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Castilian nationalism and monastic influence in the "Poema de mio cid" Souza, Anthony George 1978

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CASTILIAN NATIONALISM AND MONASTIC INFLUENCE IN THE "POEMA DE MIO CID" ANTHONY GEORGE SOUZA B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1978 (c) Anthony George Souza, 1978 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements fo an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f r ee l y ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of Hispanic and Italian Studies The Univers i ty o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 < Date October 9, 1978 ABSTRACT This t h e s i s i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e - e v a l u a t i o n of two issues i n the Poema de mio C i d th a t have l a r g e l y "been ignored i n the long-standing debate between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s over the genesis o f the poem. These are ( i ) the question of C a s t i l i a n n a t i o n a l -ism, and ( i i ) monastic i n f l u e n c e on the e p i c . In the f i r s t i s s u e , scholars and c r i t i c s are g e n e r a l l y i n agreement t h a t the PMC contains some very d e f i n i t e p r o - C a s t i l i a n and anti-Leonese sentiments, but the extent to which t h i s p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e i s r e f l e c t e d i n the work has yet t o be determined. In the second i s s u e , the theory t h a t the epic i n general had i t s o r i g i n s i n the monasteries s i t u a t e d along the p i l -grim routes o f Mediaeval Europe was f i r s t r a i s e d by the French scholar Joseph Bedier, but was r e f u t e d by the eminent Spanish academician Ramon Menendez P i d a l . As such, to date, the only c r i t i c who has attempted t o apply Bedier's theory t o the PMC i s P.E. R u s s e l l . In t h i s t h e s i s , these two issues are subjected t o a c l o s e r e - e v a l u a t i o n based upon the most recent f i n d i n g s "by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s who, since the death of P i d a l and the p u b l i c a t i o n of C o l i n Smith's e d i t i o n of the poem, have r e v i s e d many of the t h e o r i e s of the Spanish s c h o l a r . This study i s d i v i d e d i n t o four chapters. In the f i r s t , the Spanish epic i n general i s examined b r i e f l y to determine i t s n a t i o n a l ^ i s t i c and monastic content. A l s o i n c l u d e d i n t h i s chapter i s a rel e v a n t d i s c u s s i o n of tomb-cults, r e l i c - w o r s h i p and pilgrimages during the Middle Ages. The second chapter focuses on the l a t e s t arguments presented by both the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s and i n d i v i d u a l i s t s on the problems of h i s t o r i c i t y , authorship and datin g of the PMC. In the t h i r d chapter, the PMC i s s t u d i e d c l o s e l y w i t h a view t o f i n d i n g m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f C a s t i l i a n n a t i o n a l i s m i n the poem's major c h a r a c t e r s , a c t i o n s and themes. The f i n a l chapter deals w i t h the i s s u e of monastic i n f l u e n c e on the PMC. Apart from the poem i t s e l f , the h i s t o r y of the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Cid i n f a c t and f i c t i o n are examined. I t w i l l be seen from the l a s t two chapters t h a t the PMC contains more evidence of n a t i o n a l i s t i c fervour and monastic i n f l u e n c e than i s g e n e r a l l y acknowledged. In other words, the poem e x h i b i t s some d e f i n i t e p r o - C a s t i l i a n and anti-Leonese sentiments. I f we view the poem against the h i s t o r i c a l background of the p e r i o d i n which we b e l i e v e i t t o have been w r i t t e n , the theory t h a t the PMC was used f o r propaganda purposes becomes q u i t e p l a u s i b l e . In the i s s u e of monastic i n f l u e n c e , again the p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t s t h a t the PMC was composed i n San Pedro de Cardena. The evidence, not only i n the poem i t s e l f , but a l s o i n the c h r o n i c l e s of Spain and the h i s t o r i e s of the monastery a l l i n d i c a t e t h a t a strong C i d c u l t e x i s t e d i n the Cardena region a f t e r the death of the hero. I t appears t h a t the PMC was a par t o f t h i s c u l t and may have been composed as the r e s u l t of a c r i s i s i n the h i s t o r y of the monastery. Dr. D. C. Carr TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION 6 CHAPTER I : BACKGROUND TO THE ORIGINS OF THE SPANISH EPIC . . . 7 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I 28 CHAPTER I I : THE HISTORICITY, DATE AND. AUTHORSHIP OF THE POEM . . 31 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I I 50 CHAPTER I I I : CASTILIAN NATIONALISM IN THE PMC 5^ FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I I I 78 CHAPTER IV: MONASTIC INFLUENCES ON THE PMC 8 l FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV 106 CONCLUSION 110 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS • I would l i k e t o express my g r a t i t u d e t o Dr. Derek Carr f o r h i s constant s u p e r v i s i o n and guidance i n the.preparation o f t h i s t h e s i s . As my t h e s i s d i r e c t o r , Dr. Carr gave f r e e l y of h i s time and e f f o r t s , and the r e s u l t a n t study i s due i n no small p a r t to h i s i n v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e . I am a l s o indebted t o Dr. Arsenio Pacheco and Dr. K a r l Kobbervig f o r t h e i r many u s e f u l comments and c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m during the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s . F i n a l l y , a s p e c i a l note o f thanks i s i n order f o r my w i f e , C h r i s t i n e , who typed the f i r s t two d r a f t s , and without whose unwavering encouragement t h i s t h e s i s may never have been f i n i s h e d . v INTRODUCTION The year 1968 marks the t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the h i s t o r y of C i d i a n s t u d i e s . I t was the year i n which Ramon Menendez P i d a l d i e d , thus ending an era of almost complete domination of mediaeval Hispanic s c h o l a r s h i p . During h i s l i f e t i m e , P i d a l was recognized as the f i r s t and foremost a u t h o r i t y i n the area of mediaeval romance s t u d i e s , and h i s works on the subject are voluminous. The work of P i d a l was of such importance and scope t h a t he was h e l d i n great esteem by a l l s c h o l a r s and c r i t i c s of the time. However, t h i s respect was t r a n s l a t e d , a l l too o f t e n , i n t o almost u n c o n d i t i o n a l acceptance and obedience of P i d a l ' s t h e o r i e s , an a t t i t u d e t h a t was by no means healthy i n academic terms. To many, i t would have been unthinkable t o expound ideas or conclusions t h a t went d e l i b e r a t e l y counter t o those of the great s c h o l a r . During h i s l i f e t i m e , few c r i t i c s openly opposed P i d a l ' s t h e o r i e s and research. Those who d i d venture t o oppose him proceeded w i t h extreme caut i o n and d i d not pursue the matter too deeply, i n order not to offend the Spanish master, e s p e c i a l l y during the l a s t decades of h i s l i f e . When P i d a l died i n 1968 there was, p r e d i c t a b l y , a sudden outburst of p u b l i c a t i o n s t h a t began to re-evaluate the work of the master, and t o challenge some of h i s conclusions. In the past ten years there has been a steady increase i n the number of scholars who have sought new avenues of c r i t i c i s m from those e s t a b l i s h e d by P i d a l . In the area of C i d i a n s t u d i e s there are, at present, two opposing schools of thought: the " t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s " , who continue t o f o l l o w and defend the tenets of P i d a l and who continue t o work i n h i s t r a d i t i o n ; and the " i n d i v i d u a l i s t s " , a group of c r i t i c s and scholars who have begun t o question, i f not 1 2 d i r e c t l y oppose, some of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and conclusions found i n Pidal's works. The disagreement "between these two p a r t i e s l i e s mainly i n t h e i r opinions about the genesis of the epic, centring p r i m a r i l y around the question of authorship. The t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s believe i n a multiple-author theory, which maintains that the extant poem was the work of several authors. They believe that the o r i g i n a l work was handed down through generations of juglares, each of whom a l t e r e d and added material to the o r i g i n a l to s u i t h i s own purposes and circumstances. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , on the other hand, believe that the epic i n i t s extant form was the product of a single author who may have woven into h i s work e x i s t i n g short poems, ballads and s t o r i e s of the hero. This l a t t e r party i s l e d by C o l i n Smith, who i n 1972 published h i s own e d i t i o n of the Poema de m5:o Cid (PMC), without the t e x t u a l reconstruc-t i o n s that P i d a l had included i n h i s o r i g i n a l three-volume e d i t i o n . 1 The i n d i v i d u a l i s t school's p r i n c i p a l objection to Pidal*s work was that i t was coloured by the scholar's emendations of the t e x t , some of which were shown to be not e n t i r e l y j u s t i f i a b l e . Smith's text followed exactly that found i n the manuscript of the poem, including a l l errors and omissions, and t h i s has made possible new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the work. This e d i t i o n has become the standard reference for most Cidian scholars. Much of the controversy i n PMC studies i n the l a s t ten years has been centred around the h i s t o r i c i t y , authorship and date of the poem. The concentration of academic a c t i v i t y i n these three areas has been so intense that other problems and issues within the PMC have l a r g e l y been ignored. I am not suggesting that these a c t i v i t i e s are superfluous; indeed, the study of the h i s t o r i c i t y , authorship and dating of the poem 3 must continue, for they form the basis of a l l subsequent interpretations, theories and conclusions. However, more effort should be made to examine other aspects of the poem based on the evidence and hypotheses that we now have. In other words, I am advocating more incursions, with new weapons, into territory that i s , i f not entirely new, then relatively unexplored. This thesis is intended to be such an incursion. The basic intent of this study is to re-examine two issues in the PMC based on the present state of c r i t i c a l opinion about the poem. These issues are Castilian nationalism and monastic influence, neither of which has been investigated to any great extent. In the f i r s t issue, most scholars, in their studies of the PMC, have remarked in passing upon the p o l i t i c a l overtones of the poem, but none have produced what could be called a definitive study of the subject. It is my contention that the poem contains more pro-Castilian sentiment and propaganda than is generally acknowledged or accepted by c r i t i c s . In the second issue, only one scholar, P.E. Russell, has attempted to show that the extant text of the PMC may have had ecclesiastical origins. 2 His a r t i c l e i s very comprehensive, and was inspired by Joseph Bedier's Les Legendes  Epiques, a monumental study in which the theory of monastic origins of the French epics was expounded for the f i r s t time. 3 However, mainly because of Pidal's rejection of Bedier's hypotheses, Russell's a r t i c l e has been largely ignored since i t s publication in 1958. I propose therefore to re-examine these issues in the light of the latest individ-ualist opinions about the h i s t o r i c i t y , authorship and date of the poem. This thesis w i l l essentially be divided into four chapters. In the f i r s t , the issues of Castilian nationalism and monastic influence w i l l be examined with reference to the other mediaeval Spanish epics in h general to determine their impact on those works. The second chapter w i l l take into consideration the latest research by the individualists in matters of hi s t o r i c i t y , authorship and date of the PMC, as i t is upon these opinions that this thesis depends. In the third and fourth chapters, the questions of Castilian nationalism and monastic influence in the PMC w i l l be examined with direct reference to the poem i t s e l f . I w i l l attempt to determine the extent of the influence that these two issues had upon the poem. Some words of warning are necessary at this point. F i r s t , in reading this study, one must keep in mind the fact that my hypotheses are based on other hypotheses, which are by no means i n f a l l i b l e . Second, my pa r t i a l i t y for the arguments of the individualists should not be taken to indicate rejection of Pidal's work. This is not my intention. My desire is merely to explore new routes that have been opened through the efforts of the individualists. If, therefore, in this thesis, i t appears that the theories of Pidal are not accorded their proper due, the imbalance is unintentional. No one, least of a l l myself, can deny that Pidal's lifetime work has been of inestimable value in the f i e l d of mediaeval Spanish literature, philology and history. Pidal's prodigious output and almost total dominance in several branches of study was such that scholars even today s t i l l owe him an immense debt. The foundations of facts and theory that were l a i d down by Pidal were so extensively and solidly constructed that, as Smith himself admits, "even i f one intends to disagree one finds oneself building on his base."1* I do not believe that i t is the intention of the individualist c r i t i c s to destroy Pidal's work per se. They.are simply advocating a 5 re-examination and revaluation of certain areas of his research, as some points have not been satisfactorily explained. These points of contention have previously been avoided out of respect for him. One must bear in mind that Pidal was f i r s t and foremost a historian, and then secondarily a li t e r a r y c r i t i c . His methods and theories undoubtedly reflect this bias, which may be corrected or refined by other methods of c r i t i c a l approach. Nevertheless, there w i l l always be c r i t i c s who disagree with Pidal's conclusions, but, as Smith noted, this constitutes a very genuine form of tribute to a man whose academic l i f e and achieve-ments assumed epic proportions. 5 6 FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION 1See Ramon Menendez P i d a l , ed. , Cantar de Mio Cid, hth ed., 3 v o l s . (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S.A., 196H) and also C o l i n Smith, ed., POema de  mio Cid (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1972). 2P.E. R u s s e l l , "San Pedro de Cardena and the Heroic History of the Cid," Medium Aevum, 27 (1958), 57-79-3See Joseph BSdier, Les Legendes Epiques: recherches sur l a forma- t i o n des chansons de geste, 3rd ed., h v o l s . (Paris: L i b r a i r i e Ancienne Edouard Champion, 1929). 4 C o l i n Smith, Ramon Menendez P i d a l : 1869 - 1968 (London: Hispanic and Luso B r a z i l i a n Councils, 1970), p. 13. 5Smith, RMP, p. k. 7 CHAPTER I BACKGROUND TO THE ORIGINS OF THE SPANISH EPIC The epic is basically a heroic narrative in verse whose central theme is "the pursuit of honour through risk." Epics deal with the deeds and achievements of a particular hero or group of heroes, and may be orally composed, but certainly orally diffused. As such, they share many common features, and therefore i t is not unusual to find that epics from culturally diverse nations have similar characteristics. From this has come the notion that they a l l descended from a common ancestor, but this i s not so. Deyermond feels that "a more l i k e l y explanation is that the basic circumstances of oral composition and of diffusion to a popular audience tend to produce similar results wher-ever they occur." 1 The genre is divided into two principal types—the heroic epic and the literary epic. The former was composed mainly with a popular audience in mind, and was written in the vernacular. Literary epics, on the other hand, with their chief ancestry in V i r g i l ' s Aerieid, were usually written in Latin during the Middle Ages, and although they did share some similar characteristics- with the heroic epics, they were intended mainly for a more learned and educated section of society. The difference between the two genres l i e s , therefore, in the audience and in the tradition in which the poets worked. This is not to say that learned men did not compose heroic epics. There is strong evidence, especially in Spain, that learned men did indeed compose heroic epics which were performed by a juglar before a popular 8 audience, a point which w i l l be germane to our argument in a later chapter. 2 Deyermond states that "among many peoples, the best-known and best-loved epics t e l l of a heroic age, of a time, perhaps far distant when heroes were larger than l i f e , a time which may inspire the lesser men of the present to emulate the deeds of their ancestors." 3 The heroic age, to which Deyermond refers, is one that i s primarily con-cerned with war, not merely for survival, but as an institution in which certain qualities of the protagonists may be realized to their full e s t . CM. Bowra enumerates the following characteristics of a heroic age. A heroic society may have humble beginnings and may limit i t s e l f to operating in a small area, and not necessarily a large empire, although this also occurs. In this society a small, special class of men rises to power through unity of purpose and determination. Their strength l i e s in their unity, and one man from among the group w i l l stand out as their leader because of his superior character. This leader and his men work together closely to overcome obstacles in order to attain their common goal, and both parties are interdependent for their own benefit and survival. The men, therefore, are no less eminent than the chief, and the latter realizes that he requires them to attain his objectives. As Bowra says: "Without them he would never attain his f u l l ambitions, and without him, they might never rise from obscurity." He goes on to say that "a heroic age i s one in which the ruler i s surrounded by remarkable men who go their own ways in consid-erable freedom but remain, even i f with reservations and misgivings, under his command." These outstanding men see in their chief the embodiment of qualities that they most admire and this i s enhanced by 9 the fact that he is sharing in their hardships and dangers. Their unity of purpose brings about their solidarity and they feel superior to a l l other men. ^ As for the hero himself, he i s usually, though not necessarily, a man who has been temporarily or unjustly cast out from his society. This status of outlaw frees the hero from his commitments to king and country and is advantageous to him because, as Smith says, he i s then able "in relative isolation to show his greatness and perform acts which w i l l ensure his return to society, to a society which w i l l acclaim him and be morally the better for his return (or his example, i f he has died in the attempt.)" 5 Bowra l i s t s four principal causes of heroic ages. They may come about as a result of: conquest, when memories of a better time are fostered because of the loss of terr i t o r i e s ; migration of a people to a distant land where they dream of past days and glories in their former country; failure of a p o l i t i c a l system which once appeared strong and firmly b u i l t ; and la s t l y , when there is a psychological change as, for example, in the form of a religion that condemns, denies or discourages what once had been considered laudable. 6 There are, of course, other reasons for the growth of the conception of a heroic age, but a l l can be summarized in one principal cause: that of yearning for the "good old days." If we follow Bowra's theories we see that the concept of a heroic age is born out of a time of c r i s i s , or change, whether p o l i t -i c a l or economical, for better or worse, and engendered by a people who are dissatisfied with the present. They yearn for a certain period in the past when things appeared better, and when men were men. The most typical form of poetic evocation of the heroic age is the epic. 10 Smith proposes another theory concerning the o r i g i n s and causes of epic poetry. Although at f i r s t sight his views may seem to contradict those of Bowra, they should he taken as complementary rather than con-f l i c t i n g . Smith says: The best epics are composed by far-sighted poets who can r i s e above l i m i t a t i o n s of time and place to take a broad view of a society and of a.national destiny; they may become v i t a l documents i n a country's heritage and may e s t a b l i s h n a t i o n a l heroes. They are poems of hope not of despair. They tend to be produced when a people i s a c t i v e , advancing, confident i n i t s power and c e r t a i n of i t s mission, to the extent that i n more d i s t r u s t f u l ages the i d e a l s and p l o t s may seem naive, but even then we often f i n d that our sympathy i s r e a d i l y e n l i s t e d on the side of a hero with fin e q u a l i t i e s i n a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n . 7 Both Bowra's and Smith's views lead to the conclusion that the epic may be the r e s u l t or product of a c r i s i s or of advancement i n a society. To what extent t h i s applies to the Spanish epic w i l l be seen as we proceed. It i s generally accepted that there are four periods i n the h i s t o r y of mediaeval Spain which can be r e f e r r e d to as heroic ages: the V i s i -gothic conquest of the Peninsula; the resistance to the Moorish invasion; the C a s t i l i a n quest for independence from Leon; and the l i f e -time of the C i d . 8 Menendez P i d a l made a case for the influence of German epics (which were introduced by the Visigoths i n t o the Peninsula) on the o r i g i n of the Spanish epic. This theory was rejected by Deyermond on the grounds that "the Visigoths were already L a t i n i z e d when they crossed the. Pyrenees, and no evidence has been produced for epics of t h e i r conquest of Spain." 9 As for the Moorish invasion and the beginning of the Reconquest, Deyermond admits that there are indications that i t i n s p i r e d some contemporary epics, but he considers t h i s evidence "unconvincing." He mentions s t o r i e s contained i n the Cronica Sarracina (c. 1^30) and the Chronica VisegOthorum (la t e ninth century) dealing with the Moorish invasion, hut states that there i s no evidence to show that epics were, composed about them. The CrOnica  Sarracina contains a f i c t i t i o u s account of the sexual i n t r i g u e s i n V i s i g o t h i c Spain, and the appeal for help to the Moors to avenge family honour, thus causing the invasion. According to Deyermond, there i s much evidence that t h i s story was a branch of a f o l k - t r a d i t i o n that was prevalent i n Europe, e s p e c i a l l y among the Germanic peoples. The Chronica VisegOthorum's basic story i s of a bishop who defected to the Moors, and also of a miracle wrought by the Blessed V i r g i n . Deyermond's opinion i s that i t savours of an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l legend. From t h i s , he concludes that "there are no grounds for b e l i e v i n g that the events of the early eighth century, important though they were, formed the sub-j e c t of epic poems whether at the time or l a t e r i n the Middle Ages. The Moorish invasion was not Spain's heroic age." 1 0 Evidence of a heroic age becomes more abundant when we a r r i v e at the beginnings of C a s t i l i a n independence frOm Leon. Only one poem dealing with t h i s era i s extant, but others are known i n some d e t a i l because of the fact that mediaeval Spanish ch r o n i c l e r s r e l i e d h e avily on epic poems for t h e i r m a t e r i a l . 1 1 The extant poem i s the POema de  Fernan Gonzalez, and i t deals with one of the f i r s t counts of C a s t i l e i n - h i s .quest for independence from Leon. This poem was composed around 1250, but there are i n d i c a t i o n s that the poet, who was from the monastery of San Pedro de Arlanza, based h i s work on an e a r l i e r , little-known epic r e f e r r e d to as the Cantar de Fernan Gonzalez. 1 2 The importance of the extant poem to our discussion of the Poema de mio Cid w i l l be seen l a t e r i n the chapter. The Siete Infantes de Lara i s another epic from t h i s era, and although an extant text does not e x i s t , Menendez P i d a l has attempted to reconstruct portions from the chronicles. Set i n the reign of Garci Fernandez, the successor to Fernan Gonzalez, the story i s almost e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s , the only a u t h e n t i c i t y being i n the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n used as background to the p l o t . The Siete infantes de Lara i s a story of family feud, betrayal and vengeance, and i n Deyermond's opinion, was composed around the year 1000. This date i s important, as i t marks a great change i n the status of C a s t i l e — h e r independence from the kingdom of Leon. 1 3 Other epics dealing with t h i s early period of C a s t i l i a n independ-ence include La coridesa t r a i d o r a , Romanz del Infant Garcia and the Abad  don Juan de Montemayor. The texts of these works have been l o s t , but t h e i r contents have been made known to us through the chronicles. The Coridesa t r a i d o r a , l i k e the Siete Infantes de Lara, deals with Garci Fernandez but concentrates p r i n c i p a l l y on h i s p r i v a t e l i f e . The Romanz  del Infant Garcia t e l l s of the murder i n Leon of the l a s t count of C a s t i l e . As f o r the Abad dori JUari de Montemayor, very l i t t l e i s documented. A Portuguese poem of the fourteenth century alludes to i t , and there i s a summary given i n a chronicle from the l a t e f i f t e e n t h century. 1 It has been almost impossible to date accurately the aforementioned epics, but, according to Deyermond, "the most l i k e l y hypothesis i s that several epics were o r a l l y composed at the time of independence, and that they established a pattern not only for other poems about the early counts and t h e i r contemporaries, but also f o r poems about the Cid, and for epics i n s p i r e d by the French Carolingian c y c l e . " 1 5 A l l 13 these epics contain common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the treatment of t h e i r themes and e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e i r purpose, and we s h a l l examine them as we further develop our discussion on the PMC. Of the few extant epics of Spain, two deal with the l i f e t i m e of the Cid. The f i r s t , and the most important of all-mediaeval Spanish epics, i s the Poema de mlo Cid, which i s the work under discussion i n t h i s paper. As we s h a l l see l a t e r , several aspects of the PMC continue to be the subject of great controversy among l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s . However, s u f f i c e i t to say at t h i s point that i t was written around the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h century by a poet who was po s s i b l y a c l e r i c but who most c e r t a i n l y had some l e g a l t r a i n i n g as w e l l . The other epic written about the Cid i s the Moeedades de Rodrigo, which gives an e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s account of the Cid's youth. Accord-ing to Deyermond, the Moeedades i s the l a t e s t extant epic of mediaeval Spain and perhaps the l a s t ever to be composed. A l i t e r a r y epic, i t garnered i t s material from a l o s t predecessor whose summary appears i n chronicles of the f i r s t h a l f of the fourteenth century. Considered by many to be the work of a j u g l a r whom Deyermond r e f e r s to as "decadent",, the Moeedades was written i n the t h i r d quarter of the fourteenth c e n t u r y . 1 6 I f we examine the Spanish epic i n general terms i n the l i g h t of recent research, we see that Menendez Pidal's theories on the h i s t o r i -c i t y of the Spanish epics, i f not proven inc o r r e c t i n absolute terms, have at l e a s t been s u b s t a n t i a l l y revised i n many e s s e n t i a l d e t a i l s . P i d a l believed b a s i c a l l y that the epic served a s o c i a l function i n that i t recorded h i s t o r y accurately. It has now been shown that a l l the aforementioned epics contain f i c t i t i o u s elements to a very high degree. Ik The amount of h i s t o r i c a l accuracy i s minimal and, i n many of them, t h e i r basis i s formed upon l o c a l legends. U n t i l r e c e n t l y , and l a r g e l y because of Menendez Pidal's conviction that the Spanish epic was a h i s t o r i c a l document, there*has been a dearth of c r i t i c i s m on the Spanish poems as a l i t e r a r y phenomenon. However, Pidal's theories have been challenged by many recent c r i t i c s , and epics l i k e the PMC have been studied as l i t e r a r y creations i n t h e i r own r i g h t . The controversy over the issue of h i s t o r y versus l i t e r a t u r e i n the PMC w i l l be examined i n the next chapter, along with c e r t a i n other basic aspects of the poem. For the present, we s h a l l concern ourselves with another point of contention regarding the Spanish epic. I f we accept the idea that the epic f u l f i l s a predominantly l i t e r a r y , rather than h i s t o r i c a l function, and since a l l l i t e r a t u r e has a purpose, we must then ask for what purpose the epics were composed. The answer can be expressed i n one word—propaganda. This i s taken to mean an " e f f o r t directed systematically toward the gaining of support for an opinion or course of a c t i o n . " 1 7 The word leads one to think n a t u r a l l y i n p o l i t i -c a l or h i s t o r i c terms, but i n the case of the Spanish epics, propaganda could also be understood from the point of view of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l economics. In f a c t , the clergy may have been a more important element i n the development of the epic genre than national p o l i t i c s or ideology. The f i r s t c r i t i c to propose a theory concerning monastic influence on the epic was Joseph Bedier. In 1926, Bedier published h i s monu-mental study on the o r i g i n s of the French epic. In t h i s work, c a l l e d Les Legendes Epiques, he advanced the view that the o r i g i n s of the epics are c l o s e l y linked.to the monasteries, shrines, and r e l i c s of the pilgrimage routes i n Europe. In Bedier's words: 15 Au commencement e t a i t l a route. En tout pays, dans tous l e s -l e s temps, l e s hommes ont peuple de legendes l e s routes venerables. Le chemin qui va devant eux vers l a t e r r e q u ' i l s desirent, qui done, prevoyant leur d e s i r , l ' a j a d i s trace pour eux, un dieu ou un heros, Hermes ou H e r a c l e s . 1 8 Then again, i n 1927, he was to write: avant l a chanson de geste, l a legende, legende l o c a l e , legende d'eglise; au commencement e t a i t l a route, jalonee de s a n c t u a i r e s . 1 9 • Bedier's theory i n essence was that the connection between h i s t o r y and the epic l a y i n the r e l i g i o u s legends that were perpetuated i n the monasteries and shrines along the p i l g r i m routes. Although t h i s theory has been queried by more recent c r i t i c s , and i s now i n a very vulnera-ble p o s i t i o n , one cannot discount i t e n t i r e l y . 2 0 Menendez P i d a l rejected off-hand the theory of Bedier, but then, h i s own theory of h i s t o r i c i t y has also been dismantled as an exhaustive explanation of the Spanish epic. During the Middle Ages, pilgrimages were a very popular form of devotion. The places where Jesus Christ and h i s d i s c i p l e s , or other holy men, had l i v e d i n s p i r e d devotion and gave comfort to the mediaeval person. 2 1 Walter Starkie says: Pilgrimages, i n the r e l i g i o u s sense of the word appealed i n s t i n c t i v e l y to man, as we can a s c e r t a i n from the study of p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n s . A pilgrimage for him meant the p o s s i b i l i t y of winning grace and getting into close contact with the great mysteries of h i s r e l i g i o n . . . . Even though St Jerome had said that the gates of Heaven were as open i n B r i t a i n as i n Jerusalem, r e l i g i o u s teachers believed that s p e c i a l blessings could be obtained i n places where saints and martyrs had died, and that men who had sinned could expiate t h e i r crimes at such shrines. A pilgrimage could be the easiest means of atonement, and so absolution was frequently granted by Papal B u l l , upon condition that the penitent should v i s i t holy p l a c e s . 2 2 There were three p r i n c i p a l centres for pilgrimages during mediaeval times—Rome, Jerusalem and Santiago de Compostela. Of these three, Santiago de' Compostela was perhaps the most popular. It had'a d e f i n i t e advantage over Rome i n that i t was situated i n a country that was occupied by the I n f i d e l . Therefore a pilgrimage to Compostela acquired the prestige of a crusade because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n such an undertaking. 2 3 On the other hand, the journey to Compostela was not as d i f f i c u l t as to Jerusalem. The consensus was that "the pilgrimage to the Holy Land was only for the v a l i a n t and adventurous s p i r i t s , who were pre-pared to f i g h t t h e i r way through h o s t i l e countries, and, moreover, the Moslems of Syria were more furious and i n t o l e r a n t than the Moors i n Spain, who were disposed to trade and even to consort with t h e i r C h r i s t i a n neighbours." 2 4 In t h i s way Santiago de Compostela assumed great importance among devout Christians of Mediaeval Europe. Thousands of pilgrims made the journey each year to the shrine of St. James the Great, who was pur-ported to have preached the C h r i s t i a n doctrine i n north-western Spain. The tomb of Santiago de Compostela had been revealed to Bishop Teodomiro of I r i a i n a v i s i o n i n 8 l ^ . Alfonso I I , the Asturian king, had a church b u i l t i n honour of the sa i n t , who i n turn, showed h i s g r a t e f u l -ness by aiding the monarch to v i c t o r y over the Moors at C l a v i j o i n 83^. By the eleventh century, Compostela was already w e l l known i n England, and i n the next century, Archbishop Diego de Gelmirez ranked i t as one of the most important with Jerusalem and Rome. Pilgrimages became a very common a c t i v i t y i n Europe as the Middle Ages progressed. They also became one of the major industries of Mediaeval Europe, so much so that guide books were written to a i d the p i l g r i m . Places such as the churches, monasteries and sanctuaries 17 along the p i l g r i m route i n Northern Spain were l i s t e d , and s p e c i a l h o s t e l r i e s were established to accommodate the poorer p i l g r i m s . 2 5 According to Starkie: By the twelfth century the multitudes that journeyed to Compostela from a l l parts of Europe were so great that they were compared to the clouds of stars of the Milky Way, and Dante i n the Convito speaks of the galaxy - "the white c i r c l e which the common people c a l l , Way of St. James." 2 6 It must be borne i n mind, however, that not a l l pilgrims v i s i t e d Compostela i n order to perform penance. For many, Their motive often arose from a mental contract they had made with St. James himself. They pledged themselves to undertake the pilgrimage and make an o f f e r i n g at the Saint's shrine, i f he would grant t h e i r request. For t h i s reason the journey was not always one of penitence, but sometimes one enabling the p i l g r i m to express his gratitude i n the form of a c o s t l y o f f e r i n g to the Saint. In t h i s way the treasures of the Cathedral of Santiago and of a l l the other churches along the road grew i n wealth and p r o s p e r i t y . 2 7 Much of t h i s "wealth and prosperity" came from the persons of high rank who undertook the journey. Compared to Jerusalem and Rome, far more high-ranking people—Popes, kings, c a r d i n a l s , archbishops and d u k e s — v i s i t e d Compostela than the other two centres. This fa c t was recognized and quickly c a p i t a l i z e d upon by r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s along the route. Although t h e o r e t i c a l l y every p i l g r i m who v i s i t e d the tomb of St. James was to be considered equal to h i s fellow, p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment was accorded by the c l e r i c s to the r i c h e r devotees, who rewarded them, with gold and s i l v e r . Such a reaction on the part of p r i e s t s and monks i n churches and monasteries along the p i l g r i m route i s natural i n view of t h e i r Spartan existence and dependence upon alms and donations from outsiders. This quest for economic gains i n v a r i a b l y l e d to attempts by churches and monasteries to enhance t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l stature and therefore a t t r a c t more pilgrims to t h e i r doors. Two ways 18 i n which t h i s could he accomplished were: the possession of r e l i c s of sa i n t s , and the possession of r e l i c s of famous h i s t o r i c a l personages, supported by legends of these h e r o e s . 2 8 The veneration of the r e l i c s of saints was the f o c a l point of much debate and controversy i n the early Church. In Western Europe, t h i s p r a c t i c e was very common by the beginning of the f i f t h century. Jonathan Sumption explains the phenomenon thus: The c u l t of the saints was the counterpoint of the fear of e v i l . Just as men tended to associate e v i l with objects f a m i l i a r to them, so they attempted to give a human q u a l i t y to the forces of good. 2 9 R e l i c s consisted of not only the saint's body (or part of i t ) , but even objects that had been i n contact with the saint or h i s shrine. Such a r t i c l e s were deemed to have miraculous powers and were i n great demand i n Mediaeval Europe. The b e l i e f i n the powers of r e l i c s was such that "churchmen sought to acquire r e l i c s of the apostles, martyrs and saints i n order that they might promote the 'holiness' of the church to which the r e l i c s were brought." 3 0 This f a i t h i n r e l i c s was not r e s t r i c t e d only to the uneducated. Gregory of Tours was reputed to have made the following suggestion: 'He who wishes to pray before the tomb,' writes Gregory, 'opens the b a r r i e r that surrounds i t and puts h i s head through a small opening i n the shrine. There he prays for a l l h i s needs and, so long as his requests are j u s t , h i s prayers w i l l be granted. Should he wish to bring back a r e l i c from the tomb, he c a r e f u l l y weighs a piece of c l o t h which he then hangs inside the tomb. Then he prays ardently and i f h i s f a i t h i s s u f f i c i e n t , the c l o t h , once removed from the tomb, w i l l be found to be so f u l l of divine grace t h a t . i t w i l l be much heavier than before. Thus he w i l l know that h i s prayers have been granted.' 3 1 Such a suggestion may appear r i d i c u l o u s to us today, but i t adequately demonstrates the frame of mind of the mediaeval man and the importance of r e l i c s to him. 19 The Churches themselves were aware of the attitudes of the people toward r e l i c s , and did not hesitate to exp l o i t t h i s knowledge toward economic ends. The more r e l i c s : the church or monastery had, the L„-more a t t r a c t i v e i t would he to pilgrims passing along the route to the Holy Shrines. R e l i c s were an inducement to the p i l g r i m to v i s i t the Church where he would o f f e r alms and donations. In t h i s respect, r e l i c s were a source of income for the establishment, and the monks who recognized t h i s p o t e n t i a l immediately were not above producing fraudu-lent a r t i c l e s to show to the public as r e l i c s . The c u l t of the saints was also c l o s e l y a l l i e d to the c u l t of heroes. In both, the attitudes and practices were s i m i l a r . M a r t i a l heroes became objects of worship because they were considered to be m i l i t e s C h r i s t ! , defenders of the f a i t h . As such they were worthy of the glory of s a i n t s . 3 2 A good case i n point i s the heroes of the Chanson de Roland. Jan de Vr i e s explains: Churches and monasteries already boasted of the possession of graves and r e l i c s of these martyrs at an early date, and legends were bound to be woven around them. Thus i t i s t o l d that Charlemagne had h i s paladin Roland buried i n the church of Saint Romain at Blaye, with Roland's famous horn, the O l i f a n t , l a i d at his feet. Later, however, the clergy of Saint Seurin i n Bordeaux were said to have appropriated i t . The grave of Bishop Turpin was supposed to be at Saint Jean de Sorde, while B e l i n , situated i n the Landes of Bordeaux, was able to boast of holding the bodies of the holy martyrs O l i v e r , King Ogier of Denmark, Duke Garin of Lorraine, and many other warriors of Charlemagne. It was r e l a t e d i n legend that Charlemagne had taken them there himself and had them in t e r r e d i n a c o l l e c t i v e grave. A sweet odour emanates from there and the sick who inhale i t are cured by i t . - 3 3 As i n the case with s a i n t s , not only were the bodies of heroes considered precious, but so were the r e l i c s , things that the heroes touched or used. Jan de Vries t e l l s us that "the sword and s h i e l d of Ogier of Denmark were shown to the be l i e v e r s i n Farmoutier, while the s h i e l d of Guillaume d'Orange could he worshipped i n B r ioude." 3 4 Such r e l i c s of persons from secular legends were i n great demand during the Middle Ages. Occasionally r e l i c worship would encompass even non-C h r i s t i a n f i g u r e s . A good example i s that of the Viking Gormont from the song of Gormont and Isembart. The abbey'of Saint-Riquier i n Normandy i s reputed to possess h i s cup among her treasures, and although s t r i c t l y speaking, i t would not be considered a r e l i c i n the true sense of the word, i t was proudly exhibited. As de Vries notes, " i t i s a fact that something preserved i n a church by t h i s very means acquires an odour of s a n c t i t y . " 3 5 The conclusion that one draws from a l l t h i s i s that there existed a close r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Church and heroic legends. De Vries warns, however, that we should not conclude, from the above statement, that the Church was therefore responsible f o r the creation of the legend, as Bedier proposed. Thus, there e x i s t two p o l a r i z e d views on the monastic o r i g i n s of the epic. On the one hand stands Bedier's theory that the epics were created i n the monasteries along the p i l g r i m routes. Bedier's opinion i s that c e r t a i n p r a c t i c a l p r i e s t s , wishing to further the fame as well as the economic conditions of t h e i r parishes, encouraged juglares to compose poems about these heroes and to d i f f u s e them i n the market p l a c e s . 3 6 De Vries does not accept t h i s theory. For him the legend came f i r s t : The church only took i t to i t s bosom. Before the O l i f a n t could f i n d a place i n a church i t must have been made worthy by a preceding t r a d i t i o n . That t r a d i t i o n could only be heroic l e g e n d . 3 7 Both these opposing theories by de Vries and Bedier appear v a l i d and l o g i c a l l y founded, but to t h i s day, the issue remains unresolved. However, as far as the Spanish epic i s concerned, Bedier's theory appears to be more applicable. When one examines each extant epic, one 21 finds quite extensive evidence of c l e r i c a l influence and purpose. Deyermond, i n speaking of the raison d'etre of the Spanish epic, puts forward the view that i n Spain The two most obvious purposes for epics would be p o l i t i c a l or economic propaganda for a monastery or a church, and the pr o v i s i o n of material f or chronicles. Spanish epics were used for both of these ends, as well as for the almost u n i -v e r s a l purpose of informing, entertaining, and i n s p i r i n g the people as a whole. 3 8 From the above, one can deduce Deyermond's p o s i t i o n i n the question of the relevance of tomb-cults to the epics. Indeed he himself confirms his p a r t i a l i t y to the theories of Bedier when he says: The stimulation of p i l g r i m s ' i n t e r e s t by a c o l l e c t i o n of r e l i c s associated with a saint or a national hero, and best of a l l by h i s tomb, was a favourite t a c t i c of medieval churches and monasteries. I f a hero was commemorated by an epic poem, t h i s was s t i l l more u s e f u l , and i n some cases an epic was composed for t h i s purpose. 3 9 The Spanish epics, upon close examination, do bear out t h i s opinion. The Pdema de Fernan Gonzalez i s perhaps the best example of monastic influence on epic poetry. C l a s s i f i e d by Deyermond among the epics about the f i r s t counts of an autonomous C a s t i l e , i t exhibits d e f i n i t e connections between the hero Fernan Gonzalez and the monastery of San Pedro de Arlanza. For one thing, the poem i s not written i n the t r a d i t i o n a l epic metre, but rather i n the learned cuaderna v i a and more importantly, we know that i t was composed i n the monastery. The poem i t s e l f i s based on a r e a l personage, but the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s have been manipulated by the w r i t e r , and the poem "owes more to f o l k l o r e than to the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s . " 4 0 The main theme of the poem i s the winning of autonomy for C a s t i l e , but that i t was designed to increase the fame of the monastery of Arlanza and i t s a t t r a c t i o n to pilgrims cannot be denied. Deyermond elucidates: 22 The hero's r e l a t i o n s with the monastery of San Pedro de Arlanza form an important part of the story. Fernan Gonzalez loses h i s way when hunting (a frequent opening of an adven-ture i n f o l k l o r e ) . His quarry takes refuge i n a hermitage, the hero i s str i c k e n with remorse for his unintentional v i o l a t i o n of sanctuary, and promises to b u i l d an adequate monastery on the s i t e . The monk Pelayo c o r r e c t l y prophesies a v i c t o r y i n the coming b a t t l e , and thereafter the des t i n i e s . of Fernan Gonzalez, C a s t i l e and Arlanza are c l o s e l y l i n k e d . 1 + 1 From the above quotation, one can see that the Poema de Fernan Gonzalez was used for e c c l e s i a s t i c a l purposes. As Deyermond points out, both content and form point i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n : The nature of i t s main na r r a t i v e , the audience at which i t appears to aim, the number of folk-motifs that i t incorpo-rates, and perhaps the i r r e g u l a r i t y of i t s metre (which seems to be much greater than that of other cuaderna v i a poems) - a l l of these point to i t s being a heroic epic composed by a monk as propaganda. 4 2 Thus, the main motive of the Poema de Fernan Gonzalez was the economic i n t e r e s t s of the monastery of San Pedro de Arlanza. The secondary motive was C a s t i l i a n p a t r i o t i s m , as evidenced by the attempts of the poet "to i d e n t i f y C a s t i l e with the Reconquest and the best in t e r e s t s of Spain as a whole." 4 3 The Poema de Fernan Gonzalez i s not the only example of c l e r i c a l e x p l o i t a t i o n of epic material although perhaps i t i s the best example. Others include the Siete Infantes de Lara, La coridesa t r a i d o r a , Romanz  del Infant Garcia, and the Moeedades de Rodrigo. The Siete Infantes de Lara, based on an authentic p o l i t i c a l back-ground, was exploited by the churches which claimed to possess r e l i c s of the seven brothers. As Deyermond says: The story that the poem t o l d was, although f i c t i t i o u s , one that c a r r i e d conviction: the p a r i s h church at Salas de l o s Infantes displayed as r e l i c s seven s k u l l s which were all e g e d l y those of the betrayed brothers, while two monas-t e r i e s claimed to possess the authentic seven tombs. 4 4 23 . La_ condesa t r a i d o r a i s another epic of t h i s period, dealing with the count Garci Fernandez and h i s family. There i s no text f o r t h i s epic hut summaries of the p l o t are given i n the c h r o n i c l e s . 4 5 The story, r e f e r r e d to as scandalous and sensational by some c r i t i c s , has what Deyermond c a l l s " c a r e f u l l y developed e c c l e s i a s t i c a l connections." The story begins with the foundation of a monastery by the count Garci Fernandez, and ends with the b u r i a l of the e v i l countess Dofia Sancha at the monastery of San Salvador de Ona, with an explanation as to the orig i n s of the monastery's name. In another c h r o n i c l e , Garci Fernandez i s buried at the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena. Deyermond states that "as f a r back as we can trace the epic of La condesa t r a i d o r a , i t s ending i s of predominantly monastic i n t e r e s t . " 4 6 He i s quick to add, however, that t h i s does not mean that i n i t s o r i g i n a l form, the poem had such an ending. Nevertheless, the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s cannot be e n t i r e -l y rejected. The Romanz del Infant Garcia i s another l o s t epic set i n the eleventh century. Mentioned i n the E s t o r i a de Espana, i t t e l l s of the murder of the l a s t count of C a s t i l e i n Leon. The e c c l e s i a s t i c a l connections are found i n the fac t that there were two competing tombs of the Infante Garcia, one i n Leon and one i n San Salvador de Ona, with epitaphs which give two d i f f e r i n g accounts of the murder. 4 7 In the Mocedades de Rodrigo we have probably the greatest docu-mented example of monastic influence on the epic. As we have stated before, the story and the figure of the Cid portrayed i n t h i s epic are e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s . An extensive study of the Mocedades was undertaken by Deyermond and published i n his book Epic Poetry and the Clergy. Perhaps the most i n t e r e s t i n g facet of t h i s epic, and one which i n t e r e s t s . us here, i s the f a c t that the author shows himself to he very i n t e r e s t e d i n the h i s t o r y of the diocese of Palencia. This aspect has nothing to do with the p l o t of the story and d i d not appear i n the l o s t version of the poem. As such i t provides the modern c r i t i c and scholar with food for thought about monastic influences on the epic. The Moeedades shows signs of decadence i n i t s techniques and approach, and i s not generally considered a good poem, though Deyermond argues that i t has been under-rated. The composer was surely a learned man, most probably a c l e r i c , and the poem was "composed i n order to support the claims of the diocese of Palencia at a c r i t i c a l moment i n i t s h i s t o r y . " In the fourteenth century, the diocese of Palencia found i t s e l f d e c l i n i n g i n prestige and power, and subjected to depredations by C a s t i l i a n nobles. Also, i t was i n dispute with the c i t y of Sahagun over t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s and p r i v i -leges, the f a i l u r e of the U n i v e r s i t y of Palencia and c o n f l i c t s with the c i t i z e n r y . These events are c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d i n the Moeedades, which seeks to a f f i r m Palencia's status through the f i c t i t i o u s a ssociation with the Cid and through documentation i n the poem. 4 8 What does a l l t h i s prove? F i r s t and foremost, i t i s c l e a r that the heroic legends of the Spanish Middle Ages were li n k e d to the Church i n varying degrees. In many cases, the monasteries along the p i l g r i m route to Santiago de Compostela were d i r e c t l y responsible for creating, c u l t i v a t i n g and propagating heroic legends through poems, epics and the use of r e l i c s , whether authentic or f a l s e . In many instances, epic heroes were li n k e d , within the works, to a c e r t a i n monastery or church. The purpose behind t h i s p r a c t i c e was to enhance the name and stature of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i n the eyes of the p i l g r i m s , who would then v i s i t the place on t h e i r way.to Compostela. 25 Since many of the pilgrims to Compostela were wealthy or of noble b i r t h , t h i s generally r e s u l t e d i n the monastery's r e c e i v i n g sums of money as offerings or alms. As such, the legends served a mercenary purpose i n that they were a source of income to supplement what would otherwise be a rather meagre existence. Also, the legends could prove useful i n times of c r i s i s , such as i n the case of the diocese of Palencia, as mentioned above. The nature of such p r a c t i c e s , which we know existed i n Spain,.' leads one to the conviction that the primary purpose of epic or heroic l i t e r -ature during the Spanish Mediaeval Age was one of a mercenary nature, a s i t u a t i o n brought about by either economic, l e g a l or p o l i t i c a l condi-tions a f f e c t i n g the monastery or church. The epics composed under these circumstances employed n a t i o n a l i s t i c sentiments as main themes. These were probably used to disguise the true motive behind the compositions. N a t i o n a l i s t i c themes were not new to Mediaeval C a s t i l i a n l i t e r a t u r e . G i f f o r d Davis traced t h e i r o r i g i n s back to the De laude 'Spariiae of I s i d o r e . 4 9 Such epics were calculated to arouse p a t r i o t i c sentiments and national consciousness among C a s t i l i a n s . Charlton.Hayes defines the foregoing terms: The term pa t r i o t i s m i s taken to mean simple love of homeland. National consciousness i s used to designate a r e a l i z a t i o n by a group of humanity of c o l l e c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s , common past and t r a d i t i o n and common goals and i n s p i r a t i o n . Nationalism has been defined as "a condition of mind i n which l o y a l t y to the i d e a l or fact of one's national state i s superior to a l l other l o y a l t i e s , " and "which involves the unshakable f a i t h i n i t s surpassing excellence over other n a t i o n a l i t i e s . " 5 0 These feel i n g s are a l l r e f l e c t e d in'the C a s t i l i a n epic. The Toema de Ferriah Gonzalez i s a good example. The opening l i n e s of the poem give a compact summary of Spanish h i s t o r y , much of which, according to Davis, was drawn from Isidore or Lucas de Tuy's 1 c h r o n i c l e s . 5 1 The,poet praises Spain at the beginning, hut l a t e r singles out C a s t i l e to he the best of her provinces. Stanzas 156-157 state: Pero de toda Spanna Casty(e)lla es mejor, Por que fue de los otrros(el)comiengo mayor, Guardando e temiendo syenpre a su sen(n)br, Quiso acrecentar (la) assy e l Cryador. Avn C a s t y ( e ) l l a V i e j a , a l mi entendimiento, Mejor es que l o h a l por que fue e l cimiento, Ca conquierieron mucho, maguer poco conviento, Byen l o podedes ver en e l acabamiento. 5 2 This sentiment of C a s t i l i a n independence and s u p e r i o r i t y pervades a l l epics during t h i s period. One must remember that C a s t i l e during t h i s time was engaged i n winning and maintaining her autonomy from her mother state Leon. The balance of power had been swinging between the two states since the tenth century. When the Poema de Fernan Gonzalez was written the pendulum had swung so that the two kingdoms were united under the dominance of C a s t i l e . C a s t i l e had long recognized the unity of o r i g i n of the Peninsular peoples. The C a s t i l i a n s had also traced t h e i r r o y a l l i n e back to the Gothic kings and therefore emphasized Gothic supremacy over the Peninsula as a whole. 5 3 These n a t i o n a l i s t i c sentiments are not r e s t r i c t e d only to the Poema de 'Fernan Gonzalez. The other early epics which deal with the f i r s t decades of C a s t i l i a n independence, such as the Siete Infantes de  Lara and La condesa t r a i d o r a , demonstrate d e f i n i t e p r o - C a s t i l i a n and anti-Leonese f e e l i n g s . This C a s t i l i a n nationalism i s perhaps the one common theme of the epics. However, i t s function was to disguise, whether e f f e c t i v e l y or not, the true purpose of the poems, namely, to make money f o r the monastery or church i n which the i n d i v i d u a l epics o r i g i n a t e d . To what 27 extent t h i s theory of monastic influence and C a s t i l i a n nationalism applies to the Poema de iiiio Cid w i l l he examined i n the subsequent chapters. To t h i s end we are fortunate i n that, unlike the other epics, we have an almost complete t e x t , and a considerable knowledge of the h i s t o r y of the Cid. Bedier's theory had been applied to other Spanish epics with a c e r t a i n degree of success. There i s no reason to expect that the Poema de mio Cid would be d i f f e r e n t . 28 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I iAlan David Deyermond, A L i t e r a r y History of Spain: The Middle  Ages (London: Ernest Benn Ltd., 1971), pp. 31-32. 2Deyermond, pp. 31-32. 3Deyermond, p. 32. ^Condensed from S i r C e c i l Maurice Bowra, In General and P a r t i c u l a r (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 196k), pp. 70-80. 5 C o l i n Smith, ed., Poema de mio Cid (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1972), p. x i i . 6Bowra, pp. 73-80. 7Smith, PMC, p. x i i i . Deyermond, p. 32. ^Deyermond, p. 32. See also Ramon Menendez P i d a l , "Los godos y e l origen de l a epopeya espanola," i n Los godos y l a epopeya espaflola (Madrid: A u s t r a l , 1956), pp. 9-57. Also Robert -A. H a l l , "Old Spanish Stress-Timed Verse and Germanic Superstratum," Romance Philology, 19 (1965-66), 227-3U. i 0Deyermond, pp. 32 -35. See also A.'H. Krappe, The Legend of  Rodrick, Last of the V i s i g o t h i c Kings, and the Ermanarich Cycle (Heidelberg, 192377" ^The E s t o r i a de Espana, f o r example, compiled during the reign of Alfonso e l Sabio, employed material d i r e c t l y from the epics and openly acknowledges t h i s f a c t . 1 2See Deyermond, pp. 36-38. 1 3Deyermond, pp. 38-39-1 4Deyermond, pp. UO-Ul. This l a s t epic, although included among the epics of early C a s t i l e as c l a s s i f i e d by Deyermond, i s deemed "doubtful" by him. 1 5Deyermond, pp. 39-1+0. 1 6Deyermond, pp. kG-k'J. For a comprehensive study of the Mocedades see Deyermond, Epic Poetry and the Clergy: Studies on the "Mocedades de  Rodrigo','' (London: Tamesis Books, 1968). 1 7Nev Standard Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1962). 1 8 B e d i e r , Les Legendes Epiques, Vol. 3, p. 367. 1 9Joseph Bedier, La Chanson de Roland Commentee (Paris: H. Piazza, 1 9 2 7 ) , P - 30 . 2 0 D a v i d M. Dougherty, "The Present Status of Bedier's Theories," Symposium, lh (i960), 289-99-21V.H.H. Green, Medieval C i v i l i z a t i o n i n Western Europe (London: Camelot Press, 1 9 7 1 ) , P- 1 2 0 . 2 2 W a l t e r Starkie, The Road to Santiago: Pilgrims of St. James (London: John Murray, 1957), p.~6~2. 2 3 S t a r k i e , pp. 60 -6 l . 2 4 S t a r k i e , p. 6 l . 2 5Green, p. 121, and Starkie, p. .61. 2 6 S t a r k i e , p. 62. 2 7 S t a r k i e , p. 62. 2 8 S t a r k i e , p. 67. 2 9 Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An _ I m a g e o f Medieval R e l i g i o n (London: Faber and Faber, 1 9 7 5 ) , p. 22. 3 0Green, p. 119-3Gumption, p. 2k. 3 2 J a n de V r i e s , Heroic Song and Heroic Legend (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 3 ) , p. 2 3 6 . 3 3 d e V r i e s , p. 236. 3hde V r i e s , p. 236. 3 5 d e V r i e s , p. 2 3 7 . 3 6 d e V r i e s , pp. 237 -38. 3 7 d e V r i e s , p. 2 3 7 . O Q Deyermond, p. 33-o q Deyermond, p. 37-30 ^Deyermond, P- 36. 4 1 Deyermond, P- 37. ^Deyermond, P- 37. 4 3Deyermond, P. 38. ^Deyermond, pp, . 38-39. 4 5Deyermond, P- k0. These De rebus Hispaniae and the E s t o r i a de Espana. ^Deyermond, p. 1+0. 4 7Deyermond, p. Ul. ^8Deyermond,' pp. h6-h"J. See also: Deyermond, Epic Poetry and the Clergy. 4 9 G i f f o r d Davis, "The Development of a National Theme i n Medieval C a s t i l i a n L i t e r a t u r e , " Hispanic Review. 5 0 D a v i s , p. 1^9n. 5 1 D a v i s , p. 153. 5 2 A l o n s o Zamora Vicente, ed., Poema de Fernan Gonzalez, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1963), Stanzas 15^-7. 5 3 D a v i s , pp. 15^-55. 31 CHAPTER II THE HISTORICITY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE POEM The single most important work among mediaeval Spanish epics i s the Poema (or Cahtar) de mio Cid. It has the d i s t i n c t i o n of being the f i r s t extensive verse text i n Spanish and i s considered to be one of the greatest poems of the European Middle Ages. The poem deals with the m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s of C a s t i l e ' s n a t i o n a l hero, the Cid, Rodrigo (or Ruy) Diaz de Vivar i n the l a t t e r part of the eleventh century, and i s , as Smith says, a "masterly blend of h i s t o r y and f i c t i o n . " 1 A great deal of controversy surrounds the PMC, i n l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s . C r i t i c s of the poem are divided into two p r i n c i p a l camps. In the f i r s t there are those who follow n e o t r a d i t i o n a l i s t research and the theories of Ramon Menendez P i d a l . This group, known as the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , include scholars such as Edmund de Chasca, C. Bandera Gomez and Sanchez Albornoz. The second group, known as the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , consists of c r i t i c s who recently have begun to question or r e j e c t Pidal's theories and o f f e r i n g , i n t h e i r turn, t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the poem. The c r i t i c s who belong to t h i s group regard the mediaeval epic as a work of art written by an i d e n t i f i a b l e i n d i v i d u a l who used h i s t o r i c a l , or documentary material for a r t i s t i c creation. The basic objection of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s to Pidal's work i s that the l a t t e r had a tendency to reconstruct portions of the text of the PMC. These reconstructions have proven to be not e n t i r e l y accurate and frequently have obscured evidence 32 within the text, r e s u l t i n g i n somewhat tainted i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and theories. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t group includes such c r i t i c s as C o l i n Smith, P.E. R u s s e l l , A.D. Deyermond and A. Ubieto Arteta. Smith's e d i t i o n of the PMC eschews t e x t u a l reconstruction i n favour of a close adherence to the manuscript readings. Before examining the PMC from the aspect of C a s t i l i a n nationalism and monastic influences, i t would he prudent to study b r i e f l y the h i s t o r i c a l Cid as opposed to the f i g u r e portrayed i n the poem. In t h i s regard we are fortunate, as, unlike many national and epic heroes, the Cid was indeed a h i s t o r i c a l personage about whom much i s known. The Cid, Rodrigo Diaz, was born around the year 10^3 i n the v i l l a g e of Vivar, to the north of Burgos. His father, Diego Lainez, belonged to the class of l e s s e r nobles known as irifahzones. Upon the death of h i s father, Rodrigo was placed under the protection of the Infante Sancho, the eldest son of Fernando I who had united Leon, C a s t i l e and G a l i c i a under his r u l e . When Fernando died 1^1065, his realm was divided, according to h i s w i l l , . i n t o three separate kingdoms to be ruled by h i s three sons. Sancho received C a s t i l e ; Alfonso received Leon; and Garcia received G a l i c i a . Sancho, being the most ambitious of the three, claimed h i s r i g h t as the eldest and p l o t t e d to re-unite the.three states under his sole command. In t h i s endeavour, he was aided by Rodrigo who had.become by then the a l f e r e z or r o y a l standard-bearer of the C a s t i l i a n army. Sancho was successful i n the subsequent m i l i t a r y campaigns, and f i n a l l y brought both Leon and G a l i c i a under his r u l e . In 1072, Sancho was assassinated by V e l l i d o Dolfos during the siege of Zamora. Fortune began taking a turn for the worse when Alfonso returned from h i s e x i l e i n Toledo to assume power over the: kingdom Sancho l e f t . The Cid, who had been very prominent i n Sancho's cause, was n a t u r a l l y looked upon with disfavour by the new king, and r e l a t i o n s between them were for the most part le s s than amicable. However, the new king, aware of the power of the former a l f e r e z , attempted to reconcile t h e i r d ifferences. In 107**, Alfonso VI honoured the Cid by presenting to him, as h i s wife, Jimena Diaz, a Leonese noblewoman and cousin to the king. However, matters s t i l l did not improve. Twice the Cid was banished, once from 108l to 1087, and the second time i n IO89. As a consequence of h i s banishment, Rodrigo entered the service of the Moorish king of Saragossa and t h i s , i n turn, l e d to h i s greatest feat of a l l — t h e conquest of Valencia. For the r e s t of h i s l i f e , the Cid r u l e d Valencia and defended i t s u c c e s s f u l l y against the.Almoravid inva-sions of the l a s t decades of the eleventh century. He died i n Valencia i n 1099, and when f i n a l l y the c i t y f e l l to the Almoravid armies i n 1101 h i s body was exhumed and re-buried i n the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena. 2 The PMC, which deals with the l a s t two decades of the Cid's l i f e , contains 3733 l i n e s , and i s incomplete, as both the beginning and the end are missing. However, most of the poem has survived i n a single manuscript of disputed date and i s purported to have been copied by a Per Abbat. The PMC i t s e l f i s divided into three cantares. The f i r s t cantar opens with the e x i l e of the Cid. The exact reason for the banishment i n the poem i s not known, as one or more f o l i o s are missing from the manuscript. Theories have been forwarded by c r i t i c s and scholars as to the content of these missing f o l i o s , but nothing concrete has been e s t a b l i s h e d . 3 The Cid needs money to support h i s troops and himself, so he obtains i t fraudulently from two Jewish moneylenders named Raquel and Vidas. From t h i s point on, the f i r s t cantar deals with the m i l i -t a r y successes of the Cid i n Castejon and above a l l , i n Alcocer, as he penetrates ever deeper into Muslim t e r r i t o r y . The cantar ends with the Cid's v i c t o r y over the count of Barcelona, Ramon Berenguer, i n the b a t t l e of the Pine-Wood of Tevar. In the second cantar, the Cid continues- h i s expedition towards the southeast, t h r u s t i n g toward the Mediterranean. The c i t y of Valencia i s captured and Yusuf, the leader of the Almoravids, is.defeated when he comes to take the c i t y for himself. During a l l t h i s time, the Cid i s constantly sending g i f t s to h i s king Alfonso, seeking r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . . The Infantes of Carrion, seeing the riches that the Cid has gained, ask Alfonso to arrange t h e i r marriages to the daughters of the Cid. A l -fonso agrees, but before doing so, restores the Cid to h i s o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n p r i o r to banishment. The Cid, now reconciled to h i s king, r e l u c t a n t l y agrees to the proposed marriages which are subsequently celebrated i n Valencia. The t h i r d cantar picks up the t a l e two years a f t e r the marriages of the Cid's daughters. The Infantes of Carrion prove themselves to be complete cowards i n two major i n c i d e n t s — o n c e , when the Cid's l i o n escapes, and again during the b a t t l e of Cuarte during which the Cid k i l l s the Moorish king Bucar. Fearing the mockery that they f e e l sure i s coming as a r e s u l t of t h e i r cowardly behaviour, the Infantes inform the Cid of t h e i r intentions of returning to the lands of Carrion. The Cid grants them permission to leave. On the way, at the oak grove of Corpes, the Infantes set upon t h e i r wives, the Cid's daughters, and beat them m e r c i l e s s l y , f i n a l l y leaving them half-dead. The g i r l s are rescued by t h e i r cousin F e l i x Munoz and are taken to San Esteban de Gormaz. When the Cid hears of the aff r o n t e r y of the Infantes, he seeks j u s t i c e from Alfonso. The king convokes court at Toledo, where the Infantes are forced to return everything that the Cid had granted them, including the swords Tizon and' Colada, and to f i g h t a j u d i c i a l duel against representatives of the Cid. During t h i s time, two messengers a r r i v e to ask for the hands of the Cid's daughters on behalf of the princes of Navarre and Aragon. The duel i s fought and the Infantes are defeated, although t h e i r l i v e s are spared. The poem ends with the marriage of the Cid's daughters to the princes of Aragon and Navarre, thereby ensuring that the Cid's blood-line i s continued through the kings of Spain. Before examining the PMC with a view to fi n d i n g evidence supporting our theories of C a s t i l i a n nationalism and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l influence, we have to focus f i r s t on three facets of the poem: h i s t o r i c i t y , the date of composition and the authorship. A l l three of these have been subjects of ah enormous amount of discussion and disagreement among scholars. With reference to the h i s t o r i c i t y of the poem, we s h a l l attempt to show that the PMC was written, not as a h i s t o r i c a l chronicle but rather as a l i t e r a r y creation. The dating of the poem i s equally important, as the period i n which the PMC was written may correspond to a time when feelings of C a s t i l i a n nationalism ran high. F i n a l l y the authorship, i f i t can be established, w i l l throw some l i g h t on the purpose of the • poem and i t s main themes. The f i n a l analysis of c e r t a i n elements i n the PMC are, i n f a c t , dependant on the findings i n these three areas. The study of the h i s t o r i c i t y of the PMC had been one of the most-36 debated issues i n mediaeval Spanish-literature. The basic question centres on the extent to which the poem i t s e l f , may be accepted as a r e l i a b l e h i s t o r i c a l source. Menendez Pidal's opinion was that the epic was indeed a v a l i d , accurate, h i s t o r i c a l document. He saw the epic as a veh i c l e by which the news of contemporary events was communicated to the p u b l i c . 4 The j u g l a r , or composer of the poem, i s seen by Menendez P i d a l as being charged by society to communicate and preserve h i s t o r y as accurately as pos s i b l e : E l cantar de gesta nace desde luego relatando gestas o hechos notables de actualidad. Wo l e da origen siempre (aunque alguna. vez se l o de) e l entusiasmo, l a pasion, que suscitan l o s raros grandes sucesos de un pueblo,...sino l a o r d i n a r i a . y permanente necesidad sentida por un pueblo que r e s p i r a un ambiente heroico, necesidad de conocer todos l o s acaec indent os importantes de su vida presente, y deseo de recordar l o s hechos d e l pasado que son fundamento de l a vida c o l e c t i v a . La razon permanente d e l interes epico es, pues, l a apetencia h i s t o r i a l de un pueblo que se siente empenado en una empresa secular. La epopeya no es mero poema de asunto h i s t o r i c o , sino un poema que cumple l a elevada mision p o l i t i c o - c u l t u r a l de l a h i s t o r i a . 5 It was e s s e n t i a l l y t h i s b e l i e f that caused. Menendez P i d a l and h i s followers to regard the epic p r i m a r i l y as h i s t o r y , rather than as a l i t e r a r y creation of a r t i s t i c value. Apart from these considerations, P i d a l also maintained, i n h i s theory of rieotradicioiialismo, that the epics were composed at the time of the event they portray, and that they were reworked as time went by. At the date of t h e i r composition they were accurate i n t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , but subsequent reworkings tended.to introduce f i c t i o n a l elements into the poems.6 In other words, the closer the date of composition to the actual event, the more h i s t o r i c a l l y accurate the poem tended to be. Against these theories, a number of arguments have been proposed by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s . Smith, i n his e d i t i o n of the PMC, i s more 37 prepared to regard the poem as an a r t i s t i c e n t i t y rather than a h i s t o r i c a l duty or r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the j u g l a r . He maintains that "the accurate preservation of h i s t o r y was no concern of the epic poet, s t i l l l e s s any duty1: of h i s , and was never seen i n that way."7 Smith c i t e s examples i n l i t e r a t u r e which, although dealing with h i s t o r i c a l events or personages, have no more than the most tenuous l i n k with the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s . Smith's opinion was that: At a l l times we must allow for much free invention, f or creation of new events and personages, for f i c t i o n a l asso-c i a t i o n between persons and events never so associated i n f a c t , f o r abundant anachronisms and constant a c t u a l i z a t i o n , for introduction of favourite themes and episodes into h i s t o r i c a l l y u n l i k e l y contexts, and so. 8 In other words, Smith t e l l s us not to forget the human element and imagination. He t e l l s us that t h i s process of a f f a b u l a t i o n i s at work no matter how close the composition i s i n time to the actual event. He says that t h i s i s "inherent from a very early stage, not at a l a t e stage only or as the r e s u l t of mere forgetfulness, s u b s t i t u t i o n of f i c t i o n for what had become u n i n t e l l i g i b l e as h i s t o r y , e t c . " 9 Deyermond supports t h i s view, but i n a more i n d i r e c t way. His objection to the P i d a l i a n theory i s based on the lack of any concrete evidence: "since we do not possess i n i t s o r i g i n a l form any Spanish epic that was composed at the time of the events, we can do no more than speculate about the h i s t o r i c a l accuracy of such a poem.... n l 0 That there i s a h i s t o r i c a l base to the PMC cannot be.denied, but i t i s made up of fundamental truths of the l i f e of the Cid with which the audience was perhaps already f a m i l i a r . The p r o j e c t i o n of these well-known fac t s and events by the poet into the poem serves to.lend the work a.certain a i r of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . C o l i n Smith supports t h i s theory when he says that " . . . i f many poems do have a strong a i r of 38 h i s t o r i c i d a d about them, i t was because the poet, l i k e any other a r t i s t , sought to convince h i s public that he was not o f f e r i n g rubbish but true, worthy and improving material, as i s stated at the beginning of c e r t a i n chansons de geste; and more importantly, because the poet sought to create an impression of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e of c r e d i b i l i t y on a human plane, as part of h i s a r t . 1 1 Edmund de Chasca, a supporter of Pidal's theories, himself admits that the " h i s t o r i c a l matter, whether i t i s used with considerable f i d e l i t y , modified, a l t e r e d , d i s t o r t e d , or transformed into myth, must y i e l d to the requirements of poetic c r e a t i o n . " 1 2 When t h i s theory of h i s t o r i c a l v e r i s i m i l i t u d e i s applied to the PMC, we a r r i v e at the same conclusion as Smith: In i t s composition the poet started from the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s : that the Cid was e x i l e d , that he defeated Ramon Berenguer at Tevar. He knew other h i s t o r i c a l facts of a d i f f e r e n t kind: that the Cid had a wife, Jimena, and two daughters; that he had an as s o c i a t i o n with Cardena; that he had knights i n h i s s e r v i c e . 1 3 In the passage just c i t e d , Smith was speaking of the f i r s t cantar only but we can stre t c h the point to cover the general h i s t o r y i n the other twO cantares, namely, the conquest of Valencia, which, i s perhaps the greatest m i l i t a r y exploit of the Cid, and h i s effectiveness as a s o l d i e r against the Almoravids. And, as Smith says, "the r e s t , a l l that which i s b u i l t upon t h i s bare base of h i s t o r i c a l f a c t , i s l i t e r a t u r e . 1 , 1 4 The f i c t i o n a l elements i n the PMC are probably the best evidence one can o f f e r against the h i s t o r i c i t y of the poem. De Chasca enumer-ates the four p r i n c i p a l f i c t i t i o u s elements i n the poem: f i r s t , the incident i n which the Cid defrauded the Jews Raquel and Vidas of the 39 three hundred gold and three hundred- s i l v e r marks; second, the marriages of the Cid's daughters to the Infantes de Carrion; t h i r d , the incident of the escape of the Cid's l i o n ; and fourth, the Cortes at Toledo where-by the Infantes were h u m i l i a t e d . 1 5 When one considers that the c e n t r a l action of the poem revolves completely around the marriages of the Cid's daughters, then one can see that a large part of the poem i s f i c t i t i o u s . The f i r s t h a l f of the PMC up to the capture of Valencia, has been generally accepted as the h i s t o r i c a l section of the poem, but even here recent investigations have shown that the h i s t o r i c i t y i s dubious. The ba t t l e s of. Castejon and Alcocer, which fig u r e so prominently i n the f i r s t cantar, have been shown by Smith to have possible l i t e r a r y o r i g i n s i n La t i n chronicles. The capture of Castejon has i t s p a r a l l e l i n the record of the capture of the town of Capsa i n Numidia i n the Bellum Iugurthirium of S a l l u s t . Smith makes a good case when he compares the actions r e l a t e d by S a l l u s t with those i n the PMC, and his.conclu-sions may be regarded as sound. Likewise, the capture of Alcocer i s shown to have l i n k s with the Strategemata of Frontinus. One point however, that Smith i s prompt to make, i s that the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the stated L a t i n works to the poet of the PMC cannot be established. Therefore, i t i s impossible to prove that the poet d i d indeed use them for h i s own creation. Nevertheless, that p o s s i b i l i t y cannot e n t i r e l y be ruled out i n view of the evidence i n the t e x t . 1 6 As for the re s t of the f i r s t cantar, much of the " h i s t o r i c i t y " has been shown to be f i c t i t i o u s , inaccurate, or at l e a s t b u i l t upon previous l i t e r a r y i n cidents. Smith enumerates: ... i n that f i r s t cantar much of the d e t a i l of the Cid's departure for e x i l e , with i t s splendid family scenes and speeches, i s l i t e r a r y invention; the r i c h scene of the ko Jews i s b u i l t upon an o r i e n t a l t a l e ; Jimena's prayer i s c e r t a i n l y borrowed from a French epic source; the Cid's v i s i o n of Gabriel i s probably imitated from one of Charle-magne's v i s i o n s ; the episodes of Castejon and Alcocer have the l i t e r a r y o r i g i n s shown here, the episode of the Count of Barcelona compressed two h i s t o r i c a l incidents into one, i s 'wrongly' placed i n sequence of time and has many elements of l i t e r a r y invention. There i s not much h i s t o r i c i d a d l e f t i n the cantar. What we have i s a poem, r e s u l t i n g from an act of l i t e r a r y c r e a t i o n . 1 7 To sum up the issue of h i s t o r i c i t y of the PMC, we should accept, with Smith, Pidal's view that "the function of the epic was p a r t l y exemplary and s o c i a l matter." 1 8 However, we must r e a l i z e that i t also had an a r t i s t i c function and that i t was thus no d i f f e r e n t from other forms of l i t e r a t u r e . As Leo Spitzer said i n 19^8: . "Para mi e l PMC es obra mas bien de arte y f i c c i 6 n que de autentidad h i s t o r i c a . " 1 9 Smith's d e f i n i t i o n of h i s t o r i c i t y i n the epic i s not "the accurate presentation or preservation of h i s t o r y " as proposed by P i d a l , but rather "the use of h i s t o r i c a l or pseudo-historical d e t a i l for purposes of a r t i s t i c v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . " 2 0 The subject of the dating of the PMC i s also one of great con-troversy among Cidian scholars. The e x p l i c i t of the poem gives the date as ERA 12^5 or A.D. 1207. 2 1 Menendez P i d a l , when he published hi s e d i t i o n of the PMC, proposed that the date of composition of the PMC was c. 11*10. Later, he revised h i s theory, s e t t i n g the date even e a r l i e r i n 1110. In f a c t , P i d a l advocated the existence of another shorter epic poem of about 1105, which was the forerunner of the PMC and which had.been amalgamated into the extant text. However, Pi d a l ' s views are based on the theory of neotradicionalismo. Of the evolution of Cidian legends a f t e r the death of the hero, there i s l i t t l e con-crete evidence. . The Poema de Almeria, written around 111+7-9seems to 1+1 indi c a t e that a poem or cycle of poems indeed existed, and that i t was sung i n the v e r n a c u l a r . 2 2 Such pieces of evidence do e x i s t , hut a l l r e f e r , whether d i r e c t l y or by i m p l i c a t i o n , to poems that are no longer extant. As Smith says, "even i f we take i t that a Cid poem existed by the time of the Poema de Aimeria, we cannot assume that i t was a d i r e c t ancestor of our PMC or indeed i n any way r e l a t e d to i t . " 2 3 By way of further proof, Smith o f f e r s the Moeedades de Rodrigo as evidence. The Moeedades i s the other surviving poem dealing with the Cid but has very l i t t l e to do with the PMC. Besides, Deyermond states that "the un-t y p i c a l nature of the CMC makes i t improbable that any predecessors ressembled i t to a major extent, and there i s no j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the common assumption of a series of vernacular epics on the f i n a l stages of the Cid's career, each reworking i t s predecessor, u n t i l the text was composed. 2 4 Against the generally accepted date of lll+O there have recently been numerous arguments. Smith regards these as being more r e l i a b l e , as they are based on what he c a l l s a " p o s i t i v i s t " approach—that of discerning the date through i n t e r n a l evidence i n the poem. However, as Smith himself r e a d i l y admits, "attempts to date the text of the PMC cannot amount to more than i n t e l l i g e n t guesswork." 2 5 Most of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t c r i t i c s propose a l a t e twelfth, century or early t h i r t e e n t h century date for the composition of the 'PMC. E.R. Curtius, who bases his argument on the influence of c e r t a i n French epic s t y l i s t i c t r a i t s , advances the following conclusion: The Spanish epic of. the Cid, then, takes up material which had already been treated i n L a t i n . It fashions i t a f t e r the model of the French epicy and employs s t y l i s t i c c l i c h e s which f i r s t appear i n France between 1150 and 1170. Hence i t can hardly have been composed before l l 8 0 . 2 5 • .h2 Apart from t h i s , the content of the PMC appears to hear out a l a t e r date of composition. Lines 372*1-5 of the poem declare that the Kings of Spain are now the kinsmen of the Cid: P i d a l , i n h i s e d i t i o n of the PMC, argues that by ll'l+O, the r e l a -t i o n s h i p i n blood between the Cid and the Kings of C a s t i l e and Aragon was s u f f i c i e n t to j u s t i f y such a claim. However, Ubieto A r t e t a disputes t h i s and, basing his argument on a s t r i c t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these l i n e s , proposed that they could not have been composed before 1201. The kings of Leon became r e l a t i v e s of the Cid only a f t e r 1197, and those of Portugal only a f t e r 1200. However, Ubieto A r t e t a , i s quick to point out that he does not support the idea that the PMC was written a f t e r these dates, but rather, "que l a version que hoy conocemos esta rehecha despues de 1200. Pudo e x i s t i r un Poema del Cid e s c r i t o en llkO, y aun antes de 1128, pero es evidente que s u f r i o r e f u n d i c i o n e s . " 2 8 Other objections to 11.1+0 come from the study of d i f f e r e n t aspects of the poem. Russ e l l based his arguments for a l a t e r date on the existence of c e r t a i n l e g a l formulae and the mention of seals within the poem. For example, the use of seals was rare around lll+O, but was common pr a c t i c e at the end of the twelfth and beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . 2 9 In the f i e l d of l i n g u i s t i c s , D.G. Pattison examined the PMC from the point of view of word-format ion., e s p e c i a l l y d e r i v a t i o n by means of s u f f i x e s . The resultant conclusion that Pattison reaches was that the poem contained l i n g u i s t i c phenomena that d i d not occur i n the twelfth century but rather i n the t h i r t e e n t h . He says: . "My research Oy l o s reyes d'Espafia a todos alcanga ondra sos parientes son; por e l que en buen ora nagio. 27 k3 has l e f t me with the growing f e e l i n g that i n t h i s sphere Cof s u f f i x d erivation] the Cid hears the hall-marks of thirteenth-century usage rather than of twelfth; and furthermore that t h i s seems to he a l i n g u i s t i c t r a i t l a r g e l y unaffected by considerations of subject matter or s t y l e . " 3 0 A l l these arguments go counter to the date that i s generally accepted, and are further supported by Smith's findings. Smith bases his date on h i s t o r i c a l considerations. He takes into consideration the time lapse necessary for c e r t a i n h i s t o r i c a l errors to become acceptable or t o l e r a b l e to an audience. Such errors include: the name of the Abbot of Cardena, who i n r e a l i t y was named Sisebuto but who appears as Sancho; the r o y a l marriages of the Cid's daughters to the Princes of Navarre and Aragon; the changes made i n the characters of h i s t o r i c personages such as Count Garcia Ordonez; and the genealogical errors i n the poem. In the end, Smith suggests that the date given i n the poem, 120T, i s i n fac t correct for the date of composition. 3 1 The problem of the dating of the PMC i s f a r from being a c t u a l l y resolved. As Smith says: "There i s no single proof, but a rather large body of informed opinion" on the date of composition. 3 2 The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , however, appear to have the stronger arguments i n t h e i r speculations, and we propose to accept t h e i r views that the PMC was written i n the f i r s t h a l f of the t h i r t e e n t h century. The problem of the authorship of the PMC i s another area of controversy. The exact i d e n t i t y of the author i s not known, but again there are some educated opinions on the type of occupation of the man who composed the poem. The determination of the authorship of the PMC is : an important point d i r e c t l y of relevance to the present study, as a knowledge of the author's s o c i a l status or occupation may give us a clue as to his intentions and purpose i n the composition of h i s work. The f i r s t opinion offered about the i d e n t i t y of the PMC's author was from Menendez P i d a l when he published h i s monumental e d i t i o n of the poem. P i d a l claimed that the PMC was composed i n 11^0 by a Mozarabic jugla r from the d i s t r i c t around Medinaceli, and rejected a l l suggestions that the poem could have been influenced by e c c l e s i a s t i c a l intentions. P i d a l a r r i v e d at his conclusions p a r t l y on l i n g u i s t i c grounds but mainly on geographical references i n the text. Later, P i d a l modified h i s hypothesis, s t a t i n g that the poem was written about the year 1110 by a person from San Esteban de Gormaz and that i t had been reworked by the juglar of Medinaceli i n l l U O . 3 3 This conclusion, based on a "searching examination of the poem's h i s t o r i c a l content," i s accepted by most l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s and enjoys widespread support within and without S p a i n . 3 4 De Chasca,.in 1976, expressed views that e s s e n t i a l l y supported Pidal's theory of dual authorship for the PMC, a l b e i t with a few modifications to the o r i g i n a l hypothesis proposed by the eminent scholar. De Chasca, above a l l , accepts wholeheartedly the opinion that an early j u g l a r composed the poem i n San Esteban de Gormaz. Because of the existence of apparent s t y l i s t i c differences within- the text of the poem, de Chasca concludes, with P i d a l , that the PMC was composed by two authors t h i r t y years a p a r t . 3 5 These views, long held by the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , have come under f i r e from the individualists.. Hermenegildo Corbato demonstrated a method whereby i t was possible to prove that the PMC was written by a single j u g l a r . 3 6 This single author theory i s further supported by Leo Spitzer and Gustavo Correa, who based t h e i r arguments; on the thematic unity of the poem. 3 7 However, perhaps the most convincing of a l l discussions on the problem of unity of authorship i s by F r a n k l i n M. Waltman. Using a concordance of the PMC published i n 1972 by the Pennsylvania State U n i v e r s i t y Press, and by applying the Parry-Lord theory of the use of formulaic expressions, Waltman was able to a r r i v e at the conclusion that the PMC was the work of a single a u t h o r . 3 8 A.B-: Lord, i n h i s study of the epic, f e l t that the quantity of formulaic expressions contained i n an epic showed whether the poem was o r a l l y composed or written down from the very beginning. Also, i n view of the fact that each poet had h i s own p a r t i c u l a r formulaic expressions, the consistency with which these occur throughout the epic would indic a t e i f there were one or more a u t h o r s . 3 9 Applying Lord's hypothesis to the PMC, Waltman examined and analysed the formulaic expressions found i n the poem, and taking i n t o consideration t h e i r quantity and consistent nature concluded that: ...there may be only one poet who i s responsible f o r the composition of the Poema de ml6 Cid i n the form i n which i t exis t s today. I t can be assumed that i t i s the r e s u l t of an o r a l t r a d i t i o n which existed before, but the l i m i t e d number of formulaic expressions points to t h i s poem as being a l i t e r a r y work. The appearance of at l e a s t 26 d i f f e r e n t formulaic expressions, which are found i n a l l parts of the poem, i s the strongest evidence found i n support of.'.only one author. 4 0 As f o r the differences mentioned by p i d a l i s t a s , Waltman explains that t h i s may have been caused by the poem's being sung i n d i f f e r e n t sections. These dif f e r e n c e s , he says, do not prove dual authorship. •In f a c t , he proves that "there i s more s i m i l a r i t y i n vocabulary and st y l e than difference which seems to point to a one-author t h e o r y . " 4 1 In turning to the problem of the o r i g i n of the poet, we should note that the views presented by P i d a l are questionable. There i s he evidence i n the poem that shows that the poet had a f a m i l i a r knowledge of the areas around Medinaceli and San Esteban de Gormaz, but, as Ian Michael says, " i t does not prove that he composed the poem there." y Micha.el demonstrates two occasions i n which the poet was mistaken i n his knowledge of the geography of the areas, and he concludes from t h i s that the author "at most...had only t r a v e l l e d i n the r e g i o n . " 4 2 In the most recent studies made on the PMC many c r i t i c s have ar r i v e d at the conclusion that the poem was composed i n Burgos, and that i t was intended mainly f o r an audience i n that c i t y . The poem i t s e l f was composed i n w r i t i n g but was intended for an o r a l r e n d i t i o n . Smith perhaps has the best explanation for t h i s theory, reached mainly from a close examination of the content of the poem. According to Smith, i n the opening scenes of the epic, with the Cid leaving Burgos i n e x i l e , and throughout the poem i n the character of Martin Antolinez, the poet i s catering to a Burgos audience. He goes on to say: The close association of Vivar and Cardena with the c i t y strengthens t h i s view; so does the fact that the archivo  cidiano would have been deposited either at Burgos or Cardena. Burgos and i t s area i s the place where l o g i c a l l y the great epic of C a s t i l e , so strong i n l o c a l p a t r i o t i s m , should have been composed; although by 1200 i t was being displaced by Toledo (as the Reconquest moved southward) i t was t r a d i t i o n a l l y the c i v i c and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l centre of the r e a l m . 4 3 This hypothesis i s e s s e n t i a l l y borne out also by Deyermond and Michael. The l a t t e r argues that i t i s impossible to prove that the poet came from Medinaceli or San Esteban de Gormaz. The l i n g u i s t i c reasons put f o r t h by P i d a l do not prove anything, as " i t may be possible to make a case for l i n g u i s t i c forms influenced by the eastern d i a l e c t s i n the poem." 4 4 The evidence proposed by Ian Michael for a Burgos poet i s much the same as that of Smith., but he mentions two more important ^7 reasons: the fact that the MS came to l i g h t at Vivar, and'the connection that the poem had with the Cardena legends of the C i d . 4 5 Smith denies t h i s l a s t opinion, but we s h a l l examine the problem i n greater d e t a i l i n a l a t e r chapter. Menendez Pidal's o r i g i n a l speculation that the author of the PMC was an ordinary jugl a r has also been subjected to questioning by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t c r i t i c s . Most recent studies as to:-the occupation of the author have revealed that Pidal's view could be mistaken. R u s s e l l , i n 1952, i n an a r t i c l e that examined the references i n the PMC to l e g a l documents, cautiously proposed that the author was trai n e d i n l a w. 4 6 This theory has been taken up by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , who unanimously agree that the poet was indeed a cultured and educated man. However, there i s disagreement even among the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s as to the exact occupation of the author. R u s s e l l , i n h i s a r t i c l e , implies that he could have been a c l e r i c , but because of h i s respect for P i d a l , never o u t r i g h t l y states t h i s v i ew. 4 7 Michael envisages the poet as the abbot's notary who i s " f a m i l i a r with l e g a l documents and disputes, having access to chronicles and knowledge of p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and the behavior of the monarchs, nobles and "knight's"' who would v i s i t the abbey from time to time." Deyermond believed that the poet was a c l e r i c who most c e r t a i n l y had a l e g a l and n o t a r i a l t r a i n i n g . 0 Smith, however, denied a l l connections between the poet and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c i r c l e s , although he admits that a strong Cid c u l t d i d indeed e x i s t at the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena. " I t does not seem l i k e l y that he was a p r i e s t or a monk; the C h r i s t i a n observances, though, frequent, are no more than any observant layman would have known." 4 9 Smith's contention was that the author of the PMC was a k8 lawyer or someone who had considerable t e c h n i c a l knowledge of law. The PMC, he argues, has for i t s most s a l i e n t feature, l e g a l procedures and matters. This feature exists to a higher and more r e f i n e d degree i n the PMC than i n any other Spanish or French epic. Smith's conviction that the author was a lawyer was very strong and the arguments that he puts forward to support t h i s view are quite c o n v i n c i n g . 5 0 Since then, he has modified h i s opinion somewhat. In a further study of the problem, Smith has come to propose that the Per Abbat mentioned i n the PMC was the refundidor, i f not the actual author of the poem. 5 1 U n t i l recently Per Abbat had been considered the copyist, of the PMC, but Smith,'examining the problem i n the l i g h t of works such as the Libro de Alexandre and forged documents, shows that the e x p l i c i t of the poem can be accepted as a c c u r a t e . 5 2 He demonstrates that, around the year 1207, there was indeed a Pedro Abad, a layman, who was " s u f f i c i e n t l y acquainted with the h i s t o r y and legend of the Cid to have been the refundidor of the poem." However, Smith i s quick to point out to us that he i s merely speculating, that h i s many hypotheses are b u i l t on other hypotheses. He nevertheless remains adamant on one p o i n t — t h a t the composer of the extant poem, whether he be Pedro Abad or whosoever, was a lawyer. 5 3 C o l i n Smith's theory completely rules out any e c c l e s i a s t i c a l influence on the PMC, but, as R u s s e l l points out i n h i s a r t i c l e on San Pedro de Cardena, there e x i s t within the poem c e r t a i n references which, demonstrate that monastic influence cannot be rejected e n t i r e l y . 5 4 The safest conclusion to draw, therefore, on the basis of the most recent studies i s that the author may have been a c l e r i c , but that he di d indeed have a background i n law. h9 Deyermond summarizes the recent findings on the PMC i n the areas of authorship, h i s t o r i c i t y and dating i n h i s L i t e r a r y History of Spain. He declares that the PMC: ...was composed towards the end of the twelfth century, or. perhaps at the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h , by a learned poet who may well have been a c l e r i c and who had c e r t a i n l y had a l e g a l and n o t a r i a l t r a i n i n g . He l i v e d i n the Burgos area, though he had not n e c e s s a r i l y been born there, and he addresse his poem p r i m a r i l y to a Burgos audience; the degree to which he was influenced by the tomb-cult of the Cid at Cardena, i f there was any influence, remains uncertain. The poem was composed i n w r i t i n g , but was intended for o r a l d i f f u s i o n by juglares to a popular audience. I t s h i s t o r i c a l accuracy i s considerably l e s s than was once believed, and the whole story of the Infantes de Carri6n and the.Cid's daughters i s f i c t i t i o u s . 5 5 In view of the compelling argument's" submitted by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t and for the purpose of t h i s study, Deyermond's cha r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the composition and nature of the PMC w i l l be taken as a point of departure for subsequent discussion of the poem. We may even proceed further i n -the d i r e c t i o n that Smith's recent research has been leading and state that the PMC, i n the form i t has come down to us, was composed i n the Burgos area around 1207 by an author who was either a c l e r i c or had been educated by c l e r i c s . This author, who also shows evidence of l e g a l t r a i n i n g , i s probably none other than Per Abbat himself. However, we must heed Deyermond's warning that these conclusions remain contro-v e r s i a l despite the strong evidence i n t h e i r favour. Menendez Pidal's views, though now shown to be mistaken i n many respects, s t i l l enjoy widespread support. 50 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II 1 Smith, PMC, p. x i v . 2 T h i s account of the l i f e and times of the Cid i s condensed from Ramon Menendez P i d a l , La Espana del Cid, 2 v o l s . (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe S.A., 1956). 3Smith, PMC, p. 1. Smith suggests three possible reasons for the Cid's e x i l e . These are: l ) the Jura de Santa Gadea, which perhaps caused Alfonso's d i s l i k e of the Cid; 2T~a r a i d that the Cid conducted against the Moorish kingdom of Toledo, an event p o s s i b l y r e f l e c t e d i n the PMC i t s e l f i n l i n e s 1*76-81, 507-9 and 527-8; and 3) Menendez Pidal's view that the PMC began with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the Cid's expedition to S e v i l l e to c o l l e c t annual t r i b u t e . While there, he aided the S e v i l l i a n s i n a war against the Granadans who were a s s i s t e d by the count Garcia Ordonez. The Cid defeated the Granadans, took Garcia Ordonez prisoner and i n s u l t e d him by p u l l i n g h i s beard. The defeated Christians l a t e r complained to Alfonso about t h i s , and thus the Cid was banished. Smith accepts t h i s l a s t reason as perhaps being the most l i k e l y . ^Menendez Pidal's major works which deal with t h i s theory are: Poesia j'uglaresca y origenes de l a s l i t e r a t u r a s romanicas: problemas  de h i s t o r i a l i t e r a r i a y c u l t u r a l (Madrid: I n s t i t u t o de Estudios P o l i t i c o s , 1 9 5 7 ) ; La Chanson de Roland et l a T r a d i t i o n Epique des Francs (Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, I 9 6 0 T T I'Epopee C a s t i l l a n e a Travers  l a L i t t e r a t u r e Espagnole (Paris: L i b r a i r i e Armand C o l i n , 1970T; H i s t o r i a y epopeya (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe S.A., 193k). Charles Faulhaber gives a summary of Pidal's views i n h i s a r t i c l e "Neo-t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , Formulism, Individualism and Recent Studies on the Spanish Epic,"Romance Philology, 30 (1976), 83. 5Ram6n Menendez P i d a l , La 'Chanson de Roland' y e l neotradiciOna-y Hsiao (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe S.A., 1959), P- ^29 . 6See Menendez P i d a l , La 'Chanson de Roland' y eJL n e o t r a d i c i o n a l i s - mo, pp. 65—66. 7Smith, PMC, p. xx. 8Smith, PMC, pp. x i x - x x i . 9Smith, PMC, pp. xx-xxi. 1 0Deyermond, p. h"J. HSmith, PMC, p. x x i i . 12Edmund de Chasca, The Poem of the Cid (Boston: Twayne, 1976), p. 66. 51 1 3 C 6 1 i n Smith, " L i t e r a r y Sources of Two Episodes i n the Poema de mio Cid," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 52 (1975), 122. I1*Smith, " L i t e r a r y Sources...," p. 122. 1 5 d e Chasca, p. 66. 16smith, " L i t e r a r y Sources...," pp. 109-22. l 7Smith, " L i t e r a r y Sources...," pp. 121-22. l 8According to Smith, P i d a l was so concerned about the epic as an h i s t o r i c a l document "...because he was, i n his l i f e ' s work, at l e a s t one-third h i s t o r i a n " (PMC, p. x x i i i ) . This statement, although of a purely subjective nature, may not be without substance. 190pinion of Leo Spitzer i n 19^8, quoted by Smith i n " L i t e r a r y Sources...," p. 122n. 2 0smith, PMC, p. x x i i . 2lLines 3732-3. Smith's e d i t i o n of the PMC read: Per Abbat l e e s c r i v i o en e l mes de mayo en era de m i l l e .cc xlv. ahos. In the space between .cc x l v , Menendez P i d a l believes that there was another c thus making i t Era 131+7 (A.D. 1307). However, the a p p l i c a t i o n v of reagents:-.was unable to turn up any trace of ink i n the space. Ian Michael also examined the c o n t r o v e r s i a l area under u l t r a - v i o l e t l i g h t , but he, too, was unable to f i n d any i n d i c a t i o n that a l e t t e r had been erased. Nonetheless, Michael states that':the date as i t stands, Era 12*+7 or A.D. 1207, cannot be the date of the extant MS, and may r e f e r to a predecessor made i n A.D. 1207. Ian Michael, ed., The Poem of the  Cid (Manchester. U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975), p. 21+1-1+2. 2 2 L i n e s 220-2 of the Poema de Almeria are as follows: Ipse Rodericus, Meo C i d i saepe vocatus, de quo cantatur quod ab hostibus haud superatur, qui domuit Mauros, comites domuit quoque nostros. The work "cantatur" i s evidence that a poem was sung or chanted; "Meo C i d i " i s taken as evidence that i t was i n the vernacular; and the "comites" may be the counts Ram6n Berenguer and Garcia Ordonez. See Smith, PMC, p. x x x i i i . 2 3Smith, PMC, p. x x x i i i . 2i+Deyermond, p. 1+5. 2 5Smi.th, PMC, p. x x x i i i . 2 6 E . R. Curtius, European L i t e r a t u r e and the L a t i n Middle Ages, trans. W i l l a r d R. Trask (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p. 385. 2 7A11 quotations from the text have been taken from Smith's e d i t i o n of the PMC. 52 2 8 A . Ubieto Art-eta, "Observaciones a l 'Cantar de Mio C i d ! , " Arbor, 37 (1957), H+5-70. 29p.. E. R u s s e l l , "Some Problems of Diplomatic i n the 'Cantar de mio C i d ' and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s , " Modern Language Review, ^7 (1952), 3^0-9. 30D. G7 P a t t i s o n , "The Date of the 'Cantar de mio C i d ' : a L i n g u i s t i c Approach," Modern Language Review, 62 (1967), ^ 3 - 5 0 . 3 1 C o l i n Smith, "The Personages of the 'Poema de mio C i d ' and the Date of the Poem," Modern Language Review, 62 (1971), 580-98. 32Smith, PMC, p. x x x i v . 3 3Ram6n Menendez P i d a l , "Dos poetas en e l 'Cantar de Mio C i d ' , " Romania, 82 (1961), 1^5-203; r e p r i n t e d i n En torno a l Poema d e l C i d (Barcelona: E. D. H. A. S. A., I963), pp. 109-62. 3 1 +de Chasca, p. 91, and Deyermond, p. ^5-3 5 F o r a more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of s t y l i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s , see de Chasca, pp. 91-99-36Hermenegildo Corbato, "La sinonimia y l a unidad d e l 'Poema de mio C i d ' ," Hispanic -Review, 9 '{±9^1), 327 - ^7 -3 7 L e o S p i t z e r , "Sobre e l c a r a c t e r h i s t o r i c o d e l Cantar de mio C i d , " Nueva R e v i s t a de F i l O l O g i a H i s p a r i i c a , 2 (19U8), 105-17-3 8 F r a n k l i n M. Waltman, Concordance t o the Poema de mio Cid ( U n i v e r s i t y Park: Pennsylvania State U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972). 3 9 A l b e r t B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (Cambridge: Harvard Univer-s i t y P r e s s , i960, p. 100. ^ F r a n k l i n M. Waltman, "Formulaic Expression and U n i t y of Author-ship i n the 'Poema de mio C i d ' , " H i s p a n i a , 56 (1973), 569-78. ^Waltman, "Formulaic Expression... ,' up. "577-42Michael, p. 1 3 . ^SSmith, PMC, pp. x x x v i - x x x v i i . 't'+Michael, P- 1 3 . *+5Michael, p. 13. ^ S R u s s e l l , "Some Problems of D i p l o m a t i c . . . , " pp. 3^0-^9-t + 7 R u s s e l l , "Some Problems of D i p l o m a t i c . . . , " pp. 3^0-^9-^ M i c h a e l , p'. 1 3 , and Deyermond, p. U5-4 9 S m i t h , PMC, p. x x x i v . 53 5 0See Smith, PMC, pp. xxxiv-xxxvi. 5 1 Colin Smith, "Per Abbat and the Poema de mio Cid," Medium AeVum, h2 (1973), 1-17. 5 2Smith draws a p a r a l l e l i n the use of the word " e s c r i v i o " between the PMC and the Libro de Alexandre. " E s c r i v i o " was' taken only to mean "copied" but i n the Libro de Alexandre, i t i s used to mean "composed." See N. J . Ware, "The Date of Composition of the Libro 'de. Alexandre: a Re-examination of Stanza 1799," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic  Studies, k2 (1965), 252-55. 5 3See Smith, "Per Abbat...," pp. 1-17. 5 t f R u s s e l l , pp. 57-59. 5 5Deyermond, p. h5. CHAPTER I I I CASTILIAN NATIONALISM IN THE PMC The examination of the o r i g i n s of the mediaeval Spanish epic i n Chapter I suggested that C a s t i l i a n nationalism constituted a basic theme for most, i f not a l l , of the extant poems. In t h i s Chapter I hope to show that the p r o - C a s t i l i a n theme i s of fundamental importance to the composition and comprehension of the PMC. A b r i e f review of the h i s t o r y of C a s t i l e and Leon at the end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h — t h a t i s , the period when we believe the PMC was w r i t t e n — i s therefore i n order before we proceed to an analysis of the content of the poem i t s e l f . The most s a l i e n t feature of the period under discussion i s the fa c t that C a s t i l e was beset by grave p o l i t i c a l problems both i n t e r n a l and external. The external d i f f i c u l t i e s were perhaps of greater importance, since they l e d to the i s o l a t i o n of C a s t i l e and the forma-t i o n of an a n t i - C a s t i l i a n c o a l i t i o n of the other Spanish kingdoms. The chain of events had begun i n 1158 upon the death of Sancho I I I of C a s t i l e . The h e i r to the throne, Alfonso VIII, was but two years o l d . During hi s minority, C a s t i l e was wracked by c i v i l s t r i f e between the noble f a m i l i e s of Lara and Castro i n t h e i r struggle for power and for c o n t r o l of the young king. Fernando II of Leon, a mild monarch, intervened i n the dispute at the request of the Castro family. He maintained a garrison at Toledo, hut eventually withdrew from C a s t i l i a n a f f a i r s , leaving the Lara family i n the ascendancy. Alfonso VIII of 55 C a s t i l e attained h i s majority i n II69. During h i s reign and almost u n t i l h i s death i n 121*1, one of his b i t t e r e s t enemies was Alfonso IX of Leon, son of Fernando I I , whose death had l e f t the C a s t i l i a n king as the most i n f l u e n t i a l and powerful of the C h r i s t i a n r u l e r s i n Spain. In the e a r l y II90's an a n t i - C a s t i l i a n pact was made by Aragon, Navarre, Leon and Portugal to combat Alfonso VIII, whom they believed had designs to dominate them a l l . Open warfare broke out and peace d i d not return u n t i l 119^ when C a s t i l e and Le6n were persuaded by Papal intervention to sign a grudging truce. However, t h i s truce served only as a b r i e f intermission i n the c o n f l i c t s between the two kingdoms. In 1195, h o s t i l i t i e s began anew when Alfonso IX of Leon, aided by the Almohads with whom he had concluded an a l l i a n c e , began attacking C a s t i l i a n towns and intruding into her t e r r i t o r y . The war between Le6n and C a s t i l e continued u n t i l 1197 when Alfonso IX of Leon married Queen Leonor of C a s t i l e , but t h i s marriage was n u l l i f i e d by the Pope because the couple were r e l a t e d within the-prohibited degrees. In 120*+, with the d i s s o l u -t i o n of the marriage, animosity once again f l a r e d up between the two kingdoms, and i t was not u n t i l 1206 that a treaty was signed which f i n a l l y brought about peace between the two kingdoms. 1 This, then, i s the h i s t o r i c a l background against which the PMC was probably written. In view of the p o l i t i c a l circumstances i t would be understandable for a C a s t i l i a n epic produced during t h i s era to demonstrate some d e f i n i t e n a t i o n a l i s t i c sentiments. At the very l e a s t , the poet's own p o l i t i c a l a ttitudes and b e l i e f s would be evident i n h i s work. A close scrutiny of the PMC reveals that i t does indeed have a strong n a t i o n a l i s t i c flavour inherent i n i t s characters, action and 56 themes. In other words, the poem contains some very clear pro-C a s t i l i a n , anti-Leonese sentiments. This i s a l l the more understandable i f we accept the date of composition to he 1207 or thereabouts, as during t h i s time, as we have seen, n a t i o n a l i s t i c f e e l i n g s i n C a s t i l e were running high. Also, from the point of view of the author, the basic h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s about the C i d — h i s e x i l e at the hands of Alfonso VI who was o r i g i n a l l y : a Leonese king; h i s successful m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s ; his unswerving l o y a l t y — a l l contain i n them the essence of a great n a t i o n a l i s t i c epic that would r e f l e c t not only the c r i s e s of the poet's own day, but also the p o l i t i c a l aspirations of C a s t i l e i t s e l f . The poet merely uses h i s creative techniques to bring out t h i s aspect of the poem to i t s f u l l e s t . In the introduction to h i s e d i t i o n of'the PMC, Smith denies that the poem contains any reference to C a s t i l i a n domination of the other Spanish s t a t e s . 2 However, upon close examination, h i s arguments weaken the more he delves into the issue. In f a c t , Smith appears to contra-d i c t himself as he analyses the d i f f e r e n t aspects of the poem. In the f i r s t place, he accepts the fact that the author of the PMC intended to draw a comparison between the characters of the Cid and the higher nobles. Smith h e s i t a t e s , however, to carry t h i s any further because as he says, i t would e n t a i l i n j e c t i n g modern ideas into the s i t u a t i o n . He admits that the Cid i s e l Casteiano and that h o s t i l i t y i s shown i n the poem towards the Leonese. However, Smith says that t h i s l a t t e r sentiment i s "not so much because of t h e i r national o r i g i n as because they hold sway at court, and because they p r o d u c e — i n f i c t i o n at l e a s t — scions as repulsive as the two young Infantes, who t a l k constantly of 57 t h e i r noble blood but are morally s i c k . " 3 . I f t h i s i s so, the comparison between the character of the^Cid and those of the Infantes and Garcia 0rd6nez, as intended by the poet and admitted by Smith, would be point-l e s s . Smith bases h i s arguments on the b e l i e f that at the time of the • composition of the PMC, there existed no r e a l h o s t i l i t y between C a s t i l e and Le6n. i + However, as we have seen, t h i s i s not true. The f i r s t decade of the t h i r t e e n t h century saw some v i o l e n t clashes between the two kingdoms, frequently amounting to open warfare. In the.PMC i t s e l f , perhaps the greatest single manifestation of C a s t i l i a n nationalism l i e s i n the po r t r a y a l of the d i f f e r e n t characters i n the poem. Each personage i s cast as almost a stereotype, r e f l e c t i n g the p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l attitudes of the time. The task of the poet i n thus type-casting i s greatly f a c i l i t a t e d by the h i s t o r i c a l facts about the Cid. For example, Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar can be regarded as the representative of the new upcoming class of infanzones, or l e s s e r n o b i l i t y , of C a s t i l e , to which he and his father Diego Lainez belonged. These infanzones, according to Deyermond, "were for the most part energetic, talented and ambitious, though not a l l to the extent of the Cid." During the reign of Sancho II of C a s t i l e , the infanzones had aided t h e i r king i n h i s campaign to control the. r e s t of the C h r i s t i a n states i n Northern Spain, including Leon and G a l i c i a . With the assassination of Sancho, and the ascent of Alfonso VI of Leon to the throne of C a s t i l e , the infanzones, in c l u d i n g the Cid, had na t u r a l l y f a l l e n into disfavour. The infanzones opposed the Leonese n o b i l i t y i n the court of Alfonso VI as well as the o l d established higher n o b i l i t y of C a s t i l e whom they regarded as being e f f e t e . These sentiments are c l e a r l y evident within the PMC, where the 58 Cid's enemies are shown to "be, not so much the Arabs under t h e i r kings Bucar and Yusuf but rather the Leonese and the C a s t i l i a n nobles, a l l of whom, as Deyermond says, "are presented i n an u n a t t r a c t i v e , and sometimes s a t i r i c a l l i g h t . " 5 It i s indeed i n t h i s l i n e of thought that the poet approaches the development of each character i n the poem. A closer analysis of some of the major characters w i l l bring out a clearer p i c t u r e of the issue. In the figure of the Cid, the poet has produced what de Chasca c a l l s a "model hero." 6 Smith l i s t s the many v i r t u e s of the Cid: ...he i s personally brave i n b a t t l e and i n f a c i n g the l i o n , s k i l l e d i n t a c t i c s , prudent i n broader aspects of strategy (2500-10, unnaturally strong i n body(750, 2k21-k); he i s steadfast, generous, considerate, u t t e r l y trustworthy(.1080), a f f e c t i o n a t e (to Alvar Fanez, 920-2), l o v i n g and tender to his wife and daughtersj and profoundly p i o u s . 7 As for h i s true heroic character, Michael explains how the Cid r i s e s above the normal man: The basic aim of the poem i s to present the Cid as a hero, that i s , as a man who proves himself i n action to be superior to h i s fellow men. This s u p e r i o r i t y i s not only shown to be p h y s i c a l and combatative, i t i s also seen to include excellence i n generalship, r e l i g i o u s devotion., family o b l i g a t i o n , vassalage, knowledge and observance of l e g a l procedure, generosity,, courtesy, wiliness and d i s c r e t i o n . These are the q u a l i t i e s which the Cid i s shown to possess i n high degree, and which go to make him valer mas, to be worth, more than other men. This inner s u p e r i o r i t y i s represented outwardly by h i s honour, which depends on h i s riuevas, or renown of h i s deeds. 8 However, perhaps the greatest q u a l i t y of the Cid, and one which most c r i t i c s f a i l to mention, i s what Smith r e f e r s to as the hero's .mesura. This i s defined as follows: This i s i n part 'prudence', 'good sense', but also 'tact' and 'considerateness', i n dealing with others, and p a r t i c u l a r l y a kind of gravitas i n bearing and i n speech. This i s a c i v i c rather than m i l i t a r y v i r t u e , forward-looking in.terms of the law, the family, and the state rather than backward-5.9 looking i n terms of a .heroic past, and i t i s perhaps the greatest q u a l i t y with which the poet endowed the Cid i n point of exemplariness. 9 There are many examples of the Cid's mesura i n the PMC, hut by f a r the most notable are found i n the hero's dealings with Alfonso VI, h i s reaction upon hearing the news of the Corpes incident and i n h i s be-haviour i n the cortes at Toledo. A good i l l u s t r a t i o n of the Cid's mesura i s when the hero and h i s men prepare to go to Toledo for the hearing of the cOrtes on the Corpes incident. Although the Cid goes, t r u s t i n g i n Alfonso's a b i l i t y to protect them from possible f o u l play, he does not e n t i r e l y preclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that the king may f a i l i n his authority. He therefore orders h i s men to go f u l l y armed but with them concealed. Lines 3076-3081 state: e que non parescan l a s annas, bien presas l o s cordones; so los mantos l a s espadas dulges e tajadores; d'aquesta guisa quiero i r a l a cort por demandar mios derechos e dezir mi razon; s i desobra buscaren ifante s de Carrion ido t a l e s giento t o v i e r bien sere s i n pavor!' Although Smith denies that the poet of the PMC used the characters as symbolic representatives of p o l i t i c a l factions and ideologies within Spain, one cannot e n t i r e l y ignore t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . 1 0 Michael, i n the introduction to h i s e d i t i o n of the PMC, writes that "the Cid also represents and i d e a l i z e s the r e s t l e s s , hardy ethos of C a s t i l e i n an outward-looking moment, when there were lands to conquer and fortunes to be made." 1 1 In f a c t , he goes further and c l a s s i f i e s the PMC as part of the " L i t e r a t u r e of Thirteenth Century Expansion," a l i t e r a r y d i v i s i o n coined by Deyermond. 1 2 That the Cid was used by the poet as a representative of C a s t i l i a n character and aspirations becomes even more apparent the more one looks 6o at h i s fi g u r e as portrayed i n the poem, and e s p e c i a l l y when i t i s compared to others, namely the Infantes de Carrion, Garcia Ordonez and Ramon Berenguer. Written at a time of p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s , of continuing wars and quarrels between Leon and C a s t i l e , the idea of the PMC's being used as propaganda does not seem very far-fetched. The concept of a united Spain, which, according to Menendez P i d a l , obsessed the Cid, was not new to the Peninsula. However, i t s o r i g i n was not C a s t i l i a n , but Leonese. The l a t t e r had aspired toward an empire for centuries, as evidenced by the fact that the Leonese monarchs were accorded the t i t l e "emperor", but these pretensions were thwarted by a new concept of nationhood which had arisen i n the: minds of the C a s t i l i a n s , who then had gained t h e i r long-sought independence. During the reign of Sancho II of C a s t i l e , the idea of a u n i f i e d Spain l e d by C a s t i l e was fomented, and according to P i d a l , the Cid was instrumental i n pursuing t h i s i d e a l with h i s king. E l Cid trabajo primeramente en pro de l a s aspiraciones de C a s t i l l a contra Leon y contra Navarra. E l decidio un momento c r i t i c o de l a h i s t o r i a espanola: l a hegemonia p o l i t i c a , que tradicionalmente venia e j e r c i d a por Leon, pasa renovada a C a s t i l l a , merced a l a s v i c t o r i a s del Cid como a l f e r e z de Sancho I I . 1 3 Together they sought to unify Spain, through t h e i r conquests, under the banner of C a s t i l e , and perhaps would have accomplished i t had Sancho II not been assassinated at Zamora. However, P i d a l suggests that the- i d e a l d i d not die with Sancho, as the Cid continued to s t r i v e for C a s t i l i a n s u p e r i o r i t y i n the Peninsula. His e x i l e at the hands of a monarch that was o r i g i n a l l y Leonese freed him to pursue the C a s t i l i a n national i d e a l . 1 4 The banishment of the Cid from the Court and C a s t i l e also transforms Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar into a . t r u l y national f i g u r e . I t i s perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t that the troops f i g h t i n g by his side h a i l from 61 d i f f e r e n t parts of the Peninsula: IQual l i d i a hien sobre exorado arzon mio Cid Ruy Diaz e l buen l i d i a d o r ! Minaya Albar Fanez que £orita mando, Martin Antolinez e l burgales de pro, Mufio Gustioz que so criado fue, Martin Munoz e l que mando a Mont Mayor Albar Albarez e Albar Salvadorez, Galin Garcia e l bueno de Aragon, Felez Munoz so sobrino del Campeador: (.733-7^1) These l i n e s , r e f e r r e d to by P i d a l as the "heraldic motto" of the Spaniards, l i s t s the names of the representatives of the d i f f e r e n t regions of Spain within the mesnada of the Cid. As such, the Campeador's campaigns are t r u l y Spanish i n character. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t , therefore, that t h e i r leader and his c l o s e s t lieutenants are C a s t i l i a n . 1 5 Among the members of the Cid's mesnada are two characters who have a d e f i n i t e function i n the context of C a s t i l i a n nationalism. The f i r s t of these i s Martin Antolinez, r e f e r r e d to constantly as " e l burgales de pro." Smith says that t h i s character i s probably f i c t i t i o u s , as there i s no h i s t o r i c a l record of him. Although two tombs i n San Pedro de Cardena and San Martin i n Burgos are.claimed to be h i s , t h i s does not prove h i s e x i s t e n c e . 1 6 Martin Antolinez, i n the PMC, i s the represent-ati v e of the people of Burgos. In Smith's words: "His a r t i s t i c mission i n the poem i s p a r t l y to keep the Burgos theme going (.'el burgales de pro', e t c . ) , partly -"to act as a sop to the pride of the c i t y which had been unable to help the Cid i n the moment of h i s e x i l e . " 1 7 The other character i s Alvar Fanez, who appears as the Cid's c h i e f lieutenant and right-hand man i n the poem. The i n c l u s i o n of t h i s personage i s important, as the h i s t o r i c a l Alvar Fanez had a d i s t i n -guished m i l i t a r y c a r e e r . 1 8 In t r u t h , the r e a l Alvar Fanez had l i t t l e to do with, the Cid, but Smith confirms that h i s t o r i c a l l y , "he was almost 62 as great a warrior as the Cid himself, and a more respectable c i t i z e n i n some ways." 1 9 By l i n k i n g Alvar Fanez with the Cid, then, the poet has combined the deeds and greatness of two of Spain's greatest m i l i t a r y men, and i n so doing, has heightened the prestige and f e e l i n g of i n v i n c i b i l i t y of the Cid's mesnada. Whereas the Cid and h i s men, who are the embodiment of C a s t i l e , are portrayed by the poet as true heroes should be, the enemies of the Cid are given the opposite function by being portrayed as true masters of e v i l and v i l l a i n y . De Chasca noted that "Since the protagonist i s a model hero., i t i s f i t t i n g that h i s unalloyed goodness and v a l o r should be projected i n bold r e l i e f against the unmitigated wickedness and cowardice of the. v i l l a i n s i n the work, namely, his sons-in-law, the Infantes of C a r r i o n . " 2 0 Also included i s the C a s t i l i a n count Garcia Ordonez, who i s one of the deadliest enemies of the hero and implicated i n the poem as one of the "malos mestureros" who had caused the banish-ment of the Cid. The Infantes de Carrion, of the powerful Leonese family.of Vani-Gomez, are the representatives or the embodiment of the Leonese n o b i l i t y , and Garcia Ordonez i s the symbolic figure of the higher n o b i l i t y of C a s t i l e considered " e f f e t e " by the C a s t i l i a n 'irifarizOnes, as previously mentioned. The v i l l a i n s who receive the most attention i n the PMC are the Infantes de Carrion, who may be taken as a single character i n the poem. Smith, explains: "Since they are mostly seen together, and often indeed with heads together exchanging some dark observation, or are heard echoing each other's remarks, they constitute one p e r s o n a l i -t y . " 2 1 In f a c t , apart from the Cid, the two brothers of the Vani-Gomez family are the most developed characters i n the PMC, so t h e i r 63 importance cannot "be denied. Once considered to be s l i g h t or even comic characters by c r i t i c s such as P i d a l and Gerald Brenan, i t has been shown that the Infantes Ferran and Diego Gongalez do have an . important function within the structure of the poem. 2 2 The poet intends that we compare the Leonese noblemen to the C a s t i l i a n hero, a point agreed to by Smith, who admits that "The poet intends a dramatic contrast strongly implied from t h e i r f i r s t appearance and openly stated through-out the confrontation i n c o u r t . " 2 3 In the PMC, the Infantes show themselves to be cowardly, irrespon-s i b l e , treacherous, dishonourable, avaricious and"brutal. In the b a t t l e against the Moorish king Bucar, the cowardice of the two brothers i s shown to i t s f u l l e s t , as they turn t a i l and f l e e before the enemy, only to be rescued by some of the Cid's men. At another time, t h e i r cowardly nature again comes to the fore when the Cid's l i o n escapes from hi s cage. Such incidents, although containing comic elements, are not included i n the poem merely for humourous intent. The poet d e l i b e r a t e l y puts the Infantes i n such a p o s i t i o n that t h e i r cowardice stands i n stark contrast against the courage and bravery not only of the Cid but also of the r e s t of the Cid's followers. This i s e s p e c i a l l y true during the preparations for b a t t l e against Bucar. The poet says: Alegravas e l Qid e todo.s sus varones que l e s crege l a ganangia igrado a l Criador! Mas, sabed, de cuer l e s pesa a los ifant e s de Carrion ca veyen tantas tiendas de moros de que non avien sabor. (2315-2318) Whereas the morale of the Cid's multinational army i s high, and his men delight at the prospect of doing b a t t l e with the enemy, the Leonese brothers have no stomach to f i g h t the Moors. They had married •6h the Cid's daughters and had joined the Cid's mesnada only with an eye toward personal material gain. They were not prepared, as the hero and hi s followers were, to f i g h t and earn t h e i r share of the s p o i l s . 'Catamos l a ganangia e l a perdida no; ya en esta b a t a l l a a entrar abremos nos, iesto es aguisado por non ver Carrion, bibdas remandran f i j a s d el Campeador! (2320-2323) I f one regards the Cid's mesnada as the embodiment of the many Ch r i s t i a n kingdoms of Spain, the a t t i t u d e of the Infantes i n the con-text of the poem has serious implications. For example, the poet portrays the Leonese as being reluctant to f i g h t the common enemy of Ch r i s t i a n Spain, leaving the task of Reconquest up to the other king-doms and l e d by a C a s t i l i a n irifarizon. The s u p e r i o r i t y of the Cid as e l Castelano over the Leonese becomes even more evident when the hero addresses h i s sons-in-law i n what i s i n e f f e c t a t h i n l y - v e i l e d i n s u l t : Hyo desseo l i d e s e vos a Carrion; en Valengia folgad a todo vuestro sabor ca d'aquelos moros yo so sabidor: arrancar melos trevo con l a merged del Criador C233U-2337) The treachery of the Infantes i s another factor that i s very subtly but highly developed by the poet. The Cid expresses h i s d i s -t r u s t of the Leonese noblemen from the very beginning, and t h i s dis--t r u s t i s communicated to the reader who f e e l s that sooner or l a t e r the two brothers would commit some enormous barbarity. The Cid, upon hearing of the Infantes' i n t e n t i o n to marry his daughters, declares that "deste casamiento non a v r i a sabor,"(1939) and repeatedly i n s i s t s that the r e s p o n s i b l i t y of the marriage r e s t s upon the king's shoulders, not h i s : "Vos casades mis f i j a s ca non ge las do yo!"(2110) The suspicion that the Infantes are treacherous reaches i t s climax •65 i n the Afrenta de Corpes, when the two brothers, on the way hack to the lands of Carrion, set upon t h e i r wives, the Cid's daughters, and heat them t i l l they are senseless, f i n a l l y leaving them to he devoured by the wild beasts of the f o r e s t . Thomas Hart J r . , i n speaking of the incident, adds another possible c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the two Infantes when he says: There i s , i n addition a d i s t i n c t suggestion, at l e a s t f o r the modern reader, that the Infantes are g u i l t y of a kind of sexual perversion. The beating to which they subject t h e i r wives ( a f t e r , i t should" be r e c a l l e d , p a r t i a l l y undressing them) i s for them a game, which ends only when the Infantes themselves are completely exhausted: "Canssados son de f e r i r e l l o s amos a dos,/ensayandos amos qual dara mejores golpes." (271+5-27^6)2h The point i s debatable, but i t c e r t a i n l y does not help the image of the two noblemen. A l l i n a l l , the pi c t u r e that i s drawn of the Leonese brothers i s not f l a t t e r i n g by any standards, and most of a l l when one contrasts them as the poet intended, with the characters of the Cid and h i s men. The other p r i n c i p a l v i l l a i n , although he does not figu r e as prominently i n the PMC as the Leonese Infantes, i s the C a s t i l i a n count Garcia Ordonez. Belonging to the well-established upper n o b i l i t y of C a s t i l e , Garcia Ordonez i s the epitome of the snob, looking down upon the infanzones who are championed by the Cid. One only has to r e c a l l his remark when he scoffed at the Cid as being a working m i l l e r : IQuien nos darie nuevas de mio Sid e l de Bivar! iFuesse a Rio d'Ovirna l o s molinos p i c a r e prender maquilas commo l o suele far I i Q u i l darie con los de Carrion a casar?' (3378-338I )• These l i n e s reveal the at t i t u d e and the sentiments f e l t by the higher nobles towards not only the Cid but also the rest of the l e s s e r n o b i l i t y , the inf a n z o n e s . 2 5 The p o s i t i o n of the higher C a s t i l i a n nobles i n the PMC i s c l e a r . They were the very persons r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the banishment of the Cid from the court of Alf o n s o . The C i d r e f e r s t o them as 'mios enemigos malos' i n the f i r s t cantar ( l i n e 9) and indeed these sentiments are echoed by the poet when Ga r c i a Ordonez i s described as Cy3 e l conde don Gargia so enemigo malo (1836) At the beginning, G a r c i a Ordonez i s seen c o n s t a n t l y beside the k i n g , but as the poem progresses, the count g r a d u a l l y l o s e s h i s l o f t y s t a t i o n t o the Ci d . The v i l l a i n r e a l i z e s t h i s and n e a t l y sums up the s i t u a t i o n when he says: ' I M a r a v i l l a es d e l C i d que su ondra crege tantol En. l a ondra que e l ha nos seremos a b i l t a d o s ; ipor tan b i l t a d a mientre venger reyes d e l campo, commo s i l o s f a l a s s e muertos a d u z i r se l o s c a v a l l o s I Por esto que e l faze nos abremos enbargo.' (186I-I865) As such, the count i s je a l o u s of the Cid's many achievements and i s always annoyed when the hero sends g i f t s t o the k i n g . His attempts to diminish, the Cid's f e a t s are met by a s t i f f r e b u f f from A l f o n s o , who f i n a l l y recognizes the s u p e r i o r i t y of the 'ihfariz6n over h i s court nobles. Dixo e l rey a l conde: 'Dexad essa raz6n, que en todas guisas m i j o r me s i r v e que vos..' (13^ 8-131+9) H i s t o r y does not v e r i f y the v i l l a i n o u s deeds t h a t the PMC a t t r i b u t e s t o Ga r c i a Ordonez. In f a c t , the r e a l count does appear t o have been a d i s t i n g u i s h e d .servant of Alfonso V I . The only p o s s i b l e enmity that could have a r i s e n was as a . r e s u l t of the f a c t t h a t they both.held the p o s i t i o n of a l f e r e z t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r u l e r s . Besides, .67 no h i s t o r i c a l basis can be established f or associating Garcia Ordonez with the Leonese Vani-Gomez f a m i l y . 2 6 That the Cid met and defeated Garcia Ordonez i n b a t t l e there i s no doubt, as t h i s i s v e r i f i e d i n the chronicles. Smith says that "In 1080 he was defeated and captured by the Cid at Cabra, as mentioned i n the Carmen Campidoctoris and narrated i n the HR ( H i s t o r i a R o d e r i c i ) , and as probably t o l d at the s t a r t of the PMC; i t was no doubt p a r t l y by h i s influence that the King banished the Cid i n 1 0 8 l . " 2 7 The b a t t l e of Cabra i s r e f e r r e d to d i r e c t l y i n the PMC i n the Cortes de Toledo, a scene i n which the enmity between the Cid and Garcia Ordonez, which had been a strong undercurrent throughout the whole poem u n t i l then, comes to the surface. The Count accuses the Cid of having allowed h i s beard to grow to s t r i k e fear into the hearts of a l l (3273-327H). The Cid r e p l i e s : iQue avedes vos, conde, por retraer l a mi barba? Ca de quando nasco a d e l i g i o fue c r i a d a , ca non me p r i s o a e l l a f i j o de mugier nada, nimbla messo f i j o de moro nin de Christiana icommo yo a vos, conde, en e l c a s t i e l l o de Cabra! Quando p r i s a Cabra e a vos por l a barba non i ovo rapaz que non messo su pulgada; Ila que yo messe aun nones eguada!' (3283-3290) In the above, the poet c l e a r l y intends a comparison between the count and the infanzon. The b a t t l e of Cabra was a ready-made h i s t o r i c a l incident which the poet could draw upon to i l l u s t r a t e the leadership q u a l i t i e s of the two men. In the d i r e c t confrontation between the Cid and Garcia Ordonez, the former had emerged v i c t o r i o u s , showing himself to be m i l i t a r i l y superior over the Count. I f one considers the Cid to be representative of the 'infanzon c l a s s and Garcia Ordonez a stereotype 68 of the higher n o b i l i t y , the implications are obvious. In the enti r e PMC, the Cid and the Count exchange words only o n c e — i n the court at Toledo, but i n the b r i e f exchange between the two, the poet has shown us that the former a l f e r e z of the C a s t i l i a n King Sancho II was superior i n m i l i t a r y v i r t u e s and leadership to the a l f e r e z of the Leonese King Alfonso VI. The court at Toledo constitutes the climax of the PMC wherein a l l the dissenting p a r t i e s are brought together face-to-face for the f i r s t time by the king. It i s perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t that almost every C h r i s -t i a n kingdom of Spain i s represented. Alfonsso e l Castellano, enbia sus cartas pora Leon e a Santi Yaguo a los portogaleses e a galizianos e a los de Carrion e a varones castellanos que cort f a z i e en Tolledo aquel rey ondrado, (2976-2980) As such, the judgements pronounced by the court can be construed as those of Spain i t s e l f . The Leonese brothers and Garcia Ordonez receive t h e i r just dues i n the humiliation they experience, and hence-f o r t h , the Cid, the C a s t i l i a n irifanzon, i s elevated to a p o s i t i o n close to that of the king. Among the C h r i s t i a n forces, one other person i s singled out by the poet to be an antagonist of the Cid. This i s the Count Ramon Berenguer of Barcelona. In h i s t o r y , Berenguer was one of the most dangerous enemies that ever opposed the C i d . 2 8 The two met twice i n b a t t l e and i n the second confrontation the Cid captured the Count. In the PMC the poet r e l a t e d t h i s incident but recounts only one b a t t l e . 2 9 The Count of Barcelona i s made to look l i k e a clown i n t h i s episode, and the c r i t i c Thomas Montgomery tends to view the whole a f f a i r as having no more purpose than to supply comic r e l i e f : Condering the point of occurrence of the passage, i t s s h i f t of emphasis, i t s i n c i d e n t a l and humorous q u a l i t y , one i s tempted to think that i t was a comic i n t e r l u d e , a sort of entrernes which allowed a moment of re l a x a t i o n before the basic narrative was taken up again, or else a scene leading up to an i n t e r m i s s i o n . 3 0 Montgomery draws h i s surmise from the fact that the b a t t l e and i t s comic aftermath occur at the end of the f i r s t cantar. Indeed, as he says, i n the break between the second and t h i r d cantares there i s another humourous e p i s o d e — t h a t of the l i o n — a n d Montgomery does not hesitate to declare t h i s l a t t e r incident to be another instance of comic r e l i e f . However, can these two episodes r e a l l y be considered only as intermissions which "offered the author a chance to exercise his comic f l a i r ? " 3 1 We think not. Admittedly, both the episode of the Count of Barcelona and that of the l i o n appear to be humourous digressions, incidents divorced e n t i r e l y from the c e n t r a l thread of the poem. Nevertheless, they do have a more p o s i t i v e function within the story than merely supplying comic r e l i e f . The episode of the l i o n w i l l be dealt with l a t e r i n t h i s chapter; we s h a l l concentrate on the Count of Barcelona here. Ramon Berenguer, l i k e Garcia Ordonez, i s a count, but i n the former's case he belongs to an a l i e n e l i t e — t h a t of Catalonia. The poet of the PMC appears to have a phobia against counts, and indeed Montgomery thinks so: . . . A l l the figures r i d i c u l e d i n the poem are not only out-landers, that i s , non-Castilians, and enemies of the hero, they are counts, or members of counts' f a m i l i e s . . . . The poet's grudge against this, class constitutes one aspect of the famous democratic sense of the poem, which i s echoed so often i n Spanish L i t e r a t u r e . 3 2 Montgomery also explains the anti-count sentiments of the poet by saying that " i t simply r e f l e c t s the resentment i n e v i t a b l y f e l t by the l e s s p r i v i l e g e d toward those whom they regard as over p r i v i l e g e d . " 3 3 TO However, we do not think that these sentiments can he explained and dismissed as e a s i l y as Montgomery i s i n c l i n e d to. I f we examine the PMC from the point of view that i t was composed as n a t i o n a l i s t i c propa-ganda, the seemingly disconnected episode of the Count of Barcelona i s not so disconnected a f t e r a l l . It i s true that the p r i n c i p a l v i l l a i n s i n the PMC are the Leonese and the C a s t i l i a n higher nobles, and that the apparent purpose of the poet i s to show the q u a l i t a t i v e s u p e r i o r i t y of the C a s t i l i a n infanzon cl a s s over the two. Nevertheless, behind the whole scene i s the poet's idea of a u n i f i e d Spain l e d by C a s t i l e . Ramon Berenguer, who i s the representative figure of the Catalans, i s shown to be a buffoon and i s completely subjugated by the Cid. This i s important to the poet's scheme, as the defeat of the Catalonians at the b a t t l e of Tevar put the Cid i n a dominant p o s i t i o n over the whole northeastern part of S p a i n . 3 4 In h i s t o r y , t h i s did indeed occur, and again, the poet had at h i s disposal a ready-made incident that he could include within h i s work. Consequently, Ramon Berenguer and Garcia Ordonez are figures that have been manipulated by the author to his own purpose—that of showing o f f the superb leadership of the Cid. From the above, one can see that the true enemies of the Cid within the PMC come from the ranks of C h r i s t i a n , not Moorish Spain. The Campeador does make war on the Arabs, above a l l the f a n a t i c a l Almorav:'. v i d s , but i t i s evident that the poet could not avoid t h i s aspect of the hero's l i f e , . a s the h i s t o r i c a l Cid was famous mainly for the fact that he had conquered Valencia and had held a large part of south-eastern Spain, and because he was the only C h r i s t i a n general who was able to defeat the Almoravid hordes at that time. That the poet holds at l e a s t a grudging respect f or the Arabs there i s l i t t l e doubt, as 71 h i s treatment of the person of Abengalvon shows. As a matter of f a c t , the Cid's Moorish f r i e n d i s shown to he superior i n character to the Leonese Infantes de Carrion. The Muslims are to he treated with respect as f a r as being m i l i t a r y adversaries i s concerned, but the poet shows that they can be u s e f u l a l l i e s and f r i e n d s . As Smith says: "The poem does not exaggerate the h o s t i l i t y between C h r i s t i a n and Muslim and does not attempt to whip up r e l i g i o u s prejudice; the Moors are constantly present i n the poem as m i l i t a r y adversaries whom the Cid c o n s i s t e n t l y overcomes, but they are not part of the theme of power as i t i s developed i n the drama of the poem." 3 5 Mention of other peoples i n the PMC are b r i e f , but one can discern the poet's intent i n h i s treatment of them. The Jews, represented by Raquel and Vidas, are regarded with i l l - c o n c e a l e d contempt, and are the subjects of humour although they d i d maintain a certain'"function within l i f e i n the c i t i e s and s o c i e t i e s . 3 6 The other C h r i s t i a n peoples, name-l y the Portuguese, Aragonese and Navarese, are s t r i c t l y neutral i n the power struggle between the Cid and h i s enemies. In f a c t , the poem shows that these peoples make up a part of the Cid's mesnada. Thus, the only true v i l l a i n s i n the PMC are the Leonese Infantes de Carrion and the Count Garcia Ordonez. Within the power struggle that rages between the infanz6n on one side and the Leonese and C a s t i l i a n higher nobles on the other, one character stands above a l l — t h e king, Alfonso VI. In the poem the character of the monarch i s omnipresent. Even i n the f i r s t cantar where he hardly appears, we are constantly reminded by the Cid that he i s i n the background, that the hero's one p r i n c i p a l a s p i r a t i o n i s to be reconciled with h i s l o r d . From t h i s point, the king appears more and more often, u n t i l f i n a l l y he i s c a l l e d upon to a r b i t r a t e i n the quarrel between the hero and the v i l l a i n s . Much has been written on the r o l e of Alfonso VI and the King-vassal r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the PMC, i n p a r t i c u l a r on the implications of l i n e 20 of the poem: 'iDios, que buen vassalo! ISi oviesse buen s e n o r ! 3 7 The implication within t h i s one l i n e i s that Alfonso i s not exactly what one would regard as the perfect monarch. At l e a s t , that would appear to be the poet's intentions. However, upon closer exami-nation of the king's r o l e i n the PMC, e s p e c i a l l y i n regard to h i s r e l a t i o n s with the Cid, c r i t i c s have shown that the character of Alfonso i n the PMC progresses from that of the imperfect monarch, as implied i n the PMC, l i n e 20, to that of a perfect r u l e r worthy of the Cid's l o y a l t y . C r i t i c s a r r i v e at t h i s conclusion by a series of comparisons between the hero and the king. De Chasca, for instance, compares the moral c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the d i f f e r e n t stages of r e l a t i o n -ship between the Cid and Alfonso. He a r r i v e s at the same conclusion as Spitzer, that "the vassal i s good, the king i s good...; what i s lacking i s an adequate r e l a t i o n s h i p between a good vassal and a good l o r d , because of the imperfections of human l i f e on earth, which i s not exactly p a r a d i s i a c a l . " 3 8 To these words, de Chasca adds that: ...the goodness of the king i s r e l a t i v e , that of the Cid absolute. The former exemplifies the norm of h i s c l a s s ; the l a t t e r transcends the norm of h i s . Alfonso's p o s i t i o n i s therefore, morally i n f e r i o r to that of h i s v a s s a l . 3 9 Roger Walker, on the other hand, uses a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t approach. He examines c l o s e l y the p h y s i c a l structure of the PMC with a view to comparing the actual p h y s i c a l appearances and r o l e s of both 73 characters. It i s shown that, as the poem progresses, the r o l e s of the Cid and Alfonso s h i f t , that of the former from an a c t i v e r o l e to a passive one, and that of the l a t t e r from passive to a c t i v e . Walker also undertakes a close examination of the epithets used for the king, showing the purportedly changing a t t i t u d e of the poet toward the king as he r i s e s from imperfection to exemplariness. 1 + 0 Walker demonstrates that the Cid and Alfonso have e s s e n t i a l l y p a r a l l e l r o l e s within the PMC: that of proving themselves against the forces of e v i l . He c onelude s that: By the end of PMC, then, both-the vass a l and the l o r d have been tested and both have passed the t e s t ; against great odds each has j u s t i f i e d the other's f a i t h In him. The heart-f e l t prayer of the people of Burgos as the Cid rode out to e x i l e — " D i o s que buen Vassalo! S i oviesse buen se n o r ! " — has been triumphantly answered. 4 1 However, are these comparisons between the Cid and Alfonso f a i r ? Did the poet r e a l l y intend us to compare the moral c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the two figures? Again, we do not think so. It i s our contention that the king, as the character portrayed i n the PMC, i s a f i g u r e that i s decidedly neutral and stands apart from a l l others within the poem, including the Cid. To compare l o r d and vassal as the c r i t i c s do, expecting one to show himself capable of l i v i n g up to the moral stand-ards of the other, would not be doing j u s t i c e to either character. A f t e r a l l , Alfonso i s king,; and since by mediaeval standards, a r u l e r was acknowledged by a l l as representatives of God's w i l l on earth, he. i s above q u e s t i o n . 4 2 As Smith himself says: The mediaeval king at the pinnacle of feudal power and as God's immediate vassal on earth was a f i g u r e of enormous awe; i n banishing the Cid.he may have been hasty and i n f l u -enced by the malos rr.estureros, but he i s e n t i t l e d to the constant respect which the Cid and others show him, and to expect that the Cid w i l l not r e b e l or f i g h t against him. 4 3 One must remember that the Cid, as an e x i l e , had the r i g h t to make war on h i s former l o r d , and, although h i s r e f u s a l to do so shows us that he had, as P i d a l says, -a more responsible a t t i t u d e , we can see that h i s r e f u s a l stems from the r e a l i z a t i o n that t h i s monarch was n e u t r a l . 4 4 The Cid's f i g h t was with the malos mestureros, not with the king. There i s no doubt that the poet intended the king to be neutral. The h i s t o r i c a l Alfonso VI was o r i g i n a l l y a Leonese king-emperor, and as such, would have been a natural target for the poet's anti-Leonese sentiments. However, Alfonso, as a king, i s treated with respect by the poet i n the poem, who probably recognizes the inherent greatness i n the monarch. The fact that he was King of Leon before becoming King of C a s t i l e appears not to bother the poet, an observation shared by Smith, but t h i s was probably because i n the person of Alfonso, the poet saw the r e a l i z a t i o n of h i s i d e a l — t h e u n i f i c i a t i o n of two of the most powerful kingdoms i n Spain, Leon and C a s t i l e . I t only remains f o r the poet to turn the king's favour toward the C a s t i l i a n infanzones and away from the Leonese and C a s t i l i a n nobles. The n e u t r a l i t y of the king i n the dispute i s evident i n the PMC i n the t i t l e s that the poet uses whenever he r e f e r s to Alfonso. Smith declares that on three occasions, and elsewhere i n the poem, the poet enunciates the fact that Alfonso was r u l e r over C a s t i l e , Leon, A s t u r i a s , and G a l i c i a . 4 5 However, i t i s also just as evident that the poet would have preferred that Alfonso be more i n c l i n e d toward the C a s t i l i a n s . This i s shown i n the fact that the r u l e r i s c a l l e d "Alfonsso e l de Leon" on four occasions. D i r e c t l y t r a n s l a t e d , the t i t l e means Alfonso, he of Leon. On the other hand, the king i s c a l l e d , also on four 75 occasions, "Alfonsso de C a s t i e l l a " and "Alfonsso e l c a s t e l l a n o . 1 , 1 + 6 The e l i n t h i s context i s all-important, as i t s retention or omission i s a subtle clue to the sentiment of the poet, i t s implications o r i g i n a t i n g consciously or sub-consciously. The t i t l e "Alfonsso e l de Leon" shows the r u l e r ' s Leonese o r i g i n , whereas the t i t l e s "Alfonsso de C a s t i e l l a " and "Alfonsso e l castellano" may r e f l e c t the poet's desire that the king be more sympathetic towards C a s t i l i a n i n t e r e s t s and a s p i r a t i o n s . Admittedly, the t i t l e s as they stand i n the PMC may be as a r e s u l t of l i n g u i s t i c usage of the period, but the p o s s i b i l i t y of the above implications cannot e n t i r e l y be overruled. As such, the i n c l i n a t i o n here i s to regard the King as a separate e n t i t y . De Chasca, i n speaking of the r o l e of Alfonso, and hi s apparent opposition to the Cid i n the f i r s t part of the PMC says: It would be a mistake to assign to the Alfonso of the f i r s t phase the part of an opponent, and to the Alfonso of the second that of a champion of the Cid. The king i s t r a d i -t i o n a l l y above the contending p a r t i e s . His i s the r o l e of Fate, f i r s t frowning and then smiling on h i s subject. This abstract agent, however, functions through, a human being who for human reasons favors at f i r s t the forces of e v i l as a r e s u l t of generic weakness of the kings of those semi-barbarous t i m e s . . . . 4 7 In the context of the above arguments, the King would appear to be the embodiment of the i d e a l f o r the poet. Alfonso represents the concept of a u n i f i e d Spain and he i s smiling upon his now favourite subject and leader, the Cid, who symbolizes the C a s t i l i a n infanzones. Apart from the character studies, one other point i n the poem stands out as a manifestation of n a t i o n a l i s t i c f e e l i n g s . In the episode of the l i o n (.2278-2310), we have an incident which appears to be completely divorced from the main stream of events, but apart from 76 i t s purpose of showing the Infantes de Carrion as cowards, i t has a d e f i n i t e reason for being included. We have no doubts that the Infantes are cowardly, and t h i s facet of t h e i r character i s more than adequately defined i n the l a t e r b a t t l e with Bucar. For t h i s purpose, the episode of the l i o n appears redundant. However, t h i s i s not so, as we s h a l l see. The episode, even though i t demonstrates the cowardice of the Leonese nobles, also emphasizes the courage of the Cid's mesnada. Unlike the Infantes, who run and hide at the f i r s t sign of danger, the Cid's men, a f t e r they have overcome t h e i r i n i t i a l f r i g h t at the l i o n ' s escape, r a l l y around t h e i r sleeping leader and cover him with t h e i r cloaks to protect him. What follows i s more important. The Cid i s awakened by the commotion and, upon hearing what had happened, gets up, walks over to the l i o n which cowers before him, takes the beast by the neck and returns i t to the net. Mio Cid f i n c o e l cobdo, en pie se levanto, e l manto trae a l c u e l l o e adelino pora L l l leon; e l leon quando l o v i o a s s i envergongo ante mio Cid l a cabeca premio y e l r o s t r o f i n c o ; mio Qid don Rodrigo a l c u e l l o l o tomo e l i e v a l o adestrando, en l a red l e metio, (2296-2301) The picture that the poet paints here i s extremely powerful. Its meaning and purpose becomes clear when one considers the very a n i m a l — a l i o n . I t i s u n l i k e l y that the s i m i l a r i t y i n the names of the animal (leon) and that of the s t a t e — L e o n — c a n be a t t r i b u t e d to: mere coincidence. This i s e s p e c i a l l y true when one considers that on the f l a g of the kingdom of Le6n, there i s a fi g u r e of a l i o n . In t h i s seemingly unrelated incident, the poet appears to reveal h i s sentiments about the supremacy of the C a s t i l i a n s over the Leonese. In the PMC, the poet accomplishes i n h i s work something which 77 never occurred i n h i s t o r y — t h e r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between the King and the Cid. The poet probably regarded t h i s as a t r a g i c incident i n the h i s t o r y of Spain because, i f Alfonso and the Campeador had been able to combine t h e i r t a l e n t s , the Reconquest might have proceeded more quickly, and as Walker says, "how much sooner the hegemony of C a s t i l e i n the Peninsula might have been f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . " 4 8 The poet, with h i s hindsight, was able to see that many of Alfonso's successes came about during the periods when he was on good terms with the Cid, and that h i s f a i l u r e s occurred at a time when the Cid and Alfonso were estranged, In the words of Walker: An i n t e l l i g e n t and p a t r i o t i c man l i k e the PMC poet must have f e l t that t h i s was one of the great tragedies i n the h i s t o r y of h i s country. I am suggesting that one of h i s aims i n w r i t i n g the poem was to replace the unhappy h i s t o r i c a l t r u t h with a more i n s p i r a t i o n a l poetic t r u t h . 4 9 Thus, i n view of the way the poet portrays the d i f f e r e n t characters, as well as i n his deviation from the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , i t seems quite clear that the PMC i s an expression of C a s t i l i a n nationalism. 78 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER III xSee Joseph F. O'Callaghan, A History of Medieval Spain (.New York: Cornell U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975), P P - 235 -36, 2kl-k~5~. 2Smith, PMC, p. l x i i i . 3Smith, PMC, p. l x i i i . 4Smith, PMC, p. l x i i i . 5Deyermond, p. hi. 6de Chasca, pp. 131*-1*!. 7Smith, PMC, pp. l x v i i - l x v i i i . 8Michael, p. h. 9Smith, PMC, p. l x i x . 1 0Smith says: "The author was interested i n recognizable i n d i v i d -u als, not i n s o c i a l types, cardboard exemplars, or abstractions." Smith, PMC, p. l x x i i . 1 Michael, p. h. 1 2 M i c h a e l , p. 5. 1 3Menendez P i d a l , La Espana del Cid, pp. 606-67. ltfMenehdez P i d a l , La Espana del Cid, p. 607. 1 5Menendez P i d a l , La Espana d e l Cid, pp. 607-08. 1 6Smith, PMC, pp. 162-63. 1 7Smith, PMC, p. 163. 1 8See Smith, PMC, p. 163. 1 9Smith, PMC, p. l6h. 2 0 d e Chasca, p. ll+l. 2 1Smith, PMC, p. lxx. . 2 2Thomas Hart J r . , "The Infantes de Carrion," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic  Studies, 32-33 (1955-56), H-2h. In t h i s a r t i c l e Hart discusses the important r o l e played by the two Leonese brothers i n the PMC. 79 2 3Smith, PMC, p. lxx. 2 L fHart, p. 22. 2 Menendez P i d a l , La Espana del Cid, pp. 119-20. 2 5Smith, PMC, p. l67. 2 7Smith, PMC, p. 167. 2 8Thomas Montgomery, "The Cid and the Count of Barcelona," Hispanic Review, 30 (1962), 1-3. 2 Montgomery (p. 3) affirms that: "The poem makes one "battle of the two, but bases i t s narration on the second." 3 Montgomery, P - 9. 3 Montgomery, P - 10. 3 Montgomery, P - 7. 3 Montgomery, P - 7. 3 Montgomery, P . h. 3 5Smith, PMC, P - l x i v . 3 6Smith, PMC, P - l x i v . 3 7de Chasca, ; pp. l S ^ - ^ l honra en e l Poema de mio Cid," Hispanic Review, 20 (1952), 185-99; Roger M.. Walker, "The Role of the King and. the Poet's Intentions i n the Poema de mio Cid," Medieval Hispanic Studies presented "to 'Rita Hamilton, ed. A.D. Deyermond (London: Tamesis, 1976), pp. 257-66. 3 8 L e o Spitze r , "Sobre e l caracter h i s t o r i c o d e l Cantar de mio Cid." p. 110. 3 9 d e Chasca, p. ikl. 4 0Walker, pp. 26H-65. 4 1Walker, p. 265. 4 2 S e e O'Callaghan, p. ^30. 4 3Smith, PMC, p. l x i . h hSmith, PMC, pp. l x i - l x i i . 4 5Smith, PMC, p. l x i i i . 80 4 6 A l f o n s s o de Leon l i n e s 1927, 3536, 35^3, 5718. Alfonsso de C a s t i e l l a l i n e 2900. Alfonsso e l Castellano l i n e s 1+95, 1790, 2976. k7de Chasca, p. ll+0. 4 8Walker, p. 265. 4 9¥alker, p. 266. 81 CHAPTER IV MONASTIC INFLUENCES ON THE PMC When Joseph Bedier published h i s monumental work Les Legerides  Epiques i n 1926, he stated therein that epic poetry had i t s o r i g i n s i n the monasteries found along the pilgrimage routes i n Europe (see Chapter I, p. 15). Bedier's theory was that between h i s t o r y and epic, a bridge was constructed i n the form of r e l i g i o u s legends perpetuated by the monasteries. In other words, the progression, according to Bedier, was: h i s t o r y — r e l i g i o u s l e g e n d s — e p i c poetry. The purpose behind t h i s p r a c t i c e was to enhance the fame and economic stature of the monasteries, as the epics connected the heroes i n the poems with the i n s t i t u t i o n s i n one way or another. These legends and epics were c i r c u l a t e d i n the towns and v i l l a g e s along the p i l g r i m route and would thus a t t r a c t c l i e n t e l e to the monasteries where they would see r e l i c s or the tombs of the various heroes. i T h u s s a t i s f i e d , donations would be made to the i n s t i t u t i o n . In the Middle Ages, t h i s was a very common pr a c t i c e , and became so successful that monasteries were not above f a b r i c a t i n g legends and r e l i c s to further t h e i r own ends. 1 This theory of Joseph Bedier met with great opposition from Spanish c r i t i c s . Menendez P i d a l , who was convinced that the Spanish epic was an accurate recording of h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , f i r m l y rejected Bedier's theory. In his e d i t i o n of the PMC, P i d a l affirmed that " l a i n s p i r a -cion de l a s cantares es caballeresca, no e c l e s i a s t i c a ; juglaresca, no c l e r i c a l , contra l o que pretende Bedier para l a epica francesa." 2 This opinibrr.has been accepted without question by the majority of c r i t i c s of Spanish l i t e r a t u r e . In l a t e r years, however, a small group of scholars began to oppose Pidal's views on monastic influence. Among them were P.E. R u s s e l l , W.J. Entwistle, E. Merimee and E.R. Curtius. This group f e l t that Bedier's theory could not and should not he so fi r m l y r u l e d out as P i d a l and h i s followers were wont to do. Indeed, a close look at some of the Spanish epics .does reveal a c e r t a i n degree of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l influence. In Chapter I we saw how some of the epics dealing with events i n tenth- and eleventh-century C a s t i l e were connect-ed with c e r t a i n Benedictine monasteries. 3 In t h i s f i n a l chapter, we s h a l l attempt to show how Bedier's theory can be applied to the PMC. The only c r i t i c who has attempted to e s t a b l i s h monastic influences i n the PMC i s P.E. Ru s s e l l . The others hardly even mentioned the p o s s i b i l i t y , although i n d i r e c t l y t h e i r works hinted at the subject. R u s s e l l , though he approached the issue d i r e c t l y , was very c a r e f u l , and r i g h t l y so, as the problem was of a very d e l i c a t e nature and probably remains so. Before examining the PMC for the purpose of fi n d i n g evidence of monastic influence, we must r e a l i z e f i r s t that our hypothesis i s dependent e n t i r e l y on the v e r i f i c a t i o n of the existence of a Cidian tomb-cult i n San Pedro de Cardena. Russell's contention was that the existence of tomb-cults i n the l a t e r Middle Ages was responsible f o r the engendering of c e r t a i n epic poems. Among the poems c i t e d , the c r i t i c mentions La condesa t r a i d o r a , Siete Infantes de Lara, and the Romanz d e l Infante Garcia. However, as he says, "none of our information about the poems mentioned i s well enough documented, either h i s t o r i c a l l y or chr o n o l o g i c a l l y , to o f f e r any s a t i s f a c t o r y evidence to support the conclusion that monastic 83 legends gave r i s e to these epics, rather than v i c e v e r s a . " 4 On the other hand, i n the case of the PMC, there e x i s t the minimum requirements for adequate research into the issue. These are, f i r s t , the existence of a f a i r l y complete text i n i t s poetic form; second, a well documented account of the tomb-cult of the Cid at San Pedro de Cardena from the t h i r t e e n t h - to the eighteenth-centuries; and t h i r d , what Rus s e l l c a l l s "a very curious piece of pseudo-Cidian h i s t o r y written at Cardena i n connection with the c u l t during the t h i r t e e n t h century." 5 As such, Russell's a r t i c l e claims, a l b e i t very cautiously, that the influence of the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena on the PMC was greater than i s generally believed or accepted by Spanish c r i t i c s . Indeed, the monastery appears to have a c e r t a i n importance, since almost 200 of the 3733 l i n e s of the poem speak of Cardena or of events happening there. The Cardena tomb-cult of the Cid was centred around one.certain h i s t o r i c a l f a c t — t h e Campeador was undoubtedly buried there. When Alfonso VI abandoned Valencia i n 1102, the corpse of the Cid was exhumed from the cathedral, where i t was buried i n 1099, and brought to Cardena'accompanied by Dorla Jimena and some of the Cid's mesnada. The HistOria RodCrici, recognized as the most accurate document on the Cid, also states that many g i f t s were made by the Cid's widow to the monastery, as was mediaeval custom. However, by the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h century these facts had been supplanted by legend. The Cardena .cult's basic assumption was that the Cid had ordered hi s immediate b u r i a l there, and the Liber Regum, written around 1220, r e f l e c t s t h i s view: "Murio mio Cid e l Campiador en e l mes de Mayo. 81+ Dios aya su alma: et aduxeronlo sus v a s a l l o s d a l l a de Valencia, et soterrarronlo en S. Pedro de Cardena cerca de Burgos." 6 The L i t e r  Regum thus appears to know nothing about the Cid's o r i g i n a l interment at Valencia and implies that the b u r i a l at Cardena took place immediate-l y a f t e r the death of the hero. Therefore we can see that, by about 1220, a legendary account of the Cid's death and b u r i a l had begun to c i r c u l a t e above a l l i n connection with San Pedro de Cardena. There can be no doubt that a Cid c u l t had emerged i n and around Cardefia i n the ensuing century a f t e r the Campeador's death. W.J. Entwistle r e f e r s to a l o s t , written version of the Cardena legends of the Cid, known as the E s t o r i a del noble Varori 'el Cid Ruy Diaz 'el Campeador, senor que fue de Valencia ( c i t e d subsequently as the E s t o r i a  del C i d ) , used by the Primera Cronica General for material for chapters 9HT-62. Entwistle deduced the t i t l e of the work from the opening l i n e of chapter 961 of the chronicle, and Russell affirms that " i t was written i n connection with the Cardena c u l t . " 7 The E s t o r i a d e l Cid places s p e c i a l emphasis on the Cid's death and the h i s t o r y of the hero's body a f t e r death. Ru s s e l l gives a short summary of the pertinent sections: The account may be. divided into (1) the despatch to the Cid at Valencia of an embassy from the 'Sultan of P e r s i a ' ; (.li) the appearance of St. Peter to the Cid i n a v i s i o n to announce the hero's death within t h i r t y days; ( i i i ) d e t a i l e d account of the Cid's death, recounted almost e n t i r e l y i n hagio-graphical terms; (iv) the v i c t o r y of the Cid's army over Bucar, with the a i d of St. James of Compostela and a heavenly host;, (v) the removal. of the Cid's body from Valencia to C a s t i l e , and the curious arrangements made for i t s disposal i n the monastery church of San Pedro de Cardena; (vi) sundry magical or miraculous occurrences at Cardena, and the f i n a l b u r i a l of the Cid's body there i n a normal way a f t e r a delay of ten years. 8 The E s t o r i a del Cid r e l a t e s many legends about the Cid's death and 85 subsequent occurrences a f t e r death, but also attempts to provide r a t i o n a l explanations for these happenings which are nothing short of miraculous. For example, the E s t o r i a asserts that the Cid's body, a f t e r death, remained i n a perfect condition and was so l i f e - l i k e that Alfonso VI refused to give i t a normal b u r i a l . As Russell explains, i n c o r r u p t i b i l i t y of the body as a sign of a deceased person's perfect l i f e i s a hagiographical commonplace.9 However, the E s t o r i a del Cid explains that the i n c o r r u p t i b i l i t y of the Cid's body was because the hero, upon learning from St. Peter of his coming death, had prepared himself by eating nothing for a week except f o r a d a i l y dose of balsam and myrrh i n a gold cup. The E s t o r i a del Cid states: En todos aquellos s i e t e dias non comio nin beuio ninguna vianda otra que fuesse, sinon una cuchar pequenna de aquel balsamo et de aquella mirra estemprado con e l agua; et cada dia despues que esto fezo, se paro su cuerpo et su cara mas fresca et mas fermosa que ante, et l a palabra mas r e z i a , . . . . 1 Apart from t h i s auto-embalmment, the Cid's corpse i s reportedly anointed with the same substances a f t e r death, thus removing a l l doubts on the part of the reader that the body remained i n a perfect state. Perhaps the most i n t e r e s t i n g of the episodes r e l a t e d i n the E s t o r i a del Cid i s to be found i n Chapter 95^, where the hero i s seen making hi s l a s t w i l l and testament. The Cid orders that he be buried i n San Pedro de Cardena: E l l o primero que mando fue que l a su sepultura fuesse en Sant Pedro de Cardenna o agora yaze, et mando a l monesterio muchos bonos heredamientOs, por que oy en dia l o mas onrrado et seruido e l logar o e l su cuerpo yaze; et mando a donna Ximena todo quanto en. e l mundo av i a , que uisquiesse en e l l o bien et conplidamiente a su onrra por toda su vida en este monesterio, et G i l Diaz que l a s i r v i e s s e en todos l o s sus d i a s , . . . . 1 1 From the above, i t i s obvious that the E s t o r i a del Cid i s 86 attempting to explain some of Cardefia's legends about the h i s t o r y of the Cid a f t e r death. The w i l l i s , of course, f i c t i t i o u s , hut i t serves to show that the Cid ordered his b u r i a l at San Pedro de Cardena immediately a f t e r his death. This type of corroboration i s also found when the E s t o r i a d e l Cid attempts to v e r i f y some of the Cidian r e l i c s at Cardena. A good case i n point i s the chess-set that was given to the Campeador by the Persian Sultan. Chapter 9^7 of the Primera Cronica General assures the reader that the chess-set i s to be found i n San Pedro de Cardefia: " o t r o s s i l e enbio un agedrex de i o s nobles que fueron en e l mundo, que aun oy en dia es en e l monesterio de Sant Pero de Cardenna;. . . . 1 , 1 2 The r e l i c , whether true or f a l s e , thus has v e r i f i c a t i o n f o r i t s existence and provides proof also for the Persian embassy to the Cid, Apart from the chess-set, the golden goblet used by the Cid to adminis-t e r the balsam and myrrh receives p a r t i c u l a r attention. Indeed, there exists a p o s s i b i l i t y that such an item was displayed among the r e l i c s of the hero at Cardefia. 1 3 The E s t o r i a del Cid i s supposed to have been a t r a n s l a t i o n from an Arabic account of the Cid's f i n a l days and of the somewhat miraculous events a f t e r h i s death. Who, then, was the author of the E s t o r i a del  Cid? The Primera Cronica General says that i t was a Moslem by the name of Abenalfarax, who was the nephew of the Alhuacaxi, the former a l f a q u i of Valencia, who was purportedly converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y taking the name of G i l Diaz, a f t e r the C i d . 1 4 The t r u t h of the matter i s that both Abenalfarax and Alhuacaxi were h i s t o r i c a l personages. However, they were not r e l a t e d and there i s no t r u t h to the story that Alhuacaxi became G i l Diaz, the c h i e f server of the Cid's tomb as well-as guardian 87 of the Cid's horse B a b i e c a . 1 5 Alhuacaxi i s named hy Arab h i s t o r i a n s as the Valencian appointed to negotiate the surrender of the c i t y to the Cid i n 109^ . He was l a t e r made cadi by the Campeador, but withdrew from h i s post to die i n the Moorish c i t y of Denia of o l d age. Abenal-farax was known to be a Moslem supporter of the Cid before the conquest, and was therefore a natural choice for the authorship of a supposed h i s t o r y of the Cid. The existence of both these Moslems i s attested i n fact by Ibn Alqama i n his a n t i - C i d i a n work, History of Valencia, but the H i s t o r i a ROderici and other C h r i s t i a n accounts make no mention of them. Thus, Rus s e l l draws the conclusion that the author of the E s t o r i a del Cid, no matter who he r e a l l y was, had access'to Ibn Alqama's work. Furthermore, R u s s e l l continues: It was long ago shown by Menendez P i d a l that the compilers of the PCG did not possess an Arabic version of Ibn Alqama, but used a t r a n s l a t i o n which had been made e a r l i e r . It seems, i n the circumstances, p l a u s i b l e to suppose that they obtained t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n , l i k e the EstOria i t s e l f , from San Pedro de Cardena. Such an hypothesis would explain both how the E s t o r i a came to possess i t s knowledge of Valencian a f f a i r s , and why i t purports to be, i t s e l f , a t r a n s l a t i o n from an Arabic o r i g i n a l . 1 6 At t h i s point we s h a l l examine the Cidian legends at Cardena before the EstOria put them i n w r i t i n g . Caution, however, i s required, for as R u s s e l l points out, t h i s i s "an area of i n v e s t i g a t i o n where for the most part, only hypothetical answers are given." From the Primera  Cronica General, we can see that there existed i n Cardena material objects or r e l i c s of the Cid, and the c r e d i b i l i t y of the legends fomented i n the monastery depended on t h i s f a c t . Also, from an exami-nation of the circumstances surrounding the Cid's r e b u r i a l i n the monastery, together with a knowledge of mediaeval b u r i a l p r a c t i c e s , an explanation can be given for the non-hagiographic material of the l e g e n d s . 1 7 The Cardena legends t e l l us that the Cid's body was i n an extreme-l y good condition upon a r r i v a l at the monastery mainly because of the expert Moorish embalmers at Valencia. The Christians themselves d i d p r a c t i s e embalmment, but t h e i r methods were decidedly crude by comparison with the Moors, and u s u a l l y had l i m i t e d e f f e c t on the corpse. The embalmment of the Cid's body was probably more e f f e c t i v e l y c a r r i e d out by Moorish embalmers i n Valencia so that the monks were astonished when they saw the body. As R u s s e l l says: " C h r i s t i a n doctrine about the s i g n i f i c a n c e of uncorrupted bodies would not make i t d i f f i c u l t for them to read into t h i s fact evidence of something more s i g n i f i c a n t than a Valencian embalmer's s p e c i a l s k i l l . 1 8 This theory i s borne out by the Estoria's constant r e i t e r a t i o n that myrrh and balsam, Oriental spices, were used i n the Cid's embalmment. • For t h i s reason, the Cardena legends were able to assert that the Cid's body remained unchanged and seated before the High A l t a r i n the monastery on h i s ivory escafio. The escafio i t s e l f p o s s i b l y finds h i s t o r i c corroboration i n the mediaeval b u r i a l customs. The word 'escafio means, i n mediaeval Spanish, a s t o o l , or bench. However, i t also s i g n i f i e d , i n mortuary usage, a kind of b i e r upon which a body was placed before b u r i a l . 1 9 Mention of these s p e c i a l escanos i s made i n several mediaeval epics and since they were also used to transport dead bodies, i t Is highly l i k e l y that the body of the Cid was transported to Cardena on one. Also probable i s the suggestion that the Cid's body l a y i n state on one of these b i e r s before b u r i a l . As Russell maintains, the o r a l transmission of t h i s event would replace the mortuary usage of escano with i t ' s more usual sense of st o o l or bench. Next, the Cid's body would be reported as seated upright rather than recumbent. 2 0 The theory i s not as implausi-ble as i t appears, for the very b i e r on which the Cid's corpse l a y may have remained among the monks' possessions. Russell t e l l s us that the centre of the Cid c u l t i n the t h i r t e e n t h century was the tomb of the Campeador before'the High A l t a r . Next to the Cid's tomb i s one that i s purportedly that of dona Jimena. This cannot have been her r e a l tomb, as she was buried i n the monastery of San Juan de l a Pefia. Also, the Primera Cronica General declares that G i l Diaz, who was formerly Alhuacaxi, has his grave i n the monastery courtyard beside Babieca, the Cid's horse. The legend of G i l Diaz i n the E s t o r i a del Cid i s e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s , but that of Babieca may have some f a c t u a l o r i g i n . In mediaeval custom, i t was not uncommon for a knight to leave his charger to the monastery where he was buried, and i t i s quite p o s s i b l e , therefore, that dofia Jimena did present a charger to San Pedro de Cardena, although the horse may not n e c e s s a r i l y have been Babieca. 2 1 The question that a r i s e s at t h i s point i s : why d i d the monastery perpetuate these legends? The answer, i f we are to look to Bedier's theories, may be propaganda to a t t r a c t pilgrims to the doors of the i n s t i t u t i o n , thereby also a t t r a c t i n g donations. However, even though t h i s may have been the case, and we have no proof that i t wasn't, the answer may not be so simple. Russell t e l l s us that i n the middle of the twelfth century, the monastery faced a very grave c r i s i s . This came i n the form of the bishop of Burgos and the Cluniac monks who had, since the beginning of 90 the century, begun to gain more and more control over Spanish e c c l e s i -a s t i c a l l i f e , as well as Alfonso VII, a r u l e r who was unsympathetic to the B e n e d i c t i n e s . 2 2 In llk2, the monastery was o f f i c i a l l y presented, by order of the king, to the abbott of Cluny, but the Benedictine monks refused to be evicted. In l l H U , d r a s t i c measures were resorted to, and even the Pope was involved i n ordering the Benedictine monks out. As l a t e as 1163, the dispute continued, u n t i l the Benedictines f i n a l l y won, although the r e s o l u t i o n i s not r e c o r d e d . 2 3 A Cardena legend, however, claimed that the Cluniacs were driven out a f t e r three years and that they took a l l the treasures of the monastery with them. 2 4 The defiance of the Benedictines against Alfonso V I I 1 s d i r e c t orders may therefore be connected with the monastery's s i m i l a r disregard for the orders of Alfonso VI i n the PMC. However, the p o s s i b i l i t y remains that i n those turbulent years i n the monastery's h i s t o r y , with a l l i t s expulsions and threats of expulsion, the r e l i c s of the Cid may have disappeared almost e n t i r e l y . The end of the twelfth century saw the end of the monastery's troubles. Cardena again enjoyed r o y a l favour, t h i s time under Alfonso VIII, although the Benedictines were never again c l o s e l y connected with l i f e at the court. At t h i s point, the monks began, as Russell says, "to elaborate, with small regard for h i s t o r i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y , legends designed to keep a l i v e memories of the part they had once played i n the early days of the C a s t i l i a n n a t i o n . " 2 5 One of the legends was about the sack of the monastery i n 836 by a Moorish king named Zepha, and the martyrdom of 200 monks. According to the legend, each year on the anniversary of the sacking, the f l o o r of the c l o i s t e r became covered i n blood, g i v i n g o f f a.-sweet smell that 91 was usually associated with saints and martyrs. The aim of t h i s legend, which found i t s way into the epic La condesa t r a i d o r a , was to set hack the date of the founding of the monastery by ISO y e a r s . 2 6 Another attempt was made l a t e r by the monks to push back the date of t h e i r foundation even further. This time, they produced a tomb al l e g e d l y that of Sancha, the queen of Theodoric the Goth. She, i t was claimed by the monks, was t h e i r founder. According to R u s s e l l , "a whole legendary account of the circumstances which l e d her to perform the act accompanied the t a l e , while a tomb supposedly that of her son was also shown f o r good measure." 2 7 Among these many legends emerging from Cardena, perhaps the most important, and one which i s connected with the PMC, i s that of Sisebuto, abbot of Cardena from I O 6 O - I O 8 6 , whom the monks claimed as a Saint. The PMC, i n the episodes at Cardena, does not mention Sisebuto, but rather a don Sancho, a character for whom no h i s t o r i c a l confirmation has been found. Menendez P i d a l , i n his study of the PMC, seized upon t h i s point as evidence that the poem had no connection with. Cardena. 2 8 A number of explanations have been given, i n recent years, showing how the don Sancho of the PMC may have well been the h i s t o r i c a l S i s e -buto, but t h i s i s not what concerns us h e r e . 2 9 The fact i s , as Ru s s e l l has discovered, that Sisebuto was claimed to be a saint only i n the th i r t e e n t h century, possibly because the Benedictines at Cardena f e l t at a disadvantage when compared to the monasteries of S i l o s and Ona, which had highly popular saints f o r former abbots. 3 0 As Russell says: The f i r s t documented claim that Sisebuto was a saint occurs i n a revised version of the Cardena B r c v i a r i o , written i n the same year (.1327). He was not supplied with a feast-day u n t i l the f i f t e e n t h century. He in s p i r e d no hagiographical l i t e r a -t u re, either i n L a t i n or i n the vernacular, and his c u l t was never more than a purely .".local a f f a i r . 3 1 92 Therefore, we cannot he e n t i r e l y sure that'the poet of the PMC had replaced a famous saint by a f i c t i t i o u s abbot. In f a c t , we cannot even be sure that the don Sancho of the PMC was not a h i s t o r i c a l personage, as Russell t e l l s us that the "successors to Sisebuto are not well documented." 3 2 The fact that the monks of Cardena di d not t r y to repudiate the character of don Sancho i n the PMC i s taken by the c r i t i c as evidence that awareness of Sisebuto as a saint did not occur u n t i l don Sancho, whether r e a l or f i c t i t i o u s , had become well established. What conclusion can be drawn from these considerations? In the f i r s t place, i t seems quite c l e a r that a Cidian tomb-cult existed i n and around the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena. Legends had sprung up centred around the Cid's tomb and the material objects or r e l i c s that were associated with the hero. These legends were given t h e i r f i n a l form i n the E s t o r i a del Cid, the material of which was incorporated into the Primera Cronica General. Second, i t has also been shown that a t r a d i t i o n of legend-fostering existed at Cardena which R u s s e l l says "rated the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of Cardefia's past more highly than h i s t o r i c a l scholarship, and paid no a t t e n t i o n to the prosaic version of the monastery's h i s t o r y recorded by the documents i n i t s a r c h i v e s . " 3 3 To t h i s we may add that there may be another reason f o r t h i s t r a d i t i o n of legend-fostering. In our opinion, Cardefia i s not merely t r y i n g to recapture past g l o r i e s , whether true or f a l s e . In exercising t h e i r imaginative t a l e n t s and creating these f i c t i t i o u s t a l e s about the glorious past of the monastery, the.monks are b a s i c a l l y t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r r i g h t to the monastery. If.'the legends convinced others that they had a h i s t o r i c a l r i g h t to Cardena, troubles such, as those which occurred i n the mid-twelfth century would not happen again. I f we turn to the theory that the PMC was part and p a r c e l of the Cidian tomb-cult at San Pedro de Cardena, i t i s c l e a r that, i f we accept Menendez Pidal's contention that the poem was written i n 11^0 by a j u g l a r from the area around Medinaceli, our hypothesis i s i n v a l i d . However, as we have seen i n Chapter I I , the consensus of recent r e -search suggests that P i d a l was i n c o r r e c t on a l l counts. It seems v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n that the PMC was written no e a r l i e r than 1207, the manuscript which we have being an early fourteenth century copy of an older text. Furthermore, the poem was written p r i m a r i l y with a Burgos audience i n mind and by a poet who was p o s s i b l y a c l e r i c who had had some l e g a l t r a i n i n g . Deeper examination of the authorship issue brings out the p o s s i b i l i t y that the Per Abbat mentioned i n the e x p l i c i t could have been the very author of the PMC. In view of'these recent d i s -coveries by the various c r i t i c s i n the f i e l d , and with the knowledge that a Cidian tomb-cult existed and f l o u r i s h e d i n Cardena, we s h a l l examine the contents of the PMC to determine i f there i s any evidence to support the notion that the poem was composed within the monastery for propaganda purposes. . To begin t h i s part of the argument, we should take a b r i e f glance at the occasions i n the poem when San Pedro de Cardena i s featured. In the f i r s t Cantar, the Cid, on h i s way into e x i l e , i s refused h o s p i t a l i t y by the Burgos people, who are a f r a i d of defying the.orders of Alfonso VI. However, the Campeador unhesitatingly proceeds the short distance to San Pedro de Cardena where he i s openly welcomed. The abbot don Sancho, i n complete defiance of the king's order that no one give lodging or food to the Cid, o f f e r s the resources and f a c i l i t i e s of the monastery.to the Campeador. The monastery b e l l s are 9h rung to gather r e c r u i t s f o r the hero, and the abbot himself volunteers to d i r e c t late-comers along the route which the Cid takes. When one considers the p o s i t i o n of the king i n mediaeval times, the magnitude of the actions of the abbot and the monastery i n t h e i r complete disregard of r o y a l commands can be deduced. Further to t h i s episode, the poet takes great pains i n assuming that the Cid did not abuse the good w i l l of the monastery. The Cid i s c a r e f u l to pay the abbot for the cost of h i s lodging overnight as w e l l as for maintaining h i s wife dona Jimena and h i s daughters during the period of h i s absence i n e x i l e : Yo adobare conducho pora mi e pora mis v a s s a l l o s ; mas por que me vo de t i e r r a dovos .1. marchos, s i yo algun d i a v i s q u i e r servos han doblados. Non quiero fazer en e l monesterio un dinero de dano; evades aqui pora dona Ximena dovos .c. marchos, a e l l a e a sus f i j a s e a sus duenas sirvades l a s est ano. Si essa despenssa vos f a l l e c i e r e o vos menguare algo, bien l a s abastad, yo a s s i vos l o mando; por un marcho que despendades a l monesterio dare yo quatro. ( l i n e s 2^9-259) The poet, i n a subsequent episode, does not f a i l to show that the Cid was as good as h i s word. The point of t h i s part of the episode i s explained by R u s s e l l : The anxiety to show that the Cid d i d not impose on the c h a r i t y of the monks, and that the community benefitted m a t e r i a l l y from t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with him, can hardly be accounted a 'popular' motif i n the Cantar. I t can better be interpreted as a monastic motif, since medieval C a s t i l i a n records contain frequent complaints of the way i n which l o c a l l o r d s , unlike the Cid of the Cantar, p r a c t i s e d extortion against the r e l i g i o u s houses i n t h e i r neighbourhood. 3 4 In the second cantar, a f t e r the Cid's v i c t o r y and conquest of Valencia, the hero sends Alvar Fanez, his clo s e s t lieutenant, to Cardena to bring h i s wife and ch i l d r e n to the conquered c i t y . Alvar 95 Fanez is also delegated to present a g i f t of one thousand marks to the monastery. Apart from the i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l s of event and s t y l e that are introduced "to remind the audience of the Cid's o r i g i n a l stay t h e r e , " 3 5 the episode ends with a curious message from the l i p s of the abbot: Por mi a l Campeador l a s manos l e besad; Aqueste monesterio no l o quiera o l b i d a r , todos l o s dias d e l sieglo en levar l o adelant e l Sid siempre valdra mas. ( l i n e s ll|l+3-ll|li6) The implications of the above quote are obvious: i f the Cid does not forget the i n t e r e s t s of Cardena, even when he i s l i v i n g i n distant Valencia, his fame and fortunes w i l l increase. Menendez P i d a l believed that the l i n e s were written "por un juglar interpretando l o s s e n t i -mientos del abad que no sabe despedirse de su huesped dona Ximena s i n una cortes p e t i c i o n de recompensa." 3 8 The Spanish c r i t i c attaches no sp e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to the words of the abbot, but i n the l i g h t of what we know about the Cidian c u l t at Cardefia, the request and pre-d i c t i o n of don Sancho cannot be dismissed so e a s i l y . 3 7 Apart from the above instances i n which the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena i s featured there i s no further mention of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n the PMC. Menendez P i d a l and h i s subsequent followers interpreted t h i s as being proof that the monastery i s not an important factor within the poem. P i d a l said that of the t o t a l of 200 l i n e s that speak of Cardena or of things happening there 160 r e l a t e the passage of the hero through the monastery on h i s way into e x i l e . 3 8 His con-^ tention i s that San Pedro de Cardena figures i n the 'PMC more out of a case of h i s t o r i c a l necessity than of any other cause: "Cardena f i g u r a en e l Cantar, no por afecto especial del autor, sino por necesidad del r e l a t o , como figuran Valencia o B i v a r . " 3 9 The problem with Pidal's statement i s that he i s basing h i s con-c l u s i o n on the b e l i e f that the PMC i s a h i s t o r i c a l document f a i t h f u l to fa c t u a l incidents. We have seen, i n a previous chapter, how the poet of the PMC took only basic h i s t o r i c a l truths about the Cid and wove a complex, but almost e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s t a l e around them. It i s true that San Pedro de Cardena recedes into the dim background a f t e r Alvar Fanez brings the Cid's family to Valencia, and P i d a l i s undoubtedly correct i n s t a t i n g that t h i s i s due to h i s t o r i c a l necessity, since the basic f a c t , which everyone knew, was that the Cid spent the vast majority of h i s l a t e r years i n and around Valencia. The point i n question i s whether the instances i n which the monastery i s featured are accurate. In the f i r s t place, mention must be made that "there i s no independent evidence whatever to show that any of the Cardena e p i -sodes are h i s t o r i c a l . " 4 0 In other words, there i s no evidence that would prove or disprove the incidents at the monastery. However, on the one point which i s v e r i f i a b l e , the PMC i s found to be h i s t o r i c a l l y inaccurate. The poem says that dofia Jimena remained at Cardena for ten years from the time of the Cid's e x i l e to the conquest of Valencia. History t e l l s us that the Cid's wife joined him i n 108°, f i v e years before the capture of the c i t y . The episode i n the Second Cantar, when Alvar Fanez i s delegated to go to Cardena to bring dona Jimena and her ch i l d r e n to Valencia, i s e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s . 4 1 Russell also informs us that " i t i s also necessary to maintain an att i t u d e of scepticism towards the CMC's whole account of r e l a t i o n s be-tween the monastery and the C i d . " 4 2 For one, i t i s very improbable that the abbot and the monks at Cardena would, as the poem depicts, 97 openly defy the d i r e c t orders of a king as powerful as Alfonso VI "on a purely secular point involving a cherished r o y a l prerogative. 1 , 1 + 3 On the other hand i t would be untrue to say that the Cid was never at Cardena or involved i n the monastery's a f f a i r s . In f a c t , there are documents that prove.that the Cid was a f a m i l i a r f i g u r e at the monastery. The h i s t o r i c a l Rodrigo Diaz did act on behalf of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n l e g a l disputes. R u s s e l l also suggests that the Cid may have been a miles, or protector of San Pedro de Cardefia. This i s e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e , e s p e c i a l l y when one considers the fact that the monastery was the nearest large i n s t i t u t i o n i n the Cid's neighbour-hood. 4 4 The most important point, however, i s the fact that the episodes at Cardena are not corroborated by the H i s t o r i a R o d erici. This docu-ment, which i s the most accurate account of the Cid's l i f e , mentions San Pedro de Cardena only as the f i n a l r e s t i n g place of the Cid's body. Nothing i s said or even i n f e r r e d to the e f f e c t that the monastery aided the hero i n either of h i s banishments, nor that Jimena and the Cid's daughters were lodged there i n the period of his absence from C a s t i l e . Furthermore, the Becerro gotico of Cardefia, which recorded donations to the monastery up to 1086, does not contain an entry recording the donation from the C i d . 4 5 Therefore, i n the case of the PMC, we are presented with an almost e n t i r e l y f i c t i t i o u s account of the Cid's l i f e i n which the monastery i s featured very prominently. The one point that remains i s that the PMC does not mention the Cid's b u r i a l at Cardena. One would expect such an important Incident to.be mentioned i f the purpose of the poem was to serve as propaganda f o r the monastery. This point was interpreted 98 by P i d a l as further proof that the poet of the PMC was not i n t e r e s t e d i n Cardena. 4 6 One must admit that the omission i s curious, e s p e c i a l l y i n view of the fact that the Primera Cronica General, which p r o s i f i e d many C a s t i l i a n epics, never f a i l e d to mention the b u r i a l places of the d i f f e r e n t heroes. As Russell says: "Why should the author of the CMC f a i l to observe t h i s custom, e s p e c i a l l y as he had gone to so much trouble to e s t a b l i s h the l i v i n g Cid's connection with San Pedro de Cardena, and the fa c t of h i s hero's b u r i a l there was known throughout C h r i s t i a n S p a i n ? " 4 7 The answer, Rus s e l l says, l i e s i n the l a s t few l i n e s of the poem. At the end of the PMC, the Cid has progressed from being the poor e x i l e to a r i c h , famous general. The poem gives an account of the second marriages of dofla E l v i r a ' and'dona "Sol.'and' declares : ived qual ondra crece a l que en buen ora nagio quando senoras son sus f i j a s de Navarra e de Aragon! Oy l o s reyes d'Espana sos parientes son; a todos alcanga ondra por e l que en buen ora nacio. ( l i n e s 3722-3725). Then suddenly, and very crudely, the poem comes to an end: Passado es deste s i e g l o e l d i a de ginquaesma: ide Christus haya perdon! i A s s i ffagamos nos todos, justos e peccadores! Estas son l a s nuevas de mio Qid e l Campeador; en este logar se acaba esta razon. ( l i n e s 3726-3730) Admittedly, the PMC comes to i t s a r t i s t i c conclusion i n l i n e 3725, but the next l i n e s dealing with the death of the Cid are, by comparison, extremely crude and sudden. No mention i s made as to where the Cid died or where he was buried, and the very nature of the l i n e s themselves i s d i s t i n c t from the s e n s i t i v i t y of the e n t i r e poem that preceded i t . 99 What, then, i s the explanation f o r t h i s crude ending? In an analysis of the passage, one notes the i r r e g u l a r i t y of the second l i n e and the break i n assonance of the f i r s t . These may be errors of the copyist, but, as Russell says: " i t i s a curious place for a copyist to err so g r i e v o u s l y . " 4 8 The method which the PMC uses to dispose of the Cid i s found i n French epic, but t h i s i s the only Spanish example of i t . Professor D.M. McMillan also pointed out to Russell that "on these occasions, s c r i b a l omissions, or amendments to the text caused by the introduction of interpolated material, seem to be r e s p o n s i b l e . " 4 9 Thus, the necessity a r i s e s to discern whether l i n e s 3726-3730 were a c t u a l l y written by the poet of the PMC. As the e v i -dence stands, there i s a strong i n d i c a t i o n that they were penned by a fourteenth century copyist, or at l e a s t by someone other than the o r i g i n a l author. To support t h i s theory, R u s s e l l c i t e s another p a r a l l e l case i n the Cronica de Veinte Reyes. This work, which was written i n the fourteenth century, draws i t s material from a text that was very close to the PMC. In f a c t , i t follows the general l i n e s of the PMC up to and including the second marriages of the Cid's daughters. 5 0 At the end of the section dealing with the Cid, there i s a f i n a l chapter e n t i t l e d "De l a muerte de Ruy d i a s c i d e do commo se perdio V a l e n c i a . " 5 1 The problem i s that the c h r o n i c l e r does not deal with the death of the Cid and the los s of Valencia. In other words, the text of the chapter does not f u l f i l l the t i t l e . The date of the Cid's death i s noted, and this:'is." followed by: e l Qid estando en Valencia enfermo e murio en e l mes de mayo e dio e l alma a Dibs. Dona Ximena su mujer e don Alvar Fanes Myenaya l l e v a r o n e l su cuerpo a sant Pedro de Cardena e por 100 que en l a su e s t o r i a se contiene de commo murio e l l o que acaesgio a l a su muerte por eso non l o pusimos aqui por non alongar esta e s t o r i a . 5 2 This i s indeed curious. What, exactly, i s t h i s " l a su e s t o r i a " to which the author of the Cronica de Veinte Reyes r e f e r s h i s readers? Also, why does he not give an account of the death of the Cid and the loss of Valencia as o r i g i n a l l y intended i n the t i t l e , and simply r e f e r readers to another e s t o r i a under the weak pretext of not prolonging h i s narrative? Lindley Cintra suggests that the " l a su e s t o r i a " r e f e r s to the H i s t o r i a R oderici, but t h i s cannot be so, as t h i s work states that the Cid died i n July. Also Alvar Fanez i s not mentioned i n the H i s t o r i a  Roderici as having any part or connection with the b u r i a l of the Cid. Besides, the version of the death of the Cid i s too short i n the H i s t o r i a Roderici for the author of the Cronica de Veinte Reyes to drop i t for being too long. Theodore Babbitt, i n h i s study of the " Cronica de Veinte Reyes, suggests that the " l a su e s t o r i a " would more pl a u s i b l y be the E s t o r i a del Cid, an idea supported by R u s s e l l . 5 3 As f o r the author's reason i n f a i l i n g to provide the story of the death of the Cid and the loss of Valencia, R u s s e l l says that the r e f e r r a l of the reader to the E s t o r i a del Cid may be "a neat means of escaping from an awkward dilemma." 5 4 Of course, R u s s e l l i s speaking hypothetically, but upon closer scrutiny, h i s theory i s quite p l a u s i -ble. The dilemma which he re f e r s to i s the fac t that the Primera 'Cronica General of Alfonso e l Sabio had endorsed the v e r a c i t y of the E s t o r i a del Cid by i t s i n c l u s i o n i n the chroni c l e . The author of the 'Cronica de Veinte Reyes was, Rus s e l l t e l l s us, more s c e p t i c a l about legendary h i s t o r y than were- his .predecessors from the previous century. This i s attested by the fact that he preferred to use a more p r i m i t i v e 101 text as the basis for h i s work. The dilemma which t h i s author faced probably l a y i n the ending of the text from which he worked, as t h i s may not have coincided with the ending supplied by the Primera Cronica General. As Rus s e l l says: What would be the reaction of t h i s man i f he found that the concluding portions of t h i s version dealt with the hero's death i n a manner which did not support the now famous legends recounted i n the Estoria? To summarize the l a t t e r ' s account would be f a l s e to the p r i n c i p l e s upon which he based his own work. To o f f e r , instead of i t , the version given i n the Cantar would be a challenge the v e r a c i t y of the Alfonsine chronicle i n a form c a l c u l a t e d to arouse the i r e of the monks of Cardena, who would be formidable f o e s . 5 5 For t h i s reason, the author of the Cronica de Veinte Reyes s k i r t s around the problem by r e f e r r i n g h i s readers to " l a su e s t o r i a . " In the case of the PMC we may well have a s i m i l a r issue of evasion i n the ending. F i r s t , we must r e i t e r a t e that i n our opinion, the PMC was written around the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h century and that the extant text, as we have i t , i s a fourteenth century copy of the o r i g i n a l . Second, t h i s copy, 'judging from the l o c a t i o n of the manu-s c r i p t when i t was found, was made i n the Burgos area where audiences would have been f a m i l i a r with the Cardena legends, and who would not accept an account that went counter to them. The copyist therefore may have exercised h i s p r i v i l e g e to amend the text by omitting the p o t e n t i a l l y offensive f i n a l portion i n the o r i g i n a l , s u b s t i t u t i n g i n itsrs'tead, a few l i n e s of h i s own making i n order to terminate the poem. As Russell says: The crude l i n e s t e l l i n g of the Cid's death may w e l l , there-fore, be from the pen of the copyist. That they were • inserted at a l l can be interpreted as an i n d i r e c t proof that such was the case: they may r e f l e c t the copyist's f e e l i n g that i t was incumbent on him to make some kind of replacement of the material he had o m i t t e d . 5 6 102 The hypothesis here i s quite convincing i n i t s p o s s i b i l i t i e s , as Russell f e e l s that the Cronica de Veinte Reyes might contain a clue i n the f i n a l chapter of the contents of the o r i g i n a l manuscript of the PMC — t h e chronicle gives a bare summary of the Cid's death and the trans-portation of h i s corpse to Cardena for b u r i a l by his widow and Alvar Fanez. The c h r o n i c l e r follows the cantar t r a d i t i o n of mentioning the hero's death, a formal procedure supplied to other Spanish epics and attested to i n the Primera Cronica G e n e r a l . 5 7 In t h i s chapter, we must constantly bear i n mind that we are always speaking hypothetically. A l l the preceding arguments do not constitute proof that the PMC used material from the Cardena legends. Such proof would come only with the discovery of new material that shows without doubt that c e r t a i n elements i n the poem were derived d i r e c t l y from the Cardena legends. Neither R u s s e l l nor other c r i t i c s believe that such concrete evidence i s forthcoming. However, within the PMC i t s e l f there are a few minor elements that do c a l l to mind the Cardena c u l t of the Cid. One of them i s the elaborately carved escano which belongs to the Cid. This item appears l a t e i n the poem—the f i r s t mention of i t i s i n l i n e 2216, but i t i s mentioned twelve times. The poet c a l l s our attention to i t by l i n e s such as: E l rey dixo a l Qid: 'Venid aca ser, Campeador, en aqueste escafio quern diestes vos en don. ( l i n e s 3HU3115) En un escano tornino essora mio Cid poso, l o s ciento quel aguardan posan aderredor. ( l i n e s 3121-3122) The escano therefore has a d e f i n i t e purpose f o r being mentioned and i s evidently very important to the poet. The p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s i s a reference to a r e l i c i n Cardena cannot be dismissed. 103 The Cid's horse, Babieca, i s also subjected to the same treatment by the poet. Babieca, considering i t s importance within the PMC, makes i t s f i r s t appearance comparatively l a t e i n the poem, i n l i n e 1573, but then i t s importance i s quickly b u i l t up by the p o e t . 5 8 As a character Babieca becomes as famous as i t s owner, e s p e c i a l l y when Alfonso declares: ca por vos e por e l cavallo ondrados somo(;s) nos! ( l i n e 3521) One must remember that the Cidian c u l t at Cardena included a sub-c u l t centred around, the tomb of the horse'Babieca. History bears out the fact that a charger was among the g i f t s made to the monastery by dona Jimena i n 1102. Perhaps, as Ru s s e l l suggests, the poet of the PMC was obliged to introduce the horse as i t was part of the Cardena legend and h i s audience expected to hear about i t . 5 9 The p o s s i b i l i t y again i s undeniable. An episode i n the PMC which may also be connected with the Cid c u l t at Cardena i s the incident of Raquel and Vidas and the two areas of sand. Menendez P i d a l himself had admitted that the episode i s purely f i c t i t i o u s . F i r s t , the Cid i s shown as a cheat, and the two Jews as being extremely g u l l i b l e . Second, the Cid i s unable to take the two areas of gold with him, but exchanges them for 600 marks of gold and s i l v e r . Raquel and Vidas each are able to carry o f f an area, but the 600 marks of gold and s i l v e r require f i v e of the Cid's men to carry. Again, the precise d e s c r i p t i o n of the areas by the poet ( l i n e s 8h—87). indicates that such items may have been among Cidian r e l i c s at Cardena. 6 0 Indeed there i s s t i l l a: 'cofre del Cid' i n Burgos cathedral. Contrasted with the completely hypothetical cases j u s t mentioned, we have one element i n the PMC for which evidence of monastic influence •ibk i s more conclusive. This i s the bishop of Valencia, Jerome of Perigord, who was from the Cluniac order. The w a r r i o r - p r i e s t i s introduced i n the second cantar, where he j o i n s the Cid's army, sospirando ( e l obispo) ques viesse con moros en e l campo, • que s i s f a r t a s l i d i a n d o e f i r i e n d o con sus manos a l o s dias d e l s i e g l o non l e lorassen c h r i s t i a n o s . ( l i n e s 1293-1295) The bishop, who has h i s l i t e r a r y prototype i n Archbishop Turpin of the Chanson de Roland, manifests a crusading zeal that contrasts strongly with the non-idealism of the Cid and h i s followers, whose campaigns were for the purpose of s u r v i v a l and food ( l i n e 16V3). According to R u s s e l l , t h i s comparison may have been unintended and "may, therefore, represent the consequences of i n t e r p o l a t i n g the character of the crusading Jerome into an older body of material dealing with the Cid and h i s l a y f o l l o w e r s . " 6 1 The person of bishop Jerome of Valencia i s borne out by h i s t o r y . He received the bishopric of Valencia from the Cid i n 1098, and l a t e r became bishop of Salamanca where he died i n 1120. Also, he apparently had close connections with San Pedro de Cardena. In 1103, a f t e r h i s t r a n s f e r to Salamanca, he made a donation to San Pedro de Cardena to provide for h i s b u r i a l there 'ubi est humatum corpus V e n e r a b i l i s Roderici D i d a c i . . . . ' 6 2 I f genuine, t h i s L a t i n document could prove that Jerome indeed was associated with Cardena i n h i s t o r y as well as l e g e n d . 6 3 R u s s e l l elaborates on the implications when he states that " t h i s would mean that he was already a key f i g u r e i n the h i s t o r y of the monastery before the Cantar de mio Cid was written. In that event, the case for suggesting that the somewhat discordant figure of the crusading bishop i n the CMC may have been borrowed from Cardena sources would be s t r o n g . " 6 4 105 The absence of the very document, however, compels one to maintain a degree of scepticism about i t s o r i g i n s . The reason for t h i s would be the fact that such a document would be u s e f u l to the Benedictines of Cardefia i n t h e i r struggle against being ousted by the Cluniacs. It would convince opposition that Jerome, a famous Cluniac monk, had expressed h i s desire to be buried i n the monastery, implying thereby that he had introduced Cluniac reforms i n the i n s t i t u t i o n . 5 5 Jerome, when he died, was i n fact buried i n Salamanca, but t h i s d i d not prevent the Cardena monks from erecting a r i v a l tomb i n the monastery to show to pilgrims and declare that the wishes expressed by the bishop had been accomplished. As such, the character of bishop Jerome may be a d i r e c t borrowing from the Cardena legends by the p o e t . 6 6 In conclusion, we see that the theory of monastic influence on epics as proposed by Joseph Bedier i s not altogether as unfeasible as Menendez P i d a l thinks. At the same time, we must remind ourselves again that what has preceded i s no more than hypotheses, or educated guesses. There i s no absolute proof about the issue either way, but rather there exists-.a.1 large number of conjectures which, taken t o -gether, are very suggestive. We know f o r c e r t a i n , from the e f f o r t s of c r i t i c s such as W.J. Entwistle, and above a l l , P.E. R u s s e l l , that a Cidian c u l t had sprung up i n San Pedro de Cardena i n the decades a f t e r the death of the hero. To what extent i t spread around the l o c a l populace i s not known, but when.we consider how close Burgos i s to Cardena, and the fact that the poet was w r i t i n g for a Burgos audience, i t would indeed be unreasonable to suggest that the poet was completely unaware of the Cidian c u l t i n San Pedro de Cardefia. 106 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV xFor an account- of the t y p i c a l processes involved i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a tomb-cult, see Patrick J . Geary, "Saint Helen of Athyra and the Cathedral of Troyes i n the Thirteenth Century," The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 7 (1977), l*+9-68. 2Ram6n Menendez P i d a l , Cantar de Mio Cid, *fth ed. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S.A. 196*0, I I I , 1171. 3See Chapter I, pp. 20-25. ^Russell, p. 58. 5 R u s s e l l , p. 58. 6 C i t e d by R u s s e l l , p. 59. See also H. F l o r e z , Memorias de l a s  reynas c a t o l i c a s (Madrid, 1761), I, *j-9*+. I have been unable to con-s u l t t h i s work. 7 R u s s e l l , p. 59- See also Ramon. Menendez P i d a l , ed., Primera  Cronica General (Madrid: E d i t o r i a l Gredos, 1955), I I , 6*;2. The opening l i n e of Chapter 961 reads: Cuenta l a E s t o r i a deste noble varon e l Cid Ruy " Diaz e l Campeador, sennor que fue de Valengia, et dize assy, que diez annos estudo su cuerpo assentado en aquella s i l l a en e l tabernaculo que e l rey don Alfonso l e pusiera,.... See also: W.J. Entwistle, "La E s t o r i a d e l noble varon e l Cid Ruy Diaz e l Campeador, sennor que fue de Valencia," Hispanic Review, 15 (,19*+7) 206-11. 8 R u s s e l l , p. 60. 9 R u s s e l l , p. 60. 1°Primera Cronica General, Ch. 953, p. 635. 1 1 Primera Cronica General, Ch. 95*+, pp. 635-66. 1 2Primera Cronica .'General, Ch. 9^ +7, P- 628., 1 3 R u s s e l l , p. 6 l . 1 4 P r i m e r a Cronica General: "Segunt cuenta l a e s t o r i a que compuso Albenalfarax, sobrino de G i l Diaz, en V a l e n c i a . C h . 952, p. 633. ..."et dize Abenalfarax, e l que esta e s t o r i a traslaudo en arauigo...." Ch . 9 5 5 , p. 636. 107 15 "Segunt cuenta Abenalfarax que f i z o esta e s t o r i a en arauigo,...." Ch. 957, p. 638. R u s s e l l , pp. 63-63. 1 6 R u s s e l l , p. 63. 1 7 R u s s e l l , p. 6k. 1 8 R u s s e l l , p. 6k. 1 9 R u s s e l l , p. 65. 2 0 R u s s e l l , p. 65. 2 1 R u s s e l l , p. 66. 2 2 R u s s e l l , p. 67. . 2 3 R u s s e l l r e f e r s to documents from: A. Bruel, RecUeil :des Shartes  de 1'Abbaye de Cluny (.Paris, 189V), Vol. 5 (.109-1-1210), nos.~Tc72, U195, U196, U213; Migne, Patrologia l a t i n a , V o l . 179, pp. 928-29; Francisco de Berganza, Antigueda;des de Fspafia (Madrid, 1721), XI, 77-80. 2 I + R u s s e l l , p. 67 2 5 R u s s e l l , p. 68 . 2 6 R u s s e l l , p. 68 2 7 R u s s e l l , p. 68 . 2 8 S e e Menendez P i d a l , CMC, I, k0; and I I I , 1171. There are in d i c a t i o n s that sarictu p a r t i c u l a r l y i f used i n the genitive before a noun beginning with a vowel could give OS *saricho, instead of santo. Confusion with the PU'Sancho would then e a s i l y occur. Berganza, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, suggested that the 'Sancho of the "cantar could have o r i g i n a t e d - i n a misreading of sarictus as Santius - — an explanation which, while i t cannot be disregarded, presents obvious d i f f i c u l t i e s to paleographers" (Russell, p. 69). An a l t e r n a t i v e explanation i s given by C o l i n Smith: " . . . i t i s more l i k e l y that the author of the PMC misread one of the abundant diplomas confirmed by the Abott as SesebUtus Abas Sancti  P e t r i Karadignal, wrongly analysing the second and t h i r d words to produce Abas Santius ( e s p e c i a l l y i f Sancti were i n an abbreviated form)." Smith, PMC, p. 168. 3 0The saints are Santo Domingo and San Inigo. R u s s e l l , p. 69. 108 3 R u s s e l l , P. 69. 3 2 R u s s e l l , p. 69. 3 3 R u s s e l l , p. 68. 3 1 + R u s s e l l , p. 72. 3 5 R u s s e l l , p. 72. 36Meheridez" "Pidal,. .CMC," "I, 39. 3 7 R u s s e l l , P. 72. 3 8Menendez P i d a l , CMC, I, 39. 3 9Menendez P i d a l , CMC,: t f 0 R u s s e l l , P. 72. h R u s s e l l , PP. 72--73. ^ R u s s e l l , p. 73. ^ R u s s e l l , p. 73. ^ R u s s e l l , P. 73. ^ R u s s e l l , p. 73. 4 6Menendez P i d a l , CMC, 1, 'i+o. 4 7 R u s s e l l , P. 73. ^ R u s s e l l , p. l h . ^ R u s s e l l , P. 7h. 5 0 R u s s e l l , p. Ik. 5 1 L u i s F i l i p e Lindley C i n t r a , (Lisboa, 1951) , Vol. I, p. 27I+. I have heen unable to consult t h i s work and am quoting from R u s s e l l . 5 2 Q u o t a t i o n from Cronica de Veinte Reyes i n R u s s e l l , p. lk. 5 3See Theodore Babbitt, La Cronica de Veinte Reyes (New Haven, 1936), pp. 110-11. 5 4 R u s s e l l , p. 75. 5 5 R u s s e l l , p. 75. 109 5 6 R u s s e l l , p. 75. 5 7 R u s s e l l , p. 76. 5 8 R u s s e l l , p. 76. 5 9 R u s s e l l , p. 76. 6 0 R u s s e l l , p. 77. 6 R u s s e l l , p. 77. 6 2 R u s s e l l takes t h i s from a l o s t document quoted i n Francisco Ruiz de Vergara, Historia. del cOlegio v i e j o de San BartOlOme, 2nd ed. (Madrid 1766), Vol. I, p. 55 n. k. 6 3Menendez P i d a l believes the document i s genuine. B 1 + R u s s e l l , p. 78. 6 5 R u s s e l l , p. 78. 6 6 R u s s e l l , p. 78. 110 CONCLUSION In the foregoing pages I have attempted to re-evaluate the theme of C a s t i l i a n nationalism i n the PMC and the theory of monastic influence on the poem, i n the l i g h t of the recent research of i n d i v i d u a l i s t c r i t i c s i n the areas of h i s t o r i c i t y , authorship and date. As f a r as C a s t i l i a n nationalism i s concerned, i t i s evident that the PMC, contrary to Smith's a s s e r t i o n , does contain more p o l i t i c a l sentiments than i s generally acknowledged. By t h i s I mean that the poem exhibits some very d e f i n i t e p r o - C a s t i l i a n and anti-Leonese c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . However, we must remember that t h i s theory i s dependent upon our acceptance of 1207, or thereabouts, as the date of the poem's composition. Writing at t h i s time, the poet was probably very conscious of the p o l i t i c a l differences and v i o l e n t clashes that had existed f or centuries between Leon and C a s t i l e . Coupled with t h i s and i m p l i c i t i n the poem i s the concept of a u n i f i e d Spain l e d by C a s t i l e , an a s p i r a t i o n which would be f u l f i l l e d i n l a t e r years. These attitudes are r e f l e c t e d i n the PMC's treatment of the d i f f e r e n t characters, themes and actions. However, one must bear i n mind the fact that we are speaking e s s e n t i a l l y of two d i f f e r e n t periods i n Spanish h i s t o r y — t h e events during the l i f e t i m e of the Cid, and those surrounding the year 1207. These must remain separate. In the Cid's biography, the poet saw the p o s s i b i l i t y of producing a great n a t i o n a l -i s t i c work, or propaganda, i f you w i l l . The hero's very stature, h i s e x i l e and e x p l o i t s , a l l presented the poet with ready-made material that could be put to use. I t only took h i s expertise to mould t h i s raw material into a work of a r t . I l l On the subject of monastic influence on the PMC again t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s undeniable. From the evidence given within the text i t s e l f as well as i n the ch r o n i c l e s , we can see that there are i n d i -cations that the poem i n the form i t has come down to us may have originated i n the monastery of San Pedro de Cardena. One thing of which we can be c e r t a i n i s that i n the interim period between the death of the Cid and the beginning of the t h i r t e e n t h century, there existed a number of short poems or ballads that recounted the legendary deeds of the hero. However, we cannot be sure about the contents or form of these works nor of the influence that they had on the PMC, as they no longer e x i s t today. The issue of monastic influence brings us back to the very basic problem of authorship. For the present, the theory that the poet was a c l e r i c who had some l e g a l t r a i n i n g i s the most f e a s i b l e of a l l offered, and u n t i l some new document or evidence comes to l i g h t , we should be prepared to accept t h i s theory as being correct. Furthermore, the p r i n c i p a l argument i n i t s favour i s the fact that i n the Middle Ages, i n general, only c l e r i c s were l i t e r a t e to any degree. As a candidate for the authorship, the Per Abbat of the e x p l i c i t seems a most l i k e l y choice, and he has now been accepted as such by Smith. The idea that the PMC was composed for the p o l i t i c a l and mercenary in t e r e s t s of the monks at Cardena i s not beyond the bounds of p o s s i -b i l i t y . Studies of the other mediaeval Spanish epics have shown that the clergy were not above f a b r i c a t i n g poems and r e l i c s to further t h e i r own ends. In the PMC, as we have seen, there i s evidence that the poet had more than just a passing i n t e r e s t i n associating the Cid with San Pedro de Cardena. The author's purpose i n doing so becomes more 112 understandable when we consider the c r i s e s that the monastery faced during i t s h i s t o r y . The problem i s f a r from being solved,' but Bedier's theory, no matter how vulnerable i t i s today, remains very suggestive i n r e l a t i o n to the PMC. As I indicated at the outset, my hypotheses and conclusions con-cerning the genesis and motivation of the PMC r e l y extensively on the work of others, i n p a r t i c u l a r the recent spate of research from c r i t i c s of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t school. The dissension between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s has existed for many years, e s p e c i a l l y i n the debates concerning the sources, transmission and structure, not only of the PMC but of the epic i n general. Such academic debate i s b a s i -c a l l y a healthy phenomenon that contributes s i g n i f i c a n t l y to our advance i n knowledge, but i t should not obscure the contributions that could be made to our comprehension of the mediaeval epic of Spain by other methods of approach. It may t r a n s p i r e that the d i a l e c t i c between the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t and i n d i v i d u a l i s t schools reveals an opposition i n some respects more apparent than r e a l . The time may now be r i p e f or a work of synthesis that w i l l emphasize the complementary, rather than the c o n f l i c t i n g nature of the two main trends i n Cidian studies. 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aubrun, Charles V. 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