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Constituting ethnic difference : an ethnography of the Portuguese immigrant experience in Vancouver Boulter, Alison Isobel 1978

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CONSTITUTING ETHNIC DIFFERENCE: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE PORTUGUESE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN VANCOUVER by ALISON ISOBEL BOULTER B.A., Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , 197k A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Jul y , 1978 @ A l i s o n Isobel Boulter, 1978 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requ i rement s f o r the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I ag ree that The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Depa rtment ABSTRACT Ethnic groups are a v i s i b l e feature of Canadian s o c i e t y . That t h i s i s so i n d i c a t e s that there must be methods for making them recognizeable as well as methods of accounting for that v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e . In t h i s t h e s i s , I am concerned to explicate the s o c i a l l y organized practi c e s which constitute p a r t i c u l a r members and groups i n s ociety as d i f f e r e n t from other members and groups. The argument presented i s that i t i s the p r a c t i c e s of a l l members of society which con s t i t u t e t h i s d i f f e r e n c e , rather than the d i f f e r e n c e being an a t t r i b u t e of any p a r t i c u l a r ethnic, or immigrant group. The work proceeds i n two ways. F i r s t , the c o n s t i t u t i o n of ethnic d i f f e r e n c e , located i n the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , i s i n v e s t -igated. I t i s demonstrated that the t h e o r e t i c a l formulations r e s t on an unexplicated common-sense understanding of ethnic groups and t h e i r members as d i f f e r e n t . Second, observations and d e s c r i p t i o n s of the everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants are analyzed. The observations include interviews with s o c i a l service workers, taped discussions of p a r t i c i p a n t s at a conference on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , as well as interviews with Portuguese immigrants themselves. This second source of data provides an understanding of how d i f f e r e n c e i s constituted i n descriptions and explanations of ethnic phenomena i n Vancouver.. Through the use of a method of analysis derived from Marx and developed for sociology by Smith, I have focussed the ethnography on the s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s which constitute ethnic difference i n Vancouver. The enactment of e t h n i c i t y i n the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r -- i i -ature, i n the fieldwork, and i n the observations, explanations, descriptions and accounts are treated a6 data for the analysis of the method by which ethnic difference i s constituted s o c i a l l y . I t i s demonstrated that descriptions which reference c u l t u r a l o r i g i n , l i k e those which reference personality f a c t o r s , disattend to the c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver. C u l t u r a l descriptions are a method of c o n s t i t u t i n g immigrant/ethnic d i f f -erence. The l o c a t i o n of immigrant/ethnic groups and t h e i r members within a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l organization i s recreated at every moment i n the descriptions and other a c t i v i t i e s of members of society within the family, labour force and s o c i a l s ervice d e l i v e r y system of Vancouver s o c i e t y . - i i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . . . . 1 I. Method of Analysis . . . . . . 3 Facts as S o c i a l l y Constituted Objects . 6 Descriptive Accounts Which Constitute S o c i a l Facts 10 CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . 15 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 I. Summary of Procedures of Investigation . 17 I I . T h e o r e t i c a l Constructions of Ethnic Phenomena . . . . . . . . 20 Barth 20 Despres. 2.1\ Van Den Berghe 26 Robbins 29 I I I . The Relations Between Common-Sense and Theory • 33 Ethnomethodology and Common-Sense Understandings • • • • 35 Common-Sense Understanding as an Ide o l o g i c a l Construction M CHAPTER THREE: THE FIELDWORK J^ 3 Introduction • • i+3 I. Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . kk Fieldnotes 50 Research D i f f i c u l t i e s • • • • • • • • • 51 - i v -Page I I . H i s t o r i c a l Background 53 I I I . Description as a Method of Constituting Difference 54 S o c i a l l y Organized Use of the Term 'Immigrant* • • • • • • • • 54 S o c i a l l y Organized Use of the Term 'Community' 61 Referencing of C u l t u r a l O r i g i n . . . . 64 Summary 7 7 IV. How Descriptions Obscure S o c i a l l y Organized Practices • 7 7 Sponsored Immigrants . . . 7 8 Rural or Urban Background • • 8 9 Labour Market P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Language S k i l l s 97 CONCLUDING REMARKS 1 0 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 APPENDIX I 1 1 8 APPENDIX II 119 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of a thesis i s always the r e s u l t of more than the author's i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t s . For t h i s reason, I wish to acknowledge, with thanks, some of the people who provided support; moral, i n t e l l -ectual and p r a c t i c a l . To Nancy Jackson, who worked c l o s e l y with me and gave w i l l i n g l y of her time and knowledge. Without her help, t h i s thesis would not have been possi b l e . To my Women's Group, for l i s t e n i n g , supporting and providing dinners. To my Committee; Helga Jacobson, Blanca Muratorio and Roy Turner, for asking seemingly impossible questions and making sure I found a way to answer them. To Barbara Williamson for her suggestions and c r i t i c i s m s of the rough d r a f t s . To Marie Campbell, Margeurite Cassin, G i l l i a n V/alker and Linda Thompson who shared ideas, o f f i c e space and typewriters with me. To Natalie Dubanski who typed the rough copies and the f i n a l manuscript. To my c h i l d r e n , Rick and Mike, for t h e i r caring and p r a c t i c a l help as we went through t h i s experience together. To the people who acted as informants, I give s p e c i a l thanks. They gave f r e e l y of t h e i r knowledge and experience to make t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . And f i n a l l y , to Dorothy Smith, for her t h e o r e t i c a l work and her personal and professional support during the past two years. - I -CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK •Ethnic groups' are a v i s i b l e feature of Vancouver s o c i e t y . That they are so provides an observable phenomenon which i s of i n t e r e s t to a l l members of so c i e t y . The media r e g u l a r l y report news which incorporates the terms 'ethnic groups' or 'immigrants'. The Public L i b r a r y maintains f i l e s of press c l i p p i n g s which r e f e r to various ethnic groups/ immigrant groups i n the Vancouver area. Restaurants which serve ethnic foods p r o l i f e r a t e . Some areas of Vancouver are known as "the Greek neighborhood", "the I t a l i a n s e c t i o n " , "the East Indian community", "the Portuguese community". Conversations take place i n which i t i s noted how many ethnic groups members are working i n a given s e t t i n g and how those Jobs were never done by "them" before. This topic i s also of i n t e r e s t to s o c i o l o g i s t s and anthro-p o l o g i s t s . Papers are written, conferences are organized, classes and seminars are held i n which the concern i s to understand the organization and impact of e t h n i c i t y on Canadian s o c i e t y , ( c f . Despres, 1 9 7 5 , f o r a h i s t o r y of the term 'ethnic' i n the academic l i t e r a t u r e . ) Ethnic groups, immigrants are seen as a fact of Canadian s o c i e t y . That ethnic groups are a fact of l i f e i n Vancouver i n d i c a t e s that they must be recognizable as such. The terms 'ethnic' and 'immigrant' b u i l d i n a p a r t i c u l a r understanding: that i s , that ethnic group members and immigrants are d i f f e r e n t . They are, i n any number of ways, seen to be d i f f e r e n t from other ethnic groups, and from, i n the case of immigrants, other persons who were born i n Canada. I t i s t h i s taken-for-granted di f f e r e n c e that I am concerned to explore. The research, on which t h i s thesis i s based, took place i n what i s c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver. I t w i l l be demonstrated that the s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s of Vancouver society c o n s t i t u t e people of Portuguese n a t i o n a l o r i g i n as ethnic, as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t . This difference i s accomplished through descriptions of people's a c t i v i t i e s as well as through the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of the members of Vancouver society who are of Portuguese nation a l o r i g i n . These p r a c t i c e s , the de s c r i p t i o n s of the Portuguese persons as c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t as well as the day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s of immigrants' l i v e s , produce the s o c i a l l y organized phenomenon which i s v i s i b l e as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. I t i s through the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l members of Vancouver society that some persons are constituted as immigrant, as ethnic, as d i f f e r e n t and which produces a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l f a c t ; Portuguese immigrants. The problem addressed i n t h i s thesis i s that of how ethnic phenomenon and immigrant groups 1 become v i s i b l e as d i f f e r e n t . f o r ^Isajev (1978) has r a i s e d , as a methodological is s u e , the use of the terms 'ethnic' and 'immigrant'. He suggests that studies of e t h n i c i t y have often been the study of immigrant adaptation. The r e s u l t has been that there i s a primary focus on f i r s t gen-eration immigrants without the recognition that second and t h i r d generation ethnic group members may d i f f e r i n both s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n and v i s i b i l i t y . In t h i s work, however, such a d i s t i n c t i o n i s not relevant; the Portuguese ethnic group members i n Vancouver are mainly f i r s t generation immigrants and i t i s these people with - 3 -a l l members of s o c i e t y . I am concerned to inquire i n t o the p r a c t i c e s which c o n s t i t u t e some Portuguese immigrants as d i f f e r e n t from other Portuguese immigrants and from the l a r g e r society; how that d i f f e r e n c e i s produced and how i t i s a v a i l a b l e as a s o c i a l f a c t . I . The Method of Analysis In order to in q u i r e i n t o how ethnic/immigrant groups become v i s i b l e as d i f f e r e n t for a l l members of society , I want to begin with making apparent the method of analysis which I w i l l use i n t h i s t h e s i s . The use of t h i s method, derived from Marx and developed f o r sociology by Smith, w i l l provide a way of approaching the phenomenon of ethnic groups which i s d i f f e r e n t from those based i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n theory. This method w i l l provide a procedure for e x p l i c a t i n g members' a c t i v i t i e s which are named by the terms ' e t h n i c i t y ' , 'ethnic group', 'immigrants' and 'immigrant groups'. The method begins where the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d below and where common-sense usage of the terms 'ethnic' and 'immigrant' begin; with the a t t r i b u t i o n of di f f e r e n c e which i s presumed to be a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of ethnic/immigrant groups and t h e i r members.' However, i n the method which^is used here, that.difference i s not treated as given but rather as problematic: how the a c t i v i t i e s of people c o n s t i t u t e p a r t i c u l a r persons as ethnic, as immigrant, as which I am concerned. Therefore, i n t h i s work the terms are used interchangeably. The members of the Portuguese immigrant group i n Vancouver are also the members of the Portuguese ethnic group. - i n -different from other persons. The terms are returned to the actual practices of which they are a part and i n which they originate. I w i l l do, using this method, a focused ethnography. (Smith, 1977a) That i s , I am concerned to focus the ethnography i n a very particular way; on the a c t i v i t i e s , descriptions and explanations which constitute ethnic, immigrant difference; on the process rather than on the objective account. This focus i s one which w i l l not produce the only possible description of the Portuguese immigrant experience i n Vancouver. Rather, i t must be noted that another ethnography, another description which proceeded with a different focus would perhaps produce a very different description. This method i s provided for i n the work of Marx, particularly his later work on p o l i t i c a l economy. (Marx,1976 ) The method i s an inquiry as well as a critique of the work of the p o l i t i c a l economists. Marx c r i t i c i z e d the p o l i t i c a l economists for beginning with the categories which arise i n the process of ca p i t a l i s t production but i n the process of their work, losing sight of the original a c t i v i t i e s i n which the terms arose. (Smith, 197?a) However, the method used i n this thesis i s not to be understood as an application of the d i a l e c t i c a l materialist method. Rather, I w i l l be concerned to use the method developed by Smith for sociology which, although based on Marx's work, i s developed for use i n sociology i n the present. As this thesis r e l i e s primarily on the work of Smith, i t i s necessary to see how she relates her work to that of Marx. The method which we began to work with i s a method which i s derived from Marx's method.... (It) can't be treated as an explication of Marx; i t i s derived - 5 -from h i s work and i s derived from h i s work as a basis on which to proceed following a method which he innovated, but not nece s s a r i l y simply r e p l i c a t i n g that method. That i s , i t i s aimed to do the work of sociology i n t h i s time and not i n the 19th century. Therefore, no e f f o r t has been made to be f a i t h f u l to Marx i n a pious or r e l i g i o u s sense. (Smith, 1977a) What i s implied i n Marx's method i s a procedure for beginning where the t h e o r i s t s leave o f f . That i s , Marx began by taking the concepts used by Adam Smith, Ricardo and others and l o c a t i n g those concepts i n the a c t i v i t i e s of people. Marx produced an account of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which gave r i s e to the d e s c r i p t i o n and conceptualization of the p o l i t i c a l economists. (Leibowitz, 1977;, Cassin, 1977) As Smith has stated: Marx's example i n s t r u c t s us not to treat a concept as a t h e o r e t i c a l p r i m i t i v e , i n the l o g i c a l sense, nor as int e r p r e t a b l e s o l e l y i n terms of other concepts. Rather, a concept requires to be discovered again i n the a c t u a l i t i e s of what l i v i n g people do. (Smith, 1974:7) In the i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o e t h n i c i t y , ethnic groups and immigrant groups, I do not proceed by taking a 6 given the v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s which produce the observable phenomenon of ethnic groups. Rather, that 'difference' remains to be discovered i n the a c t i v i t i e s of t a l k , of the family and of the labour market. In other words, what i s common-sensically used as a "resource", I w i l l t r e a t as a " t o p i c " . (Zimmerman & Po l l n e r , 1970) Smith, following Marx, locates her work on s o c i a l organization i n two modes: f i r s t , the s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which give r i s e to the phenomenon; second, the l o c a t i o n of the i d e o l o g i s t , p r o f e s s i o nal or s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t who i s concerned with bringing the terms used - 6 -i n the working r e l a t i o n s i n t o the professional or academic discourse, .', Marx assumes that the terms that are used are terms which are an e s s e n t i a l part of the process; are the terms of the working process of p o l i t i c a l economy. That i s , that terms such as wages, commodities, p r o f i t , etc., do not a r i s e out of the work of p o l i t i c a l economy hut a r i s e out of the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l process and hence, of course, t h e i r very existence as categories which are p o t e n t i a l l y part of the s c i e n t i f i c discourse, i s fundamentally h i s t o r i c a l . (Smith, 1977a) In t h i s work, the r e l a t i o n I am concerned to explore i s that of how to "substruct" the accounts given to me i n the f i e l d , the terms provided i n the academic l i t e r a t u r e and the descriptions of Portuguese immigrants' l i v e s done by the s o c i a l workers, to the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the o r i g i n a l p r a c t i c e s i n which the phenomenon a r i s e s . (Smith, 1976) Facts as Sodally-Constituted Objects In order to develop t h i s r e l a t i o n noted above, i t i s necessary to i n v e s t i g a t e how s o c i a l f a c t s are constituted; how the fa c t of immigrants, ethnic groups and e t h n i c i t y i s constituted as a s o c i a l f a c t . To do t h i s , I want to begin with the work on commodities done by Marx; the work on commodity as a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n , which, as w i l l be demonstrated l a t e r , i s analogous to the c o n s t i t u t i n g of s o c i a l f a c t s . A commodity i s therefore, a mysterious thing, simply because i n i t , the s o c i a l character of men's labour appears to them as an objective character stamped upon the product of that labour; because the r e l a t i o n of the producers to the sum t o t a l of t h e i r own labour i s presented to them as a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n e x i s t i n g not between themselves, but between the products of - 7 -their labour* This i s the reason why the products of labour become commodities, social things whose qualities are at the same time perceptible and imperceptible by the sense* In the same way, the light from an object i s perceived by us not as the subjective excitation of our optic nerve, but as the objective form of something outside the eye i t s e l f . But, i n the act of seeing, there i s at a l l events an actual passage of light from one physical thing to another, from the external object to the eye. There i s a physical relation between physical things. But i t i s different with commodities. There, the existence of things qua commodities and the value relation between the products of labour which stamps them as commodities, have absolutely no connection with their physical properties and with the material relations arising therefrom. There i s a definite social relation between men, that assumes, i n their eyes, the fantastic form of a relation between things. (Marx, 1976) Commodities become such only within a particular social organ-ization. They are not completed as commodities outside of the relation between production and market exchange. They come into being only at that moment of exchange. Before continuing with the constitution of social facts, i t i s necessary to c l a r i f y how particular terms are used and have been used i n this thesis. Terms such as social organization, social relations, socially organized practices a l l refer to a particular method of social production. They do not, as i s commonly the case, refer to static contexts or configurations into which individuals are inserted. Rather, they are a c t i v i t i e s which are carried out, are performed by persons. They refer to a c t i v i t i e s which produce, socially, what i s observable as objective features of our society. In the present work, the term "social organization", or "socially organized" i s used to Identify a realm of organized practical a c t i v i t i e s i n which social phenomena come into being with the appearance of objective features of the social world; i t identifies an "ontological" status of social phenomena. That i s , these terms identify a domain i n which 'objects' come into existence by being assembled, organized as - 8 -phenomena, s o c i a l l y * They ' e x i s t 1 as s o c i a l phenomena only i n the a c t i v i t i e s of people i n which these forms are produced as appearances. They are fundamentally a s o c i a l construction and have no other existence than t h e i r ongoing, s o c i a l accomplishment. (Jackson, 1977:4) Smith, using her understanding of Mead's view of s o c i a l acts as they are accomplished and organized by the s o c i a l form, provides an example which explicates the s o c i a l l y organized pract i c e s which cons t i t u t e a natural object. ... i t seems to me that what Mead was homing i n on, i n the notion of symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n , was something l i k e t h i s way of viewing how a table or how objects of t h i s kind are constituted i n a s o c i a l act or i n a set of s o c i a l acts which both organizes and are organized by the s o c i a l form which emerges i n t h i s process. (Smith, 1976c) Smith's example of a table provides a way to see how i t i s that there i s a p a r t i c u l a r set of s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s which revolve around the use of a t a b l e . These practic e s are not s o l e l y determined by the natural object. Rather, i t i s possible to see i n how a c h i l d i s i n s t r u c t e d i n the use of a table, what the pra c t i c e s are which surround i t s use and which con s t i t u t e i t s s o c i a l form. That i s , that a c h i l d must learn how to do table i n what i s seen to be an appropriate manner; for example, not putting her feet on i t . Smith also points out that physical objects which are, for example, packing boxes i n one context, may act as a table i n another. By the use of p a r t i c u l a r 'dressings' such as a t a b l e c l o t h , a vase of flowers, a lamp, what was ' o r i g i n a l l y ' a backing box becomes acted towards, constituted as a t a b l e . (Smith, 1976a) In a s i m i l a r fashion, i t i s possible to see a g i f t as a s o c i a l l y constituted object which i s completed only i n a p a r t i c u l a r - 9 -exchange r e l a t i o n between persons. That i s , that while a box of candy or a b o t t l e of wine may be only boxes or bo t t l e s of p a r t i c u l a r edibles, i f those are given as g i f t s t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r construction as g i f t s occurs only i n the giv i n g of the object as a g i f t . A g i f t i s only a g i f t when i t i s given to one person by another and only comes i n t o existence at that moment. The above examples show how a s o c i a l act may appear as an object, as an o b j e c t i f i e d 'thing*. In the same way, i t i s possible to see how ' f a c t s ' are constituted as the objective features of the observed world. That i s , that i n the same way as i t i s possible to see a g i f t as an object and to disattend to the s o c i a l l y organized c o n s t i t u t i o n of a g i f t , so i t i s possible to see the 'fa c t ' of immigrant groups, ethnic groups, ethnic and immigrant di f f e r e n c e as an observable and objective ' f a c t ' of so c i e t y . To see them as •f a c t s ' , as s o c i a l ' f a c t s ' , i s to difiattend to the s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s which constitute ethnic d i f f e r e n c e as a f a c t . Smith re-writes the quote from Marx above, as a way of showing how the construction of ' f a c t ' mediates the r e l a t i o n s among persons i n the same way that Marx saw commodities as mediating the r e l a t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s . We might indeed rewrite parts of h i s account to do some work for li s . He says: 'A commodity i s therefore a mysterious thing simply because i n i t the s o c i a l character of men's labour appears to them as an objective character stamped on the product of that labour.' (Marx, C a p i t a l , undated) Rewrite that s u b s t i t u t i n g ' f a c t ' for 'commodity' and making other appropriate changes and we get: 'a fact i s a mysterious thing simply because i n i t the s o c i a l character of men's consciousness appears to them as an objective character stamped on the product of the consciousness'. (Indeed l a t e r i n the same paragraph Marx draws a l i k e analogy with r e l i g i o n , ) The o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of labour i n the commodity i s brought about as r e l a t i o n s of exchange. Relations between i n d i v i d u a l s come to appear as r e l a t i o n s between commodities. S i m i l a r l y we can think of r e l a t i o n s between s u b j e c t i v i t i e s appearing as f a c t s and as r e l a t i o n s among f a c t s . (Smith, 1973) Thus that immigrants, members of ethnic groups appear to us as d i f f e r e n t i s a fact which i s a v a i l a b l e for everyone to see. That t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s produced through the a c t i v i t i e s of s o c i e t y 1 members i s not v i s i b l e . The appearance i s that these people are d i f f e r e n t because they come from somewhere e l s e . That i s , dif f e r e n c e as s o c i a l l y constituted phenomenon i s not nec e s s a r i l y v i s i b l e as such. Rather, i t i s v i s i b l e as an objective f a c t . Descriptive Accounts Which Constitute S o c i a l Facts I want to return now to the two modes of l o c a t i o n but now as a method of seeing d e s c r i p t i v e accounts as c o n s t i t u t i v e of s o c i a l f a c t . Here, I w i l l be pri m a r i l y concerned with Smith's l a t e r work on d e s c r i p t i o n . Thus, the same set of terms may be located i n two modes of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n . Terms, such as wages, or p r o f i t , a r i s e on the one hand as part of how those x r r e l a t i o n s are p r a c t i c e d . And on the other, are located i n the second set of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s where the work of the i d e o l o g i s t , the work of the p o l i t i c a l economist, the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i s done. The language, which i s a part of the objects of study and how that object becomes known within a discourse, i s incorpor-ated i n t o the discourse and organized by i t s s o c i a l and t e c h n i c a l r e l a t i o n . . . . I t i s a r e l a t i o n at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of a pr o f e s s i o n a l discourse, or bureau-cracy, or a s i m i l a r organizational form i n a l i v e d world which the coding or the d e s c r i p t i v e procedure must make o b j e c t i v e l y a v a i l a b l e to the discourse or administrative process. (Smith, 1978) - 1 1 -Smith and Jackson, (Smith, 1977; Jackson, 1977) explore the r e l a t i o n between the methods of doing d e s c r i p t i o n used by the s c i e n t i s t s and the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which the o r i g i n a l pehnomena a r i s e s . They describe the d i f f e r e n t kinds of t a l k that occured within the s e t t i n g of the newsroom they were i n v e s t i g a t i n g . Jackson locates three d i f f e r e n t kinds of t a l k . F i r s t , the t a l k that i s done by people i n the course of doing the a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r work. Second, t a l k which i s done by competent members for persons who are not accomplished members of the s e t t i n g ; d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k . Smith notes t h i s kind of t a l k as incorporating minimally two d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . One, that the s o c i o l o g i s t i s f i n d i n g out from a competent member of the s e t t i n g what i s i s that i s going on i n the s e t t i n g . And two, that t h i s kind of t a l k incorporates a d i f f e r e n t usage of terms than does the working t a l k . This d i f f e r e n t usage of terms appears to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of doing descriptions of a s e t t i n g . The t h i r d kind of t a l k i d e n t i f i e d by Jackson i s the t a l k done as a part of the s o c i o l o g i c a l discourse. While neither of these s o c i o l o g i s t s concentrated on the t h i r d l o c a t i o n of t a l k , as Smith points out, "We can begin to see ways i n which t a l k at the second l e v e l was instructed by the way that the t a l k was aimed at a s o c i o l o g i c a l discourse". (Smith, 1977) For the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , I also, w i l l not be concerned to explicate the r e l a t i o n between the second and t h i r d locations of t a l k . Rather, I w i l l be concerned to look at the second l o c a t i o n , the d e s c r i p t i o n s , as an a c t i v i t y which i n and of i t s e l f c o n s t itutes ethnic immigrant d i f f e r e n c e . I am concerned to explicate the r e l a t i o n between the descriptions done of immigrants' - 12 -l i v e s , and the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of immigrants as they a r i s e i n t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s . Smith points out some of the properties mentioned previously as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the second l e v e l of d e s c r i p t i o n . For terms i n a d e s c r i p t i v e account, we make use of a referencing method of meaning. They are taken to intend something out there; object or a c t i o n . This r e f e r e n t i a l procedure for meaning words i s not the only way which words can mean. In the language game of d e s c r i p t i o n , language i s used r e f e r e n t i a l l y . Referencing i s the key sense-making p r a c t i c e of the de s c r i p t i v e language game. The understanding, " t h i s i s a d e s c r i p t i o n " i n s t r u c t s the s o c i o l o g i s t , hearing her informant speak, to hear her as speaking of what i s out there. She takes what i s ref e r r e d to i n the de s c r i p t i o n as just that. In that construction, what i s ref e r r e d to i s the grounding of the descrip-t i o n . Referencing constitutes a r e l a t i o n between the descriptive discourse and what i t intends. Descriptions work by presupposing what they describe. They presuppose further, that the d e s c r i p t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y derived. (Smith, 1978) In t h i s t h e s i s , I am concerned with what Smith c a l l s a "double r e l a t i o n " . That i s , that the language of d e s c r i p t i o n which i s incorporated i n t o the sense-making p r a c t i c e s of the discourse operate quite d i f f e r e n t l y from the o r i g i n a l working r e l a t i o n s i n which the terms a r i s e and of which they are a part. In f a c t , that r e l a t i o n may be quite indeterminate and the system of categories may serve to organize what i t seems to name i n ways that do not conform to the s o c i a l formoof the everyday world that i t c o d i f i e s . (Smith, 1978) Therefore, i t i s the contention of t h i s work, that i t i s not possible to go d i r e c t l y from the descriptions of ethnic/immigrant groups as they appear to the a c t i v i t i e s they assume to reference. The descriptions must be explicated; returned to the a c t i v i t i e s , - 13 -the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which they are located and i n which they a r i s e * In the following chapters, I w i l l be concerned to explicate the r e l a t i o n between an a c t u a l i t y , the v i s i b i l i t y of ethnic/immigrant groups, and a p a r t i c u l a r set or system of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e that v i s i b i l i t y f o r a l l members of society* Chapter II i s an i n q u i r y i n t o the l i t e r a t u r e on ethnic phenomena* Four a r t i c l e s are discussed which are concerned with the two debates i n the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e * One debate i s the subjective or objective c r i t e r i a of i n c l u s i o n or exclusion of ethnic group members; i . e . ethnic i d e n t i t y or c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a and content. The other debate i s whether c l a s s status or ethnic status i s primary i n deter-mining the unequal status of various ethnic combinations. The chapter i s concerned with e x p l i c a t i n g the procedure by which the l i t e r a t u r e i s constructed to produce generalizable statements about ethnic groups i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . I t w i l l be demonstrated that a l l the t h e o r i s t s c i t e d proceed from an assumption of d i f f e r e n c e as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which i s a property of the ethnic group members. I t w i l l also be demonstrated that t h i s taken-for-granted d i f f e r e n c e i s a common-sense understanding of ethnic groups and.their members. This common-sense understanding i s an unexplicated resource for the t h e o r e t i c a l constructions of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d . Chapter I I I contains the method and analysis of the fleldwork. I begin with a discussion of the ethnographic procedures used i n gathering my data. These were observation, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i t i z e n s h i p classes and intensive interviews. This section docu-ments the method through which I entered the f i e l d . A discussion of my own conception of "community" i s included as an example of - H -the way i n which I enacted e t h n i c i t y with the members of the f i e l d . This i s followed by a very short h i s t o r i c a l summary of Portuguese immigration to Canada. The discussion then begins to explicate the terms 'immigrant' and 'community' which w i l l be shown to be names for p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l y organized practices which organize some persons as d i f f e r e n t from other persons. I t w i l l be demonstrated that these terms are part of the method which co n s t i t u t e s the objective e n t i t y , the s o c i a l f a c t of immigrant/ethnic groups and i n d i v i d u a l s . In t h i s section I am concerned with the process of i n t e r a c t i o n , the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which constitute some persons as d i f f e r e n t from others i n Vancouver. The process of i n t e r a c t i o n i s v i s i b l e i n the d e s c r i p t i o n done with and about Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. These descriptions a t t r i b u t e the d i f f i c u l t i e s and concerns of Immigrants to t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s , to t h e i r c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , or to the c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l background from which they have come. This method of de s c r i p t i o n disattends to the production of s o c i a l and c l a s s l o c a t i o n of Portuguese immigrants i n t h e i r everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n s i n Vancouver. The concluding remarks w i l l be a summary of the the s i s and w i l l Include some suggestions for further research l n the area of ethnic/ immigrant s o c i a l organization. - 15 -CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE * Introduction This section of the thesis i s an i n q u i r y i n t o the s o c i o l o g i c a l and anthropological l i t e r a t u r e onsethnic phenomena. I t i s concerned with showing how the production of knowledge about e t h n i c i t y proceeds within a t h e o r e t i c a l framework; within a discourse. The goal towards which t h i s thesis i s directed i s to show how ethnic d i f f e r e n c e i s constituted by the s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s of members of society i n Vancouver. In moving toward t h i s goal, i t i s necessary to show, f i r s t , how the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e i s put together. This i n q u i r y w i l l make v i s i b l e , i n c e r t a i n selected a r t i c l e s , the procedures by which s o c i o l o g i c a l and anthropological i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o ethnic phenomena are conducted. The a r t i c l e s selected for consideration are those which were the most often c i t e d as references i n the l i t e r a t u r e which I read i n preparation f o r t h i s t h e s i s . Also, they are t h e o r e t i c a l a r t i c l e s and as such purport to have a g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y which non-theoretical a r t i c l e s do not have. Another c r i t e r i a for the s e l e c t i o n of a r t i c l e s f o r review was that they i n some way represent the t h e o r e t i c a l debates within the area of ethnic and race r e l a t i o n s . The a r t i c l e s reviewed below share themes which are concerned with the debates on the primacy of ethnic status or c l a s s status and the determination of subjective or objective c r i t e r i a for membership i n an ethnic * My thanks to Dr.R.Fernandez for c r i t i c i s m s and suggestions for t h i s chapter. - 16 -group. A note of caution must be included at this point. These articles are primarily concerned with ethnic groups i n non-ca p i t a l i s t societies. I do not assume that a l l ethnic groups i n every society w i l l be organized, socially, i n the 6ame manner. Therefore, the inquiry i s not directed to the specifics of ethnic groups i n the literature. Rather, I am particularly concerned with the theoretical constructions which the authors cited develop. Theoretical constructions are the basis for generalizing to a l l ethnic groups the characteristics which are discovered to be somehow •typical* of ethnic organization. While there indeed may be parallels between ethnic groups and ethnic organization i n a a l l social organ-izations, that similarity i s not the focu6 of this thesis. In this section, I am concerned to look at how the literature i s put together; what assumptions must be made i n order to produce what are seen as the characteristics of ethnic groups. It i s this generalizability that I am concerned to discuss, not the particulars of the authors 1 research into certain ethnic groups i n other parts of the world. The inquiry which constitutes this section of the thesis concerns two debates within the literature. They are f i r s t , the determination of subjective or objective c r i t e r i a for the exclusion or inclusion of ethnic members. Second, I w i l l look at the debate surrounding class status and ethnic status as the determinant of visible inequalities i n society. This chapter begins with a summary of the procedures by which ethnic phenomena are investigated. I w i l l then go on to look at three theorists who proceed within the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode of analysis i n more de t a i l . Following this, I w i l l look at one • - 17 -a r t i c l e which attempts to investigate e t h n i c i t y from the t h e o r e t i c a l base of a Marxist analysis of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . This procedure of inquiry w i l l allow the l o c a t i o n of the phenomena of e t h n i c i t y and ethnic groups within a discourse. I t w i l l provide an analysis of how e t h n i c i t y i s accomplished i n the s o c i o l o g i c a l and anthropological l i t e r a t u r e . I . Summary of Procedures of Investigation The e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e r a i s e s two sets of t h e o r e t i c a l concerns. The f i r s t i s the debate which concerns whether object-i v e or subjective c r i t e r i a are the primary determinants for the generation and maintenance of ethnic boundaries and ethnic groups; the d e f i n i t i o n of what constitutes an ethnic group. The second revolves around whether c l a s s or e t h n i c i t y determines the v i s i b l e status i n e q u a l i t i e s which seem to adhere to most poly-ethnic or p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s . The counterposed terms, c l a s s or e t h n i c i t y and subjective or objective, operate at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of ethnic groups. E t h n i c i t y , as conceived by the t h e o r i s t s discussed below, consists of a group of i n d i v i d u a l s who are seen to, and conceive of themselves as being d i f f e r e n t from other groups of i n d i v i d u a l s . This di f f e r e n c e i s manifested i n dress, language, s o c i a l customs and moraes, etc. These v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s are the c u l t u r a l d l a c r i t i c a which are seen as a part of the ethnic community and as belonging to them as a group. In other words, the v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e i s a t t r i b u t e d to the group by others and by themselves. - 1 8 -This attribution of difference is where most ethnic theorists begin. The problem then becomes one of discovering how that visible cultural difference arises and is maintained. The theorists cited propose that the difference does not arise nor is i t maintained in isolation from other groups of individuals who surround the ethnic group in question. Rather, the difference i s a result of the interrelations of one group with another based on the activities of individuals as ethnic group members. It i s here that the issues arise of subjective or objective criteria of inclusion and exclusion in the ethnic group. The subjective factors are those which involve the self- and other- identification of an individual as an ethnic group member. This identification i s seen to result in a common culture. (Barth, 1969:11) The objective criteria are both the cultural diacritica as well as geographic and economic differentiation which make the ethnic group visible; for example, language, dress, competition for material resources, etc. In this case, the common culture produces the self- and other- identification. (Van Den Berghe, 1975; Despres, 1975) The question raised at this point is how the individuals in an ethnic group are related to another ethnic group or to the society that surrounds i t . It i s here that the question of status is raised. Status arises in the investigation of ethnicity because the researchers, in looking at the relationships between ethnic groups, are attempting to understand the differing positions of individuals in the status hierarchy. A common practice, when wanting to account for differences among individuals in a homogenous society, i s to look at the status diff-erentials. Status, then, describes the visible differences among - 19 -i n d i v i d u a l s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the method for a r r i v i n g at these status d i f f e r e n c e s i s to develop a set of c r i t e r i a which then allow you to a r r i v e at a status scale* for example, Blishen and Warner scales, (Warner, 1957) In the e t h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e , the debate then a r i s e s as to what c r i t e r i a one should use to e s t a b l i s h status. Theorists such as Robbins think that c l a s s i s the determining status; some, l i k e Barth, prefer e t h n i c i t y or ethnic membership as the primary deter-minant; some state that i t i s a combination of both factors which are responsible for one's status ranking (Despres; Van Den Berghe) In looking at the Japanese community i n Canada, for example, ethnic t h e o r i s t s using a s t r a t i f i c a t i o n model would f i r s t see that indeed there i s a phenomenon which can be c a l l e d and i s recognizeable as the Japanese community. Proceeding from t h i s r e c o g n i t i o n of a v i s i b l e e n t i t y , the t h e o r i s t s are then concerned to demonstrate which of the c r i t e r i a for i n c l u s i o n and exclusion operate so that the i n d i v i d u a l i s seen as and sees h e r s e l f as a Japanese-Canadian; as a member of the Japanese community. The question then becomes how i t i s that t h i s person who i s an i d e n t i f i e d member of the Japanese community, f i t s i n t o that community and as a member of that community, i n t o the Canadian s o c i e t y . Is i t the ethnic membership which determines entry and mobility i n the status hierarchy, or i s i t c l a s s s t r a t a l o c a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l which i s the primary factor? In terms of the overview presented above, I now want to look at four authors (Barth, 1969; Despres, 1975; Van Den Berghe, 1975; and Robbins, 1975). - 20 -I I . T h e o r e t i c a l Constructions of Ethnic Phenomena Barth Barth c r i t i c i z e s s o c i a l anthropologists for conceiving of ethnic groups as c u l t u r e bearing units who develop and maintain t h e i r culture through i s o l a t i o n from other groups. Rather, Barth sees the f a c t of a common culture as being a " . . . r e s u l t , rather than a primary and d e f i n i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of ethnic group organization." (1969:11) He provides a method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n for research i n t o ethnic groups and ethnic group i n t e r a c t i o n . Barch shows that ethnic i d e n t i t y i s a r e s u l t of ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n across ethnic boundaries. (1 ) ... we give primary emphasis to the fact that ethnic groups are categories of a s c r i p t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by the actors themselves, and thus have the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of organizing i n t e r a c t i o n between people. (2) ... rather than working through a typology of forms of ethnic groups and r e l a t i o n s , we attempt to explore the d i f f e r e n t processes that seem to be involved i n generating and maintaining ethnic groups. (3) ... to observe these processes we s h i f t the focus of i n v e s t i g a t i o n to ethnic boundaries and boundary maintenance. (Barth, 1969:10) This method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n produces two discoveries about the c o n s t i t u t i o n of ethnic groups and ethnic group i n t e r a c t i o n . F i r s t , i t i s c l e a r that boundaries p e r s i s t despite a flow of personnel across them. In other words, c a t e g o r i c a l ethnic d i s t i n c t i o n does not depend on an absence of mobility, contact and information, but do e n t a i l s o c i a l processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby d i s c r e t e categories are maintained despite changing p a r t i c i p a t i o n and membership i n the course of i n d i v i d u a l l i v e h i s t o r i e s . Secondly, one finds that s t a b l e , p e r s i s t i n g and often v i t a l l y important s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are maintained across such boundaries and are frequently based p r e c i s e l y on the dichotomized ethnic statuses.,, c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s can p e r s i s t despite i n t e r - e t h n i c contact and i n t e r -dependence. (1969:9-10) In terms of the overview presented previously, i t can be seen that Barth begins h i s method of i n v e s t i g a t i o n with an a t t r i b u t i o n of v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e ; the c a t e g o r i c a l ethnic d i s t i n c t i o n s . These are the property of the ethnic group member. He then goes on to demonstrate that these c a t e g o r i c a l ethnic d i s t i n c t i o n s do not a r i s e , nor are they maintained i n i s o l a t i o n . Rather, the ethnic groups depend, f o r t h e i r generation and maintenance, on ethnic group i n t e r a c t i o n . He sees the c r i t i c a l feature of ethnic organ-i z a t i o n as "••• the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s e l f - a s c r i p t i o n and a s c r i p t i o n by others" (1969:13)• This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c organizes the ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n which occurs and which can best be elucidated by focussing on the ethnic boundaries and boundary maintenance, ii I t i s t h i s " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s e l f - a s c r i p t i o h and a s c r i p t i o n by others" which i s categorized by t h e o r i s t s as the subjective c r i t e r i a for exclusion and i n c l u s i o n i n the ethnic group. That t h i s 'subjective* i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has frequently been misunderstood by other writers i s not our concern at the moment. At t h i s point, i t i s necessary to understand what i s meant by Barth as the s e l f and other a s c r i p t i v e aspects of ethnic i d e n t i t y , Barth sees ethnic groups as an "organizational type". By concentrating on what i s s o c i a l l y e f f e c t i v e , ethnic groups are seen as a form of s o c i a l organization,,.. To the extent that actors use ethnic i d e n t i t i e s to categorize themselves and others for purposes of i n t e r a c t i o n , they form ethnic groups i n t h i s organ-i z a t i o n a l sense, (1969:14) In other words, i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s , which i s - 22 organized by the actor&s i d e n t i t y as an ethnic group member, i s what determines that i n t e r a c t i o n as ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n . Because Barth and other ethnic t h e o r i s t s conceive of ethnic groups as not operating l n i s o l a t i o n from other ethnic groups and, having determined that there are subjective and/or objective c r i t e r i a for i n c l u s i o n and exclusion of members, the t h e o r i s t s must now turn to questions of v i s i b l e status d i f f e r e n c e s which seem to accrue to ethnic organisation. In other words, i s ethni-c i t y determinate of status or does c l a s s / s t r a t a l o c a t i o n determine status? For Barth, ethnic i d e n t i t y i s seen as organizing s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Therefore, ethnic i d e n t i t y also organizes s o c i a l s t a t u s . He i s concerned to show how ethnic status i n t e r a c t s with other possible statuses a v a i l a b l e to an i n d i v i d u a l i n a given s o c i e t y . When he looks at the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the ethnic group 1 member to the lar g e r society and/or to another ethnic group, he concludes that ethnic status i s superordinate to a l l other statuses. ... regarded (as) a status, ethnic i d e n t i t y i s super-ordinate to most other statuses, and defines the permissible c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of statuses, or s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s , which an i n d i v i d u a l with that i d e n t i t y may assume. In t h i s respect, ethnic i d e n t i t y i s s i m i -l a r to sex and rank, i n that i t constrains the incumbent i n a l l h i s a c t i v i t i e s , not only i n some defined s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s . One might also say that i t i s imperative, i n that i t cannot be disregarded and temporarily set aside by other d e f i n i t i o n s of the s i t u a t i o n . (1969:17) Therefore, as ethnic status i s superordinate, c l a s s / s t r a t a as status must be, at a l l times, subordinate to the ethnic status. Barth's c r i t e r i a f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g status i s then the ethnic membership of the i n d i v i d u a l and group i n question. - 2 3 -In order to demonstrate t h i s point more completely, Barth goes on to state that where a s t r a t i f i e d c l a s s system i s present, "nothing l i k e the s o c i a l organization of ethnic groups emerges". (1969:27) ... most systems of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n allow, or indeed e n t a i l , mobility based on evaluation by the scales that define the hierarchy.... Ethnic groups are not open to t h i s kind of penetration: the a s c r i p t i o n of ethnic i d e n t i t y i s based on other and more r e s t r i c t i v e c r i t e r i a . (1969:27) The d i s t i n c t i o n between the two forms of organization i s accomplished on the basis of (a) ethnic status r e s t i n g on c r i t e r i a or " o r i g i n and commitment" and (b) c l a s s / s t r a t a status being a r e s u l t of both tangible assets and the mobility possible as a r e s u l t of these assets. (1969:28) In other words, c l a s s status i s achieved and ethnic status i s ascribed. Thus, for Barth, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the ethnic group member to the l a r g e r society r e s u l t s from the ethnic status they are ascribed. The conception of c l a s s status i s subsumed under ethnic s t a t u s . One's c l a s s status i s determined by one's ethnic status. Barth's formulations as to the primacy of the subjective deter-minants of ethnic membership and the conception of ethnic status as superordinate to other status p o s s i b i l i t i e s forms one side of the debates noted i n the overview presented at the beginning of t h i s s e c t i o n . Despres and Van Den Berghe, while agreeing with c e r t a i n of Barth's conceptions of ethnic groups and ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n s , d i f f e r with him on the r e l a t i v e weight of subjective and objective f a c t o r s , as well as with h i s view of ethnic status as superordinate. - 2k -Despres Despres (1975)» follows the progression outlined at the beginning of t h i s s e c t i o n . That i s , ethnic groups and populations are a v i s i b l e phenomena i n poly-ethnic or p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s . This v i s i b i l i t y i s a r e s u l t of d i f f e r i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are a t t r i b u t e d to the group and i t s members. He begins h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n at the point of the a t t r i b u t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e . Despres sees the exercise for researchers i n v e s t i g a t i n g ethnic phenomena to be the deter-mination of the subjective and objective c r i t e r i a for i n c l u s i o n and exclusion of members which give r i s e to and maintain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c ethnic d i f f e r e n c e . As there are v i s i b l e status i n e q u a l i t i e s which seem to accrue to ethnic organization, he proposes that i t i s necessary to describe those status d i f f e r e n c e s . This w i l l enable the researcher to 'map' the determinants of status d i f f e r e n c e s r e v e a l i n g whether they are caused by ethnic status and/or c l a s s status. Despres summarizes the a r t i c l e s submitted to h i s book i n order to note the t h e o r e t i c a l concerns which a r i s e from the substantive f o c i on p a r t i c u l a r populations. He concludes that " p r e v a i l i n g conceptions of e t h n i c i t y are perhaps too ambiguous... to s i g n i f i -c antly advance the comparative study of ethnic phenomena beyond the work of Barth" (1975:194). He does note, however, that several authors have taken issue with the " s u b j e c t ! v i s t view of e t h n i c i t y " which i s a t t r i b u t e d to Barth's formulations (1975:192). At the same time, Despres concludes that "an e x c l u s i v e l y o b j e c t i v i s t or c u l t u r a l conceptionoof e t h n i c i t y i s equally unserviceable" (1975:191). - 25 -While taking issue with the s u b j e c t i v i s t view of e t h n i c i t y , none of the contributors to t h i s volume would disregard altogether the s i g n i f i c a n c e of subjective elements attaching to ethnic i d e n t i e s . Nevertheless, important conceptual and t h e o r e t i c a l problems remain obscured for lack of formal consid-e r a t i o n . (1975:192) Despres sees the subjective and objective c r i t e r i a as a r i s i n g from a multitude of f a c t o r s . These include, (a) h i s t o r i c a l adaptation and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n to d i f f e r i n g techno-environments; (b) the competition for d i f f e r i n g resource domains; and (c) the f u l l range of s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s possible i n poly-ethnic or p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s . Ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s are also maintained and indeed may be generated by the competition for resources. This, i n turn, gives r i s e to "... ethnic s t r a t e g i e s (which) may serve ei t h e r to i n s t i t u t e or maintain an order of i n e q u a l i t y i n respect to material resources" (1975:200). Therefore, not only do the material resources and the domination of resource domains give r i s e to ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s but so also do the s t r a t e g i e s , developed to maintain that access to resources, maintain the ethnic d i f f e r e n c e . Despres has now shown that the c r i t e r i a for i n c l u s i o n and exclusion of members are multi-dimensional. He has also shown that those very c r i t e r i a may i n s t i t u t e i n e q u a l i t i e s with reference to other ethnic groups. These i n e q u a l i t i e s include not only r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s which are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to ethnic member-ship. They also include status i n e q u a l i t i e s . ... e t h n i c i t y i s but one of several possible forms of status a s c r i p t i o n which may be contrasted to a l l forms of status achievement. (1975:194) I f e t h n i c i t y i s viewed as one form of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i -c a t i o n i t needs to be emphasized that s o c i a l c l a s s i s - 26 -quite another. Ethnic stratifications derive their structural features from categorical status ascriptions. By way of contrast, class stratifications are more evidently based upon status Identities which are achieved. (1975:195) These quotes indicate that Despres, and the authors he i s summarizing, differ from Barth in that they do not agree that ethnic status is superordinate to other possible statuses. Rather, they see ethnic status as contrasting primarily to class status. Despres is concerned to investigate the complex interactions of both statuses which produce the stratified poly-ethnic societies which are the focus of research. The interaction is seen as problematic. In conclusion, the papers that comprise this volume reveal a convergent line of development toward a comparative theory of ethnic phenomena. The conceptual framework that emerges suggests that these phenomena might best be understood from the point of view of stratification theory of perhaps more general theories of power. (1975:20if) Van Den Berghe This article falls within the stratification mode of description. As such, the conception of ethnic phenomena follows the progression outlined in the overview presented at the beginning of this section. Also, Van Den Berghe (1975) does not differ considerably from Despres in his work. Therefore, I will not detail his argument to the extent done for the work of Barth and Despres. However, he does include, as a major focus, the role language plays in the differentiation of ethnic groups and boundaries. This focus is the one which will be considered in the explication of his work on ethnicity. - 27 -Van Den Berghe places h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s within the context of p l u r a l s o c i e t i e s (1975:71)* P l u r a l s o c i e t i e s are defined by F u r n i v a l l (1944) as: ••• a poly-ethnic society integrated i n the market place, under the c o n t r o l of a state system dominated by one of the groups, but leaving large areas of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s and domestic sectors of a c t i v i t y , (quoted i n Barth, 1969*16) This d e f i n i t i o n allows Van Den Berghe to look at the areas of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y : the c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a , p a r t i c u l a r l y language* Ethnic groups are defined BOTH by the objective c u l t u r a l modalities of t h e i r behavior ( i n c l u d i n g most importantly l i n g u i s t i c behavior) and by t h e i r subjective views of themselves and each other* (1975:72) In applying t h i s d e f i n i t i o n to Peru, Van Den Berghe states that the s i t u a t i o n may best be understood by using the concepts of the "sociology of dependence". In thi6 way, not only are c l a s s i n e q u a l i t i e s revealed but also the ethnic hierarchy. This hierarchy can best be understood i n terms of the l i n g u i s t i c behavior of the groups. In Peru, "... the term cholo i s symptomatic of the indeterminate state of a f f a i r s " (1975:79)* *•• some s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have claimed, i n my view quite r i g h t l y that the term cholo does not correspond to any objective r e a l i t y at a l l , but rather that i t i s used up and down the s o c i a l scale as a term of dero-gation toward one's s o c i a l i n f e r i o r s . In other words, who i s cholo i s determined not by any objective c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a person may possess but by the s o c i a l distance between the person so designated and the one who does the name-calling. (1975:79) The above quote i l l u s t r a t e s the more subjective aspects of language and l i n g u i s t i c behavior. The objective parameters are - 28 -that Quechua and Spanish "as languages are i n a c l e a r hierarchy of prestige, power and wealth". (1975:82) I t should be noted that for Van Den Berghe, e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s are a n a l y t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , as they are for despres and for Barth. The a r t i c l e under consideration concludes that i n Peru there i s both a highly s t r a t i f i e d c l a s s system as well as highly s t r a t i f i e d ethnic parameters. The ethnic parameters, however, allow for considerable mobility upward which i s deter-mined by language f a c i l i t y as well as c l a s s considerations. As shown i n the a r t i c l e s c i t e d above, e t h n i c i t y i s conceived of as a v i s i b l e phenomenon which a r i s e s and i s maintained through varying subjective and objective c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and exclusion of i n d i v i d u a l s i n r e l a t i o n to ethnic groupings and i n t e r a c t i o n . Barth views the subjective c r i t e r i a as primary while Van Den Berghe and Despres propose that incorporation or not of i n d i v i d u a l s i s dependent on both subjective and objective f a c t o r s . Van Den Berghe states that language and l i n g u i s t i c behavior are c r u c i a l f o r any understanding of ethnic group composition. A l l the t h e o r i s t s mentioned agree that e t h n i c i t y i s a status. Barth states that ethnic status i s superordinate. Van Den Berghe and Despres argue that c a t e g o r i c a l a s c r i p t i o n s are highly r e l a t i v l s t i c and that c l a s s status cannot always be subordinate to ethnic status. The three t h e o r i s t s a l l agree that c l a s s organization and ethnic organization are a n a l y t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t . Class l o c a t i o n i s achieved whereas ethnic status i s ascribed. This d i s t i n c t i o n i s - 29 -possible because a l l t h e o r i s t s operate within the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode of d e s c r i p t i o n . We move now to a consideration of an a r t i c l e which attempts to investigate e t h n i c i t y from a t h e o r e t i c a l perspective which i s ostensibly opposed to the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode of de s c r i p t i o n presented above. Robbins (1975) proposes that using a c l a s s analysis as developed by Marx w i l l allow the surface features of society to be made v i s i b l e . The v i s i b l e feature with which he i s concerned i s the overt i n e q u a l i t y of ethnic groups. The p a r t i c u l a r area of concern i n t h i s a r t i c l e i s the debate i n the et h n i c i t y l i t e r a t u r e around c l a s s and e t h n i c i t y as determinants of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y i n soci e t y . Robbins Robbins' study was done inaa small Canadian community i n Labrador. Although he does not accomplish an adequate accounting of e t h n i c i t y , the study was chosen for discussion for two reasons. One, that i t was the only study encountered i n preparation for the thesis which attempted to look at e t h n i c i t y from the view of cla s s r e l a t i o n s ; from a Marxist perspective. Two, t h i s was also the only paper encountered which addressed p a r t i c u l a r l y the questions under i n v e s t i g a t i o n within the Canadian context. The Marxist method of inquiry and the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l mode of analysis and des c r i p t i o n are very d i f f e r e n t methods of proceeding. Therefore, i t i s necessary i n t h i s context to show where Robbins d i f f e r s i n hi s analysis and where he i s s i m i l a r to the t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above. In other words, does the method recommended by Robbins reveal the - 30 -manner through which ethnic difference is constituted as a visible phenomena in society? Robbins begins by criticizing the "traditional" approaches to ethnic phenomenon* He argues that the concept of class used by the stratification theorists does not "elucidate the basic structure of industrial society" (1975:286). Robbins agrees with Barth that the ethnic groups should be recognized on the common-sense level of self and other identification. ... the definition of ethnicity should... rest primarily on the identification of shared cultural norms which are realized in overt forms and which are self-consciously recognized by the "ethnic groups" and by other groups as well. In this way, we are directed by common-sense understandings of a particular community in describing and identifying ethnic groups, (1975:287) He i s quite clear that the definition of ethnicity is one which relies on a common-sense understanding. It is this common-sense understanding which attributes difference to the group as a property of the group. This understanding is also Robbins1 point of departure. The subjective and objective criteria for inclusion and exclusion of members, according to Robbins' respondents, are cultural patterns, language and the forms of social exclusion deriving from these (1975:294). Robbins states: As ethnicity, in a l l i t s definitions, refers to a cultural ideology, i t cannot suffice analytically. Ethnicity i s effectively a cultural or ideo-logical value, or a set of perceptions by a group about i t s e l f . (1975:287) - 31 -In t h i s way, Robbins relegates a l l aspects of ethnic a f f i l -i a t i o n , d ifference and c r i t e r i a for membership, which the t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above are concerned to describe, to the category of "personal p r e d i l e c t i o n and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n " ( 1 9 7 5 : 3 0 3 ) . Robbins' primary concern i s to demonstrate that the concept of c l a s s i s the only method for doing an analysis which "recognizes the importance of s o c i a l ideology and roots such ideologies i n the determinant structures of society; i n the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of production" (1975:287). By r e f e r r i n g back to the overview presented at the beginning of t h i s section on t h e o r e t i c a l approaches to ethnic phenomenon, i t i s possible to see that Robbins begins h i s discussion with a common-sense understanding of e t h n i c i t y which a t t r i b u t e s ethnic d i f f e r e n c e to the group. When looking at the c r i t e r i a f o r i n c l u s i o n and exclusion, he again uses a 'lay' formulation of these c r i t e r i a . These formulations are the same as the ones used by Barth, Despres and Van Den Berghe: that i s , that the c r i t e r i a are both s u b j e c t i v e l y and o b j e c t i v e l y determined; that t h i s i s a common-sense understanding of ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n ; that i t i s only possible to analyze the c u l t u r a l Ideology by an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the c l a s s r e l a t i o n s to the mode <Sf production. His i n v e s t i g a t i o n proceeds by an analysis of how c l a s s determines the 6 p l i t s v i s i b l e i n the community i n Labrador. Robbins sees c l a s s r e l a t i o n and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to economic production as determining c l a s s l o c a t i o n . The economic structure provides the framework within which c l a s s r e l a t i o n s operate. He sets out c r i t e r i a to draw out the c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . He states that a two-class mode of analysis would "place a base-- 32 -l i n e f o r ethnic research.,., (which would i l l u s t r a t e ) the productive base of any society and the s t r u c t u r a l constraints that i t may impose on that s o c i e t y " (1975:291). However, i n -l o c a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s within modern p o l i t i c a l economy, the two-c l a s s mode needs to be expanded to specify the intermediate p o s i t i o n s - v i s i b l e . Class would be determined by the following c r i t e r i a : (1) the source, s i z e and type of income, the degree of job s e c u r i t y , the opportunity for mobility; and (2) the r o l e on the Job, the p o s i t i o n within the work s i t u a t i o n and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the organ-i z a t i o n process and administration of production, ( c f . Lockwood, 1958). I t might be noted that status remains outside our d e f i n i t i o n ; whether i t i s r e -f l e c t e d i n a c l a s s p o s i t i o n i s to be discovered, not assumed. (1975:291) The c r i t e r i a set out above are i n themselves concepts; i t i s Robbins 1 understanding of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . That i s , the a n a l y t i c a l t o o l c a l l e d c l a s s r e l a t i o n s can be elucidated by looking a t , f o r example, the r o l e on the job and job s e c u r i t y . By the use of t h i s conceptual framework, Robbins purports to show that peoples' p o s i t i o n i n the work place determines t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s outside the workplace. By placing the "baseline for ethnic research" i n the r e l a t i o n s of production and by using the concept of c l a s s as an a n a l y t i c a l t o o l , Robbins' ethnographic r e s u l t s show that: ... e t h n i c i t y does div i d e people i n Wabush p r i m a r i l y as a function of personal p r e d i l e c t i o n and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . E t h n i c i t y was recognized as a p o s i t i v e personal preference. Where i t becomes h o s t i l e and d i v i s i v e , i t was a function of deeperrrooted d i v i s i o n s such as c l a s s . Class also divides Wabush. However, i t does so s t r u c -- 33 -t u r a l l y and i s not simply a question of choice oz» t r a d i t i o n . Rather, i t functions as a part of the productive r e l a t i o n s of society; i t i s not a constraint whether desired or not. I t i s not simply a problem of cognition or ideology (1975:303). Again, r e f e r r i n g back to the overview presented at the beginning of t h i s s e ction, we can see that Robbins 1 work on c l a s s r e l a t i o n s i s such that he deviates from Barth, Despres and Van Den Berghe i n h i s considerations of accounting for status i n e q u a l i t i e s and i n mapping the status determinants of ethnic . and c l a s s s t a t u s . In contrast, he asserts that status i s not assumed i n h i s a n a l y t i c a l model, but rather, something that must be discovered (1975:291). Robbins sees e t h n i c i t y as being determined by c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . E t h n i c i t y i s collapsed i n t o c l a s s i n h i s conclusions that, (a) persons associate i n terms of t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the workplace; and (b) ethnic persons associate with other ethnic persons because of personal p r e d i l e c t i o n . I I I . The Relations Between Common-Sense and Theory In the preceeding section, i t was demonstrated that the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d assume that the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t r a i t s and c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a of ethnic group members i s a property of those members. The t h e o r i s t s do not inquire i n t o the way i n which t h i s assigning of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s done except as i t r e l a t e s to the membership status of p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s . In t h i s s e c t i o n , I want to make e x p l i c i t the ways i n which t h i s assigning of d i f f e r e n c e to the ethnic group members them-- 34 -selves i s a common-sense understanding used by a l l members of the society and which informs, i n a manner which i s not acknowledged, the t h e o r e t i c a l constructions mentioned i n the previous section* I t i s an e x p l i c a t i o n of the way i n which ethnic t h e o r i s t s and, as w i l l be demonstrated i n the chapter following, the s o c i a l s ervice workers concerned with Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver, use common-sense resources i n constructing the topic of t h e i r i n v e s t -i g a t i o n s , accounts, descriptions and explanations* I t i s the premise of t h i s s e ction, that the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above, (Barth, Despres, Van Den Berghe and Robbins) a l l do a d e s c r i p t i o n of ethnic groups and ethnic communities which a t t r i -butes ethnic difference to the members of the group or community* This d i f f e r e n c e i s a v i s i b l e phenomenon which i s a v a i l a b l e for a l l persons to see* I t must be r e i t e r a t e d that t h i s view of the ethnic group and of the experience of the members of the ethnic group i s not one which i s mis-informed* Rather, i t i s a d e s c r i p t i o n which r e l i e s on the 'surface features' of s o c i a l organization and does not attend to the ways i n which that d e s c r i p t i o n i s informed by a common-sense understanding of ethnic groups and i n d i v i d u a l s as v i s i b l e to a l l persons i n s o c i e t y . I t i s v i s i b l e i n the in q u i r y i n t o the work of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above that the term ethnic i s one which builds i n d i f f e r e n c e . That i s , a f f i l i a t i o n and/or i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with one ethnic group i s only possible i f there i s another ethnic group of which one i s not a member. Barth, Despres, Robbins and Van Den Berghe a l l begin t h e i r various i n v e s t i g a t i o n s from t h i s point of d i f f e r e n c e . That they begin here does not provide for an i n v e s t -i g a t i o n i n t o how that difference i s constituted or enacted i n the - 35 -p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of members of society, or i n the accomplish-ment of e t h n i c i t y i n the l i t e r a t u r e i t s e l f . I t w i l l l a t e r be made apparent, through the analysis of a Conference on Mu l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , the way i n which the.professionals a r t i c u l a t e d to s o c i a l service agencies which are involved with immigrant members of soc i e t y , come to understand the phenomena of e t h n i c i t y i n much the same way as the t h e o r i s t s do. The manner i n which t h i s understanding permeates and constitutes the ethnic community, as I encountered i t i n the f i e l d , w i l l be discussed i n the following chapter. In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s ection, I am only concerned with the t h e o r i s t s discussed i n the sec t i o n proceeding. Ethnomethodology and Common-Sense Understandings In order to look at the ways i n which common-sense under-standing of ethnic groups informs the t h e o r e t i c a l constructions of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above, I w i l l use a p a r t i c u l a r aspect of ethnomethodological a n a l y s i s . That i s , that I am con-cerned only with the ways i n which common-sense understandings inform t h e o r e t i c a l reasoning. I am not concerned with ethno-methodology i n i t s e n t i r e t y , but rather with a p a r t i c u l a r aspect which i s one of the bases of the method of analysis outlined i n the Introduction to t h i s t h e s i s : that of p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and reasoning as a method of making v i s i b l e the accomplishment of an a c t i v i t y . Ethnomethodology i s concerned with the operations of p r a c t i c a l reasoning. P r a c t i c a l reasoning i s considered to be a r a t i o n a l procedure by which members make v i s i b l e and observable the accomplishment of the a c t i v i t i e s i n which they are c o l l e c t i v e l y - 36 -engaged, and i t is the methods by which the activity is constituted as observable* (Garfinkel, 1967) Turner provides us.with an under-standing of the origin and destination of inquiries into the organ-ization of practical reasoning within the ethnomethodological frame* That there is an observable 'real world' i s its point of origin; i t s destination is a characterization of the work members do to sustain a social order in which there are 'suicides', 'ethnic groups', 'clear matters of fact', and the rest of the furniture of everyday l i f e * (Turner, 197^:11) The particular aspect of ethnomethodology with which I will be concerned is "... less a critique than an attempt to illuminate ways in which 'theory' and 'common-sense' mutually inform one another" (Turner, 1974:19)* Pollner and Zimmerman discuss the relation between theory and method as a "••• confounding of topic and resource"* For example, while the sociologist and the policeman may entertain very different theories of how a person comes to be a juvenile delinquent, and while each may appeal to disparate criteria and evidence for support of their respective versions, they have no trouble in agreeing that there are persons recognizable as juvenile delinquents and that there are structured ways in which these persons come to be juvenile delinquents* It is in this agreement as to the fundamental and ordered exist-ence of the phenomenon independent of its having been addressed by some method of inquiry - that professional and lay sonologists are mutually oriented to a common factual domain* (1970:81) They note that the topics which interest the lay Inquirer are those which also interest the sociologists; for example status and juvenile delinquency, and to which I would add ethnic and immigrant groups. Zimmerman & Pollner see that objections could be raised - 37 -which would revolve around questions of more or l e s s bias and r e l i a b i l i t y of observation. However, these objections: ••• leave unexplicated members' methods for analysing, f a c t - f i n d i n g , and so on, which produce for sociology i t s f i e l d of data. (1970:83) They recommend a method of proceeding which would treat as problematic "what i n lay and s o c i o l o g i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s a l i k e i s treated as a stable and unquestioned point of departure". (1970:103) In the l i t e r a t u r e on ethnic groups and ethnic r e l a t i o n s , what i s treated as a "stable and unquestioned point of departure" i s the s o c i a l f a c t of ethnic/immigrant groups and i n d i v i d u a l s . In other words, i t i s agreed both i n lay and s o c i o l o g i c a l discussions that there are recognizable e n t i t i e s c a l l e d immigrants, ethnic groups, etc. How t h i s phenomenon i s a v a i l a b l e for a l l members of society to see, theorize about and i n general recognize as such i s not made problematic i n the research of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d above. Turner's (1974) c o l l e c t i o n of readings includes a r t i c l e s subsumed under a section c a l l e d "Theorizing as P r a c t i c a l Reasoning". A l l the a r t i c l e s i n t h i s section discuss what i s described above as a confounding of topic and resource. These readings have i t i n common, then, that they propose theory's r e l a t i o n s to the s e t t i n g s about which i t theorizes as a topic for empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . (1974:19) For example, Po l l n e r analyzes the " S o c i o l o g i c a l and Common Sense Models of the Labeling Process". He c r i t i c i z e s Beckers (1963) construction of l a b e l i n g theory as confusing what Pollner - 38 -c a l l s "Model I and Model I I " conceptions of deviance. Model I i s the stance which sees: ••• deviance as a property somehow inhering i n the acts so designated, (while the Model II) l a b e l i n g t h e o r i s t i n v i t e s the analyst to conceive of deviance as a communal c r e a t i o n . (1974:27) He suggests that both the common-sense model (Model I ) , and the s o c i o l o g i c a l model (Model I I ) , are not only confused i n Becker's work, but are both used i n the community to categorize deviant acts. That i s , that some persons may not be g u i l t y of the deviant act of which they are accused. Becker's separation of the two models and the concommitant confusion df where one leaves o f f and the other begins does not allow for an understanding of both models as a r i s i n g , even i f i n a covert manner, within and through the community i t s e l f . (1974:39) In terms of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d i n the preceeding section, i t i s possible to see the equivalent to the Model I, Model II confusion that Pollner discusses. That i s , that e t h n i c i t y and ethnic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are seen to be somehow inherent i n the persons so named as ethnic group members. While Barth, i n p a r t i c u l a r , wants to change the focus to the boundaries of ethnic groups i n order to see the generation and maintenance of ethnic groups, the communal c r e a t i o n which i s evident at the boundaries s t i l l takes for granted and incorporates i n t o i t s construction the inherent d i f f e r e n t i a l c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Another a r t i c l e i n Turner's book, draws our attention to an aspect of the unexplicated use of common-sense reasoning which informs t h e o r e t i c a l constructions. Sharrock s h i f t s our view to - 39 -an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of how " S o c i o l o g i s t s r o u t i n e l y treat the a c t i v i t i e s of society'8 members as being somehow rela t e d to one or another corpus of knowledge..." (1974:45) I t i s t h i s taken f o r granted a s s o c i a t i o n that he i s concerned to e x p l i c a t e . He states: To suppose that a connection can be made between a c o l l e c t i v i t y ' s corpus and i t s members' a c t i v i t i e s i s to presuppose that there i s already such a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the corpus of knowledge and the s o c i a l structure as w i l l permit the a s c r i p t i o n of the corpus to one or another c o l l e c t i v i t y . (1974:45) He proposes that t h i s a s c r i p t i o n of the corpus to one or another c o l l e c t i v i t y i s a routine and common-sense p r a c t i c e . This routine p r a c t i c e can be "... i d e n t i f i e d i n such a way that i t was given the same name as the c o l l e c t i v i t y " . This naming depends upon and i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s among the p a r t i e s involved. (1974:47) He concludes that: Once the corpus of knowledge has been given a name, then, that name i s used as a device-for-describing and cannot thus be construed as being l i t e r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e of the constituency within which the corpus has currency.... The idea that the name i s intended as l i t e r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e i s mistaken. The name i s never intended to describe the persons amongst whom the corpus has currency, but, instead, to s p e c i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p which seems analogous to that of ownership. (1974:49) Sharrock's a r t i c l e makes v i s i b l e f o r us, the routine p r a c t i c e s of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s reviewed, i n t h e i r discussions of c u l t u r e , c u l t u r a l d i a c r i t i c a , ethnic i d e n t i t y and ethnic s t r a t e g i e s . That i s , i t i s the pra c t i c e of the p a r t i c u l a r ethnic t h e o r i s t s to assume that there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the above terms and the a c t i v i t i e s which give r i s e to the terms. That there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not i n dispute. Rather, i t should be noted that - 40 -t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c o l l e c t i v i t y and i t s knowledge i s a common-sense practice which the anthropologists and s o c i o l o g i s t s c i t e d above do not make problematic. Their t h e o r e t i c a l constructions make the same assumptions i n terms of t h i s r e l a t i o n as do persons who are not t h e o r i s t s i n the formal sense of the word. Therefore, i t i s not possible for the t h e o r i s t s reviewed to make problematic ethnic d i f f e r e n c e as a property which i s "owned" by the members of the ethnic group. Moerman analyzes how e t h n i c i t y i s accomplished as an everyday p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y while concurrently c r i t i c i z i n g the knowledge of the ethnic group appropriated by anthropologists. He s t a t e s : I w i l l use data about the Tai-Lue i n order to describe anthropology as an enterprise that systematically confuses data with analysis and words with people. (197^:54) He proceeds by s t a t i n g that s o c i e t a l membership i s predicated on non-membership i n any.:other s o c i e t y . For our purposes, i t would be i l l u s t r a t i v e to substitute 'ethnic group' for the word 'society' i n the foregoing sentence. He argues that the dichotomies presented i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the c u l t u r a l area with which he i s concerned are f o l k - b e l i e f s held by the t r i b a l members of that area and are of ongoing concern to them. Folk b e l i e f s have honourable status but they are not the same i n t e l l e c t u a l object as a s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s . The t r i b a l - c i v i l i z e d , or h i l l - p l a i n s dichotomy i n South-East Asia i s not an analysis or explanation of behavior. I t i s a native notion, for us anthropologists to analyze and not merely repeat as i f i t were our own discovery. The dichotomy i s not an answer to the complexities of South-East Asian ethnology, but a problematic c u l t u r a l phenomenon for us to i n v e s t i g a t e . (1974:55) He shows, throughout the a r t i c l e , that topics of concern to the - 41 -Lue are the same topics which concern the anthropologist. For example^ topics such as c u l t u r a l change which impute ethnic o r i g i n s , and socio-economic classes are recognized by anthro-polo g i s t s and t r i b a l members and are seen as being of concern to the Lue as much as they are to the anthropologist. (1974:63) Moerman sees the c e n t r a l problem for the anthropologist as being how and why the members of any given t r i b a l or ethnic grouping can display, for themselves and others, t h e i r e s s e n t i a l e t h n i c i t y . (1974:57) While I agree with Moerman that i t would be i n s t r u c t i v e i f Barth, Despres, Robbins and Van Den Berghe took as t h e i r c e n t r a l problem how ethnic group members display membership, obviously, t h i s i s not what the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d intended. However, that does not negate the c r i t i c i s m that the supposedly t h e o r e t i c a l reasoning of the t h e o r i s t s does depend on unexplicated common-sense notions which are then appropriated by the anthropologists as the answer to the problems being explored i n the f i e l d . Common-Sense Understanding as an Ideo l o g i c a l Construction In taking s e r i o u s l y the c r i t i c i s m of the confusion of the common-sen6e and t h e o r e t i c a l constructions of the world, I now want to move back to the e a r l i e r discussion on Smith's recommendations for the analysis of s o c i a l f a c t s . I t was suggested that s o c i a l facts construct the r e l a t i o n s between people as a r e l a t i o n between things. The s o c i a l fact of ethnic/immigrant groups obscures the a c t i v i t i e s of people which c o n s t i t u t e the r e l a t i o n s as s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s * These s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s bring i n t o being the objective character of ethnic/immigrant groups. - 4 2 -Smith states: The world as we know i t and as we experience i t is already ideological* The social facts in terms of which we work, with varying degrees of sophistication,are constituted prior to our examination by processes of which we know l i t t l e . They are constituted already in a mode which separates them from the actualities and sub-jective presences of individuals. The ordinary forms in which the features of our society become observable to us as its features — mental illness, neighbors, crime, riots, leisure, work satisfaction, stress, motivation, etc., — these are already constructed, some as administrative products, others by our socio-logical predecessors. They are the coinage of our discipline. Our primary world as professionals is thus already an appearance. (1974:48) Smith is suggesting that the common-sense world, as we know i t , is already structured ideologically. That the ethnic theorists cited depend, in unexplicated ways, on the common-sense understandings of ethnicity i s what Smith would see as an ideological practice. That i s , the constructions of ethnicity done by the ethnic theorists above, are done in a mode which separates the actualities, the subjective presences from the social fact of ethnic/immigrant groups. In the following chapter, I am concerned to demonstrate the ways in which this separation i s done and then to go on and, through the details of the everyday lived relations of immigrant members of the Portuguese members of Vancouver society, show how particular persons are constituted as immigrant, as ethnic, as different from other members of society. CHAPTER THREE THE FIELDWORK Introduction This chapter comprises both the method through which the fieldwork was accomplished as well as the a n a l y s i s of the data which was gathered i n the f i e l d * A short immigration h i s t o r y i s also included which w i l l provide some background information* The s e c t i o n on research methods documents the procedures used i n doing the fieldwork; p a r t i c i p a n t observation and interviews. Problems which arose as a p r a c t i c a l matter i n the accomplishment of the fieldwork are reviewed, for example, the use of the term "community", language and t r a n s l a t i o n problems, note-taking, etc. This i s followed by the main body of the work, the analysis of the data. Terms such as 'immigrant' and 'community' are ex-p l i c a t e d to discover who and what i s named by those terms. I t i s demonstrated that these terms name s o c i a l l y organized practices which organize" some persons of Portuguese nation a l o r i g i n d i f f -erently than others. Through the analysis of a conference on m u l t i - c u l t u r a l i s m , i t w i l l be v i s i b l e that the information imparted during the conference i n s t r u c t e d and provided f o r the future p r a c t i c e s of the s o c i a l s ervice workers involved with Portuguese immigrants. The conference also constituted ethnic/immigrant phenomenon through the explanations and descriptions of various ethnic groups. The second se c t i o n of the fieldwork analysis explores the production and c o n s t i t u t i o n of the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. This s e c t i o n concentrates on the every-day l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants i n the family and i n the labour force. I t w i l l be v i s i b l e how the r e l a t i o n s between the family and the labour force produces a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s l o c a t i o n . I. Research Methods The fieldwork, on which t h i s thesis i s based, took place between August, 1977 and December, 1977. The fieldwork proceeded i n what can be seen as three stages: f i r s t , the presentation of the ' f a c t ' of a large settlement of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver and some introductions to them; second, teaching c i t i z e n -ship classes to two groups of landed immigrants who had applied for Canadian C i t i z e n s h i p ; t h i r d , ten i n t e n s i v e , or in-depth i n t e r -views with s o c i a l service workers involved with Portuguese immigrants, and with Portuguese immigrants themselves. P r i o r to my entry i n t o the f i e l d , I had done extensive reading of the l i t e r a t u r e on ethnic phenomena. When I began my fieldwork, I assumed that Portuguese people i n Vancouver formed a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l unit within the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . In other words, I used a common-sense notion of ethnic group as c o n s t i t u t i n g a community which was d i f f e r e n t from the society surrounding i t . This notion had arise n as a combination of my background assumptions about immigrants and t h e i r c u l t u r a l coherence, as well as through a discussion with a community worker who gave a d e s c r i p t i o n of the "Portuguese community" at a meeting I attended. - 45 -As I noted i n my Journal, t h i s meeting was planned as a r e s u l t of the concerns expressed by the community worker i n terms of the needs df the women of the Portuguese community. In the process of t a l k i n g about what the women i n the Portuguese community needed and how that could be helped along, the community worker gave some information about the community: co-operation i s a fact of l i f e i n the Portuguese community, i t i s necessary i n an immigrant community; there i s much gossip i n the community; the main concern of the women i s t h e i r health; a number of women are taking t r a n q u i l i z e r s , some up to eighteen p i l l s a day; many of the health problems are related,to s t r e s s , jobs and job i n j u r i e s ; men are showing up with symptoms of st r e s s ^ i l l i t e r a c y i s high i n the community, the women p a r t i c u l a r l y are i s o l a t e d by t h e i r lack of English and by the i l l i t e r a c y ; the community i s located mostly i n the East End of Vancouver but some Portuguese immigrants l i v e i n Burnaby and Richmond; most of the men work i n construction and most of the women work cleaning o f f i c e s . (Boulter, Journal, Aug. 19» 1977) I t must be noted that t h i s i s not a complete report of the meeting at which the d e s c r i p t i o n of the community was done. Rather, i t represents my notes which r e l a t e s p e c i f i c a l l y to the problems i n the community which was the topic of the meeting that day. It was on the basis of the meeting and the attendant d e s c r i p t i o n of the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver, that I contacted my key informant about doing my fieldwork i n what I understood to be the "Portuguese community". The fieldwork r e s t s on t h i s common-sense notion that there i s something c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" and that i t i s possible to go down there and speak to people i n i t . - 46 -As the fieldwork proceeded, i t became obvious that the "Portuguese community" as I had envisioned i t , did not, i n f a c t , e x i s t , although there were persons of s i m i l a r national and c u l t u r a l backgrounds. That i s , that for some people, p a r t i c u l a r l y the s o c i a l s ervice workers, there was such a community populated by people with whom they interacted i n t h e i r job routines. For my key informant, her job d e s c r i p t i o n i s that of a community worker a r t i c u l a t e d to the "Portuguese community" and responsible for f a c i l i t a t i n g access of persons i n the "community" to services , and resources they may need. For the s o c i a l s ervice workers, the term "community" was pri m a r i l y a d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the "community" constructed through t h e i r Job mandates. However, some persons of Portuguese nation a l o r i g i n did not consider that there was a "community" i n Vancouver. This d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among people of Portuguese o r i g i n i s discussed l a t e r i n the next section of the t h e s i s . However, I proceeded, during the f i r s t and second stage of my fieldwork with the assumption that there was a "Portuguese community" which, although I was not concerned to •map' i t , s t i l l existed and formed the frame for my i n t e r a c t i o n both with my key informant and within the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s . The second stage of the fieldwork was planned i n conjunction with my key informant. She had been planning a s e r i e s of s i x c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s , but needed someone to do the research and teach the c l a s s e s . I agreed to do t h i s as i t would give me access to some members of what I s t i l l perceived as the "Portuguese community" and also allow me to do some ser v i c e i n return for the information I was taking out f o r my t h e s i s . - 47 -The c i t i z e n s h i p classes were attended by members of the "community" who were landed immigrants. The length of residence varied from f i v e years to twenty years. In the two sets of clas s e s , daytime and evening, there were a t o t a l of sixteen persons. These classes consisted of two-hour meetings during which time I taught the information required to pass the c i t i z e n -ship examination. There were conversations c a r r i e d on i n a combination of Portuguese and Eng l i s h , both before and a f t e r the cl a s s e s . As I do not speak Portuguese, the community worker was present to transl a t e should any problems a r i s e for me or for the cl a s s members with regard to language comprehension. At t h i s stage of the fieldwork, I also attended what was c a l l e d the Seniors Group. This group met once a week for lunch and entertainment, shopping, bus t r i p s , etc. The programme i s held at Cedar Cottage Neighborhood House, as were the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s . The group consisted of twenty women, most of whom were sponsored dependents. Their ages ranged from 60 - 75 years o l d . Their length of stay i n Canada ranged from three years to twenty years. This group conversed only i n Portuguese. Very few of the women were able to speak E n g l i s h . The community worker translated some of the verbal interchange for me and gave me information on the l i f e s t y l e s of the women involved. I was responsible for helping to put together the lunch. Most of my time at t h i s group was spent observing the verbal and non-verbal i n t e r a c t i o n s as well as learning a few words of Portuguese. The second stage of the fieldwork introduced me to some of the Portuguese immigrants who l i v e d i n what I s t i l l persisted i n seeing as the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver. I t also allowed me to - kB -be involved i n some group conversations. I t was t h i s s e c t i o n of the fieldwork which allowed me to arrange intensive or in-depth interviews with some of the members of the "Portuguese community". The community worker gave me, at t h i s time, a l i s t of persons who she f e l t would be h e l p f u l i n my research. These were prim a r i l y s o c i a l s ervice workers who were involved with Portuguese immigrants i n one way or another. Interviews were arranged with those workers who were a v a i l a b l e . The t h i r d stage of the fieldwork consisted of ten in-depth interviews. I t was during t h i s part of the fieldwork that I began to r e a l i z e that the conception I had of a "Portuguese community" as a group e n t i t y sharing a common cul t u r e , language, customs and i n t e r e s t s began to become obviously i n c o r r e c t . During the f i r s t interview I did with two women of Portuguese o r i g i n , I asked about the people who l i v e d i n the community and was sharply t o l d that there was no community here (Nov. 8/77). A f t e r t h i s interview, I constructed an 'interview schedule 1 which was used to d i r e c t the interviews. Because the response to the question about who constituted the "Portuguese community" c a l l e d i n t o question the use of the term, I did not include any reference to the "Portuguese community1' i n the 'schedule'. I r e a l i z e d that the term "community" was used very loosely and meant d i f f e r e n t things to d i f f e r e n t people. As I was not concerned, i n my fieldwork, to 'map' the community but rather to invest i g a t e the experience of being a Portuguese immigrant i n Vancouver, I ceased to use the term. The conception of "community" i n the way that I had proceeded to use i t was d i s -organizing my data and i n t e r f e r i n g with the information I was concerned to i n v e s t i g a t e . - 49 -Of the ten persons interviewed i n the t h i r d stage of the fieldwork, f i v e were persons who had emigrated from Portugal; a construction worker, a community worker with the education system, and three women who worked i n the home. The r e s t of the interviews were conducted with persons who were not Portuguese immigrants but who were involved with Portuguese people i n t h e i r work. These s o c i a l service workers were not native-born Canadians but a l l spoke Portuguese. Three had emigrated from B r a z i l ; one from Belgium; and one from the United States. They did not see themselves as i n t e r a c t i n g with Portuguese immigrants except through t h e i r jobs. One was a s o c i a l worker; one a court t r a n s l a t o r ; one taught English as a Second Language; and two were community workers responsible for planning programmes and f a c i l i t a t i n g s o c i a l s ervice needs for Portuguese immigrants. The interviews were conducted informally, l a s t e d f o r anywhere from two to f i v e hours and were a l l conducted i n E n g l i s h . Some people's f a c i l i t y i n English was greater than others and a l l persons interviewed spoke Portuguese. Af t e r the f i r s t intensive interview, I constructed an ' i n t e r -view schedule' (see Appendix I ) . This was constructed out of the i n t e r a c t i o n I had had during the c i t i z e n s h i p classes and the Seniors Group as well as the hours of conversation I had with the community worker who was my primary informant. As noted previously, a 'schedule' was constructed a f t e r my f i r s t interview to more s p e c i f i c a l l y develop the areas with which I was concerned. The •schedule' was not adhered to s t r i c t l y . Bather, i t formed a,frame within which the conversation could take place. I had also con-structed a rather d i f f e r e n t schedule for my interviews with the - 50 -s o c i a l s ervice workers (see Appendix I ) * In only one case did t h i s separation of questions become a problem. In t h i s instance, the interview was with a woman who was new to her job as a home/ school l i a i s o n worker* In t h i s case, I s u c c e s s f u l l y used a com-bination of the two schedules* Fieldnotes The t r a n s c r i p t i o n of the fie l d n o t e s occured i n three ways* F i r s t , most of the fieldnotes were transcribed a f t e r leaving the se t t i n g * I wrote down everything I could remember about what had done on, what I had observed, what was s a i d , etc* This res u l t e d i n a r e c a p i t u l a t i o n of the t a l k that occurred i n the s e t t i n g , as well as my observations which were noted as such* When I could remember exac& wordings, I used inverted commas to i n d i c a t e t h i s * Second, during the intensive interviews, I made 'shorthand notes' at that time* After the f i r s t few interviews, I read back to the informant* the substance of what they had t o l d me which I had recorded i n note form* There were very few discrepancies that they noted and so I assumed that the notes were at l e a s t representative of the i n t e r a c t i o n which had taken place* I tran-scribed the interviews a f t e r I had l e f t the s e t t i n g , again i n a paraphrased form* I used inverted commas here also i n order to in d i c a t e phrases which I had taken down verbatim and to d i s t i n g u i s h these phrases from the paraphrasing I had done i n the t r a n s c r i p t i o n * My own observations of the i n t e r a c t i o n were made separately and l a t e r and were not read back to the informants at any time* Third, I attended a conference on " S o c i a l Work Practice i n - 51 -a M u l t i c u l t u r a l Society". I taped one of the discussion groups and transcribed the tape l a t e r . I also made notes on the keynote addresses and on the conversations which took place during the lunch-break. These were transcribed l a t e r i n paraphrase form. Research D i f f i c u l t i e s I encountered some problems i n my fieldwork. The major problem was that of language comprehension. As noted above, I did not speak Portuguese and some of my informants did not speak fluent E n g l i s h . Therefore, a t r a n s l a t o r was necessary i n some discussions whereas i n others, there was much hunting around f o r the word needed to express an idea or to t e l l about an experience. Sometimes, t h i s presented no problem but at other times i t caused considerable d i f f i c u l t y . In one case, a member of a family was t r a n s l a t i n g f o r another member and for mer and some of the questions were not t r a n s l a t e d . The family member who could speak E n g l i s h answered f o r the other member who could not. As I was p a r t i c u l a r l y i nterested to interview the family member who could not speak English, I found t h i s experience very f r u s t r a t i n g . However, as the family member who could speak English was more than w i l l i n g to be interviewed, to t e l l her story and express her opinions, I did not consider the interview unimportant; merely f r u s t r a t i n g . The second problem, which also revolves around the need to use tr a n s l a t o r s , was that the tr a n s l a t o r s were almost always s o c i a l s e rvice workers. The members interviewed were sometimes located d i f f e r e n t l y than the s o c i a l s ervice workers. This undoubtedly had an e f f e c t on the data c o l l e c t e d ; I could not assume that the - 52 -information which came through t r a n s l a t i o n was the same as the information would have been i f language b a r r i e r s had not been present. This problem, i n some sense, directed the focus of the ethnography. That i s , that i t was not possible for me to assume a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n between what was said and the experiences of Por-tuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. This led me to look at t a l k as yet another a c t i v i t y , along with the observations I had made, i n which the r e l a t i o n s of the members concerned became v i s i b l e . As mentioned above, I constructed an interview schedule which was not adhered to during every moment i n the discussions; i t provided a frame for me to insure that I didn't forget to ask about something I considered important. However, there was one question which I asked and which never f a i l e d to confuse the persons I was t a l k i n g to. The question had to do with how i t i s possible to know whether a person i s a member of Canadian s o c i e t y . I t was not u n t i l I l e f t the f i e l d that I r e a l i z e d that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r question had drawn nothing but blank looks. I then r e a l i z e d that t h i s was, i n some sense, a s o c i o l o g i c a l question and was not some-thing that persons of Portuguese nation a l o r i g i n thought about, talked about, or considered important. Although t h i s question was not answered i n the interviews, i n a p e c u l i a r way i t was re-assuring i n terms of the r e s t of the conversations, discussions and i n t e r -views. I t made i t c l e a r that, i n comparison, the r e s t of the questions I asked, the discussions of which I was a part were not unfamiliar, strange, or incomprehensible to the persons I was t a l k i n g to. F i n a l l y , the fi e l d n o t e s themselves reveal common-sense notions about a "Portuguese community" as well as notions about who and - 53 -what i t i s that Portuguese immigrants are and do. They are an enactment of e t h n i c i t y , i n and of themselves. This has i n some ways provided me with a d d i t i o n a l data. That i s , that I have used my own f i e l d n o t e s , my own experience i n the community as c o n s t i t u t i v e of the p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon which I am concerned to e x p l i c a t e . Therefore, i t must be noted that the descriptions produced and constructed are not the only descriptions p o s s i b l e . Rather i t i s the case that the following analysis of the fieldwork i s one possible d e s c r i p t i o n which r e f l e c t s what was t o l d to me by people of Portuguese national o r i g i n , by people who were involved with them but who were not themselves immigrants from Portugal, and by the enactment of e t h n i c i t y , or immigrant-ness, of di f f e r e n c e i n which a l l members of the f i e l d p a r t i c i p a t e d , myself included. I I . H i s t o r i c a l Background The Portuguese who immigrate to Canada do so from both main-land Portugal and from the Azores. Those from the northern and c e n t r a l mainland come from l a r g e l y r u r a l areas which, according to Anderson (1976) have a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of small business enter-p r i s e s . Immigrants from the Azores, who comprise the larg e s t Portuguese population i n Canada, are from r u r a l s e t t i n g s i n which ag r i c u l t u r e predominates, with a few landowners re n t i n g small parcels of land to members of l o c a l v i l l a g e s . The main contact with Canada over the past three centuries has been through the seasonal f i s h i n g of Portuguese f l e e t s on the Eastern seaboard and a c t u a l immigration during t h i s time proceeded slowly. Between 1950 and 1969» however, measures supported by - 54 -t h e governments i n b o t h L i s b o n and Ottawa encouraged a l a r g e r f l o w o f i m m i g r a n t s who d i s p e r s e d t o form c o m m u n i t i e s i n a l l p a r t s o f Canada. These government i n i t i a t i v e s i n f l u e n c e d changes i n t h e p a t t e r n s o f employment. Anderson s t a t e s t h a t f i s h i n g r i g h t s i n Canada were r e s t r i c t e d t o C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s and t h e r e f o r e , P o r t u g u e s e i m m i g r a n t s were e x c l u d e d from t h i s o c c u p a t i o n but were i n c r e a s i n g l y employed i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n v e n t u r e s . By 1961, i t was e v i d e n t t h a t t h e p a t t e r n o f i m m i g r a t i o n was c h a n g i n g from one i n w h i c h t h e i m m i g r a n t s were p r i m a r i l y men t o a f a m i l y c o n t a c t s i t u a t i o n . S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h e m a j o r i t y o f i m m i g r a n t s have been immediate f a m i l y members and r e l a t i v e s o f t h e men a l r e a d y h e r e . T h i s h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t i s summarized from a book by Anderson and H i g g s (1976) , which a l s o c o n t a i n s a d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e l a y o u t o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e community i n V a n c o u v e r . I t i s w o r t h n o t i n g t h a t t h e d e s c r i p t i o n i n t h i s book i e o n l y o f t h o s e i m m i g r a n t s who have been s u c c e s s f u l h e r e as b u s i n e s s m e n , c o n t r a c t o r s , and so on. I I I . D e s c r i p t i o n as a Method o f C o n s t i t u t i n g D i f f e r e n c e The S o c i a l l y O r g a n i z e d TJse o f t h e Term 'Immigrant' The term ' i m m i g r a n t ' i s one w h i c h h a s , m i n i m a l l y , two q u i t e d i s t i n c t ways o f meaning. The f i r s t i s t h e usage w h i c h o r i g i n a t e s w i t h t h e b u r e a u c r a t i c p r a c t i c e s o f t h e I m m i g r a t i o n Department o f t h e F e d e r a l Government. The second i s t h e way o f meaning w h i c h o c c u r s i n what we w i l l c a l l h e r e , 'common-sense usage'. I t w i l l be d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o assume t h a t t h e b u r e a u -c r a t i c way o f meaning r e f e r e n c e s t h e common-sense way o f meaning. - 55 -That i e , that i t i 6 not possible to go from the administrative categories to the s o c i a l construction of the term as i t i s used i n every-day a c t i v i t i e s . The Immigration Department usage i s one which i s applied to persons entering Canada from another country; persons whose c i t i z e n -ship i s that of another country. Under the o v e r a l l term 'immigrant' are subsumed such categories as 'sponsored dependent', 'nominated immigrant', 'landed immigrant', etc. These various categories i n d i c a t e the c r i t e r i a by which persons applying for entrance to Canada as residents are accepted and under what conditions; for example, f i n a n c i a l l y independent or not. These c r i t e r i a for entry are changing as of A p r i l 1, 1978. However, i t i s not nec-essary to determine the exact d e f i n i t i o n of each category for the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s . Rather, i t i s necessary to see that the term 'immigrant' i n t h i s context- i s a bureaucratic and admin-i s t r a t i v e procedure which i s a method of coding and ca t e g o r i z i n g persons who enter Canada as members of the labour f o r c e . This term denotes a l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n of 'immigrant' and i t s various sub-categories. The term, as i t a r i s e s i n the context of the practi c e s of the Immigration Department, i n a sense, provides for the common-sense usage which occurs i n s o c i e t y . That c e r t a i n persons i n society are c a l l e d 'immigrants' rather than, for example., 'strangers* or 'newcomers', r e s u l t s from the i n i t i a l naming which i s done at the government l e v e l . Also, because the term 'immigrant' i s a j u r a l one, i t i s also a means of working or operating a l e g a l and administrative process. Therefore, the l e g a l and administrative process provides for the p o s s i b i l i t y of enforcement of the - 56 -d e f i n i t i o n a l r u l e s of the bureaucratic categories. I t i s possible for persons to c a l l upon or make use of those enforceable r u l e s i n various kinds of ways and from various kinds of positions i n the world. The manner i n which t h i s can be done w i l l be v i s i b l e i n the section on sponsored immigrants. The second way of meaning of the term 'immigrant' occurs i n the 'commonssense'usage' of everyday a c t i v i t i e s . By that i s meant that the usage i s not one which i s applied to a l l immigrants at a l l times. Some persons are always immigrants and t h e i r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s one which begins from that a p p l i c a t i o n of the term. Others are only immigrants when they are i n contact with the Immigration Department; when they must present t h e i r landed status card to an o f f i c i a l agency; when they must f i l l out job a p p l i c a t i o n forms which ask for national o r i g i n or c i t i z e n s h i p , I want to show, through my own observations and through the interviews conducted i n the f i e l d , how the term immigrant i s one' which names a set of s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s . These practices organize c e r t a i n persons as 'immigrants' i n an ongoing everyday basis; as d i f f e r e n t from the lar g e r society, other ethnic or Immigrant groups, as well as from other persons of the same national o r i g i n , I w i l l use three i l l u s t r a t i o n s from my fieldwork which demonstrate t h i s process. The f i r s t example of t h i s process I wish to draw to your attention occured at the beginning of my fieldwork. I t w i l l demon-st r a t e the way i n which I, as a researcher, entered the f i e l d with the conception that the people I was meeting were d i f f e r e n t . This i n c i d e n t was one which happened during the f i r s t c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s I was to teach. - 57 -The f i r s t person to come i n t o the room i n which the c l a s s was to be held was a young man about 25 years o l d . E l i z a b e t h , the woman who had organized the c l a s s e s , talked to him i n Portuguese and l a t e r they switched to E n g l i s h . When t h i s person came i n t o the room, I remember looking at h i s face, h i s stature and clothes, l i s t e n i n g to him t a l k and n o t i c i n g that he was very 'shy*, almost deferent. He spoke English quite well but i t took a while for me to r e a l i z e t h i s because he spoke so q u i e t l y . He worked as a labourer i n construction. E l i z a b e t h did the things that people do to make others welcome and comfortable: saying h e l l o ; o f f e r i n g coffee; introducing h e r s e l f and me. I watched t h i s going on and wondered to myself how long he had been i n Canada; whether he spoke English; wondered i f he looked ' t y p i c a l l y Portuguese'. Before he came i n , I had known that the people coming that evening were a l l Portuguese; that they were e l i g i b l e for c i t i z e n s h i p ; that they had heard about the classes through a notice posted at the Church; that not a l l the people spoke English well, so E l i z a b e t h had to be there to t r a n s l a t e . In other words, they were already constructed for me as d i f f e r e n t from people who were born here; as people who would be studying for the c i t i z e n s h i p examination. (Boulter Journal, Sept. 29/77) As i s v i s i b l e above, I was expecting that the people who would be attending the c i t i z e n s h i p classes would be immigrants and there-fore would be d i f f e r e n t . I didn't know how that d i f f e r e n c e would be v i s i b l e but I expected that the d i f f e r e n c e would be observable i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , for example, i n t h e i r language, dress, and behavior. Therefore, I made rather extensive notes on that behavior. The young man's "deference", a b i l i t y to speak English, h i s employ-- 58 -ment, etc., a l l were instances of h i s e t h n i c i t y , h i s immigrantness, h i s d i f f e r e n c e . In order to continue making v i s i b l e how the construction i s done of some persons as immigrants whereas others of the same c u l t u r a l o r i g i n did not see themselves as such, I want to turn to an interview done with a woman who i s from Portugal and who has been working i n her home for the past ten years. She has recently begun a job which now places her i n a rather d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n to other persons who have emigrated from Portugal. Even though she h e r s e l f i s an immigrant, she speaks of "they" when l o c a t i n g the persons with whom she has to e s t a b l i s h contact through the mandate of her job. Her job i s as a t r a n s l a t o r / i n t e r p r e t e r between the home and the school. As such, she mediates the r e l a t i o n between the home and the school; between the teacher, school nurse, or counsellor and the parent who does not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c h i l d ' s education i n the way described i n the f i e l d n o t e below. That she stands i n the p a r t i c u l a r mediating r e l a t i o n between the home and the school organizes her i n t e r a c t i o n with other Portuguese immi-grants. I t becomes possible for her to t a l k about "them". Maria sees her job as i n c l u d i n g home v i s i t s . These v i s i t s would t e l l parents that they should p a r t i c i p a t e i n the programmes at the school. She says that the parents of the c h i l d r e n she knows about don't come to school for parent/teacher interviews and they don't help with t h e i r children's education. When there are a c t i v i t i e s at the school, such as shows and lunches, the parents won't l e t t h e i r c h i l d r e n attend. These a c t i v i t i e s and also the f i e l d t r i p s are not seen as valuable for the c h i l d r e n . I f they are not learning i n the c l a s s -room, then they should be home. This i s true for a l l the immigrant groups that Maria knows about and includes the experience of other members of her project who are t r a n s l a t o r s for the other ethnic groups represented i n the school. (Dec. 7/77) - 59 -I t becomes apparent from the f i e l d n o t e above that t h i s informant sees part of her job as i n s t r u c t i n g the parents i n ways of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the education of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . That she i s of Portuguese o r i g i n does not i n d i c a t e for her or for others that she i s an immigrant. Rather, for her, those people who are immigrants are the ones who do not become involved i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s education and who do not see the value of a c t i v i t i e s such as f i e l d t r i p s , shows, or school lunches. In order to demonstrate further, the ongoing c o n s t i t u t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r persons as immigrants, I want now to turn to a con-versation which occured at t h i s u n i v e r s i t y . This conversation was with a professor who has done work on ethnic groups and ethnic r e l a t i o n s . He i s not a Portuguese immigrant, but i s l e g a l l y a landed immigrant, that i s , according to the Immigration Department. Myself: I t seems to me that immigrants are those persons s" who are treated i n c e r t a i n ways. Not a l l persons who are immigrants i n the Immigration Department sense of the word, are treated as such. Prof.: Am I an immigrant? Myself: I have no id e a . Prof.: I am, but the only time that becomes something that I r e l a t e to i s when I have business with the Immigration Department. Otherwise, I never get treated as an immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t . That the professor does not " r e l a t e to" h i s immigrant status i n an ongoing everyday manner, indica t e s that the s o c i a l l y organized practic e s which constitute him as a professor do not attend to the same practice s which con s t i t u t e other immigrants as d i f f e r e n t . That h i s c u l t u r a l and national background i s d i f f e r e n t from the persons with whom he i n t e r a c t s i s not dependent on h i s status as - 60 -a landed immigrant. From the three instances described above, i t begins to be v i s i b l e that the term immigrant, as i t i s used i n a common-sense manner, names a set of s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s . These pr a c t i c e s organize p a r t i c u l a r persons as d i f f e r e n t from other persons, both i n the lar g e r society and with t h e i r own c u l t u r a l and national groupings. Not a l l persons who are immigrants i n the l e g a l sense of the word, are organized by those same sets of r e l a t i o n s . The l a b e l immigrant does not describe for us the everyday practi c e s of society's members which con s t i t u t e some persons as d i f f e r e n t from other persons. The question then becomes: what i s i t that does organize some immigrants as d i f f e r e n t and some as not? This question arose f o r me as a p r a c t i c a l problem i n the f i e l d . That i s , that i n my fieldwork, I asked people about t h e i r experience as Portuguese immigrants; I asked community workers what they knew about the people who l i v e d i n t h e i r area; I asked about people's jobs and home l i v e s . In our discussions, they described for me t h e i r l i v e s , jobs, what they knew about being a Portuguese immigrant i n Vancouver. In t h e i r descriptions they demonstrated the ways i n which the work i s done of c o n s t i t u t i n g some persons as immigrants and others as not. That i s , i t i s possible to show that i n the various descriptions of persons of Portuguese o r i g i n , c e r t a i n persons are said to be and treated as immigrants and others are not. The descriptions became v i s i b l e as one of the practice s which organize c e r t a i n persons as immigrants. - 61 -The S o c i a l l y Organized Use of the Term 'Community' The descriptions above i n d i c a t e , also, that the Portuguese ethnic group i s not a homogenous e n t i t y . That i s , that not a l l persons of Portuguese o r i g i n are located s o c i a l l y i n the same manner. However, from the outside, from my i n i t i a l l o c a t i o n as a researcher i n v e s t i g a t i n g the Portuguese immigrant experience, i t did indeed seem that the ethnic group was homogenous and that they formed what was loosel y c a l l e d "the Portuguese community". However, as my fieldwork proceeded, i t became apparent that the term "Portuguese community" was used pri m a r i l y by outsiders; by people who were not Portuguese immigrants. In other words, the term "Portuguese community" i s s i m i l a r i n i t s s i t u a t i o n a l usage and i n the organized practi c e s that i t names, to the term "immigrant". Two examples w i l l i l l u s t r a t e t h i s further. I d i d an interview with two women who were described to me as Portuguese immigrants by a s o c i a l service worker. However, these women, i n t h e i r dress, i n the geographical l o c a t i o n of t h e i r home, i n t h e i r church attendance were not the same as the Portu-guese immigrants that I had seen to date. These women do not l i v e i n the area of Vancouver which i s usually c a l l e d "the Portuguese community". Although they are Portuguese and are very proud of t h e i r n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , they are not involved i n a c t i v i t i e s which take place i n the Portuguese area of Vancouver, nor are t h e i r labour market r e l a t i o n s t i e d to the ethnic group with which they see them-selves as a part of. The husband of the daughter works i n a f a i r l y "responsible" p o s i t i o n i n a hotel i n downtown Vancouver. Because, at t h i s point i n my fieldwork, I assumed that there was something c a l l e d the "Portuguese community", I asked about the - 62 -community here; what i t was l i k e and whether i t was d i f f e r e n t from the Toronto community of which they had been a part for several years* The response was: The community here i s smaller and there i s no centre to i t * There aren't enough meetings and groups, no places to meet* The community i n Toronto was very c l o s e - k n i t but much larger* There were meeting places and places for the old people to go during the day* (She doesn't) think the men should be separated from the women i n t h e i r groups as they are here* Rather, a community center should be av a i l a b l e that had a place for the old people to congregate and for community meetings to be held. (Nov.8/77) This informant has some ideas about how to go about t h i s but f e e l s that i t i s necessary for any group that would be set up to have people running i t who are from the Mainland, the Azores, and Madiera* These are the s p l i t s which t h i s informant sees as v i s i b l e i n the Toronto community. (Boulter, Journal, Nov.8/77) As the interview proceeded, i t became c l e a r that these women do not consider that the Portuguese settlement here i s a community. One of the women did a de s c r i p t i o n f o r me of persons of Portuguese nationa l o r i g i n who l i v e i n Vancouver. (She f e e l s that) the Portuguese people here include a segment that are "low-class". These people don't know how to behave at meetings and at celebrations such as Portuguese Day. These people leave a mess, they t a l k during the speeches. A new person coming i n i s seen as a stranger and no-one t a l k s to them. (Nov.8/77) This family has very l i t t l e to do with other persons who have emigrated from Portugal. They do not go to the Portuguese church but rather to one which i s c l o s e r to t h e i r home. (Boulter, Journal, Nov. 8/77) I t can be seen that these people c a l l themselves Portuguese - 63 -and they consider themselves as part of the Portuguese settlement i n Vancouver* However, they do not consider the Portuguese people who l i v e i n Vancouver as being a community. , This d e s c r i p t i o n can be contrasted with one done by a woman who i s more involved with other persons who have emigrated from Portugal as well as with a c t i v i t i e s which take place i n the area of Vancouver which i s c a l l e d "the Portuguese community". She and her husband l i v e i n East Vancouver. The woman works i n the home, as do the women who did the previous d e s c r i p t i o n . Her husband works i n construction. The interview took place i n t h e i r home. I had met these persons through the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s . They had both been i n t h i s country f o r 18 years. (Boulter, Journal, Nov. 30/77) Several times during the interview, i t was stated that things here are d i f f e r e n t now: There are more Portuguese people here and so things are easier for the ones coming now. Easi e r , i n the sense that there i s family to help get jobs, to help with the v i s i t s to the doctor who doesn't speak Portuguese, to provide places to stay u n t i l a place of your own can be found. Also, there i s a community here now. The church i s the place that provides the centre to the community. English classes are held i n the basement of the church. The church helped to organize Portuguese Day. Also, there are r e a l estate agents who speak Portuguese, who are Portuguese. The t r a v e l agent i s Portuguese a l s o , (Nov.30/77) This family perceives that there i s a community c a l l e d the Portu-guese community i n Vancouver. They consider themselves to be a part of t h i s community. I t i s possible to see from the above instances that what i s c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" does not ex i s t f o r a l l members of so c i e t y . The Portuguese settlement here i s not an homogenous group. Although people may i d e n t i f y themselves as of Portuguese o r i g i n , - 64 -t h e i r r e l a t i o n to a perceived community appears to be organized by practic e s which are not only those of ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n . I t i s possible to see that not a l l persons who might be l e g a l l y categor-i z e d as immigrants of Portuguese national o r i g i n are organized i n t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n the same way. As a p r a c t i c a l matter, immigrant status i n Vancouver i s one which remains to be established i n the ways i n which one's l i f e i s organized i n r e l a t i o n to a perceived ethnic community and to the greater Vancouver s o c i e t y . Thus f a r , i t has been established that the term 'immigrant' and the term 'community' are p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s which describe the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of some persons of Portuguese nationa l o r i g i n and not others. The terms, used i n a common-sense manner, assume that there i s an homogenous community inhabited by persons who are c a l l e d immigrants. That there are some persons who are c a l l e d immigrants while others of the same l e g a l status are not so named in d i c a t e s that the organized p r a c t i c e s of members of society c o n s t i t u t e some members i n a way which i n d i c a t e s that they are d i f f e r e n t from other members of s o c i e t y . The feature of the des-c r i p t i o n s done i s the s o c i a l construction of immigrant and the s o c i a l construction of community which o b j e c t i f i e s - makes an objeot of -the r e l a t i o n s between persons such that they appear as r e l a t i o n s which are o b j e c t i v e l y v i s i b l e f o r a l l members of s o c i e t y . The descriptions themselves construct what i s named as an ethnic comm-unity which i s inhabited by immigrants. Referencing of C u l t u r a l O r i g i n Another important feature of the descriptions which people did for me i n the f i e l d , was the s o c i a l construction of difference as - 65 -a c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e relevant to one's immigrant status. C u l t u r a l difference was repeatedly established i n d e s c r i p t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l immigrants and of the perceived ethnic community. This was done through repeated references to Portugal as people's place of o r i g i n . References to Portugal provided a constant frame for people's questions, responses, accounts and d e s c r i p t i o n s . I t i s through t h i s referencing that d i f f e r e n c e i s established most c l e a r l y . That i s , that the referencing i s , i n i t s e l f , a method of c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e . I t i s necessary to understand that I am not suggesting that Portuguese immigrants do not bring with them d i f f e r e n t p r a c t i c e s which mark them as d i f f e r e n t . Nor am I saying that Portuguese persons do not have a culture which they practice here and which i s important to them. There may be many aspects of how they appear d i f f e r e n t which are, i n part, a feature which they bring with them; for example, r e l i g i o n , language, e t c . But t h i s d i f f e r e n c e also must be what a r i s e s i n the very process of i n t e r a c t i o n here i n Vancouver. I t i s t h i s process of i n t e r a c t i o n which constitutes t h e i r r e l a t i o n as d i f f e r e n t here that I am concerned to demonstrate. I t i s possible to see t h i s method of c o n s t i t u t i n g p a r t i c u l a r persons as d i f f e r e n t through the referencing of t h e i r country of o r i g i n , i n i t i a l l y , by looking at my own entry i n t o the f i e l d . The f i e l d n o t e s which follow are examples of how I entered i n t o a method of c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e which was done by a l l members of the f i e l d with whom I had contact. This construction as revealed i n the following i l l u s t r a t i o n s are a demonstration of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e which i s done h i s t o r i c a l l y , i . e . before my entry i n t o the f i e l d and as an ongoing process which continued a f t e r my l e a v i n g . - 66 -The explanations and descriptions of the Portuguese immigrant experience done at the time of my entry i n t o the f i e l d led me to understand that i t was not possible to understand l i v e s , the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants here without understanding the society from which they had come* This occured i n two ways. F i r s t , i n terms of my own assumptions of these people as d i f f e r e n t from the r e s t of Canadians with whom I was f a m i l i a r * Portuguese people, Portuguese immigrants knew about Portugal i n a way that I could not; they came from a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e . Second, t h i s construction of difference was v e r i f i e d by a d e s c r i p t i o n done of Portuguese immi-grants who l i v e d i n what was c a l l e d "the Portuguese community". Also, conversations which occured while I was negotiating for informants and access, re-occured throughout the fieldwork and re-affirmed t h i s construction. She described the community as one i n which "medieval p r a c t i c e s " were s t i l l common. The family are t r y i n g to "provide t h e i r daughters with the one thing they never had - education". (Sept.21/77) The l a s t f i v e f a m i l i e s he has seen have, for him, followed a "stereotyped pattern". They were from the Azores; they were poorly educated; they came from a tin y v i l l a g e . The Azores are cut o f f from the Mainland and the population i s conservative both s o c i a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y * They are a f r a i d of the spectre of communism which i s anti-God and anti-church. They have no access to u n i v e r s i t y or higher education; they don't see the day-to-day changes that are happ-ening on the Mainland and the changes that they see, as well as the customs that they see here, are considered blasphemy. (Dec.5/77) I t i s v i s i b l e above that the 'reasons' f o r the concerns and behaviors of the people with which the s o c i a l service workers have contact, i s t h e i r c u l t u r a l background. The Immigrants are seen to bring with them c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are a r e s u l t of t h e i r - 67 -l i v e s i n Portugal. However, whether or not t h i s i s the 'reason* for t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s here, the point I want to stress i s that t h i s method of d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s method of c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e as a r e s u l t of the c u l t u r a l background of the p a r t i c i p a n t s i s a construction which i s done i n a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n and at a par-t i c u l a r time and under a p a r t i c u l a r set of circumstances. That i s , that the notes above are descriptions and explanations done about Portuguese immigrants by persons who are not Portuguese immigrants. The d e s c r i p t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s these persons as d i f f e r e n t because of t h e i r background and does not attend to the s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which organize t h e i r l i v e s i n Vancouver. In order to demonstrate further what a c u l t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n does and what i t accomplishes, I want now to turn to a conference on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m liald at the School of S o c i a l Work, U.B.C. I want to discuss, i n some d e t a i l , government p o l i c y , the p a r t i c u l a r understanding of multiculturalism used by the Minister of State f o r M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , the structure of the conference and f i n a l l y , the presentations which explained the immigrant/ethnic Portuguese settlement i n Vancouver to the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the conference. The ensuing discussion i n the p a r t i c u l a r workshop I attended w i l l demon-st r a t e how the method of explanation as one of c u l t u r a l difference provided f o r future practices of the p a r t i c i p a n t s as s o c i a l service workers involved with Portuguese immigrants i n the Vancouver area. The conference on " S o c i a l Work Practice i n a M u l t i c u l t u r a l Society" was planned by the B.C. Association of S o c i a l Workers and funded by the Secretary of State, M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Programme. The workshop was attended by s o c i a l workers, community workers, public health nurses and had members of ethnic groups, who were usually - 68 -s o c i a l service workers, as discussion workshop leaders. The conference began with two "Keynote Speakers" addressing the topic of an overview of the challenges presented by a m u l t i -c u l t u r a l s ociety as well as a d i s c u s s i o n on the,implications fo r s o c i a l work which proceeded within the m u l t i - c u l t u r a l s o c i a l context. This was followed by workshops on various ethnic groups and communities i n Vancouver: Native Indian, East Indian, Greek, Chinese, Portuguese, I t a l i a n . The workshops were discussion groups led by resource persons of the ethnic background of the discussion group. The discussion format was repeated i n the afternoon with p a r t i c i p a n t s moving between sessions. At r e g i s t r a t i o n , a ' k i t ' was given to each r e g i s t r a n t . This • k i t ' contained the conference o u t l i n e ; pamphlets from the Immigration Reception Centre i n Vancouver, as well as from the M u l t i c u l t u r a l Society of B r i t i s h Columbia, and M.O.S.A.I.C. which described the services offered; a Royal Bank of Canada Monthly Letter on "A M u l t i c u l t u r a l Society"; press releases from the M i n i s t r y of M u l t i -c u l t u r a l i s m as well as copies of speeches given by the M i n i s t e r ; a l i s t of the Secretary of State's Regional and L o c a l O f f i c e s for the M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m programme; and f i n a l l y , two statements of p o l i c y positions held by the federal government. This l i s t i s to give some i n d i c a t i o n of what i t was that the committee responsible for the organization 6f the conference thought was both necessary and a v a i l -able for an understanding of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n t h i s country. Before going on to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the workshop I attended, I f i r s t want to i l l u s t r a t e from the M i n i s t e r of M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ' s speeches and the government p o l i c y statements how m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i s defined and explained. ( I t should be noted that the government - 69 -publications were a l l printed i n English, as was a l l the material provided i n the ' k i t ' . ) Government p o l i c y on multiculturalism or " c u l t u r a l and ethnic pluralism i n t h i s country and the status of our various cultures and languages,••" i s based on recommendations of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturaliem, Volume I V . T h i s p o l i c y i s one which attempts to provide f o r : A p o l i c y of multiculturalism with a b i l i n g u a l frame-work. •• as the most suitabl e means of assuring the c u l t u r a l freedom of Canadians. This p o l i c y i s based on an understanding of e t h n i c i t y or ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n which i s not dependent on country of o r i g i n but rather by the i n d i v i d u a l ' 6 "sense of belonging to the group and by... the group's " c o l l e c t i v e w i l l to e x i s t " . " (Prime Mini s t e r , Statement to the House of Commons, Oct. 8, 19?1) In 1977-1978, the Minister of State for M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m gave several speeches which demonstrated how he viewed government p o l i c y on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and h i s r o l e i n implementing that p o l i c y . Excerpts from these speeches also provide for us the working d e f i n -i t i o n o f.multiculturalism, as well as the conception of ethnic groups as s o c i a l e n t i t l e s . These excerpts w i l l also provide for us an understanding of the p o l i c i e s out of which the S o c i a l Work Pr a c t i c e Conference was formed. I t ' s extremely important that, i n terms of n a t i o n a l unity, the ethnocultural groups of our society do not get l o s t i n the s h u f f l e . With the emphasis on b i -lingualism, with the emphasis on French-English r e l a t i o n s , a l l too often those who cons t i t u t e over 30% of the population f e e l ignored. (Sept.29, 1977) - 70 -I believe that there's got to be a t h i r d l e g on that t r i p o d , (French and English being the other two)..., and we've got to ensure that a f a i r shake i s given to those from other backgrounds i n t h i s country.... The fact of the matter is , there's something more important than backgrounds and that i s competence and a b i l i t y to contribute to t h i s country.... We must not destroy t h e i r backgrounds, but must preserve them and take advantage from them. Now that i s c a l l e d the 'mosaic' approach. (Oct.8, 1977) In terms of my r o l e , aside from providing grants, i t i s to have a global impact on national p o l i c y . That means that one t h i r d of the people — and one could debate t h i s — are my immediate concern. One could say that the minister of mult i c u l t u r a l i s m r e a l l y should be as much concerned about the I r i s h and the Sco t t i s h and he i s . As far as I can make  out. everybody i s an ethnic. My immediate concerns  are addressed to those ethnocultural communities  which are of o r i g i n s other than English or French. (Hov.22, 1977, emphasis mine) I t i s v i s i b l e from the foregoing excerpts, both from the Prime Mi n i s t e r , and from the Minister of State for M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , that ethnic groups are defined by the s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s as belonging to an ethnic group. For government purposes, t h i s a f f i l i a t i o n does not depend on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s country of o r i g i n . I t i s also v i s i b l e that government support w i l l be a v a i l a b l e , to an unspecified extent, to those groups who are organized i n such a way as to apply for them. Also, government assistance w i l l be av a i l a b l e for r e - t r a i n i n g programmes, language t r a i n i n g and conferences which f a c i l i t a t e the i n t e r a c t i o n of ethnic m i n o r i t i e s . Before proceeding to look at who those conferences might be directed to, I want to take up the issue of how the Minister for Mu l t i c u l t u r a l i s m views the mandate of h i s p o r t f o l i o . F i r s t , he accepts the d e f i n i t i o n , provided by the Prime M i n i s t e r , of ethnic - 71 -groups as being those i n d i v i d u a l s who are s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i e d as such. This d e f i n i t i o n allows him to make the statement, "As far as I can make out, everybody i s an ethnic". However, he does not see as h i s concern the English and French c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c groups. Rather, he i s concerned with those "ethnocultural comm-u n i t i e s which are of o r i g i n s other than English or French. (Nov.22, 1977) That he would be concerned with a c e r t a i n segment of the society which i s ethnic; that i t would be an issue that they get a " f a i r shake" i n d i c a t e s that Indeed that i s not the case at the moment. I t i s h i s concern to remedy that Inequality; an i n e q u a l i t y which a r i s e s as a r e s u l t of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s ethnic status and which to a c e r t a i n extent i n t e r f e r e s with the c l a s s mobility which would be possible i n a society where a l l ethnic groups were treated equally. The resemblance to the t h e o r e t i c a l formulations of the ethnic t h e o r i s t s i s s t r i k i n g . That i s , that both the Minister and the t h e o r i s t s begin with an a t t r i b u t i o n of ethnic d i f f e r e n c e to persons by v i r t u e of membership i n c e r t a i n groups. They are then concerned to demonstrate whether subjective or objective c r i t e r i a determine i n c l u s i o n or exclusion i n terms of the group's members. The Mini s t e r , by accepting the d e f i n i t i o n of s e l f - and o t h e r - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , uses t h i s as the c r i t e r i a f o r membership. The t h e o r i s t s are concerned to discover whether ethnic status or c l a s s status i s paramount i n determining mobility within the s o c i a l system. The Minister con-side r s that the ethnic m i n o r i t i e s are not represented i n a way that allows for the assurance that ethnic status w i l l not determine c l a s s status. In other words, he sees ethnic status as being primary. I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n to go on documenting cases of t h e o r i z i n g - 72 -which proceed i n the same manner* Rather, the point i s that, f o r those who make government p o l i c y as well as f o r ethnic t h e o r i s t s , ethnic groups appear as homogenous groups i n a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n * In order to account for t h i s appearance, neither t h e o r i s t s nor p o l i t i c i a n s make problematic the production of d i f f e r e n c e as an everyday p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y . When t h i s occurs, the construction i s one which i n I t s e l f c o n s titutes ethnic d i f f e r e n c e as a property of the groups. I want to now explore the conference i t s e l f , the workshops, i n order to show f i r s t , that the conference was an event which accom-plished multiculturalism; and second, that t h i s accomplishment provided, f o r the s o c i a l service workers attending the conference, an understanding of ethnic group members as persons with a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e which gives r i s e to the problems and d i f f i c u l t i e s encoun-tered i n t h e i r work. As was noted above, the leaders of the discussion groups were representatives of the various ethnic groups, for example, East Indian, Greek, Native Indian, I t a l i a n , Chinese and Portuguese. The p a r t i c i p a n t s were s o c i a l workers, community workers, public health nurses and students i n the School of S o c i a l Work. The discussion leaders were also s o c i a l service workers. I did not attend a l l the workshops, only being interested i n the workshop on the Portu-guese community. Therefore, the following discussion r e l a t e s i n p a r t i c u l a r to that taped discussion group although my understanding, from conversations that I had during the lunch break, i s that other sessions proceeded i n a s i m i l a r fashion. As was noted i n reference to the ethnic t h e o r i s t s reviewed and the government p o l i c y developments, the construction of ethnic - 73 -groups as an homogenous e n t i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l s of which display p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , i s a method f o r c o n s t i t u t i n g ethnic d i f f e r e n c e . The conference with which we are concerned at the moment, i s an event which also constitutes ethnic difference* However, the difference i s addressed through the p a r t i c u l a r v e h i c l e of culture and c u l t u r a l difference* That i s , that the conference was c a l l e d a conference on m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . This t i t l e provided a d e f i n i t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n such that p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups and t h e i r c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s became the topic of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . This conference was relevant to s o c i a l service workers who i n the course of t h e i r employment, come i n t o contact with members of ethnic groups who are i n need of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . These workers expressed concerns which revolved around the kinds of problems they were encountering i n t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with ethnic group members. The s o c i a l service workers were looking for a way to understand what they encountered i n t h e i r job routines. That understanding was provided for them by an explanation of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . In other words, the conference provided a way of making sense of s i t u a t i o n s they were involved i n . This sense-making was consequen-t i a l for t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with the ethnic group members. I t provided the s o c i a l service workers with an explanation which accounted for the v i s i b l e phenomenon i n terms of c u l t u r a l or ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s . The workshop began with three presentations by s o c i a l service workers i n the Portuguese community. Two of the presenters were immigrants and one was the daughter of an immigrant family. Some » of the p a r t i c i p a n t s were immigrants and some were not. *The term immigrant, used above, Indicates the bureaucratic category provided by the Immigration Department. - 7k -The f i r s t presentation consisted of a d e s c r i p t i o n of family l i f e i n the Azores; male-female r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; child-parent r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; employment, etc. This d e s c r i p t i o n provided the background understanding which was seen by the presenters as necessary for an understanding of the Portuguese immigrant family l i f e i n Vancouver, Since the major group which comes here i s from the Azores and i s r u r a l , I thought I would present some idea of family l i f e l n the Azores, Described was the dominant male p o s i t i o n and the subservient female p o s i t i o n ; the early segregation between male and female c h i l d r e n ; the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of fondling between parents and c h i l d r e n ; the c h i l d r e n as the wealth of the family and the s a c r i f i c e s which w i l l be made for them; the r o l e of physical punishment as a "sacred duty"; and the family as a "closed, united f r o n t " . The second presentation described the experience of a community worker. She described, p r i m a r i l y , her job, which involved "trans-l a t i n g both language and culture for the schools and the s o c i a l workers"; helping the immigrants who came in t o the agency to f i l l out various forms, f o r example, Manpower and U.I.C.; accompanying immigrants on v i s i t s to the doctor, etc. The t h i r d presentation looked at when immigration from Portugal began; the contracts between the Canadian and Portuguese governments which provided the impetus for the immigration i n the 1950's; the "motivation" for immigration which was described as the population pressure i n Portugal as well as the Canadian government's need f o r workers on the r a i l r o a d s and on farms; the long-term motives of economic betterment; problems i n learning English; and the family - 75 -as the "nucleus of ethnic r e t e n t i o n " . It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that at a l l times, the Portuguese immigrants were discussed i n the t h i r d person, p l u r a l . That t h i s occured and that "they" were spoken of i n t h i s form of address by persons who were at one time immigrants or the c h i l d r e n of immigrants, r e f l e c t s the e a r l i e r discussion on the use of the term immigrant, the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which occurred during t h i s conference and which occurs for the presenters i n t h e i r work i n the community. The discussion which followed the presentations were a demon-s t r a t i o n of concerns and issues which arose for them i n t h e i r jobs. The discussion also i l l u s t r a t e s how the p a r t i c i p a n t s and the presenters worked together to make sense of those concerns and issues i n l i g h t of the presentations done during the session. P a r t i c i p a n t : When you say that c h i l d r e n are so valuable, I f i n d , i n several homes that I'm involved with, both Mother and Dad work and the ch i l d r e n are l e f t alone and are very young. And, you know, i f you get down to the basics of i t , that i s i l l e g a l . But i t i s being done. I t ' s > being done i n a l l f a m i l i e s . Would they do that at home i n Portugal? Presenter: You see, that's what I wanted to show you. I t breaks down i n our system here. Every-thing i s subordinate to making money. Pa r t i c i p a n t : Because i n Portugal a woman wouldn't be working? Presenter: No, except i f she r e a l l y had to but not i f she had c h i l d r e n she wouldn't be working. The c h i l d r e n would always be well looked a f t e r . P a r t i c i p a n t : There's another aspect to t h i s whole thing which i s that the Portuguese, as well as other ethnic groups, baby t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Where a f i v e year old Portuguese c h i l d coming i n t o kindergarten i s no where as mature as our own. They cry very e a s i l y ; the mother dresses them completely; the mother w i l l bring them to kindergarten, take o f f t h e i r boots, put on t h e i r shoes, t i e t h e i r shoes; things that other l i t t l e -ones have learned to do by the time they are f i v e . The c h i l d c r i e s a l o t from l o n e l i n e s s , or i f - 76 -corrected and is immature in terms of being socially immature* Presenter: It's so different in terms of cultural values* Emotions are discouraged in our white society* Once a child goes to school, he has to make a definite break from his family, other-wise he's a sissy* Also, the mother concentrates so much - she's very possessive* Especially i f the mother doesn't speak English, she is very insecure and lonely. The above fieldnotes do two things. One, they present a description of the conditions of family l i f e which has been of concern to the social service worker in her interaction with immigrant families. Two, they give an interesting description of emotional display in "white society" as a contrast. They make visible the constitution of the immigrant family as different. That these same conditions may be a part of the lives of persons who are not immigrants is not attended to. What is attended to is the explanation of the family situation as arising within a parti-cular culture as a result of the cultural background of the family members. For example, i t appears from the description that a l l immigrant/ethnic children are socially immature, whereas this is not the case for children who are raised in Canada by parents who are not immigrants and who were born in Canada. Also, i t seems that a l l Portuguese mothers are possessive, don't speak English, and are very insecure and lonely. Whether indeed this i s the case for a l l immigrant/ethnic families is never determined. Nor is the geographical and social location of the families part of the descrip-tion. The process identified above may be seen as, in part, an instance of typification. (Schutz, 1967) That persons treat other - 77 -persons, behaviors and events as t y p i c a l or routine i 6 i n i t s e l f a method. This method i s what constitutes persons, events, etc., as t y p i c a l . T y p i f i c a t i o n i s a s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e which i s observable i n the a c t i v i t i e s , i n the d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k which constitutes that event, behavior or person as t y p i c a l . The f i e l d -notes above demonstrate how t h i s t y p i f y i n g a c t i v i t y i s constituted i n d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k . I t i s a method of c o n s t i t u t i n g d i f f e r e n c e as c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e , as t y p i c a l of persons from a given c u l t u r e . This d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k a r i s e s and i s accomplished i n p a r t i c u l a r settings; i n t h i s case, a conference on multi c u l t u r a l i s m for s o c i a l service workers. Summary In the f i r s t part of t h i s chapter, i t was demonstrated how de s c r i p t i o n and d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k constitutes c e r t a i n persons i n Vancouver as d i f f e r e n t from other persons. The d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k locates some persons as immigrants whereas other persons, who are l e g a l l y immigrants, are not constituted as such. I t was shown that the d e s c r i p t i v e t a l k done was t a l k which referenced the country of o r i g i n , Portugal. This referencing constitutes and accomplishes p a r t i c u l a r persons as ethnic, as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t from other persons. Through the event of a conference on mul t i c u l t u r a l i s m , one of the methods through which Portuguese immigrants are constituted as d i f f e r e n t was v i s i b l e . I I * How Descriptions Obscure S o c i a l l y Organized Pr a c t i c e s The second se c t i o n of t h i s chapter explores the production and - 78 -constitution of the lived relations of immigrant members in the Portuguese area of Vancouver. The descriptions and explanations attribute the visible characteristics of immigrant members to the background from which the immigrant has come. It will be shown that this manner of explanation obscures the determinate organ-ization of the daily l i f e of Portuguese immigrants. This section concentrates on the everyday lived relations of the immigrant; in the family, and in the labour force. The activities are explicated from the descriptions done. In the detail of members' everyday lives, i t will be visible how the relations between the family and labour force produces a particular class location. Sponsored Immigrants The first group that I will be concerned with are those members who are called "sponsored immigrants". The individuals who comprise this group of persons are so designated by immigration procedures. They are persons taken to be unable to be self-supporting. Under immigration law, they are persons who are named "sponsored dependants'.'• Their status i s dependent on another person, a family member who i s a landed immigrant or a Canadian citizen, 'contracting' with the Immigration Department to be responsible for the financial care and support of the person entering the country under this status. These persons are primarily senior citizens, wives of immigrants and dependent children. Employment opportunities are severely restricted for this group of individuals for several reasons.> First, the age of the sponsored dependent (the senior members and dependent children), does not allow for employment opportunities. Second, the wives and mothers of dependent children usually have available - 79 -to them employment* where the wage i s r a r e l y over the minimum stated by law* Third, sponsored dependents are not e l i g i b l e for daycare subsidies* (Dept. of Human Resources, June 1/76) The members of the Immigration Department category, sponsored dependent, who I met and talked to, were pr i m a r i l y women i n t h e i r senior years, ranging i n age from s i x t y - f i v e to eighty years o l d . Although sponsored immigrants are, administratively, a category of persons who are not self - s u p p o r t i n g and includes seniors, dependent c h i l d r e n , wives of men i n the labour force, t h i s administrative l a b e l was not the primary usage of the term by Portuguese immigrants or by community workers. Rather, when sponsored immigrants were talked about, they were persons who were seniors, over s i x t y years of age. That i s , that while the referencing of the term sponsored immigrant was one which may have been provided by the Manpower and Immigration Department, among persons I talked to,, the term r e f e r r e d to a p a r t i c u l a r category of persons. In everyday usage, sponsored immigrant meant a person over s i x t y years old who l i v e d with t h e i r c h i l d r e n . During my fieldwork, i t became obvious that sponsored immigrants, as they are defined above, comprised a s u b s t a n t i a l number of part-i c i p a n t s i n "problems" erupting i n the f a m i l i e s of Portuguese immigrants which then came to the attention of the s o c i a l s ervice workers. In my f i r s t interview with my key informant, she t o l d me of a s i t u a t i o n i n v o l v i n g a sponsored immigrant; a senior woman l i v i n g with her grown c h i l d r e n . I asked i f t h i s kind of s i t u a t i o n happened very often; that f a m i l i e s who brought over sponsored immigrants *Employment w i l l be discussed i n another section of t h i s chapter. - 80 -developed c r i s e s which necessitated her involvement. She answered, "Yes, very often." (Sept.21/77) On the basis of t h i s conversation above, I then began to ask more questions, p a r t i c u l a r l y of the s o c i a l service workers, about the organization of the l i v e s of sponsored immigrants of Portuguese o r i g i n . In a l a t e r interview with a s o c i a l worker who i s assigned to cases which involve Portuguese f a m i l i e s , I asked i f he saw many people who were having problems with sponsored parents. He r e c i t e d a case which he saw as being t y p i c a l of problems which occur i n any family when one or more of the parents come to l i v e with t h e i r grown c h i l d r e n . (This s i t u a t i o n i s de t a i l e d on pageG84«) H e mentioned that he knew an East Indian family where the same kind of problenB e x i s t . (Dec. 5/77) That these "problems" a r i s e i n family s i t u a t i o n s which include a member who i s a sponsored immigrant means that s o c i a l service workers, community workers, i n describing the l i v e s of Portuguese immigrants to me, would do an account which would include an explanation of why the family with a sponsored immigrant parent would be susceptible to c r i s e s which necessitated the involvement of the s o c i a l service workers. (He said) that three i s a crowd; that grown c h i l d r e n are s t i l l always c h i l d r e n to t h e i r parents; that there i s d i f f i c u l t y with r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n when too many people are involved, one family member gets played o f f against the other. I t i s a " t y p i c a l in-law problem", or "there are two women i n the kitchen and that never works". (Dec.5/77) For the s o c i a l s ervice workers c i t e d above, one a s o c i a l worker and one an unpaid volunteer community worker, the explanation of sponsored immigrant 'problems 1 as a t y p i c a l l y "in-law problem", or as a problem i n changing status made sense of the s i t u a t i o n i n a way which a t t r i b u t e d to the immigrant the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the 'problem*• That i s , that the immigrant brings to Canada a set of c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s and t r a d i t i o n s , or the family i s one which contains persons who cannot get along with each other. Explanations of s i t u a t i o n s as c u l t u r a l l y or personally c o n f l i c t u a l , while indeed occuring, are seen as a r e s u l t of personality or c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s ' and do not s u f f i c e for the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s . That i s , that to ascribe the d i f f i c u l t i e s or 'problems' of sponsored immigrants to t h e i r c u l t u r a l background or to the family i n t e r a c t i o n does not reveal the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s which produce the members' s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver. C u l t u r a l and/or personal explanations and descriptions do not reveal the immigrant members' d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n to the larger s o c i e t y . In order to make v i s i b l e the l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of the sponsored immigrants, i t i s necessary to look i n more d e t a i l at the a c t i v i t i e s which comprise t h e i r everyday routines. These a c t i v i t i e s are drawn from descriptions done i n the f i e l d by s o c i a l service workers, by sponsored immigrants, by immigrants of Portuguese nationa l o r i g i n who have a sponsored immigrant i n t h e i r family or who know of fam i l i e s whic/Q include a member who i s c a l l e d a sponsored immigrant. These descriptions reveal the s o c i a l l y organized practic e s which const i t u t e some persons as sponsored immigrants. The d e s c r i p t i o n names a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which organizes and determines the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n to other members of the ethnic group and to the lar g e r society i n Vancouver. That i s , that when the term sponsored immigrants i s used i n a d e s c r i p t i o n i t means a p a r t i c u l a r group of persons of Portuguese national o r i g i n l i v i n g i n Vancouver; - 82 -i . e . senior immigrants who li v e with their adult children. It must be understood that not a l l persons who could be included i n this category are described i n this way. Rather, as wi l l be evident i n later sections of this chapter, what i s being named as sponsored immigrant 'problems' are descriptions of families who are organized i n a determinate fashion which produces their particular social location within the Portuguese area of Vancouver. In order to demonstrate the differences between families which produce some older persons as sponsored immigrants who are 'problems' for their families and for the social service workers involved with those families, whereas other older persons do not come to the attention of the workers or other immigrants of Portuguese origin, I want to use two examples from my fieldnotes. The f i r s t example i s from an Interview with a woman who i s a translator/interpreter between the home and the school. As noted earlier, i n a discussion of this interview, the woman's relation to other immigrants i s one i n which she mediates between the school and the parents who do not speak English well or who do not under-stand their expected participation i n their children's education. Her relation to other immigrants of Portuguese origin i s such that she speaks of these immigrants as "they". I asked her about how her family f e l t about her going out to work. She said that her mother i s here now and so i t i s possible for her to go out to work. The mother looks after the children. The mother lives with her and their relationship i s great as far as she i s concerned. (Dec. 7/77) - 83 -There i s no sense o f t h e problems t h a t happen w i t h t h e o l d e r p e o p l e t h a t I have h e a r d a b o u t . She s a y s t h a t "most P o r t u g u e s e l i k e t h e w i v e s t o go o u t and work because t h e y need t h e money". A l s o , i f she works t h e n t h e r e i s n o t a c o n f l i c t w i t h h e r mother o v e r who does what i n t h e house and who has s a y o v e r what a c t i v i t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . ( B o u l t e r , J o u r n a l , Bee.7/77) The f a m i l y above i s o r g a n i z e d d i f f e r e n t l y from t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o f a 'problem' f a m i l y w h i c h i s d e s c r i b e d b elow. The home/school worker and h e r mother a r e p a r t o f a f a m i l y w h i c h i s q u i t e s u c c e s s f u l i n V a n c o u v e r . The o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s i s s u c h t h a t t h e r e i s no c r i s i s , e i t h e r f i n a n c i a l o r e m o t i o n a l , w h i c h n e c e s s i t a t e s t h e i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s and w o r k e r s i n t h i s a r e a o f Vancouver. The second d e s c r i p t i o n i s o f a 'problem' f a m i l y . I t i s a d e s c r i p t i o n w h i c h j»as done f o r me a t the b e g i n n i n g o f my f i e l d w o r k and was r e f e r r e d t o l a t e r i n a n o t h e r i n t e r v i e w . (Dec. 5/77) The i n i t i a l d e s c r i p t i o n ( S e p t . 21/77) i s an example o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n s as s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s who a r e 'pr o b l e m s ' . I am c o n c e r n e d t o d e m o n s t r a t e how c u l t u r a l and p e r s o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n s a r e used by p e r s o n s d o i n g t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e d i f f i -c u l t i e s t h a t t h e y see o c c u r i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l i e s . T h i s method o f d e s c r i p t i o n i s one w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e s s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s as the s o u r c e o f t h e problems i n the f a m i l y . The d e s c r i p t i o n does n o t a t t e n d t o s i t u a t i o n s s u c h as t h e f i e l d n o t e above i n which t h e sp o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t i s n o t a 'problem'. T h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n r e s u l t s i n a k i n d o f l e v e l i n g i n which i t o c c u r s t h a t when t h e term s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s i s m e n t i o n e d , t h e r e s t o f t h e d e s c r i p t i o n o r c o n v e r s a t i o n r e v o l v e s around t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s t h a t s p o n s o r e d i m m i g r a n t s - Bk -cause i n fa m i l i e s * The couple have been here f o r a few years* The mother i s a sponsored immigrant who has been here two or three years. The family c o n s i s t s of the mother, the daughter and son-in-law and two female c h i l d r e n . I was t o l d that: The mother and the daughter don't l i k e each other very much* The daughter f e e l s caught between her husband and her mother. There are family f i g h t s and some physical violence. The mother i s "bad-tempered" as i s the daughter. The mother has had a l i f e of moving often and working as a domestic i n Portugal. The daughter was i n "orphanages", etc. and has had a " h o r r i b l e l i f e " . (Sept.21/7?) The story goes on but f i r s t , I want to note how i t i s possible to see the above fi e l d n o t e as an example of both a c u l t u r a l and a personal explanation. The daughter was i n "orphanages, etc." and has had a " h o r r i b l e l i f e " . The mother was a domestic and moved frequently. This happened i n Portugal. The p a r t i c u l a r background of these persons i s seen to be the 'reason' for the problems which they are facing now. In f a c t , t h i s was the explanation which was given to me. As the story proceeds, however, i t becomes possible to see the organized r e l a t i o n s which constitute the mother's status i n the family. I t also makes v i s i b l e the resources which can be c a l l e d on with greater or l e s s e r e f f i c a c y , to 'force' the family to conform to the r u l e s ; s o c i a l s ervice agencies, neighbors, the Immigration Department. The use of these resources are methods of working these systems to the advantage or disadvantage of i n d i v i d u a l members within the family. As I recorded i n my Journal: Because of the immigration laws, the mother i s dependent on the family f o r everything. There i s no way she can get welfare or any other kind of s o c i a l assistance. - 85 -The Immigration Department i s involved with this family, as i s the Vancouver Resources Board. They have both been asked for money to place the mother i n other accomodation. The community workers are involved i n trying to get the family calmed down and to find alternatives for them. Neighbouring families are involved. (Boulter, Journal, Sept. 21/77) The mother has gone to a neighbour and to the Seniors Qroup with complaints about the daughter's behavior and with tales about the situation becoming "ugly and violent". One of the neighbouring families i s involved to the extent that the man has gone to the community worker accusing her of taking sides. He has also gone to the Immigration Department to report the daughter and son-in-law as derelict i n their duty as sponsors and as family. (Sept. 21/77) The foregoing quote makes visible the social relations which are the original a c t i v i t i e s i n which the phenomenon of 'problem* families with sponsored parents arises; the dependency of the mother on the family, not only economically, but to a certain extent socially. The mother must li v e with the daughter and son-in-law. Any money that she needs must come from the family. If she cannot get along with the family, then she must go back to Portugal. It i s therefore these everyday a c t i v i t i e s which con-stitute the mother's status as a sponsored immigrant, as a 'problem'. It i s this set of circumstances, aggravated by the personal and cultural conflicts, which constitute the mother's relation to her family, to the social service agencies and to the larger society. Her original status assigned by the Immigration Department, her background i n Portugal, these facts do not provide for an under-standing of the location of sponsored immigrants or sponsored dependents as an everyday lived relation between people. The only way that social location and social organization can be understood - 86 -i s i n the d e t a i l of everyday experience, I want to show, through the three examples which follow, how i t i s that the status of sponsored immigrant as i t i e enacted i n p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l i e s brings i n t o play a set of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s which organize the sponsored immigrant i n a determinate fashion. These practi c e s determine the ways i n which sponsored immigrants p a r t i c i p a t e i n the economy and i n t h e i r family. Their r e l a t i o n to t h e i r family and to other immigrants i s one which i s constituted through t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and produces a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n i n the community. I t i s that l o c a t i o n which i s i d e n t i f i e d as sponsored immigrant. The f i r s t example i s a Journal entry which I made a f t e r the f i r s t in-depth interview I did i n the f i e l d . The interview took place i n the home of one of the women from the Seniors Group. The difference between the mothereat the Seniors Group and at home was amazing. At the group she was l i v e l y and outgoing. She got the other women inte r e s t e d i n what was going on. (She was the one who dressed so d i f f e r e n t l y from the other women and who pre-sented h e r s e l f to me as not d i f f e r e n t from other people I know who are her age.) At home she was l i k e a l i t t l e mouse. She sat on a low s t o o l and sa i d very l i t t l e . She made coffee and brought bought cookies to serve with i t . The daughter was a very dominating person and i t was very d i f f i c u l t , at times impossible, f o r me to get questions through to the mother. E i t h e r the daughter would answer without f i r s t t r a n s l a t i n g the question or she would only p a r t i a l l y t r a n s l a t e what I asked or what the mother r e p l i e d . (Boulter, Journal, Nov. 8/77) In t h i s f i r s t example, i t i s possible to see through the d i f f -- 87 -erences i n behavior of the mother, the r e l a t i o n s between people which make v i s i b l e t h e i r behavior as grounded i n the s o c i a l l y organized practices of which they are a part. In the s e t t i n g i n which she i s i n a leadership p o s i t i o n , the Seniors Group, she i s l i v e l y and outgoing. In her daughter's home, however, she i s dependent ofi the daughter's allowing her to stay; dependent on her for money, etc. I t i s only within t h i s context of the family r e l a t i o n s and the dependency of the mother on the daughter's family that her behavior was understandable to me. In another interview, t h i s time with a community worker involved with the Seniors Group, I asked about the l i v e s of senior immigrants; what they were l i k e and how they were put together. The worker r e p l i e d : Older people have no status i n the Vancouver community. In Portugal, the older people have status and authority but here they have none. They are dependent on the sons and daughters f o r t h e i r d a i l y l i v i n g . The a l t e r -native to that dependency i s deportation; being sent back to Portugal. That they are dependent and there-fore a burden on the "materially oriented family" here i s a problem. (Dec.6/77) The way i n which t h i s "dependency" operates with the only v i s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e being that of deportation i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r i n the next f i e l d n o t e . In t h i s interview, with my key informant, I asked where the women of the Seniors Group l i v e d and whether t h e i r l i v i n g arrangements were usually s a t i s f a c t o r y . My informant r e p l i e d that: Some of the senior women don't l i v e i n a place they can c a l l t h e i r own. While t h i s sometimes causes problems, sometimes i t a l l e v i a t e s p o t e n t i a l problems. When i t gets too tense at one house then they go to another. The senior women are usually sponsored and don't work outside the home. They l i v e at one or another of t h e i r children's houses and sometimes at 88 -both. One woman l i v e s at one son's house and eats lunch there and then goes to the other's for dinner and part of the evening. The sons l i v e within a block of each other. (Sept. 29/77) I t begins to be v i s i b l e that for some Portuguese immigrants who are c a l l e d sponsored immigrants, t h e i r l i v i n g arrangements are such that t h e i r continuance i n these arrangements i s dependent on the family i n t e r a c t i o n . The sponsored immigrant and the family of which they are a part must p a r t i c i p a t e i n a set of determinate pra c t i c e s l a i d down by the Immigration Department. These s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s mediate the r e l a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l to the family, to other ethnic group members and to the larger s o c i e t y . Any problems which occur are seen to be the problems which are occuring with an i n d i v i d u a l within a family. These problems are seen as personal i n o r i g i n , c u l t u r a l i n o r i g i n , or as problems which occur because the family cannot, or w i l l not, f u l f i l l i t s o b l i g a t i o n s . The problems enter and remain i n the home and within the family. They are seen to occur and be p o t e n t i a l l y resolvable only within that sphere. The d i f f i c u l t i e s may be made the object of support and counselling by s o c i a l s ervice workers, but cannot be a l l e v i a t e d through d i r e c t f i n a n c i a l support from public agencies. As one s o c i a l worker t o l d me: When problems l i k e that occur i n the home, sometimes they are referred to the s o c i a l service agencies for some kind of support. The s o c i a l agencies i n B.C. have no way of r e s o l v i n g the c r i s i s i n terms of money. They can only do coun s e l l i n g . The c r i s e s , i f they are not resolvable on a counselling basis, must be refe r r e d to the Immigration Department. (Dec.7/77) As I noted i n my Journal following the interview from which the note above i s drawn; these problems seem to be ones which a l l immigrant groups are involved i n . However, i t i s most obvious - 89 -i n those groups or fa m i l i e s which f i l l the lower echelons of the labour force and therefore are the most strained f i n a n c i a l l y . (Boulter, Journal, Dec.7/77) In the foregoing examples and discussion on sponsored immigrants i n the Portuguese settlement i n Vancouver, i t i s c l e a r that the a c t i v i t i e s and the l i v i n g arrangements a v a i l a b l e to the dependent senior are such that the determinate organization of t h e i r l i v e s i n Vancouver contributes s u b s t a n t i a l l y to the 'problems 1 occuring i n f a m i l i e s . These 'problems' are often treated as personal i n nature and as o r i g i n a t i n g i n the backgrounds of i n d i v i d u a l immigrants. The accounting which located the 'cause' as personal or c u l t u r a l obscures the determinate organization of d a i l y l i f e i n Vancouver i n which these 'problems' a r i s e . This view of the 'problems' i s part of what organizes them as unsolvable. That i s , they are seen as a r i s i n g i n people's backgrounds rather than i n the present, and the solutions which are av a i l a b l e depend upon the r e l a t i o n s of oblig a t i o n s within the family out of which the problems have a r i s e n . Rural or Urban Background I want to discuss an outstanding example of t h i s method of accounting for s o c i a l problems, or other v i s i b l e features of people's l i v e s , as r e s u l t i n g from t h e i r background i n Portugal. The des c r i p t i o n s are a p a r t i c u l a r method of c o n s t i t u t i n g ethnic d i f f e r e n c e . In attending to the v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s among Portu-guese immigrants as r e s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l background i n Portugal, i t i s then not v i s i b l e how t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s con-s t i t u t e d i n Vancouver. There i s a d i s t i n c t i o n made among the Portuguese immigrants i n - 90 -Vancouver which describes some persons as r u r a l and others as urban. That i s , that some immigrants come from r u r a l areas of Portugal and some come from urban areas. This d i s t i n c t i o n was spoken about and was v i s i b l e j p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Seniors Group, i n the manner of dress. I want to stres s that I do not see the rural/urban d i s t i n c t i o n s or the manner of dress of the senior women as only being constructed here. Rather, I am concerned to demonstrate that the i n t e r a c t i o n i n Vancouver which produces p a r t i c u l a r persons as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t , i s a feature of the s o c i a l organization here. I t does not occur i n Portugal although the descriptions that are done a t t r i b u t e c a u s a l i t y to the immigrant's background. The f i r s t example of t h i s v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e among Portuguese immigrants occured for me at the f i r s t Seniors group I attended. When I ar r i v e d , I was introduced to a group member who was already there. She was a woman of about seventy years, dressed i n a grey s u i t - d r e s s , black shoes, her h a i r pulled back i n a • f r e n c h - r o l l ' . She looked very t i d y and neat. I was r e l i e v e d that she wasn't dressed a l l l n black, with a scarce over her head. To me, she looked 'normal' and that was comforting. Then other women arriv e d and greeted each other with much 'teasing' and 'joking'. Several said "Bom d i a " to me and a f t e r a s l i g h t i n i t i a l s u r p r i s e , I responded with the same. Six women were dressed a l l i n black; shoes, stockings, s k i r t s , shawl and headscarfs. The women were a l l dressed i n darker colours i f they were not wearing black. Their ages seemed to be s i x t y - f i v e to eighty years o l d . (Boulter, Journal, Sept. 23/77) The senior women present, for a l l members of society, a v i s u a l d i s p l a y through which they appear d i f f e r e n t . This r e l a t i o n - 91 -of d i fference occurs between members of society who dress that way and members of society who see that manner of dress as unusual, d i f f e r e n t , as a display of 'immigrantness'. I t i s not that that d i f f e r e n c e i s a property of the person's manner of dress but rather only a r i s e s i n the r e l a t i o n of v i s u a l i n t e r a c t i o n . That black i s the 'normal' mode of dress i n Portugal, f o r older women, and that i t i s not the 'normal' mode of dress for older women i n Vancouver, constitutes women dressed i n black as ethnic, as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t i n the Vancouver s e t t i n g . I t produces a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n , a p a r t i c u l a r set of r e l a t i o n s i n Vancouver. The spoken-about d i s t i n c t i o n between r u r a l and urban Portuguese immigrants was of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to the members of the Portu-guese community that I interviewed. I t was also relevant for me, as i t appeared to explain the differ e n c e s that I saw. For example, during an interview with two women who are not very involved with other immigrants of Portuguese o r i g i n , they were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned to demonstrate that they were not the same as other Portuguese immigrants whom I might have met. I had asked about the women i n the Seniors Group i n which one of the women being interviewed was involved. As one of the women described the group to me, i t became c l e a r that there was a d i s t i n c t i o n being made between two types of Portuguese immigrant. (It seems that) most, i f not a l l of the women i n the Seniors Group, except for E l i z a , are r u r a l women. They are i l l i t e r a t e , most of them, and don't go out because they are a f r a i d of getting l o s t . They are not "town-wise" and so have never learned to get around i n a c i t y . (Nov.8/77) Part of the conversation was a d e s c r i p t i o n and s t o r i e s of Portuguese people from the r u r a l areas who were r e a l l y Ignorant of c i t y l i f e , - 92 -and who did not know how to get around. This was contrasted to the persons being interviewed who, because of t h e i r urban background, because they were "town-wise", did not have these problems. (Boulter, Journal, Nov.8/77) I t i s possible to see the ch a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the persons from a r u r a l background as backward. This a t t r i b u t i o n of character-i s t i c s to persons from a p a r t i c u l a r background, i n t h i s case from r u r a l or urban backgrounds, as a set of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that they bring with them and which 'cause 1 the problems they encounter i n Canada, i s c e r t a i n l y very r e a l . However, what i s not attended to i n t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s the way i n which the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered here are produced here. This d e s c r i p t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r persons as r u r a l or urban persons constitute for a l l members of society, some persons as d i f f e r e n t because of t h e i r background rather than also because of the s e t t i n g i n t o which they must move. Shortly a f t e r the above-noted interview, I asked my key i n f o r -mant about the diff e r e n c e between a p a r t i c u l a r woman at home and at the Seniors Group. I mentioned that I thought that some of the difference v i s i b l e between her and the re s t of the group members was perhaps a c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e . Also, that the woman's daughter seemed to the the other women i n the Seniors Group as r u r a l , there-fore i l l i t e r a t e , therefore lower c l a s s , but not nece s s a r i l y " i l l -bred". I asked i f the c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e was indeed occuring and whether I was correct i n how I had portrayed the commonly held view of the r u r a l women. My informant said that indeed there was a c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e and that the r u r a l women were at times denigrated i n the community. (Boulter, Journal, Nov.15/7?) That r u r a l women are denigrated i n the community i s a r e s u l t - 9 3 -of an a t t r i b u t i o n of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which equates r u r a l with i l l i t e r a c y and ignorance of urban l i f e . However, i t i s important to note that while these women may be from r u r a l areas i n Portugal, they do not l i v e i n r u r a l areas i n Canada. These women, who were spoken about as r u r a l women, now are urban women. That they are not ' s k i l l e d ' urban women i s what organizes t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the Vancouver s e t t i n g . These urban s k i l l s , or lack of them, cons t i t u t e t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e i n Vancouver; t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the Vancouver s e t t i n g . Urban women are described d i f f e r e n t l y than the r u r a l women. Persons with whom I spoke, who were from urban areas, were concerned to demonstrate t h e i r •urban-ness'. This display was done i n t a l k , i n dress, and was v i s i b l e through the verbal contrasting of urban to r u r a l . In one of the f i r s t in-depth interviews, I asked the women how they had learned to get around i n the c i t y they had come to. She responded that: ... when she had f i r s t come to Canada, she learned how to get around by going out with her daughters; by writing the place she wanted to go on a piece of paper and showing i t to the bus d r i v e r ; by using the b i t of English that she knew to get around. She said that because she came from an urban area i n Portugal, getting around Tor-onto when she f i r s t came here was not as d i f f i c u l t for her as i t would have been for someone from a r u r a l area i n Portugal. ( N o v . 8 / 7 7 ) I t i s apparent that the above informant i s s k i l l e d i n the manner of getting around a new urban centre. She also had help with developing her s k i l l s through her family who had been here for some years previously. Again, the verbal d e s c r i p t i o n of s k i l l s i n getting around i s not i n some way adequate. There must also be a contrasting of the more d i f f i c u l t time which women from the r u r a l - 9k -areas would encounter. In a l a t e r interview, I asked another informant to describe for me how the immigrant women coming from Portugal learn to get around the c i t y here. She r e p l i e d with a d e s c r i p t i o n which i n -cluded a statement of the d i f f e r e n t d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by women from the r u r a l and urban areas of Portugal. The women who emigrate from the c i t i e s i n Portugal are more sophisticated and probably have more educ-ation than the v i l l a g e women. They learn English more quickly and are more f a m i l i a r with the kinds of work of the c i t y and of how the c i t y i s put to-gether. They experience l e s s of a shock than the r u r a l women when they come here because although i t 16 very d i f f e r e n t here, i t i s s t i l l a c i t y . (Dec. 7/77) Later i n the same interview, I asked how i t was that some of the Portuguese immigrant women worked outside the home and saw that as being "what women d i d " . Other immigrant women did not think that women should work outside the home. The informant r e p l i e d that: In the Azores, there i s no work outside the home for women. The men go out to work. In the mainland c i t i e s , where there i s a t e x t i l e factory, for example, the womensbegin working at the factory at an early age. Usually, as soon as they leave school. They work there u n t i l they get married. These women have been working before they get to Canada and, i f necessary, w i l l continue working when they get here. The d i f f e r e n t background i n Portugal, r u r a l or urban, and the organ-i z a t i o n of work i n Portugal which r e l a t e s to women working or not, to some extent, i s the deciding factor for whether the women work or not when they get here. (Dec.7/77) The previous three fieldnotes i l l u s t r a t e how urban f a m i l i a r i t y i n Portugal, urban s k i l l s , are seen to be necessary for getting around i n a new urban s e t t i n g ; how urban work experience i n Portugal i s h e l p f u l i n the Vancouver labour market; how t h i s previous - 95 -experience i s seen to be a determining factor i n the organization of women's l i v e s here. Whether t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s always c o r r e c t , or generally correct i s not at issue here. Rather, what i s im-portant i s that the descriptions above are instances of c o n s t i t u t i n g c e r t a i n persons as d i f f e r e n t as a r e s u l t of t h e i r background i n Portugal. They also demonstrate the method that people use to constitute difference; how difference i s done.* The d e s c r i p t i o n s , i n and of themselves accomplish immigrant, ethnic d i f f e r e n c e based on c u l t u r a l background. The descriptions above not only c o n s t i t u t e ethnic, immigrant di f f e r e n c e , they are also consequential f o r the s o c i a l organization of the immigrant i n the ethnic group and i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . The d e s c r i p t i o n , i n attending to the v i s i b l e differences of immigrants as r e s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l background i n Portugal, i s then not able to attend to the manner i n which the immigrant's l i f e i s organized, on the ground, i n Vancouver. That i s , that by seeing the s p l i t between r u r a l and urban immigrants as something which i s caused by t h e i r d i f f e r i n g background experiences, the way i n which the immigrant's s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i s produced i n Vancouver cannot be described. In the f i e l d , t h i s discussion of the differences between the r u r a l and urban immigrants recurred. In the workshop on multi-c u l t u r a l i s m , the int r o d u c t i o n to the workshop on Portuguese began with "Since the main group which comes here i s from the Azores and i s r u r a l . . . " . However, I did not a c t u a l l y speak with immigrant *Stoddart's 1974 d e s c r i p t i o n of the l o c a l pharmacology of drug use i s p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant here. - 96 -members who were from the Azores; who were r u r a l . Some of the members of the senior's group were apparently from the Azores, were apparently r u r a l . That was how they were described to me by community members who were from the Mainland, as well as by the s o c i a l service workers. That these persons who have immigrated from the Azores a c t u a l l y e x i s t , I have no doubt. These persons were not av a i l a b l e to me for interviews as a r e s u l t of the way that my fieldwork proceeded. What t h i s lack of access does mean i s that i n looking at, for example, the employment of Portuguese immigrants, I do not have first-hand experiences from people from the Azores. However, what i s i n t e r e s t i n g about the t y p i f i c a t i o n of persons from the Azores as r u r a l i s that i t i s very possible to assume that only the people from the Azores are r u r a l . However, t h i s i s not the case. Some of the people with whom I spoke were from r u r a l areas on the Mainland. This i n d i c a t e s that there i s what might be c a l l e d a •categorical gloss' i n the descriptions done of the community. That i s , that the equation of r u r a l with Azores and urban with Main-land which i s done i n Portugal, according to one s o c i a l worker, i s seen to be a feature of Portuguese society which i s transplanted here and i s used as an explanation for differences v i s i b l e i n the community i n Vancouver. The differences are categorized as r u r a l and urban which glosses the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and economic l o c a t i o n i n Portugal. Although i t i s not the i n t e n t i o n of t h i s thesis to determine the actual material a c t i v i t i e s of persons previous to t h e i r immigration to Canada, i t should be noted that t h i s gloss occurs. That i t does so i s l i k e l y to have some bearing on the persistence of the rural/urban discussions which occured i n the - 97 -f i e l d . That i s , that i t may be the case that the need to demon-str a t e 'urban-ness' a r i s e s i n the context of the denigration of r u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s noted above. As Moerman points out, although i n a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l context, The Lue of Chiengkham avoid opprobious c l a s s ident-i f i c a t i o n through asserting the higher p r i o r i t y of a n o n - s t r a t i f i a b l e ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . (Moerman, 1974:64) That the members of Portuguese nation a l o r i g i n i n Vancouver avoid "opprobious c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " by the assertion of membership i n the category of Mainland as urban, may occur. However, t h i s point i s outside the purview of t h i s t h e s i s and merely points to a topic which may be considered at a l a t e r date. Labour Market P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Language S k i l l s I want now, to explore the Portuguese immigrant's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour force i n Vancouver. I want to begin with the jobs which are seen to be a v a i l a b l e to immigrants i n Vancouver. I want to go on to show people who emigrate from Portugal are seen as "working c l a s s " people and then that i s used to account for t h e i r l o c a t i o n here; for the jobs which they do i n Vancouver. I t w i l l become v i s i b l e that the s k i l l s which an immigrant possesses on entry to Canada, organizes for them the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n to the labour market, as well as t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the ethnic group and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . Once again, i t w i l l be v i s i b l e that the a t t r i -bution of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and of working c l a s s background, i s used to explain the s o c i a l organization of the immigrant group i n Vancouver. I want to begin with the kinds of jobs which are seen to be a v a i l a b l e to Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. These are p r i m a r i l y - 98 -manual labour employment, most of which are u n s k i l l e d or semi-s k i l l e d , although there are some s k i l l e d tradesmen jobs. The f i r s t i l l u s t r a t i o n of employment seen to be av a i l a b l e to Portuguese immigrants was relayed to me at the f i r s t c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s which I taught* A young man, was the f i r s t to come to the c l a s s . While we were waiting for the re s t of the c l a s s members to come, I started asking him about h i s job; what he does and where* He s a i d : ••• he i s one of a number of Portuguese labourers at th i s p a r t i c u l a r job s i t e . He moves cement around and just about anything else that i s heavy work. One of the foremen i s Portuguese and some of the carpenters. He said that the Portuguese get jobs cleaning o f f i c e s , labouring and on the railway. (Sept. 29/77) In an interview with my key informant, I asked what kinds of work was av a i l a b l e to Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. She r e p l i e d : The women work prim a r i l y as chambermaids, at Hy's as cooks and dishwashers, and as o f f i c e cleaners. The women are hired at Hy's because "Portuguese women are seen as good, clean workers". Some of the jobs are union jobs and some are not. American Building Maintenance i e c a l l e d a "concentration camp""by people who have worked there or who know people who have worked there. This i s because of the poor wages and because the work i s very hard. (Nov. 6/77) In t h i s discussion, the informant gave me an example of a woman who worked at American Building Maintenance and who was given eight f l o o r s to do every night. The remark was that "you have to k i l l y o urself to get i t done". (Boulter, Journal, Nov.6/77) It i s apparent from the above fie l d n o t e s that Portuguese immigrants and s o c i a l s ervice workers see the jobs which are a v a i l -able to people of Portuguese national o r i g i n , as those which are - 99 -u n s k i l l e d or s e m i - s k i l l e d . That i s , that they are jobs which 'anyone' can do. They do not c a l l for s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g previous to beginning the jobs. When I asked an informant why i t was that theyonly jobs a v a i l a b l e were of t h i s kind, she r e p l i e d : Most of the jobs are working c l a s s jobs. The reason for t h i s i s that the people who immigrate to Canada are working c l a s s people. The r u l i n g c l a s s i n Portugal would have l i t t l e reason to emigrate. (Nov.6/77) It i s v i s i b l e from the above fiel d n o t e that there i s a con-ception that the persons who emigrate from Portugal are working c l a s s persons who, when they enter t h i s country, have a v a i l a b l e to them working c l a s s jobs. In other words, there are people from a c e r t a i n category of workers i n Portugal who emigrate to Canada and bring with them a p a r t i c u l a r working c l a s s status or c l a s s member-ship. This explanation i s one which depends on the a t t r i b u t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s membership which i s obtained i n Portugal and ca r r i e d here by the immigrant, determining t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour force here. A view which complements the above conception i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the field n o t e below. I had asked t h i s informant about the kinds of jobs a v a i l a b l e to Portuguese people who come here. She s a i d : ... mostly construction. Any job; f a c t o r i e s , dress-making. Whatever jobs there are where the language i s not a problem. (Nov.8/77) The d i f f e r e n c e between the above fi e l d n o t e and the one preceeding i t , i s that the f i r s t assumes that persons who emigrate from Portugal are working c l a s s . This c l a s s membership i s seen to determine the jobs which w i l l be av a i l a b l e to immigrants here, i . e . jobs i n construction, i n restaurants washing dishes, cleaning - 100 -o f f i c e s . The second fie l d n o t e adds to that p a r t i c u l a r view the problem, or constraint of English f a c i l i t y . Employment oppor-t u n i t i e s are perceived and constructed as those which are p r i m a r i l y u n s k i l l e d or sem i - s k i l l e d jobs which do not depend on a f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h . The second f i e l d n o t e i s also a d e s c r i p t i o n which depends on an unacknowledged, t a c i t view of the work s k i l l s as o r i g i n a t i n g i n Portugal and as, i n a sense, 'causing* the s o c i a l l o c a t i o n here. However, i n a large number of cases, t h i s view of p r i m a r i l y u n s k i l l e d workers who do not speak English as the majority of Portuguese immigrants i e not the experience of a l l Portuguese immigrants. The following section w i l l demonstrate that i n a number of cases, t h i s view does not represent the t r a n s i t i o n at a l l . The explanation of working c l a s s people coming here and doing working c l a s s jobs i s not adequate for the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s . Rather, i t i s the case that there i s a p a r t i c u l a r organization of the labour force i n Portugal. That organization i s d i f f e r e n t than the organization of the labour force here. Persons who emigrate from Portugal as adults have a p a r t i c u l a r set of experiences which have been developed i n t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the s o c i a l organization of Portuguese s o c i e t y . They do not bring a membership status. Rather, they bring a set of s k i l l s . When they a r r i v e i n Canada, those s k i l l s may or may not be useful to them here. The a r t i c u l a t i o n of those s k i l l s to the labour force here i s organized by the business pr a c t i c e s of the s o c i e t y . I t i s t h i s a r t i c u l a t i o n of s k i l l s to the business practices i n Vancouver that produces the immigrants' s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver. Their c l a s s l o c a t i o n here i s produced only i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the labour force i n Vancouver. 101 -In order to make v i s i b l e t h i s process of the production of c l a s s l o c a t i o n here, I want to turn to my f i e l d n o t e s . The f i r s t example i s from an interview with a woman who was f a i r l y 'well-o f f i n Portugal. She had servants. She l i v e d i n an urban area. She was what might be c a l l e d , i n a rather s u p e r f i c i a l way, middle-c l a s s . When she came to Canada and previously when she was i n England, she worked as a babysitter. She does not work outside the home now for "medical reasons". (Boulter, Journal, Nov.8/77) The work that she would do i n Portugal was d i f f e r e n t than the work that she would do here. She saw t h i s as a r e s u l t of her lack of English f a c i l i t y . In Portugal, she would not have any trouble with the language and so would not have to do the kinds of work there that she did here. (Nov.8/77) For t h i s woman, her change i n status from a woman who had servants to a woman who did babysitting to earn money was explained for her as r e s u l t i n g from her lack of English s k i l l s . I t i s not the case that she was a working c l a s s person i n Portugal and that she brought that c l a s s membership with her. The second example of the production of c l a s s l o c a t i o n i n Vancouver which i s not 'caused' by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s background i n Portugal which i s brought with them, i s an interview with a woman who was a teacher i n Portugal and worked as a dishwasher i n Vancouver. I asked her what kind of work she did both when she f i r s t a rrived i n Vancouver and whether that work had remained the same or whether she had done other kinds of paid work a l s o . She r e p l i e d that: She stayed home most of the time because her husband didn't want her to work. However, during one period of economic d i f f i c u l t y , she had been t o l d about a job as a dishwasher i n a restaurant. The job was one day per week. When she had needed a job some - 102 -years l a t e r , she had gone to Manpower and had been ' sent out on a dishwasher's job. This one had la s t e d for about three months. (Nov.30/77) During the interview, she t o l d me that she had been a teacher i n Portugal. I was very surprised when she said t h i s . She had taught i n small v i l l a g e s . (Boulter, Journal, Nov. 30/77) The above fieldnote makes c l e a r that t h i s woman's r e l a t i o n to the labour force here i s i n no way determined by her c l a s s member-ship of which she was part i n Portugal. The c e r t i f i c a t i o n which was necessary for her employment i n Portugal has nothing to do with her employment here. That she does "working c l a s s " jobs here i s a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n which i s produced f o r her here and does not depend on her previous c l a s s membership nor her previous employment i n Portugal. The next f i e l d n o t e i l l u s t r a t e s yet again how the immigrant's s k i l l s or lack of s k i l l s which are relevant here produces the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n to the labour market here. I had asked t h i s man what kind of job he had got when he arriv e d i n Canada. He got a job doing manual work at Dairyland. He said that jobs were not as easy to find as he thought they would be. He said that jobs were even harder to f i n d now because the "East Indians take a l l the jobs". He talked about never having done the kinds of jobs that were ava i l a b l e to him when he came here from Portugal. He had been a farm-worker and didn't know how to do the jobs that he got. Instead of showing him how to do the job at Dairyland, the I t a l i a n man he was working with " j u s t y e l l e d " at him. He said that when you don't speak the language and don't have the necessary job s k i l l s , "you are the f i r s t to be l e t go from any job". (Nov. 30/77) I t i s v i s i b l e from the foregoing f i e l d n o t e s that Portuguese immigrants do not bring t h e i r c l a s s l o c a t i o n with them from Portugal. Also, i t i s not only working-class persons who emigrate. - 103 -Rather, persons emigrate from Portugal from several c l a s s locations and for various reasons. They bring with them s k i l l s which were developed i n Portugal. The extent to which these s k i l l s are relevant to the employment practices of the Vancouver society i s part of what produces the immigrant's c l a s s l o c a t i o n i n the Vancouver labour force. I t may appear, from the above f i e l d n o t e s , that language f a c i l i t y i s one of the major determining factors i n the l o c a t i o n of immigrants from Portugal i n the society i n Vancouver. Indeed, language f a c i l i t y i s seen by Portuguese immigrants to be the main 'reason' why they do the jobs they do. One informant, a community worker concerned with a l l e v i a t i n g some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of Portuguese immigrants, considers that the teaching of the language and customs of the re c e i v i n g country should be done before the immigrant leaves the country of t h e i r o r i g i n . We had been t a l k i n g about her job as a co-ordinator of the Seniors Group. She sees her job as one which must teach the women independence i n Canadian s o c i e t y . The backgrounds of some of the women don't give them the experience and knowledge of how to get along i n Canada; how to take the bus; how to go about learning the language, etc. She also thinks that i t i s necessary that the home countries teach the language and customs of the re c e i v i n g country to the immigrants before they get here. (Dec. 6/77) This informant f e e l s that i f t h i s t r a i n i n g was done p r i o r to coming to Canada, then the immigrant women would not be so i s o l a t e d from the l a r g e r society and would have access to d i f f e r e n t resources than they do now. The language d i f f i c u l t i e s , according to t h i s informant, are the most serious constraints on e f f e c t i v e functioning of the - 104 -new immigrant from Portugal and of her family, (Boulter, Journal, Dec. 6/77) That some persons l e a r n English and other persons do not was a topic of discussion which occured during several interviews while I was i n the f i e l d . The explanation for the ease or d i f f i c u l t y with which people learned English was one of "motivation" for learning, or the youth of the immigrant. During one of the c i t i z e n s h i p classes, one of the women was writing some of the information down i n English, This woman i s about twenty-eight and i s taking English classes at the church. I t was remarked, during the c l a s s , that she i s learning very qui c k l y . Another c l a s s member said that that was because "she was young". The young woman works cleaning o f f i c e s i n the evening. During the day she attends English c l a s s e s . She has two c h i l d r e n i n school so she does not have to f i n d a baby-s i t t e r while she attends c l a s s e s . (Boulter, Journal, Nov.15/77) The foregoing Journal note i l l u s t r a t e s some of the s i t u a t i o n a l conditions for developing a f a c i l i t y i n Engli s h . As t h i s woman works at night and has two school-age c h i l d r e n , her English classes must occur during the times that they are at school and before she goes to work. That she goes to English classes and i s learning quickly, i s seen by other people as being both "motivated" to learn and to get ahead, as well as because she i s young. However, taking English classes i s not necessarily seen as being "motivated" to learn E n g l i s h . In an interview with the teacher of one of the English as a Second Language programmes, I asked her to describe the women who came to the c l a s s e s . The members of the community who are i n her daytime c l a s s are mainly "older women i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s and f o r t i e s " . They are very t r a d i t i o n a l and stay home rather than work - 105 -outside the home. They are i l l i t e r a t e i n t h e i r own lang-uage so the programme i s one which proceeds o r a l l y and v i s u a l l y to develop language f a c i l i t y i n English which can be used to "get around" the c i t y and do the chores that accompany working i n the home. The p r i o r i t i e s of the women i n the cl a s s are cleaning the house and main-ta i n i n g t h e i r possessions. These women are "housebound" and the classes f u l f i l l a s o c i a l need. The women i n the day classes are constrained by t h e i r home s i t u a t i o n . The women l i v e close enough to walk to the c l a s s . Their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c l a s s i s dependent on t h e i r home s i t u a t i o n and t h e i r husbands' approval of t h e i r taking the c l a s s . (Dec. 20/77) During the interview, we also discussed the way i n which the immi-grants l i v e s are organized; for example, working hours, type of job, etc . As I noted l a t e r , i t appears that the organization of t h e i r l i v e s i s what determines the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c l a s s or even the i n i t i a l taking of the c l a s s . (Boulter, Journal, Dec. 20/77) These fi e l d n o t e s demonstrate the conditions under which English i s learned, or i n some cases, not learned. That i s , that some of the women i n the cl a s s are persons who work i n the home. As was noted above, one presenter at the M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Conference stated that the family was the "nucleus of ethnic r e t e n t i o n " . Whether the family i s the nucleus or not, the organization of women's l i v e s who work i n the home r e s t r i c t s the opportunities for s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with members of other than Portuguese background. For these women, i t then becomes necessary to go outside the home i n order to learn E n g l i s h . The accomplishing of learning English occurs outside of the work that many of the women do; t h e i r work i n the home. However, not a l l Portuguese immigrants and c e r t a i n l y not a l l women of Portuguese national o r i g i n who l i v e i n Vancouver, work only i n the home. Therefore, i f English i s indeed a 'problem' for the Portuguese immigrants, there must be other factors which produce - 106 -t h i s •problem'• Some of the factors are an e t h n i c a l l y segregated labour force, employment which does not depend on, nor f a c i l i t a t e a b i l i t y i n English and the accomplishment of tasks i n the new language< Recent immigrants from Portugal learn about the employment av a i l a b l e to them and about the society i n t o which they have come, through the r e l a t i v e s they have come to j o i n . The (usually male) r e l a t i v e s have vjobs already. They know about, hear about jobs which may be coming up. The people who have the highest positions i n the comm-unity are the doctor, the d e n t i s t , the construction contractors, the foremeniof the r a i l r o a d gangs, the supervisors on the cleaning crews. The foremen, the contractors and the supervisors have a say i n what jobs are a v a i l a b l e and who gets them. (Nov.6/77) What t h i s means i s that the jobs which are a v a i l a b l e to new immigrants are those which are acquired through job 'contacts' with other Portuguese people who have immigrated previously. The r e s u l t of t h i s kind of job 'contact' i s that p a r t i c u l a r jobs i n the labour market become the ones which Portuguese immigrants have access to. The cleaning crews, the r a i l r o a d gangs, the construction labouring jobs become f i l l e d with the members of a p a r t i c u l a r ethnic group. The following f i e l d n o t e provides an example of the access a v a i l a b l e to Portuguese immigrants f o r developing a f a c i l i t y i n E n g l i s h . I t i l l u s t r a t e s the way i n which labour market p a r t i c i p a t i o n maintains the people of Portuguese nationa l o r i g i n within a p a r t i c u l a r segment of the labour force. This f i e l d n o t e came out of a discussion i n the c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s which arose as a r e s u l t of my questions about whether or not people had understood the lesson I had given. The discussion moved on to one which described for a l l the people i n the c l a s s , how they - 107 -had learned or not learned E n g l i s h , The woman of the couple had worked with Canadians and had learned English that way. She works as a waitress. She said that she had never been embarrassed about her pronunciation and would ask the people she worked with to correct her pronunciation. Her husband said that when he was f i r s t i n Canada, he worked i n con-s t r u c t i o n with a group of I t a l i a n s so he didn't learn English for a long time a f t e r he got here. Everyone seemed to agree that working on a job where you had to learn English or where English was spoken was necessary to learn the language w e l l . (Boulter, Journal, Sept.29/77) As the above fi e l d n o t e i n d i c a t e s , the fastest and easiest way of learning a new language occurs when the language must be used everyday and must be used to accomplish tasks. For Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver, t h i s access to spoken En g l i s h i s l i m i t e d through the work that people do. Inside the home, the opportunity to speak English i s not necessary to accomplish the tasks which must be done. In the labour force, many of the jobs a v a i l a b l e to Portu-guese immigrants do not depend on a f a c i l i t y i n En g l i s h . The jobs are usually u n s k i l l e d and are jobs that 'anyone can do'. That i s , they do not depend on s k i l l i n English nor on s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g previous to the t r a i n i n g on the job. Also, the jobs are e t h n i c a l l y segregated. As Cassin points out i n her study of the East Indian community i n Vancouver: The p r a c t i c e which organizes i n d i v i d u a l s d i f f e r e n t l y i n r e l a t i o n to the labour market i s the organization of a segregated p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour force. This creates an e t h n i c a l l y segregated labour f o r c e . This aspect of the organization of the labour force c o n s t i t u t e s , for the working c l a s s , a d i v i s i o n within the working c l a s s i t s e l f . (Cassin, 1977:1) - 108 -Concluding Remarks This thesis has been concerned with the s o c i a l production of ethnic difference i n Vancouver. In p a r t i c u l a r , the ethnic/immigrant experience of Portuguese immigrants has been i n v e s t i g a t e d . I have been concerned to explore the s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s which cons t i t u t e some persons as ethnic, as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t from other persons i n s o c i e t y . Through the use of a method of analysis derived from Marx and developed by Smith for sociology, I have done a focussed ethnography. That i s , that the focus was on the production of ethnic difference as a set of s o c i a l l y organized p r a c t i c e s . By using the examples of a commodity, a table and a g i f t , the c o n s t i t u t i o n of those objects as objects which obscures the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which bring them i n t o being was discussed. I t was also shown how d e s c r i p t i v e accounts are c o n s t i t u t i v e of the production of s o c i a l f a c t s . I began by l o c a t i n g the term e t h n i c i t y i n the s o c i o l o g i c a l and anthropological discourse. This provided an understanding of the way i n which the l i t e r a t u r e Is constructed. Four a r t i c l e s , which were seen as representative of the main t h e o r e t i c a l debates within the l i t e r a t u r e were discussed i n d e t a i l . Three of the t h e o r i s t s , Barth, Despres and Van Den Berghe were seen to proceed i n t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of ethnic phenomena from a basis i n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l theory. One of the t h e o r i s t s , Robbins, was seen to proceed from a Marxist analysis of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . A l l the t h e o r i s t s a t t r i b u t e difference as a property of the members of the ethnic groups. They then proceed to in v e s t i g a t e the subjective and objective c r i t e r i a for group membership. The r e l a t i v e - 109 -importance of the one over the other i s the f i r s t debate i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The t h e o r i s t s then go on to determine whether c l a s s status or ethnic status determines an ethnic member's l o c a t i o n i n the s o c i a l hierarchy of power, prestige and wealth. Barth proposes that ethnic status determines c l a s s status whereas Despres and Van Den Berghe conclude that status i s determined by a combination of ethnic and c l a s s status. Robbins, using a modified analysis of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , determines that c l a s s r e l a t i o n s are superordinate to ethnic r e l a t i o n s . The i nquiry i n t o the l i t e r a t u r e provides a basis for seeing how the ethnic t h e o r i s t s c i t e d use, as an unexplicated resource, the common-sense understandings of a l l members of society i n order to construct the determinations of ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n s . The use of common-sense understandings as a stable and unquestioned point of departure for research and t h e o r i z i n g provides a way of seeing how what the t h e o r i s t s t r e a t as a given may be treated as problematic. That i s , that the unexplicated r e l a t i o n of common-sense and theor-e t i c a l constructions of the everyday world becomes, i n i t s e l f , a topic for i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Chapter I I I demonstrated the procedures used i n my fieldwork with persons of Portuguese national o r i g i n who reside i n Vancouver. Using ethnographic f i e l d techniques as a basis, interviews, p a r t i -cipant observation and the involvement of myself i n the enactment of e t h n i c i t y were analyzed. I entered the f i e l d with a conception that there was an e n t i t y c a l l e d the "Portuguese community" and that i t was possible to go there and to interview members of the "comm-unity". That t h i s conception i s , i n i t s e l f , a method of c o n s t i t u t i n g - 110 -e t h n i c i t y i s part of the data which i s analyzed i n the r e s t of the chapter. To begin the analysis of the fieldwork, I s t a r t with two terms, 'immigrant' and 'community' and demonstrate how those terms name p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among people of Portuguese national o r i g i n and among the s o c i a l service workers who are involved with them. I t begins to be v i s i b l e that the terms de-s c r i b e a set of s o c i a l l y organized pr a c t i c e s which a t t r i b u t e the d i f f i c u l t i e s and concerns of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver to t h e i r c u l t u r a l background, t h e i r personality, and to the c l a s s l o c a t i o n from which they come. Description which r e l i e s and depends upon c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s which are learned and acquired i n another society and i s used to account for phenomena which occur here disattends to the production and c o n s t i t u t i o n of the everyday l i v e d r e l a t i o n s of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver. I t i s the contention of t h i s thesis that the status of 'immigrant', 'ethnic' as d i f f e r e n t i s only produced within the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the society i n Canada. That i s , that i t i s possible to do a d e s c r i p t i o n of immigrant groups and i n d i v i d u a l s as those who are such by v i r t u e df t h e i r c u l t u r a l back-ground. This c u l t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n may r e f l e c t the world as i t appears; as i t i s constructed for us to see. (Smith, 1 9 7 4 ) Indeed t h i s mode of d e s c r i p t i o n i s one which provides for Portuguese immigrants and for the s o c i a l service workers an explanation which r e f l e c t s t h e i r concerns and d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a new s o c i e t y . However, as t h i s t h e s i s i s concerned with the method of i n t e r a c t i o n , i t can be seen that d e s c r i p t i o n which depends on c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i n d i v i d u a l accomplishes two things. One, the d e s c r i p t i o n i s i n i t s e l f part of the method by which ethnic/immigrant di f f e r e n c e i s constituted s o c i a l l y . Second, the de s c r i p t i o n does not provide an analysis of how persons come to be organized i n Vancouver i n t o what are re f e r r e d to as "ethnic comm-u n i t i e s " , "working c l a s s jobs", etc. I t does not show how that organizing produces what i s seen as the "Portuguese community" i n Vancouver. I t does not provide an analysis of how persons come to be located i n p a r t i c u l a r occupations, income l e v e l s , geographic areas, etc., and how that organization produces what are c a l l e d "ethnic communities". The alternate form of d e s c r i p t i o n , the e x p l i c a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n has made v i s i b l e the a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s which con s t i t u t e c e r t a i n persons as ethnic, as immigrant, as d i f f e r e n t . These a c t i v -i t i e s , and the descriptions of these a c t i v i t i e s are the methods by which some members are constituted as d i f f e r e n t from other members of s o c i e t y . These a c t i v i t i e s produce a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n which i s c a l l e d "working c l a s s " . That t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i s v i s i b l e and talked about as such, indicates, a p a r t i c u l a r under-standing of the ordering of society as h i e r a r c h i c a l and s t a t i c . However, on c l o s e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n , i t was shown that the s o c i a l l o c -ation of Portuguese immigrants i n Vancouver i s produced by the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which they are involved. For example, one way i n which t h i s l o c a t i o n i s produced i s through the i n t e r a c t i o n of Portuguese immigrants and s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers. This s o c i a l l o c a t i o n then a r i s e s only through the s o c i a l l y organized practic e s of society's members i n Vancouver. In other words, while the s o c i a l and c l a s s l o c a t i o n may be h i e r a r c h i c a l , i t i s not s t a t i c but rather - 112 -i s recreated at every moment i n both the descriptions and other a c t i v i t i e s of members of society i n the family, labour force and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . - 113 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Althusser, Louis 1965 For Marx, New York: Random House. Anderson, Grace M. and David Higgs 1976 A Future to Inherit; Portuguese Communities of Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Atkinson, J . M. 1971 " S o c i a l Reactions to Suicide: The Role of Coroners D e f i n i t i o n s " , i n S. Cohen (Ed.) Images of Deviance, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. Bennet, John W. 1975 The New E t h n i c i t y : Perspectives from Ethnology, 1973 Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society, New York: West Publishing. Cafik, Norman, Minister of State for M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m 1977 News Release, O f f i c i a l Opening of M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m Week, Sept. 29, Hamilton, Ontario. 1977 Address to the M u l t i c u l t u r a l Council of Guelph and D i s t r i c t , Oct. 7, Guelph, Ontario. 1977 Address to the 12th Ukranian Canadian Conference, Oct. 8, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 1977 Address to the English-Speaking Union of the Commonwealth, Rideau Club, Nov. 22, Ottawa, Ontario. 1978 Address on "The Nation's Business", Jan. 8, C.B.C. Te l e v i s i o n Production. Cassin, Margeurite 1977 Class and E t h n i c i t y ; The S o c i a l Organization of Working Class East Indian Immigrants i n Vancouver, unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Despres, Leo 1975 E t h n i c i t y and Resource Competition i n P l u r a l S o c i e t i e s , The Hague, P a r i s : Mouton and Co. de Vos, G. and L. Romanucci-Ross (Eds.) 1975 Ethnic Identity: C u l t u r a l C o n t i n u i t i e s and Change, Palo A l t o , C a l i f . : Mayfield Publishing Co. Easton, L.D. and K.H. Guddat (Eds.) I967 Writings of the Young Marx on Philosophy and Society, New York: Anchor Books. - 111+ -Fernandez, R.L. 1977 "An Assessment of Fredrik Barth's Theory of E t h n i c i t y " , Unpublished Ms., Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Gar f i n k e l , H. 1967 Studies i n Ethnomethodology, Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l Inc. Geertz, C l i f f o r d 1973 Interpretation of Cultures, New York: Basic Books. Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, Minist r y of Human Resources 1976 Internal Daycare P o l i c y Memo. June 1• Hawkins, Freda 1972 Canada and Immigration: Public P o l i c y and Public Concern, Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press. Jackson, Nancy S. 1977 Describing News: Toward an Al t e r n a t i v e Account. Unpublished M.A. th e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Jacobson, Helga E. 1977 "How to Study Your Own Community: Research From the Perspective of Women", Vancouver, B.C.: Women's Research Centre. Liebowitz, M. 1976 Marx's Economic Theory, Taped Lectures for Economics 309, Summer Semester, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Mannheim, K. 1936 Ideology and Utopia^ New York: Hareourt Brace & World. Marchak, P. 1975 Ide o l o g i c a l Perspectives on Canada, Toronto: McGraw-H i l l Ryerson Ltd. Marx, K. 1973 Grandrisse: Introduction to the C r i t i q u e of P o l i t i c a l Economy, New York: Vintage Books. Marx, K. 1976 C a p i t a l : A C r i t i q u e of P o l i t i c a l Economy. Vol. I, Markham, Ont.: Penguin Books Canada Ltd. Marx, K. and F. Engels 1970 The German Ideology, C.J. Arthur (Ed.), New York: International Publishers. McKinney, J.C. and E.A. Tiryakian (Eds.) 1970 Theo r e t i c a l Sociology: Perspectives and Developments, New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. - 115 -Migus, Paul 1975 Sounds Canadian: Languages and Cultures i n Multi-Ethnic Society, Toronto: Peter Martin Assoc. Moerraan, Michael 1974 "Accomplishing E t h n i c i t y " , i n R. Turner (Ed.), Ethnomethodology, Ontario: Penguin Books. Montero, G l o r i a 1977 The Immigrants. Toronto: James Lorimer. Ng, Roxanne 1978 "The S o c i a l Relations of C i t i z e n s P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Chinese Community", paper presented at Annual Meeting C.S.A.A., London, Ontario. Novak, George 1971 An Introduction to the Logic of Marxism, New York: Pathfinder Press. Paine, Robert 1977 "Second Thoughts About Barth 1s Models", Royal Anthro-p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e Occasional Paper. No. 32, London: Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and Ireland. P o l l n e r , M. 1974 " S o c i o l o g i c a l and Common-Sense Models of the L a b e l l i n g Process", i n R. Turner (Ed.), Ethnomethodology. Ontario: Penguin Books. Robbins, E. 1975 " E t h n i c i t y or Class? S o c i a l Relations i n a Small Canadian I n d u s t r i a l Community", i n J.W. Bennett (Ed.) The New E t h n i c i t y : Perspectives From Ethnology. 1973 Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society, New York: West Publishing. Schutz, A. 1967 Collected Writings. V o l . I. Maurice Natanson (Ed.), The Hague: Martinus N i j h o f f . Sharrock, W.W. 1974 "On Owning Knowledge", i n R. Turner (Ed.), Ethnomethodology. Ontario: Penguin Books Canada Ltd. Smith, D.E. 1974a;. "The Ideo l o g i c a l P r a c t i c e of Sociology", C a t a l y s t . No. 8, Winter. 1974b "The S o c i a l Construction of Documentary R e a l i t y " , S o c i o l o g i c a l Inquiry, Vol.44:4. - 116 Smith, D.E. 1975 1976a 1976b 1976c I976d 1977 1977a (In.Press) 1977 1978 "An Analysis of Id e o l o g i c a l Structures.and How Women are Excluded", Paper presented, Conference on Women's  Studies i n Higher Education, Calgary. Lectures from Sociology of Knowledge, Sociology 374, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Lectures from Graduate Seminar i n Women's Studies, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. "On Mead and Marx", Lecture presented i n Department of Sociology, University of Toronto. "Notes on Description", Unpublished Ms., Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia* "On Descriptions", presented at a colloquium i n Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. "On Descriptions, I I " , presented by i n v i t a t i o n , Department of Sociology, University of C a l i f o r n i a , Santa Barbara. "Some Implications of a Sociology for Women", accepted for p u b l i c a t i o n by Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. "A Sociology for Women", paper presented at The Prism  of Sex: Toward an Equitable Pursuit of Knowledge, Conference organized by the Women's Research I n s t i t u t e of Wisconson, October. Paper on Description, i n progress. Department of Sociology i n Education, O.I.S.E., Toronto. Smith, D.E. and S.J. David (Eds.) 1975 I'm Not Mad I'm Angry: Women Look at Psychiatry. Vancouver: Press Gang Publ. Stoddart, K. 1974 1977 1976-77 "The Facts of L i f e About Dope: Observations of a Local Pharmacology", Urban L i f e & Culture, 3 (2). "The Presentation of Everyday L i f e : Strategies f o r 'Adequate Ethnography" 1, Unpublished Ms., Department of Anthropology and Sociology, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Lecture Notes for Sociology 220 ( L i f e s t y l e s ) , Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. - 117 -Stolzman, J . and Gamberg, H. 1973-74 "Marxist Class Analysis Versus S t r a t i f i c a t i o n Analysis as General Approaches to S o c i a l Inequality", Berkeley  Journal of Sociology, V o l . 18. Turner, Roy (Ed.) 1974 Ethnomethodology, Ontario: Penguin Books Canada Ltd. Van Den Berghe, Pierre 1975 " E t h n i c i t y and Class i n Highland Peru", i n L. Despres (Ed.), E t h n i c i t y and Resource Competition i n P l u r a l  S o c i e t i e s , The Hague: Mouton and Co. Warner, Lloyd 1957 "The Study of S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " , i n J . G i t t l e r (Ed.) Review of Sociology. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Zimmerman, D.H. and M. Pollner 1970 "The Everyday World as a Phenomenon", i n J . Douglas, (Ed.), Understanding Everyday L i f e , Aldine, Chicago. - 118 -APPENDIX I Interview schedule: community workers, s o c i a l workers, teachers, etc. 1 • How i s your work connected to the members of the Portuguese community? 2. What are the problems that you see a r i s i n g for immigrant members? 3» Do the problems d i f f e r depending on the amount of money or education that the immigrants have? Or are the problems you're o u t l i n i n g common to a l l immigrants? 4» Do the problems d i f f e r according to ethnic group? I f so, how? 5. Are there gaps i n the s o c i a l s ervice network that mean that some of the immigrants' problems cannot be solved? 6. What do you see as the s o l u t i o n for the kinds of d i f f i c u l t i e s that ethnic groups have i n t h i s society? - 119 -APPENDIX II Interview schedule 1 • Getting to Canada; a) when did you arriv e ? b) how did you get here - plane, etc#? c) did you have r e l a t i v e s here? d) did you know very much about the country when you arrived? e) what did you expect to happen when you got here? Did i t ? f) how was Canada d i f f e r e n t than what you hoped for/expected? 2. Leaving Portugal; a) what did you do before you came to Canada? b) why did you decide to emigrate? c) how i s Canada d i f f e r e n t from Portugal? d) i n what ways i s your l i f e here d i f f e r e n t than i t was i n Portugal? e) do houses look l i k e t h i s i n Portugal? What differences? 3« Getting around i n Canada; a) did you know anybody when you f i r s t arrived? b) how did you go about learning about shopping, taking buses, getting around the c i t y ? c) when did you s t a r t learning English? Did you go to classes or did you le a r n from the T»V» or both? From working? d) were you married when you came? I f not, how did you meet your husband? k» Getting along i n Canada; a) did you work when you f i r s t came to Canada? b) how did you go about f i n d i n g a job? c) how do the people who are coming now fi n d jobs; how i s i t d i f f e r e n t now than i t was then? d) what kinds of jobs are av a i l a b l e to Portuguese.immigrants? e) does everybody work outside the home or do some women work at home? Who stays home and who goes out? - 120 -5. Being part of Canadian society; a) do you see yourself as part of Canadian society? b) i f not, why not? c) who i s and who i s n ' t ? d) how can you t e l l ? e) can you remember when you started to f e e l a part of Canadian society, as i f you belonged i n Canada? 6. Getting through the day; a) what kinds of things do you do i n your everyday l i v e s , shopping, housework, etc* b) i f there i s a dispute i n your house, or i f there are problems with what to spend your money on, who decides? c) t e l l me about your job. 

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