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Constituting ethnic difference : an ethnography of the Portuguese immigrant experience in Vancouver Boulter, Alison Isobel 1978

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CONSTITUTING ETHNIC DIFFERENCE: AN ETHNOGRAPHY  OF THE PORTUGUESE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN VANCOUVER by ALISON ISOBEL BOULTER B.A., Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , 197k  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE  STUDIES  DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  We accept  t h i s t h e s i s as conforming  t o the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July,  @  1978  Alison Isobel Boulter,  1978  In  presenting  this  an a d v a n c e d  degree  the  shall  I  Library  further  for  agree  scholarly  by  his  of  this  written  thesis at  the U n i v e r s i t y  make  that  it  purposes  for  freely  permission may  representatives. thesis  in p a r t i a l  is  financial  of  British  Columbia,  British  by  for  gain  Columbia  shall  the  that  not  requirements I  agree  r e f e r e n c e and copying  t h e Head o f  understood  Depa r t m e n t  2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5  of  for extensive  permission.  The U n i v e r s i t y  of  available  be g r a n t e d  It  fulfilment  of  this  be a l l o w e d  or  that  study. thesis  my D e p a r t m e n t  copying  for  or  publication  without  my  ABSTRACT  Ethnic  groups are a v i s i b l e  feature  o f Canadian s o c i e t y .  That  t h i s i s so i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e must be methods f o r making them r e c o g n i z e a b l e as w e l l as methods of a c c o u n t i n g f o r t h a t difference.  In t h i s t h e s i s , I am  visible  concerned t o e x p l i c a t e the  socially  o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e p a r t i c u l a r members and  groups  i n s o c i e t y as d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r members and  argument  groups.  The  p r e s e n t e d i s t h a t i t i s the p r a c t i c e s of a l l members of which c o n s t i t u t e  t h i s difference, rather  an a t t r i b u t e of any The ethnic igated.  p a r t i c u l a r ethnic,  work proceeds i n two  difference, located  i n the  I t i s demonstrated t h a t  on an u n e x p l i c a t e d  The  than the d i f f e r e n c e  F i r s t , the c o n s t i t u t i o n  taped d i s c u s s i o n s  the  t h e o r e t i c a l formulations r e s t  Second, o b s e r v a t i o n s and  interviews  with s o c i a l s e r v i c e  i s constituted  workers,  and  This  difference  explanations of ethnic  phenomena  Vancouver.. Through the  use  o f a method o f a n a l y s i s d e r i v e d  developed f o r s o c i o l o g y on  analyzed.  w i t h Portuguese immigrants themselves.  i n descriptions  and  multiculturalism,  second s o u r c e o f d a t a p r o v i d e s an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of how  in  groups  descriptions  of p a r t i c i p a n t s a t a c o n f e r e n c e on  as w e l l as i n t e r v i e w s  of  theoretical literature, i s invest-  everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n s o f Portuguese immigrants are  observations include  being  or immigrant group.  common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e t h n i c  t h e i r members as d i f f e r e n t . of the  ways.  society  the  by Smith, I have f o c u s s e d the  s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e  i n Vancouver.  The  enactment o f e t h n i c i t y i n the  from Marx  and  ethnography ethnic  theoretical  difference liter-  - i i-  ature,  i n the f i e l d w o r k ,  and i n t h e o b s e r v a t i o n s ,  explanations,  d e s c r i p t i o n s and accounts a r e t r e a t e d a6 d a t a f o r the a n a l y s i s o f the method by which e t h n i c  difference i s constituted  socially.  I t i s demonstrated t h a t d e s c r i p t i o n s which r e f e r e n c e o r i g i n , l i k e those which r e f e r e n c e  personality factors, disattend  to the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver.  Cultural  d e s c r i p t i o n s a r e a method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g i m m i g r a n t / e t h n i c erence.  cultural  The l o c a t i o n o f immigrant/ethnic  within a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l organization  diff-  groups and t h e i r members  i s recreated  a t every  moment i n the d e s c r i p t i o n s and o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s o f members o f society within  the f a m i l y , l a b o u r  system o f Vancouver s o c i e t y .  f o r c e and s o c i a l s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y  - i i i-  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page ABSTRACT  i  TABLE OF CONTENTS  i i i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CHAPTER ONE:  v  INTRODUCTION, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK I.  D e s c r i p t i v e Accounts Which S o c i a l Facts  1 3  Method o f A n a l y s i s . . . . . . F a c t s as S o c i a l l y C o n s t i t u t e d  CHAPTER TWO:  . . . .  Objects .  Constitute  6 10  THEORETICAL REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . .  15  Introduction  15  I. II.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Summary o f P r o c e d u r e s o f I n v e s t i g a t i o n .  17  Theoretical Constructions Phenomena  20  of Ethnic . . . . . . . .  20  Barth Despres.  III.  2.1\  Van Den Berghe  26  Robbins  29  The R e l a t i o n s Between and Theory •  Common-Sense 33  Ethnomethodology and Common-Sense Understandings • • • • Common-Sense Understanding as an Ideological Construction CHAPTER THREE:  THE FIELDWORK  Introduction I.  M J^3 i+3  ••  Research Methods  35  . . . . . . . . . . . .  50  Fieldnotes Research D i f f i c u l t i e s  kk  • • • • • • • • •  51  - iv-  Page II. III.  53  H i s t o r i c a l Background D e s c r i p t i o n as a Method Difference  of Constituting 54  S o c i a l l y Organized Use o f the Term 'Immigrant* • • • • • • • •  54  S o c i a l l y Organized Use o f the Term 'Community'  61  Referencing of C u l t u r a l O r i g i n  64  Summary IV.  How D e s c r i p t i o n s  . . . .  77 Obscure S o c i a l l y  Organized P r a c t i c e s Sponsored Immigrants  • . . .  77 78  R u r a l o r Urban Background • •  89  Labour Market P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Language S k i l l s  97  CONCLUDING REMARKS  108  BIBLIOGRAPHY  113  APPENDIX I  118  APPENDIX I I  119  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  The w r i t i n g of a t h e s i s i s always the r e s u l t o f more than the author's i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t s .  For t h i s r e a s o n , I wish to acknowledge,  w i t h thanks, some of the people who e c t u a l and  p r o v i d e d support; moral,  intell-  practical.  To Nancy Jackson, who  worked c l o s e l y with me  of her time and knowledge.  Without  and gave w i l l i n g l y  her h e l p , t h i s t h e s i s would not  have been p o s s i b l e . To my  Women's Group, f o r l i s t e n i n g , s u p p o r t i n g and p r o v i d i n g  dinners. To my  Committee; Helga Jacobson,  B l a n c a M u r a t o r i o and Roy  Turner,  f o r a s k i n g seemingly i m p o s s i b l e q u e s t i o n s and making sure I found way  to  answer  a  them.  To Barbara W i l l i a m s o n f o r her s u g g e s t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m s of the rough  drafts. To Marie Campbell,  Thompson who  M a r g e u r i t e C a s s i n , G i l l i a n V/alker and  shared i d e a s , o f f i c e  To N a t a l i e Dubanski who  space and  t y p e w r i t e r s with  typed the rough c o p i e s and  the  Linda me.  final  manuscript. To my  c h i l d r e n , R i c k and Mike, f o r t h e i r c a r i n g and  practical  h e l p as we went through t h i s e x p e r i e n c e t o g e t h e r . To the people who  a c t e d as i n f o r m a n t s , I g i v e s p e c i a l  thanks.  They gave f r e e l y of t h e i r knowledge and e x p e r i e n c e t o make t h i s thesis And her  possible. finally,  to Dorothy  Smith,  f o r her t h e o r e t i c a l work and  p e r s o n a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l support d u r i n g the p a s t two  years.  -  I  -  CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION:  THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK  •Ethnic groups' a r e a v i s i b l e That they a r e  f e a t u r e o f Vancouver  society.  so p r o v i d e s an o b s e r v a b l e phenomenon which i s o f  i n t e r e s t t o a l l members of s o c i e t y . news which i n c o r p o r a t e s the terms  The media r e g u l a r l y  report  ' e t h n i c groups' o r 'immigrants'.  The P u b l i c L i b r a r y m a i n t a i n s f i l e s o f p r e s s c l i p p i n g s which  refer  to v a r i o u s e t h n i c groups/ immigrant groups i n the Vancouver  area.  R e s t a u r a n t s which s e r v e e t h n i c  foods p r o l i f e r a t e .  Some a r e a s o f  Vancouver a r e known as " t h e Greek neighborhood", " t h e I t a l i a n s e c t i o n " , " t h e E a s t I n d i a n community", " t h e Portuguese community". C o n v e r s a t i o n s take p l a c e i n which i t i s noted how many e t h n i c groups members a r e working i n a g i v e n s e t t i n g and how those Jobs were never done by "them" b e f o r e . T h i s t o p i c i s a l s o o f i n t e r e s t t o s o c i o l o g i s t s and a n t h r o pologists.  Papers a r e w r i t t e n , c o n f e r e n c e s a r e o r g a n i z e d , c l a s s e s  and seminars a r e h e l d i n which the c o n c e r n i s t o understand the o r g a n i z a t i o n and impact o f e t h n i c i t y on Canadian s o c i e t y , ( c f . Despres, 1 9 7 5 , f o r a h i s t o r y o f academic fact  literature.)  o f Canadian  the term ' e t h n i c ' i n the  E t h n i c groups, immigrants a r e seen as a  society.  That e t h n i c groups a r e a f a c t o f l i f e i n Vancouver t h a t they must be r e c o g n i z a b l e as such.  indicates  The terms ' e t h n i c ' and  'immigrant' b u i l d i n a p a r t i c u l a r u n d e r s t a n d i n g :  that i s ,  that  e t h n i c group members and immigrants a r e d i f f e r e n t . in  They a r e ,  any number o f ways, seen t o be d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r e t h n i c  groups, and from, i n the case of were born i n Canada. I am concerned t o The r e s e a r c h , what i s c a l l e d  immigrants, o t h e r persons  who  I t i s t h i s taken-for-granted d i f f e r e n c e that  explore. on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based, took p l a c e i n  the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver.  It will  be demonstrated t h a t the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s o f Vancouver s o c i e t y c o n s t i t u t e people o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n as e t h n i c , as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t .  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s accomplished  through d e s c r i p t i o n s o f p e o p l e ' s a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l as through the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s o f t h e members o f Vancouver s o c i e t y who Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n .  are of  These p r a c t i c e s , the d e s c r i p t i o n s o f  the Portuguese persons as c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t as w e l l as the dayto-day a c t i v i t i e s o f immigrants' l i v e s , produce the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d phenomenon which i s v i s i b l e as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver.  I t i s through the a c t i v i t i e s o f a l l  members o f Vancouver s o c i e t y t h a t some persons are c o n s t i t u t e d as immigrant, as e t h n i c , as d i f f e r e n t and which produces a p a r t i c u l a r social  f a c t ; Portuguese immigrants.  The problem addressed i n t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t o f how phenomenon and immigrant groups  1  ethnic  become v i s i b l e as d i f f e r e n t . f o r  ^ I s a j e v (1978) has r a i s e d , as a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l i s s u e , the use o f t h e terms ' e t h n i c ' and 'immigrant'. He s u g g e s t s t h a t s t u d i e s o f e t h n i c i t y have o f t e n been the study o f immigrant a d a p t a t i o n . The r e s u l t has been t h a t t h e r e i s a primary f o c u s on f i r s t gene r a t i o n immigrants without the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t second and t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n e t h n i c group members may d i f f e r i n both s o c i a l organi z a t i o n and v i s i b i l i t y . In t h i s work, however, such a d i s t i n c t i o n i s not r e l e v a n t ; the Portuguese e t h n i c group members i n Vancouver are m a i n l y f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n immigrants and i t i s these people w i t h  - 3 -  a l l members o f s o c i e t y .  I am concerned t o i n q u i r e i n t o the  p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e some Portuguese immigrants as d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r Portuguese immigrants and from the l a r g e r s o c i e t y ; t h a t d i f f e r e n c e i s produced and how  how  i t i s a v a i l a b l e as a s o c i a l  fact. I.  The Method o f  Analysis  I n o r d e r t o i n q u i r e i n t o how  e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t groups become  v i s i b l e as d i f f e r e n t f o r a l l members of s o c i e t y , I want t o b e g i n w i t h making apparent the method o f a n a l y s i s which I w i l l use i n this thesis.  The use o f t h i s method, d e r i v e d  developed f o r s o c i o l o g y the  phenomenon o f e t h n i c  by Smith,  from Marx and  w i l l p r o v i d e a way  of approaching  groups which i s d i f f e r e n t from those  based i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y .  T h i s method w i l l p r o v i d e a  procedure f o r e x p l i c a t i n g members' a c t i v i t i e s which a r e named by the  terms  ' e t h n i c i t y ' , 'ethnic  group', 'immigrants' and  'immigrant  groups'. The method b e g i n s where the e t h n i c where common-sense usage o f the terms  t h e o r i s t s c i t e d below  'ethnic'  and  and  'immigrant'  b e g i n ; w i t h the a t t r i b u t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e which i s presumed t o be a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t groups and t h e i r members.' However, i n the method w h i c h ^ i s used h e r e , t h a t . d i f f e r e n c e treated  as g i v e n but r a t h e r  as p r o b l e m a t i c :  how  people c o n s t i t u t e p a r t i c u l a r persons as e t h n i c ,  i s not  the a c t i v i t i e s of as immigrant,  as  which I am concerned. T h e r e f o r e , i n t h i s work the terms a r e used i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y . The members o f the Portuguese immigrant group i n Vancouver a r e a l s o the members o f the Portuguese e t h n i c group.  -in-  d i f f e r e n t from other persons.  The terms are returned to the actual  practices of which they are a part and i n which they o r i g i n a t e . I w i l l do, using t h i s method, a focused ethnography. 1977a)  That i s , I am concerned to focus the ethnography  (Smith, i n a very  p a r t i c u l a r way; on the a c t i v i t i e s , descriptions and explanations which constitute ethnic, immigrant  difference; on the process  rather than on the objective account.  This focus i s one which  w i l l not produce the only possible description of the Portuguese immigrant  experience i n Vancouver.  another ethnography,  Rather, i t must be noted that  another description which proceeded with a  d i f f e r e n t focus would perhaps produce a very d i f f e r e n t d e s c r i p t i o n . This method i s provided f o r i n the work of Marx, p a r t i c u l a r l y his  l a t e r work on p o l i t i c a l economy. (Marx,1976 )  The method i s  an inquiry as well as a c r i t i q u e of the work of the p o l i t i c a l economists.  Marx c r i t i c i z e d the p o l i t i c a l economists f o r beginning  with the categories which arise i n the process of c a p i t a l i s t production but i n the process of t h e i r work, l o s i n g sight of the o r i g i n a l a c t i v i t i e s i n which the terms arose. (Smith, 197?a) However, the method used i n t h i s thesis i s not to be understood as an a p p l i c a t i o n of the d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t method.  Rather,  I w i l l be concerned to use the method developed by Smith f o r sociology which, although based on Marx's work, i s developed f o r use i n sociology i n the present.  As t h i s t h e s i s r e l i e s primarily  on the work of Smith, i t i s necessary to see how she r e l a t e s her work to that of Marx. The method which we began to work with i s a method which i s derived from Marx's method.... ( I t ) can't be treated as an e x p l i c a t i o n of Marx; i t i s derived  - 5 -  from h i s work and i s d e r i v e d from h i s work as a b a s i s on which t o proceed f o l l o w i n g a method which he i n n o v a t e d , but not n e c e s s a r i l y simply r e p l i c a t i n g t h a t method. That i s , i t i s aimed t o do the work of s o c i o l o g y i n t h i s time and not i n t h e 19th c e n t u r y . T h e r e f o r e , no e f f o r t has been made t o be f a i t h f u l t o Marx i n a p i o u s o r r e l i g i o u s s e n s e . (Smith, 1977a) What i s i m p l i e d i n Marx's method i s a procedure f o r b e g i n n i n g where t h e t h e o r i s t s l e a v e o f f .  That i s , Marx began by t a k i n g the  c o n c e p t s used by Adam Smith, R i c a r d o and o t h e r s and l o c a t i n g those c o n c e p t s i n t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f p e o p l e .  Marx produced an  account o f t h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which gave r i s e t o t h e d e s c r i p t i o n and c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f t h e p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m i s t s . ( L e i b o w i t z , C a s s i n , 1977)  1977;,  As Smith has s t a t e d :  Marx's example i n s t r u c t s us not t o t r e a t a concept as a t h e o r e t i c a l p r i m i t i v e , i n t h e l o g i c a l sense, n o r as i n t e r p r e t a b l e s o l e l y i n terms o f o t h e r c o n c e p t s . Rather, a concept r e q u i r e s t o be d i s c o v e r e d a g a i n i n the a c t u a l i t i e s o f what l i v i n g people do. (Smith, 1974:7) I n t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o e t h n i c i t y , e t h n i c groups and immigrant groups, I do n o t proceed by t a k i n g a 6 g i v e n t h e v i s i b l e  differences  which produce t h e o b s e r v a b l e phenomenon o f e t h n i c groups. that  Rather,  ' d i f f e r e n c e ' remains t o be d i s c o v e r e d i n t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f  t a l k , o f t h e f a m i l y and o f t h e l a b o u r market.  I n o t h e r words,  what i s common-sensically used as a " r e s o u r c e " , I w i l l t r e a t as a " t o p i c " . (Zimmerman & P o l l n e r , 1970) Smith, f o l l o w i n g Marx, l o c a t e s h e r work on s o c i a l i n two modes:  first,  organization  the s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which g i v e r i s e t o the  phenomenon; second, t h e l o c a t i o n o f the i d e o l o g i s t ,  professional  or s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t who i s concerned w i t h b r i n g i n g t h e terms used  - 6 -  i n the  working r e l a t i o n s  into  the p r o f e s s i o n a l o r academic  discourse,  .',  Marx assumes t h a t t h e terms t h a t a r e used a r e terms which a r e an e s s e n t i a l p a r t o f the p r o c e s s ; a r e the terms o f the working p r o c e s s o f p o l i t i c a l economy. That i s , t h a t terms such as wages, commodities, p r o f i t , e t c . , do not a r i s e out o f t h e work o f p o l i t i c a l economy h u t a r i s e out of the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l p r o c e s s and hence, o f c o u r s e , t h e i r very e x i s t e n c e as c a t e g o r i e s which a r e p o t e n t i a l l y p a r t o f the s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o u r s e , i s fundamentally h i s t o r i c a l . (Smith, 1977a)  In  t h i s work, the r e l a t i o n  I am concerned t o e x p l o r e i s t h a t  of how t o " s u b s t r u c t " t h e accounts g i v e n t o me i n the f i e l d , the terms p r o v i d e d i n the academic l i t e r a t u r e and the d e s c r i p t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants' l i v e s done by t h e s o c i a l workers, t o the  social  relations  phenomenon a r i s e s .  o f the o r i g i n a l p r a c t i c e s i n which the  (Smith,  F a c t s as S o d a l l y - C o n s t i t u t e d  1976)  Objects  I n o r d e r t o d e v e l o p t h i s r e l a t i o n noted above, i t i s n e c e s s a r y to i n v e s t i g a t e how s o c i a l f a c t s a r e c o n s t i t u t e d ; how t h e f a c t o f immigrants, e t h n i c groups and e t h n i c i t y fact.  i s c o n s t i t u t e d as a s o c i a l  To do t h i s , I want t o b e g i n w i t h t h e work on commodities  done by Marx; t h e work on commodity as a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n , will  which, as  be demonstrated l a t e r , i s analogous t o t h e c o n s t i t u t i n g  social  facts.  A commodity i s t h e r e f o r e , a m y s t e r i o u s t h i n g , s i m p l y because i n i t , the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f men's l a b o u r appears t o them as an o b j e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r stamped upon t h e product o f t h a t l a b o u r ; because t h e r e l a t i o n of the p r o d u c e r s t o t h e sum t o t a l o f t h e i r own l a b o u r i s p r e s e n t e d t o them as a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n e x i s t i n g not between themselves, b u t between t h e p r o d u c t s o f  of  - 7 -  t h e i r labour* This i s the reason why the products of labour become commodities, s o c i a l things whose q u a l i t i e s are at the same time perceptible and imperceptible by the sense* In the same way, the l i g h t from an object i s perceived by us not as the subjective e x c i t a t i o n of our optic nerve, but as the objective form of something outside the eye i t s e l f . But, i n the act of seeing, there i s at a l l events an actual passage of l i g h t from one physical thing to another, from the external object to the eye. There i s a p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n between physical things. But i t i s d i f f e r e n t with commodities. There, the existence of things qua commodities and the value r e l a t i o n between the products of labour which stamps them as commodities, have absolutely no connection with t h e i r physical properties and with the material r e l a t i o n s a r i s i n g therefrom. There i s a d e f i n i t e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n between men, that assumes, i n t h e i r eyes, the fantastic form of a r e l a t i o n between things. (Marx, 1976) Commodities become such only within a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l organization.  They are not completed as commodities outside of the  r e l a t i o n between production and market exchange.  They come i n t o  being only at that moment of exchange. Before continuing with the c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i a l f a c t s , i t i s necessary  to c l a r i f y how  used i n t h i s t h e s i s .  p a r t i c u l a r terms are used and have been  Terms such as s o c i a l organization, s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s , s o c i a l l y organized practices a l l r e f e r to a p a r t i c u l a r method of s o c i a l production.  They do not, as i s commonly the case,  r e f e r to s t a t i c contexts or configurations i n t o which i n d i v i d u a l s are  inserted.  Rather, they are a c t i v i t i e s which are c a r r i e d  are performed by persons.  out,  They r e f e r to a c t i v i t i e s which produce,  s o c i a l l y , what i s observable as objective features of our s o c i e t y . In the present work, the term " s o c i a l organization", or " s o c i a l l y organized" i s used to I d e n t i f y a realm of organized p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n which s o c i a l phenomena come i n t o being with the appearance of objective features of the s o c i a l world; i t i d e n t i f i e s an " o n t o l o g i c a l " status of s o c i a l phenomena. That i s , these terms i d e n t i f y a domain i n which 'objects' come i n t o existence by being assembled, organized as  - 8 -  phenomena, s o c i a l l y * They ' e x i s t as s o c i a l phenomena only i n the a c t i v i t i e s of people i n which these forms are produced as appearances. They are fundamentally a s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n and have no o t h e r e x i s t e n c e than t h e i r ongoing, s o c i a l accomplishment. (Jackson, 1977:4) 1  Smith, u s i n g her  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Mead's view of s o c i a l  as they are accomplished and an  acts  o r g a n i z e d by the s o c i a l form, p r o v i d e s  example which e x p l i c a t e s the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which  constitute a natural  object.  ... i t seems to me t h a t what Mead was homing i n on, i n the n o t i o n of symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n , was something l i k e t h i s way of v i e w i n g how a t a b l e or how o b j e c t s of t h i s k i n d are c o n s t i t u t e d i n a s o c i a l a c t or i n a s e t o f s o c i a l a c t s which both o r g a n i z e s and are o r g a n i z e d by the s o c i a l form which emerges i n t h i s p r o c e s s . (Smith,  1976c)  Smith's example of a t a b l e p r o v i d e s a way that there revolve  around the use  of a t a b l e .  the n a t u r a l o b j e c t .  Rather, i t i s p o s s i b l e to see  which surround i t s use  and  t o be an a p p r o p r i a t e  out  acted  c o n t e x t , may  of p a r t i c u l a r ' d r e s s i n g s ' a lamp, what was  in  practices form.  t a b l e i n what i s seen p u t t i n g her  that p h y s i c a l objects  example, p a c k i n g boxes i n one  of f l o w e r s ,  t o do  manner; f o r example, not  Smith a l s o p o i n t s  By the use  of a t a b l e , what the  which c o n s t i t u t e i t s s o c i a l  That i s , t h a t a c h i l d must l e a r n how  it.  i t is  These p r a c t i c e s are not s o l e l y  a c h i l d i s i n s t r u c t e d i n the use  are  how  i s a p a r t i c u l a r s e t of s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which  determined by how  to see  feet  which a r e ,  on  for  a c t as a t a b l e i n a n o t h e r .  such as a t a b l e c l o t h , a vase  ' o r i g i n a l l y ' a b a c k i n g box  becomes  towards, c o n s t i t u t e d as a t a b l e . (Smith, 1976a) In a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n , i t i s p o s s i b l e to see  s o c i a l l y constituted  object  a gift  as  a  which i s completed o n l y i n a p a r t i c u l a r  - 9-  exchange r e l a t i o n between p e r s o n s .  That i s , t h a t w h i l e a box of  candy o r a b o t t l e o f wine may be only boxes o r b o t t l e s o f p a r t i c u l a r e d i b l e s , i f those a r e g i v e n  as g i f t s t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t r u c t i o n  as g i f t s o c c u r s o n l y i n the g i v i n g o f the o b j e c t as a g i f t . i s only a g i f t  when i t i s g i v e n  comes i n t o e x i s t e n c e The  at that  A gift  t o one p e r s o n by another and only  moment.  above examples show how a s o c i a l a c t may appear as an  o b j e c t , as an o b j e c t i f i e d  'thing*.  I n the same way, i t i s p o s s i b l e  t o see how ' f a c t s ' a r e c o n s t i t u t e d as the o b j e c t i v e f e a t u r e s o f the observed w o r l d . see  a gift  That i s , t h a t i n the same way as i t i s p o s s i b l e t o  as an o b j e c t and t o d i s a t t e n d t o the s o c i a l l y  constitution of a g i f t ,  organized  so i t i s p o s s i b l e t o see the ' f a c t ' o f  immigrant groups, e t h n i c groups, e t h n i c and immigrant d i f f e r e n c e as an o b s e r v a b l e and o b j e c t i v e • f a c t s ' , as s o c i a l  'fact' of society.  To see them a s  ' f a c t s ' , i s t o d i f i a t t e n d t o the s o c i a l l y  organized  p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e as a f a c t . Smith r e - w r i t e s  the quote from Marx above, as a way o f showing  how the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f ' f a c t ' mediates the r e l a t i o n s among persons in  the same way t h a t Marx saw commodities as m e d i a t i n g the r e l a t i o n s  of i n d i v i d u a l s . We might indeed r e w r i t e p a r t s o f h i s account t o do some work f o r l i s . He s a y s : 'A commodity i s t h e r e f o r e a m y s t e r i o u s t h i n g simply because i n i t the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f men's l a b o u r appears t o them as an o b j e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r stamped on the product o f t h a t l a b o u r . ' (Marx, C a p i t a l , undated) Rewrite t h a t s u b s t i t u t i n g ' f a c t ' f o r 'commodity' and making o t h e r a p p r o p r i a t e changes and we g e t : 'a f a c t i s a m y s t e r i o u s t h i n g simply because i n i t the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f men's c o n s c i o u s n e s s appears t o them as an o b j e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r stamped on the product o f the consciousness'. (Indeed l a t e r i n t h e same paragraph  Marx draws a l i k e analogy w i t h r e l i g i o n , ) The o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n o f l a b o u r i n the commodity i s brought about as r e l a t i o n s o f exchange. R e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s come t o appear as r e l a t i o n s between commodities. S i m i l a r l y we can t h i n k o f r e l a t i o n s between s u b j e c t i v i t i e s a p p e a r i n g as f a c t s and as r e l a t i o n s among f a c t s . (Smith, 1973) Thus t h a t  immigrants, members o f e t h n i c  as d i f f e r e n t i s a f a c t which i s a v a i l a b l e That t h i s d i f f e r e n c e  difference  Descriptive  The appearance i s t h a t  constituted  Rather, i t i s v i s i b l e as an o b j e c t i v e  I want t o r e t u r n  now  l a t e r work on  Social  necessarily fact.  Facts  t o the two modes o f l o c a t i o n but  as a method o f s e e i n g d e s c r i p t i v e social fact.  That i s ,  phenomenon i s not  Accounts Which C o n s t i t u t e  accounts as c o n s t i t u t i v e  Here, I w i l l be p r i m a r i l y  society  these people a r e  they come from somewhere e l s e .  as s o c i a l l y  v i s i b l e as s u c h .  f o r everyone t o see.  i s produced through the a c t i v i t i e s o f  members i s not v i s i b l e . d i f f e r e n t because  groups appear t o us  now of  concerned w i t h Smith's  description.  Thus, the same s e t o f terms may be l o c a t e d i n two modes o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n . Terms, such as wages, or p r o f i t , a r i s e on the one hand as p a r t o f how those x r r e l a t i o n s are p r a c t i c e d . And on the o t h e r , are l o c a t e d i n the second s e t o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s where the work of the i d e o l o g i s t , the work o f the p o l i t i c a l economist, the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i s done. The language, which i s a p a r t o f the o b j e c t s of study and how t h a t o b j e c t becomes known w i t h i n a d i s c o u r s e , i s i n c o r p o r ated i n t o the d i s c o u r s e and o r g a n i z e d by i t s s o c i a l and t e c h n i c a l r e l a t i o n . . . . I t i s a r e l a t i o n a t the i n t e r s e c t i o n o f a p r o f e s s i o n a l d i s c o u r s e , or bureauc r a c y , or a s i m i l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l form i n a l i v e d world which the c o d i n g or the d e s c r i p t i v e procedure must make o b j e c t i v e l y a v a i l a b l e t o the d i s c o u r s e or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r o c e s s . (Smith, 1978)  1  - 1 1 -  Smith and Jackson, (Smith, 1977;  Jackson, 1977)  r e l a t i o n between the methods o f d o i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s c i e n t i s t s and arises.  the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s  used by the  i n which the o r i g i n a l pehnomena  They d e s c r i b e the d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f t a l k t h a t  w i t h i n the s e t t i n g o f the newsroom they were Jackson l o c a t e s t a l k that  persons who  occured  investigating.  three d i f f e r e n t kinds of t a l k .  First,  i s done by people i n the course o f d o i n g the  of t h e i r work.  talk.  e x p l o r e the  activities  Second, t a l k which i s done by competent members f o r  are not accomplished members of the s e t t i n g ;  Smith notes t h i s k i n d of t a l k as i n c o r p o r a t i n g  distinctive characteristics.  One,  out from a competent member o f on i n the s e t t i n g .  And  two,  that  descriptive  minimally  the s e t t i n g what i s i s t h a t  that  two  the s o c i o l o g i s t i s f i n d i n g i s going  t h i s k i n d of t a l k i n c o r p o r a t e s a  d i f f e r e n t usage of terms than does the working usage o f terms appears t o be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a s e t t i n g .  the  talk.  This  of doing  different  descriptions  The t h i r d k i n d of t a l k i d e n t i f i e d by Jackson i s  the t a l k done as a p a r t o f the s o c i o l o g i c a l d i s c o u r s e .  While  n e i t h e r of these s o c i o l o g i s t s c o n c e n t r a t e d on the t h i r d l o c a t i o n t a l k , as Smith p o i n t s out, "We at the second l e v e l was  can b e g i n t o see ways i n which  instructed  by the way  aimed at a s o c i o l o g i c a l d i s c o u r s e " . (Smith, For  w i l l not be  the r e l a t i o n between the second and t h i r d  of t a l k .  Rather, I w i l l be concerned  location,  the d e s c r i p t i o n s ,  constitutes  the t a l k  e t h n i c immigrant  talk  was  1977)  the purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , I a l s o ,  to e x p l i c a t e  explicate  that  of  t o l o o k a t the  concerned  locations  second  as an a c t i v i t y which i n and o f i t s e l f difference.  I am concerned  the r e l a t i o n between the d e s c r i p t i o n s  done o f  to immigrants'  -  12 -  l i v e s , and t h e l i v e d r e l a t i o n s o f immigrants as they a r i s e i n t h e i r everyday  activities.  Smith p o i n t s out some of t h e p r o p e r t i e s mentioned  previously  as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e second l e v e l o f d e s c r i p t i o n . For terms i n a d e s c r i p t i v e account, we make use o f a r e f e r e n c i n g method o f meaning. They a r e taken t o i n t e n d something out t h e r e ; o b j e c t o r a c t i o n . This r e f e r e n t i a l procedure f o r meaning words i s not t h e only way which words c a n mean. I n t h e language game of d e s c r i p t i o n , language i s used r e f e r e n t i a l l y . R e f e r e n c i n g i s t h e k e y sense-making p r a c t i c e o f t h e d e s c r i p t i v e language game. The u n d e r s t a n d i n g , " t h i s i s a d e s c r i p t i o n " i n s t r u c t s the s o c i o l o g i s t , hearing her i n f o r m a n t speak, t o hear h e r as s p e a k i n g o f what i s out t h e r e . She takes what i s r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e d e s c r i p t i o n as j u s t t h a t . I n that c o n s t r u c t i o n , what i s r e f e r r e d t o i s the grounding o f t h e d e s c r i p tion. R e f e r e n c i n g c o n s t i t u t e s a r e l a t i o n between the d e s c r i p t i v e d i s c o u r s e and what i t i n t e n d s . D e s c r i p t i o n s work by p r e s u p p o s i n g what they d e s c r i b e . They presuppose f u r t h e r , t h a t t h e d e s c r i p t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y d e r i v e d . (Smith, 1978) I n t h i s t h e s i s , I am concerned with what Smith c a l l s a "double r e l a t i o n " .  That i s , t h a t t h e language o f d e s c r i p t i o n  which i s i n c o r p o r a t e d discourse  i n t o t h e sense-making  operate quite d i f f e r e n t l y  p r a c t i c e s o f the  from t h e o r i g i n a l  working  r e l a t i o n s i n which t h e terms a r i s e and o f which they a r e a p a r t . I n f a c t , t h a t r e l a t i o n may be q u i t e i n d e t e r m i n a t e and t h e system o f c a t e g o r i e s may s e r v e t o o r g a n i z e what i t seems t o name i n ways t h a t do n o t conform t o t h e s o c i a l formoof t h e everyday world t h a t i t codifies. (Smith, 1978) Therefore, i t i s the contention p o s s i b l e t o go d i r e c t l y  o f t h i s work, t h a t i t i s not  from t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s o f e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t  groups as they appear t o t h e a c t i v i t i e s they assume t o r e f e r e n c e . The d e s c r i p t i o n s must be e x p l i c a t e d ; r e t u r n e d t o t h e a c t i v i t i e s ,  - 13  -  the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which they are l o c a t e d and which they a r i s e *  In the  following chapters,  I w i l l be  in  concerned  t o e x p l i c a t e the r e l a t i o n between an a c t u a l i t y , the v i s i b i l i t y e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t groups, and  a p a r t i c u l a r s e t or system o f  r e l a t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e t h a t v i s i b i l i t y  of  social  f o r a l l members o f  society* Chapter I I i s an i n q u i r y i n t o the l i t e r a t u r e on e t h n i c Four a r t i c l e s are d i s c u s s e d  phenomena*  which are concerned w i t h the two  i n the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e *  One  debate i s the s u b j e c t i v e  o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a of i n c l u s i o n or e x c l u s i o n of e t h n i c i . e . e t h n i c i d e n t i t y or c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a and  debates  or  group members;  content.  The  other  debate i s whether c l a s s s t a t u s or e t h n i c s t a t u s i s p r i m a r y i n m i n i n g the unequal s t a t u s of v a r i o u s  ethnic combinations.  The  c h a p t e r i s concerned w i t h e x p l i c a t i n g the procedure by which l i t e r a t u r e i s constructed  deter-  the  to produce g e n e r a l i z a b l e statements about  e t h n i c groups i n a l l s o c i e t i e s .  I t w i l l be demonstrated t h a t a l l  the t h e o r i s t s c i t e d proceed from an assumption of d i f f e r e n c e as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which i s a p r o p e r t y  of the  e t h n i c group members.  I t w i l l a l s o be demonstrated t h a t t h i s t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d  difference  i s a common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e t h n i c groups a n d . t h e i r T h i s common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s an u n e x p l i c a t e d the t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s Chapter I I I c o n t a i n s  of the e t h n i c  the method and  a  members.  resource  for  theorists cited.  a n a l y s i s of the  fleldwork.  I b e g i n w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of the ethnographic procedures used i n gathering  my  data.  These were o b s e r v a t i o n ,  c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s and  intensive interviews.  ments the method through which I entered of my  own  conception  participation in  the  T h i s s e c t i o n docufield.  of "community" i s i n c l u d e d  A discussion  as an example o f  - H  -  the way i n which I enacted e t h n i c i t y with the members o f the f i e l d . T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a v e r y s h o r t h i s t o r i c a l summary o f Portuguese i m m i g r a t i o n t o Canada. The d i s c u s s i o n and  then b e g i n s t o e x p l i c a t e  'immigrant'  'community' which w i l l be shown t o be names f o r p a r t i c u l a r  s o c i a l l y organized practices  which o r g a n i z e some persons as  d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r p e r s o n s . terms a r e p a r t the  the terms  I t w i l l be demonstrated t h a t  o f the method which c o n s t i t u t e s  these  the o b j e c t i v e  entity,  s o c i a l f a c t o f i m m i g r a n t / e t h n i c groups and i n d i v i d u a l s .  this section  In  I am concerned w i t h the p r o c e s s o f i n t e r a c t i o n , the  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e  some persons as d i f f e r e n t  from  o t h e r s i n Vancouver. The p r o c e s s o f i n t e r a c t i o n i s v i s i b l e i n the d e s c r i p t i o n w i t h and about Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. a t t r i b u t e the d i f f i c u l t i e s  These  and concerns o f Immigrants  done  descriptions  to t h e i r  p e r s o n a l i t i e s , to t h e i r c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , or to the c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l background description  from which they have come.  T h i s method o f  d i s a t t e n d s t o the p r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i a l and c l a s s  l o c a t i o n o f Portuguese immigrants i n t h e i r everyday l i v e d in  relations  Vancouver. The c o n c l u d i n g remarks w i l l be a summary o f the t h e s i s and w i l l  I n c l u d e some s u g g e s t i o n s f o r f u r t h e r immigrant s o c i a l  organization.  r e s e a r c h l n the a r e a o f e t h n i c /  -  15  -  CHAPTER  TWO  THEORETICAL REVIEW OF THE  LITERATURE  * Introduction T h i s s e c t i o n of the t h e s i s i s an i n q u i r y i n t o the and with  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e onsethnic showing how  the p r o d u c t i o n  phenomena.  sociological  I t i s concerned  of knowledge about e t h n i c i t y proceeds  w i t h i n a t h e o r e t i c a l framework; w i t h i n a d i s c o u r s e . The  g o a l towards which t h i s t h e s i s i s d i r e c t e d i s t o show  e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e i s c o n s t i t u t e d by the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d o f members of s o c i e t y i n Vancouver. i s n e c e s s a r y t o show, f i r s t , how together.  how  practices  I n moving toward t h i s g o a l , i t  the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e i s put  T h i s i n q u i r y w i l l make v i s i b l e , i n c e r t a i n s e l e c t e d  a r t i c l e s , the procedures by which s o c i o l o g i c a l and  anthropological  i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o e t h n i c phenomena are conducted. The  a r t i c l e s s e l e c t e d f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n are those which were  the most o f t e n c i t e d as r e f e r e n c e s i n preparation and  for this thesis.  as such p u r p o r t  A l s o , they are t h e o r e t i c a l a r t i c l e s  to have a g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y which n o n - t h e o r e t i c a l  a r t i c l e s do not have. f o r review was  i n the l i t e r a t u r e which I read  Another c r i t e r i a f o r the s e l e c t i o n of  t h a t they i n some way  debates w i t h i n the a r e a of e t h n i c and  represent  the t h e o r e t i c a l  race r e l a t i o n s .  reviewed below share themes which are concerned with the primacy of e t h n i c s t a t u s or c l a s s s t a t u s and  the  The  articles  the debates  on  determination  of s u b j e c t i v e or o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r membership i n an * My thanks to Dr.R.Fernandez f o r c r i t i c i s m s and chapter.  articles  ethnic  suggestions  for this  - 16 -  group. A note of caution must be included at t h i s point.  These  a r t i c l e s are primarily concerned with ethnic groups i n noncapitalist societies.  I do not assume that a l l ethnic groups  i n every society w i l l be organized, s o c i a l l y , i n the 6ame manner. Therefore, the inquiry i s not directed to the s p e c i f i c s of ethnic groups i n the l i t e r a t u r e .  Rather, I am p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned  with the t h e o r e t i c a l constructions which the authors c i t e d develop. Theoretical constructions are the basis f o r generalizing to a l l ethnic groups the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are discovered to be somehow • t y p i c a l * of ethnic organization.  While there indeed may be p a r a l l e l s  between ethnic groups and ethnic organization i n a a l l s o c i a l organi z a t i o n s , that s i m i l a r i t y i s not the focu6 of t h i s t h e s i s .  In t h i s  section, I am concerned to look at how the l i t e r a t u r e i s put together; what assumptions must be made i n order to produce what are seen as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of ethnic groups.  I t i s this generalizability  that I am concerned to discuss, not the p a r t i c u l a r s of the authors  1  research i n t o c e r t a i n ethnic groups i n other parts of the world. The inquiry which constitutes t h i s section of the t h e s i s concerns two debates within the l i t e r a t u r e . determination  of subjective or objective c r i t e r i a f o r the exclusion  or i n c l u s i o n of ethnic members. surrounding  They are f i r s t , the  Second, I w i l l look at the debate  c l a s s status and ethnic status as the determinant of  v i s i b l e inequalities i n society. This chapter begins with a summary of the procedures by which ethnic phenomena are investigated.  I w i l l then go on to look at  three t h e o r i s t s who proceed within the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode of analysis i n more d e t a i l .  Following t h i s , I w i l l look at one •  -  17  -  a r t i c l e which attempts t o i n v e s t i g a t e base o f a M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s  of c l a s s  T h i s procedure o f i n q u i r y  ethnicity  from the  theoretical  relations.  w i l l a l l o w the l o c a t i o n  of the  phenomena o f e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c groups w i t h i n a d i s c o u r s e . w i l l p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s  o f how  It  e t h n i c i t y i s accomplished i n the  s o c i o l o g i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e .  I.  Summary o f Procedures o f  Investigation  The e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e r a i s e s concerns.  theoretical  The f i r s t i s the debate which c o n c e r n s whether  i v e or s u b j e c t i v e  object-  c r i t e r i a are the primary d e t e r m i n a n t s f o r the  g e n e r a t i o n and maintenance the  two s e t s o f  o f e t h n i c boundaries and e t h n i c  d e f i n i t i o n o f what c o n s t i t u t e s  an e t h n i c group.  groups;  The second  r e v o l v e s around whether c l a s s or e t h n i c i t y determines the v i s i b l e s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t i e s which seem t o adhere t o most p o l y - e t h n i c or plural societies. subjective  The counterposed terms, c l a s s o r e t h n i c i t y  or o b j e c t i v e ,  investigation  of ethnic  operate a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n the groups.  E t h n i c i t y , as c o n c e i v e d by the t h e o r i s t s consists  o f a group of i n d i v i d u a l s  of themselves as b e i n g d i f f e r e n t This difference  who  discussed  below,  a r e seen t o , and c o n c e i v e  from o t h e r groups of  individuals.  i s m a n i f e s t e d i n d r e s s , language, s o c i a l  and moraes, e t c .  and  These v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s  customs  are the c u l t u r a l  d l a c r i t i c a which are seen as a p a r t o f the e t h n i c community and as b e l o n g i n g t o them as a group. difference  i s attributed  I n o t h e r words, t h e v i s i b l e  t o the group by o t h e r s and by themselves.  -  18  -  This attribution of difference i s where most ethnic theorists begin. The problem then becomes one of discovering how that visible cultural difference arises and i s maintained.  The theorists cited  propose that the difference does not arise nor i s i t maintained in isolation from other groups of individuals who surround the ethnic group i n question.  Rather, the difference i s a result of  the interrelations of one group with another based on the activities of individuals as ethnic group members. It i s here that the issues arise of subjective or objective c r i t e r i a of inclusion and exclusion in the ethnic group.  The subjective factors are those which involve  the self- and other- identification of an individual as an ethnic group member. This identification i s seen to result i n a common culture. (Barth, 1969:11) The objective c r i t e r i a are both the cultural diacritica as well as geographic and economic differentiation which make the ethnic group visible; for example, language, dress, competition  for material resources, etc.  In this case, the common  culture produces the self- and other- identification. (Van Den Berghe, 1975; Despres, 1975) The question raised at this point i s how the individuals i n an ethnic group are related to another ethnic group or to the society that surrounds i t .  It i s here that the question of status i s raised.  Status arises i n the investigation of ethnicity because the researchers, in looking at the relationships between ethnic groups, are attempting to understand the differing positions of individuals i n the status hierarchy. A common practice, when wanting to account for differences among individuals i n a homogenous society, i s to look at the status d i f f erentials.  Status, then, describes the visible differences among  -  individuals.  19  -  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e method f o r a r r i v i n g a t these  s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s i s t o d e v e l o p a s e t o f c r i t e r i a which  then  a l l o w you t o a r r i v e a t a s t a t u s s c a l e * f o r example, B l i s h e n and Warner s c a l e s , (Warner,  1957)  I n the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e , t h e debate then a r i s e s as t o what c r i t e r i a one s h o u l d use t o e s t a b l i s h s t a t u s . as Robbins Barth,  Theorists  t h i n k t h a t c l a s s i s t h e d e t e r m i n i n g s t a t u s ; some, l i k e  p r e f e r e t h n i c i t y o r e t h n i c membership as t h e primary  minant;  such  deter-  some s t a t e t h a t i t i s a combination o f both f a c t o r s which  are r e s p o n s i b l e  f o r one's s t a t u s r a n k i n g  (Despres; Van Den Berghe)  I n l o o k i n g a t t h e Japanese community i n Canada, f o r example, ethnic  t h e o r i s t s u s i n g a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n model would f i r s t see  t h a t i n d e e d t h e r e i s a phenomenon which c a n be c a l l e d and i s recognizeable  as the Japanese  community.  P r o c e e d i n g from  this  r e c o g n i t i o n o f a v i s i b l e e n t i t y , t h e t h e o r i s t s a r e then concerned t o demonstrate  which o f t h e c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n  operate so t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s seen as and sees h e r s e l f as a Japanese-Canadian; question  as a member of t h e Japanese community.  The  then becomes how i t i s t h a t t h i s person who i s an i d e n t i f i e d  member o f t h e Japanese community, f i t s i n t o t h a t community and as a member o f t h a t community, i n t o t h e Canadian s o c i e t y .  I s i t the  e t h n i c membership which determines e n t r y and m o b i l i t y i n the s t a t u s hierarchy, is  o r i s i t c l a s s s t r a t a l o c a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l which  t h e primary  factor?  I n terms o f the overview p r e s e n t e d above, I now want t o l o o k at  f o u r authors ( B a r t h , 1969;  and Robbins,  1975).  Despres, 1975;  Van Den Berghe,  1975;  - 20 -  II.  Theoretical Constructions  o f E t h n i c Phenomena  Barth Barth c r i t i c i z e s  s o c i a l anthropologists  for conceiving  e t h n i c groups as c u l t u r e b e a r i n g u n i t s who  d e v e l o p and  t h e i r c u l t u r e through i s o l a t i o n from other  groups.  of  maintain  Rather,  Barth  sees the f a c t o f a common c u l t u r e as b e i n g a " . . . r e s u l t ,  rather  than a primary and  group  definitional characteristic  of e t h n i c  o r g a n i z a t i o n . " (1969:11) He  provides  groups and  a method o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n f o r r e s e a r c h i n t o e t h n i c  e t h n i c group i n t e r a c t i o n .  Barch shows t h a t e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s a r e s u l t of i n t e r a c t i o n across ethnic  ethnic  boundaries.  (1 ) ... we g i v e primary emphasis to the f a c t t h a t e t h n i c groups are c a t e g o r i e s o f a s c r i p t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by the a c t o r s themselves, and thus have the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f o r g a n i z i n g i n t e r a c t i o n between p e o p l e . (2) ... r a t h e r than working through a t y p o l o g y of forms of e t h n i c groups and r e l a t i o n s , we attempt t o e x p l o r e the d i f f e r e n t p r o c e s s e s t h a t seem t o be i n v o l v e d i n g e n e r a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g e t h n i c groups. (3) ... to observe these p r o c e s s e s we s h i f t the focus of i n v e s t i g a t i o n t o e t h n i c boundaries and boundary maintenance. ( B a r t h , 1969:10) T h i s method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n produces two the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f e t h n i c groups and  d i s c o v e r i e s about  e t h n i c group i n t e r a c t i o n .  F i r s t , i t i s c l e a r t h a t boundaries p e r s i s t d e s p i t e a flow o f p e r s o n n e l a c r o s s them. I n other words, c a t e g o r i c a l e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n does not depend on an absence o f m o b i l i t y , c o n t a c t and i n f o r m a t i o n , but do e n t a i l s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s of e x c l u s i o n and i n c o r p o r a t i o n whereby d i s c r e t e c a t e g o r i e s are m a i n t a i n e d d e s p i t e changing p a r t i c i p a t i o n and membership i n the c o u r s e o f i n d i v i d u a l l i v e h i s t o r i e s . Secondly, one f i n d s t h a t s t a b l e , p e r s i s t i n g and o f t e n v i t a l l y important s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are m a i n t a i n e d a c r o s s such boundaries and are f r e q u e n t l y based p r e c i s e l y on  the d i c h o t o m i z e d e t h n i c s t a t u s e s . , , c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s can p e r s i s t d e s p i t e i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n t a c t and i n t e r dependence. (1969:9-10) In terms o f the overview p r e s e n t e d p r e v i o u s l y , i t can be seen t h a t Barth  begins h i s method o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i t h an a t t r i b u t i o n  o f v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e ; the c a t e g o r i c a l e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s . are t h e p r o p e r t y  o f the e t h n i c group member.  These  He then goes on t o  demonstrate t h a t these c a t e g o r i c a l e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s do not a r i s e , nor a r e they maintained i n i s o l a t i o n . groups depend, f o r t h e i r g e n e r a t i o n group i n t e r a c t i o n .  Rather, the e t h n i c  and maintenance, on e t h n i c  He sees the c r i t i c a l  feature of ethnic  organ-  i z a t i o n as "••• the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f s e l f - a s c r i p t i o n and a s c r i p t i o n by o t h e r s "  (1969:13)•  This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c organizes  i n t e r a c t i o n which o c c u r s and which can best  the e t h n i c  be e l u c i d a t e d by  f o c u s s i n g on t h e e t h n i c boundaries and boundary maintenance, ii  I t i s t h i s " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f s e l f - a s c r i p t i o h and a s c r i p t i o n  by o t h e r s " which i s c a t e g o r i z e d  by t h e o r i s t s as t h e s u b j e c t i v e  c r i t e r i a f o r e x c l u s i o n and i n c l u s i o n i n the e t h n i c group. this  ' s u b j e c t i v e * i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has f r e q u e n t l y been misunderstood  by o t h e r it and  That  w r i t e r s i s n o t our c o n c e r n a t t h e moment.  i s n e c e s s a r y t o understand what i s meant by Barth other  At t h i s  point,  as the s e l f  a s c r i p t i v e aspects of ethnic i d e n t i t y ,  Barth sees e t h n i c groups as an " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l  type".  By c o n c e n t r a t i n g on what i s s o c i a l l y e f f e c t i v e , e t h n i c groups a r e seen as a form o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , , . . To t h e extent t h a t a c t o r s use e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s t o c a t e g o r i z e themselves and o t h e r s f o r purposes o f i n t e r a c t i o n , they form e t h n i c groups i n t h i s organi z a t i o n a l sense, (1969:14)  I n o t h e r words, i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s , which i s  -  organized  22  by t h e actor&s i d e n t i t y as an e t h n i c group member, i s  what determines t h a t i n t e r a c t i o n as e t h n i c i n t e r a c t i o n . Because B a r t h and o t h e r e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c o n c e i v e groups as n o t o p e r a t i n g l n i s o l a t i o n from o t h e r having  of ethnic  e t h n i c groups and,  determined t h a t t h e r e a r e s u b j e c t i v e and/or o b j e c t i v e  c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n o f members, t h e t h e o r i s t s must now t u r n t o q u e s t i o n s  o f v i s i b l e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s which  seem t o accrue t o e t h n i c o r g a n i s a t i o n .  I n o t h e r words, i s e t h n i -  c i t y d e t e r m i n a t e o f s t a t u s o r does c l a s s / s t r a t a l o c a t i o n determine status? For Barth, interaction. status.  e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s seen as o r g a n i z i n g  Therefore,  social  ethnic i d e n t i t y also organizes  social  He i s concerned t o show how e t h n i c s t a t u s i n t e r a c t s w i t h  o t h e r p o s s i b l e s t a t u s e s a v a i l a b l e t o an i n d i v i d u a l i n a g i v e n society.  When he l o o k s a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the e t h n i c  group  1  member t o t h e l a r g e r s o c i e t y and/or t o another e t h n i c group, he concludes that ethnic status i s superordinate  t o a l l other  statuses.  ... r e g a r d e d (as) a s t a t u s , e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s s u p e r o r d i n a t e t o most o t h e r s t a t u s e s , and d e f i n e s t h e permissible c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of statuses, or s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s , which an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h t h a t i d e n t i t y may assume. I n t h i s r e s p e c t , e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s s i m i l a r t o s e x and rank, i n t h a t i t c o n s t r a i n s the incumbent i n a l l h i s a c t i v i t i e s , not o n l y i n some d e f i n e d s o c i a l situations. One might a l s o say t h a t i t i s i m p e r a t i v e , i n t h a t i t cannot be d i s r e g a r d e d and t e m p o r a r i l y s e t a s i d e by o t h e r d e f i n i t i o n s o f t h e s i t u a t i o n . (1969:17) Therefore,  as e t h n i c s t a t u s i s s u p e r o r d i n a t e ,  s t a t u s must be, a t a l l times,  subordinate  c l a s s / s t r a t a as  t o the ethnic s t a t u s .  B a r t h ' s c r i t e r i a f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g s t a t u s i s then t h e e t h n i c membership o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and group i n q u e s t i o n .  -  -  23  In o r d e r t o demonstrate t h i s p o i n t more c o m p l e t e l y , goes on t o s t a t e t h a t where a s t r a t i f i e d c l a s s system i s "nothing  Barth present,  l i k e the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f e t h n i c groups emerges".  (1969:27) ... most systems o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l l o w , or indeed e n t a i l , m o b i l i t y based on e v a l u a t i o n by the s c a l e s t h a t d e f i n e the h i e r a r c h y . . . . E t h n i c groups are not open t o t h i s k i n d o f p e n e t r a t i o n : the a s c r i p t i o n o f e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s based on o t h e r and more r e s t r i c t i v e  criteria. The  (1969:27)  d i s t i n c t i o n between the two  forms o f o r g a n i z a t i o n i s  accomplished on the b a s i s o f (a) e t h n i c s t a t u s r e s t i n g on or " o r i g i n and  commitment" and  (b) c l a s s / s t r a t a s t a t u s b e i n g  r e s u l t of both t a n g i b l e a s s e t s and r e s u l t of these a s s e t s . i s achieved  and  criteria  the m o b i l i t y p o s s i b l e as  a a  (1969:28) In o t h e r words, c l a s s s t a t u s  ethnic status i s ascribed.  Thus, f o r B a r t h , the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the e t h n i c group member t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y r e s u l t s from the e t h n i c s t a t u s they ascribed. status.  The  conception  of c l a s s s t a t u s i s subsumed under e t h n i c  One's c l a s s s t a t u s i s determined by one's e t h n i c  Barth's formulations  status.  as t o the primacy of the s u b j e c t i v e  minants o f e t h n i c membership and as s u p e r o r d i n a t e  are  the c o n c e p t i o n  of e t h n i c  t o other s t a t u s p o s s i b i l i t i e s forms one  status side of  the debates noted i n the overview presented  a t the b e g i n n i n g  section.  agreeing  Despres and  of Barth's conceptions d i f f e r with him  Van  Den  Berghe, w h i l e  of e t h n i c groups and  deter-  of  this  with c e r t a i n  ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n s ,  on the r e l a t i v e weight of s u b j e c t i v e and  f a c t o r s , as w e l l as with h i s view of e t h n i c s t a t u s as  objective  superordinate.  -  2k  -  Despres Despres  (1975)»  of t h i s s e c t i o n .  f o l l o w s the p r o g r e s s i o n  That i s , e t h n i c  v i s i b l e phenomena i n p o l y - e t h n i c i s a r e s u l t of the group and  groups and  beginning  populations  a  or p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s .  are  This  visibility  d i f f e r i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are a t t r i b u t e d to i t s members.  He  begins h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n at  p o i n t o f the a t t r i b u t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e . for  o u t l i n e d a t the  researchers  Despres sees the  exercise  i n v e s t i g a t i n g e t h n i c phenomena t o be the  m i n a t i o n of the s u b j e c t i v e and  As  there  deter-  o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and  e x c l u s i o n o f members which g i v e r i s e t o and ethnic d i f f e r e n c e .  the  maintain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  are v i s i b l e s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t i e s which  seem to accrue to e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n , he proposes t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y to d e s c r i b e the r e s e a r c h e r  t o 'map'  those s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s .  This w i l l  enable  the d e t e r m i n a n t s of s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s  r e v e a l i n g whether they are caused by e t h n i c  s t a t u s and/or c l a s s  status. Despres  summarizes the a r t i c l e s submitted t o h i s book i n  t o note the t h e o r e t i c a l concerns which a r i s e from the f o c i on p a r t i c u l a r p o p u l a t i o n s .  He  order  substantive  concludes that " p r e v a i l i n g  c o n c e p t i o n s o f e t h n i c i t y are perhaps too ambiguous... t o  signifi-  c a n t l y advance the comparative study o f e t h n i c phenomena beyond the work of B a r t h "  (1975:194).  He  does note, however, t h a t  several  a u t h o r s have taken i s s u e w i t h the " s u b j e c t ! v i s t view o f e t h n i c i t y " which i s a t t r i b u t e d to B a r t h ' s f o r m u l a t i o n s same time, Despres c o n c l u d e s t h a t "an  (1975:192).  At  the  exclusively objectivist  c u l t u r a l conceptionoof e t h n i c i t y i s equally unserviceable"  or  (1975:191).  - 25 -  While t a k i n g i s s u e w i t h the s u b j e c t i v i s t view o f e t h n i c i t y , none o f the c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h i s volume would d i s r e g a r d a l t o g e t h e r the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s u b j e c t i v e elements a t t a c h i n g t o e t h n i c i d e n t i e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , important c o n c e p t u a l and t h e o r e t i c a l problems remain obscured f o r l a c k o f f o r m a l c o n s i d eration. (1975:192)  Despres sees the s u b j e c t i v e and o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a as a r i s i n g from a m u l t i t u d e adaptation  of f a c t o r s .  These i n c l u d e , (a) h i s t o r i c a l  and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n t o d i f f e r i n g  environments; (b) the c o m p e t i t i o n and  f o r d i f f e r i n g resource  domains;  ( c ) the f u l l range o f s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s p o s s i b l e i n p o l y - e t h n i c  or p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s .  E t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s a r e a l s o m a i n t a i n e d and  indeed may be generated by the c o m p e t i t i o n in  techno-  t u r n , g i v e s r i s e t o "... e t h n i c  s t r a t e g i e s (which) may  e i t h e r t o i n s t i t u t e o r m a i n t a i n an order to m a t e r i a l resources" material resources  (1975:200).  f o r resources.  This, serve  of i n e q u a l i t y i n respect  Therefore,  not o n l y do the  and t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f r e s o u r c e  domains g i v e  r i s e t o e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s but so a l s o do the s t r a t e g i e s , developed to maintain that access to resources,  m a i n t a i n the e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e .  Despres has now shown t h a t the c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n o f members a r e m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l . those very other and  He has a l s o shown t h a t  c r i t e r i a may i n s t i t u t e i n e q u a l i t i e s with r e f e r e n c e t o  e t h n i c groups.  These i n e q u a l i t i e s i n c l u d e not o n l y r i g h t s  o b l i g a t i o n s which a r e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a c c o r d i n g  ship.  t o e t h n i c member-  They a l s o i n c l u d e s t a t u s i n e q u a l i t i e s .  ... e t h n i c i t y i s but one o f s e v e r a l p o s s i b l e forms o f s t a t u s a s c r i p t i o n which may be c o n t r a s t e d t o a l l forms o f s t a t u s achievement. (1975:194) I f e t h n i c i t y i s viewed as one form o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i t needs t o be emphasized t h a t s o c i a l c l a s s i s  - 26 -  quite another. Ethnic stratifications derive their structural features from categorical status ascriptions. By way of contrast, class stratifications are more evidently based upon status Identities which are achieved. (1975:195) These quotes indicate that Despres, and the authors he i s summarizing, differ from Barth i n that they do not agree that ethnic status i s superordinate  to other possible statuses.  Rather, they  see ethnic status as contrasting primarily to class status.  Despres  i s concerned to investigate the complex interactions of both statuses which produce the stratified poly-ethnic societies which are the focus of research.  The interaction i s seen as  problematic.  In conclusion, the papers that comprise this volume reveal a convergent line of development toward a comparative theory of ethnic phenomena. The conceptual framework that emerges suggests that these phenomena might best be understood from the point of view of stratification theory of perhaps more general theories of power. (1975:20if)  Van Den Berghe This article f a l l s within the stratification mode of description. As such, the conception of ethnic phenomena follows the progression outlined i n the overview presented at the beginning of this section. Also, Van Den Berghe (1975) does not differ considerably from Despres i n his work. Therefore, I w i l l not detail his argument to the extent done for the work of Barth and Despres. does  However, he  include, as a major focus, the role language plays i n the  differentiation of ethnic groups and boundaries.  This focus i s  the one which w i l l be considered i n the explication of his work on ethnicity.  - 27 -  Van  Den Berghe p l a c e s h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t (1975:71)*  of p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s Furnivall  Plural  societies  a r e d e f i n e d by  (1944) a s :  ••• a p o l y - e t h n i c s o c i e t y i n t e g r a t e d i n the market p l a c e , under the c o n t r o l o f a s t a t e system dominated by one o f the groups, but l e a v i n g l a r g e areas o f c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s and domestic s e c t o r s o f a c t i v i t y , (quoted i n B a r t h , 1969*16) T h i s d e f i n i t i o n a l l o w s Van Den Berghe t o l o o k a t the areas o f cultural diversity:  the c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a , p a r t i c u l a r l y  language*  E t h n i c groups a r e d e f i n e d BOTH by the o b j e c t i v e c u l t u r a l m o d a l i t i e s o f t h e i r behavior ( i n c l u d i n g most i m p o r t a n t l y l i n g u i s t i c b e h a v i o r ) and by t h e i r s u b j e c t i v e views o f themselves and each other*  (1975:72)  In a p p l y i n g t h i s d e f i n i t i o n t o Peru, Van Den Berghe s t a t e s t h a t the s i t u a t i o n  may best be understood by u s i n g t h e c o n c e p t s  o f the " s o c i o l o g y o f dependence". inequalities  I n thi6 way, not o n l y a r e c l a s s  r e v e a l e d but a l s o t h e e t h n i c h i e r a r c h y .  This  can b e s t be understood i n terms o f the l i n g u i s t i c b e h a v i o r groups.  hierarchy of the  I n Peru, "... the term c h o l o i s symptomatic o f the  indeterminate  s t a t e o f a f f a i r s " (1975:79)*  *•• some s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have c l a i m e d , i n my view q u i t e r i g h t l y t h a t t h e term c h o l o does not c o r r e s p o n d t o any o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y a t a l l , but r a t h e r t h a t i t i s used up and down the s o c i a l s c a l e as a term o f d e r o g a t i o n toward one's s o c i a l i n f e r i o r s . I n other words, who i s c h o l o i s determined not by any o b j e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a person may possess but by the s o c i a l d i s t a n c e between the person s o d e s i g n a t e d and the one who does the n a m e - c a l l i n g . (1975:79) The  above quote i l l u s t r a t e s t h e more s u b j e c t i v e a s p e c t s o f  language and l i n g u i s t i c b e h a v i o r .  The o b j e c t i v e parameters a r e  -  t h a t Quechua and  -  Spanish "as languages are i n a c l e a r  o f p r e s t i g e , power and I t should  28  w e a l t h " . (1975:82)  be noted t h a t f o r Van  Den  Berghe, e t h n i c i t y and  c l a s s are a n a l y t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , as they are f o r Barth.  The  hierarchy  f o r despres  and  a r t i c l e under c o n s i d e r a t i o n c o n c l u d e s t h a t i n  Peru t h e r e i s both a h i g h l y s t r a t i f i e d c l a s s system as w e l l h i g h l y s t r a t i f i e d e t h n i c parameters. however, a l l o w  for considerable  The  ethnic  parameters,  m o b i l i t y upward which i s d e t e r -  mined by language f a c i l i t y as w e l l as c l a s s  considerations.  As shown i n the a r t i c l e s c i t e d above, e t h n i c i t y i s o f as a v i s i b l e phenomenon which a r i s e s and v a r y i n g s u b j e c t i v e and  conceived  i s m a i n t a i n e d through  o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and  e x c l u s i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s i n r e l a t i o n to e t h n i c groupings interaction.  Barth views the s u b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a as  w h i l e Van  Berghe and  not  Den  Van  Den  and  primary  Despres propose t h a t i n c o r p o r a t i o n  of i n d i v i d u a l s i s dependent on both s u b j e c t i v e and  factors.  as  Berghe s t a t e s t h a t language and  b e h a v i o r are c r u c i a l f o r any  or  objective  linguistic  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e t h n i c  group  composition. A l l the t h e o r i s t s mentioned agree t h a t e t h n i c i t y i s a s t a t u s . Barth and  states that ethnic status i s superordinate.  Despres argue t h a t c a t e g o r i c a l a s c r i p t i o n s are  relativlstic to ethnic The ethnic  and  t h a t c l a s s s t a t u s cannot always be  Den  Berghe  highly subordinate  status. three  t h e o r i s t s a l l agree t h a t c l a s s o r g a n i z a t i o n  o r g a n i z a t i o n are a n a l y t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t .  achieved  Van  whereas e t h n i c s t a t u s i s a s c r i b e d .  and  Class location i s  This d i s t i n c t i o n i s  - 29 -  p o s s i b l e because a l l t h e o r i s t s operate w i t h i n the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode o f d e s c r i p t i o n . We move now t o a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f an a r t i c l e which to i n v e s t i g a t e e t h n i c i t y o s t e n s i b l y opposed p r e s e n t e d above.  attempts  from a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e which i s  t o the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode o f d e s c r i p t i o n Robbins  (1975) proposes t h a t u s i n g a c l a s s  a n a l y s i s as developed by Marx w i l l a l l o w t h e s u r f a c e f e a t u r e s o f s o c i e t y t o be made v i s i b l e .  The v i s i b l e  f e a t u r e w i t h which he  i s concerned i s the o v e r t i n e q u a l i t y o f e t h n i c groups.  The  p a r t i c u l a r a r e a o f c o n c e r n i n t h i s a r t i c l e i s the debate i n the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e around c l a s s and e t h n i c i t y as d e t e r m i n a n t s of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y i n s o c i e t y .  Robbins Robbins' study was done i n a a s m a l l Canadian community i n Labrador.  Although he does not accomplish an adequate a c c o u n t i n g  o f e t h n i c i t y , t h e study was chosen f o r d i s c u s s i o n f o r two r e a s o n s . One,  t h a t i t was the o n l y study encountered i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r  the t h e s i s which attempted t o l o o k a t e t h n i c i t y from the view o f class relations;  from a M a r x i s t p e r s p e c t i v e .  Two, t h i s was a l s o  the o n l y paper encountered which addressed p a r t i c u l a r l y the q u e s t i o n s under i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i t h i n the Canadian c o n t e x t . The M a r x i s t method o f i n q u i r y and the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode o f a n a l y s i s and d e s c r i p t i o n a r e very d i f f e r e n t methods o f p r o c e e d i n g . T h e r e f o r e , i t i s n e c e s s a r y i n t h i s c o n t e x t t o show where Robbins d i f f e r s i n h i s a n a l y s i s and where he i s s i m i l a r t o the t h e o r i s t s  cited  above. I n o t h e r words, does the method recommended by Robbins r e v e a l the  - 30 -  manner through which ethnic difference i s constituted as a visible phenomena i n society? Robbins begins by c r i t i c i z i n g the "traditional" approaches to ethnic phenomenon*  He argues that the concept of class used  by the stratification theorists does not "elucidate the basic structure of industrial society" (1975:286). Robbins agrees with Barth that the ethnic groups should be recognized on the common-sense level of self and other identification. ... the definition of ethnicity should... rest primarily on the identification of shared cultural norms which are realized i n overt forms and which are selfconsciously recognized by the "ethnic groups" and by other groups as well. In this way, we are directed by common-sense understandings of a particular community i n describing and identifying ethnic groups, (1975:287) He i s quite clear that the definition of ethnicity i s one which relies on a common-sense understanding.  It i s this common-sense  understanding which attributes difference to the group as a property of the group.  This understanding i s also Robbins point of 1  departure. The subjective and objective c r i t e r i a for inclusion and exclusion of members, according to Robbins' respondents, are cultural patterns, language and the forms of social exclusion deriving from these (1975:294). Robbins states: As ethnicity, i n a l l i t s definitions, refers to a cultural ideology, i t cannot suffice analytically. Ethnicity i s effectively a cultural or ideological value, or a set of perceptions by a group about i t s e l f . (1975:287)  -  31  -  In t h i s way, Robbins r e l e g a t e s i a t i o n , difference  a l l aspects of ethnic  affil-  and c r i t e r i a f o r membership, which the t h e o r i s t s  c i t e d above a r e concerned t o d e s c r i b e ,  t o the category of "personal  p r e d i l e c t i o n and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n " ( 1 9 7 5 : 3 0 3 ) . Robbins' primary c o n c e r n i s t o demonstrate t h a t  the concept  o f c l a s s i s t h e o n l y method f o r d o i n g an a n a l y s i s which " r e c o g n i z e s the importance o f s o c i a l i d e o l o g y and r o o t s determinant s t r u c t u r e s production"  such i d e o l o g i e s  i n the  o f s o c i e t y ; i n the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of  (1975:287).  By r e f e r r i n g back t o t h e overview p r e s e n t e d a t the b e g i n n i n g of t h i s s e c t i o n on t h e o r e t i c a l approaches t o e t h n i c it  i s possible  phenomenon,  t o see t h a t Robbins b e g i n s h i s d i s c u s s i o n  with a  common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c i t y which a t t r i b u t e s  ethnic  difference and  t o t h e group.  exclusion,  When l o o k i n g  a t the c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n  he a g a i n uses a ' l a y ' f o r m u l a t i o n o f these  criteria.  These f o r m u l a t i o n s a r e t h e same as t h e ones used by B a r t h , Despres and  Van Den Berghe: t h a t i s , t h a t  and  o b j e c t i v e l y determined; t h a t  of e t h n i c  the c r i t e r i a a r e both  subjectively  t h i s i s a common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g  i n t e r a c t i o n ; that i t i s only possible  t o analyze the  c u l t u r a l I d e o l o g y by an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e c l a s s r e l a t i o n s t o the mode <Sf p r o d u c t i o n .  H i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n proceeds by an a n a l y s i s o f  how c l a s s determines t h e 6 p l i t s v i s i b l e i n t h e community i n L a b r a d o r . Robbins sees c l a s s r e l a t i o n and t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s to economic p r o d u c t i o n as d e t e r m i n i n g c l a s s l o c a t i o n . structure  p r o v i d e s t h e framework w i t h i n  operate.  He s e t s  He  t h a t a t w o - c l a s s mode o f a n a l y s i s  states  relationship The economic  which c l a s s r e l a t i o n s  out c r i t e r i a t o draw out t h e c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . would " p l a c e a base-  - 32 -  l i n e f o r ethnic  r e s e a r c h . , . , (which would i l l u s t r a t e ) the  p r o d u c t i v e base o f any t h a t i t may  impose on  s o c i e t y and  the  that s o c i e t y "  structural  (1975:291).  constraints However, i n -  l o c a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n modern p o l i t i c a l economy, the c l a s s mode needs t o be  expanded to s p e c i f y the  two-  intermediate  positions-visible. Class  would be determined by  the  following  criteria:  (1) the s o u r c e , s i z e and type o f income, the degree o f job s e c u r i t y , the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r m o b i l i t y ; and (2) the r o l e on the Job, the p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the work s i t u a t i o n and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the organi z a t i o n p r o c e s s and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n , ( c f . Lockwood, 1958). I t might be noted t h a t s t a t u s remains o u t s i d e our d e f i n i t i o n ; whether i t i s r e f l e c t e d i n a c l a s s p o s i t i o n i s to be d i s c o v e r e d , not assumed. (1975:291) The  c r i t e r i a s e t out  i s Robbins  1  above a r e i n themselves c o n c e p t s ; i t  u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s .  a n a l y t i c a l t o o l c a l l e d c l a s s r e l a t i o n s can a t , f o r example, the use  r o l e on the  job and  be  That i s , the elucidated  job s e c u r i t y .  by By  looking the  o f t h i s c o n c e p t u a l framework, Robbins p u r p o r t s t o show t h a t  p e o p l e s ' p o s i t i o n i n the o u t s i d e the By  work p l a c e determines t h e i r  relationships  workplace.  p l a c i n g the  of p r o d u c t i o n and  "baseline  for ethnic  by u s i n g the  r e s e a r c h " i n the  relations  concept o f c l a s s as an a n a l y t i c a l  t o o l , Robbins' ethnographic r e s u l t s show t h a t :  ... e t h n i c i t y does d i v i d e people i n Wabush p r i m a r i l y as a f u n c t i o n o f p e r s o n a l p r e d i l e c t i o n and c u l t u r a l tradition. E t h n i c i t y was r e c o g n i z e d as a p o s i t i v e p e r s o n a l p r e f e r e n c e . Where i t becomes h o s t i l e and d i v i s i v e , i t was a f u n c t i o n of d e e p e r r r o o t e d d i v i s i o n s such as c l a s s . Class  a l s o d i v i d e s Wabush.  However, i t does so  struc-  - 33 -  t u r a l l y and i s not simply a q u e s t i o n o f c h o i c e oz» tradition. Rather, i t f u n c t i o n s as a p a r t of the p r o d u c t i v e r e l a t i o n s of s o c i e t y ; i t i s not a c o n s t r a i n t whether d e s i r e d or n o t . I t i s not simply a problem o f c o g n i t i o n or i d e o l o g y (1975:303). A g a i n , r e f e r r i n g back t o the overview p r e s e n t e d a t b e g i n n i n g of t h i s s e c t i o n , we  can  see  that Robbins  c l a s s r e l a t i o n s i s such t h a t he d e v i a t e s Van  Den  Berghe i n h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  i n e q u a l i t i e s and and  the  work on  1  from B a r t h , Despres  of a c c o u n t i n g  and  for status  i n mapping the s t a t u s d e t e r m i n a n t s of e t h n i c .  class status.  I n c o n t r a s t , he a s s e r t s t h a t s t a t u s i s not  assumed i n h i s a n a l y t i c a l model, but r a t h e r , something t h a t must be d i s c o v e r e d  (1975:291).  Robbins sees e t h n i c i t y as b e i n g  determined by c l a s s r e l a t i o n s .  E t h n i c i t y i s collapsed i n t o class i n his conclusions  that,  (a) persons a s s o c i a t e i n terms o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the and  (b) e t h n i c persons a s s o c i a t e w i t h o t h e r  workplace;  e t h n i c persons because  of p e r s o n a l p r e d i l e c t i o n .  I I I . The  Relations  Between Common-Sense and  I n the p r e c e e d i n g s e c t i o n , i t was  Theory  demonstrated t h a t  the  e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d assume t h a t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t r a i t s and  c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a of e t h n i c group members i s a p r o p e r t y  those members.  The  t h e o r i s t s do not i n q u i r e i n t o the way  of  in  which t h i s a s s i g n i n g of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s done except as i t r e l a t e s t o the membership s t a t u s o f p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s . I n t h i s s e c t i o n , I want t o make e x p l i c i t the ways i n which t h i s a s s i g n i n g of d i f f e r e n c e t o the e t h n i c group members them-  - 34 -  s e l v e s i s a common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g used by a l l members o f t h e s o c i e t y and which i n f o r m s , i n a manner which i s not acknowledged, the t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s mentioned i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n * I t i s an e x p l i c a t i o n o f the way i n which e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s and, as w i l l be demonstrated i n the c h a p t e r f o l l o w i n g , the s o c i a l  service  workers concerned w i t h Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver, use common-sense r e s o u r c e s i n c o n s t r u c t i n g the t o p i c o f t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s , a c c o u n t s , d e s c r i p t i o n s and  explanations*  I t i s t h e premise o f t h i s s e c t i o n , t h a t t h e e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above, ( B a r t h , Despres, Van Den Berghe and Robbins) a l l do a d e s c r i p t i o n o f e t h n i c groups and e t h n i c communities which a t t r i butes e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e t o the members o f the group o r community* T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s a v i s i b l e phenomenon which i s a v a i l a b l e f o r a l l persons t o see*  I t must be r e i t e r a t e d t h a t t h i s view o f the e t h n i c  group and o f t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f the members o f the e t h n i c group i s not  one which i s mis-informed*  r e l i e s on the ' s u r f a c e not  attend  Rather, i t i s a d e s c r i p t i o n which  f e a t u r e s ' o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and does  t o the ways i n which t h a t d e s c r i p t i o n i s i n f o r m e d by a  common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c groups and i n d i v i d u a l s as v i s i b l e t o a l l persons i n s o c i e t y . I t i s v i s i b l e i n the i n q u i r y i n t o the work o f the e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above t h a t the term e t h n i c i s one which b u i l d s i n difference.  That i s , a f f i l i a t i o n  and/or i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h one  e t h n i c group i s only p o s s i b l e i f t h e r e i s another e t h n i c which one i s not a member.  Barth,  group o f  Despres, Robbins and Van Den  Berghe a l l b e g i n t h e i r v a r i o u s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s from t h i s p o i n t o f difference.  That they b e g i n here does n o t p r o v i d e f o r an i n v e s t -  i g a t i o n i n t o how t h a t d i f f e r e n c e i s c o n s t i t u t e d o r enacted i n the  - 35 -  p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s o f members o f s o c i e t y , o r i n the a c c o m p l i s h ment o f e t h n i c i t y i n the l i t e r a t u r e  itself.  I t w i l l l a t e r be made apparent, Conference  on M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , t h e way i n which t h e . p r o f e s s i o n a l s  articulated immigrant  through the a n a l y s i s o f a  t o s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s which a r e i n v o l v e d w i t h  members o f s o c i e t y , come t o understand  t h e phenomena  o f e t h n i c i t y i n much the same way a s the t h e o r i s t s do.  The manner  i n which t h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g permeates and c o n s t i t u t e s the e t h n i c community, as I encountered the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r . concerned  i t i n the f i e l d , w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n  I n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n , I am o n l y  w i t h the t h e o r i s t s d i s c u s s e d i n the s e c t i o n  Ethnomethodology and Common-Sense In o r d e r  proceeding.  Understandings  t o look a t t h e ways i n which common-sense under-  s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c groups i n f o r m s the t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f t h e e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above, I w i l l use a p a r t i c u l a r aspect o f e t h n o m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s .  That i s , t h a t I am con-  cerned o n l y w i t h the ways i n which common-sense u n d e r s t a n d i n g s inform t h e o r e t i c a l reasoning.  I am n o t concerned  with  ethno-  methodology i n i t s e n t i r e t y , but r a t h e r w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r a s p e c t which i s one o f the bases o f the method o f a n a l y s i s o u t l i n e d i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s t h e s i s : t h a t o f p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and r e a s o n i n g as a  method o f making v i s i b l e the accomplishment o f an  activity. Ethnomethodology i s concerned reasoning.  with the o p e r a t i o n s o f p r a c t i c a l  P r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be a r a t i o n a l  procedure by which members make v i s i b l e and o b s e r v a b l e the accomplishment  o f the a c t i v i t i e s i n which they a r e c o l l e c t i v e l y  - 36 -  engaged, and i t i s the methods by which the activity i s constituted as observable* (Garfinkel, 1967) Turner provides us.with an understanding of the origin and destination of inquiries into the organization of practical reasoning within the ethnomethodological frame* That there i s an observable 'real world' i s i t s point of origin; i t s destination i s a characterization of the work members do to sustain a social order i n which there are 'suicides', 'ethnic groups', 'clear matters of fact', and the rest of the furniture of everyday l i f e * (Turner, 1 9 7 ^ : 1 1 ) The particular aspect of ethnomethodology with which I w i l l be concerned i s "... less a critique than an attempt to illuminate ways i n which 'theory' and 'common-sense' mutually inform one another" (Turner, 1974:19)* Pollner and Zimmerman discuss the relation between theory and method as a "••• confounding of topic and resource"* For example, while the sociologist and the policeman may entertain very different theories of how a person comes to be a juvenile delinquent, and while each may appeal to disparate c r i t e r i a and evidence for support of their respective versions, they have no trouble i n agreeing that there are persons recognizable as juvenile delinquents and that there are structured ways i n which these persons come to be juvenile delinquents* It i s i n this agreement as to the fundamental and ordered existence of the phenomenon independent of i t s having been addressed by some method of inquiry - that professional and lay sonologists are mutually oriented to a common factual domain* (1970:81) They note that the topics which interest the lay Inquirer are those which also interest the sociologists; for example status and juvenile delinquency, and to which I would add ethnic and immigrant  groups.  Zimmerman & Pollner see that objections could be raised  - 37 which would r e v o l v e around q u e s t i o n s reliability  of observation.  o f more or l e s s b i a s  and  However, these o b j e c t i o n s :  ••• l e a v e u n e x p l i c a t e d members' methods f o r a n a l y s i n g , f a c t - f i n d i n g , and so on, which produce f o r s o c i o l o g y i t s f i e l d of data. (1970:83) They recommend a method o f p r o c e e d i n g problematic  "what i n l a y and  t r e a t e d as a s t a b l e and  which would t r e a t as  sociological investigations alike i s  I n the l i t e r a t u r e on e t h n i c groups and i s t r e a t e d as a " s t a b l e and the  e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s , what  unquestioned p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e "  s o c i a l f a c t o f e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t groups and  o t h e r words, i t i s agreed both i n l a y and t h a t there are r e c o g n i z a b l e groups, e t c .  How  s o c i e t y to see,  (1970:103)  unquestioned p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e " .  is  individuals.  sociological  In  discussions  e n t i t i e s c a l l e d immigrants,  ethnic  t h i s phenomenon i s a v a i l a b l e f o r a l l members o f  t h e o r i z e about and  not made p r o b l e m a t i c  i n general recognize  as such i s  i n the r e s e a r c h o f the e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d  above. Turner's  (1974)  c o l l e c t i o n of readings  includes  articles  subsumed under a s e c t i o n c a l l e d " T h e o r i z i n g as P r a c t i c a l Reasoning". A l l the a r t i c l e s i n t h i s s e c t i o n d i s c u s s what i s d e s c r i b e d as a c o n f o u n d i n g o f t o p i c and  above  resource.  These r e a d i n g s have i t i n common, then, t h a t they propose t h e o r y ' s r e l a t i o n s t o the s e t t i n g s about which i t t h e o r i z e s as a t o p i c f o r e m p i r i c a l investigation. (1974:19) For example, P o l l n e r a n a l y z e s  the " S o c i o l o g i c a l and  Sense Models o f the L a b e l i n g P r o c e s s " .  He  (1963)  as c o n f u s i n g  c o n s t r u c t i o n of l a b e l i n g  theory  criticizes  Common  Beckers what P o l l n e r  - 38 -  c a l l s "Model I and Model I I " c o n c e p t i o n s  of deviance.  Model I i s  the stance which sees: ••• deviance as a p r o p e r t y somehow i n h e r i n g i n the a c t s so d e s i g n a t e d , ( w h i l e the Model I I ) l a b e l i n g t h e o r i s t i n v i t e s the a n a l y s t t o c o n c e i v e o f deviance as a communal c r e a t i o n . (1974:27) He suggests  t h a t both the common-sense model (Model I ) , and  the s o c i o l o g i c a l model (Model I I ) , are not o n l y confused  i n Becker's  work, but are both used i n the community t o c a t e g o r i z e d e v i a n t a c t s . That i s , t h a t some persons may o f which they are  not be g u i l t y o f the d e v i a n t a c t  accused.  Becker's s e p a r a t i o n o f the two c o n f u s i o n d f where one  models and  l e a v e s o f f and  a l l o w f o r an u n d e r s t a n d i n g c o v e r t manner, w i t h i n and  the concommitant  the o t h e r begins  o f both models as a r i s i n g ,  does not even i f i n a  through the community i t s e l f .  I n terms o f the e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d i n the  (1974:39)  preceeding  s e c t i o n , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o see the e q u i v a l e n t t o the Model I , Model II confusion that P o l l n e r discusses.  That i s , t h a t e t h n i c i t y  and  e t h n i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are seen t o be somehow i n h e r e n t i n the persons so named as e t h n i c group members. While B a r t h , i n p a r t i c u l a r , wants to change the focus t o the boundaries  o f e t h n i c groups i n  o r d e r to see the g e n e r a t i o n and maintenance of e t h n i c groups, the communal c r e a t i o n which i s e v i d e n t a t the boundaries f o r granted  characteristics.  Another a r t i c l e i n Turner's  informs  takes  and i n c o r p o r a t e s i n t o i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n the i n h e r e n t  differential cultural  aspect  still  o f the u n e x p l i c a t e d use  book, draws our a t t e n t i o n t o  of common-sense r e a s o n i n g  theoretical constructions.  Sharrock  an  which  s h i f t s our view t o  - 39 an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f how " S o c i o l o g i s t s r o u t i n e l y t r e a t t h e a c t i v i t i e s of s o c i e t y ' 8 members as b e i n g corpus o f knowledge..."  somehow r e l a t e d t o one o r another  (1974:45)  I t i s t h i s taken f o r granted  a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t he i s concerned t o e x p l i c a t e .  He s t a t e s :  To suppose t h a t a c o n n e c t i o n can be made between a c o l l e c t i v i t y ' s corpus and i t s members' a c t i v i t i e s i s t o presuppose t h a t t h e r e i s a l r e a d y such a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the corpus o f knowledge and t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as w i l l permit the a s c r i p t i o n o f the corpus t o one o r another c o l l e c t i v i t y . (1974:45) He proposes t h a t t h i s a s c r i p t i o n o f the corpus t o one o r another c o l l e c t i v i t y i s a r o u t i n e and common-sense p r a c t i c e .  This  r o u t i n e p r a c t i c e can be "... i d e n t i f i e d i n such a way t h a t i t was g i v e n t h e same name as the c o l l e c t i v i t y " . and  T h i s naming depends upon  i s a d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e r e l a t i o n s among the p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d .  (1974:47)  He c o n c l u d e s t h a t :  Once the corpus o f knowledge has been g i v e n a name, then, t h a t name i s used as a d e v i c e - f o r - d e s c r i b i n g and cannot thus be c o n s t r u e d as b e i n g l i t e r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e o f the c o n s t i t u e n c y w i t h i n which the corpus has c u r r e n c y . . . . The i d e a t h a t t h e name i s i n t e n d e d as l i t e r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e i s m i s t a k e n . The name i s never i n t e n d e d t o d e s c r i b e the persons amongst whom the corpus has c u r r e n c y , but, i n s t e a d , t o s p e c i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p which seems analogous t o t h a t o f ownership. (1974:49)  S h a r r o c k ' s a r t i c l e makes v i s i b l e of the ethnic  t h e o r i s t s reviewed, i n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s  cultural diacritica, is,  f o r us, the r o u t i n e  e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and e t h n i c  i t i s the p r a c t i c e o f the p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c  practices  of c u l t u r e ,  strategies.  That  t h e o r i s t s to  assume t h a t t h e r e i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the above terms and the a c t i v i t i e s which g i v e r i s e t o the terms. r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not i n d i s p u t e .  That t h e r e i s a  Rather, i t should  be noted  that  - 40 -  t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c o l l e c t i v i t y and  i t s knowledge i s a  common-sense p r a c t i c e which the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and c i t e d above do not make p r o b l e m a t i c .  sociologists  Their theoretical  constructions  make the same assumptions i n terms o f t h i s r e l a t i o n as do who it  are not t h e o r i s t s i n the formal sense of the word. i s not p o s s i b l e f o r the t h e o r i s t s reviewed to make  persons  Therefore, problematic  e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e as a p r o p e r t y which i s "owned" by the members o f the e t h n i c group. Moerman a n a l y z e s how  e t h n i c i t y i s accomplished as an  everyday  p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y w h i l e c o n c u r r e n t l y c r i t i c i z i n g the knowledge of the e t h n i c group a p p r o p r i a t e d  by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s .  He s t a t e s :  I w i l l use d a t a about the Tai-Lue i n order t o d e s c r i b e anthropology as an e n t e r p r i s e t h a t s y s t e m a t i c a l l y confuses d a t a w i t h a n a l y s i s and words with p e o p l e . (197^:54) He proceeds by s t a t i n g t h a t s o c i e t a l membership i s p r e d i c a t e d on non-membership i n any.:other s o c i e t y .  For our purposes, i t would  be i l l u s t r a t i v e t o s u b s t i t u t e ' e t h n i c group' f o r the word ' s o c i e t y ' i n the f o r e g o i n g s e n t e n c e . He  argues t h a t the dichotomies  presented  i n the l i t e r a t u r e  of  the c u l t u r a l a r e a with which he i s concerned are f o l k - b e l i e f s h e l d by the t r i b a l members of t h a t a r e a and  are o f ongoing concern t o them.  F o l k b e l i e f s have honourable s t a t u s but they are not the same i n t e l l e c t u a l o b j e c t as a s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s . The t r i b a l - c i v i l i z e d , or h i l l - p l a i n s dichotomy i n South-East A s i a i s not an a n a l y s i s or e x p l a n a t i o n o f b e h a v i o r . It i s a n a t i v e n o t i o n , f o r us a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s to a n a l y z e and not merely r e p e a t as i f i t were our own d i s c o v e r y . The dichotomy i s not an answer t o the c o m p l e x i t i e s o f South-East A s i a n ethnology, but a p r o b l e m a t i c c u l t u r a l  phenomenon f o r us to i n v e s t i g a t e .  (1974:55)  He shows, throughout the a r t i c l e , t h a t t o p i c s o f c o n c e r n t o  the  - 41 -  Lue  a r e the same t o p i c s which c o n c e r n the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t .  For  example^ t o p i c s such as c u l t u r a l change which impute e t h n i c o r i g i n s , and socio-economic c l a s s e s a r e r e c o g n i z e d  by a n t h r o -  p o l o g i s t s and t r i b a l members and a r e seen as b e i n g o f c o n c e r n t o the Lue as much as they a r e t o the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t . (1974:63) Moerman sees the c e n t r a l problem f o r the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t as b e i n g how and why t h e members o f any g i v e n t r i b a l o r e t h n i c  grouping  can d i s p l a y , f o r themselves and o t h e r s , t h e i r e s s e n t i a l e t h n i c i t y .  (1974:57) While I agree with Moerman t h a t i t would be i n s t r u c t i v e i f B a r t h , Despres, Robbins and Van Den Berghe took as t h e i r c e n t r a l problem how e t h n i c group members d i s p l a y membership, o b v i o u s l y , t h i s i s not what the e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d i n t e n d e d .  However,  t h a t does not negate t h e c r i t i c i s m t h a t t h e supposedly t h e o r e t i c a l reasoning  o f t h e t h e o r i s t s does depend on u n e x p l i c a t e d common-sense  n o t i o n s which a r e t h e n  appropriated  by t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s as t h e  answer t o the problems b e i n g e x p l o r e d i n the f i e l d .  Common-Sense Understanding as an I d e o l o g i c a l C o n s t r u c t i o n In t a k i n g s e r i o u s l y the c r i t i c i s m o f the c o n f u s i o n o f the common-sen6e and t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f the world, I now want t o move back t o the e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n on Smith's recommendations f o r the a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l f a c t s .  I t was suggested t h a t  social  f a c t s c o n s t r u c t the r e l a t i o n s between people as a r e l a t i o n between things.  The s o c i a l f a c t o f ethnic/immigrant  groups obscures the  a c t i v i t i e s o f people which c o n s t i t u t e the r e l a t i o n s as s o c i a l l y organized  practices*  These s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d  practices bring into  b e i n g t h e o b j e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r o f ethnic/immigrant  groups.  -  42 -  Smith states: The world as we know i t and as we experience i t i s already ideological* The social facts i n terms of which we work, with varying degrees of sophistication,are constituted prior to our examination by processes of which we know l i t t l e . They are constituted already i n a mode which separates them from the actualities and subjective presences of individuals. The ordinary forms in which the features of our society become observable to us as i t s features — mental i l l n e s s , neighbors, crime, r i o t s , leisure, work satisfaction, stress, motivation, etc., — these are already constructed, some as administrative products, others by our sociological predecessors. They are the coinage of our discipline. Our primary world as professionals i s thus already an appearance. ( 1 9 7 4 : 4 8 ) Smith i s suggesting that the common-sense world, as we know i t , i s already structured ideologically.  That the ethnic theorists  cited depend, i n unexplicated ways, on the common-sense understandings of ethnicity i s what Smith would see as an ideological practice. That i s , the constructions of ethnicity done by the ethnic theorists above, are done i n a mode which separates the actualities, the subjective presences from the social fact of ethnic/immigrant groups. In the following chapter, I am concerned to demonstrate the ways i n which this separation i s done and then to go on and, through the details of the everyday lived relations of immigrant members of the Portuguese members of Vancouver society, show how particular persons are constituted as immigrant, as ethnic, as different from other members of society.  CHAPTER THREE THE  FIELDWORK  Introduction This chapter f i e l d w o r k was which was  comprises both the method through which  accomplished as w e l l as the a n a l y s i s o f the  gathered i n the  field*  a l s o i n c l u d e d which w i l l p r o v i d e The  used i n d o i n g the  some background  information* procedures  fieldwork; p a r t i c i p a n t observation  Problems which arose as a p r a c t i c a l matter i n the  This i s followed  and  o f the  etc.  by the main body of the work, the a n a l y s i s  p l i c a t e d to d i s c o v e r who  and  'immigrant' and  'community' are  what i s named by those terms.  demonstrated t h a t these terms name s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d  Through the a n a l y s i s o f a c o n f e r e n c e  m u l t i - c u l t u r a l i s m , i t w i l l be v i s i b l e t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n d u r i n g the c o n f e r e n c e i n s t r u c t e d and  provided  f o r the  exIt i s  practices  some persons o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n  e r e n t l y than o t h e r s .  term  t r a n s l a t i o n problems, n o t e - t a k i n g ,  Terms such as  which o r g a n i z e "  interviews.  accomplishment  o f the f i e l d w o r k are reviewed, f o r example, the use "community", language and  data  A short immigration h i s t o r y i s  s e c t i o n on r e s e a r c h methods documents the  o f the d a t a .  the  diffon imparted  future practices  o f the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers i n v o l v e d w i t h Portuguese immigrants. The  c o n f e r e n c e a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d e t h n i c / i m m i g r a n t phenomenon through  the e x p l a n a t i o n s The  and d e s c r i p t i o n s o f v a r i o u s e t h n i c  groups.  second s e c t i o n o f the f i e l d w o r k a n a l y s i s e x p l o r e s  the  p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s t i t u t i o n o f the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s o f Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver.  T h i s s e c t i o n c o n c e n t r a t e s on the e v e r y -  day l i v e d r e l a t i o n s o f Portuguese immigrants i n the f a m i l y and i n the l a b o u r f o r c e .  I t w i l l be v i s i b l e how  the r e l a t i o n s between  the f a m i l y and the l a b o u r f o r c e produces a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s  I.  location.  Research Methods  The f i e l d w o r k , on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based, took p l a c e between August, 1977  and December, 1977.  The f i e l d w o r k proceeded  i n what can be seen as t h r e e s t a g e s : f i r s t ,  the p r e s e n t a t i o n o f  the ' f a c t ' o f a l a r g e s e t t l e m e n t o f Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver and some i n t r o d u c t i o n s t o them; second, t e a c h i n g s h i p c l a s s e s t o two groups o f landed immigrants who  had  citizen-  applied  f o r Canadian C i t i z e n s h i p ; t h i r d , t e n i n t e n s i v e , or i n - d e p t h i n t e r views w i t h s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers i n v o l v e d w i t h Portuguese immigrants, and w i t h Portuguese immigrants themselves. the  P r i o r t o my  entry  into  f i e l d , I had done e x t e n s i v e r e a d i n g o f the l i t e r a t u r e on e t h n i c  phenomena. When I began my  f i e l d w o r k , I assumed t h a t Portuguese p e o p l e i n  Vancouver formed a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l u n i t w i t h i n the l a r g e r  society.  I n o t h e r words, I used a common-sense n o t i o n o f e t h n i c group as c o n s t i t u t i n g a community which was d i f f e r e n t surrounding i t .  from the s o c i e t y  T h i s n o t i o n had a r i s e n as a combination o f my  background assumptions about immigrants and t h e i r c u l t u r a l coherence, as w e l l as through a d i s c u s s i o n w i t h a community worker who  gave a  d e s c r i p t i o n o f the "Portuguese community" at a meeting I a t t e n d e d .  - 45 -  As I noted i n my J o u r n a l , t h i s meeting was planned as a r e s u l t o f the  concerns expressed by t h e community worker i n terms o f t h e  needs d f t h e women o f t h e Portuguese community. of  In the process  t a l k i n g about what t h e women i n the Portuguese community  needed  and how t h a t c o u l d be h e l p e d a l o n g , the community worker gave some i n f o r m a t i o n about the community: c o - o p e r a t i o n i s a f a c t o f l i f e i n the  Portuguese community, i t i s n e c e s s a r y i n an immigrant  community;  t h e r e i s much g o s s i p i n the community; the main c o n c e r n o f t h e women i s t h e i r h e a l t h ; a number o f women a r e t a k i n g  tranquilizers,  some up t o e i g h t e e n p i l l s a day; many o f t h e h e a l t h problems a r e r e l a t e d , t o s t r e s s , j o b s and job i n j u r i e s ; men a r e showing up w i t h symptoms o f s t r e s s ^ i l l i t e r a c y i s h i g h i n t h e community, the women p a r t i c u l a r l y a r e i s o l a t e d by t h e i r l a c k o f E n g l i s h and by the illiteracy;  t h e community i s l o c a t e d mostly i n the E a s t End o f  Vancouver but some Portuguese immigrants l i v e i n Burnaby  and Richmond;  most o f t h e men work i n c o n s t r u c t i o n and most o f the women work c l e a n i n g o f f i c e s . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Aug. 19» 1977)  I t must be  noted t h a t t h i s i s not a complete r e p o r t o f t h e meeting a t which the  d e s c r i p t i o n o f the community was done.  my notes which r e l a t e s p e c i f i c a l l y  Rather, i t r e p r e s e n t s  t o t h e problems i n t h e community  which was the t o p i c o f t h e meeting t h a t day. I t was on t h e b a s i s o f t h e meeting and t h e a t t e n d a n t d e s c r i p t i o n of  t h e "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver, t h a t I c o n t a c t e d my key  i n f o r m a n t about d o i n g my f i e l d w o r k i n what I understood t o be t h e "Portuguese community".  The f i e l d w o r k r e s t s on t h i s common-sense  n o t i o n t h a t t h e r e i s something c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" and t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o go down t h e r e and speak t o people i n i t .  - 46 -  As the f i e l d w o r k proceeded, i t became obvious t h a t the "Portuguese community" as I had e n v i s i o n e d i t , d i d n o t , i n f a c t , e x i s t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e were persons o f s i m i l a r n a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l backgrounds.  That i s , t h a t f o r some p e o p l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y the  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers, t h e r e was such a community p o p u l a t e d by people w i t h whom they i n t e r a c t e d i n t h e i r For  job r o u t i n e s .  my key i n f o r m a n t , h e r j o b d e s c r i p t i o n i s t h a t o f a community  worker a r t i c u l a t e d t o the "Portuguese community" and r e s p o n s i b l e for  f a c i l i t a t i n g a c c e s s of persons i n the "community" t o s e r v i c e s  and r e s o u r c e s they may need.  For the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers, the  term "community" was p r i m a r i l y a d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o the  "community" c o n s t r u c t e d through t h e i r Job mandates.  However,  some persons o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n d i d not c o n s i d e r t h a t t h e r e was a "community" i n Vancouver.  T h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among  people o f Portuguese o r i g i n i s d i s c u s s e d l a t e r i n the next of  the t h e s i s .  However, I proceeded, d u r i n g the f i r s t  section  and second  stage o f my f i e l d w o r k with the assumption t h a t t h e r e was a "Portuguese community" which, a l t h o u g h I was not concerned t o •map' i t , s t i l l  e x i s t e d and formed  the frame f o r my  interaction  both with my key i n f o r m a n t and w i t h i n the c i t i z e n s h i p  classes.  The second stage o f the f i e l d w o r k was planned i n c o n j u n c t i o n with  my key i n f o r m a n t .  She had been p l a n n i n g a s e r i e s o f s i x  c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s , but needed someone t o do the r e s e a r c h and t e a c h the c l a s s e s .  I agreed t o do t h i s as i t would g i v e me a c c e s s  to some members o f what I s t i l l  p e r c e i v e d as the "Portuguese  community" and a l s o a l l o w me t o do some s e r v i c e i n r e t u r n f o r the i n f o r m a t i o n I was t a k i n g out f o r my  thesis.  ,  - 47 -  The c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s were attended by members o f the "community" who were landed immigrants.  The l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e  varied  I n t h e two s e t s o f  from f i v e y e a r s t o twenty y e a r s .  c l a s s e s , daytime and e v e n i n g , t h e r e were a t o t a l o f s i x t e e n persons.  These c l a s s e s c o n s i s t e d o f two-hour meetings  during  which time I taught the i n f o r m a t i o n r e q u i r e d t o pass t h e c i t i z e n ship examination.  There were c o n v e r s a t i o n s c a r r i e d on i n a  combination o f Portuguese and E n g l i s h , both b e f o r e and a f t e r t h e classes.  As I do not speak Portuguese, the community worker was  p r e s e n t t o t r a n s l a t e s h o u l d any problems a r i s e f o r me o r f o r t h e c l a s s members w i t h r e g a r d t o language  comprehension.  At t h i s s t a g e o f t h e f i e l d w o r k , I a l s o attended what was called  the S e n i o r s Group.  T h i s group met once a week f o r l u n c h  and e n t e r t a i n m e n t , shopping, bus t r i p s , e t c . h e l d a t Cedar Cottage Neighborhood classes.  The programme i s  House, as were t h e c i t i z e n s h i p  The group c o n s i s t e d o f twenty women, most o f whom were  sponsored dependents.  T h e i r ages ranged from 60 - 75 y e a r s o l d .  T h e i r l e n g t h o f s t a y i n Canada ranged from t h r e e y e a r s t o twenty years.  T h i s group conversed o n l y i n P o r t u g u e s e .  women were a b l e t o speak E n g l i s h .  Very few o f t h e  The community worker  translated  some o f t h e v e r b a l i n t e r c h a n g e f o r me and gave me i n f o r m a t i o n on the l i f e s t y l e s o f t h e women i n v o l v e d . t o put t o g e t h e r t h e l u n c h .  I was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h e l p i n g  Most o f my time a t t h i s group was spent  o b s e r v i n g t h e v e r b a l and n o n - v e r b a l i n t e r a c t i o n s as w e l l as l e a r n i n g a few words o f Portuguese. The second s t a g e o f t h e f i e l d w o r k i n t r o d u c e d me t o some o f the Portuguese immigrants who l i v e d i n what I s t i l l as the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver.  persisted i n seeing  I t a l s o a l l o w e d me t o  - kB -  be i n v o l v e d i n some group c o n v e r s a t i o n s .  I t was t h i s s e c t i o n o f  the f i e l d w o r k which a l l o w e d me t o arrange i n t e n s i v e o r i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h some o f t h e members o f the "Portuguese community". The community worker gave me, a t t h i s time, a l i s t she f e l t would be h e l p f u l i n my r e s e a r c h .  o f persons who  These were p r i m a r i l y  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers who were i n v o l v e d w i t h Portuguese immigrants i n one way o r a n o t h e r .  I n t e r v i e w s were arranged w i t h those workers  who were a v a i l a b l e . The t h i r d s t a g e o f t h e f i e l d w o r k c o n s i s t e d o f t e n i n - d e p t h interviews.  I t was d u r i n g t h i s p a r t o f the f i e l d w o r k t h a t I began  t o r e a l i z e t h a t t h e c o n c e p t i o n I had o f a "Portuguese community" as a group e n t i t y s h a r i n g a common c u l t u r e , language, customs and i n t e r e s t s began t o become o b v i o u s l y i n c o r r e c t .  D u r i n g the f i r s t  i n t e r v i e w I d i d w i t h two women o f Portuguese o r i g i n , I asked about the p e o p l e who l i v e d i n the community and was s h a r p l y t o l d t h e r e was no community here (Nov.  8/77).  c o n s t r u c t e d an ' i n t e r v i e w s c h e d u l e interviews.  1  that  After this interview, I  which was used t o d i r e c t t h e  Because the response t o t h e q u e s t i o n about who  c o n s t i t u t e d t h e "Portuguese community" c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e use o f t h e term, I d i d not i n c l u d e any r e f e r e n c e t o t h e "Portuguese community ' i n the ' s c h e d u l e ' . 1  I r e a l i z e d t h a t the term "community"  was used v e r y l o o s e l y and meant d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s t o d i f f e r e n t p e o p l e . As I was not concerned, i n my f i e l d w o r k , t o 'map' t h e community but r a t h e r t o i n v e s t i g a t e the e x p e r i e n c e o f b e i n g a Portuguese immigrant i n Vancouver, I ceased t o use the term.  The c o n c e p t i o n  of "community" i n the way t h a t I had proceeded t o use i t was d i s o r g a n i z i n g my d a t a and i n t e r f e r i n g w i t h t h e i n f o r m a t i o n I was concerned t o i n v e s t i g a t e .  - 49 -  Of t h e t e n persons i n t e r v i e w e d i n the t h i r d s t a g e o f t h e f i e l d w o r k , f i v e were persons who had emigrated from P o r t u g a l ; a c o n s t r u c t i o n worker,  a community worker w i t h the e d u c a t i o n system,  and t h r e e women who worked i n the home.  The r e s t o f t h e i n t e r v i e w s  were conducted w i t h persons who were n o t Portuguese immigrants but who were i n v o l v e d w i t h Portuguese people i n t h e i r work. s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers were not n a t i v e - b o r n Canadians Portuguese.  They d i d not see themselves as  i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h Portuguese immigrants was a s o c i a l worker;  as a Second  but a l l spoke  Three had emigrated from B r a z i l ; one from Belgium; and  one from t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s .  One  These  except through t h e i r  jobs.  one a c o u r t t r a n s l a t o r ; one taught E n g l i s h  Language; and two were community workers  responsible  f o r p l a n n i n g programmes and f a c i l i t a t i n g s o c i a l s e r v i c e needs f o r Portuguese  immigrants.  The i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n f o r m a l l y , l a s t e d  f o r anywhere  from two t o f i v e hours and were a l l conducted i n E n g l i s h .  Some  p e o p l e ' s f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h was g r e a t e r than o t h e r s and a l l persons i n t e r v i e w e d spoke  Portuguese.  A f t e r the f i r s t i n t e n s i v e i n t e r v i e w , I c o n s t r u c t e d an ' i n t e r view s c h e d u l e ' (see Appendix  I).  T h i s was c o n s t r u c t e d out o f the  i n t e r a c t i o n I had had d u r i n g the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s and the S e n i o r s Group as w e l l as t h e hours o f c o n v e r s a t i o n I had with t h e community worker who was my primary i n f o r m a n t .  As noted  previously,  a 'schedule' was c o n s t r u c t e d a f t e r my f i r s t i n t e r v i e w t o more s p e c i f i c a l l y develop t h e a r e a s w i t h which I was concerned. •schedule' was not adhered  to s t r i c t l y .  B a t h e r , i t formed  w i t h i n which the c o n v e r s a t i o n c o u l d take p l a c e .  The a,frame  I had a l s o con-  s t r u c t e d a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t s c h e d u l e f o r my i n t e r v i e w s w i t h the  - 50 s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers (see Appendix I ) * s e p a r a t i o n o f q u e s t i o n s become a problem.  I n o n l y one case d i d t h i s I n t h i s i n s t a n c e , the  i n t e r v i e w was w i t h a woman who was new t o h e r j o b as a home/ s c h o o l l i a i s o n worker*  I n t h i s c a s e , I s u c c e s s f u l l y used a com-  b i n a t i o n o f t h e two s c h e d u l e s *  Fieldnotes The t r a n s c r i p t i o n o f the f i e l d n o t e s occured i n t h r e e ways* F i r s t , most o f the f i e l d n o t e s were t r a n s c r i b e d a f t e r l e a v i n g t h e setting*  I wrote down e v e r y t h i n g I c o u l d remember about what had  done on, what I had o b s e r v e d , what was s a i d , e t c *  This resulted  i n a r e c a p i t u l a t i o n o f t h e t a l k t h a t o c c u r r e d i n t h e s e t t i n g , as w e l l as my o b s e r v a t i o n s which were noted as such* remember exac& wordings,  When I c o u l d  I used i n v e r t e d commas t o i n d i c a t e  this*  Second, d u r i n g t h e i n t e n s i v e i n t e r v i e w s , I made 'shorthand n o t e s ' a t t h a t time* to the informant*  A f t e r the f i r s t  few i n t e r v i e w s , I r e a d back  t h e substance o f what they had t o l d me which I  had r e c o r d e d i n note form*  There were v e r y few d i s c r e p a n c i e s  t h a t they noted and so I assumed t h a t the notes were a t l e a s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the i n t e r a c t i o n which had taken p l a c e * s c r i b e d the i n t e r v i e w s a f t e r I had l e f t paraphrased  form*  I tran-  the s e t t i n g , a g a i n i n a  I used i n v e r t e d commas here a l s o i n o r d e r t o  i n d i c a t e phrases which I had taken down v e r b a t i m and t o d i s t i n g u i s h these phrases from the p a r a p h r a s i n g I had done i n the t r a n s c r i p t i o n * My own o b s e r v a t i o n s o f the i n t e r a c t i o n were made s e p a r a t e l y and l a t e r and were n o t r e a d back t o the i n f o r m a n t s a t any time* T h i r d , I attended a c o n f e r e n c e on " S o c i a l Work P r a c t i c e i n  -  a Multicultural Society". and t r a n s c r i b e d  51  -  I taped one o f the d i s c u s s i o n groups  the tape l a t e r .  I a l s o made notes on the keynote  addresses and on the c o n v e r s a t i o n s which took p l a c e d u r i n g the lunch-break.  These were t r a n s c r i b e d l a t e r i n paraphrase form.  Research D i f f i c u l t i e s I  encountered some problems i n my f i e l d w o r k .  problem was t h a t o f language comprehension. did  The major  As noted above, I  not speak Portuguese and some o f my i n f o r m a n t s d i d n o t speak  fluent English.  T h e r e f o r e , a t r a n s l a t o r was n e c e s s a r y i n some  d i s c u s s i o n s whereas i n o t h e r s , t h e r e was much h u n t i n g around f o r the  word needed  t o express an i d e a or t o t e l l  about an e x p e r i e n c e .  Sometimes, t h i s p r e s e n t e d no problem but a t o t h e r times i t caused considerable d i f f i c u l t y .  I n one c a s e , a member o f a f a m i l y was  t r a n s l a t i n g f o r another member and f o r me  r  were n o t t r a n s l a t e d . answered  and some o f t h e q u e s t i o n s  The f a m i l y member who c o u l d speak E n g l i s h  f o r t h e o t h e r member who c o u l d n o t .  interested  As I was p a r t i c u l a r l y  t o i n t e r v i e w the f a m i l y member who c o u l d n o t speak  E n g l i s h , I found t h i s e x p e r i e n c e v e r y f r u s t r a t i n g .  However, as the  f a m i l y member who c o u l d speak E n g l i s h was more than w i l l i n g t o be i n t e r v i e w e d , t o t e l l h e r s t o r y and express h e r o p i n i o n s , I d i d n o t c o n s i d e r the i n t e r v i e w unimportant; merely  frustrating.  The second problem, which a l s o r e v o l v e s around t h e need t o use t r a n s l a t o r s , was t h a t the t r a n s l a t o r s were almost always s e r v i c e workers.  social  The members i n t e r v i e w e d were sometimes l o c a t e d  d i f f e r e n t l y than the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers.  T h i s undoubtedly had  an e f f e c t on t h e d a t a c o l l e c t e d ; I c o u l d n o t assume t h a t the  - 52 -  i n f o r m a t i o n which came through t r a n s l a t i o n was  the same as the  i n f o r m a t i o n would have been i f language b a r r i e r s had not been present.  T h i s problem, i n some sense, d i r e c t e d  ethnography.  That i s , t h a t i t was  a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n between what was tuguese immigrants yet  i n Vancouver.  the focus o f the  not p o s s i b l e f o r me  t o assume  s a i d and the e x p e r i e n c e s o f PorT h i s l e d me  t o l o o k a t t a l k as  another a c t i v i t y , a l o n g with the o b s e r v a t i o n s I had made, i n  which the r e l a t i o n s o f the members concerned became v i s i b l e . As mentioned was  not adhered  above, I c o n s t r u c t e d an i n t e r v i e w schedule  t o d u r i n g every moment i n the d i s c u s s i o n s ; i t  p r o v i d e d a frame f o r me  t o i n s u r e t h a t I d i d n ' t f o r g e t t o ask  about something I c o n s i d e r e d i m p o r t a n t .  However, t h e r e was  q u e s t i o n which I asked and which never f a i l e d persons I was  talking to.  was  not u n t i l I l e f t  The q u e s t i o n had t o do w i t h how  the f i e l d  i tis society.  that I r e a l i z e d that t h i s  q u e s t i o n had drawn n o t h i n g but blank l o o k s . t h i s was,  one  t o confuse the  p o s s i b l e to know whether a person i s a member o f Canadian It  which  particular  I then r e a l i z e d  i n some sense, a s o c i o l o g i c a l q u e s t i o n and was  that  not some-  t h i n g t h a t persons o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n thought about, about, or c o n s i d e r e d i m p o r t a n t .  Although t h i s q u e s t i o n was  answered i n the i n t e r v i e w s , i n a p e c u l i a r way in  i t was  I t made i t c l e a r t h a t , i n comparison,  not  re-assuring  terms o f the r e s t o f the c o n v e r s a t i o n s , d i s c u s s i o n s and  views.  talked  inter-  the r e s t o f the  q u e s t i o n s I asked, the d i s c u s s i o n s o f which I was  a part  were not  u n f a m i l i a r , s t r a n g e , or i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e t o the persons I  was  talking to. F i n a l l y , the f i e l d n o t e s themselves r e v e a l common-sense n o t i o n s about a "Portuguese community" as w e l l as n o t i o n s about who  and  - 53 -  what i t i s t h a t Portuguese immigrants a r e and do. enactment  o f e t h n i c i t y , i n and of themselves.  p r o v i d e d me own  with a d d i t i o n a l data.  f i e l d n o t e s , my  own  They are an  T h i s has i n some ways  That i s , t h a t I have used  my  e x p e r i e n c e i n the community as c o n s t i t u t i v e  of the p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon which I am concerned t o e x p l i c a t e . T h e r e f o r e , i t must be noted t h a t the d e s c r i p t i o n s produced c o n s t r u c t e d a r e not the o n l y d e s c r i p t i o n s p o s s i b l e .  and  Rather i t i s  the case t h a t the f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s o f the f i e l d w o r k i s one p o s s i b l e d e s c r i p t i o n which r e f l e c t s what was  t o l d t o me  of Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , by people who  were i n v o l v e d w i t h them  but who  were not themselves immigrants  enactment  from P o r t u g a l , and by the  o f e t h n i c i t y , or immigrant-ness, o f d i f f e r e n c e i n which  a l l members o f the f i e l d  II.  by people  Historical  p a r t i c i p a t e d , myself i n c l u d e d .  Background  The Portuguese who  immigrate t o Canada do so from both main-  l a n d P o r t u g a l and from the A z o r e s .  Those  from the n o r t h e r n and  c e n t r a l mainland come from l a r g e l y r u r a l a r e a s which, a c c o r d i n g to Anderson prises.  (1976) have a p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f s m a l l b u s i n e s s e n t e r -  Immigrants  from the A z o r e s , who  comprise the l a r g e s t  Portuguese p o p u l a t i o n i n Canada, are from r u r a l s e t t i n g s i n which a g r i c u l t u r e predominates, w i t h a few landowners r e n t i n g s m a l l p a r c e l s o f l a n d t o members o f l o c a l  villages.  The main c o n t a c t w i t h Canada over the p a s t t h r e e c e n t u r i e s has been through the s e a s o n a l f i s h i n g o f Portuguese f l e e t s on the E a s t e r n seaboard and a c t u a l i m m i g r a t i o n d u r i n g t h i s time proceeded slowly.  Between 1950  and 1969» however, measures supported by  - 54 -  the  governments  i n both Lisbon  f l o w o f i m m i g r a n t s who of Canada. patterns  and O t t a w a  dispersed  encouraged  t o form communities  These government i n i t i a t i v e s i n f l u e n c e d  o f employment.  Canada were r e s t r i c t e d  a larger  Anderson  states that  i n a l l parts changes  i n the  fishing rights i n  t o C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s and t h e r e f o r e ,  Portuguese  i m m i g r a n t s were e x c l u d e d f r o m t h i s o c c u p a t i o n b u t were i n c r e a s i n g l y employed  i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n v e n t u r e s .  By 1961,  i t was  evident  that the p a t t e r n  o f i m m i g r a t i o n was  c h a n g i n g f r o m one i n w h i c h t h e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e p r i m a r i l y men family contact  situation.  have been immediate  Subsequently, the m a j o r i t y  to a  of immigrants  f a m i l y members and r e l a t i v e s o f t h e men  already  here. This  historical  a c c o u n t i s summarized  (1976), which a l s o c o n t a i n s  and H i g g s  f r o m a b o o k by  Anderson  a d e s c r i p t i o n of the  of the P o r t u g u e s e community i n Vancouver.  I t i s worth  layout  noting  t h a t t h e d e s c r i p t i o n i n t h i s book i e o n l y  of those immigrants  who  have been s u c c e s s f u l h e r e as businessmen,  contractors,  on.  III.  D e s c r i p t i o n as a Method o f C o n s t i t u t i n g The  Socially  The  term  O r g a n i z e d TJse o f t h e Term  the  the bureaucratic Federal  The  Government.  be d e m o n s t r a t e d way  'Immigrant'  f i r s t i s t h e usage  two  which  quite  originates  p r a c t i c e s o f the I m m i g r a t i o n Department The  o c c u r s i n w h a t we w i l l c a l l  cratic  Difference  ' i m m i g r a n t ' i s one w h i c h h a s , m i n i m a l l y ,  d i s t i n c t ways o f m e a n i n g . with  and s o  s e c o n d i s t h e way  of meaning  h e r e , 'common-sense u s a g e ' .  which It will  t h a t i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o assume t h a t t h e  o f meaning r e f e r e n c e s  t h e common-sense way  of  bureau-  of meaning.  - 55 -  That i e , t h a t i t i 6 not p o s s i b l e t o go from the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s t o the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the term as i t i s used i n every-day  activities.  The Immigration Department  usage i s one which i s a p p l i e d t o  persons e n t e r i n g Canada from another c o u n t r y ; persons whose c i t i z e n s h i p i s t h a t o f another c o u n t r y .  Under the o v e r a l l term  are subsumed such c a t e g o r i e s as 'sponsored dependent', immigrant',  'landed immigrant', e t c .  'immigrant'  'nominated  These v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i e s  i n d i c a t e the c r i t e r i a by which persons a p p l y i n g f o r entrance t o Canada as r e s i d e n t s are a c c e p t e d and under what c o n d i t i o n s ; f o r example,  f i n a n c i a l l y independent or n o t .  e n t r y a r e changing as o f A p r i l 1,  1978.  These c r i t e r i a f o r However, i t i s not nec-  e s s a r y t o determine t h e e x a c t d e f i n i t i o n o f each c a t e g o r y f o r the purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s .  Rather, i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o see t h a t the  term 'immigrant' i n t h i s c o n t e x t - i s a b u r e a u c r a t i c and admini s t r a t i v e procedure which i s a method o f c o d i n g and persons who  categorizing  e n t e r Canada as members o f the l a b o u r f o r c e .  This  term denotes a l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n o f 'immigrant' and i t s v a r i o u s sub-categories. The term, as i t a r i s e s i n the c o n t e x t o f the p r a c t i c e s o f the Immigration Department,  i n a sense, p r o v i d e s f o r the common-sense  usage which o c c u r s i n s o c i e t y . are c a l l e d  That c e r t a i n persons i n s o c i e t y  'immigrants' r a t h e r than, f o r example.,  'strangers*  or  'newcomers', r e s u l t s from the i n i t i a l naming which i s done at the government l e v e l .  A l s o , because the term 'immigrant' i s a j u r a l  one, i t i s a l s o a means o f working o r o p e r a t i n g a l e g a l and administrative process.  T h e r e f o r e , the l e g a l and  administrative  p r o c e s s p r o v i d e s f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y o f enforcement o f the  - 56 -  d e f i n i t i o n a l r u l e s o f the b u r e a u c r a t i c c a t e g o r i e s .  I t i s possible  f o r persons t o c a l l upon or make use o f those e n f o r c e a b l e r u l e s i n v a r i o u s k i n d s o f ways and from v a r i o u s k i n d s o f p o s i t i o n s i n the world.  The manner i n which t h i s c a n be done w i l l be v i s i b l e i n  the s e c t i o n on sponsored  immigrants.  The second way o f meaning o f the term  'immigrant'  the 'commonssense'usage' o f everyday a c t i v i t i e s .  occurs i n  By t h a t i s  meant t h a t the usage i s not one which i s a p p l i e d t o a l l immigrants at a l l times.  Some persons a r e always immigrants and t h e i r  social  i n t e r a c t i o n i s one which b e g i n s from t h a t a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e term. Others a r e o n l y immigrants when they a r e i n c o n t a c t w i t h t h e Immigration Department; when they must p r e s e n t t h e i r landed s t a t u s c a r d t o an o f f i c i a l agency; when they must f i l l  out j o b a p p l i c a t i o n  forms which ask f o r n a t i o n a l o r i g i n o r c i t i z e n s h i p , I want t o show, through my own o b s e r v a t i o n s and through the i n t e r v i e w s conducted i n the f i e l d , how the term immigrant  i s one'  which names a s e t o f s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s .  practices  These  o r g a n i z e c e r t a i n persons as 'immigrants' i n an ongoing everyday b a s i s ; as d i f f e r e n t from the l a r g e r s o c i e t y , o t h e r e t h n i c o r Immigrant groups, as w e l l as from o t h e r persons o f the same national origin,  I w i l l use t h r e e i l l u s t r a t i o n s  which demonstrate  this process.  The f i r s t  example o f t h i s p r o c e s s I wish  from my  fieldwork  t o draw t o your  a t t e n t i o n occured a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f my f i e l d w o r k .  I t w i l l demon-  s t r a t e the way i n which I , as a r e s e a r c h e r , e n t e r e d the f i e l d  with  the c o n c e p t i o n t h a t the people I was meeting were d i f f e r e n t .  This  i n c i d e n t was one which happened d u r i n g the f i r s t c i t i z e n s h i p  class  I was t o t e a c h .  - 57 -  The  first  person t o come i n t o the room i n which the c l a s s  to be h e l d was woman who and  had  a young man organized  about 25  years o l d .  Elizabeth,  the c l a s s e s , t a l k e d t o him  l a t e r they switched t o E n g l i s h .  deferent.  He  t a l k and  When t h i s person came i n t o  n o t i c i n g t h a t he was  spoke E n g l i s h q u i t e w e l l but  i n construction.  to make o t h e r s  welcome and  wondered to myself how  me.  to be t h e r e  constructed  l o n g he had looked  been i n Canada; whether he  ' t y p i c a l l y Portuguese'.  would be s t u d y i n g  In other  words, they were  already  were born here;  f o r the c i t i z e n s h i p e x a m i n a t i o n .  expecting  t h a t the people who  the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s would be immigrants and  be v i s i b l e but  the  29/77)  f o r e would be d i f f e r e n t .  I d i d n ' t know how  Therefore,  would there-  t h a t d i f f e r e n c e would  I expected t h a t the d i f f e r e n c e would be  in their activities,  The  evening  f o r c i t i z e n s h i p ; that  as d i f f e r e n t from people who  As i s v i s i b l e above, I was be a t t e n d i n g  do  on  known t h a t the people coming t h a t  to t r a n s l a t e .  ( B o u l t e r J o u r n a l , Sept.  behavior.  t h a t people  a l l the people spoke E n g l i s h w e l l , so E l i z a b e t h  f o r me  as people who  me  a  heard about the c l a s s e s through a n o t i c e posted a t  Church; t h a t not had  worked as  I watched t h i s g o i n g  were a l l Portuguese; t h a t they were e l i g i b l e they had  'shy*, almost  comfortable: saying h e l l o ; o f f e r i n g  spoke E n g l i s h ; wondered i f he Before he came i n , I had  He  E l i z a b e t h d i d the t h i n g s  c o f f e e ; i n t r o d u c i n g h e r s e l f and and  very  clothes,  i t took a w h i l e f o r  t o r e a l i z e t h i s because he spoke so q u i e t l y . labourer  the  i n Portuguese  the room, I remember l o o k i n g at h i s f a c e , h i s s t a t u r e and l i s t e n i n g to him  was  observable  f o r example, i n t h e i r language, d r e s s , I made r a t h e r e x t e n s i v e  notes on t h a t  and behavior.  young man's " d e f e r e n c e " , a b i l i t y t o speak E n g l i s h , h i s employ-  - 58 -  ment, e t c . , a l l were i n s t a n c e s of h i s e t h n i c i t y , h i s his  immigrantness,  difference. In o r d e r t o c o n t i n u e making v i s i b l e how  the c o n s t r u c t i o n i s  done o f some persons as immigrants whereas o t h e r s of the same c u l t u r a l o r i g i n d i d not see themselves an i n t e r v i e w done w i t h a woman who  as such, I want t o t u r n t o  i s from P o r t u g a l and who  been working i n her home f o r the p a s t t e n y e a r s . begun a job which now to o t h e r persons  who  She has  p l a c e s her i n a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t have emigrated  from P o r t u g a l .  has  recently  relation  Even though  h e r s e l f i s an immigrant, she speaks of " t h e y " when l o c a t i n g persons  w i t h whom she has t o e s t a b l i s h c o n t a c t through  o f her j o b .  Her  the  the mandate  job i s as a t r a n s l a t o r / i n t e r p r e t e r between the  home and the s c h o o l . the home and  As such, she mediates the r e l a t i o n between  the s c h o o l ; between the t e a c h e r , s c h o o l nurse,  c o u n s e l l o r and  the parent who  e d u c a t i o n i n the way  does not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the  d e s c r i b e d i n the f i e l d n o t e below.  or  child's  That  she  stands i n the p a r t i c u l a r m e d i a t i n g r e l a t i o n between the home and the s c h o o l o r g a n i z e s her i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h o t h e r Portuguese grants.  she  immi-  I t becomes p o s s i b l e f o r her t o t a l k about "them".  M a r i a sees her j o b as i n c l u d i n g home v i s i t s . These v i s i t s would t e l l p a r e n t s t h a t they s h o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n the programmes a t the s c h o o l . She says t h a t the p a r e n t s o f the c h i l d r e n she knows about don't come t o s c h o o l f o r p a r e n t / t e a c h e r i n t e r v i e w s and they don't h e l p w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n . When t h e r e are a c t i v i t i e s a t the s c h o o l , such as shows and l u n c h e s , the parents won't l e t t h e i r c h i l d r e n a t t e n d . These a c t i v i t i e s and a l s o the f i e l d t r i p s are not seen as v a l u a b l e f o r the c h i l d r e n . I f they are not l e a r n i n g i n the c l a s s room, then they should be home. T h i s i s t r u e f o r a l l the immigrant groups t h a t M a r i a knows about and i n c l u d e s the e x p e r i e n c e of o t h e r members o f her p r o j e c t who are t r a n s l a t o r s f o r the o t h e r e t h n i c groups r e p r e s e n t e d i n the s c h o o l . (Dec. 7/77)  - 59 -  I t becomes apparent from the f i e l d n o t e above t h a t  this  i n f o r m a n t sees p a r t o f her job as i n s t r u c t i n g the p a r e n t s i n ways of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the e d u c a t i o n o f t h e i r c h i l d r e n . i s o f Portuguese o r i g i n does not i n d i c a t e t h a t she i s an immigrant.  f o r her or f o r others  Rather, f o r h e r , those people who  immigrants are the ones who c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n and who such as f i e l d  That she  are  do not become i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r do not see the v a l u e o f a c t i v i t i e s  t r i p s , shows, or s c h o o l l u n c h e s .  I n o r d e r t o demonstrate  f u r t h e r , the ongoing c o n s t i t u t i o n o f  p a r t i c u l a r persons as immigrants, I want now  t o t u r n t o a con-  v e r s a t i o n which occured a t t h i s u n i v e r s i t y .  This conversation  was w i t h a p r o f e s s o r who relations.  He i s not a Portuguese immigrant,  landed immigrant,  s"  has done work on e t h n i c groups and  ethnic  but i s l e g a l l y  t h a t i s , a c c o r d i n g to the Immigration  a  Department.  M y s e l f : I t seems t o me t h a t immigrants are those persons who are t r e a t e d i n c e r t a i n ways. Not a l l persons who a r e immigrants i n the Immigration Department sense o f the word, are t r e a t e d as s u c h . Prof.:  Am I an  immigrant?  M y s e l f : I have no Prof.:  idea.  I am, but the o n l y time t h a t becomes something t h a t I r e l a t e t o i s when I have b u s i n e s s w i t h the Immigration Department. Otherwise, I never get t r e a t e d as an immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t .  That the p r o f e s s o r does not " r e l a t e t o " h i s immigrant  status  i n an ongoing everyday manner, i n d i c a t e s t h a t the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e him as a p r o f e s s o r do not a t t e n d t o the same p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e o t h e r immigrants as d i f f e r e n t . That h i s c u l t u r a l and n a t i o n a l background  i s different  persons w i t h whom he i n t e r a c t s i s not dependent  from the  on h i s s t a t u s as  - 60 -  a landed  immigrant.  From the t h r e e i n s t a n c e s d e s c r i b e d above, i t b e g i n s t o be v i s i b l e t h a t the term immigrant, as i t i s used i n a common-sense manner, names a s e t o f s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s . p r a c t i c e s o r g a n i z e p a r t i c u l a r persons as d i f f e r e n t  These  from o t h e r  p e r s o n s , both i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y and w i t h t h e i r own c u l t u r a l and n a t i o n a l groupings.  Not a l l persons who are immigrants i n the  l e g a l sense o f the word, are o r g a n i z e d by those same s e t s o f relations.  The l a b e l immigrant does not d e s c r i b e f o r us the  everyday p r a c t i c e s o f s o c i e t y ' s members which c o n s t i t u t e some persons as d i f f e r e n t  from o t h e r p e r s o n s .  The q u e s t i o n then becomes: what i s i t t h a t does o r g a n i z e some immigrants as d i f f e r e n t and  some as not?  This question  arose f o r me as a p r a c t i c a l problem i n the f i e l d .  That i s , t h a t  i n my f i e l d w o r k , I asked people about t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e as Portuguese immigrants; I asked community workers what they knew about the people who l i v e d i n t h e i r a r e a ; I asked about p e o p l e ' s jobs and home l i v e s .  I n our d i s c u s s i o n s , they d e s c r i b e d  f o r me t h e i r  j o b s , what they knew about b e i n g a Portuguese immigrant In t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s they demonstrated  lives,  i n Vancouver.  the ways i n which the  work i s done o f c o n s t i t u t i n g some persons as immigrants and o t h e r s as n o t .  That i s , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o show t h a t i n the v a r i o u s  d e s c r i p t i o n s o f persons o f Portuguese o r i g i n , c e r t a i n persons a r e said  t o be and t r e a t e d as immigrants and o t h e r s are n o t . The  d e s c r i p t i o n s became v i s i b l e as one o f t h e p r a c t i c e s which o r g a n i z e c e r t a i n persons as immigrants.  - 61 -  The S o c i a l l y Organized Use o f the Term  'Community'  The d e s c r i p t i o n s above i n d i c a t e , a l s o , t h a t the Portuguese e t h n i c group i s not a homogenous e n t i t y .  That i s , t h a t not a l l  persons o f Portuguese o r i g i n a r e l o c a t e d s o c i a l l y i n t h e same manner.  However, from the o u t s i d e , from my i n i t i a l  r e s e a r c h e r i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e Portuguese immigrant did  l o c a t i o n as a  experience, i t  i n d e e d seem t h a t t h e e t h n i c group was homogenous and t h a t  they formed what was l o o s e l y c a l l e d "the Portuguese community". However, as my f i e l d w o r k proceeded, i t became apparent t h a t the term "Portuguese community" was used p r i m a r i l y by o u t s i d e r s ; by people  who were not Portuguese immigrants.  I n o t h e r words, t h e  term "Portuguese community" i s s i m i l a r i n i t s s i t u a t i o n a l usage and i n the o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s t h a t i t names, t o the term Two  examples w i l l i l l u s t r a t e t h i s  "immigrant".  further.  I d i d an i n t e r v i e w w i t h two women who were d e s c r i b e d t o me as Portuguese immigrants by a s o c i a l s e r v i c e worker.  However,  these women, i n t h e i r d r e s s , i n t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n o f t h e i r home, i n t h e i r church attendance were not the same as t h e P o r t u guese immigrants t h a t I had seen t o d a t e . i n the a r e a o f Vancouver community".  These women do not l i v e  which i s u s u a l l y c a l l e d  "the Portuguese  Although they a r e Portuguese and a r e v e r y proud o f  t h e i r n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , they a r e n o t i n v o l v e d i n a c t i v i t i e s  which  take p l a c e i n t h e Portuguese a r e a o f Vancouver, n o r a r e t h e i r l a b o u r market r e l a t i o n s t i e d t o t h e e t h n i c group w i t h which they see thems e l v e s as a p a r t o f .  The husband o f the daughter works i n a f a i r l y  " r e s p o n s i b l e " p o s i t i o n i n a h o t e l i n downtown  Vancouver.  Because, a t t h i s p o i n t i n my f i e l d w o r k , I assumed t h a t t h e r e was  something c a l l e d t h e "Portuguese community", I asked about t h e  - 62 -  community here; what i t was l i k e and whether i t was d i f f e r e n t from t h e Toronto several years*  community o f which they had been a p a r t f o r The response was:  The community here i s s m a l l e r and t h e r e i s no c e n t r e to i t * There a r e n ' t enough meetings and groups, no p l a c e s t o meet* The community i n Toronto was v e r y c l o s e - k n i t but much l a r g e r * There were meeting p l a c e s and p l a c e s f o r t h e o l d people t o go d u r i n g t h e day* (She doesn't) t h i n k t h e men s h o u l d be s e p a r a t e d from the women i n t h e i r groups as they a r e here* Rather, a community c e n t e r s h o u l d be a v a i l a b l e t h a t had a p l a c e f o r t h e o l d people t o congregate and f o r community meetings t o be h e l d . (Nov.8/77)  T h i s i n f o r m a n t has some i d e a s about how t o go about t h i s but f e e l s t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y f o r any group t h a t would  be s e t up t o have  people r u n n i n g i t who a r e from the M a i n l a n d , the A z o r e s , and Madiera*  These a r e t h e s p l i t s which t h i s i n f o r m a n t sees as v i s i b l e  i n t h e T o r o n t o community.  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov.8/77)  As the i n t e r v i e w proceeded, i t became c l e a r t h a t these women do n o t c o n s i d e r t h a t t h e Portuguese s e t t l e m e n t here i s a community. One  o f the women d i d a d e s c r i p t i o n f o r me o f persons o f Portuguese  n a t i o n a l o r i g i n who l i v e i n Vancouver.  (She f e e l s t h a t ) t h e Portuguese people here i n c l u d e a segment t h a t a r e " l o w - c l a s s " . These people don't know how t o behave a t meetings and a t c e l e b r a t i o n s such as Portuguese Day. These people l e a v e a mess, they t a l k d u r i n g t h e speeches. A new person coming i n i s seen as a s t r a n g e r and no-one t a l k s t o them. (Nov.8/77)  T h i s f a m i l y has v e r y l i t t l e emigrated from P o r t u g a l .  t o do with o t h e r persons who have  They do not go t o the Portuguese church  but r a t h e r t o one which i s c l o s e r t o t h e i r home. ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov. 8/77) I t c a n be seen t h a t these people c a l l  themselves  Portuguese  - 63 -  and they c o n s i d e r themselves as p a r t o f t h e Portuguese s e t t l e m e n t i n Vancouver*  However, they do not c o n s i d e r the Portuguese people  who l i v e i n Vancouver  as b e i n g a community.  ,  T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n c a n be c o n t r a s t e d w i t h one done by a woman who i s more i n v o l v e d with o t h e r persons who have emigrated from P o r t u g a l as w e l l as w i t h a c t i v i t i e s which take p l a c e i n t h e a r e a o f Vancouver which i s c a l l e d " t h e Portuguese community". her husband  l i v e i n E a s t Vancouver.  The woman works i n t h e home,  as do t h e women who d i d t h e p r e v i o u s d e s c r i p t i o n . works i n c o n s t r u c t i o n .  She and  Her husband  The i n t e r v i e w took p l a c e i n t h e i r home.  I had met these persons through t h e c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s . both been i n t h i s c o u n t r y f o r 18 y e a r s .  They had  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov. 30/77)  S e v e r a l times d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w , i t was s t a t e d t h a t  things  here a r e d i f f e r e n t now: There a r e more Portuguese people here and so t h i n g s a r e e a s i e r f o r t h e ones coming now. E a s i e r , i n t h e sense t h a t t h e r e i s f a m i l y t o h e l p g e t j o b s , t o h e l p w i t h the v i s i t s t o t h e d o c t o r who doesn't speak Portuguese, t o p r o v i d e p l a c e s t o s t a y u n t i l a p l a c e o f your own c a n be found. A l s o , t h e r e i s a community here now. The church i s the p l a c e t h a t p r o v i d e s t h e c e n t r e t o t h e community. English c l a s s e s a r e h e l d i n the basement o f t h e c h u r c h . The church h e l p e d t o o r g a n i z e Portuguese Day. A l s o , t h e r e are r e a l e s t a t e agents who speak Portuguese, who a r e Portuguese. The t r a v e l agent i s Portuguese a l s o , (Nov.30/77) T h i s f a m i l y p e r c e i v e s t h a t t h e r e i s a community c a l l e d t h e P o r t u guese community i n Vancouver.  They c o n s i d e r themselves t o be a  p a r t o f t h i s community. I t i s p o s s i b l e t o see from t h e above i n s t a n c e s t h a t what i s c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" does not e x i s t f o r a l l members o f society.  The Portuguese s e t t l e m e n t here i s not an homogenous group.  Although people may i d e n t i f y themselves as o f Portuguese  origin,  - 64 -  t h e i r r e l a t i o n to a p e r c e i v e d  community appears t o be o r g a n i z e d  p r a c t i c e s which are not o n l y those o f e t h n i c a f f i l i a t i o n . p o s s i b l e t o see t h a t not a l l persons who  might be l e g a l l y  It i s categor-  i z e d as immigrants o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n are o r g a n i z e d t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n the same way.  by  in  As a p r a c t i c a l matter,  immigrant s t a t u s i n Vancouver i s one which remains t o be e s t a b l i s h e d i n the ways i n which one's l i f e i s o r g a n i z e d perceived  i n r e l a t i o n to a  e t h n i c community and t o t h e g r e a t e r Vancouver  Thus f a r , i t has been e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t the term  society.  'immigrant'  and the term 'community' are p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d which d e s c r i b e  practices  the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f some persons o f Portuguese  n a t i o n a l o r i g i n and not o t h e r s .  The terms, used i n a common-sense  manner, assume t h a t t h e r e i s an homogenous community i n h a b i t e d persons who  are c a l l e d immigrants.  are c a l l e d immigrants w h i l e o t h e r s  That t h e r e a r e some persons  different  who  o f the same l e g a l s t a t u s are not  so named i n d i c a t e s t h a t the o r g a n i z e d c o n s t i t u t e some members i n a way  by  p r a c t i c e s o f members o f s o c i e t y  which i n d i c a t e s t h a t they are  from other members o f s o c i e t y .  The f e a t u r e  of the des-  c r i p t i o n s done i s the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f immigrant and the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f community which o b j e c t i f i e s - makes an o b j e o t  of -  the r e l a t i o n s between persons such t h a t they appear as r e l a t i o n s which a r e o b j e c t i v e l y v i s i b l e f o r a l l members o f s o c i e t y . d e s c r i p t i o n s themselves c o n s t r u c t  The  what i s named as an e t h n i c comm-  u n i t y which i s i n h a b i t e d by immigrants.  Referencing  of C u l t u r a l O r i g i n  Another important f e a t u r e o f the d e s c r i p t i o n s which people did for  me i n the f i e l d , was  the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e as  65  -  -  a c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e r e l e v a n t t o one's immigrant s t a t u s . d i f f e r e n c e was  repeatedly  immigrants and  o f the p e r c e i v e d  established i n d e s c r i p t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l  through r e p e a t e d r e f e r e n c e s R e f e r e n c e s to P o r t u g a l questions,  Cultural  e t h n i c community.  to P o r t u g a l  provided  descriptions.  the r e f e r e n c i n g i s , i n i t s e l f ,  origin.  frame f o r p e o p l e ' s I t i s through  r e f e r e n c i n g t h a t d i f f e r e n c e i s e s t a b l i s h e d most c l e a r l y . that  done  as p e o p l e ' s p l a c e o f  a constant  r e s p o n s e s , accounts and  T h i s was  this  That i s ,  a method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g  difference. I t i s n e c e s s a r y t o understand t h a t I am Portuguese immigrants do  not s u g g e s t i n g  not b r i n g w i t h them d i f f e r e n t p r a c t i c e s  which mark them as d i f f e r e n t .  Nor  am  I s a y i n g t h a t Portuguese  persons do not have a c u l t u r e which they p r a c t i c e here and important to them. different for  that  There may  be many a s p e c t s o f how  which i s  they appear  which a r e , i n p a r t , a f e a t u r e which they b r i n g w i t h them;  example, r e l i g i o n , language, e t c .  be what a r i s e s i n the v e r y  But  t h i s d i f f e r e n c e a l s o must  p r o c e s s o f i n t e r a c t i o n here i n Vancouver.  I t i s t h i s p r o c e s s o f i n t e r a c t i o n which c o n s t i t u t e s t h e i r as d i f f e r e n t here t h a t I am I t i s p o s s i b l e t o see  relation  concerned t o demonstrate. t h i s method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g p a r t i c u l a r  persons as d i f f e r e n t through the r e f e r e n c i n g of t h e i r c o u n t r y o r i g i n , i n i t i a l l y , by l o o k i n g a t my  own  e n t r y i n t o the  f i e l d n o t e s which f o l l o w are examples o f how o f c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e which was field the  w i t h whom I had  contact.  I entered  field.  The  i n t o a method  done by a l l members o f  the  T h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n as r e v e a l e d  in  f o l l o w i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n s are a d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f the c o n s t i t u t i o n  o f d i f f e r e n c e which i s done h i s t o r i c a l l y , i . e . b e f o r e the  of  field  and  as an ongoing p r o c e s s which c o n t i n u e d  my  entry  a f t e r my  into  leaving.  - 66 -  The e x p l a n a t i o n s and d e s c r i p t i o n s o f the Portuguese e x p e r i e n c e done a t the time o f my understand  t h a t i t was  e n t r y i n t o the f i e l d  immigrant  l e d me  not p o s s i b l e t o understand l i v e s ,  the  to lived  r e l a t i o n s o f Portuguese immigrants  here without u n d e r s t a n d i n g the  s o c i e t y from which they had come*  T h i s occured i n two ways.  i n terms o f my  own  assumptions  o f these people as d i f f e r e n t  the r e s t of Canadians  w i t h whom I was  Portuguese  knew about P o r t u g a l i n a way  immigrants  they came from a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e . d i f f e r e n c e was g r a n t s who  verified  familiar*  called  from people,  t h a t I c o u l d not;  Second, t h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n o f  by a d e s c r i p t i o n done o f Portuguese  l i v e d i n what was  "the Portuguese  A l s o , c o n v e r s a t i o n s which occured w h i l e I was i n f o r m a n t s and a c c e s s , r e - o c c u r e d throughout re-affirmed this  Portuguese  First,  immi-  community".  negotiating for the f i e l d w o r k and  construction.  She d e s c r i b e d the community as one i n which p r a c t i c e s " were s t i l l common.  "medieval  The f a m i l y are t r y i n g t o " p r o v i d e t h e i r daughters w i t h the one t h i n g they never had - e d u c a t i o n " . (Sept.21/77) The l a s t f i v e f a m i l i e s he has seen have, f o r him, f o l l o w e d a " s t e r e o t y p e d p a t t e r n " . They were from the Azores; they were p o o r l y educated; they came from a tiny v i l l a g e . The Azores are c u t o f f from the Mainland and the p o p u l a t i o n i s c o n s e r v a t i v e both s o c i a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y * They are a f r a i d o f the s p e c t r e o f communism which i s anti-God and a n t i - c h u r c h . They have no a c c e s s t o u n i v e r s i t y or h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n ; they don't see the day-to-day changes t h a t are happe n i n g on the Mainland and the changes t h a t they see, as w e l l as the customs t h a t they see h e r e , are c o n s i d e r e d blasphemy. (Dec.5/77)  I t i s v i s i b l e above t h a t the 'reasons' f o r the concerns  and  b e h a v i o r s o f the people w i t h which the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers have c o n t a c t , i s t h e i r c u l t u r a l background.  The Immigrants are seen t o  b r i n g w i t h them c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are a r e s u l t o f t h e i r  - 67 -  l i v e s i n Portugal.  However, whether o r n o t t h i s i s t h e 'reason*  f o r t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s h e r e , the p o i n t  I want t o s t r e s s i s t h a t  this  method o f d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e as a r e s u l t o f the c u l t u r a l background o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s i s a construction  which i s done i n a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n and a t a p a r -  t i c u l a r time and under a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f c i r c u m s t a n c e s . is,  t h a t the notes above a r e d e s c r i p t i o n s  That  and e x p l a n a t i o n s done  about Portuguese immigrants by persons who a r e not Portuguese immigrants.  The d e s c r i p t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s t h e s e p e r s o n s as d i f f e r e n t  because o f t h e i r background and does n o t a t t e n d  t o the s o c i a l  p r a c t i c e s which o r g a n i z e t h e i r l i v e s i n Vancouver. In o r d e r t o demonstrate f u r t h e r what a c u l t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n does and what i t a c c o m p l i s h e s , I want now t o t u r n t o a c o n f e r e n c e on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  liald a t the S c h o o l o f S o c i a l Work, U.B.C.  I  want t o d i s c u s s , i n some d e t a i l , government p o l i c y , the p a r t i c u l a r understanding of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  used by the M i n i s t e r  o f State  f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , the s t r u c t u r e o f t h e c o n f e r e n c e and f i n a l l y , the p r e s e n t a t i o n s  which e x p l a i n e d  the i m m i g r a n t / e t h n i c  Portuguese  s e t t l e m e n t i n Vancouver t o the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the c o n f e r e n c e . ensuing d i s c u s s i o n  The  i n the p a r t i c u l a r workshop I a t t e n d e d w i l l demon-  s t r a t e how t h e method o f e x p l a n a t i o n  as one o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e  p r o v i d e d f o r f u t u r e p r a c t i c e s o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s as s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers i n v o l v e d The Society"  w i t h Portuguese immigrants i n the Vancouver a r e a .  c o n f e r e n c e on " S o c i a l Work P r a c t i c e i n a M u l t i c u l t u r a l was planned by t h e B.C. A s s o c i a t i o n  funded by the S e c r e t a r y  o f S o c i a l Workers and  of State, M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  Programme.  The  workshop was attended by s o c i a l workers, community workers, p u b l i c h e a l t h n u r s e s and had members o f e t h n i c  groups, who were u s u a l l y  - 68  -  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers, as d i s c u s s i o n workshop l e a d e r s . The  c o n f e r e n c e began w i t h two  "Keynote Speakers"  the t o p i c of an overview o f the c h a l l e n g e s  p r e s e n t e d by a m u l t i -  c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y as w e l l as a d i s c u s s i o n on for  the,implications  s o c i a l work which proceeded w i t h i n the m u l t i - c u l t u r a l s o c i a l  context. and  addressing  T h i s was  followed  by workshops on v a r i o u s  communities i n Vancouver: N a t i v e  Indian,  East  ethnic  Indian,  C h i n e s e , Portuguese, I t a l i a n .  The  led  e t h n i c background of the  by r e s o u r c e  group.  The  persons of the  d i s c u s s i o n format was  groups Greek,  workshops were d i s c u s s i o n groups discussion  r e p e a t e d i n the a f t e r n o o n  with  p a r t i c i p a n t s moving between s e s s i o n s . At r e g i s t r a t i o n , a ' k i t ' was • k i t ' contained  g i v e n t o each r e g i s t r a n t .  the c o n f e r e n c e o u t l i n e ; pamphlets from the  This Immigration  R e c e p t i o n C e n t r e i n Vancouver, as w e l l as from the M u l t i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and  M.O.S.A.I.C. which d e s c r i b e d  s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d ; a R o y a l Bank o f Canada Monthly L e t t e r on M u l t i c u l t u r a l Society";  press r e l e a s e s  c u l t u r a l i s m as w e l l as c o p i e s list  o f the S e c r e t a r y  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m programme; and p o s i t i o n s h e l d by the  o r g a n i z a t i o n 6f able  R e g i o n a l and finally,  two  f e d e r a l government.  i n d i c a t i o n of what i t was  "A  from the M i n i s t r y o f M u l t i -  o f speeches g i v e n by  of State's  the  the M i n i s t e r ;  Local Offices for  the  statements of p o l i c y  This l i s t  i s to g i v e some  t h a t the committee r e s p o n s i b l e  the c o n f e r e n c e thought was  a  for  the  both n e c e s s a r y and  avail-  f o r an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n t h i s c o u n t r y . Before g o i n g on t o an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the workshop I a t t e n d e d ,  I f i r s t want t o i l l u s t r a t e from the M i n i s t e r of M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ' s speeches and is  defined  the government p o l i c y statements how  and  explained.  ( I t should  multiculturalism  be noted t h a t the  government  - 69 -  p u b l i c a t i o n s were a l l p r i n t e d i n E n g l i s h , as was a l l t h e m a t e r i a l provided  i n the ' k i t ' . )  Government p o l i c y on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m o r " c u l t u r a l and e t h n i c p l u r a l i s m i n t h i s c o u n t r y and the s t a t u s o f our v a r i o u s and  cultures  languages,••" i s based on recommendations o f the R o y a l  Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i e m , Volume  I V . T h i s  p o l i c y i s one which attempts t o p r o v i d e f o r : A p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w i t h a b i l i n g u a l framework. •• as the most s u i t a b l e means o f a s s u r i n g the c u l t u r a l freedom o f Canadians. This  p o l i c y i s based on an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c i t y o r e t h n i c  affiliation by  which i s not dependent on c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n but r a t h e r  the i n d i v i d u a l ' 6 "sense o f b e l o n g i n g t o the group and by...  the group's " c o l l e c t i v e w i l l t o e x i s t " . " (Prime M i n i s t e r , t o t h e House  o f Commons, O c t . 8,  Statement  19?1)  In 1977-1978, t h e M i n i s t e r o f S t a t e  f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m gave  s e v e r a l speeches which demonstrated how he viewed government p o l i c y on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and h i s r o l e i n implementing t h a t p o l i c y . E x c e r p t s from these speeches a l s o p r o v i d e f o r us the working d e f i n i t i o n o f . m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , as w e l l as the c o n c e p t i o n o f e t h n i c groups as s o c i a l e n t i t l e s .  These e x c e r p t s w i l l a l s o p r o v i d e f o r us  an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the p o l i c i e s out o f which the S o c i a l Work P r a c t i c e Conference was formed.  I t ' s extremely important t h a t , i n terms o f n a t i o n a l u n i t y , the e t h n o c u l t u r a l groups o f our s o c i e t y do not get l o s t i n the s h u f f l e . With the emphasis on b i l i n g u a l i s m , w i t h the emphasis on F r e n c h - E n g l i s h r e l a t i o n s , a l l too o f t e n those who c o n s t i t u t e over 30% o f the p o p u l a t i o n f e e l i g n o r e d . (Sept.29, 1977)  - 70 -  I b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e ' s got t o be a t h i r d l e g on t h a t t r i p o d , (French and E n g l i s h being the other two)..., and we've got t o ensure t h a t a f a i r shake i s g i v e n t o those from other backgrounds i n t h i s c o u n t r y . . . . The f a c t o f t h e matter i s , t h e r e ' s something more important than backgrounds and t h a t i s competence and a b i l i t y t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h i s c o u n t r y . . . . We must not d e s t r o y t h e i r backgrounds, but must p r e s e r v e them and take advantage from them. Now t h a t i s c a l l e d the 'mosaic' approach. (Oct.8, 1977) I n terms o f my r o l e , a s i d e from p r o v i d i n g g r a n t s , i t i s t o have a g l o b a l impact on n a t i o n a l p o l i c y . That means t h a t one t h i r d o f the people — and one c o u l d debate t h i s — a r e my immediate c o n c e r n . One c o u l d say t h a t the m i n i s t e r o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m r e a l l y should be as much concerned about t h e I r i s h and the S c o t t i s h and he i s . As f a r as I c a n make out. everybody i s an e t h n i c . My immediate concerns are addressed t o those e t h n o c u l t u r a l communities which a r e o f o r i g i n s other than E n g l i s h o r F r e n c h . (Hov.22, 1977, emphasis mine)  I t i s v i s i b l e from t h e f o r e g o i n g  excerpts,  Prime M i n i s t e r , and from t h e M i n i s t e r o f S t a t e t h a t e t h n i c groups a r e d e f i n e d of i n d i v i d u a l s as b e l o n g i n g  both from t h e for Multiculturalism,  by the s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  t o an e t h n i c group.  F o r government  purposes, t h i s a f f i l i a t i o n does not depend on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s country of o r i g i n . I t i s a l s o v i s i b l e t h a t government support w i l l be a v a i l a b l e , to an u n s p e c i f i e d e x t e n t , a way as t o apply  t o those groups who a r e o r g a n i z e d  f o r them.  i n such  A l s o , government a s s i s t a n c e w i l l be  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e - t r a i n i n g programmes, language t r a i n i n g and c o n f e r e n c e s which f a c i l i t a t e the i n t e r a c t i o n o f e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s . Before p r o c e e d i n g t o l o o k a t who those c o n f e r e n c e s might be d i r e c t e d t o , I want t o take up the i s s u e o f how the M i n i s t e r f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m views t h e mandate o f h i s p o r t f o l i o . accepts the d e f i n i t i o n , provided  F i r s t , he  by t h e Prime M i n i s t e r , o f e t h n i c  - 71  -  groups as b e i n g those i n d i v i d u a l s who as such.  are s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i e d  T h i s d e f i n i t i o n a l l o w s him t o make the statement,  f a r as I can make out, everybody i s an e t h n i c " .  However, he does  not see as h i s concern the E n g l i s h and French c u l t u r a l and groups.  linguistic  Rather, he i s concerned w i t h those " e t h n o c u l t u r a l comm-  u n i t i e s which are of o r i g i n s o t h e r than E n g l i s h or F r e n c h . 1977)  "As  (Nov.22,  That he would be concerned with a c e r t a i n segment o f the  s o c i e t y which i s e t h n i c ; t h a t i t would be an i s s u e t h a t they get a " f a i r shake" i n d i c a t e s t h a t Indeed t h a t i s not the case a t the moment.  I t i s h i s c o n c e r n t o remedy t h a t I n e q u a l i t y ; an i n e q u a l i t y  which a r i s e s as a r e s u l t of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s e t h n i c  s t a t u s and  which  t o a c e r t a i n extent i n t e r f e r e s with the c l a s s m o b i l i t y which would be p o s s i b l e i n a s o c i e t y where a l l e t h n i c groups were t r e a t e d equally. The resemblance  t o the t h e o r e t i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n s  theorists i s striking.  o f the e t h n i c  That i s , t h a t both the M i n i s t e r and  the  t h e o r i s t s b e g i n w i t h an a t t r i b u t i o n of e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e t o persons by v i r t u e o f membership i n c e r t a i n groups. to demonstrate  They are then concerned  whether s u b j e c t i v e or o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a  i n c l u s i o n o r e x c l u s i o n i n terms of the group's members. by a c c e p t i n g  determine The M i n i s t e r ,  the d e f i n i t i o n of s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , uses  t h i s as the c r i t e r i a f o r membership.  The t h e o r i s t s are concerned  t o d i s c o v e r whether e t h n i c s t a t u s o r c l a s s s t a t u s i s paramount i n d e t e r m i n i n g m o b i l i t y w i t h i n the s o c i a l system.  The M i n i s t e r con-  s i d e r s t h a t the e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s are not r e p r e s e n t e d i n a way  that  a l l o w s f o r the assurance t h a t e t h n i c s t a t u s w i l l not determine c l a s s status.  In o t h e r words, he sees e t h n i c s t a t u s as b e i n g p r i m a r y .  I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n t o go on documenting  c a s e s of t h e o r i z i n g  -  72  -  which proceed i n the same manner* those who  Rather, the p o i n t i s t h a t , f o r  make government p o l i c y as w e l l as f o r e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s ,  e t h n i c groups appear as homogenous groups i n a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l location* nor  In o r d e r  to account f o r t h i s appearance, n e i t h e r t h e o r i s t s  p o l i t i c i a n s make p r o b l e m a t i c  an everyday p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y . i s one  of d i f f e r e n c e  When t h i s o c c u r s ,  the  as  construction  which i n I t s e l f c o n s t i t u t e s e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e as a  o f the  property  groups.  I want t o now order  the p r o d u c t i o n  explore  to show f i r s t ,  the c o n f e r e n c e i t s e l f ,  t h a t the c o n f e r e n c e was  p l i s h e d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ; and provided,  the workshops, i n  an event which accom-  second, t h a t t h i s accomplishment  f o r the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers a t t e n d i n g  the  conference,  an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e t h n i c group members as persons w i t h a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e which g i v e s r i s e to the problems and  difficulties  encoun-  t e r e d i n t h e i r work. As was  noted above, the l e a d e r s o f the d i s c u s s i o n groups were  representatives Indian,  of the v a r i o u s  Greek, N a t i v e  Indian,  e t h n i c groups, f o r example, E a s t I t a l i a n , Chinese and  Portuguese.  p a r t i c i p a n t s were s o c i a l workers, community workers, p u b l i c n u r s e s and  s t u d e n t s i n the S c h o o l of S o c i a l Work.  l e a d e r s were a l s o s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers.  The  I d i d not  Therefore,  the  attend a l l  t h a t I had  Portu-  following discussion relates i n  p a r t i c u l a r to t h a t taped d i s c u s s i o n group a l t h o u g h my from c o n v e r s a t i o n s  health  discussion  the workshops, o n l y b e i n g i n t e r e s t e d i n the workshop on the guese community.  The  during  the l u n c h  understanding,  break, i s t h a t  other  s e s s i o n s proceeded i n a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n . As was and  noted i n r e f e r e n c e  t o the e t h n i c  t h e o r i s t s reviewed  the government p o l i c y developments, the c o n s t r u c t i o n of  ethnic  - 73 -  groups as an homogenous e n t i t y , the  i n d i v i d u a l s of which d i s p l a y  p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , i s a method f o r c o n s t i t u t i n g difference.  The  c o n f e r e n c e w i t h which we  moment, i s an event which a l s o c o n s t i t u t e s  are concerned at ethnic  However, the d i f f e r e n c e i s addressed through the o f c u l t u r e and was  c u l t u r a l difference*  ethnic  difference* particular vehicle  That i s , t h a t  c a l l e d a c o n f e r e n c e on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m .  the  conference  This t i t l e  provided  a d e f i n i t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n such t h a t p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c and  t h e i r c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s became the T h i s c o n f e r e n c e was  the  relevant  groups who  t o s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers who  are i n need of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s .  expressed c o n c e r n s which r e v o l v e d  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers were l o o k i n g  provided  f o r them by  an e x p l a n a t i o n  f o r a way  tial  in.  to understand  That u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of making sense of  T h i s sense-making was  f o r t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h the  p r o v i d e d the  group members.  of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s .  In o t h e r words, the c o n f e r e n c e p r o v i d e d a way s i t u a t i o n s they were i n v o l v e d  w i t h members o f  around the k i n d s o f problems they  what they encountered i n t h e i r job r o u t i n e s . was  in  These workers  were e n c o u n t e r i n g i n t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with e t h n i c The  groups  t o p i c of i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  c o u r s e of t h e i r employment, come i n t o c o n t a c t  ethnic  the  ethnic  consequen-  group members.  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers w i t h an e x p l a n a t i o n  It  which  accounted f o r the v i s i b l e phenomenon i n terms o f c u l t u r a l or  ethnic  differences. The  workshop began with t h r e e p r e s e n t a t i o n s  workers i n the Portuguese community. immigrants and o f the  one  Two  o f the  by s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r e s e n t e r s were  was  the daughter o f an immigrant f a m i l y . » p a r t i c i p a n t s were immigrants and some were n o t .  *The term immigrant, used above, I n d i c a t e s p r o v i d e d by the Immigration Department.  the b u r e a u c r a t i c  Some  category  -  The f i r s t  7k -  presentation consisted of a description of family  l i f e i n t h e Azores; male-female r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; employment, e t c .  child-parent  T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n p r o v i d e d the  background u n d e r s t a n d i n g which was seen by the p r e s e n t e r s as n e c e s s a r y f o r an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the Portuguese immigrant  family  l i f e i n Vancouver, S i n c e the major group which comes here i s from the Azores and i s r u r a l , I thought I would p r e s e n t some i d e a o f f a m i l y l i f e l n the A z o r e s ,  D e s c r i b e d was the dominant  male p o s i t i o n and the s u b s e r v i e n t  female  p o s i t i o n ; t h e e a r l y s e g r e g a t i o n between male and female c h i l d r e n ; the  a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f f o n d l i n g between p a r e n t s and c h i l d r e n ; t h e  c h i l d r e n as the wealth o f the f a m i l y and the s a c r i f i c e s which be made f o r them; the r o l e o f p h y s i c a l punishment and t h e f a m i l y as a " c l o s e d , u n i t e d  will  as a " s a c r e d duty";  front".  The second p r e s e n t a t i o n d e s c r i b e d the e x p e r i e n c e o f a community worker.  She d e s c r i b e d , p r i m a r i l y , h e r j o b , which i n v o l v e d  lating  "trans-  both language and c u l t u r e f o r the s c h o o l s and the s o c i a l  workers"; h e l p i n g the immigrants who came i n t o the agency t o f i l l out  v a r i o u s forms, f o r example,  immigrants on v i s i t s  Manpower and U.I.C.;  accompanying  t o the d o c t o r , e t c .  The t h i r d p r e s e n t a t i o n l o o k e d a t when i m m i g r a t i o n from P o r t u g a l began;  the c o n t r a c t s between the Canadian and Portuguese  governments  which p r o v i d e d the impetus f o r the i m m i g r a t i o n i n the 1950's; the " m o t i v a t i o n " f o r i m m i g r a t i o n which was d e s c r i b e d as the p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e i n P o r t u g a l as w e l l as the Canadian government's  need f o r  workers on t h e r a i l r o a d s and on farms; the l o n g - t e r m motives o f economic  betterment; problems i n l e a r n i n g E n g l i s h ; and the f a m i l y  - 75 -  as the " n u c l e u s o f e t h n i c It  retention".  i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t a t a l l t i m e s , t h e Portuguese  immigrants  were d i s c u s s e d i n the t h i r d person, p l u r a l .  That  this  occured and t h a t " t h e y " were spoken o f i n t h i s form o f address by persons who were a t one time immigrants immigrants,  o r the c h i l d r e n o f  r e f l e c t s the e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n on the use o f the  term immigrant,  the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which o c c u r r e d  d u r i n g t h i s c o n f e r e n c e and which o c c u r s f o r the p r e s e n t e r s i n t h e i r work i n the community. The d i s c u s s i o n which f o l l o w e d t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n s were a demons t r a t i o n o f concerns and i s s u e s which a r o s e f o r them i n t h e i r j o b s . The d i s c u s s i o n a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s how the p a r t i c i p a n t s and the p r e s e n t e r s worked t o g e t h e r t o make sense o f those concerns and i s s u e s i n l i g h t o f the p r e s e n t a t i o n s done d u r i n g the s e s s i o n . Participant: When you say t h a t c h i l d r e n a r e so v a l u a b l e , I f i n d , i n s e v e r a l homes t h a t I'm i n v o l v e d w i t h , both Mother and Dad work and the c h i l d r e n a r e l e f t alone and a r e very young. And, you know, i f you get down t o the b a s i c s o f i t , that i s i l l e g a l . But i t i s b e i n g done. I t ' s > b e i n g done i n a l l f a m i l i e s . Would they do t h a t at home i n P o r t u g a l ? Presenter: You see, t h a t ' s what I wanted t o show you. I t breaks down i n our system h e r e . Everyt h i n g i s s u b o r d i n a t e t o making money. Participant: Because i n P o r t u g a l a woman wouldn't be working? P r e s e n t e r : No, except i f she r e a l l y had t o but not i f she had c h i l d r e n she wouldn't be working. The c h i l d r e n would always be w e l l l o o k e d a f t e r . Participant: There's another aspect t o t h i s whole t h i n g which i s t h a t t h e Portuguese, as w e l l as o t h e r e t h n i c groups, baby t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Where a f i v e y e a r o l d Portuguese c h i l d coming i n t o k i n d e r g a r t e n i s no where as mature as our own. They c r y very e a s i l y ; the mother d r e s s e s them c o m p l e t e l y ; t h e mother w i l l b r i n g them t o k i n d e r g a r t e n , take o f f t h e i r b o o t s , put on t h e i r shoes, t i e t h e i r shoes; t h i n g s t h a t o t h e r l i t t l e -ones have l e a r n e d t o do by the time they a r e f i v e . The c h i l d c r i e s a l o t from l o n e l i n e s s , o r i f  - 76 corrected and i s immature i n terms of being socially immature* Presenter: It's so different i n terms of cultural values* Emotions are discouraged i n our white society* Once a child goes to school, he has to make a definite break from his family, otherwise he's a sissy* Also, the mother concentrates so much - she's very possessive* Especially i f the mother doesn't speak English, she i s very insecure and lonely. The above fieldnotes do two things.  One,  they present a  description of the conditions of family l i f e which has been of concern to the social service worker i n her interaction with immigrant families.  Two,  they give an interesting description of  emotional display i n "white society" as a contrast.  They make  visible the constitution of the immigrant family as different. That these same conditions may be a part of the lives of persons who are not immigrants i s not attended to.  What i s attended to i s  the explanation of the family situation as arising within a particular culture as a result of the cultural background of the family members. For example, i t appears from the description that a l l immigrant/ethnic children are socially immature, whereas this i s not the case for children who are raised i n Canada by parents who are not immigrants and who were born i n Canada. Also, i t seems that a l l Portuguese mothers are possessive, don't speak English, and are very insecure and lonely.  Whether indeed this i s the case for  a l l immigrant/ethnic families i s never determined.  Nor i s the  geographical and social location of the families part of the description. The process identified above may be seen as, i n part, an instance of typification. (Schutz, 1967)  That persons treat other  - 77 -  persons, b e h a v i o r s and events as t y p i c a l o r r o u t i n e a method.  T h i s method i s what c o n s t i t u t e s  as t y p i c a l .  i6 in itself  persons, e v e n t s , e t c . ,  T y p i f i c a t i o n i s a s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e  which  i s o b s e r v a b l e i n the a c t i v i t i e s , i n the d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k which constitutes  that  event, b e h a v i o r o r person as t y p i c a l .  notes above demonstrate in descriptive  talk.  how t h i s t y p i f y i n g a c t i v i t y i s c o n s t i t u t e d  I t i s a method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e as  cultural difference, This descriptive  The f i e l d -  as t y p i c a l o f persons from a g i v e n c u l t u r e .  t a l k a r i s e s and i s accomplished i n p a r t i c u l a r  s e t t i n g s ; i n t h i s c a s e , a c o n f e r e n c e on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m service  forsocial  workers.  Summary In the f i r s t p a r t  o f t h i s c h a p t e r , i t was demonstrated  d e s c r i p t i o n and d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k c o n s t i t u t e s Vancouver as d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r p e r s o n s . locates  some persons as immigrants  l e g a l l y immigrants, the d e s c r i p t i v e  c e r t a i n persons i n The d e s c r i p t i v e  talk  whereas o t h e r p e r s o n s , who a r e  a r e not c o n s t i t u t e d  as such.  I t was shown t h a t  t a l k done was t a l k which r e f e r e n c e d the c o u n t r y o f  o r i g i n , Portugal.  This referencing  p a r t i c u l a r persons as e t h n i c , persons.  how  constitutes  as immigrant,  as d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r  Through t h e event o f a c o n f e r e n c e on  one o f the methods through which Portuguese  and accomplishes  multiculturalism,  immigrants  are constituted  as d i f f e r e n t was v i s i b l e .  II*  How D e s c r i p t i o n s  Obscure S o c i a l l y Organized  The second s e c t i o n  Practices  o f t h i s c h a p t e r e x p l o r e s the p r o d u c t i o n and  -  78 -  constitution of the lived relations of immigrant members i n the Portuguese area of Vancouver.  The descriptions and explanations  attribute the visible characteristics of immigrant members to the background from which the immigrant has come. It w i l l be shown that this manner of explanation obscures the determinate organization of the daily l i f e of Portuguese immigrants.  This section  concentrates on the everyday lived relations of the immigrant; i n the  family, and i n the labour force.  from the descriptions done.  The activities are explicated  In the detail of members' everyday  lives, i t w i l l be visible how the relations between the family and labour force produces a particular class location.  Sponsored Immigrants The f i r s t group that I w i l l be concerned with are those members who are called "sponsored immigrants".  The individuals who comprise  this group of persons are so designated by immigration procedures. They are persons taken to be unable to be self-supporting.  Under  immigration law, they are persons who are named "sponsored dependants'.'• Their status i s dependent on another person, a family member who i s a landed immigrant or a Canadian citizen, 'contracting' with the Immigration Department to be responsible for the financial care and support of the person entering the country under this status.  These  persons are primarily senior citizens, wives of immigrants and dependent children.  Employment opportunities are severely restricted  for this group of individuals for several reasons.> First, the age of the sponsored dependent (the senior members and dependent children), does not allow for employment opportunities. the  Second,  wives and mothers of dependent children usually have available  - 79 -  t o them employment* where the wage i s r a r e l y over the minimum stated  by law*  T h i r d , sponsored dependents  f o r daycare s u b s i d i e s *  are not  eligible  (Dept. o f Human Resources, June  1/76)  The members o f the Immigration Department c a t e g o r y , sponsored dependent,  who  I met  and t a l k e d t o , were  p r i m a r i l y women i n t h e i r  s e n i o r y e a r s , r a n g i n g i n age from s i x t y - f i v e t o e i g h t y y e a r s o l d . Although sponsored immigrants persons who  a r e not s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g and i n c l u d e s s e n i o r s ,  c h i l d r e n , wives o f men l a b e l was  are, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y , a category of  i n the l a b o u r f o r c e , t h i s  administrative  not the primary usage o f the term by Portuguese  or by community workers.  was  one which may  were  were s e n i o r s , over s i x t y y e a r s  That i s , t h a t w h i l e the r e f e r e n c i n g of the term  immigrant  immigrants  Rather, when sponsored immigrants  t a l k e d about, they were persons who o f age.  dependent  sponsored  have been p r o v i d e d by the Manpower and  Immigration Department, among persons I t a l k e d to,, the term r e f e r r e d to a p a r t i c u l a r category of persons. immigrant  I n everyday usage,  meant a person over s i x t y y e a r s o l d who  sponsored  l i v e d with t h e i r  children. D u r i n g my  f i e l d w o r k , i t became obvious t h a t sponsored  immigrants,  as they are d e f i n e d above, comprised a s u b s t a n t i a l number of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n "problems" immigrants workers.  which In my  e r u p t i n g i n the f a m i l i e s o f Portuguese  then came t o the a t t e n t i o n of the s o c i a l  service  f i r s t i n t e r v i e w w i t h my key i n f o r m a n t , she t o l d  of a s i t u a t i o n i n v o l v i n g a sponsored immigrant; w i t h her grown c h i l d r e n .  me  a s e n i o r woman l i v i n g  I asked i f t h i s k i n d o f s i t u a t i o n happened  v e r y o f t e n ; t h a t f a m i l i e s who  brought over sponsored  immigrants  *Employment w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n another s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r .  - 80 -  developed c r i s e s which n e c e s s i t a t e d "Yes,  very o f t e n . "  her involvement.  (Sept.21/77)  On the b a s i s o f t h i s c o n v e r s a t i o n more q u e s t i o n s ,  She answered,  particularly  above, I then began t o ask  o f the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers, about  the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the l i v e s o f sponsored immigrants o f Portuguese origin.  I n a l a t e r i n t e r v i e w w i t h a s o c i a l worker who i s a s s i g n e d  t o c a s e s which i n v o l v e Portuguese f a m i l i e s ,  I asked i f he saw many  people who were h a v i n g problems w i t h sponsored p a r e n t s . a case which he saw as b e i n g any  He r e c i t e d  t y p i c a l o f problems which occur i n  f a m i l y when one o r more o f the p a r e n t s come t o l i v e w i t h  grown c h i l d r e n .  (This s i t u a t i o n  mentioned t h a t he knew an East problenB e x i s t .  i s d e t a i l e d on pageG84«)  Indian  H  their e  f a m i l y where the same k i n d o f  (Dec. 5/77)  That these "problems" a r i s e i n f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n s which i n c l u d e a member who i s a sponsored immigrant means t h a t s o c i a l  service  workers, community workers, i n d e s c r i b i n g the l i v e s o f Portuguese immigrants t o me, would do an account which would i n c l u d e an explanation  o f why the f a m i l y w i t h a sponsored immigrant  would be s u s c e p t i b l e t o c r i s e s which n e c e s s i t a t e d  parent  the involvement  of t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers. (He s a i d ) t h a t t h r e e i s a crowd; t h a t grown c h i l d r e n are s t i l l always c h i l d r e n t o t h e i r p a r e n t s ; t h a t t h e r e i s d i f f i c u l t y w i t h r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n when too many people a r e i n v o l v e d , one f a m i l y member g e t s p l a y e d o f f against the other. I t i s a " t y p i c a l i n - l a w problem", or " t h e r e a r e two women i n the k i t c h e n and t h a t never works". (Dec.5/77) For t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers c i t e d above, one a s o c i a l worker and  one an unpaid v o l u n t e e r  sponsored immigrant  community worker, the e x p l a n a t i o n o f  'problems  1  as a t y p i c a l l y " i n - l a w  problem", o r  as a problem i n changing s t a t u s made sense o f the s i t u a t i o n i n a way which a t t r i b u t e d 'problem*•  t o the immigrant  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  That i s , t h a t the immigrant  c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s and t r a d i t i o n s ,  b r i n g s t o Canada a s e t o f  o r the f a m i l y i s one which c o n t a i n s  persons who cannot get a l o n g w i t h each o t h e r . situations  o f the  Explanations of  as c u l t u r a l l y o r p e r s o n a l l y c o n f l i c t u a l , w h i l e i n d e e d  o c c u r i n g , a r e seen as a r e s u l t  of personality  or c u l t u r a l  and do not s u f f i c e f o r the purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s .  That i s , t h a t  to a s c r i b e the d i f f i c u l t i e s or 'problems' o f sponsored to t h e i r c u l t u r a l background r e v e a l the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s i n Vancouver.  Cultural  differences'  immigrants  or to the family i n t e r a c t i o n  does not  which produce t h e members' s o c i a l  location  and/or p e r s o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n s and d e s c r i p t i o n s  do not r e v e a l the immigrant members' d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n t o the larger  society.  In o r d e r  t o make v i s i b l e the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s  o f the s p o n s o r e d  immigrants, i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o l o o k i n more d e t a i l a t the a c t i v i t i e s which comprise t h e i r everyday r o u t i n e s . from d e s c r i p t i o n s done i n the f i e l d  These a c t i v i t i e s a r e drawn  by s o c i a l s e r v i c e  workers, by  sponsored immigrants, by immigrants o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l who have a sponsored immigrant i n t h e i r families  f a m i l y o r who know o f  whic/Q i n c l u d e a member who i s c a l l e d a sponsored  These d e s c r i p t i o n s r e v e a l the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s constitute  some persons as sponsored immigrants.  names a p a r t i c u l a r the  individual's  to the l a r g e r  origin  The  immigrant. which  description  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which o r g a n i z e s and determines  r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r members o f the e t h n i c group and  society  i n Vancouver.  That i s , t h a t when the term  sponsored immigrants i s used i n a d e s c r i p t i o n group o f persons o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l  i t means a p a r t i c u l a r  o r i g i n l i v i n g i n Vancouver;  - 82 -  i . e . senior immigrants who l i v e with t h e i r adult c h i l d r e n . It must be understood that not a l l persons who could be included i n t h i s category are described i n t h i s way.  Rather, as  w i l l be evident i n l a t e r sections of t h i s chapter, what i s being named as sponsored immigrant 'problems' are descriptions of families who are organized i n a determinate fashion which produces t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n within the Portuguese area of Vancouver. In order to demonstrate the differences between families which produce some older persons as sponsored immigrants who are 'problems' for t h e i r families and for the s o c i a l service workers involved with those f a m i l i e s , whereas other older persons do not come to the attention of the workers or other immigrants of Portuguese o r i g i n , I want to use two examples from my f i e l d n o t e s . The f i r s t example i s from an Interview with a woman who i s a t r a n s l a t o r / i n t e r p r e t e r between the home and the school.  As noted  e a r l i e r , i n a discussion of t h i s interview, the woman's r e l a t i o n to other immigrants i s one i n which she mediates between the school and the parents who do not speak English well or who do not understand t h e i r expected p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i r children's education. Her r e l a t i o n to other immigrants of Portuguese o r i g i n i s such that she speaks of these immigrants as "they". I asked her about how her family f e l t about her going out t o work. She said that her mother i s here now and so i t i s possible f o r her to go out to work. The mother looks a f t e r the c h i l d r e n . The mother l i v e s with her and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s great as f a r as she i s concerned. (Dec. 7/77)  - 83 -  T h e r e i s no s e n s e o f t h e p r o b l e m s t h a t I have heard about.  t h a t happen w i t h  the older  She s a y s t h a t "most P o r t u g u e s e l i k e t h e  w i v e s t o go o u t a n d w o r k b e c a u s e t h e y n e e d t h e money". she works t h e n t h e r e  people  Also, i f  i s n o t a c o n f l i c t w i t h h e r m o t h e r o v e r who  d o e s w h a t i n t h e h o u s e a n d who h a s s a y o v e r w h a t a c t i v i t i e s a n d responsibilities. The  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Bee.7/77)  f a m i l y above i s o r g a n i z e d  of a 'problem'  differently  family which i s described  from t h e d e s c r i p t i o n  below.  The h o m e / s c h o o l  worker and h e r mother a r e p a r t o f a f a m i l y which i s q u i t e i n Vancouver. that there  The o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s i s s u c h  i s no c r i s i s ,  necessitates  successful  e i t h e r f i n a n c i a l or emotional,  which  t h e i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s and  workers i n t h i s a r e a o f Vancouver. The  second d e s c r i p t i o n i s o f a 'problem'  family.  d e s c r i p t i o n w h i c h j»as d o n e f o r me a t t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d was r e f e r r e d t o l a t e r i n a n o t h e r i n t e r v i e w . i n i t i a l d e s c r i p t i o n (Sept.  21/77)  It i s a  o f my  fieldwork  ( D e c . 5/77)  The  i s an example o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n  o f p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n s a s s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s who a r e ' p r o b l e m s ' . I am c o n c e r n e d t o d e m o n s t r a t e how c u l t u r a l a n d p e r s o n a l are  u s e d by p e r s o n s d o i n g t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s t o a c c o u n t  culties that  they see o c c u r i n g  explanations  f o r the d i f f i -  i n particular families.  This  method  o f d e s c r i p t i o n i s one w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e s s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s a s the  source o f the problems i n the f a m i l y .  not attend  t o s i t u a t i o n s s u c h as t h e f i e l d n o t e above i n which t h e  sponsored immigrant i s not a 'problem'. in  a kind  The d e s c r i p t i o n d o e s  This  construction results  o f l e v e l i n g i n w h i c h i t o c c u r s t h a t when t h e t e r m  sponsored immigrantsis mentioned, conversation  revolves  around  the rest of the description or  the d i f f i c u l t i e s  that  sponsored  immigrants  -  Bk -  cause i n f a m i l i e s * The c o u p l e have been here f o r a few y e a r s *  The mother i s a  sponsored immigrant who has been h e r e two o r t h r e e y e a r s .  The  f a m i l y c o n s i s t s o f t h e mother, the daughter and s o n - i n - l a w and two female c h i l d r e n .  I was t o l d  that:  The mother and t h e daughter don't l i k e each o t h e r v e r y much* The daughter f e e l s caught between her husband and her mother. There a r e f a m i l y f i g h t s and some p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e . The mother i s "bad-tempered" as i s the daughter. The mother has had a l i f e o f moving o f t e n and working as a domestic i n P o r t u g a l . The daughter was i n "orphanages", e t c . and has had a " h o r r i b l e life". (Sept.21/7?) The s t o r y goes on but f i r s t , to  see the above f i e l d n o t e as an example o f both a c u l t u r a l and a  personal explanation.  The daughter was i n "orphanages, e t c . " and  has had a " h o r r i b l e l i f e " . frequently. of  I want t o note how i t i s p o s s i b l e  The mother was a domestic and moved  T h i s happened i n P o r t u g a l .  The p a r t i c u l a r  background  these persons i s seen t o be the 'reason' f o r the problems  they a r e f a c i n g now. g i v e n t o me.  I n f a c t , t h i s was the e x p l a n a t i o n which was  As the s t o r y proceeds, however, i t becomes p o s s i b l e  to  see the o r g a n i z e d r e l a t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e the mother's  in  the f a m i l y .  called  which  status  I t a l s o makes v i s i b l e the r e s o u r c e s which can be  on w i t h g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r e f f i c a c y , t o ' f o r c e ' the f a m i l y t o  conform t o the r u l e s ; s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s , n e i g h b o r s , the Immigration Department.  The use o f these r e s o u r c e s a r e methods o f  working these systems t o the advantage o r d i s a d v a n t a g e o f i n d i v i d u a l members w i t h i n the f a m i l y . As I r e c o r d e d i n my J o u r n a l : Because o f the i m m i g r a t i o n laws, the  mother i s dependent  on the f a m i l y f o r e v e r y t h i n g .  way she c a n g e t w e l f a r e o r any o t h e r k i n d o f s o c i a l  There i s no  assistance.  - 85 -  The Immigration Department i s involved with t h i s family, as i s the Vancouver Resources Board. money to place the mother  They have both been asked for  i n other accomodation.  The community  workers are involved i n t r y i n g to get the family calmed down and to find a l t e r n a t i v e s for them.  Neighbouring families are involved.  (Boulter, Journal, Sept. 2 1 / 7 7 ) The mother has gone to a neighbour and to the Seniors Qroup with complaints about the daughter's behavior and with tales about the s i t u a t i o n becoming "ugly and v i o l e n t " . One of the neighbouring families i s involved to the extent that the man has gone to the community worker accusing her of taking sides. He has also gone to the Immigration Department to report the daughter and son-in-law as d e r e l i c t i n t h e i r duty as sponsors and as family. (Sept. 21/77) The foregoing quote makes v i s i b l e the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which are the o r i g i n a l a c t i v i t i e s i n which the phenomenon of 'problem* families with sponsored parents a r i s e s ; the dependency of the mother  on the family, not only economically, but to a c e r t a i n  extent s o c i a l l y . in-law.  The mother must l i v e with the daughter and son-  Any money that she needs must come from the family.  If  she cannot get along with the family, then she must go back to Portugal.  I t i s therefore these everyday a c t i v i t i e s which con-  s t i t u t e the mother's status as a sponsored immigrant, as a 'problem'. I t i s t h i s set of circumstances, aggravated by the personal and c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t s , which constitute the mother's r e l a t i o n to her family, to the Her  s o c i a l service agencies and to the larger s o c i e t y .  o r i g i n a l status assigned by the Immigration Department, her  background i n Portugal, these facts do not provide f o r an understanding of the l o c a t i o n of sponsored immigrants or sponsored dependents as an everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n between people.  The only  way that s o c i a l location and s o c i a l organization can be understood  - 86 -  i s i n t h e d e t a i l o f everyday  experience,  I want t o show, through it  the t h r e e examples which f o l l o w , how  i s t h a t t h e s t a t u s o f sponsored  immigrant as i t i e enacted i n  p a r t i c u l a r families brings into play a set o f s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which o r g a n i z e the sponsored  immigrant i n a determinate  These p r a c t i c e s determine the ways i n which  sponsored  p a r t i c i p a t e i n the economy and i n t h e i r f a m i l y .  fashion. immigrants  Their r e l a t i o n to  t h e i r f a m i l y and t o o t h e r immigrants i s one which i s c o n s t i t u t e d through  t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and produces a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n i n t h e  community.  I t i s t h a t l o c a t i o n which i s i d e n t i f i e d as sponsored  immigrant. The first  first  example i s a J o u r n a l e n t r y which I made a f t e r t h e  i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w I d i d i n the f i e l d .  The i n t e r v i e w took  p l a c e i n the home o f one o f the women from the S e n i o r s Group. The d i f f e r e n c e between the mothereat the S e n i o r s Group and a t home was amazing. got  At the group she was l i v e l y and o u t g o i n g .  She  the o t h e r women i n t e r e s t e d i n what was g o i n g on. (She was the  one who d r e s s e d so d i f f e r e n t l y  from the o t h e r women and who p r e -  sented h e r s e l f t o me as not d i f f e r e n t are h e r age.)  from o t h e r people  At home she was l i k e a l i t t l e mouse.  low s t o o l and s a i d v e r y l i t t l e .  I know who  She s a t on a  She made c o f f e e and brought bought  c o o k i e s t o s e r v e with i t .  The daughter was a v e r y dominating  and i t was very d i f f i c u l t ,  a t times i m p o s s i b l e , f o r me t o get  q u e s t i o n s through without  first  t o t h e mother.  Nov.  E i t h e r the daughter would answer  t r a n s l a t i n g t h e q u e s t i o n o r she would o n l y  t r a n s l a t e what I asked  person  o r what t h e mother r e p l i e d .  partially  (Boulter, Journal,  8/77) In t h i s f i r s t  example, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o see through  the d i f f -  - 87 -  erences i n b e h a v i o r o f t h e mother, the r e l a t i o n s between people which make v i s i b l e t h e i r b e h a v i o r as grounded i n t h e s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s o f which they a r e a p a r t .  In the s e t t i n g i n  which she i s i n a l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n , the S e n i o r s Group, she i s l i v e l y and o u t g o i n g .  I n h e r daughter's home, however, she i s  dependent ofi the daughter's a l l o w i n g h e r t o s t a y ; dependent on her  f o r money, e t c .  I t i s o n l y w i t h i n t h i s c o n t e x t o f the  f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s and t h e dependency o f the mother on t h e daughter's f a m i l y t h a t h e r b e h a v i o r was understandable t o me. In another i n t e r v i e w , t h i s time w i t h a community worker i n v o l v e d w i t h the S e n i o r s Group, I asked about the l i v e s o f s e n i o r immigrants; The  what they were l i k e and how they were put t o g e t h e r .  worker r e p l i e d : O l d e r people have no s t a t u s i n the Vancouver community. In P o r t u g a l , the o l d e r people have s t a t u s and a u t h o r i t y but here they have none. They a r e dependent on t h e sons and daughters f o r t h e i r d a i l y l i v i n g . The a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h a t dependency i s d e p o r t a t i o n ; b e i n g sent back t o P o r t u g a l . That they a r e dependent and t h e r e f o r e a burden on the " m a t e r i a l l y o r i e n t e d f a m i l y " here i s a problem. (Dec.6/77)  The way i n which t h i s "dependency" o p e r a t e s w i t h the o n l y v i s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e being that o f deportation i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r i n the next f i e l d n o t e .  I n t h i s i n t e r v i e w , w i t h my key i n f o r m a n t ,  I asked where t h e women o f the S e n i o r s Group l i v e d and whether t h e i r l i v i n g arrangements were u s u a l l y s a t i s f a c t o r y . replied  My informant  that:  Some o f the s e n i o r women don't l i v e i n a p l a c e they can c a l l t h e i r own. While t h i s sometimes causes problems, sometimes i t a l l e v i a t e s p o t e n t i a l problems. When i t g e t s too tense a t one house then they go t o another. The s e n i o r women a r e u s u a l l y sponsored and don't work o u t s i d e t h e home. They l i v e a t one o r another o f t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s houses and sometimes a t  88 -  b o t h . One woman l i v e s a t one son's house and e a t s l u n c h t h e r e and then goes t o the o t h e r ' s f o r d i n n e r and p a r t o f the e v e n i n g . The sons l i v e w i t h i n a b l o c k o f each o t h e r . ( S e p t . 29/77) I t begins t o be v i s i b l e t h a t f o r some Portuguese immigrants who a r e c a l l e d sponsored immigrants, t h e i r l i v i n g  arrangements  a r e such t h a t t h e i r c o n t i n u a n c e i n these arrangements i s dependent on the f a m i l y i n t e r a c t i o n .  The sponsored immigrant and the f a m i l y  o f which they a r e a p a r t must p a r t i c i p a t e i n a s e t o f d e t e r m i n a t e p r a c t i c e s l a i d down by the Immigration Department.  These  socially  o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s mediate the r e l a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o the f a m i l y , t o o t h e r e t h n i c group members and t o the l a r g e r  society.  Any problems which occur a r e seen t o be the problems which a r e o c c u r i n g w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n a f a m i l y .  These problems a r e  seen as p e r s o n a l i n o r i g i n , c u l t u r a l i n o r i g i n , or as problems which o c c u r because the f a m i l y cannot, o r w i l l n o t , f u l f i l l  i t s obligations.  The problems e n t e r and remain i n the home and w i t h i n the f a m i l y . They a r e seen t o occur and be p o t e n t i a l l y r e s o l v a b l e o n l y w i t h i n that sphere.  The d i f f i c u l t i e s may be made the o b j e c t o f support and  c o u n s e l l i n g by s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers, but cannot be a l l e v i a t e d through d i r e c t  f i n a n c i a l support from p u b l i c a g e n c i e s .  s o c i a l worker t o l d  As one  me:  When problems l i k e t h a t occur i n the home, sometimes they a r e r e f e r r e d t o the s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s f o r some k i n d o f s u p p o r t . The s o c i a l a g e n c i e s i n B.C. have no way o f r e s o l v i n g the c r i s i s i n terms o f money. They c a n o n l y do c o u n s e l l i n g . The c r i s e s , i f they a r e n o t r e s o l v a b l e on a c o u n s e l l i n g b a s i s , must be r e f e r r e d t o the Immigration Department. (Dec.7/77) As I noted i n my J o u r n a l f o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w from which the note above i s drawn; t h e s e problems seem t o be ones which a l l immigrant groups a r e i n v o l v e d i n .  However, i t i s most o b v i o u s  - 89 -  i n those groups o r f a m i l i e s which f i l l  the lower e c h e l o n s o f the  l a b o u r f o r c e and t h e r e f o r e a r e the most s t r a i n e d  financially.  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Dec.7/77) In the f o r e g o i n g examples and d i s c u s s i o n on sponsored immigrants i n t h e Portuguese s e t t l e m e n t i n Vancouver, i t i s c l e a r t h a t the a c t i v i t i e s and t h e l i v i n g arrangements a v a i l a b l e t o t h e dependent s e n i o r a r e such t h a t the d e t e r m i n a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e i r l i v e s i n Vancouver c o n t r i b u t e s s u b s t a n t i a l l y t o the 'problems families.  1  occuring i n  These 'problems' a r e o f t e n t r e a t e d as p e r s o n a l i n n a t u r e  and as o r i g i n a t i n g i n the backgrounds o f i n d i v i d u a l immigrants. The a c c o u n t i n g which l o c a t e d the 'cause' as p e r s o n a l o r c u l t u r a l obscures t h e d e t e r m i n a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f d a i l y l i f e i n Vancouver i n which t h e s e 'problems' a r i s e .  T h i s view o f the 'problems' i s  p a r t o f what o r g a n i z e s them as u n s o l v a b l e .  That i s ,  they are seen  as a r i s i n g i n p e o p l e ' s backgrounds r a t h e r than i n the p r e s e n t , and the  s o l u t i o n s which a r e a v a i l a b l e depend upon the r e l a t i o n s o f  o b l i g a t i o n s w i t h i n t h e f a m i l y out o f which the problems have a r i s e n .  R u r a l o r Urban  Background  I want t o d i s c u s s an o u t s t a n d i n g example o f t h i s method o f a c c o u n t i n g f o r s o c i a l problems, o r o t h e r v i s i b l e f e a t u r e s o f p e o p l e ' s l i v e s , as r e s u l t i n g from t h e i r background i n P o r t u g a l . The d e s c r i p t i o n s a r e a p a r t i c u l a r method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g difference.  ethnic  I n a t t e n d i n g t o the v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s among P o r t u -  guese immigrants as r e s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l background i n P o r t u g a l , i t i s t h e n n o t v i s i b l e how t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s c o n s t i t u t e d i n Vancouver. There i s a d i s t i n c t i o n made among the Portuguese immigrants i n  -  90 -  Vancouver which d e s c r i b e s some persons  as r u r a l and o t h e r s as urban.  That i s , t h a t some immigrants come from r u r a l areas o f P o r t u g a l and  some come from urban a r e a s .  about and was v i s i b l e j manner of d r e s s .  T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n was spoken  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e S e n i o r s Group, i n the  I want t o s t r e s s t h a t I do not see t h e r u r a l / u r b a n  d i s t i n c t i o n s o r t h e manner o f d r e s s o f t h e s e n i o r women as o n l y being constructed here.  Rather,  I am concerned  t o demonstrate  t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n i n Vancouver which produces p a r t i c u l a r  persons  as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t , i s a f e a t u r e o f t h e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n here.  I t does n o t occur i n P o r t u g a l a l t h o u g h t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s t h a t  are done a t t r i b u t e c a u s a l i t y t o the immigrant's background. The  first  example o f t h i s v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e among Portuguese  immigrants occured  f o r me a t t h e f i r s t  S e n i o r s group I a t t e n d e d .  When I a r r i v e d , I was i n t r o d u c e d t o a group member who was a l r e a d y there.  She was a woman o f about seventy y e a r s , d r e s s e d i n a grey  s u i t - d r e s s , b l a c k shoes, h e r h a i r p u l l e d back i n a • f r e n c h - r o l l ' . She  looked very t i d y and n e a t .  I was r e l i e v e d  t h a t she wasn't  d r e s s e d a l l l n b l a c k , with a s c a r c e over h e r head. looked  'normal' and t h a t was c o m f o r t i n g .  To me, she  Then o t h e r women a r r i v e d  and g r e e t e d each o t h e r w i t h much ' t e a s i n g ' and ' j o k i n g ' .  Several  s a i d "Bom d i a " t o me and a f t e r a s l i g h t i n i t i a l s u r p r i s e , I responded w i t h the same.  S i x women were d r e s s e d a l l i n b l a c k ;  shoes, s t o c k i n g s , s k i r t s , shawl and h e a d s c a r f s .  The women were  a l l d r e s s e d i n d a r k e r c o l o u r s i f they were n o t wearing b l a c k .  Their  ages seemed t o be s i x t y - f i v e t o e i g h t y y e a r s o l d . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Sept. 23/77)  The s e n i o r women p r e s e n t , f o r a l l members o f s o c i e t y ,  a v i s u a l d i s p l a y through  which they appear d i f f e r e n t .  This r e l a t i o n  -  of  91  -  d i f f e r e n c e o c c u r s between members o f s o c i e t y who d r e s s t h a t way  and members o f s o c i e t y who see t h a t manner o f d r e s s as u n u s u a l , d i f f e r e n t , as a d i s p l a y o f 'immigrantness'.  I t i s not that  that  d i f f e r e n c e i s a p r o p e r t y o f the person's manner o f d r e s s but rather only a r i s e s i n the r e l a t i o n of v i s u a l i n t e r a c t i o n .  That  b l a c k i s t h e 'normal' mode o f d r e s s i n P o r t u g a l , f o r o l d e r women, and t h a t i t i s not the 'normal' mode o f d r e s s f o r o l d e r women i n Vancouver, c o n s t i t u t e s women d r e s s e d i n b l a c k as e t h n i c , as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t i n the Vancouver s e t t i n g .  I t produces a p a r t i c u l a r  l o c a t i o n , a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f r e l a t i o n s i n Vancouver. The spoken-about  d i s t i n c t i o n between r u r a l and urban Portuguese  immigrants was o f p a r t i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e t o the members o f t h e P o r t u guese community t h a t I i n t e r v i e w e d .  I t was a l s o r e l e v a n t f o r me,  as i t appeared t o e x p l a i n the d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t I saw. For  example,  d u r i n g an i n t e r v i e w w i t h two women who a r e n o t v e r y  i n v o l v e d with o t h e r immigrants o f Portuguese o r i g i n , they were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned t o demonstrate t h a t they were n o t the same as o t h e r Portuguese immigrants whom I might have met.  I had asked  about t h e women i n t h e S e n i o r s Group i n which one o f t h e women b e i n g i n t e r v i e w e d was i n v o l v e d . to  As one o f t h e women d e s c r i b e d t h e group  me, i t became c l e a r t h a t t h e r e was a d i s t i n c t i o n b e i n g made  between two t y p e s o f Portuguese immigrant. ( I t seems t h a t ) most, i f not a l l o f the women i n the S e n i o r s Group, except f o r E l i z a , a r e r u r a l women. They are i l l i t e r a t e , most o f them, and don't go out because they a r e a f r a i d o f g e t t i n g l o s t . They a r e n o t "townwise" and so have never l e a r n e d t o g e t around i n a c i t y . (Nov.8/77) P a r t o f t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n was a d e s c r i p t i o n and s t o r i e s o f Portuguese people from the r u r a l a r e a s who were r e a l l y Ignorant o f c i t y  life,  - 92 -  and who d i d n o t know how t o g e t around.  T h i s was c o n t r a s t e d t o the  persons b e i n g i n t e r v i e w e d who, because o f t h e i r urban background, because they were "town-wise",  d i d not have t h e s e problems.  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov.8/77) It i s possible to  see the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f t h e persons  from a r u r a l background as backward.  This a t t r i b u t i o n of character-  i s t i c s t o persons from a p a r t i c u l a r background, i n t h i s case from r u r a l o r urban backgrounds, as a s e t o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t they b r i n g w i t h them and which 'cause Canada, i s c e r t a i n l y v e r y r e a l .  1  t h e problems they encounter i n However, what i s n o t attended t o  i n t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s the way i n which t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered here a r e produced h e r e .  T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r persons as  r u r a l o r urban persons c o n s t i t u t e f o r a l l members o f s o c i e t y , some persons as d i f f e r e n t because o f t h e i r background r a t h e r than a l s o because o f t h e s e t t i n g i n t o which they must move. S h o r t l y a f t e r t h e above-noted i n t e r v i e w , I asked my key i n f o r mant about t h e d i f f e r e n c e between a p a r t i c u l a r woman a t home and a t the S e n i o r s Group.  I mentioned t h a t I thought t h a t some o f the  d i f f e r e n c e v i s i b l e between h e r and t h e r e s t o f the group members was perhaps a c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e .  A l s o , t h a t t h e woman's daughter  seemed t o t h e t h e o t h e r women i n t h e S e n i o r s Group as r u r a l , fore i l l i t e r a t e , bred".  t h e r e f o r e lower c l a s s , but not n e c e s s a r i l y  there"ill-  I asked i f t h e c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e was i n d e e d o c c u r i n g and  whether I was c o r r e c t i n how I had p o r t r a y e d the commonly h e l d view o f t h e r u r a l women.  My i n f o r m a n t s a i d t h a t i n d e e d t h e r e was  a c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e and t h a t t h e r u r a l women were a t times d e n i g r a t e d i n t h e community.  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov.15/7?)  That r u r a l women a r e d e n i g r a t e d i n the community i s a r e s u l t  -  of  an a t t r i b u t i o n o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which equates r u r a l with  illiteracy to  93 -  and i g n o r a n c e o f urban l i f e .  However, i t i s important  note t h a t w h i l e these women may be from r u r a l a r e a s i n P o r t u g a l ,  they do not l i v e i n r u r a l a r e a s i n Canada.  These women, who were  spoken about as r u r a l women, now a r e urban women. not  That they a r e  ' s k i l l e d ' urban women i s what o r g a n i z e s t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o the  Vancouver s e t t i n g .  These urban s k i l l s , o r l a c k o f them, c o n s t i t u t e  t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e i n Vancouver; t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o t h e Vancouver setting. Urban women a r e d e s c r i b e d d i f f e r e n t l y than t h e r u r a l women. Persons w i t h whom I spoke, who were from urban a r e a s , were concerned to  demonstrate  t h e i r •urban-ness'.  T h i s d i s p l a y was done i n t a l k ,  i n d r e s s , and was v i s i b l e through t h e v e r b a l c o n t r a s t i n g o f urban to  rural.  I n one o f the f i r s t i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s , I asked t h e  women how they had l e a r n e d t o g e t around i n t h e c i t y they had come to.  She responded  that:  ... when she had f i r s t come t o Canada, she l e a r n e d how to g e t around by g o i n g out w i t h h e r daughters; by w r i t i n g the p l a c e she wanted t o go on a p i e c e o f paper and showing i t t o t h e bus d r i v e r ; by u s i n g t h e b i t o f E n g l i s h t h a t she knew t o g e t around. She s a i d t h a t because she came from an urban a r e a i n P o r t u g a l , g e t t i n g around T o r onto when she f i r s t came here was not as d i f f i c u l t f o r her as i t would have been f o r someone from a r u r a l a r e a i n Portugal. (Nov.8/77) I t i s apparent t h a t the above i n f o r m a n t i s s k i l l e d manner o f g e t t i n g around a new urban c e n t r e . developing her s k i l l s years p r e v i o u s l y .  i n the  She a l s o had h e l p with  through h e r f a m i l y who had been here f o r some  Again, the v e r b a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f s k i l l s i n  g e t t i n g around i s not i n some way adequate. c o n t r a s t i n g o f the more d i f f i c u l t  There must a l s o be a  time which women from t h e r u r a l  - 9k -  areas would  encounter.  In a l a t e r i n t e r v i e w , I asked f o r me how the immigrant around  the c i t y h e r e .  c l u d e d a statement  another i n f o r m a n t t o d e s c r i b e  women coming from P o r t u g a l l e a r n t o g e t  She r e p l i e d with a d e s c r i p t i o n which i n -  o f the d i f f e r e n t d i f f i c u l t i e s e x p e r i e n c e d by  women from the r u r a l and urban areas o f P o r t u g a l . The women who emigrate from the c i t i e s i n P o r t u g a l are more s o p h i s t i c a t e d and p r o b a b l y have more educa t i o n than the v i l l a g e women. They l e a r n E n g l i s h more q u i c k l y and a r e more f a m i l i a r with the k i n d s of work o f the c i t y and o f how the c i t y i s put t o g e t h e r . They e x p e r i e n c e l e s s o f a shock than the r u r a l women when they come here because a l t h o u g h i t 16 very d i f f e r e n t h e r e , i t i s s t i l l a c i t y . (Dec. 7/77) L a t e r i n the same i n t e r v i e w , I asked how i t was t h a t some o f the Portuguese  immigrant  women worked o u t s i d e the home and saw  t h a t as b e i n g "what women d i d " .  Other immigrant  t h i n k t h a t women should work o u t s i d e the home.  women d i d not The i n f o r m a n t  replied  that: In t h e Azores, t h e r e i s no work o u t s i d e the home f o r women. The men go out t o work. I n the mainland c i t i e s , where t h e r e i s a t e x t i l e f a c t o r y , f o r example, the womensbegin working a t the f a c t o r y a t an e a r l y age. U s u a l l y , as soon as they l e a v e s c h o o l . They work t h e r e u n t i l they get m a r r i e d . These women have been working b e f o r e they g e t t o Canada and, i f n e c e s s a r y , w i l l c o n t i n u e working when they g e t h e r e . The d i f f e r e n t background i n P o r t u g a l , r u r a l o r urban, and the organi z a t i o n o f work i n P o r t u g a l which r e l a t e s t o women working o r not, t o some e x t e n t , i s the d e c i d i n g f a c t o r f o r whether the women work o r not when they get h e r e .  (Dec.7/77)  The  p r e v i o u s t h r e e f i e l d n o t e s i l l u s t r a t e how urban  i n P o r t u g a l , urban s k i l l s , around  familiarity  a r e seen t o be n e c e s s a r y f o r g e t t i n g  i n a new urban s e t t i n g ; how urban work e x p e r i e n c e i n  P o r t u g a l i s h e l p f u l i n the Vancouver l a b o u r market; how t h i s p r e v i o u s  - 95  -  e x p e r i e n c e i s seen to be a d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r i n the of women's l i v e s h e r e .  Whether t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s always c o r r e c t ,  or g e n e r a l l y c o r r e c t i s not a t i s s u e h e r e . portant  organization  Rather, what i s im-  i s t h a t the d e s c r i p t i o n s above are i n s t a n c e s  of c o n s t i t u t i n g  c e r t a i n persons as d i f f e r e n t as a r e s u l t o f t h e i r background i n Portugal.  They a l s o demonstrate the method t h a t p e o p l e use t o  c o n s t i t u t e d i f f e r e n c e ; how in  d i f f e r e n c e i s done.*  and o f themselves a c c o m p l i s h immigrant, e t h n i c  The  descriptions,  d i f f e r e n c e based  on c u l t u r a l background. The d e s c r i p t i o n s above not o n l y c o n s t i t u t e e t h n i c , d i f f e r e n c e , they a r e a l s o c o n s e q u e n t i a l of the immigrant i n the e t h n i c d e s c r i p t i o n , i n attending  f o r the s o c i a l  immigrant organization  group and i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  The  t o the v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s o f immigrants  as r e s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l background i n P o r t u g a l , i s then not a b l e is the  to attend  t o the manner i n which the immigrant's  o r g a n i z e d , on the ground, i n Vancouver. split  That i s , t h a t by  life  seeing  between r u r a l and urban immigrants as something which i s  caused by t h e i r d i f f e r i n g background  e x p e r i e n c e s , the way  the immigrant's s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i s produced  i n which  i n Vancouver cannot be  described. In the f i e l d ,  t h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f the d i f f e r e n c e s between the  r u r a l and urban immigrants r e c u r r e d .  I n the workshop on m u l t i -  c u l t u r a l i s m , the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the workshop on Portuguese began w i t h " S i n c e the main group which comes here i s from the Azores and is rural...".  However, I d i d not a c t u a l l y speak w i t h immigrant  * S t o d d a r t ' s 1974 d e s c r i p t i o n o f the l o c a l pharmacology i s p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant here.  o f drug use  -  96 -  members who were from the Azores; who were r u r a l .  Some o f the  members o f the s e n i o r ' s group were a p p a r e n t l y from the A z o r e s , were a p p a r e n t l y r u r a l .  That was how they were d e s c r i b e d t o me by  community members who were from the Mainland, as w e l l as by the social service  workers.  That these persons who have immigrated e x i s t , I have no doubt.  from the Azores  actually  These persons were not a v a i l a b l e t o me f o r  i n t e r v i e w s as a r e s u l t o f the way t h a t my f i e l d w o r k  proceeded.  What t h i s l a c k o f a c c e s s does mean i s t h a t i n l o o k i n g a t , f o r example, the employment o f Portuguese immigrants, I do not have f i r s t - h a n d e x p e r i e n c e s from people from t h e A z o r e s .  However, what  i s i n t e r e s t i n g about the t y p i f i c a t i o n o f persons from the A z o r e s as r u r a l i s t h a t i t i s v e r y p o s s i b l e t o assume t h a t o n l y the people from the Azores a r e r u r a l .  However, t h i s i s not the c a s e .  Some  of the people w i t h whom I spoke were from r u r a l a r e a s on the Mainland.  T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e i s what might be c a l l e d a  • c a t e g o r i c a l g l o s s ' i n the d e s c r i p t i o n s done o f the community. That i s , t h a t the e q u a t i o n o f r u r a l w i t h Azores and urban with Mainl a n d which i s done i n P o r t u g a l , a c c o r d i n g t o one s o c i a l worker, i s seen t o be a f e a t u r e o f Portuguese s o c i e t y which i s t r a n s p l a n t e d here and i s used as an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n c e s v i s i b l e i n the community i n Vancouver.  The d i f f e r e n c e s a r e c a t e g o r i z e d as r u r a l  and urban which g l o s s e s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and economic i n Portugal.  location  Although i t i s not the i n t e n t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s t o  determine the a c t u a l m a t e r i a l a c t i v i t i e s o f persons p r e v i o u s t o t h e i r i m m i g r a t i o n t o Canada, i t s h o u l d be noted t h a t t h i s occurs.  That i t does so i s l i k e l y  gloss  t o have some b e a r i n g on the  p e r s i s t e n c e o f the r u r a l / u r b a n d i s c u s s i o n s which occured i n t h e  - 97 -  field. strate  That i s ,  t h a t i t may  be the case t h a t the need t o demon-  'urban-ness' a r i s e s i n the c o n t e x t of the d e n i g r a t i o n o f  r u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s noted above.  As Moerman p o i n t s out, a l t h o u g h  i n a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l context, The Lue o f Chiengkham a v o i d opprobious c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n through a s s e r t i n g the h i g h e r p r i o r i t y o f a n o n - s t r a t i f i a b l e e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . (Moerman, 1 9 7 4 : 6 4 ) That the members o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n i n Vancouver  avoid  "opprobious c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " by the a s s e r t i o n o f membership i n the c a t e g o r y o f Mainland as urban, may  occur.  However, t h i s  p o i n t i s o u t s i d e the purview o f t h i s t h e s i s and merely p o i n t s t o a t o p i c which may  be c o n s i d e r e d at a l a t e r d a t e .  Labour Market P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Language S k i l l s I want now,  to e x p l o r e the Portuguese immigrant's  i n the l a b o u r f o r c e i n Vancouver.  participation  I want t o b e g i n w i t h the j o b s  which a r e seen t o be a v a i l a b l e t o immigrants i n Vancouver. t o go on t o show people who  I want  emigrate from P o r t u g a l a r e seen as  "working c l a s s " people and then t h a t i s used t o account f o r t h e i r l o c a t i o n h e r e ; f o r the jobs which they do i n Vancouver.  It will  become v i s i b l e t h a t the s k i l l s which an immigrant p o s s e s s e s on e n t r y to Canada, o r g a n i z e s f o r them the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n t o the l a b o u r market, as w e l l as t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o the e t h n i c group and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  Once a g a i n , i t w i l l be v i s i b l e t h a t the  attri-  b u t i o n o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and o f working c l a s s background, i s used t o e x p l a i n the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the immigrant group i n Vancouver. I want t o b e g i n w i t h the k i n d s o f j o b s which are seen t o be a v a i l a b l e to Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver.  These a r e p r i m a r i l y  -  98 -  manual l a b o u r employment, most o f which a r e u n s k i l l e d o r semis k i l l e d , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e some The  skilled  tradesmen  f i r s t i l l u s t r a t i o n o f employment seen t o be a v a i l a b l e t o  Portuguese immigrants was r e l a y e d t o me a t t h e f i r s t c l a s s which I taught* class.  A young man, was t h e f i r s t  citizenship  t o come t o t h e  While we were w a i t i n g f o r t h e r e s t o f the c l a s s members t o  come, I s t a r t e d a s k i n g him about He  jobs.  h i s j o b ; what he does and where*  said: ••• he i s one o f a number o f Portuguese l a b o u r e r s a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r job s i t e . He moves cement around and j u s t about a n y t h i n g e l s e t h a t i s heavy work. One o f the foremen i s Portuguese and some o f the c a r p e n t e r s . He s a i d t h a t the Portuguese g e t j o b s c l e a n i n g o f f i c e s , l a b o u r i n g and on the r a i l w a y . ( S e p t . 29/77) In  an i n t e r v i e w w i t h my key i n f o r m a n t , I asked what k i n d s o f  work was a v a i l a b l e t o Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver.  She  replied: The women work p r i m a r i l y as chambermaids, a t Hy's as cooks and dishwashers, and as o f f i c e c l e a n e r s . The women a r e h i r e d a t Hy's because "Portuguese women are seen as good, c l e a n workers". Some o f the j o b s are u n i o n jobs and some a r e n o t . American B u i l d i n g Maintenance i e c a l l e d a " c o n c e n t r a t i o n camp""by people who have worked t h e r e o r who know people who have worked t h e r e . T h i s i s because o f t h e poor wages and because the work i s v e r y h a r d . (Nov. 6/77)  In  t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , the i n f o r m a n t gave me an example o f a woman who  worked a t American B u i l d i n g Maintenance and who was g i v e n e i g h t f l o o r s t o do every n i g h t .  The remark was t h a t "you have t o k i l l  y o u r s e l f t o g e t i t done". ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , It  Nov.6/77)  i s apparent from the above f i e l d n o t e s t h a t Portuguese  immigrants and s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers see t h e jobs which a r e a v a i l a b l e t o people o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , as those which a r e  -  unskilled  or s e m i - s k i l l e d .  'anyone' can do.  That i s , t h a t they a r e jobs which  They do not c a l l  to b e g i n n i n g the j o b s . theyonly jobs  99 -  forspecialized  When I asked  an i n f o r m a n t  training  previous  why i t was t h a t  a v a i l a b l e were o f t h i s k i n d , she r e p l i e d :  Most o f the jobs a r e working c l a s s j o b s . The reason for this i s t h a t the people who immigrate t o Canada a r e working c l a s s p e o p l e . The r u l i n g c l a s s i n P o r t u g a l would have l i t t l e r e a s o n t o emigrate. (Nov.6/77) I t i s v i s i b l e from the above f i e l d n o t e t h a t t h e r e i s a conc e p t i o n t h a t the persons persons  who emigrate  from P o r t u g a l a r e working c l a s s  who, when they e n t e r t h i s c o u n t r y , have a v a i l a b l e t o them  working c l a s s j o b s .  I n o t h e r words, t h e r e a r e people  c e r t a i n c a t e g o r y o f workers i n P o r t u g a l who emigrate  from a t o Canada and  b r i n g with them a p a r t i c u l a r working c l a s s s t a t u s o r c l a s s membership.  T h i s e x p l a n a t i o n i s one which depends on the a t t r i b u t i o n o f  a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s membership which i s o b t a i n e d i n P o r t u g a l and c a r r i e d here by the immigrant, d e t e r m i n i n g  their participation i n  the l a b o u r f o r c e h e r e . A view which complements the above c o n c e p t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the f i e l d n o t e below.  I had asked  t h i s informant  about the k i n d s  o f j o b s a v a i l a b l e t o Portuguese people who come h e r e .  She s a i d :  ... mostly c o n s t r u c t i o n . Any job; f a c t o r i e s , d r e s s making. Whatever jobs t h e r e a r e where the language i s n o t a problem. (Nov.8/77) The d i f f e r e n c e between the above f i e l d n o t e and the one preceeding i t ,  i s t h a t t h e f i r s t assumes t h a t persons  from P o r t u g a l a r e working c l a s s .  who  emigrate  T h i s c l a s s membership i s seen t o  determine the jobs which w i l l be a v a i l a b l e t o immigrants h e r e , i . e . jobs i n c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n r e s t a u r a n t s washing d i s h e s , c l e a n i n g  - 100  offices.  -  The second f i e l d n o t e adds t o t h a t p a r t i c u l a r view the  problem, or c o n s t r a i n t of E n g l i s h f a c i l i t y .  Employment  oppor-  t u n i t i e s a r e p e r c e i v e d and c o n s t r u c t e d as those which are p r i m a r i l y u n s k i l l e d or s e m i - s k i l l e d English.  jobs which do not depend on a f a c i l i t y i n  The second f i e l d n o t e i s a l s o a d e s c r i p t i o n which depends  on an unacknowledged, t a c i t view o f the work s k i l l s as  originating  i n P o r t u g a l and a s , i n a sense, 'causing* the s o c i a l l o c a t i o n h e r e . However, i n a l a r g e number o f c a s e s , t h i s view o f p r i m a r i l y workers who  unskilled  do not speak E n g l i s h as the m a j o r i t y o f Portuguese  immigrants i e not the e x p e r i e n c e o f a l l Portuguese immigrants. following section w i l l  demonstrate  The  t h a t i n a number o f c a s e s , t h i s  view does not r e p r e s e n t the t r a n s i t i o n a t a l l . The e x p l a n a t i o n o f working c l a s s people coming here and d o i n g working c l a s s jobs i s not adequate  f o r the purposes o f t h i s  thesis.  Rather, i t i s the case t h a t t h e r e i s a p a r t i c u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the  labour force i n Portugal.  That o r g a n i z a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t  the  o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the l a b o u r f o r c e h e r e .  Persons who  than  emigrate  from P o r t u g a l as a d u l t s have a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f e x p e r i e n c e s which have been developed i n t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the s o c i a l of  Portuguese s o c i e t y .  They do not b r i n g a membership s t a t u s .  Rather, they b r i n g a s e t o f s k i l l s . those s k i l l s may of  those s k i l l s  or may  When they a r r i v e i n Canada,  not be u s e f u l to them h e r e .  The  articulation  t o the l a b o u r f o r c e here i s o r g a n i z e d by the b u s i n e s s  p r a c t i c e s o f the s o c i e t y .  I t i s t h i s a r t i c u l a t i o n of s k i l l s  b u s i n e s s p r a c t i c e s i n Vancouver l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver. in  organization  t h a t produces the immigrants'  T h e i r c l a s s l o c a t i o n here i s produced  t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o the l a b o u r f o r c e i n Vancouver.  t o the social only  101  In o r d e r  -  to make v i s i b l e t h i s p r o c e s s of the p r o d u c t i o n  c l a s s l o c a t i o n h e r e , I want to t u r n to my  fieldnotes.  example i s from an i n t e r v i e w with a woman who off She  i n Portugal. was  class.  She  had  servants.  She  was  The  fairly  first  'well-  l i v e d i n an urban  what might be c a l l e d , i n a r a t h e r s u p e r f i c i a l way, When she  came to Canada and  p r e v i o u s l y when she She  of  does not  area. middle-  was  work  in  England, she  worked as a b a b y s i t t e r .  outside  the home now  f o r " m e d i c a l r e a s o n s " . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov.8/77)  The work t h a t she would do i n P o r t u g a l was d i f f e r e n t than the work t h a t she would do h e r e . She saw t h i s as a r e s u l t of her l a c k o f E n g l i s h f a c i l i t y . In P o r t u g a l , she would not have any t r o u b l e w i t h the language and so would not have t o do the k i n d s o f work there t h a t she d i d h e r e . (Nov.8/77) For t h i s woman, her change i n s t a t u s from a woman who to a woman who  d i d b a b y s i t t i n g to earn money was  as r e s u l t i n g from her l a c k of E n g l i s h s k i l l s . that  she  was  The  Portugal who  was  a teacher I  a r r i v e d i n Vancouver and  replied  and  she  with a woman  worked as a dishwasher i n  asked her what k i n d o f work she  had  case  'caused' by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s background i n  i n Portugal  same or whether she  that  the  of c l a s s l o c a t i o n i n  which i s brought with them, i s an i n t e r v i e w  Vancouver. first  and  f o r her  her.  second example o f the p r o d u c t i o n  Vancouver which i s not  servants  explained  I t i s not  a working c l a s s person i n P o r t u g a l  brought t h a t c l a s s membership with  had  d i d both when she  whether t h a t work had  done o t h e r k i n d s  remained  of p a i d work a l s o .  that:  She s t a y e d home most o f the time because her husband d i d n ' t want her to work. However, d u r i n g one p e r i o d o f economic d i f f i c u l t y , she had been t o l d about a j o b as a dishwasher i n a r e s t a u r a n t . The job was one day per week. When she had needed a job some  the She  - 102 -  y e a r s l a t e r , she had gone t o Manpower and had been ' sent out on a dishwasher's j o b . T h i s one had l a s t e d f o r about t h r e e months. (Nov.30/77) D u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w , she t o l d me t h a t she had been a t e a c h e r i n Portugal.  I was v e r y s u r p r i s e d when she s a i d t h i s .  taught i n s m a l l v i l l a g e s .  ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Nov.  She had  30/77)  The above f i e l d n o t e makes c l e a r t h a t t h i s woman's r e l a t i o n t o the  l a b o u r f o r c e here i s i n no way determined by h e r c l a s s member-  s h i p o f which she was p a r t i n P o r t u g a l .  The c e r t i f i c a t i o n  which  was n e c e s s a r y f o r h e r employment i n P o r t u g a l has n o t h i n g t o do w i t h h e r employment h e r e . is  a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which i s produced f o r h e r here and does n o t  depend in  That she does "working c l a s s " jobs here  on h e r p r e v i o u s c l a s s membership nor h e r p r e v i o u s employment  Portugal. The next f i e l d n o t e i l l u s t r a t e s y e t a g a i n how the immigrant's  skills  or lack of s k i l l s  which a r e r e l e v a n t here produces the  i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n t o the l a b o u r market  here.  I had asked  this  man what k i n d o f j o b he had got when he a r r i v e d i n Canada. He got a j o b d o i n g manual work a t D a i r y l a n d . He s a i d t h a t jobs were not as easy t o f i n d as he thought they would be. He s a i d t h a t j o b s were even harder t o f i n d now because the " E a s t I n d i a n s take a l l the j o b s " . He t a l k e d about never h a v i n g done the k i n d s o f jobs t h a t were a v a i l a b l e t o him when he came here from P o r t u g a l . He had been a farm-worker and d i d n ' t know how t o do the jobs t h a t he g o t . I n s t e a d o f showing him how t o do the j o b a t D a i r y l a n d , the I t a l i a n man he was working w i t h " j u s t y e l l e d " a t him. He s a i d t h a t when you don't speak the language and don't have the n e c e s s a r y j o b s k i l l s , "you are the f i r s t t o be l e t go from any j o b " . (Nov. 30/77) It  i s visible  from the f o r e g o i n g f i e l d n o t e s t h a t  Portuguese  immigrants do not b r i n g t h e i r c l a s s l o c a t i o n w i t h them from Portugal.  A l s o , i t i s not o n l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s persons who e m i g r a t e .  - 103 -  Rather, persons emigrate from P o r t u g a l from s e v e r a l c l a s s and f o r v a r i o u s r e a s o n s . developed i n P o r t u g a l .  locations  They b r i n g w i t h them s k i l l s which were  The e x t e n t t o which these s k i l l s a r e  r e l e v a n t t o the employment p r a c t i c e s o f t h e Vancouver s o c i e t y i s p a r t o f what produces t h e immigrant's c l a s s l o c a t i o n i n t h e Vancouver labour  force.  I t may appear, from the above f i e l d n o t e s , t h a t language  facility  i s one o f the major d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r s i n t h e l o c a t i o n o f immigrants from P o r t u g a l i n the s o c i e t y i n Vancouver.  Indeed, language  facility  i s seen by Portuguese immigrants t o be the main 'reason' why they do the jobs they do. One i n f o r m a n t , a community worker concerned w i t h a l l e v i a t i n g some o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s the  o f Portuguese immigrants, c o n s i d e r s t h a t  t e a c h i n g o f the language and customs  o f the r e c e i v i n g c o u n t r y  s h o u l d be done b e f o r e the immigrant l e a v e s t h e c o u n t r y o f t h e i r  origin.  We had been t a l k i n g about h e r j o b as a c o - o r d i n a t o r o f the S e n i o r s Group. She sees h e r j o b as one which must t e a c h the women independence i n Canadian s o c i e t y . The backgrounds of some o f the women don't g i v e them the e x p e r i e n c e and knowledge o f how t o get a l o n g i n Canada; how t o take the bus; how t o go about l e a r n i n g the language, etc. She a l s o t h i n k s t h a t i t i s n e c e s s a r y t h a t the home c o u n t r i e s t e a c h the language and customs o f the r e c e i v i n g c o u n t r y t o the immigrants b e f o r e they g e t h e r e . (Dec. 6/77) T h i s i n f o r m a n t f e e l s t h a t i f t h i s t r a i n i n g was done p r i o r t o coming to the  Canada, then the immigrant women would not be so i s o l a t e d  l a r g e r s o c i e t y and would have a c c e s s t o d i f f e r e n t r e s o u r c e s than  they do now. are  from  The language d i f f i c u l t i e s ,  according to t h i s informant,  the most s e r i o u s c o n s t r a i n t s on e f f e c t i v e  f u n c t i o n i n g of the  - 104 -  new  immigrant from P o r t u g a l  and o f h e r f a m i l y ,  (Boulter,  Journal,  Dec. 6/77) That some persons l e a r n E n g l i s h and o t h e r persons do n o t was a t o p i c o f d i s c u s s i o n which occured d u r i n g  several interviews  I was i n the f i e l d .  The e x p l a n a t i o n  which people l e a r n e d  E n g l i s h was one o f " m o t i v a t i o n "  or t h e youth o f t h e immigrant.  f o r the ease or d i f f i c u l t y  D u r i n g one o f the c i t i z e n s h i p  T h i s woman i s about twenty-eight and i s t a k i n g  c l a s s e s at the church.  I t was remarked, d u r i n g  i s l e a r n i n g very q u i c k l y . because "she was young". i n the e v e n i n g . has  foregoing  conditions  Journal  The young woman works c l e a n i n g  offices  Nov.15/77)  note i l l u s t r a t e s some o f the s i t u a t i o n a l As t h i s woman  works a t n i g h t and has two school-age c h i l d r e n , h e r E n g l i s h  goes t o work.  She  so she does not have t o f i n d a baby-  f o r developing a f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h .  must occur d u r i n g  English  Another c l a s s member s a i d t h a t t h a t was  s i t t e r w h i l e she a t t e n d s c l a s s e s . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , The  down  the c l a s s , t h a t she  During t h e day she a t t e n d s E n g l i s h c l a s s e s .  two c h i l d r e n i n s c h o o l  with  f o r learning,  c l a s s e s , one o f the women was w r i t i n g some o f the i n f o r m a t i o n i n English,  while  the times t h a t they a r e a t s c h o o l  classes  and b e f o r e she  That she goes t o E n g l i s h c l a s s e s and i s l e a r n i n g  q u i c k l y , i s seen by o t h e r people as b e i n g both " m o t i v a t e d " t o l e a r n and  t o g e t ahead, as w e l l as because she i s young. However, t a k i n g E n g l i s h c l a s s e s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y seen as  b e i n g "motivated" t o l e a r n E n g l i s h .  I n an i n t e r v i e w  with the t e a c h e r  of one o f t h e E n g l i s h as a Second Language programmes, I asked h e r to d e s c r i b e  the women who came t o t h e c l a s s e s .  The members o f t h e community who a r e i n h e r daytime c l a s s are mainly " o l d e r women i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s and f o r t i e s " . They a r e very t r a d i t i o n a l and s t a y home r a t h e r than work  105 -  -  o u t s i d e the home. They a r e i l l i t e r a t e i n t h e i r own l a n g uage so t h e programme i s one which proceeds o r a l l y and v i s u a l l y t o develop language f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h which can be used t o " g e t around" the c i t y and do the c h o r e s t h a t accompany working i n the home. The p r i o r i t i e s o f the women i n t h e c l a s s a r e c l e a n i n g t h e house and maint a i n i n g t h e i r possessions. These women a r e "housebound" and the c l a s s e s f u l f i l l a s o c i a l need. The women i n the day c l a s s e s a r e c o n s t r a i n e d by t h e i r home s i t u a t i o n . The women l i v e c l o s e enough t o walk t o the c l a s s . Their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c l a s s i s dependent on t h e i r home s i t u a t i o n and t h e i r husbands' a p p r o v a l o f t h e i r t a k i n g the c l a s s . (Dec. 20/77) D u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w , we a l s o d i s c u s s e d grants etc.  l i v e s are organized;  the way i n which the immi-  f o r example, working h o u r s , type o f j o b ,  As I noted l a t e r , i t appears t h a t t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e i r  l i v e s i s what determines t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c l a s s o r even the i n i t i a l  t a k i n g o f t h e c l a s s . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Dec. 20/77)  These f i e l d n o t e s demonstrate t h e c o n d i t i o n s under which E n g l i s h i s learned, the  o r i n some c a s e s ,  not l e a r n e d .  That i s , t h a t some o f  women i n the c l a s s a r e persons who work i n t h e home.  noted above, one p r e s e n t e r  a t the M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Conference s t a t e d  t h a t t h e f a m i l y was the " n u c l e u s o f e t h n i c r e t e n t i o n " . f a m i l y i s the n u c l e u s or not,  the o r g a n i z a t i o n  work i n the home r e s t r i c t s the o p p o r t u n i t i e s w i t h members o f o t h e r it  The a c c o m p l i s h i n g  Whether t h e  o f women's l i v e s who  for s o c i a l interaction  than Portuguese background.  then becomes n e c e s s a r y t o go o u t s i d e  English.  As was  F o r these women,  t h e home i n order  to learn  of l e a r n i n g E n g l i s h occurs outside of  the work t h a t many o f t h e women do; t h e i r work i n the home. However, n o t a l l Portuguese immigrants and c e r t a i n l y not a l l women o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n who l i v e i n Vancouver, work only in  the home.  Therefore,  i f E n g l i s h i s indeed a 'problem' f o r the  Portuguese immigrants, t h e r e must be other  f a c t o r s which produce  -  this  •problem'•  106  -  Some o f the f a c t o r s a r e an e t h n i c a l l y  segregated  l a b o u r f o r c e , employment which does not depend on, nor f a c i l i t a t e a b i l i t y i n E n g l i s h and the accomplishment o f t a s k s i n the new language< Recent immigrants from P o r t u g a l l e a r n about the employment a v a i l a b l e t o them and about the s o c i e t y i n t o which they have come, through the r e l a t i v e s they have come t o j o i n . r e l a t i v e s have vjobs a l r e a d y .  The ( u s u a l l y  male)  They know about, hear about jobs which  may be coming up. The people who have the h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n s i n the commu n i t y are the d o c t o r , the d e n t i s t , the c o n s t r u c t i o n c o n t r a c t o r s , t h e foremeniof t h e r a i l r o a d gangs, the s u p e r v i s o r s on the c l e a n i n g crews. The foremen, the c o n t r a c t o r s and the s u p e r v i s o r s have a s a y i n what jobs a r e a v a i l a b l e and who gets them. (Nov.6/77) What t h i s means i s t h a t t h e jobs which a r e a v a i l a b l e t o new immigrants a r e those which a r e a c q u i r e d through j o b ' c o n t a c t s ' with o t h e r Portuguese people who have immigrated p r e v i o u s l y .  The r e s u l t  o f t h i s k i n d o f j o b ' c o n t a c t ' i s t h a t p a r t i c u l a r jobs i n the l a b o u r market become the ones which Portuguese immigrants have a c c e s s t o . The c l e a n i n g crews, the r a i l r o a d gangs, t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n l a b o u r i n g jobs become f i l l e d  w i t h the members o f a p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c group.  The f o l l o w i n g f i e l d n o t e p r o v i d e s an example o f the a c c e s s a v a i l a b l e t o Portuguese immigrants f o r d e v e l o p i n g a f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h .  It  i l l u s t r a t e s the way i n which l a b o u r market p a r t i c i p a t i o n m a i n t a i n s the people o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r o f the l a b o u r  segment  force.  T h i s f i e l d n o t e came out o f a d i s c u s s i o n i n the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s which a r o s e as a r e s u l t o f my q u e s t i o n s about whether o r not people had understood the l e s s o n I had g i v e n . on t o one which d e s c r i b e d f o r a l l  The d i s c u s s i o n moved  the p e o p l e i n the c l a s s , how they  - 107 -  had  learned The  learned  or not learned  English,  woman o f t h e c o u p l e had worked w i t h Canadians and had E n g l i s h t h a t way.  She works as a w a i t r e s s .  She s a i d t h a t  she had never been embarrassed about h e r p r o n u n c i a t i o n ask  and would  the people she worked with t o c o r r e c t h e r p r o n u n c i a t i o n .  Her  husband s a i d t h a t when he was f i r s t i n Canada, he worked i n cons t r u c t i o n w i t h a group o f I t a l i a n s so he d i d n ' t l e a r n E n g l i s h f o r a l o n g time a f t e r he g o t h e r e .  Everyone seemed t o agree t h a t working  on a j o b where you had t o l e a r n E n g l i s h o r where E n g l i s h was spoken was n e c e s s a r y t o l e a r n t h e language w e l l . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l ,  Sept.29/77)  As the above f i e l d n o t e i n d i c a t e s , the f a s t e s t and e a s i e s t way of l e a r n i n g a new language o c c u r s when the language must be used everyday and must be used t o accomplish t a s k s .  F o r Portuguese  immigrants i n Vancouver, t h i s a c c e s s t o spoken E n g l i s h i s l i m i t e d through the work t h a t people do. I n s i d e t h e home, t h e o p p o r t u n i t y to speak E n g l i s h i s n o t n e c e s s a r y t o accomplish t h e t a s k s which must be done.  In the labour  f o r c e , many o f the jobs a v a i l a b l e t o P o r t u -  guese immigrants do n o t depend on a f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h .  The jobs  are u s u a l l y u n s k i l l e d and a r e jobs t h a t 'anyone can do'.  That i s ,  they do n o t depend on s k i l l i n E n g l i s h n o r on s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g previous  t o t h e t r a i n i n g on t h e j o b .  segregated.  As C a s s i n  A l s o , t h e jobs a r e e t h n i c a l l y  p o i n t s out i n h e r study o f t h e E a s t  community i n Vancouver: The p r a c t i c e which o r g a n i z e s i n d i v i d u a l s d i f f e r e n t l y i n r e l a t i o n t o the l a b o u r market i s t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of a segregated p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e . T h i s c r e a t e s an e t h n i c a l l y segregated labour f o r c e . This aspect o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the labour force c o n s t i t u t e s , f o r the working c l a s s , a d i v i s i o n w i t h i n t h e working c l a s s i t s e l f . ( C a s s i n , 1977:1)  Indian  108  -  -  C o n c l u d i n g Remarks This ethnic  t h e s i s has  been concerned w i t h the  d i f f e r e n c e i n Vancouver.  In p a r t i c u l a r , the  e x p e r i e n c e o f Portuguese immigrants has been concerned t o e x p l o r e the  s o c i a l production  of  ethnic/immigrant  been i n v e s t i g a t e d .  I have  s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which  c o n s t i t u t e some persons as e t h n i c , as  immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t  from o t h e r persons i n s o c i e t y . Through the use developed by  o f a method of a n a l y s i s d e r i v e d  Smith f o r s o c i o l o g y ,  That i s , t h a t  the  focus was  I have done a focussed  on the  p r o d u c t i o n of e t h n i c  as a s e t of s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s . a commodity, a t a b l e and as o b j e c t s b e i n g was  a gift,  from Marx  By u s i n g  the  and  ethnography. difference examples o f  the c o n s t i t u t i o n of those  objects  which obscures the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which b r i n g them i n t o discussed.  I t was  a l s o shown how  descriptive  accounts  are c o n s t i t u t i v e of the p r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i a l f a c t s . I began by  l o c a t i n g the  anthropological way  discourse.  i n which the  T h i s p r o v i d e d an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  l i t e r a t u r e Is constructed.  were seen as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e the  term e t h n i c i t y i n the s o c i o l o g i c a l and  of the main t h e o r e t i c a l debates  l i t e r a t u r e were d i s c u s s e d  B a r t h , Despres and  Van  Den  i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of ethnic theory.  One  Four a r t i c l e s ,  in detail.  Three of the  the  which within  theorists,  Berghe were seen t o proceed i n t h e i r  phenomena from a b a s i s i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l  o f the t h e o r i s t s , Robbins, was  seen to proceed from a  Marxist analysis of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . A l l the  t h e o r i s t s a t t r i b u t e d i f f e r e n c e as a p r o p e r t y o f  members of the  ethnic  subjective  o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r group membership.  and  groups.  the  They then proceed to i n v e s t i g a t e The  the  relative  - 109 -  importance o f the one over the o t h e r i s the f i r s t debate i n the literature.  The t h e o r i s t s then go on t o determine whether c l a s s  s t a t u s or e t h n i c s t a t u s determines an e t h n i c member's l o c a t i o n i n the  s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y o f power, p r e s t i g e and wealth.  Barth  proposes  t h a t e t h n i c s t a t u s determines c l a s s s t a t u s whereas Despres and Van of  Den Berghe conclude  t h a t s t a t u s i s determined by a  e t h n i c and c l a s s s t a t u s .  Robbins, u s i n g a m o d i f i e d  combination a n a l y s i s of  c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , determines t h a t c l a s s r e l a t i o n s a r e s u p e r o r d i n a t e to  ethnic The  relations. i n q u i r y i n t o the l i t e r a t u r e p r o v i d e s a b a s i s f o r s e e i n g  how  the e t h n i c t h e o r i s t s c i t e d use, as an u n e x p l i c a t e d  the  common-sense  to  understandings  c o n s t r u c t the d e t e r m i n a t i o n s  common-sense departure  understandings  as  resource,  o f a l l members of s o c i e t y i n order of ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n s .  The use o f  a s t a b l e and unquestioned  point of  f o r r e s e a r c h and t h e o r i z i n g p r o v i d e s a way o f s e e i n g  how  what the t h e o r i s t s t r e a t as a g i v e n may be t r e a t e d as p r o b l e m a t i c . That i s , t h a t the u n e x p l i c a t e d r e l a t i o n o f common-sense e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s of t h e everyday world topic  and t h e o r -  becomes, i n i t s e l f ,  a  for investigation. Chapter I I I demonstrated the procedures  used i n my  fieldwork  with persons of Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n who r e s i d e i n Vancouver. U s i n g ethnographic  field  techniques  as a b a s i s , i n t e r v i e w s , p a r t i -  c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n and t h e involvement e t h n i c i t y were a n a l y z e d .  I entered  o f myself  the f i e l d  i n t h e enactment of  with a c o n c e p t i o n  that  t h e r e was an e n t i t y c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" and t h a t i t was p o s s i b l e t o go t h e r e and t o i n t e r v i e w members o f the "community".  That t h i s c o n c e p t i o n i s , i n i t s e l f ,  a method o f c o n s t i t u t i n g  - 110 -  e t h n i c i t y i s p a r t o f the d a t a which i s a n a l y z e d i n the r e s t o f the c h a p t e r . To b e g i n the a n a l y s i s o f the f i e l d w o r k , I s t a r t w i t h two terms, 'immigrant' and  'community' and demonstrate how  those terms  name p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among people o f Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n and among the s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers who involved  w i t h them.  are  I t b e g i n s t o be v i s i b l e t h a t the terms de-  s c r i b e a s e t o f s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s which a t t r i b u t e the d i f f i c u l t i e s and concerns o f Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver to t h e i r c u l t u r a l background, t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t y ,  and t o the c l a s s  l o c a t i o n from which they come. Description  which r e l i e s and depends upon c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s  which are l e a r n e d and a c q u i r e d i n another s o c i e t y and i s used t o account f o r phenomena which occur here d i s a t t e n d s t o the p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s t i t u t i o n o f the everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. the  status  within  o f 'immigrant',  'ethnic'  to do a d e s c r i p t i o n o f immigrant  i n d i v i d u a l s as those who  that  as d i f f e r e n t i s o n l y produced  the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f the s o c i e t y i n Canada.  that i t i s possible  ground.  I t i s the c o n t e n t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s  That i s , groups and  a r e such by v i r t u e df t h e i r c u l t u r a l back-  T h i s c u l t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n may  reflect  the world as i t  appears; as i t i s c o n s t r u c t e d f o r us t o s e e . (Smith, 1 9 7 4 )  Indeed  t h i s mode o f d e s c r i p t i o n i s one which p r o v i d e s f o r Portuguese immigrants and f o r the  s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers an e x p l a n a t i o n which  r e f l e c t s t h e i r concerns and d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a new  society.  However,  as t h i s t h e s i s i s concerned w i t h the method o f i n t e r a c t i o n , i t can be seen t h a t d e s c r i p t i o n which depends on c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l and  p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l accomplishes two One,  the d e s c r i p t i o n i s i n i t s e l f p a r t  o f the method by which  ethnic/immigrant d i f f e r e n c e i s c o n s t i t u t e d d e s c r i p t i o n does n o t p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s  socially.  organizing Vancouver. be l o c a t e d  etc.  Second, t h e  o f how persons come t o be  o r g a n i z e d i n Vancouver i n t o what a r e r e f e r r e d u n i t i e s " , "working c l a s s j o b s " ,  things.  t o as " e t h n i c  I t does not show how  commthat  produces what i s seen as the "Portuguese community" i n I t does n o t p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s  o f how persons come t o  i n p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n s , income l e v e l s , geographic a r e a s ,  e t c . , and how t h a t  organization  produces what are c a l l e d  "ethnic  communities". The a l t e r n a t e  form o f d e s c r i p t i o n ,  the e x p l i c a t i v e  has made v i s i b l e the a c t i v i t i e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s which c e r t a i n persons as e t h n i c , ities,  and the d e s c r i p t i o n s  constitute  as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t .  These a c t i v -  o f these a c t i v i t i e s a r e the methods by  which some members are c o n s t i t u t e d of s o c i e t y .  description  as d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r members  These a c t i v i t i e s produce a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n  which i s c a l l e d "working c l a s s " . i s v i s i b l e and t a l k e d  That t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n  about as such, i n d i c a t e s , a p a r t i c u l a r under-  s t a n d i n g o f the o r d e r i n g  o f s o c i e t y as h i e r a r c h i c a l and s t a t i c .  However, on c l o s e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n , i t was shown t h a t  the s o c i a l l o c -  a t i o n o f Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver i s produced by the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which they a r e i n v o l v e d .  F o r example,  one way i n which t h i s l o c a t i o n i s produced i s through the i n t e r a c t i o n o f Portuguese immigrants and s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers.  This s o c i a l  l o c a t i o n then a r i s e s o n l y through the s o c i a l l y o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c e s of society's  members i n Vancouver.  I n o t h e r words, w h i l e the s o c i a l  and c l a s s l o c a t i o n may be h i e r a r c h i c a l , i t i s n o t s t a t i c  but r a t h e r  - 112 -  i s recreated  a t every moment i n both the d e s c r i p t i o n s and o t h e r  a c t i v i t i e s o f members o f s o c i e t y i n the f a m i l y , l a b o u r the  larger society.  f o r c e and  - 113 -  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Althusser, Louis 1965  For Marx, New  York: Random House.  Anderson, Grace M. and David Higgs 1976 A F u t u r e to I n h e r i t ; Portuguese Communities of Canada. Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart. A t k i n s o n , J . M. 1971 " S o c i a l R e a c t i o n s t o S u i c i d e : The Role o f C o r o n e r s D e f i n i t i o n s " , i n S. Cohen (Ed.) Images of Deviance, M i d d l e s e x , England: Penguin Books. 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Cassin, Margeurite 1977 C l a s s and E t h n i c i t y ; The S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Working C l a s s E a s t I n d i a n Immigrants i n Vancouver, u n p u b l i s h e d M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Despres, Leo 1975 E t h n i c i t y and Resource C o m p e t i t i o n i n P l u r a l The Hague, P a r i s : Mouton and Co.  Societies,  de Vos, G. and L. Romanucci-Ross (Eds.) 1975 E t h n i c I d e n t i t y : C u l t u r a l C o n t i n u i t i e s and Change, P a l o A l t o , C a l i f . : M a y f i e l d P u b l i s h i n g Co. E a s t o n , L.D. and K.H. Guddat (Eds.) I967 W r i t i n g s o f the Young Marx on P h i l o s o p h y and New York: Anchor Books.  Society,  8,  - 111+ -  Fernandez, R.L. 1977 "An Assessment o f F r e d r i k B a r t h ' s Theory o f E t h n i c i t y " , Unpublished Ms., Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. G a r f i n k e l , H. 1967 S t u d i e s i n Ethnomethodology, P r e n t i c e - H a l l Inc.  Englewood  Cliffs,  Geertz, C l i f f o r d 1973 I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f C u l t u r e s , New York: B a s i c  New J e r s e y :  Books.  Government o f B r i t i s h Columbia, M i n i s t r y o f Human Resources 1976 I n t e r n a l Daycare P o l i c y Memo. June 1• Hawkins, F r e d a 1972 Canada and Immigration: P u b l i c P o l i c y and P u b l i c M o n t r e a l : McGill-Queens U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s .  Concern,  Jackson, Nancy S. 1977 D e s c r i b i n g News: Toward an A l t e r n a t i v e Account. Unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. Jacobson, H e l g a E . 1977 "How t o Study Your Own Community: Research From the P e r s p e c t i v e o f Women", Vancouver, B.C.: Women's Research Centre. L i e b o w i t z , M. 1976 Marx's Economic Theory, Taped L e c t u r e s f o r Economics 309, Summer Semester, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. Mannheim, K. 1936  I d e o l o g y and Utopia^  New York: Hareourt Brace & World.  Marchak, P. 1975 I d e o l o g i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on Canada, T o r o n t o : McGrawH i l l Ryerson L t d . Marx, K. 1973 G r a n d r i s s e : I n t r o d u c t i o n t o the C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l Economy, New York: V i n t a g e Books. Marx, K. 1976  C a p i t a l : A C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l Economy. V o l . I , Markham, Ont.: Penguin Books Canada L t d .  Marx, K. and F. E n g e l s 1970 The German I d e o l o g y , C . J . A r t h u r ( E d . ) , New York: International Publishers. McKinney, 1970  J.C. and E.A. T i r y a k i a n (Eds.) T h e o r e t i c a l S o c i o l o g y : P e r s p e c t i v e s and Developments, New York: A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s .  - 115 -  Migus, 1975  Paul Sounds Canadian: Languages and C u l t u r e s i n M u l t i - E t h n i c S o c i e t y , Toronto: Peter Martin Assoc.  Moerraan, M i c h a e l 1974 " A c c o m p l i s h i n g E t h n i c i t y " , i n R. Turner ( E d . ) , Ethnomethodology, O n t a r i o : Penguin Books. Montero, G l o r i a 1977  The Immigrants.  T o r o n t o : James L o r i m e r .  Ng, Roxanne 1978 "The S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s o f C i t i z e n s P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Chinese Community", paper p r e s e n t e d a t Annual Meeting C.S.A.A., London, O n t a r i o . Novak, George 1971 An I n t r o d u c t i o n t o the L o g i c o f Marxism, New York: Pathfinder Press. P a i n e , Robert 1977 "Second Thoughts About B a r t h s Models", R o y a l Anthrop o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e O c c a s i o n a l Paper. No. 32, London: R o y a l A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e o f Great B r i t a i n and Ireland. 1  P o l l n e r , M. 1974 " S o c i o l o g i c a l and Common-Sense Models o f the L a b e l l i n g P r o c e s s " , i n R. Turner ( E d . ) , Ethnomethodology. O n t a r i o : Penguin Books. Robbins, E . 1975 " E t h n i c i t y or Class? S o c i a l Relations i n a Small Canadian I n d u s t r i a l Community", i n J.W. Bennett (Ed.) The New E t h n i c i t y : P e r s p e c t i v e s From E t h n o l o g y . 1973 Proceedings o f the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y , New York: West P u b l i s h i n g . Schutz, A. 1967 Sharrock, 1974  C o l l e c t e d W r i t i n g s . V o l . I . Maurice Natanson The Hague: M a r t i n u s N i j h o f f . W.W. "On Owning Knowledge", i n R. Turner ( E d . ) , O n t a r i o : Penguin Books Canada L t d .  (Ed.),  Ethnomethodology.  Smith, D.E. 1974a;. "The I d e o l o g i c a l P r a c t i c e o f S o c i o l o g y " , C a t a l y s t . No. 8, Winter. 1974b  "The S o c i a l C o n s t r u c t i o n o f Documentary R e a l i t y " , S o c i o l o g i c a l I n q u i r y , Vol.44:4.  - 116  Smith, D.E.  1975  "An A n a l y s i s o f I d e o l o g i c a l S t r u c t u r e s . a n d How Women are Excluded", Paper p r e s e n t e d , Conference on Women's S t u d i e s i n Higher E d u c a t i o n , C a l g a r y .  1976a  L e c t u r e s from S o c i o l o g y o f Knowledge, S o c i o l o g y 374, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  1976b  L e c t u r e s from Graduate Seminar i n Women's S t u d i e s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  1976c  "On Mead and Marx", L e c t u r e presented Sociology, U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto.  I976d  "Notes on D e s c r i p t i o n " , Unpublished Ms., Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia*  1977  "On D e s c r i p t i o n s " , p r e s e n t e d a t a c o l l o q u i u m i n Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  1977a  "On D e s c r i p t i o n s , I I " , p r e s e n t e d by i n v i t a t i o n , Department o f S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a , Santa Barbara.  (In.Press)  "Some I m p l i c a t i o n s o f a S o c i o l o g y f o r Women", accepted f o r p u b l i c a t i o n by Canadian Review o f S o c i o l o g y and Anthropology.  1977  "A S o c i o l o g y f o r Women", paper p r e s e n t e d a t The P r i s m o f Sex: Toward an E q u i t a b l e P u r s u i t o f Knowledge, Conference o r g a n i z e d by the Women's Research I n s t i t u t e o f Wisconson, October.  1978  Paper on D e s c r i p t i o n , i n p r o g r e s s . i n E d u c a t i o n , O.I.S.E., T o r o n t o .  Smith, D.E. 1975  i n Department o f  Department o f S o c i o l o g y  and S.J. David (Eds.) I'm Not Mad I'm Angry: Women Look a t P s y c h i a t r y . Vancouver: P r e s s Gang P u b l .  S t o d d a r t , K. 1974 "The F a c t s o f L i f e About Dope: O b s e r v a t i o n s o f a L o c a l Pharmacology", Urban L i f e & C u l t u r e , 3 (2).  1977  "The P r e s e n t a t i o n o f Everyday L i f e : S t r a t e g i e s f o r 'Adequate E t h n o g r a p h y " , Unpublished Ms., Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. 1  1976-77  L e c t u r e Notes f o r S o c i o l o g y 220 ( L i f e s t y l e s ) , Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  - 117 -  Stolzman, J . and Gamberg, H. 1973-74 " M a r x i s t C l a s s A n a l y s i s Versus S t r a t i f i c a t i o n A n a l y s i s as G e n e r a l Approaches to S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y " , B e r k e l e y J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , V o l . 18. T u r n e r , Roy  (Ed.)  1974  Ethnomethodology,  O n t a r i o : Penguin Books Canada L t d .  Van Den Berghe, P i e r r e 1975 " E t h n i c i t y and C l a s s i n H i g h l a n d Peru", i n L. Despres ( E d . ) , E t h n i c i t y and Resource C o m p e t i t i o n i n P l u r a l S o c i e t i e s , The Hague: Mouton and Co. Warner, L l o y d 1957 "The Study o f S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " , i n J . G i t t l e r (Ed.) Review o f S o c i o l o g y . New York: John Wiley and Sons. Zimmerman, D.H. and M. P o l l n e r 1970 "The Everyday World as a Phenomenon", i n J . Douglas, ( E d . ) , Understanding Everyday L i f e , A l d i n e , C h i c a g o .  - 118 -  APPENDIX I  Interview  1•  schedule:  community workers, s o c i a l workers, teachers, e t c .  How i s your work connected t o the members o f the Portuguese community?  2.  What a r e the problems t h a t you see a r i s i n g  f o r immigrant  members? 3»  Do the problems d i f f e r depending on the amount o f money o r education  t h a t the immigrants have?  you're o u t l i n i n g 4»  Or a r e the problems  common t o a l l immigrants?  Do the problems d i f f e r a c c o r d i n g  t o e t h n i c group?  I f so,  how? 5.  Are t h e r e gaps i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e network some o f the immigrants' problems cannot be  6.  t h a t mean t h a t solved?  What do you see as the s o l u t i o n  f o r the k i n d s  t h a t e t h n i c groups have i n t h i s  society?  of d i f f i c u l t i e s  - 119 -  APPENDIX I I  Interview schedule 1•  2.  3«  k»  G e t t i n g t o Canada; a)  when d i d you a r r i v e ?  b)  how d i d you get here - p l a n e , etc#?  c)  d i d you have r e l a t i v e s here?  d)  d i d you know v e r y much about the c o u n t r y when you a r r i v e d ?  e)  what d i d you expect t o happen when you got here?  f)  how was Canada d i f f e r e n t than what you hoped f o r / e x p e c t e d ?  Did i t ?  Leaving Portugal; a)  what  d i d you do b e f o r e you came t o Canada?  b)  why d i d you d e c i d e t o emigrate?  c)  how i s Canada d i f f e r e n t  d)  i n what ways i s your l i f e here d i f f e r e n t than i t was i n Portugal?  e)  do houses l o o k l i k e t h i s i n P o r t u g a l ?  from P o r t u g a l ?  What d i f f e r e n c e s ?  G e t t i n g around i n Canada; a)  d i d you know anybody when you f i r s t  arrived?  b)  how d i d you go about l e a r n i n g about shopping, t a k i n g buses, g e t t i n g around the c i t y ?  c)  when d i d you s t a r t l e a r n i n g E n g l i s h ? D i d you go t o c l a s s e s or d i d you l e a r n from the T»V» o r both? From working?  d)  were you m a r r i e d when you came? your husband?  I f n o t , how d i d you meet  G e t t i n g a l o n g i n Canada; a)  d i d you work when you f i r s t  came t o Canada?  b)  how d i d you go about f i n d i n g a job?  c)  how do the people who a r e coming now f i n d d i f f e r e n t now than i t was then?  d)  what k i n d s o f j o b s a r e a v a i l a b l e t o Portuguese.immigrants?  e)  does everybody work o u t s i d e the home o r do some women work at home? Who s t a y s home and who goes out?  j o b s ; how i s i t  -  5.  6.  120  -  Being p a r t o f Canadian s o c i e t y ; a)  do you see y o u r s e l f as p a r t o f Canadian s o c i e t y ?  b)  i f n o t , why not?  c)  who i s and who  d)  how can you t e l l ?  e)  can you remember when you s t a r t e d t o f e e l a p a r t o f Canadian s o c i e t y , as i f you belonged i n Canada?  isn't?  G e t t i n g through the day; a)  what k i n d s o f t h i n g s do you do i n your everyday shopping, housework, e t c *  lives,  b)  i f there i s a dispute i n your house, o r i f t h e r e a r e problems with what t o spend your money on, who d e c i d e s ?  c)  t e l l me about your j o b .  

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