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Cultural conflict in decision making in the Northwest Territories Feeney, Margaret Mary 1977

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CULTU CONF L I C T IT ND IR NALTHE N O R T HWES TE EC RI RS IITOONRIEM SAKING by MARGARET MARY FEENEY B.A., Bryn Mawr College, 1973 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Community and Regional Planning) W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1977 Margaret Mary Feeney, 1977  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h the L i b r a r y I further for  this  freely  available  for  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e  scholarly  by h i s of  s h a l l make it  thesis for  copying o f  It  i s understood that  this  that  study. thesis  copying or  publication  f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my  School Community and Regional Planning  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5  Date  I agree  reference and  written permission.  of  Columbia,  for  purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or  representatives.  Xng$SEB8BK%  the requirements  Ootober 5, 1977  Columbia  i ABSTRACT This thesis examines a significant problem in planning for a multicultural society: the existence of crosscultural communication barriers which can hinder effective planning. The hypothesis is that communication problems that arise in cross-cultural planning efforts in the Northwest Territories go beyond substantive issues and are deeply-rooted in fundamental differences between White and Native attitudes about decision making processes. In land use planning, communication problems are even further exacerbated by conflicting White and Native attitudes toward land. Anthropological concepts are used to provide insights into the dynamics of cross-cultural interactions. The work of anthropologists and other social scientists, in addition to the author's field experience, is used to synthesize descriptions of "traditional" (i.e. roughly around the turn of the century) and emerging White and Native patterns of decision making. Comparison shows that traditional patterns are fundamentally different, but that emerging patternsare beginning to converge in significant ways. The author recommends emphasizing the areas where White and Native decision making patterns are beginning to overlap in establishing models of decision making to meet the needs of the new multicultural Northwest Territories society.  Some of the problems that have resulted from imposing decision making models based on White values on new northern communities in the 1950's and 1960's are explored. In addition, two sets of minutes are examined to show that communication problems among northern Natives and White government and industry representatives are exacerbated by fundamental differences in cultural values. The implications of this thesis for contemporary decision making issues confronting Northwest Territories residents are explored. Recommendations are made for further testing the hypothesis and for monitoring the effectiveness of cross-cultural communication in northern decision making.  iii  Table o f Contents  Page  ABSTRACT  i  LIST OF TABLES  V  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  vi  PREFACE  v i i  CHAPTER 1.  INTRODUCTION  1  1.1  Purpose  1  1.2  Methodology  2  1.3  An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e  4  1.4  C r o s s - c u l t u r a l Communication  7  1.5  People i n Planning  9  CHAPTER 2. 2.1  TRADITIONAL CULTURAL CONTEXTS  White C u l t u r e 2.1.1 2.1.2 2.1.3 2.1.4  2.2  2.3  White White White White  13 14  Social Structure P o l i t i c a l Organization Economy and Technology Worldview  14 15 16 17  Dene and I n u i t C u l t u r e  19  2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.2.4  20 21 22 23  Native Native Native Native  Social Structure P o l i t i c a l Organization Economy and Technology Worldview  Comparison  23  2.4 . Emerging Trends  27  2.5  31  Two Views on Land  CHAPTER 3. DECISION MAKING IN NEW NORTHERN COMMUNITIES IN THE 1950's AND 1960's  39  3.1  C u l t u r e Contact  and C u l t u r e Change  39  3.2  The I n t r o d u c t i o n of Committees and Councils  43  Cultural Conflict  49  3.3.1 3.3.2  49  3.3  Fragmentation v s . Holism Representative v s . P a r t i c i p a t o r y D e c i s i o n Making  52  iv Page 3.3.3 Adversary vs. Consensual Behaviour 55 3.4 Conclusion 59 CHAPTER 4. NORTHERN DECISION MAKING IN THE 1970'S 63 4.1 The Trend Toward "Ad Hocracy" 63 4.2 Native Response 68 4.3 Case Studies 70 4.3.1 Cominco at Wrigley 72 4.3.2 Polar Gas at Spence Bay 80 4.4 Conclusions 89 CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 93 5.1 Guidelines for Effective Cross-Cultural Communication 93 5.2 Guidelines for Effective Decision Making in the Northwest Territories 97 BIBLIOGRAPHY 105 APPENDIX I: WRIGLEY, N.W.T. • 110 APPENDIX II: POLAR GAS MEETING - SPENCE BAY, N.W.T. 121  V  LIST OF TABLES  Page  I. Comparison of Traditional Cultural Contexts of Whites and Natives 25 II. Comparison of Decision Making Patterns in White and Native Cultures 26 III. Traditional White and Native Attitudes Toward Land 33  vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I would like to thank the many northern residents Whites, Dene, Inuit, and Metis - who have expressed an interest in this work and encouraged me to complete it. Similar encouragement from my friends, house-mates, and colleagues was also appreciated. I owe thanks not only to my two thesis advisors, Nancy Cooley and William Rees, but also to Andrew Thompson, R.G. Williamson, and Ray Creery for steering me to valuable sources of information and for commenting on drafts. This thesis would not have been possible without the financial support generously provided by Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, the Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, and the Arctic and Alpine Research Committee at U.B.C.  vii PREFACE  While I was earning my undergraduate degree in Anthropology I had the privilege of working for several summers in the Northwest Territories. After graduation I returned to the Northwest Territories to work for two years in the civil service. During those two years I found that the "anthropological perspective" I had developed helped me to perceive some barriers to cross-cultural communication that my colleagues seemed to miss. I also had many opportunities to witness the communication breakdowns that resulted from the failure on the part of both Whites and Natives to perceive such barriers Northern Whites and Natives often "talk past" each other. Many interactions end on a note of mutual frustration, and substantive issues are left unresolved. This thesis is an attempt to apply insights gained through Anthropology to Planning in a multicultural setting. It is hoped that these insights will help planners view northern communication problems in a new light so that new solutions might be teste  1.  CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION  1-1 Purpose The purpose of this thesis is to test the hypothesis that many efforts to involve Northwest Territories residents in land use planning are ineffective as a result of crosscultural communication barriers. That is, communication problems go beyond substantive issues and are deeply rooted in incompatible cultural values. The central premise explored in this thesis is that northern Whites and Natives have different expectations about the role of the individual in decision making. This premise is explored by examining the traditional and emerging patterns of decision making of the major cultural groups involved in the Northwest Territories and then investigating how these patterns are expressed in relation to a particular kind of decision making, land use planning. However, in order to understand communication issues in land use planning in the North, a further complicating factor must also be considered - the dramatically different way in which northern Whites and Natives view the land, and the rol land plays in each culture. These differences in cultural patterns and expectations are explored in an attempt to help clarify the cross-cultural communication barriers that can hinder effective decision  2.  making i n g e n e r a l , and l a n d use p l a n n i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  1.2  . Methodology There are many methodological  t h i s nature.  c o n s t r a i n t s on a t h e s i s of  R e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e has been w r i t t e n on communic-  a t i o n problems among Whites and N a t i v e s i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , or on the values t h a t shape communication and d e c i s i o n making processes w i t h i n each n o r t h e r n c u l t u r e group. Even though the l i t e r a t u r e on these i s s u e s sometimes  seemed  d i s a p p o i n t i n g l y " t h i n " I have had t o r e l y on i t s u b s t a n t i a l l y in  the i n i t i a l c h a p t e r s .  These chapters d e s c r i b e the c u l t u r a l  contexts o f Whites and N a t i v e s , w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o the t r a d i t i o n a l and emerging d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n s o f each group.  The problems experienced  i n trying to establish  White d e c i s i o n making models i n new n o r t h e r n communities i n the 1950's and 1960's are a l s o d e s c r i b e d . work of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and o t h e r s o c i a l community development workers, c i v i l to  Sources i n c l u d e the scientists,  s e r v a n t s , and c o n s u l t a n t s  Government and N a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In Chapter 4, I use a case study t o advance my  Two  hypothesis.  sets o f minutes from meetings r e c e n t l y h e l d between  Whites  and Natives i n Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s /communities are analyzed and show t h a t communication problems are exacerbated  by  d i f f e r e n c e s i n e x p e c t a t i o n s about d e c i s i o n making and i n  3.  a t t i t u d e s toward l a n d .  F i n a l l y , I suggest ways i n which my  hypothesis might be t e s t e d i n the f i e l d . Throughout the t h e s i s I have r e l i e d t o some e x t e n t on my own t r a i n i n g and experience i n the Northwest  Territories.  My f i r s t exposure t o the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s was i n 1970, when I took p a r t i n a summer course i n Anthropology taught a t the  A r c t i c Research and T r a i n i n g Centre i n Rankin I n l e t .  f o l l o w i n g two summers I was employed  The  by the Government o f the  Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and t r a v e l l e d e x t e n s i v e l y throughout the  Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s as I took p a r t i n a v a r i e t y o f  r e s e a r c h and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r o j e c t s .  In 1973 I became a  permanent r e s i d e n t i n t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  I was  employed  Territories  f i r s t by the Government o f the Northwest  and then by the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Housing C o r p o r a t i o n i n r e s e a r c h and program management p o s i t i o n s .  S i n c e becoming a  f u l l time graduate student i n September 1975 I have had the o p p o r t u n i t y o f r e t u r n i n g three times to the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s f o r r e s e a r c h purposes, f o r p e r i o d s ranging from one week t o one month. In  a d d i t i o n , I have r e l i e d on my undergraduate  i n Anthropology f o r a c o n c e p t u a l framework.  training  Anthropology  p r o v i d e s a p e r s p e c t i v e which I have found u s e f u l i n attempting to  s o r t out the complex and i n t e r r e l a t e d i s s u e s i n v o l v e d i n  c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication  i n the Northwest  Territories.  The key t o what I r e f e r t o as the " a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e "  4.  is this:  the e x p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n o f c u l t u r a l  as a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n land use p l a n n i n g North.  conditioning  i n the Canadian  Some r e l e v a n t concepts from Anthropology are i n t r o -  duced i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n .  1.3  An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  Perspective  From the study o f c u l t u r e s , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s there i s no u n i v e r s a l c o g n i t i v e p a t t e r n .  conclude t h a t  Culture  i s one o f  the f o r c e s which shapes the way d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s p e r c e i v e o r experience the same " r e a l i t y " .  Culture  the range o f behaviour i t s members c o n s i d e r  t o be  i n various  situations.  Because most c u l t u r a l  selects appropriate  conditioning  occurs on subconscious l e v e l s , i t i s very d i f f i c u l t f o r members o f a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e t o be aware o f i t . In c r o s s - c u l t u r a l encounters, however, i n d i v i d u a l s are o f t e n faced with behaviour they do not expect, o r behaviour t h a t they c o n s i d e r  t o be i n a p p r o p r i a t e ;  o r they may simply  fail  to experience the behaviour they have been c o n d i t i o n e d t o expect. ings  T h i s o f t e n r e s u l t s i n a l i e n a t i o n and misunderstand-  (Foster 1973, 138; H a l l 1969, 181).  makes sense  (or not)  i s i r r e v o c a b l y c u l t u r a l l y determined and  depends h e a v i l y on the context made"  " U l t i m a t e l y , what  i n which the e v a l u a t i o n i s  ( H a l l 1976, 188). Whites and Natives  are each c u l t u r a l l y  conditioned  t o expect a p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n o f d e c i s i o n making  behaviour.  The type o f d e c i s i o n making each group has  5.  evolved it  i s appropriate  serves  i n i t s own  the p e r c e i v e d  c u l t u r a l context;  that i s ,  needs o f the members o f a p a r t i c u l a r  r  culture.  I t may  not be a p p r o p r i a t e ,  f e r r e d t o another c u l t u r a l context  however, when t r a n s -  i n which peoples'  perceived  needs are d i f f e r e n t . Members of every c u l t u r e are e t h n o c e n t r i c They assume t h a t t h e i r own c o r r e c t ones, the  patterns  " n a t u r a l " ones.  t o some degree.  are the u n i v e r s a l l y As a r e s u l t , what  f r e q u e n t l y occurs i n c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s e t t i n g s i s t h a t each group continues  to act on i t s own  t r a d i t i o n s , and may  even  attempt to f o r c e others to conform to them as w e l l . Our c o n v i c t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y and our b e l i e v e t h a t we have knowledge of t r u t h makes us anxious to 'share* t h i s s u p e r i o r i t y w i t h other peoples whom we b e l i e v e to be l e s s f o r t u n a t e . I t sometimes comes as a s u r p r i s e to us to d i s c o v e r t h a t the members of other c u l t u r e s b e l i e v e t h a t b a s i c a l l y t h e i r way of doing t h i n g s i s n a t u r a l and b e s t . (Foster 1969,  86).  Lessons about c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i t y and  cultural  conditioning  have become p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t f o r Whites to l e a r n because of the recent r a p i d spread o f White technology to many p a r t s o f the world.  T h i s has had  from the traumatic  the e f f e c t of b u f f e r i n g Whites  but i l l u m i n a t i n g experience of  immersed i n completely d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . t o almost any p a r t of the world and d i f f i c u l t i e s and  challenges  c u l t u r a l , forms ( H a l l 1976,  being  Whites can t r a v e l  a v o i d , i f they wish,  of c o n f r o n t i n g very d i f f e r e n t 48-50).  the  6.  The p s y c h o l o g i c a l consequences of t h i s spread of white c u l t u r e have been out o f a l l p r o p o r t i o n to the m a t e r i a l i s t i c . T h i s world-wide c u l t u r a l d i f f u s i o n has p r o t e c t e d us as man had never been p r o t e c t e d before from having to take s e r i o u s l y the c i v i l i z a t i o n s of o t h e r peoples; i t has g i v e n our c u l t u r e a massive u n i v e r s a l i t y t h a t we have long ceased to account f o r h i s t o r i c a l l y , and which we read o f f r a t h e r as necessary and i n e v i t a b l e . (Benedict 1934,  6).  We i n the West are convinced t h a t we have a corner on r e a l i t y ... and t h a t other r e a l i t i e s are simply s u p e r s t i t i o n s or d i s t o r t i o n s brought about by i n f e r i o r or l e s s developed systems of thought. ( H a l l 1976,  180-181).  Thus the wide acceptance o f one technology - has  p a r t of White c u l t u r e  a l s o r e i n f o r c e d White ethnocentrism.  In many h i s t o r i c a l i n c i d e n t s o f c u l t u r e c o n t a c t Whites and  between  indigenous peoples i n North /America, Whites have  been determined to t r a n s f e r not only  technology, but  i n s t i t u t i o n s and  behaviour.  change,  c o i n c i d i n g w i t h epidemics and  usually  depletion,  -  has  also  Intense p r e s s u r e f o r c u l t u r e  r e s u l t e d o f t e n i n the  resource  internal collapse  of  indigenous c u l t u r e s . ... the l a s t two c e n t u r i e s have shown only too o f t e n t h a t there are l i m i t s to the r a t e of c u l t u r a l change, and t h a t beyond a c e r t a i n p o i n t the p r e s s u r e o f a l i e n c u l t u r e r e s u l t s i n the i n t e r n a l c o l l a p s e o f the n a t i v e l i f e without a s s i m i l a t i o n o f the new. The change i s a l l i n the d i r e c t i o n s u i t e d to the more powerful c u l t u r e which thus s u f f e r s l e s s derangement even when i n a l i e n t e r r i t o r i e s ; w h i l e the p l a s t i c i t y o f the v i c t i m i s s t r a i n e d to the b r e a k i n g p o i n t . (Forde 1963,  472).  7.  Some a s p e c t s o f c u l t u r e a r e much more r e s i s t a n t t o change t h a n o t h e r s .  C u l t u r e i s s e l e c t i v e i n i t s changes.  In  a c u l t u r e c o n t a c t s i t u a t i o n , one c u l t u r e a d o p t s f r o m t h e o t h e r o n l y c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s t h a t c a n be accommodated i n t o t h e traditional  f a b r i c w i t h o u t t o o much s t r e s s .  Material culture  o f t e n c h a n g e s more r e a d i l y t h a n n o n - m a t e r i a l values, s o c i a l behaviour, of a culture.  and i n s t i t u t i o n s  t h a t form the core  I n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s ,  Native people  aspects - the  f o r example,  h a v e a d o p t e d many o f t h e m a t e r i a l a s p e c t s o f  White c u l t u r e ,  such as h o u s i n g ,  c l o t h i n g , r a d i o s , e t c . One  c a n n o t assume, h o w e v e r , t h a t n o n - m a t e r i a l  aspects o f Native  c u l t u r e s have changed e q u a l l y d r a m a t i c a l l y , and t h a t N a t i v e v a l u e s a r e now t h e same a s W h i t e v a l u e s .  I t i s the p e r s i s -  t e n t , u n d e r l y i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n value o r i e n t a t i o n s t h a t can a c t a s b a r r i e r s t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n - p a r t i c u l a r l y when t h e y a r e not e x p l i c i t l y  1.4  recognized.  Cross-cultural  Communication  I d e a l l y , Planning i s a process  o f d e c i s i o n making by  w h i c h a s o c i e t y a s a w h o l e d e c i d e s on t h e a l l o c a t i o n a n d u s e of i t s resources and v a l u e s .  i n a manner t h a t c o n f o r m s w i t h s o c i a l  E f f e c t i v e communication i s fundamental t o e f f e c t i v e  p l a n n i n g , s i n c e s o c i a l g o a l s a n d v a l u e s c a n o n l y become apparent  goals  i f i n d i v i d u a l s can convey i d e a s and a c h i e v e  c e r t a i n l e v e l o f mutual understanding.  Communicating  a  3.  effectively is a challenge even within the framework of a single culture. In a multicultural society, communication difficulties are compounded because of differences in language, experience, and cognitive frameworks. If cross-cultural communication is to take place successfully, a number of basic conditions must be met: a) language problems, including the use of professional or technical jargon, must be overcome; b) sufficient time must be allowed for translation, not only of words but also of concepts; c) true dialogue must be established, with an opportunity for participants to request clarification or respond to each other's statements; d) discussion must proceed according to a process understood and agreed upon (implicitly or explicitly) by all participants; e) the issues under discussion must be thoroughly explored verbally so that misunderstandings resulting from cognitive differences can be identified and resolved. To evaluate the effectiveness of cross-cultural communication over a period of time or over a series of interactions, it should be possible to monitor certain "indicators". These will be suggested in Section 4.  9.  1.5 People in Planning Obviously, planning in any society involves people - but the extent and form of "involvement" can vary considerably according to the values and the cultural institutions that have been evolved by the people concerned. Before contact with Whites, the Dene and Inuit lived in small, homogeneous camp groups. In this situation, the "society" for which the planning was done might be defined as a single camp group composed of one or two extended families. The "involvement" of individuals in planning took the form of participatory decision making. Everyone in the camp group took part in making decisions that affected the group as a whole. The involvement of people in planning in White society takes a very different form. In a large, complex, industrial society it is not practical to have every individual involved in actually making every decision concerning the allocation and use of the society's resources. Instead, certain individuals make decisions on behalf of others. It also becomes difficult to have every resource use decision satisfy every individual's wishes. Nonetheless, in a democratic society there is an attempt to have planning conform to the goals and values of the majority. This implies a responsibility to understand and consider the goals and values of all interest groups that compose the society. In the past, the involvement of Whites in planning has sometimes been limited to voting for  10.  d e c i s i o n makers and  organizing  p r e s s u r e groups to p r e s e n t  views to these e l e c t e d d e c i s i o n makers.  More r e c e n t l y , Whites  have been concerned w i t h expanding the mechanisms f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n " i n d e c i s i o n making i n g e n e r a l , in particular.  Public information  hearings, i n f o r m a l  and  "citizen  i n planning  programs, formal p u b l i c  p u b l i c meetings, c o n s u l t a t i o n  p u b l i c i n q u i r i e s , s p e c i a l task f o r c e s , and  sessions,  advisory  committees  have a l l become p a r t o f the o v e r a l l process o f i n v o l v i n g people i n planning. I t should be obvious t h a t t h i s White concept o f  "citizen  p a r t i c i p a t i o n " i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from N a t i v e " p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making".  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e complicates communication  problems, s i n c e i n d i v i d u a l s from d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s  enter  the p l a n n i n g process w i t h d i f f e r e n t s e t s of assumptions e x p e c t a t i o n s as to what t h e i r r o l e i n t h i s form of making should be.  decision  In a d d i t i o n , d i f f e r i n g White and  a t t i t u d e s toward land f u r t h e r complicate problems i n land use e x p l o r e d i n Chapter  planning.  and  Native  communications  These a t t i t u d e s w i l l  be  2.  U n t i l t h i s century, p l a n n i n g i n what i s now T e r r i t o r i e s u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d only  the  Northwest  the members of a s i n g l e  c u l t u r e group so t h a t c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication problems were not an i s s u e . c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y has Territories.  In r e c e n t  decades, however, a m u l t i -  begun to emerge i n the  Northern p l a n n i n g i s s u e s now  Northwest a f f e c t many  11. i n d i v i d u a l s from s e v e r a l c u l t u r a l backgrounds.  F o r the  purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , f o u r major c u l t u r a l groups are r e c o g n i z e d i n the Northwest  Territories:  DENE - r e f e r s t o Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s r e s i d e n t s o f Chippewyan, Y e l l o w k n i f e , Hare, Nahanni, Satudene, and Loucheux a n c e s t r y who i d e n t i f y themselves as Dene, r e g a r d l e s s o f s t a t u s under the Indian A c t ; INUIT - r e f e r s to the people whose a n c e s t o r s t r a d i t i o n a l l y occupied t e r r i t o r i e s along the A r c t i c c o a s t s and above the t r e e l i n e  (sometimes  r e f e r r e d to by o t h e r s as  "Eskimos"); WHITES - r e f e r s p r i m a r i l y t o Caucasian Anglophone  Canadians,  although many o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s extend more g e n e r a l l y t o North Americans o f European descent who are p a r t o f the i n d u s t r i a l , c a p i t a l i s t economy; METIS - r e f e r s to persons o f mixed White and Dene parentage and who c o n s i d e r themselves to be d i s t i n c t and separate from both Dene and Whites  (some persons o f mixed  White  and Dene parentage c o n s i d e r themselves t o be Dene). In a d d i t i o n , the term "Native" i s used i n t h i s t h e s i s to r e f e r to c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s shared by both Dene and I n u i t . ' The f o l l o w i n g pages focus p r i m a r i l y on the c o n t r a s t s between White and N a t i v e c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n i n g .  While Metis  are r e c o g n i z e d by the author as a d i s t i n c t c u l t u r e group, t h e i r emergence as such i s a r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t phenomenon.  Information on Metis c u l t u r e and a t t i t u d e s toward making was found to be too " t h i n " to i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l comparisons t h a t  follow.  decision  them i n the  CHAPTER 2. TRADITIONAL CULTURAL CONTEXTS The purpose of this chapter is first to compare White and Native decision making patterns in the context of the cultures in which they evolved, and then to determine where these decision making patterns potentially conflict or overlap. Whites, Metis, Dene, and Inuit approach decision making with different values, attitudes, and expectations. In this chapter, some of these differences are explored from an anthro pological perspective. White and Native traditional cultures are described under the broad headings of "social structure," "political organization," "economy and technology," and "world view". A wide variety of sources were used to synthesize these descriptions. Obviously, this attempt to highlight aspects of culture and decision making patterns involves a great deal of simplification and generalization. It is recognized that within any one culture group a variety of viewpoints exists. Furthermore it is recognized that the processes of acculturation and modernization tend to increase the range of individual attitudes and expectations. Nonetheless, for the purposes of this thesis, it is felt that certain broad, underlying and persistent themes can be drawn out with validity for comparison.  14.  2.1 White Culture The following description of "traditional" White culture refers to some of the basic characteristics that have predominated since the time of contact with Dene and Inuit in the Northwest Territories, particularly in the latter part of the nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth century. The reader should bear in mind that these are generalizations, simplifications, and certainly do not apply to all Whites or to all situations. (Some of the views described under "Economy and Technology," in particular, have been strongly challenged in recent years and are beginning to change.)  2.1.1 White Social Structure White society is large and complex, with formal organizational structures at national, regional, and local levels. In addition, Whites join together to form a wide variety of voluntary organizations and informal committees. The White population is highly heterogeneous, with individuals representing a variety of ethnic origins, religious beliefs, lifestyles, and occupations. The White population is linked by high-techology transportation and communication systems. Schools, mass media, religion, and the family are important socialization agents. While the nuclear family is important, individual mobility and independence are also encouraged. The individual, as well as the family, makes important decisions  15.  about lifestyle and occupation. In the stratified White society, division of labour is complex, with a high degree of skill specialization. Individuals are believed to have equal opportunity to achieve high social status and material goods. Many organizations in both the public and private sectors are organized hierarchically. The individual in a hierarchy is expected to take orders from above, and give orders to subordinates (Ogmundson 1976, 169-171; Bienvenue 1976; Leiss 1974, 183; Hunter 1976, 132; Foster 1973, 116, 127).  2.1.2 White Political Organization In White culture, active participation in political activities is not widely practised. Political authority is legally achieved through the election system (Foster 1973, 172) . The public leaves important decisions in the hands of the elected and appointed officials and their administrative and technical assistants who are believed to "know best" by virtue of their training, experience, and access to information. Senior officials attempt to balance the desires of interest groups in the society, and to have their decisions reflect the national interest, or be in the best interest of the society as a whole (Deutsch 1970, 39-40). Government is viewed as neutral, independent, and responsible to citizens* wishes as expressed through the democratic process of voting. In addition, citizen groups can organize and pressure their  elected representatives known and recorded courts  considered  to ensure t h a t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s are  (Dosman 1975,  as p o l i c y or law,  f o r the p u b l i c good.  and  10).  Decisions  are e n f o r c e d  and  d e c i s i o n makers has Ogmundson 1976,  2.1.3  formally  by p o l i c e  In the past century,  government s t r u c t u r e s have become more e l a b o r a t e bureaucratized,  are  and  formal and more  the p u b l i c s e r v i c e t h a t a i d s e l e c t e d grown tremendously  173-181; Dosman 1975,  White Economy and  (Santos 1976,  476;  68-69; F o s t e r 1969,  101).  Technology  Whites have an i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t economy, i n which goods are d i s t r i b u t e d through a m o d i f i e d  f r e e market mechanism.  I t i s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d t h a t consumers c o n t r o l what i s produced by d e c i d i n g what to buy c a p i t a l , and people are p e r m i t t e d n a t i o n a l boundaries  (Usher n.d.,  growth to be a p r e c o n d i t i o n  (Ogmundson 1976,  177).  t o move f r e e l y  within  4).  Goods,  Whites b e l i e v e economic  f o r s o c i a l harmony, s i n c e  growth means high employment and  a r i s i n g standard  of  continued living.  Growth i n any p a r t of the economy i s viewed as good f o r the s o c i e t y as a whole Rogers 1975,  108).  (Heilbroner 1976,  10;  F o s t e r 1969,  97;  White i n d i v i d u a l i s m expresses i t s e l f i n  the economy as the p r i n c i p l e o f f r e e e n t e r p r i s e . attempts t o maximize i t s p r o f i t s , and  Each business  g e n e r a l l y ignores  the  e x t e r n a l c o s t s of i t s a c t i v i t i e s , which s o c i e t y as a whole i s expected to  pay.  Whites view the land - i n c l u d i n g e v e r y t h i n g on and under it  as the primary r e s o u r c e .  Complex, c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e  technology i s u t i l i z e d f o r the purpose o f e x p l o i t i n g resources f u l l y and r a p i d l y  (Rogers 1975, 108).  land  Land r i g h t s  are r e q u i r e d to e x t r a c t m i n e r a l s from the land and to t r a n s p o r t them over the l a n d .  Whites view l a n d use and l a n d  ownership as two separate concepts. owned by i n d i v i d u a l s , who  Land can be p r i v a t e l y  can t r a n s f e r r i g h t s o f l a n d use o r  ownership to o t h e r s , u s u a l l y i n exchange f o r cash.  Land  may  be e x p r o p r i a t e d from p r i v a t e owners f o r compensation i f i t i s to be used f o r a p r o j e c t judged to be i n the p u b l i c (Ogmundson 1976; Naegele 1964, 507).  interest  Whites tend to view most  problems as b a s i c a l l y economic or t e c h n o l o g i c a l , and f e e l they can be s o l v e d by a p p l y i n g s u f f i c i e n t cash o r improved t e c h n o l ogy  (Foster 1969,  2.1.4  7; L o t z 1971, 131).  White Worldview White worldview d e r i v e s p r i m a r i l y from J u d a e o - C h r i s t i a n -  H e l l e n i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s which were m o d i f i e d through the Renaissance, Reformation, and the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n Europe  (Hoebel 1966, 498).  Time i s p e r c e i v e d to be  segmented, and n o n - r e p e t i t i v e .  Because o f t h i s , Whites p l a c e  a g r e a t emphasis on s c h e d u l i n g and promptness H a l l 1976, 14; 1959, 19).  linear,  (White 1967,  Segmentation o r fragmentation  pervades White c u l t u r e and m a n i f e s t s i t s e l f i n many ways.  346  18.  For example, work and l e i s u r e a r e considered and 1973,  separate a c t i v i t i e s  t o be d i s t i n c t  (Lotz 1971, 133; Whyte and Holmberg  447). The White approach t o s c i e n t i f i c i n q u i r y i s o f t e n  to break down the s u b j e c t under study i n t o component p a r t s (Leach 196 8,  77). E d u c a t i o n i s broken down i n t o i s o l a t e d  f i e l d s o f knowledge. fragmented way.  S o c i a l s e r v i c e s are d e l i v e r e d i n a  F o r example, a c h i l d care worker can o n l y  address the problem o f a parent n e g l e c t i n g a c h i l d , and cannot deal w i t h c o n t r i b u t i n g causes such as poor n u t r i t i o n o r unemployment  ( C a s t e l l a n o 1971,  355).  Whites are " r a t i o n a l " vs. m y s t i c .  They see the u n i v e r s e  as o p e r a t i n g by p h y s i c a l laws which can be understood through scientific investigation.  They b e l i e v e t h a t human beings are  capable o f m a n i p u l a t i n g these n a t u r a l laws, and p o s s i b l y even improving on them.  P r a c t i c a l s k i l l s are h i g h l y regarded  (Hoebel 1966, 499) . work i s considered bad  (Gallagher  Whites are achievement o r i e n t e d .  t o be good i n i t s e l f ,  and i d l e n e s s  Hard inherently  1973, 476; F o s t e r 1969, 97). S o c i a l s t a t u s and  wealth a r e important symbols o f i n d i v i d u a l achievement. Progress i s b e l i e v e d t o be the r e s u l t o f the a p p l i c a t i o n o f human e f f o r t , t i o n system  s c i e n c e , technology, and the i n d u s t r i a l produc-  (Hoebel 1966, 499; Usher n.d., 3 ) . Innovation and  change a r e accepted as the norm (Foster 1973, 5 ) . P a r t o f the J u d e o - C h r i s t i a n This holds t h a t man i s c r e a t e d  legacy  i s the c r e a t i o n myth.  i n the image o f God, and  therefore transcends the rest of the natural world. The earth and animals are believed to have been created for human benefit and utilization. The domination or mastery of Nature is seen as a challenge to human ingenuity (Foster 1973, 85; Leiss 1974; Murphy 1967, 5-7; Foster 1969, 97). Christian "not only established a dualism of man and nature but also insisted that it is God's will that Man exploit nature for his proper ends" (White 1967, 347). Many Whites no longer consciously hold these beliefs, but their approach to natural resource development may still be influenced by them. Whites view society as a collection of individuals, all of whom are equal. Because of their belief in equal opportunity, Whites emphasize that "anyone who works hard can ma it" (Ogmundson 1976, 176). Individualism and competition are encouraged, and the gain of any individual or group is interpreted as a gain for the society as a whole, rather t as a loss to someone else. 2.2 Dene and Inuit Culture The original intention was to describe Dene and Inuit cultures separately. In doing so, however, it quickly became apparent that the two cultures show striking similarities in the basic cultural features described in this section. To avoid being overly repetitive, therefore, traditional Dene and Inuit cultures are described together here. The  20.  descriptions pologists,  are  and  when i n t e n s i v e  synthesized mainly  refer  t o the N a t i v e  their  Metis  phenomenon.  2.2.1  Native  Social  Traditionally,  are not  i n Dene and  join  Inuity  t r i b e would r a r e l y  gather  and  the  organization.  Band s i z e  and  availability, members.  u s i n g the  although  together.  status  composed o f two composition hunting  Within  and  rank,  techniques  and  very  although o l d s u c c e s s f u l hunters T h e r e was  division  by  language. e v e n t s , was  sex.  no  Information, passed  very  social and  specialization  Dene and  time  employed,  little  Inuit  including  Families  a l l members o f  Dene and  v a r i e d over  extended  bands.  same b r o a d  Inuit  or three r e l a t e d  t h e band, t h e r e was  regard.  description,  small hunting  i n s m a l l , homogeneous, n o m a d i c , r e l a t i v e l y  bands, u s u a l l y  late  g r o u p i s a more  society  t o g e t h e r t o form  composed l o o s e " t r i b e s , "  lived  cultural  time  Structure  Bands s h a r i n g t h e same d i a l e c t tory  the  included i n this  the b a s i c u n i t o f s o c i a l  would v o l u n t a r i l y  anthro-  c u l t u r e s around the  emergence as a d i s t i n c t  recent  f a m i l y was  t h e work o f  c o n t a c t w i t h Whites^began - roughly  nineteenth century. since  from  one  commonly  isolated families.  according to and  terri-  food  the d e s i r e s of  little  emphasis  on  differentiation,  shamans were h e l d i n h i g h of labour, other  traditionally knowledge o f  on by word o f mouth.  The  had  than  no w r i t t e n  historial  f a m i l y and  band  were s t r o n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n agents 450;  ( D r i v e r 1969,  Spencer, Jennings, e t a l 1965,  Cooper and Penard 1973, 150-152; Damas 1969;  2.2.2  155-161; Smith 1971,  78-79; Chance 1966,  1973;  288-90, 331-336,  B a l i k c i 1964,  209;  62; W i l l m o t t  1968,  77).  Native P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n Dene and I n u i t had minimal l a r g e - s c a l e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z -  ation.  The  governing, these.  s m a l l , nomadic, k i n s h i p - b a s e d bands were s e l f and there were no c l e a r l i n e s o f a u t h o r i t y beyond  W i t h i n the f a m i l y , the e l d e s t male u s u a l l y made  d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t i n g f a m i l y l o c a t i o n and movements.  When  s e v e r a l f a m i l i e s j o i n e d together to form a l a r g e r camp group, the most capable hunter would o r g a n i z e group hunting  activities.  These i n f o r m a l headmen remained headmen o n l y as long as  they  continued to a r t i c u l a t e group w i l l and to d i s p l a y s u p e r i o r s k i l l and  judgement i n hunting.  i n v o l v e d i n d e c i s i o n making.  In essence  everyone  D e c i s i o n s were reached  was only  a f t e r f r e e exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n and o p i n i o n s among band members.  D e l i b e r a t i o n would continue u n t i l consensus  reached.  D e c i s i o n s were r e s p e c t e d by group members v o l u n t a r -  ily, was  and anyone who  d i d not wish to go along w i t h the d e c i s i o n s  f r e e to separate from the group.  D e c i s i o n s were not  f o r m a l l y recorded, and no formal i n s t i t u t i o n s operated enforce them.  was  Nonconformists,  to  however, would be s u b j e c t to  group p r e s s u r e through mockery, g o s s i p , r i d i c u l e , o s t r a c i s m ,  or - i n extreme cases of nonconformity t h a t were seen as a t h r e a t to the w e l l - b e i n g of the group - murder 209;  Cooper and Penard 1973,  78-79; Fumoleau 1973,  V a l l e e 1968a, 109; D r i v e r 1969, 116;  2.2.3  1973,  1971,  217;  288-289; B a l i k c i 1970,  373-378; Chance 1966,  N a t i v e Economy and  (Smith  65; Hughes 1966,  109,  255).  Technology  The main s t a p l e f o r many Dene and I n u i t was c a r i b o u , which was  hunted w i t h bow  and arrow o r spear.  Other l a n d and  sea animals, as w e l l as b i r d s and f i s h , were important to the n a t i v e economy.  Because o f u n c e r t a i n t i e s i n game c y c l e s  and  weather, and the nature of the r e l a t i v e l y simple and l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e technology, p e r i o d s of s t a r v a t i o n or p r i v a t i o n were frequent.  The Dene and I n u i t c o n s i d e r e d food to be the most  v a l u a b l e resource p r o v i d e d by the l a n d .  A l l band members had  equal access to food r e s o u r c e s , which c o u l d not be by anyone.  Rights of l a n d use or ownership  individuals.  monopolized  never belonged to  Food caches were c o n s i d e r e d t o be p r i v a t e  p r o p e r t y , but c o u l d be used by anyone i n need.  T o o l s and  weapons were p r i v a t e l y owned, but were w i d e l y shared. wealth was  not accumulated.  p r a c t i c e of s h a r i n g .  Food was  Material  d i s t r i b u t e d through the  W i t h i n broad t e r r i t o r i e s , band members  were f r e e to roam over the l a n d and to use any of i t s r e s o u r c e s to feed themselves e t a l 1965,  124,  (Helm 1965,  381-382; Spencer,  156-159; Rogers 1975,  Jennings,  95; Fumoleau 1976,  18;  Weyer 1932, 1973,  309;  2.2.4  188;  D r i v e r 1969,  Willmott  Native Dene and  1968,  B a l i k c i 1973,  378;  Paine  154).  Worldview I n u i t t r a d i t i o n a l l y p e r c e i v e d themselves to be  an i n t e g r a l p a r t of nature, powerful  273;  n a t u r a l and  and  at the mercy of whimsical  s u p e r n a t u r a l laws.  t e d to understand these laws and  Dene and  and  I n u i t attemp-  to co-operate with them.  Some  attempts were,made, p a r t i c u l a r l y by shamans, to mediate with supernatural but there was  f o r c e s to a t t r a c t more game to a p a r t i c u l a r no b e l i e f t h a t these  or manipulated by human b e i n g s .  area,  f o r c e s c o u l d be c o n t r o l l e d  The  s o u l s of people  animals were b e l i e v e d to r e i n c a r n a t e .  and  Animals were t r e a t e d  with g r e a t r e s p e c t so t h a t they would allow themselves to be taken,  and  so t h a t they would r e i n c a r n a t e i n the same area to  be hunted again.  Hunters were t h e r e f o r e c a r e f u l to observe  taboos to a v o i d o f f e n d i n g animals 1965, 450;  157;  Rogers 1975,  Chance 1966,  95;  (Spencer, Jennings,  Savoie  71; Williamson  1970,  1974,  et a l . ,  86; D r i v e r 1969;  22-23; Paine  289,  1973,  310-311).  2.3  Comparison A comparison of the White and Native  cultural  r e v e a l s many s t a r k c o n t r a s t s , some o f which are r e l a t e d to d i f f e r e n c e s i n p o p u l a t i o n s i z e .  contexts  obviously  Traditional  Native  technology and the harsh northern environment prohibited large concentrations of population. White methods of exploiting land permitted much larger concentrations of population and demanded more complex organizational and institutional structures. Perhaps the most striking and pervasive contrast between White and Native cultures is fragmentation vs. holism. Whites tend to separate, segment, specialize, compartmentalize, etc., constantly. Natives, on the other hand, have a holistic cognitive pattern. A Native person would not separate activities into categories, such as work vs. leisure, or classify activities such as religious vs. recreational. The separate discussions of political, social, and economic features in this chapter would make little sense to a traditional Native person, who would undoubtedly regard this as a particularly "White" approach. Some of the more striking differences between White and Native cultures are summarized in Table 1. White and Native decision making processes were compatible with the institutions of the culture in which they evolved, but, as might be expected, were fundamentally different from each other. Major characteristics of traditional Native and White decision making are contrasted in Table 2. Culture and experience conditioned White, Dene, and Inuit to expect the patterns of decision making outlined in Table 2. Such cultural conditioning is often subconscious,  Table I: Comparison of Traditional Cultural Contexts of Whites and Natives Native White large population, highly concentrated small, dispersed, nomadic population in some areas heterogeneous population homogeneous population hierarchical society unstratified society formal social control mechanisms complex information recording, storagei,nformal social control mechanisms and transfer systems oral history; information transferred high skill specialization b y word of mouth capital-intensive technology division of labour by sex only growth-oriented economy abour-intensive technology individual accumulation of material l subsistence economy goods ery little accumulation of material private ownership of property, includ-v g oods ing land sharing; no concept of land ownership attempt to control natural forces a ttempt to cooperate with natural f orces individualism collective spirit fragmentation holism  Table II: Comparison of Decision Making Patterns in White and Native Cultures Native White ARTICIcPoAnTsO R Y : Grou p de ed l; iberlaetaedser R EPRESENTAT I V E : Lea d e r bacloamnpcreosmises, P until e n s u s is r e a c h differing v i e w s , m a k e s articulates group will decides on behalf of group tacitly acknowledged headman formally elected leader individuals have direct access to restricted a c c e s s t o d e c i s i o n m a k e r s h eadman ( t h r o u g h a c t u a l d i s t a n c e o r h i e r ^ * archies) ca on nd stan little direct cooungshulttahteiyonmaywitthake theb mt embdirect ers consultation with citizens, a l t h initiative to organize a pressure g roup decentralized centralized restricted acc"confidential" ess to informaotrion freedom of information ( o f t e n it is wcraint nt oe tn uin nderpsrtoafnedssional jargon laymen oral history; information spread by c ny fs ot re mm as tion storage and word of mouth to rm ap nl se fx er is roup makes decisions; group split between legislative and execu- g executes them tive functions decisions not recorded decisions formally recorded consensual model adversary model consensus majority rule  i.e. members of a culture automatically expect the type of behaviour they are accustomed to, and regard it as the natural or correct way to do things. Being confronted with other types of behaviour - as happens in cross-cultural situations can be confusing and exasperating. It is my hypothesis that differences in White and Native expectations about how decision making should occur have been a major source of friction, misunderstandings, and communication breakdowns in attempts to make decisions within the context of a newlydefined "multicultural" society which encompasses them all. This idea will be explored in the following chapters. 2.4 Emerging Trends It is easy to imagine that cultural values as strikingly different as those outlined above might exacerbate crosscultural communication problems when members of these cultures attempt to take part in joint decision making processes. This is particularly true when the individuals involved are not aware of their fundamental value differences . Table 2, page 26, summarizes traditional White and Native values surrounding decision making. It would not be appropriate, however, to assess current planning efforts in the Northwest Territories in light of the values listed in Table 2. Both White and Native cultures have undergone  28.  s i g n i f i c a n t change i n t h i s c e n t u r y , toward d e c i s i o n making.  r e s u l t i n g i n new v a l u e s  I n t h e p a s t decade, t h e White  " c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " movement, and the f o r m a t i o n o f l a r g e - s c a l e N a t i v e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , have r e f l e c t e d some o f t h e s e changing v a l u e s . A s t r o n g emerging t r e n d i n White s o c i e t y i s t o f a v o u r changes i n t r a d i t i o n a l d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n s the  to include  following:  a) a more h o l i s t i c approach t o p l a n n i n g  and problem s o l v i n g ;  use o f t h e "systems" approach f o r i n s i g h t s i n t o t h e interrelatedness of issues; b) g r e a t e r d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y ; c) b e t t e r r e f l e c t i o n o f m i n o r i t y views i n d e c i s i o n making; d) a l a r g e r r o l e f o r c i t i z e n s t o p l a y d i r e c t l y i n t h e d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s ; e) more freedom o f i n f o r m a t i o n ; f) e x p l i c i t statement o f s o c i a l g o a l s and premises on w h i c h d e c i s i o n s a r e based; g) g r e a t e r emphasis on t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e p r o c e s s by which d e c i s i o n s a r e made, as w e l l as t h e d e c i s i o n s themselves. (See,  f o r example, r e c e n t a t t e m p t s by White p l a n n e r s t o  d e f i n e parameters f o r e f f e c t i v e " p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n " i n planning:  Friedmann 1973, Clague 1971, O'Riordan 1971,  Lash 1976,  S t . P i e r r e 1977,  Canadian A r c t i c Resources  Committee 1977.) Emerging trends i n Native d e c i s i o n making i n c l u d e the following: a) use o f formal d e c i s i o n making mechanisms and s t r u c t u r e s , such as v o t i n g , e l e c t i o n s , assemblies, b) use o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , which reduces  minute-taking; the r o l e o f  i n d i v i d u a l s i n d e c i s i o n making to a c e r t a i n extent; c) use o f mass media f o r d i s s e m i n a t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n ; d) use of s p e c i a l i z e d "resource  people";  e) formation o f s p e c i a l committees o r groups to look a t s p e c i f i c i s s u e s o r p a r t i c u l a r aspects o f complex problems; f) e x p l i c i t statement  o f s o c i a l goals and premises on which  d e c i s i o n s are based. The  t r a d i t i o n a l White and Native d e c i s i o n making  p a t t e r n s o u t l i n e d i n Table 2 are c l e a r l y and contradictory.  consistently  However, from the emerging trends d e s c r i b e d  above, i t would appear t h a t White and Native d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n s are becoming much more s i m i l a r .  Many of the  differ-  ences between contemporary White and Native e x p e c t a t i o n s o f d e c i s i o n making are now  more a matter o f degree.  Native i d e a l s are approaching ends of the spectrum.  White  and  each other, but from o p p o s i t e  While N a t i v e s now  r e l y to some extent  on r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and resource people, they do not do  so  30.  anywhere near to the extent that Whites do. Furthermore, Natives expect such individuals to be not only accountable, but also readily accessible - a hopeless ideal to pursue in the complex bureaucratic structures of urban White society. While decentralization, a holistic approach, and maximal participation by individuals in decision making are now ideals held by both Natives and Whites, Native standards of acceptability in each of these areas are higher than those of Whites. But beyond these relatively minor differences in decision making patterns there still lies a very significant difference concerning the role of the individual in decision making. The individual enters the decision making process with very different attitudes and behaviour, depending on whether the model if adversary (as in the White representative system) or consensual (as in the Native participatory system). In representative decision making, often "the squeaking wheel gets the grease". Thus, individuals are encouraged to take on adversary roles, aggressively asserting and even exagerating their views in an attempt to tip the scales in favour of their own cause or against someone else's. In participatory decision making, individuals work cooperatively to achieve consensus, voluntarily compromising in the interest of the entire group. In representative decision making opinions are often polarized, and the final decision is then left up to an arbitrator who is considered to be  31.  objective. In participatory decision making, the individuals themselves "stay with" an issue until it is finally resolved to everyone's satisfaction. The assertive behaviour of Whites who try to promote their own narrow interests sharply contrasts with the traditional, non-assertive style of Dene and Inuit. This fundamental difference continues to frustrate attempts by Whites and Natives to communicate effectively within the framework of a single decision making system. 2.5 Two Views on Land White and Natives view land quite differently, and have very different approaches to utilizing the resources it provides. This compounds cross-cultural communication difficulties in land use planning. Since the Industrial Revolution, many Whites' view of land is that it is a commodity to be exploited for immediate economic gain. In White society, land ownership and usage rights are privately held. Natives, on the other hand, had no concept of land ownership, and no concept of private rights over resource use. L anh du ,nticertainly a m o n g thfact ose gof roulife. ps whoItexisted beyx n g , w a s m e r e l y a insdt ed.ratIt wasthatnhe trhe soluarncdesitself, providetdhatbywtehr ee of l a , h e r e i mnptorrotlalnecde.byButthethwill e resoofuracne sonw erindividual e not to bor e c o y e group of individuals. They were to be used for  32.  taheright benefitto anddepr ei nv je oyme n t ofr all. Nosemanrehsaodurces a n o t h e o f t h o needed to sustain himself and his family. (Rogers 1975, 95). TlhaendI ndinaorn adsid e nm op towse er eedhimtsoelfbesat sowownoewrnerosfhip on , a ni om ta hl es r, . Htehecownastiedrereadnd tits hat fishes, the landwearne d its a n for his u s e . H e w o u l d n e v e r r e f u s e t o s h a r e t hem, c o m p e l l e d b y c o n v i c t i o n t o d o s o . N o r did h e siderowntha t thetoactfreely of sharuisn gthdeeplrainvdedashimhe ohcafodnhis right e . This attitude was rooted in epxrpeevriioeunscley adno dneculture. (Fumoleau 1973, 307). Dene and Inuit viewed themselves as an integral part of the natural system, in which animals, land, and people are inseparably linked in an ongoing process of mutual nurturing and sustenance. These fundamental differences between White and Native attitudes toward land are summarized in Table 3. For a long time, Whites viewed most of what is now the Northwest Territories as a "wasteland" containing few exploitable resources. Between 1900 and 1920 missionaries and Indian Agents pleaded with Ottawa to extend Treaty benefits to Natives living north of Great Slave Lake who were suffering as a result of epidemics. The Government resisted these pressures "on the grounds that no profitable use could be made of the land" (Fumoleau 1973, 106).  Table II-I:TowTraditional ard Land White and Native Attitudes White Native M a nNais see,paro an te ef r o m a ndofsup e riicohr is M a n iswia nh integral paarntimaolfs Nature t o t u r e l e m e n t w h a l o n g t l a n d a n d land Land is a commodity "Land is life" Man exploits land for his benefit Land nurtures man Private ownership of land No concept of land ownership Resources may only be utilized byResources used by anyone as needed tc he oiwnnger,usag oe rb y individuals a q u i r rights from the owner an takes from land only what is Man exploits land for his benefit M needed for subsistence Short time horizon regarding land Long time horizon regarding land use use  34.  White a t t i t u d e s toward n o r t h e r n land changed when o i l was  suddenly  d i s c o v e r e d a t Norman W e l l s , N.W.T., i n  P r e p a r a t i o n s began immediately  1920.  f o r T r e a t y 11, which was  to  be signed by Dene l i v i n g n o r t h o f the lands which the Whites regarded i n 1899  as having been ceded when Dene signed T r e a t y (Fumoleau 1973,  106,  8,  153).  The T r e a t i e s underscore  the d i f f e r e n c e between White  and Native a t t i t u d e s toward l a n d .  The Whites regarded  land  as a t r a n s f e r a b l e commodity, whose ownership and usage r i g h t s c o u l d change hands through and an exchange o f money.  the s i g n i n g o f a document  N a t i v e s , on the o t h e r hand, had  no concept o f land ownership or t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y . obvious,  then, t h a t t h e i r understanding  n e g o t i a t e d at T r e a t y time was Whites' understanding.  It is  o f what was  being  q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the  Whites thought  of the T r e a t i e s as  l e g a l t r a n s a c t i o n s by which the Dene ceded a l l l a n d r i g h t s ; Dene thought  o f the T r e a t i e s as e x p r e s s i o n s of g o o d w i l l  friendship.  The Dene c u s t o m a r i l y shared resources among  and  themselves and they were w i l l i n g to share w i t h Whites as w e l l . But the Dene had no way  of knowing about the customary White  approach to resource use, and the d i s a s t r o u s e f f e c t s would have on t h e i r own White t r a p p e r s who f o r t u n e s was  way  of l i f e .  The behaviour  this of  poured i n t o the North to seek t h e i r  an unpleasant  s u r p r i s e to the Dene, and a  t h r e a t to t h e i r s u r v i v a l as w e l l .  35.  Every slough, o f f the Slave R i v e r had a white t r a p p e r . They would come i n and j u s t c l e a n out the slough of muskrats. They would leave n o t h i n g f o r seed. They would k i l l every beaver i n every lodge they found. Then they would get the h e l l out of the country. The Indians weren't l i k e t h a t ; they weren't g e t t i n g r i c h , they were l i v i n g o f f the land and knew t h a t they had to be a l i t t l e b i t c a r e f u l ... (James B a l s i l l i e i n Fumoleau 1973,  240).  These d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and  orientation  were e i t h e r i g n o r e d or not p e r c e i v e d a t T r e a t y time.  Whites  and Dene both took p a r t i n the same i n t e r a c t i o n , but w i t h very d i f f e r e n t understandings about i t s b a s i s and meaning. T h i s c o n s t i t u t e s a b a r r i e r to communication.  I t i s not  s u r p r i s i n g t h a t problems have a r i s e n between Whites and Dene because o f the a m b i g u i t i e s surrounding the s i g n i n g o f the T r e a t i e s . mean i s now  The b a t t l e as to what the T r e a t i e s  b e i n g fought i n the c o u r t s .  really  Meanwhile, the  misunderstanding has caused c o n s i d e r a b l e animosity between Whites and N a t i v e s i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  Many Dene  f e e l they were cheated and l i e d t o by Whites; many Whites f e e l t h a t the Dene are t r y i n g to go back on an agreement which, from the White p o i n t o f view, was  made f a i r l y  and  should be l e g a l and b i n d i n g . Since 1970,  p r e s s u r e from some Whites f o r r a p i d , .  l a r g e - s c a l e development o f non-renewable resources i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s has i n t e n s i f i e d to an degree.  unprecedented  The c o n t r o v e r s y over the proposed Mackenzie V a l l e y  pipeline once again embroiled Whites and Natives in land use planning issues. Many of the statements made by both groups indicate that traditional attitudes toward land have persisted. While these attitudes may not be universal, they are still predominant. The following statements by Dene before the Berger Inquiry indicate that they still regard the land as essential to their life, and that they reject the White view of land: Chief Hyacinthe Kochan: "This is our land, where we live. We m arkeeveoruy rthliving bydheupnet i ng, threapplianngd"and fishing. F o i n g , w e n d o n t (in Native Press, 3/9/76, p. 9 ) . Isadooruet of. KochaWn :th"iTnhkistoloanm duch is nooft ofor uosuntotrymak e m onit ey e u r c t o g e t d i st turt be d byIt's a pipjust elinelike ... Tahimsothlearndtofedus.usTh all t h a i m e . a tr'es. hTohwisser i o u s w e t h i n k a b o u t t h e l a n d a r o u n d h e d meansp. m9o)r e to us than money ..." (Native Press,lan3/9/76, . Frankwor Tl 'dSelyeoiue:are"Dstealing eep in thmye gsoul, lass amnyd spirit. concreteByof your chplotting eming to ttooritnuvraedemymylal na dndyouyouarearetoirntvuardiinnggmem.e. Bs y eh rroudig cIfutytoiungevt gh ametr.e.n.ch through my land, you are Yotuoryareofcothirty ming tt ohoduessatnrdoyyeaarps e. oplW ehy? thaFtorha v e a h i s t w e n t y y ofdia gn as?FoArruem,you11/76, reallyp.tha1t6 ) . insane?" '(in Theears Cana For Native people, land connotes livelihood, home, nurturing, life. The activities of many northern Whites show that for them land connotes an "economic base," profit, and employment opportunities.  Whites and Natives in the Northwest Territories are now faced with the prospect of settling Native land claims. Land claims, in fact, can be seen as a defensive move on the part of Native people. Whites have seemed incapable of understanding the Native view of land, so now Natives are attempting to use the legal tools of the White system to achieve protection of their land and their way of life. There is a danger that in land claims settlement negotiations errors of the past will be repeated, and cross-cultural communication barriers will remain. Many Whites assume that "land claims" is an argument about who owns title over a piece of real estate. For many Natives, the meaning of "land claims" is much more profound. The motto of the Dene land claims movement is "our land is our life". For them, land claims connotes the very survival of their culture and their way of life. Their idea of settlement of land claims includes consideration of new economic, social, and political institutions that will ensure their place in Canadian society and allow them to set up a viable renewable-resource management system. There is high potential for communication breakdowns, however, since many Whites are thinking of land claims settlement in terms of the historical pattern, which involves cash compensation for extinguishment of land rights, so that non-renewable resource development can proceed without further delay.  38  The minutes examined in Chapter 4 show some of.the way in which conflicting White and Native attitudes toward land exacerbate communication problems in efforts at land use planning in the Northwest Territories today.  CHAPTER 3:  DECISION MAKING IN NEW NORTHERN COMMUNITIES IN THE 1950's AND 1960's  In t h i s chapter, the d e c i s i o n making processes on northern settlements around the middle  of t h i s  imposed  century  are examined i n l i g h t o f p o t e n t i a l c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communic a t i o n b a r r i e r s , which are exacerbated  by the  conflicting  White and Native values d e s c r i b e d i n the p r e v i o u s I t i s a l s o important,  chapter.  however, to view these d e c i s i o n  making processes a g a i n s t the background of the c u l t u r e change t h a t was  3.1  o c c u r r i n g a t the time they were i n t r o d u c e d .  C u l t u r e Contact and C u l t u r e Change In g e n e r a l , Native c u l t u r e s have undergone g r e a t e r  change than White c u l t u r e because of the nature o f c u l t u r e c o n t a c t i n the N.W.T. and subsequent events.  Because of  the remoteness and s e v e r i t y o f t h e i r h a b i t a t , Dene and I n u i t were i n i t i a l l y spared the i n t e n s i t y of a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r e s s u r e experienced by indigenous peoples i n southern p a r t s of Canada.  Throughout the n i n e t e e n t h century some  Whites took p a r t i n short-term e x p l o i t a t i o n of the North's renewable r e s o u r c e s , p r i m a r i l y f u r s .  For the most p a r t ,  however, southern Canadian Whites regarded the North as a barren wasteland g o l d was  - u n t i l the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century, when  d i s c o v e r e d i n the Yukon.  Subsequent d i s c o v e r i e s  40.  of gold, o i l ,  and o t h e r m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s i n the Northwest  T e r r i t o r i e s r e s u l t e d i n a r a p i d i n f l u x o f Whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t o the areas t r a d i t i o n a l l y occupied by the Dene. But even u n t i l the middle o f the t w e n t i e t h century, the tendency  was f o r Whites t o seek t h e i r f o r t u n e s i n the North,  through r a p i d and i n t e n s i v e resource e x p l o i t a t i o n , and then t o r e t i r e t o more comfortable c l i m a t e s .  I t i s o n l y i n the  past two decades t h a t the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s ' White p o p u l a t i o n has shown a s i g n i f i c a n t i n c r e a s e i n s t a b i l i t y e s p e c i a l l y i n the l a r g e r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . more permanent White presence,  With a l a r g e r and  a c c u l t u r a t i o n pressures  experienced by Dene and I n u i t are more i n t e n s e than they have ever been i n the p a s t . Changes came r e l a t i v e l y q u i c k l y t o the Native c u l t u r e s from the mid-nineteenth  century onward.  The i n t r o d u c t i o n  of r i f l e s and metal t r a p s i n the n i n e t e e n t h century changed the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Native peoples and the l a n d i n s i g n i f i c a n t ways. more important  Trapping became as important  than, hunting.  became consumers o f imported  as,: i f not  In a d d i t i o n , Dene and I n u i t goods which c o u l d be a c q u i r e d  by t r a d i n g a t the numerous p o s t s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the 1920's.  F o r the  f i r s t time the Native economy became l i n k e d w i t h o u t s i d e f o r c e s , s i n c e the v a l u e o f p e l t s was determined d r a s t i c f l u c t u a t i o n s o f the world f u r market.  by the  These economic changes went hand i n hand w i t h  signifi-  cant changes i n Native s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . i n i t i a l l y h i g h e r game y i e l d s made p o s s i b l e by new  The  technol-  ogy reduced  the importance of s h a r i n g and c o o p e r a t i v e hunti]  techniques.  As a r e s u l t o f t h i s , and o f the long s e r i e s of  epidemics  t h a t accompanied c o n t a c t with Whites, camp groups  were reduced The  i n s i z e and number.  r a t e of change i n Native c u l t u r e s continued to  a c c e l e r a t e throughout  the t w e n t i e t h century, and i n c r e a s e d  d r a m a t i c a l l y from the 1950's onward.  In the 1950's most  Dene and I n u i t moved to permanent s e t t l e m e n t s , because o f game d e p l e t i o n and because o f the a t t r a c t i v e s e r v i c e s t h a t were p r o v i d e d i n settlements by the government.  Permanent  settlement meant l a r g e r and more heterogeneous g a t h e r i n g s than the Dene and I n u i t had ever experienced.  I t meant  continued exposure to White c u l t u r e , i n s t i t u t i o n s , technology  and  - and a l s o to d i s e a s e s a g a i n s t which Dene and  I n u i t had no immunity.  The mid-century  was  a time  s e r i o u s c u l t u r a l d i s r u p t i o n f o r Dene and I n u i t . N a t i v e v i c t i m s of t u b e r c u l o s i s were evacuated sanatoriums,  to  of  Many southern  where they spent years away from t h e i r  f a m i l i e s and t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e - w a y s .  C h i l d r e n were taken  to h o s t e l schools f o r at l e a s t ten months of the year, where they were t o t a l l y immersed i n White c u l t u r e , as w e l l . Lessons were taught i n the E n g l i s h language o n l y , and were  based on the same c u r r i c u l u m White c h i l d r e n .  t h a t was designed f o r urban  White C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s  discouraged  the use o f t r a d i t i o n a l names and the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f t r a d i tional religious practices. In some areas the o p t i o n o f c o n t i n u i n g way o f l i f e was r a p i d l y eroded. population  made i t impossible  the t r a d i t i o n a l  High c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f  t o support communities from  the land i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner, and c h i l d r e n r a i s e d i n the White education  system q u i c k l y l o s t t r a d i t i o n a l  These changes r e s u l t e d i n anxiety c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and s e l f - i m a g e .  and u n c e r t a i n t y  skills.  about  U n t i l quite recently,  many Dene and I n u i t f e l t powerless a g a i n s t these f o r c e s o f change.  A t t i t u d e s o f ambivalence, u n c e r t a i n t y ,  some r e s i g n a t i o n to the changes i n t r o d u c e d p r e v a i l e d throughout the The  1 9 5 0 ' s  and  and even  by Whites  1960's.  Dene and I n u i t had no t r a d i t i o n o f s o c i a l o r  p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n on a l a r g e s c a l e , and no p r e v i o u s experience l i v i n g i n groups l a r g e r than the extended f a m i l y hunting band.  There i s evidence t h a t i n the f i r s t  decades o f permanent settlement, continued  Native  d e c i s i o n making  t o f o l l o w t r a d i t i o n a l camp p a t t e r n s .  Headmen  would speak o n l y f o r the members o f t h e i r extended or former camp group, and l i t t l e been taken by Natives  i n i t i a t i v e seems t o have  themselves t o r e s t r u c t u r e  o r g a n i z a t i o n on a community s c a l e  family  social  (see, f o r example,  43.  W i l l i a m s o n 1976,  365;  B a l i k c i 1968).  able i n l i g h t of the dramatic and Native  T h i s i s understand-  tumultuous changes the  c u l t u r e s were undergoing at t h a t time.  In comparison,  the impact of c u l t u r e contact on White c u l t u r e and was  negligible.  Contact w i t h Dene and  I n u i t may  society  have  brought s i g n i f i c a n t changes to the l i v e s of i n d i v i d u a l Whites who  ventured north, but  on the g e n e r a l urbanization  3.2  The  northern  l i t t l e effect  course o f White c u l t u r e toward f u r t h e r  and  industrialization.  Councils  Whites - p r i m a r i l y t r a n s i e n t government agents -  took the i n i t i a t i v e to o r g a n i z e  of the  very  I n t r o d u c t i o n of Committees and  I t was who  i t had  d e c i s i o n making i n  communities i n the 1950's and  1960's.  forms with which they were f a m i l i a r may  them to b e l i e v e t h a t I n u i t , Dene and Metis had making i n s t i t u t i o n s . administrators  The  new  absence  have l e d no  decision  From mid-century onward government  attempted to e s t a b l i s h White models o f  o r g a n i z a t i o n i n new  northern  communities.  Under the Indian Act, Band C o u n c i l s were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Indian  communities a l l across  Canada.  These c o u n c i l s  were r e s p o n s i b l e p r i m a r i l y f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f lands.  reserve  Since no reserves were ever e s t a b l i s h e d i n the  Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , many o f the Band C o u n c i l o u t l i n e d under the Act were i r r e l e v a n t .  duties  Nonetheless,  election  o f Band C o u n c i l s i n Dene communities was  encouraged.  In the 1950's i t became Department o f Northern  Affairs policy  to s e t up Eskimo A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l s i n  e a s t e r n and c e n t r a l 150).  A r c t i c communities  (Williamson 1974,  As the name suggests, these c o u n c i l s were merely  a d v i s o r y , and met a t the behest o f government tives  i n the community to d i s c u s s l o c a l  representa-  administrative  concerns. In the mid-1960's the C a r r o t h e r s Commission government  i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  evaluated  The commission  concluded t h a t t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s was n o t ready t o move toward p r o v i n c i a l  s t a t u s , f o r a number o f reasons.  One was t h a t the t e r r i t o r i a l c o u n c i l ' s work was u n u s u a l l y d i f f i c u l t because o f the weakness o r absence o f m u n i c i p a l institutions  i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  t h a t the r a t e o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n  Another was  by N a t i v e people i n l o c a l  government was very low. Spurred by the C a r r o t h e r s Commission Government o f the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s l o c a l government  Report, the  i n i t i a t e d a new  development scheme i n the l a t e  1960's.  Under the new program, a community would move through v a r i o u s stages o f development - from settlement t o hamlet to v i l l a g e t o town. council  A t each stage the community's  elected  would become l e s s a d v i s o r y i n nature, and would  handle c e r t a i n  defined authorities  and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s .  In Inuit communities, the Eskimo advisory councils opened their membership to non-Inuit and were eventually developed into municipal councils. Band Councils, however, were not considered appropriate to the new local government program, because they represented only registered Indians. Band Councils did not represent Whites and Metis, who formed a significant part of the population in Mackenzie Valley communities. The Band Councils were not dismantled, but a second set of councils was introduced in Mackenzie Valley communities. Dene were confused by these new councils which seemed to undermine the authority of those previously established by Whites. One civil servant responsible for promoting the new local government scheme explained how municipal councils were rationalized: At first we re wp er re esentold thatcom inmun In d i a.n Incomthe munities the C h i e f t e d the i t y first platraditional. ce, we arguedT, thewer Ce hiefcshosw e reoriginnot u s u a l l y h e y e n ally byent the De epar tmen t ofinInpduirapnose Affairs as a r e p r e s a t i v for c e r t a s of the federal go vegrrnemeetnitn,g V ra n g.iPn.g's.froSmecothe s,ignthe ing of treaties to . I n d l y Chie fs Iw e r e ac po pm am ruennittlyy jnoudglionnggerby rthe epren su em nb te ar tivof es of the n d i a n d elegations o p p osw ie nr gethein Cnohiewafy'sreppolicies. Finally, c h i e f s ro em sm eu nn ti at ti ie vs e. of the non-Indian residents of the c (in Bean, n.d., 14). For these reasons the new councils may have seemed necessary to Whites; to the Dene they seemed not'only  incompatible with traditional decision making patterns but also redundant considering that one set of community decision making bodies had already been established by Whites. Cross-memberships in Band Councils and municipal councils occurred quite frequently. Nonetheless, the two types of councils operated independently and were never really integrated into a unified community decision making system. Dene, for the most part, have continued to view Band Councils as the bodies most representative of their views. In eastern and central Arctic communities, settlement councils were generally accepted by both Whites and Inuit as the primary representative bodies at the community level. In addition to Band Councils and settlement or municipal councils, a wide variety of committees was^: established in northern communities throughout the 1950's and 1960's in an attempt to increase the involvement of local people in decision making. Housing administrators set up local housing associations; health officials set up local health committees; educators set up local education advisory boards; game officers set up local hunters' and trappers' associations; social development workers set up welfare committees and alcohol committees. In addition, churches, cooperatives, and other non-government agencies  47.  e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r own a d v i s o r y groups i n n o r t h e r n communities.  The r e s u l t o f t h i s a c t i v i t y i s t h a t settlements  which s e v e r a l decades ago had no community-scale d e c i s i o n making s t r u c t u r e s now have r e l a t i v e l y complex networks o f c o u n c i l s and committees. conform t o the White i d e a l  There were designed, however, t o of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n " decision  making, r a t h e r than the N a t i v e i d e a l o f " p a r t i c i p a t o r y " d e c i s i o n making. Spence Bay i s an example o f a s m a l l n o r t h e r n  community  where a network o f a d v i s o r y bodies has r e c e n t l y been established.  The community's e v o l u t i o n f o l l o w e d the t y p i c a l  p a t t e r n of n o r t h e r n s e t t l e m e n t .  A Hudson's Bay Company  t r a d i n g p o s t was f i r s t e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Spence Bay area (on the B o o t h i a Peninsula) i n 194 8.  Other White agencies  f o l l o w e d - the R.C.M.P. i n 1949, a Roman C a t h o l i c M i s s i o n in  1950, and an A n g l i c a n M i s s i o n i n 1955.  In 1958 a  government s c h o o l was b u i l t , and i n 1962 a government nursing station.  From then on, c o n s t r u c t i o n o f government  housing and f a c i l i t i e s continued s t e a d i l y , and the I n u i t began t o be a t t r a c t e d from t h e i r hunting camps t o s e t t l e permanently around the c l u s t e r o f White agencies. The Spence Bay people have had l e s s than two decades of  experience with community-scale s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and  l e s s than one decade o f involvement tee  work.  i n meetings and commit-  The f i r s t settlement c o u n c i l was e l e c t e d i n  48.  November 1970.  In the w i n t e r of 1975-76, the community,  with a p o p u l a t i o n of around 400  (approximately h a l f of  which i s under f i f t e e n years of age) hundred committee s e a t s .  had a t o t a l o f  one  With c r o s s - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , these  seats were occupied by f o r t y - e i g h t i n d i v i d u a l s , or about o n e - t h i r d of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n over twenty years of age  (Williamson 1976,  376).  The one hundred p o s i t i o n s are  on s i x t e e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e bodies w i t h v a r y i n g degrees  of  activity: Settlement c o u n c i l Hunters' and t r a p p e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n Education a d v i s o r y board R e c r e a t i o n committee Manpower committee Youth committee Welfare committee Anglican vestry Housing A s s o c i a t i o n Co-operative board o f d i r e c t o r s Health a d v i s o r y committee I n u i t T a p i r i s s a t of Canada committee A l c o h o l education committee F i r e Brigade R.C. church committee A s l a t e o f committees such as t h i s g i v e s the appearance of c o n s i d e r a b l e l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d e c i s i o n making. However, Williamson  (1976, 413)  suggests t h a t Spence Bay i s  f o l l o w i n g a p a t t e r n t h a t t y p i c a l l y occurs i n n o r t h e r n communities:  high i n i t i a l  i n t e r e s t i n these new  o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o l l o w e d by apathy, of them.  forms of  f r u s t r a t i o n , or r e j e c t i o n  This thesis argues that part of the reason for disinterest in or frustration with northern decision making models is conflicting cultural expectations about the decision making process. The decision making processes introduced in the 1950's and 1960's fulfilled traditional White decision making expectations, but frustrated traditional Native expectations. 3.3 Cultural Conflict The decision making models introduced in the Northwest Territories in the 1950's and 1960's were developed by Whites to meet decision making needs as Whites perceived them. These models are characterized by a) fragmentation vs. holism; b) representative vs. participatory decision making; c) adversary vs. consensual style of deliberation. Each of these aspects will be discussed in greater detail below. 3.3.1 Fragmentation vs. Holism In the system introduced by Whites, committees each have a specialized function, and work to improve a particul aspect of community life. The areas of responsibility defined are often not those of greatest interest to Native peoples. Each deals with isolated symptoms of community  50.  problems  (e.g., w e l f a r e committee, housing a s s o c i a t i o n ,  h e a l t h a d v i s o r y committee, a l c o h o l education r e c r e a t i o n committee, e t c . ) . community i n t o age sets  Furthermore, they d i v i d e the  (e.g., Spence Bay O l d F o l k s  Committee, youth committee) church, A n g l i c a n v e s t r y ) . i z a t i o n may  committee,  and i n t e r e s t groups  (R.C.  While t h i s type o f s o c i a l organ-  seem a p p r o p r i a t e to Whites l i v i n g i n l a r g e  urban c e n t r e s , i t may not seem so i n an i s o l a t e d n o r t h e r n community whose s e v e r a l hundred Native r e s i d e n t s are t i g h t l y bound by k i n s h i p and marriage t i e s . Another way  i n which the system i n t r o d u c e d by Whites  i s "fragmented" i s i n the d e l i n e a t i o n of j u r i s d i c t i o n s . The design o f l o c a l government i n the Northwest r e f l e c t s White c u l t u r a l p r i o r i t i e s ,  Territories  and i n v o l v e s the areas  o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t h a t would most concern an emerging, t a x based m u n i c i p a l i t y i n a southern p r o v i n c e . The area o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f the c o u n c i l i s based on the assumption o f an e v o l v i n g tax base s u i t e d to a c u l t u r e which has an e t h i c o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and ownership. The c o u n c i l , i n e f f e c t , becomes the forum f o r working out the i n t e r e s t s a r i s i n g out o f the ownership o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . The range of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s delegated to the c o u n c i l - roads, a i r s t r i p s , s t r e e t l i g h t s , water, sewage, and garbage are prime t o p i c s o f community d i s c u s s i o n o n l y i n a p r i v a t e - p r o p e r t i e d , tax-based c u l t u r e . (Bean n.d. , 17) . Land - as mentioned i n S e c t i o n 2.5 - i s a c e n t r a l concern i n Dene and I n u i t c u l t u r e s , y e t t h i s i s one area over which  community d e c i s i o n making bodies have l e a s t c o n t r o l . Authority  f o r land use  government.  The  one  over land resource association.  d e c i s i o n s r e s t s with the f e d e r a l  l o c a l body t h a t i s g i v e n some power  i s s u e s i s the hunters' and  trappers'  While t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n generates  considerable  l o c a l i n t e r e s t , i t s powers are q u i t e l i m i t e d . an a d v i s o r y body f o r l o c a l f i s h and w i l d l i f e The  o n l y r e a l "power" the hunters' and  have - and  I t acts  as  officers.  trappers'  associations  t h i s i s not taken l i g h t l y - i s the a l l o c a t i o n of  p o l a r bear tags to hunters i n the community.  The  polar  bear hunting quota i s e s t a b l i s h e d f o r each Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s community by government agents each year, the l o c a l hunters' and who  w i l l be permitted  the hunters' and  trappers' to k i l l  trappers'  community-level body has land use  and  resource  a s s o c i a t i o n then  decides  the bears, and when.  a s s o c i a t i o n s nor any  Neither  other  j u r i s d i c t i o n over wider i s s u e s  representative  e s t a b l i s h e d by White agents, i t i s the settlement  bodies  council  t h a t Whites r e l a t e - t o "as the body which o f f i c i a l l y  repre-  sents the w i l l of the community as a whole" because of u n i v e r s a l v o t i n g f o r i t s members (Williamson settlement  of  management.  Of the numerous l o c a l , a d v i s o r y  The  and  1976,  the  404).  c o u n c i l " i s expected to speak f o r the  community on matters of broad p o l i c y , statements of and w i t h r e f e r e n c e  to p o l i t i c a l and  cultural  principle,  concerns"  (Williamson 1976,  405).  I t i s u s u a l l y the s e t t l e m e n t  c o u n c i l - and not, f o r example, the hunters' and t r a p p e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n - t h a t i s approached  f o r " c o n s u l t a t i o n " on  resource development q u e s t i o n s .  Yet w h i l e the s e t t l e m e n t  c o u n c i l i s expected to be the v o i c e of the people on e s s e n t i a l l y a l l matters, i t s powers are l i m i t e d to community housekeeping  matters, such as sewage and waste d i s p o s a l ,  water d e l i v e r y , and approval of s u b d i v i s i o n of l a n d . attempts  to encourage  In i t s  r e s p o n s i b l e l o c a l government, and  g r e a t e r i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n N a t i v e  communities,  the Government has d e c e n t r a l i z e d d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y to  some extent, but o f t e n i n areas t h a t are not of primary  concern t o the Dene and I n u i t .  T h i s i s not to say t h a t  N a t i v e n o r t h e r n e r s do not want c o n t r o l over the d e l i v e r y of housing and m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s .  Of course they do.  i s s u e s are important t o community l i f e .  These  But t h e r e are  other matters which, based both on c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s c u r r e n t p r a c t i c a l i t i e s , are a l s o o f g r e a t importance them, but over which they have no  3.3.2  and  to  control.  R e p r e s e n t a t i v e v s . P a r t i c i p a t o r y D e c i s i o n Making Since mid-century,  a u t h o r i t y over many aspects of  life  p e r c e i v e d to be most important by Dene and I n u i t - i n c l u d i n g management o f the land and i t s resources - has been removed from the s m a l l groups of people accustomed to making such  decisions in a participatory manner and has been transferred to specialized decision makers. These decision makers are often neither accountable nor accessible. Almost always they are from another culture, i.e. they are White, and quite often they do not even reside in the Northwest Territories. To the Dene and Inuit, the Whites who are now responsible for northern planning seem very remote. One Inuk described his sense of distance from White decision makers: Tthhee s first m,an, wholiving he ree,third, tells ws omeptahsisnegs toit e c o n d tells t h h o onhat to tthheeyfosay, urth.andButtheeac hn of t heemendcanofcthhaenge w m a at t h line otathetahr w hatwill thedefirst mw anhat said. Bo utther ts hwill atshmoanunl e e n d c i d e thhee is d d o just t h e s a m e , b e c a u s e tahw eayreal bowill ss. Atnh dinhke hlives in tw hehat souis th,besfar . H e e k n o w s tto, so tthhee mEas nkiwmho o lives h e r e in t h e n o r t h , c l o s e py eopl do ou il nd gw hat a man who lives far awa ine,thewill soutbhe w do. (in Brody 1975, 146). This pattern is incomprehensible to Native people, who are used to making decisions for themselves by consensus, and whose spokesmen have always been readily accessible. In the smaller, predominantly Native communities in the Northwest Territories, Native people sometimes accommodate to these cultural differences in decision making by carrying on the tradition of consensual decision making beneath the veneer of the new, representative forms. For v.  example, W i l l i a m s o n observes t h a t i n Spence Bay, chairmen  "experienced  allow the d i s c u s s i o n to develop, i n the Eskimo  s t y l e of s h a r i n g thought and understanding u n t i l a consensus  i s sensed.  d u r i n g meetings  full  Indeed the p e r i o d i c a l c a l l s f o r votes  are e s s e n t i a l l y a b r i e f and almost p e r f u n c -  t o r y r i t u a l process of r e c o g n i t i o n of consensus a l r e a d y reached" (1976, 397).  D i s c u s s i o n on i s s u e s i s l e d by one o r  two primary speakers a i d e d by comments and q u e s t i o n s from others.  Then a s e r i e s of speakers echo what has a l r e a d y  been s a i d b e f o r e the formal vote on a motion takes p l a c e (Williamson 1976,  397).  Bean d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n i n Coppermine S e t t l e ment C o u n c i l d e l i b e r a t i o n s . consensus  Issues are t a l k e d out  i s reached, making formal motions  until  redundant.  At one time the Coppermine c o u n c i l a l t e r e d the system of r e c o r d i n g and numbering formal motions.  They wanted to  express t h e i r unanimity i n the minutes by w r i t i n g " i t i s agreed t h a t  ..." f o l l o w e d by the d e c i s i o n t h a t had been  worked out by the group. support and encourage  While l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f t e n  t h i s type o f accommodation,  c r a t s more removed from the f r o n t of c u l t u r a l  bureau-  interactions  are o f t e n l e s s s e n s i t i v e t o c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , and more i n s i s t e n t t h a t " c o r r e c t " procedures be f o l l o w e d . Word came back from the Regional O f f i c e t h a t motions must be recorded. There must be a mover and a seconder, a vote and a recorded  m oti on n u mo bn e-rm.aki Sn ug chpraocepsrsocew sh sere seem edoneillogical in a d e c i s i n o two people were responsible for the idea.or (Bean n.d., 17). Such attempts to accommodate participatory decision making within representative forms are common, but they do not promise to be a satisfactory long-term solution. They seem most effective in the smaller, more isolated communities, where there is an overwhelming Native majority. However, as Whites become more predominant, as in the larger municipalities in the Northwest Territories, they inevitably seem to take a dominant role in municipal affairs. When this occurs there is more emphasis on "correct" procedure, more business is conducted in the English language, and the adversary style of debate becomes predominant. 3.3.3 Adversary vs. Consensual Behaviour The procedural guidelines which northern decision making bodies were expected to follow also reflected the priorities of a complex urban industrialized society where decisions are often made quickly by representatives, without consulting every person concerned. Procedures are geared to ensure that each group has a fair opportunity to present its position; but then such groups are expected to withdraw and leave the final decision to an objective arbitrator. This obviously conflicts with the traditional  Dene and I n u i t d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n ,  i n which everyone  i n f o r m a l l y takes p a r t i n d e l i b e r a t i o n u n t i l consensus i s achieved. The  f i r s t council secretary  prescribes  the a c t i o n s  t r a i n i n g manual c l e a r l y  a m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l was expected t o  take t o contend with members o f the p u b l i c who might t r y t o "usurp" the c o u n c i l ' s d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y  (which, i n  the N a t i v e context, would r i g h t f u l l y be t h e i r s ) : 8.1 When members o f the community o r o t h e r v i s i t o r s attend c o u n c i l meetings. Although the p u b l i c has a r i g h t to attend c o u n c i l meetings, the p u b l i c has no s p e c i a l r i g h t t o take p a r t i n c o u n c i l d i s c u s s i o n s b u t the c o u n c i l , through the chairman, may, i f i t wishes, ask o r i n v i t e any member o f the p u b l i c o r s p e c i a l v i s i t o r to j o i n the d i s c u s s i o n . The Chairman must make sure t h a t the v i s i t o r ' s remarks are t o the p o i n t and as b r i e f as p o s s i b l e . When the d i s c u s s i o n has ended and before the vote i s taken, the chairman should thank the v i s i t o r who then withdraws from the proceedings t o the back o f the room away from the c o u n c i l t a b l e . I f any member o f the p u b l i c i n t e r r u p t s o r d i s t u r b s a c o u n c i l meeting i n any way, he may be asked t o l e a v e and i f he w i l l n o t do so, the a s s i s t a n c e o f a p o l i c e o f f i c e r may be o b t a i n e d i n removing the o f f e n d e r . In the event o f a great d e a l o f d i s t u r b a n c e , a f t e r repeated c a l l s f o r order by the Chairman, the Chairman should adjourn the meeting s t a t i n g h i s reasons f o r doing so and naming the date, time and p l a c e o f the next meeting. (in Bean, n.d., 15). T h i s e x c e r p t could be from the manual drawn up f o r any l a r g e southern White m u n i c i p a l i t y ,  where  representatives  make d e c i s i o n s f o r the p u b l i c good, and where formal institutions decisions.  (e.g. p o l i c e ) are e s t a b l i s h e d t o execute In a s m a l l , i s o l a t e d northern community  those  occupied  p r i m a r i l y by r e l a t e d Dene o r I n u i t , these r u l e s make l i t t l e sense.  Moreover, they may a c t u a l l y f o s t e r  counterproductive  divisiveness. In order not t o c r e a t e a f a l s e impression, i t must be p o i n t e d out t h a t the above quote i s taken from a manual t h a t i s no longer i n use. expected  t o be conducted  Nonetheless,  C o u n c i l meetings are no l o n g e r i n the formal manner d e s c r i b e d .  the quote i l l u s t r a t e s very w e l l the i n s e n s i t i -  v i t y t o c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s which has been a b a r r i e r t o communication i n northern d e c i s i o n making i n the p a s t few decades. Some northern r e s e a r c h e r s have begun t o note t h a t the d i f f e r e n c e between White and N a t i v e d e l i b e r a t i v e i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n Native withdrawal  behaviour  from d e c i s i o n  making a t the m u n i c i p a l l e v e l i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s today.  In a study r e c e n t l y commissioned by the Government  o f the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s t o a s c e r t a i n why I n u i t  partici-  p a t i o n i n m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s had waned i n F r o b i s h e r Bay, i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f d e l i b e r a t i v e s t y l e s was r e p o r t e d t o be a contributing factor: "Southerners" have been t r a i n e d t o adopt an adversary, d e b a t e - o r i e n t a t i o n t o business items t h a t are presented t o C o u n c i l f o r d e c i s i o n . A f t e r a short period of preliminary discussion,  aith memb er of theclarity Counciltogprraosppossetha e imsostuieosn. w sufficient sairo n oeflytheagm o t i o n n,ormdaelblaytintgakes oTstyle. nheadisccouT msp a t i v g r e s s i v e enh,aveafter thsufficiently e Chairman de es mc susstehde m(orteigoanrdlteoh b e e n d i ssaof51c onmsaejnosruist)y vto hetequwill estionrenis called a n d % deerrn" t h e d e c i s i o n . T h i s is t h e n o r m a l , " s o u t h way of deciding issues. TheeenInudietscrwiaybedoftg rou p (d edcisti onmyma k i n g htaisons b o m e a n o o b s e r v a and experie n c e this corrobaodrvaetressarythis) a.s Idrastically different f r o m m o d e l nthana decision, I n u i t f o r u m o r c o u n c i l w h e n f a c e d w i annde id deafawill be Tahdivsancieddeainwill a tentative, ocpuesns-ed e s h i o n . t h e n b e d i s d haing dhla men d e de .nsuaTlhe anndature oasfttro tlhneegnlgydtihs,ocpupseosxsiaiomnnigneis y c o n s vi e w s ai reonrarely en videnonced. Asignificant fter considneerwabl e d i s c u s s a n d w h e fah ca tv oe rs be areenam dd e d , thTehidsecifsoiromnat is c o n s i d e r e d t o a d e . otfhan deci seion"somuatkhienrgn"isfoorfmtaetn dmeosr e t i meabo cv oe ns umiit ng t h c r i b e d ; d sp ,posh asoeo eo dwev te or, a 5u1s%ualmlayjorreflect ity. a 100% consensus T h a t tthesweithti won atphp ros aa cm he es fo cr au nm notispeself-evident. acably c o e x i s e Ip np va r i a b lywit h oseup wpiltahyintghethmeore angagnrtessrole ive in a r o a c h n d d o m i aanpypro da ic sh cuswill sion.ten Td hosteo wwiitthhdrta hw e cionnts ens us o polite silence. Whenquitehte-yspodkoens,peaokp,en-t h e y will deliver a relatively m i n d e d o p i n ion w h i c h t h e d e b a t e o r i e n t e d p e o p l e will b e unlikely tsopok re en sponidntoto. gestion th husthe ay re mo n a Tvhaeciurum,sugvalid ts houg ayftebe. (Dyck n.d., 16).  To overcome this problem, Dyck (n.d.) recommends that a separate Inuit Advisory Council be established as an adjunct to the regular council. In this way, Inuit would be able  to d i s c u s s i s s u e s i n the manner w i t h which they were familiar  and comfortable, and then r e p o r t t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n s  to the r e g u l a r c o u n c i l . Some Native o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n the Northwest  Territories  have a l s o r e c e n t l y c o n s i d e r e d the use of separate making processes or i n s t i t u t i o n s groups i n the North. in their  f o r the v a r i o u s c u l t u r e  For example, the Dene have i n d i c a t e d  "land c l a i m s " p r o p o s a l t h a t they would l i k e to  develop separate p o l i t i c a l  institutions  f o r the members o f  t h e i r c u l t u r e group w i t h i n C o n f e d e r a t i o n . approach may may  decision  While  this  seem to be the e a s i e s t short-term s o l u t i o n , i t  t u r n out to be q u i t e s h o r t - s i g h t e d .  I t avoids c r o s s -  c u l t u r a l communication problems, r a t h e r than s o l v i n g them.  3.4  Conclusion In the context of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s  t h a t was  society  emerging i n the 1950's and 1960's, n e i t h e r White  nor Native t r a d i t i o n a l d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n s would have been e n t i r e l y  appropriate.  northern settlements was  The  lifestyle  something new  and N a t i v e s , and adjustments  in isolated  f o r both Whites  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l  decision  making p a t t e r n s of both groups would be necessary to meet the new  d e c i s i o n making needs t h a t arose.  Instead o f d e v e l o p i n g d e c i s i o n making i n s t i t u t i o n s processes a p p r o p r i a t e to the r a p i d l y changing  northern  and  60.  s o c i e t y , however, White a d m i n i s t r a t o r s imposed d e c i s i o n making models used i n southern Canada on new n o r t h e r n communities.  I t was Whites who d e l i n e a t e d the concerns t h a t  l o c a l bodies would address themselves t o - and r e c e i v e funding f o r .  In a d d i t i o n , a u t h o r i t y over some o f the aspects  o f n o r t h e r n development t h a t were most important to Native people was r e t a i n e d by the remote Government i n Ottawa. Communication was i n e f f e c t i v e because Whites and N a t i v e s d i d not recognize and r e s o l v e the d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e i r approaches t o d e c i s i o n making.  Cultural  disruption  and i n e x p e r i e n c e a t c r o s s - c u l t u r a l i n t e r a c t i o n may have made i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r Native n o r t h e r n e r s t o comprehend, l e t alone a r t i c u l a t e , the ways i n which the newly-introduced d e c i s i o n making processes f r u s t r a t e d t h e i r most b a s i c expectations.  The e t h n o c e n t r i c i t y o r " c u l t u r a l b l i n k e r s "  of the White i n i t i a t o r s may have made i t d i f f i c u l t  f o r them  to see t h a t the d e c i s i o n making models they were i n t r o ducing were guaranteed to f r u s t r a t e n o r t h e r n N a t i v e s . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t problems have been encount e r e d i n attempting t o make these d e c i s i o n making models operable i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  While n o r t h e r n  committees and c o u n c i l s resemble t h e i r southern c o u n t e r p a r t s i n form, they o f t e n do not resemble them i n performance. For example, throughout the 1950's and 1960's, the new a d v i s o r y committees met l a r g e l y a t the request o f White  a d m i n i s t r a t o r s ; Native members r a r e l y i n i t i a t e d a c t i v i t i e s themselves  (Honigmann 1965, 103; Bean n.d.; W i l l i a m s o n 197 4,  150-152).  The committee system has had l i t t l e  relevance  f o r N a t i v e s , who had no p a r t i n d e s i g n i n g i t , and no experi e n t i a l b a s i s f o r understanding i t . An i n h e r e n t danger i n the new d e c i s i o n making system i s t h a t i t can be e a s i l y manipulated, using i t have o n l y a s u p e r f i c i a l  because the N a t i v e  f a m i l i a r i t y with i t .  people As a  f i e l d a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f government programs, I have had the p e r s o n a l experience o f r e c e i v i n g a telephone c a l l u r g i n g me to c a l l a s p e c i a l meeting w i t h a l o c a l a d v i s o r y body and t o "use my i n f l u e n c e " to persuade i t s members t o endorse an i d e a developed by White bureaucrats i n a head o f f i c e thousands o f m i l e s away. There are a number o f reasons why the l e v e l o f N a t i v e involvement  i n community d e c i s i o n making processes i s bound  to be lower than White a d m i n i s t r a t o r s might hope: a) For many Native people, E n g l i s h i s a second at b e s t .  T h i s makes i t very d i f f i c u l t  complex correspondence  language,  t o comprehend  t h a t comes from r e g i o n a l o f f i c e s  and the c a p i t a l concerning m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s . b) Native people continue to depend on White a d v i s o r s t o i n t e r p r e t complex p r o c e d u r a l r u l e s with which they are unfamiliar.  c) Many o f the matters  t h a t most concern N a t i v e people -  such as land use, the education system, a l c o h o l laws remain o u t s i d e the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f community  councils.  d) A t b e s t , i n d i v i d u a l s are given an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n " d e c i s i o n making, as opposed to " p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making" which Native people are accustomed t o , and i n which they have r e a l  decision  making a u t h o r i t y . e) The Whites' a g g r e s s i v e , adversary s t y l e o f debate seems to c o n t r a d i c t t h e i r s t a t e d i n t e n t i o n s o f attempting t o cooperate i n d e c i s i o n making.  A s s e r t i v e behaviour, to  N a t i v e s , seems not o n l y d i s t a s t e f u l , but a l s o  counter-  productive to f i n d i n g solutions acceptable to a l l . These b a r r i e r s to e f f e c t i v e communication are o f t e n not r e c o g n i z e d .  Whites continue t o be b a f f l e d by the common  s i g n s o f apathy o r f r u s t r a t i o n among N a t i v e s toward c u r r e n t opportunities f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n municipal  affairs.  N a t i v e s continue to have t h e i r hopes o f c o o p e r a t i v e d e c i s i o n making  ( r a i s e d by statements .of i n t e n t from Whites) destroyed  when they see the kinds o f " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " the Whites have i n mind.  " P a r t i c i p a t i o n " i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the  p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making process N a t i v e s expect t o engage i n .  Whites' c o n s i s t e n t f a i l u r e t o a c t u a l l y s i t down  w i t h N a t i v e s and reach f i n a l d e c i s i o n s , by makes t h e i r promises seem h y p o c r i t i c a l .  o f g r e a t e r involvement  consensus, f o r Natives  CHAPTER 4.  NORTHERN DECISION MAKING IN THE  In t h i s chapter, two  1970's  r e c e n t ad hoc attempts by  government and i n d u s t r y o f f i c i a l s  to i n v o l v e northern  communities i n land use p l a n n i n g are analyzed.  Both i n s t a n c e s  r e v e a l t h a t communication problems are exacerbated c o n f l i c t i n g c u l t u r a l values about the r o l e o f the i n d e c i s i o n making and about l a n d .  Native  by individual  Once again, i t seems  a p p r o p r i a t e to s e t the stage f o r the two f i r s t d e s c r i b i n g the h i s t o r i c a l events  case s t u d i e s by  and c u l t u r e change  trends t h a t p r o v i d e the context f o r them.  4.1  The  Trend Toward "Ad  Hocracy"  Edgar Dosman's book, The N a t i o n a l I n t e r e s t d e s c r i b e s how  (1975),  the Canadian North became the p r i z e of  n a t i o n a l power p l a y s i n the l a t e 1960's.  Senior  inter-  officials  i n Ottawa viewed n o r t h e r n development i s s u e s i n the wider contexts Qf n a t i o n a l energy p o l i c y and b i l a t e r a l  trade  #  relations.  An atmosphere of " c r i s i s " p r e v a i l e d as Canada's  s o v e r e i g n t y over A r c t i c areas was  challenged.  Information  on n o r t h e r n p l a n n i n g i s s u e s became c o n f i d e n t i a l " i n the national interest".  At a time when a v a r i e t y of  "citizen  p a r t i c i p a t i o n " programs were being experimented w i t h i n many areas of Canada, d e c i s i o n s about northern development were being made by government and i n d u s t r y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s behind  c l o s e d doors i n Ottawa. By r e t r e a t i n g to t h i s c o n s e r v a t i v e s t y l e o f d e c i s i o n making, White a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n Ottawa removed the process even f u r t h e r from Native i d e a l s .  N a t i v e s expect t h a t every  person a f f e c t e d by a d e c i s i o n w i l l a c t u a l l y take p a r t i n making i t .  In the l a t e 1960's, n o r t h e r n r e s i d e n t s were not  given an o p p o r t u n i t y to take p a r t i n northern development d e c i s i o n s t h a t would d i r e c t l y a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s .  Still  worse, they were o f t e n not even informed of them. In  the 1970's e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s began to be  alarmed  by i m p l i c i t suggestions t h a t Canada might be prepared t o b u i l d a n o r t h e r n gas p i p e l i n e on s h o r t n o t i c e , i f Alaskan proposals f e l l  through.  They began to p u b l i c i z e Canada's  s t a t e o f unpreparedness - the l a c k of knowledge about environmental, major p r o j e c t .  s o c i a l , and economic consequences o f such a P u b l i c awareness o f and i n t e r e s t i n  northern development i s s u e s continued to grow as a r e s u l t of  the work o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s and N a t i v e s ' r i g h t s  proponents. The process by which northern development d e c i s i o n s were being made outraged l i b e r a l Whites, whose i d e a l s r e g a r d i n g the d e c i s i o n making process had been a l t e r e d  by  the " c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " movement, and by a growing awareness t h a t there were s o c i a l and environmental be c o n s i d e r e d as w e l l as economic c o s t s .  costs to  Whites both w i t h i n  and o u t s i d e the T e r r i t o r i e s began i n s i s t i n g t h a t northern r e s i d e n t s be allowed to " p a r t i c i p a t e " d i r e c t l y i n d e c i s i o n s r e l a t e d to northern resource use.  Native n o r t h e r n e r s were  seen to have a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n n o r t h e r n development a c t i v i t y because North,  (1) they made t h e i r permanent home i n the  (2) t h e i r " l a n d c l a i m s " were u n s e t t l e d , and  (3) the  d i r e c t i o n o f n o r t h e r n development c o u l d have a very impact  on t h e i r way  of  profound  life.  Bowing to t h i s p u b l i c p r e s s u r e i n the 1970's, government and i n d u s t r y have shown more w i l l i n g n e s s to i n v o l v e n o r t h e r n r e s i d e n t s i n resource development d e c i s i o n s . assumption, however, was  t h a t involvement  The  unquestioned  would take  the  forms of White " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n " d e c i s i o n making, r a t h e r than N a t i v e " p a r t i c i p a t o r y " d e c i s i o n making.  Thus the  problem t h a t government and i n d u s t r y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s thought they faced was  to choose from the a r r a y o f White  partici-  p a t i o n mechanisms those t h a t would be most a p p r o p r i a t e f o r Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s r e s i d e n t s , and p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r Native n o r t h e r n e r s . I t was  e v i d e n t t h a t some of the forums, such  as  formal p u b l i c h e a r i n g s , used i n southern Canada would not be as a p p r o p r i a t e i n the North. assume the presence  Often these o p p o r t u n i t i e s  of well-informed, o r g a n i z e d , and  l a t e i n t e r e s t groups.  N a t i v e s had  little  such formal s e t t i n g s and procedures,  experience  articuwith  and they were p o o r l y  informed about northern development p r o p o s a l s .  Furthermore,  the Native c u l t u r e s , with t h e i r consensual approach t o d e c i s i o n making, p l a c e d more emphasis on l i s t e n i n g w e l l than on speaking w e l l , and they discouraged behaviour.  assertive  As a r e s u l t , N a t i v e s d i d n o t stand a chance a t  a r t i c u l a t i n g t h e i r views i n the same way t h a t White i n t e r e s t groups backed by abundant experience and resources c o u l d . In a d d i t i o n , N a t i v e s found r e p u l s i v e the s i t u a t i o n s i n which White f a c t i o n s and i n t e r e s t groups a g g r e s s i v e l y competed w i t h each other f o r the d e c i s i o n makers' sympathies. s i t u a t i o n s were incompatible with the consensual  Such  behaviour  they expected t o experience i n d e c i s i o n making. I t was a l s o e v i d e n t to i n d u s t r y and government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t h a t many community c o u n c i l s were n o t i n the b e s t p o s i t i o n to r e p r e s e n t the unique  and l i t t l e - u n d e r s t o o d  Native i n t e r e s t i n northern development i s s u e s . involvement  Native  i n these b o d i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n l a r g e r m u n i c i -  p a l i t i e s , was o f t e n low.  Furthermore,  some o f the emerging  N a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s d i s c r e d i t e d such l o c a l b o d i e s , c l a i m i n g they r e p r e s e n t e d mainly the i n t e r e s t s o f developmento r i e n t e d Whites i n the communities. At the same time, government and i n d u s t r y o f f i c i a l s were r e l u c t a n t to accept these new o r g a n i z a t i o n s as the "Voice o f the N a t i v e People".  They questioned the  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s o f young N a t i v e spokesmen, who were o f t e n  not e l e c t e d .  They a l s o questioned  the presence o f White  a d v i s o r s i n Native o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and suspected  that  statements from these o r g a n i z a t i o n s might r e p r e s e n t views more than Native  views.  White  Furthermore, the uneven pace  of c u l t u r e change has l e f t q u i t e a mosaic o f a t t i t u d e s and d e s i r e s among northern achieve  full  r e s i d e n t s , making i t impossible to  consensus w i t h i n any one c u l t u r e group, as had  been p o s s i b l e w i t h i n small t r a d i t i o n a l hunting  bands.  Evidence of the range o f Native views on northern ment i s s u e s was used t o d i s c r e d i t claims t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n s t r u l y represented  the northern  develop-  Native Native  population. Because o f these u n c e r t a i n t i e s , government and i n d u s t r y officials  began t o take a s e r i e s o f ad hoc measures t o  i n v o l v e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s r e s i d e n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Natives,  i n northern  land use p l a n n i n g .  The Government  launched a g r e a t number o f s p e c i a l r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s and " s o c i a l impact" s t u d i e s , i n a d d i t i o n t o funding  Native  o r g a n i z a t i o n s to conduct t h e i r own i n f o r m a t i o n programs and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . improve Native  Other ad hoc measures t o  i n p u t i n t o d e c i s i o n making ranged from  fly-in  c o n s u l t a t i o n meetings w i t h community groups, t o development " f r e e z e s " i n c e r t a i n areas,  t o the launching  of the much-  p u b l i c i z e d Berger I n q u i r y i n t o the p o t e n t i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a Mackenzie V a l l e y p i p e l i n e .  68.  The companies which had a stake i n n o r t h e r n  development  d e c i s i o n s a l s o got i n t o the a c t by sponsoring a wide  variety  of p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n and c o n s u l t a t i o n programs i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  These programs helped the companies'  p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s - i f not i n the communities where they were conducted,  then a t l e a s t i n southern Canada, where some  Whites had been q u i t e c r i t i c a l o f i n d u s t r y ' s l a c k o f s e n s i t i v i t y to the impacts lifestyles.  o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s on Native  The i n f o r m a t i o n and c o n s u l t a t i o n programs c o u l d  a l s o help t o a v o i d delays i n the g r a n t i n g o f e x p l o r a t i o n and development permits.  Some companies even went so f a r  as to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l o r r e g i o n a l a d v i s o r y committees (e.g. the Beaufort Sea A d v i s o r y Committee Petroleum),  sponsored  by Dome  adding t o the a l r e a d y complex network o f  a d v i s o r y bodies i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  4.2  Native  Response  Government and i n d u s t r y e f f o r t s t o i n v o l v e n o r t h e r n e r s , and p a r t i c u l a r l y Native n o r t h e r n e r s , i n resource  development  d e c i s i o n s , were o f t e n undertaken with the b e s t o f i n t e n s i o n s . Many o f the programs were regarded by Whites as n o t o n l y i n g e n i o u s l y i n n o v a t i v e , but a l s o as q u i t e l i b e r a l . c o u l d n o t understand aggravate  They  why the programs seemed o n l y to  northern Natives more.  T h i s caused  a "backlash" o f  a t t i t u d e s among some White r e s i d e n t s o f the Northwest  T e r r i t o r i e s who f e l t t h a t government and i n d u s t r y were bending over backwards t o e l i c i t the views o f Native The  Natives'  people.  apparent i n g r a t i t u d e , and t h e i r growing demands  f o r more d e c i s i o n making power, seemed q u i t e u n j u s t i f i e d t o many Whites. New programs aimed a t g i v i n g Natives to " p a r t i c i p a t e " i n northern o n l y served  better  opportunities  development d e c i s i o n s  often  t o make them more aware t h a t t h e i r most funda-  mental e x p e c t a t i o n s  about d e c i s i o n making were being v i o l a t e d .  I t seemed i n t o l e r a b l e t o Natives  t h a t Whites had taken upon °  themselves the a u t h o r i t y t o make major d e c i s i o n s about the use o f Native  land - the very  l i f e b l o o d o f the Native  In response t o t h i s t h r e a t , Native  political  cultures.  organizations  began to emerge r a p i d l y a t the t e r r i t o r i a l l e v e l i n the e a r l y 1970's.  Other f a c t o r s a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d  to the l a r g e -  s c a l e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f Dene and I n u i t , i n c l u d i n g the f o l l o w i n g :  (1) the emergence o f young, u n i v e r s i t y -  educated, f l u e n t l y b i l i n g u a l Native  l e a d e r s who are more  aware o f how the White "system" operates,  (2) community  development a c t i v i t i e s i n i t i a t e d by Whites and N a t i v e s , (3) the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f funding  and other  resources  the Canadian Government, i n d u s t r y and p r i v a t e and  (4) the example s e t by Native  interests.  organizations,  organizations  and other p a r t s o f the world o r g a n i z i n g  from  i n Alaska  to p r o t e c t  their  70.  In the past few y e a r s , many N a t i v e s have d i s p l a y e d anger, f r u s t r a t i o n , and impatience d e c i s i o n making. as threatened,  with White models o f  They p e r c e i v e t h e i r l a n d and t h e i r c u l t u r e  and White d e c i s i o n making models as  t o o l s f o r coping w i t h t h e sudden i n t e n s e p r e s s u r e astute southern  inadequate from  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s f o r r a p i d non-renewable  resource development i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  To  many N a t i v e s , W h i t e - i n i t i a t e d " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " and c o n s u l t a t i o n e f f o r t s seem an i n s u l t and a waste o f time.  They see  no p o i n t i n c a l l i n g a meeting unless there i s a d e c i s i o n t o be made, and no p o i n t i n v o l v i n g people unless they are expected The  i n deliberation  to work out a d e c i s i o n by consensus.  i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between White  and Native e x p e c t a t i o n s about the r o l e o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n d e c i s i o n making, compounded by d i f f e r e n c e s i n a t t i t u d e s toward l a n d , i s communication breakdowns i n c u r r e n t attempts to i n v o l v e northern r e s i d e n t s i n land use p l a n n i n g .  4.3  Case Studies T h i s t h e s i s argues t h a t many o f the communication  breakdowns t h a t occur i n northern l a n d use p l a n n i n g i n p a r t from c o n f l i c t i n g c u l t u r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s  result  about'the  d e c i s i o n making process  i n g e n e r a l , as w e l l as c o n f l i c t i n g  a t t i t u d e s toward land.  To t e s t t h i s , i t would have been  i d e a l t o observe a s e r i e s o f meetings between Whites and  Natives on land use planning matters, to witness the kinds of communication breakdowns that occur, and the apparent reasons for them. It was not possible to do such fieldwork for this thesis. While minutes of meetings are a poor substitute for direct observation, they can provide some insights. The minutes included as Appendices I and II are from recent meetings initiated by government or industry officials and held in Native communities in the N.W.T. These two sets of minutes are not necessarily representative case studies. Wrigley and Spence Bay are both small, isolated, relatively homogeneous communities, in terms of . dialect, kin groups, and history. Thus they are not typical of all Northwest Territories communities, since many are larger, more heterogeneous, and perhaps less oriented toward traditional cultural patterns. These minutes were chosen for use here because (1) they are readily accessible, both appearing in other published reports; (2) they seem unusually detailed, incorporating notes on group dynamics and communication processes as well as summarizing the major points of discussion; (3) they represent a quite common form of "ad hocracy" in the Northwest Territories - the "fly-in" consultation session; and (4) they highlight cultural differences because the White and Native participants in these meetings are relatively "conservative" in relation to the cultural patterns outlined  i n Chapter  2.  T h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s show more c l e a r l y how  communication problems are exacerbated by ongoing  conflicts  between these two c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , even though i n the context o f the wider n o r t h e r n s o c i e t y such c o n f l i c t s may now be l e s s exaggerated, more s u b t l e , and complicated by o t h e r f a c t o r s , as w e l l . Both s e t s o f minutes d r a m a t i c a l l y i l l u s t r a t e  that land  use p l a n n i n g i s a v o l a t i l e i s s u e i n n o r t h e r n communities. Both Dene and I n u i t are keenly concerned  about n o r t h e r n  l a n d use d e c i s i o n s and the process by which they are made. At both meetings,  communication problems a r i s e .  The purpose  here i s t o see whether o r not these problems are exacerbated by d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l v a l u e s .  As i n Chapter 3,  d i f f e r e n c e s between White and Native e x p e c t a t i o n s about d e c i s i o n making w i l l be d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f the f o l l o w i n g conflicting patterns:  fragmentation v s . holism, r e p r e s e n t a -  t i v e v s . p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making, and adversary v s . consensual behaviour. toward  Comments on c o n f l i c t i n g  l a n d w i l l be made throughout  attitudes  the t e x t wherever  appropriate.  4.3.1  Cominco a t Wrigley On March 27 a r e g u l a r meeting  was h e l d a t Wrigley, N.W.T. of  o f the s e t t l e m e n t c o u n c i l  The agenda i n c l u d e d a v a r i e t y  items f o r d i s c u s s i o n , i n c l u d i n g an a p p l i c a t i o n by Cominco  to the f e d e r a l government f o r a land use permit to c a r r y out m i n e r a l  e x p l o r a t i o n work near the community.  reached an impasse, and  a s p e c i a l meeting was  Discussions  arranged f o r  March 28 to resume d i s c u s s i o n s a f t e r settlement  councillors  would have a chance to c o n s u l t w i t h the Band C o u n c i l , community r e s i d e n t s , and  the Indian Brotherhood.  The  minutes i n d i c a t e t h a t a number of c o n f l i c t s arose which  can  be at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to d i f f e r e n c e s between White and  4.3.1.1 The perceive  Dene e x p e c t a t i o n s  about the d e c i s i o n making  process.  Fragmentation vs. Holism Whites present  at the meeting "fragment" what they  to be the i s s u e i n many ways.  concepts of land use  and  They separate  l a n d ownership; they i n s i s t  t h i s p a r t i c u l a r e x p l o r a t i o n p r o j e c t should be i s o l a t i o n from a l l o t h e r s ;  and  the that  looked  at i n  they are f r u s t r a t e d by  the  Dene's i n a b i l i t y to separate and d e f i n e s p e c i f i c p a r t s t h e i r proposal  t h a t cause concern.  The  of  Dene do not seem  able to fragment the problem i n t h i s way.  They are concerned  about the general problem o f Whites usurping major d e c i s i o n s t h a t a f f e c t t h e i r land and  c o n t r o l over  their  lives.  They are not convinced t h a t the p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t under d i s c u s s i o n can be viewed i n i s o l a t i o n from o t h e r s , though the Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e h i s p r o j e c t has  nothing  continues  even  to i n s i s t  to do w i t h land c l a i m s , and  that  will  have no e f f e c t on them ("This i s something d i f f e r e n t . " ) . During the meeting the Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  tries  to  d i s s e c t the problem and have the Dene d i s c u s s i t s p a r t s . For example, he asked them, "Is employment one and  "Are  any  problem?",  problems w i t h t r a p l i n e s , c a b i n s , e t c . ? "  the Dene do not respond, other always a problem."  than to say,  But  "There i s  That i s , the g e n e r a l problem i s the  presence o f Whites on Dene l a n d .  The  s o l u t i o n to a problem  of such dimensions r e q u i r e s much more than the adjustment of one  or two  4.3.1.2  f e a t u r e s of a p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t  Representative  proposal.  vs. P a r t i c i p a t o r y D e c i s i o n Making  E a r l y i n the meetings, one  c o u n c i l l o r questions  whole p o i n t of the meetings, s i n c e Cominco had some o f t h e i r equipment across the meetings are a sham, and  the r i v e r .  He  the  a l r e a d y moved senses t h a t  t h a t they have very  little  to  do w i t h the a c t u a l d e c i s i o n as to whether or not Cominco w i l l be granted the permit.  The  representative  from the  Depart-  ment of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (D.I.A.N.D.) explains  t h a t the company had  s t a r t e d moving t h e i r equipment,  but were h a l t e d because D.I.A.N.D. had companies should not get permission u n t i l d i s c u s s i o n s had inform  decided  that  the  to do e x p l o r a t i o n work  taken p l a c e w i t h l o c a l people to  them of the proposed p r o j e c t and p o t e n t i a l employment  prospects.  I t i s not c l e a r what d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y  the community people would a c t u a l l y have; the s t i p u l a t i o n seems to be  j u s t t h a t " d i s c u s s i o n s " take p l a c e .  A  letter  from the Northwest Lands and F o r e s t s S e r v i c e i s c i t e d which states,  "...  we w i l l not i s s u e the permit before  are r e c e i v e d , and problems i f any  resolved".  a l l comments  But when the  problems i d e n t i f i e d by the Dene are the broad problems o f r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e i r r i g h t s to c o n t r o l t h e " l a n d lives  and  ( i . e . p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making i n land  their  use  planning) the Whites i n d i c a t e t h a t the a b i l i t y to change the conditions  surrounding such i s s u e s i s beyond t h e i r power:  Right now Government has s e t r u l e s f o r us to f o l l o w ; i f the people are d i s p l e a s e d w i t h the r u l e s then the people must t a l k to the Government. For now Cominco w i l l go by the rules. It  becomes c l e a r t h a t the people of W r i g l e y can o n l y  minor c o n d i t i o n s t h a t might be attached  to a land use  but t h a t D.I.A.N.D.'s p o l i c y of promoting northern ment cannot be  challenged  suggest permit,  develop-  at t h i s meeting.  The c h i e f s must f i r s t convince the Government i n Ottawa of the r e s o l u t i o n [ s u p p o r t i n g a development f r e e z e ] . The Government s t i l l has a p o l i c y of northern development. We must s t i l l work w i t h i n present laws! T i l l t h i s occurs I have no a u t h o r i t y even i f I wanted, to shut t h i n g s down. T h i s a l s o a p p l i e s with regard to Settlement C o u n c i l and Band C o u n c i l . We are faced w i t h l i v i n g w i t h i n present laws v and make the best o f i t . So we have laws t h a t c o n t r o l the use of land. The  C o u n c i l Chairman never seems to grasp the  t h a t the a c t u a l a u t h o r i t y to grant  the permit l i e s  idea outside  76.  the community. Towards the end of the second meeting he declares, "They were never given permission to go across [the river] - so they don't go across and that is itl" The D.I.A.N.D. officer replies that he will convey the council's opinion to his superiors, "but I can make no guarantees as to the outcome of the permit requested by Cominco." 4.3.1.3 Adversary vs. Consensual Behaviour Other misunderstandings in these meetings arise out of the difference between the adversary and consensual approaches to decision making.. The Dene constantly strive to achieve true dialogue and a flow of information among those concerned. One councillor admits, "Right now I don't understand the problem and we should know more before we decide." The councillors first review the available information, calling for a summary of. the last meeting, and a report on the land claims conference that had just taken place at Fort Rae. They then invite a lawyer hired by the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories to attend the discussions and act as a resource person. They feel it is well worth postponing the meeting a day to canvas community views, to find out the Band Council's position (someone points out during the meeting that "the chief is sleeping and he should be here listening"), and to wait for the Brotherhood lawyer. The Whites in attendance are  77.  q u i t e d i s a p p o i n t e d over t h i s delay.  For them, " c o n s u l t a t i o n "  r e p r e s e n t s o n l y one phase of the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . They would p r e f e r to have the c o u n c i l p r e s e n t t h e i r p o s i t i o n s u c c i n c t l y so they would be able to f l y o f f and  continue  with other phases of the d e c i s i o n p r o c e s s .  Cominco  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e had a prepared  The  statement which he expected  to  present to c o u n c i l , and he i s f r u s t r a t e d when the c o u n c i l does not g i v e him an immediate o p p o r t u n i t y t o do  so.  Consensus i s time-consuming. When d i s c u s s i o n turns to the disappearance  o f moose  from the area where Whites are working, the Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e says,  "I understand  do about i t . "  the problem but don't know what to  The Chairman responds, " I f you don't know  what to do then we  are f i n i s h e d w i t h you."  He runs out of  patience w i t h the Whites' d i s i n t e r e s t i n engaging i n r e a l dialogue and solutions.  t h e i r seeming l a c k o f commitment to f i n d i n g Dene are accustomed to d i s c u s s i n g problems  r e a c h i n g d e c i s i o n s among those a f f e c t e d . problems without them.  and  Discussing  d e c i d i n g on s o l u t i o n s seems n o n s e n s i c a l to  Whites, on the other hand, o f t e n c a r r y on d i s c u s s i o n s  over s e v e r a l s i t t i n g s , and reach a d e c i s i o n o n l y a f t e r  the  i s s u e has been d i s c u s s e d with a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of a f f e c t e d parties.  To the Dene, t h i s approach can seem l i k e  an  u n w i l l i n g n e s s on the p a r t of Whites to f i n d s o l u t i o n s . Whites appear to "hear" what the Dene are t r y i n g to say,  The but  78.  they do not make what the Dene t h i n k are the obvious d e c i s i o n s t h a t would flow from t h i s understanding.  They do  not r e a l i z e t h a t i n White c u l t u r e , a u t h o r i t y to make f i n a l d e c i s i o n s i s h e l d by i n d i v i d u a l s who  do not a t t e n d a l l  consultation sessions.  4.3.1.4  Emerging Trends, Accommodating the New  The minutes  System  i l l u s t r a t e some of the r e c e n t changes i n  Dene d e c i s i o n making p a t t e r n s .  For example, there are  s e v e r a l r e f e r e n c e s by Dene c o u n c i l members t o p r o c e d u r a l matters and p r o t o c o l .  They seem to be concerned t h a t the  meeting be run i n the proper manner.  It i s certainly a  more formal d e c i s i o n making forum than would have o c c u r r e d traditionally.  During the meetings,  Dene p o i n t out t h a t i t  i s not p o s s i b l e f o r one c o u n c i l l o r to c a l l a meeting  without  the consent of o t h e r s ; t h a t speakers from the audience must be f o r m a l l y r e c o g n i z e d by c o u n c i l and i n v i t e d to the Table to speak (unless they want to wait u n t i l the g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n p e r i o d ) ; and t h a t i t i s important and necessary to r e c o r d what i s s a i d a t meetings The Dene s t i l l  such as these.  seek consensus, but t h i s meeting  t h a t they are aware t h a t consensus  now  shows  i n v o l v e s many more  people than j u s t the members of the l o c a l Band.  The  settlement c o u n c i l l o r s express concern about b e i n g i n agreement not o n l y among themselves, but a l s o w i t h o t h e r Dene  councils.  The  c o u n c i l l o r s do seek unanimity among them-  s e l v e s ; they a l s o s t a t e a d e s i r e to reach a d e c i s i o n t h a t w i l l not  c o n t r a d i c t the Band C o u n c i l i n the  They go f u r t h e r and Brotherhood; we  say,  "We  community.  shouldn't go ahead of  should wait and  see what they say."  do not want to go a g a i n s t an agreement t h a t had reached among c h i e f s a t t e n d i n g  the  the F o r t Rae  They  j u s t been  conference.  There i s t a l k during the meetings about the need f o r Dene to use to pay  confrontation  t a c t i c s to f o r c e the Government  a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r wishes.  Such t a c t i c s were not  used t r a d i t i o n a l l y when a u t h o r i t y r e s t e d w i t h i n the Whites p o i n t out during  the meetings t h a t the r u l e s  have changed f o r them, as w e l l . not even inform  group.  In the past companies d i d  communities of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s .  The  Dene  agree t h a t i t i s an improvement t h a t the companies at l e a s t t e l l them what i s going on now, The  but t h i s i s not enough.  type o f c o n s u l t a t i o n t h a t occurs seems only to r a i s e  f a l s e expectations d e c i s i o n making.  about the r o l e o f the Dene c o u n c i l i n The  D.I.A.N.D. o f f i c e r advises  the Dene  not to get upset i f companies make a few mistakes, such as moving equipment across  the r i v e r too soon.  he e x p l a i n s , the r u l e s are something new never had  to f o l l o w such r u l e s b e f o r e .  After a l l ,  to them. He  They  remarks t h a t ,  "Rules have c e r t a i n l y changes f o r everyone i n the North."  80.  4.3.2  P o l a r Gas On A p r i l 25,  at Spence 1976,  Bay  a p u b l i c meeting was  P o l a r Gas  Community R e l a t i o n s O f f i c e r  Education  Centre at Spence Bay,  Settlement C o u n c i l had under the auspices  (C.R.O.) i n the The  Spence  of the P o l a r Gas  The  P o l a r Gas  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , was  Adult  held  C.R.O., r a t h e r than the  purpose of the meeting, as s t a t e d by  o p p o r t u n i t i e s w i t h P o l a r Gas  the  Bay  suggested t h a t the meeting be  council.  4.3.2.1  N.W.T.  convened by  the  to d i s c u s s summer work f o r people i n the  community.  Fragmentation vs. Holism  L i k e the Dene, the I n u i t o f Spence Bay  continuously  draw  d i s c u s s i o n o f f the s p e c i f i c p r o j e c t t h a t concerns the White v i s i t o r s and onto broader i s s u e s o f land use making. one  and d e c i s i o n  A l s o l i k e the Dene, the I n u i t cannot look a t t h i s  company  (Polar Gas)  or t h i s one  project  (a summer  d r i l l i n g program) i n i s o l a t i o n from other events t h a t are changing t h e i r l i v e s and  t h e i r land as a r e s u l t of White  i n c u r s i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the p a s t few y e a r s . S a d l i r i n a points  As  out,  I t i s much more than simply a q u e s t i o n of the game. I t should again be made c l e a r to you t h a t i t i s our l a n d which you are t a k i n g away. We want to keep the f e e l i n g t h a t i t i s our l a n d . The  community r e l a t i o n s o f f i c e r defends P o l a r Gas  i t s projects.  and  When the I n u i t express anger over the use  of  81.  explosives on Prince of Wales Island the previous summer, the community relations officer insists, "It was someone else. If you work for Polar Gas and get involved, people will see what Polar Gas is really all about and then they will know. It was the oil companies." Yet when probed about a disturbing line of flagged stakes that had been placed across the river, the man admits that he does not know whether they were placed by Polar Gas or not, or why they were placed. Responses from the Inuit audience indicate that they do not isolate these incidents or companies. Who is doing it is not the point: Tulurialik: all the same.""There is really no difference. They're Qauqyuaq:-"Paenodplit's e wereally re verall y atnhgeers ea dmeabointerests, ut this blasting e ven if the names of the outfits are apparently different." K iahwiantackh:ing"...theIanhiamvaels,leasronmeedt,hinbgy tahbeouhtabiwthsitelsear-nedand in Ifro kmnowanythoattherthewhPiotleasr, Gaesvep eopiflethe arye nporetdifferent n e,ndanto be. Wwee k n o w e n o u g h o f w h i t e p e o p l e a l t o g e t h e r d now are sad." The ways in which White society is fragmented are reflected at the meeting, as well, but are not understood by the Inuit. For example, the Inuit are furious with the Whites for what they perceive to be the Whites' disregard for the Inuit knowledge of the land and animals. Whites insist on coming north to conduct their own studies,  82.  d i s t u r b i n g the animals, i n s t e a d o f l i s t e n i n g to what the I n u i t have t o say.  The P o l a r Gas  representative t r i e s  e x p l a i n the importance o f such s t u d i e s :  to  "This work has  to  be done so t h a t i t can a l l be w r i t t e n down, so as to help those people who  are doing  future planning."  s o c i e t y , there i s a high degree of s k i l l  In White  specialization.  Some people do s t u d i e s , and others p l a n , u s i n g r e t r i e v e d from complex data systems. incomprehensible t h a t any  information  To the I n u i t , i t i s  step i n the p l a n n i n g process  which i s supposed to b e n e f i t the land - should land.  -  damage the  I t seems t h a t Whites j u s t i f y s t u d i e s t h a t d i s t u r b  the l a n d i n the name o f h e l p i n g .  As Kiahinak  t e l l s the community r e l a t i o n s o f f i c e r , w r i t t e n words.  But we  depend on t h i s  "You  angrily  depend j u s t  on  land."  In White c u l t u r e each company looks out f o r i t s own i n t e r e s t s , t r i e s to s e l l i t s own Spence Bay  products.  keep i n s i s t i n g t h a t P o l a r Gas  n a t i v e methods o f t r a n s p o r t i n g gas and  The  must study  from the A r c t i c  alterIslands,  suggest t h a t much l e s s environmental damage might  r e s u l t i f they were to t r a n s p o r t i t by plane. Gas  I n u i t at  i s a p i p e l i n e promoter, and  probing  4.3.2.2 The  But  Polar  i t i s not too i n t e r e s t e d i n  alternatives in detail.  Representative P o l a r Gas  v s . P a r t i c i p a t o r y D e c i s i o n Making  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s have no a u t h o r i t y to make  83.  big  d e c i s i o n s about the pace and form o f n o r t h e r n develop-  ment.  In response t o c r i t i c i s m s about Whites'  behaviour i n the Northwest  T e r r i t o r i e s , the o f f i c e r  "I don't know what t o say. say.  destructive replies,  Change w i l l come whatever you  We'll have t o make out the b e s t way we can." L i k e the Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a t W r i g l e y , the P o l a r  Gas r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s can make few promises Spence Bay.  During the meeting  to the I n u i t o f  a man gets up and i n d i c a t e s  on the map an area where he f e e l s d r i l l i n g must n o t take p l a c e , because area.  i t i s a very important c a r i b o u m i g r a t i o n  The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r e p l i e s ,  t h i s work w i l l not be done. done."  "We cannot promise  that  We cannot stop the study b e i n g  In another i n s t a n c e , people i n t h e audience say t h a t  I n u i t workers do n o t l i k e  t o be l e f t alone on the job when  Whites go o f f by themselves  t o do other work.  T h i s makes  them t h i n k the Whites are t r y i n g t o hide t h e i r  activities.  The community r e l a t i o n s o f f i c e r says, " I f i t i s important t o the I n u i t people t h a t they should not be l e f t by themselves, then P o l a r Gas w i l l t r y to make t h a t p o s s i b l e . "  Yet when  the I n u i t p o i n t out t h a t they j u s t s a i d i t i s important to them, and p r e s s him f o r a commitment, the P o l a r Gas r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t i l l does not make any promises. In  s p i t e o f the P o l a r Gas r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ' s assurances  t h a t he w i l l do h i s b e s t t o see t h a t P o l a r Gas c o n s i d e r s the I n u i t s ' concerns, and t h a t every p r o j e c t  minimizes  84.  damages, the I n u i t remain  unconvinced:  Niviatsia: "What has been s a i d does not g i v e us any reassurance about the game and about the I n u i t people's l a n d . There i s nothing t o say they w i l l not come t o some harm. We are very a f r a i d , and we have asked you not t o come here and d i s t u r b the animals and the land, but you are j u s t going ahead anyway." The  I n u i t are f r u s t r a t e d t h a t Whites ask f o r t h e i r a d v i c e ,  and then do not f o l l o w i t . T h i s meeting,  l i k e the W r i g l e y one, makes i t apparent  t h a t the Whites r e g a r d the l o c a l people as merely one o f many i n t e r e s t groups.  They admit t h a t the p r o j e c t they are  proposing w i l l damage the c a r i b o u t o some e x t e n t and t h a t t h i s w i l l h u r t the people, b u t they c o n t i n u a l l y promise t o attempt t o minimize damages.  One man's angry o u t c r y r e v e a l s  h i s f r u s t r a t i o n w i t h the way Whites are approaching n o r t h e r n development d e c i s i o n s : What would you do i f the I n u i t went south and a t t a c k e d your land? You wouldn't l e t them do itl But you f e e l f r e e to come n o r t h t o the I n u i t l a n d and d e s t r o y our l a n d ... In the south you have your l e a d e r s and you have heard many times from our l e a d e r s . But your l e a d e r s don't come here and t a l k to us, and i t i s about time they d i d . The I n u i t s t i l l expect t h e i r l e a d e r s to be both accountable and r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e . able t o reach consensus  I n u i t p a r t i c i p a n t s are prepared and d e c i s i o n s on the spot.  I t must seem  i n s u l t i n g t o them t h a t the White d e c i s i o n makers a u t h o r i z e d to s e a l agreements are n o t even p r e s e n t a t d i s c u s s i o n s as these.  such  85.  Adversary vs. Consensual Behaviour Like the Dene, the Inuit engage in deliberation not simply to exchange views, but to solve problems. This is not the case with the Whites who called the meeting in Spence Bay. At the opening of the meeting, a Polar Gas spokesman explains that this meeting is about the summer work program, and that "no one would be expected to make any decision tonight about working for Polar Gas." This is to be an informationgiving session only. Polar Gas is to describe the jobs that will be available in the summer. Later in the meeting the Whites undermine their own stated purpose, by admitting that they themselves did not understand much about the jobs and about the summer drilling program, and suggest that "it is better for the people to work for Polar Gas and so find out for themselves. Inuit people who are trusted could go to work for Polar Gas and can then tell the rest of the people what it is like, and they will be more readily believed than listening to representatives from Polar Gas." This calls into question the reason the Whites called the meeting in the first place. Although one Polar Gas representative makes an eloquent call for cooperation, it is clear that the Whites have no intention of joining with community residents to find mutually satisfactory solutions. Itver isybo td iy meinforSpe en vc ee rybo et t oget hl ea rr , Gaansd e Badyy anto d gall the Po 4.3.2.3  86.  p te oo gp el te herm .ust talk to each other and all work This plea is contradicted many times. For example: Po os ls ar Geas toisCo trying troeqbueesatsssy.m.p atBh etiPcolaars Gas p i b l u n c i l . u t w Co on u' nt cilal.w.a.ys be able to go along with the and Weitwill toome yotuime ansd s timesdiswa egrwill w h youlisten , and s weome will ee agree and Weexcmhaa ynge not va il ewwasy.s agree, but we're ready, to . Whites are accustomed to debating, and to defending firm positions. This contrasts with the Inuit custom of developing a dialogue, and of entering discussions with an open mind, ready to be flexible and to work out a solution to the satisfaction of all. At the Spence Bay meeting the people have a difficult time even getting any information, let alone establishing a dialogue. At one point, a representative states that he will have to respond to a question from the audience in writing. At another point, in response to a simple, direct question about the summer program the representative responds that Polar Gas has a committee set up to tell the Inuit Tapirissat of Canada what they will be doing. This is as much as to say that such details are not the business of people in the community. These information gaps evoke the fury of the audience. They feel they are  87.  being manipulated and lied to.  4.3.2.4 Emerging Trends These minutes show that the Inuit are aware of changing leadership and organizational requirements. References are made to the need to train young Inuit for leadership roles. References are also made to the Inuit Tapirissat of Canada a an organization that is capable of representing the views of Inuit, but that organization needs to be given much more information about northern land use planning. The minutes also indicate that Inuit are becoming aware of the need to alter their attitudes toward land, in defense against the activities of Whites. As Qauqyauq points out: In th e p a s t peoofple didnl 't n eed to ktnheiwnkitmuw ch about t h e o w n e r s h i p their a n d . T h e y a s theirs. Nowt ,heyths es e e ven.t.s. aT rh eefoIrncuiintg at h emcltaoimifind o u t w h e r e t a n d . r e n. g their o w n l a n d a n d l e a r n i n g m o r e a b o u t P o l a r G a s P olar Ga s sa hr oe uldcob e awt ao rg eethtehrattothemak pe eopl e calreearnot fools, a n d m i n g it w Ih na ut it tpheeoplweh'istelamnadn. should understand about the In addition, the Inuit sense the power of the pipeline proponents, and their own powerlessness in northern land use planning. They know there is limited time to achieve an understanding of what is happening to their land and thei 1 i ve s. Q ao un qyun ao q: "Ifandwethidnogns'targeetmo tr he esehutrhriinegds, wlater orked it u p w , m oo t ait sright. tw t, er dtuoring sa oy rt b oe ut to ur late problteomsgein erious It's way bneo  88.  t h i s four or f i v e years before the gas s t a r t c o n s t r u c t i o n ..."  people  The minutes a l s o i n d i c a t e some o f the ways i n which the approach to northern The  P o l a r Gas  l a n d use p l a n n i n g has  changed f o r Whites.  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s are concerned about keeping  communication channels open between the I n u i t and the company. They promise to answer i n f o r m a t i o n r e q u e s t s , and even o f f e r to f l y I n u i t from Spence Bay  to other communities to l e a r n  more about p i p e l i n e c o n s t r u c t i o n . t h a t P o l a r Gas  T h e i r words a l s o i n d i c a t e  i s concerned about the p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l  environmental impacts o f a p i p e l i n e p r o j e c t . Whites c o n s i d e r e d than economic  these  In the  impacts to be much l e s s  and  past  important  impacts.  Another s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e about t h i s meeting i s the t h a t f u r y i s vented by the Spence Bay  people.  way  This kind  o f behaviour i s i n c o n t r a s t to t r a d i t i o n a l I n u i t i d e a l s . O r d i n a r i l y d e l i b e r a t i o n among the I n u i t takes p l a c e i n a c h e e r f u l , non-aggressive f a s h i o n .  Williamson  t h a t community meetings i n Spence Bay  (1976) r e p o r t s  are normally  amiable.  S p i r i t s are high, and p a r t i c i p a n t s are humorous, c o o p e r a t i v e , and  cheerful.  The meeting w i t h the P o l a r Gas  representatives  was  e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n i t s d i s p l a y o f f r u s t r a t i o n and  hostility.  Examples are numerous: They're not t e l l i n g  everything.  We are s t i l l g e t t i n g promises to f i n d o u t these t h i n g s which you should a l r e a d y know, but we are s t i l l not g e t t i n g many r e a l and d e t a i l e d f a c t s .  89.  hHee n de ov ee sr nosteem ws anttotohavheearh.eard about anything He's meaningless and insults us. Foolish answer ... he thinks we are fools. This level of anger shows how strongly the Inuit feel about their land, and the attitudes and behaviour of Whites toward it. Qeaqaurteinfirqi:ght"eWenedwan t v e r y m uch tu opskeetepanodurareland. Wb a n d w o r r i e d a n d earland ly gra rying about theeing desdtrriuvcetniontoofanour anvde ouwrorlives." At the end of the meeting, Ashevak half-apologizes for the tone of the meeting, and expresses resignation to the fact that these land use matters will require some unpleasant confrontations: Tfh in sd haits p bl ee en at,ser itousthem eet itngall . Yomueemtai yngnsot cahnave o u a s a n b u n n o bseay,ple'ats n'ts. hIt ften the case. As you would ha at ow isit ois'. ;  4.4 Conclusion The information on historical events contained in this chapter indicates that in spite of increasing "ad hoc" measures to involve N.W.T. residents in land use planning, there is increasing agitation among Native northerners about the land use planning process. Many northern Natives express frustration with "official" representative bodies, such as municipal councils and the territorial council. The Dene  90.  have gone so far as to state that they do not recognize, the Government of the Northwest Territories as a legitimate government, and that they will not deal with any of its representatives until after land claims are settled. The two case studies indicate that conflicting cultural values regarding the role of the individual in decision making and conflicting attitudes toward land are major causes of communication failures between Natives and Whites. Whites and Dene, and Whites and Inuit, "talk past" each other because they have very different underlying assumptions on these issues. Ad hoc efforts to involve northern Natives in decision making may be inspired by good intentions, but, as these case studies clearly illustrate, their outcome may be quite different from what is hoped for. The meetings held in Wrigley and Spence Bay were intended to assuage community concerns about resource development activities planned for their areas. Neither meeting accomplished this. In both cases, the community residents were left with intensified feelings of distrust, cynicism, anger and hostility. The opportunity to "participate" in land use planning falls far short of Native expectations for "participatory" planning. Furthermore, since Whites and Natives perceive the problems differently, the meetings cause more confusion, instead of clarifying issues as they were intended to do.  In s e c t i o n 1.4 a number o f c o n d i t i o n s  are l i s t e d which  must be met i f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication i s t o take place successfully.  B r i e f l y , these c r i t e r i a concern (1)  overcoming language problems (2) a l l o w i n g  (including technical  jargon),  s u f f i c i e n t time f o r t r a n s l a t i o n o f concepts as  w e l l as words,  (3) developing  discussions according  a true dialogue,  (4) conducting  t o a process understood by a l l  i n v o l v e d , and (5) thoroughly e x p l o r i n g i s s u e s v e r b a l l y , i n order  to i d e n t i f y misunderstandings r e s u l t i n g from  cogni-  tive differences. In both meetings examined, b a s i c language problems were overcome by u s i n g i n t e r p r e t e r s .  S u f f i c i e n t time seems to  be allowed f o r t h i s , although a t Wrigley, White v i s i t o r s seemed t o be q u i t e upset t h a t a second unscheduled meeting was  deemed necessary by the Dene. While a "true d i a l o g u e "  Whites and Natives  seems t o be e s t a b l i s h e d between  a t the meetings, the dialogue  r e s t r i c t e d because the White r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s limited authority. considerable  i s seriously  have very  Both the Dene and the I n u i t express  f r u s t r a t i o n about the i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f the  Whites who a c t u a l l y have a u t h o r i t y to make d e c i s i o n s .  They  f e e l i t i s a waste o f time t o h o l d d e l i b e r a t i o n s i f no d e c i s i o n can be made on t h e spot. view, the dialogue  From the Native  point of  must be e s t a b l i s h e d among i n d i v i d u a l s  who can a c t u a l l y make d e c i s i o n s .  I t i s the f o u r t h and f i f t h c o n d i t i o n s l i s t e d t h a t are met  l e a s t s u c c e s s f u l l y i n the two meetings examined.  There  seems to be no r e a l i z a t i o n oh the p a r t of Whites or N a t i v e s about the ways i n which t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s about the d e c i s i o n making process d i f f e r , and there i s no s e r i o u s d i s c u s s i o n about how  these d i f f e r e n c e s might be accommo-  dated w i t h i n a s i n g l e d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . a g r e a t d e a l o f f r u s t r a t i o n i s caused  by the  Similarly,  conflicting,  incompatible White and N a t i v e a t t i t u d e s toward l a n d , but t h i s i s s u e i s never c o n f r o n t e d d i r e c t l y . d i f f e r e n c e s cause misunderstandings one  Cognitive  and impasses, but  no  seems able to overcome these c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communica-  tion barriers.  Suggestions  w i l l be e x p l o r e d i n Chapter  as to how 5.  they might be overcome  CHAPTER 5.  DISCUSSION AND  CONCLUSIONS  Chapters 3 and 4 c o n t a i n evidence to support my h y p o t h e s i s t h a t communication problems i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s are exacerbated by c o n f l i c t i n g White and c u l t u r a l values land.  concerning  Native  the d e c i s i o n making process and  Since e f f e c t i v e communication i s fundamental to  e f f e c t i v e planning, northern  i t i s o f paramount importance t h a t  r e s i d e n t s from d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l backgrounds  l e a r n t o overcome communication b a r r i e r s t h a t r e s u l t from differences i n cultural conditioning.  The two case  i n d i c a t e t h a t c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication problems attempts by Whites and N a t i v e s  studies hinder  to j o i n t l y p l a n land use  a c t i v i t i e s which are r e l a t i v e l y minor i n comparison t o many o f the complex i s s u e s which c u r r e n t l y c o n f r o n t such as "land c l a i m s " and pace o f northern  5.1  Guidelines  and major questions  on the d i r e c t i o n  "development".  for Effective Cross-Cultural  The immediate challenge land use p l a n n i n g  northerners,  Communication  to people engaged i n northern  i s to work on overcoming the s e r i o u s  c u l t u r a l communication problems t h a t c u r r e n t l y d e c i s i o n making i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . c r o s s - c u l t u r a l d e c i s i o n making should  cross-  hinder Attempts at  f i r s t s t r i v e to meet  the c o n d i t i o n s o u t l i n e d i n s e c t i o n 1.4.  i n addition,  progress i n overcoming  c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication  barriers  can be checked by m o n i t o r i n g c e r t a i n " i n d i c a t o r s " w h i l e o b s e r v i n g a s e r i e s o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l meetings.  Communication  i s becoming more e f f e c t i v e as the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s : - express l e s s c o n f u s i o n as to the purpose of the meeting - express l e s s c o n f u s i o n about procedure - express l e s s h o s t i l i t y , d i s t r u s t , s u s p i c i o n o f motives, e t c . , toward the meeting  initiators  - spend l e s s time d i s c u s s i n g p r o c e d u r a l matters, and more time on s u b s t a n t i v e matters - m a i n t a i n a high i n t e r e s t l e v e l i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n - do not f e e l t h a t important i n f o r m a t i o n i s being w i t h h e l d from them - express l e s s c o n f u s i o n about meeting  resolutions  - express l e s s c o n f u s i o n about the outcome o r follow-up of the meeting - f e e l t h a t t h e i r views have been r e a l l y l i s t e n e d to - f e e l t h a t t h e i r views have been understood - f e e l t h a t t h e i r views have been f a i r l y r e f l e c t e d i n the f i n a l d e c i s i o n s or r e s o l u t i o n s taken a t the meeting. I n i t i a l l y , meetings  t h a t are conducted i n cognizance o f  value d i f f e r e n c e s w i l l i n e v i t a b l y devote a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f time to p r o c e d u r a l matters. f a m i l i a r and comfortable w i t h new  As people grow more  forms of d e c i s i o n making  which accommodate c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , l e s s time w i l l have to be spent on c l a r i f y i n g a m b i g u i t i e s and assumptions about "process".  different  Consequently, more time can  be spent on r e a c h i n g d e c i s i o n s on s u b s t a n t i v e  issues.  Meetings which attempt to i n v o l v e members o f v a r i o u s c u l t u r e groups i n d e c i s i o n making i n the Northwest will  i n e v i t a b l y be  Territories  time-consuming  a) because of the need to t r a n s l a t e words and concepts so t h a t a l l can understand them; b) because a g r e a t d e a l o f d i a l o g u e i s necessary to ensure t h a t the assumptions o f p a r t i c i p a n t s are the same, and t h a t c o g n i t i v e gaps are i d e n t i f i e d  and  bridged; c) because many meetings would b e s t be conducted u s i n g the consensual approach, which i s o f t e n more difficult,  time consuming  ( e s p e c i a l l y f o r Whites);  however, there i s a much s t r o n g e r commitment to execute d e c i s i o n s t h a t are sought c o o p e r a t i v e l y and supported unanimously; d) because the h i s t o r y of f r u s t r a t e d  cross-cultural  i n t e r a c t i o n s has c r e a t e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f apathy, c y n i c i s m and c o n f u s i o n among n o r t h e r n e r s which can make them l e s s than o p t i m i s t i c engaging i n f u r t h e r attempts a t j o i n i n g making.  about decision  In many cases, c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communications problems can be a m e l i o r a t e d by the use o f c e r t a i n k i n d s o f procedure. For example, a meeting  t h a t i n c l u d e s the f o l l o w i n g  i s more l i k e l y to achieve s u c c e s s f u l communication  procedures because  i t e x p l i c i t l y checks many o f the p o t e n t i a l o b s t a c l e s : - e x p l i c i t discussion of:  the purpose o f meeting, the  o b j e c t i v e s o f the meeting, w i l l be conducted,  the way i n which the meeting  and time c o n s t r a i n t s  ( i f any)  - e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e t o a p o l i c y framework o r s o c i a l g o a l s and the way d e c i s i o n s under d i s c u s s i o n r e l a t e t o these - e x p l i c i t r e s o l u t i o n o f "process" items b e f o r e moving on to s u b s t a n t i v e i s s u e s - review o f o b j e c t i v e s o f the meeting  t o see whether they  have been accomplished - review o f follow-up procedures or the expected outcome of the meeting - d i r e c t q u e s t i o n i n g o f p a r t i c i p a n t s as t o whether they are s a t i s f i e d t h a t they have had a f a i r h e a r i n g and t h a t t h e i r views have been l i s t e n e d t o - c l e a r statement o f d e c i s i o n s o r recommendations r e s u l t i n g from t h i s  meeting  - d i r e c t q u e s t i o n i n g o f p a r t i c i p a n t s as t o whether they understand these d e c i s i o n s and recommendations, and whether they f e e l t h a t they are a f a i r r e f l e c t i o n o f the views o f all  participants.  97.  5.2 N Go ur it dh ew le is nt es Territories for Effective Decision Making in the In light of the trends in decision making patterns emerging in the Northwest Territories it is clear that there are some aspects of decision making on which Whites and Natives now have a greater possibility of finding agreement than they ever have in the past. Obviously, decision making processes designed to serve the Northwest Territories population should build on these. Thus, northern decision making processes should strive to attain: 1. Greater involvement of individuals in decision making. For Natives, however, greater "involvement" must be in the form of participatory decision making, not' more advisory opportunities, or more consultation or information programs. Northern Whites may appreciate more opportunities to exchange opinions without expecting decision making authority. Natives, however, may want to engage in deliberation only when there is clearly a decision to be made on that occasion. 2. A more holistic approach to decision making. Native people have a naturally holistic cognitive pattern. Their orientation is to the land, and they tend to see other decisions in terms of their effects on land and lifestyle.  98.  Whites, who p a t t e r n , may  have a more "fragmented" c o g n i t i v e  have g r e a t e r need f o r formal i n t e g r a t i v e  s t r u c t u r e s such as s p e c i a l task f o r c e s , j o i n t  committees,  or i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y p l a n n i n g teams to undertake complex problem-solving  a c t i v i t i e s u s i n g a "systems"  approach.  More freedom of i n f o r m a t i o n Communication problems w i l l p e r s i s t i f some p a r t i c i pants f e e l t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n i s being w i t h h e l d from them. Complete freedom o f i n f o r m a t i o n i s necessary  for decision  making to take p l a c e i n an atmosphere o f t r u s t cooperation.  T h i s recommendation w i l l be  and  implemented  more e a s i l y i f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o c c u r s .  E x p l i c i t statement o f s o c i a l goals and premises on which d e c i s i o n s are based That i s , there must be an e x p l i c i t p o l i c y framework f o r northern p l a n n i n g to guide d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t i n g northern  land and people.  Northern  people  should  be  encouraged to c o n t i n u a l l y c h a l l e n g e and debate the fundamental assumptions u n d e r l y i n g the p o l i c y which should be f l e x i b l e i n r e c o g n i t i o n of the  framework, fact  t h a t northern s o c i e t y i s i n t r a n s i t i o n and needs are c o n s t a n t l y changing.  99.  5.  A c c e s s i b i l i t y o f d e c i s i o n makers For Whites, t h i s can be achieved through i z a t i o n and f o r Natives through a g r e a t e r c i p a t o r y d e c i s i o n making. use  decentraluse o f p a r t i -  Where i t i s necessary to  Native r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ,  e.g. i n r e g i o n a l  making, these r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  decision  must remain r e s p o n s i v e  to community requests f o r t h e i r appearance t o d i s c u s s i s s u e s o f concern.  S u b s t a n t i a l funding would be r e q u i r e d  to meet t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  and communication needs, s i n c e  n o r t h e r n communities are so d i s p e r s e d .  6.  Greater d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f d e c i s i o n making For N a t i v e s ,  however, the d e c i s i o n making  authority authority  d e c e n t r a l i z e d must r e l a t e to l a n d use p l a n n i n g . a u t h o r i t y over m u n i c i p a l  More  i n f r a s t r u c t u r e o r housing  r e g u l a t i o n s w i l l not s u f f i c e .  I t must be recognized  that decisions of d i f f e r e n t  magnitude a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s and groups, as w e l l as d i f f e r e n t u n i t s o f l a n d .  F o r example, the d e c i s i o n t o  b u i l d o r n o t t o b u i l d a community a i r s t r i p should be made by the people l i v i n g i n the community, w h i l e a d e c i s i o n to b u i l d o r n o t to b u i l d a road o r a r a i l w a y  l i n k i n g a number  of communities might best be made a t the r e g i o n a l  level.  S i m i l a r l y , i t i s c l e a r t h a t even people l i v i n g o u t s i d e the  100.  Northwest Territories have some interest in questions, such as the construction of a northern gas pipeline, which touch on national energy policy and other national concerns. The key to decentralization is to ensure that all of the people affected by a certain decision are represented in the process by which it is made. It is quite possible to maintain participatory decision making at the local level, especially in smaller communities where there is still a Native majority. In these communities, experiments should be undertaken to make participatory decision making a reality. In some northern communities, committee networks built on southern models are unnecessarily divisive, or threaten to stretch local leadership resources too thin. In these communities the networks of committees and councils could be streamlined (and perhaps even abolished altogether in the very small communities). Various committees might be amalgamated, or might act as council sub-committees for better coordination and a more holistic approach to problem solving. In other communities a "task force" approach might be tested, so that members of different committees could meet to jointly solve complex communi ty problems. Use of a more holistic approach to decision making at the local level would undoubtedly lead to a similar approach at the regional and territorial levels. This would be  101.  advantageous, s i n c e one  o f the major problems  by government workers has among l i n e departments.  been the  lack of  perceived-  communication  The m a n i f e s t a t i o n s  of t h i s l a c k o f  communication can be p a r t i c u l a r l y s e r i o u s  (as w e l l as  v i s i b l e and very  communities.  aggravating) i n northern  example, i n Rankin I n l e t a huge s c h o o l equipped w i t h most modern f a c i l i t i e s was  recently b u i l t .  t h a t , because of poor m u n i c i p a l f a c t o r s , the community has  one  For  the  irony i s  s e r v i c e s and poor n u t r i t i o n of the h i g h e s t  m o r t a l i t y r a t e s i n a l l o f Canada. budgetting  The  very  infant  A broader approach to  f o r community s e r v i c e s would undoubtedly have  l e d to d e c i s i o n s to p l a c e the h i g h e s t p r i o r i t y on  improving  community l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s to ensure t h a t c h i l d r e n l i v e to reach s c h o o l  age.  D e c i s i o n making at the r e g i o n a l and may  not be  t e r r i t o r i a l levels  " p a r t i c i p a t o r y " i n the sense t h a t every  i n d i v i d u a l i n the r e g i o n or i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s a f f e c t e d by d e c i s i o n s can take p a r t i n making them. Nonetheless, as Native  organizations  making at these l e v e l s can expectations  provided  still  have shown, d e c i s i o n  satisfy  t h a t c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s are  That i s , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s must be  met.  a c c e s s i b l e , communication  channels must be kept open, i n f o r m a t i o n both d i r e c t i o n s .  constituents'  must flow f r e e l y i n  D e c i s i o n making bodies a t r e g i o n a l  and  t e r r i t o r i a l l e v e l s can a l s o agree to work with the, consensual  102.  approach t o d e c i s i o n making i n t h e i r d e l i b e r a t i o n s , even though a t the h i g h e r l e v e l s there may have t o be p r o v i s i o n made f o r r e s o r t i n g to m a j o r i t y vote i f consensus cannot be achieved w i t h i n a c e r t a i n p e r i o d o f time. The  f e d e r a l and t e r r i t o r i a l governments should  explicitly  r e c o g n i z e c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n i n g as a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n n o r t h e r n d e c i s i o n making by e n s u r i n g t h a t any c i v i l whose work concerns  servant  c r o s s - c u l t u r a l d e c i s i o n making i s  " s e n s i t i z e d " to the c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s among Whites, Dene, I n u i t , and M e t i s .  Native o r g a n i z a t i o n s should a l s o ensure  t h a t t h e i r workers are s i m i l a r l y made aware o f the nature of  c r o s s - c u l t u r a l value c o n f l i c t s .  T h i s knowledge would  h e l p c l a r i f y complex communication problems, and h e l p n o r t h e r n people overcome t h e b a r r i e r s t o c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication more q u i c k l y . I f i t i s necessary  f o r government o f i n d u s t r y r e p r e s e n t -  a t i v e s t o " c o n s u l t " n o r t h e r n e r s , t h i s should be done a t the h i g h e s t l e v e l s , by i n d i v i d u a l s who a c t u a l l y have the a u t h o r i t y t o make major d e c i s i o n s and commitments. minutes examined i n Chapter  The  4 indicate that a great deal  of  f r u s t r a t i o n among Native n o r t h e r n e r s occurs as a r e s u l t  of  t h e i r assumption t h a t d e c i s i o n making w i l l be " p a r t i c i -  patory" .  Many misunderstandings  a r i s e because the Whites  i n i t i a t i n g o r a t t e n d i n g v a r i o u s types o f c o n s u l t a t i o n , i n f o r m a t i o n , o r a d v i s o r y meetings are unable  t o make f i r m  103.  commitments t o the Native reach d e c i s i o n s .  people, who are prepared to  To many Natives,  t h i s seems t o i n d i c a t e  t h a t Whites are u n w i l l i n g t o seek s e n s i b l e s o l u t i o n s to problems, o r t h a t they have u l t e r i o r motives f o r such meetings.  These misunderstandings c o u l d be avoided i f the  White o f f i c i a l s who have d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y meet with Natives represent behalf.  d i r e c t l y , i n s t e a d o f sending middle-men to  them, or to "sound out"  a community on t h e i r  Implementing t h i s recommendation w i l l be e a s i e r as  d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y i s d e c e n t r a l i z e d , so t h a t i t w i l l not be necessary f o r t h e p r e s i d e n t o f a company o r a c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r t o meet with community o r r e g i o n a l c o u n c i l s The  i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s t h e s i s are s e r i o u s f o r the  r e s o l u t i o n o f major i s s u e s now c o n f r o n t i n g dents.  northern  resi-  The i m p l i c a t i o n s are p a r t i c u l a r l y important  the complex i s s u e o f "land claims"  settlement.  regardin  Land  claims  i s an i s s u e o f utmost importance s i n c e i t s r e s o l u t i o n w i l l have a tremendous impact on the l i v e s o f n o r t h e r n e r s and on the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f northern  Natives  t o the r e s t o f  Canadian s o c i e t y f o r years t o come. "Land c l a i m s " b r i n g t o focus White and Native c o n f l i c t s on many l e v e l s : priorities  f o r land use,  questions perception  value  o f land ownership, o f "resources," the  nature o f d e c i s i o n making i n s t i t u t i o n s , and the r e l a t i o n ships between land and l i f e s t y l e .  In the p a s t , t r e a t i e s and  104. land claims settlement have been approached by Whites as straightforward problems of extinguishing "aboriginal rights" which have never been clearly defined, but which have been assumed to include title to land in exchange for compensation in the form of cash, supplies, and a small allotment of land. Treaties 8 and 11, made in 1900 and 1921 with the Dene in the Mackenzie Valley, were made in the absence of effective cross-cultural communication. The result is that these Whites and Dene are now battling in Canadian courts in an attempt to sort out what the Treaties actually mean. This complicated activity has created racial tension as Whites accuse. Dene of trying to back out of agreements they made fairly, while Dene accuse Whites of having cheated and lied to them about the intent of the Treaties. It is clear that a new approach to land claims settlement is necessary if such misunderstandings, and resultant hostilities, are to be avoided. The framework for resolving land claims issues should be experimental and flexible, and most of all, it should be cognizant of the conflicting White and Native value conflicts that can exacerbate communication problems. The framework designed for negotiation of land claims should include a built-in system for monitoring the effectiveness of cross-cultural communication, based on criteria outlined in this thesis.  105.  BIBLIOGRAPHY B a l i k c i , Asen. Development of B a s i c Socio-Economic U n i t s In Two Eskimo Communities. N a t i o n a l Museum o f Canada, B u l l e t i n 202, 1964. . 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Ottawa: Canadian Centre f o r Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of Ottawa, 1965. Hughes, Charles Campbell. "From Contest to C o u n c i l : S o c i a l C o n t r o l Among the S t . Lawrence I s l a n d Eskimos," In Swartz, Turner and Tuden (eds), P o l . Anthro. Chicago: A l d i n e P u b i : Co., 1966, pp. 255-264. Hunter, A l f r e d A. "Class and Status i n Canada," i n Ramu and Johnson, I n t r o d u c t i o n to Canadian S o c i o l o g i c a l Analysis. Toronto: Macmillan Co., 1976, pp. 111-154. Lash, Harry. P l a n n i n g i n a Human Way. Ottawa: of S t a t e f o r Urban A f f a i r s , 1976. Lesch, Edmund. A Runaway World? P r e s s , 1968.  New York:  L e i s s , W i l l i a m . The Domination o f Nature. Press, 1974.  Ministry  Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Boston:  Beacon  108.  L o t z , Jim and Pat. " P i l o t Not Commander," A n t h r o p o l o g i c a N.S., XIII:1 & 2 (1971), S p e c i a l i s s u e . Murphy, E a r l F i n b a r . Books, 1967.  Governing Nature.  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Santos, C.R. "Bureaucracy i n Canada," i n Ramu and Johnson Canadian S o c i e t y : Sociological Analysis. Toronto: Macmillan Co., 1976, pp. 438-477. Savoie, Donat (ed). The Amerindians o f the Canadian Northwest i n the 19th Century, as Seen by Emile P e t i t o t , V o l . I I , The Loucheun I n d i a n s . Ottawa: Northern Science Research Group, D.I.A.N.D., June 1970. Smith, Derek G. "Implications of P l u r a l i s m f o r S o c i a l Change Programs i n a Canadian A r c t i c Community," i n Jim and Pat L o t z (eds), P i l o t Not Commander, A n t h r o p o l o g i c a N.S., V o l . X I I I : l - 2 (1971): 192-214. Spencer, Robert F. and Jesse D. Jennings, e t a l . The N a t i v e Americans. New York: Harper and Row, 1965. S t . P i e r r e , P a u l . " P u b l i c P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n an Inter-agency Committee: The A i r p o r t P l a n n i n g Committee i n Vancouver." Vancouver: U.B.C, M.A. T h e s i s i n P l a n n i n g .  109.  Usher,ImpPleitceartioJ. "tCoanatdhieanPeNooprlteheranndDeLvaenldopmoefntthPolicy: Its n s e N o r t h V . P a p e r p r e s e n t e d a t t h e C o n f e r e n c e o n N o r t h e r n C h a n ge, Anchorage, Alaska, Nov. 18, 1976. Vallee, Frank G. "Differentiation Among the Eskimos in saolmleeeC(aendasd)i,anEs Arctic Sfetttl e men t s , " in Arctic. ValentineToarno dnto: V k i m o o h e C a n a d i a n McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1968a, pp. 109-126. Weyer,FolE ir Environment and kdwwaayrsd. MYoaf lf eatU.niT vh ee rsitEyskiPmroess:s,The1932. White,Crisis," Lynn Jr. "aTuhl e SHistorical RoDoatnsielofMcoKuirnleEycol( oe gdisc)a,l in P h e p a r d a n d T hs etonS:u eo ru sg ih vt eonScMifflin ience: C To ow an pEpc.olog y of Man. Bo -bvH .a ,rds1967, 341-351. Whyte,U.S W. illiEanmterFp.rise andinAllan R. H o l m b ergin ." H u m a n P r o b l e ms o Latin A m e r i c a , " T h o m a s W e a v e r (o er de )s ,manToanSdeeCoO.u,rsel ves. G iew, Illinois: Scott, F 1973, p pl .env442-450. WilliaC mh sa on ng ,e Rin obet rh te GC . Ea sn kimC oentUrnadlergArctic. round: SUopcpisoa-lcau:ltural a n a d i InstiUtpuptsiaolnaenUnf5r ja eape er ts nogrII, afi 1974. vid iverasliltmeatn, oc Oh ccas sm ifofniarldndP . The Boothia Peninsula People: Social Organization in Spence Bay, N.W.T. Institute for National Studies, University of Saskatchewan, 1976. Willmoin tt,VaW . Et. "a Tn hd e VFlexibility of Es Ek si km io moofSocial O r g a ni ia zn ation l e n i n e a l l e e ( e d s ) , t h e C a n a d Arctic. Toronto: McClelland and Steward Ltd., 1968, p p . 149-159.  News of the North, 6/4/77; 9/2/77; Native Press, 17/9/76; 3/9/76. 1976. The Canadian Forum, No v.  2/2/77.  source:  Forth et a l , 1974 110. APPENDIX I WRIGLEY, N.W.T.  Regular Meeting o f the Settlement C o u n c i l Held March 27, 1973 i n the C o u n c i l O f f i c e  Agenda:  1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  Present:  Chairman A r t h u r H a r d i s t y C o u n c i l l o r Edward N a y a l l y C o u n c i l l o r F e l i x Tale C o u n c i l l o r P a u l Moses Councillor Gabriel Hardsity  Absent:  C o u n c i l l o r David Horesay  1.  Introduction Financial report Correspondence Business a r i s i n g from minutes New business  (no excuse)  Introduction: The The  chairman c a l l s the meeting t o order a t 7:10 p.m. minutes o f the l a s t meeting are accepted by c o u n c i l . Motion 17-73 CARRIED.  2.  F i n a n c i a l Report: Per C a p i t a Grant Water and S a n i t a t i o n Fire Protection Road and A i r s t r i p  "  $ 838.36 3,597.93 734.00 1,2 64.92 TOTAL  L.I.P. Grant Recreation  Grant .... TOTAL  3.  $6,435.21  $6,740.00 1,832.11 $8,572.51  Correspondence: a.  Re: B u i l d i n g i n Wrigley - L e t t e r F i l e 22-124-204 The S e c r e t a r y reads a l e t t e r from Mr. R. F i e l d e n , P r o j e c t Manager, D.P.W., which s t a t e s t h a t the department w i l l c o n s t r u c t the new w e l l house out o f l o g s , as i s  111.  d e s i r e d by the community; and a l s o the c o n s t r u c t i o n w i l l be done by the people of Wrigley. b.  Re:  Proposed V i s i t by S o c i a l Development O f f i c e r  The S e c r e t a r y e x p l a i n s t h a t Mr. P h i l Dickman, the newly appointed S o c i a l Development O f f i c e r f o r the Simpson area would l i k e to spend two or p o s s i b l y three n i g h t s i n Wrigley i n about 2 or 3 weeks time; and would l i k e to o v e r n i g h t i n a l o c a l person's house. Chairman H a r d i s t y i n d i c a t e s t h a t Mr. Dickman i s welcome to s t a y a t h i s house ( i f he cuts wood f o r the f i r e - l a u g h t e r ) . S e c r e t a r y i s to correspond with Mr. Dickman and inform him o f the i n v i t a t i o n . 3.  Business  A r i s i n g from L a s t Meeting:  a.  Settlement  Re:  Secretary  Trainee  The chairman e x p l a i n s t h a t a t the l a s t c o u n c i l meeting Mr. H. H a r d i s t y was i n v i t e d to s i t w i t h c o u n c i l and d i s c u s s t h i s job. Mr. H a r d i s t y i s asked whether or not he wants t h i s job. He t e l l s c o u n c i l t h a t he r e c e i v e d a l e t t e r from Mr. R. Creery, Regional D i r e c t o r , F o r t Smith Region, i n d i c a t i n g t h a t Henry should s t r o n g l y c o n s i d e r t h i s c h a l l e n g i n g new c a r e e r . Mr. H a r d i s t y i n d i c a t e s t h a t he would l i k e to have the j o b . The chairman says t h a t C o u n c i l i s p l e a s e d with the work done by A r c h i e Horesay and Richard Moses l a t e l y d e l i v e r i n g water and asks the people i n the audience to speak up i f they have any comments and not to " t a l k behind t h e i r backs". No comments. The chairman asks Henry H a r d i s t y to s t a r t work A p r i l 1, 1973 i f the Government approves the c o u n c i l recommendations. Mr. H a r d i s t y i n d i c a t e s t h a t he has to go i n t o the bush and p i c k up h i s t r a p s and t r a p l i n e s and would l i k e to s t a r t a few weeks l a t e r . C o u n c i l l o r Moses suggests t h a t Henry be allowed a two week e x t e n s i o n and t h a t he begin h i s t r a i n i n g A p r i l 16/73. A l l agree. Motion 18-73 CARRIED. b.  Re:  Land Use  Permit/Cominco  The chairman remind c o u n c i l t h a t a t l a s t week's meeting c o u n c i l l o r s decided to delay recommending the g r a n t i n g o f the permit u n t i l t h i s meeting and t h a t a Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e was i n v i t e d to s i t w i t h c o u n c i l and d i s c u s s the s i t u a t i o n . C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y wants to know what c o u n c i l s a i d a t the l a s t meeting. C o u n c i l l o r N a y a l l y t h i n k s i t a good i d e a to t a l k about i t again w i t h Gabe. C o u n c i l l o r T a l e says they have already moved across  112.  the r i v e r - not much I can say. Mr. Ryznor, the Cominco r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , i n t e r j e c t s from the audience t h a t he c o u l d e x p l a i n now. C o u n c i l l o r N a y a l l y wants c o u n c i l to t a l k to Gabe about the l a s t meeting and to f i n d out more about the Rae Conference. Mr. Angus Moses, one o f the Band C o u n c i l l o r s i n the audience, says t h a t a f t e r C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y l e f t Rae Conference t h a t the c h i e f s had decided on a land f r e e z e . Mr. Jim Antoine, Co-op Development Department o f Industry and Development, Y e l l o w k n i f e ( i n the audience) i n d i c a t e s t h a t the Indian people shouldn't l e t any company come around and do e x a c t l y what they want. He suggests t h a t the Settlement C o u n c i l w a i t f o r a d e c i s i o n from Band C o u n c i l and t h e i r l e g a l a d v i s o r s b e f o r e they go any farther. Chariman H a r d i s t y asks c o u n c i l l o r s what they think. There i s d i s c u s s i o n i n Slavey f o r about f i v e minutes. The c o u n c i l l o r s agree w i t h what Mr. Antoine says. Mr. Antoine (audience) asks when the next meeting so t h a t the Brotherhood can a t t e n d . C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t i s a good i d e a t h a t the Brotherhood lawyer be a t a meeting such as t h i s while we are t a l k i n g because he knows much more about these t h i n g s and can help us to make a d e c i s i o n . A l l c o u n c i l l o r s r e a c t a f f i r m a t i v e l y to what C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y says. Mr. Angus Moses (audience) - Band C o u n c i l w i l l d i s c u s s t h i s w i t h the Brotherhood tomorrow; because t h i s land belongs to the Indian people and no one e l s e . Mr. B. G a u t h i e r , f i e l d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , Department o f Northwest Lands and F o r e s t s , F o r t Simpson area (audience) "Thought t h a t we were t a l k i n g to the Band C o u n c i l t o n i g h t " . He then goes on to ask the s e c r e t a r y f o r the contents of the l e t t e r from Mr. Lynn dated March 7/7 3. The s e c r e t a r y reads Mr. Lynn's l e t t e r . T h i s l e t t e r was a form l e t t e r from the department i n d i c a t i n g Cominco's program and wants E. MacArthur, Settlement Manager, t o d i s c u s s same with Council. The l e t t e r s t a t e s , "... we w i l l not i s s u e the permit b e f o r e a l l comments are r e c e i v e d , and problems i f any are r e s o l v e d " . The s e c r e t a r y then informs Mr. Gauthier t h a t the Settlement C o u n c i l has a moral r i g h t to recommend on any matters d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y i n f l u e n c i n g the l i f e o f the people of W r i g l e y , and f u r t h e r the s e c r e t a r y has no connections w i t h the Band C o u n c i l o t h e r than the f a c t t h a t two of i t s members are on Settlement Council. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y i s informed t h a t Mr. G. Sutton, Brotherhood lawyer can be p r e s e n t f o r a meeting w i t h the people tomorrow. C o u n c i l l o r T a l e t h i n k s t h i s i s a good idea. S e c r e t a r y e x p l a i n s t h a t one c o u n c i l l o r alone cannot adjourn a meeting.  113.  C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y e x p l a i n s t h a t what he understood at the Rae Conference was t h a t the Band C o u n c i l and c h i e f are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the l a n d around the s e t t l e m e n t and t h a t s e t t l e m e n t c o u n c i l i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the land i n the s e t t l e m e n t and employment o u t s i d e o f i t . Mr. Ryznor l e a v e s h i s s e a t i n the audience on h i s own i n i t i a t i v e and s i t s a t the c o u n c i l t a b l e and says "Maybe I can h e l p s o l v e a few problems i f you l e t me speak". The chairman informs Mr. Ryznor, through h i s s e c r e t a r y , t h a t he would have time t o speak l a t e r but t h a t he was not asked t o s i t w i t h c o u n c i l a t t h i s time. Mr. Ryznor r e t u r n s to h i s former seat. Mr. Angus Moses (audience) - We s h o u l d have a meeting about the land use permit tomorrow not t o n i g h t . C o u n c i l l o r N a y a l l y informs C o u n c i l t h a t there i s a l o t he doesn't know about t h i s land b u s i n e s s . The people don't know what i s going on - they should ask Mr. Ryznor to a t t e n d another meeting a f t e r they have t a l k e d e v e r y t h i n g over. Mr. Angus Moses (audience) - Conference i n F o r t Rae d i s c u s s e d l a n d c l a i m s - C h i e f Arrowmaker s a i d f r e e z e a l l Treaty l a n d s . The chairman asks Mr. Ryznor t o s i t w i t h c o u n c i l . C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - t h i n g s should be done r i g h t . We shouldn't go ahead o f the Brotherhood; we should w a i t and see what they say. Mr. Ryznor - Maybe the people would l i k e to hear what I have t o say t o n i g h t b e f o r e tomorrow's meeting - " I don't know i f I ' l l a t t e n d one tomorrow a f t e r n o o n . " C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - The c h i e f i s s l e e p i n g and he should be here and l i s t e n i n g . Mr. Ryznor - Won't a f f e c t t r e a t i e s and land r i g h t s , what we are doing. T h i s i s something d i f f e r e n t . You people asked me t o come here t o n i g h t . Government people i n Y e l l o w s k n i f e asked me to come here and t a l k t o you and f i n d out what the problems a r e . Mr. B. Gauthier (audience) - That's a l s o one o f the reasons why I'm here. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Right now I don't understand the problem and we should know b e f o r e we d e c i d e . Mr. Ryznor begins t o say something but C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y i n t e r r u p t s - People want t o t a l k about t h i s tomorrow. Mr. Ryznor asks why they don't want to t a l k about i t tonight. The chairman puts h i s f i s t on the t a b l e and says t h a t ' s i t f o r t o n i g h t - we meet w i t h people tomorrow. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y moves t h a t the meeting f i n i s h now. A l l agree. Mr. Ryznor w h i l e l e a v i n g the c o u n c i l t a b l e says t h a t  114.  he i s d i s a p p o i n t e d i n c o u n c i l . Chairman H a r d i s t y adjourns the meeting a t 8:30 O r i g i n a l signed  p.m.  by:  Arthur Hardisty Chairman, Wrigley Settlement  Council  E. MacArthur Secretary, Wrigley Settlement  C o u n c i l Manager  115.  WRIGLEY, N.W.T. Non-scheduled Meeting o f the Settlement C o u n c i l Held March 28, 1973 i n C o u n c i l Agenda:  1.  Land Use Permit - Cominco Mines  Present:  Chairman A r t h u r H a r d i s t y C o u n c i l l o r Edward N a y a l l y C o u n c i l l o r F e l i x Tale C o u n c i l l o r Paul Moses Councillor Gabriel Hardisty C o u n c i l l o r David Horesay  In Attendance: Mr. B i l l Armstrong, D.I.A.N.D., Y e l l o w k n i f e Mrs. G. Sutton, Brotherhood lawyer, Y e l l o w k n i f e Mr. G. Ryznor, P r o j e c t G e o l o g i s t , Cominco Mr. J . A n t o i n e , Co-op Div. Dept. o f Ind. & Development, F o r t Simpson Mr. B. G a u t h i e r , Northwest Lands and F o r e s t s S e r v i c e , F o r t Simpson The chairman c a l l s the meeting to order a t 7:00 p.m. The minutes o f l a s t n i g h t ' s meeting are accepted by c o u n c i l . Motion 19-73 CARRIED. 1.  Land Use Permit  The chairman e x p l a i n s the s i t u a t i o n concerning Cominco Mines wanting t o o b t a i n a Land Use Permit i n o r d e r t o move equipment onto t h e i r proposed summer e x p l o r a t i o n s i t e . C o u n c i l l o r Moses agrees t h a t t h i s i s the purpose o f the meeting. The chairman asks Mr. Ryznor to s i t w i t h c o u n c i l . The chairman asks why Mr. Ryznor moved equipment across without c o n s u l t i n g c o u n c i l f i r s t . Mr. Ryznor d i s c u s s e d t h i s w i t h E. MacArthur a few weeks ago and then I made a p p l i c a t i o n to the Gov't i n Y e l l o w k n i f e f o r a p e r m i t . As f o r equipment moving - we only moved a few t h i n g s across and then the Gov't h a l t e d the o p e r a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e we thought we'd see what you had to say I Chairman - T h i s i s our land' Mr. Ryznor - I f t h i s i s i n regard to t r e a t y r i g h t s , i t ' s not my argument. T h i s i s between the Indian people and the government.  116.  The s e c r e t a r y e x p l a i n s - about t h r e e weeks ago Mr. Ryznor phoned from Vancouver and the chairman happened t o be i n the o f f i c e a t t h a t time. Mr. Ryznor wanted to know i f h i s company c o u l d use Wrigley Ice B r i d g e . S e c r e t a r y e x p l a i n e d - the b r i d g e was o n l y b u i l t by the people, you must ask I m p e r i a l O i l f o r c l e a r a n c e to use the b r i d g e . At t h a t time Mr. Ryznor i n d i c a t e d t h a t he might use the w i n t e r road i n s t e a d of h e l i c o p t e r to minimize expenses. When informed o f a 10-15 man crew to be h i r e d , S e c r e t a r y asked i f there would be any employment ( c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h chairman) f o r the people o f W r i g l e y . Mr. Ryznor then i n d i c a t e d t h a t the job was h i g h l y t e c h n i c a l ; t h e r e f o r e not much chance. S e c r e t a r y d i s c u s s e d on-the-job t r a i n i n g (plenty o f time to p r e p a r e ) . Mr. Ryznor again i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e r e was not much chance. Chairman and s e c r e t a r y decided, a f t e r Mr. Ryznor's c a l l , to p l a c e the matter b e f o r e the next C o u n c i l s e s s i o n (Tuesday, March 20/73). Mr. Ryznor then asks i f employment i s one problem. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Jobs should be g i v e n f o r the people to l e a r n on-the-job. I f not then no money f o r the people. Mr. Ryznor - Cominco works j u s t i n the summer - o n l y a s h o r t p e r i o d o f time - most of the work i s done by people w i t h at l e a s t f i v e years o f t r a i n i n g . We have some jobs t h a t don't r e q u i r e much t r a i n i n g but o n l y f o r a s h o r t p e r i o d o f time. Type of jobs - o n l y 12 people i n the e n t i r e camp - maybe two h i r e d from here perhaps I We have work now b e i n g done by D a l l a s C o n s t r u c t i o n t o move s t u f f i n t o the s i t e f o r Cominco. Perhaps you c o u l d ask them to h i r e someone to h e l p - o n l y f o r one o r two days to move i n equipment - then we must c l e a n up road work f o r two more maybe - i n our type of work l o t s of t r a i n i n g to f i n d something b i g - i f found then l o t s o f work. The chairman comments - o n l y two or t h r e e people working. C o u n c i l l o r N a y a l l y - i f they f i n d m i n e r a l s , t h i s land belongs to the I n d i a n s . T h e r e f o r e the land must be claimed by us then they can work on i t i f they l i k e . Mr. Ryznor - Right now Gov't has s e t r u l e s f o r us t o f o l l o w ; i f the people are d i s p l e a s e d w i t h r u l e s then the people must t a l k to the Gov't. For now Cominco w i l l go by the rules. Mr. Angus Moses (audience attempts t o speak). The Chairman - can't t a l k from the audience - must ask c o u n c i l l o r s i f you want to speak from back - then you should s i t where Mr. Ryznor i s s i t t i n g a t the c o u n c i l t a b l e . S e c r e t a r y - The c o u n c i l does not want to c u t people o f f . I t does not want to o f f e n d people who are not used to these meetings. At important meetings must r e c o r d t h i n g s s a i d . We i n v i t e people to speak - then l a t e r , everyone w i l l be g i v e n a chance to comment. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Not f i n i s h e d w i t h Mr. Ryznor - then everyone w i l l be g i v e n a chance to speak.  117.  Mr. Ryznor asks the chairman i f there are any problems with t r a p l i n e s , cabins, e t c . Chairman i n d i c a t e s problem a c r o s s r i v e r every s p r i n g a t c l e a r i n g s moose are k i l l e d i n June. Mr. Ryznor - "I d i d n ' t see any moose a l l l a s t summer." Chairman - Because you're l i v i n g there - no moose. Mr. Ryznor - A t the Commonwealth B u i l d i n g s i t e there are many moose. How many do you k i l l each summer? Chairman - In a good year maybe s i x o r seven. Mr. Ryznor - "Did any people from here go there l a s t year?" Chairman - Knew you were t h e r e , so no p o i n t i n going over. Mr. Ryznor - I understand the problem but don't know what you can do about i t . Chairman - I f you don't know what to do then we are f i n i s h e d w i t h you. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - The company has a l r e a d y been on the land over there so problem i s the moose have moved on. White people don't understand how the Indian hunts i n the summer. Mr. Ryznor - Are there any o t h e r problems about us being over there? Chairman - There i s always a problem! Mr. Ryznor - What kind? Chairman - Thanks Mr. Ryznor and then asks Mr. Armstrong i f he has any words t o say. Mr. Armstrong - The l a s t time I was here we t a l k e d about another company and spoke o f land use and r u l e s o f Gov't f o r people working i n the area. In view o f the p a s t d i s c u s s i o n s of same, maybe a good i d e a i f I e x p l a i n these r e g u l a t i o n s again. These r e g u l a t i o n s c o n t r o l the use people make o f the l a n d . Today, i n the area along the r i v e r , near W r i g l e y , there are l o t s o f people i n t e r e s t e d i n the l a n d : 1) Indian People - t r a d i t i o n a l use o f h u n t i n g 2) Companies who want to look f o r resources 3) D.P.W. - highway b u i l d i n g . These r e g u l a t i o n s are designed so any one group o f people can make use o f l a n d and won't s p o i l i t f o r others who want to use i t . A l l know t h a t i n the past, companies and even the Gov't have come to W r i g l e y to look f o r r e s o u r c e s e t c . and o n l y concern was t h e i r use of the l a n d and not what use i s to be made by any one, f o r any purpose (highway, e x p l o r a t i o n , government) they must get a permit f o r use! Before any p e r m i t to be i s s u e d , the a p p l i c a n t i s r e q u i r e d (D.P.W.) to l e t the l o c a l people know what they're about. In the permit s t i p u l a t i o n s i f there i s a problem w i t h w i l d l i f e , some c o n d i t i o n must be i n s e r t e d to make a l e s s harmful e f f e c t on wildlife.  118.  T h i s whole system o f r e g u l a t i o n s o n l y d e a l s w i t h the use of l a n d . The Indian people and Gov't are t a l k i n g about l a n d ownership. T h i s q u e s t i o n hasn't been s e t t l e d y e t . A l l Indians and Eskimos i n N.W.T. are i n t e r e s t e d i n l a n d r i g h t s ; not o n l y i n Wrigley'. In f u t u r e you w i l l be n e g o t i a t i n g the problem not w i t h me but with the government i n Ottawa (Prime Minister). Problem w i l l not be s e t t l e d today; not next week; maybe not next year. In the meantime, t h i s problem i s s t i l l obvious - l a n d use. T h i s i s where I hope to be o f some help (land., use). I hope t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n would be of use w i t h l o o k i n g a t the problem we have t o n i g h t . C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Right now, i n problem Gov't and Indians s a y i n g t h i s i s our l a n d - T h i s won'ts be s e t t l e d f o r 3-5 years and we don't want anyone to use the l a n d t i l l i t i s settled. Mr. Armstrong - Well u n t i l s e t t l e m e n t comes we should l e t companies use the l a n d under c o n t r o l l e d c o n d i t i o n s and as long as p o l i c y i s such ^ there w i l l be a c e r t a i n amount o f development; i t i s good f o r the gov't people and the companies to work together t o develop as b e s t f o r a l l ! As long as some work i s going on; b e s t f o r a l l concerned to s i t down and get t h i s done i n the b e s t manner p o s s i b l e . Chairman - T h i s i s the b e s t way o f c o n t r o l l i n g the l a n d t i l l settlement. Mr. Armstrong - During the p a s t w i n t e r we have seen where t h i s has happened i n Wrigley f o r the f i r s t time - companies are coming i n to e x p l a i n work to people! C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - We used to have companies around the area who d i d n ' t inform us about what they were doing. Mr. Armstrong - Now they are, but they can't go ahead and get l a n d permit t i l l d i s c u s s i o n takes p l a c e w i t h the people. (Re: employment p r o s p e c t s and o u t l i n e of program), f the company makes a mistake i . e . w i t h moving t h i n g s across r i v e r b e f o r e they should - remember t h a t these are new r u l e s to them a l s o . They never had r u l e s to abide by b e f o r e . The companies a l s o understand now w h i l e they do t h e i r work t h a t they are watched by i n s p e c t o r s l i k e Mr. B. G a u t h i e r . I f they do break the r u l e s s e t down i n the permit they can be stopped. Rules have c e r t a i n l y changed f o r everyone i n the north. C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y asks f o r a 15 minut break. A l l agree. Chairman adjourns meeting f o r r e s t a t 8:00 p.m. Chairman c a l l s the meeting back to o r d e r a t 8:20 p.m. He asks Mr. Armstrong to r e t u r n to the t a b l e and answers few more q u e s t i o n s . C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Company wants to c r o s s - but the Indian people say they don't want them t h e r e . The o n l y reason i s because o f the meeting a t F o r t Rae, so t h e y want no c o n f u s i o n w i t h the o t h e r c h i e f s i n o t h e r communities.  119.  Mr. Armstrong - From what I understand a r e s o l u t i o n was passed a t Rae conference t o put a f r e e z e on a l l Northern development. Is t h a t c o r r e c t ? C o u n c i l l o r Horesay - A t the meeting a t Rae - Must l e t a l l o t h e r c h i e f s know before l e t the companies work. Mr. Armstrong - The c h i e f s must f i r s t convince the gov't i n Ottawa o f the r e s o l u t i o n . The gov't s t i l l has a p o l i c y o f northern resource development. We must s t i l l work w i t h i n present laws! T i l l t h i s occurs I have no a u t h o r i t y even i f I wanted, t o shut t h i n g s down. T h i s a l s o a p p l i e s with regard to Settlement C o u n c i l and Band C o u n c i l . We are f a c e d w i t h l i v i n g w i t h i n p r e s e n t laws and make the b e s t o f i t . So we have alws t h a t c o n t r o l the use o f l a n d . I f Cominco goes ahead, i t i s my r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and t h a t o f C o u n c i l t o s a f e guard the use o f l a n d so no s p o i l a g e f o r o t h e r s . Chairman - They were never given p e r m i s s i o n t o go across so they don't go across and t h a t i s i t ! Mr. Armstrong - T h i s i s the process o f c o n s u l t i n g w i t h c o u n c i l and when t h i s system was s e t up - f i r s t the recommenda t i o n s o f same and i f C o u n c i l doesn't want work t o go ahead, i t i s a good i d e a to p i n p o i n t reasons why n o t . Comment by C o u n c i l l o r N a y a l l y i n Slavey. Councillor Hardisty - Explains Councillor's feelings o n l y concerned with l a n d settlement; not only w i t h t h i s community but o t h e r s . Want communities t o wait t i l l l a n d i s settled. Mr. Armstrong - Does t h i s apply t o companies throughout N.W.T.? C o u n c i l l o r H a r d i s t y - Only reason - Because o f the meeting i n Rae - d i d n ' t want t o open up l a n d use f o r company without c o n s u l t i n g other c h i e f s . So don't want t o break an agreement a l r e a d y made. Mr. Armstrong - I t h i n k I understand the p o s i t i o n o f C o u n c i l - I can convey t h i s reasoning and p o s i t i o n taken a t Rae t o Ottawa b u t I can make no guarantees as t o the outcome o f permit requested by Cominco. Chairman - Thanks Mr. Armstrong f o r t a k i n g time t o speak t o C o u n c i l . Delegation Chairman asks Mr. J . Antoine to i n t e r p r e t f o r Mr. G. Sutton. A l s o , Mr. A. Moses (Wrigley Band C o u n c i l l o r ) j o i n s council table. Mr. Sutton - I f I c o u l d j u s t t a l k about a few t h i n g s Mr. Armstrong mentioned; he s a i d there was d i s p u t e w i t h the gov't and Indian people about the l a n d ownership q u e s t i o n . He s a i d the problem sometime i n the f u t u r e would be s o l v e d when the Gov't and the Indian people get t o g e t h e r . There i s no q u e s t i o n i n the minds o f the Indian People about who owns  120.  the l a n d . The Indian has s a i d f o r a long time, "This i s our l a n d " . At Rae the people asked themselves, " I f nothing happens" by s a y i n g t h i s , n o t h i n g i s accomplished. The c h i e f s and c o u n c i l l o r s decided t h a t the gov't i s not going t o s e t t l e t h e l a n d q u e s t i o n . So, i t ' s time f o r the people to do something. So one d e c i s i o n was made - L e t ' s take a c t i o n to p r o t e c t our l a n d before the s e t t l e m e n t takes e f f e c t , because by the time the s e t t l e m e n t comes - l o t s of l a n d w i l l be taken up by o t h e r people. Some p l a c e s , l i k e Hay R i v e r , have a r e a l problem because the Indian people are pushed aside and have no p l a c e t o go any more. Indians thought i t about time to f o r c e the gov't to get s e r i o u s about the l a n d q u e s t i o n ! ! D e c i s i o n a t Rae Together, the people would take steps to p r o t e c t l a n d and to show the Government t h a t they were s e r i o u s about the s e t t l e ment. Mr. Sutton asks i f there are any q u e s t i o n s C o u n c i l has f o r him to answer, there are no q u e s t i o n s . Chairman - We wait t i l l l a n d q u e s t i o n i s s e t t l e d . Thanks Mr. Sutton. Asks i f there are any q u e s t i o n s from the f l o o r now say what you have to say or I ' l l c l o s e i n 10-15 minutes. Mr. Andrew Root - Land i s Ours; l o t s of s t u f f i n the l a n d , t h a t i s why so many o i l companies and mining companies are i n the area and no money goes to the people except as l a b o u r e r s on t h e i r own l a n d . No f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n s or comments. Chairman asks what C o u n c i l has decided to do. A l l c o u n c i l l o r s are i n unanimous agreement t h a t the people o f Wrigley, as r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e i r Settlement C o u n c i l i s going to abide by the stand taken a t the Rae conference, t h a t i s : no companies w i l l be recommended f o r the issuance of a l a n d use permit by the people of Wrigley independently o f the o t h e r Indian peoples i n the N.W.T. u n t i l the l a n d q u e s t i o n has been decided. A l l agree. Motion 20-73 CARRIED. Chairman adjourns meeting a t 9:05  p.m.  O r i g i n a l s i g n e d by: Arthur Hardisty Chairman, Wrigley Council  Settlement  E. MacArthur S e c r e t a r y Manager Wrigley Settlement C o u n c i l  source:  Williamson 1976 121.  APPENDIX I I POLAR GAS Date:  MEETING - SPENCE BAY,  A p r i l 25th 1976  Location:  N.W.T. A d u l t Education  Centre  Convened by the P o l a r Gas Community R e l a t i o n s Officer No l o c a l chairman (The P o l a r Gas r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s asked James Eetoolook to c a l l the meeting, but he d e c l i n e d to have any formal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i t , though a s s i s t i n g w i t h s e t t i n g up the necessary arrangements . There was no chairman and the meeting was e s s e n t i a l l y s u b j e c t to the i n i t i a t i v e s of the i n t e r p r e t e r employed by P o l a r Gas. Eetoolook had d e c l i n e d to serve i n t h a t c a p a c i t y . ) The meeting began at 8:15 p.m. with 26 a d u l t s p r e s e n t ; a t 8:28 p.m. two more i n d i v i d u a l s came i n t o the meeting, and two minutes l a t e r two men ent e r e d who were v i s i t o r s from P e l l y Bay. U n t i l 9:10 p.m. there was a steady a c c r e t i o n of people coming i n t o the meeting, u n t i l there was a t o t a l of 36. F o l l o w i n g t h i s time some people"'began to leave, p r i n c i p a l l y younger i n d i v i d u a l s . I t was noted t h a t i n the e n t i r e meeting, there was o n l y one Spence Bay person p r e s e n t who was under the age of 30. The P o l a r Gas Community R e l a t i o n s O f f i c e r opened the meeting, addressing a l l o f h i s remarks sotto voce to the i n t e r p r e t e r , who then i n t e r p r e t e d as she saw f i t . At no time d i d the CRO address the people d i r e c t l y , but whispered to the i n t e r p r e t e r . The Summer Works Program C o - o r d i n a t o r f o l l o w e d h i s example. Throughout the evening there were many apparently p r i v a t e , very low-voiced c o l l o q u i e s between the three people at the t a b l e (Polar Gas C.R.O., Summer Program C o - o r d i n a t o r , and the i n t e r p r e t e r ) . Through the i n t e r p r e t e r , the P o l a r Gas C.R.O. s a i d t h a t the meeting was to be about work o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r Spence Bay people who would be employed with P o l a r Gas i n t h e i r summer program. He s a i d i t would be l i k e the work done by David "Igupta" and Max Kamimaalik d u r i n g a p r e v i o u s season. The i n t e r p r e t e r made i t c l e a r t h a t P o l a r Gas was here t h i s evening e s s e n t i a l l y to t a l k about t h e i r summer work program, and t h a t no one would be expected to make any d e c i s i o n t o n i g h t about working f o r P o l a r Gas. The a c t u a l  122.  h i r i n g would take p l a c e i n June, the i n t e r p r e t e r s a i d . Tonight, she s a i d , they would simply t a l k about what jobs would be a v a i l a b l e . . P o l a r Gas S.W.P.C: (through the i n t e r p r e t e r ) There would be c a r i b o u s t u d i e s t h i s summer, outdoor jobs working from camps. Two I n u i t men would be r e q u i r e d f o r t h i s t o work w i t h two quablunat. Qauqyuaq: What would the arrangements be f o r t h i s job? Who would be the white people, and how l o n g would the, job be? F o l l o w i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and through the i n t e r p r e t e r , the P o l a r Gas S.W.P.C.: two people would be needed t o help with the b i r d s t u d i e s t o take p l a c e i n the Rasmussen B a s i n , and a l s o south o f Baker Lake. T h i s would be a two-week job, roughly from.July 15th t o J u l y 30th. Ashevak: What would t h i s study o f t h e c a r i b o u a c t u a l l y entail? What a c t u a l l y would the people be doing, how would they be doing i t , and what would be the expected outcome o f the work? C.R.O. (through the i n t e r p r e t e r ) : We want t o know where the c a r i b o u feed, and they would do t h i s by f o l l o w i n g the c a r i b o u r and c o l l e c t i n g t h e i r droppings. T h i s w i l l be ground work, n o t a i r b o r n e . Ashevak: T h i s i s n o t what the people have f i r s t been told. E a r l i e r they have been t o l d t h a t the j o b was going t o be t o count the c a r i b o u r and t o t a g them. C.R.O.: t h i s year.  There i s no counting and no tagging t o be done  T u l u r i a l i k : .Does P o l a r Gas r e a l l y pretend t o suggest i n p u b l i c t h a t the Eskimo do n o t know enough about the c a r i b o u and the b i r d s ? T h i s i s Eskimo country and the people have always l i v e d here and they know the animals and the b i r d s very w e l l . The white people have o n l y j u s t come here and are i n s u l t i n g t o suggest t h a t they know more than we do about the game. S.W.P.C.: T h i s work has t o be done so t h a t i t can a l l be w r i t t e n down, so as t o help those people who a r e doing f u t u r e p l a n n i n g . P o l a r Gas want the I n u i t t o c o n t r i b u t e t o the program i t s e l f . Tulurialik: I am confused about what had been s a i d concerning the work o f Kamimaalik.  123.  S.W.P.C.: Two people would be needed to help study s o i l l a y e r s around the l i n e of the p i p e l i n e by d r i l l i n g f o r core samples. The work would e n t a i l long hours and s h i f t work. The work would begin around J u l y 1st and end around August 1 s t . Ashevak: (Went to a s m a l l map which i s p a r t of the A d u l t E d u c a t i o n w a l l m a t e r i a l a l r e a d y i n p l a c e , and i n d i c a t e d an area on the northwest quadrant of the Boothia Peninsula.) There should be no core d r i l l i n g done i n t h a t area as i t i s i n the h e a r t l a n d of the c a r i b o u m i g r a t i o n s . C.R.O.: I would have to respond to t h a t statement i n writing. I f P o l a r Gas does d r i l l , undoubtedly the people w i l l be angry. But i f i t i s not done P o l a r Gas w i l l not have enough i n f o r m a t i o n to go ahead and make the p i p e l i n e as safe as p o s s i b l e . P o l a r Gas i s t r y i n g to be as sympathetic as p o s s i b l e to C o u n c i l r e q u e s t s . For example, they agreed w i t h C o u n c i l not t o do a f i s h study on the N a t s i l i k R i v e r . But P o l a r Gas won't always be able to go along w i t h the C o u n c i l . Ashevak: There are some p l a c e s where i t would be a l l r i g h t f o r P o l a r Gas to go ahead and work, and there i s no reason they should not go t h e r e . There are other p l a c e s where they c o u l d do g r e a t harm. Why, then, should they not go where there i s no harm to be done? E l i s i p i ( p r o t e s t i n g ) : The map on the w a l l i s f a r too s m a l l , and the people c o u l d n ' t see what you were a c t u a l l y t a l k i n g about. And the area on the map i t s e l f i s a l s o too s m a l l and should not be e x p l o i t e d . C.R.O.: There would be work i n t h a t area o n l y f o r a few days, perhaps as many as ten, but no more. I know t h a t i t w i l l d i s t u r b the c a r i b o u , but we w i l l do our b e s t to minimize the d i s t u r b a n c e . E l i s i p i (loudly): I don't b e l i e v e themI t e l l i n g everything. Don't b e l i e v e theml  They're not  Tulurialik: We don't mind what's being done i n some areas, but we o b j e c t very s t r o n g l y to some of the areas where they want to work even f o r a few days of work. The c a r i b o u r may be s t i l l scared away, f o r months or even y e a r s , and then the people w i l l go hungry. Qaqqutinirq: P o l a r Gas haven't s t a r t e d to b u i l d the p i p e l i n e y e t , and they have been t o l d r e p e a t e d l y t h a t they are not wanted i n t h i s r e g i o n . So, why can you not go o f f somewhere e l s e ?  124.  C.R.O. (through the i n t e r p r e t e r ) : The p i p e l i n e i s going t h i s way and t h a t i s how i t ' s going t o be. I t ' s going down the B o o t h i a P e n i n s u l a and so t h a t i s where the core samples have t o be taken. Tulurialik: done.  We are a l l very a f r i a d o f a l l o f t h i s .  C.R.O.: We cannot promise t h a t t h i s work w i l l not be We cannot stop the study being done. Ashevak  (speaking l o u d l y ) :  We j u s t do not b e l i e v e i t ' .  I n t e r p r e t e r ( r e p l y i n g without t r a n s l a t i n g but speaking d i r e c t l y ) : Well t h a t ' s what they are s a y i n g . You j u s t have to take i t . far  Qauqyuaq: How many d r i l l down w i l l they go? C.R.O.:  sites will  there be, and how  They w i l l be between 20 and 23 f e e t i n depth.  Qauqyuaq: Now the f i g u r e s are changing again! Last year you t a l k e d about making h o l e s o f only three o r f o u r f e e t . Now a l r e a d y i t ' s going much deeper! C.R.O.: Yes but the pipe i t s e l f w i l l only go i n t o the ground about three f e e t . What we want to know i s what the ground i s l i k e below t h a t l e v e l . Udlatita: You s t i l l d i d n ' t answer the q u e s t i o n about how f a r i t w i l l be between d r i l l s i t e s . C.R.O.: miles.  I don't know.  Maybe I c o u l d f i n d out.  Maybe  Qauqyuaq: You should know. And you must f i n d out how many h o l e s there w i l l be and how f a r apart they w i l l be. And then t e l l us. C.R.O.: I w i l l f i n d out immediately w i t h t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n r i g h t away. Qauqyuaq: too c l o s e . C.R.O.:  and w r i t e the C o u n c i l  W e l l keep i n mind t h a t they should n o t be I t h i n k they w i l l be about every ten m i l e s .  Ashevak: He s t i l l hasn't g i v e n us much o f an e x p l a n a t i o n . He d i d n ' t t e l l us very much. I'd l i k e t o know more about what i t ' s l i k e underneath where the pipe w i l l be.  125.  U d l a t i t a (addressing Ashevak): I t seems l i k e a good i d e a to know i f the ground below the p i p e i s going to s i n k or r i s e up. Qauqyuaq: We are s t i l l g e t t i n g promises to f i n d out these t h i n g s which you should a l r e a d y know, but we are s t i l l not g e t t i n g many r e a l and d e t a i l e d f a c t s . Ashevak: How are you going to move the people doing t h i s work. By a i r p l a n e ?  around  C.R.O.: We have s e t up a committee t o t e l l I.T.C. what we are going t o do. We have John Amarualik and Ian Creery and (someone whose name no one c o u l d h e a r ) , along w i t h three men from P o l a r Gas. They are l o o k i n g i n t o the problems o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n by plane and s h i p . Ashevak (to the p e o p l e ) : q u e s t i o n again.  See!  He d i d n ' t answer my  Etunga: We t o l d you t h a t the people do not want the p i p e l i n e . We have a l s o asked i f the gas cannot be t r a n s p o r t e d by p l a n e . We have heard n o t h i n g more. last  C.R.O.: We have acted on t h a t request t h a t was f a l l , to i n v e s t i g a t e the use of a i r p l a n e s .  Qauqyuaq: travel? C.R.O.:  How  made here  f a r w i l l the n o i s e o f the d r i l l i n g r i g ,  I t w i l l be l i k e a skidoo or a power p l a n t .  Ashevak (to the p e o p l e ) : F o o l i s h answer! A skidoo i s s m a l l and a power p l a n t can be enormous. He t h i n k s we are fools. Qauqyuaq: Skidoos can be heard three to f i v e away. Some can be heard much more. I t depends on of the engine and the d i r e c t i o n of the wind. What Gas man) s a i d doesn't mean a n y t h i n g . (Speaking to He's meaningless and i n s u l t s us.  miles the s i z e (the P o l a r the p e o p l e ) :  Utiqi: You must be aware t h a t these areas where you want to go are where the food f o r the people i s . You want t o d r i v e the food away from the people. C.R.O.: We w i l l l i s t e n to you and sometimes we w i l l agree w i t h you, and sometimes we w i l l d i s a g r e e . P o l a r Gas wants to get the people out working on the land w i t h them so they w i l l get f i r s t - h a n d experience of what P o l a r Gas i s about.  Qauqyuaq: C.R.0.:  How b i g i s the d r i l l i n g  rig?  I t ' s s m a l l . I t can be l i f t e d by h e l i c o p t e r .  Ashevak: What i s "small"? sizes of helicopters.  And moreover there are a l l  Qauqyauq: In the p a s t people d i d n ' t need t o t h i n k much about the ownership o f t h e i r l a n d . They knew i t was t h e i r s . Now, these events are f o r c i n g them t o f i n d o u t where they stand. S.W.P.C.: I t r i e d t o f i n d o u t from the P o l a r Gas people about these jobs, and about the e n g i n e e r i n g o f the d r i l l i n g , but I myself c o u l d n o t understand them. I t i s t h e r e f o r e b e t t e r f o r the people t o work f o r P o l a r Gas, and so f i n d o u t f o r themselves. I n u i t people who a r e t r u s t e d could go t o work f o r P o l a r Gas and can then t e l l the r e s t o f the people what i t i s l i k e , and they w i l l be more r e a d i l y b e l i e v e d than l i s t e n i n g t o r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from P o l a r Gas. Qauqyuaq: The I n u i t are c l a i m i n g t h e i r own l a n d and l e a r n i n g more about P o l a r Gas. P o l a r Gas should be aware t h a t the people are n o t f o o l s , and are coming t o g e t h e r t o make i t c l e a r what the white man should understand about the I n u i t people's l a n d . S.W.P.C. (speaking t o t h e i n t e r p r e t e r ) : A t Baker Lake I have e x p l a i n e d t h a t some o f the people from Spence Bay w i l l come down t h e r e . They would l e a r n about the p i p e l i n e . Sadlarina: How many people a l t o g e t h e r w i l l be working on the P o l a r Gas jobs t h i s summer? How many I n u i t people w i l l there be and how many white people a l t o g e t h e r ? S.W.P.C. (with a nervous  laugh):  I don't know.  C.R.O.: There w i l l be two white men and two Eskimo on the c a r i b o u r study. Sadlarina  (aside):  That's n o t answering my q u e s t i o n .  Nahaulaituq: Sometimes on these jobs the white people take Eskimos so f a r and then they go o f f and leave the I n u i t on t h e i r own, and go and do something somewhere e l s e . This i s because they don't want the I n u i t t o see what they a r e r e a l l y doing. That's not the way t o convince t h e I n u i t people t h a t they are s i n c e r e .  127.  S.W.P.C.: I t w i l l be p a r t o f my job t o t e l l the P o l a r Gas people about the way t h e I n u i t people see i t and about the problems o f t h e I n u i t people, as w e l l as to speak f o r P o l a r Gas. I want the people here t o f e e l f r e e t o speak and to come t o me and t e l l me about any o f t h e i r problems. N a h a u l a i t u q : We s t i l l haven't heard an answer about l e a v i n g the I n u i t h e l p e r s on t h e i r own. Why have they done that? I s t h a t going t o happen again? S.W.P.C.: I hope n o t . I t r e a l l y i s up t o the people i n charge o f the job; and a l s o up t o the I n u i t working on the job n o t t o be shy. Whites must a l s o co-operate w i t h the Inuit. I t i s time f o r everybody t o g e t t o g e t h e r , and e v e r y body i n Spence Bay and a l l the P o l a r Gas people must t a l k t o each o t h e r and a l l work t o g e t h e r . C.R.O.: I f i t i s important t o the I n u i t people t h a t they should n o t be l e f t by themselves, then P o l a r Gas w i l l t r y t o make t h a t p o s s i b l e . Nahaulaituq: I j u s t t o l d you i t i s important'. We f e e l very s t r o n g l y about i t . Now, i s t h a t a promise, r i g h t now, o r i s i t j u s t words? Ashevak  (aside):  See I  He d i d n ' t answer.  S.W.P.C.: In o r d e r t o improve understanding and t o help c o - o p e r a t i o n , I would l i k e t o have people come t o Baker Lake and t o have the. s c i e n t i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the b i r d s c i e n t i s t s who are going t o be t h e r e , t o s i t down w i t h the I n u i t people and e x p l a i n what they are doing and what i s the meaning o f t h e i r f i n d i n g s . Again, i t i s important f o r everyone t o t r y and understand each o t h e r and t o work together. Qauqyuaq: We the I n u i t people are n o t happy because there are so many people coming here from the South and doing t h i n g s without g i v i n g the I n u i t people any sense o f c o n t r o l or involvement i n what i s happening here i n t h e i r own l a n d . People f e e l t h a t whites are p a t e r n a l i s t i c and t r e a t t h e I n u i t l i k e c h i l d r e n . Moreover I.T.C. i s r e a l l y n o t g e t t i n g enough i n f o r m a t i o n , s u f f i c i e n t t h a t they i n t u r n can h e l p the I n u i t i n t h e North g e t r e a l l y i n v o l v e d . C.R.O.: P o l a r Gas i s t r y i n g t o co-operate and has taken note o f the recommendations t h a t came o u t o f the meeting a t Tuktoyaktuk.  128.  Qauqyuaq: Although t h i s i s I n u i t country, the I n u i t have no say a t a l l i n what i s going on i n P o l a r Gas and the work they do. They are not p r o p e r l y c o n s u l t e d nor g i v e n f u l l information. S.W.P.C.; The notes f o r the c a r i b o u r study w i l l be i n both languages. People w i l l be t o l d what t o w r i t e down, and i t w i l l , s o r t o f , go t h a t way. Qauqyuaq: For over two years I have been l e a r n i n g a g r e a t d e a l through I.T.C., and I know now t h a t people can become more i n v o l v e d i n a f f a i r s and achieve more c o n t r o l o f what i s going on i f there i s constant c o n s u l t a t i o n and s h a r i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n . S.W.P.C.: I hope t h a t the Spence Bay people w i l l a l l o w themselves t o g e t i n v o l v e d i n the work and*they w i l l l e a r n about P o l a r Gas t h a t way. Qauqyuaq: I t would be b e t t e r i f t h e study crews were equal i n o r g a n i z a t i o n and pay. We should get equal pay and get equal say i n t h e conduct o f the study. C.R.O.: I agree t h a t people, both I n u i t and white on the job, should get the same pay and have equal say i n the job. But whites have more experience, they know more, so they g e t more money and have more t o say. Ashevak ( a s i d e ) : himself again.  He doesn't agree.  He's c o n t r a d i c t i n g  Qauqyuaq: People should be t o l d beforehand what the work i s , so t h a t they can get a good i d e a o f what they are g e t t i n g themselves i n t o . S.W.P.C.: Before the people are h i r e d they w i l l be g i v e n a paper which w i l l give t h e job d e s c r i p t i o n and the pay s c a l e . Qauqyuaq: There i s a g r e a t d e a l o f i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n and equipment used f o r s u r v e y i n g l a n d and o t h e r kinds o f study. W i l l the I n u i t be taught how t o use a l l these instruments, o r w i l l they j u s t be used as l a b o u r e r s t o c a r r y them? C.R.O.: Maybe they can l e a r n something about i t when they are i n Baker Lake, i f (the S.W.P.C. named) can f i n d someone who i s w i l l i n g t o teach the Eskimo. . Niviatsia: What has been s a i d does n o t g i v e us an reassurance about the game and about the I n u i t people's l a n d .  129.  There i s n o t h i n g t o say they w i l l n o t come t o some harm. We are very a f r a i d , and we have asked you not t o come here and d i s t u r b the animals and the l a n d , b u t you are j u s t going ahead anyway. C.R.O.:  We w i l l t r y t o minimize the damage.  Sadlirina: I t i s much more than simply a q u e s t i o n o f the game. I t should again be made c l e a r t o you t h a t i t i s o u r l a n d which you are t a k i n g away. We want t o keep the f e e l i n g t h a t i t i s our l a n d . The people know t h e i r l a n d w e l l and they know a l l the animals and they know how they behave, and they know where they are and they know whether there i s enough o r not enough. The whites are not doing t h i s r e s e a r c h f o r the sake o f the I n u i t . They l i e i f they t e l l us i t i s f o r us. There was a meeting i n Spence Bay t h i s f a l l . I have heard t h a t P o l a r Gas a r e s a y i n g t h a t the Spence Bay people and the Baker Lake people and the Resolute Bay people and the Gjoa Haven people, and the P e l l y Bay people a l l agreed t o the p i p e line. (Angrily) : That i s a g r e a t l i e I I t was e x a c t l y the o t h e r way around, and everybody knows i t . Now we have heard t h a t they have w r i t t e n i t o u t even i n Eskimo t h a t we a l l agreed t o the p i p e l i n e . Everybody knows i t was e x c a t l y the o t h e r way around, and t h a t everybody i n the meeting voted a g a i n s t the p i p e l i n e . So P o l a r Gas t o l d a t e r r i b l e l i e . I t was j u s t the o t h e r way round. S.W.P.C.: That i s the second time we have heard t h i s . We w i l l have t o check i n t o t h i s . C.R.O.: Perhaps there was a mistake i n the t r a n s l a t i o n . I t wasn't intended t h a t way. I w i l l check on t h a t when I g e t back t o Toronto. S.W.P.C.: Sadlarina: C.R.O.:  Is t h a t t r a n s l a t i o n  now here i n Spence Bay?  I t h i n k my son s t i l l has t h a t paper.  We w i l l have t o check i t o u t .  Aqqaq: I t i s i n the paper which i s supposed t o t e l l about what everyone s a i d i n the meeting i n November here when the people from Resolute Bay and Baker Lake and Gjoa Haven and P e l l y Bay came here. Tulurialik: We heard these r e p o r t s b e f o r e . And Kamimaalik has t o l d us about what he saw on P r i c e o f Wales I s l a n d , where q u i t e a l o t o f white people w e r e a c t i v e doing e x p l o r a t i o n work using explosives. ;  130.  C.R.O.:  There wasn't any e x p l o s i o n .  Tulurialik: That man doesn't know what he's t a l k i n g about or he i s c a l l i n g me a l i a r ! I don't l i k e him f o r e i t h e r reason. I w i l l not d e s c r i b e to you i n d e t a i l the process o f b l a s t i n g w i t h dynamite. ( T u l u r i a l i k then d e s c r i b e d the whole process o f b l a s t i n g . ) I know what I'm t a l k i n g about. C.R.O.: I t was someone e l s e . I f you work f o r P o l a r Gas and get i n v o l v e d people w i l l see what P o l a r Gas i s r e a l l y a l l about and then they w i l l know. I t was the o i l companies. Tulurialik: There i s r e a l l y no d i f f e r e n c e . They're a l l the same. And t h i s summer work i s very d i f f e r e n t from work b u i l d i n g a p i p e l i n e , I'm sure. Qauqyuaq: People were very angered about t h i s b l a s t i n g - and i t ' s r e a l l y a l l the same i n t e r e s t s , even i f the names of the o u t f i t s are a p p a r e n t l y d i f f e r e n t . P o l a r Gas should r e a l i z e t h a t the I n u i t know much more than the white people do about the game i n the country. Do the whites need to do t h i s work? The whites don't know anything about the hunting grounds. And now P o l a r Gas are s a y i n g t h a t the I n u i t are not as q u a l i f i e d as the white people to do f i e l d work c o n c e r n i n g the game. T h i s i s simply not t r u e . Indeed the I n u i t know a g r e a t d e a l more than the whites about t h e i r country and t h e i r game and they are b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d . S.W.P.C.: I t i s a matter of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . A l l of our work i s done by c o n t r a c t . White people have to have c o n t r a c t s w i t h each o t h e r so t h a t people get what they expect a t the end of the job. They can l o s t i f they do not meet the terms o f the c o n t r a c t . Spence Bay people are sure o f g e t t i n g p a i d anyway every two weeks. Qauqyuaq: He hasn't answeredl I am very much i n v o l v e d i n a l l o f t h i s , and I am not uninformed. But there are l o t s of people here who don't understand about c o n t r a c t s and administration. I am a s k i n g q u e s t i o n s not j u s t f o r my own i n f o r m a t i o n , because i n some cases I have some i d e a of what the answer i s , or what i t should be, but I am a s k i n g the q u e s t i o n s on b e h a l f of people I know have not had the same chance to l e a r n t h i n g s as I have. Q a q u i t i n i q (speaking very s t r o n g l y i n d e e d ) : I want to know i f we r e a l l y w i l l be able to p r e s e r v e our N a t s i l i k R i v e r and go on u s i n g i t f o r f i s h i n g , o r w i l l the p i p e l i n e come and take i t a l l away from us? We have used t h a t r i v e r f o r a very long time and now they are t h r e a t e n i n g to take i t away from us. Is t h e r e r e a l l y no o t h e r area where you can  131.  b u i l d the p i p e l i n e ? Have you r e a l l y looked everywhere e l s e ? How w i l l the p i p e l i n e be o f any b e n e f i t t o the I n u i t people? Is i t r e a l l y f o r the b e n e f i t o f the I n u i t people? Or i s i t , to be honest, r e a l l y f o r the b e n e f i t o f the whites? C.R.O.: Some more gas has been found a t a time when the o t h e r sources have been running s h o r t . I t i s being used by the people a l l a c r o s s Canada. Qaqutiniq; I want t o know i f the white people have r u n out o f other p l a c e s t o g e t gas from and i s t h a t now why they have t o come and g e t gas from the North? S.W.P.C.: No, b u t the gas i s beginning t o run s h o r t elsewhere. Q a q u t i n i q : We want very much t o keep our l a n d . We are f r i g h t e n e d and w o r r i e d and upset and are being d r i v e n t o an e a r l y grave worrying about the d e s t r u c t i o n o f our l a n d and our l i v e s . C.R.O.:  I appreciate her f e e l i n g s .  Q a q u t i n i q ( l o u d l y and f o r c e f u l l y ) : The whites have no r i g h t t o d e s t r o y the l a n d which I s n o t t h e i r ' s t o misuse. T h i s i s I n u i t l a n d and should not be damaged o r d e s t r o y e d by the white people not b e l o n g i n g here. I t i s n o t r i g h t and the I n u i t should n o t be d i s t u r b e d i n t h i s way. ( A n g r i l y ) : I t i s not f a i r , the I n u i t people do n o t go south to the white man's land and h u r t them and t h e i r l a n d , so why do they f e e l f r e e t o come n o r t h and h u r t our people? Kiahinak ( s t r o n g l y ) : I was n o t born y e s t e r d a y . I am an o l d man and I know t h i s l a n d . Always I have been watching the animals and I . l e a r n e d t h e i r ways. And so too I have learned, by the h a b i t s l e a r n e d i n watching the animals, something about the whites - and I know t h a t the P o l a r Gas people are no d i f f e r e n t from any o t h e r whites, even i f they pretend t o be. We know enough o f white people a l t o g e t h e r , and now we are sad. (There ensues a whispered c o n v e r s a t i o n f o r s e v e r a l minutes between C.R.O., S.W.P.C. and I n t e r p r e t e r . C.R.O. shrugs.) C.R.O.: I don't know what t o say. Change w i l l come whatever you say. We'll have t o make o u t the b e s t way we can. Kiahinak ( a n g r i l y ) : What would you do i f the I n u i t went south and a t t a c k e d your land? You wouldn't l e t them do i t !  132.  Bu ut y o u feel frdeeepentdo just comeon norwtr hitt o tw he Isn.uiB tutlanw dean d d e str o r l a n d . Y o u t e n o r d d e p e n d o n this l anm da .nyIntitmhees Sforuotmh oyuoru lheaavdeersy.ourButleaydoeurrs la naddern owdon y h a v e h e a r d e s come here and talk to us, and it is about time they did. T a ke us lika :ndWha t will happe n whe n tphiepelpiinpeelignoe a croomuensd ttohe t h e l a k t h e rivers? Will t h e lakes or will it go through them. .W.P.C no gw ly)s :urT themSall. T. hey(laarueghin vh ee yingpipeline for thecanbneostt gcorosa sr io nu gndpoints Toafkultihke: pIipedloinn'et bbreelaikeivneg.thW ae t it cw anab bo eutdocnoenstwriutchtoiuotn t h e risk k n o w o r d a m a g i n g t h e fish p o p u l a t i o n . It h a p p e n e d w h e n t h e y built t h e airstrip at Pelly Bay. C.R.O.: W e never heard about it. Tatk ulh ia kv :eTh e r e aa re a n au wt fulyoulotbeotfterthinn g s dy o u do ne '. t s e e m o h e a r d b o u t . B o t o u b t m ni in ng gh te o tdhoeespenooptle)w:antHetonev a(nTyutrh he er ar.seems to have heard about Ki a h i n a k a ndcaQ a uqytuhaaqt t (h te ay lkinsgawtolast gethey re )ar,tellwhe on f saomectrheiwngo n e a r K i a h i n a k ' s m p w hiteape opleofseesmteadkestoanhdavewirc ome bs yingthetheNatsilik Rnidverdisaanp dleft line e c r o s river a pearing in a straight line.  C.R.O.: I know nothing about this. Qauqyuaq: Was it anything to do with the caribou .survey Ka iahi nak: b Ty hert eheisSh ae lp sh oero t h erBaactivity, tehersite. e areTh me arke r s n e a r river d ' s y D E W L i n s a me thing as that across the Natsilik River. Why? .oO.: e will have to find out if Polar Gas did it, and C if.Rs why.W stakeKsi.ahinak: They had flags, orange flags, attached to Et ungab:ettIerthtionkdo thattheif rtehseearpcihpelnionwe tis goijust ng torusbhe into built it's h a n itowietvheonutmohraevind gama in d gf eo.rmation. If they did that they would C.R.O.: I agree.  133.  Ashevak: . When the p i p e l i n e i s no l o n g e r used what w i l l they do w i t h i t ? I ask t h i s because when the i d e a o f a plane t o c a r r y gas o u t o f the North came up, i t was a p p e a l i n g f o r other reasons, such as when the gas i s a l l used up there w i l l be nothing l e f t behind t o s p o i l the l a n d . C.R.O.: I t may be f i f t y years o r a hundred years b e f o r e the gas i s a l l used up. I t would c o s t too much to take the p i p e l i n e away again and the job o f t a k i n g i t away would cause even more problems. Ashevak: But the gas people may f i n d t h e i r gas i n many d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s i n the North, and then have t o b u i l d more and more p i p e l i n e s a l l over the country - whereas i f they had b i g a i r p l a n e s they would simply have t o b u i l d an a i r s t r i p near where the gas i s coming out. A i r p l a n e t r a n s p o r t i s much more flexible. C.R.O.: A l l the d i f f e r e n t means o f t a k i n g the gas w i l l each have t h e i r own problems. A t t h i s p o i n t P o l a r Gas i s having d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h I.T.C. about l o o k i n g i n t o a l l o f these problems. Qauqyuaq: You s a i d i t would c o s t too much t o take o u t a derelict pipeline. Explain further. C.R.O. and S.W.P.C. (answering a t the same t i m e ) : Cost i s o n l y one f a c t o r , b u t the d i s t u r b a n c e o f t a k i n g o u t the p i p e l i n e would be j u s t as g r e a t as p u t t i n g one i n . Tulurialik: Even though there has never been a p i p e l i n e here, t h a t doesn't mean we don't know a n y t h i n g about such t h i n g s , and we do c e r t a i n l y know our own l a n d , and we know t h a t the p i p e l i n e w i l l not be a s u c c e s s . I t c o u l d be disastrous. C.R.O.:  I t may be n o t as bad as you t h i n k .  I n t e r p r e t e r (speaking t o T u l u r i a l i k and not t r a n s l a t i n g f o r C.R.O.): They don't have t o say t h a t a l l over again, they have a l r e a d y r e p l i e d to t h a t q u e s t i o n once. Ootookee: I would l i k e t o know more about how they have gone about t h i s p i p e l i n e work i n other p a r t s o f Canada and the world. Have they been allowed t o go ahead and damage the r i v e r s and damage the country the way they are going t o here? E l i s a p i (very f o r c e f u l l y ) : You P o l a r Gas people must not dam up the r i v e r s . You d i d not make t h i s l a n d . And i t i s n o t yours t o d e s t r o y and change.  134.  Anaija: You a l r e a d y know t h a t the p i p e l i n e i s going to make many problems f o r us. But you don't change. We know t h a t o i l can be c a r r i e d by s h i p and by plane, and so can gas. C.R.O. (showing i r r i t a t i o n o b v i o u s l y ) : W e l l , you'd b e t t e r go and t a l k t o I.T.C. and see what they come up with in t h e i r r e p o r t about a l t e r n a t i v e methods. Again, i t i s a good t h i n g t o have good surveys done b e f o r e anything e l s e . And we want the I n u i t people t o p a r t i c i p a t e . Ashevak: T h i s has been a s e r i o u s meeting. You may n o t have found i t p l e a s a n t , but then n o t a l l meetings can be pleasant. I t i s o f t e n the case. As you would say, " t h a t ' s how i t i s . " Aqqaq: Kamimaalik has r e p o r t e d about f i g h t i n g i n the r e s e a r c h crews and the men even g e t t i n g t h e i r c l o t h e s r i p p e d . That must n o t be allowed to happen again. C.R.O. ( j o k i n g l y f l i p ) :  Maybe Max l i k e s  fighting.  Qauqyuaq: I s t i l l want t o know about what goes on w i t h t h i s i d e a o f b u r y i n g the p i p e l i n e . Are you proposing t o put the l i n e r i g h t under the r i v e r s o r a c r o s s the bed o f the r i v e r s , and w i l l there be proper surveys o f the r i v e r crossings? Interpreter C.R.O.: t h i s year.  (brusquely):  That q u e s t i o n ' s been  asked.  There w i l l n o t be much r i v e r survey work done  Qauqyuaq: We s t i l l want t o know, have they thought o f t u n n e l i n g the p i p e below the r i v e r s and under the l a k e s i n s t e a d o f on the f l o o r ? C.R.O.: rivers.  The p i p e w i l l be sunk i n t o the bottom o f the  Qauqyuaq: The Land Claims o f the I n u i t people must be g i v e n top p r i o r i t y . The Land Claims must be s e t t l e d b e f o r e there i s any thought o f c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the p i p e l i n e . C.R.O.: I t may be f i v e years before the p i p e l i n e i s begun. Land Claims should be s e t t l e d long b e f o r e t h a t . Qauqyuaq: I t would be b e t t e r i f the I n u i t were f u l l y i n v o l v e d i n a l l aspects o f the survey work, because they need to know, and some cannot r e t u r n t o l i v i n g the o l d way. I t i s b e t t e r to do good survey work and p r o v i d e l e a r n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s  135.  f o r a l l , and a l s o t o use t h i s survey work t o c r e a t e l e a d e r s h i p amongst the I n u i t people. T h i s i s what we are doing i n I.T.C. I f we don't g e t these t h i n g s worked upon now, and t h i n g s are more h u r r i e d , l a t e r i t may be t o o l a t e t o g e t i t right. I t ' s b e t t e r t o s o r t o u t our problems i n a s e r i o u s way now, d u r i n g t h i s f o u r o r f i v e years b e f o r e the gas people start construction. C.R.O.:  We want the I n u i t people t o l e a r n e v e r y t h i n g .  Qauqyuaq: We s t i l l need t o f i n d people who we can t r u s t , to work w i t h them t o f i n d s o l u t i o n s f o r a l l o f these d i f f e r ences, because then we might even f i n d something worthwhile y e t about the p i p e l i n e . Tirtaq: I want t o know i f people working w i t h the survey crews w i l l a l l be young, o r i s there going t o be room f o r o l d e r people? C.R.O.:  That's up t o the Spence Bay people.  Tirtaq: I t would be b e t t e r i f a t l e a s t one o f the members o f each crew were an o l d e r man, working w i t h a younger man o r men. The young men can h e l p i n some ways, but the o l d e r men can a l s o do a l o t t o i n s t r u c t about the l a n d and the game. S.W.P.C.: English.  I t would be good i f one o f them c o u l d speak  Tirtaq: Why i s i t t h a t the I n u i t people are always expected t o go along w i t h the whites? The white boses would do w e l l t o l i s t e n t o the advice o f the I n u i t and go along w i t h them sometimes. Itunga: You should work w i t h the c o u n c i l s when you come to the s e t t l e m e n t s , and keep them f u l l y informed. Why do you have n o t h i n g t o do with t h e c o u n c i l s ? S.W.P.C.: A c t u a l l y the Spence Bay C o u n c i l suggested t h a t I h o l d my own meeting. Qingattuq: I t should be c l e a r t o you t h a t we are n o t going t o agree t o e v e r y t h i n g t o n i g h t . S.W.P.C.: I w i l l want t o go on s h a r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n with the people. I t i s a l s o n o t o n l y my j o b t o t e l l the people about working p o s i t i o n s , b u t to h i r e people t o o . Tirtaq: I know w e l l some o f the country on P r i n c e o f Wales I s l a n d and Somerset I s l a n d and i n F o r t Ross area. These  136.  are areas t h a t some o f the young people don't know a t a l l , and i f you are going t o be working i n some o f these areas, you should have o l d e r people working w i t h you on your crews. Some o f the young people don't know t h i s country a t a l l . C.R.O.:  (S.W.P.C. named) w i l l be back i n three weeks.  Tirtaq: I wish t o thank you f o r coming here and t a l k i n g . A l l too o f t e n the people come up here from the South and do t h i n g s without ever t a l k i n g w i t h the people. C.R.O.: We don't always agree, but we are prepared o c c a s i o n a l l y t o have exchanges o f views. (Since there was no chairman there was some d i f f i c u l t y about b r i n g i n g the meeting t o an end, u n t i l Qauqyuaq simply s a i d t h a t he f e l t everyone had heard enough f o r one n i g h t ; a t which p o i n t there was a g e n e r a l exodus.)  

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