l y young p o p u l a t i o n , b u t t h e r e a r e p r o b a b l y f o r t y p e o p l e i n the regular labour force. The vineyard supplies steady work f o r about one-t h i r d . Many of the peak labour requirements are f i l l e d by school children and transients. There i s l i t t l e other employment apart from band administration so that i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to see how h a l f the population could be dependent on s o c i a l assistance most of the time, and more than h a l f during the winter. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of employment income shown i n the census further supports t h i s . F o r t y - f i v e percent of the labour force earned less than three thousand d o l l a r s , and only ten percent earned more than s i x thousand i n 1970. I t should also be noted that f o r t y percent of the labour force are women and that t h e i r average earnings were l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from the men's. Since there i s a s u b s t a n t i a l imbalance i n the r a t i o of the sexes, t h i s implies equal p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates for men and women. The presence of many women i n the labour force increases the p r o b a b i l i t y of multiple income f a m i l i e s , which suggests the l i k e l i h o o d that other families w i l l be without wage earners, and therefore dependent on transfer payments. THE HUMAN FACTOR IN DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS Although r e l a t i v e l y small projects have been the most successful under these developmentnprograms siz e i s not the c r i t i c a l factor. The important factor i n success i s that the projects b u i l d on e x i s t i n g experience and are predominantly conceived by l o c a l entrepreneurs to f i t l o c a l needs. 162 Along with a r e l a t i v e l y high l e v e l of per capita funding t h i s i s an important reason f o r the success of the Indian Fishermen's Assistance Program. Although i t includes only a small t r a i n i n g component, funding i s t i e d d i r e c t l y to proven a b i l i t y and experience i n the f i s h i n g industry -a major human resource i n coastal communities. A s i m i l a r pattern i s evident i n many of the successful small IEDF projects. These include loans for modest expansion of operating family farms or ranches, and financing f o r truck drivers to purchase t h e i r own logging truck f o r independent operation. Notable also are the number of small convenience stores and t a x i services which were begun to f i l l p r e c i s e l y i d e n t i f i e d needs i n the community . Many such projects create only one new job, but they are stable, contribute d i r e c t service i n the community, and provide the seeds f o r further growth. Even when such projects f a i l , the impact on the community i s not disastrous, and may even stimulate a search f o r other opportunities. The learning experience i s not l o s t . Most of the large projects have not been formulated s p e c i f i c a l l y i n terms of community needs, and require s k i l l s and experience which did not already e x i s t i n the community when operation began. The consequences range from labour unrest to bankruptcy. C l e a r l y for any such large project to succeed, p r o v i s i o n must be made to overcome the d e f i c i t i n s k i l l s and experience e s s e n t i a l to the operation. Further, although the opportunity may be i d e n t i f i e d from outside the community, many problems can be 163 a v o i d e d i f t h e d e t a i l e d o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g i s done i n c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h t h e l o c a l p e o p l e , t a i l o r i n g i t t o i d e n t i f i e d needs and o b s t a c l e s . I t i s q u i t e c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t community i n p u t a t t h i s s t a g e may show a p r o j e c t to be c o m p l e t e l y u n s u i t a b l e , and i t s h o u l d be abandoned. I n o t h e r c a s e s , i d e n t i f i e d problems may be amenable t o s o l u t i o n s c o n c e i v e d a t t h e community l e v e l . F i n a n c i a l c r i t e r i a s h o u l d n o t be p e r m i t t e d t o d i c t a t e community p r i o r i t i e s . F o r i n s t a n c e , a f i n a n c i a l l y sound r e a l e s t a t e p r o j e c t may be i n a p p r o p r i a t e i f the major community g o a l i s employment and s k i l l s u p g r a d i n g . A d i r e c t s u b s i d y t o an o t h e r w i s e m a r g i n a l t o u r i s t f a c i l i t y may be a more e f f e c t i v e means o f i m p r o v i n g s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s . The i m p o r t a n t e lements w h i c h have been i d e n t i f i e d i n t h e more s u c c e s s f u l p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e g r a n t component, c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h l o c a l e x p e r i e n c e and s k i l l s , and impetus from l o c a l a c t o r s r a t h e r t h a n o u t s i d e r s . M a n a g e r i a l t r a i n i n g and s k i l l s u p g r a d i n g do not appear to have been c o o r d i n a t e d w i t h development p r o j e c t s t o any g r e a t e x t e n t , a l t h o u g h t h e y a r e c r u c i a l t o o v ercoming d e f i c i t s w h i c h e x i s t i n most I n d i a n communities r e l a t i v e t o t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n . BURNS LAKE DEVELOPMENT There i s one p r o j e c t w h i c h appears to combine the i m p o r t a n t i n g r e d i e n t s f o r s u c c e s s , b o t h f i n a n c i a l l y and i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c terms. O p e r a t i o n began o n l y i n 1975 and i t i s s t i l l t o o soon to j u d g e t h e l o n g term i m p a c t , b u t p r e l i m i n a r y i n d i c a t i o n s a r e p r o m i s i n g . I n 1973, t h e government of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a r e q u e s t e d p r o p o s a l s f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n and o p e r a t i o n of a s a w m i l l complex t o be t h e f o c u s o f f o r e s t i n d u s t r y i n the Burns Lake R e g i o n . The f o u r I n d i a n bands and t h e n o n - s t a t u s n a t i v e p e o p l e o f t h e a r e a j o i n t l y s u b m i t t e d a p r o p o s a l . The government was s y m p a t h e t i c t o t h e wide r a n g i n g s o c i a l program c o n t a i n e d i n the n a t i v e p r o p o s a l , b u t adopted a competing p r o p o s a l by a c o n s o r t i u m o f maj o r companies. However, the n a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n was o f f e r e d an e i g h t p e r c e n t s h a r e i n the c o n s o r t i u m . The m a j o r elements o f t h e development package w h i c h has s i n c e been assembled i n c l u d e s e v e r a l p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l a g e n c i e s and a r e summarized below from a p a p e r p r e p a r e d f o r t h e U n i o n o f B.C. I n d i a n C h i e f s (1975). a) F o r m a t i o n o f the Burns Lake N a t i v e Development C o r p o r a t i o n (BLNDC) t o promote economic development f o r n a t i v e s i n t t h e r e g i o n ; b) F o r m a t i o n o f t h e Burns Lake Community Development A s s o c i a t i o n (BLCDA) t o c o o r d i n a t e c o m p l i m e n t a r y s o c i a l programs; c) P r o v i s i o n , by t h e p r o v i n c e , o f a $1.5 m i l l i o n f o r g i v e a b l e l o a n w i t h f a v o u r a b l e t e r m s , to f i n a n c e n a t i v e e q u i t y i n B a b i n e F o r e s t P r o d u c t s ; d) A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f BLNDC on t h e B o a r d o f B a b i n e F o r e s t P r o d u c t s e) A c o n t r i b u t i o n , by t h e p r o v i n c e , t o t h e BLNDC o f f o u r y e a r s f u n d i n g f o r economic development s t a f f ; 165 A $500 thousand l o a n from t h e p r o v i n c e on f a v o u r a b l e t e r m s , t o p r o v i d e " s e e d " money f o r o b t a i n i n g a d d i t i o n a l f u n d i n g f o r economic development from S p e c i a l ARDA and t h e IEDF; From t h e p r o v i n c e , $150 thousand a n n u a l o p e r a t i o n a l f u n d i n g t o t h e BLCDA f o r f o u r y e a r s ; F o r m a t i o n o f Burns Lake N a t i v e L o g g i n g L i m i t e d by BLNDC w i t h IEDF a s s i s t a n c e , amounting to $591,000; A comprehensive employment t r a i n i n g program under t h e BLCDA, funded w i t h c l o s e to $700 thousand by Canada Manpower, Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s and t h e p r o v i n c i a l Department o f L a b o u r ; Phase t i programming f o r Burns Lake N a t i v e L o g g i n g w h i c h i n c l u d e s Department o f R e g i o n a l Economic E x p a n s i o n and S p e c i a l ARDA f u n d i n g o f $670 th o u s a n d and c h a r t e r e d bank f i n a n c i n g , as w e l l as a d d i t i o n a l t r a i n i n g , much o f i t on t h e j o b by p e r s o n s t r a i n e d i n t h e f i r s t phase; P r e f e r e n t i a l h i r i n g of a r e a r e s i d e n t s by B a b i n e F o r e s t P r o d u c t s , and f u n d i n g by t h e p r o v i n c e f o r a n a t i v e a s s i s t a n t p e r s o n n e l o f f i c e r i n the m i l l d u r i n g s t a r t up; D e s i g n a t i o n o f the r e g i o n as a p r i o r i t y a r e a under S e c t i o n 40 of t h e N a t i o n a l H o u s i n g A c t , w h i c h p r o v i d e s f o r f e d e r a l -p r o v i n c i a l c o s t s h a r i n g f o r p u b l i c h o u s i n g ; B a c k i n g by BLNDC f o r an owner o p e r a t e d f i r m t o t r u c k l o g s t o B a b i n e F o r e s t P r o d u c t s ' m i l l . 166 The s c a l e o f t h e n a t i v e i n v o l v e m e n t i s i m p r e s s i v e , even s e t a g a i n s t t h e s c a l e o f t h e o v e r a l l development. T o t a l government committments exceed f i v e m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , i n c l u d i n g a m i l l i o n and a h a l f f o r t r a i n i n g and s o c i a l programs. The g r e a t e s t s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e program l i e s i n the c o o r d i n a t i o n o f a l l t h e elements e s s e n t i a l t o b a l a n c e d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c growth. The i n v e s t m e n t d i r e c t e d towards the f i r s t phase of Burns Lake N a t i v e L o g g i n g i s a l m o s t e q u a l l y d i v i d e d between t r a i n i n g and c a p i t a l f i n a n c i n g . A l s o s i g n i f i c a n t i s t h e l o n g term emphasis o f BLNDC on management t r a i n i n g i n a d d i t i o n to t h e s k i l l e d t r a d e s . A b a s i c p r i n c i p l e o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s t h a t employees o f p r o j e c t s funded w i l l become o w n e r - o p e r a t o r s t h r o u g h t h e i r own "sweat - e q u i t y , " once t h e y a r e f u l l y competent, and t h e o u t s t a n d i n g equipment l o a n s a r e p a i d o f f . T h i s g i v e s f u l l i n c e n t i v e t o a s p i r i n g e n t r e p r e n e u r s . The emphasis on t r a i n i n g and the h i g h r a t i o o f g r a n t s to l o a n s i n t h e f u n d i n g a r e gauged t o overcome i n i t i a l o b s t a c l e s f a c e d by the n a t i v e p e o p l e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a s t a b l e economic p o s i t i o n . D u r i n g t h e f i r s t s i x months o f o p e r a t i o n , Burns L a k e N a t i v e L o g g i n g g e n e r a t e d n e t reveneue more t h a n n i n e t h o u s a n d d o l l a r s i n e x c e s s o f p r o j e c t i o n s . The t r a i n i n g programs have been h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l i n p r e p a r i n g n a t i v e s f o r l o c a l employment, and i n d i c a t i o n s a r e g e n e r a l l y t h a t the Burns Lake f o r m u l a i s a s u c c e s s f u l one. The r e a l t e s t o f i t s s u c c e s s w i l l come i n 1979 and 1980 when t h e i n i t i a l f u n d i n g committments r u n o u t . By t h a t t i m e , t h e v a r i o u s i n i t i a t i v e s s h o u l d have g e n e r a t e d enough economic a c t i v i t y f o r t h e program t o be s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g , and t o c o n t i n u e h a v i n g a s u b s t a n t i a l i m p a c t on t h e c o n d i t i o n s of n a t i v e p e o p l e i n t h e r e g i o n . A l o n e , even t h i s 167 s c a l e o f development i s not s u f f i c i e n t , b u t t h e s o c i a l and economic m u l t i p l i e r s i t g e n e r a t e s may be. The f o l l o w i n g quote c a p t u r e s some o f t h i s p r o c e s s a t work. The b i g p a y o f f , however, i s i n the permanent j o b s c r e a t e d and t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r o w n e r s h i p and management by l o c a l N a t i v e p e o p l e . There a r e c u r r e n t l y 16 I n d i a n p e o p l e w o r k i n g on t h e l o g g i n g s i t e . . . . These s t a t i s t i c s however, do n o t a d e q u a t e l y r e f l e c t the human d i m e n s i o n o f t h e s i t u a t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l s who have a r e c o r d o f drunkeness and u n r e l i a b i l i t y , who have s p e n t time i n j . a i l , and most o f t h e i r l i v e s on w e l f a r e , a r e now s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r f a m i l i e s , h o l d i n g a s t e a d y j o b and making an economic and s o c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e i r community. They a r e d e v e l o p i n g a sense o f accomplishment and p r i d e w h i c h i s i n c r e a s i n g l y r e s p e c t e d by o t h e r members o f th e V i l l a g e (Burns Lake N a t i v e Development C o r p o r a t i o n , 1976: 7 ) . 168 CHAPTER 5 IMPLICATIONS OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESSES FOR THE DELIVERY OF DEPARTMENT OF INDIAN AND NORTHERN AFFAIRS SERVICES A large volume of data has been analyzed In the context of a model of development processes on Indian communities. The major conclusions w i l l be summarized here and rela t e d to the administration of government development programs. As an i l l u s t r a t i o n , the implications f o r de l i v e r y of services by the regional planning section w i l l be discussed. FACTORS LIMITING INDIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT In Chapter 1 the hi s t o r y of Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia was described. I t showed how, from the l a t e 1800's, Indians l o s t the power to determine t h e i r own future. Indian roles were shaped by the dominant European society, and the r e s u l t was a steady erosion of t h e i r autonomy and control over resources i n the p r o v i n c i a l economy. Frequently, the increase i n marginality of Indians was accelerated and preserved by the well-meaning i n s t i t u t i o n s of church, government and schools, which were intended to ensure Indians a place i n the new society. 169 The purpose of t h i s study has been to analyze development processes i n Indian communities i n order to recommend how government advisory services should be structured i n order to contribute most e f f e c t i v e l y to the use of the resources Indians do have. Despite t h i s emphasis, i t was perhaps i n e v i t a b l e that the analysis would also c l e a r l y r e f l e c t that Indians must have at t h e i r d i s p o s a l f a r more resources than they do now, i f l e v e l s of l i v i n g i n Indian communities are to approach those e x i s t i n g i n most of the rest of the country. This i s a fundamental reason underlying Indain e f f o r t s towards l e g i s l a t i v e reform - to secure maximum benefit from resources which are now nominally t h e i r s ; and a b o r i g i n a l claims - to obtain control of a more equitable share of the nation's resources. The magnitude of the problem was glimpsed i n Chapter 4, where the present l e v e l of economic development funding was judged to be woefully inadequate i f theeobjective i s to r a i s e average Indian l e v e l s bf l i v i n g to the average l e v e l i n the province. It was conservatively estimated that two hundred m i l l i o n d o l l a r s would be needed to create enough jobs to achieve t h i s , i n addition to funds for education and job t r a i n i n g . A l e s s cautious estimate places the t o t a l requirement i n excess of one b i l l i o n d o l l a r s , f o r t y percent for c a p i t a l , f o r t y percent for t r a i n i n g and the balance for making up the backlog i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Such an estimate i s highly speculative and does not take into account the revolution i n attitudes which would be needed to bring people who have been dependent for generations to an independent stage. I 170 THE IMPORTANCE OF REGIONAL ECONOMIC CONDITIONS The c r e a t i o n o f I n d i a n r e s e r v e s c o n t r i b u t e s t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a r t i f i c i a l c o m m u n i t i e s , many of w h i c h now d e r i v e t h e i r permanence f r o m I n d i a n A f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , r a t h e r t h a n f r o m a v i a b l e economic base. T h i s s t u d y shows t h a t t h e l o w e r economic p o s i t i o n o f I n d i a n s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i s p a r t i a l l y due t o t h e l o c a t i o n o f most o f them i n r u r a l o r i s o l a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s , away from t h e main f o c u s o f economic a c t i v i t y . T h i s i s a d i r e c t consequence o f t h e r e s e r v e system, w h i c h i n h i b i t s m o b i l i t y i n r e s p o n s e t o o p p o r t u n i t y . R e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s a c c o u n t f o r about t h i r t e e n p e r c e n t o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n p e r c a p i t a employment income between I n d i a n communities and p r o v i n c i a l a v e r a g e s , v a r y i n g s l i g h t l y w i t h the s i z e o f r e g i o n s used f o r c o m p a r i s o n . S i n c e t r a n s f e r payments make up f o r p a r t o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e , r e g i o n a l a d j u s t m e n t has l e s s e f f e c t on p e r c a p i t a income b u t c o n t i n u e s t o a c c o u n t f o r about s e v e n p e r c e n t o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n r u r a l a r e a s , as shown i n T a b l e XIX. EFFECT OF DEMOGRAPHIC DIFFERENCES The I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i s a young one w i t h a median age o f about s i x t e e n y e a r s . I t i s o f t e n n o t e d t h a t t h i s r e s u l t s i n r e l a t i v e l y more dependents f o r each b r e a d w i n n e r , w h i c h f u r t h e r e x a g g e r a t e s the impact o f s e r i o u s unemployment ( S t a n b u r y 1974: 6 ) . The e f f e c t o f t h e h i g h r a t i o o f dependents t o income e a r n e r s on p e r c a p i t a income i s a l s o shown i n Table XIX. It accounts for almost a t h i r d of the difference i n per capita income when compared to the r e s t of the province. The d i r e c t i o n of cause and e f f e c t between income and family s i z e i s not clear. However i t seems to be generally true that family s i z e decreases a f t e r an improvement i n socio-economic conditions. The important point i s that family s i z e cannot be changed i n the short term, so, l i k e regional economic conditions, i t i s independent of community development action. COMBINED EFFECT OF DEMOGRAPHIC AND REGIONAL ECONOMIC FACTORS As i s also shown i n Table XIX, the combined e f f e c t of the two major independent factors accounts for more than a t h i r d of the r e l a t i v e l y low incomes i n r u r a l areas, but for only sixteen percent i n the urbanized communities which are most favourably situated. REGIONAL DIFFERENCES AND VARIATION AMONG INDIAN COMMUNITIES This study also shows that differences i n regional economic conditions are associated with a major part of the v a r i a t i o n i n s o c i o -economic conditions among Indian communities. I t i s estimated that about one-quarter of the variance i n per capita incomes i s r e l a t e d to regional conditions and that the remaining three-quarters i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to community s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s . Table XIX. Sample Indian Community Groups: Per Capita Income as a Percentage of Provincial Per Capita Income, as a Percentage of Regional Per Capita Income, and Showing Impact of Large Family Size Sample Group Per capita income expressed as a percentage of: B.C. income (1) Regional income (2) Difference from (1) explained by difference i n regional income (%) (2) multiplied by r a t i o of average Indian family to average B.C. family size (%) Difference from (2) explained by larger size of Indian families (%) Difference from (1) explained by regional income and family size combined <« Urban Coast I n t e r i o r Remote 66 51 40 44 57 55 43 48 -16 6 8 8 79 80 65 81 28 31 34 41 16 36 38 46 7 i 32 34 Total Sample 49 51 3 Source: Based on 1971 Census Note : Region used for comparison i n (2) i s federal e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t , except i n metropolitan Vancouver where d i s t r i c t s are grouped. K3 173 URBANIZATION AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT The analysis showed that Indian communities within broad regions had more i n common with each other than do Indian communities i n general. The patterns i d e n t i f i e d are consistent with the model developed i n Chapter 2, and suggest that urban communities are q u a l i t a t i v e l y as well as qu a n t i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from the others. The difference can be explained i n terms of three aspects of the larger c i t i e s which are d i f f e r e n t from other places: demand, opportunity and information. The population of a large c i t y creates l o c a l demand f o r goods and services at a scale not matched i n smaller areas. The demand creates d i r e c t opportunities for businesses to supply the goods and serv i c e s , and i n d i r e c t opportunities of employment to them. Demand f o r land i n the urban area also increases and this makes reserve land a more valuable resource f o r the nearby bands. I t i s the newly discovered value of urban reserve land as a resource f o r economic development that has brought out some of the serious shortcomings of the Indian Act i n t h i s respect. The statutory provisions designed to ensure the maintenance of Indian reserves i n perpetuity as a source of sec u r i t y for band members do not se r i o u s l y constrain development i n the r u r a l s e t t i n g f o r which they were designed. However, i n an urban context, the same sections i n the Indian Act r e s u l t i n a tangle of red tape, delays and c o n f l i c t i n g administrative and marketing i n t e r e s t s . This has been a fundamental reason f o r the formation of the A l l i a n c e , which includes the more urban 174 bands, and devotes a major part of i t s e f f o r t to resolving the issues connected with urban land use. The flow of information i n urban areas i s also q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from elsewhere. This means that urban residents are made aware of more opportunities and also of better means to take advantage of them. A second consequence of the volume of informa-tion transactions i s that there i s more competition: for jobs, i n business, and for l i m i t e d goods and services. In balance, t h i s seems to serve as a stimulus, with opportunities more than making up for the competition, and with increased p o s s i b i l i t i e s of obtaining a good match between buyers and s e l l e r s . The complex of urban s o c i a l and economic systems i s generally more open than i n smaller places. Although some exclusive groups e x i s t , t h e i r influence i s l i m i t e d and i t i s much easier f o r out-siders to be accepted. In the employment sphere, f o r example, the chance of a r e l a t i v e or f r i e n d being given preference f o r an opening i s much less i n a c i t y , because the increased l e v e l of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n makes q u a l i f i c a t i o n s more important than kinship i n most cases. In b r i e f , "who you know" i s less important that "what you know." Discrimination based on ethnic or class differences i s reduced i f not absent. Perhaps the major advantage possessed by urban Indian communities i s the r e l a t i v e ease of access to the i n s t i t u t i o n s which can a s s i s t i n socio-economic development; advanced schools, government agencies, f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and consultants. A l l of these tend to locate i n the l a r g e r urban centres. Communication i s greatly enhanced by l o c a t i o n close to these i n s t i t u t i o n s , since face to face meetings are possible, there i s less room for misunderstanding, and pressure can be brought to bear which r e s u l t s i n being given p r i o r i t y over more distant and l e s s imminent c l i e n t s . The r o l e of s p e c i a l i s t consultants i n a large c i t y must be stressed. It i s important f o r any s i n g l e administrative agency with multiple functions to match the q u a l i t y and effectiveness of such s p e c i a l i s t s . For urban Indian communities, dependence on the Department of Indian A f f a i r s f or technical advice makes l i t t l e sense i n many instances. Better service i s quite l i k e l y to be a v a i l a b l e from consultants who are equally accessible. This i s an advantage which diminishes with distance from the s p e c i a l i s t services, with l e s s e r complexity of problems and with less knowledge of the s p e c i a l needs and the experts to meet them. In more remote locatio n s lack of information i s a major constraint on achieving independence. THE ROLE OF INDIVIDUALS It i s quite c l e a r from the data examined that development on Indian reserves i s l e s s a community phenomenon than an i n d i v i d u a l one. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g since the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework within which Indians operate i s based on European standards which place stress on i n d i v i d u a l achievement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y rather than c o l l e c t i v e development and group rol e s . Consequences include a tendency for productive reserve land to be held i n d i v i d u a l l y rather than i n common, and for economic assistance to be extended to i n d i v i d u a l s rather than to communities. The most important avenue f o r economic advancement open t o I n d i a n s has been p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e l a r g e r l a b o u r market. Economic s u c c e s s o f a community,measured by av e r a g e incomes, i s most d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e number o f i n d i v i d u a l s who a r e s u c c e s s f u l i n o b t a i n i n g r e g u l a r employment. F r e q u e n t l y , t h e r e a r e two d i s t i n c t g r o u p s : "haves," who have a t t a i n e d h i g h incomes, and "have n o t s , " who r e m a i n m a r g i n a l t o the l a b o u r m a r k e t , and a r e h i g h l y dependent on t r a n s f e r payments f o r income. F r e q u e n t l y , t h e " h a v e s " command most o f t h e economic r e s o u r c e s w i t h i n t h e community as w e l l as more employment o u t s i d e i t . Development as a community" i s hindered";by t h e terms o f t h e I n d i a n A c t . I n i t i a l l y , a l l s u b s t a n t i v e power t o manage band funds and r e s o u r c e s i s v e s t e d i n the f e d e r a l government. A c q u i s i t i o n o f i m p o r t a n t powers s u c h as f o r l a n d management, t a x a t i o n and management o f money can o n l y be a c q u i r e d under s e c t i o n s 60, 69 and 83 o f t h e I n d i a n A c t (R.S.C. 1970, c. 1-6) s u b j e c t t o t h e d i s c r e t i o n o f t h e C a b i n e t , and may be w i t h d r a w n s u b s e q u e n t l y . W i t h o u t t h i s d i s p e n s a t i o n , band c o u n c i l s a r e e f f e c t i v e l y p o w e r l e s s to i n f l u e n c e development. A l t h o u g h t h e p o l i c y of t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h i n t h i s r e g a r d i s t o t r a n s f e r as much r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to band c o u n c i l s as i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p a b i l i t y , i n p r a c t i c e t h i s judgement i s l i k e l y t o be b a s e d p a r t l y on t h e congruence o f c o u n c i l a t t i t u d e s w i t h t h o s e o f IAB s t a f f . There i s c o n s i d e r a b l e r e l u c t a n c e t o l e t c o u n c i l s " l e a r n from t h e i r own m i s t a k e s , " t h u s d e p r i v i n g them o f t h e i n s t r u c t i o n t h a t t h i s e x p e r i e n c e p r o v i d e s . L e g a l problems a l s o h i n d e r community development. There i s no 177 corporate v e h i c l e a v a i l a b l e which provides the contracting powers of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Nor has i t been established that non-Indian tenants on surrendered reserve land are taxable. Currently, t h i s prerogative i s claimed by the Province, depriving many bands of the l a r g e s t part of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l property tax base. Circumventing these and other r e s t r i c t i o n s r e s u l t s i n a tangle of administrative problems, i s time-consuming, uncertain, at bestccauses delays, and i s usually expensive. The finding that prosperity i n Indian communities re l a t e s to regional conditions supports the argument that t h i s prosperity r e f l e c t s the success of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the regional economy rather than the success of the community. COMMUNITY LOCATION AND SUCCESS OF DEVELOPMENT FINANCING For Indian communities fixed i n regions without adequate resources to provide a base for development, any l e v e l of funding amounts to a support payment which eventually leaks out of the region. A subsidy may be necessary to overcome an i n i t i a l d e f i c i t i n the human and other resources a v a i l a b l e , but permanent r e s u l t s depend on the resources being s u f f i c i e n t to support an economically v i a b l e project. There are two a l t e r n a t i v e s . F i r s t , i t can be e x p l i c i t l y recognized that some communities are not economically v i a b l e and perpetual support can be provided to ensure whatever l e v e l of l i v i n g i s regarded as appropriate. Second, the community can be transplanted to a more favourable l o c a t i o n . Baldly stated, both these are r a d i c a l solutions. In f a c t the f i r s t p o l i c y i s already i n operation for many Indian communities i n the province. The second has only been attempted between reserves, but i t i s worth noting that some bands have v o l u n t a r i l y achieved the same re s u l t when the majority of members abandon t h e i r own reserves f o r more favourable l o c a t i o n s . The Samahquam Band i s an example. In e i t h e r case, r e a l improvement i n welfare demands a higher l e v e l of assistance than i s presently provided. At the more immediate l e v e l of operating programs, the analysis i d e n t i f i e d four elements which are common to the most successful development projects. The f i r s t i s that such projects usually b u i l d on the knowledge and experience of the i n d i v i d u a l s involved and are at a scale appropriate to t h i s . Somewhat rel a t e d i s that projects i n i t i a t e d within the community, or i n a f a m i l i a r work context, and sustained by an Indian entrepreneur, tend to succeed. Numerous Indian fishermen provide the major example, but there are many ranchers, truckers and small business owners who i l l u s t r a t e the point as w e l l . The r o l e of l o c a l persons i n i n i t i a t i n g a project appears c r u c i a l to i t s success. The f i n a l p o s i t i v e l y r e l a t e d factor seems to be a r e l a t i v e l y high r a t i o of grant to loan i n the funding. This implies that the i n i t i a l subsidy at l e a s t reduces the debt s e r v i c i n g burden, but also suggests that i t may provide a buffer period during which the project i s eased into f u l l 179 operation. The outstanding f a i l u r e s are cases where a major project has foundered for lack of adequate management, with poor s u i t a b i l i t y to community needs a l i k e l y contributing factor. PRINCIPLES FOR ORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT SERVICE TO SUPPORT COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT This leads to f i v e p r i n c i p l e s which should govern the r o l e of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i n supporting socio-economic development of Indian communities. Similar p r i n c i p l e s should probably govern Indian organizations, which assume the same developmental functions. Although the discussion above r e l i e s on the development financing programs, s i m i l a r trends appear i n other aspects of community development, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the operation and effectiveness of band councils and administration. These are the pu b l i c sector equivalent of economic development projects and the experience of each i s to some extent interchangeable. The following normative p r i n c i p l e s should therefore apply equally well to a l l aspects of the development process: a) Maximum transmission of information to the community, b) Minimum intervention by outsiders i n community decision making, c) Minimum s t a f f , d) Maximum response to community needs, e) Maximum a v a i l a b i l i t y of s t a f f . 180 The p r i n c i p l e s , which are to some extent contradictory, have been ranked i n order of p r i o r i t y , so that trade-offs should emphasize those l i s t e d f i r s t . MAXIMUM TRANSMISSION OF INFORMATION TO THE COMMUNITY This does not imply that the volume of paper sent to a community should be maximized. The notion of transmission implies that information must also be received and understood. The basic premise underlying t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s that, i f s u f f i c i e n t information i s ava i l a b l e about the range of development options and t h e i r l i k e l y consequences, then l o c a l decision makers w i l l be able to s e l e c t the be s t . a l t e r n a t i v e . Therefore, the information supplied, or generated, must include an inventory of community resources, including government assistance programs. Information on government programs should include appropriate examples, and should also i n d i c a t e how programs can be used i n combination with each other and l o c a l resources. Burns Lake i s an excellent example of bringing together numerous programs into a comprehensive development package. The second type of information needed i s on opportunities. I t i s not s u f f i c i e n t simply to i d e n t i f y a development opportunity. The probable benefits and costs must also be spe l l e d out i f optimal choices are to be made. This means that when a project i s being considered, several a l t e r n a t i v e s should be brought forward. C l e a r l y this i s expensive and time consuming i f detai l e d work i s done on several p o s s i b i l i t i e s and a l l but one are discarded. However, broad options and major consequences can be s p e l l e d out at a very general l e v e l . Once a decision i s made at th i s l e v e l , then the preferred option can be developed, with d e t a i l s s t i l l subject to choice, and so on, down to approval of the f i n a l plan. This type of decision hierarchy i s shown i n Figure 6, using a s i m p l i f i e d housing project as an example. By making general decisions f i r s t , a wide range of al t e r n a t i v e s i s eliminated from consideration e a r l y i n the process. In the example, i f the f i r s t decision i s "no" then a l l the subsequent steps are eliminated. At l e v e l 2, the amount of funding committed w i l l constrain the number of alte r n a t i v e s which can be looked at l a t e r . The type of housing and design w i l l constrain the range of sui t a b l e s i t e s and so on. The long l i s t of decision steps need not take a, corresponding amount of time. Several decisions may be made i n a s i n g l e meeting i f s u i t a b l e resource persons are present. There i s a p a r a l l e l , but linked, series of administrative decisions to be made about where funds w i l l come from, who w i l l carry out various stages of work and which decisions w i l l be delegated. The important thing i s that adequate information be made available to the decision makers at each point where the choice w i l l a f f e c t the community s i g n i f i c a n t l y . MINIMUM INTERVENTION The p r i n c i p l e of minimum intervention i n the decision making process i s based on two concepts. The f i r s t i s that, with adequate LEAF 182 OMITTED IN PAGE NUMBERING. Page 182 does not exist. 183 F i g u r e 6. H i e r a r c h y o f D e c i s i o n s i n H o u s i n g P r o j e c t D e s i g n L e v e l D e c i s i o n A r e a A l t e r n a t i v e s and D e c i s o n s (x r e p r e s e n t s r e j e c t e d G e n e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s ) 1. Do werrneed h o u s i n g yes no x 2. Do we fund h o u s i n g ? How much yes ($X) no x 3. What t y p e o f h o u s i n g i s needed when? How many u n i t s ? s i n g l e o r m u l t i p l e , y e a r ? S i z e o f l o t ? (and o t h e r g e n e r a l d e s i g n g u i d e l i n e s ) 5. L o c a t i o n o f proj e c t : ? s i t e s e l e c t i o n SI S2 S3 M l M2 M3 SMI SM2 ... X X X X X X X (n s i n g l e u n i t s n e x t y e a r ) l a r g e medium x S i t e A S i t e B I s m a l l x S i t e C x P r e l i m i n a r y s e l e c t i o n o f l a y o u t f o r r o a d s , s e r v i c e s and l o t s P l a n X P l a n Y x x P l a n Z 7. A p p r o v a l o f f i n a l d e s i g n 8. House s i t i n g ( s e t b a c k , f a c i n g , e t c . ) a c c e p t N :x r e j e c t x E x W x C o n s t r u c t i o n S p e c i f i c 184 information, l o c a l people are i n the best p o s i t i o n to make choices about t h e i r own future. The second i s that assumption of decision making authority by government agents (whether d i r e c t or through co n t r o l of choice) has been i d e n t i f i e d as a major factor preventing the development of l o c a l leadership. Inevitably inexperienced decision makers make some poor decisions, but th i s i s considered l e s s important than the increase i n a b i l i t y which follows, and r e s u l t s i n better decisions. Of course, the government i s charged with the responsible administration of p u b l i c funds. However, once funds are made ava i l a b l e for community development, government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be l i m i t e d to requiring adequate accounting to avoid misappropriation. Judgements as to the a l l o c a t i o n of funds among community p r i o r i t i e s should not be questioned. From t h i s i t follows that the powers under sections 60, 69 and 83 of the Indian Act should be transferred to the maximum extent possible. The a c q u i s i t i o n of these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s by Indian bands c a r r i e s with i t a s u b s t a n t i a l need f o r education i n the exercise of them. The implication i s that advisors, both i n s i d e and outside the government, should be equally as much educators as te c h n i c a l resources. In highly technical p r o f e s s i o n a l f i e l d s 5 the education w i l l be confined to general p r i n c i p l e s , but at the administrative l e v e l , the goal would be to transfer as much relevant knowledge to the l o c a l administrator as possib l e . The p r i n c i p l e i s already applied i n a few economic development projects where interim managers are responsible f o r t r a i n i n g t h e i r Indian replacements. 185 Ideally the same approach should be adopted by government advisors. Wherever possible Indians should be trained to f i l l the same r o l e s . This does not imply that only Indians should advise Indian communities. However, service to Indian communities i s one path r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e f o r Indians to enter p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations. MINIMUM STAFF This i s the c o r o l l a r y of t r a n s f e r r i n g maximum autonomy to the l o c a l l e v e l . The only functions retained by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch would be those which could not be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y provided by l o c a l l y based administrations, or which were necessary to f u l f i l l the department's i n t e r n a l requirements, p r i m a r i l y for the d i s t r i b u t i o n and accounting of funds. However, the transfe r of autonomy goes further. Some of the functions now performed by Indian A f f a i r s are not s p e c i f i c to Indians and are a v a i l a b l e from the private sector or other agencies. In f a c t , one of the functions provided now i s the tendering and administration of contracts for services from consultants and others to perform tasks beyond s t a f f c a p a b i l i t y . Many of these contracts could be administered by band s t a f f i f funds were made ava i l a b l e at the l o c a l l e v e l f o r thi s purpose. Some of the non-specific Indian A f f a i r s functions could be administered i n the same way, and th i s would reduce s t a f f needs, at the same time that the l o c a l l e v e l of managerial experience was increased. 186 The t o t a l number of s t a f f on the Indian A f f a i r s p a y r o l l might not decrease since o f f s e t t i n g increases could be necessary to f u l f i l l the information and educational requirements of the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e . However thi s task could be handled equally w e l l by Indian organizations. MAXIMUM RESPONSE TO COMMUNITY NEEDS This p r i n c i p l e seemingly contradicts the preceding two, but thi s contradiction i s not as great as i t may seem. The response referred to i s not one of s u b s t i t u t i o n f o r l o c a l decision making, nor of providing services which are equally well performed by others. Instead, i t relates to the information transmission requirement and to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure. The f i r s t category requires r a p i d transmission of important information when i t i s requested. The second involves streamlining of bureaucratic processes where problems are i d e n t i f i e d from the community point of view. An e x i s t i n g function which would continue i s that of advocating Indian i n t e r e s t s i n interdepartmental forums. MAXIMUM AVAILABILITY OF STAFF This p r i n c i p l e d i r e c t l y contradicts the t h i r d one. However i t i s intended to r e f l e c t a change i n emphasis rather than numbers. The implication i s that s t a f f would spend r e l a t i v e l y more time working with 187 people at the community l e v e l rather than on i n t e r n a l committees, paper processing and s i m i l a r bureaucratic a c t i v i t i e s . A decentralized administrative structure would increase the a v a i l a -b i l i t y of s t a f f , at l e a s t to communities near the o f f i c e . However, there w i l l always be some communities which are i s o l a t e d even from the nearest regional centres. For these i t makes les'sxdifference where the o f f i c e i s located since a long t r i p i s required i n any case. The s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of Chapter 3 indicates that perhaps four areas are needed to allow s t a f f to concentrate on communities within r e l a t i v e l y uniform economic se t t i n g s . One a d d i t i o n a l group would be appropriate to work exc l u s i v e l y with urban Indianribands. The i n t e r i o r of the province would be divided into northern and southern areas with the boundary i n the v i c i n i t y of Quesnel. This would place the Southern C a r r i e r bands i n the northern group, although i t might be administratively more convenient to include the whole of the present Williams Lake D i s t r i c t i n e i t h e r the northern or the southern area. The e n t i r e coast shares f a i r l y s i m i l a r economic conditions and could be a si n g l e administrative area. However a north/south s p l i t would probably provide better service and more cl o s e l y match the regional pattern of other government agencies. In t h i s connection, i t would be advisable to adjust the boundaries of the areas to coincide as c l o s e l y as possible with the boundaries of regional d i s t r i c t s , school d i s t r i c t s and other administrative areas i n the province, since t h i s reduces the number of other o f f i c e s with which actions need to be coordinated. This area d i v i s i o n c l o s e l y matches current trends within the Indian A f f a i r s Branch for the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of i t s t e c h n i c a l functions. The major difference i s the separation of urban bands as a group with very d i f f e r e n t problems and needs from the others. This requires a considerably d i f f e r e n t basis for services since the urban section would be involved with communities located p h y s i c a l l y within other administrative areas. Thus a southern i n t e r i o r o f f i c e might be located i n Kamloops, but the Kamloops Band would probably look to an o f f i c e located i n Vancouver for many of i t s functional needs. Since other communities w i l l become s u b s t a n t i a l l y urbanized i n time, such a system requires a degree of f l e x i b i l i t y to accomodate the change i n circumstance. The most l i k e l y approach would be to have a l l bands r e l a t e to the nearest o f f i c e f o r common needs, such as s o c i a l assistance administration, while bands with s p e c i a l problems related to urbanization would be able to draw on s p e c i a l i s t services from the urban section as w e l l . IMPLICATIONS OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL PRINCIPLES FOR THE REGIONAL PLANNING  FUNCTION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS U n t i l recently, the planning section of the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia operated with two professionals. Since there are close to two hundred Indian communities i n the province, a l l with acute needs and unique circumstances, few received any i n depth 189 planning services. Present plans c a l l f o r the addition of " d i s t r i c t planners" located i n i t i a l l y i n Terrace, Prince George, Nanaimo and Vancouver, and possibly a f i f t h i n the southern i n t e r i o r . This d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n c l o s e l y matches the area d i v i s i o n s suggested i n the preceding section, except that no p r o v i s i o n i s made for an urban s p e c i a l i s t . The regional o f f i c e w i l l r e t a i n a r o l e i n major regional projects, such as Northeast coal development, and as a source of p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n . GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLANNING FUNCTION Since planning i s fundamentally a process of information generation, and of using t h i s information as a basis for choice, i t i s not a function which w i l l lose importance as Indian communities become more involved i n development. Planning work with these communities w i l l continue to demand emphasis i n f i v e areas of professional s k i l l . The obvious one i s a knowledge of the unique l e g a l constraints on development i n these communities, along with some awareness of Indian h i s t o r y , culture and contemporary outlooks. The second emphasis i s on the a r t i c u l a t i o n of small communities with the surrounding region. The t h i r d i s a s e n s i t i v i t y to the s o c i a l problems of poverty, and more Important, o f - d i s p a r i t y between "haves" and "have nots." General knowledge of p h y s i c a l planning i s needed to meet the p r i o r i t i e s i n most communities. F i n a l l y , the planner must teach planning as much as do planning. In t h i s r o l e , planners can have a major impact on the way i n which community development occurs, since 190 few other advisors have the opportunity to approach the process so comprehensively. In addition to the general requirements, d i s t r i c t planners w i l l f i n d d i f f e r e n t emphases i n t h e i r work which w i l l be summarized i n the remainder of th i s section. URBAN PLANNER Indian reserves i n urban areas have high land value and heavy pressure f o r t h e i r use. Projects w i l l range from conventional sub-d i v i s i o n s to major comprehensive development schemes such as the one announced recently by the Squamish Band on i t s Capilano reserve. A large part of the urban planner's time w i l l be spent i n preparation of terms of reference and coordination of m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y consultant teams for such projects. Intensive urban development projects b r i n g the r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by the Indian Act into the s p o t l i g h t . Much of the planner's time i s l i k e l y to be spent developing means of operating within these r e s t r i c t i o n s , or of trying to relax some of them. Quite possibly the urban planner would be employed with other professionals i n an Indian organization serving urban bands, rather than d i r e c t l y by the f e d e r a l government. 191 COAST PLANNER A planner i n a coast d i s t r i c t w i l l face e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t problems. Most coast reserves are very small and t h e i r economies are resource based. Environmental problems w i l l be frequent and at many scales. At the micro l e v e l , many of the small reserve v i l l a g e s are becoming acutely crowded. The problems are accentuated by the coast climate which causes houses to deteriorate f a s t e r and increases problems with sept i c f i e l d drainage. At another l e v e l , the salmon streams remain a v i t a l resource which i s subject to both preservation and enhancement. Even more general concerns r e l a t e to the possible impact of o i l s p i l l s o f f the coast. These issues concern many other government agencies and the planner w i l l serve as an advocate for Indian i n t e r e s t s i n inter-agency forums. Some coast communities have been stranded by industry concentration and the coast planner may become involved i n attempts to revive or relocate them. SOUTHERN INTERIOR PLANNER In the southern i n t e r i o r most of the reserves are r e l a t i v e l y large and have at least some a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l . Many of them are approaching, or are already i n a phase of rapid change as development pressure i s brought to bear. Because of the s i z e of reserves a s u b s t a n t i a l volume of inventory work and basic land use studies needs to be ca r r i e d out to guide the type, l o c a t i o n and sequence of development. The s i z e 192 of southern i n t e r i o r reserves makes themmore amenable to conventional regional or r u r a l planning approaches than i n the other areas, where projects tend to receive p r i o r i t y . However, at the same time that general land use studies are being c a r r i e d out, the southern i n t e r i o r planner w i l l face numerous demands for advice on s p e c i f i c p r o j e c t s . NORTHERN INTERIOR PLANNER The northern i n t e r i o r includes most of the lowest income communities and many which are s t i l l very i s o l a t e d or have only recently been caught up by external economic development pressures. Most of the reserves are small and a s u b s t a n t i a l r e l i a n c e i s s t i l l placed on the t r a d i t i o n a l food sources i n the surrounding forests and lakes. Many of these bands r e a l i z e that they are being drawn into an i n d u s t r i a l economy and are determined to obtain a voice i n the form regional development w i l l take, as well as a share of the b e n e f i t s , by whatever means are. • a v a i l a b l e . Thus the comprehensive development scheme at Burns Lake contrastswith protest a c t i v i t i e s by the MacLeod Lake Band, but has a common basi s . Only i n t h i s part of the province i s there unallocated timber and, i n many areas, s t i l l a r e l a t i v e l y low population of non-Indians. A c t i v i t i e s of the planner i n t h i s area w i l l include community phy s i c a l planning, but w i l l be concentrated mainly on resource issues. In one r o l e , he w i l l a s s i s t the bands i n attempts to acquire a share i n unallocated resources and new developments, as at Burns Lake. In another, 193 he w i l l be an advocate for them i n intergovernmental planning f o r the major projects which are i n process such as Northeast coal development and the Dease Lake Railway. The northern interior,,area could be extended to include the Yukon, which i s now part of Indian A f f a i r s ' B r i t i s h Columbia planning region, since the Yukon Indian settlements are confronted by problems s i m i l a r to those of the Indians of northern B r i t i s h Columbia. LOCATION OF DISTRICT PLANNERS The areas to be served are so vast, that d i s t r i c t planners could not be expected to devote in t e n s i v e e f f o r t to more than a very few communities at any one time. Also, the planner must operate i n two d i r e c t i o n s . In one he i s a community advisor. In the other he i s seeking information from government agencies, consultants and businessmen, who tend to be concentrated i n a few c i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . Therefore planners w i l l tend to locate i n the l a r g e s t urban centres, which have the best communications with these information sources and are also reasonably ce n t r a l to t h e i r service area. While t h i s maximizes effectiveness i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i r e c t i o n , i t reduces i t at the community l e v e l . Information can be obtained and transmitted from the regional centre, but without the planner i n h i s educational role i n the community, the best information has a d i l u t e d value. 6 194 A p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n would be to introduce para-professional planning a-ssistants at the community l e v e l , each responsible f o r a large v i l l a g e , or several small ones, and working c l o s e l y with the professional planner responsible f o r that area. This approach was t r i e d with some success i n one community l a s t year. It o f f e r s two major advantages i n r e l a t i o n to Indian and government objectives. F i r s t , i t i s cost e f f e c t i v e . Para-professionals are cheaper than f u l l y c r e d e n t i a l i z e d planners, but with good d i r e c t i o n should be at l e a s t as e f f e c t i v e i n the community. Second, i t of f e r s a means by which Indians without formal q u a l i f i c a t i o n s could receive t r a i n i n g on the job, and a f t e r some experience might go on to independent work of the same type, or into a formal technical or u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g program. SUMMARY RECOMMENDATION FOR THE PLANNING FUNCTION An e f f e c t i v e planning service f o r Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia would require a minimum of s i x professionals. Area planners would be required i n Terrace or Prince Rupert, Prince George, Kamloops, Vancouver, and, perhaps, Nanaimo. In addition, there would be an urban s p e c i a l i s t , and a senior planner responsible f o r o v e r a l l p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n and coordination within the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s . The effectiveness of t h i s team could be greatly enhanced by the addition of several para-professional planning assistants who would provide intensive community 195 planning service f o r periods of about a year, under the d i r e c t i o n of area planners, mainly i n places where regular contact could not be maintained from the c e n t r a l o f f i c e s . At l e a s t one planning a s s i s t a n t should be i n the regional o f f i c e to respond to requests f o r information from area planners. Planning a c t i v i t y would be concentrated on process. At the community l e v e l , t h i s involves guidance to the band council and administrators i n working through the steps from inventory to implementation. At the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l i t involves l i a i s o n with other agencies and vigorous support for Indian i n t e r e s t s affected by the a c t i v i t i e s of other government agencies. This includes making sure native organizations receive early warning of possible impacts from major development proposals. As needed, environmental and s o c i a l impact studies, community design, resource inventories and s i m i l a r work should be contracted to p r i v a t e consultants by the bands concerned. The planner's r o l e would be l i m i t e d to preparation of terms of reference, observation of progress on the contract, and advising the band as appropriate. In summary, this study supports the proposed geographic d e c e n t r a l i -zation of Indian A f f a i r s planning services, but two important changes are e s s e n t i a l i f t h i s d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s to be maximally e f f e c t i v e . The f i r s t i s to recognize that urban Indian communities, regardless of t h e i r regional l o c a t i o n , have s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t planning needs from other Indian communities. Accordingly, urban planning services should be i d e n t i f i e d 196 as a separate f u n c t i o n a l area and assigned to a s p e c i a l i s t urban planner. The second change i s to emphasize planning by communities rather than f o r them. In the long term, community development depends on the assumption of f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r l o c a l a f f a i r s , including planning, at the band l e v e l . This implies that the emphasis i n delivery of planning services should be'educational and informative rather than t e c h n i c a l . In the short run, physic a l development i s less important than human development. Similar organization of the other advisory functions of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch may also be appropriate. The r e s u l t would be several area "Advisory Services O f f i c e s " each containing a professional s o c i a l worker, vocational t r a i n i n g s p e c i a l i s t , l o c a l government advisor, economic development advisor(s), an engineer and a planner. As much as possible, project work which could not be done by residents of the community concerned would be contracted by the band to pri v a t e firms with the necessary expertise. Such an organization could be expected to encourage the maximum rate of socio-economic development possible f o r Indian communities within t h e i r present s t r u c t u r a l context. 197 BIBLIOGRAPHY ADAMS, A r v i l V. and G i l b e r t N e s t e l 1976 " I n t e r r e g i o n a l M i g r a t i o n , E d u c a t i o n and P o v e r t y i n t h e Urban G h e t t o : A n o t h e r l o o k a t B l a c k - W h i t e E a r n i n g s D i f f e r e n t i a l s " , Review o f Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , v. 38, pp. 156-166. 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S c a r b o r o u g h , Ont., P r e n t i c e H a l l . VANCOUVER SUN 1977 " L o g g i n g I s s u e D e a d l o c k e d " , May 26, p. 19. WADDELL, J a c k 0., and 0. M i c h a e l Watson (eds.) 1971 The A m e r i c a n I n d i a n I n Urban S o c i e t y , B o s t o n , L i t t l e , Brown and Company. 1973 A m e r i c a n I n d i a n U r b a n i z a t i o n , I n s t i t u t e f o r t h e Study o f S o c i a l Change, Monograph S e r i e s , Number 4, Purdue U n i v e r s i t y . WALLACH, H a r o l d C. 1977 " C e n t e r f o r Census Use S t u d i e s S m a l l A r e a D a t a T e c h n o l o g y : P o t e n t i a l T o o l s f o r S o c i a l Impact Assessment on Urban A r e a s " , i n Meth o d o l o g y o f S o c i a l Impact Assessment, K u r t F i n s t e r b u s c h and C P . Wolf ( e d s . ) , S t r o u d s b u r g , P.A. Dowden, H u t c h i n s o n and Ross. WEISS, Le o n a r d and J e f f r e y G. W i l l i a m s o n 1972 " B l a c k E d u c a t i o n , E a r n i n g s and I n t e r r e g i o n a l M i g r a t i o n : Some N E v i d e n c e " , A m e r i c a n Economic Review, v. 62, no. 1, pp. 372-383. 1975 " B l a c k E d u c a t i o n , E a r n i n g s and I n t e r r e g i o n a l M i g r a t i o n : Even Newer E v i d e n c e " , A m e r i c a n Economic Review, v. 65, no. 1, pp. 24 de WILDE, John C. 1975 " I n d i a : N o n f o r m a l E d u c a t i o n i n t h e Development o f S m a l l E n t e r p r i s e " , i n E d u c a t i o n : F o r R u r a l Development: Case S t u d i e s F o r P l a n n e r s , Manzoor Ahmed and P h i l i p H. Coombs ( e d s . ) , New Y o r k , P r a e g e r . 208 WINIATA, M a h a r a i a 1967 The Changing R o l e o f t h e L e a d e r i n M a o r i S o c i e t y , A u c k l a n d , Blackwood and J a n e t P a u l . WUTTUNEE, W i l l i a m I.C. 1971 R u f f l e d F e a t h e r s : I n d i a n s i n Canadian S o c i e t y , C a l g a r y , B e l l Books. APPENDIX A 209 MONITORING SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGE : DATA RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY FOR POLICY PLANNING AND PROGRAM EVALUATION The stated objective of the Indian A f f a i r s Program i s to contribute to the improvement of s o c i a l and economic conditions of Indians. A s u b s t a n t i a l amount of manpower and money i s devoted to t h i s purpose. Yet there i s no monitoring system i n operation which provides information on whether the desired changes are a c t u a l l y occurring, l e t alone how much of the change i s due to program a c t i v i t i e s . One of the greatest d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a study of t h i s type i s to obtain s u f f i c i e n t information to measure even approximately s o c i a l and economic conditions. Figure 4. outlines the i d e a l framework for evaluative research but i t was only possible to use t h i s as an a n a l y t i c a l framework i n the present context, because of the large number of gaps i n the necessary data. Without f a i r l y complete information, both before and a f t e r program i n t e r -vention, i t i s impossible to measure change rigo r o u s l y , and consequently i t i s impossible to evaluate the programs. Evaluation of i s o l a t e d cases i s a small improvement, but cannot be generalized because the operating environ-ment i s so d i f f e r e n t i n each l o c a t i o n . Continuous monitoring of the most important v a r i a b l e s under a representative range of conditions i s e s s e n t i a l for meaningful evaluation. 210 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF DATA IN THE PRESENT STUDY U s i n g F i g u r e 4. as an o u t l i n e , t h e i n d i c a t o r s used above w i l l be r e v i e w e d and some o f t h e gaps d i s c u s s e d . A s i m i l a r b u t more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n i s c o n t a i n e d i n a r e p o r t by Palmer and S t . P i e r r e ( 1 9 7 4 ) . I n g e n e r a l t h e r e a r e t h r e e problems t o be overcome. The f i r s t i s t h a t some o f t h e needed d a t a i s n o n - e x i s t e n t . I n many c a s e s , where i t does e x i s t i t i s o n l y f o r one p o i n t i n t i m e ; o r , where i t i s a v a i l a b l e f o r d i f f e r e n t t i m e s , t h e f i g u r e s a r e n o t comparable because of changes i n d e f i n i t i o n s , o r i n t h e method o f c o l l e c t i o n . The second p r o b l e m i s t h a t much of t h e e x i s t i n g d a t a has been c o l l e c t e d f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r a t h e r t h a n e v a l u a t i v e p u r p o s e s . C o n s i d e r a b l e c o m p i l a t i o n , r e a r r a n g i n g and, sometimes, a d j u s t m e n t i s n e c e s s a r y b e f o r e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n can be f i t t e d i n t o an e v a l u a t i v e s ystem, o r r e l a t e d t o i n f o r m a t i o n from o t h e r s o u r c e s . The f i n a l p r o b l e m , w h i c h i s of p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e r n i n The I n d i a n A f f a i r s c o n t e x t , i s t h a t t h e u n i t o f a n a l y s i s i s l i k e l y t o be a band or a r e s e r v e community o f no more t h a n a few hundred p e r s o n s . A p a r t f r o m s e n s i t i v i t y and c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y o f s m a l l a r e a d a t a , t h e r e a r e problems w i t h random v a r i a t i o n w h i c h may may mask t h e e f f e c t s b e i n g m o n i t o r e d . ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS Two s e t s o f i n d i c a t o r s can be i d e n t i f i e d f o r t h i s a r e a . B o t h a r e r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . F i r s t a r e r e g i o n a l s o c i a l and economic i n d i c a t o r s : Income, Unemployment, Crime r a t e s and so on, w h i c h a r e r o u t i n e l y c o l l e c t e d and p r o v i d e a u s e f u l r e f e r e n c e f o r communities w i t h i n each r e g i o n . The second s e t a r e demographic i n d i c a t o r s w h i c h a r e updated a n n u a l l y by t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h , and a r e p r o b a b l y more a c c u r a t e t h a n e q u i v a l e n t r e c o r d s f o r n o n - I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s , i f non-Band members a r e d i s r e g a r d e d . 211 F i n a l l y , l o c a t i o n a l measures, such as proximity to urban centres, markets or transportation nodes can be r e a d i l y created. CENSUS DATA At the community l e v e l , the a v a i l a b l e data i s considerably le s s s a t i s -factory. The only comprehensive data which i s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i s from the census. This has four disadvantages. F i r s t , the f u l l range of data i s c o l l e c t e d only once every ten years, and substantial change occurs i n the int e r c e n s a l period. For instance, the number of Indian reserve enumeration areas was doubled between 1961 and 1971. Second, the census data mask the e f f e c t s of some demographic changes. On the enumeration area summary tapes, v a r i a b l e s are not cross tabulated (although S t a t i s t i c s Canada w i l l do s p e c i a l tabulations for a price) so that i n d i c a t o r s cannot be distinguished for Indians and non-Indians. It can be shown that reserves with a higher proportion of non-Indians have higher average l e v e l s of education, employment, income, etc., but i t cannot be shown, without a d d i t i o n a l information, whether the Indian population shares i n the higher standards. Third, census data i s affected by two procedures which reduce i t s v a l i d i t y for small areas. The f i r s t i s that i t i s based on a sample of the population, and s c a l i n g from t h i s sample may produce misleading r e s u l t s i n some enumeration areas. The second i s the random rounding used to preserve the c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y of returns from small areas. When data i s aggregated, these procedures have a r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i -f i c a n t e f f e c t on the accuracy of r e s u l t s . However, census material must be used very cautiously for si n g l e enumeration areas, such as Indian reserves, because many data c e l l s have very low values, and considerable d i s t o r t i o n may r e s u l t . 212 In Table 21 (Appendix B), seventy per cent of the c e l l s are f i v e or zero. An example i l l u s t r a t e s the problem which can occur i n extreme cases. An Indian community may have a very low l e v e l of education except for a si n g l e non-Indian p r i e s t , or a school teacher, with a u n i v e r s i t y degree. This i n d i v i d u a l may be missed altogether i n the census sample, i n which case the education record w i l l show no one with more than high school. Or, he may be sampled, the r e s u l t scaled up to the f u l l population, and probably rounded to a f i v e i n the education record. This r e s u l t s i n an apparently anomalous s i t u a t i o n where an Indian Community has a r e l a t i v e l y high pro-portion of u n i v e r s i t y graduates, but no one else has f i n i s h e d high school (In Table 20, communities numbered 35, 49 and 33/44 exhibit t h i s sort of pattern). Fortunately, most such random v a r i a t i o n cancels out when commu-n i t i e s are aggregated. F i n a l l y , the census depends on voluntary response and t h i s frequently r e s u l t s i n undercounting. The most s t r i k i n g example i n the present context i s that the proportion of persons i d e n t i f y i n g themselves as native i s l e s s than the Indian population of reserve enumeration areas (compare columns A and B with column C i n Table XXIII). With these reservations, the census i s a useful source of information on such things as educational attainment, labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n and experience, and household data. I t has the advantage of coveting the wholfe country, using uniform procedures, so that r e s u l t s are reasonably comparable from one area to the next. I t i s often the only source of such data. 213 CONTROL OF RESOURCES. The o n l y measure a v a i l a b l e f r o m t h e census a t t h i s l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s was e d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t . I t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i m p o r t a n t economic d i s t i n c t i o n i s between h i g h s c h o o l g r a d u a t i o n and l o w e r l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n , and t h e d a t a has been grouped a c c o r d i n g l y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , Grades 11 t o 13 a r e grouped on t h e U s e r Summary Tapes so t h a t h i g h s c h o o l g r a d u a t i o n c a n -n o t be used as a c u t o f f . A l s o , t h e c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d e a t t a i n m e n t , b u t n o t c o m p l e t i o n , a t each l e v e l . However, t h e p r o b l e m i s p r o b a b l y r e l a t i v e l y minor s i n c e t h e Hawthorn s t u d y (1967 : 131) found t h a t most I n d i a n s who comp l e t e d Grade 10 f i n i s h e d h i g h s c h o o l . O ther d a t a under t h e " c o n t r o l o f r e s o u r c e s " h e a d i n g i s e i t h e r non-e x i s t e n t , i n c o m p l e t e , o r has n o t been c o m p i l e d i n a form u s e f u l t o program e v a l u a t i o n . Thus, v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s o f t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h have some i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e number of o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n I n d i a n Communities, p r o b a b l y f a i r l y c o m p l e t e knowledge of t h e number of b u s i n e s s e s , and a rough i d e a o f the l e v e l o f l e a d e r s h i p . There a r e a p p r a i s a l s o f l a n d v a l u e f o r some a r e a s , and t h e a s s e t s o f b u s i n e s s e s w h i c h have r e c e i v e d f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e a r e known, b u t t h e r e i s n o t even a rough measure of t o t a l c a p i t a l a s s e t s f o r most comm u n i t i e s . C u r r e n t i n f o r m a t i o n o n ^ l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n and j o b t r a i n i n g c o u l d p r o b a b l y be c o m p i l e d w i t h g r e a t e f f o r t f rom e x i s t i n g r e c o r d s , but t h e r e i s no comprehensive d a t a on j o b s k i l l s and e x p e r i e n c e . INCOME AND EMPLOYMENT. The b e s t a v a i l a b l e s o u r c e f o r t h i s t y p e o f d a t a i s t h e 1971 c e n s u s , w h i c h i s now e i g h t y e a r s o l d . T h i s i s of l i t t l e use f o r e v a l u a t i o n s i n c e major development programs have been i n o p e r a t i o n o n l y s i n c e 1970. 214 The 1981 census w i l l p r o v i d e a second s e t of r e a d i n g s w h i c h can be used to e v a l u a t e p r o g r e s s , b u t i t w i l l be n e c e s s a r y t o s e p a r a t e t h e e f f e c t s due t o t h e r e s i d e n c e o f n o n - I n d i a n s on r e s e r v e s . The census p r o v i d e s i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e l a b o u r f o r c e , unemployment, d i s t r i b u t i o n o f employment by i n d u s t r y and o c c u p a t i o n , and employment incomes f o r men and women s e p a r a t e l y . An I n d i a n Labour F o r c e S u r v e y - , done i n 1971, p r o v i d e s b e t t e r i n f o r m a t i o n on unemployment. The major p r o b l e m w i t h a l l t h i s d a t a i s t h a t i t i s now out of d a t e . The I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h Economic A c t i v i t y S u r v e y s , c a r r i e d out between 1971/72 and 1973/74, c o l l e c t e d more r e c e n t community l e v e l i n f o r m a t i o n , b u t a r e n o t c o m p l e t e , n o r a r e t h e y g e n e r a l l y a v a i l a b l e . WELL BEING. Because so much program e f f o r t has been d i r e c t e d t o community s u p p o r t , t h e r e i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f i n f o r m a t i o n i n e x i s t e n c e w h i c h was c o l l e c t e d p r i m a r i l y f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p u r p o s e s , b u t l e n d s i t s e l f t o e v a l u a t i o n . Income d a t a i s a g a i n o n l y a v a i l a b l e from t h e c e n s u s . However, t h e B i e n n i a l H o u s i n g  S u r v e y s and s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e r e c o r d s have been m a i n t a i n e d f o r many y e a r s , and, d e s p i t e some changes i n s t a n d a r d s , r e m a i n t h e most c o n s i s t e n t measures o f p a s t p e r f o r m a n c e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e r e c o r d s used h e r e c o v e r e d l e s s t h a n two y e a r s and i n c l u d e d a p e r i o d i n w h i c h many bands r e f u s e d government f u n d i n g a l t o g e t h e r , i n c l u d i n g s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e payments. The l a r g e s t gap i n measures of w e l l - b e i n g i s i n t h e s o c i a l a r e a . H o s p i t a l r e c o r d s c o v e r o n l y b r o a d r e g i o n s , c r i m e s t a t i s t i c s no l o n g e r i s o l a t e I n d i a n s and much o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n i s n o n - e x i s t e n t . However, a p a r t from income d a t a , a f a i r l y r e l i a b l e i n d e x o f w e l l - b e i n g c o u l d p r o b a b l y be c o m p i l e d from e x i s t i n g 215 administrative records. Formulation and use of such an index would also require a more s p e c i f i c statement of objectives, preferably at the community or band l e v e l . PROGRAM INTERVENTION. The administrative records on the various programs provide a wealth of material e s s e n t i a l to the evaluative process. The most consistent and complete records are f i n a n c i a l , since monitoring and accounting of expendi-ture i s already well established i n the government. F i n a n c i a l records provide the sing l e common denominator by which a l l program e f f o r t can be measured. Manpower allotments provide another common denominator, but apart from separating the amount of e f f o r t devoted to community development rather than administration, there i s wide v a r i a t i o n i n the impact of d i f f e r e n t employees. The most d i f f i c u l t problem here i s to i s o l a t e the amount of e f f o r t devoted d i r e c t l y to community needs by the various departmental advisors. In addition to the common denominators, most a c t i v i t i e s have t h e i r own standards for measuring e f f o r t and output. Thus, for education there are enrollment, student/teacher r a t i o s and contact hours to measure e f f o r t , and rates of advancement, or graduations, to measure output. Most economic development programs measure input i n d o l l a r terms, and use jobs created as one measure of output. For most advisory functions, e f f o r t i s measured i n manhours and output i n projects completed. 216 OTHER INFORMATION G A P S . Many w r i t e r s , n o t a b l e Brody ( 1 9 7 1 ) , Dosman (1972) and S t a n b u r y ( 1 9 7 5 ) , have r e c o g n i z e d t h e i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f I n d i a n s l i v i n g o f f - r e s e r v e s . There i s a g r o w i n g awareness a l s o t h a t on and o f f r e s e r v e I n d i a n s do n o t f o r m m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e g r o u p s . There i s a c o n s t a n t i n t e r -change, as some members l e a v e t h e r e s e r v e t e m p o r a r i l y t o o b t a i n more income o r e x p e r i e n c e , and o t h e r s r e t u r n t o t h e i r home environment (see G u i l l e m i n , 1975, f o r a c a s e s t u d y o f t h e Micmac). The e x t e n t o f t h i s phenomenon i n B r i t i s h C o l umbia i s unknown, b u t p o s s i b l y i t a c c o u n t s f o r about h a l f t h e o f f -r e s e r v e I n d i a n s a t any t i m e . T h i s i s i m p o r t a n t t o m o n i t o r i n g o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c change i n two r e s p e c t s . F i r s t , much o f t h e i n c r e a s e i n o f f - r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n may r e f l e c t o n l y an i n c r e a s e i n m o b i l i t y , r a t h e r t h a t permanent detachment from t h e r e s e r v e . More d e t a i l e d s t u d y o f m o b i l i t y on and o f f r e s e r v e i s n e c e s s a r y t o e s t a b l i s h t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h i s f o r r e s e r v e community d e v e l -opment. The second r e l a t e d a s p e c t i s t h a t p r e s e n t band p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s e x c l u d e non-band members fr o m c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T h i s e x c l u d e s b o t h n o n - I n d i a n s and members of o t h e r bands r e s i d e n t i n t h e community. A r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f ,-p o p u l a t i o n r e p o r t i n g i s n e c e s s a r y t o i d e n t i f y t h e s e g r o u p s , as w e l l as non-r e s i d e n t band members, so t h a t community development can be p l a n n e d a c c o r d i n g l y . A SOCIO-ECONOMIC MONITORING SYSTEM. I t i s h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e t h a t management i n f o r m a t i o n systems w i t h i n t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h s h o u l d i n c l u d e c o n t i n u o u s m o n i t o r i n g o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s on r e s e r v e s , as w e l l as o f f . Programs s h o u l d be e v a l u a t e d , n o t i n terms of e f f o r t expended, or t h r o u g h p u t o f p r o j e c t s o r s t u d e n t s , b u t i n terms of t h e i r u l t i m a t e e f f e c t on I n d i a n w e l l - b e i n g . 217 S o c i a l assistance records can be used to evaluate dependence, but current measures of income are completely lack i n g . At a minimum, these should be c o l l e c t e d i n conjunction with the census every f i v e years, but preferably more often. Regular compilation of other i n d i c a t o r s , such as of health, accidents, addiction and crime i s also desirable at a community l e v e l , but les s e s s e n t i a l . Some of the data compiled by such a system w i l l be s e n s i t i v e and w i l l need to remain c o n f i d e n t i a l . However, findings should not be r e s t r i c t e d to a c e n t r a l p o l i c y and program evaluation o f f i c e . Cogent summaries should be d i s t r i b u t e d to a l l l e v e l s down to the band, i n order that changes can be evaluated i n terms of community s p e c i f i c objectives. The feedback from such a review i s invaluable i n r e l a t i n g programs to each other and to r e s u l t s . I t also provides a v i t a l supplement of non-quantifiable information to the monitoring system. APPENDIX B 218 STATISTICAL DATA FOR SAMPLE INDIAN RESERVE COMMUNITIES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA The following tables include the data on which the s t a t i s t i c a l summaries i n Chapter 3 and Chapter 4, and much of the other analysis were based. I t should be noted that the census data includes a l l persons i n reserve enumeration areas, not j u s t Indians. Only for the Esquimalt / Songhees, Westbank, Kamloops, and Quatsino reserve enumeration areas does the proportion of non-Indians exceed 25 per cent of the t o t a l population. Apart from undercounting i n some instances, the census data must be interpreted cautiously, because the rounding procedure (randomly to fiv e s ) s e r i o u s l y d i s t o r t s the counts i n small c e l l s . Where noted, adjustments, have been made for apparent undercounting, and census categories have been combined for some data. Otherwise the census data i s as contained on the Enumeration Area User Summary Tapes i n the Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Data L i b r a r y . SAMPLE SELECTION The following tables are included to i d e n t i f y the sample Indian Communities and in d i c a t e t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to a l l Indian Communities i n the province. 219 T a b l e XX. Sample I n d i a n Communities* : Key t o T a b l e s X X I I I Through XXIX Community Number Community Number (Band) (Band) ".._•> - I n t e r i o r Group Coast Group S t u a r t T rembleur L a k e * 3 Ahousaht 1 A l k a l i Lake 7 Sheshaht 2 W i l l i a m s Lake 8 B e l l a C o o l a 11 Nazko* 9 P o r t Simpson 17 Okanagan 10 C a m p b e l l R i v e r 19 Osoyoos 12 Cape Mudge 20 Hudson Hope* 13 Kyuquot. 21 F o r t S t . John* 16 Cowichan 22 S t . Marys 23 Skwah 24 Ma c l e o d L a k e * 27 S e a b i r d I s l a n d 25 M o r i c e t o w n * 34 C h e h a l i s 26 F o u n t a i n 42 K i n c o l i t h 31 Mt. C u r r i e 43 K i t a m a a t 32 Lower N i c o l a 47 K i t w a n c o o l 35 L y t t o n 48 N i m p k i s h 36 N e s k a i n l i t h 49 Q u a t s i n o 37 S k i d e g a t e 39 Masset 40 Squamish ( V a l l e y ) 41 S e c h e l t 45 220 T a b l e XX. Con't. Community (Band) Number Community (Band) Number Urban Group Remote Group Tsawout 4 I n g e n i k a * 14 T s a r t l i p 5 F o r t Ware* 15 E s q u i m a l t / S o n g h e e s 6 T a h l t a n * 33 Westbank 18 I s k u t * 44 B u r r a r d 28 Squamish ( C a p i l a n o / M i s s i o n ) 29 Musqueam 30 Nanaimo 38 Kamloops 46 Note: I n an a l t e r n a t i v e g r o u p i n g , bands marked w i t h an a s t e r i s k (*) w o u l d be i n c l u d e d i n a n o r t h e r n i n t e r i o r g roup, t h e r e s t o f t h e i n t e r i o r Bands i n a s o u t h e r n i n t e r i o r group. 221 T a b l e XXI D i s t r i b u t i o n by A d m i n i s t r a t i o n D i s t r i c t s o f T o t a l and Sample I n d i a n Bands and P o p u l a t i o n , a t December 31, 1975 I n d i a n A f f a i r s I n d i a n Bands I n d i a n s on R e s e r v e s D i s t r i c t • Number P e r c e n t a g e Number P e r c e n t a g e T o t a l i n i n T o t a l i n i n Number Sample Sample Number Sample Sample G i t s k a n - C a r r i e r 8 2 25 2217 615 28 T e r r a c e 8 3 38 2292 1086 47 N o r t h C o a s t 7 4 57 3007 2271 76 S u b - t o t a l , T e r r a c e 23 9 39 7516 3972 53 F o r t S t . John 5 2 40 628 277 44 P r i n c e George 14 4 29 2773 738 27 S u b - t o t a l , N. I n t e r i o r 19 6 32 3401 1015 30 W i l l i a m s Lake 15 3 20 2561 592 23 Thompson R i v e r 25 4 16 3418 1447 42 Kootenay-Okanagan 12 4 33 1801 872 48 S u b - t o t a l , S. I n t e r i o r 37 8 22 5219 2319 44 B e l l a C o o l a 4 1 25 1718 524 31 Vancouver 47 9 19 5828 3483 60 S u b - t o t a l , V a ncouver 51 10 20 7546 4007 53 Ca m p b e l l R i v e r 18 5 28 2036 1144 56 Nanaimo 29 8 28 4781 2886 60 T o t a l 192 49 26 33060 15935 48 S o u r c e : Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and R e s i d e n c e , 1975 222 DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRY The census d a t a shown i n T a b l e X X I I f o r a l l I n d i a n r e s e r v e s i n t h e p r o v i n c e must be t r e a t e d c a u t i o u s l y f o r t h r e e r e a s o n s . F i r s t , s e r i o u s u n d e r c o u n t i n g i s e v i d e n t i n t h e 1961 census f o r some r e s e r v e s . Second, t h e census d a t a e x c l u d e s s e l f - e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s . T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t i n t h e p r i m a r y s e c t o r s , from w h i c h many s e l f - e m p l o y e d I n d i a n s were d i s p l a c e d between 1961 and 1971, and some of t h e a p p a r e n t i n c r e a s e i n numbers may have r e s u l t e d f r o m p r e v i o u s l y s e l f - e m p l o y e d p e r s o n s s w i t c h i n g t o wage work. I t would be n o t e d t h a t o n l y about t e n p e r c e n t of l i c e n s e d I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n a r e i n c l u d e d i n t h e s e f i g u r e s s i n c e most a r e t e c h n i c a l l y s e l f -employed. O t h e r s may n o t be counted because t h e y were a b s e n t f r o m home f i s h i n g , when th e census was t a k e n , o r because f i s h i n g was o n l y a s e c o n d a r y o c c u p a t i o n and t h e y a r e counted i n a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s . F r i e d l a e n d e r (1975) i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e were 2498 l i c e n s e d I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n i n 1964 and 1650 t i n 1971, a l t h o u g h n o t a l l l i v e d on r e s e r v e s . I n 1961, 43 p e r c e n t o f employees i n t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g c l a s s were engaged i n wood p r o d u c t s i n d u s t r i e s , and 52 p e r c e n t i n f o o d and b e v e r a g e i n d u s t r i e s . Comparable f i g u r e s a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e f o r 1971, b u t most o f t h e d e c l i n e i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g employment shown i n t h e t a b l e can be a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e l o s s o f s e a s o n a l employment i n f o o d p r o c e s s i n g , m a i n l y i n f i s h p a c k i n g p l a n t s . Employment i n wood p r o d u c t s i n d u s t r i e s p r o b a b l y i n c r e a s e d . 223 T a b l e X X I I . T o t a l I n d i a n R e s e r v e Labour F o r c e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a : Employment by I n d u s t r y , 1961 and 1971. I n d u s t r i a l C l a s s Number of I n d i a n s P e r c e n t a g e o f Employed I n d i a n s Employment 1961 • 1971 1961 1971 A g r i c u l t u r e 635 F o r e s t r y 673 F i s h i n g and T r a p p i n g 296 M i n i n g 8 M a n u f a c t u r i n g 1277 C o n s t r u c t i o n 72 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , Communi-c a t i o n and Other U t i l i t i e s . 248 Trade 83 F i n a n c e , I n s u r a n c e and R e a l E s t a t e . 6 Community, B u s i n e s s and P e r s o n a l S e r v i c e s 631 P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 101 Other 327 430 14.6 6.8 910 15.4 14.5 165 6.8 2.6 40 0.2 0.6 1105 29.3 17.6 330 1.7 5.3 305 5.7 4.9 290 1.9 4.6 45 0.1 0.7 870 14.5 13.9 505 2.3 8.0 1280 7.5 20.4 TOTAL 4357 6275 100.0 100.0 Source: Census of Canada, 1961 and 1971. E n u m e r a t i o n A r e a Summary Tapes. 224 POPULATION STATISTICS A v a r i e t y o f demographic s t a t i s t i c s a r e p r e s e n t e d i n T a b l e s X X I I I and XXIV. I n g e n e r a l , t h e most a c c u r a t e s t a t i s t i c s a r e t h o s e of t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h r e l a t i n g t o t o t a l band membership. These must be m a i n t a i n e d a c c u r a t e l y under t h e I n d i a n A c t , and a r e c o m p i l e d a n n u a l l y . The e s t i m a t e o f r e s i d e n c e i s l e s s c e r t a i n , so f i g u r e s r e l a t i n g t o t h e o n - r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n a r e l e s s r e l i a b l e . The census d a t a i s l e a s t r e l i a b l e o f a l l , s i n c e i t i n c l u d e s n o n - I n d i a n s , and i s s u b j e c t t o e r r o r i n t h e e n u m e r a t i o n p r o c e s s . F o r I n d i a n A f f a i r s d a t a , t h e p o p u l a t i o n s p l i t between t h e " C o a s t " and "Urban" p o r t i o n s o f t h e Squamish Band (Nos 29 and 41) i s based on t h e 1969 p r o p o r t i o n s s i n c e more r e c e n t s e p a r a t e f i g u r e s were n o t a v a i l a b l e . Table XXIII Sample Indian Communities: Census and Indian A f f a i r s Population S t a t i s t i c s No. Tot a l Population Native Population Percent Native T o t a l Band Members Band Members on Reserve Percent on Reserve A B C D E F Urban 4 235 185 82 290 200 69 5 280 225 95+ 379 270 71 6 425 195 46 232 130 56 18 370 100 27 185 110 59 28 150 135 90 149 130 87 z29 815 705 86+ 995 776 78 30 405 330 81 431 312 72 38 435 325 75+ 595 352 59 46 620 225 40+ 392 236 60 Coast 1 285 285 100 855 388 45 2 265 245 95+ 390 314 81 11 520 505 97 694 517 74 17 755 745 100 1339 878 66 19 145 135 93 197 89 45 20 175 135 95+ 351 259 74 21 235 225 96 242 165 68 22 1195 1200 100 1622 1178 73 24 215 185 86 220 112 51 25 300 180 75 316 209 66 26 295 245 85 432 264 61 31 680 620 95 945 745 79 32 375 370 99 944 379 40 35 210 210 100 291 209 72 36 650 570 88 849 514 61 "37 100 20 35 134 94 70 39 305 255 88 413 278 67 T a b l e X X I I I Cont'd 226 No. T o t a l Band Members P e r c e n t T o t a l N a t i v e P e r c e n t Band on on P o p u l a t i o n P o p u l a t i o n N a t i v e Members Res e r v e Reserve A B C D E F Coast - c o n t ' d 40 680 635 95+ 1098 710 65 41 165 105 89 199 173 87 45 310 230 95+ 550 385 70 I n t e r i o r 3 390 385 99 723 463 64 7 210 195 95+ 317 272 86 8 170 180 100 257 197 77 9 210 205 100 157 121 77 10 625 370 85 750 497 66 , 12 120 80 95+ 150 123 82 13 135 105 95 185 144 78 16 170 145 85 221 150 68 23 120 110 92 153 78 51 27 50 40 95+ 203 71 35 34 270 280 100 660 405 61 42 340 265 78 482 272 56 43 775 665 95+ 1029 764 74 47 315 280 89 394 278 71 48 430 330 95+ 974 711 73 49 165 145 95+ 330 185 56 Remote 14 *} 155 1 130 133 95 71 . 15 J J J 210 134 64 33 1 180 7 130 ? 95+ 487 162 33 44 J J J 278 170 61 T a b l e X X I I I Cont'd 227 S o u r c e s : A. 1971 Census, E n u m e r a t i o n A r e a U s e r Summary Tapes B. Same as A. C. B 4 A. No t e , u n d e r c o u n t i n g o f n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n i s e v i d e n t i n t h e census. Where B i s much l o w e r t h a n t h e number o f band members shown o n - r e s e r v e by DINA s t a t i s t i c s f o r 1971, th e l a t t e r f i g u r e has been used i n t h e e s t i m a t e . D. R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and R e s i d e n c e , 1975 (December 3 1 ) . Department of I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s , D e p a r t m e n t a l S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n E. Same as D 228 Table XXIV Sample Indian Communities: Population Growth Rates, Ratio of Males to Females and Family Size Population Growth Rate (percent per year) Total Band Membership A On-Reserve Members B Ratio of Male to Female Band Members Total Band C On-Reserve D Average Family Size Urban 4 5 6 18 28 29 30 38 46 2.7 2.1 2.2 1.0 2.6 3.8 1.9 (0.7) 0.0 (2.9) (0.4) 2.0 1.8 0.2 0.82 0.90 0.85 1.31 1.37 1.01 0.88 1.02 1.04 0.87 0.90 1.06 1.44 1.45 1.11 0.99 1.23 1.15 4.8 4.9 3.4 4.6 4.4 4.9 5.9 4.8 5.1 Coast 1 2 11 17 19 20 21 22 24 25 26 31 32 35 36 37 3.5 2.2 2.8 2.0 3.0 1.9 3.1 2.3 2.9 1.4 2.8 2.3 1.8 3.5 1.2 3.2 5.1 2.1 0.1 1.7 1.3 6.9 5.9 (1.2) 4.8 (0.8) 1.2 0.2 (1.8) 1.5 (1.2) 10.7 ' 0.93 0.84 1.12 1.07 1.03 1.14 1.07 0.92 1.14 1.09 1.09 1.06 1.14 1.05 0.98 1.13 1.10 0.90 1.21 1.14 0.98 1.16 1.09 1.01 1.24 1.18 1.20 1.15 1.26 1.09 1.06 1.19 4.1 5.1 3.5 5.0 4.3 4.9 6.0 6.2 3.6 3.7 3.6 6.0 6.3 5.5 3.8 5.4 T a b l e XXIV Cont'd 229 P o p u l a t i o n Growth Rate R a t i o of M ale t o ( p e r c e n t p e r y e a r ) Female Band Members Averag T o t a l Band On-Reserve F a m i l y Membership Members T o t a l Band On--Reserve S i z e A B C D E Coast - c o n t ' d 39 1.7 1.8 1.11 1.22 3.8 40 1.6 0.5 1.14 1.39 5.2 41 2.6 2.0 1.01 1.11 5.3 45 2.9 (1.0) 1.09 1.25 5.1 I n t e r i o r 3 3.0 1.2 0.98 1.17 6.6 7 1.6 2.1 1.14 1.18 5.4 8 2.3 2.0 1.11 1.40 4.4 9 3.5 1.0 0.89 1.05 4.7 10 1.5 (2.6) 1.04 1.16 4.7 12 (1.8) 2.3 1.59 1.73 6.1 13 3.7 5.2 1.23 1.29 5.0 16 2.1 2.1 1.19 1.25 5.7 23 (1.8) (6.2) 1.47 1.69 4.7 27 2.8 (4.4) 0.90 1.15 5.8 34 2.5 0.6 1.01 0.95 7.4 42 2.0 1.6 0.98 1.08 5.2 43 2.4 (1.1) 1.10 1.18 6.0 47 0.8 0.6 1.24 1.38 3.7 48 1.6 1.1 1.19 1.31 5.6 49 2.6 (1.0) 0.95 1.08 6.0 Remote 14 7 3.0 7 3.6 0.96 0.96 5.3 15 J J 0.98 1.13 4.4 33 ) 4.0 1.22 1.35 6.0 44 J J 1.19 1.21 5.9 T a b l e XXIV Cont'd 230 S o u r c e s : A. Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s B i e n n i a l  H o u s i n g S u r v e y , 1969-1973 and R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n  P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and R e s i d e n c e , 1974 and 1975 B. Same as A. B r a c k e t s i n d i c a t e d e c l i n i n g p o p u l a t i o n C. R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and R e s i d e n c e D. Same as C. E. B i e n n i a l H o u s i n g Survey 1969 - 1973 231 EDUCATION, LABOUR FORCE AND EMPLOYMENT I n T a b l e XXV, I s shown t h e e d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n aged f i f t e e n o r o v e r and n o t a t t e n d i n g s c h o o l f u l l t i m e . The "Grade 10 or l e s s " column i n c l u d e s t h e census c a t e g o r i e s , " L e s s t h a n Grade 5", "Grades 5 t o 8", and "Grades 9 and 10". "Grades 11-13" i n c l u d e s two census c a t e g o r i e s , one w i t h and t h e o t h e r w i t h o u t a d d i t i o n a l v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . The " U n i v e r s i t y column i n c l u d e s b o t h t h o s e w i t h some u n i v e r s i t y , and t h o s e w i t h a de g r e e . The l a b o u r f o r c e d a t a i s from a 1971 I n d i a n Labour F o r c e Survey w h i c h does n o t appear t o have been p a r t i c u l a r l y a c c u r a t e . Note t h a t t h e r a t i o o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n t o w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n i s 5.0 o r v e r y c l o s e t o i t i n t h e m a j o r i t y o f comm u n i t i e s . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t l a b o u r f o r c e may have been e s t i m a t e d from t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n many c a s e s , r a t h e r t h a n s u r v e y e d . I n any c a s e , t h e l a b o u r f o r c e f i g u r e s appear t o be g e n e r a l l y t oo low. However, d e t a i l e d d a t a from t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s ( T s a r t l i p , Okanagan and Osoyoos) i n d i c a t e t h a t employment was a l s o u n d e r e s t i m a t e d , w h i c h o f f s e t s t h e f i r s t b i a s . When s e r i o u s underemployment i s c o u n t e d , unemployment r a t e s f r o m f i g u r e s i n T a b l e XXV seem t o be f a i r l y a c c u r a t e . 232 T a b l e XXV Sample I n d i a n Communities: L e v e l o f E d u c a t i o n , L a b o u r F o r c e and Employment, 1971 E d u c a t i o n a l A t t a i n m e n t L abour F o r c e R a t i o o f P e r s o n s Aged 15+ of T o t a l Grade 10 Grades Un-P o p u l a t i o r t o Working No. o r l e s s 11-13 U n i v e r s i t y E m p l o y e d E m p l o y e d T o t a l P o p u l a t i o r A B C D E F G Urban 4 120 35 0 14 25 39 4.9 5 90 15 0 23 46 69 4.2 6 235 115 10 11 11 22 5.1 18 170 85 15 15 11 26 . 5.0 28 65 25 10 17 10 27 5.3" 29 400 75 45 62 109 171 4.8 30 170 25 5 21 41 62 5.0 38 125 25 0 20 60 80 5.0 46 270 160 25 26 25 51 5.0 Coast 1 115 5 0 19 57 76 4.9 2 130 25 15 25 36 61 5.0 11 265 35 5 33 68 101 5.1 17 360 30 0 51 107 158 5.0 19 65 25 0 11 8 19 5.1 20 80 5 0 - - - -21 100 10 0 7 22 29 5.1 22 565 90 0 67 195 262 5.0 24 95 30 0 12 9 21 4.5 25 135 30 0 18 26 44 5.0 26 85 25 0 17 18 35 6.4 31 295 40 0 41 98 139 5.0 32 155 20 0 31 60 91 5.0 35 105 10 15 14 27 41 5.0 36 275 60 0 32 66 98 5.0 T a b l e XXV Cont'd 233 E d u c a t i o n a l A t t a i n m e n t Labour F o r c e R a t i o o f P e r s o n s Aged 15+ o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n Grade 10 Grades Un- t o Working o r l e s s 11-13 U n i v e r s i t y Employed Employed T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n A B C D E F G Coast - c o n t ' d 37 50 15 5 2 8 10 5.4 39 175 40 15 23 34 57 4.7 40 300 50 10 34 114 148 5.0 41 60 15 0 - - - -45 160 25 5 21 45 66 5.5 I n t e r i o r 3 200 10 5 30 62 92 5.0 7 115 10 5 19 28 47 5.8 8 90 20 5 16 19 35 4.9 9 90 0 0 9 17 26 5.1 10 240 110 25 56 50 106 5.0 12 45 10 55 15 9 24 5.0 13 65 10 0 19: 7 26 4.9 16 75 5 0 18 13 31 4.8 23 65 15 0 14 7 21 5.0 27 30 0 0 4 12 16 5.6 34 115 0 0 21 63 84 5.0 42 130 35 0 24 31 55 5.0 43 330 90 10 60 88 148 4.9 47 160 50 10 23 32 55 5.0 48 180 30 5 55 77 132 5.0 49 130 5 10 18 22 40 4.9 Remot e U ) 65 5 0 10 19 29 5.0 15 I 33 , 1 95 0 5 39 28 67 5.1 44 •> Table XXV Cont'd 234 Sources: A, B and C; 1971 Census, Enumeration Area User Summary Tapes. D,E,F and G; Indian Labour Force Survey, July 1971, Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, B.C. Region. • 0 235 DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRY AND OCCUPATION The same c a u t i o n s g i v e n f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f T a b l e X X I I a p p l y t o i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f T a b l e s XXVI and X X V I I , w i t h t h e added c a v e a t t h a t t h e s m a l l s i z e o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f c e l l s makes th e d a t a u n r e l i a b l e f o r more t h a n a g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n . I n T a b l e XXVI, an a d j u s t m e n t has been made t o t h e census f i g u r e s f o r f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . The number of f i s h e r m e n i n each Band was e s t i m a t e d from t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f f i s h i n g v e s s e l s shown i n F r i e d l a e n d e r ( 1 9 7 5 ) , and w e i g h t e d by t h e p r o p o r t i o n of Band members r e s i d e n t on r e s e r v e . The d e r i v e d f i g u r e was s u b s t i t u t e d f o r t h e c e n s us f i g u r e i f i t was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t . No s i m i l a r a d j u s t m e n t was made i n T a b l e X X V I I . When employment d i s t r i b u t i o n wa summarized i n C h a p t e r 3, ( T a b l e V I ) t h e i n d u s t r y c l a s s e s shown i n T a b l e XXVI were combined as f o l l o w s : P r i m a r y - A g r i c u l t u r e , f o r e s t r y , f i s h i n g , m i n i n g and t h e u n s p e c i f i e d c a t e g o r y . Secondary - M a n u f a c t u r i n g and c o n s t r u c t i o n . T e r t i a r y - T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , c ommunication and o t h e r u t i l i t i e s , t r a d e ; and community, b u s i n e s s and p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e s . S i m i l a r l y , f o r T a b l e V I I t h e O c c u p a t i o n a l c l a s s e s shown i n T a b l e X X V I I were combined as f o l l o w s : P r i m a r y - F a r m i n g , r a n c h i n g , f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g , f o r e s t r y , l o g g i n g , and m i n i n g w i t h t h e u n s p e c i f i e d c a t e g o r y w h i c h c o n s i s t s m a i n l y o f c a s u a l l a b o u r e r s . M a n u f a c t u r i n g and C o n s t r u c t i o n T r a d e s - P r o c e s s i n g , m a c h i n i n g and f a b r i c a t i n g w i t h t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n t r a d e s . P r o f e s s i o n a l , C l e r i c a l and S e r v i c e - P r o f e s s i o n a l , t e c h n i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e w i t h c l e r i c a l , s a l e s and s e r v i c e , and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n equipment o p e r a t o r s . 236 Table XXVI Sample Indian Communities: Employment Distribution by Industry, 1971 CO CO CO CU I CU CJ CO C - H r l CO " r l > 4-1 C CU CO H CO 60 o C •rl fl CU •rl fl c •rl o 4-1 pq w 0 cu •rt o 4-1 •rl •rl •rl u U •H co 4-1 i-H « rH e <U fl fl •U 4-1 CS •H CO •rl 4J 4-1 CJ r l O 4-1 a 4-1 C < MH rH u 00 a fl O •rl £3 CO •rl O CJ •rl fl 4J (3 60 cO r l c C cn a CJ CO •rl fl 4-1 4J CO fl M CU fl r l •rl CU •rl QJ •rl 3 cn C cu § QJ rH c S-i r l cn C C c cO CO B PM ^3 o cn 60 o • H •rf ct) o r l o 4-1 U o fl •rl C < P H P H o H c_> o H CJ> t « P U 4-1 £ 3 No. A B C D E F G H I J Urban 4 15 0 5 0 5 5 5 0 5 35 5 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 6 0 5 0 0 25 10 5 65 25 35 18 15 10 0 5 30 20 5 45 0 20 28 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 15 0 10 29 0 0 4 0 40 0 35 85 25 50 30 15 0 9 0 15 5 15 5 0 10 38 0 •30 10 0 15 0 5 5 0 10 46 10 5 0 5 10 70 20 60 40 40 ]oast 1 0 0 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 25 0 0 10 5 10 10 0 15 11 5 15 35 0 35 0 5 15 20 35 17 0 0 57 0 70 0 0 10 0 5 19 0 15 13 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 20 0 5 54 0 5 0 0 15 0 5 21 0 10 20 0 0 5 0 : : 5 0 10 22 15 40 5 0 30 10 10 65 30 50 24 15 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 5 25 0 10 0 0 0 0 5 10 5 15 26 0 25 0 0 0 0 0 5 5 5 31 0 10 18 0 60 5 0 15 15 10 32 0 5 15 0 15 0 0 5 5 25 35 0 25 9 0 15 0 0 10 5 10 36 0 10 81 0 30 5 0 20 5 5 T a b l e XXVI Cont'd <-237 No. A B C D E F G H I J C oast - Cont'd 37 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 5 39 0 25 17 0 10 5 10 25 10 10 40 0 10 21 0 60 20 0 15 15 50 41 0 10 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 45 0 25 12 0 15 5 0 0 30 0 I n t e r i o r 3 0 0 0 0 5 0 10 10 10 5 7 5 0 . 0 0 15 0 0 5 0 0 8 5 10 0 0 5 0 0 15 5 15 9 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 10 35 20 0 0 35 10 5 20 15 30 12 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 15 13 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 5 16 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 10 23 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 5 5 5 27 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 34 0 5 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 42 15 5 0 0 0 0 0 10 10 10 43 20 70 0 0 0 10 10 30 15 30 47 15 10 0 5 0 5 0 0 5 15 48 0 5 0 0 0 0 15 10 0 5 49 5 20 0 0 5 5 0 0 5 5 Remote 115 J 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 33 1 44 J 0 0 0 5 0 0 5 15 0 0 S o u r c e s : 1971 Census, E n u m e r a t i o n A r e a U s e r Summary Tapes. F r i e d l a e n d e r (1975) was used t o e s t i m a t e employment i n t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y Table XXVII Sample Indian Communities: Employment D i s t r i b u t i o n by Occupation, 1971 238 No. <—1 c cd cd C o c u > •H 4J Cd U cd cn o co •H C a 0 a •H 3 e o CU T3 U cd O CO CD cS CO CU CO o •> -H > C O ct) a CD to CO Pu 3 rH C O C_> cd O 00 60 00 C C C •H -iH -H J3 PU bO O Cu toO cd O U rH cd U co toO C too toO H C C 4J •H *H CO S , C CU O •rH 4-J Cu 3 ctl - H O C pH MH MH CD CO CU cd rJ H a O C c •H cfl toO CO O 4-1 toO a C •H ct) CU C toO *H O 4J 4-1 4J CO •H •H C 4-1 •H O U c r4 uH CO •H CD 4J O CU O •H CO c o CD Pu 6 4-) a CU •H -H Pu 4-1 CD Pu cd o 3 CO C •H rJ P-O O ,£> O C CD cu co M CD CD O O u C7< Pu C PH g m o o H CU o P D E F G Urban 4 5 0 20 5 0 0 0 •:• 6 10 65 15 18 0 45 25 28 5 10 5 29 30 50 10 30 0 5 20 38 0 0 20 46 30 70 15 Coast 1 0 0 20 2 5 10 20 11 20 10 50 17 0 5 75 19 0 5 15 20 5 0 10 21 0 5 25 22 15 35 90 24 0 15 30 25 0 10 15 26 0 0 25 31 5 25 15 32 5 0 30 35 10 5 25 5 10 0 35 0 0 5 0 15 5 5 50 25 15 10 30 10 5 0 5 25 15 5 105 15. 5 5 20 20 10 10 20 15 60 10 60 0 0 0 10 10 5 5 25 0 5 5 40 0 5 0 5 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 5 0 5 0 10 35 15 0 65 5 0 0 5 0 0 5 15 0 5 0 5 30 10 5 35 0 5 0 25 10 5 5 15 T a b l e X X V I I Cont'd 239 No. A B C D E E G Coast - Cont'd 36 0 25 40 0 5 0 5 37 0 0 5 5 0 0 5 39 10 25 35 5 5 10 15 40 20 15 20 55 20 5 60 41 0 0 5 5 0 0 0 45 5 153 25 10 10 0 5 I n t e r i o r 3 5 10 0 5 10 0 5 7 0 5 10 10 0 0 5 8 0 10 15 15 0 0 15 9 0 0 5 0 0 0 10 10 10 20 60 20 10 0 50 12 5 0 10 0 0 0 15 13 0 0 10 0 5 0 5 16 0 0 5 0 0 0 10 23 5 15 0 0 0 0 5 27 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 34 0 0 10 0 5 0 0 42 0 5 20 5 5 0 15 43 25 5 80 5 30 0 65 47 5 5 25 0 0 0 30 48 0 0 10 0 15 0 5 49 0 0 30 5 5 0 5 Remote 1 4 } 115 ) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 } 44 ) 10 5 5 0 . 5 0 5 S o u r c e : 1971 Census, E n u m e r a t i o n A r e a U s e r Summary Tapes 240 INCOME STATISTICS Table XXVII i s self-explanatory. However i t should be noted that the usual cautions with regard to the census data apply. In p a r t i c u l a r , the rounding of population counts may have s l i g h t l y affected the per capita income c a l c u l a t i o n s . This i s also true for communities inv o l v i n g more than, one enumeration area, where the figures shown are an average of two or three weighted by population. 241 T a b l e X X V I I I . Sample I n d i a n Communities: Employment, F a m i l y P e r C a p i t a Incomes, 1970 ( $ ) . Average Employment Income A l l Wage E a r n e r s Male Only Female O n l y Average F a m i l y Income T o t a l P e r C a p i t a Income P e r C a p i t a Income fr o m Employment No. B D Urban 4 4827 5550 333 10129 3020 1700 5 3575 4351 2108 4070 820 320 6 4550 5239 3405 7699 2980 1820 18 3387 3731 2616 6578 2130 1330 28 5681 7539 2185 10976 2730 1890 29 4402 5687 1824 7969 2230 1460 30 3673 4898 1026 6403 1610 1090 38 5178 5929 964 . 5310 1450 1070 46 5267 6316 2493 8555 2740 2170 Coast 1 3435 3087 6220 5324 1220 540 2 5052 6186 893 7543 2450 1110 11 2618 3053 1691 5389 1380 860 17 3834 4141 1656 5863 1430 870 19 4035 6550 780 8037 1950 1110 20 4859 5510 2871 9892 2700 2080 21 3.984 4423 650 5103 1120 760 22 3271 3555 2424 4672 1170 640 242 Table XXVIII. Con't Average Employment Income A l l Wage Earners Male Only Female Only Average Family Income T o t a l Per Capita Income Per Capita Income from Employment No. B D Coast 24 2420 2943 1102 25 3419 4310 1257 26 3099 3660 854 31 3864 4594 1158 32 2758 3939 999 35 2916 4680 1020 36 4055 4758 2526 37 5134 6134 2035 39 5294 5665 3680 40 2482 3616 808 41 4617 5212 2602 45 2847 2704 3142 3 1997 1885 2786 7 2265 2451 744 8 1949 1835 2356 9 3082 3976 624 10 3499 7792 1166 12 3216 3305 3080 13 2700 3686 323 5073 1420 900 4004 950 570 5372 1040 580 6162 1430 990 5510 1250 700 6982 1760 1180 7515 2020 1530 8609 2970 2050 7142 2180 1650 5313 1140 730 6824 1400 980 3.907 1230 830 I n t e r i o r 3446 760 310 4753 1070 490 3910 1250 630 5161 1060 490 6752 1740 1010 9298 2210 1210 3700 1460 1500 243 T a b l e X X X V I I I . Con't Average Employment Income A l l A v e r a g e T o t a l P e r P e r C a p i t a Income Wage Ma l e Female F a m i l y C a p i t a f r o m E a r n e r s O n l y O n l y Income Income Employment No. A B C D E F I n t e r i o r 16 4236 4483 1645 4403 1240 1120 23 2615 2719 2095 3621 800 540 27 1506 1506 0 3589 890 450 34 2054 2204 932 3185 700 270 42 3711 4033 2295 5435 1110 600 43 2764 2955 1746 6048 1260 750 47 3136 4076 876 4724 1520 1100 48 1965 2524 595 2970 790 290 49 2888 3303 534 4367 1220 700 Remote 14 i 2363 2639 905 4308 1150 690 15 5 • - • - ' 33 "> 3507 3985 2138 5855 1470 930 A A 1 S o u r c e s : A,B,C, and D; 1971 Census, E n u m e r a t i o n A r e a User Summary Tapes. E and F; c a l c u l a t e d f r o m 1971 Census d a t a . P e r C a p i t a incomes a r e rounded t o t h e n e a r e s t t e n d o l l a r s . 244 HOUSING CONDITIONS Housing conditions are surveyed approximately every two years by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. The figures shown here provide a reasonable picture of conditions, but i t should be remembered that the r a t i n g of condition depends considerably on the subjective judgement of the person conducting the survey. Good condition i s defined as needing no more than minor mainten-ance or re p a i r s , f a i r indicates that major renovation i s necessary, and poor houses are beyond r e p a i r . 

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