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The capuan gateway and its sculpture Milsom, Elizabeth Ann 1978

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THE CAPUAN GATEWAY AND ITS SCULPTURE by ELIZABETH ANN MILSOM B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1956 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department of Fine Arts) We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1978 0 Elizabeth Ann Milsom, 1978 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of FTTTC The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 D a t e October 1978 i i ABSTRACT Since nothing remains in situ of the Capuan gateway-except the bases of the towers, and since the surviving sculptural pieces are now in the local museum, i t i s ex-ceedingly d i f f i c u l t to visualize this key monument as i t seems to have appeared to those who passed through i t cen-turies ago and referred to i t in chronicles which have come down to us. Chapter I deals with the history of the period and Italy's place in i t , the a r t i s t i c creativity of the area concerned, and relevant details regarding the l i f e of Fred-erick II and his times. Chapter II l i s t s and describes the few extant documents relating to the archway. In connection with these are the surviving drawings or sketches which are described and comp-ared, as well as the hypothetical reconstructions which have appeared over the past some 40 years. Chapter III describes the surviving pieces of sculpture and notes the opinions of various authorities. Putative heads of the emperor are referred to and examples of classical pro-totypes given with respect to the most important pieces. Ex-amples of comparable iconography as seen in the minor arts are mentioned. To my mind, these aspects have not been sufficiently stressed heretofore. Chapter IV investigates the possible influences of earlier gateways in Italy as well as the influence brought to bear on the design of subsequent archways. Because of Frederick's philo-sophy and contemporary politico-religious affairs, there i s a i i i discussion of the symbolism of the gate in general, as well as of the imperial role as sun-king and the iconography of the lion-throne. In the literature of the Capuan Gate, none of these elements have been referred to, as far as I know, although allusions are to be seen in related readings. i i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION 1 I FREDERICK I I AND THE GENERAL SITUATION IN SOUTHERN ITALY 6 I I THE CAPUAN GATE::A - H i s t o r y and Documentary Sources 13 B - The Drawings and Recon-s t r u c t i o n s 22 I I I DESCRIPTION OF SURVIVING SCULPTURE 33 A - The Emperor 34 B - J u s t i t i a 44 G - P i e t r o d e l l a Vlgna and Taddeo da Sessa . . . . 47 D - J u p i t e r 50 E - The Herms 51 IV THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GATE: A - The Antecedents 56 B - The Symbolism 61 C - The Emperor as S o l J u s t i t i a e and the L i o n Throne . . 67 D - The I n f l u e n c e of the Gate. 72 BIBLIOGRAPHY ,76 ILLUSTRATIONS 83 FOOTNOTES 130 V ILLUSTRATIONS F i g u r e Page 1 View of the b r i d g e over the V o l t u r n o R i v e r F r o n t i s p i e c e and the remains of the Capuan Gate t o w e r s . ( P I . 68 i n D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , C a t a l o g u e . I l l , S t u t t g a f c t , 1977) 2 Sessa A u r u n c a , C a t h e d r a l , d e t a i l of p u l p i t 83 ( F i g . 13 i n D . G l a s s , "Romanesque S c u l p t u r e In Campania and S i c i l y " , A r t B u l l e t i n . v . 56, 1974) 3 F r e d e r i c k I I - a wax i m p r e s s i o n f r o m the c a s t . . . 84 of the Raumer cameo. ( F i g . 10 i n T . C . V a n C l e v e , The Emperor F r e d e r i c k I I of H o h e n s t a u f e n . O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n , 1972) 4 The e n g r a v i n g made of the s t a t u e of F r e d e r i c I I . . 84 as p u b l i s h e d by d ' A g i n c o u r t . ( F i g . 2 i n E r n s t L a n g l o t z , "Das P o r t r a t F r l e d r i c h s I I vom Bruck-e n t o r i n C a p u a " , B e i t r a g e f u r Georg Swarzenski  zum 11 J a n . , 1951, B e r l i n / M a n n - C h i c a g o / R e g n e r y , ( F i g . ',9 8 i n C . ~ W i l l e m s e n , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h s I I T r i u m p h t o r zu Capua , Wiesbaden, 1953) 6 . The V i e n n a S u p p l e m e n t a l Drawing 86 ( F i g . 104 i n C . W i l l e m s e n , i b i d . ) 7 The U f f i z i Drawing 87 ( F i g . 19 i n R . P a p i n i , F r a n c e s c o d i G i o r g i o . . . . A r c h l t e t t o . F l o r e n c e , E l e c t r a , 1946) 8 F r e d e r i c k I I (?) and the Wheel of F o r t u n e 88 ( F i g . 9 i n J . D o r i g , " R i t r a t t i d e l l ' I m p e r a t o r e F e d e r i c o II',' R l v l a t a d ' A r t e . XXX 1955) 9 S c u l p t u r e d c o r b e l a t C a s t e l M a n i a c ^ , Syracuse . . . 88 ( F i g . 13 i n A . P r a n d i , " D I V I FRIDERICI CAESARIS IMAGO", I n s t l t u t o N a z i o n a l e de A r c h e o l o g i a e S t o r l a d e l l ' A r t e , Roma, R i v i s t a , 1953) ,0 T r o i a C a t h e d r a l , A p u l i a . View of the apse 90 ( F i g . 11 i n C . W i l l e m s e n , A p u l i e n K a t h e d r a l e n  und- K a s t e l l e . C o l o g n e , 1971) .1 Ruvo C a t h e d r a l , A p u l i a . Main p o r t a l 89 ( F i g . 136 i n C . W i l l e m s e n , A p u l i e n . Cologne,1958) .2 B i t onto C a t h e d r a l , A p u l i a . Main p o r t a l 90 ( F i g . 70 i n C . W i l l e m s e n , A p u l i e n K a t e d r a l e n  und K a s t e l l e . C o l o g n e , 1971) ( F i g . 42 i n R . P a p i n i , i b i d . ) 14 C a s t e l d e l Monte, A p u l i a . P o r t a l 92 ( F i g . 13 i n T . C . Van C l e v e , i b i d ) 15 Above - The A r c h of T i t u s . Below - The A r c h of . . . 93 C o n s t a n t i n e . Drawn by F r a n c e s c o d i G i o r g i o . ( F i g . 176 i n B o n e l l i & P o r t o g h e s i , F r a n c e s c o d l G i o r g i o M a r t i n i : T r a t t a t l d i A r c h l t e t t u r a I n g e g n -e r i a e A r t e M i l l t a r e . M i l a n , P o l i f i l o , 1967) 5 1951. The V i e n n a Drawing 85 13 91 v i 16 Henry II and Virtues 9 4 (Fig. 38 in A. Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art. N.Y., Norton, 1964) 17 The oculus in a mediaeval mews 9 4 (PI. 141 in Wood & Fyfe, The Art of Falconry, being the De Arte Venandi cum Avlbus of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, Boston, 1955) 18 The Vecchioni Drawing 9 5 , (Opp. p. 242 in Paeseler & Holtzmann, "Fabio Vecchioni und seine Beschreibung des Triumph-tors in Capua", Quellen und Forschungen aus  Italienlschen Archiven und Bibliotheken, v. 36, 19551 19 Sapientia seated in the Temple 95 (Fig. 52 in E.B. Smith, Architectural Symbolism  of Imperial Rome and the Middle Ages. Princeton University Press, 1956) 20 Dedicatory illumination in De Balnels Puteolanls. . 96 by Pietro de Ebulo(Pl. 615 in Die Zeit der Staufer, Catalogue. II, Stuttgart, 1977) 21 A Reconstruction of the town facade of the Capuan . 9 7 Gate by A. Mariano. (Fig. 41 in C. Shearer, The Renaissance of Architecture in Southern Italy. Cambridge, Heffer, 1 9 3 5 ) 22 A Reconstruction of the Capuan Archway and Towers . 97 by A. Mariano, 1928. (Fig. 38 in C. Shearer, ibid) 2 3 A Reconstruction of the Capuan Archway and Towers . 98 (Fig. 5 8 in C. Shearer, ibid) 24 A Reconstruction of the Capuan Gate facade and i t s . 99 sculptural decoration by C. Willemsen. (Fig. 11 in T.C. Van Cleve, ibid) 2 5 A bird's-eye-view reconstruction of the entire . . 98 layout of the Capuan Gate by C. Willemsen. (Fig. 9 in T.C. Van Cleve, ibid) 26 Frederick II - the remains of the torso at Capua . 100 (PI. 73 in Die Zeit der Staufer, ibid., I l l ) 27 An augustal in the National Museum, Naples (#1131). 101 (Fig. 1 7 in A. Prandi, ibid) 28 An augustal dated ca. 1 2 3 0 101 (Fig. 39 in W. Valentiner, The Bamberg Rider. L.A., Ze i t l i n & verBrugge, 1956.) 2 9 The Oppenheim Seal dated 1 2 2 5 . Detail 102 (Fig. 8 in A. Prandi, ibid) 30 Head of Artemis from the Amphitheatre,Capua Vetere 1 0 2 (Fig. 6 in E. Langlotz, ibid.) 31 Frederick II enthroned - from the "Manfred copy" . 102 of the De Arte Venandi cum Avlbus (Rome, Bib. Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. l a t . 1071, f o l . i v.) (Fig. 9 in A. Prandi, ibid.) 32 Special gold augustal. Obverse. Dated ca. 1 2 5 0 . . 102 (Fig. 61 in "Staufer-Adler", Jahrbuch der Staat-liches Kunstsammlungen. Baden-Wurttemberg, V,1968) 33 A denaro . 102 (P. 438 in E. Travaglini, "Di un raro denaro d i Federico II coniato nel 1221 dalla Zecca di Brindisi Archivio Storico Pugliese. v. 26, 3 - 4 , 1973. v i i 34 F r e d e r i c k I I - f r o m the E x u l t e t R o l l s i n the . . . . 103 C a t h e d r a l , S a l e r n o . ( F r o n t i s p i e c e i n E . K a n t o r w i c z , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h d e r Z w e i t e , ErganzunRsband. Kupper , D u s s e l d o r f , 1963) 35 The B a r l e t t a Bust 104 ( F r o n t i s p i e c e i n G . Mass on , F r e d e r i c k I I of  H o h e n s t a u f e n , L o n d o n , Seeker & Warburg , 1957.) 36 The Head f rom Lanuvlum 105 ( F i g . 16 i n H . Buschhausen, "Das A l t e r s b i l d n i s K a i s e r F r l e d r i c h s I I " J a h r b u c h d e r Kur is th i . a tor -i s c h e n Sammlung i n WlW.' B d . 70 (XXXIV) . 1974.) 37 The Boston Head 105 ( F i g . 4 i n B . Rowland, " A New P o r t r a i t Head of F r e d e r i c k I I Hohenstaufen', ' P a n t h e o n . 31, 1973. 38 The V i e n n a Head 106 ( F i g . 2 i n H . Buschhausen, i b i d . ) 39 A t the r i g h t - " K t t n i g l i c h e M a j e s t a t " a n d , a t the . . 107 l e f t - a c a s t f r o m the s u r v i v i n g m a t r i x of the mold of the head f r o m F r e d e r i c k ' s s t a t u e w h i c h had been commissioned by D a n i e l i f r o m S o l a r i . ( F i g s . 12/13 i n H . Buschhausen, i b i d . ) 40 The h a l f - h e a d f r o m C a s t e l d e l Monte 107 ( P I . 20, f i g . 2 i n G . K a s c h n i t z - W e i n b e r g , " B i l d n i s s e F r i e d r i e h s I I von H o h e n s t a u f e n " , M i t t e l l u n g e n des Deutsohen A r c h a e o l o g l a o h e n I n s t . , Romische A b t e i l u n g , B d . 62, 1955) 41 C a s t of a cameo which i s s a i d t o p o r t r a y F r e d e r i c k . 108 ( P I . 21, f i g . 2 i n G . K a s c h n i t z - W e i n b e r g , i b i d . ) 42 S e a l of F r e d e r i c k I I 108 ( P I . 634 i n D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , i b i d . , I I ) 43 C a s t of a cameo showing the c rowding of F r e d e r i c k . 109 ( P I . 636 i n Die Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , i b i d . , I I ) 44 I v o r y s t a t u e t t e 109 ( F i g . 2 i n J . D o r i g , " R i t r a t t i d e l l ' I m p e r a t o r e F e d e r l c o I I " , R i v i s t a d ' A r t e . XXX, 1955.) 45 M i n i a t u r e of F r e d e r i c k I I 110 ( F i g . 8 In J . D o r i g , i b i d . ) 46 M i n i a t u r e of F r e d e r i c k I I 110 ( F i g . 10 i n J . D o r i g , i b i d . ) 47 The head of J u s t i t i a I l l (A - P I . 74 i n D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , i b i d . . I l l ; B - F i g . 25 i n A . P r a n d i , i b i d . ) 48 T e r r a c o t t a head f r o m Medma 112 ( F i g . 10, a c c o r d i n g t o L a n g l o t z . A t the r i g h t i s J u s t i t i a , f i g . 9 a c c o r d i n g t o L a n g l o t z , b e f o r e the removal of h e r r e s t o r a t i o n s , i n E . L a n g l o t z , i b i d ) 49 Head of a woman 112 ( P I . 7, F i g . 4 i n N . Bonacasa , R i t r a t t i G r e c l e  Roman! d e l l a S i c i l i a . Pa lermo, 1964.) 50 The b u s t s of the two Judges 113 ( P i s . 75 and 76 i n D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , i b i d , I I I ) 51 The A c e r e n z a Head 114 ( F i g . 3 i n H . W e n t z e l , " A n t i k e n - I m i t a t i o n e n des 12 und 13 J a h r h u n d e r t s i n I t a l l e n ' , 1 Z e i t s c h r i f t f u r K u n s t w l s s e n s c h a f t , v . 9, 1955-) v i i i 52 The Berlin Head 114 (Figs. 8 and 9 in K. Weasel, "Bildnisae des Kbnigs Manfred von Slzlllen?".Berlin. Staatllohe Museen II. 1958) 53 Bust of Socrates 115 (PI.I, Fig. 4 in N. Bonacasa, ibid.) 54 Bust of Plato 115 (PI. II, Fig. 2 in N. Bonacasa, ibid.) 55 The head of Jupiter 116 (PI. 139 in H. Decker, Romanesque Art in Italy. London, Thames & Hudson, 1958.J 56 Herm - Man with a Broken Nose 117 (Fig. 43 in C. Shearer, ibid.) 57 Herm - A: An Older Woman; B: A Younger Woman 118 (Figs. 44 and 45 in C. Shearer, ibid.) 58 Corbel at Castel Lagopesole, near Potenza, Basilicata . 119 (Fig. 17 in M. Mariani, "Aspetti delle Sculture Sveva in Puglia e in Lucania", Archivlo Storico  Pugliese, v. 26, 1956.) 59 Decorative Herm 120 (PI. 71 in Die Zeit der Staufer, ibid., I l l ) 60 Herm - Man with a Beard 120 (Fig. 48 in C. Shearer, ibid.) 61 Herm - A young Man 120 (PI. 70 in Die Zeit der Staufer, ibid., I l l ) 62 The Porta Marzia, Perugia 121 (PI. 48 in Encyclopedia of World Art, v. V) 63 The Porta del Leoni, Verona 122 (Fig. 19 in H. Kahler, The Art of Rome and her Empire. N.Y., Greyatone, 1963) 64 The Porta Borsari, Verona 122 (P. 74 in H. Kahler, ibid.) 65 The Arch of Trajan, Benevento 121 (Fig. 4 in D. Glass, ibid.) 66 "Charlemagne" in his Palace 123 (Fig. 158 in E.B. Smith, ib-ifr.) 67 Coin ofFF^a@Ms:k II . . 102 (Fig. 93 in E.B. Smith, ibid.) 68 Palace of the Exarchate, Ravenna 123 (Fig. 6 in E.B. Smith, ibid.) 69 Ivory Diptych ca. 518 A.D 123 (P. 161 in M. Hadas, Imperial Rome. N.Y., Time Inc. 1965.) 70 Frankish Throne 124 (P. 32 in G. Simons, Barbarian Europe, N.Y., Time Inc 1968.) 71 Triptych of Justice with Saints Michael and Gabriel . 125 (PI. 26 in S.M. Marconi, Gallerla dell'Accademia di Venezia; Opere d'Arte del Secoil XIV & XV. Ist. Pollgrafico dello Stato, 1955.) 72 Enthroned Madonna and Child 126 (Fig. 82a in H.W. Janson, The Sculpture of Donatello. Princeton University Press, 1963.) 73 A Drawing (putative) for the Aragoriese Arch, Naples . 127 (Fig. 16 in G. Hersey, The Aragonese Arch at Naples. 1443-75, Yale University Press, 1973.) ix 74 The Aragonese Arch at Naples 128 (Fig. 1 in G. Hersey, ibid.) 75 The West Portico of the Ducal Palace, Urbino . . . 129 (Fig.59 in P. Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino. N.Y., Transatlantic, 196^7) 1 INTRODUCTION The topic of this thesis was chosen because i t seemed that the time was ripe for an up-dating of information on the state of Frederician/Hohenstaufen sculpture in Southern Italy -•speci-f i c a l l y that of the Capuan Gateway, ( f i g . 1) It i s just over 100 years since Salazaro wrote a short ac-count and almost 100 years since Fabriczy undertook his study of the archway and i t s history and some discussion of the main busts. He noted the discrepancies in the Latin wording. The de-pendence of the busts on the antique was observed and the re-semblance of technique between them and those of the Ravello Cathedral pulpit. Their assymetric contours did not escape his notice, and he was not convinced that the bust on the l e f t of Frederick represented Roffredo di Benevento since he was in disgrace at the time. Fabriczy saw a close parallel between the pose of Frederick's statue and that of Charles of Anjou in the Palazzo del Conservatori, Rome which was attributed to Arnolfo di Cambio and i s dated at 1277. 75 years ago, Bertaux published his extensive work which included a section on the Imperial art of Frederick II in which he dealt with the materials and construction of the Capuan Gate. The herms and Jupiter are mentioned, and he noted the resem-blance of the other works to those of the late Roman era but, by virtue of their dress, he assigns them to an unknown 13th century sculptor who imitated extant models. He had d i f f i c u l t y in admitting that there could have been any influence from con-temporary German sculpture since French architectural forms had been adopted by the state. Bertaux regarded Frederick as the 2 precursor of the Renaissance in the Italian revival of sculpture in the round, and viewed the gate as resembling a Last Judgment with an imperial arbiter on the throne. He thought that the Capuan sculptures were the prototypes for some in the Cathedral of Sessa and Sta. Restituta in Naples, and that Capua provided a training workshop. He saw southern Italy as being an arena where eastern and western traditions met explosively. Bertaux discussed at some length Nicola Pisano and his possible connec-tion with Frederician sculpture, but the question, after a l l these years, seems no nearer settlement. Some 40 years ago, Shearer's work saw the light of day as the result of Bertaux' urging. His study was to have constituted a chapter in Bertaux' projected Les Chateaux de l'Empereur  Frederic II which was never published due to Bertaux' death and the i l l health of a confrere. Shearer's stands as the only work in English so far and was written after the 13th century remains of the towers had been cleared of an accumulation of debris, thus enabling new investigations to be made. He was fortunate in obtaining access to the work of De Rossi on the later Capuan de-fence system, as well as having the benefit of the Vienna and Florence drawings at his disposal. Up t i l l Shearer's time, the plaster casts of the busts of Pietro della Vigna and Juno, which had been made after the restoration of the originals, served as illustrations in art books, but he took photographs of a l l the original sculptures - with particular attention to that of Taddeo da Sessa which had, i t seems, been consistently neglected. Shearer saw a Capuan prototype in Roman city-gates such as the Porta Nigra at Trier but commented that no Roman gate had Capua's stairs and underground passages and no mediaeval gateway could match the width of that at Capua. He found that the massive tower bases were polygonal rather than octagonal, as was pre-viously thought, and that their below-soil depth equalled some 12 m. He saw Ancient Capua as the source of the chamfered tra-vertine blocks used in the construction of the bases. He also considered that Capua Influenced the somewhat later military architecture of Caserta'Veechia's massive keep and other works in the v i c i n i t y . Shearer f e l t that the sculptures were much too animated to have stemmed from the classical era. He carefully studied their measurements and proportions and concluded that their very naturalness set them apart from contemporary French sculpture. He saw a similarity in technique with other pieces at Castel del Monte and in S i c i l y . Shearer held that, because of Its mixed Gothic and classical elements, the archway was the f i r s t major Baroque monument! From time to time, articles have appeared which purport to deal with a sculptured head thought to represent Frederick or to date from his era. Investigators in this category are Del-brdck and Kieslinger in the 1920s, Dorig, Kaschnitz-Weinberg, Langlotz, Prandi, Valentiner, Wentzel and Wessel who wrote in the 50s, and in this decade - Buschhausen and Rowland. It was noted by Rowland that except for the missing head of Frederick's statue, none of the heads so far submitted Is documented, and, furthermore, that the c r i t e r i a for such suppositions include the size, evidence of a laureated diadem, s t y l i s t i c traits and resemblance to other Hohenstaufen portraits. These authors seem mainly concerned with comparisons of technique and style and their views, so far, appear to be largely hypothetical. 4 Morisani'a short serialized work of 25 years ago did not add much to the small body of information and tended to concen-trate on the aesthetics of expression in the Capuan sculptures. The same year saw the publication of Willemsen's work. This author i s a p o l i t i c a l historian with an obvious interest in Frederick's art. He f e l t that the comparison of the drawings and their supplements showed up the unreliability of the various descriptions of the gate concerning the location of the sculp-tures, and particularly the epigraphlc information. As Shearer was surprised by the lack of contemporary references to the figures flanking the statue of Frederick, so was Willemsen as-tonished that no research had been done with respect to the arrangement of the Latin lines and their application to the busts in their respective niches. He was bothered by the fact that the Vienna and U f f l z i drawings show three busts in circu-lar niches around the top of the arch Itself, whereas Sannelll, writing also in the 16th century, only mentions the female f i g -ure in this location. Willemsen was the f i r s t to attempt to come to some conclusion as to the meaning of the gate in terms of i t s symbolism and his photographs have been carefully and plentifully taken - giving us, at last, a much clearer idea of the remains of the gate and i t s sculpture. His bird's eye view reconstruction of the monument is also very helpful in this respect. There has been l i t t l e reference generally to the relation-ship of the minor arts and manuscripts to the gateway. Fabrlczy had mentioned Frederician coinage and Bertaux drew attention to supposed portraits in Exultet r o l l s , Frederick's treatise on 5 h u n t i n g w i t h f a l c o n s and p o r t r a i t u r e on cameos. More r e c e n t l y V o l b a c h has been concerned w i t h the P a r i s copy of the A r t e  Venandi cum A v l b u s and K a s c h n l t z - W e i n b e r g w i t h the r e l a t i o n -s h i p s of cameos and c o i n s as i m p e r i a l p o r t r a i t s . That more thought i s now b e i n g to these a s p e c t s i s e v i d e n t f r o m the c a -t a l o g u e p u b l i s h e d i n 1977 i n . c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the g r e a t h i s t o r i c o - c u l t u r a l e x h i b i t i o n i n S t u t t g a r t - e n t i t l e d D i e Z e i t  d e r S t a u f e r . A c l e a r e r c o n c e p t i o n of the Capuan Gate c a n , I t h i n k , be a r r i v e d a t by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f u r t h e r examples of i c o n o -g r a p h i c a l l y r e l a t e d themes i n m a n u s c r i p t s and the minor a r t s as w e l l as the symbolism I n v o l v e d . 6 CHAPTER I FREDERICK II AND THE GENERAL SITUATION IN SOUTHERN ITALY Capua l i e s some 20 miles north of Naples in the centre of the Province of Campania. Two miles south-east of the town is S. Maria Capua Vetere, the site of Ancient Capua, where the amphitheatre built in the 1st century A.D. can s t i l l be seen. In size, i t is surpassed only by the Colosseum in Rome and i t s 1 outer ring originally supported a number of statues. The Volturno River surrounds Capua on three sides and en-trance to the city i s afforded by a Roman bridge which is ap-proached from the north by the merging Via Appia and Via Latina. The region of South Italy has always been somewhat Isolated from that of the North by virtue of i t s geographical position and r a c i a l composition along with differing traditions. The Cam-panian coastal strip faces the Western Mediterranean and S i c i l y and, over the centuries, has been vulnerable to Invasion by 2 Greeks, Saracens and Normans. We might, therefore, expect to find a r t i s t i c inheritances derived from Greco-Roman, Byzantine, Islamic and Northern sources. In the 11th century, Campanian art was mainly influenced by Byzantium and the Lombard courts of Benevento, Capua and Salerno. Sculpture of this period consisted of such church decoration as plaques in low-relief, but this style declined by the 12th cent-ury, paralleling the fading of Greco-Byzantine c i v i l i z a t i o n in Italy due to the increasing tolerance of Islam and Latin Christ-4 endom. The secondary influence which ran concurrently was mark-edly Oriental in i t s decorative quality and f l a t linear patterns 7 frequently derived from textiles. This a r t i s t i c strain was seen throughout the 12th century, by which time an indigenous provin-c i a l style had long since arisen. 5 Sheppard notes that the development of architectural sculpture was probably hindered by the b a s l l i c a l type of church constructed in Campania during the 11th and 12th centuries. A-c-6 cording to Timmers such sculptural works showed some technical s k i l l but were often lacking in expression and s p i r i t . Such or-namentation was mainly confined to church furniture and there was l i t t l e variation in iconography through the 13th century. 7 Sheppard observes that by 1175, pulpit arch-spandrels were be-ing decorated by figures - some almost free-standing - as can be seen in Salerno Cathedral and that of 13th century Sessa Aurunca. (fi g . 2) These sculptural motifs consist of prophets and sibyls, caryatids and atlantids, and the eagle of St. John bearing the lectern. Capitals were of the Roman Corinthian or composite type. To achieve contrast in shading, there was considerable use of the 8 d r i l l . The question of whether S i c i l y influenced Campania s t y l i s t -9 10 i c a l l y , or vice versa is s t i l l unanswered, but Glass feels that after William Ii's death in 1189, when most of the Monreale Cloisters had been completed, a group of Sici l i a n sculptors emi-grated to Campania where a school was set up and projects under-taken which would inject new l i f e and ideas into Campanian art. 11 As Glass also suggests, the fact that a number of antique monu-ments were to be seen in the region cannot have failed to have an effect on Romanesque a r t i s t i c production prior to the "proto-Renaissance" of Frederick II. The use of Roman capitals and cornices in cathedrals of the 1100a as well aa rough locally-made copies has been noticed, the former having been esteemed for their u t i l i t a r i a n value as to material and/or appearance, not because of their age or hist o r i c a l associations but because ancient ruins were only of 12 use to mediaeval man as stone quarries. It would be appropriate 13 here to cite Panofsky and Saxl who observe that, although there was some awareness and appreciation of classical art in the Middle Ages, the failure in relating subject matter to form often resulted in a non-classical interpretation: for example -a Phaedra functioning as a Virgin Mary as in Nicola Pisano's adaptation from the Camposanto sarcophagus, or a Venus in the role of Eve. In other words, art could be altered or adapted to 14 suit the purposes of the region or imitated without under-15 16 standing. Hoving feels that the copying of antique sources did not mean a line-for-line reproduction, but that the sculptor chose the elements which he wanted to emphasize - by enlarging or minimizing them. It must be asked, however, whether these sculptors were capable of copying slavishly - through technology 17 or understanding. According to Bossaglia there seems, never-theless, to have been some detailed Imitation when s t y l i s t i c inventions were invoked with respect to transposition from one medium to another, for example - from ivory to marble. He adds that the restricted choice of iconography, combined with mechan-i c a l repetition, reflected the fact that creative innovation was 18 running dry. Despite this, White argues that there is much to appreciate in South Italian sculpture of this period in terms of variety and quality. And with the advent of Frederick, Prandi thinks of art aa being oriented towards a courtly classicising 9 Academism - in order to bring about a meeting between classical 19 and Gothic elements. By 1230, Frederick II (1194-1250) had been back in.Southern Italy for 10 years, having sojourned in his South German hold-ings while settling p o l i t i c a l affairs there. During this decade he had been crowned Holy Roman Emperor at Rome, held the Diet of Capua in the same year (1220), dealt with the unrest in S i c i l y , founded the University of Naples (1224), become King of Jeru-m • salem through marriage (his second) to Yolande de Brienne, been excommunicated under Gregory IX for allegedly delaying the departure of the 6th Crusade which he subsequently won by nego-tiation with the Islamic powers involved rather than by the use of arms. On his return in 1229, the Papal forces were routed and peace was subsequently made with the Curia. In 1231 he i s -sued from Melfl his Constltutlones which gave the Emperor a l -most absolute power as well as establishing a centralized sys-tem of government. At this time Frederick was also engaged in his "Si c i l i a n Questions" concerning the nature of matter, the soul and theological subjects etc.; these were addressed to the Sufi, Abd-al-Haqq ibn-Sab'in of Ceuta. During the fourth decade of the Dugento, which would seem @2r to be the period of Frederick's greatest power and creativity he undertook four Lombard campaigns, triumphing at Cortenuova and Ravenna. As the result of such continual dissensions (and the subsequent threat of invasion by Genghis Khan) Frederick caused a network of fortifications to be constructed at strate-gic positions throughout his Italian domains. These, along with his hunting lodges ("places of solace") were much under Cister-cian architectural influence. Perhaps the Emperor foresaw the further excommunications which would occur in 1239 and 1245 under Gregory IX and Innocent IV respectively and Judged i t ex-pedient to erect the Capuan Gateway at the point where his ter-ritory bordered on that of the Pope and his supporting Guelph party. Frederick's building activity was essentially concerned with an expression of imperial absolutism in keeping with his 23 self-image as representing Justice and Fortune. Kantorowicz 24 also claims ' that in seeking what was most "Roman" in Empire and Church, Frederick was also giving encouragement to what was most nearly "national". He modelled himself on Justinian (527-565) as symbolic of Justitia and on Augustus (63 B.C.-A.D.14) as representing Pax - in the hope that his lands would be 25 blessed with another "aetas aurea" In the interests of unity he seems to have welded, like a philosopher-king, a combination of Roman law, an influx, through the Arabs, of Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic Ideas and certain Christian elements Into a t r i n i t y 26 , of Natural Law, Human Law and Divine Law thus embodying the 27 triple culture of Europe. Frederick and Da Vinci have been described as the alpha and omega of the same epoch with respect to their passionate curiosity regarding the laws of cause and 28 effect. This was the milieu from which sprang Frederick's non-re-ligious art, the purpose of which was to extol the State and it s o f f i c i a l s as well as to demonstrate his belief in truth and 2 9 30 r e a l i t y , i . e . "Manifeatare ea quae aunt a l c u t sunt" A t u r n -i n g p o i n t had now been reached wherein A r i s t o t e l i a n i s m would 31 b e g i n t o a f f e c t s c u l p t u r a l attempts t o p o r t r a y man and nature 32 and L i p i n s k y echoes t h i s i n s t a t i n g t h a t n a t u r a l i s m was an undeniable phenomenon i n the F r e d e r i c i a n p e r i o d . Poeschke quotes K a r l Hampe as having r e f e r r e d t o F r e d e r i c k ' s r e n o v a t i o as a "Hot-house c u l t u r e " and emphasizes the uniqueness of the search f o r a new ki n d of a r t a t that time - imp e l l e d by the w i l l of F r e d e r i c k who, i n a d d i t i o n to being a c o l l e c t o r of antique works of a r t , was knowledgeable and w e l l - v e r s e d i n other bran-33 ches of the a r t s . At any r a t e , i t would seem t h a t a d e s i r e of 34 R i e g l ' s waa f u l f i l l e d - i . e . the establishment of c o n t i n u i t y between A n t i q u i t y and the Middle Ages, through the replacement under F r e d e r i c k ' s a e g i s , of one s e t of a e s t h e t i c i d e a l s by another, as s t y l i s t i c a l l y m a nifested. 35 Masson remarks that when the "stupor mundi e t quoque immutator m i r a b i l i s " as the c h r o n i c l e r Matthew P a r i s d e s c r i b e d F r e d e r i c k , was i n Rome - the "caput mundi"- f o r h i s c o r o n a t i o n , he camped on Monte Mario and cou l d not have avoided n o t i c i n g the c l a s s i c a l monuments which had s u r v i v e d the onslaught i n 1084 by the men of h i s maternal f o r e b e a r - Robert G-uiscard. One can-not but f e e l , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t F r e d e r i c k ' s experience must have paved the way f o r a new a p p r e c i a t i o n of c l a s s i c i s m as expressed 36 by a r t i s t s r a t h e r than men of l e t t e r s . F r e d e r i c k seems, indeed, to have been f a s c i n a t e d by archae-ology: i n 1240 he i s recorded as having l i c e n s e d Osberto Com-menale t o excavate near Augusta " i n l o c a i n quibus sperat f i r m -i t e r i n v e n t i o n e s maximas i n v e n i r e " , ordered the t r a n s f e r of some large bronze statues from Grottaferrata to Lucera and 37 acquired an onyx cup and other expensive r a r i t i e s . Kantoro-38 wicz also notes that, some ten years earlier, the f i r s t systematic excavation of the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia in Ravenna was done under Frederick's direction while he was awaiting the arrival of his son, Henry. Frederick's connois-seurship, however, did not prevent his pillaging of ancient remains, when expedient, for construction of for t i f i c a t i o n s . CHAPTER II THE CAPUAN GATE: A - HISTORY AND DOCUMENTARY SOURCES The earliest reference to Frederick's plans for fortifying the bridgehead at Capua, the capital of the Terra d i Lavoro as i t was then known, is to be found in Richard di San Germano's 40 Chronicle for the year 1233 when he recorded in August that the suburbs of Borgo S. Terenziano and Borgo S. Antonio Abate 41 were to be razed. This work was to be directed by the provin-c i a l Justiciar - Ettore di Montefuscolo. The next entry on this subject occurs in February 1234 when i t was noted that Frederick and his second son, Conrad, had l e f t the neighbouring province of Apulia and established his court at Capua before meeting the Pope (Gregory IX) at R i e t l . While in Capua, Frederick directed that the construction of the towers and connecting archway be undertaken. The phrase "quod ipse manu propria consignavit" has led to 42 much debate over i t s precise meaning. According to Shearer Rinaldo was the f i r s t to interpret the words as meaning that Frederick himself had designed the structure. Delia Valle, in his Letters Senesi (1782), quotes Fabio d l Vecchioni as having 43 made the statement in his Discorsi I s t o r l c l (1655). This belief has been supported by such historians as Huillard-Breholles, 44 45 Bertaux and Kantorowicz, but Haseloff thought that the use of 46 "conslgnare" meaning designing/drawing was unusual. Willemsen i s of the opinion that Frederick checked the plans in det a i l , 47 48 then approved them by counter-signature. Morisani believes that, although Frederick commissioned the plans, the signature in question was only a matter of orders of a practical nature -neither technical nor a r t i s t i c . Nevertheless, Frederick's accomp-lishments in a l l the mechanical arts to which he had addressed himself were praised by the contemporary chronicler, Ricobaldo 49 50 di Ferrara. Another contemporary source includes painting and architecture as desirable attainments and, indeed, i t has been suggested that Frederick had a hand in the il l u s t r a t i o n of his De Arte Venandl cum Avlbus. The entry for 1234 concluded by men-tioning the commissioning of a Nicola di Cicala who was, perhaps, 51 Calabrian or Campanian to collect a tax for the work entailed. The only surviving volume of the Imperial Registers i s that for 1239/40. Included in i t are five mandates relating to the gateway, the i n i t i a l three being written at Lodi (N. Italy) on November 17, 1239. The f i r s t , transmitted by the hand of a Pietro di Capua to Nicola di Cicala, enjoined him to see to the roofing of the completed towers in order to prevent rain-damage. The re-quired marble was to be supplied by the Castellan of Capua and Stephano de Romoaldo - an Imperial tax collector - was to provide the funds. The second mandate authorized the Castellan to supply the requisite marble while the third directed De Romoaldo to pay Di Cicala for the expenses entailed. The fourth document was written from Arezzo on January 13, 1240 to Rlccardo di Montenegro - Justiciar of the Terra di Lavoro - demanding that he forward the expense accounts being kept by one Blsancius who, according to a mandate of January 12, 1240 had, apparently, been appointed 53 clerk of the accounts. (He was a Cistercian monk from Sta. Maria di Ferraria in the province.) A report was also requested regard-15 i n g the behaviour and worth of a M a g i s t e r L i p h a n t i s who was 54 overseeing the b u i l d i n g program. Toesca f e e l s t h a t t h i s man was, perhaps, from A p u l i a and may have been the a r c h i t e c t . The f i n a l communication was sent from Lucera on A p r i l 3, 1240. I t commissioned R i c c a r d o d i P u l c a r a to r e p l a c e Angelo de Marra, Di Romoaldo's subordinate, and a f i n a l r e v i s i o n of accounts was t o be made - " c u r i s n o s t r a d e c i p i nequeat v e l f r a u d a r i " . His 55 a s s i s t a n t s were to be Palmerio d i C a l v i and Cresco Amalfitano. 56 57 H a s e l o f f and Shearer have commented on the use of t u r r i s , t u r r i s p o n t i s , castrum and c a s t e l l u m i n connection with F r e d e r -i c i a n c o n s t r u c t i o n documents and the problem of i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e i r meaning. The next r e f e r e n c e t o t h i s towered gateway w i t h i t s busts and f i g u r e s dates from 1265 and was w r i t t e n by Andreas, C h a p l a i n t o the King of Hungary, who was present d u r i n g the Angevin a t -tacks a g a i n s t Manfred ( F r e d e r i c k ' s i l l e g i t i m a t e and f a v o u r i t e s o n ) . He marvelled a t the grandeur, s t r e n g t h and c o s t (20,000 oz. of g o l d ) of the e d i f i c e . The s t a t u e of the Emperor i s r e f e r r e d t o b r i e f l y - " i b i q u e suam imaginem i n eternam e t immortalem memoriam s c u l p ! f e c i t " - i n the language of a Renaissance human-58 i s t , as Bertaux comments. Andreas d e s c r i b e d the s t a t u e as having an arm w i t h two f i n g e r s extended as i f pronouncing the f o l l o w i n g l i n e s which were i n s c r i b e d above the f i g u r e : C a e s a r i s imperio r e g n i c o n c o r d i a f i o , Quam miseros f a c i o quos v a r i a r e s c i o j I n t r e n t s e c u r i q u i querunt v i v e r e p u r i . 59 I n f i d u s e x c l u d i timeat v e l c a r c e r e t r u d i . Here aga i n , there are semantic problems a r i s i n g from the use of 16 the words "statua" and "imagine" interchangeably in Andreas' ac-60 count. Dorig also emphasizes the importance of a book of sermons written by the Dominican, Giacomo da Cessoles, and Illustrated with chess figures. The book had wide circulation and apparently gives an earlier and more complete account of the archway than 61 that of Andreas. The Angevin Registers at Naples contain entries regarding the repair of the archway which had a defence strength of ten men. One of these documents, dating from 1328, l i s t s repairs 62 and additions. In 1330, Lucantonio di Penna, in his Commentaria in tres 63 posterlores Libros Codicls Justlnlanl, refers to the statue of Frederick and the inscription below i t : Caesaris lmperio regnl custodia f i o , Quam miseros facio quos variare scio. as well as to the "imagines" of two judges at a lower level on the archway. Above the head of one was inscribed: Intrent securl qui quaerunt vivere purl, and over the head of the other could be seen: Infidus excludi timeat vel carcere trudi. A further reference to the "magnifica aedificia" came from 64 S. Antonino (Archbishop of Florence, 1389-1457). and Bartolomaeo Facio, in his biography of the condottore, Bracelo da Montone, seemed impressed by the stonework when he saw i t in 1421. In 1456 65 an earthquake was recorded as having caused some damage. There was also a comment on the towers by V i l l a n i in his account of 66 Frederick's structures. S t i l l in circulation at this time was the Gesta Romanorum which has been dated ca. 1250. In Tale XIV - Of a Celestial King-dom - the account runs that Frederick II constructed a curious marble gate at the entrance of Capua upon which were sculptured the statues of the Emperor and two of his Judges, "in a half circle over the head of the right-hand judge was inscribed as follows: "He who regards his own safety and innocence, let him enter here". Similarly over the head of the left-hand judge ap-peared this s c r o l l , "Banishment or imprisonment i s the doom of the envious". In a semicircle over the Emperor's head was writ-ten, "Those whom I made miserable I recompensed". In like manner above the gate was inscribed, "in Caesar's reign I became the 67 guardian of the kingdom." 68 Shearer considers that the most complete description stems from Giovanni Antonio Campano (1427-77), Bishop of Teramo in the Abruzzl. In dealing with the area between the towers, he refers to an entrance and, above i t , a royal chamber (regium cubiculum) ornamented with marble statues and antique figures. 69 Vasari's account has been seen as inaocurate and is not worth discussing. Reference i s also to be found in Annali della Citta di Capua 70 by the 16th century historian - Scipione Sannelli. He specifies 1247 as the year when Frederick constructed a sumptuous portal adorned with various works. On the upper part of the portal were white marble statues from the ruins of Ancient Capua, admirably arranged. Below this level was the figure of the Emperor, above which was inscribed: Quam miseros facio quos variare scio. To the right of Frederick's statue was that of Pietro della Vigna, above which was inscribed: Intrent securi qui quaerunt vlvere purl. and to the l e f t was the bust of the jurist, Roffredo di Bene-71 vento with the inscription: Invidus excludi timeat vel carcere trudi. At a lower level and centred above the portal arch was the f i g -ure of a woman, symbolising the city of Capua the Faithful, with her garment undone at the neck in order to reveal the Imperial 72 eagle. Inscribed above the head was: Caesaris imperio regni custodia f i o . Immediately3ab0y,e:::this level were a number of white marble Victories and Trophies of the Emperor's. 73 In his Storla Civile dl Capua. Granata wrote of the des-truction of the towers and archway which he had witnessed and lamented on February 9, 1557. l : l h l l l p II's Viceroy In Naples, the Duke of Alva, had ordered the demolition so that a sizeable new defence system could be constructed. Although part of each tower base was retained, the archway and i t s sculpture were thrown down and the latter thrown onto the rubble pile nearby where i t remained for a number of years. The statue of Frederick 74 was described as being "without hands and feet, and the nose and other parts of the body badly mutilated." Granata added that "at this time were taken away many marble statues and numerous sculptured reliefs-." In 1583,»by order of the Capuan Senate, Frederick's statue was cleaned and restored by Carrara and Di Lazaro who had been 75 working on the then newly erected Porta Napoli in Capua. The statue was then set at the base of the left-hand tower which faced the town near the Porta Roma, and affixed to i t was the 76 inscription s t i l l to be seen in the Museo Capuano. The busts of Fldelita and both jurists were inserted into niches in the wall 77 above the statue of Frederick. Shearer thinks that since the female bust was about one-third larger than the other two, the head may have been broken off at that time in order to accommo-date i t in the niche. If there was a torso, i t was apparently destroyed since i t has never come to light, and only the head survives. In 1781, the Neapolitan historian, Francesco Danieli, having inspected the statue of the Emperor, wrote to Delia Valle 78 and described i t as "placed in a well-adorned niche, in sitting posture, a l i t t l e greater than l i f e - s i z e and of youthful appear-ance as i f the Emperor had not yet reached his fortieth year; although the roughness of the 13th century workmanship was ap-parent, the face, clothing and general arrangement of the whole showed that the sculptor was well versed in his art, as i f he wished to portray the appearance of an original beautiful antique" Danieli added that he had commissioned a drawing of the statue, as well as a bust, to be supplied by the sculptor,Tommaso Solari. From this bust, an intaglio profile of the head was made by one Bertoll at Danieli's request and the gem-stone eventually came 79 80 into the possession of Raumer. Shearer argues that the style is that of the 18th century Canova and bears l i t t l e resemblance 20 t o F r e d e r i c k ' s l a t e c o i n s . The e n g r a v i n g , as shown i n d ' A g i n -81 c o u r t ' s S t o r i a d e l l ' A r t e , was done by one of M u r a t ' s s o l d i e r s and i s thought t o be based on the D a n l e l i d r a w i n g because o f the s t a t u e ' s m u t i l a t e d s t a t e , ( f i g s . 3 and 4). F u r t h e r m u t i l a t i o n s were , i n d e e d , i n s t o r e f o r t h i s p i e c e of s c u l p t u r e when, d u r i n g the F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n a r y i n v a s i o n o f N a p l e s , I t was o v e r t u r n e d , the head s e v e r e d and presumably l o s t . The t o r s o J o i n e d o t h e r f ragments f r o m the archway i n a b a s t i o n s t o r e - r o o m u n t i l they were s u b s e q u e n t l y a c q u i r e d by a Capuan c i t i z e n . S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , the t o r s o was cut up f o r p a v i n g 82 b l o c k s . F o r t u n a t e l y , however, by the m i d - 1 9 t h c e n t u r y , Capua had a c h i e v e d a museum (founded by G a b r l e l e J a n e l l i , a Canon and a n t i q u a r i a n ) and these p i e c e s f o u n d t h e i r way t h e r e where they 83 were c l e a n e d and r e s t o r e d . In 1877, J a n e l l i i s s a i d t o have d i s c o v e r e d the b u s t s of t h e j u r i s t s and t h a t of the female i n 84 t h e i r n i c h e s and S h e a r e r t h i n k s t h a t i t would have been l o g i c a l f o r them t o have been p l a c e d i n the w a l l n i c h e s , as w e l l as l a t e r on i n the museum, i n the o r d e r i n w h i c h they had been d i s p l a y e d on the gate f a c a d e . In the museum, the s t a t u e of F r e d e r i c k was p l a c e d In a n i c h e w i t h f l a n k i n g r e l i e f s c a r v e d by C a r r a r a and D i L a z a r o , and the b u s t s and s i x r e m a i n i n g herms were I n s t a l l e d a t the same t i m e . The exact l o c a t i o n of each of the s u r v i v i n g herms, o r i g i n a l l y s i t u a t e d at the top of the a n g l e s of the tower b a s e s , has n e v e r been d i s c o v e r e d . 85 A c c o r d i n g to Shearer a few archway f ragments have come t o l i g h t i n Capua f r o m time to t ime and are now i n the museum. As of 1935, these i n c l u d e d broken p i e c e s of d r a p e r y , mouldings and 21 and columns and a sizeable lion which, Judging from the groove on i t s side, was part of the portcullis system and had -origin-86 ally been attached to one side of the arch. The excavation of 1927, which centred around the tower bases, added a large 87 double capital of fine workmanship to the collection, and 88 Willemsen also photographed another damaged capital. Shearer 89 refers to two sculptured corbels on a side wall and comments that, from what he could see, there must have been an extra-ordinary use of sculpture wherever possible. A corbel with the head of a young man, now in the museum, was photographed by 90 Willemsen. , 22 B - THE DRAWINGS AND RECONSTRUCTIONS Of g r e a t h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t was the f i n d i n g of a drawing 91 of the Capuan Gate i n the Vienna H o f b i b l l o t h e k i n 1908. De 92 N i c o l a dates i t not l a t e r than 1507, i . e . some 50 years before the d e m o l i t i o n and i t i s supposed to have been drawn by Fra Giocondo, a s c h o l a r l y epigrapher who was do i n g r e s e a r c h i n 93 Campania. The drawing and i t s supplement are, indeed, roughly done. In the main drawing the three c i r c u l a r n i c h e s can be seen above the a r c h i t s e l f , ( f i g . 5) In the l a r g e r c e n t r a l n i c h e i s the e n t i r e bust of what appears t o be J u s t l t i a ; the other round-e l s show the two c h a n c e l l o r s , beneath each of which i s a column su p p o r t i n g a s m a l l e r b u s t . Above the c e n t r a l r o u n d e l i s the stat u e of the seated emperor who seems t o be uncrowned but the orb and sc e p t r e are c l e a r l y v i s i b l e . He i s f l a n k e d i n the two l a t e r a l n i c h e s by two k n e e l i n g persons who are turned toward him. Th i s s t o r e y i s almost at mid-height of the towers. De N i c o l a 94 s p e c u l a t e s t h a t the drawing c o u l d i n d i c a t e an open g a l l e r y or the "reglum cubieulum" r e f e r r e d t o by Campano. The upper zone c o n s i s t s of f i v e arches; the c e n t r a l three are p o i n t e d and the 95 l a t e r a l ones are round-arched. De N i c o l a supposes that the l a t e r a l arches are n i c h e s , r a t h e r than being p a r t of a l o g g i a , because t h e r e i s no i n d i c a t i o n of columns. Four statues are shown and a l l appear to be s t a n d i n g . Above the c e n t r a l s t a t u e i s a round niche of about the same s i z e as those f l a n k i n g the a r c h i t s e l f . The towers are capped by c r e n e l l a t i o n s . De N i c o l a 96 t h i n k s t h a t the head of J o v e / J u p i t e r might have been p l a c e d on one of the columns f l a n k i n g the a r c h opening, but i t would appear from the drawing t h a t these busts are c l a d i n the manner of the c h a n c e l l o r s above. Fr a Giocondo's supplementary drawing ( f i g . 6) i s of major importance even though i t a t t r i b u t e s the s t r u c t u r e to F r e d e r i c k Barbarossa - c o n f u s i o n r e g a r d i n g the g r a n d f a t h e r and h i s grand-son f r e q u e n t l y o c c u r s . Not a l l the accounts agree as to the r e -l a t i o n s h i p of the L a t i n l i n e s to the busts and s t a t u e , but the sketch c l e a r l y shows "Caesar imperio r e g n l c u s t o d i a f l o " i n -s c r i b e d around the upper r o u n d e l , B, " I n f i d u s e x c l u d i timet c a r c e r e t r u d i " around r o u n d e l C on the r i g h t and " I n t r e n t s e c u r i qui querent v i v e r e p u r i " around r o u n d e l A on the l e f t . In h i s note a t the top of the drawing the f r i a r i n d i c a t e s t h a t there 97 were two l i n e s i n s c r i b e d around the upper r o u n d e l The s p e l l i n g of " t i met" and "querent" does not agree w i t h the other v e r s i o n s but " i n f i d u s " agrees completely w i t h the l i n e as r e p o r t e d by Andreas and Di Penna; " c u s t o d i a " l i k e w i s e agrees w i t h the v e r -s i o n s of Di Penna and S a n n e l l i . U n t i l t h i s s ketch was d i s c o v e r e d there was no c o n f i r m a t i o n as t o which l i n e a p p l i e d to each of the c h a n c e l l o r s . Andreas had grouped the f o u r l i n e s above the Emperor's head and D i Penna grouped the f i r s t two l i n e s below the Emperor, i . e . between the sta t u e and the head of J u s t i t i a (which he does not mention) but d i d not s p e c i f y which of the two remaining l i n e s a p p l i e d t o each of the c h a n c e l l o r s . S a n n e l l i as-s o c i a t e s the second l i n e w i t h the Emperor and the f i r s t l i n e w i t h the f i g u r e of J u s t i t i a , but he c l e a r l y r e l a t e s the f o u r t h l i n e t o the bust t o the l e f t of F r e d e r i c k . T h i s confirms the i n f o r m a t i o n given by the Vienna supplemental s k e t c h even though the f r i a r , 24 according to the accompanying notes, has depicted roundels A and C not from the observer's viewpoint but from that of Frederick. 98 Willemsen has concluded that Salazaro should be credited with the correct labelling of these busts, i.e. Delia Vigna to the right of Frederick's statue and Da Sessa at the l e f t . This would be in accordance with Sannelli's statement, the sketch and 99 their original location. In fairness to Fabriczy, when he under-took his study of these two busts, a catalogue of the Museo Cam-pano collection was not then available, so he accepted the state-ment of the catalogue for the National Exhibition at Naples in 1877 where the Capuan sculptures were present only in the form of casts. Since there was no secure reference-point in order to distinguish them, the identification, perforce, had to be arbi-100 trary. Although Willemsen says that the heads probably pro-truded slightly from the niches with a slight orienting toward the portal by means of shoulder-twisting, this cannot be easily seen in his photographs. By the time his study appeared, both busts had had their restorations removed, and his nomenclature is not that of Shearer's, i.e.he identified the bust with the knot in good repair as that of Delia Vigna. The catalogue for the Stuttgart exhibit last year simply labels them as the busts of jurists. In 1924, Professor Toesca found another drawing and supple-101 ment in the U f f i z i , Florence. These were in a note-book at-tributed to the Renaissance architect, Francesco di Giorgio Martini (1439-1502). The main sketch, in addition to an external 2 5 view of p a r t o f the Capuan G a t e , shows the p r o f i l e of an a n t i q u e 102 urn seen a t M o n t e c a s s i n o , a m i s s i l e such as appears i n s e v e r a l 103 f o l i o s i n the C h i g i S a r a c i n i C o l l e c t i o n and p o s s i b l y a p l a n f o r a s p i r a l s t a i r c a s e as w e l l as what appears to be a f l o o r p l a n of two c o n t i g u o u s s q u a r e s . The d r a w i n g of the gateway r e -v e a l s what appears t o be ( f i g . 7) a v o l u t e i n the l e f t f o r e -g r o u n d , a l i o n on the c o r b e l t o t h e l e f t of the a r c h jamb m o l d -i n g - a p p a r e n t l y h o l d i n g an open s c r o l l i n i t s l e f t paw. The Tuscan column en r e s s a u t t o the r i g h t of and beneath the l i o n bears a C o r i n t h i a n c a p i t a l which s u p p o r t s e i t h e r a rampant a n i -mal or a b u s t . In a r o u n d e l above these two s c u l p t u r e s i s the bust of a bearded man w i t h a k n o t t e d c l o a k and head t u r n e d t o -ward oncomers. Above t h i s bust and s l i g h t l y t o the l e f t i s an a r m l e s s bust on a c o r b e l - a c l e a n - s h a v e n man w i t h head i n -c l i n e d s l i g h t l y away f rom the roadway. D i r e c t l y above the a r c h I t s e l f i s a s l i g h t l y l a r g e r r o u n d e l which c o n t a i n s a b u s t w i t h a r o u n d - n e c k e d garment , two or t h r e e f o l d s of which can be seen a c r o s s the c h e s t . Both b u s t s f i l l the s p a c e s . Above t h i s bust t h e r e seems to be the sea ted f i g u r e of F r e d e r i c k w i t h forearms o u t s t r e t c h e d , but no o r b , s c e p t r e o r crown can be d i s c e r n e d . The f i g u r e appears t o have the l o n g Hohenstaufen f a c e and M e d i -a e v a l h a i r - s t y l e t o be seen i n m a n u s c r i p t s and a c o r b e l a t C a s t e l M a n i a c e , S y r a c u s e , ( f i g s . 8 and 9) E i t h e r the arms of the throne have l i o n - h e a d s o r the Emperor i s f l a n k e d by a p a i r of s c u l p t u r e d s tone l i o n s . A t F r e d e r i c k ' s r i g h t i s a s c a n t i l y c l a d f e m a l e f i g -ure i n c l a s s i c a l d r a p e r y and e o n t r a p p o s t o s t a n c e , t u r n e d s l i g h t l y toward the roadway b e n e a t h . There a l s o seems t o be a l i o n or 26 similar animal by this figure's right foot. To her right i s a corbel which supports a column en ressaut with an apparent Cor-inthian capital. Above this level, two pilasters seem to mark the junction of the facade with the tower wall. At the inter-mediate level there are short columns separating Frederick from the other figure and above these i s an arched niche or window. The niches are horizontally framed by a molding which i s curved at the l e f t and pointed in the middle. On the third storey, there is a round-arched opening at the l e f t , to the right of which are three rectangular niches superimposed by three smaller ones with pointed arches. One would, therefore, assume that, from their positioning, there would originally have been a double row of five niches flanked by the two larger round-arched niches. The roof line is indicated by sketchy crene11ations. In my view, the use of superimposed en ressaut columns stems from Apulia. The apse of the Cathedral of Troia, dating from the 12th-13th century i s reinforced by five pairs (fig.10), the portal of the Cathedral of Ruvo is flanked by a pair of columns with Corinthian capitals and each column rests on a massive corbel consisting of a lion-type animal not unlike the voluted form shown in the U f f i z i drawing, ( f i g . 11) The same type of column i s also to be found enhancing the main portal and apse window of the Cathedral of Bitonto. (f i g . 12) In the latter two cases, the Corinthian capitals are superimposed by sizeable animals or human busts which are at l i n t e l level and bear the weight of the tympanum arch above. The same ideas are carried through in the U f f i z i drawing where the armless bust is analogous to the columnar supports at Ruvo and Bitonto and 27 the decorative corbelling Is placed at both upper storeys at the Junction of the horizontal arcade l i n t e l s , i.e. i f the l i n -tels had been carried straight across, the two lateral figures in the third storey and a l l three in the middle storey would, in effect, have been shown as mere busts within tympana. 104 On another f o l i o of the same note-book is shown the partial view of the interior or town-side aspect of the gate-way along with two unrelated ground-plans. ( f i g . 13) Except for the round arch, i t i s similar to the Castel del Monte portal and that at Prato. ( f i g . 14) In the U f f i z i collection are two codices and 20 folios which are considered as products of Di Giorgio's sketching trips. Four folios deal with Roman monuments and another group relates to his Campanian itinerary which included Naples, Pozzuoli, Capua San Germano and Cassino. While in Rome, he drew the Arch of Con-stantine as well as that of Titus, ( f i g . 15) The latter was evidently badly preserved at the time and i t Is thought that the drawing may have represented a tentative design for i t s restor-105 ation. While in Capua, Di Giorgio was apparently impressed by the Capuan Gate's torus molding which he seems to have been considering for a building project because of i t s substantial 106 anti-shock value. Since there is no contemporary reference to the figures flanking Frederick which must have been well over l i f e - s i z e , Willemsen speculates that they might have represented virtues such as Ratio and Provisio or Saplentla and Clementia. This view would have some precedent, I believe - for example in 107 The Book of Gospels of the German Emperor Henry II (d. 1024) (fi g . 16) Here, the Emperor is enthroned as Vicar of God and 28 M e d i a t o r w i t h the H o l y Ghost above him , w h i l e beneath him a s u p p l i a n t f i g u r e a w a i t s b e h e a d i n g . Henry i s f l a n k e d by S a p i e n t i a and P r u d e n t l a , and a l l f i v e c i r c u l a r m e d a l l i o n s are surrounded by i n s c r i p t i o n s . J u s t i t i a and P i e t a s s t a n d i n the upper c o r n e r s w h i l e Lex and Ius b a l a n c e these b e l o w . While J u s t i t i a and P i e t a s were c o n s i d e r e d r o y a l v i r t u e s , C a r o l i n g i a n m i n i a t u r i s t s a l s o i n c l u d e d the C a r d i n a l v i r t u e s ( P r u d e n t l a , J u s t i t i a , Temperant ia 108 and F o r t l t u d o ) i n p o r t r a i t s of r u l e r s . "Head and s h o u l d e r " r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of these a r e shown i n The Helmarshausen Book of G o s p e l s , d a t e d 1194, each v i r t u e h a v i n g a s e l f - i d e n t i f y i n g 109 s c r o l l . A t a lmost the same t ime i n S i c i l y , about the b i r t h date of F r e d e r i c k , the L i b e r ad Honorem A u g u s t l by P i e t r o de E b u l o shows F r e d e r i c k ' s f a t h e r , Henry r e c e i v i n g the a t t r i -b u t e s of h i s power (helmet , sword , l a n c e and s h i e l d ) f r o m F o r t i t u d e and J u s t i t i a . With S a p i e n t i a he r u l e s w h i l e s i t t i n g on the throne of Solomon. Next t o him are h i s C h a n c e l l o r (Von A u e r f u r t ) and h i s two c o m m a n d e r s - i n - c h i e f (Von A n n w e i l e r and 110 Von K a l d e n ) . A l t h o u g h De R o s s i ' s L a F o r t e z z a d l Capua shows a d r a p e r y fragment w h i c h S h e a r e r t h i n k s may have come f r o m one of these 111 f l a n k i n g f i g u r e s , he was unable t o t r a c e i t i n the museum. We do n o t know whether the V i c t o r i e s and T r o p h i e s mentioned by S a n n e l l i were i n the form o f r e l i e f s or whether they were a n a -l o g o u s w i t h the a n t i q u e f i g u r e s r e f e r r e d t o by Campano. Both sketches show the l o w e s t l e v e l o f the f a c a d e t o be as S a n n e l l i d e s c r i b e d i t . Both a l s o b e a r out Campano'a a c c o u n t of the I n t e r m e d i a t e l e v e l w i t h i t s marble s t a t u e s and a n t i q u e f i g u r e s . 29 In both drawings there Is a discrepancy as to the number of niches on the uppermost level. The Vienna drawing shows only one row with a total of five niches and four statues, presumably from Capua Vetere, as described by Sannelli. The later U f f l z l drawing reveals a more complex niche system, but none of these sculptures. It i s not known whether this was the result of dis-repair or whether the works had been removed by that time. Missing in the U f f l z l drawing is the circular window or niche seen at this level in the Vienna drawing. It is not known i f i t was designed for a bust or was intended as an oculus-type window such as Frederick built into Castel del Monte and Lagopesole; 112 one of these windows is shown in figure 17. Shearer thinks that the round discs, shown only in the U f f l z l drawing at the upper rear of the topmost niches, represented dark tufa Inlays like the alcove material behind the herms, in order to contrast with the white marble sculpture. He adds that this oriental ele-ment can be seen between the interlaced arches of the cupola of the Cathedral at Caserta Vecchia. The head of Jupiter i s not recognisable in e i t h i r drawing, nor does i t appear in Fran6eB,c.o<,'&-supplementary sketch which i s our only source of information re-garding this facade. Shearer notes that both sets of drawings are diagrammatic and have no consistent sense of scale. A third drawing of the archway, again with no sense of scale ( f i g . 18) appeared in Fabio Vecchioni's Dlscorsi Istorlcl (1655). He was born in Capua after the gate's demolition in 1557, became Canon of the Cathedral, and died in 1673. Although the draughts-manship is as sketchy as that of the Vienna drawing, one gathers 30 t h a t V e c c h i o n i ' a h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h was thorough. He knew of Andreas' account,and e v i d e n t l y depended on Luca d l Penna's wording f o r the v e r s e s as he d i d on Campano's d e s c r i p t i o n which r e f e r s t o the h e i g h t of the towers above ground b e i n g equal t o that below ground. He shows three g r e a t steps " l i k e s w e l l i n g p e d e s t a l s " a t the tower base, and the chamfered b l o c k s up t o the l e v e l of the top of the a r c h where the tower i s e n c i r c l e d by a marble c o r n i c e which i s repeated a t the apparent road l e v e l . Although he does not i n d i c a t e so i n the sketch, he des-113 c r i b e s the lower p a r t of the towers as being angular f o r purpoaea of r e i n f o r c e m e n t , while the tower s e c t i o n s above the a r c h l i n t e l are c y l i n d r i c a l and made of n e a r l y b l a c k t u f a b l o c k s . The long narrow window-openings are mainly d i s t r i b u t e d between the upper two-thirds of the towers. Each tower i s capped by a c o r n i c e and t u f a merlons while the covered b r i d g e spans the space between the tower summits. Below t h i s i a a t r i p l e - n i c h e d arcade, r e m i n i s c e n t of t h a t i n the Vienna draw-i n g which has the same round a r c h e s . In the c e n t r a l one, under a canopy, i s an enthroned crowned monarch who appears to be h o l d i n g a sceptre a t a strange angle, and an orb. The l e t t e r i n g i s v e r y roughly i n d i c a t e d . U n l i k e the other two drawings here, the l a t e r a l arches are devoid of s c u l p t u r e , and there i s no s i g n of J u s t i t i a and the two J u r i s t s although the a r c h i t s e l f , w i t h i t s f l a n k i n g columns i s very s i m i l a r t o the Vienna drawing. The herms are v i s i b l e on t h e i r p y r a m i d - l i k e bases which r i n g the towers above the c o r n i c e s a t the bases of the c y l i n d r i c a l upper s e c t i o n s . I t h i n k t h a t an a s s o c i a t i o n might be considered between this monarch ensconced under a canopy and looking out through a "window of appearances" (see p.6"5) and"Sapientia seated in the temple" ( f i g . 19). There i s also an evident hearking back here to the theme of this virtue's assistance in ruling as referred to at the end of paragraph 1, p. 28. 114 Vecchioni refers to several pictures, then extant in Capua, which showed the gateway towers with the city in the background. One of these could have been that referred to by Shearer which had disappeared by 1935. Another impression of this monument can be found in a copy, 115 dated at 1392, of Pietro d l Ebulo's De Balnels Puteolanls. The dedication illustration shows a monumental architectural framework. In the upper level the Emperor is seen enthroned, holding the usual symbols while, beneath him at the right, kneel a poet and a companion - somewhat analogous to the Vienna drawing with i t s two kneeling figures flanking Freder-ick. The poet i s in the act of handing the book to a person standing by a lectern at the l e f t . The monarch Is flanked by two round-arched niches, one of which contains a male bust. Superimposed are four progressively smaller storeys with niches containing statuary. It has been concluded that this i l l u s t r a -tion had a prototype which is thought to date to about 1240 when the Capuan Gate was under construction, since the Codex Rossano shows a dedicatory i l l u s t r a t i o n dating from the con-struction period of the gateway. Accordingly, Frederick had ordered a new and evidently more sumptuous version.(fig. 20) There have been various reconstructions of the gateway. The earliest seems to be that of Mariano in 1928. His view of the town face shows three oculi at the level of the upper storey, one being incorporated into the central mullioned win-dow. The towers seem to have abnormally long openings. The Jupiter head, constituting the keystone, can be seen.(fig.21) Figure 22 shows his reconstruction of the outside of the gate. Shearer's plan ( f i g . 23) i s onsa seale of 1/262 and was based on measurements of the fragments recovered in 1927, the dimen-sions of Frederick's statue, and the Vienna and Florence drawings. He calculated that the span of the actual opening was 3 meters, and the width of the jamb at 90 centimeters. He estimated the distance between the towers as 8 meters, and the diameters of the niches containing the busts of the 116 jurists as 1.1 meter. Willemsen f e l t that the structure could not have been entirely conceived as defence system since i t could only be defended from the roof. To him i t would have been I l l o g i c a l to design a facade which displayed so much sculpture at a site which was subject to attack. In his plan ( f i g . 24),contrary to the others and the U f f i z i drawing, the superimposed columns go straight up. The topmost one is slightly shorter and, because of the closer approach, the arrangement seems an improvement. His bird's-eye view (f i g . 25) shows the bridge approaches much as in Vecchioni's attempt. There i s , however, no space in the facade for the sizeable room projected by Mariano in figure 21. 33 CHAPTER III DESCRIPTION OF SURVIVING SCULPTURE By referring to the drawings or reconstructions, one can see the original positions of the works: the Emperor in the centre of the intermediate level of the facade with, directly beneath, the head variously referred to as Juno, Fedelta, di Capua, Capua Imperiale, Capua Sveva, Capua Ghibellina or Justitia Augusti. She w i l l be referred to here as Justi t i a . This head is flanked by two male busts variously referred to as justiciars, ministers, Jurists and representing Pietro della Vigna as Frederick's Chancellor and Taddeo da Sessa as 117 his Justiciar. The herms are also visible around the upper edges of the polygonal tower bases. It should be noted that in 1877, to commemorate the Natio-nal Art Exhibition in Naples, plaster casts of the busts were made by the government. The photographs of Justitia and Della Vigna to be found In older histories of art were taken of these casts after restorative work in preparation for the exhibit, resulting in an unrealistic smooth surface as well as depriving the heads of v i t a l i t y . Up to 1935, the bust of Da Sessa had never been reproduced photographically, although a cast i s said to be in the Naples Museum. Shearer noted that the bust of Delia,Vigna was considerably damaged, with the missing parts having been very roughly restored. During World War II the 118 Capua Museum suffered from the bombardment of 194$ but in 1949, the sculptures were subjected to a thorough cleaning and i t i s apparent from current photographs that the restoratory accretions of the last century have been removed. The busts now appear to be displayed to better advantage so that hitherto unobserved details can be seen. A. THE EMPEROR This torso i s 75 cm. across the widest part of the chest and from top to bottom i s 1.8 meters, i.e. about twice l i f e 119 size. The toga-like garment is draped over the belt, drawn over the separated knees and pulled in around the ankles. Wide sleeves cover the forearms. Over the toga i s a pallium which is draped??across the chest, with the excess fabric thrown over the figure's l e f t arm. Shearer notes the resemblance to the paludamentum but emphasizes that Romans only wore this with military a t t i r e , ( f i g . 26) The problem of what the missing head was actually like i s 120 compounded by the fact that Frederick was described by a contemporary as handsome and distinguished, with brownish skin, rosy*cheeks, thinning auburn/blonds hair and clean-shaven; his eyes had a mocking look and his gaze was snake-like and un-wavering. Connections between the head on the d'Agincourt drawing, that shown on the Raumer gem, those on his coins and seals, as well as other representations of i t have led to some discussion - Von Fabriczy, for example, doubting that the gem's 121 version was a true reproduction of the original. ( f i g . 3) At Raumer's death, the gemstone disappeared but, as re-corded above (p. 19), Danieli had had a cast made which, ac-122 cording to Langlotz, formed the basis for a l l early 19th century drawings. It was important, therefore, to find the Danieli mold. In short, Langlotz, having heard in 1938 that a descendant, the Marchess Danieli, was l i v i n g at Centurano, near Caserta, visited him and was shown a cast which corresponded so perfectly with the gem and drawing that he f e l t It could only he the long-sought one which had been made before the head of the statue disappeared ca. 1790. Unfortunately, however, the cast was covered by a dark stain, as was frequently the case in the 19th century, in order to simulate bronze or to camouflage repairs and restorations. Before his death, the Marchess pre-sented this cast to the Capua Museum where i t was photographed and a matrix prepared by Professor Maiuri and the Director of the museum. The air attack on Capua in 1943 destroyed the cast but the matrix survived. It i s of plaster and does not repro-duce the fine modelling details. Langlotz noticed that the nose, mouth and chin had been remodelled and, in his view, the modelling resembled that of the Napoleonic period. The roundness of the skull and f u l l cheeks are seen, to some extent, in the drawing.(fig. 4) He thinks that the clasfiicistic hair-style could be due to one of the later restorers but he points out that the augustals also d i f f e r in hair-style and profile - with some of the coins re-producing the"long Swabian countenance", although occasionally one finds a round head, usually with a straight, but sometimes crooked nose. Figures 27 and 28 show two variations. Langlotz sees the face on the gem as similar to that on seals produced in Germany during the coronation year of 1220 when Frederick was 26, whereas those of five years earlier and later reveal 36 a narrower face as seen in the Oppenhelm seal, ( f i g . 29) The prevailing style in Italy i s seen on a seal produced when Frederick was 5 years old which shows a narrow face with fat 123 cheeks, while yet another, dated 1211/12, has a fat, round face. It would seem, therefore, that these stylizing conventions only served to mask the age of the monarch, and that the artisans, whether or not in a Frederician workshop, were simply respond-ing to these demands of time and place. It i s , therefore, not surprising that the value of the cast as supportive of the drawing has been questioned. Langlotz concluded that a head of Artemis, dated in the late 2nd century A.D., could have served as a model for the statue's mining head. ( f i g . 30) In 1231 Frederick had issued the celebrated augustals which were minted at Messina and Brindisi and replaced the cur-rent Muslim tarins some of which, from 1220 on, had featured Frederick's head minus his t i t l e but included the eagle on the reverse which i s not shown on Imperial Roman coins. Around the bust of the Emperor on the new coins was engraved IMPERATOR R0MAN0RUM CESAR AUGUSTUS; FRIDERICUS was inscribed on the re-124 verse. Bertaux compared the beardless face with that in De Arte Venandl cum Avibus ( f i g . 31) and the drawing published by d'Agincourt in 1820 ( f i g . 4) but doubted much connection with the Raumer gem in that i t is not laurelled but crowned. Bertaux was also dubious about the gem because i t did not f i t Andreas' description of feeling that the statue was pro-nouncing the words of the Inscription. 125 Wood refers to 36 known examples of gold augustals, with a l l except the Vienna coin ( f i g . 32)being of one type. 37 126 Travaglini has drawn attention to a rare silver denaro minted at Brindisi in 1221 which Bhows the Emperor's crowned head facing right and Inscribed FRIDERICUS within a circle in r e l i e f , ( f i g . 33) The reverse, in my view, is similar to that on a coin minted in Dortmund which has an analogous cross con-127 taining what are described as four small St. Andrew's crosses. The border design is similar and within i t is inscribed ROMANUS REX, whereas the Brindisi coin has ROM. IMPR. AUG. The Dortmund coin's obverse shows a bust of Frederick full-face with the inscription FREDI... whereas the Brindisi coin shows only the head which faces right, with the word FRIDERICUS. The crown consists of triangles capped with spheres. According to Trava-128 g l l n i , of a l l the imperial coins attributed to Brindisi, only these denari minted between 1225 and 1243 show Frederick in profile or frontally, and with or without crown. He adds that the coin may have been issued to commemorate the coronation. The face and hair are crudely worked but the hair i s long and curled at the ends in the manner of the Castel Manlace corbel. The crown is reminiscent of that in figure 32. Other types of coinage portraying Frederick were issued. 129 As Wentzel points out, this entire unusual corpus of the 13th century would not be imitated except for a short period under 130 the Angevins. Kantorowicz refers to leather coinage having been issued in 1240 when Frederick was in financial straits owing to his siege of Faenza. These showed the eagle and head; and at Victoria, where Frederick founded a church ca. 1247, he issued Vlctorines with the head on the obverse and the town on 131 the reverse. Toesca refers to coinage issued in Bergamo and 132 Kantorowicz says that the imperial coins of 1239 which were minted at Como reveal a portrait bust which is quite unlike that of the augustals in that Frederick wears a crown with square-cut gems. The hair-style resembles that shown In figure 31, being smoothly brushed under and not curly as in the augu-stals, and the Emperor holds the customary regalia. This North Italian coinage i s of inferior quality compared with that of 133 S i c i l y . Kantorowicz also points out that completely f i l l i n g the coin with a design, as occurred in some issues, is not in the antique tradition. Prandi, in discussing the cast In relation to the gem, 134 reasons that the nose, having been damaged in Sannelli's time, was obviously remodelled by Solari, i f not earlier. He comments on the asymmetry of the cheeks and that the l e f t one seems totally re-made; the wide and squeezed up chin is not seen in the augustals, but the eyes suggest the element of Romanization required of the statue rather than that of Solari's academic taste. Inasmuch as attempts to adapt the Solari head to the torso have been unsuccessful, he concludes that this i s a copy of the cast made by Solari. As proof, he compares i t with the d'Aglncourt drawing derived from the same source and finds that the eyes are closer together; i t differs from the cast In that the f u l l lips in the narrow mouth are curved by cutting through the l i p s ; but the low forehead does correspond to the work of Solari. Prandi claims that the traits found in the drawing, thus lending greater weight to i t , can be seen in other portrayals of Frederick, e.g. the youthful figure of the Emperor on a silver casket dated to the time of his 135 coronation of 1215 where the large deep-set eyes agree with the drawing. He sees certain physiognomical characteristics in other portraits which, although Idealized, have represented such traits abstractly, e.g. an augustal showing expression in the eyes, the treatment of the bridge of the nose and similar mouth and chin; he refers to such portraits as that in the Exultet Roll in Salerno ( f i g . 34) where idealization has not prevented the figure from being clad in mediaeval robes and attributes as the result of direct contemporary observation, and feels that this miniature shows the same eyes, oval face and well-defined chin. Prandi was the discoverer in 1953 of a bust which is now in the Museum of Barletta. ( f i g . 35) It was found on a farm half-way between Barletta and Canosa in Apulia. On the basis of records he concluded that the farm was once one of the "regiae massarlae" which Frederick established on his domains. As Prandi notes, in the Capuan torso there i s no clear d e l i -neation between the toga and paludamentum, or knowledge of how to f i t these over the right shoulder; and contrasted with this bulkiness i s the tautening over the knees. He feels, In the same way, that the unantique knots on the busts of the jurists and the draping of their cloaks, as well as the treatment of Justitia's hair and garland, demonstrate an ignorance of material and a lack of knowledge which would have been gained by having a live model. In contrast, the sculptor of the Bar-letta bust, perhaps trained in the North, has demonstrated great accuracy in carving the paludamentum as well as the f i b -ula i n i t i a l l e d SPQR. Prandi dates the bust at 1245-50 which negates Willemsen's theory that Frederick wanted to be por-trayed as youthful, and the bust does, indeed, have a worn look under the eyes. Because of the chin form, the long neck, position of the eyes with their depth and distance from the nose, and the shape of the cheek and jaw bone, Prandi sees 136 the bust as a portrait of Frederick. Panofsky, however, 137 dismisses i t as such. The inscription around the socle reads: DIVI I.I CAE. There has been some discussion not only as to what constituted the missing letters bu whether the inscription, in fact, dated from the 13th century. Prandi favoured the insertion of FRI(Fridericus). Campana, on re-138 searching the epigraphy, thought that the inscription was added much later - in the second half of the 15th century. Schumacher, in a proposal for a reconstruction of the bust, 139 indicated that the bust must have originally been part of an equestrian statue of Frederick - in a similar pose to that of the Bamberg Rider. Kaschnitz-Weinberg who had earlier published an article 140 on the colossal head of Lanuvium ( f i g . 36) relates this head to that of Barletta in that this find signified a step forward in research since both can be related to Frederick's physio-141 gnomy in the later augustals. Prandi sees the Lanuvium head as conforming to the d'Agincourt drawing, the Oppenheim seal and the Castel Maniace corbel in terms of the upper l i p 142 and as the portrayal of a mature individual. Panofsky f e l t that i t was a late-Antique original re-worked in the 13th 143 century. Rowland has written about a supposed head of Frederick, now in Boston, which was apparently found in Campania prior 144 to the 1950s. ( f i g . 37) He considers that although there Is documentation for the Capuan head of the Emperor, i t i s useless for s t y l i s t i c purposes. He comments on i t s "Palmyrene" eyes as well as Its hieratic pose, no doubt to convey to the beholder the idea of a Pantokrator in contrast to the realism of his ministers' portraits. He sees the Boston head as having Augustan and Constantinian elements in the same way that the augustals combined Imperial and Late Antique features, and says that It shows a classical form overlaying individual characteristics, a l l achieved by mediaeval technique. Buschhausen brought out a paper on a l i f e - s i z e marble head now in the Kunsthlstorisches Museum in Vienna, (fig.38) He attempts to prove that this head i s a portrayal of the Emperor by comparing i t with the Solari cast which he also thought had been restored in Solari's time. He emphasizes the great similarity between the cast and Solari's head of 145 "Konigliche Majestat" (figs. 39a and 39b) which, he be-lieves, corresponds in a l l details to that given to Langlotz by the Marchess Danieli. He cites a German precedent for the Capuan figure in that commissioned by Barbarossa, Frederick's grandfather, which is in the style of an antique emperor as ruler of Rome. Buschhausen sees a relationship between the Barletta and Capua figures in terms of the hair-styling around the forehead. He finds the augustals of l i t t l e help in pro-viding an authentic portrait of Frederick. German archaeologists are unanimous in saying that the Bamberg sculptures were completed by the time of the Cathedral's 146 consecration in 1237. There are numerous references to co-relationships between Frederician and German sculpture - among 147 them, the Bamberg Rider. Valentiner mentions Frederick's amicable association with Bishop Ekbert (1203-37) and his patronage of the building fund, and adds that Frederick was probably in Bamberg at the time of the Rider's creation. 148 Traeger states that Bishop Ekbert had seen the Marcus Aurelius statue in Rome as well as the equestrian carving in the portal of Foggia Cathedral, Apulia which has been dated at ca. 1225 and i s probably related to Frederick's crusade. The Rider bears a crown and sceptre and, in the firm mouth and 149 chin, one i s reminded of the Barletta bust. Poeschke notes moreover, that while he considers the axle-straight pose of the Capuan figure to be unantique, he sees a relationship between the draping of i t s garment and that of Christ the  Judge in the North Portal at Rheims; and furthermore, that the gesture and position of the arms of the Capuan torso remind 150 him of the Elizabeth in the Rheims Vl s i t a t l o . Traeger states that the Rider is generally dated In the third or fourth decade of the 13th century, and has concluded that this work represents not Frederick, but Constantine in sight of the Cross. Of the remaining portraits of Frederick listed by Valen-151 tiner, that of the Bitonto pulpit in Apulia w i l l not be dis-cussed here, mainly because of i t s style and disagreements over the people represented. There i s , however, a fragment which might be considered, namely the upper part of a l i f e - s i z e , laurel-wreathed marble head which was discovered in 1928 at Castel del Monte, and is now In the Museum at Bari. Whether i t belonged to the figural group over the portal i s debatable but the treatment of the hair and wreath, the shape of the head, the cheek-bone, the setting and expression of the eyes and the forehead wrinkles are, in my view, evocative of the Barletta head. ( f i g . 40) Among the minor arts bearing a portrait of Frederick, 152 there is a cameo of sardonyx dated 1225-30 which was made 153 in S i c i l y . (fig.41) It shows the f u l l face of the Emperor in high r e l i e f . The wreathed head i s clean-shaven and the face i s that of a 40 year-old. The paludamentum and military attire are v i s i b l e . There is also a tfe&Sfelo which is closely related s t y l i s t i c a l l y to a seal of the 1220 Strasbourg group. It i s thought to havebeen produced North of the Alps and 154 represents Frederick enthroned. ( f i g . 142?) A further cameo represents Frederick onaa throne with an ornamented footstool, ( f i g . 43) He i s flanked by two Victories or angels who hold a thin wreath or narrow diadem over his head. The 155 scene i s described as portraying Frederick's adoption of the image of a glorified Caesar/Christ, and is dated 1230-40. It la possible that this work was Influenced by Exultet Rolls in Southern Italy which show coronations performed by angels, since this piece reflects a change in iconography which was effected during the Hohenstaufen era. Sannelli's reference to Victories on the Capuan Gate facade would thus tend to be sup-ported by this type of evidence. Among Ivories, Dorig has drawn attention to a statuette 44 —bo in Baale which, in pose, i s similar to the Capuan torso, (f i g . 44) and was described as an ivory chess-piece, almost 3 inches in height, at the; tf©onH.irac'h'>-fflale'Afin""Juried• The points of the crown are missing, as is the right forearm. The pupils are worked with a d r i l l and f i l l e d with black paint. On a f i n i a l of the throne, behind Frederick's right shoulder, one of a pair of falcons survives. Dttrig compares the head with that of Frederick in the Ms. Cronaca univ. Sassonica (fig.45), another in the Cronlca reale di Cologna ( f i g . 46), and a third 156 in the Bagnl di Pozzuoli by Pietro di Ebulo. He comments on the resemblance of the thrones, the admonishing hands, and the related capitals with acanthua leavea. B. JUSTITIA This head is approximately three times l i f e - s i z e and i s nearly 80 cm. from the top to the point where the neck was 157 severed, and 50 cm. across the forehead. Shearer comments that i t could have come from Capua Vetere because of i t s very classical appearance, but this i s not surprising since i t s restorations were not removed until after his time and i t s present state i s very different, (figs. 47a and 47b) The hair is styled at the sides in thickish r o l l s , indicated by wavy striations, and ends in a knot at the back. Capping the head 158 is a wreath of vine leaves. Fabriczy saw the head as the personification of an ideal - as opposed to the realism shown in the busts of the two ministers - and considered the Farnese Juno in the Naples Museum as the prototype. He thought the face 45 s l i g h t l y asymmetrical and t h a t the busts of the m i n i s t e r s had 159 been carved by the same s c u l p t o r . Willemsen saw t h a t the eyes had once been I n l a i d w i t h metal or g l a s s l i k e those of the Louvre L i v i a and u n l i k e those of the Naples Juno. M o r i -16© '• s a n i holds t h a t the a r c h keystone f i g u r e s of the nearby amphitheatre r e v e a l a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t and technique and he compares the head w i t h a c l a s s i c a l Diana or Demeter. 161 O s t o i a sees a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the heads on a c a p i t a l i n 162 T r o l a , A p u l i a , near Foggia where M a r i a n i p o s i t s a workshop. Two i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n the a r t i c l e by L a n g l o t z have been l a b e l l e d I n c o r r e c t l y : they should be the r e v e r s e , I.e. #10 Is i n f a c t J u s t i t l a and #9 l a the t e r r a c o t t a from Medma t o which the head 163 does bear q u i t e a r e s e m b l a n c e . ( f i g . 48) Nau f e e l s t h at the head may have o r i g i n a l l y been g i l d e d w i t h the money r e f e r r e d 164 to by Andreas (p. 15) B o t t a r l compares the face w i t h one i n a d e c o r a t i v e p a n e l at the Museo d e l l ' O p e r e d e l Duomo, Siena and concludes t h a t , although i t may not have been done by the same s c u l p t o r , i t showed the g e n e r a l d i r e c t i o n being taken by 165 the c u l t u r e of the p e r i o d . Wentzel compares the c a r e f u l l y arranged h a i r of a sphinx i n the C i v i c Museum of Reggio C a l a -166 brilba. Buschhausen sees as comparable the Artemis of the Capuan Amphitheatre and a head In the Museum f u r Kunst und G-ewerbe, Hamburg, which has been claimed r e p e a t e d l y as F r e d -167 e r l c i a n . V a l e n t i n e r holds t h a t although the wreath may seem c l a s s i c a l , he sees i t as c l o s e r t o e a r l y Gothic n a t u r a l i s m . Bonacasa shows a head which, I t h i n k , c o u l d be a p r o t o t y p e . I t i s of marble and was a c q u i r e d by the Syracuse N a t i o n a l Museum i n 1954. ( f i g . 49) 46 In a n a l y s i n g S a n n e l l i ' s statement t h a t J u s t i t l a ' s r o l e 168 was t h a t of symbol of the f a i t h f u l c i t y , Willemsen says t h a t the L a t i n l i n e S a n n e l l i l i n k e d with her i s not compa-t i b l e . He t h i n k s t h a t , although a guardian f i g u r e would have been n a t u r a l i n the context of the e d i f i c e , Capua was not the only entrance to the kingdom and, t h e r e f o r e , such a watchman image at the gate would not have been r e f e r r e d to f i g u r a t i v e l y by t h i s l i n e . He a l s o takes i s s u e w i t h S a n n e l l i on the grounds of s e p a r a t i n g the l i n e s : C a e s a r i s imperio ... and Quam miseros and comments t h a t i f , In f a c t , Capua had been the h i g h e s t law c o u r t i n the kingdom, then one c o u l d r e l a t e t h a t to the l i n e . However, i f the f e m a i e r b a s t a i s d e f i n e d as symbolic of i m p e r i a l j u s t i c e , the two v e r s e s are then r e -c o n c i l a b l e i n t h a t they d e a l with the female bust as the emblem of J u s t i t l a I m p e r i a l l s when combined with Luca d i Penna's r e -mark t h a t the two male busts represented Judges - her servants who announced the peace which she guaranteed i n the name of the Emperor. Above J u s t i t l a and her servants was enthroned the Emperor who p e r c e i v e d h i m s e l f as the " f a t h e r and son", "master and s e r v a n t " . Since he was the means of t r a n s m i t t i n g the D i v i n e Law emanating from above and of the temporal law on e a r t h , Willemsen sees J u s t i t l a as the symbol of t h i s , a t h i s f e e t . Each p o r t r a i t i s , t h e r e f o r e , not r e a l i s t i c but symbolic and i s designed to p o r t r a y F r e d e r i c k as the Rex Justus who w i l l b r i n g peace, as i n the Augustan e r a . 47 C. PIETRO DELLA VIGNA AND TADDEO DA SESSA Although only Sannelli stated that the bust to the l e f t of ^Frederick represented Roffredo d i Benevento, local tradition has always termed i t as that of Taddeo da Sessa. In 1248 Taddeo was k i l l e d at the Defeat of Parma; Pietro was arrested the following year and subsequently died. Since these busts have continued to have changes in iden-t i t y , or non-identity (p. 24), they are discussed under one heading here. Again, i t was only when Willemsen saw and photo-graphed them, after their restorations had been removed, that the Identical damage to their foreheads and wreaths became evident, as well as the damage to the upper l i p of the bust with the knot in bad repair, and some damage to both noses. This is clearly shown in figure 50. According to Shearer, there is a difference of 4 cms. in the total height of each, 1 cm. from the top of the head to the end of the beard and 1 cm. across the forehead, but their 169 shoulder width is identical. Fabriczy observed their styliza-tion but that they were also individualized to the extent that one head gazes upwards and slightly to the l e f t , while the other head is slightly bent and turned somewhat to the right. He saw the prototype as that of a poet/philosopher bust and noted that this form of bust was far more common in Roman por-traiture than the herm-type used mainly for idealized portrayals. Their hair i s carved in small separate flocks, with strong-er tufts at the back, the beards and moustaches being f a i r l y 170 . straight. Shearer observed that the beard treatments on heads at the nearby Amphitheatre are very different. In one bust, the eyes are smaller and the regular eyebrows protrude more, but there Is l i t t l e variation in eye measurements. The pupils were originally d r i l l e d and f i l l e d with lead. Their mouths 171 do not show much disparity. Eertaux noted that one bust had 172 an asymmetric face, and Shearer observed that one face seems rounder while the other i s longer with a higher forehead, a more pronounced nose and less pointed beard. 173 Shearer compared 1 7 3 their animation with that seen in Pompeian bronzes, e.g. that of Caecilius Jucundus in the Naples Museum and he considered the Capuan prototypes to date from the late Empire because of the large expanse of exposed chest which did not occur in Augustan busts. He saw the same work-manship carrying through to the bust of Sigilgaita Rufolo in Ravello Cathedral, and the Scala bust i n the Berlin Museum. 174 " Morisani approves of the centrifugally fanned folds of the paludamentum from an architectonic point of view but says 175 that he cannot accept them as true portraits.. Poeschke sees the prototype as that of a Homer Epimenides. Relevant in terms of Frederician portrayals Is a head discovered by Lenormant at Acerenza In 1882 and published by 176 Delbrlick in 1902. ( f i g . 51) The head i s described as that of a man of 40-50, l i f e - s i z e . The face i s long with a high forehead, the hair i s curly and short with short forehead locks and the wreath l i e s smoothly. The wide-open eyes are small as i s the mouth and the nose which is sharp. The chin i s sharply defined but there i s also a double chin. The beard is curlier than the hair and is closely trimmed. The features are assembled towards the middle of the face. The torso has a paludamentum over battle attire, the former being attached by a round fastening device. DelbrUck f e l t that this was a man of consequence, a warrior, and probably of Nordic background. He relates i t to the bust of Pietro with respect to the treatment of the forehead, hair, and the form of the eyes, as well as the archaically styled 177 garment. Prandi recognized that the head and torso were unrelated, and did not think that the head portrayed Frede-rick. It has now been assigned by many archaeologists and mediaeval art historians to the late Roman era of Antoninus or Severus. 178 Wessel has also written about a marble head (fig.52) which he thinks could date to the same period as the Capuan Gate (1234-39). He relates this head s t y l i s t i c a l l y to other heads in the Berlin Museum and sees i t as stemming from a hypothetical workshop at Capua, although i t has Roman proven-ance. He cites the hair-style as similar to the jurists', although i t lacks the d r i l l e d pupils. This bearded head i s also considered to be a portrait of Frederick and Wessel be-lieves i t to have been carved by the sculptor of the jurists. This head is claimed as the most important sculpture next to the works of the Capuan Gate, mainly because of i t s analogous beard form. The prototype i s thought to be of the Antonine era. 179 Buschhausen sees a close relationship with the carving of the hair of a youth's head on a console in Capua. Relevant antique models for the busts could be found, I think, in a Greek bust of Socrates dated ca. 390 B.C. (fig.53) or a portrait bust of Plato also in the Syracuse Museum, (fig.54) The mouths and hairstyles bear a considerable resemblance. 50 D. JUPITER This head measures 83 cm. from the crown to the bottom of the neck and 40 cm. across the widest part of the face. The break in the neck had been covered up by restoration remedies by the time Shearer inspected the head. Although the head (f i g . 55) i s not visible in the drawings or documents, i t might have been rebated into the wall or arch on the town side because of the projection of stone behind the head. ( f i g . 21) The wreath of wheat and pine cones is classical in feeling as i s the hair-style. The brows are prominent as are the eyes which have no pupils. Were they once painted? The wide mouth with narrow l i p s can also be seen in the busts of the jurists and at least two of the herms. Shearer was impressed by the work's symmetrical massiveness, and saw certain resemblances 180 in Bamberg's East Choir. He believed this sculpture to be of the 13th century when related to the workmanship of the herms. Although he describes the head as the best preserved of the collection, he surprisingly ends his discussion by wondering whether the work had once been part of a Roman decorative scheme, on the grounds of i t s much repaired state! 181 Willemsen finds i t d i f f i c u l t to accept the head as being from the archway or the amphitheatre, although the latter probably provided the prototypical image. He theorizes that the head represents the god, Volturno,and he feels that the hair and wreath are far from being natural. Neverthless, the head seems to project an impression of great power, in my view. Willemsen considers that the technique indicates a relationship with theherms; 182 Morisani sees the head as a type of Zeus or Hermes, and the beard as being carved in the Romanesque manner. Decker 183 views this work as a menacing Poseidon figure and relates i t to the atlantids at Castel del Monte or a capital at the 184 Cathedral of Otranto in Apulia. Valentiner points to a connection with the Scala bust (ref. p. 48) regarding the carving of the eyes and of the hair on top of the heads. 185 Bottari posits an analogy between Jupiter and a Magus on Pisano's pulpit at Pisa - mainly around the nose and eye. 186 187 To Gnudi and Panofsky the head i s s t i l l an enigma. E. THE HERMS 1) Man with a broken nose - ( f i g . 56) This herm i s shown frontally here, backed by Jupiter in profile in the pre war arrangement of the Capuan Museum. Although perhaps confus ing, I feel that this ill u s t r a t i o n is far more clearly repro-duced than the only other one available. It also has the ad-vantage of giving the reader an idea of comparative dimension 188 This i s considered by Shearer to be the most important of the group, and i t s realism - worry lines across the forehead and hollows under the eyes - suggested to him that i t might have represented a court personage burdened with affairs of state. The head i s almost l i f e - s i z e : 71 cm in height by 23 cm wide. As of 1955, i t was the only herm retaining any lead f i l l i n g 189 190 in the eyes. Shearer notes that in late Empire works, metal-filled eyes often pitted with time. The face is some-what asymmetrical but Shearer notes the well carved teeth and ears. The beard i s composed of f a i r l y vertical strands. 191 Willemsen sees a similarity to the Bamberg Paulus. 2) The female herms - (fig. 57a and 57b) a) Represents an apparently older womsn. It is 70 cm from crown to base, 30 cm from crown to chin and 24 cm 192 193 across the face. Willemsen and Shearer would seem to agree that i t is hardly worth discussing, being of less adept workmanship. 194 b) Is 10 cm shorter in height. Shearer feels that the same sculptor was responsible for both these heads. He comments on the fact that the upper l i p i s twisted and the tongue exposed as If the head were speaking. He also points out the resemblance of the head to that on a corbel at Lago-pesole (Basllicata) with respect to the mouth and hairstyle, ( f i g . 58) but Willemsen thinks the latter work is superior. 195 To Mariani a more convincing relationship might be found with Strasbourg*,.r 3) Either Shearer or his publisher has erred in describ-ing two further terms as decorative. when only one could be described as such, i.e. i t terminates in a rounded form care-carved in low r e l i e f on the front with what is described as a scr o l l - l i k e f i g leaf motif, ( f i g . 59) but, rather, has the appearance of an upside down palmette or an acanthus leaf from the spiralled stems of which springs a flanking cinquefoil. 196 As Willemsen says there must have been at least one more of these. 197 4) Man with beard- ( f i g . 60) Willemsen views this as a stylized barbaric grimace - a demon mask. 5) Young man- ( f i g . 61) This head has been damaged by ex-posure. It measures 63 cm in height by about 24 cm. The hair, with i t s short locks, differs from that of the other heads and I would suggest that i t i s similar to that on the lion (p. 21) Shearer attributes i t to the same sculptor as that of the man with the broken nose, and Willemsen agrees. I find i t d i f f i c u l t to believe that these off-white travertine pieces formed a sequence or cycle since they are so varied in style and technique 198 Morisani feels that four have an a f f i n i t y , mainly in details, and that they are unantique: both female herms, the young man and the manwith beard. They are similar in the eye-brows, d r i l l e d pupils, the mouths with somewhat larger and pen-dant lower l i p combined with the upper lip ' s thinness, and the non-naturalistic long flattened planes. The hair is tackled in an elementary mechanical manner, in long parallel strokes. He thinks that the bearded man was carved by a different sculptor since i t i s a psychological rather than a physical portrait. The irregularity of the beard, the carving of the eyebrows and the treatment of the hair over the forehead a l l express emotion. 199 Wessel claims that art had not yet achieved the repres-entation of an individual personality, but was s t i l l confined to external Imitation in portraying a standardized figure of the Middle Ages; that the Antique remained superficial and only stimulated through form - not the human w i l l imprinted on the form. He claims that this applies to the herms, the Daniel! cast, the Capuan console with the head of a young man, and possibly the Berlin head. (p. 49) 54 200 Shearer c o n s i d e r s t h a t the s u r v i v i n g s c u l p t u r a l works a t Capua are r e l a t e d t e c h n i c a l l y t o heads a t C a s t e l d e l Monte , L a g o p e s o l e , C a t a n i a and Syracuse In t h e i r n a t u r a l p r o p o r t i o n s and r e a l i s t i c e x p r e s s i o n s . He c a l c u l a t e d t h a t the r a t i o of s h o u l d e r w i d t h to head w i d t h e q u a l s about 2 : 4 , and t h a t the busts of the m i n i s t e r s come c l o s e t o t h i s a l t h o u g h over t w i c e l i f e - s i z e , thus r e f l e c t i n g F r e d e r i c k ' s concern w i t h a c c u r a c y . He sees Capua as d i f f e r i n g from a l l F r e d e r i c k ' s p r e v i o u s and subsequent s t r u c t u r e s i n i t s i n c o n g r u o u s m i x t u r e of G o t h i c and c l a s s i c i s m . F r e y , w r i t i n g i n 1891, a t f i r s t t r e a t e d the s c u l p t u r e d heads as r e - w o r k e d a n t i q u e s , but i n 1911 he changed h i s m i n d , as d i d V e n t u r i s u b s e q u e n t l y , and d e c l a r e d them t o be the work of a s c h o o l which c o u l d be s a i d t o be F r e d e r i c i a n . Such p e r -p l e x i t y was perhaps u n d e r s t a n d a b l e i n those e a r l y days when r e s e a r c h e r s were f a c e d w i t h c a s t r e p r o d u c t i o n s , d u s t y a r t i -f a c t s or i n s u f f i c i e n t l i g h t f o r e x a m i n a t i o n . ^ c e © i ? d i l ^ : t o o r the canon of the a n t i q u e , the i n d i v i d u a l elements of an a n -t i q u e work s h o u l d be o r g a n i c a l l y and t h o r o u g h l y connected 201 w i t h e a c h o t h e r and w i t h the work as a w h o l e . S i n c e n e i t h e r the s c u l p t u r e n o r the f a c a d e as a whole were d i r e c t i m i t a t i o n s of the a n t i q u e , the o b s e r v e r was f a c e d w i t h the problem of where the c o n f l i c t s among the e lements l a y . 202 Gnudi wrote t h a t the term " c l a s s i c a l " cannot e x p l a i n F r e d e r i c i a n a r t because of the i n f l u e n c e s f r o m the N o r t h as w e l l as from the E a s t . Nor does he approve of u s i n g the term " c l a s s i c i s i n g " f o r the Capuan s c u l p t u r e s and i m p u t i n g these as reflections of Frederick's drive toward a classical revival. He concludes that Frederician classicism only makes sense i f one thinks of i t as an aspect of a c i v i l i z a t i o n which revived i t but lived in harmony with Gothic elements. Some light on the sculptural program of the archway has 203 been shed by Haussig who notes that from the Comnenian period on (11th and 12th centuries), there was a revival of statuary sculpture in terms of Imperial portraiture, but that 204 in Byzantium i t was only in r e l i e f . Katzenellenbogen says that in the classical tradition, the group of three signified not only the dignity of the central figure but the magnitude of his power, e.g..a Roman emperor between two members of his retinue, or V i r g i l flanked by two muses. That this tradition was pursued under Charlemagne is apparent in a 17th century copy of a Carolingian illumination which shows him sitting between two court o f f i c i a l s - the Prlmicerium and Secundierum. 205 They are in front of a facade flanked by domed towers. (f^£gg66) 56 CHAPTER IV THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GATE A. The Antecedents The antecedents of the triumphal arch in Rome appear un-clear, nevertheless the honorary archway was an architectural influenced by Hellenistic decorative traditions. Undoubtedly 206 the Porta Triumphal!s had an af f i n i t y with the city-gate. A l l processions for imperial triumphs started at this point in the Campus Martius. This gateway was flanked by towers and was subsequently altered when Domitian incorporated into i t his triumphal Arous Dlvorum which i s shown on a coin Issued 207 by Marcus Aurelius. Smith sees a relationship between the city-gate and triumphal arch In other Italian,cities, e.g. the Porta Marzia In Perugia, dated in the mid-first.century, B.C. Here, above the round arch, there i s a loggia divided into five compartments - each containing a torso in the round. The spandrels contain protruding heads and another sculpture i s above the arch keystone, ( f i g . 62) The central figure in the 208 loggia has been identified as Jupiter, flanked by the Dioscuri He symbolizes the triumphator, when seen from his loggia, as King of Heaven. The balcony or arcaded gallery must, therefore have been of divine or royal significance at that time. Antique examples of a later date can be found in the arcading of Dio-cletian's Porta Aurea in Split and in that of Theodoric's Palace 209 In Ravenna. Probably in the 13th century, there appeared a guide-book of secular and antiquarian interest to those passing through Rome. This was written by a Magister Gregorius and entitled De Mlrablllbus Urbis Romae. It ostensibly provided a l i s t of 211 extant monuments, although Rushforth notes Gregorius' poor sense of locality and lack of knowledge and/or Interpretation regarding inscriptions. Included in the l i s t were the eques-trian statue of Marcus Aurelius which then stood in front of the Lateran Palace, the colossal bronze head of Constantine (which was moved from this site to the Palazzo dei Conserva-tor! in 1471), the Palace of Augustus which had been stripped of i t s marbles for church construction, as well as some sur-viving sculpture, city gates and arches. The Triumphal Arch of Augustus is wrongly described as being near the Pantheon 212 rather than in the Foro Romano. Rushforth states that the only archway then in the vicini t y of the Pantheon was the Ar-cus Pietatis, the foundations of which were discovered in the 213 17th century. Gregorius also mentioned the Arch of Pompey but omitted reference to the arches of Titus and Constantine 214 (fig. 15), although Rushforth feels that the description of certain scenes on a triumphal arch in honour of Scipio and his victory over Hannibal seem similar to some on the Arch of Constantine. Frederick, however, must certainly have seen the Arch of Titus, dated ca. 81 A.D., on the Via Sacra near the Colosseum. Having been incorporated into a mediaeval fortress, i t was re-215 stored in the early 19th century. According to Kfihler i t has been a model ever since for a number of commemorative arches, and was innovative with i t s garlanded Victories in the spand-216 rels which flanked a double volute. Kantorowicz notes that the Victoria of Justinian with her crown and palm branch would become the prototype for Germanic gold coinage. To celebrate Augustus1 victory at Actium in 29 B.C., a triumphal arch was constructed at Brindisi, and another where the Via Sacra enters the Roman Forum. Contemporary coins show that the former arch somewhat resembled the arch s t i l l surviv-ing at Rimini which was built in honour of the Via Flaminia's restoration in 27 B.C. The wide Augustan arcus in Rome would seem to have been flanked by pilasters on a raised base, with 3/4 columns at the corners. Nine years later, however, in honour of the return of the standards captured by the Parthi-ans, the monument was moved to adjacent higher ground and, with the width reduced, incorporated Into the centre of a tr i p l e archway. It was decorated with Corinthian columns and capitals, and the spandrels contained a pair of Victories. S t i l l surviving i s the Augustan arch at Susa, northwest of Turin, which spans the imperial route to the Rhone valley. At each of i t s corners, on plinths, are Corinthian columns and capitals supporting a friege, while a pair of shallow un-fluted pilasters i s superimposed by a semi-circular architrave. And at Torino i t s e l f i s the Augustan Porta Palatina with four openings surmounted by a double row of nine window-openings. The facade is flanked by a pair of sixteen-sided towers, alter-nate sides of which contain windows on three levels. Wheeler 217 also refers to a polygonal tower in the ramparts of Spello, just South of Assisi, which dates from the same period. At Aosta, the Porta Pretoria dates from the 1st century B.C and i s made of huge blocks of stone. This city also has an arch which dates from the Augustan e r a . On the East c o a s t , at Ancona there i s the Arch of Traj a n which F r e d e r i c k must have seen on h i s way t o Ravenna from the South. At Verona, two antique arches can s t i l l be seen. The o r i g i n a l c i t y gates and w a l l s were con-s t r u c t e d about 50 B.C. to guard a g a i n s t i n v a d e r s descending through the Brenner Pass. About a cen t u r y l a t e r , d u r i n g a p e r i o d of p e a c e f u l expansion, the P o r t a d e l Leonl was b u i l t ; ( f i g . 63) p a r t of t h i s i s s t i l l v i s i b l e behind another g a t e . This gateway c o n s i s t e d of two openings superimposed by two rows of window-openings between which were engaged columns. The c o r n i c e s sep-a r a t i n g the three s t o r e y s seem t o have been carved w i t h c l a s s i -c a l m o t i f s . A few years l a t e r , under C l a u d i u s , the Por t a B o r s a r i ( f i g . 64) was e r e c t e d a t the west end of the c i t y and s t i l l s u r -v i v e s . E s s e n t i a l l y , t h i s was a facade a p p l i e d t o an e x i s t i n g 218 f o r t r e s s - l i k e gate i n order t o c r e a t e a more i n v i t i n g e f f e c t . Although the s t r u c t u r a l elements are the same as those of the Po r t a L e o n i , there are d i f f e r e n c e s i n the v e r t i c a l and h o r i z o n -t a l d i v i s i o n s . A e d i c u l e s enclose the double gateway as w e l l as the c e n t r a l and end window-openings of the f i r s t s t o r e y , the gables of which are of t r i a n g u l a r and curved t y p e s . The upper s t o r e y window-columns are supported by p r o j e c t i n g brackets r a -219 t h e r than a common ledge. K&hler sees t h i s gate as ha v i n g had a c o n s i d e r a b l e e f f e c t on I t a l i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e of the Baroque p e r i o d . Completed by Cl a u d i u s as an aqueduct, a t about the same time, was the double-gated s o - c a l l e d Porta•• Magglore i n Rome which can s t i l l be seen. Kahler has commented on i t s u n c l a s s i c a l t h i r d a t t i c , and the r u s t i c a t e d t r a v e r t i n e c o n t r a s t e d w i t h the p o l i s h e d stone of the ga b l e s , a r c h i t r a v e s and c a p i t a l s . In South Italy, the Arch of Benevento ( f i g . 65), dated 114 A.D. and built in honour of Trajan, bears a close resem-blance to the earlier Arch of Titus. It has survived and Fred-erick is bound to have seen i t , and also that at Canosa, Apulia as he travelled his southern domains. In Rome, some 90 years later, the Arch of Septlmlus Severus was erected at the western end of the Roman Forum, and s t i l l survives. Again, there are Victories with trophies in the spandrels, r e l i e f s of the four seasons above the central archway and river gods appear in the spandrels of the lateral arches. These and other sculptures are considerably damaged because of the structure's conversion 220 to a fort in the Middle Ages. Kahler points out that some of the imperial figures are shown frontally in the late antique style. Frederick must have seen not only this arch but that of Constantine, built about ca. 313 A.D. to mark the victory at the Mllvian Bridge. 221 Hahn sees the prototype of the Capuan groundplan, fore-shadowing that of Castel del Monte, as a variation of the for-t i f i e d gateway with towers such as the Porta Nigra at Trier. He i s also reminded of the 8th century gate-facade of Caliph Hisham, now in Damascus, which is divided into storeys, each containing a series of niches with round and pointed arches. B. THE SYMBOLISM 61 The i d e a of the c i t y - g a t e w i t h i t s towered facade, a r c h -way and v e s t i b u l e reaches f a r back i n h i s t o r y and t h i s s t r u c -t u r e p l a y e d an important p a r t i n v a r i o u s ceremonial f a c e t s of c i t y l i f e . I t seems t o have been i n t r o d u c e d to the West from 222 the H e l l e n i s t i c E a s t i n the 3rd century B.C. and g r a d u a l l y became l e s s a d e f e n s i v e w a l l s t r u c t u r e than a monumental por-t a l a f f i x e d t o p a l a c e s , temples and churches. In Mesopotamia, i n a hymn to the sun-god, i t was r e f e r r e d t o as the "Towers of 223 Heaven, and the Door and Gate of Heaven1.' In the Ea s t e r n Roman p r o v i n c e s , the Royal Gate was the scene of the r u l e r ' s r e c e p t i o n by the people, and v i c e v e r s a , a f t e r which he "with-224 drew l i k e the sun at n i g h t i n t o h i s s t r o n g h o l d " . In I m p e r i a l Rome, there were two types of ceremonies con-nected with the gate: the Roman Triumph i n which Rortuna Redux ( l a t e r i d e n t i f i e d w i t h Tyche and symbolic of i m p e r i a l bounty) was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the emperor's safe r e t u r n . T h r a c i a n c o i n s of the 240s show such V i r t u e s and C h a r i t i e s accompanying the emperor. In the Byzantine e r a , S t . Mary the Conductress f i l l e d 225 t h i s r o l e , and the Im p e r i a l Adventus had much In common w i t h 226 " the e a r l i e r H e l l e n i s t i c Epiphany. Both ceremonies conveyed the i d e a of v i c t o r i o u s c o r o n a t i o n , d e i f i c a t i o n and c o n s e c r a t i o n by a p o t h e o s i s . By the 3rd century A.D. the Adventus ceremony 227 became merged wit h t h a t of the Triumph and Smith notes t h a t the Adventus Augustl formed the b a s i s f o r a l l r o y a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l welcoming r i t e s which were c e l e b r a t e d d u r i n g the Middle Ages and through the Renaissance. There were ex-t r a v a g a n t p a n e g y r i c s due t o the b e l i e f t h a t the honoured c i t y would enjoy d i s t i n c t i o n and favours through the r e s i d i n g Deus 228 praescus . Not only d i d the pageantry and theology i n f l u e n c e C h r i s t i a n a r t but such ceremonial gateways, whether c i t y , pa-l a c e or church/temple, became imbued with symbolism because of i d o l i z a t i o n of the r u l e r by h i s people, as a god w i t h super-n a t u r a l powers who could c o n t r o l f a t e , or as Lex anlmata who was p r o t e c t e d by Fortuna and guided by S a p l e n t l a and Providen-t i a , or e l s e as K y r i o s Pantokrator, a d i v i n e , a u t h o r i t a t i v e V i c t o r / S a v i o u r , a Caesar. J u s t as the l o g g i a of the P o r t a Marzia had heavenly a t -t r i b u t e s , so d i d the C h r i s t i a n s , i n t u r n , p e r c e i v e arcaded s t r u c t u r e s as a sacrum p a l a t l u m . T h i s c e l e s t i a l symbolism i s 229 t r a c e a b l e t o Egypt where Smith notes t h a t i t had been cus-tomary t o s e t up the f i g u r e of a r u l e r i n a gate-way, and a l s o 230 mentions a pharaonic sun-god l o o k i n g down over a c o u r t y a r d . Deriv e d from t h i s was the ceremony i n Greece i n which an A p o l -l o f i g u r e stood i n a royal"window of appearances'.' And i n Rome Augustus removed the s t a t u e of Pompey from the C u r i a and s e t i t up i n the Theatre of Pompey. Subsequently, i t became cus-tomary to p l a c e the statue of the emperor i n an a p s i d a l n i c h e above the P o r t a Regia of the scenae f r o n s . During the Augustan p e r i o d , a number of g a l l e r i e s were added to e x i s t i n g p o r t a l s . In Romanesque Germany, as a v i s u a l symbol of a u t h o r i t y and d i v i n e r e l a t i o n s h i p t o God, a r c a d i n g was emphasized on por-t a l s of Rhenish churches where " l i t t l e heads of the e l e c t l o o k down" from arched openings on the second s t o r e y , behind which 231 was the Salam Regalem. The L o r s c h gate-house was a l s o l n f l u -enced by t h i s p a l a t i u m m o t i f of d e c o r a t i v e a r c a d i n g . On being met, the emperor was conducted t o the second s t o r e y and hon-oured i n a ceremony s i m i l a r t o the Roman Adventus. Krautheimer 232 has compared t h i s C a r o l i n g i a n T o r h a l l e w i t h the Arches of Septimius Severus and Constantine which had ceremonial chambers i n t h e i r a t t i c s . The resounding c l a i m of the German emperors th a t the State was s u p e r i o r to the Church and hence under the Palatium, was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o an a r c h i t e c t u r a l Renovatio Rq-manorum,(fig. 66 and p. 55) In the i l l u s t r a t i o n shown, the emperor was attempting to r e v i v e the t r a d i t i o n s of the l a t e Antique; to show t h a t the palace i s the sacred seat of govern-ment, the D i v i n e Hand i s i n the act of bestowing a b l e s s i n g . T h i s Renovatio was r e f l e c t e d d u r i n g the Middle Ages i n the facades of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p o r t a l s of abbeys and e p i s c o p a l pa-l a c e s where an arcaded second s t o r e y was a s a l i e n t f e a t u r e of 233 the sacrum p a l a t i u m maintained f o r the "Advent of the Lord." Domical v e s t i b u l e s f o r the r e c e p t i o n of Roman r u l e r s a l s o a c q u i r e d a symbolism. This a r c h i t e c t u r a l element d e r i v e d from the b a l d a c h i n or a p s i d a l exedra. Under D i o c l e t i a n , i n the l a t e 3rd century, v a r i o u s c o i n s were i s s u e d - a l l showing cupolas, 234 but t h i s type disappeared i n 326 a f t e r the C o u n c i l of N i c a e a . The i d e a was continued by the Byzantines i n Epiphany r i t u a l s and took the form of a d i v i n e Tent of Appearances a t the c i t y - g a t e or p a l a c e entrance where the Kosmokrator was enthroned. The motif was repeated i n the Middle Ages when the c l b o r i u m was combined wi t h the c i t y - g a t e . T h i s can be s e e n , p r i o r t o the r e -v i v a l of i m p e r i a l symbolism by the L a t i n kings of Jerusalem, on e p i s c o p a l c o i n s and s e a l s of the 11th and 12th c e n t u r i e s , as w e l l as those of F r e d e r i c k I (who r e b u i l t the r o y a l church 235 of S i n t Servaas a t M a a s t r i c h t w i t h a c e n t r a l domed tower) The c i b o r i u m and orb, s i g n i f y i n g the v i r t u e of Providence and Augustan power, appear and domes are i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e w i t h globes on gateway towers. A c o i n of F r e d e r i c k I I ( f i g . 67) r e v e a l s him as the s o l e supporter of a canopy s u s t a i n i n g the heavenly p a l a t l u m / I m p e r i a l e c c l e s i a and, as such, c l a i m i n g the power of Augustus and domination over Rome and the World. As he s a i d , "What God i s i n Heaven, t h a t i s what the Emperor 236 i s on e a r t h . " The f o l l o w i n g poem by Marquard of Ried a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s the Messianic tone of F r e d e r i c k ' i n terms of h i s 237 e n t r y i n t o Jerusalem: "Adveniente Del famulo magno F r i d e r i c o S o l n i t e t , aura t e p e t , aqua b u l l i t , t e r r a v i r e s c i t . . . Jerusalem gaude.... Rex q u i a magnificus Jesus olim, nunc F r i d e r i c u s , Promptus uterque p a t i , sunt i n t e m a g n i f i c a t l . " 238 Regarding the Capuan Gate, Smith agrees w i t h Campano's remark about the e x i s t e n c e of a Reglum Cubiculum, and sees the e n t i r e monument as a commemorative p o r t a l , b e i n g d e r i v e d from i m p e r i a l p r o t o types under F r e d e r i c k ' s d i r e c t i o n and a s p i r a t i o n s . He i s of the o p i n i o n t h a t t h i s r o y a l chamber c o u l d have been f a i r l y s m a l l l i k e the space behind the a p s i d a l " n i c h e of appear-ance" above the p o r t a l of the Palace of the Exarchate, Ravenna ( f i g . 68) or i t c o u l d have been a commemorative chamber such as was b u i l i ^ t o h o l d A l f o n s o of Aragon's statue i n the archway a t C a s t e l Nuovo i n Naples. As we have seen, there are a number of precedents f o r t h i s "Heaven Chamber" and he reasons t h a t , i f a 65 place of honour was traditionally created above a royal por-t a l , then the Capuan Gate must have possessed one. It is d i f f i c u l t to disagree with Smith since this archway which marked the northern entrance into Frederick's kingdom was meant to convey the antique concept of a deified and trium-phant emperor who would make use of such a ceremonial space. Of importance also i s water-symbolism as related to the triumphal Adventus of an emperor. Smith refers 2^^to a cere-monial fountain of l i f e which was part of the palace church reception of a Byzantine basileus and, s t i l l v isible today in the Cappella Palatina in Palermo, is a small ceiling panel showing a scene which incorporates what would appear to be a fountain. While the Gesta Romanorum phrase that the Capuan Gate "stood above a fountain of running water" Is i n -correct, i t shows that this symbolism was s t i l l viable in the 13th century during the reign of Roger Ii's grandson. Willemsen feels that i f the sculptural grouping on the Capuan facade is conceivable as a representation of the Just l -tia-Apotheosis of the Liber Augustalis, then the overall mean-ing i s that the gate corresponds to a facade of the "Ecclesia imperialis" which, through i t s sculpture, proclaims the Law of Frederick's promulgated statutes. The Emperor's a n t i - c l e r i c a l -ism i s reflected in the facade but this secularization re-quired, like the Church, proper forms and symbols to express i t s purpose. Since many of the figural images were identified with the highest Christian motives, Willemsen disagrees with the feeling of Bertaux 241 that the gate may have scandalized 66 people. The meaning, t h e r e f o r e , must have been c l e a r t o most contemporary v i e w e r s . He concludes t h a t the Capuan Gate was a unique, harmonious i n t e g r a t i o n of C l a s s i c a l , A p u l l a n Romanesque and Gothic i n f l u e n c e s , and t h a t F r e d e r i c k ' s i n n o v a t i v e r e n o v a t i o came to an end i n 1266 w i t h the death of h i s son, Manfred, and the regime, and f i n a l l y - t h a t the r o o t s of t h i s i m p e r i a l a r t were i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r s u s t a i n e d growth. 242 Baethgen, however, takes i s s u e w i t h Willemsen f o r r e -l y i n g too h e a v i l y on the word " c u s t o d i a " which occurs i n the Gesta Romanorum and a l l accounts except t h a t of Andreas - i . e . Willemsen should have concentrated on Andreas' " c o n c o r d i a " which more c l o s e l y f i t s the symbolism of J u s t i t l a I m p e r l a l i s . Furthermore, he t h i n k s t h a t , r a t h e r than r e l a t i n g the gate t o a church facade, i t should l o g i c a l l y have been compared w i t h the Church i t s e l f which, i n t u r n , forms the gateway t o Heaven. His t h i r d c o n t e n t i o n i s t h a t , s i n c e n o t h i n g i s known about the two f i g u r e s f l a n k i n g F r e d e r i c k , one can h a r d l y adduce the c l a s s i c a l meaning of the Capuan Gateway as an A r c h of Triumph. Supposedly, Baethgen i s i m p l y i n g t h i s because we cannot be sure whether the f i g u r e s were V i c t o r i e s and thus i c o n o g r a p h i c -a l l y c o r r e c t . C. THE EMPEROR AS SOL JUSTITIAE AND THE LION THRONE. Sun-symbolism is an essential element concerning the idea of an emperor as Heliokosmokrator, a living god, or sun-king. As mentioned above, this tradition has Egyptian and Greek derivations. In the east, Jupiter Hellopolltanus and other sun-deities were worshipped, and the idea was taken up by Augustus who thought of himself as the son of Apollo. A coin shows him in this guise in front of a two-towered wall which 243 probably represents Mount Olympus. In Constantine's era, the 244 Emperor was referred to as Lux Aurea Mundi. Day-Star, etc. A medallion issued in honour of an Adventus in Milan In 313 shows his profile and that of sol invlctus also bearing his features; conversely, Constantine's shield shows the sun-god's chariot along with the inscription: Invictus Constantinus. Another Adventus coin of 296 depicts a city-gate with a de-feated Londinium kneeling before Constantino's father, Con-245 stantius, who is hailed as "Restorer of Eternal Light". 246 According to Smith there i s an account of the Bishop of Lyon having built and furnished a two-storey domus with solar-ium for an Adventus of Charlemagne in 813. With the revival of solar symbolism under the Hohenstaufen there appeared a coin showing Henry III with the hellos crown of 247 a Divus Augustus. Smith conjectures that this revival of inter-est in light may have influenced the 12th century introduction of the wheel-window and Frederick II's use of the circular win-dow. Charlemagne's throne at Aachen had been placed against the 248 light of a sun-window and Roger II's throne was similarly ar-ranged in the Royal Chapel at Palermo (ca. 1140) and faced a 68 mosaic showing the "Presentation in the Temple", thus confirming 249 publicly/:/, that his palace was on the same footing as the church. That Frederick II also held to this idea of sun-symbolism can be seen on an augustal i n the Vienna Numismatic Co l l e c t i o n i n which the crown's rays allude to t h i s , although the dress and 250 h a i r - s t y l e are c l a s s i c a l ( f i g . 32) Nau notes that the Emperor i s portrayed i n t h i s way because he and his a t t r i b u t e , the eagle, symboliged J u s t i t l a In the Middle Ages, and she traces the icon-ography through St. Ambrose to the H e l l e n i s t i c era when Zeus also personified the Divine Law along with his a t t r i b u t e , the 251 eagle - h i s messenger and symbol. Kloos also points out the symbolization of the Emperor as the Vicar of Christ and hence the sun " i n firmamento mundi", and indicates the comparison of the Emperor with the l i o n , notwithstanding the fact that t h i s figure also stands for A n t i - C h r i s t . Further evidence that en-comil to Frederick as "the sun among kings" were the order of the day i s adduced by a poem by Henry of Avranches which i s 252 dated ca. 1240; and i n De Balneis Puteolanls (Nomina e t • V i r -tu tes Balneorum) dating from the 3rd quarter of the 13th cent-ury i n f a c s i m i l e , Pietro de Ebulo dedicated h i s work to a mon-arch as Sol Mundl, the monarch being i d e n t i f i e d with Frederick 253 II as well as his father - Henry VI. ( r i g . 69 > 254 Van Cleve also mentions a painting, sometimes referred to as a r e l i e f , described by a 14th century writer, Franciscus Plpinus. It was i n the Neapolitan Palace and had been commiss-ioned by Frederick. It seems to have depicted him as the symbol of J u s t l t i a e . The Emperor i s enthroned, pointing to Pietro d e l l a Vigna who i s seated beneath him. In the foreground are kneeling 69 subjects seeking justice from the God-ordained arbiter on earth vis-a-vis the Pope's role as Vicar of God. The accomp-anying inscription ran: Caesar amor legum, Friderice piissime regura. Causarum telas nostrasque resolvere querelas. (Caesar, guardian of laws, Frederick most pious of kings, Adjudicate our suits and resolve our complaints) Below was Frederick's reply: Pro vestra l i t e censorem juris adite; Hie est: jura dabit vel per me danda rogablt. Vinee cognomen Petrus, Judex est s i b i nomen. (For the just settlement of your lawsuits look to him: He w i l l do Justice or request me to render I t . Vigne is his name - he is called Peter, the Judge) • i t - * * * * * * * * The lion as gate-keeper and guardian has a long tradition, e.g. Mycenae. It symbolizes power, courage and watchfulness and i s associated with the Lord of l i f e and the Resurrection. Chris-tian iconography concerning the lion throne derives from the throne of Solomon in the b i b l i c a l description to be found in I Kings x, 19 and II Chronicles ix, 18 where i t is described as having "stays on each side of the sitting place, and two lions standing by the stays." Renditions of this motif appear on such objects as Roman ivory diptychs ca. 500 A.D. which portray con-sular administrators, ( f i g . 69), Frankish folding thrones,(fig.70) a fresco in Gurk Cathedral and a carving on the West portal of 255 • Strasbourg, and a rare bronze censer at Trier,dated ca. 1000 A.D. 256 which shows Solomon on a lion throne. Ragusa knows of only two examples in which Christ is shown on a lion throne and cites a few instances where Solomon is visible below Mary on a lion throne. That thia motif was a t i l l current in the Quattrocento in Italy ia atteated by Jacobello de Flore's Triptych of Justice with Saints Michael and Gabriel which was painted In 1421 ( f i g . 71), five years before Masaccio's Adoration in which the throne has the same mot i f .<fp^ sSS&i£Lo.J s'work was .i n i t i a l l y placed above the benches of a Venetian magistracy in the Doge's 257 Palace and i s now in the Academy fon Venice. Venturi sees the influence of Gentile da Fabriano on this artist and notes Justitla's gold breastplate with the sun emitting tongues of 258 f i r e . Testi feels that St. Michael on the l e f t and Gabriel on the right are almost in Baroque style and that their ex-pressions stem from the North rather than Italy. In contrast, the crowned Justitla, bearing sword and scales and flanked by a pair of sizeable lions, reflects an Italianate serenity. The noticeable differences between the widths of the lateral panels 259 led Testi to think that the composition of the work was originally very different and, in his opinion, there must have 260 been a Virgin depicted. Crowe and Cavalcaselle considered the symbolic lions to be a cheap reproduction of a commonly 8een arrangement. Donatello employed this motif in a tondo in the Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence and in his bronze of the Enthroned Madonna and Child.In the Basilica of Sant'Ant-onio in Padua, dated ca. 1450, ( f i g . 72). Donatello was consid-ered to be an authority on archaeology and Chaatel's suggestion that the sphinxes shown with the feet and t a i l s of lions were derived from an Etruscan funerary urn Is negated by Janson who 261 sees this element as derived from a Roman table-support. 262 Ragusa comments that this specific throne iconography was sometimes employed in Gothic art in connection with a secu-263 lar ruler, but she adds that this pair of lions i s sometimes the only means of connecting the Virgin with the throne icono-graphy, and the d i f f i c u l t y is increased when the animals are 264 shown as parts of furniture. She points out that in a 9th century manuscript the lions are synonymous with the Old and New Testaments - i.e. the forecasting of the Second Coming as related to the Incarnation. In a sermon now attributed to Nicholas of Clairvaux, dated ca. 1150, the throne is interpre-ted in terms of the Nativity of the Virgin and the lions are identified as Gabriel on the right and John the Evangelist on the l e f t . In De Laudibus B. Marlae Virginls written by Richard of St. Laurent ca. 1245, Mary is described as the Throne of Solomon but, elsewhere in the work, the lions are synonymous with John the Baptist and John the Evangelist. Another of his explanations i s that the lion on the l e f t signifies Christ and the other - the Devil, with implications of dread and fear. Here, with the reference to Christ, right and l e f t , the concept of justice being dispensed In the Second Coming is apparent, but Mary is now relegated to the level of intercessor with 265 266 Christ the Judge. Ragusa cites an inscription on the west facade of Jaca Cathedral. It concerns two lions flanking the Chrismon on the Spanish Romanesque tympanum where the lion on the right i s that which has mercy on sinners who beg for forgive ness while the other is the conqueror of death and sin. The ex-planation has been suggested that royal Ju&lce was usually dis-267 pensed in front of the church and she notes that there i s evidence t h a t Charlemagne had a throne i n f r o n t of the west facade of Aachen from which the law was p r o c l a i m e d . About 1362 the Reportorium Morale appeared which s t a t e d t h a t when the throne r e p r e s e n t s the V i r g i n , the l i o n s are Joseph and John guarding her; when the throne s i g n i f i e s the law of the Church, the l i o n s are sternness and j u s t i c e as w e l l as the embodiment of pardoning and sentencing-!.e. C h r i s t ' s g u a r d i a n s . When the throne means the conscience of Just men, the l i o n s s i g n i f y 268 s t r e n g t h and s t e a d f a s t n e s s . Shearer saw the Capuan Gate as a f f e c t i n g subsequent s t r u c t u r e s i n the v i c i n i t y , such as the keep at C a s e r t a V e c c h i a , the colombier of Palazzo P r e t o r i a at Benevento, and agrees with Bertaux that the p o r t r a i t busts i n the spandrels of the tower entrance of the C a t h e d r a l of Sessa Aurunca are arranged s i m i l a r l y t o those a t Capua. Some 2 0 0 years l a t e r than the Capuan Gate, c o n s t r u c t i o n began on the Aragonese A r c h at C a s t e l Nuovo i n Naples. I t was Intended as a c a s t l e - g a t e and cenotaph and c o n s i s t s of two superimposed triumphal a r c h facades, the i d e a f o r which c o u l d 2 6 9 2 7 0 have been d e r i v e d from the gate a t M i l e t u s . Hersey c o n s i d e r s t h a t i t i s a s t y l i s t i c mixture of G o t h i c , contemporary I t a l i a n defence elements and the A n t i q u e . In 1933, an unsigned drawing ( f i g . 73) of c a . 1446 was d i s c o v e r e d which i s now i n Rotterdam. I t was assumed to be a p r e l i m i n a r y s k e t c h f o r the a r c h , but D. THE INFLUENCE OF THE GATE 73 271 Hersey t h i n k s t h i s u n l i k e l y s i n c e there i s no sense of s c a l e . 272 He adds t h a t i t c o u l d have been an i l l u s t r a t i o n f o r a f e s t i v a l archway or a permanent scenae f r o n s f o r C a s t e l Nuovo. The draw-i n g shows that the a r c h I t s e l f , l i k e t h a t at Capua, i s s u r -mounted by a r o u n d e l . The middle s e c t i o n bears a s t r i k i n g r e -semblance to the e a r l i e r gate i n that i t c o n t a i n s a l a r g e round-arched n i c h e (with an e q u e s t r i a n f i g u r e ) f l a n k e d i n the spandrels by busts i n r o u n d e l s . The l a t e r a l n i c h e s ' a r e framed by p i l a s t e r s and c o n t a i n s t a n d i n g f i g u r e s carved i n the round. En r e s s a u t columns can a l s o be seen i n the drawing. At the top l e v e l t h e r e i s a row of f i v e n i c h e s of which t h a t at each end, l i k e Capua's, i s s l i g h t l y b i g g e r . The c e n t r a l f i g u r e here i s seated, f l a n k e d by a p a i r of a t t e n d a n t s , with two more i n the wings. At the battlement l i n e t here i s a row of f i v e s h i e l d -shaped m o t i f s which, l i k e Capua's t h i r d s t o r e y , are capped w i t h p o i n t e d arches and f i n i a l s . The heavy co r n e r s and wide p i -l a s t e r s , however, d i f f e r g r e a t l y from the s i m p l i c i t y of those at Capua, and the drawing bears l i t t l e resemblance t o the N e a p o l i t a n a r c h as i t was completed and now stands, ( f i g . 74) T h i s l a t t e r a r c h has a p r o c e s s i o n a l f r i e z e s e p a r a t i n g the two a r c h openings and the upper tympanum r e v e a l s cornucopias borne by two l o u n g i n g r i v e r - g o d s , one of which bears some r e -273 274 semblance t o the J u p i t e r head at Capua. Hersey r e c o r d s t h a t as of 1451, Campania was the source of the p r o t o m a g i s t e r s , and t h a t , s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , Francesco Laurana, a Dalmatian, worked on the lower a r c h and had 33 a s s i s t a n t s . About the time t h a t the Aragonese Gate was being completed, the tower-flanked p o r t a l of the Palace of Urbino was being planned. The a r c h i t e c t f o r t h i s p o r t a l ( f i g . 75) i s thought t o be Luciano Laurana who was In Naples In the 1470s, but another contending name i s that of Francesco d i G i o r g i o M a r t i n i which 275 has been put f o r t h by Rotondi,who says t h a t the d e s i g n d e r i v e s from him and th a t he co u l d a l s o have been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i d e a of d e c o r a t i n g the co n s o l e s w i t h acanthus l e a v e s . I t would seem t h a t Di G i o r g i o may have a r r i v e d at Urbino i n time f o r the t h i r d b u i l d i n g phase i n the 1470s a f t e r Laurana's 276 d e p a r t u r e , and was r e t a i n e d t o f i n i s h uncompleted p r o j e c t s . The Urbino p o r t a l c o n s i s t s of the entrance archway and three superimposed arched l o g g i a s , each of which i s f l a n k e d by win-dows. The c y l i n d r i c a l towers are a l s o windowed and capped with b l i n d a r c a d i n g under p o i n t e d r o o f s . I t i s worth n o t i n g here t h a t , twenty years e a r l i e r , the p a r t i a l l y completed Tempio M a l a t e s t i a n o a t Ri m i n i was v i s i b l e . I t s facade was d e r i v e d from the Arches of Constantine and Severus, but A l b e r t ! ap-p a r e n t l y s t u d i e d the nearby A r c h of Augustus i n order t o 277 achieve the c o r r e c t shapes and p r o p o r t i o n s . By 1470 he had designed S. Andrea i n Mantua, and i n the same year the facade of S t a . Maria N o v e l l a i n Flor e n c e was completed - a r e v i v a l of Roman f r o n t i s p i e c e s . In France d u r i n g the 16th century there was development of the p o r t a l - g a t e theme. Notable examples are Delorme's ©^Aeftayf\f.-oi!iv«.thefeChaJeau ,dL'Ana;bt/Jnow altatleeEoole! dg®r Beaiix't-Art L e s c o t ' s southwest p a v i l i o n entrance i n the Louvre c o u r t y a r d which has superimposed arches w i t h double columns and n i c h e s , and the Porte Doree a t F o n t a i n e b l e a u , a l s o w i t h superimposed arches, which was b u i l t on the s i t e of the o l d f o r t i f i e d entry And i n 17th century England, the gateway t o H a t f i e l d House was designed w i t h g a r l a n d s , t r o p h i e s and r o y a l arms 278 which Hersey suggests resembles the Rotterdam drawing of the Aragonese Gate. 76 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhemar, J . , I n f l u e n c e s antiques dans l ' A r t du Moyen Age Francais S t u d i e s of the Warburg I n s t i t u t e . Kraus R e p r i n t , Nendeln, L i e c h t e n s t e i n , 1968. Baethgen, F., Besprechung und Anzeige ( C A . Willemsen. 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F i g . 2 84 Fig. 4 85 87 PiS- 7 88 F i g . 9 89 90 Fig. 13 9 2 F i g . 17 F i g . 18 F i g . 19 96 Fig. 20 97 9 8 99 Fig. 24 100 101 Fi6- 28 102 F i g . 33 103 104 F i g . 35 105 106 Fig.40 108 109 Fig.44 Fig.45 fpttCTUJ wsccka fh-1 p«> apoMar cr nu naronim tmsf t? tmififlV lUj TOTf uotbam fnmn cr uctt-mtf B chwi n r .MiguftiA ts lurtf rtn.uo.nU mUj nam Sttmtnr •tpuiutf pftnuu* jsigimr npnttuio awunus omb;Trrtr iintinn) Fig. 46 112 113 o 114 F i g . 51 F i g . 54 1 16 Fig. 56 118 119 120 121 F i g . 65 122 123 F i g . 70 125 F i g . 72 127 F i g . 73 128 1 2 9 F i g . 75 FOOTNOTES 130 ^ M i c h e l i n , Guide to I t a l y . 2nd E n g l i s h E d i t i o n , London, p. 73 and p. 200. 2 G. H . C r i o h t o n , Romanesque S c u l p t u r e i n I t a l y . London, Routledge, 1954, p. 135. Sheppard, A Chronology of Romanesque S c u l p t u r e i n Campania, A r t B u l l e t i n , v. 32, 1950, p. 319. 4H. Haussig, A H i s t o r y o f Byzantine C i v i l i z a t i o n . N.Y., Praeger, 1971, p. 24"5\ 5(3. Sheppard, Op. C i t . . p. 320. 6«J. Timmers, P e t i t A t l a s de l ' A r t Roman, t r a n s . F. Wurs-tenberg, P a r i s , E d i t i o n s Sequoia, 1965, p. 72. ?C. Sheppard, Op. C i t . . p. 321. 8 C . Sheppard, Op. C i t . . p. 323. 9D. G l a s s , Romanesque S c u l p t u r e i n Campania and S i c i l y : A Problem of Method, A r t B u l l e t i n , v. 5 6 , 1974, p. 315. G l a s s , A r c h i v o l t S c u l p t u r e a t Sessa Aurunca, A r t  B u l l e t i n , v. 5 2 , 1970, p. 131. G l a s s , Romanesque Scu l p t u r e i n Campania... p. 319. 12R. Weiss, The Renaissance Di s c o v e r y of C l a s s i c a l An-t i q u i t y . Oxford, B l a c k w e l l , 1969, p. 2 0 3 . 13E. Panofsky and F. S a x l , C l a s s i c a l Mythology i n Medi-a e v a l A r t , M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum S t u d i e s , IV, 2 , 1933, p. 264. •^H. Decker, Romanesque A r t i n I t a l y . London, Thames and Hudson, 1958, p. 8. i5Q. F a s o l a , N i c o l a Plsano: Orientamentl a u l l a Formazlone d e l Gusto Italiano.1941. p. 28. Hoving, I t a l i a n .Romanesque 3 c u l p t u r e , N.Y., M e t r o p o l i tan Museum of A r t , B u l l e t i n , v. X X I I I , June 1965, p. 347-^R. B o s s a g l i a et a l , 1 2 0 0 Years of I t a l i a n S c u l p t u r e . N.Y Abrams, 1968, p. 9. l 8 J . White, A r t and A r c h i t e c t u r e i n I t a l y . 1250-1400, Pen-guin, 1968, p. 44. !9A. P r a n d i , DIVI FRIDERICI CAESARIS IMAGO, I n s t i t u t o Nazlonale de A r c h e o l o g i a e S t o r l a d e l l ' A r t e . Roma, R i v i s t a , 1953, p. 29X 131 2 0 H I s t h i r d wife was the s i s t e r of Henry I I I of England. 2 i P . H i t t i , H i s t o r y of the Arabs. London, MacMillan, 1970, p. 587. op CA. de Stefano, La C u l t u r a a l i a Corte d i F e d e r l c o I I  Imperatore. Bologna, Z a n i c h e l l i , 1950, p. 243. 23E. H o l l e r , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h I I und d i e A n t i k e , D i s a e r t a -t i o n , Marburg, 1922, p. 83. 2 ^ E . Kantorowicz, K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h d e r Zweite. t r a n s . E.O. Lorimer, London, Constable, 1931, p. 80. 25E. Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , pp. 223-224. 2%. 9 Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , P- 254. 2 7 E . Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , P. 387. 2 8 E . Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , P. 357. 2 9 E . Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , P. 528. 3°Quoted from the Preface to A r t e Venandi cum A v l b u s . 31E. H o l l e r , Op. C i t . . p. 87- He c i t e s A r i s t o t l e , " F o r m l i e s i n the a r t i s t . Each c r e a t o r i s more s u p e r i o r than that c r e a t e d by him. Thus a r t i m i t a t e s nature and nature i m i t a t e s the s p i r i t . A r t does not work a c c o r d i n g to a p a t t e r n but a c c o r d i n g to n a t u r e . On t h a t account i t can e m b e l l i s h u g l i n e s s and b r i n g i m p e r f e c t i o n to an end. Proof of t h i s l a P h i d i a s ' J u p i t e r . " ^ 2A. L i p i n a k y , Le A q u i l e Gemmlgere d l F e d e r i c o I I ed A l t r e A q u i l e Sveva, S c r i t t i d i S t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e In onore d i Mario  Salmi. I, Rome, Luca E d i t o r e , 1961, p. 337« ^ 3 J * . l o e a chke, Die S i e n e s e r Domkanzel des N i c o l a Plsano, B e r l i n , de Gruyter, 1973, p. 72. 3^0. Pacht, A r t H i s t o r i a n s and A r t C r i t i c s V I : A l o i s R i e g l , B u r l i n g t o n Magazine, v. 105, 1963, p. 190. Masson, F r e d e r i c k II of Hohenstaufen. London, Seeker & Warburg, 1957, p7~6"9. 36R. Weiss, Op. C i t . . p. 12. 37j. Adhemar, I n f l u e n c e s a n t i q u e s dans l ' A r t du Moyen Age F r a n c a i s , Studies of the Warburg I n s t i t u t e , Kraus R e p r i n t , Nendeln, L i e c h t e n s t e i n , 1968, p. 74, n. 3. 38E. Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . . p. 373-39R. Weiaa, Op. C i t . . p. 12. 132 ^°C. Shearer, The -Renaissance of A r c h i t e c t u r e i n Southern  I t a l y ; A Study of F r e d e r i c k I I of Hohenstaufen and the Capua Triumphtor Archway and Towers, Cambridge, H e f f e r , 1935, p.10. R i c h a r d of San Germano was a monk from Monte Cassino, and one of F r e d e r i c k ' s s e c r e t a r i e s . 4 1E. Bertaux, L ' A r t dans 1 ' I t a l i e M e r i d i o n a l e . 1904, p.707 He says t h a t they had been i n r u i n s s i n c e the 12th c e n t u r y . Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 13. 0. R i n a l d o p u b l i s h e d Memorle  l s t o r i c h e d e l l a f e d e l l s s l m a c l t t a d i Capua i n 1 7 5 5 . Shearer, Loc. C i t . f 44, 45i ^E. Bertaux, Op. C i t . . p. 717. 'E. Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . . p. 5 0 8 . ^ A . H a s e l o f f , Die Bauten Hohenstaufen In U n t e r i t a l l e n . I, L e i p z i g , Hiersemann, 1 9 2 0 , p. 8 , n. 1 . 4 7 c . Willemsen, Die Bauten K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h s I I i n S u d i t a l -i e n , i*iD£e.lZett d e r Stauf e r , K a t a l o g , I I I , S t u t t g a r t , 1 9 7 7 , p. 1 6 2 . ^ 8 0 . M o r i s a n i , C o n s i d e r a z i o n i s u l l e S c u l t u r e d e l l a P o r t a d i Capua, B o l l e t t i n o d l S t o r l a d e l l ' A r t e . I, 1 9 5 2 , p. 2. 49A. H a s e l o f f , Op. C i t . . p. 8 , n. 2. 50^. H a s e l o f f , Op. C i t . , p. 8 , n. 3 . 51c. Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 1 3 , n. 7 « 5 2 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 1 4 , n. 1 . I t i s c o n t a i n e d In H u i l l a r d - B r e h o l l e s ' H i s t o r i a Dip. F r . I I , V, i , p. 512 seq. 5 5 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 1 6 . (See a l s o n. 49 above) The Mandate i s i n the V a t i c a n A r c h i v e s . 5 4 p . Toesca, S t o r l a d e l l ' A r t e I t a l l a n a . I, v,Ij,..p^pt.2, T o r i n o , 1 9 6 5 , p. 7 3 7 . 5 5 c . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 1 6 . C. Willemsen, K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h s I I Triumphtor zu Capua. Wiesbaden, 1 9 5 3 , p. 9 . 0. M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t . , p. 2. 56A. H a s e l o f f , Op. C i t . . p. 16 seq. 5 ? c . Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 1 6 . 58E. Bertaux, Op. C i t . , p. 715* 133 59c. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 17, n. 1. He agrees w i t h F a b r i c z y t h a t " i n f i d u s " as used by Andreas and DiPenna makes b e t t e r sense i n terms of the context than " l n v i d u s " as used by S a n n e l l i , but does not r e l a y h i s thoughts on the use of " c o n c o r d i a " by Andreas v i s - a - v i s " c u s t o & i a " as used by D i Penna and S a n n e l l i , and seen i n the Vienna supplemental drawing. One i s reminded here of the l i n e s i n Dante's I n f e r n o . Canto 3, " A l l hope abandon..." 6 0 0 . M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t . . p. 3. 61 J. D o r i g , R i t r a t t i d e l l ' I m p e r a t o r e F e d e r i c o I I , R l v i s t a  d ' A r t e . XXX, 1955, pp. 82-83. 6 2 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 19, n. 1. 6 5 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 19, n. 2. 6 i fC. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 19, n. 3. 65o. M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t . . p. 5, n. 2. 6 6 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 19, n. 5« 67c. Swan and W. Hooper (eds), Gesta Bomanorum. N.Y., Dover, 1959, p, 90. 6 8 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 19, n. 6. 69G. V a s a r i , L i v e s of the moat eminent P a i n t e r s . S c u l p t o r s  and A r c h i t e c t s . I , t r a n s . Mrs. F o s t e r , London, I85O, pp. 61-62. 7 0 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 20. This MS i s i n the l i b r a r y of the Capua Museum. 71 C<fcvon F a b r i c z y , Zur Kunstgeschichte der Hohenstaufenzeit: K a i s e r F r i e d r l c h s II Bruckentorhor zu Capua und deaaen S k u l p t u r -enachmuck, Z e i t a c h r i f t f u r Bildende Kunat. XIV, L e i p z i g , 1879, p. 186, n. 1. He says t h a t Taddeo da Sessa h e l d the p o a i t i o n of Supreme Court Judge between 1247 and 1248. R o f f r e d o h e l d the job In 1220 but l e f t i t when F r e d e r i c k a t t a c k e d h i s n a t i v e c i t y of Benevento. Willemsen f e e l s t h a t F r e d e r i c k would never have a l= lowed such a t r a i t o r t o be re p r e s e n t e d s c u l p t u r a l l y inasmuoh as the q u a l i t i e s symbolized by the male busts are those of s a p i e n t i a and p r u d e n t i a as embodied i n that type of p h i l o s o p h e r bust. ' 7 2E. H o l l e r , Op. C i t . . p. 86. He a l l u d e s t o Roman c o i n s i n which Rome i s shown w i t h her garment open, thus exposing her chest. I t should be noted t h a t the mediaeval J u s t i t l a i s u s u a l l y equippei w i t h a balance and sometimes wi t h a sword, but I have y e t to f i n d any r e f e r e n c e t o her i n connection w i t h an ea g l e , although t h i s h e r a l d i c emblem was l i b e r a l l y used i n F r e d e r i c i a n d e c o r a t i o n . 73c, Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 23. 74C. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 24. 134 75 c . Willemsen, Op. Cit». p. 33. They were N e a p o l i t a n s c u l p t o r s who had worked on the then newly e r e c t e d P o r t a N a p o l i . T^C. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 26, He s t a t e s t h a t t h i s i n -s c r i p t i o n e r r s i n r e f e r r i n g t o F r e d e r i c k as the r e s t o r e r of the towers. 77c. Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 25-Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 27. 7^c. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 28, n. 1. Raumer wrote a h i s -t o r y of the Hohenstaufen which reproduces a woodcut of the drawing commissioned by D a n i e l i . 8 ° C . Shearer, Loc. C i t . 8 l E . L a n g l o t z , Das P o r t r a t F r i e d r l c h s I I vom Bruckentor i n Capua, B e i t r a g e f u r Georg Swarzenski zum 11 Jan.. 1951. Berlin/Mann-Chicago/Regnery, 1951» p. 45. ^C. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 29. Shearer r e f e r s to the t o r s o as having been b i s e c t e d , but M o r i s a n i , I I , p.2. r e f e r s to i t as having been cut i n t o f o u r p i e c e s of which only three were r e -covered. The t o r s o ' s l e f t h a l f would appear to fcon&fcst of one p i e c e , whereas the other h a l f seems t o be b i s e c t e d h o r i z o n t a l l y . 83c. Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 29, n. 1." 8 \ j . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 104. S t i l l v i s i b l e are the cramp-holes i n the tympanum of the C a s t e l d e l Monte p o r t a l which once secured i t s d e c o r a t i v e s c u l p t u r e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i t has been s a i d t h a t there was a statue of Manfred, f l a n k e d by two more r e p r e s e n t i n g the two j u r i s t s , and above Manfred was a s t a t u e of h i s f a t h e r . I f t r u e , i t would seem t h a t the same decor-a t i v e scheme was c a r r i e d out a t t h i s n o table s t r u c t u r e . §5c . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 30 and f i g s . 62 and 63. 8 6 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . f i g . 28. Willemsen, op. o l t . p. 29 compares the l i o n i n posture and mane-treatment wi t h one at Prato C a s t l e . Die Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , K a t a l o g d e r A u s s t e l l u n g , I, p. 667 r e f e r s t o the s c u l p t o r of the j u r i s t s ' busts as "The Master of the L i o n " , but I t h i n k a more l i k e l y comparison can be made w i t h the h a i r - t r e a t m e n t i n the herm of the young man. 87c. Shearer, Op. C i t . . f i g . 27, and p. 121. He says i t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the mixed s t y l e - i n c o r p o r a t i n g f e n n e l leaves and s m a l l b e r r i e s - a l s o to be found at C a s t e l d e l Monte and Lagopesole. Nau a l s o shows an e a g l e - c o n s o l e i n the Capuan Museum c o l l e c t i o n . ( S t a u f e r - A d l e r , Jahrbuch der S t a a t l l c h e s Kunstsamm-lungen Baden-Wurttemberg, V, 1968, p. 42~] 135 8 8C. Willemsen, Op. Cit., P L 89. It is not dissimilar from some at the Abbey of S. G-uglielmo at Goleto, Campania, begun in 1200. (H. Decker, G-otik in Itallen. Vienna, Schroll, 1964, PI. 140) 89c. Shearer, Op. C l t . t p. 121. 9°c. Willemsen, Op. Cit., Pis. 83 and 84. 9 1C. Shearer, Op. Cit.. p. 113. Cod. 3528, fo. 51 v 9 2G. de Nicola,Un Disegno della Porta d i Capua di Feder-ico II, Arte. X, 1908, p. 384. 93c. Willemsen, Op. Cit.. p. 26. 9 4G. de Nicola, Op. Cit.. p. 384. 95Q. de Nicola, Loc. Cit. 96(3-. de Nicola, Op. Cit., p. 385. 97Q. Willemsen, Op. Cit., n. 131. 98c. Willemsen, Op. Cit., n. 213-"c. ^onlFabricz»£.Op^;Clt^,, p. 822, n. 1. 1 0 0 C . Willemsen, Op. Cit., p. 52. 101p. Toesca, Op. Cit.. p. 737* Firenze, Gabinetto del disegni, # 317. It measures 20x20 cm. 1° 2P. Toesca, L'Architettura della Porta d i Capua, Melanges Bertaux. Paris, 1924, p. 295. 1 0 5M. Salmi, Disegni di Francesco di Giorgio nella Colle-zlone Chlgi Saracini. Siena, T i c c i , 1947, fi g a . 13 and 14, for example. 1 0 4 P . Toesca, Storia dell'Arte Itallana. I, p. 737. #322 v. It measures 7.5 x 6 cm. 1 0 5R. Bonelli and P. Portoghesi, (eds) Francesco di Giorgio  Martini: Tratti d i Archltettura Ingegneria e Arte Mllitare, I, Milan, P o l i f i l o , 1967, p. 286. 1 0 6 B o n e l l i and Portoghese, Op. Cit., II, 407. 107A. Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art. N.Y., Norton, 1964^36. Rome, Bib. Vat., Cod. Ottob. l a t . 74, f o l . 193 v. 1 0 8A. Katzenellenbogen, Op. Cit . , p. 30. 109A. Katzenellenbogen, Op. Cit., p. 33, n. 5. 136 i J - u D i e Z e i t der Stauf e r , K a t a l o g . I , p. 647 and I I , P I . 604. 1 1 : L C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 124. 1 1 2 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p . 125. 115W. Paedeler and W. Holzmann, Fabio V e c c h l o n l und seine Beschreibung des Trlumphtors i n Capua, Q u e l i e n und Forschunsen  aus I t a l l e n l s c h e n Arohiven und B i b l i o t h e k e n . v . 36, 1956,p.243. l l 2 | " P a e s e l e r and Holzmann, Op. C i t . . p. 245. 1 1 5 D i e Z e i t der S t a u f e r , Op. C i t . . I, p. 657 and II,PI.615-P a r i s , Bib. Nat. f r . 1313, f o l . 31 v. 1 1 6 C . Willemsen, Op. C i t . , p. 67. 1 1 7 K . P f i s t e r , F r i e d r i c h I I . Munich, Hugendubel, 1942, c. p. 311. 1 1 8 0 . M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t . , I I , p. 2. 1 1 9 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . . p. 71. 1 2 0 E . Kantorowicz, Op. C i t . , pp. 366-367. 1 2 1 C . von F a b r i c z y , Op. C i t . , p. 215, n.3. 1 2 2 E . L a n g l o t z , Op. C i t . . p. 45. There i s a l s o an example i n E. Momigliano, F e d e r i c o d l Svev l a , I960. 1 2 3 D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , Op. C i t . . I l l , P i s 14 and 15. 1 2 ^ E . Bertaux, Op. C i t . t p. 716. 1 2 5 C . A . Wood and F.M. F y f e , The A r t of F a l c o n r y ( b e i n g the De A r t e Venandi cum Avibus) of F r e d e r i c k I I of Hohenstaufen, Boston, Branford, 1955, P« 503. 1 2 ^ E . T r a v a g l l n l , D i un r a r o denaro d i F e d e r i c o I I c o n i a t o n e l 1221 d a l l a Zecca d i B r i n d i s i , A r c h l v l o S t o r l c o P u g l i e s e , v . 26, 3-4, 1973, p. 438. 127Bie1?B»l*^a©cllStaiufe^ iOp. C l t ^ . I , p. 118 and II,PI.96,10 1 2 8 E . T r a v a g l l n l , Op. C i t . , p. 440. 1 2 9 H . Wentzel, A n t i k e n - I m i t a t i o n e n des 12 und 13 Jahrhund-e r t s i n den S t a a t l i c h e n Museen zu B e r l i n , W l s s e n s c h a f t l l c h e Z e i t s c h r l f t d e r Humboldt-Unlversitat zu B e r l i n . IV, 1, 195V55, p. 183. 1 5 ° E . Kantorowlcz, Op. C i t . . p. 541. 131p. Toesea, S t o r l a d e l l * A r t e , p. 1169. 137 Kantorowicz, K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h der Zweite. Erganzungs-kand.Kupper, Dusaeldorf, 1963, p. 258. 133E. Kantorowicz, Op, C i t . . p. 259. 1 5 4 A . Prandi,DIVI FRIDERICI CAESARIS IMAGO, I n a t i t u t o Naz. de A r c h e o l o g i a e S t o r l a d e l l ' A r t e . Roma, R i v i a t a , 1953, p. 270. !35A. P r a n d i , Op. C i t . . n. 20. 1 3 6 A . P r a n d i , Op. C i t . . p. 263 f f • 137E. Panofaky, Renaissance and Renascences,In Western A r t , Norwich, P a l a d i n , 1970, p. 66, n. 3. 1 5 8 G . Kaschnitz-Weinberg, B i l d n i s s e F r i e d r i c h s I I von Hohenstaufen, M i t t e l l u n g e n des Deutschen A r c h a e o l o g i s c h e n I n s t . , Romische A b t e i l u n g , Bd. 62, 1955, p. 17. 1 5 9 G . , K a s c h n i t z - W e i n b e r g , Op. C i t . . p. 20 f f . 1 ^ ° G . Kaschnitz-Weinberg, Op. C i t . . p. 26. Lanuvium i s the an c i e n t c i t y of Latium, about 19 mi l e s Southeast of Rome. ^-^A, P r a n d i , Op. C i t . . p. 275. • ^ E . Panofsky, Op. C i t . . p. 66, n. 3. 143 The h a i r - s t y l e seems s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n f i g . 61, and see n. 86 above. I have found no r e f e r e n c e t o re-working of Viihe heads which are suggested as heads of F r e d e r i c k , and one would t h i n k t h a t t r a c e s of subsequent s c u l p t o r s ' % o $ l s should be ap-parent t o an experienced eye. 144B. Rowland, A New P o r t r a i t Head of F r e d e r i c k I I Hohen-s t a u f e n , Pantheon, 31, 1973, pp. 351-356. Buschhausen, Das A l t e r s - ^ i l d n i s K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h s I I . Jahrbuoh d e r K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e n Sammlung In VIen. Bd. 70 (XXXIV), 1974, p. 21. " K o n l g l l c h e M a j e s t a t " was commissioned f o r the Salon of Honour i n the Royal Palace a t C a s e r t a . 1 4 6 H # Reinhardt, S c u l p t u r e f r a n c a i a e e t S c u l p t u r e allemande au X I I I S i e c l e , L'Information d ' h i s t o i r e de l ' A r t . V I I . 1962, p. 186. V a l e n t i n e r , The Bamberg R i d e r : S t u d i e s of Mediaeval German S c u l p t u r e , L.A., Z e i t l i n & verBrugge, 1956, p. 3. 148j # Traeger, Der Bamberger R e i t e r i n neuer S i c h t , Z e i t -s c h r l f t f u r Kunstgeschichte. v . 33, 1970, p. 9-^ ^ J . Poeschke, D i e Sieneser.Domkanzel des N i c o l a Plaano, B e r l i n , de Gruyter, 1973, p. 69. Traeger, Op. C i t . , p. 1. 138 15%. Valentiner, Op. Cit * . p. 122. 1 5 2G. Kaschnitz-Weinberg, Op. C i t . . p. 51 compares the pro-f i l e with that of a head in the Archaeological Museum, Arezzo. The cameo i t s e l f is now in the Walters Gallery in Baltimore, cat. 42.1428. The frontal view can be seen in K. Hoffman, The Year 1200: A Centennial Exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Catalogue. N.Y., 1970, f i g . 335-153ihat these gems were greatly valued in the 13th century is attested to by the fact that many an abbot and bishop is known to have worn and enjoyed such pagan antique stones or seals. (Miscellaneous Notes in Journal of the Warburg and Cour-tald Institute, v. 16, 1953, p. 342) ^ D i e Zeit der Staufer, Op. Cit.. I, p. 676. ^ D i e Zeit der Staufer, Op. Cit.. I, p. 678. 1 5 6 J. Dorig, Op. Cit.. pp. 78-79. 1 5^C, Shearer, Op. Cit.. p. 76. 158(3. von Fabriczy, Op. Cit.. p. 217. 1^ 9C. Willemsen, Op. Cit.. p. 162. 1 6 0 0 . Morisani, Op. Cit.. I, p. 16. I61y. Ostoia, To Represent what i s as i t i s , N.Y., Metro-politan Museum of Art Bulletin, v. XXIII, June 1965, p. 371. l 6 2M. Mariani, Aspetti delle Sculture Svev.a in Puglia e in Lucania. Archivio Storico Pugliese. v. 26, 1956, p. 454. 163E. Nau, Staufer-Adler, Jahrbuch der Staatliches Kunst-sammlungen Baden-Wurttemberg, v. V, 1968, p. 45. •J-^S. Bottari, Nicola Pi sano e l a Cultura Meridionale, Arte Antica e Moderna, 5, 1959, p. 49. 1 6 5 H . Wentzel, Op. Cit.. p. 45. 1 6 6H. Buschhausen, Op. Cit.. p. 22. 1 67w. Valentiner, An Italian Portrait Study of the Hohen-staufen Period, Art Quarterly, v. 18, 1955, P» 24. 1 6 8 C . Willemsen, Op. Cit.. p..65 f f . 1 6 9 C . von Fabriczy, Op. Cit.. p. 222. ^Oc. Shearer, Op. Cit.. p. 87. 1 7 1 E . Bertaux, Op. Cit.. p. 712. 1 7 2 c . Shearer, Op. Cit.. p. p. 87. 139 !73c. Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 90. ir7^ 0. M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t , p. 17* 175j, Poeschke, Op. C i t . , pp. 69-70. 1 7 6 R . De lb-ruck, E i n P o r t r S t F r i e d r l c h s I I von Hohenstaufen, ggvtgnvmi ft. f u r b l l d e n d e Kunst, 14* L e i p z i g , 1902, pp. 17-21. 177A. P r a n d i , Op. C i t . , p. 289. 178 K, Weasel, B i l d n i s s e des Kbniga Manfred von S i z i l i e n ? B e r l i n . S t a a t l i c h e Muaeen I I , 1958, pp. 63-64. 179H. Buanhhauaen. Op. C i t . , p. 24. 1 8 0 C . Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 79-l 8 l C . Wlllemaen..Op. C i t . , pp. 57-58. 1 8 2 0 . M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t . , p. 9. 1S3H. Decker, Romanesque A r t i n I t a l y , London, Thames and Hudson, 1958, p. 63. 18^ w. V a l e n t i n e r , S t u d i e s on N i c o l a Pisano, The A r t Quart-e r l y , v . 15, 1952, p. 135-l85s. B o t t a r i , Op. Cit.., p. 46. 186C. Gnudi, L ' a r t Gothique au Sud des A l p e s ; L'Europe Gothique XII-XIV s i e c l e s , Catalogue, P a r i s , Musee du Louvre, 1968, p. 34. i87E. Panofsky, Op. C i t . , p. 66. And t h e r e s t i l l seems t o be a possibility t h a t i t l a a n t i q u e . ^ C . Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 79. 1 8 9 C . Willemsen, Op. C i t . , n. 198. 19°c Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 81. 191c. Willemsen, Op. C i t . , n. 200. 19^ 6. Willemsen, Op. C i t . , p. 60. 193c. Shearer, Op. C i t . , p. 83. Shearer, Loc. C i t . 195M. M a r i a n i , Op. C i t . , p. 466. 196c. Willemsen, Op. C i t . , p. 59. 197c. Willemsen, Op. C i t . , p. 60 ^BQ. M o r i s a n i , Op. C i t * . p. 68. 199 K. Weasel,Ein i t a l i e n i s c h e r Marmorkopf des 13 Jahrhun-d e r t s in.den S t a a t l i c h e n Museen zu B e r l i n , W l s s e n s c h a f t -l i c h e Z e i t s c h r i f t der Humboldt-Universitat zu B e r l i n . IV, 1, 195V55,. -PP. 62-63. 2 0 0 C . Shearer, Op. Cit.. p. 186. 2 0 1R. Bandinelli, An "Antique" Re-Working of an Antique Head, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute. IX, 1946, p. 2. 2 0 2 C . Gnudi, Op. Cit.. p. L. 2 0 5H. Haussig. A History of Byzantine Ci v i l i z a t i o n . N.Y., Praeger, 1 9 7 1 , p. 428T^ 2 0 / fA. Katzenellenbogen, Op. Cit.. p. 28. 2°5E.B. Smith.Architectural Symbolism of Imperial Rome  and the Middle Ages. Princeton Univ. Press, 1956" , p. 95. 2 0 6E.B. Smith, Op. Cit.. p. 22. 2 0 7E.B. Smith, Op. Cit . . n. 98. 2 0 8 C a s t o r and Pollux - the warrior demi-gods who were intermediaries between heaven and earth and subsequently achieved Christian sainthood, in Smith, Op. C It., p. 24. 2 0 9E.B. Smith, Op. Cit.. p. 34. 2 1 0R. Huygens, ed., Magister Gregorlus - Narraclo de  Mirablllbus Urbls Romae. Leiden, B r i l l , 1970. 2 1 1G. Rushforth, Magister Gregorius de Mirabilibus Urbls Romae, The Journal of Roman Studies. IX, 1919, p. 14. 2 1 2G. Rushforth, Op. Cit.. p. 3 7 * 2 l ^ B u i l t in 61 B.C. to celebrate the victory over Mithri-( f i s t3 • 214G. Rushforth, Op.-Cit.. p. 40 2 1 5 H . Kahler, The Art of Rome and her Empire. N.Y., 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 2 7 . 2 1 ^ E . Kantorowicz, The King's Advent and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina, Art Bulletin. XXVI, 1944, p. 2 1 9 . 21^M. Wheeler, Roman Art and Architecture. N.Y. 1968, Pis. 23 and 24. 2 1 8H. Ka"hler Op. Cit . . p. 102. 141 2 1 9H . K a h l e r , Op. C i t . . p . 103 . 2 2 0 H . K a h l e r , Op. C i t . . p . p . 171. 2 2 1 H . Hahn and A . R e n g e r - P a t s c h , Hohenstaufenburgen In  S u d l t a l l e n . M u n i c h , Bruckmann, 1961, p p . 42 -43 . 2 2 2 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 24 . 2 2 3 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 12. 224 225  E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 11 . E. K a n t o r o w i c z , O p . C i t . . p . 212. 2 2 6 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 22 . 2 2 ? E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 2 1 . 2 2 8 E . K a n t o r o w i c z , Op. C i t . . p . 210. 2 29E.B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 42.U. 2 3 ° E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 121. 2 3 1 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 34. 2 3 2 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . n . 88. 2 5 5 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . f i g . 54. 2 5 4 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p p . 38 and 44 . 2 5 5 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . F i g s . 87 and 89 are c o i n s of F r e d e r i c k I and Henry VI which show the c o m b i n a t i o n of c i b o r i u m w i t h c i t y - g a t e . He p o i n t s out ( p . 93) t h a t t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e t h a t C a r o l i n g i a n , Norman and German r u l e r s a t t e n d e d c h u r c h s e r -v i c e w h i l e s e a t e d under a b a l d a c h i n or d o m i c a l s t r u c t u r e , as was the case w i t h the B y z a n t i n e b a s i l e u s . He adds ( p . 104) t h a t the gateway m o t i f o c c u r s i n 12th c e n t u r y s e a l s i s s u e d by the L a t i n k i n g s of J e r u s a l e m . T h e s e , i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the F r a n k i s h d o c -t r i n e t h a t the monarch was a "Novus D a v i d " , showed the Gate of D a v i d w h i c h s i g n i f i e d the e a r t h l y and h e a v e n l y J e r u s a l e m i n the O l d Testament as w e l l as the c i t a d e l , r o y a l r e s i d e n c e and seat of government . F l a n k i n g the ga te on t h e s e c o i n s were the H o l y S e p u l c h r e and Templum D o m i n i , the former h a v i n g i t s o c u l u s em-p h a s i z e d . 2 ^ ^ E . K a n t o r o w i c z , K a i s e r F r i e d r i c h d e r Z w e i t e . p . 230 . 2 ^ E . K a n t o r o w i c z , The K i n g ' s A d v e n t . . . p . £ 1 0 . 2 3 8 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 106. 2 3 9 E . B . S m i t h , Op. C i t . . p . 29 . 240c. W i l l e m s e n , Op. C i t . . p p . 6 8 - 7 1 . 142 2 ^ 1 E . Eertaux, Op. c i t . . p. 715• 2 Z t" 2F. Eaethgen, Besprechung und Anzeige (C.A. Willemsen, Kaia e r F r i e d r l c h s II Triumphtor zu Capua, 1953) Deutsches 2*3 E. B. Smith, Op. C i t . . n. 99. 2 4 V B. Smith, Op. C i t . . n. 38. 2^5 E. Kantorowicz, The King' a Advent...p. 2 4 6 E . B. Smith, Op. C i t . . p. 92. 2 4 7 E . B. Smith, Op. C i t . , p. 89. 2 * 8 E . B. Smith, Op. C i t . , p. 85. 2*9 E. B. Smith, Op. C i t . , p. 156. 25°E. Nau, Op. C i t . . p. 44. Willemsen remarka (Op. C i t . . p. 42) t h a t there are only two known examplea of t h i a type of c o i n which, he t h i n k s , resembleL' i n p r o f i l e the head on the Raumer gem. Prandi i s of the o p i n i o n (Op. C i t . . n. 12) t h a t t h i s c o i n may have been a 'sham' i s s u e d a f t e r F r e d e r i c k ' s death. 251 J R. Kloos, N i l o l a u s von B a r i , eine neue Q u e l l e zur E n t -wicklung d e r K a i s e r i d e e unter F r i e d r i c h I I , Deutsches A r c h i v f u r E r f o r s c h u n g des M l t t e l a l t e r s . v . 11, 1954/55,p. 189. 2 5 2 D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r , Op. C i t . . I , p. 652, and I I , P I . 610. Camb. Univ. L i b . , Dd. Xi.78 2 5 5 D i e Z e i t d e r S t a u f e r . Op. C i t . . I , p. 656, and I I , PI. 614. Rome, B i b . Ang. Ms. 1474, f o l . 7 254 T # V a n c l e v e , The Emperor F r e d e r i c k I I of Hohenstaufen: Immutator Mundi, Oxford, Clarendon, 1972, p. 333. 255 I . Ragusa, T e r r o r demonum and t e r r o r inimicorum: The two l i o n s of the throne of Solomon and the open door of pa r a -d i s e , Z e i t s c h r l f t f u r Kun s t g e s c h i c h t e . XL, 2, 1977, n. 15. 2->^H. Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque A r t . U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1967, P i s . 343/47 2 5 7 A . V e n t u r i , S t o r i a d e l l ' A r t e I t a l i a n a . V I I , p. 296. 2 5 8 L . T e s t i , P i t t u r a Venezlana. I , 1090, p. 402. 2 5 9 L . T e s t i , Op. C i t . . p. 403. J.A. Crowe and G.B. C a v a l c a s e l l e , P a i n t i n g i n Northern  I t a l y . I , 1871, p. 5-H. W. Janson, The S c u l p t u r e of D o n a t e l l o . P r i n c e t o n Univ. P r e s s , 1963, p. 92. 143 2 6 2 i . Ragusa, Op. C i t . , P. 93. 2 6 3 i # Ragusa, Op. C i t . , n. 15. 26*1. Ragusa, Op. C i t . , P. 101. 265T Ragusa, Op. C i t . , P. 102. 2 6 6 I . Ragusa, Op. C i t . , n. 30. 26 7 l. Ragusa, Op. C i t . , n. 50. 2 6 8 I # Ragusa, Op. C i t . , P« 106. 26%. Hersey, The Aragonese A r c h a t Naples, 1443-75. Yale U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1973 , P. 23. 27°G. Hersey, Op. C i t . , P. 2. 271 G. Hersey, Op. C i t . , P. 21. 272 G. Hersey, Op. C i t . , P. 25. 273 G. Hersey, Op. C i t . , P. 52 and f i g s . 95 seq. Hersey, Op. C i t . , PP . 32 and 45. 275 P. Rotondl . The Duoal Palace of Urbino, N.Y., 1969, p. 85. 2?6p. Rotondi , Op . C i t . , P . 59. 277 F. H a r t t , H i s t o r y of I t a l i a n Renaissance A r t , N.Y., 1974, p. 191. 2 7 8 G . Hersey, Op. C i t . , P. 60 

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