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Urban transportation policy and planning : |b an analysis of future directions for the metropolitan transportation… Glover, Robert Stanley 1978

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URBAN TRANSPORTATION POLICY AND PLANNING: AN ANALYSIS OF FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR THE METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION DECISIONMAKING PROCESS by Robert Stanley Glover B.A., University of British Columbia, 197^ A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in The Faculty of Graduate Studies School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British Columbia June, 197^ © Robert Stanley Glover, 197S In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Graduate Studies The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS Date May 8, 1973 at URBAN TRANSPORTATION POLICY AND PLANNING: AN ANALYSIS OF FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR THE METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION DECISION-MAKING PROCESS Abstract Despite the application of substantial financial and technological resources, metropolitan transportation conti-nues to pose an exceedingly complex problem for contemporary c i t i e s , one which threatens to seriously undermine the qual-i t y of urban l i f e . Numerous authors have attributed the often worsening problem of urban transportation to the ina-b i l i t y of transportation planning to achieve a high level of accomplishment. Serious concern for the urban future led the author to inquire what are the requirements necessary to equip the planning and policy processes to adapt to the challenge of the metropolitan transportation problem. Moreover, recog-nizing that future improvement of these processes would u l t i -mately require a responsive attitude from transportation decision-makers the study attempted to assess the extent to which politicians, planners and engineers recognized and accepted the requirements. Summarizing the views of a number of authors revealed three oft-mentioned goals towards which the transportation decision-making process should strive: comprehensiveness, coordination and participation. An essentially deductive approach was applied to f u l f i l l the f i r s t objective of assess-ing the validity of these conceptual goals as necessary ( i i ) requirements for future planning and policy in urban trans-portation. The f i r s t task involved an analysis of the relationship between urban transportation planning and the transportation problem. A description of i t s components evinced a multi-faceted problem of formidable scope and complexity. Tracing the development of transportation planning showed that over time, planning had broadened i t s scope in attempting to adapt to an expanding problem but had essentially retained an economic, technological and engineering orientation. However, the literature review identified a rapidly changing context of transportation planning which demanded increased awareness of the social/environmental impacts of urban transportation, the problems of mass transit and the desire of citizens for participation in the decision-making process. The older methodologies were found to be incompat-ible with these recently emerging concerns. To keep pace with a substantially redefined problem, the consensus of informed opinion confirmed the need for the planning process to develop a more comprehensive view, in-corporating the emerging issues in the development of multi-modal transportation systems with greater public participa-tion. These were to be combined with changes in the policy development process to ensure legislative and funding sup-port and a substantial degree of enforced coordination between fragmented transportation agencies for the effective delivery of transportation policy and programs. ( i i i ) The conclusions of the literature review were further supported by the results of a case study analysis of two major transportation planning efforts in the Greater Van-couver region. The fruitlessness of the freeway program was attributed to the absence of legislative and funding support combined with a narrow planning process lacking community participation. The provincial transit program, however, was founded on a firm policy base but encountered implementation problems as a result of i t s i n a b i l i t y to establish eoordinative mechanisms or s o l i c i t broad pa r t i c i -pation from interested agencies. A survey approach based on uniform interviews of trans-portation decision-makers in the Greater Vancouver produced retrospective evaluations of the two programs. The results substantively verified the case study conclusions, adding further credence to the necessity for comprehensiveness, coordination and participation in the planning and policy phases to ensure a f r u i t f u l outcome for the transportation decision-making process. The retrospective evaluations showed that decision-makers recognized the need for the conceptual goals. To assess their willingness to implement the requirements, the survey solicited their views on the desirable components of future policies and programs for Greater Vancouver. The results indicated strong support for a comprehensive and participatory planning process such as that of the GVRD as well as policies which took a comprehensive view, established (iv) an organization to coordinate the activities of implementing agencies and encouraged broad participation. On the basis of the results, the study concluded that the conceptual goals were necessary and that fundamental changes in the decision-making process were required to adapt the planning and policy processes to meet the new demands of the urban transportation problem. (v.) TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION The Problem Objectives Methodology The Interview Method Organization of the Balance of This Thesis Chapter 2. PLANNING FOR THE METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION PROBLEM The Components of the Metropolitan Transportation Problem - Transportation Service Problems - Problems Affected by Transportation - Problems Affecting Transportation - Summary The General Context of Urban Planning The Development of Transportation Planning The Future Requirements of Transportation Planning and Policy Development - Requirements of Transportation Planning - Requirements of Transportation Policy Process Chapter Summary Chapter 3. METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION PLANNING AND POLICY IN GREATER VANCOUVER Background The Provincial Freeway Program, 1959-1972 Retrospective Evaluations of the Freeway Program 1. Implementation Problem Factors 2. Program Improvement Factors Analysis of the Retrospective Evaluation of the Freeway Program ( v i ) The Provincial Transit Program, 1972-1975 Retrospective Evaluation of the Transit Program - Program Accomplishment Factors - Program Deficiency Factors - Program Improvement Factors Summary of Retrospective Evaluations of the Transit Program Concluding Interpretations of the Results - The Policy Development Phase - The Planning Phase - The Policy Implementation Phase Chapter Summary Chapter 4. FUTURE GOALS FOR TRANSPORTATION POLICY AND PROGRAMS The G.V.R.D. Transportation Policy and Program Analysis of the G.V.R.D. Transportation Policy and Program A Future Model for Urban Transportation Decision-Making - Governmental Involvement in Policy and Program Development - Agency Involvement in Transportation Policy Development - Policy Characteristics - Agency Involvement in Transportation Program Implementation - Program Characteristics - Program Components Chapter Summary Chapter 5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The Research Problem The Approach The Objectives ( v i i ) The Need f o r Comprehensiveness Coordination and P a r t i c i p a t i o n - General C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Components of the M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem - The Development of Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g - The Future Requirements o f Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g and P o l i c y - Recognition of the Future Requirements - Implementation of the Future Requirements - The Two Hypotheses - The Influence of H i s t o r i c a l F actors - The F i n a l A n a l y s i s - Areas f o r Further Research BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION (viii) LIST OF TABLES Page I . Implementation Problem F a c t o r s 76 I I . Program Improvement Factors 79 I I I . T r a n s i t Program Accomplishment Factors 96 IV. T r a n s i t Program D e f i c i e n c y Factors 100 V. T r a n s i t Program Improvement Factors 105 V I . GVRD Role i n Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y Development 132 V I I . Government L e v e l Involvement i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y and Program Development 13# V I I I . Agency Involvement i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y Development lA-1 IX. D e s i r a b l e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a Future T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y f o r Greater Vancouver 143 X. Agency Involvement i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Program Implementation 145 X I . D e s i r a b l e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Future T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Programs f o r Greater Vancouver 147 X I I . Important System Components of Future T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Programs f o r Greater Vancouver 149 (fx) LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Greater Vancouver 66 (A) 2 1959 Freeway Plan 71 (A) 3 Provincial Transit Program: Policy Statement 87 4 The Traditional Transportation Decision Making Process 174 5 A Model Transportation Decision Making Process 177 (x ) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis involved a substantial amount of work over the period of a year. The author gratefully acknowledges a l l those who provided their time, effort and ideas to the study: The works of Wilfred Owen, an astute observer of urban transportation, which provided the inspiration. Dr. H. Peter Oberlander who contributed his knowledge and patience during the course of this work. Dr. V. Setty Pendakur, Dr; Michael Poulton and Dr. Brahm Weisman who reviewed the original draft. The numerous politicians, planners and engineers who con-tributed their valuable opinions to the survey. My wife, Maxine, for her help at a l l times. 1 CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION C i t y planning i n Canada has been f o r c e d to cope with a vast array of grave maladies which threaten to undermine the q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n metropolitan areas. Serious urban i l l s such as poor housing, t r a f f i c congestion, neighbourhood des-t r u c t i o n , p o l l u t i o n , l a c k of open space and a e s t h e t i c deter-i o r a t i o n have combined to reduce the a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of c i t i e s as places i n which to l i v e and work. In many cases, the u n d e r l y i n g causes of urban d e t e r i o r -a t i o n can be traced to an i n c r e a s i n g imcompatability between the way people l i v e and the way they move. As W i l f r e d Owen observes: . . . c i t i e s have become i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to l i v e i n and to work i n l a r g e l y because they are d i f f i c u l t to move around i n . The r e s u l t s f o r urban s o c i e t y everywhere are congestion, p o l l u t i o n and a growing sense of f r u s t r a -t i o n . Where a l l - o u t e f f o r t s have been made"to accommo-date the car, the s t r e e t s are s t i l l congested, commuting i s i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t , urban a e s t h e t i c s have s u f f e r e d and the q u a l i t y of l i f e has been eroded.1 The preceding commentary by W i l f r e d Owen su b s t a n t i a t e s the existence of what i s commonly r e f e r r e d to as the metro-p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. Owen adopts a broad view o f the problem suggesting t h a t the q u a l i t y of urban l i f e w i l l depend to a g r e a t eextent on the c a p a b i l i t y of urban transpor-t-Wilfred Owen, The A c c e s s i b l e C i t y , Washington, D.C., 1972, p. 1. 2 t a t i o n planning to deal with the problem. However, i t i s c l e a r l y evident from Owen's commentary th a t not o n l y have the e f f o r t s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning not been resoundingly s u c c e s s f u l i n c u r i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i l l s but may even have been p a r t l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the erosion of urban l i f e . In t h i s sense, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning seems to have caused more problems than i t has solved. I f t h i s i s the case then a c t i o n to improve t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning becomes a p r e r e q u i s i t e not onl y to s o l v i n g urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems but a l s o to im-prov i n g t h e n q u a l i t y of urban l i f e . Otherwise, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning w i l l become a serious obstacle to c u r i n g urban i l l s . Owen's commentary suggests t h a t a major component of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem and indeed the urban problem i t -s e l f seems to be the i n a b i l i t y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning to achieve a high l e v e l of accomplishment. The f a i l u r e of t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n planning r a i s e s s e r i o u s doubts f o r the f u t u r e of metropol i t a n areas. I f the problems of c i t i e s are i n many cases worsening and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i s exacerbating urban i l l s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning could produce a v i c i o u s c y c l e of urban d e t e r i o r a t i o n . This concern f o r the f u t u r e leads one to i n q u i r e what are the xequirements to prepare t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning f o r the f u t u r e and, furthermore, to what extent w i l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning be prepared to accept these requirements as necessary to equip t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan-n i n g to meet the challenge of the metropo l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem i n a l l i t s r a m i f i c a t i o n s . To r e f l e c t these concerns, t h i s study examines the pro-cess of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y development from the viewpoint of i t s past and f u t u r e c a p a b i l i t y to d e a l with the m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. From a general per-s p e c t i v e , the process w i l l be described i n terms of i t s inadequacies and d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e goals. F o l l o w i n g t h i s d i s -c u ssion, the planning and p o l i c y development process w i l l be s p e c i f i c a l l y analyzed through a study of a s e l e c t e d metropol-i t a n a r e a — t h e Greater Vancouver r e g i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. T h i s study attempts to determine the a t t i t u d e s of t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n decision-makers to previous t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs f o r Greater Vancouver and develop f u t u r e goals f o r the p o l i c y process as w e l l as attempting to i s o l a t e the h i s -t o r i c a l determinants o f these a t t i t u d e s . Data f o r t h i s study was obtained from uniform i n t e r v i e w s given to a sample of seventeen p o l i t i c i a n s , planners, engineers and managers i n -volved i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and program development i n p r o v i n c i a l , r e g i o n a l and municipal governments and the p r i v a t e s e c t o r i n Greater Vancouver. The Problem An a n a l y s i s of the metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem r e q u i r e s f i r s t a d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . How-ever, the p e r c e p t i o n of the problem depends on the observer. To the average person, the metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-blem i s perceived i n terms of the p h y s i c a l d e f i c i e n c i e s of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. For the automobile user, the out-ward mani f e s t a t i o n s of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem are immedi-a t e l y apparent i n terms of t r a f f i c congestion, high c o s t s , discomfort and l a c k of s a f e t y ; or, i n the case of the mass 4 t r a n s i t user^ the problems of inconvenience, l a c k of comfort, low speed and obsolescent equipment. However, the p r a c t i c e d observers of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n are more l i k e l y to consider these p h y s i c a l d e f i c i e n c i e s as manifestations of a much deeper and broader problem. As W i l f r e d Owen has observed: The c o n f l i c t between the c i t y and the car and the absence of s a t i s f a c t o r y mass t r a n s i t s o l u t i o n s stem .. l a r g e l y from the f a c t that problems of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n have been viewed too narrowly . . . Di s c o v e r i n g s o l u -t i o n s to the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems of c i t i e s c a l l s f o r a broader view of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . 2 This absence of a "broad view" of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-blem which Owen considers r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the p h y s i c a l d e f i -c i e n c i e s of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system i s ofte n a t t r i b u t e d to the inadequacies of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. John Kain comments: Urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and operations are s e r i o u s l y d e f i c i e n t . In s p i t e o f "comprehensive" metro-p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t u d i e s i n n e a r l y every urban ai",':.".area, much t a l k of systems a n a l y s i s and frequent r e f e r -ences to balanced t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems, there i s l i t t l e meaningful o v e r a l l a n a l y s i s of urban t r a n s p o r t problems.3 The views of Owen and Kain are echoed by numerous an a l -y s t s of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. These observers p o i n t to se r i o u s d e f i c i e n c i e s and the need f o r improvements i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. The l i t e r a t u r e on the subject abounds with s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of the tr a n s p o r t planning process. The conclusions of such noted t r a n s p o r t a t i o n auth-o r i t i e s as W i l f r e d Owen, John K a i n , L y l e F i t c h , John Dickey W i l f r e d Owen, The A c c e s s i b l e C i t y , p. 133. hobn'F. K a i n , Essays on Urban S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e , Cambridge, Mass., 1975, p. 323. 5 and numerous others w i l l be presented more f u l l y l a t e r i n t h i s study. At t h i s p o i n t , however, i t would be valuable to b r i e f l y summarize some of t h e i r observations on t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning. Over the years since the beginning of the past decade, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n a l y s t s have uncovered more and more flaws i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. In the s i x t i e s , W i l f r e d Owen and L y l e F i t c h saw the major obstacles to e f f e c t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning as being the fragmentation of transf. p o r t a t i o n i n s t i t u t i o n s , the absence of long term budgetary 4 p o l i c i e s and a l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n with land use planning. Both i n d i c a t e d the need f o r more comprehensive f i n a n c i n g and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l arrangements, and more broadly defined goals f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Smerk echoed the need f o r t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n to r e f l e c t sound l a n d use planning while G w i l l i a m adopted an economic approach which suggested t h a t transport planning must achieve modal c o o r d i n a t i o n f o r greater t r a n s -5 port e f f i c i e n c y . The e a r l y years of the seventies saw t r a n s p o r t a t i o n w r i t e r s responding to a perceived degradation of the urban environment by p r o l i f e r a t i n g automobiles and undesirable freeways. Dickey, Appleyard, Wellman, Geiser and many others ^ W i l f r e d Owen, The M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P.roblem, Washington, D.C., 1967: L y l e F i t c h , Urban Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n and  P u b l i c P o l i c y , San F r a n c i s c o , 1964. ^George M. Smerk, Urban Transportation:.The Federal Role, Bloomington," Indiana, 1966; K.M. G w i l l i a m , Transport and  P u b l i c P o l i c y , London, 1964. 6 sounded a c a l l f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning to be more respon-s i v e to the s o c i a l and environmental c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Most of these a n a l y s t s viewed more extensive c i t i z e n involvement as the l o g i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e to an unresponsive and bureaucra-t i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process. However, K a i n returned f u l l c i r c l e to a t t r i b u t e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning's over-emphasis on freeway and r a i l investments to i n s t i t u t i o n a l 7 fragmentation.' The preceding c r i t i c i s m s r a i s e serious doubts about the adequacy of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and suggest the need f o r immediate improvements. However, these informed e v a l u a t i o n s present only a d i s o r d e r l y patchwork of recommen-dations f o r the f u t u r e needs of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. They touch on s p e c i f i c inadequacies of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning but do not capture the essence of the problem. A more comprehen-s i v e and coherent p r e s e n t a t i o n of f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n s f o r t r a n s -d p o r t planning i s provided by Mannheim and S u h r b i e r . John W. Dickey, M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning, Washington, D.C., 1975; Donald Appleyard, S o c i a l and E n v i -ronmental P o l i c i e s f o r T r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n the 1970 's, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a , 1971; B a r r y Wellman, S t r a t e g y and  T a c t i c s f o r P u b l i c P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning  i n North America, Toronto, 197^; Kenneth R. Geiser," J r . , Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Decision-Making, Boston, 1971. 7 'John F. K a i n , Essays on Urban S p a t i a l -Structure, Cambridge, Mass., 1975. %1. L. Mannheim and J . M. Suhrbier, I n c o r p o r a t i n g  S o c i a l and Environmental Factors i n Highway P l a n n i n g and  Design, S p e c i a l Report 130i Highway Research Board, Washington, D.C., 1973. 7 The a n a l y s i s of transport planning by Mannheim and Subrbier was prompted by a perceived need to i n c o r p o r a t e s o c i a l and environmental f a c t o r s i n t o the design of urban highways'; Admittedly, t h i s motivation represents a somewhat l i m i t e d p e r s p e c t i v e on the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem but the authors expand t h i s focus i n t o a comprehensive view of the f u t u r e needs of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . They o u t l i n e a set of b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s that are i n d i c a t i v e of the kinds of con-s i d e r a t i o n s which w i l l have to be addressed i n f u t u r e metro-p o l i t a n planning endeavours. As such, they may provide a b a s i s f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n s . The urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning p r i n c i p l e s which emerge from t h e i r a n a l y s i s are grouped under va r i o u s head-ings which e x p l a i n the general t h r u s t of each p r i n c i p l e and o are described as f o l l o w s : 1. S i n g l e Multimodal T r a n s p o r t a t i o n System A government t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o r g a n i z a t i o n should work to provide t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as a s e r v i c e , c o o r d i n a t i n g a l l modes of a r e g i o n and a l l options i n c l u d i n g not only investment i n f i x e d f a c i l i t i e s but a l s o o p e r a t i n g and p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s . 2. A l t e r n a t i v e s and Options A range of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n options are a v a i l a b l e and should be developed at a l l l e v e l s of t e c h n i c a l studies to b r i n g out the issues and to a s s i s t the community i n c l a r i f y i n g i t s o b j e c t i v e s and reaching a d e c i s i o n . M. L. Mannheim and J . M. Suhrbier, pp. 16, 17. 3. E f f e c t s I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and p r e d i c t i o n of s o c i a l , economic and environmental e f f e c t s should be based on the group c a f f e c t e d . 4. A n a l y s i s Tools The t e c h n i c a l a n a l y s i s t o o l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those f o r systems s t u d i e s , should be responsive to the p r i n c i p l e s of supply/demand e q u i l i b r i u m and community/environment impacts. 5. U n c e r t a i n t y The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n should e x p l i c i t l y recognize u n c e r t a i n t y . 6. E v a l u a t i o n E v a l u a t i o n of a planning process should occur p e r i o d i -c a l l y throughout the course of s t u d i e s and should guide a process by suggesting p r i o r i t i e s f o r subsequent a c t i -v i t i e s . 7. P u b l i c Involvement I n t e r a c t i o n between the t e c h n i c a l team and p o t e n t i a l l y a f f e c t e d communities should occur at a l l planning l e v e l s . 8. D e c i s i o n Process The process through which d e c i s i o n s are reached should provide o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r n e g o t i a t i o n among a f f e c t e d i n t e r e s t groups. 9. E q u i t y T r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n s should be based on the p r i n c i p l e of e q u i t y . 10. I n s t i t u t i o n s The arrangement and the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of 9 p o l i t i c a l and t e c h n i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n f l u e n c e the degree to which s o c i a l and environmental c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are i n -corporated i n t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making. The p r i n c i p l e s proposed by Mannheim and Suhrbi e r are important f o r the purposes of t h i s study because they synthe-s i z e the s p e c i f i c concerns of past commentators i n t o an over-a l l statement of o b j e c t i v e s f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. However, to tra c e the source of the inadequacies of urban planning we should c a r r y the synt h e s i s one step f u r t h e r . By the process o f f u r t h e r deduction, these o b j e c t i v e s can be t r a n s l a t e d i n t o goals which may provide fundamental concepts to e x p l a i n the inadequacies and needs of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Although the p r i n c i p l e s cover diverse aspects of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process, i t i s p o s s i b l e to detect c e r t a i n commonalities which bind the p r i n c i p l e s together. These commonalities represent the o v e r r i d i n g goals f o r the f u t u r e of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . The p r i n c i p l e s enunciated by Mannheim and Suhrbier spe-c i f y the purpose of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as a s e r v i c e f o r the " p u b l i c good." T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s evidenced by the authors' concern t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n s r e f l e c t the co n s i d e r a t i o n s of e q u i t y and c i t i z e n involvement. To f u l f i l l t h i s purpose, the authors advocate a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process which d e f i n e s the p u b l i c good more broadly by more people. The n e c e s s i t y f o r a comprehensive view i s suggested by the authors' p r e s c r i p t i o n s t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning con-s i d e r " a l l modes and options" and, more importantly, t h e i r 10 s o c i a l , economic and environmental e f f e c t s on the community. Moreover, i t i s c l e a r that t h i s o v e r a l l view can only be generated through involvement of " a f f e c t e d i n t e r e s t groups." The term " i n t e r e s t groups" must be broadly d e f i n e d as i n c l u d -i n g not only l a y c i t i z e n s but a l s o numerous p u b l i c and p r i v a t e agencies and o r g a n i z a t i o n s having an " i n t e r e s t " i n transpor-t a t i o n decision-making. And f i n a l l y , Mannheim and Suhrbier foresee implementation of t h i s broader perspective and more extensive involvement through a s i n g l e government organiza-t i o n e n f o r c i n g the c o o r d i n a t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s . Thus, the p r i n c i p l e s o u t l i n e d by Mannheim and Suhrbier seem to propose three major goals f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. These goals are described below. 1. Comprehensiveness To r e f l e c t the character of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of an i n t e r a c t i v e and interdependent urban sys-tem, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning must be comprehensive i n respect to: a) the d e f i n i t i o n of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. (Transpor-t a t i o n planning should e x p l i c i t l y recognize not only the d i r e c t s e r v i c e problems but a l s o the i n d i r e c t impacts and the e f f e c t s on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of other components of the urban system.) b) the development of o v e r a l l goals and o b j e c t i v e s f o r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system i n r e l a t i o n to broader community, r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l goals. c) the generation of a l t e r n a t i v e s which consider a l l a v a i l -able modes and options. 11 d) the use o f c r i t e r i a to measure the success i n meeting the goals or to evaluate a l t e r n a t i v e s . 2. P a r t i c i p a t i o n This goal a s s e r t s that the interdependencies of transpor-t a t i o n w i t h i n the urban system w i l l not be f u l l y recognized by decision-makers without the involvement of d i v e r s e i n d i v i -duals, groups and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The goal of p a r t i c i p a t i o n seeks the involvement i n the decision-making process of three groups: a) those groups p r e s e n t l y i n v o l v e d i n p r o v i d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s , i . e . , a l l l e v e l s of government and p r i v a t e operat-i n g agencies; b) those groups who w i l l be a f f e c t e d by ( o r impacted by) urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n s ; and, c) those groups whose d e c i s i o n s w i l l a f f e c t urban tra n s p o r t a -t i o n . P a r t i c i p a t i o n assumes a l i m i t e d perception by t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning of the problem, goals, a l t e r n a t i v e s and c r i t e r i a f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n which must be supplemented by a d i v e r s i t y of views i n order to approach comprehensiveness. 3. Coordination This goal recognizes that an interdependent t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system re q u i r e s c o o r d i n a t i o n of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s f o r the e f f e c t i v e implementation of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o b j e c t i v e s and e f f i c i e n t d e l i v e r y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . Coordina-t i o n attempts to overcome the narrow perspec t i v e associated with i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation and i s thus a p r e r e q u i s i t e 12 to implementation of comprehensive t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o b j e c t i v e s . The p r i n c i p l e s enunciated by Mannheim and Suhrbier were intended by the authors as d i r e c t i o n s f o r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process. However, the goals derived from these p r i n c i p l e s are a p p l i c a b l e to both the p o l i c y development and planning processes. Together, both p o l i c y and planning r e -present key components of the o v e r a l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process. The f u n c t i o n of the p o l i c y development pro-cess i s to broadly assess the problem, develop goals, objec-t i v e s and p o l i c i e s guide, the planning process and e s t a b l i s h the i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanisms to implement the products of the planning process. The planning process i m p l i e s a narrower f u n c t i o n of developing programs achieve the o b j e c t i v e s defined by the p o l i c y process. Therefore, from t h i s p o i n t on, t h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l examine not only t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning but the broader decision-making process and the inadequacies and needs of i t s p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y components. The conceptual framework derived from the a n a l y s i s by Mannheim and S u h r b i e r provides a basis f o r d i s c u s s i o n of ur-ban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the con-cepts r a i s e two c r i t i c a l questions concerning the f u t u r e of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning: a) Does the evidence from other sources support the need f o r comprehensiveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making? b) I f so, to what extent i s urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making equipped to recognize comprehensiveness, p a r t i c i p a -t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n as necessary to deal with the urban 13 t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem? To answer the f i r s t question, i t i s necessary to examine a d d i t i o n a l sources from the l i t e r a t u r e on the s u b j e c t of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and p l a n n i n g . These supplementary e v a l -u a t i o n s are c r i t i c a l to describe the components of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem, to determine the inadequacies of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning and to i d e n t i f y the neces-sary adaptations to equip the decision-making process to meet the challenge o f the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. In addi-t i o n , t h i s s u b j e c t i v e evidence could provide c e r t a i n i n s i g h t s i n t o the c a p a b i l i t y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making to r e s -pond to the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem, i^.e., the concerns expressed i n the second question. However, i t must be recog-n i z e d that these s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s represent only a narrow sampling of views among urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -makers—the planners, engineers and other decision-makers who must assume the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e v i s i n g t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning. I n t u i t i v e evidence can s u b s t a n t i a t e the g o a l s f o r t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n decision-making but the r e a l i z a t i o n o f a comprehen-s i v e , p a r t i c i p a t o r y and coordinated process w i l l u l t i m a t e l y be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the p o l i t i c i a n s , managers, planners, engineers and others involved i n the day-to-day planning and operation of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Thus, the extent to which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making w i l l be equipped to deal with the metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem w i l l depend on the eventual adoption of these goals by the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Admit-t e d l y , however, adoption does not guarantee immediate r e v i s i o n 14 of the process but i t i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e to the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of these goals i n t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs. Tra n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs are the end product of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making. As the outputs of the planning process, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs w i l l be only as e f f e c t i v e as the process i t s e l f . Therefore, i f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y i s to r e f l e c t the goals of comprehen siveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n , then the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making process must incorporate these goals. And f i n a l l y , the degree to which the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development process i n t e r n a l i z e s these goals w i l l depend on t h e i r r e c o g n i t i o n by policy-makers. The importance to the development of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l -i c y of the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by numerous p o l i c y a n a l y s t s i n c l u d i n g Richard H o f f e r b e r t . In a t r e a t i s e e n t i t l e d , "The Study of P u b l i c P o l i c y , " he observes t h a t P o l i c y development i s g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the p r e d i l -e c t i o n s , preferences, o r i e n t a t i o n s and expectations of policy-makers. ...the form of the options and the manner of t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n are d e c i s i v e l y dependent on i n d i -v i d u a l perceptions and preferences.10 By a s s e r t i n g the importance of the human dimension to th emergence of p u b l i c p o l i c y , H o f f e r b e r t provides a more r e a l i s t i c and p r a c t i c a l explanation of the dynamics of the p o l i c y development process. Since h i s conclxxsions are derived from x Richard H o f f e r b e r t , The Study of P u b l i c P o l i c y , New York, 1974, p. 362 15 an a n a l y s i s of numerous case s t u d i e s i n p u b l i c p o l i c y develop-ment, H o f f e r b e r t i s able to provide many i n s i g h t s to e x p l a i n how p o l i c i e s are a c t u a l l y created. H o f f e r b e r t o u t l i n e s a process i n which p o l i c y emerges from a complex i n t e r p l a y of h i s t o r i c a l circumstances, the a t t i t u d e s of policy-makers and the i n t e r a c t i o n of the major a c t o r s i n the process. H i s t o r i c a l circumstances set the stage and provide the range o f options a v a i l a b l e to p o l i c y -makers, thereby c r e a t i n g some c r i t i c a l aspects of the occa-11 s i o n f o r d e c i s i o n . H i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s thus c o n d i t i o n to some extent the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers from which p o l -i c i e s and programs emerge. At t h i s p o i n t , the p o l i t i c a l pro-cess i s set i n operation through which p o l i c y i s delayed, shaped and advanced i n terms of an i n t e r p l a y between agency i n i t i a t i v e , l e g i s l a t i v e perception of p r i o r i t i e s and p r i v a t e 12 group a c t i v i t i e s . H o f f e r b e r t ' s study of the formation of p u b l i c p o l i c y suggests an approach to the a n a l y s i s of the p o l i c y develop-ment process f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The f i r s t step i n t h i s approach r e q u i r e s evidence to v e r i f y the concepts of comprehensiveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n as neces-sary to prepare t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning to cope with the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. I f these concepts are supported by the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e then i t becomes necessary to determine the degree of preparedness of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan-1 : L H o f f e r b e r t , The Study of P u b l i c P o l i c y , p. 357 1 2 I b i d . , p. 372 16 n i n g . On the b a s i s of H o f f e r b e r t ' s t h e o r i e s , t h i s question can be addressed by 1. d e s c r i b i n g the h i s t o r i c a l circumstances which c o n d i t i o n the a t t i t u d e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-makers; 2. determining the extent to which the a t t i t u d e s of d e c i s i o n -makers recognize the need f o r comprehensiveness, p a r t i c i p a -t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n the development of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs. However, the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s approach to the problem has c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s . F i r s t , s ince there e x i s t s a wide v a r i a t i o n i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n backgrounds of metropolitan r e g i o n s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to describe i n general terms a p p l i c -able to a l l c i t i e s , these p e c u l i a r h i s t o r i c a l circumstances. And second, there i s an o v e r r i d i n g problem of i n s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n about the a t t i t u d e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -makers to permit o b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n . A search of the l i t e r -ature revealed a complete l a c k of e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s on the a t t i t u d e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-makers to the needs of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n process. A major problem then i s the ab-sence of o b j e c t i v e information about the a t t i t u d e s o f d e c i -s i o n makers without which an accurate e v a l u a t i o n of transpor-t a t i o n decision-making cannot be made. Obviously then, these two l i m i t a t i o n s w i l l d i c t a t e the method of approach to the question of determining the extent to which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making i s equipped to deal w i t h the m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. The n e c e s s i t y f o r h i s t o r i c a l evidence l i m i t s the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s approach to a s p e c i f i c metropolitan area. Furthermore, the absence of 17 o b j e c t i v e evidence about the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers underscores the n e c e s s i t y f o r an e m p i r i c a l study of t h i s s u b j e c t . Together, these concerns g e n e r a l l y p r e s c r i b e the o b j e c t i v e s and methodology of t h i s study: to determine the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers toward the need f o r comprehen-siveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y development through an o b j e c t i v e study o f a s e l e c t e d m e t r o p o l i t a n area. Objectives The o b j e c t i v e s of t h i s study of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making i n a s e l e c t e d metropolitan area have been i m p l i e d i n the course of s t a t i n g the research problem. The o b j e c t i v e s r a i s e a. number of questions concerning t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan-n i n g which must be answered to f u l f i l l the purposes of t h i s study. Both the o b j e c t i v e s and t h e i r r e l a t e d questions are described as f o l l o w s : 1. To a s c e r t a i n the need f o r comprehensiveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n the planning and p o l i c y development "process f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , a) what are the components of the metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem? b) what are the d e f i c i e n c i e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y i n d e a l i n g with the problem? c) what should be the goals of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making? These questions w i l l be a p p l i e d to both the general a n a l y s i s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making and the s p e c i f i c study of 18 transportation efforts in the study area. An historical anal-ysis of previous efforts in the study area could isolate the important historical variables which may or may not influence the attitudes of decision-makers. Therefore, an additional question is proposed: d) what are the historical factors which influence the attitudes of decision-makers in the study area? 2. To determine the extent to which transportation decision making in the selected metropolitan area is equipped to  deal with the; metropolitan transportation problem, a) to what extent do decision-makers recognize the defi-ciencies of past efforts in transportation planning undertaken within the study area as evincing a lack of comprehensiveness, participation or coordination? b) to what extent do decision-makers recognize the pro-posed goals as future needs for transportation policy development in the study area? The tendency of transportation decision-makers to recognize previous deficiencies in transportation planning as a basis for the future needs of planning is'important for this anal-ysis. The degree of correspondence between past deficiencies and future needs provides an indicator of the influence of historical variables on the present attitudes of decision-makers. Thus achieving this second objective could provide an answer to the question: c) to what extent do historical factors influence the attitudes of decision-makers to the needs of transpor-tation decision-making? 19 To f u l f i l l the two major o b j e c t i v e s - o f t h i s study, the metropo l i t a n area s e l e c t e d as the study area f o r t h i s research was the Greater Vancouver r e g i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia. Greater Vancouver represents a l o g i c a l choice f o r an a n a l y s i s of t h i s k i n d . The exist e n c e of numerous and v a r i e d previous e f f o r t s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n the area provides a r i c h source o f m a t e r i a l f o r examination and a n a l y s i s . In a d d i t i o n , the f a c t that these previous e f f o r t s occurred w i t h i n comparatively recent h i s t o r y permits a reasonably " f r e s h " r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of these e f f o r t s by decision-makers. And f i n a l l y , i t i s an advantage f o r t h i s study that major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s p r e s e n t l y underway i n the Vancouver region have focussed the concern of decision-makers on urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n problems i n the area. V/hat are these previous and present t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ef-f o r t s r e f e r r e d to i n t h i s discussion? T r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning on a region-wide s c a l e was v i r t u a l l y non-existent b e f o r e the e a r l y f i f t i e s . Since then, three major metropolitan t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n programs have emerged: 1. the metrop o l i t a n freeway program, 1959-1972; 2. the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program, 1973-1975; and 3. the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program, 1971-1977. -! These programs represent attempts to plan, organize and fund l a r g e - s c a l e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems f o r Greater Vancouver. The metropolitan freeway program envisaged the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a system of urban highways through the C i t y of Vancouver to i n t e r c o n n e c t e x i s t i n g bridge l i n k s with an east-west and 20 north-south freeway already under c o n s t r u c t i o n at the time. The p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program proposed an i n t e g r a t e d t r a n s i t system comprising interconnected suburban and l o c a l bus ser-v i c e s , l i g h t r a i l t r a n s i t , commuter r a i l and a modern f e r r y s e r v i c e . The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t (GVRD) t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program of i n t e g r a t e d t r a n s i t and road improve-ments emerged as p a r t of a r e g i o n a l plan f o r growth d e c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n i n t o suburban town c e n t r e s . Despite the expenditure of s u b s t a n t i a l time, e f f o r t and money i n the development of these programs, none of the sys-tems have been implemented i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y . The metropoli-tan freeway program completed two suburban highway l i n k s before being shelved a f t e r massive c i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n i n Vancouver. The p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program completed some pro-j e c t s f o r suburban bus s e r v i c e extension, as w e l l as a com-muter f e r r y s e r v i c e , while faced w i t h numerous inter-agency disagreements. The GVRD t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program has been under n e g o t i a t i o n since 1975. Thus, although some t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o j e c t s have been completed, major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n i t i a t i v e s have encountered s u b s t a n t i a l o b s t a c l e s to implementation. But whether these past d i f f i c u l t i e s can be a t t r i b u t e d to a l a c k of comprehen-siveness, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n the planning pro-cess i s open to question. However, the c r u c i a l question i s whether present decision-makers recognize these proposed goals as absent i n previous p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s and are prepared to accept them as necessary f u t u r e g o a l s . To guide the anal-y s i s of these questions, the f o l l o w i n g hypotheses w i l l be te s t e d : 21 Hypothesis 1 That past efforts in transportation decision-making for Greater Vancouver were hindered by attitudes of decision-mak-ers which were not responsive to the goals of comprehensive-ness, participation or coordination. Hypothesis 2 That present transportation decision-makers in Greater Vancouver accept comprehensiveness, participation and coordi-nation as necessary goals for the development of future trans-portation policy and programs. As those hypotheses and the aforementioned objectives have not been rigorously examined, i t has been decided in this study to present an overview from which tentative con-clusions may be drawn as a basis f o r further research. Obvi-ously caution must be exercised in generally applying the conclusions derived from an analysis of a specific urban region. However, the absence of research in this c r i t i c a l area validates the objectives of this study as a foundation for further work on this subject. Methodology The methodology for this study was designed in accordance with the objectives. This research involves methodological steps which are complementary and logically sequential. Or-ganization of this thesis i s based on these steps which are described as follows: 22 1. Identify the components of the metropolitan transportation  problem. It was necessary to determine the components of the metro-politan transportation problem on both a general theoreti-cal level and more specifically, in terms of the Greater Vancouver study area. A review of literature provided a complex of overall problem variables. Analysis of the background of transportation planning in Greater Vancouver isolated the c r i t i c a l problem components peculiar to the study area. 2. Evaluate transportation decision-making. Effective solutions to the metropolitan transportation problem w i l l depend on the capability of transportation decision-making. To assess this capability, this study undertook an extensive review of overall evaluation of transportation planning in the literature. It was intended that from this composite of informed opinion, this study could derive tentative goals for transportation decision making. 3' Assess previous transportation planning outputs in the  study area. Having derived the tentative overall goals, i t was neces-sary to determine the importance of these goals as require-ments for transportation planning in the study area. This was accomplished through uniform interviews given to a sample of the major decision-makers involved in transpor-tation planning in Greater Vancouver. Part of the inter-view was devoted to open-ended questions which solicited 23 the respondents' retrospective evaluations of the policy and program development process involving two past and one 13 present transportation i n i t i a t i v e . These were: a) the metropolitan freeway program; b) the provincial transit program; and c) the GVRD transportation program. This method has certain limitations which must be recog-nized. The responses of decision-makers introduce a cer-tain degree of subjectivity into the evaluation of trans-portation planning. Regardless of the sample size, i t i s possible to overlook c r i t i c a l variables in the transporta-tion planning process. However, the use of open-ended questions to some degree, overcomes this deficiency by permitting greater freedom of interviewee response. The alternative methods of the case study or the objective measurement of predefined variables were not considered suitable for the purposes of this study. Additional limitations are imposed by the interview approach. Subjective reaction to the interviewer may con-dition the response. Moreover, the method is time-consum-ing, thus, limiting sample size. However, despite these deficiencies of approach, the objectives of this study require an assessment of transportation decisionr-making derived from the attitudes of decision-makers. Consider-ing this objective, no other method was satisfactory for the purposes of this research. •'refer to Appendix for the interview questions. 24 4 . Test the two hypotheses. It has been hypothesized that the capability of transpor-tation policy and planning to effectively deal with the metropolitan transportation problem depends upon the a t t i -tude of decision-makers to the goals of a) comprehensive-ness, b) participation, and c) coordination. The data on retrospective evaluations of decision-makers may accept or reject this hypothesis regarding previous transportation planning effects on the study area. To test a second hypothesis concerning future transporta-tion planning and policy development, interviewees were 14 asked to rank items in a group of possible responses. The questions were designed to test the respondents' a t t i -tude to the ( i) extent of involvement of a number of organizations, agencies and groups in the development of future transpor-tation policies and programs in the study area; ( i i ) the desirable characteristics of future transportation policies and programs in the study area. If the data obtained from the survey substantiate both hypotheses then there is reason to believe that transpor-tation policy and planning in the study area i s equipped to deal with the metropolitan transportation problem. 5. Determine the future needs for transportation policy and  programs in Greater Vancouver. A supplementary objective of this study i s to provide a basis for present transportation policy-makers to deter-14' see Appendix for the rinterview.questions. 25 mine the desirable components of future policies. The sam-pled decision-makers represent a partial cross-section of informed opinion on the subject of transportation planning in Greater Vancouver. As such, their views provide valu-able suggestions which should be carefully considered by policy-makers assigned the task of developing future urban transportation policies and programs. The Interview Method The uniform interviews were delivered during numerous meetings in the offices and homes of the interviewees. Since each interview occupied approximately 45 minutes, time con-straints limited the sample size to seventeen respondents. The limitations on sample size necessitated obtaining as broad a cross-section of transportation decision-makers as 15 possible. y The sample included: a) one former Minister of Municipal Affairs of the Province of British Columbia; b) one o f f i c i a l of the Provincial Department of Municipal Affairs, Bureau of Transit Services; c) four mayors of Greater Vancouver municipalities; d) an alderman of the City of Vancouver; e) four planning o f f i c i a l s of the Greater Vancouver Regional District; f) two planning directors of Greater Vancouver municipalities; g) the Municipal Engineer of the City of Vancouver; 1 % e e Appendix for l i s t of respondents. 26 h) a planning o f f i c i a l from the Municipality of Delta; i) two o f f i c i a l s of B.C. Hydro Transit Division. The respondents, therefore, comprised o f f i c i a l s from a l l levels of government except the Federal level, and from a Crown corporation involved in transit operations. Organization of the Balance of This Thesis The balance of this thesis i s directed towards elaborat-ing on the proposed objectives according to the prescribed methodology. Chapter Two presents a review of the literature that details the components of the metropolitan transporta-tion problem and the overall deficiencies and needs of the transportation decision-making process. Chapter Three pro-vides an histor i c a l review and survey analysis of the provin-c i a l freeway and transit programs for the Greater Vancouver region. Chapter Four presents a review of the GVRD policy and planning process for urban transportation and provides an analysis of the survey results pertaining to desirable char-acteristics and components of future transportation policies and programs for Greater Vancouver. And f i n a l l y , Chapter Five summarizes the results and conclusions of this study. 27 CHAPTER 2 PLANNING FOR THE  METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION PROBLEM The previous chapter identified a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction concerning the accomplishments of transporta-tion planning. These doubts expressed serious reservations about the capability of transportation planning to contend with the metropolitan transportation problem. Briefly summar-izing the observations of concerned professionals in the f i e l d produced a tentative.statement of future goals for the overall transportation decision-making process and i t s policy and planning components. This chapter attempts to further develop the conceptual goal framework established in the introduction. Recognizing that transportation policy and planning must be suited to the demands of the problem, this chapter begins with complete ex-position of the dimensions of the metropolitan transportation problem to identify i t s components and ramifications for the decision-making process. From this point, the -discussion w i l l then move on to evaluate the decision-making process and i t s planning, policy development and policy implementation stages. The analysis w i l l attempt to assess the extent to which plan-ning and policy is adapted to the problem and the future needs of the decision-making process. This approach offers a meth-od to test the validity of comprehensiveness, coordination and participation as future goals for transportation decision-making. 28 Having outlined the intent of this chapter, this discus-sion can now proceed to examine the urban transportation pro-blem. The Components of the Metropolitan Transportation Problem As has been suggested several times up to this point, the scope of urban transportation is so broad that a complete catalogue of the problems directly or indirectly influenced by transportation is an almost impossible task. The most organized accounting of urban transportation problems the auth-or has encountered in the literature thus far i s provided by 1 6 John Dickey in his work, Metropolitan Transportation Planning. Therefore, this section borrows heavily from Dickey's presenta-tion of the problem components. Dickey delineates the urban transportation problem domain by three general classess: a) direct transportation service problems, b) problems affected by (or impacted by) transportation, and 17 c) problems that affect transportation. The problems associated with each class are briefly des-cribed in the following. Transportation Service Problems These are the problems such as congestion, dfelay, the high l 6John Dickey, pp. 47-72. 1 7 I b i d . , p. 47. 29 cost of travel, safety and lack of privacy that primarily affect the user of the transportation system. a) , Congestion This i s perhaps the most immediately apparent of transpor-tation problems forcing transportation users to contend with long travel times and delays in movement. Congestion i s often expressed in economic terms as an excess of travel demand over the supply of road space resulting in a lower-ing of overall speed and ease of movement for both automo-biles and transit. Although average vehicle speeds have -generally been rising over the years, especially in cities with well-developed freeway systems, congestion at peak hours remains a major problem. b) Inadequate Capacity This problem results from insufficient f a c i l i t i e s to accom-modate the demand for travel when and where i t occurs. Lack of capacity results in slowdowns and delays in travel and i s thus a supplementary problem to that of congestion. c) High User Cost For most households, transportation costs as a proportion of the total budget are exceeded only by the costs of shelter and food. The high costs of transportation produce social equity considerations for those who cannot afford an automobile and for whom transit i s inadequate. Wilfred Owen, The Metropolitan Transportation Problem, p. 1461. 30 d) High F a c i l i t y Cost and Low Rate of Return The costs of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s provided to the user have been r a p i d l y e s c a l a t i n g i n recent years. In the case of roads, t r a n s p o r t investment costs place a heavy burden on tax sources of t e n pre-empting other uses of p u b l i c funds. This problem i s the source of t r a n s i t f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . Faced w i t h low patronage, r e l a -t i v e l y f i x e d revenues and r i s i n g operating c o s t s , t r a n s i t companies are f o r c e d t o e i t h e r r a i s e r a t e s or reduce se r -v i c e s — a v i c i o u s c i r c l e which s e r i o u s l y undermines the r e v e n u e r p o s i t i o n of companies over the long terra. e) Lack of Safety f o r the User I n j u r i e s from automobile a c c i d e n t s exceed by ten times a l l v i o l e n t c r i m i n a l a c t s combined.^ Automobile a c c i -dents per passenger m i l e f a r exceed those of t r a n s i t modes. Accidents r e s u l t i n huge f i n a n c i a l costs t o s o c i e t y and immeasurable costs i n l o s s of l i f e or s e r i -ous i n j u r y . f ) Lack of P r i v a c y and Discomfort Both of these are major problems of mass t r a n s i t which reduce i t s competitive p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s the automobile. Problems A f f e c t e d by T r a n s p o r t a t i o n These problems represent the major impacts of urban 19 U.S. Department of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , Second Annual Report  to the Congress on the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Highway s a f e t y Act of 1966, (Washington D.C. 1969), p. 3. 31 t r a n s p o r t systems on both users and e s p e c i a l l y non-users. a ) A i r P o l l u t i o n The noxious fumes produced by engine exhaust are respon-s i b l e f o r almost h a l f of a l l p o l l u t a n t s i n the a i r . S u l -f u r oxides and carbon monoxide can cause damage to p l a n t l i f e , i r r i t a t e the eyes and upper r e s p i r a t o r y t r a c t , and may be cancer producing. Many of the adverse e f f e c t s of a i r p o l l u t i o n are d i f f i c u l t t o measure and hence unpre-d i c t a b l e . b) Noise One of the major impacts of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems on urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s n o i s e . I t i s a by-product of almost a l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems and i s e s p e c i a l l y acute i n a i r c r a f t , buses, subway and r a i l r o a d t r a i n s . A b u t t i n g b u i l d i n g s on major a r t e r i a l s are exposed to almost constant noise l e v e l s of 70 - SO d e c i b e l s , equiv-a l e n t to that of a continuously o p e r a t i n g vacuum cleaner at a distance of 10 f e e t . c) V i s u a l I n t r u s i o n and Poor Appearance Standards of beauty i n the urban landscape are r e l a t i v e t o the i n d i v i d u a l and t h e r e f o r e d i f f i c u l t to measure. However, the paraphernalia of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ve-h i c l e s , parking l o t s , signs and s i g n a l s are too seldom designed to enhance the v i s u a l appearance of the urban environment when t r a f f i c e f f i c i e n c y becomes the major design c r i t e r i a . 32 <*) Excessive Right-of-Way and R e l o c a t i o n Requirements The need f o r movement places formidable demands on the r e l a t i v e l y scarce and valuable commodity of urban la n d . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n uses are second only to housing as con-sumers of urban l a n d . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s of one k i n d or another occupy about 35-40 percent of the la n d i n c i t i e s r i s i n g to 55 percent i n some c i t i e s . These excessive space demands pre-empt l a n d from other uses and o f t e n f o r c e the p a i n f u l u p rooting of neighbourhood r e s i d e n t s . e) I n o r d i n a t e Changes i n Land Values Another aspect of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n and l a n d use i s the impact of t r a n s p o r t f a c i l i t i e s on l a n d values. The value added or subtracted from a piece of l a n d by changes i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y can be both dramatic and u n p r e d i c t a b l e . f ) I n a p p r o p r i a t e or Undesirable Land Development Land development goes hand i n hand w i t h a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The type and p a t t e r n of the t r a n s p o r t system c o n d i t i o n s the nature, d i r e c t i o n and extent of l a n d development thus g u i d i n g urban s t r u c t u r e towards e i t h e r d i s p e r s a l or concentration. This r e l a t i o n s h i p u n d e r l i n e s the need f o r l a n d use c o n s i d e r a t i o n s to be given considerable a t t e n t i o n i n the t r a n s p o r t planning process. 33 g) Unequal Impact on C e r t a i n Population Groups The costs and b e n e f i t s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n impacts seldom f a l l evenly among pop u l a t i o n groups. Too o f t e n , most of the b e n e f i t s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n accrue to the upper h a l f of the socio-economic spectrum while the lower h a l f bears a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e share of the c o s t s . F o r example, the poor as r e l a t i v e non-users of automobile t r a n s p o r t a t i o n more often have freeways routed through t h e i r neighbourhoods making them subject to the n o i s e , a i r and v i s u a l p o l l u t i o n t h a t r e s u l t s . Problems A f f e c t i n g T r a n s p o r t a t i o n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s not only an a f f e c t i n g e n t i t y but a l s o an a f f e c t e d one. The problems a f f e c t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n are very o f t e n the sources of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e pro-blems and e x t e r n a l impacts. As a r e s u l t , c o n t i n u a t i o n or changes i n these trends w i l l determine to a great extent the f u t u r e shape of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. a ) Increased Population Growth and D i s p e r s i o n The amount and d i s t r i b u t i o n of urban po p u l a t i o n i s c r i t i -c a l t o determining f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs. Continued u r b a n i z a t i o n w i l l i n c r e a s e the p o p u l a t i o n t o be served by a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system and thus the demand f o r t r a n s p o r t s e r v i c e s . However, the nature of t h i s demand w i l l l a r g e l y be a f u n c t i o n of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n i n c i t i e s . Continued suburbanization and i t s r e s u l t i n g lower d e n s i -t i e s i n c r e a s e the costs of p r o v i d i n g road or t r a n s i t 34 s e r v i c e s . Unless the d i s p e r s i o n of p o p u l a t i o n i s accom-panied by the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of workplaces from the c i t y centre, longer commuting distances and t r a v e l times exacerbate congestion. b) Increased Automobile Ownership Although household automobile ownership r a t i o s seem t o have peaked i n many c i t i e s , urban p o p u l a t i o n growth may r e s u l t i n a r a p i d , absolute i n c r e a s e i n automobiles. Enlarged automobile volumes w i l l continue t o demand more road i n f r a s t r u c t u r e with i t s r e s u l t i n g negative impacts. As the demand f o r automobile t r a v e l has r i s e n , t r a n s i t r i d e r s h i p l e v e l s have f a l l e n correspondingly. c) Peakedness i n the Amount and Timing of Tr a v e l Combined w i t h the growth i n t r a v e l demand i s the a d d i -t i o n a l problem of uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of t r a v e l demand. About one-quarter of t o t a l d a i l y t r i p s are concentrated i n the f o u r "rush" hours. The peakedness i n urban t r a -v e l r e q u i r e s the p r o v i s i o n of three times the road capa-c i t y t o handle peak volumes than would be r e q u i r e d i f t r i p s were evenly d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the day. The peak problem i s even more s e r i o u s f o r t r a n s i t where from 60-70 percent of t o t a l d a i l y volumes are handled during the morning and evening peaks. Peakedness of t r a v e l i n i t i a t e s a c y c l e of overused or underused t r a n s -port c a p a c i t y r e s u l t i n g i n a w a s t e f u l a l l o c a t i o n of tr a n s p o r t resources and thus higher c o s t s . 35 Summary The preceding catalogue showed the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem t o be one of great v a r i e t y , wide ranging scope and s u b s t a n t i a l complexity. I n the preceding l i s t , the pro-blems have been separated and categorized f o r the purpose of s i m p l i c i t y . However, i n r e a l i t y the components of the urban t r a n s p o r t problem are moulded i n t o the f a b r i c of urban s o c i e t y i n a complex c i r c l e of i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s . The urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem u s u a l l y t r a c e s i t s source to the major f o r c e s shaping urban s o c i e t y , some of which are i n c l u d e d i n the l i s t of problems a f f e c t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The r e s u l t of these trends i s o f t e n a host of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e problems which i n t u r n exert undesirable impacts on urban areas. For example, trends such as pop u l a t i o n growth and d i s p e r s a l , i n c r e a s e d automobile ownership and concentrated t r a v e l demands i n t e r a c t w i t h inadequate c a p a c i t y t o cause congestion. Congestion produces discomfort, i n c r e a s e s oper-a t i n g c o s t s and reduces s a f e t y f o r the user and exacerbates the impacts of a i r p o l l u t i o n , noise and v i s u a l i n t r u s i o n caused by v e h i c l e s on the non-user. This bundle of i n t e r -r e l a t e d e f f e c t s d e f i n e s the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem as i t i s presented t o planners. Faced with such complexity, the approach taken by planners w i l l determine whether or not an o v e r a l l s o l u t i o n i s forthcoming from the planning process. I f congestion i s s i n g l e d out as the focus f o r problem-s o l v i n g a c t i o n then the response might take the form of i n c r e a s i n g roadway c a p a c i t y . However, while such a c t i o n 36 may reduce congestion, the construction of more roads or the widening of existing ones might increase the cost of providing transport services, may entail relocation of residents and could undermine transit services. More importantly, i t may give impetus to increased population dispersal and automobile ownership—the original urban trends which initiated the pro-blem. Thus, a narrow problem-solving approach within an inter-related and inter-connected problem context w i l l not only produce limited solutions but may also exacerbate the original problem. This examination of the urban transportation as i t i s presently defined uncovers an even greater number of poten-t i a l p i t f a l l s than ever before in the history of transporta-tion decision-making. Therefore, there is a more acute need for planning to adapt to the breadth and complexity of the urban transportation problem. Whether or not substantial changes wi l l be necessary and what form they must take are questions which require an analysis of the present transpor-tation planning and policy development components of the decision-making process. The approach to the analysis of the planning process is conditioned by the fact that transportation planning is not practiced in isolation. The present state of the art is a product of past practices and influences from the general f i e l d of urban planning. Therefore, the character of contem-porary transportation planning cannot be determined without some pre-knowledge of how i t has changed over time and an awareness of i t s place in the general context of urban plan-ning. 37 The General Context of Urban Planning In a world b u f f e t e d by constant and r a p i d change, c i t i e s m i r r o r the transformations o c c u r r i n g i n s o c i e t y as a whole and the problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h change i n e v i t a b l y become urban problems. I n attempting to deal w i t h the u r -ban s t r a i n s created by change, the f i e l d of urban planning has been f o r c e d to c o n s t a n t l y re-evaluate i t s approach to urban problems. S i m i l a r l y , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n c i t i e s has not remained i s o l a t e d from r e v o l u t i o n a r y urban change. W i l f r e d Owen notes t h a t . . . the past s e v e r a l decades have seen more r e v o l u -t i o n a r y changes i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n than a l l previous h i s t o r y . As a r e s u l t , the c i t y i s confronted by a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem more complex than ever before. To deal w i t h the i n c r e a s i n g complexity of the urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n problem r e s u l t i n g from change, the previous chap-t e r suggested the need f o r a s i m i l a r r e - e v a l u a t i o n of t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n planning. This view i m p l i e s t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning must become more compatible w i t h the emerging r o l e of urban planning which has developed i n an e f f o r t t o cope w i t h r a p i d change. The problem of managing urban change has f o r c e d c i t y planning t o reassess e s t a b l i s h e d r a t i o n a l approaches to urban problems i n order to adapt to the supposedly l e s s than r a t i o n a l environment of p u b l i c decision-making. These proposed adaptations seem t o have been prompted by the "^Wilfred Owen, The M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem, (Washington, D.C., l y b b j , p. 1. 33 f r u s t r a t i o n of r a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s by the p o l i t i c a l process. Richard Bolan t r a c e s the source of these emerging views i n ". . . the wide d i s p a r i t y t h a t e x i s t s between the planners* t r a d i t i o n a l n otions of r a t i o n a l i t y and the a c t u a l s o c i a l (or " p o l i t i c a l " ) processes by which p o l i c i e s are a c t u a l l y 2 chosen." Various a l t e r n a t i v e s t y l e s of planning have emerged from the i n s e c u r i t y of planners i n r e l a t i o n t o the d e c i -sion-making process. John Friedmann, f o r example, a s s e r t s t h a t under c o n d i t i o n s of r e l a t i v e calm and s t a b i l i t y , p lanning can a f f o r d t o r a t i o n a l l y evaluate long-term goals but under c o n d i t i o n s of c r i s i s , planning must become an extension of p o l i t i c s or, i n other words, a " b r u s h f i r e " 3 problem-solving a c t i v i t y . Thus, i n order to r e c e i v e p o l -i t i c a l backing The r a t i o n a l i t y of planning p r a c t i c e must t h e r e f o r e be a r a t i o n a l i t y adapted t o i t s c o n d i t i o n s ; i t must sac-r i f i c e comprehensiveness to the urgency of overcoming s p e c i f i c b o t t l e n e c k s ; i t must be more problem; than g o a l - o r i e n t e d ; i t must be piecemeal and fragmented r a t h e r than co-ordinative.4 This n o t i o n of s a c r i f i c i n g comprehensive, co-ordinated and g o a l - o r i e n t e d planning f o r the purpose of expedient implementation forms the b a s i s of Friedmann 1s i n n o v a t i v e and t r a n s a c t i v e planning s t y l e , Lindblom's "incremental" 2 Richard S. Bolan, "Emerging Views of Planning," J o u r n a l of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, ( J u l y 1967), p. 234. 3 ^John Friedmann, Retraeking America; A Theory of  T r a n s a c t i v e Planning, (Garden C i t y , New Yorkr1973)» p. 15. ^"John Friedmann, p. 16 39 5 methods and s i m i l a r o b j e c t i o n s r a i s e d by B a n f i e l d and Mann. However, there i s much reason t o doubt t h a t short-term problem-solving a c t i v i t y e i t h e r q u a l i f i e s as planning or represents an appropriate d i r e c t i o n f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n -ning. I n f a c t , Dickey i n a d i s c u s s i o n of me t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning d i s t i n g u i s h e s between problem-solv-i n g and plan n i n g . He views problem-solving a c t i v i t i e s as d e a l i n g w i t h s i t u a t i o n s which are narrow i n scope, more d e t a i l e d and more immediate. Planning, on the other hand, mpre o f t e n addresses problems which are broader, more g e n e r a l i z e d and longer term. More i m p o r t a n t l y , Dickey foresees dangers i n c a r r y i n g out problem-solving a c t i v i t i e s i n i s o l a t i o n from an o v e r a l l planning process. For example, i f a short-term t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem such as inadequate parking i n downtown areas i s not viewed i n the broader context of the o v e r a l l t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n and urban growth process, planning a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d out on t h i s broader s c a l e , such as p r o v i d i n g a d d i -t i o n a l mass t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s , could e l i m i n a t e the s h o r t -term problem of the need f o r e x t r a p a r k i n g . The e s s e n t i a l p o i n t i s t h a t problem-solving a c t i v i t i e s should only be 7 undertaken as an adjunct to the o v e r a l l planning process. -'Charles A Lindblom, "The Science of Muddling Through," J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l Economy, (Spring 1959); E.C. B a n f i e l d , P o l i t i c a l I n f l u e n c e , (New York 1961), and; L.D. Mann, "Stu-d i e s i n Community Decision-Making," J o u r n a l of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners 30, (1965). John Dickey, M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning, (Washington, D.C. 1975), pp. 20,•21. 7 'John Dickey, p. 21. 40 The opposite produces i n e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n of resources. Moreover, there i s l i t t l e evidence to support an adop-t i o n of the concept of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning as a purely-problem-solving a c t i v i t y . The p o l i t i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s e n v i -sioned by Friedmann, Lindblom and others are well-founded i n r e a l i t y but they do not represent insurmountable o b s t a c l e s t o r a t i o n a l planning. The numerous examples of operating t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems d e r i v e d from h i g h l y comprehensive planning r e f u t e s the contention t h a t r a t i o n a l planning i s both p o l i t i c a l l y unacceptable and u n a t t a i n a b l e . Thus, the perceived i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y between the problem o r i e n t a t i o n and comprehensive g o a l - o r i e n t a t i o n of planning i s not borne out by t h e l r e a l i t y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. By i n c o r p o r a t i n g problem-solving a c t i v i t i e s i n t o the over-a l l planning process, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning can accomplish both o b j e c t i v e s w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l process. Indeed, i t irould seem imperative t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning become both a problem-solving and g o a l - o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t y . The y a r d s t i c k by which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning w i l l be measured i s i t s c a p a b i l i t y t o respond e f f e c t i v e l y t o the urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n problem. However, i t s f u t u r e success i n t h i s endeavour would seem to be dependent on i t s a b i l i t y t o deve-l o p a p l a n n i n g s t y l e adapted to the scope of the problem. A problem as wide-ranging and complex as t h a t of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t h e r e f o r e would r e q u i r e a broad g o a l - o r i e n t e d approach. In f a c t , over the years the p r a c t i c e of urban planning 4l has been broadening r a t h e r than narrowing i t s scope. o P e r l o f f has s u c c i n t l y noted the changing character of p l a n -ning: From (1) an e a r l y s t r e s s on planning as concerned c h i e f l y w i t h a e s t h e t i c s , planning came to be conceived a l s o i n terms of (2) the e f f i c i e n t f u n c t i o n i n g of the c i t y — i n both the engineering and economic sense; then (3) as a means of c o n t r o l l i n g the uses of la n d as a technique f o r developing a sound land-use p a t t e r n ; then (4) as a key element i n e f f i c i e n t government pro-cedures; l a t e r (5) as i n v o l v i n g welfare c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and s t r e s s i n g the human element; and more r e c e n t l y , (6) planning has come to be viewed as encompassing many socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l , as w e l l as p h y s i c a l , elements t h a t help t o guide the f u n c t i o n i n g and d e v e l -opment of the community. 8 I t i s evident from t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n t h a t urban planning has expanded i t s area of concern i n conjunction w i t h a broaden-i n g p e r c e p t i o n of urban problems. This observation leads one t o i n q u i r e whether t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning has s i m i l a r l y adapted t o urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems by broadening i t s scope. Before d e f i n i n g the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem, i t i s necessary t h e r e f o r e to examine the development of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n r e l a t i o n to the t r a n s p o r t problem. The Development of Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning T r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, i n one form or another, has been p r a c t i c e d f o r as long as t r a n s p o r t systems have been designed and constructed. However, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning on a metropolitan-wide s c a l e i s comparatively recent, d a t i n g back t o the e a r l y 1950*s. P r i o r to t h a t time, planning f o r 8H.S. P e r l o f f , Education f o r Planning, (Baltimore 1957), pp. 11, 12. 42 t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n urban areas d i f f e r e d only s l i g h t l y from t h a t f o r r u r a l areas. E a r l y roads i n Canada and the U.S. were l a i d out by the users f o r t h e i r own convenience. Roads were designed to get from one v i l l a g e or town t o another along a f a i r l y reasonable path g i v i n g due c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o topography, s o i l c o n d i t i o n s , f l o o d i n g , user defence and o property boundaries, i f any. W i t h i n the c i t i e s and towns, roads e i t h e r developed haphazardly or were l a i d out by l a n d surveyors i n simple g r i d s . The development of bus, and i n some cases, r a i l t r a n s i t systems i n North America's l a r g e r c i t i e s represented the f i r s t t e n t a t i v e e f f o r t s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p lanning. By the e a r l y p a r t of t h i s century, p r i v a t e t r a n s i t companies were designing, c o n s t r u c t i n g and operating c i t y - w i d e t r a n s i t s e r -v i c e s i n New York, P h i l a d e l p h i a , Boston, Montreal, Toronto, Vancouver and numerous other c i t i e s . With the advent of t o l l roads i n the U.S., the p r o f i t motive was a p p l i e d to roads as w e l l as t o t r a n s i t . Wise i n v e s t i n g r e q u i r e d e v a l u -a t i o n of t r a f f i c demands and some e f f i c i e n c y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n route l o c a t i o n . 1 ^ By the end of the 1920»s many p r o v i n -c i a l , s t a t e and l o c a l governments were i n v o l v e d i n crude planning f o r road investments. Planning i n v o l v e d making s t r a i g h t l i n e p r o j e c t i o n s of t r a f f i c counts and comparing 11 the f o r e c a s t e d volumes w i t h e x i s t i n g c a p a c i t i e s , o 7Kenneth R. Geiser, Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n D e c i s i o n - Making, (Boston 1971), p. 425. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 425 1 : L I b i d . , p. 426 43 Thus, these e a r l y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning e f f o r t s viewed the t r a n s p o r t problem s o l e l y i n terms of the user. The major p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning pro-cess came from engineering backgrounds and thus a l t e r n a t i v e s were proposed and evaluated according to economic or engi-neering design c r i t e r i a . T h i s approach continued as the dominant method of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning u n t i l the e a r l y 1950's and the emergence of major m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t u d i e s . These l a r g e - s c a l e s t u d i e s conducted f i r s t i n D e t r o i t then i n Chicago i n v o l v e d the c o l l e c t i o n of vast amounts of demo-graphic and land-use data i n order to determine urban t r a v e l p a t t e r n s and enable long term f o r e c a s t i n g of t r a v e l 12 demands. These s t u d i e s aimed at developing a comprehen- • s i v e , co-ordinated and continuous t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n . However, the i d e a l of comprehensiveness was compromised by a continued emphasis on user needs. Although the s t u d i e s developed a broader view of the t r a n s p o r t problem, the pro-blems of a c c i d e n t s , congestion, i n e f f i c i e n t investment and i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y were given prime c o n s i d e r a t i o n ; impacts such as u g l i n e s s , n o i s e , nuisance and a i r p o l l u t i o n remained 13 as secondary concerns. Moreover, although the s t u d i e s gave some c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o t r a n s i t and land-use i n an attempt to develop a co-ordinated system, f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t 12 John Dickey, M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning, pp. 2, 3. 13 •^ R. L. Creighton. Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning, (Urbana, I l l i n o i s 1970), pp. b-13. 44 investments tended t o emphasize a s i n g l e mode—the automo-b i l e . Nevertheless, the met r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t u d i e s d i d r a d i c a l l y s h i f t the focus of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning from a predominantly r u r a l - r o a d - p r e d i c t i v e view t o a metro-p o l i t a n - t r a n s p o r t a t i o n - p r o c e s s o r i e n t a t i o n . The planning process developed by the me t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t u d i e s formed the b a s i s f o r the implementa-t i o n of the I n t e r s t a t e freeway system i n the U.S. Somewhat l a t e r , urban freeway plans were implemented i n a number of Canadian c i t i e s i n c l u d i n g Montreal and Toronto. However, by the m i d - s i x t i e s two s p e c i f i c problems caused a r e - e v a l u -a t i o n of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process. One was the growing c i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n to freeways; the other was the f i n a n c i a l d e c l i n e of mass t r a n s i t . C i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n f o r c e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planners t o become more s e n s i t i v e t o the impacts of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n investment and the p o s s i b l e t r a n s i t a l t e r n a t i v e . The p l i g h t of mass t r a n s i t sparked renewed i n t e r e s t i n the development of t r a n s i t t e c h n o l o g i e s and a r e c o g n i t i o n of the disadvantaged without access to a car. Thus, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning was d i r e c t e d towards a broader awareness of the whole gamut of s o c i a l and environ -mental impacts. Ge n e r a l l y speaking, i t would seem tha t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning has changed s u b s t a n t i a l l y over the years. I t has expanded i t s awareness of the urban t r a n s p o r t problem and enlarged i t s base of decision-making. I n t h i s sense, "^John Dickey, p. 4. 45 transportation planning seems to have broadened i t s scope to a similar extent as the general practice of urban planning. As John Dickey observes: Those who have witnessed metropolitan transportation planning in a span of as l i t t l e as five years know the large and in some cases complete transformation that has taken place. One day i t seems as i f the transportation system user is the only person of concern. One day i t seems as i f travel time, cost and safety are the only fac-tors of importance. The next day the factors seem to be regional a i r pollution, the national economy and the worldwide energy shortage. One day i t seems as i f high-way engineers are perfectly capable of making complete decisions on highway planning and design. The next day, ten citizens groups, five local planning bodies, the gov-ernor, several federal executives and legislators and the Supreme Court a l l seemed to be making a variety of rele-vant decisions. This, then is the rapidly changing con-text in which the transportation planner i s involved. 15 The "rapidly changing context" of transportation planning mentioned by Dickey describes the environment in which future transportation decisions must be made. The context of trans-portation planning demands that the process develop a broader concept of who i t serves, what factors are important and who participates in the ultimate decisions. Thus far the planning process has shown a willingness to adapt to the changing char-acter of the urban transportation problem. However, i t also leads one to inquire whether contemporary planning and policy i s in fact continuing to adapt and, i f not, what are the neces-sary requirements to equip the decision-making process for the future. John Dickey, p. 1. 46 The Future Requirements of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g  and P o l i c y Development The f o r e g o i n g examination of the h i s t o r y of t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning has shown that the planning process has always r e f l e c t e d the p r e v a i l i n g perception of the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem. Problem d e f i n i t i o n has been the f i r s t step i n a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process which e x h i b i t e d the f o l l o w -i n g stages: ( i ) problem d e f i n i t i o n , ( i i ) i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of goals and o b j e c t i v e s , ( i i i ) c o l l e c t i o n of data, ( i v ) generation of a l t e r n a t i v e s , and ( v) s e l e c t i o n among a l t e r n a t i v e s . Over the past twenty years the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process developed the f o l l o w i n g major f e a t u r e s : ( i ) The problem was defined almost e x c l u s i v e l y i n terms of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e problems r e l e v a n t o n l y to the user. ( i i ) The goals and o b j e c t i v e s of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system developed a problem o r i e n t a t i o n which focussed on the s a t i s f a c t i o n of present and f u t u r e t r a v e l heeds. ( i i i ) The data gathering approach was comprehensive, r e g i o n a l and q u a n t i t a t i v e . ( iv) The a l t e r n a t i v e s emphasized highway s o l u t i o n s v a r y i n g by route l o c a t i o n and c a p a c i t y . 47 (v) An a l t e r n a t i v e was s e l e c t e d according to engineer-i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s or economic c r i t e r i a based on t r a v e l 20 savings f o r users or r e q u i r e d c a p i t a l investments. Thus, the major elements of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process r e f l e c t e d a r a t h e r narrow perspective d e r i v e d from a l i m i t e d p e rception of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. More-over, the p o l i c i e s which developed from the planning process e x h i b i t e d a s i m i l a r l y confined focus. As Norman Cooper has commented: Although some progress was made i n the s i x t i e s i n the planning process, p o l i c y a c t i o n and implementation con-tinued to be l a r g e l y confined to short-range d e c i s i o n s that d i d l i t t l e more than promote e x i s t i n g trends.21 l a t h i s sense, the decision-making process to a l a r g e extent r e i n f o r c e d the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f the planning process. Both plan n i n g and p o l i c y were p r e d i c a t e d on a narrowly defined problem. This major f l a w pervaded t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s f o r the past two decades, c u l m i n a t i n g during the s i x t i e s i n the planni n g and policy-making processes f o r freeways i n U.S. c i t i e s . In connection with urban highway planning, Geiser i d e n t i f i e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between planning and p o l i c y and the dominant focus of the two processes by observing that Some of these major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are based on ideas contained i n Anthony Tomazinis' r e p o r t e n t i t l e d , New  Elements i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g Process f o r the  1970's, P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1971, p. 1. Norman L. Cooper, Urban Transportation: An Answer, Bloomington, Indiana, 1971. p. 7. 48 ...the need for a highway, although heavily documented by rational planning processes i s actually determined by p o l i t i c a l decision-making processes external to the narrow planning focus. The need for a highway is pre-dicated upon the assumed vast preference for the auto-mobile over alternative modes of urban transportation when, in fact, there are no "equivalent" modes to choose from and where there is growing evidence of a desire for such a choice. This limited focus of decision-making is supported by a highly successful symbiotic government-business relationship, plus the narrow isolated ethos of the transportation planner and his profession.22 The foregoing discussion demonstrates the relationship between the problem, the planning process and the policy development process in urban transportation. As the i n i t i a l input to the planning process, the form in which the problem i s defined conditions the alternatives which emerge from the planning process. The output of alternatives from the plan-ning process then provides the primary stimulus for the sub-sequent reprocessing through the p o l i t i c a l decision-making machine. The policy process then selects the f i n a l course of action but only from among the alternatives developed from the planning process. In this way, the form of the cho-sen alternatives i s pre-conditioned by the output of the planning process and this i s dependent on the problem defi-nition. Whether this sequencing of the phases in the transporta-tion decision-making process i s conducive to the development of a broad perspective on the transportation problem i s ques-tionable. However, before delving into the broader issue of the decision-making process, the f i r s t priority i s to assess 2 2Kenneth R. Geiser, Urban Transportation Decision- Making, Boston, 1971, pp. W&TWT-49 the necessary requirements to adapt the planning and p o l i c y phases to the present context of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. Requirements of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g I t seems c l e a r t h a t the context of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l an-ning i s changing i n many ways. Urban s o c i e t y i s demanding much more from the planning process than ever before. What i s not c l e a r i s whether the planning process i s i n f a c t r e s -ponding to these new demands. The c a p a b i l i t y of t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning to cope with the urban t r a n s p o r t problem w i l l depend on i t s a b i l i t y to adapt t o a changing environment. The changing context of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning seems to have emerged from the freeway c o n t r o v e r s i e s of the s i x t i e s . As Anthony Tomazinis comments, ...these plans faced extensive c i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n and lukewarm i n s t i t u t i o n a l support and i n some cases court challenges as to the l e g a l i t y of the process that pro-duced them and the j u d i c i o u s n e s s of t h e i r recommenda-t i o n s . In c i t y a f t e r c i t y , i t became apparent that s o c i e t y at l a r g e was demanding much more from the huge investment i n v o l v e d than simple t r a v e l demand s a t i s f a c -t i o n . A l s o , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of d i s b e n e f i t s o c c u r r i n g to the r e g i o n as a whole and to the various l o c a l i t i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r were found to be too important to be i g -nored or accepted as the l e g i t i m a t e output of an obscured and mechanized process to which both p o l i t i c a l leaders and c i t i z e n s could not gain easy admission. Both f a c t o r s (the s i z e of the p u b l i c investment r e q u i r e d and the amount and d i s t r i b u t i o n of d i s b e n e f i t s ) introduced s e r i o u s doubts. . .23 The o p p o s i t i o n to urban freeway planning t h e r e f o r e focussed on two major d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the process: 1) i t s l a c k of c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r the s o c i a l and environmental impacts on the community, and, 2) i t s l i m i t a t i o n s on p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Dickey adds to these two concerns, the r e l i a n c e of tr a n s --'Anthony Tomazinis, New Elements i n the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n  P l a n n i n g Process f o r the Seventies, p. 3. ' 50 p o r t a t i o n planning on a s i n g l e mode which ran counter to the renewed i n t e r e s t i n t r a n s i t a l t e r n a t i v e s , emerging from p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n t o the freeways. By d r a m a t i c a l l y a l t e r i n g the attitudes of urban s o c i e t y to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, these three concerns i n i t i a t e d a process of se r i o u s r e - e v a l u a t i o n . The c r i t i c s attempted t o t r a c e the source of these d e f i c i e n c i e s and suggest improvements. The consensus of a seminar sponsored by the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners a t t r i b u t e d the automobile-highway emphasis to the domi-nance of economic and engineering goals i n t r a n s p o r t p i a n -os ning. ^ As a r e s u l t , the planning process developed a t e c h n i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n which excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i o n most of urban s o c i e t y except the highway i n d u s t r y and the technocrats. L i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n assured a narrow view of the t r a n s p o r t problem which gave p r i o r i t y to the t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e problems of the user and under-valued s o c i a l and environmental impacts. However, some authors attempted to probe a l i t t l e deeper. Steger notes t h a t the a t t i t u d e s of the freeway planners are remnants of e a r l i e r values which regarded a c c e s s i b i l i t y as an instrument of economic w e l l - b e i n g and technology as a s o l u t i o n t o every 25 problem. M e l v i n Webber r e l a t e s these values to a set of pi American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, M e t r o p o l i t a n Trans- p o r t a t i o n Planning Seminars: Summary Report, (Washington, 1971J, p. 9. : 25 ^Wilbur A. Steger, R e f l e c t i o n s on C i t i z e n Involvement  i n Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning: Towards a P o s i t i v e Approach, Research Report No. 4, ( U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1972), p. 2. 51 ideas which viewed urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as p h y s i c a l f a c i l i -t i e s r a t h e r than s e r v i c e s , as connecting places r a t h e r than people and whose major c r i t e r i o n was the l e a s t cost of 26 f a c i l i t i e s r a t h e r than l a r g e s t output of benefits to people. I n t h i s sense, Steger and Webber a t t r i b u t e the inade-quacies of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning to i t s i n a b i l i t y t o r e c o n c i l e i t s goals w i t h changing s o c i e t a l values. This goals-values c o n f l i c t has a r i s e n because s o c i e t y has moved away from an a c c e s s i b i l i t y - t e c h n o l o g y emphasis i n t r a n s p o r t planning. As a c c e s s i b i l i t y l e v e l s have r i s e n i n urban s o c i e t y , i t s value as a t r a n s p o r t p r i o r i t y has f a l l e n i n r e l a t i o n t o the s o c i a l and environmental impacts of t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n . As Steger comments . . . a smaller p r o p o r t i o n of today's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i s i n v o l v e d as p o t e n t i a l users i n seeking s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n c r e a s e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a v a i l a b i l i t y f o r themselves but everyone i s the r e c i p i e n t of a l a r g e , s u b s t a n t i a l set of d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t impacts... be they of a so-c i a l , economic, f i n a n c i a l , environmental or i n s t i t u t i o n a l nature. 27 M e l v i n Webber p o i n t s t o a s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e w i t h respect t o technology. More and more people are becoming s k e p t i c a l toward the a b i l i t y of t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e and technology t o solve urban t r a n s p o r t problems. From t h i s t r e n d of d e c l i n i n g p u b l i c confidence has come a new awareness of the needs of urban t r a n s p o r t p l a n -n i n g . However, i t would seem t h a t , at l e a s t i n the U.S., Me l v i n Webber, A l t e r n a t i v e S t y l e s f o r C i t i z e n  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Transport Planning, ( U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i -f o r n i a , Berkeley 1971), pp. 2, 3. 27 Wilbur Steger, p. 2. 52 f e d e r a l policy-making has been outstepping t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n adapting to these new demands. F e d e r a l l e g i s -l a t i o n s ince 1968 has taken the l e a d i n r e c o g n i z i n g the need f o r a c t i o n t o improve mass t r a n s i t , i n c o r p o r a t i n g s o c i a l and environmental concerns and a l l o w i n g broader 28 p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process. The content of f e d e r a l p o l i c y provides the most thorough e x p o s i t i o n of the requirements of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, which are described as f o l l o w s ; 1. to meet the t r a v e l needs and provide f o r present and f u t u r e t r a v e l demand by a l l p o p u l a t i o n groups; 2. t o i n c o r p o r a t e non-economic goals as c r i t e r i a f o r the e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e multi-modal t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems so as t o : a) reduce the negative s o c i a l and environmental impacts t o the reg i o n as a whole and the s p e c i f i c l o c a l i t i e s and communities i n the r e g i o n , and b) t o provide f o r the maximum o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o achieve s o c i a l goals and o b j e c t i v e s t h a t are i n any way a s s o c i a t e d and f a c i l i t a t e d by t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; 3. t o develop economically f e a s i b l e plans which m i n i -mize the t o t a l economic burden on s o c i e t y and d i s t r i b u t e i t s costs and b e n e f i t s i n a manner acceptable s o c i a l l y and economically; 28 The major l e g i s l a t i o n i n c l u d e s the Highway Acts of 1968 and 1970, the 1970 Environmental P o l i c y Act and the 1970 Mass T r a n s i t Act. 53 4. t o a l l o w g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the various gov-ernments, agencies and p o p u l a t i o n groups i n the r e g i o n i n a l l stages of the planning process beginning w i t h the determination o f goals and extending t o the choices be-tween a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r both land use and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; 5. t o evaluate a l t e r n a t i v e t r a n s p o r t system plans w i t h various combinations of t r a n s i t and highway elements i n conjunction w i t h present l a n d use plans r a t h e r than f o r e -c a s t s . The requirement f o r t r a n s p o r t planning to be co-or-dinated w i t h l a n d use plans r a t h e r than f o r e c a s t s r e f l e c t s a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t f o r e c a s t s o f t e n c a l l f o r "more of the same" whi l e l a n d use plans c a l l f o r change and f o r improve-ment. I n a d d i t i o n , U.S. f e d e r a l p o l i c y c a l l s f o r a c l o s e r l i n k between the planning and implementing a c t i v i t i e s t o prevent the p r e - c o n d i t i o n i n g of the p o l i c y process by the planning process. This requirement i m p l i e s that the p o l i t i c a l decision-makers p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the planning process. The p r i n c i p l e s enunciated by U.S. f e d e r a l p o l i c y and l e g i s l a t i o n i m p o s e n e w procedures to be met by t e c h n i c i a n s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s and agencies i n v o l v e d i n urban t r a n s p o r t planning. Tomazinis suggests t h a t although t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i s behind the formal requirements of the law, as ^American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, M e t r o p o l i t a n Trans- p o r t a t i o n Planning Seminars, pp. 12, 13> 54 y e t , . . . only meagre e f f o r t s have been made and only small successes can be recorded. Very few planners and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t o r s are as yet cognizant of the s i z e of the change that has occurred. Fewer planners know how they can s t a r t complying w i t h the new requirements.30 However, while i n the U.S. t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning has not yet conformed to the new requirements, e f f o r t s i n some Canadian c i t i e s seem to have had more success. Lack-i n g strong commitment a t the f e d e r a l l e v e l , the r e g i o n a l governments of Toronto and Vancouver have made s u b s t a n t i a l progress i n i n c o r p o r a t i n g s o c i a l , environmental and l a n d use f a c t o r s and broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s and c i t i z e n s i n the t r a n s p o r t planning process. These improvements have forged a stronger l i n k between the p l a n -ning and p o l i c y development processes. I n summary, then, the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , U.S. f e d e r a l p o l i c y and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s i n some Canadian c i t i e s s t r e s s e s the need f o r ; 1. a comprehensive approach towards d e f i n i n g the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem, g o a l s , a l t e r n a t i v e s and c r i t e r i a ; 2. c o - o r d i n a t i o n of t r a n s i t and highway modes w i t h l a n d use planning; and 3. broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a l l stages of the planning process. I n t h i s sense, the f o r e g o i n g examination of the r e q u i r e -ments of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process v e r i f i e s the 3°Anthony Tomazinis., New Elements i n the Urban Trans- p o r t a t i o n Planning Process f o r the xyyu's, p. o. 55 f u t u r e goals f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning described i n the pre-vious chapter. The planning process seems to have recognized these goals as necessary to produce e f f e c t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plans but implementation of these plans w i l l r e q u i r e e q u a l l y e f f e c t i v e p o l i c y processes. Requirements of the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y Process The d i s t i n c t i o n between planning and policy-making i s not a l t o g e t h e r c l e a r c u t and s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . Both a c t i v i t i e s d eal i n the realm of goals, o b j e c t i v e s , a l t e r n a t i v e s , p r i o r i -t i e s and choices. However, an a n a l y s i s of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y process cannot proceed without some r e c o g n i t i o n of the d i f f e r e n c e s between the two. As the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making process i s p r e s e n t l y c o n s t i t u t e d , the p o l i c y process begins where the plan leaves o f f . P lanning i n v o l v e s the c o l l e c t i o n o f data and information, the f o r m u l a t i o n of goals, o b j e c t i v e s and p r i o r i t i e s and the d e v i s i n g and e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e ways of a t t a i n i n g goals and o b j e c t i v e s . L y l e F i t c h describes i t s f u n c t i o n as "to i n -form, to s t i m u l a t e and to produce a plan to guide those r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . " ^ While p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n -makers may be i n v o l v e d i n the p l a n making stage, i t i s at the con c l u s i o n o f the pla n that the p o l i c y process begins. The p o l i c y process i m p l i e s two stages: policy-making and p o l i c y implementation. Policy-making i n v o l v e s d e c i s i o n -a l y l e G. F i t c h and A s s o c i a t e s , Urban Tra n s p o r t a t i o n  and P u b l i c P o l i c y , San Fr a n c i s c o , 1964, p. 60. 56 makers i n choosing among a l t e r n a t i v e courses of a c t i o n or i n a c t i o n and commiting resources to implement d e c i s i o n s . P o l i c y implementation i n v o l v e s the a p p l i c a t i o n or d e l i v e r y o f p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . y Another c r i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e between the planning pro-cess and the p o l i c y process l i e s i n the l o c a t i o n of respon-s i b i l i t i e s . While planning f u n c t i o n s are u s u a l l y undertaken by planning agencies, policy-making r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are g e n e r a l l y e x e r c i s e d by e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s and p o l i c y imple-mentation i s administered by the government bureaucracy. However, these f u n c t i o n s o f t e n overlap among agencies. Plan-ners must o f t e n become the advocates of plans before p o l i c y -makers, while a d m i n i s t r a t i v e agencies by i n t e r p r e t i n g and app l y i n g broad p o l i c i e s play a c r x i c i a l r o l e i n policy-making i t s e l f . Both policy-making and implementation r e q u i r e the l e g a l a u t h o r i t y to e x e r c i s e j u r i s d i c t i o n , the budgetary powers to r a i s e and a l l o c a t e funds and the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e capable of e f f e c t i n g p o l i c y d e l i v e r y . 1 As the bas i c r e q u i r e -ments of a l l p o l i c y processes, these three needs are al s o fundamental to e f f e c t i v e p o l i c y development i n urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n . As such, they can be used as general parameters f o r an a n a l y s i s of the requirements of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y process. To begin, the f i r s t p r i o r i t y of the p o l i c y process 3 2Lyle C. F i t c h and A s s o c i a t e s , pp. 60, 61. i s to e s t a b l i s h a l e g a l basis f o r the implementation of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n s . The goals and o b j e c t i v e s of the plan-n i n g process when embodied i n l e g i s l a t i o n acquire the neces-sary a u t h o r i t y as b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s governing p o l i c y implemen-t a t i o n . Moreover, l e g i s l a t i o n u s u a l l y acts as a p o l i c y d e l i v e r y device by l i n k i n g p o l i c y goals to government fund-i n g . Federal t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n i n the U.S. not o n l y l e g a l l y s a n c t i f i e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n goals but a l s o im-posed these o b j e c t i v e s on the planning process as r e q u i r e -ments f o r f e d e r a l funding. In Canada, p r o v i n c i a l rather, than f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n has played the dominant r o l e i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n policy-making. L e g i s l a t i o n i n Ontario and i n B r i t i s h Columbia has emphasized the o r g a n i z a t i o n and funding aspects of urban t r a n s p o r t r a t h e r than attempting to r e v i s e the p l a n n i n g process. Viewed i n t h i s context, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n i s c r i t i c a l to l e g a l l y adopt the necessary changes f o r the t r a n s p o r t p o l i c y process. However, p r a c t i c a l r e v i s i o n of policy-making must Ibe preceded by a r e c o g n i t i o n of the necessary o r g a n i z a t i o n and funding requirements f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . These p o l i c y needs can be i d e n t i f i e d through a b r i e f review of the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , begin-n i n g with the i n s t i t u t i o n a l or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l requirements. The I n s t i t u t i o n a l Requirements of the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n  P o l i c y Process '. Most c r i t i c i s m s of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r p o l i c y development have focussed on the fundamental problem of i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y -making. In both the U.S. and Canada, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s 58 f o r the design, c o n s t r u c t i o n and operation of met r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t , s e r v i c e s are d i v i d e d among a host of agencies i n c l u d i n g p r o v i n c i a l and s t a t e highway departments, muni c i -p a l engineering departments, p u b l i c and privately-owned t r a n s i t companies and i n some cases, r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Since most of these agencies are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the p l a n -ning as w e l l as implementation of t r a n s p o r t s e r v i c e s , i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation creates problems f o r both the planning and p o l i c y implementation process. D i v i d i n g the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r developing t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n plans stands as a major obstacle to comprehensive and co-ordinated planning of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . The absence of u n i f i e d planning encourages the narrow view of the urban t r a n s p o r t problem, which i s the source of many of the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the planning process. John K a i n , f o r example, a t t r i b u t e s t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation, the con-t i n u e d use of i n a p p r o p r i a t e engineering c r i t e r i a f o r the e v a l u a t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a l t e r n a t i v e s and the i n a b i l i t y to 32 develop o v e r a l l " o p e r a t i o n a l " c r i t e r i a . K a i n a l s o con-s i d e r s i t r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the u n w i l l i n g n e s s of the planning process to consider many promising a l t e r n a t i v e s which r e q u i r e multi-mode use of t r a n s p o r t i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , such as bus l a n e s , 33 t r a n s i t use of freeways, e t c . y Most of these arguments 32 J John F. K a i n , Essays on Urban S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e , (Cambridge, Mass. 1975J, pp. 329, 330. 3 3 I b i d . , pp. 324?327. 59 f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e the need f o r some form of u n i f i e d , i n s t i -t u t i o n a l framework which would i n t e g r a t e and co-ordinate t r a n s p o r t planning a c t i v i t i e s t o develop o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e s , a l t e r n a t i v e s and c r i t e r i a f o r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. Such a u n i f i e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework i s a l s o c r u -c i a l t o the development and implementation of comprehensive t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s . The development of o v e r a l l goals and o b j e c t i v e s f o r urban t r a n s p o r t i s obstructed by the d i v i s i o n of j u r i s d i c t i o n among competing government agencies i n v o l v e d i n decision-making f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . To some extent, t h i s problem has been m i t i g a t e d i n the U.S. by f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n which has developed broad p o l i c y goals f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . However, t r a n s l a t i n g these broad p o l i c i e s i n t o o v e r a l l o p e r a t i o n a l goals f o r each urban area i s s t i l l complicated by l a c k of a u n i f i e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l setup at the me t r o p o l i t a n l e v e l t o co-ordinate the a c t i v i -t i e s of the numerous government u n i t s operating w i t h i n i t s boundaries. Policy-making machinery remains fragmented w i t h one set of agencies c o n t r o l l i n g a r t e r i a l highway d e c i -s i o n s , another set c o n t r o l l i n g l o c a l s t r e e t systems and others c o n t r o l l i n g t r a n s i t . Each u n i t has i t s p a r t i c u l a r problems, o b j e c t i v e s , i n t e r e s t s and c o n s t i t u e n c i e s , w i t h none having r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a comprehensive understand-i n g of the t o t a l problem, and f o r developing o v e r a l l ob-j e c t i v e s which r e f l e c t the i n t e r e s t s of a l l modes and a l l 34 c i t i z e n s . F i t c h , Urban Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n and P u b l i c P o l i c y , p. 85 . 60 Most observers recognize the need f o r comprehensive policy-making and implementation a t the l o c a l l e v e l as w e l l as a t the f e d e r a l l e v e l . W i l f r e d Owen goes so f a r as to say th a t an e f f e c t i v e s o l u t i o n t o the urban t r a n s p o r t problem . . . should meet three t e s t s . F i r s t , i t should be func-t i o n a l l y comprehensive by i n c l u d i n g a l l forms of t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n a p p l i c a b l e to the problem. Second, i t should be comprehensive g e o g r a p h i c a l l y but i n c l u d i n g not only the c i t y but the me t r o p o l i t a n area and a l l the a f f e c t e d r e g i o n . T h i r d , i t should be comprehensive from a p l a n -ning standpoint by a s s u r i n g that t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s used t o promote community goals and that community plans make s a t i s f a c t o r y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n possible.35 In s t a t i n g t h i s , Owen supports the need f o r comprehensive multi-modal planning i n r e l a t i o n t o land-use planning but he a l s o makes two important p o i n t s i n respect to p o l i c y -making: th a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s should be developed at the r e g i o n a l l e v e l and tha t these p o l i c i e s should be developed i n conjunction w i t h community goals. L y l e F i t c h r e s t a t e s t h i s view by commenting that Major d e c i s i o n s r e s p e c t i n g r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n should be made p r i m a r i l y by policy-makers r e p r e s e n t i n g the region's i n t e r e s t s who can take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n a range of di v e r s e community values and i n t e r e s t s . 3 6 Moreover, r e p o r t s prepared f o r the U.S. Department of Trans-p o r t a t i o n , the Highway Users F e d e r a t i o n and the Committee on Economic Development add t h e i r support t o the r e g i o n a l concept.37 A l l suggest t h a t the met r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n as a ^ W i l f r e d Owen, The M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem, (Washington, U . U . 19bb), p. 221,'. K  3 6 L y l e C. F i t c h , p. 82. 37U.S. Department of Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n , Urban Transporta-t i o n Decision-Making. (Washington, D.C. 1975); Highway Users F e d e r a t i o n , Coordinating M e t r o p o l i t a n Roadwork. (Washington, D.C. 1971); Uoramittee on Economic Development, Developing M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c i e s , (Washington, B.C. 1965). 61 focus of decision-making possesses a s u f f i c i e n t l y broad j u r -i s d i c t i o n to adopt a comprehensive view. As a middle l e v e l of government, the region occupies an appropriate p o s i t i o n to coordinate the goals of the province or s t a t e and those of the m u n i c i p a l i t y . And f i n a l l y , i t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y i n touch with community needs to be responsive. As Norman Cooper has stated: These opposing d i r e c t i o n s of flow—government to c i t i z e n to government i n the form of c o n t r o l — c r o s s f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n at the urban r e g i o n a l l e v e l . Therefore, the urban r e g i o n a l l e v e l may be considered the most e f f e c -t i v e l e v e l f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making.3&* In t h i s sense, overcoming the policy-making problems a s s o c i -ated with i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation w i l l r e q u i r e comprehen-s i v e , coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i c y development pro-cesses lodged a t the r e g i o n a l l e v e l of j u r i s d i c t i o n . The Requirements f o r E f f e c t i v e P o l i c y Implementation The second phase of the p o l i c y process i s p o l i c y imple-mentation. Here a l s o , i n s t i t u t i o n s of p o l i c y d e l i v e r y oper-ate i n a vacuum, developing t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs indepen-d e n t l y without r e l a t i o n to t h e i r impact on other components of the t r a n s p o r t system or the a f f e c t e d community. As a r e s u l t , these p a r t i a l programs produce only p a r t i a l s o l u t i o n s . Moreover, l a c k of program c o o r d i n a t i o n leads to not o n l y i n e f f e c t i v e but i n e f f i c i e n t s o l u t i o n s r e s u l t i n g from over-l a p p i n g and d u p l i c a t i o n of f u n c t i o n s . C l e a r l y , c o o r d i n a t i o n of policy-making must be accompanied by s i m i l a r l y coordinated a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s . ^Norman L. Cooper, Urban Transportation: An Answer, Bloomington, Indiana, 1971, p. 33. 62 Coordination of t r a n s p o r t programming must a l s o be under-taken i n conjunction with some r e v i s i o n of the f i n a n c i n g p o l i c i e s f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs. Fragmentation of p o l i c y implementation i s accompanied by fragmentation of pro-gram funding r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . As a r e s u l t , broad d i s p a r i t i e s e x i s t between the need and a v a i l a b i l i t y of funds among govern-ment tr a n s p o r t agencies and the various modes. L o c a l urban government faced w i t h the most se r i o u s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems and l a c k i n g independent t a x i n g a u t h o r i t y have the l e a s t access to s u f f i c i e n t , funding without the support of f e d e r a l , p r o v i n -c i a l or s t a t e agencies. S i m i l a r l y , among modes of t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n , the more c r i t i c a l f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s of mass t r a n s i t are ignored i n deference to a l r e a d y well-funded road p r i o r i -t i e s . C l e a r l y , a comprehensive f i n a n c i n g p o l i c y must be deve-loped to implement new p o l i c y p r i o r i t i e s of urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n . Otherwise, as W i l f r e d Owen observes, ... l a c k i n g a uniform p o l i c y w i t h respect to the f i n a n c -i n g of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s r e s u l t s i n a s i t u a t i o n i n which d i f f e r e n c e s i n f i n a n c i a l methods r a t h e r than consumer t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs and d e s i r e s are determin-i n g the nature of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n investment.39 A uniform f i n a n c i n g p o l i c y i s a l s o argued on the basis o f e f f i c i e n t as w e l l as e f f e c t i v e p o l i c y implementation. The d u p l i c a t i o n and overlapping of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s i n an uncoordinated system r e s u l t s i n i n e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n and waste of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n resources. The high c o s t s of p r o v i d -i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s j u s t i f i e s the e f f i c i e n t • ^ W i l f r e d Owen, The M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem, p. 142. 63 use of funds. Viewed i n t h i s context, e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t p o l i c y implementation would suggest the establishment of a s i n g l e c o o r d i n a t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n body /administering a pool of funds c o n t r i b u t e d from p a r t i c i p a t i n g p u b l i c and p r i v a t e agencies. Both W i l f r e d Owen and L y l e F i t c h support t h i s form o f p o l i c y implementation machinery. R e v i s i o n of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and f i n a n c i a l arrange-ments of p o l i c y implementation, t h e r e f o r e , w i l l p l a y a c r u c i a l r o l e i n adapting the t o t a l policy-making process to the new demands of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. To b r i e f l y summarize, t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the p o l i c y -making process has shown the need f o r 1. comprehensive policy-making centred a t the r e g i o n a l l e v e l o f j u r i s d i c t i o n which coordinates the goals and objec-t i v e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies and the community; 2. coordinated p o l i c y implementation and f i n a n c i n g arrangements; 3. p a r t i c i p a t o r y policy-making among both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e agencies i n v o l v e d i n p r o v i d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r -v i c e s . In t h i s way, the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e shows the proposed f u t u r e goals as p l a u s i b l e requirements f o r the p o l i c y pro-cess i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Chapter Summary This chapter has attempted to i d e n t i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o b l e m a n d the 64 processes of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y development. I n i t i a l a n a l y s i s of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem revealed i t to be one of formidable scope and complexity. P l a c i n g the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g process i n the general context of urban planning showed that despite c r i t i c i s m s of the r a t i o n a l view, the urban planning process was e v o l v i n g toward a more comprehensive p e r s p e c t i v e on urban problems. Looking at the h i s t o r i c a l development o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning a l s o showed th a t i t a l s o was broadening i t s scope i n adapting to the changing context o f the urban t r a n s p o r t problem. And f i n a l l y , an attempt to determine the necessary requirements to adapt planning and p o l i c y to the problem v e r i f i e d the need f o r com-prehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the t r a n s -p o r t planning and p o l i c y processes. However, as was p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, the c a p a b i l i t y of t r a n s p o r t p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y to deal w i t h the problem w i l l depend on the r e c o g n i t i o n of these goals by planners and policy-makers. This study now turns to examine t h i s aspect of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n r e l a t i o n to the study area. 65 CHAPTER 3 METROPOLITAN TRANSPORTATION PLANNING  AND POLICY IN GREATER VANCOUVER The previous chapter i d e n t i f i e d some of the c r i t i c a l d e f i c i e n c i e s of the planning and p o l i c y processes which o b s t r u c t the development of e f f e c t i v e s o l u t i o n s to the metro-p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. A review of the t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e suggested that planning and p o l i c y must s t r i v e towards the goals of comprehensiveness, c o - o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n order to surmount these b a r r i e r s . T h i s chapter continues t h i s theme by examining these goals i n the context of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y i n the study area of Greater Vancouver. As was noted e a r l i e r , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y i n Greater Vancouver has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d by three major i n i t i a t i v e s : the urban freeway program, the P r o v i n c i a l t r a n -s i t program and the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n program. An attempt w i l l be made to evaluate these e f f o r t s i n terms of comprehensiveness, c o - o r d i n a t i o n and par-t i c i p a t i o n so as to i s o l a t e the c r i t i c a l planning and p o l i c y process d e f i c i e n c i e s . This w i l l be accomplished through an h i s t o r i c a l review of each program supplemented by a r e t r o -s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-makers as found by the questionnaire survey. This i n f o r m a t i o n and data w i l l then be a p p l i e d to t e s t the hypothesis t h a t the r e l a -66 t i v e l y low l e v e l of accomplishment f o r these previous e f f o r t s was due to an unresponsive a t t i t u d e to the three goals of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y . Background The Greater Vancouver area comprises t h i r t e e n m u n i c i -p a l i t i e s occupying the southwestern corner of Canada. With a m e t r o p o l i t a n p o p u l a t i o n of about 1.2 m i l l i o n , i t i s the t h i r d l a r g e s t c i t y i n the country. Vancouver has a t t a i n e d i t s p o s i t i o n of importance l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of the presence of p l e n t i f u l n a t u r a l resources i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia and Western Canada, combined w i t h the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s to a l l o w t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n has always been an important element i n Vancouver's development. The extension of the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l r o a d to i t s western terminus i n Vancouver spurred the c i t y ' s growth as a major port f o r the export of P r a i r i e wheat and l o c a l f o r e s t and mining products. Urban tr a n s p o r -t a t i o n w i t h i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n area dates back to 1889 when the f i r s t e l e c t r i c s t r e e t car s e r v i c e was provided i n Vancouver c i t y . The few roads which e x i s t e d then were roughly slashed through the f o r e s t s and farms of the area f o r the con-venience of the m i l i t a r y , the l o g g i n g i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e . From these e a r l y beginnings u n t i l the end of the Second World War, urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s were dominated by the expansion of p u b l i c t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s . The extension of s t r e e t car l i n e s accompanied the a r e a l expansion of the c i t y F i g u r e 1 66 (A) GREATER VANCOUVER 67 of Vancouver u n t i l l i n k s were e s t a b l i s h e d to the surrounding m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Burnaby, New Westminster and Richmond. The inte r u r b a n system of s t r e e t c a r l i n e s focussed on the c i t y centre as the commercial and i n d u s t r i a l core with r e s i d e n t i a l development strung out close to t r a n s i t l i n e s . The develop-ments c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l those i n other North American c i t i e s ; the planning and operation of the t r a n s i t s e r v i c e was under-taken by a p r i v a t e u t i l i t y — t h e B.C. E l e c t r i c Company. Government involvement i n the planning of urban tr a n s -p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s i n Vancouver d i d not begin i n earnest u n t i l 1926 when the c i t y commissioned Harland Bartholemew and Asso-c i a t e s to produce a master pl a n f o r the c i t y . The Bart h o l e -mew P l a n l a i d down the major s t r e e t network and al s o included some elements of s t r e e t car t r a n s i t . L a t e r , i n 19^6, B a r t h o l -emew returned to r e v i s e and update the 1929 P l a n t o accommo-2 date "the incre a s e d number and use of the automobile." During the i n t e r v e n i n g p e r i o d , automobile usage had r a p i d l y gained and f i n a l l y surpassed t r a n s i t as the major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n mode i n the r e g i o n . The 19^7 P l a n responded t o t h i s need by proposing the upgrading of some major s t r e e t s to a r t e r i a l c a p a c i t i e s , completion or improvement of c e r t a i n bridge l i n k s and the conversion of the t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s from s t r e e t c a r s to t r o l l e y s . Although the road plans of 1929 and 19^7 were ^Harland Bartholemew and A s s o c i a t e s , A P l a n f o r the C i t y  of Vancouver, (Vancouver, 1929) . ^Harland Bartholemew and A s s o c i a t e s , A P r e l i m i n a r y Report  Upon the Major S t r e e t P l a n , (Vancouver, 1947). 68 never o f f i c i a l l y adopted by the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l they became, with time, the major operative plan f o r roads and s t r e e t s i n the c i t y . The 1947 Bartholemew P l a n i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t because'it e f f e c t i v e l y s h i f t e d the focus of urban transpor-t a t i o n planning i n Vancouver from an emphasis on p r i v a t e u t i l i t y company'involvement i n r a i l t r a n s i t p lanning to major involvement by the c i v i c government i n roads and s t r e e t s plan' ning.. The emerging concern f o r adapting to the demands of the automobile developed with a close eye on the concurrent 3 proposals f o r a n a t i o n a l expressway system i n the U.S. The 1947 P l a n readjusted the road network i n Vancouver to a l l o w f o r urban freeways connected with the Trans-Canada Highway. In t h i s sense, the plan e s t a b l i s h e d the g u i d i n g philosophy u n d e r l y i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n the years to come. Subsequent p o l i t i c a l developments and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s during the e a r l y f i f t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d an economic r a t i o n a l e f o r highway planning. This l i n k between economic and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n goals sprang from the two domi-nant fo r c e s shaping post-war s o c i e t y : increased m o b i l i t y provided by automobile ownership and a strong commitment to economic growth and t e c h n o l o g i c a l progress. The newly e l e c -ted S o c i a l C r e d i t p r o v i n c i a l government i n 1952 adopted the p r e v a i l i n g ethos of the p e r i o d as government p o l i c y to im-prove the highway system as a t o o l f o r opening up the \ . S e t t y Pendakur, C i t i e s , C i t i z e n s and Freeways, (Vancouver, B.C., 1972), p. 4. 69 4 r e s o u r c e - r i c h i n t e r i o r of the P r o v i n c e . The t r a n s l a t i o n of the conventional wisdom of the era i n t o expressed p u b l i c p o l i c y gave impetus to l a r g e s c a l e government a c t i v i t y i n the area of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n Greater Vancouver. E s c a l a t i n g governmental involvement i n p r o v i d i n g urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s c o i n c i d e d with the developing automobile-highway technology and the beginnings of the comprehensive metropolitan planning s t u d i e s of the f i f t i e s . This p a r a l l e l emergence of a p o l i c y philosophy and commitment combined with a p l a n n i n g process and technology se t the stage f o r a decade of freeway planning f o r the Greater Vancouver. The P r o v i n c i a l Freeway Program, 1959-1972 The e v o l u t i o n of an urban -freeway program f o r Greater Vancouver f o l l o w e d the t r a d i t i o n a l process of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making which had developed over the preceding f i f t y years. A perceived t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem i n i t i a t e d the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process. The planning process would define the problem, e s t a b l i s h the goals and o b j e c t i v e s and u l t i m a t e l y propose a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r government a c t i o n . The p o l i c y process would f o l l o w the planning process to e i t h e r s e l e c t the most appropriate a l t e r n a t i v e f o r implementation, r e j e c t a l l a l t e r n a t i v e s or remain uncommitted. Planning f o r urban freeways i n Greater Vancouver was i n i t i a t e d by a Committee f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Highway Planning Sr. S e t t y Pendakur, p. 16 70 i n 1956 with j o i n t membership from the P r o v i n c i a l government and the c e n t r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Vancouver, Burnaby and New Westminster. In conjunction w i t h i t s p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i c y , the Province was concerned with improving access through the c e n t r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to other areas of B r i t i s h Columbia. A c h i e v i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e would r e q u i r e major cross-ings of the F r a s e r R i v e r and B u r r a r d I n l e t as w e l l as urban highway l i n k s through the B u r r a r d P e n i n s u l a to connect the pro-posed bridges. These concerns i n i t i a t e d a planning process which corres-ponded c l o s e l y to the major me t r o p o l i t a n highway s t u d i e s underway i n the U.S. at the time. The problem was narrowly viewed as p r o v i d i n g greater a c c e s s i b i l i t y f o r the automobile user by overcoming p o t e n t i a l t r a f f i c congestion i n the c e n t r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Congestion was perceived as an obstacle to the attainment of o v e r r i d i n g economic goals which would accrue from t r a n s p o r t a t i o n investments.. And the a p p l i c a t i o n of the freeway technology represented the only a l t e r n a t i v e which could overcome the problem and achieve the goals. And f i n a l l y , the r e l i a n c e on the automobile-highway technology coloured the methodology of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning with a dominant engineering and t e c h n i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . P r e d i c t a b l y , the f i n a l r e p o r t of the Committee^rrecom^t/'.... mended that the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems of Greater Vancouver "Technical Committee f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Highway Planning, 1958-1959, A Study on Highway P l a n n i n g f o r the M e t r o p o l i t a n  Area.of the Lower Mainland of B.C., P a r t I I , "Freeways with Rapid T r a n s i t " .(March, 1959), p. 1. 71 "could only be s o l v e d e f f i c i e n t l y and p r a c t i c a l l y by c o n s t r u c t -i n g an e n t i r e l y separate system of high speed f a c i l i t i e s c a l l e d freeways." The proposals recommended a 45 mile system of grade l e v e l and e l e v a t e d freeways at a t o t a l cost o f 465 m i l l i o n i n c l u d i n g a T h i r d Crossing of Burrard I n l e t (see F i g u r e 2 ) . The 1959 Committee Report s e t the p a t t e r n f o r subsequent urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning during the s i x t i e s . I t e s t a b l i s h e d a cooperative working r e l a t i o n s h i p between the P r o v i n c i a l government and the c e n t r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . However, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p focussed at the t e c h n i c a l l e v e l with e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s only p e r i p h e r a l l y i n v o l v e d and c i t i z e n s not i n v o l v e d . Moreover, the Committee's mandate was l i m i t e d to the planning process of study and recommendation excluding a p o l i c y r o l e . Understandably, the t e c h n i c a l focus combined w i t h the automo-bile-highway philosophy to r e f l e c t the p r e v a i l i n g s t a t e o f the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning a r t . The t r a n s i t mode was viewed not as an a l t e r n a t i v e but as a supplement to freeways as s t a t e d i n the r e p o r t — t h a t "no form of t r a n s i t can be devised which w i l l be a r e a l i s t i c s u b s t i t u t e f o r the freeway system." And f i n a l l y , the r e p o r t proposed a number of freeway l i n k s through r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods as w e l l as h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l areas near the CBD without c o n s i d e r i n g the p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l and environmental impacts. In t o t a l , these i n i t i a l charac-t e r i s t i c s of the freeway planning process would l a t e r condi-t i o n the outcome of the o v e r a l l decision-making process. Technical Committee f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Highway Planning, p. X I . F i g u r e 2 71 (A) 72 Completion of the 1959"highway study s o l i d i f i e d the com-mitment of p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planners and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s to the implementation of the freeway plan. However, a p o l i c y commitment from the p r o v i n c i a l government never m a t e r i a l i z e d . P o l i t i c i a n s e v a l u a t i n g the proposals on the basis of economic c r i t e r i a were not convinced that the economic b e n e f i t s were s i g n i f i c a n t to j u s t i f y the high costs of the plan. The withholding of policy'commitment i n terms o f l e g i s l a t i v e and funding support l e f t a p o l i c y vacuum which would remain a dominant feature of the freeway program i n l a t e r years. Without p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y support, the implementation process could not proceed. However, the perceived economic b e n e f i t s of freeways to downtown Vancouver engendered substan-t i a l p o l i t i c a l and s t a f f support at the l o c a l m unicipal l e v e l . This support allowed the freeway planning process to continue. The c i v i c bureaucracy commissioned a s e r i e s of freeway s t u -d i e s conducted by a v a r i e t y of consultants from the e a r l y s i x t i e s up u n t i l 1967. Throughout t h i s p e r i o d both the p o l i c y i s s u e s and the planning methodology remained unchanged. However, by the mid s i x t i e s , p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s towards j freeways were beginning to s h i f t from p o s i t i v e to negative. By t h i s time, a number of freeway systems had been completed i n various major U.S. c i t i e s . The r e s u l t i n g d e s t r u c t i o n and d i s l o c a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods began to coalesce c i t i z e n s g-oups i n t o a u n i f i e d f r o n t against freeways. The p o l i c y issues surrounding urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n began to change; s o c i a l (equity and environmental concerns moved to the f o r e f r o n t 73 over the economic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, process faced pressure to i n c l u d e t r a n s i t planning and neigh-bourhood impacts as elements i n proposing and assessing t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a l t e r n a t i v e s . The freeway planning process i n Greater Vancouver r e -mained unresponsive to changing s o c i e t a l values. The Van-couver T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Study, commissioned by the C i t y of Vancouver i n 1966, proposed l o c a t i n g a major freeway i n t e r -change i n the heart of the c i t y ' s h i s t o r i c Gastown and Chinatown areas. Recognizing the p o t e n t i a l d e s t r u c t i o n , of t h e i r c u l t u r a l area, the Chinese community organized massive o p p o s i t i o n to the freeway proposals. The Chinatown Freeway iss u e provided the r a l l y i n g p o i n t f o r p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n to the e n t i r e freeway plan. Subsequently, i n e a r l y 1966, Van-couver C i t y C o u n c i l succumbed to p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n and voted to abandon the e n t i r e c i t y centre Freeway scheme. The abrupt defeat of the c i t y centre freeway proposals c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the freeway planning process. The planning process d e f i n e d the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem s o l e l y i n terms of b e n e f i t s f o r the automobile user. Lacking broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n from c i t i z e n s the planning process was unable to adapt to the emerging s o c i a l and environmental i s s u e s surrounding t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . However, there i s much reason to doubt t h a t even with s u b s t a n t i a l community support that the proposals would have gone beyond the planning stage. The freeway program a l s o l a c k e d the support of a strong p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y commitment. While the Province was able to fund numerous s t u d i e s , i t was u n w i l l i n g to e s t a b l i s h the l e g i s l a t i o n and funding arrangement f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of. the f a c i l i t i e s . P r o v i n c i a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y p r i o r i t i e s focussed on the p r o v i s i o n of i n t e r i o r highways f o r resource development outside the m e t r o p o l i t a n areas. The high costs of major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n investments n e c e s s i t a t e s a strong f i n a n c i a l commitment from s e n i o r governments. In the absence of a s t a t e d p o l i c y or c o s t - s h a r i n g arrangement, the Province was able to c o n s t a n t l y r e t r e a t from a f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n of the freeways. As a r e s u l t , the f r e e -way program became a p r o t r a c t e d planning process involved i n an unsuccessful search f o r a p o l i c y commitment f o r implemen-t a t i o n . Both the planning and p o l i c y inadequacies of the freeway program were compounded by fundamental;:cieficiencies i n the e n t i r e decision-making process.. The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making process had evolved with the p o l i c y process f o l l o w i n g the planning process. Such a sequence allows the planning process to continue without guidance or commitment from the government r e s p o n s i b l e f o r implementing the a l t e r n a t i v e s which emerge. P o l i c y guidance should be provided at the beginning of the decision-making process to assess the pro-blem and develop goals and o b j e c t i v e s f o r the planning pro-cess i n the context of other government goals and p r i o r i t i e s . The absence of p o l i c y guidance encourages a more constrained t e c h n i c a l view of the problem, goals and o b j e c t i v e s . P o l i c y commitment i n the form of l e g i s l a t i o n and funding should also precede the p l a n n i n g process. Given s u f f i c i e n t impetus at the l o c a l s t a f f l e v e l , the l a c k of an i n i t i a l p o l i c y commit-75 ment can a l l o w the planning process to continue i n d e f i n i t e l y . The f o r e g o i n g conclusions p o i n t to the need f o r funda-mental changes i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making process and i t s p o l i c y and planning components. The h i s t o r i c a l ana-l y s i s suggests the n e c e s s i t y f o r the p o l i c y process to precede the planning process to e s t a b l i s h a government commitment before proceeding with t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Without an i n i t i a l expressed statement of government p o l i c y the freeway program was s u b j e c t to two major d e f i c i e n c i e s : 1. a focus on economic and engineering c o n s i d e r a t i o n s produced a planning process which v/as not responsive to emerging s o c i a l and environmental values of c i t i z e n s ; 2. an a t t i t u d e of the p r o v i n c i a l government which placed a lower p r i o r i t y on metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n produced a p o l i c y implementation process which lacked adequate l e g i s l a -t i v e and funding arrangements. In summary, these p o l i c y and planning d e f i c i e n c i e s seem to be symptomatic of the broader t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making problem. However, c o r r o b o r a t i o n of t h i s conclusion w i l l r e q u i r e f u r t h e r examination of other t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making e f f o r t s i n Greater Vancouver. For the present, the v a l i d i t y of the p o l i c y and planning d e f i c i e n c i e s as ex-planations f o r the f a i l u r e to implement the freeway program remain to be t e s t e d by the r e s u l t s of the survey a n a l y s i s . R e t r o s p e c t i v e E v a l u a t i o n s o f the Freeway Program The sample of decision-makers were asked to evaluate the freeway program by i d e n t i f y i n g : 76 1. the f a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g the implementation problems of the program; and 2. the improvements necessary to have s u c c e s s f u l l y imple-mented the program. By posing these two questions, the research attempted to determine not o n l y the planning and p o l i c y d e f i c i e n c i e s but a l s o the means of c o r r e c t i n g these d e f i c i e n c i e s . Use of the open-ended question produced a wide v a r i e t y of responses. A n a l y s i s of these responses r e q u i r e d t h a t they be c l a s s i f i e d under o v e r a l l f a c t o r groupings. The r e s u l t s of the a n a l y s i s are presented f o r each question. A. Implementation Problem Factors Decision-makers provided a t o t a l of 43 responses when asked the question, "What f a c t o r s do you t h i n k were respon-s i b l e f o r the d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d with implementing the freeway program?" A n a l y s i s of the r e p l i e s produced eight c a t e g o r i e s of implementation problem f a c t o r s . These cate-g o r i e s are set f o r t h i n rank order by number of responses i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e : Table 1 IMPLEMENTATION PROBLEM FACTORS 1. Negative P u b l i c A t t i t u d e 15 2. Funding Inadequacies 7 3. Experience i n Other C i t i e s 7 4. Unfavourable A t t i t u d e of P r o v i n c i a l Government 6 5. Over-reaction to a Minor Problem 4 6. Unbalanced System 2 7. Late Involvement 2 8. P r o j e c t O r i e n t a t i o n 1 77 The implementation problems i d e n t i f i e d by decision-makers tend to corroborate the conclusions of the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s o f the freeway program. Decision-makers most f r e q u e n t l y men-tio n e d the negative p u b l i c a t t i t u d e , the funding inadequacies and the unfavourable a t t i t u d e o f the p r o v i n c i a l government as f a c t o r s which hindered implementation of the freeway program. C l a r i f i c a t i o n of these f a c t o r s r e q u i r e s s p e c i f i c a n a l y s i s of the i n d i v i d u a l responses w i t h i n each category. These are des-c r i b e d by category as f o l l o w s : 1) Negative P u b l i c A t t i t u d e Most responses a t t r i b u t e d p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n to s o c i a l and environmental concerns. C i t i z e n s feared the freeways would k i l l downtown Vancouver and r u i n i n t e r - c i t y neighbour-hoods. The f a c t t h a t these b e l i e f s were widely held allowed d i v e r s e groups of academics, p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and neighbour-hood r e s i d e n t s to coalesce i n t o a common f r o n t against the freeways. To many observers, the constant postponement of implementation made the program more s u s c e p t i b l e to p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n . 2) Funding Inadequacies Most responses i n t h i s category mentioned the high cost of the freeways. Some a t t r i b u t e d the excessive costs to the topography of Vancouver and the r e s u l t i n g need f o r expensive b r i d g e s . The absence of p r o v i n c i a l support combined with the i n a b i l i t y of the C i t y of Vancouver to finance the f r e e -way program made the costs p r o h i b i t i v e . 3) . Experience i n Other C i t i e s The importance of t h i s e x t e r n a l f a c t o r was under-played 73 by the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . Many responses perceived p a r a l -l e l s between c i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n i n Vancouver and the s i m i l a r experiences of Toronto with the Spadina Expressway and San Francisco with the Embarcadero Freeway. Decision-makers viewed these examples of s u c c e s s f u l p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n as explanations of why c i t i z e n concern f o r s o c i a l and environ-mental impacts d i d n o t . m a t e r i a l i z e u n t i l the l a t e s i x t i e s . 4) Unfavourable A t t i t u d e of the P r o v i n c i a l Government The decision-makers who mentioned t h i s f a c t o r t raced i t s source to the Province's use o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f o r p o l i -t i c a l purposes. Many a t t r i b u t e d the emphasis of the S o c i a l C r e d i t government on i n t e r i o r highways to the f a c t that most of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l support came from non-metropolitan h i n -t e r l a n d c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . This f a c t o r could p a r t l y e x p l a i n why the freeway planning process was unable to o b t a i n p o l i c y -making and funding support from the Pr o v i n c e . 5) Over-reaction to a Minor T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem Some o f those sampled viewed the freeway as a s o l u t i o n which was too severe i n r e l a t i o n to the problem. C r i t i c i s m s were d i r e c t e d at the problem d e f i n i t i o n stage of the planning process and the tendency f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planners to de-f i n e the problem i n terms of p r o j e c t e d l e v e l s of t r a f f i c and congestion. The tendency to p r o j e c t t r a f f i c problems too f a r i n t o the f u t u r e f e l l short of the e x i s t i n g r e a l i t y of comparatively minor congestion. One respondent suggested t h a t a software approach on t r a f f i c demand would have been more e f f e c t i v e than i n c r e a s i n g the supply o f road hardware. 79 6): Unbalanced System, Late Involvement, P r o j e c t O r i e n t a t i o n Some responses suggested t h a t freeways without major t r a n s i t improvements were an unbalanced system which too h e a v i l y favoured one mode. Others suggested t h a t major causes of the implementation problems were Vancouver 1s r e l a t i v e l y l a t e entrance i n t o freeway planning and the narrow p r o j e c t o r i e n t a t i o n of the process. B. Program Improvement Factors The program improvement f a c t o r s were derived from the sampled decision-makers' responses to the question, "In what ways could Vancouver's urban freeway program have been im-proved to have given i t a b e t t e r chance f o r s u c c e s s f u l imple-mentation?" The lower number of responses to t h i s question (28 i n t o t a l ) i n d i c a t e d that i t i s perhaps e a s i e r to p o i n t out d e f i c i e n c i e s i n a program than to suggest means f o r improvement. The program improvement f a c t o r s were a l s o c l a s -s i f i e d and grouped i n t o c a t e g o r i e s f o r purposes of a n a l y s i s . These f a c t o r c a t e g o r i e s are ranked by number of responses i n Table 2. Table I I PROGRAM IMPROVEMENT FACTORS Number 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. B e t t e r Freeway Design Broader P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n P l a n n i n g More Comprehensive Approach Stronger P o l i c y Support More E f f e c t i v e Implementation Not P o s s i b l e to Improve 8 6 4 3 3 __4 28 80 A l a r g e number of responses advocated improvements i n the output of the p l a n n i n g process ( b e t t e r freeway d e s i g n ) . How-ever, the m a j o r i t y of the responses suggested improvements i n the process i t s e l f ( F a c t o r s 2-5). Of these, most responses d e a l t with c o r r e c t i n g the planning process ( F a c t o r s 2 and 3), wh i l e the remainder suggested improvements to the policy-mak-i n g and implementation processes ( F a c t o r s 4 and 5). A broader understanding of these r e s u l t s can be gained by d e s c r i b i n g the s p e c i f i c responses w i t h i n each category as f o l l o w s : 1) B e t t e r Freeway Design Decision-makers viewed the s c a l e and route alignments of the freeways as l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the adverse p u b l i c r e a c t i o n . Many b e l i e v e d that the community impacts could have been a l l e v i a t e d by reducing the s c a l e of the proposals and r e a l i g n i n g the routes to avoid d e s t r u c t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l , c u l t u r a l and r e s i d e n t i a l areas of the c i t y . 2) Broader P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the P l a n n i n g Process Most responses i n t h i s category suggested t h a t broader involvement of the community at an e a r l i e r stage of the f r e e -way planning process could have educated both planners and the p u b l i c to each other's concerns. P u b l i c involvement could have developed c i t i z e n support of the proposals and thus might have avoided c o n f r o n t a t i o n . In t h i s sense, the concept of broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c l u d e d only c i t i z e n s groups. 3) More Comprehensive Approach There was some suggestion of the need f o r a comprehen-81 s i v e process approach which took i n t o account the unique t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs of Vancouver r a t h e r than the engineering p r o j e c t o r i e n t a t i o n adapted from the U.S. experience. D e c i -sion-makers advocated a planning process which evaluated a l l modes and o p t i o n s . 4) Stronger P o l i c y Support Responses i n t h i s category i n d i c a t e d t h a t i f the p r o v i n -c i a l government had placed a higher p r i o r i t y on urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n , the freeway program would have been implemented e a r l i e r . Thus, stronger p o l i c y support would have created a program which was l e s s expensive and l e s s s u s c e p t i b l e t o c i t i -zen o p p o s i t i o n . 5) More E f f e c t i v e Implementation Decision-makers focussed on the need f o r a f i r m p r o v i n -c i a l f i n a n c i a l commitment to urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . One r e s -pondent suggested a p r o v i n c i a l grants system s i m i l a r t o that of O ntario. A n a l y s i s of the R e t r o s p e c t i v e E v a l u a t i o n s o f the Freeway Program The e v a l u a t i o n s of the freeway program as obtained from the sampled decision-makers a t t r i b u t e d i n l a r g e measure the f a i l u r e of the freeway program t o a l a c k of comprehensiveness and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning and p o l i c y processes. The r e s -ponses i n d i c a t e d t h a t p u b l i c concern over the s o c i a l and environmental impacts of the freeway, p a r t l y as a r e s u l t of s i m i l a r experiences i n other c i t i e s , was the major f a c t o r 82 preventing implementation of the freeway program. To avoid t h i s problem, decision-makers advocated more p u b l i c p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n the e a r l y stages of the t r a n s p o r t p l a n n i n g process and to a somewhat l e s s e r extent, a more comprehensive aware-ness of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n impacts on the p a r t of planners. On the p o l i c y s ide of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , the sampled decision-makers pointed to major d e f i c i e n c i e s i n both the policy-making and p o l i c y implementation processes. The p o l i c y making process was hindered by an a t t i t u d e o f the p r o v i n c i a l government which placed a higher p r i o r i t y on r u r a l highways than on m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , f o r both economic and p o l i t i c a l reasons. As a r e s u l t , the freeway program became a process of continued study without p o l i c y a c t i o n . Lack of p o l i c y support i n e v i t a b l y produced a p o l i c y implementation process which never received the funding commitment to a l l o w i t to proceed. While the respondents saw the need f o r stronger p o l i c y and f i n a n c i a l support from the P r o v i n c e , they o f f e r e d few suggestions as to how t h i s would be achieved i f the s e n i o r governments remained unresponsive to m e t r o p o l i t a n transpor-t a t i o n needs. None suggested the more obvious mechanism of developing l e g i s l a t i o n to e s t a b l i s h and fund a r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t y to develop, coordinate and administer t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n s e r v i c e s i n Greater Vancouver. In f a c t , none of the decision-makers advocated c o o r d i n a t i o n as a major goal f o r the freeway p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y e f f o r t s . However, i t can be s t a t e d w i t h some assurance that the r e t r o s p e c t i v e evaluations of 83 the freeway program support the need f o r broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n and, t o some extent, comprehensiveness i n the planning pro-cess. Having examined the most lengthy phase of Greater Vancouver's past e f f o r t s i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, t h i s study now continues with an a n a l y s i s of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t e f f o r t s i n the r e g i o n from 1972 to 1975. The P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program, 1972-1975 P u b l i c t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s have continuously operated i n Vancouver si n c e the e a r l i e s t days of i t s existence as a settlement. The system of l o c a l and i n t e r - u r b a n s t r e e t c a r l i n e s e x i s t e d u n t i l 1955 when they were rep l a c e d by e l e c t r i c t r o l l e y buses w i t h i n the C i t y of Vancouver, and gas and d i e s e l powered buses s e r v i n g the suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of North and West Vancouver, Burnaby, New Westminster and Richmond. Management and operation of the t r a n s i t system was o r i g i n a l l y undertaken by a p r i v a t e t r a n s i t company, the B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway Company, which l a t e r d i v e r s i f i e d as a u t i l i t i e s company, shortening i t s name to the B.C. E l e c -t r i c Company. With time, the u t i l i t i e s branch of the oper-a t i o n expanded more r a p i d l y than the t r a n s i t operation u n t i l the f i f t i e s when the company became the B.C. Hydro and Power Corporation. By t h a t time, the c o r p o r a t i o n had become a major generator and exporter of hydro power w i t h a supplementary involvement i n operating the vast m a j o r i t y of bus operations 84 i n Greater Vancouver. Governmental involvement i n p u b l i c t r a n s i t operations d i d not begin u n t i l 1962 when the Province expropriated B.C. Hydro as a crown c o r p o r a t i o n . During the freeway plan-n i n g era, t r a n s i t operation was maintained but l i t t l e e f f o r t was made i n the planning or expansion o f t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s to meet the needs o f a growing suburban po p u l a t i o n o f Greater Vancouver. The r e j e c t i o n of the freeway program i n the l a t e s i x t i e s , the f i n a l defeat of the T h i r d C r o s s i n g proposals i n the e a r l y s e v e n t i e s and the e l e c t i o n of the New Democratic P a r t y (NDP) i n 1972 as the p r o v i n c i a l government marked the beginning of a r e b i r t h of t r a n s i t planning i n Greater Van-couver. Immediately a f t e r they assumed power, the NDP an-nounced a withdrawal of p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l support f o r the T h i r d C r o s s i n g and a r e a l l o c a t i o n of the $27 m i l l i o n p r o v i n -c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the development of a r a p i d t r a n s i t sys-tem f o r the r e g i o n . In t h i s sense, the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program was i n i t i a t e d with a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l commitment, even before the government's t r a n s i t p o l i c y was c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . However, the policy-making process f o r urban t r a n s i t can be traced t o the p a r t y p o l i c y p l a t f o r m developed before the NDP assumed power. The NDP p o l i c y document of 1972 a f f i r m e d that: 1. An NDP government w i l l develop an extensive p u b l i c t r a n s i t system i n our major c i t i e s i n conjunction w i t h c i t i z e n and community groups with the p r o v i n -c i a l government assuming the major f i n a n c i a l r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y . 8*5 2. An NDP government w i l l e s t a b l i s h a P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s p o r t a t i o n A u t h o r i t y t o co-ordinate a l l p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems and i n v e s t i g a t e the p o s s i b l e establishment of r a p i d t r a n s i t systems and other im-provements. 23 These two c a r e f u l l y worded p o l i c y statements c l e a r l y supported the concepts of broad p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning and co-ordinated p o l i c y implementation. The document assumes a s o l e l y p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the management and funding of urban t r a n s i t systems. However, i t i s noteworthy t h a t the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y does not a f f i r m the goal of comprehensiveness and no s p e c i f i c mention i s made of l a n d use or roads planning as supplementary t o t r a n s i t planning. Subsequent government t r a n s p o r t a t i o n policy-making e f f o r t s c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d party p o l i c y . S i x months l a t e r , i n 1973, during the Speech from the Throne debates, M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s M i n i s t e r , James Lorimer, r e - a f f i r m e d an e x c l u s i v e t r a n s i t o r i e n t a t i o n f o r a p r o v i n c i a l urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y when he s t a t e d t h a t . . . as a government, we have decided that we should move toward the t r a n s i t s o l u t i o n t o the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems of urban areas. 24 This d e c l a r a t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y s i g n i f i e d an abrupt change i n p r i o r i t i e s from the h i n t e r l a n d highway o r i e n t a t i o n of the former government to a new urban t r a n s i t emphasis. •'New Democratic Party of B r i t i s h Columbia, New Demo- c r a t i c Party P o l i c y , 1971-1974, A r t i c l e N (7). ^ P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Debates, 1973, Queen's P r i n t e r , ( V i c t o r i a , B.C. 1973), p. 28b*. 86 This general a s s e r t i o n of government p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n was s p e c i f i c a l l y defined a few weeks l a t e r i n A p r i l 1973 when the M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s M i n i s t e r r e l e a s e d a document en-t i t l e d , " P o l i c y Statement: P u b l i c T r a n s p o r t a t i o n f o r 25 B r i t i s h Columbia." The p o l i c y statement o u t l i n e d a number of g o a l s , p o l i c i e s and programs to govern p r o v i n c i a l a c t i o n i n the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f i e l d . The typology i n F i g u r e 3 c l a s s i f i e s the e s s e n t i a l elements of the p o l i c y statement. The goals and p o l i c i e s described i n the p o l i c y s t a t e -ment are somewhat misle a d i n g i n terms of the p a r t i c u l a r d e f i n i t i o n of the phrase, " t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system." Since the p o l i c i e s and programs do not s p e c i f i c a l l y mention the p r o v i s i o n of road systems, the term " t r a n s p o r t a t i o n " would seem t o e x c l u s i v e l y r e f e r to t r a n s i t systems. For t h i s reason, the goal of p r o v i d i n g a "balanced" t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system does not i n d i c a t e a comprehensive, multi-modal approach but only a d e s i r e to b r i n g t r a n s i t systems i n t o balance wi t h the e x i s t i n g well-developed road system. Sim-i l a r l y , the p o l i c i e s of " i n t e g r a t i n g f a c i l i t i e s " and " r e -ducing d e f i c i t s " r e f e r only to t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s and d e f i -c i t s . I n t h i s sense, the p o l i c y statement of the NDP as the p r o v i n c i a l government r e f l e c t s the l i m i t e d comprehen-s i v e t r a n s i t o r i e n t a t i o n of "pre^government" party p o l i c y . However, the p o l i c y statement d i d represent a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the economic-engineering o r i e n t a t i o n of pre-vious t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. The goals present a view P J . G. Lorimer, " P o l i c y Statement: P u b l i c Transpor-t a t i o n f o r B r i t i s h Columbia," ( A p r i l 1973). ? r-O-V-inC-i a l _Trans it_F' r o g ram:—Pol i c y S t at emeat-GOALS POLICIES PROGRAMS to 1.1 Provide a "balanced" t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system I I . Conserve and enhance community l i f e III.I Achieve the gre a t e s t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n bene-f i t s from the invest-ment of community resources A. Decrease dependency on the automobile In t e g r a t e a l l transporta-t i o n f a c i l i t i e s Provide greater m o b i l i t y f o r non-automobile users Reduce a i r p o l l u t i o n Reduce t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e f i c i t I n v i t e f e d e r a l p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n f i n a n c i n g urban p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n I systems  l \ E x p a n d current B.C. Hydro plans to achieve a region-wide system of urban and suburban s e r v i c e s . Examine the various a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r higher a p a c i t y r a i l t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s . Develop i n t e r - r e g i o n a l passenger s e r v i c e s . Provide f i n a n c i a l a s s i s -tance to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to improve t r a n s i t sys-tems. SOURCE: Adapted from Lorimer, J . G., M i n i s t e r of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Province of B.C., P o l i c y Statement, P u b l i c Transportation f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, A p r i l 1973. go-of transport; asca s e r v i c e to people r a t h e r than as a means of reducing congestion or a c h i e v i n g economic o b j e c t i v e s . The p o l i c i e s recognize the e x t e r n a l environment impacts of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , a v a r i e t y of a l t e r n a t i v e s and the need to co-ordinate the va r i o u s modes. In t h i s sense, the p o l i c y statement as a whole r e f l e c t s a much broader view of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. The p o l i c y statement represented the f i r s t major pro-v i n c i a l policy-making e f f o r t i n the h i s t o r y of urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Having set the p o l i c y -making process i n a c t i o n , the p o l i c y implementation process immediately f o l l o w e d . The government proceeded to develop the organizational s t r u c t u r e t o implement the t r a n s i t p o l i c y . I n e a r l y 1973, the M i n i s t e r of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s created a separate agency i n the Department. The Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s was assigned the t a s k s of both t r a n s i t program planning and p o l i c y implementation. The p o l i c y statement o u t l i n e d the agency's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as f o l l o w s : 1. to determine p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n requirements; 2. t o advise the government on p o l i c y matters r e l a t i n g the p r o v i s i o n of p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; and 26 3. t o implement p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs. These a c t i o n s d i r e c t l y concentrated t r a n s i t planning and p o l i c y a u t h o r i t y i n the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet and a p r o v i n c i a l agency l e g a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e only t o the Cabinet. The p o l i c y proposals of the NDP provided necessary " P o l i c y Statement: P u b l i c T r a n s p o r t a t i o n f o r B r i t i s h Columbia," p. 14. $9 p o l i c y support f o r t r a n s i t planning but d i d not introduce comprehensive and co-ordinated planning and implementation f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as a whole. The p o l i c y simply c e n t r a l -i z e d planning and implementation f o r urban t r a n s i t s i m i l a r to the c o n t r o l e x e r c i s e d by the Department of Highways over p r o v i n c i a l roads. The t r a n s i t p o l i c y d i d not e s t a b l i s h mechanisms to co-ordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the various p r o v i n c i a l departments i n v o l v e d i n planning and implement-i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s i n urban areas nor d i d i t o f f i c i a l l y endorse the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of r e g i o n a l , municipal and p r i v a t e t r a n s i t planning and operating agencies i n the decision-making processes. Thus, measures to provide a t r a n s i t o r g a n i z a t i o n were not conducive to broad p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n the planning of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n per se, nor co-ordinated multi-modal t r a n s p o r t p o l i c i e s and programs. Subsequently, i n September 1973, the Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s i n i t i a t e d e f f o r t s t o f u l f i l l two of i t s designated r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The agency submitted t o the Cabinet an i n i t i a l assessment of p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n requirements and proposed a s i x - p o i n t program r e q u i r i n g : 1. p o l i t i c a l commitment f o r p o s i t i v e a c t i o n i n p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t ; 2. c r e a t i o n of a new p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t image; 3. c r e a t i o n and development of the necessary resources; 4. adequate funding; 5. enabling l e g i s l a t i o n ; and 90 27 6. integration with other action policies. The f i r s t three requirements were prompted by the view that present transit operators lacked the management and finan-c i a l capability to plan and adapt to meet the challenge of 28 the future. On this basis, the Bureau proposed that the provincial government assume overall control of management, funding and marketing of transit services. Combined with party policy and the policy statement, the Bureau's sub-mission provided a firm policy-making foundation on which to develop a process of transit planning and implementa-tion. The legislative and funding requirements necessary to allow the Province to assume major control of transit plan-ning, funding and implementation were immediately forth-coming. The Transit Services Act of 1974 gave the Minister of Municipal Affairs broad powers to research, design, plan, construct, equip, purchase and maintain any and a l l trans-portation systems i n the Province. The Burrard Inlet (Third Crossing) Amendment Act (1974) authorized the trans-f e r r a l of the $27 million Third Crossing allocation into a special transit fund created by the Provincial Transit Fund Act (1974). And f i n a l l y , the Provincial Rapid Transit Sub-sidy Act vested the major responsibility for transit fund-'Ministry of Municipal Affairs, Towards a Policy and  Program for Public Transportation i n British Columbia: A  Presentation to Cabinet by the Bureau of Transit Services, (September 5 , 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 7 . Ibid., p. 7 91 i n g a t the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l by a u t h o r i z i n g the government to su b s i d i z e 100 percent of the c a p i t a l costs and 50 percent of the operating costs of municipal t r a n s i t systems. Passage of the l e g i s l a t i o n gave the M i n i s t e r of Muni-c i p a l A f f a i r s and the Bureau the u l t i m a t e decision-making power i n the f i e l d of urban t r a n s i t . However, the respon-s i b i l i t y of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t o share operating costs and the p r e - e x i s t i n g s u b s t a n t i a l involvement of B. C. Hydro i n operatin g and ma i n t a i n i n g the Greater Vancouver t r a n s i t system n e c e s s i t a t e d some p a r t i c i p a t i o n by these agencies i n implementing t r a n s i t programs. The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t (GVRD), however, was e f f e c t i v e l y excluded from involvement. Even though i t had p r e v i o u s l y developed a major r o l e i n r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and land-use p l a n -ning, the GVRD had not gained nor d i d the l e g i s l a t i o n a s s i g n a s p e c i f i c funding or operating f u n c t i o n f o r urban t r a n s i t . And since the planning f u n c t i o n was e x c l u s i v e l y assigned to the Bureau, the GVRD was l e f t outside the d e c i s i o n -making process. During 1974 and 1975, the Bureau proceeded to develop t r a n s i t programs f o r Greater Vancouver as w e l l as f o r c e r -t a i n of the smaller urban centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia. T r a n s i t system plans f o r Greater Vancouver envisaged an i n t e g r a t e d system of l o c a l , suburban and i n t e r - r e g i o n a l buses, commuter r a i l and l i g h t r a i l t r a n s i t , and a f e r r y s e r v i c e l i n k i n g t e r m i n a l s l o c a t e d i n major a c t i v i t y centres over the Lower Mainland. By the end of 1975, the Bureau 92 had implemented suburban s e r v i c e s i n the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Coquitlam, Surrey, D e l t a and White Rock; developed p r e l i m -i n a r y designs f o r two l a r g e - s c a l e multi-modal t r a n s i t interchanges i n downtown Vancouver and North Vancouver; and completed designs f o r a f e r r y s e r v i c e across B u r r a r d I n l e t t o l i n k these two major t e r m i n a l s . C e n t r a l i z e d planning and implementation had accom-p l i s h e d a great deal i n a short time but by e a r l y 1975 the t r a n s i t program began t o encounter d i f f i c u l t i e s . I n the area of t r a n s i t planning, the ambitious and r e f o r m i s t approach of the Bureau management c o n f l i c t e d w i t h the l o n g -e s t a b l i s h e d and more conservative p r a c t i c e s of many t r a n s i t operat.ers, i n c l u d i n g B. C. Hydro. The Bureau's d e s i r e to c e n t r a l i z e the planning f u n c t i o n allowed f o r the co-opera-t i o n but not the involvement of operating agencies i n t r a n s i t p lanning. As the resentment of B. C. Hydro o f f i -c i a l s t o the dominance of the Bureau i n c r e a s e d , the Bureau became more s e n s i t i v e t o c r i t i c i s m and more defensive, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t even the c o n s u l t a t i v e arrangements between the two agencies were eroded. S i m i l a r l y , the Bureau's c o n t r o l over the planning func-t i o n i n h i b i t e d the c o - o r d i n a t i o n of t r a n s i t planning w i t h l o c a l government planning. The Bureau viewed the GVRD as a competitor r a t h e r than a p o s s i b l e c o l l a b o r a t o r i n t r a n -s i t planning. The r e s u l t i n g e x c l u s i o n of the GVRD from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n developing t r a n s i t plans undermined the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two agencies and l o s t f o r the Bureau, the t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e the GVRD could have pro-93 vided. Moreover, the Bureau's c e n t r a l i z e d planning c o n t r o l ignored m u n i c i p a l government land-use plans, thus f u r t h e r i n h i b i t i n g c o - o r d i n a t i v e processes. I n essence, the d e s i r e of the Bureau f o r r a p i d imple-mentation of t r a n s i t programs bred an aggressive and impatient a t t i t u d e towards the operators and the m u n i c i p a l -i t i e s . The d e c i s i o n by the Bureau t o expropriate prime waterfront l a n d f o r the l o c a t i o n of an i n t e g r a t e d t r a n s i t t e r m i n a l l e d t o a b i t t e r disagreement w i t h the C i t y of North Vancouver. Expansion of suburban bus s e r v i c e s was welcomed by most of the a f f e c t e d m u n i c i p a l i t i e s but many munic i p a l p o l i t i c i a n s resented the d i c t a t o r i a l way the s e r -v i c e s were implemented without l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I n some cases, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Bureau and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s degenerated i n t o p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l h o s t i l i t y . The absence of l o c a l involvement i n t r a n s i t decision-making l e d t o numerous complaints from businesses and c i t i z e n s about the bus s e r v i c e s a f t e r t h e i r i n t r o d u c -t i o n . And f i n a l l y , the d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h B. C. Hydro i n h i b i t e d the c a p a b i l i t y of the Bureau to take f u l l advantage of the operating experience of the Company during the implementation of t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s . A l l of these d i f f i c u l t i e s produced a p o l i c y implementation process which s a c r i f i c e d program e f f e c t i v e n e s s f o r the purposes of e f f i c i e n t implementation. The d e t e r i o r a t i o n of inter-agency and inter-governmen-t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n continued u n t i l 94 the defeat of the NDP i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s o f August 1975. The r e t u r n i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t government e f f e c t i v e l y -s h i f t e d the Bureau's a c t i v i t i e s from metropolitan areas to t r a n s i t planning f o r the h i n t e r l a n d towns of B r i t i s h Columbia where i t remains to t h i s day. In r e t r o s p e c t , the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t e f f o r t s from 1972-75 made a valuable c o n t r i b u t i o n to urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Greater Vancouver. The abrupt s h i f t i n transpor-t a t i o n p r i o r i t i e s from highways to t r a n s i t was long overdue. The p r o v i n c i a l programs countered the twenty-year neglect of urban t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s and brought t r a n s i t more i n t o balance w i t h road systems. For the f i r s t time i n Greater Vancouver's h i s t o r y , p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y making emphasized metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . More im p o r t a n t l y , however, the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y developed a more e f f e c t i v e decision-making process by chang-i n g the sequence of p o l i c y and planning. P o l i c y development preceded the plann i n g process, assessing the problem and set-t i n g goals and o b j e c t i v e s . The goals of the t r a n s i t p o l i c y o r i g i n a t e d i n a pa r t y p o l i c y which was fashioned from the a s p i r a t i o n s o f rank and f i l e p a r t y members and tempered by the experience of government p o l i t i c i a n s . As such, the pro-v i n c i a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y r e f l e c t e d a broader view of the metro-p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem by r e c o g n i z i n g the e x t e r n a l impacts of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and the needs of the non-automobile user andOanphasizing the s o c i a l over the economic b e n e f i t s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . In short, by su b o r d i n a t i n g the planning pro-cess, the t r a n s i t p o l i c y avoided the narrow t e c h n i c a l view 95 and thereby r e f l e c t e d a greater awareness of the changing con-t e x t of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i d e n t i f i e d by John Dickey and others i n the previous chapter. However, the t r a n s i t e f f o r t s were su b j e c t to a number of d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the planning and p o l i c y implementation pro-cesses. The p l a n n i n g process lacked: 1. a comprehensive view which included c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the road and l a n d use aspects o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; 2. c o o r d i n a t i o n with t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning e f f o r t s con-ducted by other p r o v i n c i a l departments and .  l o c a l governments; and 3. broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n system planning by other agencies. The f i r s t d e f i c i e n c y can be a t t r i b u t e d to p o l i c y l i m i t a t i o n s ; the second and t h i r d , to a d e s i r e to accomplish too much too f a s t , n e c e s s i t a t i n g o v e r - c e n t r a l i z e d planning. The p o l i c y implementation process possessed most of the requirements f o r e f f e c t i v e programs: adequate l e g i s l a t i o n and funding combined with an o r g a n i z a t i o n with broad powers. How-ever, i t lacked the mechanisms to a l l o w meaningful p a r t i c i p a -t i o n by l o c a l government and t r a n s i t o p e r a t i n g companies i n decision-making. At best, other agencies were l i m i t e d to a c o n s u l t a t i v e r o l e ; at worst, they were excluded a l t o g e t h e r . The a r r i v a l of a new governing p a r t y at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l marked the end of another p a r t i a l attempt to develop a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program f o r Greater Vancouver; another plan-n i n g e f f o r t which o n l y p a r t l y recognized the changing values o f urban s o c i e t y ; another implementation process whose d e f i -c i e n c i e s created formidable o b s t a c l e s i n i t s path. Having a r r i v e d at these conclusions from an h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , i t remains to determine whether the r e t r o s p e c t i v e evaluations obtained from the questionnaire s u b s t a n t i a t e these f i n d i n g s . 96 R e t r o s p e c t i v e E v a l u a t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program The questionnaire posed three open-ended questions to decision-makers i n an attempt to determine: 1. the successes of the t r a n s i t program i n comparison to the freeway program; 2. the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the t r a n s i t program; and 3. the means of c o r r e c t i n g these d e f i c i e n c i e s . The i n t e r v i e w s y i e l d e d a s i g n i f i c a n t number of responses f o r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , a n a l y s i s and e v a l u a t i o n of the t r a n s i t pro-gram i n these three areas. The responses were categorized i n the same way as those r e l a t i n g to the freeway program and are reported below. A. The Successes of the P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program The sample of decision-makers were asked the question, "What were the major successes o f the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t pro' gram?" The t h i r t y - f o u r r e p l i e s produced eleven cat e g o r i e s which are ranked by frequency of response i n the f o l l o w i n g : Table I I I TRANSIT PROGRAM ACCOMPLISHMENT FACTORS 1. Expansion of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s 9 2. Greater A c c e s s i b i l i t y f o r Non Auto-users 5 3 . I n t r o d u c t i o n of New T r a n s i t Concepts 5 4 . Change i n Emphasis from Roads to T r a n s i t 4 5 . Greater P o l i c y Support from Province 4 6 . Provided More Balanced Transport System 3 7. Quick Implementation 2 8. R e l i e v e d Some Pressure on S t r e e t Systems 2 9 . More Comprehensive P l a n n i n g 1 10. Encouraged P a r t i c i p a t i o n of Other Agencies 1 11. Kept Vancouver Economically V i a b l e __1 34 97 I d e n t i f y i n g the accomplishments of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n -s i t program was intended to serve as a b a s i s f o r comparison w i t h i t s predecessor, the urban freeway program, from a planning and p o l i c y p o i n t of view. However, the accomplish-ments most f r e q u e n t l y mentioned by decision-makers were those which would have accrued w i t h respect to road systems had the freeway program been implemented. I n terms of the f i r s t f o u r c a t e g o r i e s , the urban freeway program would a l s o have expanded t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s , provided greater a c c e s s i b i l i t y , introduced new concepts and s u b s t a n t i a l l y s h i f t e d the pre-war emphasis on t r a n s i t . Taking t h i s view, i t would seem th a t the major successes of the t r a n s i t pro-gram i n v o l v e d i t s higher p r o d u c t i v i t y r a t h e r than i t s p l a n -ning or p o l i c y improvements. However, the respondents d i d recognize the p o l i c y im-provements r e s u l t i n g from stronger p r o v i n c i a l support f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Some a l s o supported the goal of the t r a n s i t p o l i c y f o r a more modally balanced t r a n s p o r t system. P r e d i c t a b l y , the decision-makers were l e s s a p p r e c i a t i v e of the t r a n s i t planning process except to i n f r e q u e n t l y observe th a t i t progressed f u r t h e r on the path t o comprehensiveness and p a r t i c i p a t i o n than the freeway program. S p e c i f i c responses w i t h i n each category are described as f o l l o w s : !• Expansion of T r a n s i t S e r vices The most f r e q u e n t l y recognized accomplishment of the t r a n s i t program was the extension of r e g u l a r bus se r -v i c e to suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n Greater Vancouver. Most responses i n d i c a t e d t h a t r e c o g n i t i o n of the t r a n -98 s i t needs of suburban areas was long overdue. 2. Greater A c c e s s i b i l i t y f o r Non-Auto Users Most responses i n t h i s category viewed the bus s e r v i c e improvements as broadening o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r senior c i t i z e n s , the handicapped, the poor, the young and housewives f o r access to employment, r e c r e a t i o n , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and commercial f a c i l i t i e s i n the suburbs. 3. I n t r o d u c t i o n of New T r a n s i t Concepts Many respondents were impressed w i t h the Bureau's e f f o r t s t o introduce advanced European o p e r a t i o n a l and marketing concepts t o the t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s i n Greater Vancouver. S p e c i f i c references were made to commuter r a i l , l i g h t r a i l t r a n s i t , the fe r r y - b u s and the timed t r a n s f e r concept. 4. Change i n Emphasis from Roads t o T r a n s i t Some decision-makers welcomed the t r a n s i t improvements as c r i t i c a l t o the long-term t r a n s p o r t a t i o n requirements of Greater Vancouver. Respondents c r e d i t e d the program wit h s t i m u l a t i n g more r e a l i s t i c t h i n k i n g of t r a n s i t o p t i o n s , by i d e n t i f y i n g t r a n s i t problems, searching f o r new a l t e r n a t i v e s and engendering a t r a n s i t h a b i t among younger people. 5. Stronger -Policy Support from the P r o v i n c i a l Government Decision-makers recognized a gr e a t e r s e n s i t i v i t y on the part of the NDP p r o v i n c i a l government t o Greater Van-couver's t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs combined w i t h a stronger 99 commitment to meeting these needs. 6. More Balanced T r a n s p o r t a t i o n System Respondents i d e n t i f y i n g t h i s accomplishment viewed the t r a n s i t program as producing a g r e a t e r d i v e r s i t y of t r a n s p o r t mode options f o r the user thus b r i n g i n g the supply of road and t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s i n t o b e t t e r balance. 7. Speedy Implementation Two respondents pointed to the expeditious implemen-t a t i o n of the t r a n s i t p o l i c y as both necessary and d i f f i c u l t , and t h e r e f o r e worthy of p r a i s e . 8. R e l i e v e d Pressure on Vancouver S t r e e t Systems Two r e p l i e s viewed the t r a n s i t program as a necessary stop-gap measure to f o r e s t a l l the need f o r major up-grading of the Greater Vancouver road system. 9. More Comprehensive Planning, Broader P a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  Economic V i a b i l i t y S i g n i f i c a n t l y only two responses viewed the t r a n s i t program as e i t h e r comprehensive or p a r t i c i p a t o r y , sug-g e s t i n g t h a t these two f e a t u r e s were not c l e a r l y e v i -dent i n the program. A s i n g l e response viewed the t r a n s i t program as a major economic boost to the r e g i o n . B. The D e f i c i e n c i e s of the P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program A t o t a l of: f o r t y - s i x r e p l i e s were obtained i n response to the f o l l o w i n g question: "What were the major problems or 100 inadequacies of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y and program?" The r e p l i e s r e c e i v e d were grouped to produce e i g h t categor-i e s of t r a n s i t program d e f i c i e n c i e s as i n d i c a t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e : Table IV TRANSIT PROGRAM DEFICIENCY FACTORS 1. Contentious R e l a t i o n s w i t h the GVRD a 2. Adverse R e l a t i o n s with M u n i c i p a l Gov'ts a 3. Over-zealous implementation 7 4. Lack of Cooperative P l a n n i n g 6 5. Poor R e l a t i o n s with B.C. Hydro T r a n s i t 4 6. Funding Problems . 4 7. P o l i t i c a l M anipulation 3 a. Modal Imbalance of Program 3 9. Opera t i o n a l D i f f i c u l t i e s _ J 46 The m a j o r i t y of responses (26: t o t a l of Factors 1, 2, 4 and 5) recognized the i n a b i l i t y of the Bureau o f T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s to develop cooperative working r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the GVRD, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and B.C. Hydro T r a n s i t D i v i s i o n . The absence of inter-agency c o o r d i n a t i o n i d e n t i f i e d by the questi o n n a i r e sample f u l l y s u b s t a n t i a t e s the conclusions of the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . Moreover, the other f a c t o r s i d e n t i f i e d by d e c i s i o n -makers add f u r t h e r credence to the r e s u l t s of the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . The h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t e d 101 the domineering a t t i t u d e of the Bureau t o p o l i t i c a l pres-sure on Bureau management f o r speedy implementation of t r a n s i t programs. This conclusion i s corroborated by the r a t i n g s attached to Fa c t o r s 3 and 7 i n the questionnaire a n a l y s i s . At t h i s p o i n t , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the impor-tance of p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and program implementation. Implementation of both the f r e e -way program and the t r a n s i t program was adversely a f f e c t e d by the negative i n f l u e n c e of o v e r r i d i n g p o l i t i c a l motiva-t i o n . F u r t h e r c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the t r a n s i t program d e f i c i e n -cy f a c t o r s i s contained i n the f o l l o w i n g breakdown of decision-makers comments: 1. Contentious R e l a t i o n s w i t h the GVRD The par t of the sample who mentioned t h i s f a c t o r char-a c t e r i z e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Bureau and the GVRD as one of r i v a l r y and inte n s e disagreement even-t u a l l y degenerating i n t o an almost complete l a c k of communication. The Bureau seemed to perceive the GVRD as p a r t of the problem r a t h e r than the s o l u t i o n . One observer i n d i c a t e d an a t t i t u d e of je a l o u s y towards the Bureau on the pa r t of the GVRD. 2. Adverse R e l a t i o n s w i t h M u n i c i p a l Governments Many decision-makers i n t h i s group a t t r i b u t e d t h i s f a c -t o r to bas i c i d e o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the s o c i a l -i s t o r i e n t e d NDP p r o v i n c i a l government and the more 102 conservative municipal p o l i t i c i a n s . Many m u n i c i p a l i -t i e s came to resent the r e f o r m i s t and d i c t a t o r i a l stance.' of the Bureau which evolved from t h e i r d e s i r e to implement a broad program very q u i c k l y w i t h a. compar-a t i v e l y small s t a f f . The a t t i t u d e of the Bureau courted the d i s t r u s t of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s which i n some i n s t a n c e s denied the Bureau municipal a s s i s t a n c e and support f o r the t r a n s i t programs. 3. Over-zealous Implementation Decision-makers f r e q u e n t l y a t t r i b u t e d the l a c k of inter-agency c o - o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o the c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by a new o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h a small s t a f f attempting t o implement a h i g h l y ambitious pro-gram w i t h i n a comparatively short time p e r i o d . Such a s i t u a t i o n demanded inter-agency co-operation and a s s i s -tance. However, the o v e r l y aggressive and domineering management s t y l e of the Bureau s e r i o u s l y j e o p a r d i z e d the development of c o - o r d i n a t i v e processes. Character-i s t i c of a new o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h "growing pains",the Bureau committed some s e r i o u s plunders i n implementing the t r a n s i t program. 4» Lack of Co-operative Planning Some comments a s c r i b e d the Bureau's d i s t a s t e f o r co-operative planning to p o l i t i c a l pressure from the Cabinet. P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s wanted complete con-t r o l over the implementation process so that they could 103 take a l l the c r e d i t f o r the t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s . A l l the agencies i n v o l v e d became too concerned about p r o t e c t i n g t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . The r e s u l t i n g competitive s i t u a -t i o n l e d to h i g h l y redundant r a t h e r than co-operative and more e f f i c i e n t planning. 5. Poor R e l a t i o n s w i t h B.C. Hydro-Transit D i v i s i o n The Bureau's u n w i l l i n g n e s s to f u l l y consult w i t h B.C. Hydro on t r a n s i t s e r v i c e expansions was i n t e r p r e -t e d as the major cause of the poor working r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two agencies. The Bureau seemed to view B.C. Hydro as p u r e l y a subordinate agency to implement planning d i r e c t i v e s . This a t t i t u d e bred resentment from o l d e r experienced Hydro o f f i c i a l s . The Bureau's l a c k of sympathy f o r t r a n s i t o perating problems l e d to c o n f l i c t and implementation mistakes. 6. Funding Problems In the viextf of most decision-makers, the funding pro-blems of the t r a n s i t program r e s u l t e d from the absence of a long-term f i n a n c i n g p o l i c y necessary f o r such a c o s t l y , l a r g e - s c a l e program. Without a funding p o l i c y , s e r v i c e expansions were funded on an ad hoc b a s i s . How-ever, during i t s l a t t e r stages, there i s some i n d i c a t i o n t h a t the program l o s t much of i t s support from an essen-t i a l l y r u r a l o r i e n t e d Cabinet. 7. P o l i t i c a l M a n i p u l a t i o n Many decision-makers a t t r i b u t e d the pressure f o r r a p i d 104 implementation t o the use of the t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s as an instrument f o r p o l i t i c a l advantage. 8. Modal Imbalance of Program Some decision-makers regarded the p r o v i n c i a l program as unbalanced i n the sense of being o v e r l y t r a n s i t o r i e n t e d and i g n o r i n g the needs of automobile users. 9. Operational D i f f i c u l t i e s Three responses r e f e r r e d to various o p e r a t i o n a l imple-mentation problems such as neighbourhood complaints about n o i s e , l i t t e r i n g and delinquency near the timed connection bus t e r m i n a l s , the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n o b t a i n -i n g r o l l i n g stock due to high demand and s t r i k e s at coach manufacturing p l a n t s and the r e l a t i v e l a c k of Bureau commitment to a l i g h t r a i l t r a n s i t program. C. P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program Improvement Fa c t o r s As a t h i r d component of the r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program, the sampled d e c i s i o n -makers responded to the question, "How could the problems or inadequacies of the P r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y and pro-gram have been r e s o l v e d ? " C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and c a t e g o r i z a -t i o n of the nineteen responses r e c e i v e d , produced the f o l -lowing t a b l e of P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s i t Program Improvement F a c t o r s . 105 Table 5 TRANSIT PROGRAM IMPROVEMENT FACTORS 1. Broader P a r t i c i p a t i o n 6 2. Greater Inter-Agency C o o r d i n a t i o n 6 3. More C l e a r l y Defined P o l i c y 4 More Modally Balanced Program 3 19 The r e l a t i v e l y small number of program improvement f a c t o r s could be i n t e r p r e t e d as i n d i c a t i v e of a high l e v e l o f agreement among sampled decision-makers as to d e s i r a b l e program improvements. S i g n i f i c a n t l y the m a j o r i t y of the responses advocated broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n and b e t t e r co-o r d i n a t i o n among agencies as necessary to ameliorate the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f the t r a n s i t program. Others suggested more s p e c i f i c p o l i c y and program changes. The r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s c l e a r l y support two of the aforementioned pro-posed goals. Moreover, modal balance ( F a c t o r 4) represents one aspect of program comprehensiveness and thus i n d i c a t e s a t l e a s t p a r t i a l support f o r t h i s t h i r d goal of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y . The s p e c i f i c responses from which each f a c t o r grouping was d e r i v e d are described i n the f o l l o w i n g : 1. Broader P a r t i c i p a t i o n A l l decision-makers r e c o g n i z i n g broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a p a l l i a t i v e suggested t h a t the s c a l e of the P r o v i n -106 c i a l t r a n s i t program r e q u i r e d the f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the GVRD and a f f e c t e d municipal governments i n both p o l i c y and program planning. The adversary r e l a t i o n -ship w i t h the GVRD could have been avoided had the Province been w i l l i n g to accept r e g i o n a l a s s i s t a n c e . Had the Bureau made some attempt t o understand l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems, the f u l l support of municipal p o l i t i c i a n s , planners and engineers could have been more e a s i l y obtained. I n general decision-makers agreed t h a t a greater w i l l i n g n e s s to compromise and to place more f a i t h i n l o c a l government i n the beginning would have avoided many of the inter-agency c o n f l i c t s and implementation problems. 2. Greater Co-ordination Decision-makers i n t h i s group advocated the development of broader o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s which would e s t a -b l i s h c l o s e r i n t e g r a t i o n between t r a n s i t planning undertaken by the Bureau and the GVRD and the t r a n s i t o p e r a t i o n a l e x p e r t i s e of B.C. Hydro T r a n s i t D i v i s i o n . This i m p l i e d the development of a p o l i c y which recog-n i z e d a co-operative i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework wi t h c l e a r -l y d efined r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r each agency. 3. More C l e a r l y Defined P o l i c y Part of the sample c r i t i c i z e d the o r i g i n a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y and i t s accompanying l e g i s l a t i o n as i n s e n s i t i v e and s i m p l i s t i c i n i t s a s s i g n i n g complete and absolute t r a n s i t r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to the Bureau. S i m i l a r l y , 107 many denounced the funding l e g i s l a t i o n f o r i t s l a c k of c l a r i t y as to the long term f i n a n c i a l requirements of t r a n s i t programs. Decision-makers seemed to imply the need f o r a p o l i c y which more c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and f i n a n c i a l r o l e of the GVRD and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . 4. More Modally Balanced Program A l l responses i n t h i s group recognized the need f o r a more comprehensive urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y which i n c l u d e d p r o v i s i o n f o r both road and t r a n s i t modes. Summary of Retrospective E v a l u a t i o n s of the T r a n s i t Program The r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l t r a n -s i t program p o i n t to major d e f i c i e n c i e s i n both the planning and p o l i c y implementation stages of the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n process. U n l i k e the freeway program, the P r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program was a u s p i c i o u s l y launched w i t h a f i r m p o l i c y and funding commitment. However, both the p o l i c y and support-i n g l e g i s l a t i o n were too narrowly conceived to provide modal balance and inter-departmental or inter-governmental co-o r d i n a t i o n . The t r a n s i t p o l i c y concentrated planning and implementation r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n a newly created o r g a n i -z a t i o n r e s p o n s i b l e only to the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet. This a c t i o n f o s t e r e d a domineering a t t i t u d e on the p a r t of agency management which was not responsive to r e g i o n a l l a n d use programs, municipal t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs, or t r a n s i t operat-i n g problems. 108 By l i m i t i n g the a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l o c a l govern-ment and t r a n s i t operators i n decision-making, the t r a n s i t program was never able to develop the m u l t i l a t e r a l c o o r d i -n a t i v e mechanisms necessary f o r a robust, broadly-based program. The absence of broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n allowed u n i l a t -e r a l p o l i t i c a l pressure to i n t e r f e r e with the implementation process. Serious blunders r e s u l t e d from pressure f o r o v e r l y expeditious implementation w i t h i n the c o n s t r a i n t s of a new insecure o r g a n i z a t i o n , with a comparatively small s t a f f , charged with a l a r g e - s c a l e program. Nevertheless, even though the t r a n s i t p o l i c y had not created formal coordina-t i v e mechanisms, the Bureau could have "headed o f f " many of these problems through c l o s e r i n f o r m a l cooperation. How-ever, the aggressive and impatient management s t y l e of Bureau o f f i c i a l s e v e n t u a l l y eroded even these channels of communication with l o c a l government and t r a n s i t operating agencies. Thus, the r e t r o s p e c t i v e evaluations obtained from the questionnaire survey i n l a r g e measure support the conclu-s i o n s of the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . Decision-makers over-whelmingly i d e n t i f i e d the absence of inter-agency program c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n at both the planning and p o l i c y implementation stages of the process as the most f r e q u e n t l y mentioned d e f i c i e n c i e s . To a l e s s e r extent, the sample r e f e r r e d to l a c k of p o l i c y comprehensiveness i n terms of long-term funding, inter-departmental c o o r d i n a t i o n and modal balance. A l l of these d e f i c i e n c i e s i s o l a t e d by the survey were a l s o i d e n t i f i e d by the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . 109 To c o r r e c t these d e f i c i e n c i e s , decision-makers most s t r o n g l y advocated broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the GVRD and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s during the planning and p o l i c y implemen-t a t i o n phases of the process. In second order of p r i o r i t y , the decision-makers recognized the need f o r a p o l i c y imple-mentation process which coordinated the a c t i v i t i e s of the Bureau with those of the GVRD and B.C. Hydro. These r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t decision-makers were content to a l l o w the P r o v i n c i a l Government to develop a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y u n i l a t e r a l l y so lon g as the p o l i c y provided a c l e a r l y de-f i n e d r o l e f o r the GVRD, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and B.C. Hydro. And f i n a l l y , i n a d d i t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n , the decision-makers wanted a broader p o l i c y which recognized both roads and t r a n s i t p r i o r i t i e s and the n e c e s s i t y f o r long-term funding arrangements—some f i r s t . s t e p s toward a more comprehensive p o l i c y . In summary, both the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s and the r e t r o -s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program sub-s t a n t i a t e d the three proposed goals as both d e f i c i e n c i e s and c o r r e c t i v e s i n the planning and p o l i c y stages. I t now r e -mains to summarize i n some d e t a i l the lessons l e a r n e d from a n a l y z i n g the freeway program and the t r a n s i t program. Concluding I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Res u l t s The previous chapter reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to provide expert s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of the d e f i c i e n c i e s and needs of metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l i c y . Their views provided both a general 110 c r i t i q u e of the past and a p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r the f u t u r e . This chapter attempted to o b j e c t i v e l y v e r i f y the conclusions of the experts through a case study approach supplemented by the r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of a sample of i n v o l v e d d e c i s i o n -makers. The case study allows f o r a f i n e r grained perception than the s u b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s of how the planning and p o l i c y process operates i n r e a l s i t u a t i o n s . Therefore, t h i s study would be d e r e l i c t i f i t d i d not attempt to draw more s p e c i f i c conclusions from the p a t t e r n of h i s t o r y presented thus f a r . C l o s e r examination of the h i s t o r i c a l and questionnaire evidence r e v e a l s many i n s i g h t s about each phase of the tr a n s -p o r t a t i o n decision-making process: p o l i c y development, p o l i c y implementation and;planning. 1• The P o l i c y Development Phase The existence of a p o l i c y development process i s c r u c i a l to the implementation of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs. The l i k e -l i h o o d of implementing a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n r i s s s e v e r e l y r e -duced i n the absence of an expressed p o l i c y supported by l e g i s l a t i o n and a l l o c a t e d fudning. Expression of government p o l i c y e s t a b l i s h e s the i n t e n t i o n to i n i t i a t e the planning pro-cess to develop a . p o l i c y o r program. Given t h a t the govern-ment possesses the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n to implement the program, l e g i s l a t i o n and funding f o r m a l i z e s and s o l i d i -f i e s governmental commitment to proceed with the implementa-t i o n process. Program development may take place i n the absence of these requirements but without f o r m a l i z a t i o n of the p o l i c y development process, implementation i s much l e s s l i k e l y . I l l Formalized government policy can establish the prerequi-sites to develop in politicians and other entrusted individ-uals, the positive mental and emotional commitment to proceed through the d i f f i c u l t planning and implementation phases. Implied policy or policy which is contradictory to program objectives does not provide the necessary support for a pro-gram. P o l i t i c a l support may desert the program at the f i r s t sign of problems in planning or implementation. Such was the case with the freeway program. Provincial government policy priorities supported highway programs but expressly recognized only hinterland roads. Policy commit-ment to urban highways was only implied by the willingness of the Province to construct bridge approaches and fund free-way studies. In reality, the freeway decision-making process reflected the traditional format in which the planning pro-cess preceded policy development. However, in the absence of a policy commitment to folloxv -up the planning process the freeway program never developed beyond the planning stage. Without an expressed policy intention combined with legisla-tive and funding commitments, provincial government support was withdrawn when the errors of the planning process bred p o l i t i c a l problems. In the area of policy development, the provincial tran-s i t program disti n c t l y contrasted with the freeway program. The government intention to develop a transit program was clearly expressed in both the party policy document and pub-lished statements of the Minister of Municipal Affairs. This i n i t i a l commitment was later s o l i d i f i e d by numerous pieces 112 o f l e g i s l a t i o n to e s t a b l i s h the o r g a n i z a t i o n and funding requirements of the program. As a r e s u l t , the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program passed s w i f t l y from p o l i c y development through the plan n i n g stage d i r e c t l y to the implementation phase of the process. Besides s u b s t a n t i a t i n g the importance of a p o l i c y com-mitment, the previous a n a l y s i s v e r i f i e s other p o l i c y r e q u i r e -ments, namely, comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i -p a t i o n . Unless the p o l i c y adopts a comprehensive view and provides mechanisms f o r c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t the planning or implementation processes w i l l r e f l e c t these goals. The experience of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program v e r i -f i e s t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . The planning and implementation of the t r a n s i t program was no more or no l e s s comprehensive, coordinated or p a r t i c i p a t o r y than was i n d i c a t e d i n i t s p o l i c y . P o l i c y s e t s the general g u i d e l i n e s a p p l y i n g to those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c a r r y i n g i t out. Few o r g a n i z a t i o n s or admin-i s t r a t o r s w i l l deign to step beyond the bounds o f t h e i r p o l i c y mandate. Therefore, only r a r e l y w i l l a program extend beyond i t s p o l i c y l i m i t a t i o n s . Despite i t s l i m i t a t i o n s , the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t p o l i c y was able to progress to implementation. Lacking a p o l i c y commitment, the flaws i n the p o l i c y could have proved as f a t a l to the t r a n s i t program as they were to t h e freeway program. As i t was, the p o l i c y d e f i c i e n c i e s reduced program e f f e c t i v e n e s s but the program i t s e l f s u r v i v e d . 113 The experience of the freeway and t r a n s i t programs i l l u s t r a t e s the proper f u n c t i o n of the p o l i c y development process i n a c h i e v i n g the goals of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i -n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The p o l i c y process must f i r s t attempt to broadly define the problem by p l a c i n g urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n i t s o v e r a l l s o c i e t a l context and derive goals and o b j e c t i v e s to guide the planning process i n the context of other government p o l i c i e s and p r i o r i t i e s . These e f f o r t s e s t a b l i s h the basis f o r a comprehensive view. Second, the p o l i c y process should provide the means to t r a n s l a t e comprehensive goals i n t o r e a l i t y . In most cases, t h i s w i l l r e q u i r e e s t a b l i s h i n g the mechansims to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of agencies to achieve p o l i c y g o a ls. C o o r d i n a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , i m p l i e s the i s s u i n g of d i r e c t i v e s to subordinate agencies to e s t a b l i s h cooperative working r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Thus, c o o r d i n a t i o n con-t r a s t s with cooperation, which i n v o l v e s an agreement between equal p a r t i e s to work together, oandjiti.ntegra.tion, which r e -quires the i n s t i t u t i o n a l amalgamation of two or more agen-c i e s . In t h i s sense, c o o r d i n a t i o n can be b r i e f l y defined as enforced cooperation. R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n thesfieldcof-.'urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n have always been fragmented among a v a r i e t y of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . Therefore, the attainment of compre-hensive! p o l i c y goals w i l l almost always r e q u i r e e s t a b l i s h i n g c o o r d i n a t i o n among agencies who would not otherwise volun-tarily cooperate. P a r t i c i p a t i o n can be an byproduct of a comprehensive and 114 coordinated p o l i c y . A broadly based p o l i c y through mechan-isms f o r c o o r d i n a t i o n can s o l i c i t and e n j o i n the p a r t i c i p a -t i o n of a wide v a r i e t y of agencies i n the planning and p o l i c y implementation process. In summary then, the p o l i c y development phase perform-i n g i t s proper f u n c t i o n i n the context of the o v e r a l l d e c i -sion-making process can provide a s u i t a b l e v e h i c l e f o r i n c o r p o r a t i n g the goals of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2. The P l a n n i n g Phase A n a l y s i s of the two p r o v i n c i a l l y sponsored t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n e f f o r t s showed that most of the serious d e f i c i e n c i e s were found i n the planning stage of the process. The source of these d e f i c i e n c i e s can be e a s i l y traced to the tendency of those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r planning t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s to d e f i n e the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem too narrowly. The freeway planners defined the problems s o l e l y i n terms of inadequate roadway c a p a c i t y ; p o l i t i c i a n s tended to view the problem i n economic and p o l i t i c a l terms. P r e d i c t -a b l y , a narrowly defined problem produced a narrowly defined p l a n which f a i l e d to recognize e i t h e r the emerging s o c i a l and environmental concerns or'the trans i t needs of the general p u b l i c . In the case o f the t r a n s i t program, Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s planners viewed the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem as one of improving t r a n s i t as a s e r v i c e to people. The outmoded ideas and methods of e x i s t i n g t r a n s i t operators 115 l i k e B.C. Hydro were considered as a t l e a s t p a r t l y respon-s i b l e f o r the d e c l i n e of t r a n s i t . Thus, o p e r a t i n g agencies were viewed as p a r t of the problem r a t h e r than p a r t of the s o l u t i o n . Automobiles and roads were viewed as undesirable t r a n s i t competitors and, t h e r e f o r e , m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n need of road improvement funds were looked upon as opponents r a t h e r than p o t e n t i a l c o l l a b o r a t o r s . P o l i t i c i a n s of the governing p a r t y g e n e r a l l y concurred w i t h these views while adding t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l motives. The end r e s u l t of t h i s l i m i t e d view of the problem was an urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n which ignored road requirements and the n e c e s s i t y to coordinate t r a n s i t planning with l a n d use p l a n n i n g . The d e f i c i e n c i e s of the planning process i n e v i t a b l y r e - s u r f a c e d d u r i n g the implementation stage. The absence of a comprehensiveness i n the planning process became the r o o t of the p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n to the freeways which u l t i m a t e l y h a l t e d the program implementation. S i m i l a r l y , the narrow view of the t r a n s i t planners courted the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the GVRD, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and B.C. Hydro, which s e r i o u s l y reduced program e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Overcoming the tendency of planners to adopt a narrow and o v e r l y s i m p l i s t i c conception of the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem demands a p a r t i c i p a t o r y approach to planning. The problem o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n c i t i e s a f f e c t s everyone i n d i v e r s e and complex ways. Therefore, decision-makers from the municipal to the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l contend w i t h a d i f f e r -ent subset o f the t o t a l problem, perceive the problem i n 116 v a r y i n g ways and develop d i f f e r i n g approaches to the problem. Such a s i t u a t i o n imposes severe r e s t r i c t i o n s on the plan makers' knowledge of the t o t a l problem and p a r t i a l knowledge i n e v i t a b l y produces narrow s o l u t i o n s . The broad perception and broad s o l u t i o n s necessary to solve the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem can o n l y be achieved through mechanisms which permit the i n t e r a c t i o n of a d i v e r s i t y of viewpoints. The opposite case i n e v i t a b l y r e q u i r e s the i m p o s i t i o n of the plan-ners' viewpoint, values and perceptions on other agencies and the c i t i z e n . The d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n which r e s u l t s from t h i s n o n - p a r t i c i p a t o r y approach o f t e n c a r r i e s over i n t o the imple-mentation phase, u l t i m a t e l y reducing the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program. Thus, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a pr e r e q u i -s i t e f o r a comprehensive planning process. 3. The P o l i c y Implementation Phase Coordination i s probably the most c r u c i a l requirement f o r e f f e c t i v e p o l i c y implementation. To ensure maximum e f f e c t i v e n e s s , the d e l i v e r y of t r a n s p o r t s e r v i c e s r e q u i r e s not only c o o r d i n a t i o n among t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies but a l s o c o o r d i n a t i o n between t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies and those agen-c i e s whose a c t i v i t i e s are l i k e l y to be impacted by urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Since p l a n n i n g i s an ongoing process which i n v a r i a b l y overlaps with implementation, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to separate the two. Therefore, d i v i d i n g the two r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s among separate agencies i n v i t e s problems which can o n l y be over-come by a h i g h l y coordinated working r e l a t i o n s h i p . I d e a l l y , 117 the agency charged with d e l i v e r i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s should have some, say i n the p l a n n i n g process so as to b r i n g p r a c t i c a l experience to bear a t the outset, on the problem and i t s proposed s o l u t i o n s . The p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program s u f f e r e d as a r e s u l t of an uneasy r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Bureau as the planning agency and B.C. Hydro as the implement-i n g agency. The experience of the t r a n s i t program demon-s t r a t e s t h a t the mechanisms o f c o o r d i n a t i o n should be s p e c i -f i c a l l y d efined i n the p o l i c y ; otherwise, i t i s u n l i k e l y that a cooperative r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l develop n a t u r a l l y . Coordi n a t i o n between t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies and land use planning agencies at a l l l e v e l s of government i s most b e n e f i c i a l d u r i n g the planning process but there i s consid-e r a b l e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r c o o r d i n a t i o n to extend i n t o the implementation phase. Timing the d e l i v e r y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs to c o i n c i d e with the implementation of l a n d use pro-grams i s necessary to ensure the maximum r e c i p r o c a l b e n e f i t s t o both. In the case of high c a p a c i t y t r a n s i t systems which depend on concentrated land use p a t t e r n s , c o o r d i n a t i o n with l a n d use plans i s not only necessary but i n d i s p e n s a b l e . I d e a l l y , the most e f f e c t i v e d e l i v e r y systems are found i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s which i n t e g r a t e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and land use r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s under a s i n g l e j u r i s d i c t i o n . However, i n both the i n t e g r a t e d s i n g l e agency or coordinated m u l t i p l e agency form of implementation, both the planning and d e l i v e r y o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s r e q u i r e s s t a b l e , long-term funding arrangements. A piecemeal, "when funds become a v a i l a b l e " approach to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and l a n d use planning and d e l i v e r y 118 i n v o l v e s a constant readjustment of p r i o r i t i e s . The r e s u l t -i n g p a t t e r n o f program cutbacks and postponement i n h i b i t s the e f f i c i e n t execution and d e l i c a t e t i m i n g r e q u i r e d f o r a coordinated t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and l a n d use program. Chapter Summary This d i s c u s s i o n o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n Greater Vancouver was intended to examine the goals of comprehen-sivene s s , c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n as requirements f o r e f f e c t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning. The h i s t o r i -c a l a n a l y s i s o f the two case s t u d i e s was intended to develop t h e o r e t i c a l conclusions as to what went wrong w i t h the pro-v i n c i a l l y guided freeway and t r a n s i t programs and why they went wrong. These conclusions were then t e s t e d by the ques-t i o n n a i r e evidence to determine whether the r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o r i s o f decision-makers conformed to the author's i n -t e r p r e t a t i o n of the events. A n a l y s i s of both case stud i e s showed a high correspondence between the author's t h e o r e t i -c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and the decision-makers' e v a l u a t i o n s of h i s t o r y . The r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the freeway and the t r a n s i t program e x h i b i t e d numerous d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the stages of p o l i c y development, planning and p o l i c y implementation. The major d e f i c i e n c i e s o f both programs are presented below. To provide some i n d i c a t i o n of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e they are ranked i n descending order of importance based on the questionnaire r e s u l t s . 119 1. the absence of mechanisms to a l l o w p a r t i c i p a t i o n by other agencies and c i t i z e n s i n planning and implementation. 2. a p o l i c y development process which d i d not e s t a b l i s h procedures to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s o f v a r i o u s transpor-t a t i o n agencies or coordinate t r a n s p o r t and l a n d use programs. 3. the absence of long-term funding arrangements i n the p o l i c y . 4. a planning process which f a i l e d to comprehensively evaluate the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. 5. excessive p o l i t i c a l m o t i v a t i o n u n d e r l y i n g the a l l o c a t i o n o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . To c o r r e c t these d e f i c i e n c i e s , the sampled d e c i s i o n -makers advocated the f o l l o w i n g p o l i c y and program improve-ments l i s t e d i n descending order of importance: 1. broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n by other agencies i n a l l three phases of the process. 2. broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n of c i t i z e n s i n the planning pro-cess so as to minimize negative s o c i a l and environmental effects'. 3. development of a more comprehensive p o l i c y which more c l e a r l y supports urban t r a n s p o r t needs and i n t e g r a t e s road and t r a n s i t p r i o r i t i e s . 4. greater c o o r d i n a t i o n among t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies and land use planning agencies. By i n t e r p r e t i n g these r e s u l t s , the observer comes to the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the most important requirement of urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n i s a p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y which openly s o l i c i t s the 120 p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the region, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , t r a n s i t oper-a t o r s and the general p u b l i c i n the planning process and e s t a -b l i s h e s mechanisms to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of these agencies and groups. This would seem to be the o n l y way to develop a comprehensive program t h a t would s a t i s f y the demand f o r i n t e g r a t e d road, t r a n s i t and l a n d use p l a n n i n g . In t h i s sense, the r e s u l t s not only support the goals of comprehen-sivene s s , c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n but a l s o suggest t h a t the process of working toward these goals begins w i t h a p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y p r o v i d i n g mechanisms f o r broad p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n the planning process. Up to t h i s p o i n t , the a n a l y s i s has d e a l t w i t h the goals o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning; i t has not, however, desc r i b e d the methods of a c h i e v i n g these g o a l s . I t has ana-l y z e d p r o v i n c i a l l y sponsored t r a n s p o r t a t i o n e f f o r t s ; i t has not examined p o l i c y and planning i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n i t i a t e d by the r e g i o n a l government. I t has c r i t i c a l l y evaluated past attempts but i t has not c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n s f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning f o r Greater Vancouver. The next chapter attempts to s a t i s f y these demands by a p p l y i n g the lessons of the past to deter-mine the needs of the f u t u r e . 1 2 1 CHAPTER 4 FUTURE GOALS FOR TRANSPORTATION  POLICY AND PROGRAMS Preceding chapters have developed goals f o r urban tr a n s -p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y from the s u b j e c t i v e evaluations o f experts i n the f i e l d and v e r i f i e d these goals with h i s t o r -i c a l and o b j e c t i v e evidence. Adopting the goals of compre-hensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n seemed to o f f e r the most e f f e c t i v e approach to the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-blem. Ca s t i n g a backward glance a t the inadequacies of previous p r o v i n c i a l l y sponsored e f f o r t s i n Greater Vancouver provided the necessary o b j e c t lessons t o apply to the f u t u r e . However, the time has come to determine whether the lessons of the past can be a p p l i e d and, i n f a c t , w i l l be a p p l i e d to improve the f u t u r e . The former w i l l r e q u i r e development o f p r a c t i c a l framework and methodologies capable of r e a l i z i n g the three goals and the l a t t e r w i l l r e q u i r e a p o s i t i v e commitment from planners and policy-makers to proceed i n t h e i r d i r e c t i o n . Therefore, the f i r s t task of t h i s chapter w i l l be to examine ways and means of developing a more comprehensive, coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y process. F o r t u n a t e l y , however, there already e x i s t s i n Greater Vancouver an example of an agency which has developed and implemented such a process, namely, the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . The a c t i v i -t i e s of the GVRD i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n went f u r t h e r than previous e f f o r t s i n i n c o r p o r a t i n g the three goals i n the p o l -i c y and planning process. As such, they are worthy of analy-122 s i s i n the context of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n Greater Vancou-ver . Having presented the GVRD example, the second task of t h i s chapter w i l l be to present decision-makers' views as to the necessary components o f f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs i n Greater Vancouver. This w i l l be done i n two ways: i n d i r e c t l y by s o l i c i t i n g t h e i r r e a c t i o n to the GVRD process and d i r e c t l y by determining t h e i r concepts of a d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e s t a t e f o r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n process. I t i s hoped t h a t t h i s format w i l l e s t a b l i s h whether or not decision-makers s t i l l c l i n g to o l d e r , obsolete concep-t i o n s o f urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and i t s development process or whether they i n f a c t foresee the need f o r change—a new pro-cess which s t r i v e s toward the three proposed g o a l s . A. The GVRD Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y and Program Numerous authors c i t e d i n e a r l i e r chapters advocated the region as the most e f f e c t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e focus of coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i c y development and plan-n i n g . In Greater Vancouver, the GVRD has more than l i v e d up to the expectations of the experts. The urban transpor-t a t i o n process developed at the reg i o n i n Greater Vancouver counterpoints the h i g h l y inadequate past, p r o v i n c i a l l y sponsored t r a n s p o r t a t i o n e f f o r t s . Regional involvement i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i s r e l a t i v e l y new to Greater Vancouver. Indeed, r e g i o n a l ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n i n i t s present form has only been i n existence s i n c e 196?» when the p r o v i n c i a l government i s s u e d l e t t e r s patent c r e a t i n g the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . The new met r o p o l i t a n form was to be a f e d e r a t i o n 12 3 with each of the 14 member^municipalities represented by one Regional Board D i r e c t o r appointed by C o u n c i l . The more popu-lou s areas of Vancouver and Burnaby re c e i v e d f i v e and two D i r e c t o r s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . V o t i n g on the Regional Board was based on pop u l a t i o n . The GVRD was not given a set of powers but had to apply to the P r o v i n c i a l Government to take on s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s agreed upon by the members. By 1969, the r e g i o n a l planning f u n c t i o n p r e v i o u s l y exercised by the Lower Mainland Regional P l a n n i n g Board became a GVRD f u n c t i o n . In 1971, p u b l i c hous-i n g , water supply and sewage d i s p o s a l were added, and i n 1972, a i r p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l and r e g i o n a l parks became region-a l d i s t r i c t f u n c t i o n s . The newly created planning department under the d i r e c -t o r s h i p of Harry Lash expended a l a r g e p a r t of i t s e a r l y e f f o r t s on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Lash reviewed an e a r l i e r study of r a p i d t r a n s i t commissioned by B.C. Hydro, the GVRD and the C i t y of Vancouver and conducted by De Leuw, Cather and Company."'' He concluded t h a t the r a p i d t r a n s i t proposals were recommended prematurely because the study d i d not d e l i -neate "the a l t e r n a t i v e s to r a p i d t r a n s i t because i t d e a l t 2 only with r a p i d t r a n s i t . " This prompted the Plan n i n g D i r e c t o r to advocate a more comprehensive view of r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs. L a t e r De Leuw, Cather and Company, Report on the Greater  Vancouver Area Rapid T r a n s i t Study, Vancouver, B.C., 1970. . ^Planning Committee Minutes, Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , May 27, 1970. 124 through c o n s u l t a t i o n with the Transportation Committee of the GVRD Board and the p u b l i c , the Plan n i n g Department recommend-ed that the GVRD work toward the eventual establishment of a r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a u t h o r i t y and the development of a l'broad brush" t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n . The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan was to evolve w i t h i n the context of an o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l plan and program. Through extensive d i s c u s s i o n s during the l a t t e r p a r t of 1970, a consensus emerged to proceed with the c r e a t i o n of a plan which would produce o v e r a l l and o p e r a t i o n a l goals through extensive p a r t i c i p a t i o n from various agencies and the general p u b l i c . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n became a major p r i o r i t y when i n l a t e 1970 two p r o v i n c i a l cabinet members suggested that p u b l i c t r a n s i t be turned over from B.C. Hydro f o r one d o l l a r , combined with an o f f e r to absorb part of the c a p i t a l and ope r a t i n g expen-d i t u r e s . In response to these proposals, the GVRD Board appointed a T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Function Study Committee under the Chairmanship of A l l a n K e l l y . to study the proposals t h a t have been made to us and to determine the needs of the D i s t r i c t , suggest' how they might best be met, how they could be fin a n c e d and how we would operate i f the Region accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . J While work proceeded on the K e l l y Report, s e n i o r members of the GVRD Pl a n n i n g Department s t a f f developed a statement of o p e r a t i o n a l o b j e c t i v e s f o r the "broad brush" t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n plan. These were s t a t e d as: 125 1. Development of a program f o r immediate improvements to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . 2. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o r r i d o r s and t h e i r appropriate designation i n the O f f i c i a l Regional P l a n . 3. Achievement of a s u i t a b l e formula f o r f i n a n c i n g improve-ments to the r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. 4. Development of an i n i t i a l f i v e - y e a r r e g i o n a l transpor-t a t i o n program and p r i o r i t i e s . For the most p a r t , these o b j e c t i v e s were achieved by the K e l l y Report submitted i n October 1971.^ The r e p o r t began with a p o l i c y statement o f general p r i n c i p l e s to guide r e g i o n a l adoption of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f u n c t i o n . These p r i n c i p l e s are summarized as f o l l o w s : 1. To provide the people of the Region with d i v e r s i f i e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e adequate to meet t h e i r d i v e r s e needs at the l e a s t p u b l i c cost, c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the L i v e a b l e Region concept and w i t h i n the f i n a n c i a l resources a v a i l a b l e to the D i s t r i c t and i t s members. 2. Attainment of the o b j e c t i v e w i l l r e q u i r e c o n t i n u i n g cooperation, c o o r d i n a t i o n , j o i n t planning, and a l l o c a t i o n o f funds by the Regional D i s t r i c t , the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and the P r o v i n c e . 3. The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f u n c t i o n should be comprehensive and aim to provide d i v e r s i f i e d f a c i l i t i e s f o r the movement of people and goods throughout the r e g i o n , f a c i l i t i e s t hat t o -gether with f a c i l i t i e s provided by the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , the P r o v i n c e , and other p u b l i c and p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e , are formed i n t o an i n t e g r a t e d r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , T r a n s p o r t a t i o n  As A GVRD Functi o n , October, 1971. 126 Thus, the K e l l y Report c l e a r l y espoused the three pro-posed goals f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning: comprehensiveness i n terms of mode and i n t e g r a t i o n with r e g i o n a l l a n d use plan-ning; c o o r d i n a t i o n with p r o v i n c i a l , municipal and p r i v a t e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n e f f o r t s ; and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a cooperative e n t e r p r i s e . To some degree, the K e l l y Report achieved the f o u r o b j e c t i v e s s e t out f o r the "broad brush t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan." Both immediate and long-term improvements to the Greater Van-couver t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system were proposed. However, a l l of the suggested improvements i n v o l v e d proposals contained i n a p r e l i m i n a r y p l a n f o r upgrading bus t r a n s i t and developing LRT. The r e p o r t prepared by the c o n s u l t a n t , B r i a n S u l l i v a n , who was destined to become A s s i s t a n t D i r e c t o r of the Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s , d i d not deal with r e g i o n a l road improve-ments. Instead, i t recommended an i n t e r l o c k i n g LOCAL and FASTBUS system, LRT, commuter r a i l and timed connection t e r -m i n a l s — p r o p o s a l s which two years l a t e r would become the b a s i s of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program. S i m i l a r l y , the K e l l y Report d i d i d e n t i f y f u t u r e t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n c o r r i d o r s and d i d propose a general f i v e - y e a r plan to 1976 but again, both of these p e r t a i n e d to t r a n s i t r a t h e r than roads. However, the t r a n s i t c o r r i d o r s were included i n the r e g i o n a l p l a n r e l e a s e d i n March 1975 i n conformance with the second s t a t e d o b j e c t i v e of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n . In r e t r o s p e c t , the K e l l y Report was p r i m a r i l y s i g n i f i -cant as the f i r s t general statement of r e g i o n a l p o l i c y and 127 f i n a n c i a l p r i n c i p l e s to guide GVRD adoption of the transpor-t a t i o n f u n c t i o n . In t h i s sense, i t l e f t an important legacy f o r f u t u r e r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. However, r e g i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c t i o n programs to implement the recommenda-t i o n s of the K e l l y Report was f o r e s t a l l e d f o r three years by the advent of the NDP, the Bureau o f T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s and the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program. The bas i c elements of the GVRD t r a n s i t program were adopted by the Bureau, but, as mentioned before, r e g i o n a l involvement i n implementation was almost non-existent, -AA^ p^-u^ • Nevertheless, during t h i s p e r i o d , the GVRD for g e d ahead i n other areas, the most important of which was the develop-ment o f an o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l p o l i c y and program. Having out-l i n e d the bas i c components of the GVRD t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan, the major e f f o r t s o f the planning department from 1972 to 1975 were devoted to developing a r e g i o n a l p l a n which would r e l a t e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to other elements of the urban system. The planning process brought p o l i t i c i a n s at a l l l e v e l s of government together w i t h planning s t a f f and the general pub-l i c to discuss r e g i o n a l goals, p o l i c i e s and t h e i r i n t e r -r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T h i s h i g h l y cooperative and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g process culminated i n the summer of 1975 with the completion of the L i v a b l e Region Program (LRP). ^  The LRP represented the f i r s t attempt i n the twenty-f i v e year h i s t o r y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n Greater Van-couver to comprehensively evaluate urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n needs and impacts i n the context of o v e r a l l land use planning. The ^Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , The L i v a b l e Region  1976-1986: Proposals to Manage the Growth of Greater Vancou- ver, Vancouver, 1975. 128 p l a n proposed the c r e a t i o n of a network of suburban r e g i o n a l town centres l i n k e d by r a p i d t r a n s i t . C o n t r o l l i n g the l o c a -t i o n of commercial land use by d e c e n t r a l i z i n g workplaces from the downtown core was designed to b r i n g jobs c l o s e r to suburban residences and thus reduce t r a n s p o r t a t i o n demands. The t r a n s i t l i n k s would help to r e i n f o r c e t h i s new p a t t e r n of commercial l a n d uses whi l e , i n t u r n , the concentration of a c t i v i t i e s i n town centres would make r a p i d t r a n s i t economi-c a l l y p o s s i b l e . Moreover, the LRP not only provided a com-prehensive view which l i n k e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n w i t h land use p l a n n i n g but a l s o advocated a broader v a r i e t y of options, i n c l u d i n g both t r a n s i t improvements and t r a f f i c management measures. In a l l senses, t h e r e f o r e , the process of develop-i n g ^ the LRP and the plan i t s e l f represented the most s i g n i -f i c a n t attempt to incorporate comprehensiveness, co o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t o the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and p o l -i c y making procedures. The defeat of the NDP p r o v i n c i a l government i n November 1975 e l e c t i o n s r e s u l t e d i n the removal of the Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s from the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning scene i n Greater Vancouver. This l e f t a vacuum i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l -i c y implementation which renewed GVRD i n t e r e s t i n o b t a i n i n g the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f u n c t i o n . In c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the GVRD t r a n s p o r t a t i o n committee and municipal p o l i t i c i a n s and s t a f f , the planning s t a f f worked to develop proposals f o r o r g a n i z i n g and f i n a n c i n g a r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f u n c t i o n which would be acceptable to the p r o v i n c i a l government and the member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . 129 The proposals f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n and f i n a n c i n g released a t the end of 1976 b u i l t upon the general p r i n c i p l e s of the K e l l y Report but provided s u b s t a n t i a l l y more d e t a i l . The proposal f o r o r g a n i z i n g r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was d i r e c t e d s t r a i g h t at the heart of one of the major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y problems: the fragmentation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Recognizing that "Greater Vancouver i s the only major metropolis i n Canada that s c a t t e r s respon-s i b i l i t y f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n among t h i r t e e n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , three p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agencies and the Department of Highways," the GVRD proposed the c r e a t i o n of a Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Commission. The Commission would c o n s i s t of the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t e r s of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Highways and Transport, the Chairman of B.C. Hydro and three GVRD D i r e c -t o r s , one of whom would be from the C i t y of Vancouver. The Commission would be re s p o n s i b l e f o r developing and funding a f i v e - y e a r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program f o r both roads and t r a n s i t . The f i v e - y e a r program was t o be prepared by a t e c h n i c a l t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n committee composed of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from each member m u n i c i p a l i t y , p u b l i c t r a n s i t operator, the p r o v i n c i a l 7 Departments o f Highways and M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s and the GVRD. Thus, the o r g a n i z i n g proposals provided f o r an o v e r a l l coor-d i n a t i n g body f o r a d m i n i s t e r i n g and funding a comprehensive ^Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Com-mittee, A Prop o s a l : Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n O r g a n i z a t i o n , December, 1976, pp. 5-7. ^Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Com-mi t t e e , A Proposal: Financing Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , January, 1977, p. 3. 130 regional transportation program with participation from virtually a l l agencies presently involved in providing urban transport services in Greater Vancouver. The proposals for financing the five-year transportation program suggested a variety of funding sources for both roads and transit requirements. Arterial highway capital costs of transit improvements were to be a regional responsibility while municipal streets would be funded by the municipalities. In this way, the proposals provided an essential long-term financing policy which was absent from the two previous trans-portation programs in Greater Vancouver. Subsequently, both the organization and financial pro-posals were presented to each member municipal council for approval in the early part of 1977. Eight of the thirteen municipalities approved the proposals but lack of support from the City of Vancouver seriously eroded the united front the GVRD required in its negotiations with the Provincial Government. As of this date, the Province has not responded to the Regional Transportation Proposal. Instead, i t has expressed an intention to bring down legislation for the cre-a t i o n of a Provincial Transportation A u t h o r i t y , but i t has yet to act upon this intention. Thus, despite five years of intensive effort by the GVRD and two decades of Provincial proposals, Greater Van-couver remains without a formally adopted, comprehensive and coordinated policy and program for urban transportation. Rather, the decision-making environment has become a compe-t i t i v e situation with the region and i t s member municipali-131 t i e s attempting to spur the p r o v i n c i a l government i n t o decen-t r a l i z i n g some of i t s c o n t r o l over r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . This s t a t e o f a f f a i r s has r a i s e d an e s s e n t i a l j u r i s d i c -t i o n a l question concerning a f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making s t r u c t u r e f o r Greater Vancouver. The GVRD wants an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e which would give the r e g i o n a greater say i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n s , while the Province may want to r e t a i n much of i t s present decision-making a u t h o r i t y . The question of who should have the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s c r u c i a l to f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Greater Vancouver. The region has shown a greater awareness of the r e a l needs of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n than the p r o v i n c i a l government. However, s u b s t a n t i a l support of decision-makers a t a l l government l e v e l s w i l l be necessary to r e a l i z e the p o l i c i e s and programs developed by the GVRD. A c t i n g on t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n , i t was decided to p o l l the sampled decision-makers as to t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward the l e v e l of GVRD involvement i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n -making. The questionnaire posed the f o l l o w i n g question to d e c i -sion-makers: "Should t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y be a r e s p o n s i b i -l i t y of the GVRD?" The r e p l i e s were ca t e g o r i z e d by the num-ber of decision-makers supporting each p o s s i b l e answer and are shown i n Table 6 on the f o l l o w i n g page. 132 TABLE 6 GVRD Role i n Urban Transp o r t a t i o n  P o l i c y Development Yes, GVRD should have major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y No, Province should have major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y Both should have equal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 7 7 TOTAL 17 The sampled decision-makers were evenly d i v i d e d as to whe-th e r e i t h e r the GVRD or the Province should bear the m a j o r i t y of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development. A l e s s e r number of decision-makers supported the proposal f o r equal sharing i n p o l i c y making. The responses were also accompanied by comments i n support o f the various p o i n t s of view. Those who supported a major r o l e f o r the GVRD o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g reasons: 1) The Province has too many other p r i o r i t i e s — n o t h i n g w i l l be done unless the region does i t . 2) The GVRD i s the only l e v e l o f government which can r e f l e c t l o c a l concerns, e s p e c i a l l y land-use p r i o r i t i e s . 3) The GVRD i s the only appropriate body to e s t a b l i s h co-or-d i n a t i o n among m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ; n e g o t i a t e f o r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ; co-ordinate roads and t r a n s i t . On the other hand, the decision-makers advocating a strong Prov-i n c i a l r o l e commented that: 1) urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was too c o s t l y f o r the GVRD to accept without a c l e a r - c u t t a x i n g power; 2) a strong r e g i o n a l r o l e i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y would create a m o n o l i t h i c metro a u t h o r i t y which would not be s u f f i -133 c i e n t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to normal checks and balances, would l o s e touch with member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , or would r e s u l t i n over-government i n Greater Vancouver; 3) t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s a province-wide, not e x c l u s i v e l y a r e g i o n a l problem. And f i n a l l y , the m i n o r i t y who supported equal Province and GVRD r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s t a t e d t h a t : 1) the Province must set o v e r a l l p r i o r i t i e s based on i t s necessary funding c a p a b i l i t i e s ; 2) the GVRD should have a major say to e s t a b l i s h c o o r d i -n a t i o n with m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The r e s u l t s of the questionnaire a n a l y s i s suggest sub-s t a n t i a l but not u n q u a l i f i e d support f o r the r e g i o n a l model of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making. The general t h r u s t o f the comments advocates a stronger r o l e f o r the GVRD as an appro-p r i a t e l e v e l f o r inter-agency c o o r d i n a t i o n . However, the present dominant p r o v i n c i a l funding c a p a c i t y n e c e s s i t a t e s a major p o l i c y making r o l e , p a r t l y to prevent the c r e a t i o n of an overpowering r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a u t h o r i t y with sepa-r a t e revenue sources. Thus, the r e s u l t s do not f u l l y support e i t h e r a dominant p r o v i n c i a l or dominant GVRD p o l i c y making r o l e . C l e a r l y , some type of p r o v i n c i a l - r e g i o n a l c o o r d i n a t i n g mechanism i s suggested but not c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d by the questionnaire r e s u l t s . While the r e s u l t s do not i n d i c a t e an e x c l u s i v e r o l e f o r r e g i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making, they do c l e a r l y support the p o s i t i o n of the GVRD t h a t a p r o v i n c i a l - r e g i o n a l commission i s the most appropriate form of urban t r a n s p o r t a -134 t i o n a u t h o r i t y . Such an o r g a n i z a t i o n could provide the neces-sary balance of r e c o g n i z i n g the e x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l r o l e and funding c a p a b i l i t y while adapting to the concerns of d e c i s i o n -makers f o r l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n . Thus, the j o i n t commission form of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a u t h o r i t y would seem to be most d e s i r a b l e to promote the goals of co o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n Greater Vancouver, B. A n a l y s i s of the GVRD Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y and Program The GVRD process of f o r m u l a t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs presents a r e a l i s t i c method to incorporate com-prehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t o the plan-n i n g process i n the context of the Greater Vancouver r e g i o n . However, perhaps the most important legacy f o r the fu t u r e i s not the method i t s e l f but an understanding o f the condi-t i o n s which allowed a v a s t l y improved process and product to develop at the r e g i o n a l l e v e l of government r a t h e r than at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l . The source of t h i s broad d i s p a r i t y i n achievement be-tween p r o v i n c i a l and r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y can be trac e d to e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . At the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning r e s -p o n s i b i l i t i e s are sc a t t e r e d among three government depart-ments. Each department i s o r i e n t e d towards p o l i c y formula-t i o n and d e l i v e r y from the top down w i t h i n i t s s p e c i f i c area of j u r i s d i c t i o n . Such a v e r t i c a l l y i n t e g r a t e d s t r u c t u r e o f f e r s no i n c e n t i v e f o r e i t h e r p o l i t i c i a n s or bureaucrats to develop c l o s e inter-departmental c o o r d i n a t i o n . Such a s t r u c -t u r e reduces the p o t e n t i a l f o r comprehensiveness i n the p o l i c y process. 135 The s t r u c t u r e o f the GVRD Pla n n i n g Department, however, seems to be more conducive to the development of p o l i c y compre-hensiveness and c o o r d i n a t i o n . The r e g i o n a l planning department i s a comparatively small o r g a n i z a t i o n with v a r i e d r e s p o n s i b i -l i t i e s . Such a s t r u c t u r e does not i n h i b i t d a i l y , face-to-face contact between i n d i v i d u a l s from a wide range of programs, i n c l u d i n g r e g i o n a l town centres, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , housing and parks. From i t s i n c e p t i o n , the planning department, faced with the enormous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of producing an o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l p l a n n a t u r a l l y developed a comprehensive, i n t e g r a t e d approach. However, the inter-program c o o r d i n a t i o n which (developed i n the e a r l y days continues u s i n g a s p e c i a l type of departmental meet-i n g c a l l e d "matins." "Matins" provides a key v e h i c l e f o r i n -forming s t a f f members of ongoing p r o j e c t s and a forum f o r the ques t i o n i n g of how these p r o j e c t s r e l a t e to the o v e r a l l depart-mental program and to other p r o j e c t s . These i n f o r m a l arrange-ments to provide h o r i z o n t a l program i n t e g r a t i o n o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as the " c o l l e g i a l " approach d i r e c t l y c o n t r a s t with the ver-t i c a l b u r e a u c r a t i c decision-making s t y l e common to most govern-ment agencies. In summary, the GVRD as a new o r g a n i z a t i o n with broad planning r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s was thus able to develop a comprehen-s i v e , coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y , u n f e t t e r e d by p r e - e x i s t i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e s i n i m i c a l to these goals. Transporta-t i o n was but one f a c e t of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e conducive to an improved process and as such, b e n e f i t t e d immensely from i t s s p i n o f f e f f e c t s . 13'6 The f o r e g o i n g d e s c r i p t i o n and a n a l y s i s of the GVRD process of o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l planning provides numerous suggestions f o r i n c o r p o r a t i n g the proposed goals i n t o the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process. As such, i t o f f e r s a bundle o f methods and techniques to overcome the d e f i c i e n c i e s of previous approaches to planning t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e s f o r Greater Vancouver. However, caution must be exe r c i s e d i n applying a methodology appropriate to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Greater Vancouver to other urban areas. The major object l e s s o n to be gained from t h i s a n a l y s i s o f the GVRD planning process i s above a l l t h a t the method of developing a comprehensive, coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning process must be adapted to l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s . C. A Future Model f o r Urban Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n Decision-Making The f u t u r e i s never t o t a l l y p r e d i c t a b l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n the area of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . T r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s subject to a multitude of f a c t o r s which may d r a s t i c a l l y a l t e r present pat-terns and t o t a l l y reshape the f u t u r e (course of events. However, f o r the purposes of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , i t i s necessary to ;adopt a p r e d i c t i v e stance i n attempting to p r o j e c t the o u t l i n e s of fu t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs from the views of decision-makers i n v o l v e d i n the present t r a n s p o r t a t i o n scene i n Greater Vancouver. The preceding chapter showed s u b s t a n t i a l s k e p t i c i s m with p r o v i n c i a l e f f o r t s i n shaping t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs. The f i r s t s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter presented the GVRD a l t e r n a -t i v e me4el but a n a l y s i s of decision-makers' comments al s o 137 pointed out c e r t a i n r e s e r v a t i o n s towards the r e g i o n assuming major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The question, t h e r e f o r e , remains: What should be the components of an organ-i z a t i o n a l framework and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs f o r Greater Vancouver? This s e c t i o n w i l l present the f i n d i n g s d e r i v e d from the questionnaire a n a l y s i s of decision-makers' responses to these questions. These questions were measured by the f o l l o w i n g para-meters: 1. governmental involvement i n p o l i c y and program development 2. agency i h v o l v e m e n t t i n s p o l i c y development 3. p o l i c y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 4. agency involvement i n program implementation 5. program c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 6. program components The remainder of t h i s chapter w i l l be devoted to r e p o r t i n g and an a l y z i n g the questionnaire r e s u l t s i n each of these areas. 1. Governmental Involvement i n P o l i c y and Program Development In the preceding s e c t i o n , decision-makers were asked to express t h e i r views regarding GVRD involvement i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g v i s - a - v i s the e x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l agency dominance. Here, decision-makers are asked to generate a f u t u r e organiza-t i o n a l framework,for government involvement. The sample were posed the question: Who should have the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning--the p r o v i n c i a l government, the GVRD or the f e d e r a l government? The numerical breakdown of respondents and a s s o c i a t e d comments are presented as f o l l o w s . 133 TABLE 7 Government Lev e l Involvement  i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y and Program Development Province and GVRD share r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 8 Province: most r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 6 GVRD: most r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 3 Federal: most r e s p o n s i b i l i t y _0 T o t a l Respondents 17 Of the e i g h t respondents who advocated an equal sharing of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between the Province and the GVRD, f i v e supported the GVRD proposal of a Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Commission. The othersthree d i d not s p e c i f y an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l framework but suggested the need f o r stronger c o o r d i n a t i o n between the Province and the GVRD. Two of these recognized the major p r o v i n c i a l r o l e as th a t of funding w i t h the GVRD r e p r e s e n t i n g l o c a l needs and con-cerns . Of the s i x respondents who wished to see the Province remain the major decision-making l e v e l of government i n urban transpor-t a t i o n , f i v e j u s t i f i e d the m a j o r i t y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the Province on the basis of i t s major r o l e i n t a x a t i o n and funding.The a t t i t u d e was t h a t i f the Province must provide most of the funds, i t must have most of the decision-making r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . A d d i t i o n a l comments explained t h i s p o s i t i o n on the ba s i s of p r o v i n c i a l con-s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r i n t e r - m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s , land use planning, i n t e r - r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and f e d e r a l r e l a -t i o n s . However, f i v e of the s i x respondents i n t h i s category -;^v advocated some sh a r i n g of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with the GVRD. In the t h i r d group which proposed major GVRD r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , these three respondents placed a higher 'value on l o c a l account-139 a b i l i t y , sensitivity to local concerns, and coordination with local land-use planning. They a l l implied that the GVRD is in a better position to determine regional transportation needs and should therefore have a majority say in transportation spending. However, one respondent recognized the present vested interest in transportation of the senior government levels sug-gesting that they also must f u l l y participate. And f i n a l l y , although none of the respondents advocated a majority federal role in regional transportation decision-making, ten of the seventeen decision-makers recognized a major federal funding role in urban transit and an indirect policy role in defining the national interest and responsibility for urban transportation and coordination with growth and immigra-tion policy. Five respondents suggested some federal involve-ment i s necessary due to present vested interests in r a i l rights-of-way, harbour development and air transport. These responses to the question of governmental involve-ment in urban transportation delineate the major components of a future organizational framework. Fully sixteen of the seven-teen respondents advocate some form of provincial-regional sharing of transportation decision-making with varying shares of responsibility between the two levels of government. The maj-ority view seems to be weighted in favour of an organizational structure giving a major say to the Province because of its larger funding role in urban transportation. However, decision-makers perceive an important role for the GVRD as the most effective interpreter of local transportation needs and concerns. 14© The general thrust of decision-makers' views proposes a future transportation organization which strongly supports the GVRD proposal for a Regional Transportation Commission with the Province determining the level of funding for urban transpor-tation in the context of other provincial transportation priorities and the GVRD exercising responsibilities for planning, programming and budgeting for the Greater Vancouver region. In this sense, decision-makers do not favour a return to the pre-vious system of total provincial control of regional transpor-tation decision-making. Having outlined the general character of governmental involvement in urban transportation, this analysis can now move to delineate the level of agency involvement in transportation policy and program development. 2. Agency Involvement in Transportation Policy Development Urban transportation planning in the Greater Vancouver region is presently carried out by numerous agencies at a l l levels of government. Not only do these agencies implement transportation programs but they are also very instrumental in the policy development process. Since these agencies presently have a major vested interest in urban transportation, i t would be necessary to s o l i c i t their participation in any future or-ganization responsible for transportation policy development. However, since the present involvement of these agencies differs in degree and character, i t is unlikely that a l l agencies would be equally represented in a future policy organization. There-fore, in order to further specify the composition of a future 141 organization i t was necessary to s o l i c i t decision-makers' views regarding the level of involvement of present agencies whose decisions affect transportation planning in the Greater Vancou-ver region. With this objective in mind, decision-makers were asked to rank the degree of involvement of a number of l i s t e d agencies in transportation policy development. Each response was assigned points ranging from three for a response of "highly involved," two points for "moderately involved," one point for "less in-volved," and zero for "not involved." Totalling the responses for each agency produced a score. The following table ranks the agencies by score from highest to lowest. TABLE 8 Agency Involvement in Transportation  Policy Development Agency Total Score 1. 2. Provincial. Department of Highways B.C. Hydro,;. Transportation Division,*. & Greater Vancouver Regional District: Provincial Cabinet Department of Municipal Affairs & Housing Municipal Governments Citizens Groups Federal Ministry of Transport Provincial Department of Transport 49 44 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 43 4 l 39 33 29 28 9. 10. 11. 12. and Communications Pacific Stage Lines Federal Cabinet 23 21 Canadian Pacific & Canadian National Railways Federal Ministry of State for Urban Affairs Federal National Harbours Board 2 1 13. 1 142 The results indicate that decision-makers foresee a broad range of agency involvement in any future transportation organ-ization. The f i r s t five agencies could be classified as those which would be highly involved. These agencies would l i k e l y be directly represented on any policy-making body. However logi-cally the GVRD would represent municipal governments while the Provincial Cabinet would be represented by the Ministers of Highways and Municipal Affairs. These two Ministers, some GVRD board members and the Chairman of B.C. Hydro would comprise the most appropriate decision-making body in view of these results. The second group of agencies (Numbers 5 - 10) are those of the moderately involved category. These government agencies less actively involved in urban transportation in Greater Van-couver and citizens groups l i k e l y to be impacted by transporta-tion decisions f a l l into this class. These agencies and groups would l i k e l y play a consultative role to the inner group of transportation policy-makers. And f i n a l l y , the last three agencies comprise those peri-i pherally involved organizations which are not actively involved in planning or providing urban transportation in Greater Van-couver but whose unilateral decisions may impact urban transpor-tation. These agencies would not be involved in policy-making but could possibly be brought into the process at the program level in certain instances. The results indicate that the sampled decision-makers support the principle that program implementing agencies should be actively involved in the transportation policy-making pro-cess. A l l three of the presently most active agencies—the 14 3 Departmentscdf Highways and M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s and B.C. Hydro — a r e r a t e d h i g h l y as f u t u r e policy-making u n i t s . The futu r e policy-making o r g a n i z a t i o n would thus be comprised of present policy-making agencies such as the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet and the GVRD as w e l l as present implementing agencies. 3. P o l i c y C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Having d e l i n e a t e d the composition of agency involvement i n urban t r a n s p o r t p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n i t was al s o c r u c i a l to determine the d e s i r a b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o l i c y output of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . A primary o b j e c t i v e was to t e s t whether decision-makers remain attached to the o l d e r r a t i o n a l e s f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y or whether they are s e n s i t i v e to the new goals of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . To f u r t h e r t h i s o b j e c t i v e decision-makers were asked to choose the three most important f u t u r e p o l i c y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s from a l i s t . The l i s t i n c l u d e d a number of important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to past t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y e f f o r t s as w e l l as the new goals of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y . The responses were tabu l a t e d i n the same way as the previous question and are presented i n rank order i n the f o l l o w i n g Table 9. TABLE 9 D e s i r a b l e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a Future T r a n s p o r t a t i o n  P o l i c y f o r Greater Vancouver P o l i c y C h a r a c t e r i s t i c T o t a l Score 1. Comprehensive P o l i c y Considering Land-use Programs 40 2. P o l i t i c a l l y Acceptable P o l i c y 14 3. P a r t i c i p a t o r y P o l i c y Formulation " o l i o y 13 P o l i c y C o o r d i n a t i o n 13 4. Goal Oriented Towards Maximum A c c e s s i b i l i t y 10 5. Acceptable to Present Agencies 5 6. P o l i c y which Defines T r a n s p o r t a t i o n C o r r i d o r s 1 144 The responses of decision-makers s u b s t a n t i a l l y support the proposed goals of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and par-t i c i p a t i o n i n a f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y . In t h i s sense, decision-makers d i f f e r from t h e i r predecessors i n that they a t t a c h greater importance to the p o l i c y process i t s e l f than the p o l i c y end product,and the n e c e s s i t y to overcome the i n s t i -t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s more than the p o l i t i c a l or t e c h n o l o g i c a l o b s t a c l e s . However, concern f o r the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the product remains s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of i t s p o l i t i c a l accept-a b i l i t y and i t s goal o r i e n t a t i o n towards maximum a c c e s s i b i l i t y . 4. Agency Involvement i n Transp o r t a t i o n Program Implementation The t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning emphasized that the l a c k of agency c o o r d i n a t i o n i n program implementation represented a major ob s t a c l e to s o l v i n g the me t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. Agency c o o r d i n a t i o n i s the c r u c i a l component i n p o l i c y d e l i v e r y : the process of t r a n s -l a t i o n from p o l i c y to programs. The a n a l y s i s of agency i n -volvement and d e s i r a b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a f u t u r e transpor-t a t i o n p o l i c y showed strong support f o r comprehensiveness and broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n . However, decision-makers must al s o recog-n i z e the need f o r c o o r d i n a t i o n during the program implementation phase i f broad agency involvement i n d e l i v e r i n g a f u t u r e p o l i c y i s considered d e s i r a b l e . To determine the composition of agency involvement i n pro-gram implementation the questionnaire asked decision-makers to a s s i g n l e v e l s of involvement from "highly i n v o l v e d " to "not 1 i n v o l v e d " to each agency i n the same l i s t as t h a t presented f o r 14$ the p o l i c y involvement question. The responses were scored i n according to the same procedure and the agency rankings are presented i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e . TABLE 10 Agency Involvement i n Transpo r t a t i o n  Program Implementation Agency T o t a l Score 1. B.C. Hydro, T r a n s p o r t a t i o n D i v i s i o n 47 2. P r o v i n c i a l Department of Highways 43 3. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t 42 4. M u n i c i p a l Governments ) i -P r o v i n c i a l Department of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s ) 5- P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet 37 6. P a c i f i c Stage L i n e s 30 7. P r o v i n c i a l Department of Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n and Communications 29 6*. C i t i z e n s Groups 23 9. Federal M i n i s t r y of Transport 22 10. Federal Cabinet 20 11. Canadian P a c i f i c Railway ) Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway) The r e s u l t c l o s e l y p a r a l l e d the previous responses f o r agency involvement i n p o l i c y development. The same agencies ranked as h i g h l y i n v o l v e d i n p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n were also ranked as n e c e s s a r i l y h i g h l y involved i n the f u t u r e program implemen-t a t i o n phase. The major changes i n rank i n v o l v e d the P r o v i n -c i a l Cabinet and c i t i z e n s groups. Both these agencies were downgraded i n terms of t h e i r involvement i n program implementa-t i o n . However, the i m p l i c a t i o n remains that decision-makers b e l i e v e that agencies h i g h l y i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i c y stage should also be h i g h l y involved at the program stage. The major p o i n t to emerge from the a n a l y s i s i s that agency 146 involvement at both the p o l i c y and program stages should empha-s i z e p a r t i c i p a t i o n from operating agencies. This arrangement i s necessary to ensure that p o l i c y i s brought c l o s e r to the r e a l i t i e s of program implementation. 5. Program C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s T r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning of twenty years ago was character-i z e d by a deeper concern f o r the aspects of program d e l i v e r y r a t h e r than those of p o l i c y development. As a r e s u l t , the guid-i n g r a t i o n a l e of past t r a n s p o r t a t i o n r e f l e c t e d program charac-t e r i s t i c s r a t h e r than p o l i c y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . For these reasons, a n a l y s i s of d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e program c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s provide a more than s u i t a b l e v e h i c l e to assess decision-makers attachment to o l d e r r a t i o n a l e s or, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , t h e i r s e n s i t i v i t y to the new emerging ideas of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Thus, decision-makers were asked to respond to a mixture of both o l d and new ideas regarding t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programming. As before, respondents were asked to choose from a l i s t the three most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of future t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs f o r Greater Vancouver and rank these by p l a c i n g the numerals "one", "two" and "three" beside the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The responses were scored three p o i n t s f o r a "1"; two points f o r a "2" and one p o i n t f o r a "3", and y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g r e s u l t s . 1.47 TABLE 11 D e s i r a b l e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Future  T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Programs f o r Greater Vancouver Program C h a r a c t e r i s t i c T o t a l Score 1. P r o v i s i o n of a Balance of Roads and T r a n s i t F a c i l i t i e s 26 2. Coordination w i t h Land-use Programs 25 3. P r o v i s i o n of the Most F a c i l i t i e s f o r the Least Cost 22 4. Reduce Automobile Use by Encouraging T r a n s i t Usage 10 5. P r o v i s i o n of B e t t e r T r a n s i t f o r Those Without Automobiles 7 6. P r o v i s i o n of S u f f i c i e n t Roads to S a t i s f y Demand 5 7. Encourage Urban Economic Development 4 8. P r o v i s i o n of A f f o r d a b l e T r a n s p o r t a t i o n F a c i l i t i e s 3 The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d e a l t with a' comprehensiveness ( C h a r a c t e r i s t i c No. l ) , c o o r d i n a t i o n ( C h a r a c t e r i s t i c No. 2) were ranked highest by decision-makers. This r e s u l t shows a high degree of s e n s i t i v i t y to the new goals of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan-n i n g . However, the o l d e r a t t i t u d e s ( C h a r a c t e r i s t i c No. 3) which viewed t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as f a c i l i t i e s which must be econo-m i c a l l y r a t i o n a l i z e d rather than as s e r v i c e s to people, remains st r o n g . However, the a b i l i t y of decision-makers to view the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem from the p o i n t of view of both roads and t r a n s i t i s r e i n f o r c e d by the r e l a t i v e l y high ranking of C h a r a c t e r i s t i c No. 4 and the comparatively lower ranking of C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 5 and 6. The low ranking of C h a r a c t e r i s t i c No. 6 shows a l a c k of confidence i n the narrow engineering o r i e n t e d view p r a c t i c e d by past t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. More-over, the economic b e n e f i t r a t i o n a l e f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-148 pounded by p o l i t i c i a n s of former years seems to have faded from the f u t u r e p e r s p e c t i v e . This a n a l y s i s of f u t u r e program c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s shows a r e c o g n i t i o n of the e r r o r s of previous t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ef-f o r t s . The freeway program was guided by C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 6 and 7; the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program emphasized Character-i s t i c s 4 and 5« Decision-makers at t a c h a r e l a t i v e l y lower rank to a l l of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Thus, although d e c i -sion-makers do not unanimously accept the u l t i m a t e i d e a l , t h e i r views of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programming seem w e l l adapted to the f u t u r e demands of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. However, the r e s u l t s of t h i s a n a l y s i s can be questioned i n terms of the wording of the d e s i r a b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The three h i g h e s t ranking item represent o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e s while the lower ranking items tend to be s u b - o b j e c t i v e s . T h i s f a c t o r could somewhat p r e j u d i c e the r e s u l t s . 6. Program Components The f i n a l p a r t of t h i s a n a l y s i s of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning s o l i c i t e d decision-makers views on the d e s i r a b l e modal components of a f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program. As be-f o r e , respondents were presented with a l i s t of program com-ponents and asked to rank t h e i r top three choices. The r e s u l t s were scored i n the same manner as before and are presented i n 'Refer Page 51 of t h i s t h e s i s . 149 Table 12 below. TABLE 12 Important. System Components  of F uture,Transportation Programs f o r Greater Vancouver System Components T o t a l Score 1. Bus Systems 2. L i g h t R a i l T r a n s i t (LRT) 3. L o c a l M u n i c i p a l Roads 4. Urban Highways and Bridges 5. Commuter R a i l Systems 6. Commuter F e r r y S e r v i c e 7. Heavy R a i l T r a n s i t Systems 39 21 20 11 2 1 1 The most s t r i k i n g r e s u l t of the a n a l y s i s was d e c i s i o n -makers' preference f o r t r a n s i t mode improvements over road options i n any f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program f o r Greater Vancouver. Roads and s t r e e t improvements remain important but the ol d e r notions of e x c l u s i v e automobile dominance seems to have y i e l d e d to more recent r e c o g n i t i o n of the ne c e s s i t y f o r upgrading t r a n s i t to provide a more balanced system. However, t h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to accept new ideas i s tem-pered by an u n d e r l y i n g conservatism. This i s apparent i n decision-makers' preference f o r buses over LRT and l o c a l roads over urban freeways. Decision-makers seem to favour the smaller s c a l e , lower cost and time tested modes over the l a r g e r , more c o s t l y and more s o p h i s t i c a t e d urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n o ptions. In general, the mode p r i o r i t i e s of decision-makers seem to r e f l e c t an awareness of the inadequacies of previous e f f o r t s . The preference f o r t r a n s i t over roads could be 150 explained by the l i n g e r i n g negative a t t i t u d e l e f t over from the freeway e r a . The basic conservativism toward an i n t e -grated system of high c a p a c i t y , h i g h cost commuter r a i l , com-muter f e r r y and, to some extent, LRT may r e f l e c t a r e a c t i o n against the more l i b e r a l , free-wheeling a t t i t u d e s evident during the era of the p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program. These observations l e a d to the co n c l u s i o n that decision-makers have i n t e r n a l i z e d past lessons to the p o i n t where they have developed an open-minded but yet cautious a t t i t u d e towards the f u t u r e . Chapter Summary This chapter began with two o b j e c t i v e s i n mind: to out-l i n e a method to incorporate comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p o l i c y and planning process; and, to analyze the s e n s i t i v i t y of policy-makers to these goals as f u t u r e components of metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs. The t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process undertaken by the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t as p a r t of an o v e r a l l growth management s t r a t e g y provided one example of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development. P o l i c y comprehensiveness and program c o o r d i n a t i o n derived from an o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l planning approach of which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were on l y a p a r t . .The GVRD encouraged the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process of a l l groups having an i n t e r e s t i n r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g . The process attempted to develop c l o s e i n t e r a c t i o n between the p o l i t i c i a n , the planner and the p u b l i c i n a l l phases of p o l i c y development. 151 As has been p r e v i o u s l y demonstrated, the establishment of a comprehensive, coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i c y frame-work seems to n a t u r a l l y c a r r y through i n t o the program phase. The open, c o l l e g i a l and non-bureaucratic planning s t r u c t u r e s o r i g i n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n the GVRD planning department permeated i n t o the day-to-day o p e r a t i o n a l aspects of program implementa-t i o n . Comprehensiveness and c o o r d i n a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program development i s maintained by in f o r m a l "matins" sessions which b r i n g a broad v a r i e t y of viewpoints to bear on a problem or proposal put forward by any of the program teams. This i n i -t i a l p a r t i c i p a t o r y process i s expanded when the proposal i s evaluated by the c o n s t i t u e n t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , the GVRD Board and other i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s . A l l of these mechanisms r e f i n e , develop and g e n e r a l l y improve the planning product f o r a l l con-cerned. The b e n e f i t s of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the three proposed goals i n t o the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process have been w e l l docu-mented throughout t h i s study. These conclusions i n d i c a t e the necessary d i r e c t i o n f o r future t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and pro-gram development. However, the impact of these changes on the f u t u r e depends on the w i l l i n g n e s s of decision-makers to i n c o r -porate these goals i n fu t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. The second part of t h i s chapter attempted to measure the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers i n t h i s regard. The most important aspect of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning measured by the responses i n v o l v e d the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r p o l i c y development and program implementation. The con-sensus of op i n i o n favoured a broadly based s t r u c t u r e with both 152' p r o v i n c i a l and GVRD r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Subsequent a n a l y s i s of d e s i r a b l e agency involvement suggested p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the major e x i s t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n implementing agencies at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , s p e c i f i c a l l y the M i n i s t r i e s o f Highways and Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s and B.C. Hydro Transpo r t a t i o n D i v i s i o n , along with the GVRD repre s e n t i n g the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . These agencies would comprise a Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Commission r e s p o n s i b l e f o r broad t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development. In the area of program implementation, however, municipal govern-ments were a l l o t t e d as high a l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as the aforementioned p o l i c y development agencies. The r e s u l t s of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s suggested the d e s i r e f o r a coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n plan-n i n g process i n the f u t u r e , at l e a s t i n terms of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . Moreover, the three proposed goals were also sub-s t a n t i a t e d i n the a n a l y s i s of p o l i c y and program c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s . Decision-makers p r e s c r i b e d a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y process which was f i r s t l y comprehensive i n i t s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of land use programs and, secondly, coordinated and p a r t i c i -patory. In a d d i t i o n , the a n a l y s i s supported f u t u r e transpor-t a t i o n programs which were modally comprehensive and coordinated with land use programs. And f i n a l l y , decision-makers evinced a more f a r - s i g h t e d view of necessary f u t u r e program components i n t h e i r choice o f a mix of roads and t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s r a t h e r than a p u r e l y roads approach to s a t i s f y i n g f u t u r e t r a v e l demand. In c o n c l u s i o n , the a n a l y s i s of d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e transpor-t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs f o r Greater Vancouver reported i n 153 t h i s chapter shows a high degree of responsiveness to the pro-posed goals. Present decision-makers accept the n e c e s s i t y f o r comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n order to equip the f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process to deal with the m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. In t h i s sense, the r e s u l t s of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n supplement the previous a n a l y s i s of the d e f i c i e n c i e s and needs of previous t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning e f f o r t s . Both analyses o f the past and the f u t u r e p o i n t to the same co n c l u s i o n . 154 CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS This study began i n search of a way to equip the t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n planning process to deal with the urban t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n problem. T h i s search was prompted by the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t despite the s i n c e r e e f f o r t s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning the problems of moving i n c i t i e s p e r s i s t , i n many cases were worsening, and u l t i m a t e l y are t h r e a t e n i n g to engulf the whole f a b r i c of urban l i f e . The Research Problem The research problem was i d e n t i f i e d through a review of the current l i t e r a t u r e i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. This i n i -t i a l survey of informed o p i n i o n i n d i c a t e d t h a t the i n a b i l i t y of planning to cope with urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems could be t r a c e d to s e r i o u s d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the planning process i t s e l f . F u r t h e r examination of these c r i t i c a l analyses r e -vealed c e r t a i n common threads which appeared throughout most of the f a b r i c of informed o p i n i o n . Owen, K a i n and Dickey perceived a planning process which viewed the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem too narrowly; a more comprehensive view was needed. F i t c h , Smerk and G w i l l i a m saw the need f o r c l o s e r coordina-t i o n between implementing agencies, between t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and land use. planning and between the various t r a n s p o r t a t i o n modes. And f i n a l l y , Appleyard, Wellman and G e i s e r decried 155 the absence of c i t i z e n involvement i n the planning process; broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n was needed. These concerns suggested the need f o r an o v e r a l l examina-t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning which focused on the question of what was needed to improve the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning pro-cess so that i t could b e t t e r deal with the c r u c i a l problems of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Having o u t l i n e d the research pro-blem, i t then became necessary to choose an approach which could most thoroughly address the research problem. The Approach Objective research g e n e r a l l y i n v o l v e s the use of e i t h e r deductive or i n d u c t i v e reasoning. The deductive approach f i r s t poses a g e n e r a l i z e d theory and then attempts to prove or disprove the theory by reference to p a r t i c u l a r instances. The reverse approach of i n d u c t i v e reasoning examines p a r t i c u -l a r instances to d e r i v e an o v e r a l l theory to e x p l a i n r e a l i t y . The choice between the deductive or i n d u c t i v e approach was r e s o l v e d through the i n i t i a l examination of the l i t e r a t u r e . The revaluation of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning by informed obser-vers abounded with t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the needs of the planning process i n d u c t i v e l y derived from case study analyses. TrJn few instances was any attempt made to objec-t i v e l y v e r i f y t h e o r e t i c a l concepts u s i n g a survey method. The absence of research i n t h i s c r i t i c a l area suggested t h a t deductive s u b s t a n t i a t i o n of the theory needed more e f f o r t than i n d u c t i v e l y d e r i v i n g a d d i t i o n a l theory. This r e a l i z a t i o n prompted the choice of a deductive 156 approach which would f i r s t pose the t h e o r e t i c a l needs of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and then t e s t the theory i n a p a r t i -c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . R e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e e f f o r t was d i r e c t e d towards developing the theory. The l i t e r a t u r e c o n s t a n t l y r e i t e r a t e d c e r t a i n common goals towards which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g should s t r i v e to achieve b e t t e r s o l u t i o n s to the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. The consensus of informed o p i n i o n suggested three theor-e t i c a l goals f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning: 1. Comprehensiveness—incorporated i n t o a l l stages of the planning process from problem d e f i n i t i o n to the development o f goals and o b j e c t i v e s to the generation and s e l e c t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s . 2. Coordination—between agencies i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, p o l i c y development and program implementation. 3. P a r t i c i p a t i o n — i n the planning p o l i c y and program phases by those groups p r o v i d i n g , a f f e c t i n g or impacted by urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The Objectives The research problem attempted to determine the charac-t e r i s t i c s necessary to equip t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to provide b e t t e r s o l u t i o n s and to show whether or not t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making was prepared to s t r i v e t o i n c o r p o r a t e these character-i s t i c s . This dual requirement conditioned the o b j e c t i v e s of the study. These were:-1. to a s c e r t a i n the need f o r comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning and p o l i c y development pro-cess f o r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; 157 2. to determine the extent to which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i s equipped to d e a l with the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. F u l f i l l i n g the f i r s t o b j e c t i v e would assess the u s e f u l -ness of the proposed goals; the second o b j e c t i v e would show the p r a c t i c a l c a p a b i l i t y of the g o a l s . The remainder of t h i s t h e s i s w i l l summarize the conclu-s i o n s i n these two a r e a s . The Need f o r Comprehensiveness, Coordination and P a r t i c i p a t i o n This study was o r i g i n a l l y prompted by the concerns of informed observers such as W i l f r e d Owen and John Kain that t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g was unable to achieve a high l e v e l of accomplishment i n d e a l i n g w i t h the problems of t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n i n . c i t i e s . In searching f o r the fundamental d e f i c i e n c i e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning the experts again and again r e -f e r r e d to an e s s e n t i a l i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y between the planning process and the nature of the problem i t s e l f . R e s olving t h i s i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y by developing a planning process which was b e t t e r adapted to the problem i t s e l f became a necessary f i r s t step toward s o l v i n g the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. Having d e f i n e d the research question i n t h i s form, f u l -f i l l i n g the i n i t i a l o b j e c t i v e of t h i s study i n v o l v e d f o c u s s i n g on the c e n t r a l theme of the i n t e r f a c e between t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. An a n a l y s i s of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p would generate measures to equip the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p lanning process to deal with the problems of 158 moving i n c i t i e s and thus e i t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e or r e f u t e the need f o r comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning and p o l i c y development processes f o r urban tr a n s -p o r t a t i o n . Therefore, the approach i n v o l v e d an assessment i n three major areas: 1. the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and components of the metropolitan t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem; 2. the development and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g and p o l i c y ; and 3. the needs of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning, p o l i c y and pro-grams . As o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r , the methodology was o r i e n t e d to examining these areas from both a macroscopic view through an examination of the l i t e r a t u r e and a l s o m i c r o s c o p i c a l l y through a case study of the Greater Vancouver r e g i o n . To f u l f i l l the f i r s t o b j e c t i v e , the f o l l o w i n g w i l l summarize the conclusions of t h i s study i n these three areas from both view-p o i n t s . The General C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Components of the M e t r o p o l i t a n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem This study was founded on a s e r i o u s concern f o r the des-t r u c t i v e impacts of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem on our c i t i e s . I t was recognized at the outset t h a t the present form of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem could not be f u l l y understood outside of i t s h i s t o r i c a l context. The f i r s t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planners were surveyors who had l i t t l e more to contend with i n l a y i n g out the f i r s t roads than the problems of topography, drainage and p o s s i b l y defence. The a c c e s s i b i l i t y a f f o rded by these e a r l y roads allowed the 159 towns to become c i t i e s . The c o n c e n t r a t i o n of population i n c i t i e s a l s o concen-t r a t e d the growing demand f o r movement;congestion and a c c i -dents enlarged the spectrum of urban t r a v e l problems. As bus and r a i l t r a n s i t came to the f o r e f r o n t , masses of people had to be moved e f f i c i e n t l y and economically. The urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem came to be conceived i n terms of i n -a c c e s s i b i l i t y and i n e f f i c i e n t investment. The next step i n the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the urban trans-p o r t a t i o n problem came with the a r r i v a l of the automobile. The automobile added i t s own catalogue of d e f i c i e n c i e s to the e x i s t i n g problem. Higher user c o s t s , l a c k of s a f e t y , expensive f a c i l i t i e s , a i r p o l l u t i o n , noise, a e s t h e t i c deter-i o r a t i o n , excessive space requirements and und e s i r a b l e land development ballooned the scope and complexity of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. The u l t i m a t e i r o n y i s th a t the same t r a n s p o r t a t i o n net-works which supported the growth of the c i t y now threaten to undermine the foundation of urban l i f e . To head o f f t h i s p o t e n t i a l urban d e c l i n e , t h e onus has been placed squarely r on the shoulders of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. The Development of Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g T r a c i n g the development of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-blem pointed to the u n d e r l y i n g challenge of urban change. Both t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning and the general f i e l d of urban planning have been faced with an expanding area of concern. To a great e x t e n t , the present c a p a b i l i t y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n 160 planning to adapt to the e x i s t i n g problem i s a product of past p r a c t i c e s as w e l l as i n f l u e n c e s from the general f i e l d of urban planning. A n a l y s i s of the development of urban planning i n general showed that c i t y planning has progressed and broadened as i t s subject area, the c i t y , has grown and developed. From an e a r l y concern w i t h s o c i a l engineering, the. b a s i c r a t i o n a l e f o r urban planning has embraced economic, engineering arid l a n d -use c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , and more r e c e n t l y , the whole gamut of s o c i a l , environmental and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s . S i m i l a r l y , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning over the years has t r i e d to adapt to a broadening t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem by en l a r g i n g i t s focus of concern. The o r i g i n a l bus and r a i l t r a n s i t companies and the U.S. t o l l road developers defined the problem i n terms of p r o f i t a b i l i t y and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of user needs. Therefore, corporate t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning of t h i s s o r t developed an economic r a t i o n a l e . Governmental involvement i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning emerged at about the same time during the e a r l y twenties when t r a f f i c congestion and mode c o n f l i c t s were becoming the most evident urban t r a n s -port problems. Engineering c o n s i d e r a t i o n s moved to the f o r e -f r o n t to improve road design, provide a d d i t i o n a l capacity to overcome congestion and thus s a t i s f y p u b l i c user needs r a t h e r than p r i v a t e consumer needs. The post war era and the growth of automobile usage de-manded a l a r g e scale approach to an expanded problem of c o s t l y road investment, c o n t i n u i n g congestion and more s e r i o u s a c c i -dents coupled with a demand f o r u n i v e r s a l a c c e s s i b i l i t y . 161 Government t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning responded with comprehen-s i v e m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s t u d i e s o r i e n t e d to accom-modating the broader demands of the automobile user f o r both t r a f f i c m o b i l i t y and land access. However, the studie s d i d not expand the perception of the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem beyond c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e problems of the user. A f t e r two decades of dominance, by the automobile mode, the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n has "again enlarged and escalated. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e problems such as congestion and access-i b i l i t y remain important but they no longer represent the s o l e g u i d i n g r a t i o n a l e f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. The urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem has broadened to incl u d e those f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n suchbasnthe energy shortage as w e l l as the e x t e r n a l e f f e c t s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n such as the d e c l i n e of mass t r a n s i t and social/environmental impacts. Up to t h i s p o i n t , 'transportation planning has been able to cope with the expanding urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem by i n c r e a s i n g the number of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e r v i c e - r e l a t e d f a c t o r s e n t e r i n g i n t o the problem d e f i n i t i o n stage of the process. Recently, however, long e s t a b l i s h e d economic, engi-neering and user o r i e n t e d approaches have l a r g e l y proved inadequate i n responding to a redefined urban transportation problem. The d e f i c i e n c i e s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning have also been compounded by a r a p i d l y changing context i n which d e c i -sions are made. Greater p u b l i c awareness and involvement i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n issues has given r i s e to a demand f o r more 162 a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by c i t i z e n s groups and other agencies i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making. The combined e f f e c t of recent trends has demanded a fundamental r e - e v a l u a t i o n by t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning of who i t serves, who p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the u l t i -mate d e c i s i o n s and what f a c t o r s are important. These new demands r e q u i r e t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning take a longer step forward than ever before i n order to equip i t s e l f to deal with the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. The Future Requirements of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g and P o l i c y As i n the past, the character of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n pro-blem has defined the character of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning process, so too, the new dimensions added to the problem i n recent years are d e f i n i n g the f u t u r e requirements of the p l a n -n i n g and p o l i c y processes. With regard to the planning process, the consensus of informed observers pointed to the need to improve a l l steps o f the planning process as f o l l o w s : 1. problem d e f i n i t i o n should recognize non-user problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s o c i a l equity c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and environmen-t a l impacts as w e l l as the problems of mass t r a n s i t . 2. the development of goals and o b j e c t i v e s as c r i t e r i a f o r the e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s should incorporate non-economic goals. 3. t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a l t e r n a t i v e s should recognize the need f o r a broadly based multi-modal t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. Not only have these r e v i s i o n s been suggested by informed 163 academics but they now form the b a s i s of U.S. Department of Transportation p o l i c y . Moreover, U.S. government p o l i c y and the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners recognized the need to a l l o w greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f various government agencies and population groups i n a l l stages of the planning process and the coordinate l a n d use and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. Thus, the summary conclusion o f the general a n a l y s i s of the planning process i n North America f u l l y supported a l l three of the proposed g o a l s . The major requirements o f the p o l i c y process were deter-mined to be l e g i s l a t i o n , funding and c o o r d i n a t i o n . Federal t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n i n the U.S. recognized that e f f e c -t i v e implementation of p o l i c y goals r e q u i r e s necessary l e g i s -l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y t i e d to f e d e r a l funding. Thus, the p o l i c y development process should provide both the l e g a l c l o u t as w e l l as s u f f i c i e n t funding to a l l o w the planning and p o l i c y implementation processes to proceed e f f i c i e n t l y . However, even with l e g i s l a t i o n and funding the problem o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation can yet obstruct the e f f e c t i v e d e l i v e r y of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y . Therefore, the p o l i c y development process may o f t e n be r e q u i r e d to enforce c o o r d i n a t i o n among e x i s t i n g agencies. In summary, the general a n a l y s i s of the p o l i c y develop-ment process supported the goal o f c o o r d i n a t i o n but d i d not s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r to the need f o r comprehensiveness or par-t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i c y development. The expl a n a t i o n f o r t h i s can be found i n the f a c t that the p o l i c y development process 164 has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been viewed as f o l l o w i n g r a t h e r than preced-i n g the planning process. The assumption has been that the p o l i c y process i s c h i e f l y concerned with implementation r a t h e r than problem d e f i n i t i o n or goal s e t t i n g , which are u s u a l l y a s c r i b e d to the planning process. Therefore, achievement of a comprehensive and p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i c y process may j u s t i f y the removing o f problem d e f i n i t i o n and goal s e t t i n g from the plan n i n g process to the p o l i c y process. However, t h i s i s a question which must await a b r i e f summary a n a l y s i s o f problem, development and needs of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning i n the study area. Trans p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y and P l a n n i n g i n Greater Vancouver; The Case Studies T r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning i n Greater Vancouver was s i m i l a r to t h a t of other North American c i t i e s i n terms of i t s develop-ment i n r e l a t i o n to the urban t r a n s p o r t problem. The e v o l u t i o n o f p r i v a t e l y operated r a i l t r a n s i t with i t s economic view of the problem and the freeway era with i t s t e c h n o l o g i c a l and engineering o r i e n t a t i d i n c o i n c i d e d with developments o c c u r r i n g elsewhere. For t h i s reason, the case s t u d i e s of the p r o v i n -c i a l freeway and t r a n s i t programs provided f e r t i l e ground f o r the t e s t i n g the p r a c t i c a l v a l i d i t y of the conclusions of the l i t e r a t u r e review. The freeway planning process narrowly viewed the t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n problem as p r o v i d i n g f o r continued needs of the automobile u s e r by a v o i d i n g f u t u r e p r o j e c t e d t r a f f i c conges-t i o n . The absence of a comprehensive view of the problem 165 overlooked the so c i a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l a t t i t u d e s and t r a n s i t con-s i d e r a t i o n s emerging as s o c i e t a l values. The t e c h n i c a l engi-n eering approach excluded the p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes which could have broadened the problem d e f i n i t i o n and thus avoided the c i t i z e n c o n f r o n t a t i o n s . However, i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , i t was the absence of a p o l i c y development process w i t h accompanying l e g i s l a t i o n and funding that d i d not a l l o w the t r a n s i t i o n from planning to implementation. This conclusion supports the need f o r funda-mental r e v i s i o n of the d e c i s i o n making process so t h a t the p o l i c y development stage precedes the planning stage. Other-wise, l a c k i n g a p o l i c y commitment beforehand, the planning process becomes insecure, impotent, unnecessary or, given s u f f i c i e n t impetus, p r o t r a c t e d . The P r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i t program conversely demonstrated the value of a f i r m p o l i c y commitment. Emerging from p a r t y p o l i c y , f o r m a l i z e d as government p o l i c y and supported by l e g i s l a t i o n and funding, the t r a n s i t program proceeded e f f i -c i e n t l y through the planning process to the implementation stage. However, l i k e the freeway program, the t r a n s i t pro-gram e v e n t u a l l y s u f f e r e d from a l a c k of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n both p o l i c y development and planning. Government p o l i c y focussed on t r a n s i t to the e x c l u s i o n of a comprehensive view of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as a whole. Given t h i s narrow view, the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s to produce an o v e r a l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y w i t h i n t e r - d e p a r t -mental c o o r d i n a t i o n was not evident. Thus, even though the 166 p o l i c y development phase preceded the planning phase as i t should, the p o l i c y d e f i c i e n c i e s were passed on through the planning phase. The planning process as p r a c t i c e d u n i l a t e r -a l l y by the Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s d i d not consider roads needs thus engendering l o c a l government o p p o s i t i o n , and d i s -couraged broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n from i n t e r e s t e d agencies, thus r e i n f o r c i n g the narrow t r a n s i t o r i e n t a t i o n and exacerbating o p p o s i t i o n to the program. In summary, the case s t u d i e s f u l l y s u b s t a n t i a t e d the need f o r a d e c i s i o n making process i n which the p o l i c y devel-opment phase precedes the p l a n n i n g phase and incorporates comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n throughout the d e c i s i o n making process. Both the case study a n a l y s i s and the l i t e r a t u r e review provide s u f f i c i e n t evidence to f u l f i l l the f i r s t o b j e c t i v e of demonstrating the need f o r i n c o r p o r a t i n g the conceptual goals i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process. At t h i s p o i n t , the d i s c u s s i o n can now move on to the second o b j e c t i v e of determining the extent to which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and pla n n i n g i s equipped to deal w i t h the problem of urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n . R e cognition o f the Future Requirements The o r i g i n a l problem statement asserted t h a t r e a l i z a t i o n o f the necessary improvements i n the p o l i c y and planning pro-cesses u l t i m a t e l y w i l l depend on the degree to which d e c i s i o n makers at both the p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l s recog-n i z e the v a l i d i t y of the conceptual goals f o r the t r a n s p o r t a -167 t i o n decision-making process. The survey a n a l y s i s was al s o intended to provide o b j e c t i v e v e r i f i c a t i o n of the goals to supplement the s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s from the l i t e r a t u r e review. Recognition of the f u t u r e requirements was addressed by the two questions which d e a l t w i t h the improvements needed to have s u c c e s s f u l l y implemented the freeway program and the t r a n s i t program. The f o l l o w i n g typology summarizes the neces-sary improvements suggested by decision-makers f o r the planning and p o l i c y processes of both programs. A. THE PROVINCIAL FREEWAY PROGRAM 1» Pl a n n i n g Process a) r e c o g n i t i o n of soci a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l impacts on neigh-bourhoods through b e t t e r freeway design. b) broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process from the community. c) more comprehensive multi-modal a l t e r n a t i v e s . 2. P o l i c y Process a) an i d e n t i f i a b l e and supportive p o l i c y . b) a funding commitment. B. THE PROVINCIAL TRANSIT PROGRAM 1. Planning Process a) broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l o c a l government. b) c o o r d i n a t i o n between the planning and implementa-t i o n processes and t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i n g agencies. 2. P o l i c y Process a) a p o l i c y development process which c l e a r l y defines 168 the r o l e of l o c a l government. b) a p o l i c y which e s t a b l i s h e s the long term funding requirements of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs and the funding r o l e of l o c a l government. c) a more comprehensive p o l i c y which recognizes the needs of both roads and t r a n s i t . Both the case study a n a l y s i s and the l i t e r a t u r e review provide s u f f i c i e n t evidence to f u l f i l l the f i r s t o b j e c t i v e o f demonstrating the need f o r i n c o r p o r a t i n g the conceptual goals i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process. At t h i s p o i n t , the d i s c u s s i o n can now move on to the second o b j e c t i v e of determining the extent to which t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and plan n i n g i s equipped to deal with the problem of urban tra n s -p o r t a t i o n . Implementation of the Future Requirements The problem statement a l s o claimed that the c a p a b i l i t y o f the d e c i s i o n making process to deal w i t h the urban t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n problem depended not on l y on the r e c o g n i t i o n by decision-makers o f the fu t u r e requirements but a l s o a w i l l -ingness to incor p o r a t e the conceptual goals i n f u t u r e t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs. The degree of w i l l i n g n e s s on the part of decision-makers was asc e r t a i n e d by survey a n a l y s i s of t h e i r a t t i t u d e s to the GVRD d e c i s i o n making pro-cess and the d e s i r a b l e components of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s and programs i n Greater Vancouver. The GVRD process provided an example of a method to incorp o r a t e comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n 169 i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making. However, the sample was evenly d i v i d e d as to whether the GVRD should have a major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r f u t u r e urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planni n g . I n d i r e c t l y , t h i s r e s u l t d i d not i n d i c a t e unequi-v o c a l support f o r an improved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process. However, i n p r o j e c t i n g a f u t u r e model d e c i s i o n making process, decision-makers advocated: 1) the c r e a t i o n of an o v e r a l l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planni n g o r g a n i z a t i o n to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of govern-ment and p r i v a t e agencies i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning. 2) a h i g h l y p a r t i c i p a t o r y p o l i c y development process with d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n from the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet, two Prov-i n c i a l departments, the GVRD and B.C. Hydro and a co n s u l t a -t i v e r o l e f o r m u n i c i p a l governments, c i t i z e n s groups and cer-t a i n f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s . 3) the development of a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y which i s comprehensive and p o l i t i c a l l y acceptable, w h i l e i n c o r p o r a t i n g p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes and e s t a b l i s h i n g c o o r d i n a t i o n . 4) a program implementation process with d i r e c t representa-t i o n from the same agencies r a t e d as h i g h l y i n v o l v e d i n p o l i c y and planning. 5) a comprehensive planning process which produced program a l t e r n a t i v e s emphasizing a d i v e r s i t y of modes, co o r d i n a t i o n w i t h l a n d use programs, economic cost e f f e c t i v e n e s s and great-er t r a n s i t usage. 6) the development o f a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system emphasizing bus systems, l i g h t r a i l t r a n s i t , municipal roads and pr o v i n -170 c i a l highways. The r e s u l t s provided f u r t h e r v e r i f i c a t i o n of the conclu-s i o n s d e r i v e d from the l i t e r a t u r e review and the case study a n a l y s i s . The sampled decision-makers f u l l y supported the need to i n c o r p o r a t e the conceptual goals i n order to improve not o n l y past but f u t u r e p o l i c y and planning processes. THE TWO HYPOTHESES This study proposed two hypotheses to guide and d i r e c t the research: Hypothesis 1 That past e f f o r t s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making were hindered by a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers which were not r e s -ponsive to the goals of comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n or p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Hypothesis 2 That present t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-makers i n Greater Vancouver accept comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i -p a t i o n as necessary goals f o r the development of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and programs. The two hypotheses provide an u l t i m a t e focus f o r the two o b j e c t i v e s . Both the case s t u d i e s and the r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n undertaken to demonstrate the need f o r the con-c e p t u a l goals showed that the freeway and t r a n s i t programs encountered d i f f i c u l t i e s which were d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to unresponsive a t t i t u d e s on the p a r t of decision-makers to the proposed goals. The absence of a comprehensive view which 171 incorporated s o c i a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s as w e l l as a l a c k o f r e c o g n i t i o n of the need f o r broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n l e d to the proposed goals. The absence of a comprehensive view which incorporated s o c i a l / e n v i r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s as w e l l as a l a c k of r e c o g n i t i o n of the need f o r broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n l e d to .the eventual defeat o f the freeway program. S i m i l a r l y , a narrow uni-modal t r a n s i t o r i e n t a t i o n , combined with an a t t i t u d e on the p a r t of Bureau of T r a n s i t policy-makers and administra-t o r s which excluded interdepartmental c o o r d i n a t i o n or mean-i n g f u l p a r t i c i p a t i o n from l o c a l government, s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduced the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h e - t r a n s i t program. Thus, Hypothesis 1 can be accepted as demonstrated. So too, the r e s u l t s of the survey a n a l y s i s of f u t u r e p o l i c i e s and programs i n the study area designed to t e s t the f u t u r e c a p a b i l i t y of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making pro-cess i n d i c a t e d t h a t the a t t i t u d e s of present decision-makers are h i g h l y disposed to i n c o r p o r a t e the conceptual goals i n the p o l i c y development, planning and p o l i c y implementation phases of the f u t u r e process. Thus, Hypothesis 2 can be accepted as demonstrated. The Influence o f H i s t o r i c a l F a c t o r s H o f f e r b e r t ' s theory of the i n f l u e n c e of h i s t o r i c a l f a c -t o r s on the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers i s d i f f i c u l t to o b j e c t i v e l y assess. However, t h i s study p o s t u l a t e d t h a t decision-makers' evaluations o f d e f i c i e n c i e s i n previous t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and planning e f f o r t s i n the study area would c o n d i t i o n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s to f u t u r e d e c i s i o n making 172 needs. Close correspondence between these two sets of per-ceptions would i n d i c a t e that h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s indeed i n f l u e n c e d the a t t i t u d e s of decision-makers to the f u t u r e . Sampled decision-makers i d e n t i f i e d the negative p u b l i c a t t i t u d e , funding inadequacies and the l a c k of p o l i c y support as major d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the freeway program and the absence of coordinated or cooperative planning as the major flaws i n the t r a n s i t program. For f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c i e s decision-makers advocated the development of a more compre-hensive, coordinated, p o l i t i c a l l y acceptable and p a r t i c i p a -t o r y p o l i c y as w e l l as more comprehensive, coordinated and cost e f f e c t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs. The r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e t h a t decision-makers propose as f u t u r e needs, c o r r e c t i v e measures which would remedy past d e f i c i e n c i e s . On t h i s b a s i s , one co\ild conclude that past experiences have exerted some i n f l u e n c e on perceptions of f u t u r e needs. However, the r e s u l t s provide o n l y i n d i r e c t evidence. F u r t h e r study of t h i s area of p o l i c y a n a l y s i s would seem to be j u s t i f i e d . The F i n a l A n a l y s i s The f u l f i l l m e n t of the two o b j e c t i v e s and the acceptance o f the two hypothesis concludes the tasks s e t out f o r t h i s research i n the problem statement. The study has focussed on d e f i n i n g and e l a b o r a t i n g the c r i t i c a l gaps i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y . a n d planning and f i n d i n g ways to f i l l them. I t has thus f a r r e s i s t e d the temptation to propose a u n i v e r s a l meth-odology f o r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n decision-making process. 173 The GVRD process provided one method to incorporate the conceptual g o a l s . However, i t was recognized t h a t caution must be e x e r c i s e d i n a s c r i b i n g general a p p l i c a t i o n to a method appropriate f o r a s p e c i f i c urban s e t t i n g . For t h i s reason, developing a u n i v e r s a l decision-making methodology becomes an i n h e r e n t l y f r u i t l e s s e x e r c i s e . In s p i t e of these concerns however, t h i s t h e s i s would be b l a t a n t l y remiss i f i t d i d not attempt to coalesce the f i n d i n g s of the research i n t o an o v e r a l l theory f o r the improvement of the decision-making process. Over the past decades, the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n mak-i n g process has developed as represented i n Fi g u r e 4 on the f o l l o w i n g page. The t r a d i t i o n a l d e c i s i o n making process has operated i n the f o l l o w i n g manner. The processes of urban growth and change have impacted t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to create an i n c r e a s i n g l y broad, v a r i e d and complex urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. I t i s at t h i s p o i n t t h a t governments have recognized the existence o f a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem and have promptly organized engi-n e e r i n g and t e c h n i c a l s t a f f to i n i t i a t e the planning phase. S t a f f have then proceeded to narrowly define the problem symp-toms while i g n o r i n g the urban processes as f i r s t causes. From the problem d e f i n i t i o n stage the planning phase has continued through to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of goals and o b j e c t i v e s , data c o l l e c t i o n and the generation of program a l t e r n a t i v e s . Gov-ernments have then proceeded to evaluate the a l t e r n a t i v e s and e i t h e r s e l e c t one f o r implementation, r e j e c t a l l a l t e r n a t i v e s or simply r e f r a i n from t a k i n g a p o s i t i o n . And f i n a l l y , since Figure 4 THE TRADITIONAL TRANSPORTATION DECISION MAKING PROCESS Urban Processes! Impacts j>-T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Systems Creates —>-T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem I n i t i a t e s o -p T3 <D •H H a, Program Implementation Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g Phase o a> CD M CO Program A l t e r n a t i v e s E v a l u a t i o n of A l t e r n a t i v e s (D CD *i H (3 CO 0> O Ct <+ < CD 175 the a l t e r n a t i v e s are developed from the planning process r a t h e r than the p o l i c y process, the s o l u t i o n s which emerge r e a c t to the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem r a t h e r than the urban processes. The t r a d i t i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process no matter how i t i s p r a c t i c e d r e v e a l s a number of inherent weaknesses which o b s t r u c t the development of a comprehensive, coordinated and p a r t i c i p a t o r y process: 1. the absence of a p o l i c y development phase ensures the dominance of the planning phase i n the c r i t i c a l problem d e f i n i t i o n , goal development and a l t e r n a t i v e generation stages of the d e c i s i o n making process. 2. the dominance of the planning phase r e i n f o r c e s a narrow t e c h n i c a l view of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. 3. the process does not a l l o w f o r the meaningful p a r t i c i -p a t i o n of p o l i t i c i a n s and c i t i z e n s i n the problem d e f i n i t i o n and goal development stages where t h e i r views could be most h e l p f u l i n broadening the view of the problem. 4. a narrow view of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem f o s t e r s a p r o j e c t o r i e n t a t i o n which does not u s u a l l y demand broad i n t e r -agency c o o r d i n a t i o n . 5. the a l t e r n a t i v e s which emerge respond to the symptoms of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem r a t h e r than i t s causes. I t i s immediately apparent from t h i s a n a l y s i s t h a t the development of a d e c i s i o n making process which incorporates the proposed goals w i l l r e q u i r e an improved d e c i s i o n making methodology. With t h i s o b j e c t i v e and the need to provide a basi s f o r f u r t h e r research t h i s study considers i t imperative 176 to summarize the conclusions i n t o a t h e o r e t i c a l model method-ology f o r the urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process. A d e c i s i o n making process b e t t e r adapted to the r e a l i t i e s o f the present urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem and the demon-s t r a t e d need to incorporate the conceptual goals i s summarized i n Figure 5 on the f o l l o w i n g page. The process o u t l i n e d i n F i g u r e 5 could provide an o v e r a l l format to i n c u l c a t e the necessary improvements to t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n d e c i s i o n making. The process begins with governments' awareness of the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem i n the context of the broader urban system or i n many cases the n a t i o n a l system. Such an awareness e s t a b l i s h e s the p r e r e q u i s i t e mental a t t i t u d e f o r a comprehensive view preparatory to i n i t i a t i n g the p o l i c y development phase. To f u r t h e r t h i s comprehensive view, the p o l i c y development phase would be re s p o n s i b l e f o r d e f i n i n g the problem, developing goals, o b j e c t i v e s and c r i t e r i a and e s t a b l i s h i n g the necessary i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanisms f o r i n t e r agency c o o r d i n a t i o n to guide the planning process. As w e l l , the p o l i c y process would generate the l e g i s l a t i v e and funding commitment to a l l o w the p o l i c y implementation phase to pro-ceed pending the e v a l u a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s which emerge from the planning phase. The planning phase would be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t r a n s l a t i n g the p o l i c y goals and o b j e c t i v e s i n t o program a l t e r n a t i v e s . P l a n n i n g would b r i n g together a number of agencies to assess the o b j e c t i v e s , d e f i n e the t e c h n i c a l aspects of the problem, c o l l e c t data and propose a l t e r n a t i v e s . The p o l i c y develop-ment process would then apply the c r i t e r i a to assess the pro-Figure 5 A MODEL TRANSPORTATION DECISION MAKING PROCESS The Problem Context Urban Processes; .1 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Systems P o l i c y Development / I n i t i a t e s P l anning Process The Decision Making Context P o l i c y Implementation S e l e c t D e s i r e d A l t e r n a t i v e f o r Develops Ev a l u a t i o n of A l t e r n a t i v e s 178 gram a l t e r n a t i v e s and e i t h e r s e l e c t , modify or r e j e c t the a l t e r n a t i v e s . M o d i f i c a t i o n or r e j e c t i o n would i n i t i a t e a r e - e v a l u a t i o n of the planning process; s e l e c t i o n would per-mit proceeding to the p o l i c y implementation phase with a broad range of programs to respond to the o v e r a l l problem context. S t r u c t u r i n g the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making process i n t h i s way avoids many of the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the t r a d i t i o n a l process as f o l l o w s : 1. r e - a s s i g n i n g the tasks of problem d e f i n i t i o n and goal s e t t i n g to the p o l i c y development phase removes these c r i t i c a l stages from the u n i l a t e r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s t a f f to the t r i l a t e r a l view of p o l i t i c i a n s , s t a f f and c i t i z e n s . 2. broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the p o l i c y development stage i n -creases the p o t e n t i a l f o r a more comprehensive view of the problem. 3. comprehensiveness at the p o l i c y development stage e s t a -b l i s h e s the n e c e s s i t y f o r inter-departmental and inter-agency c o o r d i n a t i o n to deal with the problem. 4. the establishment of inter-agency c o o r d i n a t i o n r e q u i r e s the c r e a t i o n of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r m a l i z e d by l e g i s l a t i o n and a l l o c a t e d funding. However, t h i s proposed d e c i s i o n making process only removes the o b s t a c l e s and e s t a b l i s h e s the mechanisms f o r i n -c o r p o r a t i n g comprehensiveness, c o o r d i n a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The a d d i t i o n of a dominant p o l i c y development phase provides o n l y the v e h i c l e . I f any p o i n t should be c l e a r from t h i s study, i t i s the c r u c i a l importance of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the con-179 c e p t u a l goals a t the beginning o f the d e c i s i o n making process. The a n a l y s i s of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem and the d e c i s i o n making process has p e r e n i a l l y demon-s t r a t e d t h a t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the process e s t a b l i s h e d i n the e a r l y stages of problem d e f i n i t i o n continue throughout the planning process to determine the character of a l t e r n a t i v e s which emerge. I n s h o r t , i f the p o l i c y development process s t r i v e s to a t t a i n the goals, the s o l u t i o n s w i l l f o l l o w . Areas f o r F u r t h e r Research This study has attempted to o u t l i n e the bas i c c o n f i g u r a -t i o n s of f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n making. I t has avoided becoming too deeply i n v o l v e d i n developing a method-ology to implement the conceptual goals. The methodology which was t e n t a t i v e l y proposed should be accepted as s u c h — a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r f u r t h e r research i n t h i s c r u c i a l but neg-l e c t e d area. I t i s hoped that t h i s t h e s i s w i l l provide the reader with i n s i g h t s to s t i m u l a t e a d d i t i o n a l work i n other areas. This i s important. 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T e c h n i c a l Committee f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Highway Pl a n n i n g , A Study on Highway Planning f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver, "Future Crossings of the F r a s e r R i v e r , " Vancouver, B.C., March 1955. 183 (A) A P P E N D I X : 184 RESPONDENT I N T E R V I E W My Master's t h e s i s i n Community Pla n n i n g a t U.B.C. deals w i t h urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y i n Greater Vancouver. I am attempting to develop an hypothesis to e x p l a i n the d i f f i c u l -t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h implementing a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n program i n Greater Vancouver. To t e s t my hypothesis, I am i n t e r v i e w i n g some of the people in v o l v e d i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Your responses to the f o l l o w i n g questions w i l l provide the basic i n f o r m a t i o n f o r my t h e s i s . Your responses w i l l be kept s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l and your name w i l l not appear i n the t h e s i s i n connection with your r e p l i e s to these questions. 1. During the e a r l y s i x t i e s , an urban freeway program was developed f o r the C i t y of Vancouver. However, the urban freeway program was never implemented. What f a c t o r s do you t h i n k were re s p o n s i b l e f o r the d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i -ated with implementing the urban freeway program? 2. I n what ways could Vancouver's urban freeway program have been improved to have given i t a b e t t e r chance f o r s u c c e s s f u l implementation? 3. From 1972 to 1975» the P r o v i n c i a l Government developed a t r a n s i t p o l i c y and program f o r Greater Vancouver. What do you b e l i e v e were the major successes of t h i s p o l i c y and program? 4. What were the major problems or inadequacies of the t r a n -s i t p o l i c y and program? How could these problems have been resolved? 5; The GVRD L i v e a b l e Region Program and the subsequent t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y documents on Regional Transporta-t i o n O r g a n i z a t i o n and F i n a n c i n g represent the most recent e f f o r t s at developing a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and program f o r Greater Vancouver. Do you b e l i e v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development should be a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the GVRD? Why? 185 6. The GVRD process of p o l i c y development as r e f l e c t e d i n the L i v e a b l e Region Program employs a high degree of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by l o c a l governments, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n agen-c i e s and c i t i z e n s groups. What do you b e l i e v e are the advantages of encouraging p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i c y devel-opment or program implementation? What are the disadvan tages? 7. Who do you b e l i e v e should have the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r developing.a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y and program f o r Greater Vancouver: a) the P r o v i n c i a l Government . b) the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t c) the Fe d e r a l Government Why? .8*. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development i n v o l v e s d e f i n i n g the problem, and developing goals and a l t e r n a t i v e s to deal with the problem." What degree of involvement should the f o l l o w i n g governments, agencies and groups have i n the process of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development i n Greater Vancouver (see l i s t below)? For each o r g a n i z a t i o n or group l i s t e d i n the l e f t column, place a check i n the appropriate column on the r i g h t . H i g h l y Moderately Less Not Involved Involved Involved Involved a) The Department of Transport & Com-munications b) Greater Vancouver M u n i c i p a l Govern-ments c) The P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet d) B.C. Hydro T r a n s i t D i v i s i o n e) The Federal M i n i s -t r y of Transport f) The G.V.R.D. g) The Department o f Highways h) The Federal Cabinet i ) C i t i z e n s Groups 186 H i g h l y Moderately Less Not Involved Involved Involved Involved j) P a c i f i c Stage Li n e s k) The Department of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s 1) Other 9. Which of these government agencies o r groups should be inv o l v e d i n implementing t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs i n Greater Vancouver (see l i s t below)? For each o r g a n i z a t i o n or group l i s t e d i n the l e f t column, place a check i n the appropriate column on the r i g h t . H i g h l y Moderately Less Not Involved Involved Involved Involved a) The Department o f Transport & Com-munications b) Greater Vancouver M u n i c i p a l Govern-ments e) The P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet d) B.C. Hydro T r a n s i t D i v i s i o n e) The Federal M i n i s -t r y o f Transport f ) The G.V.R.D. g) The Department of Highways h) The Federal Cabinet i ) C i t i z e n s Groups j) P a c i f i c Stage Li n e s k) The Department of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s 1) Other 10. What should be the most important components of a tr a n s -p o r t a t i o n program f o r Greater Vancouver? (Rank the top three by p l a c i n g a 1, 2 or 3 beside the program component from the f o l l o w i n g l i s t . ) a) bus systems 187 b) urban highways and bridges c) commuter f e r r y system d) l o c a l municipal roads and s t r e e t s e) commuter r a i l systems f) l i g h t r a p i d t r a n s i t systems g) subways h) other 11. What should be the most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of any t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y development process f o r Greater Vancouver? (Rank the top three by p l a c i n g a 1, 2 or 3 beside the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c from the f o l l o w i n g l i s t . ) a) I t should be a comprehensive p o l i c y which takes i n t o account l a n d use programs. b) I t should develop a p o l i c y which i s p o l i t i -c a l l y acceptable. c) I t should, coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the major agencies p r e s e n t l y i n v o l v e d i n pro-v i d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and ser-v i c e s i n Greater Vancouver. d) I t should a l l o w maximum p a r t i c i p a t i o n of governments, agencies, and c i t i z e n s groups i n the p o l i c y process. e) I t should develop p o l i c i e s which attempt to achieve the goal of g r e a t e r a c c e s s i b i l -i t y f o r a l l . f) I t should be acceptable to governments and agencies p r e s e n t l y i n v o l v e d i n p r o v i d -i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s i n Greater Vancouver. g) Other 12. What should be the most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n programs f o r Greater Vancouver? (Rank the three most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s by p l a c i n g a 1, 2 or 3 beside the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c from the f o l l o w i n g l i s t : a) They should provide s u f f i c i e n t road f a c i l -i t i e s to accommodate present and f u t u r e t r a f f i c demands. b) They should be coordinated with land use planning of the GVRD and municipal govern-ments i n Greater Vancouver. 1 8 8 c) They should provide the most t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s f o r the l e a s t c o s t . d) They should l e a d to a r e d u c t i o n i n auto-mobile use by encouraging t r a n s i t usage. e) They should encourage the economic devel-opment of Greater Vancouver. f) They should provide a balance of roads and t r a n s i t f a c i l i t i e s . g) . They should provide b e t t e r t r a n s i t f a c i l -i t i e s f o r those without access to an automobile. h) Other 189 LIST OF RESPONDENTS 1. G i l B l a i r , Mayor of the Township of Richmond 2. Don Buchanan, Planning D i r e c t o r , M u n i c i p a l i t y of Coquitlam 3. Jack Campbell, Mayor of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of P o r t Coquitlam 4. B i l l C u r t i s , C i t y Engineer, C i t y of Vancouver 5. Hal E t k i n , B.C. Hydro Tra n s p o r t a t i o n D i v i s i o n 6. Gerard F. F a r r y , D i r e c t o r of Pla n n i n g , GVRD 7. Henry F r o e l i c h , Planner, M u n i c i p a l i t y of D e l t a 8. Thomas Goode, Mayor of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of D e l t a 9. Michael Harcourt, Alderman of the C i t y of Vancouver 10. B i l l Lane, D i r e c t o r of Regional Development, GVRD 11. Harry Lash, former D i r e c t o r of Planning, GVRD 12. James L. Lorimer, former M i n i s t e r of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia 13. V i c Sharman, P l a n n i n g D i r e c t o r , B.C. Hydro, Transpor-t a t i o n D i v i s i o n 14. J . Douglas Spaeth, T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Program Manager, GVRD 15. Ray Spaxman, Plan n i n g D i r e c t o r , C i t y of Vancouver 16. Charles A. S p r a t t , former Marketing D i r e c t o r , Bureau of T r a n s i t S e r v i c e s 17. James L. Tonn, Mayor of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Coquitlam 

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