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Thomas Patch and the Manetti Chapel frescoes Sutherland, Valerie 1978

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THOMAS PATCH AND THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES by VALERIE SUTHERLAND B.Ed., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Fine Arts  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1978.  c ) Valerie Sutherland,1978  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  an advanced degree at the L i b r a r y I  the U n i v e r s i t y  s h a l l make i t  freely  f u l f i l m e n t o f the of B r i t i s h  available  for  requirements  Columbia,  I agree  for  that  reference and study.  f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  for  thesis  s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or  by h i s of  in p a r t i a l  representatives.  It  this thesis for financial  written  gain s h a l l  permission.  Department o f  Fine Arts  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5  Date  i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  April  17,  1978.  Columbia  not be allowed without my  ii  ABSTRACT Thomas Patch (1725-1782) i s a r e l a t i v e l y unknown English a r t i s t of the eighteenth  century whose claim to fame so f a r has  rested in his caricature work. banished from there in 1755  He went to Rome around 1747,  was  and joined the English c i r c l e in  where he remained until his death in 1782.  Patch's work in  Florence Florence  included his copying of what Vasari had said to be a fresco cycle by Giotto in the Church of the Carmine.  This cycle had been damaged  in a f i r e that broke out in the old church in 1771, destroyed to make way  for the new  What led Patch to do this work?  church that was How  and i t had to be  completed in  successful was  he?  1773.  We see  the  influences of Hugford and Bottari and the l i v e l y interest of connoisseurship  in the medieval and the Trecento.  Patch's s k i l l  as  a copyist i s analyzed and found to be excellent. There are now  only twelve fragments l e f t of the original  fresco and they have been given a variety of a t t r i b u t i o n s . basis of dating, this paper agrees with those who  On  the  reject the Giotto  a t t r i b u t i o n and i t i s not prepared to accept the Spinello Aretino one without additional confirmation. f i t the s t y l e and character is usually assigned.  The cycle does not appear to  of Spinello in the period to which i t  Recent evidence however s t i l l  makes i t worth  while to leave the door open to Spinello though on the basis of style and spatial u t i l i z a t i o n , other a r t i s t s of this period should  i ii also be considered.  When compared with other Saint John the Baptist  cycles, the iconography  shows the master of the Manetti Chapel  frescoes to have been an inventive and imaginative a r t i s t whom both Masaccio and Agnolo Gaddi thought worthy of emulating  and copying.  His inventiveness i s seen in the fact that though he seems to have got ideas from the Peruzzi Chapel and from the doors of the Baptistery, he put his own stamp on them.  His angel in f l i g h t ,  his headless body of Saint John, his shivering Christ and his many re-arrangements of crowd scenes give ample evidence of an innovati.veness which i s only surpassed by his s k i l l at integrating his scenes. Patch's engravings therefore should form an important incentive to further assessment of the work of Spinello and his possible i n f l u ence on the late Trecento  and Quattrocento  Italian a r t .  They also  form a pathway for the study of influences of this period on eighteenth century English a r t .  Patch represents a whole era of connoisseurship  and i s a possible source of valuable character study of the English emigre community of late eighteenth century Florence.  His work  merits a great deal more consideration than i t has so f a r received in the history of a r t .  iv TABLE OF CONTENTS L i s t of i l l u s t r a t i o n s  v  Introduction  1  Chapter I: Of Bear-cubs and Banishment  7  Chapter II: Patch and the Manetti Chapel Frescoes  19  Chapter I I I : Patch as a Copyist  29  Chapter IV: The Attribution of the Manetti Chapel Frescoes  39  Chapter V: Thomas Patch in Florence  63  Conclusion  81  Literature Cited  86  Illustrations  90  Appendix A: Chronology of Events in the L i f e of Patch  131  Appendix B: Letter from T. Steavens Appendix C: Text Accompanying the Giotto Engravings  138 139  Appendix D: Contri's Method of Detachment of the Intonaoo.  141  Appendix E: Chronology of the Manetti Chapel Frescoes and Florentine A r t i s t s of the Giotto Era Appendix F: Summary of Iconographic Comparisons  142 ,  145  V  ILLUSTRATIONS Figure  Ti t l e  Page  1  Manetti Chapel frescoes - l e f t wall  90  2  Manetti Chapel frescoes - right wall  91  3a  Plan of the Church of the Carmine pre 1771  93  3b  Plan of the Church of the Carmine after 1771  92  4  Fragment - Head of Elizabeth  94  5  Fragment - Servant  95  6  Fragment - Saint Zacharias  96  7  Fragment - Women and Infant Saint John  97  8  Fragment - Head of Saint John Baptising  98  9  Fragment - Two Angels fragment  99  Fragment - Musician  100  11  Fragment - Salome  101  12  Fragment - Guest  102  13  Fragment - Saint John Praying  103  14  Fragment - Disciple  104  15  Fragment - Two Disciples  105  16  Thomas Patch, Conversation Piece, 1774  106  17  Patch, Conversation Piece, detail  106  18a  The Annunciation to Saint Zacharias  107  18b  The Birth and the Naming of Saint John  108  18c  The Beheading and Entombment of Saint John  109  19a  The V i s i t a t i o n  110  19b  Saint John Preaching and the Baptising of Christ  111  19c  Saint John in Prison and the Dance of Salome  112  20  Thomas Patch. Detail of head  113  21  Thomas Patch. Detail of head  113  22  Thomas Patch. Detail of head  114  23  Thomas Patch. Detail of head  114  24  Thomas Patch. Detail of head  115  .10  VI  Figure 25  Ti t i e  Page  Fra Bartolommeo. The Presentation in the Temple.  116  26  Thomas Patch. The Presentation i n the Temple  116  27  Thomas Patch - detail of head  117  28  Thomas Patch - detail of head  117  29  Thomas Patch - detail of head  117  30  L i f e of Saint John the Baptist. Peruzzi Chapel L i f e of Saint John the Evangelist. Peruzzi  118  Chapel  119  32  Raising of Drusiana  120  33  Ascension  120  34  Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Baptism - detail  121  35  Andrea Pisano. Baptism - detail  121  36 37  Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Baptism - detail Masaccio. Brancacci Chapel. Baptism of the Neophytes - detail  122 122  Masaccio. Brancacci Chapel. St. Paul v i s i t i n g St. Peter  123  Manetti Chapel Frescoes. St. John in Prison detail  123  Masaccio. Pisa Polyptych. Beheading of St. John  124  Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Beheading John.  124  31  38 39 40 41 42 43 44  of Saint  Agnolo Gaddi. Baptism, Castellani Chapel, Santa Croce.  125  Agnolo Gaddi. Feast of Herod. Nobili Santa Croce  126  Chapel,  Giotto. Feast of Herod. Peruzzi Chapel, Santa Croce  126  45  Thomas Patch.  Conversation Piece  127  46  Thomas Patch.  Conversation Piece - detail  128  47  Thomas Lawrence. James Boswel1.  48  Thomas Patch. A Rehearsal at S i r Horace Mann's. Thomas Patch. A Rehearsal at S i r Horace Mann's - detail  49  128 129 129  Figure 50 51 Diagram 1  Ti t l e  Page  Thomas Patch. A Rehearsal at S i r Horace Mann's - detail  130  Vocabolario degli Accedmici del la Crusca Engraving. F i r s t page of fourth edition.  130.  Sequence of Manetti Chapel Frescoes  27  vn  Sources: Figs. 1, 2, 18a, 18b, 18c, 19a, 19b, 19c, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 34, 36, 39, 41: Thomas Patch, Giotto. Florence, 1772. Figs. 3a, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13, 14: Ugo Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine." Rivista d'Arte XIV (1932):141-232. Fig. 3a: Giovanni F a n e l l i , Firenze Architettura e Citta. Firenze: Vallecchi Editore, 1973, p. 320. Fig. 4: Giuseppe Ramali, ed. CampoSanto Monumentale. Pisa: Opera della Primaziale Pisana, 1960. Fig. 5: H. W. van 0s and Marian Prakken, The Florentine Paintings in Holland. Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1974. Fig. 9: R.  van  Marie, The  Development  of  the  Italian  Schools  of  Painting. 19 vols. The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1923-28. Fig. 12: Ferdinando Z e r i . " I t a l i a n Primitives at Messrs. Wildenstein." Burlington  Magazine  107  (1965):252-56.  Fig. 15: National Gallery Illustrations. London: London National Gallery, 1937. Fig. 16 and 17: F. S.axl and R. Wittkower, British Art and the Mediterranean. London: Oxford University Press, 1948. Fig. 25:  S.  Freedberg. Painting  of  the  High  Renaissance,in  Rome  and  Florence. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961. Figs. 26, 27, 28, 29: Thomas Patch, The Life of Fra Bartolommeo, Florence, 1772. Figs. 30, 31 , 32, 33, 44: Andrew Martindale and Edi Baccheschi, The  Complete  Paintings  of  Giotto.  New  York: H.N.  Abrams, Inc.,  1966.  Fig.35: IIaria Toesca, Andrea e Nino Pisano. Firenze: Sansoni Editore, 1950. Figs. 37, 38, 40: Ferdinando Bologna, Masaccio. La Cappella Brancacci. Milano: F r a t t e l l i Fabri E d i t o r i , 1969. Figs. 42, 43: Bruce Cole, Agnolo Gaddi, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977. Figs. 45, 46: Frank Davis, " S a t i r i s t of the English in Florence," Country  Life  July 8,  1976,  p.  98.  Fig. 47: F. E. Halliday, Cultural & Hudson, 1968.  History  of  England,  London: Thames  Figs. 48, 49, 50: W. S. Lewis, Horace Walpole. The A. W. Lectures in the Fine Arts i960. New York: Pantheon Books,  Mellon Inc.,  1961. Fig. 51:  Academies,  Eric  Cochrane, Tradition  and  Enlightenment  in  the  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973.  Tuscan  vi i i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I wish to thank Joel E. Brink and Dr. George Knox f o r t h e i r advice and guidance during the l a s t many months.  It has been  because of the i n t e l l e c t u a l generosity and continued interest of them and other members of the Art History Department, and the support and patience of my family, that this thesis has come to f r u i t i o n . I am also grateful to the d i l i g e n t and obliging s t a f f of the l i b r a r y who w i l l i n g l y delved into the inner reaches of l i b r a r y storage and ventured f a r a f i e l d to f u l f i l l  my many requests.  INTRODUCTION The purpose of this thesis i s to explore the events that led an eighteenth century English a r t i s t l i v i n g in Florence to sketch, engrave and preserve fragments of a Trecento at that time to Giotto.  fresco cycle attributed  Thomas Patch was the a r t i s t , and the fresco  cycle, destroyed by f i r e in 1771, was situated i n the Manetti Chapel in the church of the Santa Maria del Carmine, Florence.^  In  addition to the engraved sketches, Patch also engraved f i v e large d e t a i l s of heads and salvaged many pieces of f a l l e n or salvageable intonaoo.  What i s interesting i s that Patch showed an interest in  the cycle and saved these fragments at a time when i t i s believed very few of his contemporaries were interested in the I t a l i a n Primitives. Surprising to say, this topic arose out of an early interest in William Blake.  It came out of an attempt to prove a d i r e c t 2  influence of Giotto on Blake and possibly on John Flaxman. initial  The  research had led to some of the early l i t e r a t u r e on Giotto,  and s p e c i f i c a l l y a book by Lord Lindsay, which noted the f i r e in 3 the Carmine and the existence of fragments and engraved sketches. ^Throughout this thesis these frescoes w i l l be referred to as the Manetti Chapel frescoes. 2 A possible influence through these engravings i s conceivable because of the forty copies which were printed. Most of them found their way to England where they were circulated by Patch's brother. 3 Lord Lindsay, Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1847), 11:168.  2 Suffice to say that by pursuing the whereabouts of these engravings, fragments and the reason f o r their existence, the original had to be side-stepped.  intent  No d i r e c t link from Giotto to Blake and  Flaxman has spontaneously revealed i t s e l f but another i n d i r e c t influence on nineteenth century B r i t i s h art through Patch became evident.  Tancred Borenius states that Patch's engraved record of  the Manetti frescoes and others, led to similar enterprises in Tuscany--"To him belongs the c r e d i t of having opened the series of publications i l l u s t r a t i n g the work of the Primitive Italian masters." The other enterprises included L'Etruria  Pittrice  and a publication  in 1810 by Carlo Lasinio of the frescoes in the Campo Santo, Pisa. The engravings of these pictures had so impressed M i l l a i s , Rossetti and Holman Hunt that they named their newly formed association of 2 a r t i s t s , the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. Yet despite this contribution of Patch's to the a r t h i s t o r i c a l record of the Trecento  and Quattrocento,  l i t t l e i s known of him, his  a b i l i t y or his reason f o r preserving the Manetti Chapel frescoes. We know that he came from an upper middle-class family whose social 3 and professional connections could open many doors to him.  It i s  believed that he arrived in Rome during the late 1740's but in 1755 he was banished from the c i t y and went to l i v e in Florence. The ^The other engravings were The Life of Masaccio, 1770, and The Life of Fra Bartolonmeo, M12. The quote i s from Tancred Borenius, "The Rediscovery of the Primitives," Quarterly Review 475 (April 1923):262. 2  Ibid.  3 For a complete chronology of events in the l i f e of Patch see Appendix A.  3 question of his banishment i s analyzed to put the record straight.  Two  banishment are here introduced time and they may  at this time in an attempt  l e t t e r s written at the time of his  into Patch studies for the  first  help to clear away some of the misunderstandings  which have tended to cloud our appreciation of him and detract from him as a connoisseur and a r t h i s t o r i a n . F. J. B. Watson and Brinsley Ford have both written about Thomas Patch the a r t i s t and c a r i c a t u r i s t who  as well as his more  serious work, has l e f t us a whimsical and even s a t i r i c a l record of the English c i r c l e in Florence. historian and conservator  Ugo  Procacci, the eminent a r t  has given us detailed information  regarding  the construction of the old Carmine Church p r i o r to i t s destruction by f i r e , and he has even perused the early records r e l a t i n g to the Manetti Chapel and the frescoes. answered the question why this cycle or, how sinopie  But no one seems to have f u l l y  Patch showed this i n t e r e s t and  he detached the fragments.  under-drawings where the intonaoo  recorded  His recording of the  had f a l l e n , reveals a  man  with an a r t h i s t o r i c a l s e n s i t i v i t y f a r in advance of his time. Therefore  i t has been necessary to recapitulate the damage that the  f i r e caused and record exactly what Patch must have done to  preserve,  as he puts i t , "at least the memory..." The contention  by Vasari that these frescoes were done by  Giotto seems to have had some bearing on Patch's decision to sketch them.  This a t t r i b u t i o n was  century when Grassi assigned  not questioned until the mid-nineteenth six of the fragments to the "School of  4 Giotto."^  Then in 1906, Conte Giorgio Vitzthum on the basis of  seven fragments and the Patch engravings, assigned the cycle to Spinello Aretino.  In this thesis, the question of a t t r i b u t i o n w i l l  be discussed at some length because, due to Patch's work as a recorder and restorer, we are in a position to review these previous attributions and suggest that the original painter may  be  closer to Giotto than to the a r t i s t that we have usually recognized Spinello Aretino as being. However, before entering into the question, i t w i l l be our aim to understand  Patch's copying style and his methodology in order to  be prepared f o r an accurate assessment of the a t t r i b u t i o n .  In this  area his accuracy of reproduction i s noted together with the f a c t that he claims to introduce a new method of engraving into his repertoire in order to more accurately record what he  saw.  A great deal of time has been spent on the a t t r i b u t i o n part of the essay because certain new evidence has become available since the time of the a t t r i b u t i o n by Vitzthum and the d e f i n i t i v e a r t i c l e by Procacci of 1932.  A re-interpretation of these a r t i c l e s i s  called f o r because in the e f f o r t to discount the Giotto and create the Spinello Aretino a t t r i b u t i o n , many s i g n i f i c a n t points were overlooked.  The new evidence includes two more fragments that have  turned up and one or two interesting questions about the content of the t h i r d w i l l of Manetti which seems to have been side-stepped up  ^Ranieri Grassi, Pisa e le sue adgacenze (Pisa: 1851), p. 196 cited by Ugo Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine del 1771," Rivista d'Arte XIV (1932):226.  5 to now.  It i s also possible that Vanni Manetti died as early as  1357/8 which would change the dating considerably.  F i n a l l y , there  is the question of the possible existence today of certain remnants of the fresco cycle which are reported by Procacci (1932) as being on the wall of the organ l o f t s t a i r w e l l , but on which no work seems yet to have been done, nor are they l i s t e d as being among the extant works of Giotto or Spinello. It appears evident now that the frescoes could not have been Giotto's nor should they be attributed to Spinello Aretino without more consideration. comparisons,  On the basis of chronology, s t y l e , and spatial  i t i s even probable that they could be by either Taddeo  Gaddi, Maso di Banco or even Nardo di Cione.  With these engravings,  Patch has opened up a new viewpoint on Giottesque studies and us a record of an a r t i s t who  left  took second place to no one f o r inno-  vative and imaginative treatment of traditional iconography, and an a r t i s t whom masters such as Agnolo Gaddi and Masaccio did not hesitate to copy and adapt. The Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n alone would not have been s u f f i c i e n t reason f o r Patch to preserve this record^ and i t appears from his own written statements that he was encouraged men.  and supported in i t by two  These were Ignazio Hugford and Giovanni Bottari who  in their  own right were i n t e l l i g e n t a r t c o l l e c t o r s , connoisseurs and a r t historians.  Vatch in the introduction to his f i r s t set of engravings, The Masaccio indicates that he does not appreciate at all the School of Giotto. He writes that Masaccio possesses "a freedom in his pencil t i l l then likewise unknown so different from the disagreeable stiffness in the horrid spectres of the School of Giotto...",  Life  of  p. II.  3  6 One of Patch's main interests was and this may  the study of physiognomy  have been a natural lead into his 'recording' work  but there i s s u f f i c i e n t evidence, in addition to the influence of Hugford and B o t t a r i , to indicate that eighteenth century connoisseurship  in Florence in general also played a part.  seurship goes beyond what we understand strong evidence that throughout in the medieval the c l a s s i c a l  i t to be.  This connois-  In fact there i s  Europe there was a geniune interest  which flourished side by side with the interest in  past.  With his interest in physiognomy, his talent as a copyist, his technical a b i l i t y to adapt his engraving s t y l e , and above a l l his intent in f u l f i l l i n g the s p e c i f i c task of preserving and recording these frescoes, Patch was at the right time.  the right a r t i s t , in the right place  He was a man who  stepped out ahead of the main-  stream of contemporary taste and thus prepared the way  for others to  follow. By so doing he has offered us the opportunity to re-examine the iconography of a r t i s t s in the second half of the trecento,  and  has challenged us to re-assess the whole scope of the works of Spinello Aretino. Patch salvaged much more than a fresco cycle from the flames of the Carmine.  CHAPTER I OF BEAR-CUBS AND BANISHMENT Neither the exact date of Patch's a r r i v a l in Italy nor the reason why he went i s known, but Farington was shown l e t t e r s from Patch in Italy dated as early as  1747.  This was the age of the Grand Tour--a tour of Europe which included lengthy stays in Venice, Florence, Rome and Naples.  A  tour that was considered an essential ingredient in a young gentleman's well-rounded education.  Failure to v i s i t Italy i s aptly  summed up in the words of Dr. Samuel Johnson:  "A man who  has not  been in Italy i s always conscious of an i n f e r i o r i t y , f o r his not having seen what i s expected a man 3 the young  bear-cubs  to see."  Consequently, most of  of the leading English families would trans-  port themselves and their "bear-leaders" to the Continent and follow a well-trodden path outlined in the contemporary  guide books.  Patch himself, may well have q u a l i f i e d as one of the young men,  i f not as a member of the aristocracy, then as one of the upper  ^James Greig, ed. The Farington Diary 7 vols. Hutchinson & Co. (Publishers), Ltd., 1926), p. 183. 3  (London:  2 L. F. Powell, gen.  ed.,  Boswell's  Life  of  Johnson  (Oxford:  Clarendon Press, 1934), p. 36. 3 A term used to describe the young sons of the aristocracy often coupled with the name used for their tutors--"Bear-leaders" defined as a person in charge of a young man of wealth when making a tour of the world. It arose from the custom of leading a tame bear around muzzled and on a chain.  7  8 middle-class.  There i s evidence that his family was well-connected  with both the Stuarts and the Hanoverian royal families.  His father,  who was f i r s t surgeon to the Royal Devon and Exeter Hospital, i s reported to have been at one time a surgeon to the Old Pretender at St. Germain-en-LayeJ  His mother was a great-neice of Bishop Gilbert  2 Burnet  and he himself was apprenticed to Dr. Richard Mead, the noted 3  art c o l l e c t o r who was physician to George II.  In addition to a l l  t h i s , Patch i s reported to have gone to Italy with one Richard Dal ton who,  according to Cornelius Vermeule was a half-brother of George III However, i t i s more l i k e l y that Patch as a promising  F. J . B. Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," Walpole XXVIII (1939-40) :15, gives no source for this information.  artist Society  G. K. S. Edwards, "Thomas Patch," Apollo XXVI (October 1937): 217. Burnet (1643-1715), historian and theologian; preached the Coronation Sermon for. William and Mary; appointed Bishop of Salisbury by William; i n charge of the Succession B i l l of 1701. 2  3  Watson, "Thomas Patch  (1725-1782)," p. 16.  T h i s i s reported by Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 16 who may i n turn have got this information from a l e t t e r from Mann to Walpole, dated 22 February, 1771 (W. S. Lewis, Horace Walpole's 4  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  Mann,  11 vols.  [New Haven: Yale  University Press, 1967], Vol. VII, p. 275). These l e t t e r s were supplied to Watson for his a r t i c l e but since the publication of that a r t i c l e the l e t t e r s themselves have been published, and many footnotes added to the information i n the l e t t e r s . One such footnote, p. 275, fn. 6, reads as follows: "Patch's e a r l i e s t recorded l e t t e r from Rome was i n 1747 but Mann mentions Dal ton as being already at Rome i n 1743 as a student of painting." Farington i n his diary, also indicates that Patch "went to Italy with or about the same time as Jenkins." This then does raise some doubts as to whom Patch went to Italy with. 5 Cornelius C. Vermeule, "The Dal Pozzo-Albani Drawings of Classical Antiquities i n the B r i t i s h Museum," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 50 Part 5 (1960):3. Vermeule gives no source for this information and the Dictionary of National Biography gives no information on Richard Dal ton.  9 would, along with many other young hopefuls, have been drawn to Italy to further his study of art and architecture--"the main purpose of their v i s i t being to carry out, by copying sketching and taking notes on the works of old masters, an essential part of an a r t i s t ' s training."^  Some of the v i s i t i n g a r t i s t s who,  a f t e r their  study in Italy, returned to England and successful careers, were Joshua Reynolds, who  f o r a short period of time actually shared an 2  apartment with Patch,  Gavin Hamilton, Richard Wilson, Allen Ramsay,  Robert Adam and William Chambers.  However, many of these young hope-  fuls never returned to England, preferring instead to remain in Italy augmenting their income as a r t i s t s by acting as cicerones.  Such was  the case with Mark Russell, James Byres, Colin Mori son, John Parker 3 and Thomas Patch. 4 The cicerone was who  "a more elevated class of personal attendant"  served the young bear-cubs and their leaders.  Brian Moloney, Florence Edltore, 1969), p. 10.  and  England  They were highly  (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki.  2 Brinsley Ford, "Letters of Jonathan Skelton," Walpole Society XXXVI; 0956-58):38. They shared accommodation at the English Coffee House on the west side of the Piazza di. Spagna until just before Easter, 1751. At that time they moved to the Palazzo Zuccari where Vernet and his family also had an apartment. 3 Mark Russell acted as an agent f o r Ralph Howard when he purchased landscapes by Wilson, Vernet, a p o r t r a i t by Batoni and "four copies, of Vernet" by Patch. Claude-Joseph Vernet, 1714-1789 (London: Greater London Council, 1976), p.4. James Byres acted as the agent and dealer for the acquisition of Poussin's Seven Sacraments and the Portland Vase. Jonathan Scott, Piranesi (London: Academy Editions, 1975), p. 311. 4 John Fleming, "Some Roman Cicerones and Artist-Dealers," Connoisseur  Year  Book  (1959):24.  10 specialized men who would d i r e c t their patrons around the h i s t o r i c a l and a r t i s t i c sights and act as their agent i n the acquisition of c l a s s i c a l sculpture and fashionable paintings.  Early i n the 1700's  they had been I t a l i a n but by the 1750 s most of the cicerones were 1  English and Scottish  emigres.  Not a l l of these a r t i s t s divided their time between completing commissions f o r paintings and guiding.  A fellow countryman and  possible t r a v e l l i n g companion of Patch's, Thomas J e n k i n s J found i t more l u c r a t i v e to devote his whole attention to the wants and needs of the t r a v e l l i n g gentry.  Often this included adding missing parts  to damaged c l a s s i c a l sculpture in order to obtain a more pleasing object f o r sale and a higher return for his pocket.  Despite these  'manipulations', Jenkins earned the respect of such eminent people as Cardinal Alessandro Albani and Johann Winckelmann and he soon amassed a personal fortune enabling him to establish himself as a 2 banker i n Rome. Patch's early a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s i n Rome are not s p e c i f i c a l l y known except f o r a reference i n the Farington  Diary  where Patch i s  'Thomas Jenkins, b. Rome, 1722, [Dictionary of National Biography says Devon), returned to England to study under Thomas Hudson and returned to Rome during the 1750's. There seems to be some confusion as to when and with whom he returned to Italy. Edward Edwards, Anecdotes  of  Painters  who have resided  or been  born  in  England  (London: Leigh & Sotheby, 1808) states he was accompanied by Richard Wilson. Also see page 2, f n . 4, regarding his possible return to Italy with Patch. In 1753 he i s recorded i n the register of S. Lorenzo i n Lucina i n Rome as residing with Wilson. Thomas Ashby, "Thomas Jenkins i n Rome," Papers  of  the  British  School  of  Rome VI,  No. 8 (1913):488. 2 1692-1779, enemy of the Stuarts, famous f o r his a r t c o l l e c tion, carried on a l i f e - l o n g correspondence with S i r Horace Mann.  11 mentioned as having been introduced to Vernet.  1  By A p r i l , 1750, he  was either working with or studying under Claude-Joseph Vernet and in the same year he painted a series of vedute  f o r Lord  Charlemont.  2  We also have evidence of his involvement as an agent i n a r t purchases as i s seen i n the correspondence between him and S i r William Lowther 3 when he arranged the purchase and shipping of several paintings. Vernet returned to France i n 1763 and i t might have been at that time or even a l i t t l e e a r l i e r that Patch became associated with the short-lived Academy of English Professors of the Liberal Arts established p r i n c i p a l l y at the instigation of Lord Charlemont. and the director was John Parker.  It was opened i n 1748  It would seem that this was an attempt  by the B r i t i s h n o b i l i t y to establish an i n s t i t u t i o n s i m i l a r to the 4 French Academy at Rome that had been established i n 1666.' Greig, The Farington  Diary,  VI: 183.  2 James Caul f i e l d , Lord Charlemont started his Grand Tour at the age of 18 i n 1746. He returned to Ireland i n March, 1754. In the meantime he travelled extensively throughout Europe and also included a t r i p to the Middle East i n 1749 when he took Richard Dalton (see p. 2, f n . 4) along as his draughtsman. Maurice James Craig, The Volunteer Earl (London: The Cressett Press, 1948), p. 44. 3 Francis Russell, "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther, and the Holker Claude," Apollo (August 1975): 119. 4 The following notice appeared i n the Daily Advertiser, June 8, 1752: Rome, May 12 - The English Noblemen and Gentlemen now at this Place on their T r a v e l l s . having taken into consideration the Disadvantages, young students of their Nation i n Painting and Sculpture l i e under here f o r want of the Foundation of an Academy, with Pensions f o r encouragement of those whose circumstances w i l l not permit them to prosecute their studies f o r a s u f f i c i e n t time at their own expence, have begun a generous Subscription towards the foundation of an Accademy, and have appointed Mr John Parker History Painter, to be the Receiver and director thereof. The Generous Promoters of this Foundation are the Lords Bruce, Charlemont, Tilney, and K i l l murry. Sr. Thomas Kennedy Bart. Mess Ward, Iremonger, L e t h u l l i e r e , Bagot, Scroop Cook Lypeat. Murphy, and as a l l Nations i n Europe, p a r t i c u l a r l y the French have Academies, and great Encouragements ' t i s hop'd a l l Lovers of the Arts, w i l l promote this generous design. Walpole Society XXVI, p.89.  12 This Academy was closed early i n 1755 reportedly because while Parker was away and sick i n Naples, Patch had a f i g h t with a fellow academician named Warner, thus causing Charlemont to fear that the Academy "was becoming an asylum for a r t i s t i c scamps."^ to have been the beginning of Patch's troubles i n Rome.  This appears Shortly  thereafter he ran into a further confrontation with the Holy Office which led to his f i n a l banishment i n December of the same year.  An  event which would lead him to Florence and his subsequent work as a copyist and recorder of Early Renaissance a r t works. The exact reasons f o r Patch's eventual banishment from Rome during the l a t t e r part of 1755 are not known. F. J . B. Watson i n 1939 used what documentation  was available at that time,  he presented  these facts as he saw them and j u d i c i o u s l y came to no conclusion. Unfortunately, other authors have tended to choose the least salubrious of these facts and too often have over-emphasized  and even misrepre-  sented them, thus overshadowing Patch's a b i l i t y as a c a r i c a t u r i s t , copyist, a r t historian and connoisseur. Prior to his actual banishment he had been involved i n several incidents which may have contributed to his f i n a l expulsion.  The f i r s t  3 incident we have a record of i s when Horace Mann ^Craig, The Volunteer (1725-1782)," p. 19.  Earl,  wrote to Cardinal  p. 90, and Watson, "Thomas Patch  2 Ibid., pp. 15-50. 3 B r i t i s h Diplomatic Representative i n Florence. In Charge of A f f a i r s 1738-40, Resident 1740-65, Knighted 1755, Envoy Extraordinary 1765-82, Envoy Extraordinary Plenipotentiary 1782-6. D. B. Horn, British  Diplomatic  Representatives:  Society, 1932), p. 81.  1689-1789  (London: Royal H i s t o r i c a l  13 Albani on October 12, 1751, asking the Cardinal to investigate why Patch, who was f u l f i l l i n g a second commission  f o r Charlemont, had  been ordered by the Bishop of T i v o l i to leave his d i o c e s e J  Cardinal  Albani replied October 23, 1751, that "I am more than ever convinced that i t would be of the greatest advantage  i f one could prevent any  dealings at a l l between Catholics and sectarians."  He adds that  despite a certain amount of tolerance usually exercised i n these matters, the Bishop remained firm and therefore he must have had some 2 good reason for not allowing Patch to remain. There the matter rested until October 22, 1755, when Patch was ordered by the Holy Office to leave the Papal States within 24 hours. He was informed of this fact when "sited to appear before a Notary Belonging to the Governor of Rome."  Patch i n a l a t e r l e t t e r written  from Florence to Lord Charlemont, reports the expulsion but that he 3 does not know the reason for. i t .  In another l e t t e r written to S i r  William Lowther on February 19, 1756, he again states that he does not know the reason for his banishment, he writes: "On the 23rd December I was ordered out of the Popes State from the Inquisition ^Letter c i t e d by Lesley Lewis, Connoisseurs and Secret Agents in Eighteenth Century Rome (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961), p. 172. This i s an interesting l e t t e r in so f a r as i t i s believed that Patch and Mann had not met before Patch went to Florence i n 1755. This l e t t e r may indicate that they had met before—perhaps Patch had passed through Florence on his way to Rome and at that time had come into contact with Mann. 2  Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 18.  q  Ibid., p. 20. Patch writes in this l e t t e r that he "begd of Abbe Grant to Accompany me w he did..." cn  14 but without being acquainted with the Reason nor i s i t possible f o r me to immagine unless the Old A f f a i r of T i v o l i f o r I have Since been so f a r informed that the Bishop had put me in the St. O f f i z z i o I l e f t Rome that Night..."  1  What i s interesting i s the d i f f e r e n t  date--a date that John Parker, who  proved to be no friend of Patch's,  confirmed in a l e t t e r to Lord Charlemont. 1755  He wrote on December 24,  "I must confirm your lordship that this day we l o s t P a t c h e , [ s i c ]  who was obliged to leave Rome in twenty-four hours..."  In November,  Albani had advised Mann of the banishment by the Inquisition,and followed that up with a l e t t e r dated December 12 saying that he did  not know the reason f o r the expulsion,"but imagined  i t was f o r  3 some outrageous talk on the subject of women." Therefore, two months elapsed between the f i r s t order of October 22 f o r Patch to leave the States within twenty four hours and the f i n a l banishment order of December 23.  This discrepancy in the time  factor does not appear to have been noted up to now and i t does raise some interesting questions. an extension that was  Did a high o f f i c i a l  subsequently  intervene and request  granted?  The actual reason f o r Patch's banishment has never been given. John Parker, when writing to Lord Charlemont, took great delight in i n f e r r i n g several possible reasons—that i t was 1  because of his homo-  Russell, "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther," p.  119.  2 H i s t o r i c a l MSS. Manuscripts  and  Commission, Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part X.  Correspondence  (London: 1891), p. 3  of  James,  First  and  Secret  Agents,  Earl-  of  222.  L. Lewis, Connoisseurs  p.  172.  Charlemont  15 sexuality, was."  1  giving a potion to a nun,  2  3 or madness — " C r a z y he always  However, by May 22, 1756, Parker concedes that "I am of your  lordship's opinion that his oddities and loose way of talking in 4 a l l companies was the cause of his e x i l e . " This seems to be confirmed in a l e t t e r of recommendation that has never been published or quoted from in r e l a t i o n to Patch studies. It i s part of the l e t t e r to the Earl of Huntingdon written by Thomas. Steavens and dated January 31, 1756, Rome. w i l l find at Florence a Mr. Patch.  It reads: "Your Lordship  He has been indiscreet in his  conduct and conversation here, and was sent out of Rome by the 5 Inquisition." F. J. B. Watson when dealing with Patch's banishment gives a l l the known facts at the time of his a r t i c l e and leaves the question open but others such as Brinsley Ford and Ronald Paulson tend to dwell on the 'assumed' f a c t that he was a homosexual and thus banished for this reason. 1  Charlemont  If this i s the case, why wasn't Winckelmann, whose Papers,  p. 222, l e t t e r dated December 24,  2  I b i d . , p. 225, l e t t e r dated February 28,  1756.  3  I b i d . , p. 222, l e t t e r dated December 24,  1755.  4  Ibid.  1755.  5 H i s t o r i c a l MSS. the  late  Reginald  p. 114. 6 Apollo  Commission, Report  Rawdon  Hastings,  Esq.,  on the  Manuscripts  of  3 vols. (London: 1934),  For the complete text of this l e t t e r see Appendix B. Brinsley Ford, "Thomas Patch: A Newly Discovered Painting," LXXVII (March 1963): 173. Ronald Paulson, Emblem and  Expression.  Meaning  in  English  Art  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 144.  16 p r o c l i v i t y for young men was well known, also banished? The question of espionage might also be raised as this was a time when England was s t i l l  keeping an ever-watchful eye on the "Old  Pretender's " court i n Rome i n the event that there should be another attempt to restore the Stuarts to the throne of B r i t a i n .  Patch had  2 friends i n both camps—Abbe" Grant  who was attached to the Old 3 4 Pretender's court, as were Monseigneur Maresfoschi and Belloni -5 6 On the other side there was Jenkins, Albani, and Richard Dal ton who l a t e r became l i b r a r i a n to George I I I — a l l  this putting Patch i n  an advantageous position to report on either side. One other a c t i v i t y that might well have caused some repercussions for him has been brought to l i g h t i n an a r t i c l e by Francis Russell, but Russell does not relate i t to the banishment.  It seems that i n Sep-  tember, 1755, Patch outlined i n a l e t t e r to S i r William Lowther, a plan whereby he, i n collusion with some members of the Muti family would substitute his copy of their Claude, and they i n turn would s e l l the real one to Lowther--all this was to be kept secret from the rest of ^Luigi Barzini, The Italians  (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1966),  p. 33. 2 Notary. 3  Peter Grant, the same Grant who accompanied Patch to the Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 20.  Cardinal York's auditor. Cardinal York was the Old Pretender's younger son. 4 Old Pretender's banker. 5 See p. 8 for more d e t a i l s regarding Patch s possible t r i p to Italy with this man. c  According to several sources including Watson, i t was Dal ton with whom Patch went to Italy. See p. 8, fn. 4.  17 the family because the painting was entailed to the estate and therefore not to be s o l d .  1  What i s interesting i s that the transaction  started just prior to the f i r s t banishment and ended in February,  1756  when Patch writes that: ...my haveing l e f t Rome in this Manner I beleive [ s i c ] has been the means of the Pictures being more easely got out for the haveing intrusted i t with two or three whom I thought might be of Service in procureing more easely the Permission was the cause of i t s being made Publick but haveing made believe that i t was Long Since out of Rome they inquired no farther a f t e r i t . 2 When one considers that in January, 1754, Thomas Jenkins had been threatened with banishment by the Government of Rome because he had purchased a bust f o r a c l i e n t and then taken a substantial  profit  3 on i t ,  i t i s easy to see how Patch with his 'copying' and 'sub-  s t i t u t i n g ' could incur a similar type of wrath from the a u t h o r i t i e s . The f i n a l  word may  have been hinted at by Patch himself in a  l e t t e r written to Francis, Earl of Huntingdon.  It i s another l e t t e r  never before referred to in any of the Patch studies, and therefore i t i s reproduced here in i t s entirety: Florence, March, 1756: I hope in two months to have near finished the pictures for your Lordship; they are the four bridges on the Arno. Before your Lordship l e f t Florence, you was pleased to give attention to the t r i f l i n g embroils I met with whilst in Rome and never before had an opportunity of mentioning 'Russell, "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther," related in a l e t t e r dated September 15, 1755, p. 119. The Claude in question was  Landscape  Muses, 1652 Edinburgh.  with  Apollo  Guarding  (1.82 x 2.90 m) now  the  Herds  of  Admetus  and  2 Russell, "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther," p. 119. 3  L. Lewis, Connoisseurs  and  with  in the National Gallery of Scotland,  Secret  Agents,  p.  167.  18 a l l the circumstances to anyone where I could confide, p a r t i c u l a r l y that which you judged the main cause, and not a week since I had a l e t t e r from the party with a declaration of the fact. At present I can't speak more f r e e l y , only that I hope one day to have an opportunity of showing your Lordship how v i l l a i n o u s l y I have been used f o r having been too f a i t h f u l , and i f i t ' s known that I have mentioned anything of i t to anyone I am s t i l l not safe..."! What the inference and innuendo in the l e t t e r i s remains for future study, but whatever his 'crime' had been, i t had  little  e f f e c t upon his reception and subsequent l i f e in Florence.  He  went with some excellent recommendations.  In addition to the  previously mentioned Steavens l e t t e r to the Earl of Huntingdon, Steavens also wrote to Horace Mann and "Procured [one] f o r me from 2 Cardinal Albani to Mr. Mann"  and as Horace Mann records in a l e t t e r  to Horace Walpole, "[He] brought the strongest l e t t e r s of recommendation hither from the unprejudiced prelate, Piccolomini, then gover3 nor of Rome and since cardinal." As i s seen in a l e t t e r written to Charlemont within a week of his a r r i v a l , Patch quickly settled down—"I am in hope of Soon finding Florance [sic]  ^Hastings 2  more Agreable and Profitable to me than Rome."  4  Manuscripts,  p.  116.  Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 20.  c i t e d in L. Lewis, Connoisseurs  and  Secret  This l e t t e r i s also  Agents,  p.  172.  Correspondence  with  S%r  3 Mann,  W. S. Lewis, Horace VII, p. 275. 4  Walpole  's  Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 20.  Horace  CHAPTER II PATCH AND THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES In Florence in 1772 Thomas Patch published his third volume of engravings  1  in which he reproduced a fresco cycle that Vasari  in the f i r s t and second edition of his vite  had attributed to  Giotto ( f i g s . 1 and 2). These frescoes had been i n the church of Santa Maria del Carmine in the Manetti Chapel which, according to the old plan of the church, was located immediately  on the right of  2 the Cappella Maggiore ( f i g . 3). Between 1765 and 1771 a partial renewal of the i n t e r i o r of the church had been underway and i t was nearly complete "alto 3 •parte  di doratura  che  la  when on the night of January 28, 1771 , a f i r e  broke out in the church.  The f i r e completely destroyed the nave  because the tarred and wooden roof had collapsed and taken everything with i t .  However, the r i g h t transept had been saved because of a  quick-thinking fireman who had chopped a hole i n the roof at the crossing and thus prevented the flames from spreading along the roof Patch dedicated The Life of Masaccio to Horace Mann and The Life of Fra Bartolommeo to Horace Walpole. The Giotto series was dedicated to Bernardo Manetti: "a Noble man of Florence, Thomas Patch dedicates those monuments of the Ancient Splendour of his family as a Mark of his Obligation and Esteem." 2 The chapel was 4.20 m wide, 4.90 m long, height to the center of the entry arch was 9.55 m. 3 Procacci, L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 149. 1  19  20 to the Brancacci Chapel and the c l o i s t e r J  Even so, the l e f t side  wall of the Manetti Chapel, the side nearest the burning Sacristy, suffered heat damage and this caused some pieces of intonaoo fall  off.  to  2  The church was completely r e b u i l t and in the subsequent reconstruction the Manetti Chapel had to be destroyed ( f i g . 3, overlay). In Patch's words " i n i t s room b u i l t up one of the pears[s-£c] which 3 is to sustain the cupola of the church, which i s now rebuilding." Patch, on his own i n i t i a t i v e , had been working i n the Brancacci Chapel, making sketches f o r l a t e r engravings of a l l the heads from 4 Masaccio's Raising  of  the Son of  Theophilus.  Immediately  after the  f i r e , he seems to have started to record the Manetti Chapel frescoes Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 150: ""non ritrovandosi alouna traccia di legnami penetrar nelle oappelle" i danni fui>one assai e tale fu I'attivita del calore, che arrivo che di combustibile ritrovavasi in oiasoheduna ebbero a so ff rive di piu le tre oappelle di "per essere state ripiene della tavole degli  -per eui potesse it fuoao minori; anohe se "tanta ad incendiare tutto cid cappella. " Semmai fondo a cornu evangelii... altari di ohiesa. ""  2 Ibid., p. 215. It i s possible as we shall see l a t e r , that one of these pieces of intonaoo- was added to those that Patch l a t e r detached from the wall. He himself states "I only have saved some pieces with the permission of the owners of the chapel, which I have taken of [ s i c ] the wall..." Patch, Giotto, p. I. The complete text of the Introduction to the Giotto engravings has been thought important enough to include as Appendix C. 3  Ibid.  4 This p a r t i c u l a r scene was started by Masaccio but finished i n the 1480's by F i l i p p i n o L i p p i . Regarding Patch's engravings of these 'heads' Horace Mann writing to Horace Walpole, February 22, 1771, states: "He was always an adorer of the heads of Masaccio in the Carmine, and both drew them and engraved them himself, and well he did i t in time, f o r about a fortnight ago the church was almost consumed by f i r e , and those paintings so much damaged..." W. S. Lewis, Horace  Walpole's  p. 275-76.  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  Mann,  Vol. VII,  21 in sketches and to remove from the wall, loose and attached pieces of intonaoo  that he thought would be valuable in preserving the  'memory' of the c y c l e J Unfortunately, Patch has l e f t us no details as to how detached the fragments.  he  Federico Zeri states that Patch "sawed o f f  the extant portions o f f the walls,"  and Moloney writes that "Patch  was employed, with Ferdinando Gregori, to remove some of the l a t t e r [frescoes] from the walls and re-mount them, probably on a canvas 3  backing."  There appears to be no evidence to support this statement  and Patch, as we have already noted stated that he alone saved the fragments.  4  No mention of the technique f o r detachment was made by Vitzthum when he discussed attribution, or by Procacci when he researched and presented the events before, during and after the f i r e of 1771.  How-  ever, in the "Introduction" to an exhibition catalogue Procacci outlines the history of the detachment of the intonaoo and also of the colour layer only {strappo  method).  {stacco  method)  He writes that  Vrocacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 220 believes that many more pieces were removed than are presently accounted f o r . 2  Ferdinando Z e r i , " I t a l i a n Primitives at Messrs. Wildenstein,"  Burlington 3  Magazine  107  (1965):  253.  Moloney, Florence and England, p. 13, gives no source f o r this information. He may be confused with the fact that Patch and Gregori collaborated in 1774 in producing the engravings and the account book of Ghiberti's 4  Porte  del  Battistero  di  Firenze.  See p. 20, f n . 2.  5 Conte Giorgio Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di affreschi di Spinello Aretino, perduto," L'Arte 9 (1906): 199-203. The  Great  Age  of  Fresco  -  Giotto  to  Pontormo  Metropolitcan Museum of Art, 1968), pp. 12-44.  (New  York:  The  22 true, as opposed to accidental, detachments occurred as early as 1690  1  and by 1730, Antonio Contri, a Ferrarese a r t i s t , had perfected  a 'secret' method of removing the intonaco--a from the one used today."  method "not very d i f f e r e n t  Contri died i n 1732 and i t was feared the  secret would be l o s t forever, but Lansi i n the l a t t e r part of the eighteenth century wrote that detachment of frescoes "was perfected by others, and the new improved method spread widely."  Procacci,  continuing with the history of detachment, states that despite some "disastrous r e s u l t s " , fresco detachments became numerous throughout 3 Italy during the eighteenth century. Therefore, i t would seem reasonable to assume that Patch was aware of these developments.  What method (strappo  or staooo)  he used  when he "took them o f f the wall" may be answered by the description of "Sei  six of the fragments which are in the Campo Santo at Pisa: frammenti  di  affresco  staccati  oon  I'intonaco  sottostante,  poi  rin-  4 grossato  a rinforzo,"  thus indicating that he had used the  staooo  method. Procacci writes that Girolamo Baruffaldi i n his "Vite di pittori e scultori ferraresi" c i t e s the case when his father Niccolb suggested to one Giulio Panizza that he attempt to salvage, from a chapel due to be demolished, "some pieces of plaster on which were painted beautiful l i f e - s i z e heads." Apparently he succeeded in detaching 14 which he reinforced with plaster and gave to Niccolb as a g i f t . The Great Age 1  of  Fresco,  p. 40.  2 Ibid., p. 41. 3  For Contri's method of detachment see Appendix D.  I b i d . , p. 42.  4 Giuseppe Ramali, ed. Camposanto Monumentale Opera della Primiziale Pisana, 1960), p. 91.  di  Pisa  (Pisa:  23 There are now twelve existing fragments, but when Procacci wrote his a r t i c l e he discussed the then known ten fragments and expressed the hope that his a r t i c l e might help to bring other fragments to l i g h t J Visitation:  The twelve fragments include two from the  the head of Elizabeth ( f i g . 4) and the half-length  figure of her servant ( f i g . 5): the  Baptist:  two from the Naming  and Birth  of  the half length figure of Saint Zacharias writing the  name of his son ( f i g . 6) and a group of three women holding the infant Saint John ( f i g . 7); two from the Preaching  and  Baptism:  the head of Saint John Baptising Christ ( f i g . 8) and the heads of two angels witnessing the Baptism ( f i g . 9); three from the Dance Salome:  of  the half length figure of the musician ( f i g . 10), the half  length figure of Salome ( f i g . 11) and the head of one of the guests 3 ( f i g . 12);  and three from the Beheading  and Entombment:  the head of  Saint John praying ( f i g . 13), the foreshortened head of one d i s c i p l e ( f i g . 14) and the bowed heads of two d i s c i p l e s ( f i g . 15). Six of the fragments are in the Ammannati Chapel, Campo Santo, 5 Pisa; two are in the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool; one in the 4  ^Two other fragments were discovered: the half length figure of Elizabeth's servant which was recognized by Longhi in 1939 as one of the l o s t fragments, and the head of a guest in the Dance which turned up on the New York a r t market in 1963. Federico Zeri recognized i t as one of the fragments and i d e n t i f i e d i t as King Herod from the Dance. This however, i s open to question because the adjacent figure wears a crown and could therefore be Herod, but this crowned figure i s in the restored section and may not represent what was o r i g i n a l l y there. See p.27 , fn. 2. 2 See note 1 above. 3 See note 1 above. 4 The head of Elizabeth, Zacharias writing, Saint John Baptising, the musician, the foreshortened head of the d i s c i p l e and the two angels. 5 Salome, and Women with the infant Saint John.  24 National Gallery London;^ one in the Boymans van Beuningen c o l l e c t i o n ; 3  one in the Malaspina Museum, Pavia;  and one i s owned by Adams, David-  4  son and Company, Washington,  D.C.  L i t t l e or no information i s given regarding the present conThe Servant  d i t i o n of the fragments.  of  Elizabeth  i s described by  van Os and Prakken as having "...cracks over the entire surface. Large areas are repainted in o i l , " and that "she wears a green dress 5  covered by a white shawl." It does seem strange that Patch did not detach more or larger pieces of fragments.  One i s s t i l l  tempted to ask the question:  "If he successfully detached some parts why didn't he detach and preserve a l l of them?  Procacci was convinced that at least four  more than he l i s t e d were in existence and he was hopeful that more would turn up as a r e s u l t of his a r t i c l e . ^ What i s interesting  i s that a l l the fragments he saved were of  heads or groups of heads, and when we relate this to Patch's interest in the heads of the Masaccio fresco and to his recently begun study ^The two d i s c i p l e s . ? Elizabeth's servant. 3  Saint John Praying. 4  The 'guest' at the  Danoe.  5  Holland,  H. W.  van  1300-1500  Os and  M.  Prakken, The  Florentine  Paintings  in  (Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1974), p. 103.  ^Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 232.  25 of physiognomy, we may  have a possible explanation.  Patch seems  to have started this study around 1770-71 as i s confirmed in a 2 l e t t e r written by a r e l a t i v e who  v i s i t e d him in l a t e r years,  and also by a painting e n t i t l e d Conversation  Piece  dated 1774 where  he depicts himself on the extreme right holding under his arm a 3 volume of his study Le Regole del Fisonomizare ( f i g s . 16 and 17). Besides removing the fragments, Patch set to and sketched the 4 frescoes as a record for posterity. This i s apparent when he wrote: His serious study at this time may have been the r e s u l t of influences which could c e r t a i n l y be traced back to his early years when he was apprenticed to Dr. Richard Mead sometime during the 1740's. In 1746, Dr. James Parsons gave a series of lectures to the Royal Society on  Human Physiognomy  (F. Antal, Hogarth  and  His  Place  in  European Art [London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962], p. 242, n. 17). Mead would probably have heard these lectures since we know that he was a member of the Royal Society, even i t s vice-president from 1717 to his death. [Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  p. 181).  Also  his  interest in physiognomy i s shown by the fact that in his l i b r a r y was a copy of G. B. del l a Porta's De Humana Physiognomonia of 1586 (Antal, Hogarth, p. 132) and as Patch's interest in caricature can be traced back to his youth in Exeter {Farington Diary, VI, p. 181), i t i s more than l i k e l y he had free access to Mead's books and i n t e r e s t s . 2 Gideon Caulet, Patch's brother's step-son. In a l e t t e r c i t e d by Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 30. 3 Watson reports that there were three volumes written by Patch, which were stolen in the late 1770's by a French Duke who was pursued as f a r as Marseilles. Unfortunately, when he was confronted and " p o l i t e l y requested to restore the work he had so rudely 'borrowed'", he panicked and destroyed the volumes by throwing them into a f i r e . Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 30. 4 As previously stated i t i s possible that before Patch started sketching the frescoes, he either salvaged some f a l l e n pieces or removed those which were precariously loose. (Procacci, "L'incendio del l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 217-8). The evidence f o r this may be seen in the fragment of the head of Saint John kneeling and praying j u s t prior to his beheading. Patch has recorded this part in the sketch as a portion of the arriccio and yet there i s an existing fragment of fresco. Surely he would have included i t in his sketch as part of the intonaco i f i t had s t i l l been firmly attached.  26 "I was desirous of preserving at least the memory, which may give some pleasure to those, who are w i l l i n g to r e f l e c t on the d i f f e r e n t stages of painting."  Procacci believes i t was probably Vasari's  1  a t t r i b u t i o n to Giotto that caused Patch to save the fragments and 2 make the sketches. The sketches represent six fresco scenes depicting ten episodes from the l i f e of Saint John the Baptist. The  Annunciation  The  Visitation  The  Birth  and  to  Naming  Saint  of  Zacharias  Saint  John  Saint  John  Breaching  and  the  Baptism  Saint  John  in  and  the  Dance  The  Beheading  Prison and  They are:  Entombment  of  the  of of  Christ  Salome  Baptist.  (fig.  18a)  (fig.  19a)  (fig.  18b)  (fig.  19b)  (fig.  19c)  (fig.  18c)  In addition to the s i x scenes Patch also engraved d e t a i l s of f i v e heads. his  Three from the Annunciation  to Saint  Zacharias:  two of  attendants on the r i g h t and one from the group on the l e f t ;  from the Saint  John  in  Prison  and  the  Dance  of  Salome:  two  the head of  3 Salome and the head of one of Saint John's d i s c i p l e s .  Procacci  believes i t i s possible that Patch may have engraved these f i v e heads from f i v e fragments ( f i g s . 20, 21, 22. 23. 2 4 ) , " p r o b a b i l e m e n t e di  sopra 1  agli  stessi  Patch, Giotto,  originali," but 4  lucidati  the only one where we have a  p. I.  2 Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 215. 3 Ibid., p. 220, states i t i s one of the heads from Preaching but this writer cannot agree with t h i s . Those wear hats and the hair d i f f e r s . One might also disagree head in the l e f t hand group of the Annunciation to Saint In many ways i t resembles the figure on the l e f t , behind in  the Naming  of  Saint  Saint John figures with the Zacharias. the p i l l a r ,  John.  4 Ibid. However, this might not be the case i f indeed the one head was from behind the p i l l a r .  27 detail by Patch and also a fragment i s the head of Salome.  1  The manner in which Patch records these sketches points to a who  man  possessed a s e n s i t i v i t y towards art h i s t o r i c a l preservation as i s  seen when he outlines his methodology for us in his introduction to the sketches:  "I have marked out the places where only remained the  outlines in red, under the coat of plastering where the painting was,.. I have likewise marked out with a dotted l i n e , the parts which had 2 been modernly repainted, on the original outlines."  Naming  Birth  Beheading Entombment  Left wall Diagram 1.  Prison Dance  Right wall  Sequence of Manetti Ghapel frescoes  Because the plate numbering of the engraved sketches does not conform in any way Procacci was  to the known iconography of the Saint John cycle,'  faced with the problem of placing them in t h e i r correct  order and Diagram 1 shows the order in which he suggested that they should be arranged.  Procacci believes that i f Patch copied one fragment, i . e . Salome, he possibly copied the other four and hopefully there could be four other undiscovered fragments. Ibid., p. 221 2 . Patch, Giotto, p.II. 'Moderno' sections include a l e f t hand portion in the Visitation, a right hand portion in both the Birth and Dance scenes. 3 Patch's numbering is as follows: I. Frontispiece; II. Visitation; r  III. Birth and Dance;  & Naming; IV. Annunciation; V. Baptism VII. Beheading & Entombment.  & Preaching;  VI.  Prison  28 Procacci proposed this order on the basis of the heat damage to the l e f t wall which caused the intonaoo arriccio, wall.  to  f a l l and expose the  whereas no such damage i s to be noted on the right hand 1  (See f i g s . 18 a,b,c, and 19 a,b,c.) This excellent research of Procacci's on the construction of  the old church of the Carmine enables us to know the location and size of the Manetti  Chapel,.and his facts regarding the f i r e  to determine the order of the frescoes.  helped  Patch's engraved sketches  record the whole cycle and the detached fragments are first-hand examples of the 'master's' work. But who  i s the master of this cycle?  The dating of the chapel  Vasari says i t was  Giotto.  has determined that i t cannot be by Giotto  but dating, spatial d i s t r i b u t i o n and architecture may  also indicate  that Vitzthum's a t t r i b u t i o n to Spinello Aretino should be re-examined. Before doing this i t i s necessary to determine Patch's a b i l i t y to copy accurately and then review the history of past a t t r i b u t i o n s .  One other possible arrangement to consider might be to switch the  Birth  and  Earning  scene with the  Preaching  and  Baptism  scene.  A l l the restoration work would then appear on one wall--the right one--possibly indicating that i t had suffered from dampness. However, the shadows conform with, and confirm Procacci's order. A l l the frescoes on the l e f t wall have a l i g h t source from the right and those on the right wall from the l e f t . Procacci indicates that some of the windows of the original chapel can s t i l l be seen on the exterior of the present building. Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 152.  CHAPTER III PATCH AS A COPYIST We have seen that the two principal sources of data and analysis of the sketches and fragments of the Manetti Chapel 1 cycle are Vitzthum  fresco  2 and Procacci.  The former deals s p e c i f i c a l l y  with the a t t r i b u t i o n of the cycle whereas the l a t t e r deals with the old plan of the church, the f i r e that destroyed i t , the dating of the frescoes, their sequence, a detailed analysis of the existing fragments and an indication of which scenes they belonged to.  In  fact the two a r t i c l e s seem to complement one another and yet they seem to disagree on one v i t a l point—Patch's a b i l i t y to copy accurately.  The purpose of this section then, i s to establish that  Patch was indeed an accurate and careful recorder of what he saw,  but  f a i l i n g this and no less importantly, to establish some form of visual yardstick against which a viewer could accept Patch's copy work.  In  other words, are there any c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to his work which, when applied to the Manetti Chapel frescoes, w i l l enable us to analyze and understand these copies better? Neither Vitzthum nor Procacci did any objective assessment of Patch's s k i l l as a copyist.  Vitzthum, "Un  Vitzthum states that "Le figure  non  sono  c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " pp. 199-203.  2  Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine," pp. 141-232. 29  30 naturalemente  cop-Late  fedetmente  nelle  stampe  del  Patch"  but adds  that he would now know i n what way they are contrary to the style of S p i nello.  1  Despite this he bases at least f i f t y percent of his  attribution to Spinello Aretino on these sketches stating in f a c t 2 that "Le riproduzioni  del  Patch  rafforzano 3  In rebutting an aside made by Mesnil  poi  la  nostra  opinione.  "  Procacci claims that " i f the  six engravings done i n half-tones and treated d i r e c t l y from the frescoes, are not masterpieces  of fineness, they have yet no small advantage of  being f a i t h f u l enough in respect to the o r i g i n a l s . "  4  But even so, "being f a i t h f u l enough" i s not s u f f i c i e n t to establish Patch's proficiency as a copyist so i t i s necessary to review  briefly  some events that may help to establish his s k i l l . Part of the standard curriculum of a l l budding a r t i s t s was the copying of masters and there i s no indication that Patch's training was any d i f f e r e n t .  In fact i t would appear he excelled at i t because  by 1752 he was commissioned by Ralph Howard (Viscount Wicklow) to 5 copy four Vernets. Watson believes that even today many Patches are ^Vitzthum, 2  "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 199.  Ibid.  3  Mesnil, when writing about the Brancacci Chapel,noted b r i e f l y in a footnote that the engravings of the frescoes were "made from the designs recovered f i r s t from the f i r e , by an inexperienced hand, with no idea of showing the style of the author and the character of the figures." Jacques Mesnil, "Per l a s t o r i a d e l l a cappella Brancacci," Rivista d'Arte.Mlll (1912):37 n. 1, as cited by Procacci in "L'incendio, della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 216. As w i l l be seen, Mesnil's information i s completely incorrect. 4  Ibid.  5 Brmsley Ford, "Richard Wilson in Rome. The Wicklow Wilsons," Burlington Magazine, Vernet, p. 7.  XCII (May 1951), p. 157, and  Claude-Joseph  31 masquerading as Vernets! Guarding  the  Herds  of  Also, Claude's Landscape  1  Admetus  and  with  Muses  with  Apollo  i s in B r i t a i n  today  because of Patch's a b i l i t y to duplicate the master's style so well that his copy stayed in Italy and the real one was  smuggled  . 2 out. Patch was copyist.  therefore an established and obviously a s k i l l e d  However, we are here discussing painted copies of land-  scapes whereas the Manetti  Chapel fresco engravings are a record  of an entire fresco cycle depicting figures within or against architectural settings. engravings was  His purpose in reproducing  this set of  quite d i f f e r e n t from his copies of paintings which  were intended for individual c o l l e c t o r s .  It was  also d i f f e r e n t  from the motives that prompted his copying of the sets of The of  Masaccio  and  The  Life  of  Fra  Bartolommeo.  Before we  can  Life criti-  cize his work then we must understand what these reasons were, for they define the form, type and degree of accuracy which the a r t i s t wished to achieve. In his Life  of  Masaccio  he talks of doing the engravings in  these words: "I have therefore thought that i t would be  acceptable  to the lovers of Painting and useful to the Arts in general  to  preserve the memory of at least a few of the most chosen heads of 3  this excellent Painter."  His emphasis was  on heads and physiognomy.  ]  Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 16.  2  R u s s e l l , "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther," p.  3  Patch, Masaccio,  p. II.  119.  32 But there i s another important statement which indicates that the aim of this work was not necessarily an exact copy of these frescoes. He had a p a r t i c u l a r method of representation which he was emphas i z i n g : "...having attempted by a Pictoresque manner of engraving to preserve the s t i l e and the s i m p l i c i t y of the fresco, which does not require the exactness or the minute touches of a more accurate engraver. Because Masaccio and Fra Bartolommeo were in the same s e r i e s , though in d i f f e r e n t f o l i o s , i t i s probable that we can safely i n f e r that Patch's aim in reproducing the Fra Bartolommeo s was the same. 1  This seems p a r t i c u l a r l y the case since he says in the Fra Bartolommeo folio:  "I have undertaken to publish as many of the works of this  celebrated Author, as are to be found in Tuscany, "hopeing  that 2  the  method  I  have  taken  in  this  work  may  be  useful  to  the  arts.  "  However, f o r the Manetti frescoes he makes i t clear that "Those pictures of Giotto in the Church of the Carmelites are no 'Ibid. 2 Thomas Patch, The Life of Fra Bartolommeo, p. I. The i t a l i c s are the writer's. It i s interesting to note Patch's reference to his methods and style of engraving. He was aiming to present the work in what he c a l l s a "Pictoresque manner" which did not require the "exactness or minute touches of a more accurate engraver." This would perhaps make an interesting extension to this thesis: Did Patch actually contribute anything new to the a r t of engraving by his work? Does he talk about i t in The Life of Masaccio and then perfect i t in The Life of Fra Bartolommeo? Note that the Fra Bartolommeo sketch of The Presentation in the Temple which w i l l be discussed at length within the text (also the Manetti Chapel fresco engravings) appears to be a form of aquatint rather than the l i n e engraving which i s found in the Masaccios.  33 more to be seen except in the following prints...and since the whole was to have been destroyed, I was desirous of preserving at least the memory..."  1  There i s no emphasis hereon any one particular  aspect of the frescoes such as the heads or the 'method . 1  only intent on recording the "whole".  He i s  The reasons for executing  the works were d i f f e r e n t and at the same time i t i s necessary to establish his accuracy or to determine the visual yardstick by which to judge his 'record'. Perhaps to do this i t would be preferable to be able to compare his engraved heads with their original fresco heads and preferably those that have not been detached, reinforced or possibly repainted. Secondly, we should compare one or more engraved sketches showing an architectural background, keeping the following questions in mind:  Do the figures portray the correct proportion in r e l a t i o n to  the background?  Are they accurate in d e t a i l ?  At each stage we  should ask ourselves whether Patch has been able to retain the individual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the master he i s copying. In 1771, the same year that Patch engraved the Manetti Chapel frescoes, he was engraving a series of works in San Marco by Fra Bartolommeo.  In f i v e instances he engraved a sketch of the general  area of the picture and then produced engraved details of heads within i t .  One such painting was the altarpiece of the Novitiates--  The Presentation  in  the  Temple  ( f i g . 25).  Patch made an engraved  sketch of this altarpiece showing Saint Simeon in the centre taking the c h i l d Jesus from Mary who i s on the right ( f i g . 26). 1  Patch, Giotto,  p. I.  On the  34 l e f t i s Saint Joseph, and kneeling down between him and Saint Simeon i s Anna.  Behind her i s a female saint.  Behind a l l the  figures there i s an architectural backdrop of an a l t a r flanked by pillars. In addition to the sketch, Patch engraved d e t a i l s of a l l the heads in the altarpiece,and i f we compare his heads with the o r i g i n a l s there i s no doubt that in them Patch excels as a copyist. It i s worth noting the individual physiognomical  details of the  Madonna, Anna and Saint Joseph ( f i g s . 27, 28, 29), they conform exactly to the o r i g i n a l s i n l i g h t i n g , shading and drapery. In his general sketch of the scene the d e t a i l i n g of the background, the perspective, and the proportions are good. not given us a l l the physiognomical  He has  d e t a i l s because these are  taken care of in the engraved d e t a i l s of the heads, but he has taken enough care to record l i g h t i n g e f f e c t s , gestures, and even such d e t a i l s as the sandals and the decorative hem of Saint Simeon's gown.  1  We see before us a sketch that appears well copied, proportion-  ate and accurate.  Patch in f a c t has captured the main essence and  ingredients of the altarpiece. However, while there appears to be no inaccuracy in his reproduct i o n , there appear to be some general differences. The figures seem to be s l i g h t l y over-emphasized—not only in the detail of the clothing but also i n height.  The l a t t e r could be due to the fact that he  ^This i s barely perceptible in the photo of the original which is supplied.  35 probably had to look up at the altarpiece to sketch i t .  1  As f o r  the former, we should not forget that' Patch was attempting to translate tone, colour and shading into l i n e , monochrome and crosshatching.  Soft blending edges of colour in the painting become  i n c i s i v e defining lines i n the engraved sketch, thus producing an emphasis and hardness to the folds of the drapery and to the figures as a whole.  How much this was due to his "Pictoresque" technique  we do not know, but i t i s the type of thing i n which the difference we find could be a r e s u l t of the end result our a r t i s t want to achieve. The background architecture i s b e a u t i f u l l y balanced general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are accurately enough portrayed.  and i t s That  there i s a difference in d e t a i l , the apparently large round  pillar  on the right has become narrower and i s flanked by s t r i p s of architecture, i s probably accounted f o r again i n the a r t i s t ' s objective.  Our judgement of the accuracy in architecture here should be  measured against the fact that we know that his main interest in this cycle lay with figures and physiognomy rather than with architecture. His reason for doing the Manetti Chapel frescoes however, i s quite d i f f e r e n t and any discrepancies which occur cannot be so l i g h t l y regarded.  In this cycle we do not have the original frescoes to  compare the sketches with but we do have the fragments which Patch  Patch i n his notes, stated that i t measures 3' 10" x 4' and he also described the colour and noted that some of the hands had not been finished. Patch, The Life of Fra Bartolommeo, p. I I . 1  36 detached. two:  A l l of them conform and compare favourably except f o r  Saint John Praying  1  and the Women Holding the Child.  2  In  the Saint John fragment there i s a d e f i n i t e difference i n the pose and gesture i n i t and i n the sketch, but then Patch has drawn the sinopia  drawing on the arriocio  and this difference can be explained  away by the fact that the pose and gestures were more than l i k e l y 3 changed by the 'master' when painting the f i n a l layer of  intonaoo.  However, the inconsistencies i n the Women and Child fragment cannot be treated so l i g h t l y .  It should be noted that on the fragment, two  lines of architecture r i s e up behind the woman on the left; and the woman on the right peers out from behind the woman holding the c h i l d . In the sketch, the two lines of architecture are shown as a branching o f f of the arches and the woman appears much t a l l e r . On the other hand, i t should be noticed that when Cavalcaselle refers to this fragment, he describes i t and the Salome fragment i n these words: "[They] have been so much damaged and are now so dark of outline that, though Giottesque i n s t y l e , i t would be d i f f i c u l t to 4 affirm that they are h i s . "  It i s interesting that a similar discrepan-  cy i s found i n Salome which i s also referred to i n this quote.  Patch  shows the mouth partly open and the fragment shows i t closed, but i t may  Vrom 2  the Beheading  and Entombment.  -The  fragment i s i n Pavia.  From the Naming and Birth. The fragment i s i n Liverpool. 3 This fragment was possibly one that-had to be detached before Patch ccould s t a r t sketching the cycle. See p. 25, f n . 4. 4 J. A. Crowe and G. B. Cavalcaselle, A History of Painting in Italy, 6 vols. (London: John Murray, 1914), 111:87.  37 only appear this way on the fragment because of a dark contour l i n e that outlines the face. ment?  Was  this a l a t e r addition to the frag-  It i s more than probable that some retouching has been done  but this cannot be determined at this time. be absolutely correct!  Patch in f a c t may  here  In a l l fairness to him i t would seem that  his a b i l i t y to copy faces i s already copiously and firmly established and therefore any doubts regarding the Salome fragment can be regarded as being purely academic. It i s necessary to r e i t e r a t e that the importance of Patch's aim in reproducing the Manetti Chapel fresco cycle must not be overlooked. He has stated that his emphasis here has to be on the overall presentation of the whole cycle not j u s t on faces and figures.  In  this regard he i s precise and accurate enough to record even the disproportion of Elizabeth's servant's right arm which sticks out so obviously i n the fragment! In summary we can say that Patch i s capable of a high degree of accuracy and while the sketches may over-emphasize  the figures  s l i g h t l y , the proportion, perspective and details are usually c o r r e c t .  1  Because the purpose of his sketching the works of Fra Bartolommeo i s d i f f e r e n t from his reason f o r doing the Manetti Chapel frescoes, i t i s probable that the frescoes w i l l be very accurate in form and proportion. We might be guarded enough to repeat that there i s probably an i n t e n s i t y  ^Only one comparison has been made f o r this paper but i f other such sketches could be found and compared they might help to establish a more s a t i s f a c t o r y yardstick by which to judge a l l of Patch's copy work.  38 of fold in the clothing which i s due more to the technique of reproduction than anything else.  Also because of viewpoint, there  may be a tendency f o r him to over-emphasize  height of figures.  With these points i n mind, then l e t us be guided i n our interpretation of his sketches when we review and consider a t t r i b u tion.  CHAPTER IV THE ATTRIBUTION OF THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES Patch seems to have been motivated  in a l l his work by his  interest in Giotto, his s e n s i t i v i t y to a r t h i s t o r i c a l preservation and probably the interest in connoisseurship which made him preserve the fragments.  But i t i s important at this moment in the  thesis that we examine the history of past attributions and the reasons for the present one.  Patch's engraved sketches do not seem  to have been looked at until Vitzthum's  a t t r i b u t i o n of 1906  and  even then they do not appear to have been u t i l i z e d to their f u l l e s t extent. As previously noted, Vasari had been the f i r s t to attribute this fresco cycle to Giotto when he noted that he "lavorb ahiesa  del  Carmine,  alia  oappella  di  San  Giovanni  Battista,  anco  nella  tutta  1 vita-di  quel  Santo  divisa  in  piu.  quadri"  followed along with this a t t r i b u t i o n .  la  2 and  subsequent writers  Patch then sketched and  salvaged  the fragments but no mention seems to have been made of the sketches or the fragments until 1837 when Waagen noted that there were three ^Vasari, Vol. I, p. 141, and Vasari/Milanesi I, p. 376 as c i t e d by Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 212. 2 Borghini, 1730, p. 234, and Baldinucci (Mann e d i t i o n ) , p. 114 as cited by Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 212.  39  40 fragments i n England.  1  In the same year Grassi also noted the s i x 2  fragments at the Campo Santo in his guide of Pisa.  Both Waagen  and Grassi concurred with the Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n . Grassi in his 1851  edition of his guide, changed his a t t r i b u t i o n to the School of  Giotto.  Cavalcaselle in the English edition of 1864,  believed that  the fragments came from d i f f e r e n t parts of the church and that the fragment in the National  Gallery in London was  thought  done by 4  Giotto.  However, in the second Italian edition of 1875  he changed  the a t t r i b u t i o n to the School of Giotto and corrected his statement regarding  their location.  Vitzthum, by studying  Then in 1906  previous  Conte Giorgio  the sketches and seven of the fragments,  rejected the Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n and assigned 5  the cycle to Spinello  Aretino. The purpose of this chapter w i l l be to show on what basis this a t t r i b u'Waagen, t i o n was G.F.j made Kunstuerke and also review the follow-up workundthat was done und Kilnster in England Paris, (Berlin: 1837), as cited by Procacci, "L'incendio dell a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 226. These fragments are the two i n Liverpool (then in the Liverpool Royal Institution) and the one in the National Gallery, London (then in the Rogers C o l l e c t i o n ) . 2 Ranieri Grassi, Bescrizione  storicae  artistioa  di  suoi aontorni, II, (1837), p. 174 as c i t e d by Procacci, del l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 226.  3  Crowe and Cavalcaselle, A History  of  Painting  in  Pisa  e  de*  "L'incendio Italy,  1:311.  4 Vol. I, p. 536-38 as c i t e d by Procacci, "L'incendio del l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 226. Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 199-203. He examined the six fragments at Pisa and the one in the National Gallery, London. At that time, nine fragments were known but i n the following year, 1907, Venturi, Storia dell'Arte Italiana. (Leichtenstein: Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1907) V:878-80 added the fragment at Pavia of Saint John Praying. 5  41 by Procacci regarding the dating of the cycle and his reasons f o r placing i t in a d i f f e r e n t chronology from Vitzthum s. 1  Secondly,  i t w i l l be shown that the documents as presented by him are subj e c t to another interpretation that could open >up the question of the dating of the frescoes once again and indicate a need f o r a review of the whole question of a t t r i b u t i o n .  It i s even possible  that out of this would come a complete re-assessment of the work of Spinello Aretino. In 1906, using seven of the fragments and the sketches of Patch, Vitzthum compared s i m i l a r i t i e s which he believes existed in the faces, architecture and the f i l l i n g of space in the Manetti Chapel frescoes with those of the L i f e of Santa Caterina at Antella and the L i f e of San Benedetto at San Miniato, Florence. of this w i l l be discussed l a t e r .  The detail  The net e f f e c t was that he placed  the Manetti Chapel frescoes between those of the Antella and San Miniato, thus dating them c i r c a 1385-87.^ In 1932, Procacci recorded the history of the old church of the Carmine and s p e c i f i c a l l y the Manetti Chapel.  He traced the  prior story of the a t t r i b u t i o n , and stated that he whole-heartedly agreed with Vitzthum but that he did not agree with Vitzthum's sequence and  "ipveferirei  considerave  le  storie  di  ^Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 203.  San  Benedetto  a  42 San Miniato  anteriori  agli  affreschi  del  Carmine  e  dell'Antella.  He believed that the composition of the Manetti Chapel frescoes was clearer and that there was a s i m p l i c i t y i n the harmonious and balanced groups such as the Entombment,  which led him to conclude  that this cycle "represents the best painting of Spinello when his art was a l i v e and genuine and has not had anything to do as yet with the collaboration of the workshop." periodo  di  anoora  dalla  Spinello, larga  quando  la  oollaborazione  sua  --"Che arte  della  siamo  e viva  davanti  e genuina  bottega.  al  miglior  non  tooca  "  Procacci then traced the record of the e a r l i e r a t t r i b u t i o n to Giotto and came to the conclusion that i t was misreadings and misinterpretations that had sustained the a t t r i b u t i o n of Vasari. believed that his primary source, the Padronati  He  3 had recorded  'Vitzthum's a t t r i b u t i o n was also accepted by Siren, Giottino, ( L i p s i a , 1908), p. 95; Salmi Khvosinsky, I pittori toscani dal XIII al XVI see., v o l . I I , (Roma: 1914), pp. 51-54; as cited by Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 226; And: Berenson, Italian Painters, (1907), p. 106; however, in Berenson's Central Italian Painters, (1911), p. 186 he attributed the two fragments at Liverpool to the Florentine School and Ambrogio Lorenzetti. Cited i n Foreign Schools Catalogue, (Liverpool: Walker Art Gallery, 1963), p. 187. And: R. van Marie, The  Development  of  the  Italian  Schools  of  Painting, III,pp..591-93; G. Gombosi, Spinello Aretino, (Budapest: Im Selbstverlag des Verfassers, 1926), p. 47-48; Martin Davies, Earlier Italian Schools, (London:National Gallery, 1951) p. 387. 2 Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine, 3 . della notati  Libro de Padronati Beatissima Vergine ancora gli oblighi,  MDCLXXXIX.  delle Maria che  cappelle e sepolture del Carmine di Firenze, sono a dette cappelle.  p. 230. .  della dove Fatto  chiesa sono 1'anno  Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 142.  43 c o r r e c t l y that the chapel was  "fondata  nel  Andrea  tempo che  promotore,  ancor  viveva  come appare  S.  per  memorie  da Vanni Corsini,^  autentiche  Manetti ohe  che  del  ne fu  Buono  il  tuttavia  si  2 conservano  appresso  i  signori  Manetti.  "  In other words, Vanni  Manetti and Andrea Corsini had been contemporaries, and the l a t t e r , as revealed by documents s t i l l  retained by the Manetti family, had  promoted the building of the church.  in the late 1600's he claimed "che  interpreted the statement Giotto di che  dipingeva  famiglia lo  lascib  nel  la  cappella  medesimo esecutore  However, when C i n e l l i had  "vi  assisteva  convento  ed era  di  suo  testamento  S.  Andrea  confessore ordinando  quando  Corsini,  ch'era  di'i.Vanni  Manetti  in  che  quello  3 tal  cappella  s^ d^p^ngesse""  thus giving the impression that Vanni  Manetti was already dead, and that S. Andrea Corsini was the requirements of the w i l l  fulfilling  by having Giotto paint the chapel.  Procacci points out that there were many errors i n this statement.  F i r s t of a l l there were three w i l l s , not the single one  that C i n e l l i seems to imply.  The f i r s t was dated September 29, 1348,  the second October 31, 1350, and the third August 29, 1357. dates of the l a s t w i l l  So the  seemed to rule out any p o s s i b i l i t y of Giotto  having been the decorator of the chapel as he had died i n 1336/7, and the l a s t date proves that Vanni Manetti was a l i v e and well as ^Andrea di Niccolo C o r s i n i , born 1301, died 1374. Carmelite prior at Florence; Bishop of Fiesole,1349; Legate at Bologne, 1364; Canonized, 1629. 2 Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 212.  3  Ibid., C i n e l l i as quoted by Procacci.  44 late as 1357. It i s the content of the f i r s t and second w i l l s that also helped Procacci to date the fresco cycle because Vanni Manetti had written s p e c i f i c a l l y : "Item iuxit vouit et mandavit testator prediotus quod cappella quam ipse testator fieri fecit in ecclesia fratrum Sancte Marie de Carmello de Florentia sub vocabulo beati Johannis Baptiste pingatur decoretur et addornetur quam melius fieri poterit eo tempore et prout et sicut infrascriptis commissis et executoribus suis vel quattuor ex eis placuerit et videbitur convenire et pro dicta cappella et ad servitium dicte oappelle ematur et emi et dari debeat de suis bonis unus liber messalis valoris usque in triginta florenos de auro ut cum illo calice qui iam est diu fuit emptus pro servitio 2 ipsius oappelle et ibidem divinum officium celebrari possit. "  Procacci believes therefore, that the fresco cycle had to be commenced sometime a f t e r the t h i r d w i l l , that i s a f t e r 1357, on or 3 after the death of Manetti. His argument i s valid only i f we 'Procacci, "L'incendio d e l l a Chiesa del Carmine," p. 214. Despite what C i n e l l i says, Procacci claims that Andrea Corsini was never an executor in any of the w i l l s . In the f i r s t one he i s named only as a beneficiary of one f l o r i n . He i s not mentioned in the second w i l l because he had been created bishop of Fiesole in 1349. However, i n the third w i l l , a fellow Carmelite by the name of Andrea da Bonazza was named as an executor, and Procacci beliey.es that i t was the simil a r i t y i n the names that caused C i n e l l i to make the mistake. See also Procacci, "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 213, fn. 1. 2 Ibid. "[He] orders, wishes and commands that the chapel that the "Benefactor" has constructed i n the church of the Brothers of Santa Maria del" Carmini at Florence, under the name of B. J. Baptist be painted decorated and adorned as well as possible at that time and in so far as the undersigned, his commissioners and executors, or four of them are pleased and w i l l be seen to agree and the aforesaid chapel ought to be bought, given and used in the service at that chapel and also from his goods [buy] one mass book i n the value of 30 golden f l o r i n s and with a chalice which already has been bought for the service and celebration of the divine o f f i c e [ i n ] that chapel." I b i d . , p. 214. It should be noted that i f Manetti were 30 years of age at this time this would give a leeway to 1387 before the painting started. 3  45 accept his assumption that the instructions found i n the f i r s t and second w i l l s , and here quoted at length, are also to be found in the  third w i l l . Procacci mentions that these instructions regarding the chapel  were i n the f i r s t and second w i l l s , but he makes no s p e c i f i c mention of  i t having been in the third w i l l .  will  If i t wasn't in the third  (and this writer has no way of knowing at this time) then i t  indicates that the painting of the fresco cycle could have commenced during Vanni's l i f e t i m e , and therefore could be dated as early as 1350--the date of the second w i l l .  This e a r l i e r dating would  immediately place the decoration of the chapel within the range of Bernardo Daddi, Taddeo Gaddi, Nardo di Cione, Orcagna and even Maso di Banco.  1  On the other hand, the assumption of the instructions  being in the t h i r d w i l l would put the commencement of the painting well out of the range of Giotto, and into the range of Agnolo Gaddi, Antonio Veneziano, Giovanni del Biondo and even Spinello Aretino. It i s obvious that the third w i l l should be re-examined  to see  whether or not the same instructions regarding the chapel, as are in the  f i r s t two w i l l s , are included i n i t .  If they are, then the date  would be after 1357 but i f not, then i t would indicate that the chapel may have already been decorated and thus advance the possible dating to a period between 1350 and 1357. The writer believes that this e a r l i e r dating i s feasible and several logical reasons can be given to support i t .  By 1348 the  Appendix E has been included to give some idea of the time frame which i s under consideration and to expand these thoughts into some concrete suggestions on some other a r t i s t s who are worthy of being considered as painters of the Manetti Chapel frescoes. 1  46 chapel had been completed and paid for except f o r the decoration, but 1348 was also the year of the Black Death, and i t would stand to reason that Vanni Manetti would wish to ensure that in the event of his death the chapel would be completed, hence the instructions in the w i l l s of 1348 and 1350.  We have evidence from Millard Meiss  that a similar situation occurred when Buonamico di Lapo Guidalotti provided funds in 1355 for the frescoes of the Spanish Chapel.  After the  c r i s i s was over, there occurred an added psychological need to complete a structure as an expression of gratitude f o r survival and  sorrow.  1  It i s quite conceivable that Manetti would have wished to complete this work under the same conditions. had to write another w i l l chapel.  After doing so he would have  to remove the instructions regarding the  This would have been this third w i l l .  Also, i f we look at other reasons f o r Manetti s rewriting of 1  his w i l l s another interesting question arises. Two possible reasons can be given f o r his second w i l l .  In the  f i r s t he had named three of his children, F i l i p p a , Agostanza and L i s a , as executors, and Andrea di Niccolo Corsini and Andrea di Cione da Bonnazza  as two of the beneficiaries.  In the second he names only  two of his children, F i l i p p a and Lisa as executors and names a completely new l i s t of executors along with them.  Perhaps the Black  ^Meiss reports that by September, 1348, only, half the population of Florence l i v i n g within the walls had survived. M. Meiss, Painting in  Florence  and  Siena  after  the  Black  Death.  (New  York: Harper Torch-  books, 1964), p. 65; For reference to Spanish Chapel, p. 79. 2 Whether this person was related i n any way to the a r t i s t i c 'Ciones' cannot be determined. A l l that i s known of him i s that he was a Carmelite f r i a r at the church.  47 Death had taken a heavy t o l l among his friends!  Andrea di Cione  da Bonazza becomes an executor in the t h i r d w i l l  in 1357 and he  died in 1358.  1  I t i s interesting to speculate that i f Vanni  Manetti did the second w i l l because of the possible death of executors, would he not have done a fourth w i l l because of Andrea di Cione da Bonazza's death, and i f there i s no fourth w i l l , does this mean that he too was dead by 1358?  If he was, then an early  dating of the frescoes i s more than ever indicated. Although Procacci claims there i s other evidence to support the a t t r i b u t i o n of Vitzthum " s i potrebbero citati  altri  opere  sicure  paragoni di  e accostamenti  Spinello;  ma credo  fra cib  forse  aggiungere  a  affreschi  e  i nostri inutile  data  quelli le  1'evidenze  2 dell'attribuzione,"  he does not offer any s p e c i f i c items because he  feels that the a t t r i b u t i o n i s already so obvious.  Yet of the twelve  fragments Procacci only based his argument on the s i x at Pisa.  It  should also be noted that neither Vitzthum nor Procacci did any colour analysis of the fragments, Procacci only referring to the 3 paleness of those at Pisa which he attributed to the f i r e . Procacci also notes that Vasari in the second edition of his Vite  assigned the frescoes in both the Cappella di Santa Maria V r o c a c c i , "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine," p. 155. 2  I b i d . , p. 227.  3 Ibid., p. 232. Of these s i x , Crowe and Cavalcaselle say the angel fragment i s more l i k e a. Taddeo or Agnolo Gaddi, {A History of Painting in Italy, p. 87) and Van Marie says that a l l s i x are more d i r e c t l y inspired by Andrea or Nardo di Cione than by Spinello Aretino  {'lite •Development  of  the  Italian  Schools  of  Painting,  p. 594).  48 Maddalena and the Cappella del C r o c i f i s s o to Spinello Aretino.  1  But he does not follow through on the interesting question that he raises in this statement.  Why did Vasari not l i s t the Manetti Chapel  as also being done by Spinello Aretino?  It would appear obvious that  i f Vasari had recognized these two cycles as being Spinello's he surely would also have noted the Manetti Chapel frescoes at the same time, unless of course he could not recognize them at a l l done by Spinello.  as having been  Let us then have a look at the basis of Vitzthum's  a t t r i b u t i o n to Spinello Aretino. His  analysis of the fragments themselves appears to be very 2  tenuous.  He only examines seven fragments.  He suggests that the  p r o f i l e s and the hair styles of the angels in the frescoes of Santa Caterina at Antella "conoordano  perfettamente"  with the two angels  3 in the Baptism  of  Christ.  He sees a s i m i l a r i t y between the Saint  Elizabeth in the Visitation  of the Manetti Chapel frescoes and the wet  nurse in the f i r s t scene of the Antella cycle, and notes a marked resemblance between Saint Zacharias in the Naming the hermit in the Baptism 1  of  Saint  Catherine  by  of the  the  Baptist 4  Hermit.  and He extends  Ibid., p. 174-5.  2 He does not however indicate whether he actually did this in person or by photographs.  3  The halo i s similar but the diadem i s f a i r l y conventional to many a r t i s t s at this time, e.g. Orcagna, Nardo di Cione, and the treatment of the hair i s a l i t t l e contrived whereas in the Baptism i t i s more natural. 4 There i s indeed a s i m i l a r i t y between them but the same can be said when this i s compared to Saint Benedict by Nardo di Cione.  49 this to a s i m i l a r i t y that he feels exists between the faces of the two d i s c i p l e s fragment and the face of the elderly San Benedetto of the San  Miniato  c y c l e , s p e c i f i c a l l y King  Totila  before  San  Benedetto  and also the one d i s c i p l e on the right hand side of the Entombment Maria  of 1385.  Maria  in Siena resembles that of the Saint John fragment at Pisa.  of  He adds that the head of Christ i n the Coronation  of 1  He concludes by stating that the "style of Spinello i s recognizable above a l l i n the low forehead, in the eyebrows and s t r a i g h t - l i n e noses, in the small rather grumbly mouths, in the ears and in the hair. Vitzthum then turns to the sketches of Patch which he states "rafforzano"  his opinion.  He believes the architecture in the  'Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 199. 2 A complete examination of a l l the fragments must be done to determine just how much repainting and restoration has been done to them. It would appear that this has never been attempted and yet a good part of the reasoning f o r , and subsequent support of Vitzthum s a t t r i b u t i o n i s based on these fragments—fragments that in the past have been described as being "less l i k e a Giotto than a Taddeo or Agnolo Gaddi," (Crowe and Cavalcaselle, A History of Painting in Italy, p. 87);possessing a "rather Orcanesque" f e e l i n g , or " d i r e c t l y inspired by Andrea or Nardo di Cione," (van Marie, The Development 1  of  the  Italian  Schools  of  Painting,  p. 592).  In addition  see  Appendix E f o r "Some Thoughts on Taddeo Gaddi, Maso di Banco and Nardo di Cione as Possible Painters of the Manetti Chapel Frescoes." Also an interesting footnote i s recorded in Procacci's a r t i c l e . When discussing the fate of the transept chapels in the construction of the present church he writes: "in dlcune piccdle della scala che sale all 'organo, si consefiva ancora della cappella, quella cioe adiacente alia cappella  Stanze a la parete maggiore.  lato "  sinistra He  c e r t a i n l y seems to be referring to the Manetti Chapel and yet he and others do not seem to have examined this wall!  50 Birth  and  Naming  of  Saint  John  relates s p a t i a l l y , s t r u c t u r a l l y  perspectively to the architecture in the Expulsion  in San Miniato.  1  the Annunciation  a Pisa.  the  Evil  Spirit  He notes that the corner points with statues in 'stay close' to those i n the Antella and that the  steps in the Visitation  Efeso  of  and  "  recall  "le  oonstruzioni  del  Martirio  di  Santo  When discussing the proportion of the figures in  relation to the space he believes the Manetti frescoes conform to Spinello's style "in the way that they do not remain in the space 2 which i s provided."  He adds that the a r t i s t of the Manetti Chapel  frescoes uses a falsa  soanalatura  frame as in the Preaching did i n the Miracle by concluding the  of  to separate two scenes within one  and Baptising,  the Poisoned  in the same way Spinello 3  Wine.  He sums up this section  that the composition of the sketches conforms with a l l  laws O f the "ultimo  grande  maestro  fiorentino  del  Trecento"^--  s p e c i f i c a l l y in the symmetrical placement of figures, the use of architecture as a setting f o r the figures and the l i n e of the landscape following the movement of figures in action.  F i n a l l y he places  the cycle chronologically within the context of Spinello's other If there i s a relationship i t would seem to be in the style of the roof and then the s i m i l a r i t y would be between the San 1  Miniato fresco and the Annunciation  to  Saint  Zacharias.  2 Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 199. 3 In the San Miniato scene i t i s cramped in between the two episodes and hardly noticeable, whereas in the Manetti scene i t becomes a natural part of the landscape and does not seem so contrived. 4  Vitzthum, "Un c i c l o di a f f r e s c h i , " p. 200.  51 works.  That i s , between the frescoes of Santa Caterina in Antella  and those of San Benedetto in San Miniato, thus dating them c i r c a 1385-7. However, by applying the same technique of examining  the  architecture, space and the poses within the Patch sketches and then comparing them with the San Miniato cycle, we can find many more discrepancies than Vitzthum found s i m i l a r i t i e s . The following can be noted in the architecture: a) b) a) b) a) b)  a) b)  In the San Miniato frescoes there i s a great predominance of v e r t i c a l s . In the Manetti frescoes we have a more balanced relationship between the v e r t i c a l s and horizontals. The arches in the Manetti frescoes serve a purpose-they either frame figures or enclose them. In the San Miniato frescoes they appear almost as appendages or as decorative d e t a i l . In the Manetti cycle the architecture serves as a harmonious backdrop f o r the figures. Despite what Vitzthum says this does not appear to be the case with the San Miniato cycle. The figures and architecture seem to function as two separate e n t i t i e s . No windows puncture or punctuate the blank walls of the San Miniato cycle. In the large expanse of wall in the Manetti cycle such as in the Saint  John  in  Prison  and  in the Beheading  of  Saint John the a r t i s t has relieved a monotonous area with the inset of a window. a) b) a)  The c a p i t a l s of the.Manetti frescoes are designed to f i t the architecture. In the San Miniato cycle they appear decorative and stylized. There are varying levels seen in the Manetti frescoes: steps lead upwards in the Visitation, a dais within the Feast  the  of  Baptist  Herod—in  f a c t two  also in the Annunciation  b)  of them; in the Naming  of  there i s a step up into space as there i s to  Zacharias.  Very few of these conventions are present in the San Miniato cycle.  52 7.  a) b)  8.  a) b)  Now  The San Miniato cycle shows a greater s e n s i t i v i t y to the figures than to the architecture, In the Manetti frescoes the a r t i s t reveals a f e e l i n g for the relationship between people and the a r c h i tecture. He has blended the physical relationship between the two. A l l in a l l there i s a beautiful integration of a l l the scenes within the Manetti frescoes, This i s not seen in the San Miniato cycle.  i f we look at the spatial relationships within these two  of frescoes, several 9.  a) b)  10.  a) b)  11.  a) b)  12.  a) b)  things are  series  revealed:  The San Miniato cycle reveals a shortness of foreground. In other words, the figures are right upon the ground l i n e at the very front of the picture frame, In the Manetti frescoes, with the exception of the Visitation, a l l of the scenes are set back within the picture space. In the Manetti frescoes, i t i s a picture space that slopes gently back and up. In the San Miniato cycle the picture space has a very steep surface slope. Space in the Manetti frescoes i s layered into the depth of the picture space, Space in the San Miniato frescoes i s layered upon the surface of the picture plane. There i s a c l a r i t y and unity of space, events and figures within the Manetti Chapel cycle, In the San Miniato frescoes there i s a tendency to be overwhelmed by the m u l t i p l i c i t y of events and the number of figures within each scene.  F i n a l l y , by j u s t comparing the positioning of individual figures  and  groups of figures, we find some interesting comparisons: 13.  a) b)  14.  a) b)  In the San Miniato cycle, groups of figures are placed in a l i n e or stacked l i n e a r l y on the surface or in very compact groups. They create a closed form, In the Manetti frescoes we see variable groupings. They are placed at d i f f e r e n t levels and seem far more natural. In San Miniato very few of the heads appear above the halfway level of the scenes, In the Manetti cycle they are placed at variable l e v e l s . A good example i s seen in the Birth and Naming of the Baptist.  53 15.  a)  The San Miniato cycle teems with figures in action and innumerable poses, The Manetti frescoes seem suspended in time--they appear to be staged and t e l l the story simply and directly.  b)  16.  a)  In the San Miniato cycle, because of the interest in the action of the whole figure there i s less emphasis upon gesture. In the Manetti cycle the staging of the figures lends to the display of gesture.  b)  In short then, this number of differences in the architecture and.in the use of p i c t o r i a l space helps to cast some doubt on the Spinello Aretino a t t r i b u t i o n .  In fact the Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n by  Vasari, together with the overall impression created by the engravings, lends credence to the b e l i e f that they are by a master closer to Giotto and his style than they are to the style of Spinello Aretino at San/Miniato. If we should need more evidence of the strength of the association with Giotto we need only look at the Giotto frescoes of Saint John the Baptist and Saint John the Evangelist in the Peruzzi Chapel of Santa Croce only a short distance from the Carmine.  1  is similar in shape but larger than the-'Manetti Chapel. wall are three scenes from the Life  of  Saint  John  the  and on the opposite wall three scenes from the Life Evangelist  ( f i g . 31).  The Peruzzi On the l e f t  Baptist  of  (fig.  Saint  John  30) the  The iconography and general layout of the three  scenes representing the Life  of  Saint  John  the  Chapel are repeated in the Manetti frescoes.  Baptist  They are:  in the  Peruzzi  The'Annunciation  Patch would not have known of the existence of these cycles or of the Life of Saint Francis in the adjacent Bardi Chapel because they were covered with whitewash during the restoration work of 1714 and not uncovered again t i l l the mid 1800's. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, A History  of  Painting  in  Italy,  111:77.  54 to Saint  Zacharias.  tabernacle:  The  ( f i g . 18a) which takes place in an almost identical Birth  and  Naming  of  Saint  John  the  Baptist  which i s divided exactly the same way; and the Feast  ( f i g . 18b)  of Herod  ( f i g . 19c)  scene which occupies a similar setting even to the placement of the musician. Architectural d e t a i l s from both the Peruzzi cycles can also be seen repeated in the Manetti Chapel frescoes.  For instance, the detail  of the right side of the roof in the Peruzzi Feast represented in the Annunciation  of  Drusiana  ( f i g . 30)  ( f i g . 18a) of the Manetti cycle.  roof lines i n the Manetti Annunciation in the Raising  of Herod  ( f i g . 18a) seem to echo those  ( f i g . 32), but i t i s in the placement and  groupings of figures that there i s the strongest resemblance. arrangement and poses of the witnesses in the Annunciation  ( f i g . 32) and even those i n the Ascension  The  ( f i g . 18a)  of the Manetti cycle relate strongly to the onlookers in the of Drusiana  The  Raising  ( f i g . 33). The  tendency to frame the central event of a scene with groups of onlookers as i n the Peruzzi Annunciation  and the Ascension ( f i g . 18a), Naming  ( f i g . 30), Raising  of  Drusiana  ( f i g . 33) i s repeated i n the Manetti ( f i g . 18b) and Preaching  ( f i g . 19b).  grouping of the r i g h t hand crowd in the Raising repeated in the Entombment  ( f i g . 32)  Annunciation The  elliptical  ( f i g . 32) seems to be  ( f i g . 18c) and Annunciation  ( f i g . 18a).  The placement of the figures within their architectural setting seen in a l l the scenes of the Peruzzi Chapel i s just as successfully done in the same scenes of the Manetti Chapel frescoes.  Even the proportion  of the figures in relation to the architecture i s similar and the figures of the Manetti Chapel frescoes possess the same s o l i d i t y that  55 is so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Giotto.  Therefore the proof of the Giotto  influence i s unquestionable and i f the Manetti frescoes were done by Spinello, he must have synthesized the Giotto style quite deliberately.  It i s in fact easy to see, on the basis of Patch's  copies, how and why Vasari would arrive at a Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n . It i s also obvious that the 'master' of the Manetti Chapel frescoes did not rely solely upon the Peruzzi cycle for his iconography.  Other Saint John the Baptist cycles that would have been  seen by him would be the f i f t e e n episodes in mosaic in the Baptistery, the twenty episodes on the bronze doors of the Baptistery done by Andrea Pisano, and perhaps Giovanni del Biondo's of  the  Baptist  Altavpieae  dated the t h i r d quarter of the 1300's.  In comparing  the iconography within these three cycles, some  interesting points are noted.  The a r t i s t of the Manetti Chapel  frescoes seems to rely upon some elements from the doors f o r his scenes but does not seem to have found anything remarkable or worth copying in the Biondo altarpiece or the mosaics. of the angels in the Manetti Baptism resemblance  The pose  ( f i g . 34) bears a s t r i k i n g  to the s o l i t a r y angel in Pisano's panel ( f i g . 35).  The  Manetti scene of the washing of the newborn c h i l d together with the gestures of the guests in the Feast  of  Herod,  the pose of the  preaching Baptist, and the gestures in the Entombment  a l l seem to  show an influence from the bronze doors. Yet these correspondences whether they be to the Peruzzi or the Baptistery doors, are very small elements when compared with  56 the innovative and imaginative changes that this a r t i s t has introduced into nearly every scene, even in those that rely heavily upon the Peruzzi Chapel.  For example in the Annunciation  in the  other cycles, the angel i s standing but in the Manetti Chapel frescoes i t i s represented in f l i g h t surrounded by an aura that encompasses and emphasizes the main event ( f i g . 18a). Preaching,  In the  grouping i s done on one side only in the other cycles,  but in the Manetti scene a semi-circular grouping i s u t i l i z e d ( f i g . 19b).  A frontal disposition of Zacharias in the  Naming  by our a r t i s t ( f i g . 18b) compares with a sideways placement  i n the  others; his oblique placement of the executioner, Saint John, and the architecture in the Beheading  ( f i g . 18c) compares to a sideways  placement of the figures; a shivering Christ with his arms crossed ( f i g . 19b) compares' with a Christ whose right hand is raised in blessing;  the placement  of Salome on the l e f t in the Feast  (fig.  19c)  compares with her placement on the right in the other cycles; and the varied placement of the attendant figures, including a mourning woman, and the headless body of Saint John in the Entombment  ( f i g . 18c),  compares with s t a t i c groupings of male figures only and an undefiled body.  1  The a r t i s t that Patch copies i s t r u l y a v e r s a t i l e and innova-  tive master of his c r a f t .  He i s an a r t i s t who  i s not just content  to s e t t l e for what others did; he follows in the footsteps of masters  ^For a more detailed iconographical analysis of every scene see Appendix F.  57 l i k e Giotto and Andrea Pisano but be builds upon t h e i r work and in so doing, forges a s t y l e which i s highly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c  and  imaginative. Even more evident is his integration of episodes and his smooth t r a n s i t i o n from one episode to another when they are shown together in one frame.  Giotto seems to have been at the point of  solving this problem in the Feast  of  Herod  ( f i g . 30) in the Peruzzi,  where his figures on the right hand side are placed within an archway  that leads into the adjacent Presentation  the Birth  and  Naming  of  the  Head.  But i n  he did not resolve i t quite so well and  there  appears to be only a doorway between two otherwise isolated scenes, ( f i g . 30).  The a r t i s t of the Manetti Chapel frescoes solves the  problem in his Birth  and  moves from the Naming in the Preaching  and  Naming  by the use of a male figure that  scene towards the Birth Baptism  scene ( f i g . 18b),  and  he u t i l i z e s the form of the pyramidal  mountain to separate but not isolate the one from the other ( f i g . 19b). A l l of these seem to point to an a r t i s t who  had the a b i l i t y to see  what others had done and then improve upon or adapt that concept for his own  purposes.  One of his most s t a r t l i n g changes seems to be the body of the Baptist without a head ( f i g . 18c).  It lends a macabre element to an  otherwise tranquil scene of quiet mourning, and reinforces the stark r e a l i t y of the Baptist's brutal death.  1  It would seem that this  ^A s i m i l a r headless body and almost exact reproduction of the tomb and interment i s noted in the Matteo Giovanetti Saint John cycle at Chartreuse, Villeneuve--les-Avignon, dated 1354-62.  58 change in the iconography can be traced to the pre-roccupation with death and i t s gory details that came about as a result of the recent horrors and losses of the Black Death.  It i s a phenomenon that can  be noted in such fresco cycles as Francesco Traini's Triumph Death  at Pisa, and Orcagna's Triumph  of which only a few fragments  of  remain.  Death  of  in Santa Croce, Florence,  1  Another innovation i s the shivering figure of Christ ( f i g . 36). As already noted, the other cycles depict a Christ with his right hand raised or partly raised in blessing.  The Manetti Christ on the  other hand i s cold, shivering and huddled up with his arms crossed in front of him in an e f f o r t to keep warm.  It i s a figure that must  have impressed Masaccio because, just as the master of the Manetti Chapel frescoes took note of and adopted Giotto and the other cycles for his own use, so Masaccio adapts this shivering Christ f o r the background figure in his Baptism  of  the  Neophytes  ( f i g . 37),=ra scene  in the Saint Peter cycle which was in the Brancacci Chapel located 2 only a few meters away from the Manetti Chapel. Visiting  Saint  Peter  in  Prison  His Saint  Paul  from the same cycle ( f i g . 38), also  echoes the prison setting of the Manetti Chapel ( f i g . 39).  His way  of punctuating a large expanse of wall with windows such as in his predella panel of the Pisa polyptych, which depicts the of  Saint  Death,  John  the  Baptist  ^M. Meiss, Painting p. 74.  ( f i g . 40), in  Florence  his oblique and  Siena  Beheading  placement of After  the  the  Black  2 The Brancacci Chapel i s located at the end of the right transept, see figure 3.  59 architecture, his pose of the executioner, and the vigour with which his execution i s taking place, a l l seem to owe a debt to the Manetti Chapel frescoes ( f i g . 41). that Masaccio who  It would appear therefore,  i s known to have learned much from Giotto, also  learned much from the master of the Manetti Chapel. Masaccio was not the only a r t i s t who was impressed by these frescoes.  Agnolo Gaddi seems to have been d i r e c t l y influenced in  one of the scenes of his cycle of the Baptist for the Castellani Chapel of 1384 in Santa Croce.  The composition of his Baptism  ( f i g . 42) corresponds very closely to the Manetti Chapel scene ( f i g . 19b).  However,' where Masaccio adopted and adapted, Gaddi  seems to have been content to merely copy, not only the master of the Manetti Chapel but also Giotto.  For instance, in one of the  predella panels in the altarpiece f o r the Nobili Chapel in Santa Maria degli Angeli, he copies Giotto's Feast  of  Herod  Peruzzi Chapel very precisely ( c f . f i g s . 43 and 44).  from the 1  Both Agnolo Gaddi, one of the direct a r t i s t i c descendants of Giotto and also one of the best a r t i s t s of the late Trecento,  and  Masaccio, the revolutionary painter of the early Quattrocento,  copied  and studied this master of the Manetti Chapel frescoes.  It would  therefore appear, that this cycle i s an, important link in the a r t i s t i c heritage of Florence and i f only f o r this reason, i s worthy of a great  Bruce Cole, Agnolo Gaddi. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), p. 85. This predella panel along with two others from the same altarpiece is in the Louvre. 1  60 deal more study. We have spent a long time arguing against the present a t t r i b u t i o n , not because the Spinello Aretino one  is necessarily  wrong but because the evidence and arguments presented so f a r are not strong enough.  It would prove to be interesting i f the a t t r i b u -  tion to him could be strengthened and we were to discover how much this fresco cycle influenced Masaccio, Gaddi and perhaps many other so f a r unidentified a r t i s t s of the late Trecento  and the early  Quattrocento.  Perhaps the evidence is yet to be found in an analysis  of his general  s t y l e , innovativeness  In a new  and  book Bruce Cole describes  originality. Spinello as a " v i t a l  and  innovative figure" and in this he seems to be echoing the e a r l i e r claims for this a r t i s t that were put forward by Gombosi in his monograph of 1926  where he notes Spinello's a b i l i t y as a creative and  original a r t i s t ,  1  and Dal Poggetto who  believes that Spinello's  work is "more vigorous than many of the rather i n s i p i d attributions 2 from which he s u f f e r s . " of 1377  Cole also suggests that while an early work  by Spinello Aretino shows an i n d i r e c t influence of Orcagna,  the San Benedetto cycle of 1385-7 c l e a r l y reveals an influence of late Giotto.  He sees this change as evidence of a movement of  G. Gombosi, Spinello Verfassers, 1926). 1  Aretino  (Budapest: Im Selbstverlag  des  2 P. Dal Poggetto, Frescoes from Florence (London: The Arts Council of Great B r i t a i n , 1969), p. 90. It should also be noted that Poggetto suggests that "An accurate assessment of Spinello Aretino has often been hampered by the readiness of scholars to attach his name to anonymous fragments of late Gothic fresco." Any real assessment of the Spinello Aretino a t t r i b u t i o n then, must await a much clearer understanding of who Spinello as an a r t i s t r e a l l y i s .  61 a r t i s t s who  sought "to move away from the style in which they were  trained" and to do so they had "to look to the past f o r help." c l e a r l y implies that Spinello Aretino was and had gone back to look at Giotto.  1  He  part of that movement  But i f Cole thinks that  the San Benedetto cycle shows a strong influence of late Giotto, where would he place the Manetti cycle which to this writer, would appear to be even more Giottesque? The master of the Manetti frescoes was  no copyist, no mere  technician, and this very fact made Patch's preservation both a sound recognition of a r t i s t i c s k i l l in connoisseurship. a new  and an important  achievement  We are fortunate that i t exists to open up  v i s t a on Giotto and his followers and though Patch obviously  believed that he was evidence  enshrining Giotto in his sketches, there i s  that the hand that painted in the Manetti Chapel  master in i t s own  right and had i t s own  was  impact on the great a r t i s t s  of i t s day. Meantime, the question should be asked i n the chapter which follows why  Patch copied this Trecento  cycle and the Masaccio fresco.  The answer seems to l i e in eighteenth century l i f e , travel and above a l l connoisseurship.  What brought Patch to Florence?  friends, compatriots, c l i e n t s ?  Gaddi,  p.  were his  What were his a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s ?  Most importantly, what were the influences between 1755  ^Cole, Agnolo  Who  85.  and  1770  62 and the sum total of previous influences, that led him to "preserve the memory at least of a few..."?  CHAPTER V THOMAS PATCH IN FLORENCE Patch moved to Florence at the end of 1755 and remained until his death i n 1782. seven to ten years.  there  Prior to this he had resided i n Rome f o r  During these years he worked and/or studied  under Claude Joseph Vernet and reached a level of technical and a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y that enabled him to copy Vernet's s t y l e Claude's.  1  and even  It was this a b i l i t y that would stand him in good stead i n  l a t e r years when he copied both the Manetti Chapel frescoes and the details of the f i v e heads. While i n Rome Patch was also involved i n several incidents that may  have contributed i n part to his eventual banishment i n 1755.  How-  ever, whatever these incidents were, he came to Florence with some excellent recommendations and quickly settled i n and started f u l f i l l i n g commissions f o r vedute  paintings for the many English v i s i t o r s .  addition to these he did fantasy seascapes and. he f e l l  In  back upon his  childhood talent f o r caricature and started combining caricature portraits with i n t e r i o r scenes—these were his Conversation Pieces that have l e f t  \ \ J. B. Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 16 indicates that except f o r the signature, i t i s very easy to mistake the 'work of the pupil for that of the master.' In addition to this several of Patch's seascapes have been sold as Vernet's: A Waterfall in the Neighbourhood of Harbour Scene.  Tivoli,  A Village  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Tivoli,  63  64 us a r i c h , amusing but sometimes puzzling record of the  eighteenth  century English c i r c l e at Florence. During the mid 1770  1760's he took up engraving and started in  to copy and engrave one of the Masaccio frescoes in the  Brancacci  Chapel of the Carmine Church.  Thus by 1771  he was  well  equipped technically to complete the task of copying, engraving and salvaging the Manetti frescoes. question:  But we are s t i l l  What made him do a l l this?  l e f t with the  It would seem that some other  influences come into play at this point and these w i l l be examined and hopefully i t w i l l be seen that Patch the view-painter,  copyist  and c a r i c a t u r i s t w i l l also be seen as Patch the a r t historian and connoisseur that he t r u l y  was.  In 1755 when Patch s e t t l e d i n Florence there was  a c i r c l e of  permanent English residents in Florence headed by the English diplomatic representative, Horace Mann.  1  His main tasks were to watch  and report on the movements of the Stuarts, look a f t e r any problems that t h e . B r i t i s h traders and merchants ran into at Leghorn and also act as host to the English t r a v e l l e r s .  His correspondence with his  friend Horace Walpole in England has l e f t us with a r i c h record of the p o l i t i c s and the social l i f e of the eighteenth  century.  Often in his  l e t t e r s , Mann i s vociferous about the crowds of English who  had to be  2 feasted and presented to court.  And  his complaint seems to be  Other residents included George Nassau Clavering, Third Earl of Cowper; Lord Tylney of Castelmaine; Lord Newborough. Moloney, 1  Florence  and  England,  p.  34 f f .  2 Mann,  W.  S.  8:344.  Lewis, Horace  Walpole's  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  65 j u s t i f i a b l e because i n 1769 B a r e t t i , i n his Account and  Customs  of Italy  of the  Manners  estimated that i n the preceding seventeen years,  more than 10,000 Englishmen had been "running up and down i n I t a l y . "  1  Italy and things I t a l i a n became the rage of the eighteenth century: clothes, mannerisms, language, operas, theatre, but most of all  the i n t e r i o r decor of homes revealed a show case of Italian a r t ,  sculpture and antiques—mementos  of the Grand Tour and the Bear-cub  circuit! While Florence was a popular stopping place f o r the t o u r i s t s , i t did not o f f e r the same opportunity for cicerones and agents as 2 did Rome and Venice.  There were no 'diggings' to f i l l  the demand  for antiques so Patch, very soon a f t e r his a r r i v a l , resumed his vedute  works.  This i s noted i n John Parker's l e t t e r to Lord Charle-  mont where he states "I hear from Vierpyl that Patche i s a-bridgepainting at Florence f o r Lord Huntingdon" and confirmed i n Patch's 3 l e t t e r of March to Huntingdon. In addition to these souvenirs of the Grand Tour, Patch also f i l l e d several commissions for imaginary sea and harbour scenes that ^As c i t e d by Moloney, Florence  and England,  p. 10.  2 Ibid., Moloney points out that Florence had no Canaletto or Guardi as Venice had. 3 Charlemont Papers, p. 228. For the l e t t e r to Lord Huntingdon see page 17. In addition to these a c t i v i t i e s , there i s s l i g h t evidence that Patch was s t i l l acting as an agent for S i r William Lowther because Horace Mann i n a l e t t e r to Walpole, dated June 3, 1758, mentions when discussing the a v a i l a b i l i t y of some "fine Poussins, paysages" f o r sale, that-=T "they have always asked great prices: one Patch, a painter here, offered some time ago 3,000 [crowns] f o r the l a t e S i r William Lowther," (Lowther died i n 1756). W. S. Lewis, Sir Horace Walpole's Correspondence with  Sir  Horace  Mann,  V:209  66 he had learned to do while studying with Vernet.  Around the late  1  1750's he started painting "Conversation Pieces" which f o r v i s i t o r s , served as mementos of their social l i f e while at Florence. Mann in 1771 wrote:  Horace  "...the young English often employ him to make  conversation pieces of any number, for which they draw l o t s . . . " In r e l a t i o n to t h i s , Watson believes that a sketchbook that 3 came to l i g h t in 1959 was kept by Patch and recorded his drawings 4 of many of the v i s i t o r s .  But in addition he also thinks that  there was a similar sketchbook of d e t a i l s of heads, of which only 5 a few remain  because the o r i g i n a l drawings were probably "discarded  as workshop ephemera and often disappeared."  6  These "Conversation  Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 23 notes that he did four for Horace Mann which had since disappeared but four similar ones were done f o r John Apthorp who had married Mann's neice. These were s t i l l in the possession of the family as of 1940. 2 In a l e t t e r dated February 22. Walpole's  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  W. S. Lewis, Sir Mann,  3  Horace  VI1:275.  F. J. B. Watson, "An Unknown Portrait of the Young Gibbon," The  Times  Literary  Supplement,  Friday,  December 25,  1959,  p.  760.  4 The sketchbook contains 23 drawings of f u l l length figures done in red or black chalk and touched up with water-colour or pen. For a f u l l description of the sketch book see F. J. B. Watson, "Thomas Patch, Some new l i g h t on his work," Apollo 85 (May 1967):348-53. 5 "II dentino" and "Mr. Bunberry". They were l a t e r engraved. Watson, "Thomas Patch, Some New Light," p. 349. Patch probably remembered the repercussions from the caricatures that he did as a young apprentice in Exeter which "at that time gave offence" (Farington Diary, VI:181) so now he was "...so prudent as never to caricature anybody without his consent and a f u l l y l i b e r t y to exert his talent." 6  (W.  Mann,  S. Lewis, Sir  VI1:275).  Horace  Walpole's  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  67 Pieces" do provide us with an excellent record of the English c i r c l e and i t s v i s i t o r s  1  at Florence and even o f f e r a glimpse of i t s 2  Florentine associates.  Usually the viewer i s provided with  visual clues, but often "these topical references...for the most 3  part are missed by us."  One such valuable clue already noted i s  that in his Musical  of 1774 which points out Patch's inter-  Party  4 est  in the study of physiognomy.  And one cannot help but believe  that i t was this that led him to keep the sketchbook of heads— 5 heads "invariably shown in p r o f i l e "  and heads that he l a t e r en-  graved.^ 'Some of these v i s i t o r s included Gibbon (see Watson, "An Unknown Portrait,") and Boswell. Much has been written about Boswell's v i s i t to Florence and the p o s s i b i l i t y that he had been "encanvassed by Patch" but this has never been proved. Identification of people in Patch's works i s d i f f i c u l t and as Brinsley Ford points out, we would "have to r e l y e n t i r e l y on comparison with his other caricatures." (Ford, "A Newly Discovered Painting," p. 173). W. S. Lewis when describing the Conversation Piece (fig.45 ) which shows a p o r t r a i t of Mann on the wall and a bust of Patch on the chimney, believes that the t a l l figure on the l e f t i s James Boswell (Lewis, Horace Walpole's Correspondence with Sir Horace Mann, VII:565. However, i f one compares the p r o f i l e on the r i g h t ( f i g . 4 6 ) with Thomas Lawrence's p r o f i l e of Boswell (fig.47) we find a very much closer s i m i l a r i t y . 2 More than one half of a series of engravings he did were of Italians. See note 6 below. 3 W.  Fine  S.  Lewis, Horace  Walpole,  The  A.  W. Mellon  Lectures  in  the  Arts 1960 (New York: Pantheon Books Inc., 1961), p i . XIX. 4 See p. 25 re Patch's interest i n this study. 5 Watson, "Thomas Patch, Some New Lights on his work," p. 350.  ^He engraved 28 heads and 25 f u l l group, 14 were of Italians.  length figures.  Of the l a t t e r  68 It i s believed that he took up engraving about 1765. f i r s t seems to have been the head of Baron Stosch.  His  Mann writes  1  2 that he took to engraving "without the least assistance"  but  Watson believes he learned the essentials from his friend Giuseppe Zocchi when in 1768, they worked on a j o i n t commission 3 for Charles James Fox. He may also have received help from 4 Ferdinando Gregori whom he sketched, engraved and l a t e r collabo5 rated with on the engravings of the Porte  del  Battistero  di  Firenze.  Therefore, i t would seem that by 1770 Patch was quite capable of engraving the heads from Masaccio's (and F i l i p p i n o Lippi's) Raising  of  the  Son of  Theophilus  in the Brancacci Chapel.  However,  what does not seem to have been noted i s that t h i s , his f i r s t set of engravings, seems to be the only one where the heads were reversed thus indicating that perhaps Patch had not yet mastered the technique of  reversing his 'printing' plate.  What i s more interesting i s that  he concentrates on the one fresco out of the whole Brancacci Chapel where there are d i s t i n c t p o r t r a i t heads.  He wrote: "...a few of the  most chosen heads...for which purpose I have traced twenty four of them from the o r i g i n a l s . " ^  Watson, "Thomas  And in his Introduction he seems to lay  Patch (1725-1782)," p. 26.  2 W.  Mann,  S. Lewis, Horace  Walpole's  Correspondence  with  Sir  VII:275. Watson, "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)," p. 26.  3  4 5  Number 15 of the f u l l  length figures. Ibid., p. 44.  Ibid., p. 26.  They were done between 1772-74.  Patch, Giotto,  p. I.  Horace  69 real: stress on the f a c t that Masaccio in the 1400's was  "boldly  imitating nature and drawing from l i f e " and that Raphael by studying Masaccio learnt the "surest method of varying his Caracters by taking them from nature."  1  Something that Patch himself could  i d e n t i f y with because he also, with his sketch book record, "varied his  characters" and  "sketched  them from l i f e . "  With this kindred feeling and interest in f a c i a l features, we can see why  he might be drawn to such a fresco.  say the same about the Manetti Chapel frescoes?  But can we  Not r e a l l y .  really While  he did engrave the f i v e d e t a i l s i t seems obvious that a fresco cycle of the Trecento  would not contain the details of physiognomy so  interesting and fascinating to Patch.  Therefore, an answer to why  he recorded this cycle must l i e elsewhere and the clue seems to be contained within the Introductions to both The  Life  of  Masaccio  and  Giotto.  These seemingly unrelated clues point to contemporaries of Patch whom he acknowledged i n one way In The  Life  of  Masaccio,  or another i n these Introductions.  when referring to the p o r t r a i t of Masaccio 2  that he copied and engraved,  he states that a similar p o r t r a i t had  been engraved "for a Book e n t i t l e d  'Elogi  di'  Pittori'  and  published  here under the direction of Sig. Ignazio Hughford,[sic], well known for  his judgement and practise in Painting as well as for the large hbid. 2 Actually i t i s a p o r t r a i t of F i l i p p i n o L i p p i .  70 Collection of Pictures which he i s possessed o f . " was born in Florence in 1703 of English parents.  1  Ignazio Hugford He was a popular  religious painter of his day but today i s considered at best "a 2 competent journeyman painter,"  however, i t i s his other accomplish-  ments that prove to be very relevant to this study, but more of this shortly. The other contemporary mentioned in the text accompanying 3 the  Giotto  engravings i s Monsignor Bottari.  When Patch proposed  in 1769 "publishing an example a f t e r every celebrated Author..." he "was greatly encouraged by the celebrated Monsignor B o t t a r i . "  4  Bottari in fact may be regarded as an essential missing link in understanding why Patch would have done the Manetti Chapel frescoes. By identifying him and his a c t i v i t i e s in and around Florence and Rome, we can gain a much broader and richer knowledge of Patch and his  friends in Florence. 5 Giovanni Gaetano Bottari was born in Florence in 1689.  "a man of many trades." 1  Patch, The  Life  He was  In his younger days he had been a l i n g u i s t of  Masaccio,  p.  IV.  2 John Fleming, "The Hugfords of Florence," Part II. Connoisseur CXXXVI 549 (December 1955):197. 3 It i s interesting to note that while a short biography and t i t l e page accompanies The Life of Masaccio, no such information or t i t l e page accompanies the Giotto, engravings. The emphasis in the l a t t e r i s upon the recording and methodology. 4 Patch, Giotto, p. II. 5 Preface to the Milan edition of Raccolta di lettere sulla Pittura,  Scultura  ed  Architettura...,  (Milano:1822-1825).  g E. W.  Cochrane, Florence  in  the  Forgotten  Centuries,  (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973), p. 373.  1527-1800  71 and a l i t e r a r y expert.  "He had then become an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l  h i s t o r i a n , a theologian and a church administrator."  He was "a  r i g o r i s t in e t h i c s , a r e l a t i v i s t in philosophy, an Augustinian in theology, a b i b l i c i s t in piety and a staunch a n t i - J e s u i t in questions of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p o l i t y . "  1  He was one of the main authors of the  Accademia d e l l a Crusca's fourth edition of the Vocabolario  of 1729,  and i t seems that his membership i n , correspondence with, and presenta'Ibid. 2 This Academy was founded in the 1500 s in an attempt to preserve and maintain the Tuscan language and protect i t from "foreign" influence and other d i a l e c t s . In the 1730's i t s main interest was to revive the Florentine l i t e r a r y heritage and in "maintaining the authority of Florence and therefore of i t s e l f , as the l i n g u i s t i c and l i t e r a r y a r b i t e r of a l l I t a l y . " (Cochrane, Florence  in  the  Forgotten  Centuries,  p.  324).  Its meetings were open to foreigners. The Third Earl of Cowper was an honorary member between 1760 and 1789. The Earl of Cork presented the Academy with a copy of Samuel Johnson's d i c t i o n ary and they in turn sent Dr. Johnson a copy of their Vocabolario. (Moloney, Florence and England, p. 27). In fact the Academy corresponded with Dr. Johnson. (Cochrane, Florence, p. 94). Boswell attended between June and October, 1765 and apparently noted that the meeting was held i n a room " i n which the furniture allegorized the Academy's name (Crusca = bran): the president sat on a millstone; the members' seats were baskets, the table was a kneading trough, the lecturn a bolter." (F. A. Pottle, James Boswell. The Earlier Years, 1740-69 [New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1966], p. 237. What i s even more interesting i s that Patch in 1765 produced a painting e n t i t l e d A Rehearsal at Sir Horace 'Mann's where he depicts himself entering the room carrying a basket containing books e n t i t l e d Vocabolario della Crusca ( f i g s . 48 & 49). He i s following what appears to be as yet an unidentified Italian gentleman. What has not been commented upon before i s that on the wall of the room are several paintings which obviously allude to the Accademia della Crusca: a windmill, grinding m i l l , but more importantly, one of them.is based on the engraved f i r s t page of the s i x volumed, fourth edition of the Vocabolario of 1729 depicting a meeting of the members! The f u l l extent of the meaning in the "Conversation Piece" must await further research,(figs.50 & 51 ). 1  72 tion of lectures to this society kept him i n constant touch with Florence despite his move to Rome i n 1 7 3 u J  On 20 July, 1748,  Giambattista Piranesi dedicated his Antichitd della  repubblica,  e de'  primi  imperatori  romane  de'  tempi  i n gratitude f o r "the many  2 obligations which I owe you f o r the favours I received i n Rome."  3 • The same year he i s recorded as being the chief Vatican l i b r a r i a n .  4 He carried on a l i f e l o n g correspondence with Algarotti  and Mariette  and along with a few like-minded scholars "disapproved of contemporary a r t on theoretical grounds" and helped pave the way f o r neoclassicism "a f u l l  generation before Winckelmann arid Mengs."  'It seems he moved because of the election of Pope Clement XII (Lorenzo Corsini) and l i v e d i n the Palazzo Corsini (J. Scott, Piranesi [London: Academy Editions, 1975], p. 303). In 1744he i s recorded as the keeper of the Corsini l i b r a r y (Ibid., p. 14). Cochrane, Tradition  and Enlightenment  in  the  Tuscan  Academies.  (Chicago: Univeristy  of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 76) notes that he presented a lecture on his program f o r a new Decamerone on March 6, 1751 and his correspondence i s noted throughout Cochrane's book. As an aside, one would wonder whether he would not be interested i n a l l aspects of the Carmine i n Florence because one of i t s founding families was the Corsini and S. Andrea Corsini (see p. 43) was a Florentine saint. Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, p. 373, also notes that Bottari constantly had the ear of the Pope's two nephews: Prince Bartolomeo and Cardinal Neri C o r s i n i . 2 Scott, Piranesi, 3  p. 17.  Ibid.  ^Count Francesco A l g a r o t t i , (1712-64). Jean Pierre Mariette (1694-1774). Some of his l e t t e r s appear in Bottari's Raccolta tettura.  di  lettere  sulla  pittura,  scultura  ed  g Francis H a s k e l l , P a t r o n s and Painters Windus, 1963), p. 348.  (London: Chatto &  archi-  73 Between 1737-54 he wrote Sculture dai  cimitevg  dei  and in 1737  Romani,  from 1741  he produced a new  e pittuve Del  to 1755  sagre  estvatte  Museo  edition of Bosio's 1651  Capitolino^  Roma  2  sottevanea.  His i n t e r e s t in a n t i q u i t i e s became so well known and  recognized  that in the early part of 1761  he was  elected an honorary  3 member of the Society of Antiquaries of London. for this was  one Thomas Jenkins who  may  or may  The  intermediary  not have been Patch's  4 t r a v e l l i n g companion to Rome. of the Society in 1757  and was  Jenkins  had been elected a fellow  instrumental  in gaining a s i m i l a r  honour f o r Cardinal Albani l a t e r the same year. All  these a c t i v i t i e s may  seem to center on Rome but i t i s  with Bottari's publication between 1754-1773 of his Raccolta letteve  sulla  Pittuva,  Scultura  ed  Architettura  that we  di  see  his  more direct influence and involvement with Florence come to the fore and this in turn brings Patch and his involvement with the Manetti frescoes back into focus. The Raccolta...is  a c o l l e c t i o n of l e t t e r s by a r t i s t s .  often sheds l i g h t on t h e i r personal methodology.  l i v e s and sometimes on t h e i r  But in the text and notes that accompany these l e t t e r s ,  Bottari reveals a keen i n t e r e s t and admiration frescoes.  It  for the pre-Renaissance  He praises t h e i r grandeur and s i m p l i c i t y .  He states that  the art of design which remained through the time of Cimabue and Scott, Piranesi,  1  p.  303.  2 S. Rowland Pierce, "Thomas Jenkins in Rome/' The (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 208,  Journal 3  Ibid.  4 See page 8, fn. 4.  Antiquaries 210, 212.  74 Giotto l i v e d on "through the hands of Masaccio in Painting; of Donatello  in sculpture; and of F i l i p p o Brunelleschi in Architecture,  all  Florentine creators."  And  who  with so much excellence of genius returned  1  of Giotto he writes: "Blessed  the I t a l i a n speech which gives in to no one,  art to the  Giotto,  light...  honoured him and made  2 of him an immortal  record."  Thus by l i n k i n g the Cruscan interest in the Florentine l i t e r a r y past with i t s a r t i s t i c past, Bottari must have aroused some semblance of regional s p i r i t that may to the salvaging of the c e r t a i n l y see why  well have contributed  'Giotto' Manetti frescoes and we  can  he would have encouraged Patch in his endeavour.  This then could be one  l i n k but a stronger one  presents  3 i t s e l f in the Introduction to his many friends who  to the Raoaolta.  have helped him i n his endeavour, but  singled out three s p e c i f i c a l l y . Albani who  Bottari pays homage  One  he  i s a Roman, Cardinal Alessandro  allowed him free access to his l i b r a r y including the  Cassiano del Pozzo c o l l e c t i o n . Rosso Antonio M a r t i n i  4  and  The other two  Ignazio  Husfort  Hugford mentioned by Patch in his Life '''Bottari, Raccolta  Avchitettuva  di  lettere  of  sulla  are Florentines:  [sic],  --the same Ignazio  Masaccio. Pittura,  (Roma: 1754-1773), 7 vols. Vol. II, p.  2  Ibid.,IV:132.  3  Ibid.,  Scultia>a  ed  416.  I:vii  4 A fellow Cruscan and sometime secretary of i t until he co-edited 17 volumes of Prose Fiov.entine vaccoXte dallo accademico delta Cvusca (E. W. Cochrane, Tradition and  p. 84, n.48).  1745, Smarrito Enlightenment,  75 Hugford in addition to being a religious painter, was  also  a trained copyist, and art dealer, c o l l e c t o r and above a l l a connoisseur. Fleming mentions two transactions of Hugford the a r t dealer and notes that neither were "too scrupulous"  on Hugford's part.  However, when considering them in the l i g h t of Patch's copying of Vernet and Claude, and Jenkins'  'additions' to sculpture, these  transactions do not seem out of the ordinary! Fleming says, however, that i f i t could ever be proved that he was  the Englishman at Florence who  sold I t a l i a n primitives to  Artaud de Montor then Hugford "assumes a position of great importance  3 in the history of taste."  Unfortunately,  Fleming has been unable  'His a b i l i t y as a copyist went back to his apprenticeship with Anton Domenico Gabbiani and i t stood him and Pierano dei Marchesi Giugni in good stead when, to f o i l Count Richecourt who wished to see the twelfth century painting of the Madonna at Impruneta, Ignazio repainted i t with a Duecento style Madonna as a replacement for the original which had become so dark that i t could not be seen. (Fleming, "The Hugfords of Florence," Part I I , p. 200). 2 The two transactions were the sale of a Veronese' The Marriage of Cana which Waagen considered to be a very pleasing copy and the other, the purchase of a 'Titian' Danae by a "West-Indian nabob..." c a l l e d Young who "bys pictures upon his own judgement and declares i t to be better than anybody's. Hugford, the English painter, allows the assertian, since Young gave him two hundred zecchins f o r a Danae which Hugford c a l l s a T i t i a n ! " ( I b i d , and W. S. Lewis, Sir Horaoee Walpole's  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  Mann,  IV:330).  What is  interesting as an aside i s that Fleming and others have not noted that this was S i r William Young, the grandfather of William Young Ottley, one of those young men who at the turn of the next century would be c o l l e c t i n g Italian primitives and who at one time i s believed to have owned the Salome fragment (now at Liverpool) having bought i t from Townley. Fleming, "The  Hugfordsof Florence," Part II, p.  199.  76 to confirm this link but even without the positive i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Hugford as  the  on  pour  avait  fait  "avait  Englishman who lui  recherches  i t seems important to recognize Englishman in Florence who  was  defa  historiques  acquis  25  dont  j 'ai  that as early as 1740  et  profite,  there was  an  interested in the Italian primitives.  Fleming believes, however, that i f indeed i t was he displayed this interest  tableaux  i t was  Hugford and  because he "doubtless  mainly as h i s t o r i c a l c u r i o s i t i e s and i f he collected  that  valued them  them for other  than purely antiquarian reasons i t would have been because they suited the fashionable Gothic taste for anything  quaintly medieval."  This statement seems very unjust when one considers the even e a r l i e r 3 interest of Bernard de Montfaucon who in addition to publishing 4 studies on Greek Palaeography ' representee Monuments 1  expliquee  et  5 en figures,  de  and his L'Antiquite  la  also prepared between 1729 g  monarchie  1 b i d . , p.  and 1733  Les  frangaise.  198.  2 Ibid., p. 199. It i s known that in 1767 Hugford owned two or more Quattrocento paintings and one or more Trecento paintings. Fra Filippo L i p p i , Saint Augustine (later corrected to B o t t i c e l l i ) ; Masaccio, Self Portrait ( l a t e r corrected to F i l i p p i n o L i p p i ) ; Stamina, The Thebaid. 3 1655-1741, a soldier who l a t e r joined the Maurist community of Benedictines--an order devoted to i n t e l l e c t u a l pursuits which included an interest in medieval French and Italian l i t e r a t u r e . (T. Borenius, "The Rediscovery of the Primitives," p. 263 and S i r P.  Harvey, ed.  The  Oxford  Companion  to  English  (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), pp. 527 and 4 Palaeographia  1719. g Unfinished. 5  Graeca,  1708.  555).  Literature  77 Also i t i s worth mentioning that interest in ancient architecture and operative masonry had been re-awakened in London with . the  formation of the Grand Lodge of Freemasons in 1717. Many other  lodges followed quickly throughout Europe.  Hundreds of the leading  figures of the day including many we have already mentioned--Walpole, Mann, Vernet--were a c t i v e l y involved i n the erection of this  living  memorial to the builders and architecture of the past and to the commemoration of artisanship and the moral allegory which arose from i t .  Such a lodge had been i n s t i t u t e d in Florence in 1733  1  apparently by the English but i t was open to Italians and other nationals and i t i s very revealing to note that many of them were important in both the Florentine and English c i r c l e :  Dr. Antonio  Cocchi, Count de Richecourt, Baron von Stosch, Giuseppe M. Buondelmonti and Giovanni Lami.  Buondelmonti and Lami. were both  Cruscans and Lami's best friend was none other than B o t t a r i . Unfortunately the lodge at Florence folded late in 1738 because of 3 pressure from the Inquisition  and while i t may not bear d i r e c t l y on  Patch's work of 1771, i t does seem to establish the existence of a wide interest in things medieval. 1 n s t i t u t e d under the leadership of the Earl of Middlesex, the f i r s t master was Fox--possibly Henry Fox, Lord Holland. John Herron Lepper, "The Earl of Middlesex and the English Lodge in Florence," Ars Quartuor Coronatorum LVIII (1945):4-77. 1  2 Cochrane, Florence  in  the  Forgotten  Centuries,  p. 373.  3 Lepper, "The Earl of Middlesex and the English Lodge in Florence," p. 34.  78 Another demonstration of this interest came to the fore i n 1770 when the Grand Duke of Tuscany opened a Gabinetto Quadri  de  Antichi  which included works by Cimabue, Taddeo Gaddi, Uccello,  Masaccio, etc J  However, Fleming s t i l l maintains that this  does not imply a serious interest in Trecento  and  Quattrocento  painting and yet when we review what Bottari was writing and what Gibbon wrote on September 23, 1764 i n Pisa, we cannot agree with him.  Gibbon says: "The Campo Santo i s r e a l l y a unique and curious  monument.  I t i s a large Gothic C l o i s t e r where the walls are painted  by the f i r s t restorators of painting, a Giotto and others.  They.are  "primitive" but they transport us to times where they were rare and precious.  The taste and the grandeur of a state which could only 2  encourage the better a r t i s t s of t h e i r time." In addition to his c o l l e c t i n g Hugford had the reputation of 3 being a distinguished connoisseur and a r t h i s t o r i a n .  He wrote  often to Bottari on matters of art and these l e t t e r s appear in Bottari's Raccolta...  Patch referred to him as "being well-known  for his judgement..." and that he directed the publishing of the book ^Fleming, "The Hugfords of Florence," Part I I , p. 199. 2 His  Georges A. Bonnard, .ed., Gibbon's Journal from 20 April to 2 October,  Journey from Geneva to Rome. 1764. (London: Thomas Nelson  and Sons Ltd., 1961), p. 153. The original French text reads as follows: "Le Campo Santo est rielment un monument unique et curieux. C'est un grand Cloitre Gothique dont les murs sont peints par les premiers Restaurateurs de la peinture, un Giotto &c. Elles sont mauvaises, mais i l faut se transporter aux terns ou elles etoient rares et precieuses. Le gout et la grandeur d'un Etat ne consiste qu'a encourager les meilleurs artistes de leur terns.  3 Fleming, "The Hugfords of Florence," Part II, p. 198.  79 Elogi  de'  Pittori.  In addition to this Fleming notes several  references e x t o l l i n g his a b i l i t y as a connoisseur.  In his obitu-  ary notice i t was noted that "he was quick to recognize the different style of every painter...no one in Italy could equal his skill  in this matter."  Guiseppe del Rosso exclaimed that, he was  1  "the most erudite of experts in the style of both Tuscan and foreign 2 painters."  Ticozzi said he was  "of such delicate s e n s i b i l i t y and  cultivated taste in every type of painting that he could distinguish not only the chief painters of each school but even the hand of t h e i r  3 pupils and assistants." F i n a l l y Fleming adds an anonymous author who wrote "There was none to equal him in expertise in the a b i l i t y 4 to recognize at a glance the author and date of any painting." It seems then that these two men,  Bottari who appreciated  and praised in writing the works of the primitives, and Hugford  who  could recognize the hand of any a r t i s t must have influenced Patch. A l l these facts do not point to an isolated incident of one or two men  in Florence being interested in Trecento  a r t but to a  larger f e e l i n g for a r t that was great, simple and majestic. A l l 1  Gazzetta  Toscana,  c i t e d by Fleming.  No.  34,  21st August, 1778,  p. 135-6  as  Ibid.  2 Paoletti  Memorze per architetto  c i t e d by Fleming.  3  serwire alia Fiorentino  Ibid.  Dizionario dei by Fleming. Ibid. 4 Supplemento  vita di Niccoto Maria Gasparo (Florence: 1813), pp. 14-15 as  alia  Pittori Serie  (Milan: 1818), p. 273, as c i t e d dei  1776), p. 802 as c i t e d by Fleming.  Trecento  Ibid.  Elogi...  (Florence:  80 these influences were s i g n i f i c a n t in the a r t i s t i c environment Florence at the time.  of'  Most importantly they helped pave the way for  the salvaging of the Manetti Chapel frescoes by Patch.  CONCLUSION Thomas Patch i s more than a vedute  painter and c a r i c a t u r i s t .  At the time of his death Walpole wrote: "He had great merit i n my eyes of bringing to l i g h t the admirable paintings of Masaccio, so l i t t l e known out of Florence, t i l l  his prints disclosed them."  1  This alone i s important but his methodology in detaching the fragments, his technique of engraving which he claimed to be new to his  day, his accuracy in engraving the sketches, and his intent in  doing so, point to a man who,  in addition to being a c o l l e c t o r ,  possessed a rare art h i s t o r i c a l s e n s i t i v i t y .  To him belongs the  credit for r e a l i z i n g the worth of sinopia underdrawings and his method of recording these was  to be picked up in part by others, 3  but not r e a l l y f u l l y appreciated t i l l  the twentieth century.  From his work has also come a better understanding of the master of the Manetti Chapel frescoes, whoever that a r t i s t may  be.  We know by the dating that the Giotto a t t r i b u t i o n i s not v a l i d . ^W.  Mann,  S. Lewis, Horace  IX:280.  Walpole's  Letter dated May  18,  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  1782.  2 We know this from a notice that appeared in the Gazzetta Toscana on MaYch 1, 1783 (11 months a f t e r Patch's death), i t reads: "on this date at the address of the heirs of Signore Tommaso Patch in the Fondaccio di S. S p i r i t o i s f o r sale the f i r s t cast of the famous gate by Ghiberti f o r the church of S. Giovanni in this c i t y , with other rare busts, and statues of plaster and of marble, pictures, engravings, bronzes, etc. Ibid., p. 272. 3  Ugo Procacci, Sinopie 1961), p. 40.  e Affreschi  (Milano: Electa E d i t r i c e , 81  82 But what about the Spinello Aretino one?  Is i t any better?  If i t  i s , and there i s no doubt that i t seems to be, then i t needs to be more firmly established and i f this i s done i t must result in a complete re-assessment of Spinello Aretino because the o r i g i n a l i t y and innovativeness displayed in this fresco cycle would appear to exceed that f o r which Spinello has so f a r been given c r e d i t .  We  w i l l also find new examples of his influence upon other a r t i s t s of the late Trecento  and early Quattrocento  and probably a new aspect  of his relationship to Giotto because of the strong r e f l e c t i o n s of Giotto found in these engravings. If this cycle i s not by Spinello then who  did i t ? There are  several possible contenders and t h e i r examination i s going to depend on an analysis of t h e i r authenticated works.  The main  problem always thatnotmany authenticated works of theirs remain and what does exist does not always contain comparable elements or iconography. The very existence of these engravings by Patch therefore, challenges us to new direction of research on the Trecento  artists.  We find a need f o r a complete visual and s t y l i s t i c examination of all  the fragments to determine just how much repainting and rein-  forcing has been done to ;them and to check whether they do actually belong to the same fresco cycle.  This research along with Patch's  sketches, might enable us more e a s i l y to determine the a r t i s t i c style and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the master of the Manetti Chapel frescoes and perhaps a s s i s t in their a t t r i b u t i o n .  The present church of the  83 Carmine should be thoroughly inspected to check for possible remnants of the fresco cycle in the organ l o f t stairwell and also to determine whether any other walls and frescoes of the old church and p a r t i c u l a r l y those in the right transept may yet be hidden away.  The content of the t h i r d w i l l of Vanni Manetti must  be examined.  The date of his death must be more precisely deter-  mined and a genealogical study of the Manetti family from the time of Vanni to the eighteenth century i s indicated. Further iconographical work i s also called f o r . has pointed in particular to the Entombment  This paper  scene of the headless  body of Saint John and to the possible donor figure on the right. There should be a further and more in depth examination influence upon Masaccio and upon other a r t i s t s .  of the  The shivering  Christ figure and the prison scene so obvious in Masaccio, and the Baptism scene in Agnolo Gaddi, point to dramatic links which would make further investigation worth while. On Patch himself and his place in eighteenth century a r t and connoisseurship, there are equally exciting and avenues of research.  rewarding  Future work should include a more detailed  study of his method of engravings which he claimed to be a new one.  Further analysis would t e l l  us a great deal about his s k i l l  as a copyist, not only of other frescoes, but also of Vernet's Claude's work.  and  This research must also encompass his e f f o r t s as a  social c a r i c a t u r i s t of the Florentine scene because i t i s obvious that many visual clues abound throughout  his Conversation Pieces  and work on them would no doubt prove to be an amusing and  rewarding  84 area of investigation.  Though there i s no record, did he actually  do caricatures i n Rome too?  We know that he started doing them i n  Exeter and he finished his days doing them in Florence.  It would  therefore stand to reason that he also did them i n Rome p a r t i c u l a r l y since his room-mate, Joshua Reynolds, was completing commissions for similar works there a t the time.  1  Most importantly, what about Patch's possible influence upon English art?  Who could and would have seen his engravings?  Into  what collections did the forty copies of sketches of the Manetti Chapel  frescoes eventually find their way?  for t h e i r dispersal?  Was Patch responsible  One of them we know ended up i n the Rogers  c o l l e c t i o n — a c o l l e c t i o n that was available to many of the leading a r t i s t s , poets and connoisseurs of the day.  A great deal has yet  to be done on Patch as a connoisseur and on the whole story of his l i f e and art and the influences upon i t which are s t i l l  vague.  We have investigated the possible influences that caused Patch to copy this Trecento  cycle.  In addition to a well established  international awareness of the medieval  past, we have seen that there  was a genuine contemporary interest i n the art and l i t e r a t u r e of the Trecento  and Quattrocento.  This was being kept a l i v e by the a c t i v i t i e s  of the Accademia della Crusca which seems to have aimed at forging links with notable l i t e r a t i of other nations and i t would appear from at least one of Patch's conversation pieces, that i t played a s i g n i f i cant part i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the English c i r c l e at Florence.  This  area of investigation may be worth pursuing i n an e f f o r t to round out  ^Rusell, "Thomas Patch, S i r William Lowther," p. 116.  85 our perspective on eighteenth century  connoisseurship.  There are no l o s t Giottos i n the Church of the Carmine and as far as we know at the moment, there are not Manetti Chapel frescoes there either!  A l l that remains are twelve fragments of the o r i g i n a l  and eleven engravings  by a so f a r unheralded  late eighteenth century.  English a r t i s t of the  Together they create a mystique and a  vision of a gentle humanity that spans the centuries and wrings from us the inevitable and t a n t a l i z i n g question - Who?  86 LITERATURE CITED Antal , Frederick. Hogarth and His Place Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962. Art  of  Painting  in  Florence  and  Siena  in  from  European  1250  to  Art.  London:  1500.  London:  Wildenstein, 1965. Ashby, Thomas. School  Papers  "Thomas Jenkins in Rome."  at  of  the  British  Rome VI, 8 (1913):487-511.  Barzini, Luigi.  The Italians.  London: Hamish Hamilton, 1966.  Bologna, Ferdinando. Masaooio. F r a t t e l l i Fabri E d i t o r i , Bonnard, Georges A.,  La Cappella 1969.  ed. Gibbon's  Brancacci.  Journey  from  Milano:  Geneva  to  Rome.  London: Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1961. Borenius, Tancred. "The Rediscovery of the Primitives." Review 475 (April 1923):258-270.  Quarterly  B o t t a r i , G. G. Raccolta  ed  Architettura. 1822-1825]. Claude-Joseph 1976.  Vernet  di  lettere  sulla  Pittura,  Scultura  1 vols. Rome: 1754-1773. [8 vols. Milano: 1714-1789.  Cochrane, E r i c . Florence  in  the  London: Greater London Council, Forgotten  Centuries,  1527-1800.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973. Cochrane, E r i c . Tradition  and  Enlightenment  in  the  Tuscan  Academies.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cole, Bruce.  Agnolo  Gaddi.  Craig, Maurice James. The Press, 1948. Crowe, J. A. and  Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977. Volunteer  Earl.  B. A History  Cavalcaselle, G.  6 vols. London: John Murray, Davies, Martin. Earlier Catalogue, 1951. Edwards, Edward. Anecdotes  Born  in  England.  Italian  of  London: The Cressett  Schools.  Painters  of  Painting  in  Italy.  1914. London,:.; National Gallery : who  have  London: Leigh & Sotheby,  Resided  1808.  or  been  87 Edwards, Gerald K. S. "Thomas Patch." Apollo 217-221. Eimerl, S. et  al.  The  World  of  Giotto  XXVI (October 1937):  a.1267-1337.  New  York:  Time-Life Books, 1967. F a n e l l i , Giovanni. Firenze Editore, 1973.  Architettura  e Citta.  Firenze: Vallecchi Connoisseur Connoisseur  Fleming, John. "The Hugfords of Florence." Part I. CXXXVI 548 (November 1955): 106-110. Part I I . CXXXVI 549 (December 1955):197-206.  Fleming, John. "Some Roman Ciceroni and Artist-Dealers." The Connoisseur  Year  Book  (1959):24-27.  Ford, Brinsley. "Letters of Jonathan Skelton." Walpole XXXVI (1956-58):23-82.  Society  Ford, Brinsley. "Thomas Patch: A Newly Discovered Painting." Apollo LXXVII (March 1963):172-76. Ford, Brinsley. Burlington  "Richard Wilson in Rome - The Wicklow Wilsons." Magazine XCIII (May 1951):157-66.  Freedberg, S. J. Painting  Florence.  of  the  Gombosi, Dr. Georg. Spinello des Verfassers, 1926. The  Great  Age  High  Renaissance  in  Rome  and  Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961.  of  Fresco  -  Aretino.  Giotto  to  Budapest: Im Selbstverlag  Pontormo.  New  York: Metropolitan  Museum of A r t , 1968. Greig, James, ed. The Farington Co., 1923. Harvey, S i r Paul. ed. The  Diary.  Oxford  1 vols. London: Hutchinson &  Companion  to  English  Literature.  Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967. Haskell, Francis. 1963.  Patrons  and Painters.  London: Chatto & Windus,  Historical Manuscripts Commission, Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part X. Manuscripts  mont.  and  Correspondence  of  James,  H i s t o r i c a l Manuscripts Commission, Report late  First  Earl  of  Charle-  London: 1891. Reginald  Office,  1934.  Rawdon  Hastings,  Esq.:  on the  Manuscripts  London: H. M.  of  the  Stationery  88 Horn, D. B.,  ed. British  Diplomatic  Representatives,  1689-1789.  London: Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1932. Lepper, John Heron. "The Earl of Middlesex and the English Lodge in Florence." Ars Quartuor Coronatorum LVIII (1945):4-77. Connoisseurs  Lewis, Lesley.  Century  Rome.  and  Horace  Lewis, Wilmarth Sheldon.  in  the  Fine  Secret  Agents  in  Eighteenth  London: Chatto & Windus, 1961.  Arts  1960.  Walpole.  The  A.  W. Mellon  Lectures  New York: Pantheon Books D i e , 19.61.  Lewis, Wilmarth Sheldon, gen.ed. Horace Walpole' s Correspondence with Sir Horace Mann. 11 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960. Lindsay, Lord. Sketches of the History London: John Murray, 1847. The  Marie, R. van.  Development  of  the  of  Christian  Italian  Art.  Schools  3 vols.  of  Painting.  19 vols. The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1923-28. Martindale, Andrew and Baccheschi, Edi. The Complete Giotto. New York: H. N. Abrams, Inc., 1966. Meiss, M i l l a r d .  Death.  Painting  in  Gallery 1937.  and  Siena  After  the  of  Black  New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1964.  Moloney, Brian. Florence Editore, 1969. National  Florence  Paintings  and England.  Illustrations.  Firenze: Leo S. Olschki  London: London National Gallery,  Os. H. W. van and Prakken, Marian. The- Florentine Holland. Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1974. Patch, Thomas.  Giotto.  London: 1772.  Patch, Thomas.  The Life  of  Patch, Thomas.  The Life  of Masaccio.  Fra Bartolommeo.  Paulson, Ronald. Emblem and Expression. University Press, 1975.  Paintings  in  Florence, 1772.  Florence, 1770. Massachusets: Harvard  Pierce, S. Rowland. "Thomas Jenkins in Rome." The Antiquaries Journal. London: Oxford University Press (1965):200-29.  89 James  Pottle, Frederick A.  Boswell  - The  Earlier  Years,  1740-69.  New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1966. Boswell's  Powell, L. F. gen. ed.  Life  of  Johnson.  Oxford:  Clarendon Press, 1934. Rivista  Procacci, Ugo. "L'incendio della Chiesa del Carmine." d'Arte XIV (1932):141-232. Procacci, Ugo. Sinopie 1961.  and Affreschi.  Ramali, Giuseppe, ed. Campo Santo Primaziale Pisana, 1960.  Milano: Electa E d i t r i c e , Monumentale.  Pisa: Opera della  Russell, Francis. "Thomas Patch, Sir.William Lowther, and the Holker Claude." Apollo (August 1975):115-19. Piranesi.  Scott, Jonathan. Toesca, I I a r i a . 1950. Venturi,  Andrea  A. Storia  London: Academy Editions, 1975. e Nino  dell'Arte  Pisano.  Italiana.  Trecento e le sue origini. Kraus Reprint Ltd., 1901.  Firenze: Sansoni Editore, Vol. V: La Pittura  del  Reprint edition. Leichtenstein:  Vermeule, Cornelius C. "The Dal Pozzo-Albani Drawings of Classical Antiquities in the B r i t i s h Museum." Transactions of the American  Philosophical  Vertue Note Books V.  Society  Walpole  Society  50 Part 5 (1960):3-78.  XXVI (1937/38).  Vitzthum, Conte Giorgio. "Un c i c l o perduto di affreschi di Spinello Aretino." L'Arte 9 (1906):199-203. Walker Art Gallery. Foreign Schools Catalogue. by order of the City Council, 1963. Watson, F. J . B. "Thomas Patch (1725-1782)." (1939-40):15-50.  Liverpool: Published Walpole  Society  XXVII  Watson, F. J . B. "Thomas Patch - Some New Light on His Work." Apollo 85 (May 1967):348-53. Watson, F. J. B. "An Unknown Portrait of the Young Gibbon." Times  Literary  Z e r i , Ferdinando. Burlington  Supplement,  25 December 1959,  p.  The  760.  " I t a l i a n Primitives at Messrs. Wildenstein."  Magazine  107  (1965):252-56.  Fig. 1.  Manetti  Chapel frescoes - l e f t wall  91  92  1. Manetti Chapel 2. Brancacci Chapel 3. Cappella di Santa 4. Cappella del C r o c i f i s s o 5. Cappella Maggiore  F1g. ^ ( p Y g H ^ I - C h f i ^ P C f i f O f h l h g a P i r w I n p r f f e ^ l t a f t e r >77».  Fig. 4.  Head of Elizabeth fragment.  Fig. 5.  Servant fragment  96  Fig. 6.  Saint Zacharias fragment.  97  Fig. 7.  Women and,Infant Saint John  8.  Head of Saint John Baptising Christ  Fig. 9.  Two Angels fragment.  Fig. 10.  Musician fragment  Rig. 11. Salome fragment  102  Fig. 12.  Guest fragment  Fig. 13.  Saint John Praying  104  Fig. 14.  Disciple fragment  105  Fig., 15.  Two Disciples fragment.  106  b  Fig. 16.  Conversation Piece,  Fig. 17.  Detail  1774.  Fig. 18a.  The Annunciation to Saint Zacharias  N* in  Fig. 18b.  The Birth and Naming of Saint John  Fig. 18c.  The Beheading and Entombment of the Baptist  F i g . 19a.  The V i s i t a t i o n  Fig. 19b.  Saint John Preach-ing and the Baptism of C h r i s t  Fig. 19c.  Saint John i n Prison and the Dance o f Salome  Fig. 21  Fig. 23  115  Fig. 24  116  Fig. 26.  Thomas Patch.  The Presentation in the Temple.  117  Fig. 29  118  Fig. 30.  L i f e of Saint John the Baptist.  Peruzzi Chapel  Fig. 31.  L i f e of Saint John the Evangelist.  Peruzzi Chapel.  120  Fig. 33.  Ascension  Fig. 34. Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Baptism - detail  Fig. 35. Andrea Pisano. Baptism - d e t a i l .  Fig. 36. Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Baptism - detail  ro  Fig. 37. Masaccio. Brancacci Chapel Baptism of Neophytes - d e t a i l .  F i g . 38. Masaccio. Brancacci Chapel St. Paul V i s i t i n g St. Peter  Fig. 39. Manetti Chapel Frescoes. St. John in Prison - d e t a i l .  Fig. 40. Masaccio. Pisa Polyptych. Beheading of Saint John  F i g . 41. Manetti Chapel Frescoes. Beheading o f Saint John  125  Fig. 42. Agnolo Gaddi. Baptism Castellani Chapel, Santa Croce.  /  i n/ | ;,•„«/, I'riili'lln, 1'arh, Uiuvrc  Fig. 44. Giotto. Feast of Herod. Peruzzi Chapel, Santa Croce.  127  Fig. 45. Conversation Piece  Fig. 47. Thomas Lawrence. James Boswell  Fig. 48. A Rehearsal at S i r Horace Mann's  Fig. 49. Detail.  Fig. 51. Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca Engraving, F i r s t page.  131  APPENDIX A CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF PATCH Legend: Actual events shown i n l e t t e r Gothic. Related  1725  events  shown in  Italics.  (early)  - born in Exeter - John and Hannah Patch nee Burnet.  (Mar. 31)  - baptised i n St. Paul's Church.  ?  - apprenticed to an Exeter apothecary. "Gave offence by drawing caricatures of persons."  1729- 34  - publication  of  Vocabolario  the  degli  enlarged  4th  Accademici  della  of  the  Crusca.  1730- 40  - Ignazio  Hugford  1741-2  - Richard letters.)  Balton  ?  - apprenticed to Dr. Richard Mead in London - c o l l e c t o r , and physician to George I I .  1746  - Dr.  1747  - i n Rome. Had l e f t Devon? with Richard Dal ton (Jenkins?) did a walking tour through Europe.  James  collecting  edition  in  Rome.  Parsons  - Mann mentions  Italian (Reported  discourse  that  Dalton  primitives. in  the  on Human  in  Rome in  Skelton  Physiognomy.  1743.  - Farington shown l e t t e r s written by Patch i n I t a l y , and dated 1747 to 1750. -  Thomas Steavens on Continent. 1st Oct. and 5th Nov., Dalton introduced to in letters written on these dates by Mann.  1748- 53  - Vernet lives with his family in Palazzo - Lord Charlemont arrives in Rome.  1749- 51  - Reynolds  1749  -  (Apr.)  visits  Charlemont Professors supervisor. - Charlemont  along  et of  as his  Albani  Zuccari.  Rome. al establish the Liberal  leaves  for  Near  draughtsman.  Academy of Arts - John East  English Parker is  - Richard  Dalton  made goes  Leaves orders with Patch  for views of Rome. 1750 (Apr.) (Summer)  - Patch works with or studies under Claude Joseph Vernet. - works at Ti v o l i , doing views f o r Charlemont.  132 1751  Patch and Reynolds sharing apartment at English Coffee House --moved before Easter to Palazzo Zuccari. (May)  Reynolds wrote that Hugford of drawings, principally of  (Summer)  Patch works at T i v o l i doing views f o r Charlemont. Quarrels with Holy Office begin. Asked to quit diocese by Bishop of T i v o l i .  (June Mar.  Ralph Howard Vernets from  to 1752)  (Oct. 12)  (Dec.)  (May 5)  (Apr. (June (July  Orders  letter from Albani indicating Jenkins in Rome. - Reynolds leaves Rome for  (June 6) 1753  Italy. Patch.  16) 8) 31)  1753-54  "a good Florentine  'copies'  collection masters.  of  Mann writes to Albani re Patch—seeks help of Albani re Patch's banishment from T i v o l i . Albani replies that Bishop must have had a good reason. "Best i f Catholics and sectarians do not mix." Farington reads l e t t e r of this date where Patch indicates that Vernet has been c a l l e d to Paris for commission from king.  (Oct. 23)  1752  in  had the  that  Wilson  and  Florence.  - James Russel to Ralph Howard--"Mr. Patch has sent me likewise his quota of pictures." Walpole recommends Thomas Steavens to Mann. Mann indicates he has met Thomas Steavens. Letter from Mann to Albani confirming that Jenkins presented letter of recommendation to Albani August, 1753 (Wilson had presented his in March, 1752) both letters were from Mann.  Recorded  in 'Status Animarum' of the Palazzo Zuccari  1754 (Jan. 22)  - Mann writes to Albani re complaints he has heard about Jenkins.  1755 (early)  - Patch has f i g h t with Warner in the 'Academy'-closed. - Patch writes to Lowther that he has two copies of Claude paintings. - Patch s t i l l being paid by Belloni f o r paintings he did f o r Charlemont. - Believed that Lowther wrote to Patch giving him authority to act f o r him and asks f o r assessment of Claude painting. - Patch writes Lowther outlining plan to put copy of Claude in place of real one, then send real one to Lowther. - asked by Holy Office to quit the Papal States immediately, i . e . within 24 hours.  (Apr. 19) (July 26) (Aug. 20) (Sept. 15) (Oct. 22)  133 1755  (Nov.) (Dec. (Dec. (Dec. (Dec. (end  1756  - Albani writes to Mann advising him that Patch has been banished. 9) - Letter from Patch to Lowther re shipping of 'Claude' - indicates that he i s s t i l l in Rome. 12) - Albani writes to Mann stating that he does not know the reason for banishment but that the ' a f f a i r ' had something to do with women. 23) - Patch writes to Lowther and states that he has to leave Rome. 24) - John Parker writes to Charlemont advising that "this day we l o s t Pate he.'.' Dec.) - Patch arrives in Florence with l e t t e r s of recommendation. Lives at Charles Hadfield's hotel "described as being on the l e f t bank."  (Jan. 2) (Jan. 10) (Jan. 31) (Feb. 19) (Feb.  28)  - Letter, from. Parker to Charlemont - indicating now in Florence - gives some reasons that he may have caused banishment.  Patch thinks  (Mar.) (Mar. 21)  - Letter from Patch to Huntingdon re banishment. - Letter from Patch to Lowther indicating that he has started paintings for Huntingdon.  (May  - Letter from Parker to Charlemont stating that Patch "is a-bridge painting in Florence for Lord Huntingdon." Believes reason for banishment was "his loose way of talking in all companies. "  22)  1757 1758  - Patch writes l e t t e r to Charlemont re ' a f f a i r ' . - Albani thanks Mann for receiving Patch. - Letter of recommendation f o r Patch from T. Steavens to Earl of Huntingdon. - Letter from Patch to Lowther indicating that he was asked to leave Rome on Dec. 23, 1755.  -Jenkins (Apr.  5)  (June (Oct.  3) 4)  elected  a fellow  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries.  - Parker writes Charlemont - gives reasons why he thinks Academy was closed. Mentions that Jenkins is also against him. - Mann writes to Walpole re Poussins that were for sale. - Parker writes again that Jenkins is against him.  1750's late  - does caricature o i l painting of Cognoscenti.  1760-1770  - between., these dates Patch i s believed by Watson to have kept a sketchbook of v i s i t o r s .  1760-89  - Third.  Earl  Cowper  elected  member  of  Accademia  della  Crusca.  1760 1760  circa  - Painting of "John Ker, The Diike of Roxborough. - Richard  Dalton  appointed  librarian  to  George  III.  - V i s i t s Venice and Pbla. - Caricature painting of The Punch Party (at Hadfields) - Caricature painting of Antiquaries at Pola.  134 1761  (Jan. 17 - Apr. 2) (May 21) (Nov.  19)  Painting caricature groups. A Punch Party. The Duke of Roxborough and Miss Mendes. T i l l his death he l i v e d at a house opposite Mann's --on the other side of the Via dei Santi Apostoli.  - Bottari elected Honorary Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in London. Jenkins acted as intermediary. - Albani nominated to be Honorary Fellow of Society of Antiquaries. - Albani elected as Honorary Fellow of Society of Antiquaries.  1762-1771  - Between these years he was elected a member of the Florentine Academy of Design.  1762  - Dal Pozzo Albani.  1764-1769  - Cascade Near Term' - painted at Rome? Suggestion is that Clement XIII permitted him to return to Rome f o r a v i s i t . (Benedict XIV had exiled him).  1764 (Jan. 1)  - John Apthorp commissioned 4 landscapes from Patch-imaginary sea and harbour scenes. - Duke of York commissions painting depicting Duke leaving Mann's house. - Gibbon mentions dining with Lyttleton (Lord Palmerston) and Guise and looking at paintings by Patch. - Gibbon v i s i t s Patch to see painting f o r Duke of York. - Gibbon dined at Mann's with Patch et a l .  (Aug. 6) (Aug. 17) (Aug. 19) 1765  drawings  bought  for  George  III  from  - Takes up engraving - Giuseppe Zocchi may have helped him. - A rehearsal at S i r Horace Mann's - depicts himself carrying basket containing Vocabolario d e l l a Crusca. - Conversation Piece with P o r t r a i t of Mann and Bust of Patch. (Malahide Painting). (Jan.-Jun.) (May IS)  - Boswell in - Work starts Carmine.  Rome—Abbe Grant on the renovation  acts of  as Santa  cicerone. Maria del  (June-Oct.) - Boswell may have been sketched by Patch - Godfrey Bagnall Clarke writes on Aug. 17, 1765, asking Boswell whether he has been encanvassed by Patch. Boswell  attends  Accademia  della  Crusca.  (Aug. 13)  - Boswell writes that "Yesterday morning at Patch's and then i n Gallery."  (Sept.)  - Boswell  in  Pisa.  135 1766  - Painting of Sterne and Death.  1767  -  1768  - Works with Zocchi on two engravings f o r Charles James Fox. - The Music Lesson. - Mann sends Walpole, Patch's caricature of Sterne.  (Mar. 15) 1769  (circa)  Hugford known cento paintings  to  possess "at and at least  least two one trecento  quattropainting."  - Painting caricature of A Gathering of D i l e t t a n t i Round the Medici Venus.  1769  -  1770  - Engravings of The L i f e of Masaccio. - Patch refers to Ignatio Hugford in "Introduction" to Masaccio as being "well-known f o r his judgement, practice in painting as well as f o r the large Collection of Pictures which he i s possessed of." -  Engraving of another Sterne. Drawing of the Servitore di Piazza. Drawing of H. W. Bunbury the c a r i c a t u r i s t . Drawing of S i r Abraham Hume. Engraving of Portrait of Giovanni B e l l o r i . Engraving of Portrait of Poussin.  Grand Duke of Tuscany Quadri i.e. the works Masaccio, etc.  opens a Gabinetto de Antichi of Cimabue, Taddeo Gaddi,  1771  (Jan. 20) - Walpole acknowledges receipt of Masaccio engravings. (Jan. 28/29)- Fire in the Church of S. Maria del Carmine "which was three years in repairing." (Feb. 22) - Mann writes to Walpole and in answer to Walpole's request f o r more information on Patch writes that Patch "took to engravings" and year or two ago "without the least assistance" and he adds that Patch always adored "the heads of Masaccio in the Carmine." Has sent two extra sets that Walpole requested and indicates that another series i s underway. (Mar. 22) - Walpole replies that he w i l l try to help Patch with his subscription but believes Patch's brother i s better. (June 20) - Walpole acknowledges receipt of extra copies of Masaccio and Raccolta di l e t t e r e . . . by B o t t a r i . (Oct. 15) - Mann sends two pictures by Patch (views of Florence) that Walpole ordered. (Dec. 28) - Walpole acknowledges receipt of pictures but thinks "they are a l i t t l e hard." (Fra Bartolommeo) "I see none of the great ideas I thought I remembered in him; at least he i s f a r below the amazing Masaccio. "  1772  (Jan. 25)  - Mann writes to Walpole to say he has passed on comments re Bartolommeo to Patch"who agreed and thinks you show great judgement in preferring Masaccio to Fra  136  (Feb.  12)  -  (Mar. 10)  -  (July 23)  -  (Aug. 11)  -  1772-73  -  Bartolommeo. His engravings of the l a t t e r were from copies in o i l and the want of strength which you observe, he says, i s p o s i t i v e l y a defect in the o r i g i n a l . He i s about a large work of the Frate, and has sought out the best of his paintings both here and at Lucca (of which work the enclosed is a description), and he humbly begs your permission to dedicate i t to you." Walpole to Mann says he cannot refuse Patch's and Mann's request. There follows a f a i r l y long monologue. Even includes card indicating what the dedication should look l i k e . Mann to Walpole states that Patch has gone to Rome for a few days. Walpole to Mann asks f o r Patch's caricatures "that were added to his Masaccio." Mann to Walpole--says he w i l l send caricaturas. Also includes p o r t r a i t (engraving) of S i r John Hawkwood. Zoffany had arrived in Florence some time over this period. The entry below indicates that it had to be before August 25, 1772.  (Aug. 25)  - Mann to Walpole says he w i l l l e t Walpole have Patch's"caricaturas"and his Gates of St. John by the f i r s t opportunity. "Zoffany i s charmed by them." (Sept. 20) - Walpole to Mann "I w i l l subscribe for anything of Mr. Patch's, but I have very l i t t l e taste f o r those gates; though the o r i g i n a l s are f i n e . " (Nov. 24) - Mann to Walpole. Mentions that i n case of i.temsthat Patch has sent to his brother he has placed in i t a sort of "tabernacle representing St. John by Donatello, in basso rilievo with i t s pedestal detached; some parts of i t are good; i t may stand on a table." 1772, 1773, 1774 - Engravings of Porte del Battistero di Firenze done in collaboration with Gregori. 1773 (Feb. 13)  (Feb.  17)  (Mar. 12)  - Mann to Walpole-- reference to Patch who was asked by young a r t i s t f o r advice - a r t i s t had done T r i n i t y of Father,Son and V i r g i n . Patch f i n a l l y persuaded him that this was incorrect. - Walpole to Mann--advising that Mr. James Patch had brought his brother's engravings (Fra. Bartolommeo and Giotto) and the St. John by Donatello. - Walpole to Mann thanking Patch for dedication. Goes on to state that Fra. Bartolommeo's works not as good as Masaccio's. Believes his early admiration was "from the colouring, not as I thought from his great ideas, f o r they are f a r i n f e r i o r to those of his two contemporaries."  137 (Mar. 30)  - Mann to Walpole indicating that "Mr. Patch i s very sensible of the justness of your c r i t i c i s m on his engravings of the Frate. Monsignore Bottari at Rome made the same, and gave the same reason for their pleasing less than those of Masaccio. These were quite new, besides their i n f i n i t e merit.  1774  - Painting Musical Party. Patch i s depicted on the right holding under his l e f t arm a f o l i o with the t i t l e : Le'Regole del Fisonomizare, Florence, 1774.  1778  - Acted as dealer for William Hamilton. - View of the Arno with Ponte Santa T r i n i t a and seven others. (One of them a night scene.) -  (Nov.)  1779 1782  leaves  Florence.  - Walpole records him as 'picture cleaning and restoring.' (Apr. 30)  (May. 18)  1783  Zoffany  - V i s i t e d by brother's step-son. - Study of physiognomy stolen by "French Duke" and destroyed by him when followed by a u t h o r i t i e s .  (Mar. 1)  - dies a f t e r f i t of apoplexy. - Mann to Walpole states Patch was i l l the day before and went across the road to his own place and died on the morning of the 30th. - Walpole to Mann "I am concerned f o r your loss of Patch: he had great merit in my eyes i n bringing to l i g h t the admirable paintings of Masaccio, so l i t t l e known out of Florence t i l l his prints disclosed them." - Gazzetta toscana notes that on this date at the address of the heirs of Signore Tommaso Patch in the Fondaccio di S. S p i n to i s for sale the f i r s t cast of the famous gate by Ghiberti f o r the church of S. Giovanni i n this c i t y , with other rare busts, and statues of, plaster and of marble, pictures, engravings, bronzes, e t c .  1  138  APPENDIX B (Letter from T. Steavens to Francis, tenth Earl of Huntingdon) 1756, Jan. 31. Rome. "...Boyer said yesterday that his Court waited for our answer to their l a s t memorial, and that their resolutions with regard to war or peace w i l l c e r t a i n l y be determined by that. The French embassador [ s i c ] has had a reprimand from the Pope f o r having taken the Governor's box. He said he was sensible he had pushed the thing too f a r , mais qu'on I'avoit pique, and offered to give up the key, but the Pope refused i t . "C[?ardinal] A[?lbani] has again employed me in writing to S i r J[ames] G[ray] about his favourite scheme of the El[ector] of C[?ologne], which, i f we have a mind i t should succeed, seems very l i k e l y to do so; the C. has received no s l i g h t assurances from him. He has i n s i s t e d on M. de G. and his newphews being r e c a l l e d , and they are both gone to P [ a r i ] s , and not content with t h i s , he has sent away the F[re]nch comedians and a surgeon of that nation who was in his service. The El[ecto]r wants to know from the C[ardina]l where and before whom M. de G. held such and such discourse about him at Naples, for what the discourse was the C[ardina]l knew from me, and he from the C[ardina]l before. What his Eminence requires is a l e t t e r d i r e c t l y from S i r J[ames] G[ray] to him on this subject with a l l the particulars of i t . . . " Postscript. "...Your Lordship w i l l find at Florence a Mr. Patch. He had been indiscreet in his conduct and conversation here, and was sent out of Rome by the Inquisition. I believe I have already mentioned him to you. He i s a man of worth and merit and a person whom Lord Charlemont had the highest value f o r . For these reasons I take the l i b e r t y of recommending him to your favour and protection..."  From: Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report of  the  late  Reginald  Rawddn  Stationery O f f i c e , 1934)  p.  Hastings,  Esq.  on the  Manuscripts  (London:  H.M.  114.  Note:* Thomas Steavens (ca. 1728-71759), son of S i r Thomas Steavens, of Bermondsey, Surrey; he had been on the continent since 1747. W.S.  Mann,  Lewis, Horace  Walpole's  IV:175, fn. 5.  Correspondence  with  Sir  Horace  139  APPENDIX C Text Accompanying the Giotto Engravings Thomas Patch to the Reader. "Those pictures of Giotto in the Church of the Carmelites, are no more to be seen accepting in the following p r i n t s , as they have been destroy d since the f i r e , which happend the 28th January l a s t year. 1  And even the chapel i t s e l f i s no more, and in i t s room, b u i l t up one of the pears which is to sustain, the cupola of the Church, which i s now rebuilding. I only have saved some pieces with the permission of the owners of the chapel, which I.have taken of the wall, and since the whole was to have been destroyed, I was desirous of preserving at least the memory, which may give some pleasure to those, who are w i l l i n g to r e f l e c t on the d i f f e r e n t stages of painting. I have marked out the places where only remaind the outlines in red, under the coat of plastering where the painting was, and the same is likewise to be seen in the Campo Santo at Pisa. I have likewise marked out with a dotted l i n e , the parts which had been modernly repainted, on the original outlines Here i t i s necessary to observe, that some Tuscan Authors tho long since the time of Giotto engaged themselves to assert that the.art of Painting revived in Florence at the time of this celebrated A r t i s t , who came to study in that c i t y , and was enroled as a C i t i z e n , and they c a l l him the only and f i r s t restorer of the art. From hence arose and perhaps s t i l l continues a dispute both vain and uncertain, in the which i f ever t h e i r could be drawn a conclusion that perhaps might be done by examining, how far this cryed up School of Painters not  of Florence Florentines  was different at the same  from time.  the  infinite  number  After a l l I beleive I am the f i r s t that has ever given any Prints to the publick a f t e r this Author, and to whom i t belongs to decide, as I likewise was the f i r s t in the year 1769. to propose publishing an example a f t e r every celebrated Author, in which I was greatly encouradge by the celebrated Monsignor B o t t a r i , and there is now who carrys on this work with great success.  140 This work seems to be one of the authors l a s t i t i s i s true what Cinelli says, that i t was done under the directions of S. Andrea Corsini, then a F r i a r in the Carmelites, that he was l e f t executor, and had been confessor of the Founder of this chapel, Vanni Manetti, i t could not be begun before 1330. i f S. Andrea return'd so soon from France of which some Authors doubt, therefor this work must have been painted within the l a s t f i v e years of Giottos l i f e and not before, as Vasari and Baldinucci have mentioned.  In  Firenze  L'anno  MDCCLXXII.  141  APPENDIX D Contri's Method of Detachment of  -intonaoo  "The method that Contri secretly used was t h i s . He covered the painting with a piece of canvas, well-varnished with his own special bitumen or glue, which firmly adhered to the wall. Once the painting was covered, he tapped the canvas well with a wooden mallet. Then he cut the intonaoo around the canvas (just as i t is s t i l l done today). With the knuckles of his fingers he checked to see i f the painted wall was s o l i d or showed any symptoms of b l i s t e r i n g . Then a f t e r i t had dried well f o r several days, he c a r e f u l l y began to remove the canvas very slowly with both hands, taking with i t a l l the painted wall surface. He immediately placed the canvas on a perfectly f l a t and smooth table, attaching behind i t a second canvas, also varnished and impregnated with a mixture even more adhesive than the f i r s t . Over this he sprinkled sand and other weights in.order to press the painting uniformly, and he l e f t i t in this state without touching i t again for a week. Then, removing the weights and sand, he turned the whole work over and washed the f i r s t canvas with hot water to remove the glue. The painting appeared, just as i t had looked on the wall: beautiful and fresh, in f a c t , cleaner than before, since the glue had pulled o f f with i t the dust, which had accumulated on the painting with the passing of time. If there had been some sign of defacement or lines incised by the painter (that i s , the cartoon o u t l i n e s ) , these too remained just as they had been on the wall."  From: Introduction by Ugo Procacci to The Great Age of Fresco. Giotto to Pontormo. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1968, p. 40-1.  142  APPENDIX E  CHRONOLOGY OF THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES AND FLORENTINE ARTISTS OF THE GIOTTO ERA  1275  1300  GIOTTO  o.  1325  1350  1375  Manetti Chapel Suggested New Dating  Frescoes Previous Dating  1267-1337  St.  CECILIA  1425  ^  MASTER ft.  early  WFFMMA£CO^L^^s^ulf  *TADDEO_ GADDI a.  •STEFANO c.  1400  14th  14th  o.  e.  1300-1366  1301-1350  •  BERNARDO DADDI ft.  1328-1348  *NARDO DI CIONE ft.  mid-14th  *MASO DI BANCO ft.  a.  1341-1346  iQRCAGNA (ANDREA DI CIONE)  AGNOLO GADDI_o.  1350-1396  A^NWJENEUM^l^nd  ^GIOVANNI  ft.1344-1368  half  DEL BIONDO ft.  ANDREA DA FIRENZE  ft.  SPWELLO^AR^TINOjfl.  14th  a.  1356-1392  1360-1377  1373-1410  See following pages. Adapted from: S. Eimerl et al, The World of Giotto a. Time-Life Books, 1967) p. 192.  1267-1337  (New York:  143 APPENDIX E (Continued) SOME THOUGHTS ON TADDEO GADDI, MASO DI BANCO AND NARDO DI CIONE AND POSSIBLE PAINTER OF THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES  TADDEO GADDI Similar f a c i a l features to those of the Manetti cycle can be detected in his Presentation of the Virgin in the Baroncelli Chapel (1332-38) and while the architecture i s f a r more elaborate, some of the scenes i n the Manetti c y c l e — t h e Annunciation, Birth and Naming and Vance—seem to echo some of these embellishments. The overall impression of the scenes i n the Tree of Life in the refectory of Santa Croce (1340-50) seems close in s t y l e to the Manetti Chapel frescoes and several s i m i l a r i t i e s can be noted: 1. 2. 3.  4.  The use of space--the figures i n some of the scenes are set back within the space of the pictures. The depiction of the rocks and mountains i s s i m i l a r and form an integral part of the composition. The figures occupy the architecture provided f o r them but i n some scenes they seem s l i g h t l y larger in proportion to the architecture. The figure groupings are variable, heads are at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s , some figures kneel on one knee.  Other works by this a r t i s t would be well worth examining as i t might be argued that the Manetti Chapel frescoes could be seen as a synthesis of his two styles — the elaborate and the simple.  MASO DI BANCO When looking at his Saint Sylvester cycle, one does not only note the individual and isolated s i m i l a r i t i e s such as the frowns, shape of eyes and s i m i l a r s t y l e of halos, one i s more struck by the total e f f e c t of the whole cycle. For example, Maso u t i l i z e s : 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  Various l e v e l s : below ground, at ground and above ground. Varying placement of heads: they are staggered at d i f f e r e n t heights throughout the whole cycle. Variable groupings of people. Smooth integration of two scenes into one. S o l i d , expressive, tranquil figures, a sense of timelessness.  In this instance, the architecture i s quite d i f f e r e n t from that i n the Manetti Chapel frescoes. The buildings occupy the whole space  144 and the figures seem smaller in proportion. Yet perhaps such differences are unimportant as they can often be seen i n two fresco cycles by the same master. They can be seen in Giotto's Bardi and Peruzzi frescoes and i n Taddeo Gaddi's Baroncelli Chapel and the refectory at Santa Croce which w i l l be discussed shortly. Therefore this difference need not rule out Maso as a strong contender for the Manetti cycle.:  NARDO DI CIONE When comparing the fragments with his known works the following s i m i l a r i t i e s are quickly noted: 1. 2.  3.  4.  The f a c i a l features, frown, scowl, hair s t y l e , of Saint Benedict (Stockholm) closely resemble the features of the Saint Zacharias fragment. The hair, half-beard and nose of Saint John the Baptist in the polyptych at New Haven, Connecticut, reveal a close relationship with the two fragments of Saint John. The f i r s t angel i n the tenth row of the Paradise fresco in the Strozzi Chapel of Santa Maria Novella, possesses the same s o f t , natural face and hair as can be noted in the 'two angels' fragment. Several s i m i l a r comparisons can be made when comparing individual figures from among the 'Chosen' of the Strozzi Chapel fresco with the Manetti fragments. For example, the figure of an elderly nun seems to bear a s t r i k i n g resemblance to the fragment of Elizabeth. The p r o f i l e of a gentleman resembles the Saint John baptising fragment.  Unfortunately, we have no examples of any authenticated Nardo di Cione works which have architectural backdrops which would enable us to compare his proportion and integration of figures with the architecture. We cannot even compare the groupings of figures in the Strozzi Chapel because the iconographical program i s so d i f f e r e n t . But does the a r t i s t need to supply evidence of previous form and space u t i l i z a t i o n when he has such an excellent model to follow in the Peruzzi and could apply his imaginative s k i l l s to i t ?  145 APPENDIX F SUMMARY OF ICONOGRAPHIC COMPARISON BETWEEN THE MANETTI CHAPEL FRESCOES AND THE SAINT JOHN CYCLES OF THE BAPTISTERY MOSAICS (1260's), PERUZZI CHAPEL (1320's), BAPTISTERY DOORS (1330's), AND GIOVANNI DEL BIONDO'S ALTARPIECE OF THE BAPTIST (1350-75). Outstanding Differences* and important s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the Manetti Chapel frescoes.  Scene  Main Points Compared  Annunciation  Angel placement and form Grouping and position of figures and architecture.  *Angel i n f l i g h t *Grouping on both sides. S i m i l a r i t y to Peruzzi.  Visitation  Gestures and poses  *Two handed grasp o f E l i z a beth's hand by V i r g i n .  Birth and Naming  Placement and attitude of figures. Placement of Elizabeth Placement of Zacharias Architecture  *Linking with moving figure. Elizabeth on right except i n mosaics. •Placement of Zacharias i s frontal. •Grouping on both sides.  Bapti st Preaching  Pose of Baptist Number of l i s t e n e r s Accoutrements  •Large congregation placed on both sides.  Baptism of Christ  Placement of figures and angels. Pose and attitude of Christ. Accountrements.  •Shivering figure of Christ.  Baptist V i s i t e d by Disciples  Placement and poses of Baptist and d i s c i p l e s  •Baptist c e n t r a l l y placed in other cycles he i s placed on one side.  Dance of '. Salome  Placement of Salome Gestures, attitudes and placement of other figures. Archi tecture.  •Salome on l e f t , otherwise s i m i l a r to Peruzzi.  Beheading  Placement and attitude of Saint John and executioners  •Executioner on l e f t •No attendants. •Semi-crouch of Saint John.  146  Scene  Main Points Compared  Presentation at Feast  Poses of figures Position of head Who presents to whom.  Entombment  Placement and attitude of Body. Grouping, posing, sex and gestures of attendants  Outstanding Differences* and important s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the Manetti Chapel frescoes nil  *No head on Body. *Women included *0ne figure l i f t i n g feet, and one 1 i f t i n g head. *Lone figure on right may represent donor.  

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